^a w. - 
 
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M'CRIE'S LIVES. 
 
 LIVES OF THE SCOTTISH REFORMERS : 
 
 • BY THE LATE 
 
 THOMAS M'CRIE, D. D. 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 THE LIVES OF KJVOX AND MELVILLE, 
 
 TOGETHER WITH A 
 
 MEMOIR OF WILLIAM VEITCH, 
 
 WRITFEN BY HIMSELF; 
 
 m 
 
 AND 
 
 NARRATIVES OF THE RISINGS 
 
 AT 
 
 BOTHWELANDPENTLAND: 
 
 WITH AN 
 
 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, 
 
 BY AN AMERICAN EDITOR. 
 
 XENIA: 
 PUBLISHED BY THE BOARD OF THE CALVINISTIC BOOK CONCERN. 
 
 STEREOTYPED BY J. A. JAMES, CINCINNATI. 
 
 1846. 
 
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 contents: 
 
 KNOX. 
 
 PERIOD FIRST. 
 
 Birth and parentage of Knox — his education — state of litera- 
 ture in Scotland — introduction of Greek language — political 
 and ecclesiastical opinions of John Major — their probable in- , 
 fluence on Knox and Buchanan — Knox teaches scholastic 
 philosophy at St. Andrews — is admitted to clerical orders — 
 change in his studies and sentiments — state of religion in 
 Scotland — urgent necessity of a reformation — gratitude due 
 to the reformers— introduction of reformed opinions into Scot- 
 land — Patrick Hamilton — many suffer martyrdom — others 
 flee the kingdom — reformation promoted by the circulation 
 of the scriptures — by poetry — embraced by many persons of 
 rank — its critical state at the death of James V. - Page 21 
 
 PERIOD SECOND. 
 
 Knox retires from St. Andrews, and joins himself to the reform- 
 ed — is degraded from the priesthood — reformation favoured 
 ' by regent Arran — Scottish parliament authorize the use of 
 the Scriptures in the vulgar language — The Regent abjures 
 the reformed religion — Thomas Guiliaume- — George Wishart 
 — Knox enters the family of Langniddrie as a tutor — Cardi- 
 nal Beatoun assassinated — Knox persecuted by Archbishop 
 Hamilton and obliged to conceal himself — averse to go to 
 England— takes refuge in the castle of St. Andrews — his sen- 
 timents respecting the assassination of Beatoun — Sir David 
 Lindsay of the Mount — Henry Balnaves of Halhill — John 
 Rough — Knox's call to the ministry — his reluctance to com- 
 ply with it — reflections on this — his first sermon — his dispu- 
 tation before a convention of the clergy — the clergy begin to 
 preach at St. Andrews — degree of success which attended 
 Knox's labours in that place — castle taken and Knox confined 
 in the French galleys — his health injured by the rigour of his 
 captivity — his fortitude of mind — writes a confession of faith 
 — extract from his dedication to a treatise of Balnaves — his 
 humane advice to his fellow-prisoners — his liberation. - 28 
 
 PERIOD THIRD. 
 
 Knox arrives in England — state of the Reformation in that king- 
 dom — Knox sent by the privy council to preach at Berwick 
 — his great exertions — character of bishop Tonstal — Knox 
 delivers a defence of his doctrine before him — is removed to 
 Newcastle — made chaplain to Edward VI. — consulted in the 
 revisal of the liturgy and articles — makes proposals of mar- 
 riage to Miss Marjory Bowes — receives marks of approbation 
 from the privy council — incurs the displeasure of Earl of 
 Northumberland — is accused by the papists — honourably ac- 
 quitted by the privy council — bad state of his health — is em- 
 ployed to preach in London — declines accepting a benefice — 
 assigns his reasons to the privy council — refuses a bishopric — 
 disapproves of many things in the worshi[) and government of 
 the church of England — private sentiments of English reform- 
 ers very similar to his — plan of Edward for improving the 
 church of England — state of his court — boldness and honesty 
 of th#royal chaplains — Knox's sermons at court — his distress 
 at the death of Edward — he retires to the north of England 
 on the accession of Mary — returns to the south — his prayer for 
 the queen — the relations of Miss Bowes displeased at her mar- 
 rying him — extracts from his letters on this affair — Roman 
 Catholic religion restored by parliament — Knox continues to 
 preach — his letters are intercepted— he is forced to abscond— - 
 and retires to Dieppe in France. --36 
 
 PERIOD FOURTH. 
 
 Knox's uneasy reflections on his flight — his serious review of 
 his conduct — letters to his friends in England — his eloquent 
 exhortation to religious constancy — he visits Switzerland — re- 
 turns to Dieppe with the intention of venturing into England 
 — visits Geneva — forms an intimate friendship with Calvin — 
 rrturns to Dieppe — distressing tidings from England — writes 
 his Admonition — apology for the severity of its language — 
 take« up his residence at Geneva and devotes himself to 
 
 study — his means of subsistence — called to be minister to tbe 
 English exiles at Frankfort — dissentions among them about 
 the liturgy — moderation with which Knox acted in these — 
 harmony restored — disorderly conduct of the sticklers for the 
 liturgy — rebuked by Knox — he is accused of high treason 
 — retires to Geneva — turns his thoughts to his native country 
 retrospect of ecclesiastical transactions in Scotland from the 
 • time he left it — triumph of the popish clergy — execution 
 of Melville of Raith — martyrdom of Adam Wallace — pro- 
 vincial councils of the clergy — canons enacted by them for 
 reforming abuses — catechism in the vulgar language to be 
 read instead of a sermon — Queen Dowager made Regent — 
 she privately favours the protestants — violence of the Eng- 
 lish Queen drives preachers into Scotland — William Harlow 
 — John Willock — Knox visits his wife at Berwick — repairs 
 to Edinburgh, and preaches in a private house to the protes- 
 tants — John Erskine of Dun — William Maitland of Leth- 
 ington — Knox's letter to Mrs Bowes — he prevails on the pro- 
 testants to abstain from hearing mass — preaches at Dun — at 
 Calder house — Sir James Sandilands — John Spottiswood — 
 Lord Lorn — Lord Erskine — the Prior of St Andrews — Knox 
 preaches and dispenses the sacrament of the supper in Ayr- 
 shire — Earl of Glencairn — first religious covenant among the 
 protestants of Scotland — conversation at court about Knox — 
 ne is summoned before a convention of the cler":y — appears and 
 the process is dropped — preaches more public/ly in Edinburgh 
 — his letter to Mrs Bowes — he is persuaded to write a letter to 
 the queen regent — extracts from this — her reception of it — he 
 receives a call from the English congregation at Geneva— re- 
 solves to go there with his family — leaves Scotland — clergy 
 condemn him as a heretic and burn his effigy — summary of the 
 doctrine which he had taught— estimate of the advantages 
 which accrued to the reformation from this visit — letter of 
 instructions which he left behind him. 44 
 
 PERIOD FIFTH. 
 
 Knox arrives at Geneva — happiness which he enjoyed in that 
 city — his passionate desire to preach the gospel in his native 
 country — ^ne receives an invitation from the protestant nobles 
 to return to Scotland — leaves Geneva — receives letters at 
 Dieppe dissuading him from prosecuting the journey — his an- 
 imated letter to the nobility — goes into the interior of France 
 — severe persecution of the protestants in that kingdom — 
 Knox preaches in Rochelle — resolves to abandon his iourney 
 to Scotland — private reasons which led to this resolution — 
 he writes a common letter to the protestants of Scotland — 
 warns them against the erroneous opinions of the Anabap- 
 tists — writes to the nobility — his prudent advice respecting 
 resistance to the government — he returns to Geneva — assists 
 in a translation o? the bible — publishes his letter to the queen 
 regent — and his Appellation from the sentence of the clergy 
 — and his First Blast of the Trumpet — reasons which led to 
 this publication against female government — offence which 
 it gave — Aylmer's answer to it — character of this curious 
 work — Knox receives a second invitation from the protestant 
 nobility of Scotland — progress which the reformation had 
 made — formation of private congregations — resolutions of a 
 general meeting — protestant preachers taken into the families 
 of the nobility — correspondence between the archbishop of 
 St Andrews and the earl of Argyle— martyrdom of Walter 
 Mill — important effects of this — protestants present a petition 
 to the regent — her fair promises to them — death of queen 
 Mary of England and accession of Elizabeth — Knox leaves 
 Geneva for Scotland — is refused a passage through England 
 — grounds of this refusal — Knox's reflections on it — impor- 
 tant reasons for his wishing to visit England — he writes to 
 Cecil from Dieppe — arrives in Scotland. 58 
 
 PERIOD SIXTH. 
 
 Critical situation in which Knox found matters at his arrival — 
 dissimulation of the Queen Regent — differences between her 
 and archbishop Hamilton accommodated — a provincial coun- 
 cil of the clergj' — reconciliation of the two archbishops — re- 
 monstrance presented by some members of the popish church 
 — canons of the council — treaty between the Regent and cler- 
 gy for suppressing the Reformation — proclamation by the 
 
 iii 
 
IV 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 queen a^inst the protestanls — the preachers summoned to 
 stand trial — Knox's letter to Mrs Lofke — clergy alarmed at 
 his arrival — he is outlawed — repairs to Dundee — protestants 
 of the north resolve to attend the trial of their preachers — 
 send information of this to the Regent — her duplicity — Knox 
 preaches at Perth — demolition of the monasteries in that 
 town — unjustly imputed to Knox — Regent threatens the des- 
 truction of Perth — protestants resolve to defend themselves 
 — a treaty — Knox's interview with Argyle and Prior — treaty 
 violated by the Regent — the name of The Congregation giv- 
 en to the protestant association — Lords of the Congregation 
 resolve on more decisive measures — invite Knox to preach at 
 St Andrews — archbishop threatens to oppose this by arms — 
 intrepidity of Knox — he preaches at St Andrews — magistrates 
 and inhabitants agree to demolish the monasteries auri images, 
 and to set up the reformed worship — this example followed 
 in other parts of the kingdom — apology for the destruction 
 of the monasteries — Lords of the Congregation take posses- 
 sion of Edinburgh — Knox is chosen minister of that city — Wil- 
 iock supplies his place after the capital was given up to the 
 Regent — archbishop Hamilton preaches — Knox undertakes a 
 tour of preaching through the kingdom — important effects 
 of this — liis family arrive in Scotland — Christopher Good- 
 man — settlement of protestant ministers in principal towns 
 — French troops come to the assistance of the Regent — Knox 
 persuades the Congregation to seek assistance from the court 
 of England — apologizes to Elizabeth for his book against fe- 
 male government — undertakes a journey to Berwick — suc- 
 ceeds in the negociation--reasons for his taking a part in po- 
 litical managements — embarrassments in which this involved 
 him — his political casuistry — is reprehended by Croft — pre- 
 judices oi the English court against him — their great confi- 
 dence in his honesty — his activity and imminent danger — 
 Lords of Congregation consult on the deposition of the Re- 
 gent — Knox advises her suspension — influence of the Refor- 
 mation on civil libert}- — political principles of Knox — resist- 
 ance to tyrants not forbidden in tne New Testament — Con- 
 gregation meet with disasters — their courage revived by the 
 eloquence of Knox — his exertions in Fife — treaty between 
 Elizabeth and Congregation — expedition of the French 
 troops against Glasgow — English army enter Scotland — death 
 of the Queen Regent — intrigues of the French court — civil 
 war concluded by a treaty — exertions of protestant preachers 
 during the war — increase of their number — conduct of po- 
 pish clergy — their pretended miracle at Musselburgh — detec- 
 tion of the imposture — the treaty fatal to popery — meeting 
 of parliament — petition of protestants — Confession of Faith 
 presented — ratified by parliament — retrospective view of the 
 advancement of the reformation. -.-.... 68 
 
 PERIOD SEVENTH. 
 
 Knox resumes his situation as minister of Edinburgh — presses 
 the settlement of ecclesiastical polity — symptoms of aversion 
 to this on the part of the nobles — Knox is employed in com- 
 piling the Book of Discipline — this is approved by Gener- 
 al Assembly, and subscribed by greater part of Privy Council 
 — sketch of the form and order of the reformed church of 
 Scotland — attention to the state of education — avarice of the 
 nobility — influence of the reformation on literature — intro- 
 duction of Hebrew language into Scotland — John Row — re- 
 turn oi' Buchanan — remarks on Mr Hume's representation 
 of the rudeness of Scotland — literary hours in a Scottish 
 minister's family — cultivation of the vernacular language — 
 David Ferguson — First General Assembly — Knox loses his 
 wife — corresponds with Calvin — his anxiety for the safety 
 of the reformed church — Queen Mary arrives in Scotland 
 — her education — her fixed prepossessions against the reform- 
 ed religion, and determination to restore popery — alarm ex- 
 cited by her setting up of mnss in her chapel — behaviour of 
 Knox on this occasion — examination of the grounds of the 
 alarm felt by the protestants — sanguinary spirit and proceed- 
 ings of Roman Catholics — hostile intentions of the queen 
 against Knox — singular conversation between them — Knox's 
 opinion of her character — his austerity and vehemence high- 
 ly useful — he vindicates the right or holding ecclesiastical 
 assemblies — inveighs against the inadequate provision made 
 for the ministers of the church — his own stipend — attention 
 of town-council to his support and accommodation — he in- 
 stalls two superintendents — is employed in reconciling the 
 nobility — the queen is offended at one of his sermons — in- 
 terview between them — his great labours in Edinburgh — he 
 obtains John Craig as a colleague — remarkable incidents in 
 the life of Craig — the Prior of St Andrews created Earl of 
 Murray, and made prime minister — insurrection under Hunt- 
 ly — conduct of Knox on that occasion — Quintin Kennedy — 
 challenges Knox to a dispute on the mass — curious, corres- 
 pondence between them — account of their dispute — Ninian 
 Wingate — excommunicating of Paul Methven — public re- 
 pentance prescribed to him — reflections on the severit3' of 
 the protestant discipline — Knox's interview with the queen at 
 Locnlevin — artifice of Mary — she prevails on the parliament 
 not to ratify the protestant religion — indignation of Knox at 
 
 this— breach between him and Earl of Murray — his sermon 
 at the dissolution of parliament — queen incensed at it — he 
 vindicates it in her presence — she bursts into tears — apology 
 for the sternness of his behaviour — slander against his cha- 
 racter retracted — two protestants indicted to stand trial for 
 breaking into the Queen's chapel — Knox writes a circular 
 letter on the occasion — is accused of high treason — courtiers 
 endeavour to intimidate him into a submission — his trial and 
 defence — his acquittal — indignation of the queen at this. 86 
 
 PERIOD EIGHTH. 
 
 The courtiers charge Knox with usurping a papal power in the 
 church — the General Assembly vindicate him from this 
 charge — he marries a daughter of Lord Ochiltree— splenetic 
 reflections of the papists on this alliance — dissentious between 
 the court and preachers — apology for the liberty of the pul- 
 pit — debate between Knox and secretary Maitland — on 
 Knox's form of prayer for the queen — and on his doctrine 
 respecting resistance to civil rulers — Craig's account of a 
 similar dispute in Bologna — the Queen marries Lord Darnly 
 and proclaims him King — change in the court — reasons which 
 induced the nobles who opposed the marriage to take up 
 arms — Queen amuses the protestant ministers — Knox is rec- 
 onciled to Earl of Murray — does not take part with him in his 
 insurrection — gives offence to the King by one of his sermons 
 — is inhibited from preaching for a short time — town-council 
 remonstrate against this — he resumes his employment — Good- 
 man leaves St Andrews — petition for Knox's translation to 
 that town refused by Assembly — he is employed to write dif- 
 ferent treatises for the church — extract from the treatise of 
 Fasting — measures taken by the Queen for restoring popery 
 — defeated — assassination of Rizio — sudden changes in the 
 court — Knox retires to Kyle — queen refuses to permit his 
 return to the capital — he resolves to visit his sons in England 
 — receives a recommendation from the General Assembly — 
 carries a letter to the English bishops — archbishop Hamilton 
 restored to his ancient jurisdiction — spirited letter of Knox 
 on that occasion — alienation between Mary and her husband 
 — the King murdered by Bothwell — the Queen's participation 
 in the murder — her marriage to Bothwell — independent be- 
 haviour of John Craig — the queen is imprisoned and resigns 
 the crown to her son — Knox returns to Edinburgh — preaches 
 at the coronation of James VI. — his opinion concerning the 
 punishment of Mary — the earl of Murray is installed in the 
 Regency — act of parliament in favour of the protestant 
 church — comfortable state of the church during the regency 
 of Murray — Knox cherishes the desire of retiring from public 
 life — the regent opposed by a party attached to Mary — at- 
 tempts on his life — he is assassinated by Hamilton of Both- 
 welhaugh — national grief at this event — character of Mur- 
 ray — injustice done to him by historians — Knox bewail? his 
 loss — fabricated conference between them — Thomas Maitland 
 insults over the death of the regent — Knox's denunciation 
 against him — his pathetic sermon before the regent's funeral 
 — he is requested to write a memoir of Murray — is struck 
 with apoplexy. -.-- -- 106 
 
 PERIOD NINTH. 
 
 Knox recovers from the apoplectic stroke — Kircaldj- of Grange 
 goes over to the queen's party — Knox involved in a personal 
 quarrel with him — is threatened by him — interposition of the 
 gentlemen of the west in his favour — anonymous libels against 
 him — his spirited answers from the pulpit — queen's party take 
 possession of the capital — danger to which Knox is exposed 
 — he is prevailed upon to leave Edinburgh — retires to St An- 
 drews — the kingdom is torn with intestine war — hostility of 
 the queen's faction against Knox — he is opposed by their ad- 
 herents at St Andrews — John Hamilton — Archibald Hamil- 
 ton — archbishop Hamilton executed — the regent Lennox 
 slain- — is succeeded by Earl of Mar — invasion on the jurisdic- 
 tion of the church — tuichan bishops — not approved of by the 
 General Assembly — Knox's letter to the assembly at^tirling 
 — his sentiments unfavourable to episcopacy — he refuses to 
 install Douglas as archbishop of St Andrews — gradual decay 
 of his health — striking description of his appearance and puf- 
 pit-cloquence — his condescending familiarity with the stu- 
 dents at the university — he publishes an answer to a Scots 
 Jesuit — ardently desires his clissolution — his last letter to the 
 General Assembly — his subscription to Ferguson's sermon — 
 he is invited back to Edinburgh— condition on which he agreed 
 to return — he arrives in the capital — requests a smaller place 
 of worship to be fitted up (or him — Craig removes from Edin- 
 burgh — Lawson chosen iiis successor — Knox's letter to him 
 — Bartholomew massacre in France — inflicts a deep wound 
 on the exhausted spirit of Knox — his denunciation against 
 Charles IX. — he begins to preach in the Tolbooth church — 
 — preaches for the last time at the admission of Lawson as 
 hi? successor — he sickens — affecting interview between him 
 and his session — his message to Kircaldy — his religious ad- 
 vices, nieditatioas and comfort during bis last illness — his 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 death — his funeral — opinions entertained respecting him by 
 the papists — by foreign reformers — by Scottish protestants — 
 by members of the church of England — origin and causes of 
 the prejudices conceived against him — his character — reflec- 
 tions on the prophecies ascribed to him — account of his fam- 
 ily — sufferings of John Welch, his son-in-law — curious inter- 
 view between him and Lewis XIII. — singular conversation 
 between Mrs. Welsh and James VI. — character of Knox's wri- 
 tings — conclusion. ------------120 
 
 Notes. 141 
 
 Appendix. 189 
 
 Supplement. - 199 
 
 MELVILLE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 1545—1574. 
 
 Origin of the Family of Melville — Parentage and Birth of An- 
 drew Melville — Death of his Parents — Dutiful conduct of 
 his Eldest Brother — His Education at Montrose — Mode of 
 Instruction in Grammar Schools — Remarks on the Progress 
 of the Reformation — Early attachment of the Melvilles to it 
 — Andrew Melville acquires the Greek language — His aca- 
 demical Education at St. Andrews — His connexion with 
 Buchanan — Compliment paid him by an Italian Poet — He 
 goes to the University of Paris — State of that University' — 
 Royal Trilingual College — Mercerus — Ramus — Jesuits' Col- 
 lege — Edmund Hay — Melville distinguishes himself in the 
 Public Exhibitions — His employment in the University of 
 Poictiers — Incidents there — He goes to Geneva — Teaches in 
 the Academy there — Prosecutes Oriental Studies under Ber- 
 tramus — Learned Men with whom he became acquainted at 
 Geneva; Franciscus Portus, Beza, Henry Scrimger, Joseph 
 Scaliger, Hottoman — Connexion between the Studies of Law 
 and Theology — Writings in favour of Civil Liberty — Influ- 
 ence which Melville's residence at Geneva had upon his Polit- 
 ical Sentiments — He resolves to return to his Native Country 
 — His Testimonials from the Academy of Geneva — His Po- 
 etical Encomium upon that City — Occurrences in his Jour- 
 ney to Scotland. 213 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 1574—1580. 
 
 Melville declines an offer from the Regent Morton — Retires to 
 Baldovy — Superintends the Studies of his Nephew — James 
 Melville — Application to the General Assembly for Melville's 
 services — He visits Glasgow — Is introduced to the young 
 King — Is admitted Principal of the University of Glasgow — 
 Ruinous State of that University — His Plan for recovering 
 it — New Mode of Instruction introduced by him — Effects of 
 it — Individuals educated under him at Glasgow — Nova Erec- 
 tio — Literary Conversation — Peter Blackburn — John Colville 
 — College discipline — Mark Alexander Boyd — Instance of 
 Melville's intrepidity in maintaining the authority of the 
 University — Charged with advising the demolition of the 
 Cathedral of Glasgow — Receives his Library from Geneva — 
 His first Poetical Work. 224 
 
 CHAPTER in. 
 
 1574—1580. 
 
 Interest which Melville took in Public Affairs — His connexion 
 with the Church — Character of the Regent Morton — State 
 of Ecclesiastical Affairs at Melville's Return to Scotland — 
 Convention at Leith — Tulchan Episcopacy — Not approved 
 by the General Assembly — Consequences of its Obtrusion — 
 Melville sits in the General Assembly — Episcopacy attacked 
 — Speech of Melville on that occasion — Discussions on this 
 Subject — Episcopacy Condemned — Proceedings with the 
 Bishops — Preparation of the Second Book of Discipline — 
 Grounds of Opposition to it on the part of the Court and 
 Nobility — Approved by the General Assembly — Outline of it 
 — Melville Charged with bringing the Geneva Discipline in- 
 to Scotland — Degree in which the Overthrow of Episcopacy 
 was owing to him — Remarks on his Conduct in that Affair 
 — His Benaviour to Archbishop Boyd — Conduct of Patrick 
 Adamson — the Regent endeavours to gain Melville — Propo- 
 ses sending him to a General Council in Germany — Interview 
 between them — Changes in the Political Administration — 
 Death of the Chancellor Glammis — The young King shews 
 himself favourable to the Proceedings of the Church — Mea- 
 sures of the General Assembly for Promoting Learning — Pro- 
 posal to bring Learned Printers into the Country — Scottish 
 
 Edition of the Bible — Proposed Reformation of the Uni- 
 versities — Melville's Translation from Glasgow to St. An- 
 drews. 230 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 1580—1585. 
 
 Melville installed Principal of the New College, St. Andrews 
 — His Colleagues — Character of his Theological Lectures — 
 Meets with Opposition from the Ejected Teachers — Ofience 
 taken at his Censures of Aristotle — F'avourable Change on 
 the University — State of Politics — Dangerous Schemes of 
 Lennox and Arran — National Covenant — Episcopacy revived 
 — Montgomery made Archbishop of Glasgow — Prosecuted by 
 Melville — Excommunicated — Resentment of the Court — Mel- 
 ville's Sermon before the General Assembly — His Intrepid 
 Conduct at Perth — The Raid of Ruthven — Melville employ- 
 ed in Preaching at St. Andrews — Arran recovers his Interest 
 at Court — Death of Winram — Of Buchanan — Of Arbuthnot 
 — Of Smeton — Melville Summoned before the Privy Council— 
 His Trial — His Flight into England — Remarks upon his Decli- 
 nature — Conduct of Archbishop Adamson in England — Over- 
 throw of Presbytery — Persecution of Ministers — State of the 
 University after the flight of Melville — He visits the English 
 Universities — Death of Lawson — Tyranny of the Scottish 
 Court — Melville returns to Scotland with the banished 
 Lords. 244 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 1585—1592. 
 
 Melville exerts himself in recovering the Liberties of the Church 
 
 — Difficulties in the way of this — Selfishness of the restored 
 
 Noblemen — Threatened Dissension among the Ministers of 
 
 the Church — Education and Character of the King — Exara- 
 
 f)les of his Dogmatism — Restoration of the Theological Col- 
 ege of St. Andrews — Melville invited back to the College of 
 Glasgow — Returns to his place at St. Andrews — His Share in 
 the Process against Adamson — He is confined beyond theTay 
 — Is Restored — Disputes on the Execution of Queen Mary — 
 The French Poet, Du Bartas, Visits the University of St. An- 
 drews — Annexation of the Temporalities of Bishoprics to the 
 Crown — Exertions of Melville at the Time of the Spanish Ar- 
 mada — Interview between James Melville and a Spanish Ad- 
 miral — The Court Favourable to the Church — Chancellor 
 Maitland— Robert Bruce— Melville's Stephaniskion Pronounc- 
 ed at the Coronation of the Queen — Royal Encomium on the 
 Church of Scotland — Bancroft's Attack on it — Disgrace, 
 Recantation, and Death of Adamson — Civil Establishment 
 of Presbytery — Remarks upon it. 260 
 
 CHAPTER VL 
 
 1592—1596. 
 
 Change of Professors in the New College — James Melville be- 
 comes Minister at Anstruther and Kilrinny — His disinter- 
 ested Conduct — John Jonston — Learned Englishmen invited 
 to Scotland — Melville elected Rector of the University — 
 Firmness displayed by him in that Office — He sits as an Eld- 
 er in the Kirk-Session of St. Andrews — Peculiar Practices in 
 Sessions aud Presbyteries — David Black — Dissension in the 
 Presbytery of St. Andrews — Death of Erskine of Dun — 
 Public Affairs — Arran's return to Court frustrated by the 
 Firmness of the Ministers — Conspiracy of the Popish Lords 
 — Their Excommunication and Criminal Process — Reasons 
 of the King's partiality to them — Melville Calunmiated as a 
 favourer of Bothwell — Loyal Dispositions of the Ministers 
 of the Church — Melville's reasoning before the Lords of Ai-- 
 ticles — He accompanies the Expedition against the Popish 
 Lords — Who leave the Kingdom — Melville's Poem on the 
 Birth of Prince Henry — His Broil with Balfour of Burley — 
 Death of Chancellor Maitland — Renovation of the Covenant 
 — Return of the Popish Lords — Singular Interview between 
 the King and Melville — The Court renew their Designs 
 against the Liberties of the Church — Black's Declinature — 
 Tumult in Edinburgh. 276 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 1596—1603. 
 
 The Tumult in Edinburgh made a Pretext for overthrowing 
 the Liberties of the Church — Violent Proceediijgs against 
 the Capital — and its Ministers — the King's Questions respect- 
 
VI 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 ing the Government of the Church — Caution of the Synod 
 of Fife — Ecclesiastical Convention at Perth — Policy ot' the 
 Court in gaining over Ministers to its measures — New Eccle- 
 siastical Commission — Royal Visitation of the University of 
 St. Andrews — Melville restricted from attending Cliurch 
 Courts — Rights of Theological Professors — Removal of the 
 Ministers of St. Andrews — Parliamentary Restoration of 
 Bishops — Ministers' Vote in Parliament — Opposition to it — 
 Cautions under which it was agreed to — Bishops nominated 
 — Death of distinguished Ministers — Archbishop Beaton re- 
 stored to the Temporalities of the See of Glasgow — Law of 
 free Monarchies — Basilicon Doron — Cowrie's Conspiracj- — 
 Suflerings of Bruce on Account of it — Anniversary of the 
 King's deliverance from it — The Knig renews his Vows — 
 New Translation of the Bible proposed — Measures for pro- 
 jiagatint; the Gospel in the Highlands and Islands — Melville 
 confined within the Precincts of his College — Accession of 
 James to the Throne of England. .-...-. 293 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 1603—1607. 
 Melville's Correspondence with learned Foreigners — His Apol- 
 ogy for the Nonconformist Ministers of England — Hampton- 
 Court Conference — Proposed Union of the two Kingdoms — 
 Death of John Davidson — Plan of the Court for Supereeding 
 the General Assembly — Ministers Imprisoned for Holding an 
 Assembly at Aberdeen — Convicted of High Treason — Mel- 
 ville Protests in Parliament against Episcopacy — Extract from 
 Reasons of Protest — He is called to London with Seven of 
 his Brethren — Their Appearances before the Scottish Privy 
 Council there — Sermons Preached for their Conversion — 
 They are Prohibited from Returning to Scotland — Melville's 
 Epigram on the Royal Altar — He is called before the Privy 
 Council of England for it — Confined to the House of the 
 Dean of St. Paul's — Convention of Ministers at Linlithgow 
 — Constant Moderators apj)ointed — The Ministers at London 
 ordered to Lodge with English Bishops — Interview between 
 them and Archbishop Bancroft — Melville called a Second 
 Time before the Council of England — Imprisoned in the 
 Tower — Reflections on his Treatment — His Brethren confined 
 — Their dignified Behaviour. 312 
 
 ville'8 Health declines— His Death— Character and Wri- 
 tings. 3^6 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 1607—1611. 
 Melville deprived of the Office of Principal at St Andrews — 
 Succeeded by Robert Howie — Rigour of his Imprisonment 
 in the Tower — Relaxed — College of Rochelle in France ap- 
 plies for him — He is consulted on the Arminian Controversy 
 — Fruitless Negociation for his Liberty — His Fortitude and 
 Cheerfulness — Encourages his Brethren in Scotland by his 
 Letters — His Majesty's Literary Employments — New At- 
 tempts for Melville's Liberation — His Design of going to 
 America — His Literary Recreations in the Tower — His Pe- 
 cuniary Misfortune — Death of his Friends — Matrimonial Af- 
 fair — Ecclesiastical Proceedings in Scotlanil — Episcopacy ap- 
 proved by General Assembly at Glasgow — Reflections on 
 this — Melville's fellow-)>risoners — He is Visited by Cameron 
 and Casaubon — Duke of Bouillon's Application for him — Op- 
 posed by the Court of France — He seeks Admission into the 
 Family of Prince Henry — His I'rieiuls at Court — His Pecuni- 
 ary Enibarrassments — Sickness — Release from the Tower, 
 Departure to France. 329 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 1611—1622. 
 Melville's Reception in France — Scotchmen in the Protestant 
 Universities tnere — University of Sedan — Melville's Employ- 
 ment in it— His Correspondence with his Nephew — Death of 
 Robert Wilkie and John Jonston— Melville leaves Sedan for 
 a short time — Intelligence from Scotland — Constancy of 
 Forbes and other banished Ministers — Death of James Mel- 
 ville—Scottish Students at Sedan — Melville opposes the 
 Arminian Sentiments of Tilenus — His opinion of the Articles 
 of Perth Assembly— Changes on University of St. Andrews 
 —Defence of the Scottish Church against Tilenus— Mel- 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 STATE OF IJTERATURE IN SCOTL.iND WHEN MELVILIJE WAS 
 SETTLED AT ST. ANDREWS, ANNO 1580. 
 
 Erection of University of St. Andrews— Its Constitution— Col- 
 leges founded in it— State of the Univei-sity at the Reforma- 
 tion — Mode of Teaching and conferring Degrees in the Fac- 
 ulty of ArU— And of Theology— New plan of the University 
 in the First Book of Discipline — By Buchanan — By Parlia- 
 ment—Sketch of the New Mode of Teaching— Melville's 
 Share in Drawing it up — Reform on the other Universities — 
 Parochial Schools— High School of Glasgow— Of Edinburgh 
 — Scholastic Philosophy — John Rutherford — Civil Law — 
 William Skene — Edward Henryson— Theology and Poetry 
 — Alexander Arbuthnot— Thomas Snieton— Thomas Mait- 
 land — Patrick Adarason — John Davidson. - . . . 358 
 
 CHAPTER XII, 
 
 STATE OF LITERATURE IN SCOTLAND WHEN MELVILLE WAS 
 B.\NISHED TO FRANCE, ANNO 1611. 
 
 Erection of New Universities and Colleges — Resort of Foreign 
 Students to Scotland — Literary Labours of Scotchmen in 
 Dublin — Parochial Schools and Grammatical Education in 
 Scotland — Improvements on the High School of Edinbui-gh 
 — Hercules Rollock — Alexander Hume — Raniean Philosophy 
 — Theology and Collateral Branches of Study — Principal 
 Rollock — Bruce — Pont — The Simsons — Cowper — Civil and 
 Scots Law — John Skene — Thomas Craig — Welwood — Other 
 Studies — Napier of Merchiston — Hume of Godscroft — Ver- 
 nacular Poetry — Extent to which Latin Poetry was Cultiva- 
 ted — Advantages and Disadvantages of this — General Esti- 
 mate of the Progress of Learning and of the influence which 
 Melville had in Promoting it. 369 
 
 Notes. 381 
 
 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 
 
 Letter from George Buchanan to Sir Thomas Randolph. - 418 
 Extract of a Letter from Henry Woddrington to Secreta- 
 ry Walsingham. ---------.... 418 
 
 Letter of Andrew Melville to T. Savile and G. Carleton. 419 
 Archbishop Adamson to Archbishop Whitgift. ... 419 
 
 Extract ot Letters from William Davison to Secretary 
 
 Walsingham, concerning the Administration of Arran. 419 
 Extract of a Letter from Mr. D. Andersone to certain Min- 
 isters in Scotland, conveying information respecting 
 Scotch Papists in Gernianj-. ------ ... 420 
 
 Letter from John, Earl of Gowrie, to John Malcolm. - - 421 
 Melvinus ad Senatura Anglicanum. --.--.. 422 
 Letter from Andrew Melville to Sir James Sempill of Bel- 
 trees. 422 
 
 Letter from Andrew Melville to Robert Durie at Leyden. 422 
 
 VEITCH. 
 
 Memoirs of Mr. William Veitch. ---.-.. 427 
 
 Sup|)leinent to the Memoirs of Mr. William Veitch. - 462 
 
 Biographical Notices of Colonel James Wallace. - - 479 
 Colonel Wallace's Narrative of the Rising suppressed at 
 
 Pentland. 485 
 
 Ure of Shargarton's Narrative of the Rising suppressed 
 
 at Bothwel Bridge- -.-.--..-- 495 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 I. Extracts of Letters from Mr. Mackward to Mr. Blacka- 
 der and Mr. Cargill. 501 
 
 n. Extracts from the Diary of Sergeant James Nisbet. - 501 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 TO THE 
 
 AMERICAN EDITION. 
 
 Much obscurity rests upon the early history of Scotland. Nor will this uncertainty, respecting 
 the introduction and progress of Christianity among a people so remote from the centre of civiliza- 
 tion and literature, in the early ages, appear surprising, when it is considered that, from the close 
 of the inspired history, to the time of Constantine the Great,— a space of more than two hundred 
 and fifty years, — we have no cotemporary historian of the church. Eusebius, bishop of Cffisarea, 
 in Palestine, seems to have been the first who attempted to give a regular history of ecclesiastical 
 afiairs, from the birth of our Saviour down to his own times. His history appears to have been 
 published a very short time before the Nicene Council, which met, A. D. 325. He has been pro- 
 nounced the father of church history ; and as he entered a path which none had trod before him, 
 we are more inclined to admire the industry and research, by which he succeeded so well, than to 
 complain of his defects. In the brief outline which he gives of the history of the christian church, 
 during the first three centuries, it would be unreasonable to expect any thing particular, concerning a 
 country so remote from Palestine, and so little known to him, as Scotland. The earliest authorities 
 to which the ecclesiastical writers of that country have been under obligation for the few hints 
 which can be gathered on the subject, are Prosper of Aquitania, of the fifth century ; Bede, of 
 the eighth ; John of Fordoun, of the fourteenth, called the " Father of Scottish History ;" and 
 Boece, of the fifteenth. From these, and some other sources, later writers, such as Buchanan, John 
 Major, McKenzie, &c., have collected a little information, and formed some tolerable conjectures. 
 Although the more recent historians do not agree either respecting the time, or the circumstances, of 
 the introduction of Christianity into the northern parts of Great Britain ; yet they generally admit, 
 that it must have been at an early period. In attempting to place before the reader a brief sketch 
 of the condition of the church in Scotland, previous to the Reformation, the writer regrets that he 
 has not access to the original sources of information ; but in the absence of these, he has endeavour- 
 ed to make the best use he could of a number of respectable authors, within his reach, who have 
 more or less successfully investigated the history of Christianity, in the earlier and the middle ages. 
 
 It is not improbable that Christianity, to a small extent, was introduced into Great Britain, about 
 the end of the first, or the beginning of the second century ; by some of the Asiatic christians who 
 had fled from the persecution, raised by Domitian. From England, it likely found its way into 
 Scotland, in the course of the second century. As its introduction was not connected with any 
 political event of sufficient magnitude to attract the attention of the secular writers of that age ; so 
 we need not feel disappointed at finding no notice of its existence, as long as it remained in humble 
 obscurity, a stranger to the homage of kings and courts. That christians from Asia Minor, how- 
 ever, were the first who brought the gospel into Britain, and laid, in that island, the foundation of 
 the church, seems highly probable from the fact, that Easter seems to have been observed in the 
 British churches according to Asiatic usage. This feast, which began at an early period to be ob- 
 served in commemoration of the resurrection of Christ, was annually celebrated by the churches of 
 Africa, and the continent of Europe, on the Lord's day after the passover, which occurred on the 
 14th day of the March moon. On the other hand, the Asiatic churches observed this feast, on the 
 third day after the passover, upon whatever day of the week it might occur ; and this, also, is said 
 
Tiii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 to have been the custom of the British churches. Now, it would be absurd to suppose, that any of 
 the western churches in Europe or Africa, would transfer a custom to England and Scotland, which 
 they had never adopted, or obtrude upon the observance of their converts, a practice, of which they 
 themselves disapproved.* 
 
 The tradition, which refers to the beginning of the second century as the time when the first rays 
 of gospel light glimmered among the mountains of Scotland, agrees very well with the account 
 transmitted to us, of king Donald I., who is said to have embraced the christian faith, together with 
 his queen and some of the nobility, about A. D. 203. It appears that Christianity had made some 
 progress in the country, before Donald publicly avowed himself a convert ; as it is not very probable 
 that he would have ventured to incur the displeasure of the Druids, and encounter their opposition, 
 unless a considerable number of the people had been previously rescued from the influence of these 
 formidable priests. After his conversion, the king earnestly exerted himself to provide for the spi- 
 ritual instruction of his people : but all his plans were overthrown by the destructive invasion of the 
 Romans, led by their emperor, Severus. For more than 'half a century after this invasion, we hear 
 nothing of the state of Christianity in Scotland. Towards the latter part of the century, it received a 
 new impulse, through the instrumentality of a number of pious Britons, who sought, in the north, a 
 shelter from the persecution, which took place under the emperor Aurelian. The still more violent 
 persecution, under Dioclesian, greatly increased the number of christian refugees ; and receiving en- 
 couragement from the court, and several of the nobles, the pious strangers laboured for the extension 
 of the Redeemer's kingdom, and through the divine blessing, their labors appear to have been attend- 
 ed with considerable success. 
 
 Concerning this period, Buchanan, f who had access to all the information upon the subject of these 
 early times, writes as follows, in his History of Scotland, under the reign of Fincormachus : — " Freed 
 from external cares, the Scots now chiefly exerted themselves for the promotion of the christian reli- 
 gion, to which they were incited by the following occurrence. Multitudes of Britons, fearing the 
 cruelties of Dioclesian towards the Christians, sought refuge among them ; of whom many, illustrious 
 for the piety of their doctrines, and the uprightness of their lives, remained in Scotland, and led a 
 solitary life, with such a reputation for sanctity among all ranks, that, upon their decease, the cells 
 they had inhabited were changed into churches ; and from that custom it still continues that the an- 
 cient Scots call churches cells, [Kils.] This species of religious [persons] they called Culdees ; 
 and the name and the institution remained, until a more recent kind of monks, divided into a number 
 of orders, expelled them : which latter were as much their inferiors in doctrine and piety, as their 
 superiors in riches, ceremonies, and other external rites, by which the eye is captivated and the mind 
 deceived." 
 
 The " solitary," or rather, the retired habits of the Culdees were probably adopted from the Druids, 
 who lived in caves and forests, and were resorted to there, for counsel or instruction, by the people, 
 except when called to the more public discharge of their appropriate functions. As the people had 
 been accustomed to see this retired mode of life observed by their pagan priesthood ; and as a de- 
 parture from a practice deemed essential to the character of teachers of sacred things, would probably 
 have created obstacles in the way of disseminating the hallowed truths of Christianity, tlie southern 
 exiles followed that course, which might innocently aid them in gaining the attention of those, to 
 whom God had providentially sent them, as his ministers. Accustomed to the language of their con- 
 querors, the British teachers of the gospel assumed the modest title of ctdtores Dei, which soon be- 
 came corrupted into Childei, or as we have it, GuWeee, 
 
 * From certain passages in Bede, Hist Eccles. Lib. III. 4 ; IT. 2. 19, it is alleged that the British were not quatuordedmani, 
 although in the course of their controversy with the Romanists, they appealed to the apostle John and the Asiatics, and thus were 
 thought to adhere to the Asiatic practice. According to Bede, they celebrated Easter on the Lord's day, that fell between the 
 14th and 30th of the March moon, inclusive, while the Romanists held it on the Lord's day, which occurred between the 15th 
 and 2 Ist If this lie so, then it would appear that they regulated that feast according to a cycle of 84 years, which had been in 
 use in the church, before the latter part of the 5th century, when the Victorian cycle was introduced ; and consequently before 
 the pretensions of the Roman bishop were acknowledged. This would place the introduction of Christianity into Britain, 
 probably at some time between the 2d and 4th centuries. 
 
 f The character of Buchanan, like other worthies of his age, has suffered, both as a man and a historian, from the misrepro. 
 scntations of his political and religious adversaries; and these have been retailed by succcctling authors, who ought to have 
 known better ; but whose prejudices rendered them partial judges of one, who was the unbending advocate of civil liberty, the 
 foe of courtly conruption and sceptical tyranny, and a firm friend of the doctrines and church order of the Reformation. That 
 he was faultless as a man, or without his prejudices as a writer, is not pretended. But he was probably less so, in both respects, 
 than the greater part of those who have undertaken to censure him. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 IX 
 
 The reign of Fincormachus, who appears to have been devoutly attentive to the extension and es- 
 tablishment of the new religion, was, for those warlike and barbarous times, uncommonly long and 
 happy. Under his patronage, the ministers of the gospel were encouraged in their efforts to instruct 
 the people ; druidisra, although not eradicated, was nevertheless enfeebled in its influence, and the 
 number of its subjects was diminished ; and the faith of Christ, through the operations of grace, ani- 
 mated many a heart. About the middle of the fourth century, Fincormachus died ; an event which 
 was succeeded by great calamities to his nation. Three competitors appeared for the crown, and the 
 question, which of them should wear it, was unhappily referred to the decision of arms. While the 
 Scots were thus divided among themselves, their neighbours, the Picts took advantage of their situa- 
 tion to make war upon them. The war was bloody, the resistance fierce, and the issue doubtful. 
 But the Picts called to their assistance the Britons and the Romans ; and overwhelmed by superior 
 numbers, the Scots were every where defeated, and almost exterminated. " The survivors," says 
 Buchanan, (Book iv. c. 52,) dispersed themselves wherever chance led them, through the Hebrides, Ire- 
 land, and the Cimbric Chersonesus, and were every where humanely received by the inhabitants. 
 Their priests and monks, who were held in the highest honour, were severely treated by the Picts, 
 (though they themselves professed to be Christians,) being driven into all the surrounding countries. 
 In the course of their dispersions, several of them happened to land upon the island of lona, one of 
 the Hebrides, and being collected there in a monastery, they transmitted the great fame of their sanc- 
 tity and erudition to posterity." 
 
 However gratified the Picts may have been with the immediate results of their alliance with the 
 Eomans, they had reason, before long, to lament the impolicy of their conduct. They were com- 
 manded to adopt the Roman laws, do homage to the emperor, and receive their kings from Rome. 
 In this state of degradation and dependence, so detestable to a fierce and hitherto free people, they had 
 leisure to regret the expulsion of their Scottish neighbours ; and at last resolved secretly to invite them 
 back to their country, which had been divided among the Picts and their allies. The exiles obeyed 
 the invitation, and bringing with them adventurers from the several countries in which they had found 
 refuge, they united their forces under the direction of Fergus, who was chosen their king. Joined 
 by the Picts, they expelled the Britons ; for being but feebly assisted by the Romans, whose legions 
 had found abundance of employment nearer home, in repelling the incursions of the northern barba- 
 rians, they were unable to cope with their fierce and warlike adversaries. Fergus perished in battle, 
 in the sixteenth year of his reign ; and his father-in-law, a noble Briton, who was hostile to the Ro- 
 mans, and to that portion of his countrymen, who favoured the Romans, was appointed tutor to the 
 young princes, and viceroy of the kingdom. Graeme, as he is called by ancient chroniclers, or Gra- 
 ham, as he is named in an inscription, dated 1057, was by profession a christian, and a man of such 
 energy, wisdom, and justice, that scarcely any thing disturbed the public tranquillity under his govern- 
 ment. After he had extended the kingdom to the wall of Adrian, its ancient boundary, he granted 
 a truce to the Britons, and directed his attention to the internal prosperity of the country. " In order," 
 says Buchanan, (B. v. c. 8, Aikman's transl.) " to check, by proper institutions, that licentiousness 
 which had spread so widely by the long continuance of the war, he ordained that the monks [Culdees] 
 and teachers of Christianity should be recalled, and, lest they should be burdensome to the poorer 
 classes, he appointed them annual stipends from the fruits of the earth, which, although small even 
 then, yet to the moderation and temperance of these men, appeared sufficiently ample." 
 
 After the death of Graham, Eugene, the eldest son of Fergus, ascended the throne ; and although 
 much engaged in war with the Britons, he retained the instructions of his grandfather, and maintain- 
 ed a creditable character for religion and virtue. Dungard, his brother, who succeeded him, was of 
 similar disposition and habits ; and the Britons being divided and at war among themselves, he was 
 permitted to pass his reign in peace. 
 
 During this period, the church in Scotland received a more regular organization than it had pre- 
 viously possessed. The Culdees had been scattered, as already stated, into various countries with 
 their countrymen; and those, who returned, upon the invitation of Graham, were not adequate to 
 supply the wants of the people. In this scarcity of competent men, an expedient similar to that 
 which was afterwards adopted by the Scottish Reformers, in circumstances nearly similar, was em- 
 ployed to remedy, as far as practicable, the defect. A select number of the ablest of the Culdees was 
 
 appointed to traverse the kingdom, labour in the ministry, ordain as teachers the fittest they could 
 B 
 
X INTRODUCTION. 
 
 find, and superintend the general concerns of the church. These superinteudants were denominated 
 Scoticorum Episcopi, the Scottish bishops, by the Catholic writers, who, accustomed to prelacy, 
 imagined them to be officially the same as their own diocesan bishops. That the institution, by the 
 civil government, of a class of ministers with higher powers than their brethren, prepared the way for 
 diocesan bishops, is obvious enough ; but that the superintendants were considered a distinct and 
 superior orderj in the church, and received a different ordination from that of their less eminent bre- 
 thren, is without any solid evidence. Fordun, the Father of Scottish History, himself a Roman 
 Catholic, and sufficiently credulous, but, at the same time, most diligent in consulting every work 
 and monument, extant at that period, which could throw any light upon the early history of his 
 country, unhesitatingly admits the fact of their ministerial parity. " Before the arrival of Palladius," 
 says he, " the Scots had for teachers of the faith, and ministers of the sacraments, presbyters only, 
 or monks, following the rites and customs of the primitive church." (Scot. Chron. lib. iii. c. 8. 
 apud Willison's Testimony.) Bale, also, a learned writer in the early part of the sixteenth century, 
 {Britt. Script. Cat. Cent. xiv. c. 5.) agrees in his statement with Fiordun ; — " Before Palladius came, 
 the Scots," says he, " had their bishops and ministers, according to the ministry of the word of 
 God, chosen by the suffi-age of the people,, after the custom of those of Asia ; but these things did 
 not please the Romans, who hated the Asiatics." 
 
 Palladius was sent into Scotland, A. D. 452, by Pope Celestine, in order to oppose the tenets of Pela- 
 gius, and bring the Scots into close connection with the See of Rome. Pelagius began to broach his here- 
 sy, at Rome, A. D. 405, when Fergus had already eomraeneed the recovery of his uncle's kingdom 
 from the Britons. This heresiarch was a monk of Banchor, in England ; and when he came to 
 Rome in A. D. 400, he found Caelestius already there, a Scottish youth of noble descent, and of respecta- 
 ble talents and acquirements, who had gone thither to perfect his studies, and who afterwards became 
 the disciple, and the chief co-adjutor of Pelagius, in spreading his opinions. It is not improbable, that 
 the influence of Caelestius procured the early, introduction of the Pelagian tenets to the attention of 
 his countrymen, and promoted, to some extent, their adoption. However this may have been, as 
 the creed of the Roman church, and of the other churches which had begun to regard the Roman 
 bishop as possessing some degree of pre-eminence, was still orthodox ; considerable zeal was mani- 
 fested against the Pelagian errors, united with a desire of increasing the number of adherents to 
 Rome. 
 
 The efforts of Palladius were attended with success ; and he also succeeded in ingratiating him- 
 self so far with the court, and with the superintendants and other ministers, as to persuade them to 
 remodel the church after the pattern of those which were in connexion with the church of Rome. 
 Accordingly he received' ordination from the Roman Bishop, and was the first person who exercis- 
 ed the prelatical office in Scotland. On this subject, Hector Boece says : — " Palladius was the 
 first of all that bore the holy magistrature among the Scots, being made bishop by the great pontiff: 
 for till then, by the suffrages of the people, the bishops were made of the monks, or Culdees." 
 (M' Gavin's Jntrod. to Knox's History.) 
 
 It was in this manner that Scotland became allied to Rome, and for many centuries afterwards, he 
 participated in the ignorance, superstition and corruption, which fiowed from that fountain of impu- 
 rity, and for ages covered Europe with darkness. It appears, that although the generality of the 
 people acquiesced in the change introduced by Palladius, yet a number of the Culdees maintained 
 their former independence, until time, and the increase of corruption, and the arts and efforts of ava- 
 rice and ambition, left scarcely a trace of their existence. We find some scattered notices of them 
 down to the seventh or eighth centuries ; but after that period, no vestiges of them, except the 
 names of their cells, conferred on towns, villages, and other localities, where some of the most emi- 
 nent of them had lived and laboured, appear on the page of history. The light which they shed 
 amidst the growing gloom, lingered longest in the little island of lona, or I-Columkill, one of the 
 Hebrides, where a number of them had retired when their country was laid waste by the Picts and 
 Britons. That island derives its name from Columba, who came, accompanied by twelve others, 
 from the North of Ireland in A. D. 563, and fixed his residence there. His arrival and settlement 
 in that Island was welcomed with the consent and good will, both of the king, and the remnant of 
 the Culdees, who still remained. He organized the whole brotherhood into a regular community, 
 procured the erection of appropriate buildings, and opened a school for instruction in divine things. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xi 
 
 which for several centuries sent forth an educated and pious ministry to the churches of Scotland, 
 Ireland, and the north of England, and to many parts of Gaul, and other countries on the continent 
 of Europe. 
 
 Dr. Jaraieson, of Edinburgh, a writer of learning, and deep research into the antiquities of his coun- 
 try, tells us, in his History of the Culdees, that the doctrine taught by Columba was comparatively 
 pure. " As he was himself much given to the study of the Holy Scriptures, he taught his disciples 
 to confirm their doctrines by testimonies brought from this unpolluted fountain ; and declared that 
 only to be the divine counsel, which he found there. His followers, as we learn from Bede, would 
 receive those only which are contained in the writings of the prophets, evangelists, and apostles ; dili- 
 gently observing the works of piety and purity. Hence, it has been said, that for several generations, 
 with the errors which at that time prevailed in the church of Rome, they seem not to have been in 
 the least tainted. 
 
 " They observed a certain rule in their monasteries, composed, as it is said, by Columba himself, 
 and sometimes denominated the Rule of lona. For a considerable time before this era, many truly 
 pious men, knowing their obligation to separate from the world, had, from human weakness, inter- 
 preted the divine precept in a sense which it was never meant to bear ; and if they did not retire 
 singly to solitudes and caves, yet viewed it as most subservient to the interests of religion to form 
 regular monastic societies. But their mode of life was very different from that of the generality of 
 those who have been called monks in later ages. According to Bede, after the example of the 
 venerable fathers, they lived by the labours of their hands." " So far were they from reckoning the 
 connubial relation inconsistent with their character, it seems to have been held in honour." After 
 referring to several proofs and instances of this fact. Dr. Jamieson proceeds:—" Although it appears 
 that they observed a certain institute, yet, in the accounts given of them, we cannot overlook this 
 remarkable distinction between them and those societies which are properly called monastic, that they 
 were not associated expressly for the purpose of observing this rule. They might deem certain reg- 
 ulations necessary for the preservation of order ; but their great design Was, by communicating instruc- 
 tion, to train up others for the work of the ministry. Hence it has been justly observed, that they 
 may be more properly viewed as colleges, in which the various branches of useful learning were 
 taught, than monasteries. These societies, therefore, were in fact the seminaries of the church, both 
 in North Britain and Ireland. As the presbyters ministered in holy things to those in their vicinity, 
 they were still training up others, and sending forth missionaries, whenever they had a call, or any 
 prospects of success." 
 
 Hospinian, in his History of the Origin, Progress and Orders of Monkery, gives substantially the 
 same account of what he calls the " Apostolic Order," as that given above relative to the mode of life 
 and labours of the monks of lona. " They lived," he says, " not according to the mode prescribed 
 by Basil or Benedict, but according to the doctrine of Christ, and the rule of the divine word." He 
 traces the origin of this Order to Congell of Bannacor, or Banchor, in the north east of Ireland, where, 
 for a considerable period, there had been a college, or community of learned and pious men, worthy 
 of the name of Christian philosophers, who, after the adoption of the rule prescribed by him, became 
 remarkably useful and active in propagating Christianity in several countries, especially among seve- 
 ral of the German nations. 
 
 Columba died, A. D. 597, the year after Augustine, or Austin, the monk, had been sent over to 
 Britain by Pope Gregory the Great, to convert the Saxons, and bring the whole island under the 
 spiritual jurisdiction of Rome. This monk, who was afterwards created the first Archbishop of Can- 
 terbury, brought forty monks with him, to assist him in his pious attempt, the number of whom, as 
 soon as success dawned on his efforts, were increased. He endeavored to extend his spiritual author- 
 ity over the ancient British churches, and a council was held for the purpose of deciding whether 
 they would conform to the Roman customs and ritual or not. But, owing to the degree of haughti- 
 ness and bigotry incautiously displayed by Austin, the project failed. Little appears to have been 
 attempted to conciliate the Scottish churches, which still were under the care of the Culdees, until 
 after Austin's death, in A. D. 607. He was succeeded by Laurentius, who sent for one of their 
 superintendents, or bishops, as they were called by the adherents of Rome, and although at first 
 unsuccessful, yet by perseverance, and getting access to some who were more tractable than this 
 refractory bishop, he at length gained his point so far as, after a warm controversy, to get the clergy 
 
xii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 generally to adopt the Romau tonsure, and observe the same day with the Roraish church in 
 celebrating Easter. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Culdee seminaries still continued to send out ministers to preach the gospel to the 
 destitute. Thus, about the middle of the seventh century, we learn from Bode, that Donald, at that 
 time king, at the request of Oswald, king of Northumberland, sent teachers from Scotland, distin- 
 guished for their piety and learning. About the year 670, Buchanan records that " it happened, 
 that after the Scottish monks had disseminated the knowledge of the christian religion widely through 
 England, and so instructed the English youth in letters, that they appeared sufficiently capable of 
 preaching the gospel to their countrymen, a spirit of envy towards their instructors arose, in propor- 
 tion as they imagined themselves their equals in learning ; and their disinclination towards the Scots 
 proceeded so far, that they forced them to return to their own country ; which affront, although it 
 disturbed the concord of the kingdoms, yet, such was the moderation of those who had sustained the 
 wrong, that they restrained both nations from decided hostilities." (Aikm. Buck. B. V. c. A2.) 
 
 In the desolating wars in which the country was long involved, corruption of manners, and neglect 
 of education, paved the way for ignorance and superstition. The clergy, favoured by some monarchs, 
 and neglected or curbed by others, became gradually in either case, more independent of the people, 
 and more closely allied with Rome ; until, instead of being a spiritual benefit to the nation, and leaders 
 in the path of piety and virtue, they became notoriously vicious, and deepened the darkness of that 
 awful night, which, for several centuries, hung upon the land. It is true, the reputation of the coun- 
 try for piety and learning was still supported, to some extent, by the school of lona, founded by Co- 
 lumba, which, being remote from the influences that tended to the moral deterioration of the popula- 
 tion generally, continued for some time, (like a star glimmering through an opening of the clouds in 
 a wintry night,) to shed a lustre on Scotland. But in general, when donations to the church and 
 bodily penances were substituted for unfeigned repentance and vital piety, the wealth, ease, and hon- 
 our, which accrued to the body of the clergy, was such as to render them shamefully defective in 
 every qualification befitting their sacred office. As early as the latter part of the ninth century, the 
 general depravity was so great as to become a subject of legislation ; and in the provisions made by 
 the court for the reformation of manners, the clergy were not neglected. " The king," says Buch- 
 anan, (B. vi. c. 7.) "first turned his attention to the correction of the public discipline, and by severe 
 laws brought back to their ancient frugality the order of the priests, who, corrupted by their fat liv- 
 ings, had left off preaching the gospel, and devoted themselves to hunting, hawking, and courtly 
 pomp." This will be the case in every church, in which the honour and inventions of men are more 
 regarded than the glory and the truth of God. Although the Scottish church had not as yet acknowl- 
 edged the supremacy of Rome, and in all respects conformed to her ritual ; yet, by frequent inter- 
 course with the papal court, and the degree of conformity already attained, not to mention the influ- 
 ence which the example of the more wealthy and powerful dignitaries on the continent must have 
 had on the comparatively simple and frugal priests of that country, it is easy to conceive how the 
 infection, thus caught, would spread, until the little strength that remained was utterly exhausted, and 
 spiritual death stamped his image on the nation. 
 
 In the eleventh century, Malcom Canmore and his queen, who had received her education on the 
 continent, exerted themselves to produce greater conformity in all the concerns of the church, to the 
 Roman ritual, and established in a more regular form than it had hitherto attained, diocesan Episco- 
 pacy. Their bishops had thus far, whatever might be their ordination, exercised a superintending 
 power, which extended to the churches throughout the nation generally, without limitation to a par- 
 ticular province, or participation in secular or civil authority. Malcom created six bishopricks, and 
 his youngest son, David, who succeeded to the throne in the early part of the twelfth century, added 
 four others. David was so devoted to the temporal aggrandizement of the church, that he surpassed all 
 his predecessors in his liberality, and almost bequeathed indigence to his royal successors, by conse- 
 crating the royal lands to the support of monks. Malcom IV., his grandson, animated by a similar 
 spirit, took on him a vow of perpetual celibacy, and applied himself strenuously, as far as his means 
 permitted, to the usage of his family — the building of churches and the endowment of monasteries. 
 The consequence of these worse than useless expenditures, was to increase the pride and power of a 
 class of men, who possessed the name, but not the spirit, or the acquirements and habits, of religious 
 teachers, and to encourage them to insolence and injury. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xiii 
 
 The natural effects of this system are briefly mentioned by Buchanan, whom we so frequently 
 quote, both on account of his fidelity in following his authorities, as far as facts are concerned, and be- 
 cause he had not only access to the original authorities, which were extant in his day, but he had been 
 at pains to obtain, and carefully to study them. His reflections are such as might be expected in a 
 christian philosopher, who had been an eye witness of the abuses of popery, and had suffered in the 
 cause of scriptural religion. About the middle of the thirteenth century, Alexander III. "had his in- 
 ternal tranquillity disturbed by the arrogance of the priests and monks, who, enriched by the former 
 kings, began to grow licentious by long repose, and to equal or exceed in magnificence the nobility, 
 whom they already surpassed in wealth. At which the young nobles feeling indignant, behaved to 
 them harshly and with contempt, and they, in consequence, complained to the king of the affront. 
 He, however, either not believing the injuries so serious as the priests wished them to appear, or 
 probably not thinking them unmerited, treated them lightly. On which they, in great wrath, excom- 
 municated the whole land, except the royal family, and threatened to retire to Rome ; but the king, 
 recollecting what disturbances Thomas a Becket, the ringleader of ecclesiastical ambition, had lately 
 occasioned in England, recalled them when about to set out on their journey, and ordered the nobility 
 to satisfy, not their ambition only, but even their arrogance." The haughty priests were the more 
 readily reconciled, at the instance of the king, from the recollection of the protection which he had 
 not long before afforded them from the avarice of the agents of Rome. But the facts evidently show 
 to what a height the influence of the priesthood had risen, when by a movement of this kind, they 
 could bring a fierce and turbulent people to submit to such humiliation. 
 
 It was about the end of the preceding century, that the Scottish church became dependent on 
 Rome. Hitherto the king held and exercised the sole power of nomination to vacant bishopricks 
 and abbeys. But, at that period, in a convention, in which a Roman Legate presided, when they 
 were urged to become subordinate to the Archbishop of York, either from the dilemma occasioned 
 by their unwillingness to comply, and the danger of refusing, or from a preconcerted plan between 
 the Legate and some of the clergy, they appealed to the pope, and, as probably well foreseen and 
 provided for, he graciously took them under his protection. From the tact which they displayed in 
 their quarrel with the young nobility, already related, and which occurred so soon after the consum- 
 mation of their subjection to the Roman bishop, they appear to have been apt learners in the school 
 of papal artifice. 
 
 Another measure, which not only tended to bring the Scots more effectually under the ecclesiasti- 
 cal yoke of Rome, but also to perpetuate and increase the already prevalent corruption of religion 
 and morals, was the introduction of the Dominican and Franciscan monks into the country, from 
 France. These, by a great profession and show of sanctity, and pious austerity, drew the attention 
 and affections of the people from the secular clergy, and eradicated the feeble remains of that order 
 to which the Scots had been accustomed from the age of Columba. The pope also required that all 
 who were nominated bishops should repair to Rome for consecration, before they could enter upon 
 the duties and emoluments of their office. From this time, therefore, we may regard the Scottish 
 church as merged in that of Rome, and its history as possessing no interest separate from that of 
 the Latin church, throughout Europe. The same superstitious regard to relics, images and saints ; 
 the same ignorance of the word of God, and of the nature of true piety ; the same submission to 
 the decrees, and credulous reception of the impostures of Rome ; the same usages in worship, and 
 seasons of fasting or festivity ; the confidence in the doctrines of the mass, purgatory, absolution, 
 and indulgences ; the same corruptions, vices, and proclivity of manners, every where prevailed, ex- 
 cept, here and there, when a few remnants of the persecuted Waldenses served God, concealed 
 from human eye, or some solitary individual, led by a ray of Divine truth, sought his Saviour's will, 
 as he best might, under the rubbish with which an apostate church had covered it. In relation to this 
 period, a modern writer truly observes, " From the invasion of Edward, [A. D. 1296,] to the dawn 
 of the Reformation, Scotland was litde better than a great human slaughter-house. Christianity 
 seemed to have no more influence upon the character of the nobles and the people generally, than it has 
 upon savages who never heard of it. . . . Indeed we find nothing in Scotland, from this time, that de- 
 serves the name of religion, till we come to the period, when Knox commences his history, anno 1422."* 
 
 * McGavin's Introduction to Knox's History : containing an outline of the History of the Scottish Church, previous to the 
 Reformation, which has been consulted frequently, and used freely, by the writer of the present sketch. 
 
xiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 For a more particular survey of the state of religion and manners in Scotland during this melan- 
 choly period, the reader is referred to Dr. McCrie's remarks on the subject, p. 23 — 26, of the present 
 volume. 
 
 In the beginning of the fifteenth century, some of the followers of Wickliffe of England, and of 
 Huss of Bohemia, sought refuge in Scotland, and were, to a small extent, successful in imparting 
 the light of that truth which they had received. But persecution limited their efforts, and prevented 
 them from gaining more than a very few acknowledged disciples. In 1422, or according to Spots- 
 wood, 1407, James Risby, a Wickliffite, and an Englishman by birth, suffered at Glasgow ; and in 
 14,31, Paul Craw, a Bohemian, was burned at St. Andrews. The crime alleged against them, was, 
 that they held the heresy of Wickliflfe and Huss, involving a denial that the pope is the vicar of 
 Christ, that the substance of the bread and wine is changed in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper 
 that confessions should be made to priests, and that prayers should be made to departed saints. 
 While these examples of ecclesiastical cruelty, the first that had occurred in Scotland, suppressed an 
 open avowal of the truth, it is highly probable that a few, in various parts of the country, cherished 
 in secret the treasure of the gospel, and in the retirement of their native glens, and solitary mosses, 
 sometimes enjoyed the sweet communion of saints with one another, and with God. In 1494, Black- 
 ater, archbishop of Glasgow, accused thirty persons, inhabitants of Ayrshire, before the king and 
 council, of holding the heresies of Wickliffe. Among these persons, known by the name of " The 
 Lollards of Kyle," were gentlemen and ladies of the first rank in that part of the country. This 
 fact, taken in connexion with what afterwards occurred, namely, that the inhabitants of that district 
 were among the earliest to embrace the doctrines of the Reformation, and held them with the most 
 persevering tenacity, through many a tedious and bitter storm of persecution, renders it highly pro- 
 bable, that the seed sown by Risby, and nourished by his ashes, took deep and effectual root in the 
 west of Scodand, although it grew up silently and without observation, until discovered by the pre- 
 late of Glasgow. The articles of which the Lollards were accused, were preserved in the register 
 of his diocese ; some of which we shall cite here, in order to show the similarity of their creed to 
 that which protestants afterwards embraced, and which they hold at the present day. They objected to 
 the worship of images and relics ; they asserted that Christ gave power to Peter and the other apostles, 
 — not to the pope ; they denied transubstantiation ; they maintained that the pope is not the success- 
 or of Peter, except wherein Christ said, " Get behind me, Satan ;" they held that the pope deceives 
 the people by his bulls and indulgences, that the mass profits not the souls which are said to be in 
 purgatory, that the pope exalts himself against and above God, that the pope cannot remit the pains 
 of purgatory, that priests may lawfully have wives, that the pope forgives not sins, but God only, 
 that faith should not be given to Romish miracles, and that we should not pray to the glorious virgin 
 Mary, but to God only, since he alone hears and helps us."* King James IV., who saw among the 
 accused some whom he personally esteemed, was inclined to clemency, and the matter was so mana- 
 ged, that they were dismissed with an admonition to beware of new doctrines, and an injunction to 
 believe what the church believed. 
 
 In about thirty years after this event, the light of truth, drawn from its long obscurity by the in- 
 strumentality of Zuingle and Luther, and their associates, began to dawn on Scotland, and to awake 
 the people from the slumber of ignorance, superstition, and spiritual death. For the general course 
 of the events, and the fierce contests that ensued, and the sublime examples of christian faith, and 
 fortitude, and patriotism, which the long struggle for civil and religious liberty produced, the reader is 
 now referred to the following pages, in which the kindred spirit of Dr. McCrie, glowing with that 
 love of the gospel which characterised and animated the Reformers, with equal felicity and truth, 
 blends the history of the church, and a portrait of the age, with the personal history of Knox and 
 Melville. 
 
 We consider the selection of the able works of Dr. McCrie for publication in the Calvinistic Fam- 
 ily Library, as peculiarly well timed, and appropriate. Entirely mistaken and unjust views of the 
 character and principles of the Scottish Reformers have been widely circulated, and with too great 
 facility embraced in this country by means of the writings of various authors, who have won their 
 way to popular celebrity, among us. The stale slanders of the religious, political, and per.-onal 
 adversaries, of those excellent men, have been received, and repeated by some modern writers, who 
 
 • See the Articles of accusation, cited at full length. Knox's Hist of the Reform- book L 
 
INTRODUCTION. xv 
 
 were incapable of appreciating their motives, or the nature of the circumstances, in which they 
 were placed, and the misconceptions, and misrepresentations of these writers, have gained prevalent, 
 but unjust possession of the public mind. No better antidote could be furnished for the expulsion of 
 the prejudices which have been thus excited, than the laborious and elegant productions of McCrie, 
 a man who was equally an honour to religion, virtue and literature, — to his country and mankind. 
 In his unfeigned piety and modesty, his unbending integrity and conscientiousness, his eminent 
 abilities, and minute and unwearied research, we have every pledge that a historian can give, that 
 we have the facts stated as conformably to truth as documentary evidence of past events can afford 
 the appropriate means of doing it. And not only the facts themselves, but the judicious and con- 
 clusive reasonings of the author upon them, shed a light on the time and events, in which the Refor- 
 mers were active, that must wither many a weed which prejudice has planted in the minds of can- 
 did men, and rescue the memory of some, to whom the world is more indebted, than it is aware of, 
 from unmerited censure and obloquy. 
 
 The excellent author died, amidst the grief of his friends, and the lamentations of his country, at 
 Edinburgh, on the 5th August, 1835, in the 63d year of his age, and the 40th of his ministry. In- 
 stead of attempting the delineation of a character, which christians of all denominations, in his native 
 land, held in admiration, the writer begs leave to lay a few extracts before the reader, taken from a 
 notice of the Doctor's death, which appeared in the Edinburgh Presbyterian Magazine, the organ of 
 the Secession Church, of which he had been so long the ornameat : — 
 
 " Dr. McCrie departed from us, in the full career of his usefulness, in the full possession of his men- 
 tal powers, in the height of his fame, and at a period of life when we might have calculated on en- 
 joying the fruits of his labours for some time to come, — a man whose loss the Church and the world, 
 as well as his flock and his friends, will long have cause to deplore. We are no friends to fulsome 
 panegyrics over the dead, and were we disposed to indulge in them on this occasion, we would be 
 checked by remembering the extreme modesty of the deceased, — his sensitive aversion to personal 
 adulation when alive, and his well-known repugnance to the practice of lauding departed worthies, 
 in language which they would have shrunk from hearing applied to them in their life time. But 
 though, in the present case, to pourtray must be to praise, and the more faithful the picture, the more 
 must our language assume the appearance of flattery, regard for the living, as well as justice, grati- 
 tude, and respect to the memory of the dead, — and above all, the honour of the grace of God, by 
 which he was what he was, (alas ! that we must now speak of him in the past tense,) urges us 
 to attempt, in our feeble way, to give some idea of him as a man, a minister, and a public character, 
 leaving it to another to do justice to his life in the form of a memoir. 
 
 " We express only what every one that knew Dr. M'Crie must have observed, when we say, that 
 the most striking part of his character consisted in the singular combination it presented of a variety 
 of excellencies seldom to be met with in the same individual. In his natural disposition, there was 
 a high-toned energy, and what in the best sense may be called deep passion, united with an amazing 
 power of self-controul. Intense feeling was doubtless the leading feature of his mind ; but so com- 
 pletely was this held in check, so steadily was it regulated, that to many who knew him superficial- 
 ly, caution might seem to be the predominating trait. , Nor was this moderation superinduced as an 
 extraneous coating over the rest of his character ; it formed an essential element of it, and was the 
 fruit of that very energy of mind which required its exercise. Connected with this prominent fea- 
 ture, was his enlightened, and at the same time ardent and enthusiastic patriotism, his high regard for 
 the true rights and liberties of man, civil and religious, which appeared in every part of his life, as it 
 does in every page of his writings, and which he held with a firmness and consistency which no 
 change of parties, no practical misapplications of his favourite principles, exemplified in the varied 
 events which had passed before him, and in the shifting scenes of worldly politics, could shake or 
 subdue. While on this part of his character, we cannot fail to recal the ardour and promptitude with 
 which he appeared in behalf of the persecuted protestants in France, and more lately in the cause of 
 the injured Greeks. His public appearances on these occasions not more delighted than astonished 
 those who had only heard of him as the quiet pastor, or the plodding student. All this was engrafted on 
 sound and deep-rooted religious principle. There was a nobility of spirit about him — a high sense 
 of integrity and independence, that may be traced in those bursts of honest and virtuous indignation 
 
xvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 with which he visited every thing like tergiversation or want of principle, and the readiness with 
 which he appeared in vindication of injured worth, in the persons both of the living and the dead. 
 In the case of the latter, particularly, it assumed all the attributes of a chivalrous passion ; inducing 
 him to devote his time, talents, ease, health, and life itself, to the arduous pursuit of truth through 
 the intricate and untrodden paths of history, and to rescue from oblivion and from obloquy the names 
 and deeds of our Scottish reformers. He could be grave without being morose, — severe, but with- 
 out the least tincture of rancour or asperity. None who ever witnessed the occasional corruscations 
 of his spirit, as exhibited in his public appearances, will forget the impression produced by the in- 
 dignant rebuke, the withering sarcasm, or the stirring appeal, as they flashed from his expressive 
 eye, and shook every fibre of his animated frame, — a natural eloquence, peculiar to himself, which 
 seemed to rise above the ordinary efforts of elocution by spurning all its ordinary rules. 
 
 " These were the obvious traits of his character which might be seen by all ; the more unobtrusive 
 and amiable qualities, for which he was not less distinguished, appeared on closer inspection, and could 
 only be appreciated by long acquaintance. Of his piety, it is unnecessary to say more, than that it 
 was not less decidedly realized in his private walk, than it breathed in his public ministrations. Of 
 his disinterestedness it is equally needless to speak ; numerous instances of it, which we cannot now 
 specify, are engraven on the memories of many ; indeed, if there was any part of his nature which 
 he permitted to border on excess, it was this ; his contempt of wealth, and of all unseemly methods 
 of acquiring it, leading him to decline as dishonourable every thing that bore even the aspect of lite- 
 rary jobbing. In his private character, none who were admitted to his society need to be reminded 
 of the perfect ease, the benignity, the unceremonious cheerfulness of his manners, amounting occas- 
 ionally to playfulness and pleasantry, which made him accessible to all, and inspired confidence in 
 young and old ; and many can tell of the steadiness of his friendships, the affectionate interest with 
 which he entered into the cases of distress submitted to him, and the readiness with which he com- 
 municated his valued counsel and advice. With such qualities, it may be conceived what he proved as 
 a husband and a father. It would be unpardonable, however, to omit noticing two features of his private 
 character, which secured him the respect and affection gained by his other qualities : — a singular j9ru- 
 dence, which enabled him, without the aid of chicanery, or sacrificing principle or peace, to steer his 
 way, both in public and private life, and through the most trying circumstances, with a blamelessness 
 and inoffensiveness of deportment, seldom exemplified, and which, we truly believe, has not left 
 him, if any thing could ever have found him, a single enemy upon earth. To the other trait we 
 have already alluded, — his unaffected modesty. Of no man could it be said with more truth, — he 
 *' blushed to find it fame." In truth, he seemed as anxious to avoid human applause as other men 
 are to gain it. In his efforts to do so, however, there was no semblance of affectation ; it was his 
 native temper, for which he himself took no credit, and to avoid the praise of which, he would even 
 do violence to himself; exemplifying the beautiful picture which Leighton has drawn of humility — 
 ♦• He would not care to do some things on purpose to seem arrogant, to carry humility unseen, that 
 doth so naturally delight in covering all graces, and is sorry that it cannot do so without being seen itself." 
 
 " As a literary character, it is not our province to enter on his merits ; but our sketch would be defi- 
 cient in faithfulness, were we to admit noticing the services he has done to the Church by his wri- 
 tings. It was as a historian he was distinguished while he lived, and his labours, in vindicating the 
 religious reformation of his country, will endear his name to posterity, and perpetuate his fame and 
 his usefulness. As the biographer of Knox and Melville, his name will go down with them to future 
 ages. His attention was first turned to the history of the Church in his native land, by his being 
 involved, in early life, in the controversy regarding the duties of the civil magistrate, in reference to 
 religion ; and thus, to his ardent desire to satisfy his mind on a question, which now threatens to 
 shake the foundation of civil and religious society, the world owes one of the most interesting and 
 popular biographies that have ever appeared — The Life of John Knox :" which was followed by 
 the no less interesting Life of Andrew Melville. Fame was not his object ; but fame, unsought for, 
 followed him. " The coteraporaries of Dr. M'Crie appear to have been unanimous in voting him 
 the honour of Ecclesiastical Historiographer to his country ;" and, although he accomplished the 
 labour which Providence had assigned him, we can scarcely suppress our regret, that he was not 
 permitted to shed that light on the second Reformation in Scotland, (from 1638 to 1650,) which he 
 has so clearly cast around the first. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION 
 
 The reformation from Popery marks an epoch unquestionably the most important in the history of 
 modern Europe. The effects of the change which it produced, in religion, in manners, in politics, 
 and in literature, continue to be felt at the present day. Nothing, surely, can be more interesting 
 than an investigation of the history of that period, and of those men who were the instruments, under 
 Providence, of accomplishing a revolution which has proved so beneficial to mankind. 
 
 Though many able writers have employed their talents in tracing the causes and consequences of 
 the Reformation, and though the leading facts respecting its progress in Scotland have been repeat- 
 edly stated, it occurred to me that the subject was by no means exhausted. I was confirmed in this 
 opinion by a more minute examination of the ecclesiastical history of this country, which I began for 
 my own satisfaction several years ago. While I was pleased at finding that there existed such ample 
 materials for illustrating the history of the Scottish Reformation, I could not but regret that no one 
 had undertaken to digest and exhibit the information on this subject which lay hid in manuscripts, 
 and in books which are now little known or consulted. Not presuming, however, that I had the 
 ability or the leisure requisite for executing a task of such difficulty and extent, I formed the design 
 of drawing up memorials of our national Reformer, in which his personal history might be combined 
 with illustrations of the progress of that great undertaking, in the advancement of which he acted so 
 conspicuous a part. 
 
 A work of this kind seemed to be wanting. The name of Knox, indeed, often occurs in the 
 general histories of the period, and some of our historians have drawn, with their usual ability, the 
 leading traits of a character with which they could not fail to be struck ; but it was foreign to their 
 object to detail the events of his life, and it was not to be expected that they would bestow that 
 minute and critical attention on his history which is necessary to form a complete and accurate idea 
 of his character. Memoirs of his life have been prefixed to editions of some of his works, and 
 inserted in biographical collections and periodical publications ; but in many instances their authors 
 were destitute of proper information, and in others they were precluded, by the limits to which they 
 were confined, from entering into those minute statements, which are so useful for illustrating indi- 
 vidual character, and which render biography both pleasing and instructive. Nor can it escape 
 observation, that a number of writers have been guilty of great injustice to the memory of our 
 Reformer ; and from prejudice, from ignorance, or from inattention, have exhibited a distorted carica- 
 ture, instead of a genuine portrait. 
 
 I was encouraged to prosecute my design, in consequence of my possessing a manuscript volume 
 of Knox's Letters, which throw considerable light upon his character and history. The advantages 
 which I have derived from this volume will appear in the course of the work, where it is quoted 
 under the general title of MS. Letters} 
 
 The other MSS. which I have chiefly made use of, are Calderwood's large History of the Church 
 of Scotland, Row's History, and Wodrow's Collections. Calderwood's History, besides much 
 valuable information respecting the early period of the Reformation, contains a collection of letters 
 written by Knox between 1559 and 1572, which, together with those in my possession, extend over 
 twenty years of the most active period of his life. I have carefully consulted this history as far as it 
 relates to the period of which I write. The copy which I most frequently quote belongs to the 
 Church of Scotland. In the Advocates Library, besides a complete copy of that work, there is a 
 folio volume of it, reaching to the end of the year 1752. It was written in 1634, and has a number 
 of interlineations and marginal alterations, differing from the other copies, which, if not made by the 
 
 ' See an account of this MS. in Appendix, p. 145. 
 C 2 xvii 
 
xviii PREFACE. 
 
 author's own hand, were most probably done under his eye. I have sometimes quoted this copy. 
 The reader will easily discern when this is the case, as the references to it are made merely by the 
 year under which the transaction is recorded, the volume not being paged. 
 
 Row, in composing the early part of his Historic of the Kirk, had the assistance of Memoirs 
 written by David Ferguson, his father-in-law, who was admitted minister of Dumfermline at the 
 establishment of the Reformation. Copies of this history seem to have been taken before the author 
 had put the finishing hand to it, which may account for the additional matter to be found in some of 
 them. I have occasionally quoted the copy which belongs to the Divinity Library in Edinburgh, 
 but more frequently one transcribed in 1726, which is more full than any other copy that I have had 
 access to see. 
 
 The industrious Wodrow had amassed a valuable collection of MSS. relating to the ecclesiastical 
 history of Scotland, the greater part of which is now deposited in our public libraries. In the 
 library of the University of Glasgow there is a number of volumes in folio, containing collections 
 which he had made for illustrating the lives of the Scottish Reformers and Divines of the sixteenth 
 century. These have supplied me with some interesting facts. They are quoted under the name of 
 Wodrow MSS. in Bibl. Coll. Glass. 
 
 For the transactions of the General Assembly, I have consulted the Register, commonly called the 
 Book of the Universal Kirk. There are several copies of this MS. in the covmtry. That which is 
 followed in this work, and which is the oldest I have examined, belongs to the Advocates Library. 
 
 I have endeavoured to avail myself of the printed histories of the period, and of books published 
 in the age of the Reformation, which often incidentally mention facts that are not recorded by histo- 
 rians. In the Advocates Library, which contains an invaluable treasure of information respecting 
 Scottish affairs, I had an opportunity of examining the original editions of most of the Reformer's 
 works. The rarest of all his tracts is the narrative of his Disputation with the Abbot of Crossraguel, 
 which scarcely any writer since Knox's time seems to have seen. After I had given up all hopes of 
 procuring a sight of this curious tract, I was accidentally informed that a copy of it was in the library 
 of Alexander Boswell, Esq. of Auchinleck, who very politely communicated it to me. 
 
 In pointing out the sources which I have consulted, I wish not to be understood as intimating that 
 the reader may expect, in the following work, much information which is absolutely new. He who 
 engages in researches of this kind, must lay his account with finding the result of his discoveries 
 reduced within a small compass, and should be prepared to expect that many of his readers will pass 
 over with a cursory eye what he has procured with great, perhaps with unnecessary labour. The 
 principal facts respecting the Reformation and the Reformer are already known. I flatter myself, 
 however, that I have been able to place some of them in a new and more just light, and to bring for- 
 ward others which have not hitherto been generally known. 
 
 The reader will find the authorities, upon which I have proceeded in the statement of facts, care- 
 fully marked; but my object was rather to be select than numerous in my references. When I had 
 occasion to introduce facts which have been often repeated in histories, and are already established 
 and unquestionable, I did not reckon it necessary to be so particular in producing the authorities. 
 
 After so many writers of biography have incurred the charge either of uninteresting generality, or 
 of tedious prolixity, it would betray great arrogance were I to presume that I had approached the 
 due medium. I have particularly felt the difficulty, in writing the life of a public character, of 
 observing the line which divides biography from general history. Desirous of giving unity to the 
 narrative, and at the same time anxious to convey information respecting the ecclesiastical and literary 
 history of the period, I have separated a number of facts and illustrations of this description, and 
 placed them in notes at the end of the Life. I am not without apprehensions that I may have 
 exceeded in the number or length of these notes, and that some readers may think that in attempting 
 to relieve one part of the work I have overloaded another. 
 
 No apology will, I trust, be deemed necessary for the freedom with which I have expressed my 
 sentiments on the public questions which naturally occurred in the course of the narrative. Some of 
 these are at variance with opinions which are popular in the present age ; but it does not follow from 
 this that they are false, or that they should have been suppressed. I have not become the indiscrim- 
 inate panegyrist of the Reformer, nor have I concealed or thrown into shade his faults ; but, on the 
 other hand, the apprehension of incurring these charges has not deterred me from vindicating him 
 wherever I considered his conduct to be justifiable, or from apologizing for him against uncandid and 
 exaggerated censures. The attacks which have been made on his character from so many quarters, 
 
PREFACE. xix 
 
 and the attempts to wound the Reformation through him, must be my excuse for having so often 
 adopted the language of apology. 
 
 In the Appendix I have inserted a number of Knox's letters, and other papers relative to that 
 period, none of which, as far as I know, have formerly been published. Several othel-s, intended for 
 insertion in the same place, have been kept back, as the work has swelled to a greater size than was 
 expected. A very scarce Poem, written in commendation of the Reformer, and published in the 
 year after his death, is reprinted in the Supplement. It confirms several facts contained in the Life. 
 
 When the printing of the foUoiving Life was finished, and I was employed in correcting the Notes 
 at the end, a History of the Reformation in Scotland by Dr. Cook of Laurencekirk, was published. 
 After what I have already said, I need scarcely add, that the appearance of such a work gave me great 
 satisfaction. The author is a friend to civil and religious liberty ; he has done justice to the talents 
 and character of the Reformers, and evinced much industry and impartiality in examining the 
 authorities from which he has taken his materials. Had he had more full access to the sources of 
 information, he would no doubt have done greater justice to the subject, and rendered his work still 
 more worthy of public favour; but I trust that it will be useful in correcting mistakes and prejudices 
 which are extremely common, and in exciting attention to a branch of our national history which has 
 been long neglected. Where our subject coincides, I have in general observed an agreement in the 
 narrative, and sometimes in the reflections : in several instances, however, we differ materially in the 
 statement of facts, in the judgment which we have expressed about them, and in the delineation of 
 character. The judicious reader will determine on which side the truth lies, by comparing the rea- 
 sons which we have advanced, and the authorities to which we have appealed. 
 
 Edinbttrgh, 
 November \Uh, \^\l. 
 
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 In preparing this work for a second impression, I have endeavoured carefully to correct mistakes 
 which had escaped me in the first, both as to matter and language. I have introduced accounts of the 
 principal public transactions of the period, which a desire of being concise induced me formerly to 
 exclude, but which serve to throw light on the exertions of the Reformer, and ought to be known by 
 those who read his Life. And I have entered into a more full detail of several parts of his conduct 
 than was practicable within the limits of a single volume. Such additional authorities, printed or 
 manuscript, as I have had access to, since the publication of the former edition, have been diligently 
 consulted ; and I flatter myself that the alterations and additions which these have enabled me to 
 make, will be considered as improvements. 
 
 I have added to the Supplement a number of original Latin Poems on the principal characters men- 
 tioned in the course of the work, which may not be unacceptable to the learned reader. No transla- 
 tion is given ; as it would have been extremely difficult to convey a proper idea of their contents to 
 those who are unacquainted with the language in which they are written. 
 
 Edinburgh, 
 March 1st, 1813. 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 PERIOD I. 
 
 From the year 1505, in which he was born, to the year 1542, 
 when he embraced the Reformed Religion. 
 
 John Knox was born in the year one thousand, five 
 hundred, and five. The place of his nativity has been 
 disputed. That he was born at GifFord, a village in 
 East Lothian, has been the most prevailing opinion ; 
 but some late writers, relying upon popular tradition, 
 have fixed his birth place at Haddington, the principal 
 town of the county. The house in which he is said 
 to have been born is still shown by the inhabitants, in 
 one of the suburbs of the town, called the Gifford-gate, 
 This house, with some adjoining acres of land, con- 
 tinued to be possessed, until about fifty years ago, by 
 a family of the name of Knox, who claimed affinity 
 •with the reformer. I am inclined, however, to prefer 
 the opinion of the oldest and most credible writers, 
 that he was born in the village of Gifford.* 
 
 His father was descended from an ancient and re- 
 spectable family, who possessed the lands of Knox, 
 Ranferly, and Craigends, in the shire of Renfrew. 
 The descendants of this family have been accustomed 
 to claim him as a cadet, and to enumerate among the 
 honours of their house, that it gave birth to the Scot- 
 tish Reformer, a bishop of Raphoe, and a bishop of 
 the Isles.f At what particular period his paternal 
 ancestors removed from their original seat, and settled 
 in Lothian, I have not been able exactly to ascertain. 
 His mother's name was Sinclair.X 
 
 Obscurity of parentage can reflect no dishonour upon 
 him who has raised himself to distinction, by his vir- 
 tues and talents. But though our reformer's parents 
 were neither great nor opulent, the assertion of some 
 writers, that they were in poor circumstances, is con- 
 tradicted by facts. II They were able to give their son 
 a liberal education, which, in that age, was far from 
 being common. In his youth he was put to the gram- 
 mar-school of Haddington ; and, after he had acquired 
 the principles of the Latin language there, his father 
 sent him, about the year 1524,§ to the university of St. 
 Andrews, at that time the most distinguished seminary 
 in the kingdom.^ 
 
 » See Note I. 
 
 f Nisbet's Heraldry, p. 180. Crawfurd's Renfrew, by Sem- 
 ple. Part. II. p. 30, 139. Account of Knox, prefixed to his His- 
 tory, Anno 1732, page ii. Keith's Scottish Bishops, p. 177. 
 
 X In letters written by the Reformer, in times of persecution 
 or war, when there was a risk of their being intercepted, he 
 was accustomed to subscribe, " John Sinclair." Under this 
 signature at one of them, in the collection of letters in my pos- 
 session, is the following note : "yis was his mother's surname, 
 wlk he wrait in time of trubill." MS. Letters, p. 346. 
 
 n See Note II. 
 
 { I have not been able to ascertain the precise year in which 
 Knox entered the University. 
 
 T Bezae Iconea Virorum lUustrium, Ee. iij. Anno 1580. Ver- 
 
 The state of learning in Scotland at that period, and 
 the progress which it made in the subsequent part of 
 the century, have not been examined with the attention 
 which they deserve, and which has been bestowed on 
 contemporaneous subjects of inferior importance. There 
 were unquestionably learned Scotsmen in the early part 
 of the sixteenth century ; but most of them owed their 
 chief acquirements to the advantage of a foreign edu- 
 cation. Those improvements which the revival of 
 literature had introduced into the schools of Italy and 
 France, were long in reaching the universities of Scot- 
 land, originally formed upon their model, and, when 
 they did arrive, were regarded with a suspicious eye. 
 The principal branches cultivated in our universities 
 were the Aristotelian philosophy, scholastic theology, 
 with canon and civil law.* 
 
 Even in the darkest ages, Scotland was never alto- 
 gether destitute of schools for teaching the Latin lan- 
 guage. f It is probable that these were at first attach- 
 ed to monasteries ; and it was long a common practice 
 among the barons to board their children with the 
 monks for their education.^ When the regular clergy 
 had degenerated, and learning was no longer confined 
 to them, grammar schools were erected in the princi- 
 pal towns, and taught by persons who had qualified 
 themselves for this task in the best manner that the 
 circumstances of the country admitted. The schools 
 of Aberdeen, Perth, Stirling, Dumbarton, Killearn, 
 and Haddington, are particularly mentioned in writings 
 about the beginning of the sixteenth century. The 
 two first of these acquired the greatest celebrity, owing 
 to the skill of the masters who presided over them. In 
 the year 1520, John Vans was rector of the school of 
 Aberdeen, and is commended by Hector Boece, the 
 learned principal of the university, for his knowledge 
 
 heidenii Effigies et Elogia Prasstant. Theolog. p. 92. Hagasco- 
 niit. 1602. 
 
 * Boetii Vitae Episcopor. Murthlac. et Aberdon. fol. xxix. 
 coll. cum fol. xxvi. — xxviii. Impress. Anno 1522. This little 
 work is of great value, and contains almost the only authentic 
 notices which we possess, as to the state of learning in Scot- 
 land, about the beginning of the sixteenth century. Macken- 
 zie, the copier of the fabulous Dempster, (who gives an account 
 of learned men that never existed, and of books that no man 
 ever saw or could see,) talks of almost every writer whom he 
 mentions, as finishing " the course of his studies in the Belles 
 Lettres and Philosophy" in one of the Scots Universities. 
 These are merely words of course. Some of the Aristotelian 
 rules concerning rhetoric might he delivered by the professors 
 of scholastic philosophy ; but until the Reformation, there 
 does not appear to have been any course of this kind. At that 
 period, a course of rhetoric was appointed to be taught in the 
 colleges. FirstBookof Discipline, p. 40, 42. Edit. Anno 1621. 
 
 t In the 12th century, there was a school at Abernethy, and 
 at Roxburgh. Sir James Dalrymple's Collections, p. 226, 255. 
 Other schools in that and the subsequent century are mention- 
 ed in charters, apud Chalmers's Caledonia, I. 76. 
 
 t Caledonia, I. 768. 
 
 SI 
 
22 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 of the Latin tongue, and his success in the education 
 of youth.* At a period somewhat later, Andreio Sim- 
 son acted as master of the school of Perth, where he 
 taught Latin with applause. From this school proceed- 
 ed many of those who afterwards distinguished them- 
 selves both in church and state. He had sometimes 
 three hundred boys under his charge at one time, 
 among whom were sons of the principal nobility and 
 gentry.f 
 
 These schools afforded the means of instruction in 
 the Latin tongue, the knowledge of which, in some 
 degree, was requisite for enabling the clergy to per- 
 form the religious service. But the Greek language, 
 long after it had been enthusiastically studied on the 
 continent, and after it had become a fixed branch of 
 education in the neighbouring kingdom, continued to 
 be almost unknown in Scotland. Individuals acquired 
 the knowledge of it abroad ; but the first attempts to 
 teach it in this country were of a private nature, and 
 exposed their patrons to the suspicion of heresy. The 
 town of Montrose is distinguished by being the first 
 place, as far as I have been able to discover, in which 
 Greek was taught in Scotland ; and John Erskine of 
 Dun is entitled to the honour of being regarded as the 
 first of his countrymen who patronised the study of 
 that elegant and useful language. As early as the year 
 1534, this enlightened and public-spirited baron, on 
 returning from his travels, brought with him a French- 
 man skilled in the Greek tongue, whom he settled in 
 Montrose ; and, upon his removal, he liberally en- 
 couraged others to come from France and succeed to 
 his place. From this private seminary, many Greek 
 scholars proceeded, and the knowledge of the lan- 
 guage was gradually diffused over the kingdom.:)^ Af- 
 ter this statement, I need scarcely add, that the Orien- 
 tal tongues were at that time utterly unknown in Scot- 
 land. I shall afterwards have occasion to notice the 
 introduction of the study of Hebrew. 
 
 Knox acquired the Greek language before he arrived 
 at middle age ; but we find him acknowledging, as 
 late as the year 1550, that he was ignorant of He- 
 brew,!] a defect in his education which he exceedingly 
 lamented, and which he afterwards got supplied during 
 his exile on the continent. 
 
 John Mair, better known by his Latin name. Major, 
 was professor of philosophy and theology at St. An- 
 drews, when Knox attended the university. The 
 minds of young men, and their future train of think- 
 ing, often receive an important direction from the mas- 
 ter under whom they are educated, especially if his 
 reputation be high. Major was at that time deemed 
 an oracle in the sciences which he taught ; and as he 
 was the preceptor of Knox, and of the celebrated 
 scholar Buchanan, it may be prpper to advert to some 
 of his opinions. He had received the greater part of 
 his education in France, and acted for some time as a 
 professor in the university of Paris. In that situation. 
 
 * Boetii Vitaf?, fol. xxx. Vaus was the author of a Latin 
 Grarumar, printed at Edinburgh by R. Leprcuik, which is now 
 exceedingly rare. 
 
 + Row^s Historie of the Kirk of Scotland, MS. p. 3, 4. Sim- 
 son taught at Perth between 1550 and 1560. At the establish- 
 ment of the Reformation, he became niinister of Dunning and 
 Cargitt, from which he was translated, in 1566, to Dunbar, 
 where he sustained the double office of minister of the parish, 
 and master of the grammar school. He was the author ot Latin 
 Rudiments, which continued to be taught in the schools of 
 Scotland until the time of Ruddiman, and were much esteemed 
 by that accomplished scholar. Row, ut sup. Keith's History, 
 p. 534. Chalmers's Life of Ruddiman, 21, 22, 63. 
 
 t Life of John Erskine of Dun, p. 2. apud "Wodrow MSS. in 
 Bibl. Coll. Glas. The industrious collector had access to some 
 of Erskine's papers, when employed in compiling his life. 
 Some additional facts respecting the progregg of Greek litera- 
 ture in Scotland will be found in Note III. 
 
 II " In the Hebrew toung, (says he, in his defence before the 
 Bishop of Durham,) I confess myself ignorant, but have, as God 
 knaweth, fervent thrigt to have gum entrance thairin, MS. Let- 
 ters, p. 16. 
 
 he acquired a more liberal habit of thinking and ex- 
 pressing himself on certain subjects, than was yet to 
 be met with in his native country, and in other parts 
 of Europe. He had imbibed the sentiments concern- 
 ing ecclesiastical polity, maintained by John Gerson 
 and Peter D'Ailly, who so ably defended the decrees 
 of the Council of Constance, and the liberties of the 
 Galilean church, against the advocates for the uncon- 
 trollable authority of the Sovereign Pontiff. He taught 
 that a General Council was superior to the Pope, and 
 might judge, rebuke, restrain, and even depose him 
 from his dignity ; denied the temporal supremacy of 
 the Bishop of Rome, and his right to inaugurate or 
 dethrone princes ; maintained that ecclesiastical cen- 
 sures, and even papal excommunications, had no force, 
 if pronounced on irrelevant or invalid grounds ; beheld 
 that tithes were not of divine right, but merely of hu- 
 man appointment ; censured the avarice, ambition, and 
 secular pomp of the court of Rome, and of the episcopal 
 order; was no warm friend of the regular clergy; and 
 advised the reduction of monasteries and holidays.* 
 
 His opinions respecting civil government were anal- 
 ogous to those which he held as to ecclesiastical polity. 
 He taught that the authority of kings and princes was 
 originally derived from the people ; that the former are 
 not superior to the latter collectively considered ; that 
 if rulers become tyrannical, or employ their power for 
 the destruction of their subjects, they may lawfully be 
 controlled by them, and, proving incorrigible, may be 
 deposed by the community as the superior power; and 
 that tyrants may be judicially proceeded against, even 
 to capital punishment.]" 
 
 The affinity between these, and the political princi- 
 ples afterwards avowed by Knox, and defended by the 
 classic pen of Buchanan, is too striking to require 
 illustration. Some of these, indeed, had been taught 
 by at least one Scottish author, who flourished before 
 the time of Major ; but it is most probable that the oral 
 instructions and writings of their master first suggested 
 to them the sentiments which they so readily adopted, 
 and which were afterwards confirmed by mature reflec- 
 tion, and more extensive reading ; and that consequent- 
 ly the important changes which these contributed to 
 accomplish, should be traced in a certain measure to 
 this distinguished professor. Nor, in such circum- 
 stances, could his ecclesiastical opinions fail to have a 
 proportionate share of influence, on their habits of 
 thinking with respect to religion and the church. 
 
 But though, in these respects, the opinions of Major, 
 were more free and rational than those generally enter- 
 tained at that time, it must be confessed, that the por- 
 tion of instruction which his scholars could derive from 
 him was extremely small, if we allow his publications 
 to be a fair specimen of his academical prelections. 
 Many of the questions which he discusses are utterly 
 useless and trifling ; the rest are rendered disgusting 
 by the most servile adherence to all the minutiae of the 
 scholastic mode of reasoning. The reader of his works 
 must be contented with painfully picking a grain of 
 truth from the rubbish of many pages; nor will the 
 drudgery be compensated by those discoveries of in- 
 ventive genius and acute discrimination, for which the 
 writings of Aquinas, and some others of that subtle 
 school, may still deserve to be consulted. Major is 
 entitled to praise, for exposing to his countrymen 
 several of the more glaring errors and abuses of 
 his time ; but his mind was deeply tinctured with 
 superstition, and he defended some of the absurdest 
 tenets of popery by the most ridiculous and puerile 
 arguments. :J: His talents were moderate; with the 
 
 * These sentiments are collected from bis Commentary on 
 the Third Book of the Master of Sentences, and from his Ex- 
 position of Matthew's Gospel ; printed in Latin at Paris, the 
 tbrnier Anno 1517, and the latter Anno 1518. 
 
 t See Note IV. 
 
 j Lord Hailes, having given an example of this, adds, " After 
 this, can Buchanan be censured for saying that he was " soIq 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 23 
 
 writings of the ancients, he appears to have been ac- 
 quainted only through the medium of the collectors of 
 the middle ages ; nor does he ever hazard an opinion, 
 or pursue a speculation, beyond the limits which had 
 been marked out by some approved doctor of the church. 
 Add to this, that his style is, to an uncommon degree, 
 harsh and forbidding; "exile, aridum, conscissum, ac 
 minutum." 
 
 Knox and Buchanan soon became disgusted with 
 such studies, and began to seek entertainment more 
 gratifying to their ardent and inquisitive minds. Hav- 
 ing set out in search of knowledge, they released them- 
 selves from the trammels, and overleaped the bounda- 
 ries, prescribed to them by their timid conductor. 
 Each following the native bent of his genius and in- 
 clination, they separated in the prosecution of their 
 studies; Buchanan, indulging in a more excursive 
 range, explored the extensive fields of literature, and 
 wandered in the flowery mead of poesy ; while Knox, 
 passing through the avenues of secular learning, de- 
 voted himself to the study of divine truth, and the 
 labours of the sacred ministry. Both, however, kept 
 uniformly in view the advancement of true religion and 
 liberty, with the love of which they were equally smit- 
 ten ; and as, during their lives, they suffered a long 
 and painful exile, and were exposed to many dangers, 
 for adherence to this kindred cause, so their memories 
 have not been divided, in the profuse but honourable 
 obloquy with which they have been aspersed by its 
 enemies, and in the deserved and grateful recollections 
 of its genuine friends.* 
 
 But we must not suppose, that Knox was able at 
 once to divest himself of the prejudices of his education 
 and of the times. Barren and repulsive as the scho- 
 lastic studies appear to our minds, there was some- 
 thing in the intricate and subtle sophistry then in 
 vogue, calculated to fascinate the youthful and ingeni- 
 ous mind. It had a show of wisdom; it exercised, 
 although it did not feed the understanding; it even 
 gave play to the imagination, while it exceedingly 
 flattered the pride of the learned adept. Once involved 
 in the mazy labyrinth, it was no easy task to break 
 through it, and to escape into the open field of rational 
 and free inquiry. Accordingly, Knox continued for 
 some time captivated with these studies, and prose- 
 cuted them with great success. After he was created 
 Master of Arts, he taught philosophy, most probably 
 as an assistant, or private lecturer in the university. + 
 His class became celebrated ; and he was considered 
 as equalling, if not excelling his master, in the subtle- 
 ties of the dialectic art.:j: About the same time, al- 
 
 cognomiiie Major?" Provincial Councils of the Scottish 
 Clerg-y, p. 11. By the way, it was Major who first said this 
 of himself. It was the sight of these words, "Joannes, solo 
 cognomine Major," in the dedicatory epistle to his writings, 
 that drew from Buchanan the satirical lines, which have been 
 so often appealed to by his enemies, as an infallible proof of 
 the badness of his heart. If fault there was in this, we may 
 certainly make an apology which his learned editor produces 
 for him in another case, " non tam hominis vitiura, quani 
 poetae." Poets and wits cannot always spare their best friends. 
 
 * Buchanan always mentions Knox in terms of high respect, 
 Oper. ed. Ruddiman. p. 313, 321, 366. And the Reformer, in 
 his History, has borne testimony to the virtues as well as splen- 
 did talents of the Poet: "That notable man, Mr. George 
 Bucquhanane — remanis alyve to this day, in the yeir of God 
 1566 years, to the glory of God, to the gret honour of this 
 natioun, and to the comfort of thame that delyte in letters and 
 vertew. That singulare wark of David's Psalmes, in Latin 
 meetere and poesie, besyd mon}' uther, can witness the rare 
 graices of God gevin to that man," Historic, p. 24. 
 
 \ It was not unusual in the universities at that period, to 
 select some of the students who had been laureated, and made 
 the greatest proficiency; and to employ them as assistants 
 to the professors. Boetii Vitae Episcop. Aberd. fol.xxix, xxx. 
 
 \ "In hac igitur Anthropotheologiaegregie versatus Cnoxus, 
 eandam et magna autoritate docuit: visusque fuit magistro suo 
 (si qua in subtilitate felicitas), in quibusaam felicior." Ver- 
 heiden, Effigies et Elogia Praestant. Theolog. p. 92. Hagae- 
 comit. 1602, and p. 69, of edit. 1725. Melch. Adami Vitae 
 Theolog. Exter. p. 137, Francofurti, 1618. 
 
 though he had no interest but what was procured by 
 his own merit, he was advanced to clerical orders, and 
 was ordained a priest, before he reached the age fixed 
 by the canons of the church.* This must have taken 
 place previous to the year 1530, at which time he had 
 arrived at his twenty-fifth year, the canonical age for 
 receiving ordination. 
 
 It was not long, however, till his studies received a 
 new direction, which led to a complete revolution in 
 his religious sentiments, and had an important influ- 
 ence on the whole of his future life. Not satisfied 
 with the excerpts from ancient authors, which he found 
 in the writings of the scholastic divines and canonists, 
 he resolved to have recourse to the original works. In 
 them he found a method of investigating and commu- 
 nicating truth, to which he had hitherto been a stranger, 
 and the simplicity of which recommended itself to his 
 mind, in spite of the prejudices of education, and the 
 pride of superior attainments in his own favourite art. 
 Among the fathers of the Christian church, Jerom and 
 Augustine attracted his particular attention. By the 
 writings of the former, he was led to the scriptures as 
 the only pure fountain of divine truth, and instructed 
 in the utility of studying them in the original lan- 
 guages. In the works of the latter, he found religious 
 sentiments very opposite to those taught in the Romish 
 church, who, while she retained his name as a saint in 
 her calendar, had banished his doctrine, as heretical, 
 from her pulpits. From this time, he renounced the 
 study of scholastic theology; and, although not yet 
 completely emancipated from superstition, his mind 
 was fitted for improving the means which Providence 
 had prepared, for leading him to a fuller and more 
 comprehensive view of the system of evangelical reli- 
 gion. It was about the year 1535, when this favour- 
 able change commenced ;f but, it does not appear that 
 he professed himself a protestant before the year 1543. 
 
 As I am now to enter upon that period of Knox's 
 life, at which he renounced the Roman Catholic com- 
 munion, and commenced Reformer, it may not be im- 
 proper to take a survey of the state of religion in Scot- 
 land at that time. Without an adequate knowledge 
 of this, it is impossible to form a just estimate of the 
 necessity and importance of that Reformation, in the 
 advancement of which he laboured with so great zeal ; 
 and nothing has contributed so much to give currency, 
 among Protestants, to prejudice against his character 
 as ignorance, or a superficial consideration of the enor- 
 mous and almost incredible abuses which then prevail- 
 ed in the church. This must be my apology, for a 
 digression which might otherwise be deemed superflu- 
 ous or disproportionate. 
 
 The corruptions by which the Christian religion 
 was universally depraved, before the Reformation, had 
 grown to a greater heiglit in Scotland, than in any 
 other nation within the pale of the Western church. 
 Superstition and religious imposture, in their grossest 
 forms, gained an easy admission among a rude and 
 ignorant people. By means of these, the clergy at- 
 tained to an exorbitant degree of opulence and power ; 
 which were accompanied as they always have been, 
 with the corruption of their order, and of the whole 
 system of religion. 
 
 The full half of the wealth of the nation belonged to 
 the clergy ; and the greater part of this was in the hands 
 of a few of their number, who had the command of ihe 
 whole body. Avarice, ambition, and the love of secu- 
 lar pomp, reigned among the superior orders. Bishops 
 and Abbots rivalled the first nobility in magnificence, 
 and preceded them in honours: they were Privy-Coun- 
 sellors and Lords of Session, as well as of Parliameat, 
 
 * See Note V. 
 
 + Bezae Icones; Verheidenii Effigies r Mel'chior Adam ; Ubi 
 Supra. Spottiswood's History, p. 265. Lond. 1677. 
 
24 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 and had long engrossed the principal offices of state. 
 A vacant bishopric or abbacy called forth powerful 
 competitors, who contended for it as for a principality 
 or petty kingdom ; it was obtained by similar arts, 
 and not unfrequently taken possession of by the same 
 weapons.* Inferior benefices were openly put to sale, 
 or bestowed on the illiterate and unworthy minions of 
 courtiers; on dice-players, strolling bards, and the 
 bastards of bishops.f Pluralities were multiplied with- 
 out bounds, and benefices given in commendam were 
 kept vacant, during the life of the commendatary, nay, 
 sometimes during several lives \X •''o that extensive 
 parishes were frequently deprived, for a long course 
 of years, of all religious service, — if a deprivation it 
 could be called, at a time when the cure of souls was 
 no longer regarded as attached to livings originally 
 endowed for this purpose. The Bishops never on any 
 occasion condescended to preach ; indeed, I scarcely 
 recollect an instance of it, mentioned in history, from 
 the erection of the regular Scottish episcopacy, down 
 to the aera of the Reformation. || The practice had even 
 gone into desuetude among all the secular clergy, and 
 was wholly devolved on the mendicant monks, who 
 employed it for the most mercenary purposes. § 
 
 The lives of the clergy, exempted from secular juris- 
 diction, and corrupted by wealth and idleness, were 
 become a scandal to religion, and an outrage on de- 
 cency. While they professed chastity, and prohibited, 
 under the severest penalties, any of the ecclesiastical 
 order from contracting lawful wedlock, the bishops set 
 the example of the most shameless profligacy before 
 the inferior clergy; avowedly kept their harlots; pro- 
 vided their natural sons with benefices ; and gave their 
 daughters in marriage to the sons of the nobility and 
 principal gentry, many of whom were so mean as to 
 contaminate the blood of their families by such base 
 alliances, for the sake of the rich dowries which they 
 brought."if 
 
 * During' the minority of James V. the celebrated Gawin 
 Doug-las was recommended by the Queen to the Archbishopric 
 of St. Andrews ; but John Hepburn, prior of the regular canons, 
 opposed the nomination,, and took the Archiepiscopal palace 
 by storm. Douglas afterwards laid siege to the cathedral of 
 Dunkeld, and carried it, more by the thunder of his cannon, 
 than the dread of the excommunication which he threatened 
 to fulminate against his antagonist. Buch. Hist. xiii. 44. Spot- 
 tis. 61. Life of Gawin Douglas^ prefixed to the Translation 
 of the S.neiA. Ruddiman's edition. 
 
 t Sir David Lindsay's Works, by Chalmers, I. 344. IL 237, 
 238. Winzet and Kennedy, apud Keith, App. 488, 504. 
 
 X The Popes were accustomed to grant liberty to the com- 
 mendataries to dispose of benefices which they held by this 
 tenure, to others who should succeed to them after their death. 
 Introduction to Scots Biography, apud Wodrow MSS. vol. 9. 
 p. 171; in Bibl. Coll. Glas. As late as Anno 1534, Clement 
 Vll. granted, in commendam, to his nephew Hypolitus, Cardi- 
 nal de Medici, ALL the benefices in the world,, secular and 
 regular, dignities and parsonages, simple and with cure,, being 
 vacant, for six months; with power to dispose of all their fruits, 
 and convert them to his own use. Father Paul's History of 
 the Council of Trent, lib. i. p. 251. Lond. 1620. 
 
 II One exception occurs, and must not be omitted. When 
 George Wishart was preaching in Ayr, Dunbar, Archbishop 
 of Glasgow, took possession of the pulpit, in order to exclude 
 the Reformer. Some of Wisharfs more zealous hearers would 
 have dispossessed the bishop, but the Reformer would not suffer 
 them. "The bishope preichit to his jackmen.and to sum auld 
 boisses of the toun. The soura of aft his sermone was. They 
 sey, we sould preiche: Quhy not? Better lait thyrve nor nevir 
 thryve. Had us still for your bischope, and we sail provyde 
 better the nixt tyme." Knox, Historic, p. 44. 
 
 } War not the preiching of the begging freiris. 
 Tint war the faith amang the seculeiris. 
 
 Lindsay, ut supra, i. 343. comp. ii. 101. 
 
 H Lord Hailes' Notes oiv Ancient Scottish Poems, p. 249, 
 250, 297, 309. We need not appeal to the testimony of the 
 reformers, or to satirical poems published at that time, in proof 
 of the extreme profligracy of the popish clergy. The truth is 
 registered in the acts of Parliament, and in the' decrees of their 
 own councils, (Wilkin. Concil. tom. iv. n. 46—60. Keith's 
 Hist, pref xiv. and p. 14.) in the records of legitimation, (Lord 
 Hailes, ut supra, p. 249, 250.) and in the confessions of their 
 own writers. (Kennedy and Wingct, apud Keith, Ajipend. 202, 
 
 Through the blind devotion and munificence of 
 princes and nobles, monasteries, those nurseries of su- 
 perstition and idleness, had greatly multiplied in the 
 nation; and though they had universally degenerated, 
 and were notoriously become the haunts of lewdness 
 and debauchery, it was deemed impious and sacrile- 
 gious to reduce their number, abridge their privileges, 
 or alienate their funds.* The kingdom swarmed with 
 ignorant, idle, luxurious monks, who, like locusts, de- 
 voured the fruits of the earth, and filled the air with 
 pestilential infection; friars, white, black, and grey; 
 canons regular, and of St. Anthony, Carmelites, Car- 
 thusians, Cordeliers, Dominicans, Franciscan Conven- 
 tuals and Observantines, Jacobines, Premonstraten- 
 sians, monks of Tyrone, and of Vallis Caulium, Hos- 
 pitallers, or Holy Knights of St. John of Jerusalem; 
 nuns of St. Austin, St. Clare, St. Scholastica, and St. 
 Catharine of Sienna, with canonesses of various clans.f 
 
 The ignorance of the clergy respecting religion was 
 as gross as the dissoluteness of their morals. Even 
 bishops were not ashamed to confess that they were 
 unacquainted with the canon of their faith, and had 
 never read any part of the sacred scriptures, except 
 what they met with in their missals. :j: Under such 
 pastors the people perished for lack of knowledge. 
 That book which was able lo make them wise unto 
 salvation, aud intended to be equally accessible to 
 " Jew and Greek, Barbarian and Scythian, bond and 
 free," was locked up from them, and the use of it, in 
 their own tongue, prohibited under the heaviest penal- 
 ties. The religious service was mumbled over in a 
 dead language, which many of the priests did not under- 
 stand, and some of them could scarcely read ; and the 
 greatest care was taken to prevent even catechisms, 
 composed and approved by the clergy, from coming 
 into the hands of the laity.|| 
 
 Scotland, from her local situation, had been less ex- 
 posed to disturbance from the encroaching ambition, 
 vexatious exactions, and fulminating anathemas of the 
 Vatican court, than the countries in the immediate 
 vicinity of Rome. But from the same cause, it was 
 more easy for the domestic clergy to keep up on the 
 
 205—7. Lesley, Hist. 232. Father Alexander Baillie's True 
 Information of the Unhallowed Offspring, &c. of our Scottish 
 Calvinian Gospel, p. 15, 16. Wirtzburgh, Anno 1628.) 
 
 * Inconsequence of a very powerful confederacy against the 
 religious knights, called Templars, and upon charges of the 
 most flagitious crimes, that order was suppressed by a General 
 Council, Anno 1312; but their possessions were conferred upon 
 another order of sacred knights. The plentitude of papa] 
 power was stretched to the very utmost, in this dread attempt. 
 " Quanquam (says his Holiness in the Bull) de jure non possu- 
 mus, tamen ad plenitudinein potestatis dictum ordinem repro- 
 banius." Walsingham, Histor. Angl. p. 99. When the Gil- 
 bertine monks retired from Scotland, because the air of the 
 country did not agree with them, their revenues were, upon 
 their resignation, transferred to the monastery of Paisley. 
 Keith's Scottish Bishops, p. 266. 
 
 + See Note VI. 
 
 \ Fox, p. 1153. printed Anno 1596. Chalmers's Lindsay, ii. 
 62, 63, 64. Lord Hailes, Provincial Councils of the Scottish 
 Clergy, p. 30. Sir Ralph Sadler's testimon)- to the clergy as 
 the only men of learning about the court of James V. mar 
 seem to contradict what I have asserted. But Sadler speaks 
 merely of their talents for political management, and in the 
 same letters gives a proof of their ignorance in other respects. 
 The clergy at that time made law their principal study, and 
 endeavoured to qualify themselves for oflSces of state. This, 
 however, en^jarecl their whole attention, and they were grossly 
 ignorant in their own profession. Sadler's State Papers, i. 47, 
 48. Edin. 1809. Knox, Historic, p. 18. 
 
 Andrew Forman, bishop of Murray, and papal legate for 
 Scotland, being obliged to say grace, at an entertainment 
 which he g^ve to the Pope and Cardinals in Rome, blundered 
 so in his latinity, that his Holiness and their Eminences lost 
 
 iL.-. ■. "^1 • L .- J: ..J .i.- l.!^l .L . • 
 
 their gravity, which so disconcerted the bishoj), that he con- 
 cluded the blessing by giv" 
 in nomine patris, Jilii, et sancti spiritiis; to which the com 
 
 }lessing by giving all the Jalae cartes to the devil. 
 
 pany, not understanding his Scoto-Latin, said Amen. '"The 
 noly bishop (says Pitscottie) was not a good scholar, and had 
 not good Latin." History p. 106. 
 
 II VVilkins, Concilia, tom. iv. 72. Lord Hailes' Provincial 
 Councils of the Scottish Clergy, p. 36. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, 
 
 25 
 
 minds of the people that excessive veneration for the 
 Holy See, which could not be long felt by those who 
 had the opportunity of witnessing its vices and worldly 
 politics.* The burdens which attended a state of de- 
 pendence upon a remote foreign jurisdiction were 
 severely felt. Though the popes did not enjoy the 
 power of presenting to the Scottish prelacies, they 
 wanted not numerous pretexts for interfering with 
 them. The most important causes of a civil nature, 
 which the ecclesiastical courts had contrived to bring 
 within their jurisdiction, were frequently carried to 
 Rome. Large suras of money were annually exported 
 out of the kingdom, for the purchasing of palls, the 
 confirmation of benefices, the conducting of appeals, 
 and for many other purposes; in exchange for which, 
 were received leaden bulls, woollen palls, wooden 
 images, plenty of old bones, with similar articles of 
 precious consecrated mummery. | 
 
 Of the doctrine of Christianity nothing almost re- 
 mained but the name. Instead of being directed to 
 offer up their adorations to one God, the people were 
 taught to divide them among an innumerable company 
 of inferior objects. A plurality of mediators shared 
 the honour of procuring the divine favour, with the 
 " One Mediator between God and man ;" and more 
 petitions were presented to the Virgin Mary and other 
 saints, than to " Him whom the Father heareth al- 
 ways." The sacrifice of the mass was represented as 
 procuring forgiveness of sins to the living and the 
 dead, to the infinite disparagement of the sacrifice by 
 which Jesus Christ expiated sin and procured ever- 
 lasting redemption ; and the consciences of men were 
 withdrawn from faith in the merits of their Saviour, to 
 a delusive reliance upon priestly absolutions, papal 
 pardons, and voluntary penances. Instead of being 
 instructed to demonstrate the sincerity of their faith 
 and repentance, by forsaking their sins, and to testify 
 their love to God and to man, by practising the duties 
 of morality, and observing the ordinances of worship 
 authorised by scripture ; they were taught, that, if they 
 regularly said their Jives and Credos, confessed them- 
 selves to a priest, purchased a mass, went in pilgrim- 
 age to the shrine of some celebrated saint, or performed 
 some prescribed act of bodily mortification, — if they 
 refrained from flesh on Fridays, and punctually paid 
 their tithes and other perquisites, their salvation was 
 infallibly secured in due time: while those who were 
 so rich and pious as to build a chapel or an altar, and 
 to endow it for the support of a priest, to perform 
 masses, obits, and diriges, procured a relaxation of the 
 pains of purgatory for themselves or their relations, in 
 proportion to the extent of their liberality. It is diffi- 
 cult for us to conceive how empty, ridiculous, and 
 wretched those harangues were, which the monks de- 
 livered for sermons. Legendary tales concerning the 
 founder of some religious order, his wonderful sanctity, 
 the miracles which he performed, his combats with the 
 devil, his watchings, fastings, flagellations; the virtues 
 
 * Luther often mentioned to his familiar acquaintances the 
 advantage which he derived from a visit to Rome in 1510, and 
 used to say that he would not exchange that journey for 1000 
 florins; so much did it contribute to open his eyes to the cor- 
 ruptions of the Romish court, and to weaken his prejudices. 
 Melchior. Adami Vitas Germ. Theol. p. 104. Erasmus had a 
 sensation of the same kind, although weaker. John Rough, 
 one of the Scottish Reformers, felt in a similar way,, after visit- 
 ing Rome. Fox, 1841. 
 
 + Notwithstanding laws repeatedly made to restrain persons 
 from going to Rome, to obtain benefices, the practice was 
 greatly on the increase about the time of the Reformation. 
 It is schort tyme sen ony benefice 
 Was sped in Rome, except great bishoprics; 
 But now, for ane unworthy vickarage, 
 A priest will riii to Rome iu pilgrimage. 
 Ane caviil quhilk was never at tlie scule 
 Will rin to Rome, and keep ane bischopis mule: 
 And syne cum hame witli raony a colorit crack. 
 With ane burdin of beneficis on his back. 
 
 Chalmer's Lindsay, ii. 6.\ 
 
 D 
 
 of holy water, chrism, crossing, and exorcism ; the 
 horrors of purgatory, with the numbers released from 
 it by the intercession of some powerful saint ; these, 
 with low jests, table-talk, and fireside scandal, formed 
 the favourite topics of the preachers, and were served 
 up to the people instead of the pure, salutary, and sub- 
 lime doctrines of the Bible.* 
 
 The beds of the dying were besieged, and their 
 last moments disturbed, by avaricious priests, who 
 laboured to extort bequests to themselves or to the 
 church. Not satisfied with exacting tithes from the 
 living, a demand was made upon the dead : no sooner 
 had a poor husbandman breathed his last, than the 
 rapacious vicar came and carried off his corps-pre- 
 sent, which he repeated as often as death visited the 
 family.| Ecclesiastical censures were fulminated 
 against those who were reluctant in making these 
 payments, or who showed themselves disobedient to 
 the clergy ; and, for a little money, they were prose- 
 cuted on the most trifling occasions.:}: Divine ser- 
 vice was neglected ; the churches were deserted 
 (especially after the light of the Reformation had 
 discovered abuses, and pointed out " a more excellent 
 way"); so that, except on a few festival days, the 
 places of worship, in many parts of the country, served 
 only as sanctuaries for malefactors, places of traffic, or 
 resorts for pastime. |) 
 
 Persecution, and the suppression of free inquiry, 
 were the only weapons by which its interested sup- 
 porters were able to defend this system of corruption 
 and imposture. Every avenue by which truth might 
 enter was carefully guarded. Learning was branded 
 as the parent of heresy. The most frightful pictures 
 were drawn of those who had separated from the 
 Romish church, and held up before the eyes of the 
 people, to deter them from imitating their example. 
 If any person, who had attained a degree of illumina- 
 tion amidst the general darkness, began to hint dissa- 
 tisfaction with the conduct of the clergy, and to pro- 
 pose the correction of abuses, he was immediately 
 stigmatised as a heretic, and, if he did not secure his 
 safety by flight, was immured in a dungeon, or com- 
 mitted to the flames. When at last, in spite of all 
 their precautions, the light which was shining around 
 did break in and spread through the nation, they pre- 
 pared to adopt the most desperate and bloody measures 
 for its extinction. 
 
 From this imperfect sketch of the state of religion 
 in this country, we may see how false the representa- 
 tion is which some persons would impose on us ; as 
 if popery were a system, erroneous indeed, but purely 
 speculative ; superstitious, but harmless ; provided it 
 had not been accidentally accompanied with intolerance 
 and cruelty. The very reverse is the truth. It may 
 be safely said, that there is not one of its erroneous 
 tenets, or of its superstitious practices, which was not 
 either originally contrived, or afterwards accommo- 
 dated, to advance and support some practical abuse ; 
 to aggrandize the ecclesiastical order, secure to them 
 immunity from civil jurisdiction, sanctify their en- 
 croachments upon secular authorities, vindicate their 
 usurpations upon the consciences of men, cherish im- 
 plicit obedience to the decisions of the church,, and 
 extinguish free inquiry and liberal seien-ce. 
 
 It was a system not more repugnant to the religion 
 of the Bible, than incompatible with the legitimate 
 rights of princes, and the independence, liberty, and 
 prosperity of kingdoms ; a system not more destructive 
 to the souls of men, than to social and domestic happi- 
 ness, and the principles of sound morality. Consider- 
 ations from every quarter combined in calling aloud 
 for a radical and complete reform. The exertions of 
 
 * Knox, 14, — 16. Spottlswood, 64, 69. Keith, Append. 
 205. Dalyell's Cursory Remarks, prefixed to Scottish Poems 
 of the 16th century, i. 16,- — 18. Chalmers's Lindsay, i. 211. 
 
 f See Note VIL J Knox. Historie, p. 14. 
 
 II Dalyell's Cursoiy Remarks, ut supra, i. 28. 
 
S6 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 all descriptions of persons, of the man of letters, the 
 patriot, the prince, as well as the Christian, each act- 
 ing in his own sphere for his own interests, with the 
 joint concurrence of all as in a common cause, were 
 urgently required for extirpating abuses, of which all 
 had reason to complain, and for effectuating a revolu- 
 tion, in the advantages of which all would participate. 
 There was, however, no reasonable prospect of accom- 
 plishing this, without exposing, in the first place, the 
 falsehood of those notions which have been called 
 speculative. It was principally by means of these 
 that superstition had established its empire over the 
 minds of men ; behind them the Romish ecclesiastics 
 had entrenched themselves, and defended their usurped 
 
 f»rerogatives and possessions ; and had any prince or 
 egislature endeavoured to deprive them of these, while 
 the great body of the people remained unenlightened, 
 it would soon have been found that the attempt was 
 premature in itself, and replete with danger to those 
 by whom it was made. To the revival of the primi- 
 tive doctrines and institutions of Christianity, by the 
 preaching and writings of the reformers, and to those 
 controversies by which the popish errors were confuted 
 from scripture, (for which many modern philosophers 
 seem to have a thorough contempt), we are chiefly 
 indebted for the overthrow of superstition, ignorance, 
 and despotism ; and in fact all the blessings, political 
 and religious, which we enjoy may be traced to the 
 Reformation from popery. 
 
 How grateful should we be to divine Providence for 
 this happy revolution ! For, those persons do but 
 " sport with their own imaginations," who flatter them- 
 selves that it must have taken place in the ordinary 
 course of human affairs, and overlook the many con- 
 vincing proofs of the superintending direction of supe- 
 rior wisdom, in the whole combination of circumstances 
 which contributed to bring about the Reformation in 
 this country, as well as throughout Europe. How 
 much are we indebted to those men, who, under God, 
 were the instruments in effecting it ; men who cheer- 
 fully hazarded their lives to achieve a design which 
 involved the felicity of millions unborn; who boldly 
 attacked the system of error and corruption, though 
 fortified by popular credulity, by custom, and by laws, 
 fenced with the most dreadful penalties ; and who, 
 having forced the strong hold of superstition, and 
 penetrated the recesses of its temple, tore aside the 
 veil that concealed the monstrous idol which the whole 
 world ignorantly worshipped, dissolved the magic spell 
 by which the human mind was bound, and restored it 
 to liberty ! How criminal must those be, who, sitting 
 at ease under the vines and fig-trees, planted by the 
 unwearied labours, and watered by the blood of these 
 patriots, discover their disesteem of the invaluable 
 privileges which they inherit, or their ignorance of the 
 expense at which they were purchased, by the most 
 unworthy treatment of those to whom they owe them ; 
 misrepresent their actions, calumniate their motives, 
 and cruelly load their memories with every species 
 of abuse ! 
 
 Patriots have toil'd, and in their country's cause 
 Bled noblj; and their deeds, as they deserve, 
 
 Receive proud recom[>en8e. 
 
 But fairer wreaths are due, though never paid, 
 To those who, posted at the shria« of truth, 
 Have fallen in her defence. 
 Yet few remember them. 
 
 •■ ' -With their names 
 
 No bard embalms and sanctifies his song : 
 And history, so warm on meaner themes. 
 Is cold on this. She execrates indeed 
 The tyranny that doom'd them to the fire. 
 But gives the glorious sufferers little praise. 
 
 Cowper, Task, Book V.» 
 
 • In the margin, Cowper names Hume as chargeable with 
 the injustice which he so feelingly upbraids. While it is pain- 
 ful to think that other historians, since Hume, have exposed 
 thenisrires to the same censure, it it pleasing to reflect, that 
 
 The reformed doctrine had made considerable pro- 
 gress in Scotland, before it was embraced by Knox. 
 Patrick Hamilton, a youth of royal lineage,* obtain- 
 ed the honour, not conferred upon many of his rank, 
 of first announcing its glad tidings to his countrymen, 
 and of sealing them with his blood. He was born in 
 the year 1504 ; and being designed for the church by 
 his relations, the abbacy of Feme was conferred upon 
 him in his childhood, according to a ridiculous custom 
 which prevailed at that period. But as early as the 
 year 1526, previous to the breach of Henry VHI. with 
 the Romish See, a gleam of light was, by some un- 
 known means,f imparted to his mind, amidst the 
 darkness which brooded around him. His recom- 
 mendations of ancient literature, at the expence of the 
 philosophy which was then taught in the schools, and 
 the free language which he used in speaking of the 
 corruptions of the church, had already drawn upon 
 him the suspicions of the clergy, when he resolved to 
 leave Scotland, and to improve his mind by travelling 
 on the Continent. He set out with three attendants, 
 and attracted by the fame of Luther, repaired to Wit- 
 temberg. Luther and Melanchthon were highly 
 pleased with his zeal, and after retaining him a short 
 time with them, they recommended him to the uni- 
 versity of Marpurg. This university was newly 
 erected by that enlightened prince, Philip, Landgrave 
 of Hesse, who had placed at its head the learned, and 
 pious Francis Lambert of Avignon. Lambert, who 
 had left his native country, and sacrificed a lucrative 
 situation, from love to the reformed religion, conceived 
 a strong attachment to the young Scotsman, who im- 
 bibed his instructions with extraordinary avidity. 
 While he was daily advancing in acquaintance with 
 the scriptures, Hamilton was seized with an uncon- 
 querable desire of imparting to his countrymen the 
 knowledge which he had acquired. In vain did Lam- 
 bert represent to him the dangers to which he would 
 be exposed ; his determination was fixed ; and taking 
 along with him a single attendant, he left Marpurg, 
 and returned to Scotland.:}: 
 
 The clergy did not allow him long time to dissemi- 
 nate his opinions. Pretending to wish a free conference 
 with him, they decoyed him to St. Andrews, where he 
 was thrown into prison by Archbishop Beatoun, and 
 committed to the flames, on the last day of February 
 1528, and in the twenty-fourth year of his age. On 
 his trial he defended his opinions with firmness, yet 
 with great modesty ; and the mildness, patience, and 
 fortitude, which he displayed at the slake, equalled 
 those of the first martyrs of Christianity. He expired 
 with these words in his mouth. How long, Lord, 
 shall darkness cover this realm ! How long wilt thou 
 suffer this tyranny of men ! Lord Jesus, receive my 
 spirit.\\ "The murder of Hamilton (says a historian 
 of that period) was afterwards avenged in the blood 
 of the nephew and successor of his persecutor ;" and 
 the flames in which he expired were, " in the course 
 
 Cowper is not the only poet, who has " sanctified," and, I trust, 
 " embalmed his song" with the praises of these patriots. The 
 reader will easily perceive that I refer to the author of 77ia 
 Sabbath. 
 
 * His father. Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kincavil, was a son of 
 Lord Hamilton, who married a sister of King James III. Hit 
 mother was a daughter of John, Duke of Albany, brother to the 
 same monarch, rinkerton's Hist, of Scotland, ii. 45 — 6,289. 
 
 •f- There was an act of Parliament, as early as 17th July, 1525, 
 prohibiting ships from bringing any books of Luther into Scot- 
 land, whic!n had always " bene dene of all sic filth and vice." 
 Acta Parliamentorum Scotiae. p. 295. This renders it highly 
 probable, that such books had already been introduced into 
 this country. 
 
 J F. Laraberti Avenionensis Comment, in Apocalypsin, Prte- 
 fat. Anno 1528. 
 
 II Lambert, ut supra. Be«e Icones, Ffj. Fox. 888. Knox, 
 4—6. Lindsay of Pitscottie's History of Scotland, p. 133 — 5. 
 Eden. 1728. This last author gives a very interesting account 
 of Hamilton's trial, but he is wrong as to the year ofhis mar- 
 tyrdom. 
 
LIFE OP JOHN KNOX. 
 
 «y 
 
 of one generation, to enlighten all Scotland, and to 
 consume, with avenging fury, the catholic superstition, 
 the papal power, and the prelac)' itself."* 
 
 The good effects which resulted from the martyrdom 
 of Hamilton very soon began to appear. Many of the 
 learned, as well as of the common people, in St. 
 Andrews, beheld with deep interest the cruel death of 
 a person of rank, and they could not refrain from ad- 
 miring the heroism with which he endured it. This 
 excited inquiry into the opinions for which he suffered, 
 and the result of inquiry in many cases was a con- 
 viction of their truth. Gawin Logic, Rector of St. 
 Leonard's College, was so successful in instilling 
 them into the minds of the students, that it became 
 proverbial to say of any one suspected of Lutheran- 
 ism, that "he had drunk of St. Leonard's well."f 
 Under the connivance of John Winram,X the Sub- 
 prior, they also secretly spread among the noviciates 
 of the Abbey. 
 
 These sentiments were not long confined to St. An- 
 drews, and every where persons were to be found who 
 held that Patrick Hamilton had died a martyr. Alarm- 
 ed at the progress of the new opinions, the clergy 
 adopted the most rigorous measures for their extirpa- 
 tion. Strict inquisition was made after heretics ; the 
 flames of persecution were kindled in all quarters of 
 the country ; and, from 1530 to 1540, many innocent 
 and excellent men suffered the most inhuman death. || 
 Henry Forrest, David Straiten, Norman Gourlay, 
 Jerom Russel, Kennedy, Kyllor, Beveridge, Duncan 
 Sympson, Robert Forrester, and Thomas Poorest, were 
 the names of those early martyrs, whose sufferings 
 deserve a more conspicuous place than can be given 
 to them in these pages. A few, whose constancy was 
 overcome by the horrors of the stake, purchased their 
 lives by abjuring their opinions. Numbers made their 
 escape to England and the continent; among whom 
 were the following learned men, Gawin Logie, Alex- 
 ander Seatoun, Alexander Aless, John Macbee, John 
 Fife, John Macdowal, John Macbray, George Buchan- 
 an, James Harrison, and Robert Richardson.§ Few 
 of these exiles afterwards returned to their native 
 country. England, Denmark, Germany, France, and 
 even Portugal, offered refuge to them; and foreign 
 universities enjoyed the benefit of those talents which 
 their bigoted countrymen were incapable of appreciat- 
 ing. To maintain their authority, and to preserve 
 those corruptions from which they derived their wealth, 
 the clergy would willingly have driven into banish- 
 ment all the learned men in the kingdom, and quench- 
 ed for ever the light of science in Scotland. 
 
 Various causes contributed to prevent these violent 
 measures from arresting the progress of the truth. 
 Among these the first place is unquestionably due to 
 the circulation of the Scriptures in the vulgar language. 
 Against this the patrons of ignorance had endeavoured 
 to guard with the utmost jealousy. But when the de- 
 sire of knowledge has once been excited among a peo- 
 file, they easily contrive methods of eluding the vigi- 
 ance of those who would prevent them from gratifying 
 it. By means of merchants who traded, from England 
 and the continent, to the ports of Leith, Dundee, and 
 Montrose, Tindall's Translations of the Scriptures, 
 with many Protestant books, were imported. These 
 were consigned to persons of tried principles and pru- 
 dence, who circulated them in private with great in- 
 dustry. One copy of the Bible, or of the New Testa- 
 ment, supplied several families. At the dead hour of 
 night, when others were asleep, they assembled in one 
 house ; the sacred volume was brought from its con- 
 cealment ; and, while one read, the rest listened with 
 
 « Pinkerton. t Cald. MS. i. 69. 
 
 \ In 1546, Winram having spoken to the bishops in favour 
 of George Wishart, Cardinal Beatoun upbraided him, saying, 
 " Well, sir, and you, we know what a man you are, seven years 
 ago." Pitscottie, 189. 
 
 II See Note VIII. } See Note IX. 
 
 mute attention. In this way the knowledge of the 
 scriptures was diffused, at a period when it does not 
 appear that there were any public teachers of the truth 
 in Scotland.* 
 
 Nor must we overlook another means which oper- 
 ated very extensively in alienating the public mind 
 from the established religion. Those who have in- 
 vestigated the causes which led to the Reformation 
 on the Continent have ascribed a considerable share 
 of influence to the writings of the poets and sati- 
 rists of the age. Poetry has charms for persons of 
 every description ; and in return for the pleasure 
 which it affords them, mankind have in all ages been 
 disposed to allow a greater liberty to poets than to 
 any other class of writers. Strange as it may appear, 
 the poets who flourished before the Reformation used 
 very great freedom with the church, and there were 
 not wanting many persons of exalted rank who en- 
 couraged them in this species of composition. The 
 same individuals who were ready, at the call of the 
 pope and clergy, to undertake a crusade for extirpat- 
 ing heresy, entertained poets who inveighed against 
 the abuses of the court of Rome, and lampooned the 
 religious orders. One day they assisted at an Auto- 
 da-fe, in which heretics were committed to the flames 
 for the preservation of the Catholic church ; next day 
 they were present at the acting of a pantomime or a 
 play, in which the ministers of that church were held 
 up to ridicule. Intoxicated with power and lulled 
 asleep by indolence, the clergy had either overlooked 
 these attacks, or treated them with contempt; it was 
 only from experience that they learned their injurious 
 tendency ; and before they made the discovery, the 
 practice had become so common that it could no 
 longer be restrained. This weapon was wielded with 
 great success by the friends of the reformed doctrine 
 in Scotland. Some of their number had acquired 
 great celebrity among their countrymen as poets; and 
 others, who could not lay claim to high poetical merit, 
 possessed a peculiar talent for wit and humour. They 
 employed themselves in writing satires, in which the 
 ignorance, the negligence, and the immorality of the 
 clergy were stigmatised, and^the absurdities and su- 
 perstitions of the Popish religion exposed to ridicule. 
 These poetical effusions were easily committed to 
 memory, and were circulated without the intervention 
 of the press, which was at that time entirely under 
 the control of the bishops. An attack still more bold 
 was made upon the church. Dramatic compositions, 
 partly written in the same strain, were repeatedly acted 
 in the presence of the Royal family, the nobility, and 
 vast assemblies of people, to the great mortification, 
 and still greater disadvantage of the clergy. The 
 bishops repeatedly procured the enactment of laws 
 against the circulation of seditious rhymes, and blas- 
 phemous ballads ; but metrical epistles, moralities, 
 and psalms, in the Scottish language, continued to be 
 read with avidity, notwithstanding prohibitory statutes 
 and prosecutions. f 
 
 In the year 1540, the reformed doctrine could num- 
 ber among its converts, besides a multitude of the 
 common people, many persons of rank and external 
 respectability ; as William, Earl of Glencairn, his 
 son Alexander, Lord Kilmaurs, William, Earl of 
 Errol, William, Lord Ruthven, his daughter Lillias, 
 married to the Master of Drummond, John Stewart, 
 son of Lord Methven, Sir James Sandliands, with 
 his whole family. Sir David Lindsay, Erskine of Dun, 
 Melville of Raith, Balnaves of Halihill, Stralton of 
 Lauriston, with William Johnston, and Robert Alex- 
 ander, Advocates. :|: The early period at which they 
 were enrolled as friends to the Reformation renders 
 
 « Wodrow's MSB. in Bibl. Coll. Glas. vol. i. p. 2. Calder- 
 wood's MS. Hist, of the Church of Scotland, vol. i. p. 35. 
 Knox, Historic, p. 22. f See note X. 
 
 t Cald. MS. i. 103, 119. Sadler, i. 47. Knox, 21,24. 
 
38 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 these names more worthy of consideration. It has 
 often been alledged, that the desire of sharing in the 
 rich spoils of the Popish church, together with the 
 intrigues of the court of England, engaged the Scot- 
 tish nobles on the side of the Reformed religion. At 
 a later period, there is reason to think that this al- 
 legation was not altogether groundless. But at the 
 time of which we now speak, the prospect of over- 
 turning the established church was too distant and 
 uncertain, to induce persons, who had no higher 
 motive than to gratify avarice, to take a step by 
 which they exposed their lives and fortunes to the 
 most imminent hazard ; nor had the English monarch 
 yet extended his influence in Scotland, by those arts 
 of political intrigue which he afterwards employed. 
 
 During the two last years of the reign of James V. 
 the numbers of the reformed rapidly increased. Twice 
 did the clergy attempt to cut them off by a desperate 
 blow. They presented to the king a list, containing 
 the names of some hundreds, possessed of property 
 and wealth, whom they denounced as heretics ; and 
 endeavoured to procure his consent to their condemna- 
 tion, by flattering him with the immense riches which 
 ■would accrue to him from the forfeiture of their 
 estates. When this proposal was first made to him, 
 James rejected it with strong marks of displeasure ; 
 but so violent was the antipathy which he at last 
 conceived against his nobility, and so much had he 
 fallen under the influence of the clergy, that it is 
 highly probable he would have yielded to their soli- 
 citations, if the disgraceful issue of an expedition 
 which they had instigated him to undertake against 
 the English, had not impaired his reason, and put an 
 end to his unhappy life on the 13th of December, 
 1542.* 
 
 PERIOD II. • 
 
 From the year 1542, when he embraced the Reformed Reli- 
 gion, to the year 1549, when he was released from the 
 French galleys. 
 
 While this fermentation of opinion was spreading 
 through the nation, Knox, from the state in which 
 his mind was, could not remain long unaffected. The 
 reformed doctrines had been imbibed by several per- 
 sons of his acquaintance, and they were the topic of 
 common conversation and dispute among the learned 
 and inquisitive at the university. f His change of 
 
 • Sadler, i. 94. Knox, 27, 28. Pitscottie, 164. Keith, 22. 
 Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, 2—4. Lond, 1683. Knox says 
 that the roll contained "mo than ane hundreth landit men, be- 
 sides utheris of nieener degre, amongis quhorae was the Lord 
 Hamiltoun, then second persoun of the realme." Sadler says, 
 " eighteen score noblemen and gentlemen, all well minded to 
 God's word, which then they durst not avow ;" among' whom 
 were the Earl of Arran, the Earl of Cassils, and the Earl 
 Marishal. Pitscottie says, "seventeen score;" but he includes 
 in his account, not only "Earls, Lords, Barons, Gentlemen," 
 but also "honest burgesses and craftsmen." 
 
 t The progress or opinion in Scotland, and the jealous 
 measures adopted for checking it, may be traced in tlie varia- 
 tions introduced into the Act of Parliament 17th July, 1525, 
 Jbr eschewing of Herety, as these are marked in the original 
 record. The act as originally drawn, in prohibiting the re- 
 hearsing of or disputing about the heresies of Luther or his 
 disciples, has this exception, " gif it be to the confusioun thair- 
 of ;" but this being thought too loose, the following clause is 
 added on the margin, " and that be clerkis in the sculis alaner- 
 lie." According to the tenor of the Act when passed in 1525, 
 " na maner of persoun, Strangear, that happinis to arrive with 
 thare grhip within ony part of this realme, bring with thame 
 ony bukis or workis of tne said Luther his discipulis or ser- 
 vandis, disputis or rehersis his hcreseis, &c. under the pane of 
 escheting thare schipis and guidis, and putting of thaire per- 
 •onis in presoun." But in 1527, the Chancellor and Lords of 
 Council added this clause, ''and all uther the kingis liegis as- 
 tistaris to sic opunycons be punist in semeible wise, and the 
 eflfect of the saia Act to straik upon thaim." From this Act it 
 appears, that in 1525 protestant books and opinions were cir- 
 culated by strangen only, who came into Scotland for the pur- 
 
 views first discovered itself in his philosophical lec- 
 tures, in which he began to forsake the scholastic 
 path, and to recommend to his pupils a more rational 
 and useful method of study. Even this innovation 
 excited against him violent suspicions of heresy, which 
 were confirmed, when he proceeded to reprehend the 
 corruptions that prevailed in the church. It was im- 
 possible for him, after this to remain in safety at St. 
 Andrews, which was wholly under the power of Car- 
 dinal Beatoun, the most determined supporter of the 
 Romish church, and enemy of all reform. He left 
 that place, and retired to the south of Scotland, where, 
 within a short time, he avowed his full belief of the 
 protestant doctrine. Provoked by his defection, and 
 alarmed lest he should draw others after him, the 
 clergy were anxious to rid themselves of such an ad- 
 versary. Having passed sentence against him as a 
 heretic, and degraded him from the priesthood, (says 
 Beza) the Cardinal employed assassins to way-lay 
 him, by whose hands he must have fallen, had not 
 Providence placed him under the protection of the laird 
 of Langniddrie.* 
 
 The change produced in the political state of the 
 kingdom by the death of James V. had great influence 
 upon the Reformation. After a bold but unsuccessful 
 attempt by Cardinal Beatoun to secure to himself the 
 government during the minority of the infant Queen, 
 the Earl of Arran was peaceably established in the 
 regency. Arran had formerly shewed himself attached 
 to the reformed doctrines, and he was now surrounded 
 with counsellors who were of the same principles. 
 Henry VIII. laid hold of this opportunity for accom- 
 plishing his favourite measure of uniting the two 
 crowns, and eagerly pressed a marriage between his 
 son Edward and the young Queen of Scots. Notwith- 
 standing the determined opposition of the whole body 
 of the clergy, the Scottish parliament agreed to the 
 match; commissioners were sent into England to 
 settle the terms ; and the contract of marriage was 
 drawn out, subscribed, and ratified by all the parties. 
 But through the intrigues of the Cardinal and Queen- 
 mother, the fickleness and timidity of the Regent, and 
 the violence of the English monarch, the treaty, after 
 proceeding so far, was broken off; and Arran not only 
 renounced connection with England, but publicly ab- 
 jured the Reformed religion in the church of Stirling. 
 The Scottish Queen was soon after betrothed to the 
 Dauphin of France, and sent into that kingdom ; a 
 measure which at a subsequent period had nearly ac- 
 complished the ruin of the independence of Scotland, 
 and the extirpation of the Protestant religion. 
 
 The Reformation had, however, made very consider- 
 able progress during the short time that it was patron- 
 ised by the Regent. The parliament passed an act 
 declaring it lawful for all the subjects to read the 
 Scriptures in the vulgar language. This act, which 
 was proclaimed in spite of the protestations of the 
 bishops, was a signal triumph of truth over error.f 
 Formerly it was reckoned a crime to look on the sacred 
 books ; now to read them was safe, and even the way 
 to honour. The Bible was to be seen on every gentle- 
 man's table; the New Testament was almost in every 
 one's hands. :|: Hitherto the Reformation had been 
 advanced by books imported from England, but now 
 the errors of Popery were attacked in publications 
 
 pose of trade; bnt that in 1527, it was found necessary to ex- 
 tend the penalties of the act to natives of the kingdom. Both 
 these additions were embodied in the Act as renewed 12lh 
 June, 1535. Acta Parliamentorum Scotiae, p. 295, 331 — 2, now 
 in progress towards publication under the authority of his 
 Majesty's Commissioners on the Public Records of the King- 
 dom. Having been indulged with the perusal of this valuable 
 work, as far as printed, I shall afterwards have occasion to 
 quote it under the title of Act. Pari. Scot. 
 
 * Beza; Icones, E.e. iij. 
 
 t Act. Pari. Scot. p. 415, 425. Sadler's Letters, i, 83. 
 Crawfurd's Officers of Sute, 77, 438. Keith, 36—7. 
 
 t Knox, 34. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 
 
 2» 
 
 which issued from the Scottish press. The reformed 
 preachers, whom the Regent had chosen as chaplains, 
 disseminated their doctrines throughout the kingdom, 
 and under the sanction of his authority, made many 
 converts from the Roman Catholic faith.* 
 
 One of these preachers deserves particular notice 
 here, as it was by means of his sermons that Knox 
 first perceived the beauty of evangelical truth, and had 
 deep impressions of religion made upon his heart.f 
 Thnmas Guillaume, or Williams, was born at Athel- 
 stoneford, a village of East Lothian, and had entered 
 into the order of Blackfriars, or Dominican monks, 
 among whom he rose to great eminence.:|: But hav- 
 ing embraced the sentiments of the Reformers, he 
 threw off the monkish habit. His learning and elocu- 
 tion recommended him to Arran and his protestant 
 counsellors ; and he was much esteemed by the people 
 as a clear expositor of Scripture. When the Regent 
 began to waver in his attachment to the Reformation, 
 Guillaume was dismissed from the court, and retired 
 unto England, after which I do not find him noticed 
 in history. 
 
 But the person to whom our Reformer was most in- 
 debted, was George Wishart, a brother to the laird 
 of Pittarow, in Mearns. Being driven into banishment 
 by the bishop of Brechin, for teaching the Greek Tes- 
 tament in Montrose, he had resided for some years at 
 the university of Cambridge. In the year 1544, he 
 returned to his native country, in the company of the 
 commissioners, who had been sent to negociate a treaty 
 with Henry VIH. of England. Seldom do we meet, 
 in ecclesiastical history, with a character so amiable 
 and interesting, as that of George Wishart. Excel- 
 ling all his countrymen at that period in learning, of 
 the most persuasive eloquence, irreproachable in life, 
 courteous and affable in manners ; his fervent piety, 
 zeal, and courage in the cause of truth, were tempered 
 with uncommon meekness, modesty, patience, prudence, 
 and charity. II In his tour of preaching through Scot- 
 land, he was usually accompanied by some of the prin- 
 cipal gentry; and the people, who flocked to hear him, 
 were ravished with his discourses. To this teacher 
 Knox attached himself, and profited greatly by his 
 sermons, and private instructions. During the last 
 visit which Wishart paid to Lothian, Knox waited 
 constantly on his person, and bore the sword, which 
 was carried before him, from the time that an attempt 
 was made to assassinate him at Dundee. Wishart 
 was highly pleased with the zeal of his faithful at- 
 tendant, and seems to have presaged his future useful- 
 ness, at the same time that he laboured under a strong 
 presentiment of his own approaching martyrdom. On 
 the night in which he was apprehended by Bothwell, 
 at the instigation of the Cardinal, he directed the sword 
 to be taken from Knox, and while he insisted for liberty 
 to accompany him to Ormiston, dismissed him with 
 this reply, " Nay, return to your bairnes (meaning his 
 pupils), and God blis you : ane is sufficient for a sacri- 
 fice." 
 
 Having relinquished all thoughts of ofliciating in 
 that church which had invested him with clerical 
 orders, Knox had entered as tutor into the family of 
 Hugh Douglas of Langniddrie, a gentleman in East 
 Lothian, who had embraced the reformed doctrines. 
 John Cockburn of Ormiston, a neighbouring gentleman 
 of the same persuasion, also put his son under his tui- 
 tion. These young men were instructed by him in the 
 principles of religion, as well as of the learned lan- 
 guages. He managed their religious instruction in 
 
 * Knox, 33—4. 
 
 t Life, prefixed to History of the Reformation, Anno 1644. 
 
 X Cald. MS. i. 118. Calderwood says that he was provin- 
 cial of the order of Dominicans, or Blackfriars in Scotland. 
 But a late author informs us, that the chartulary of the Black- 
 friars' monastery at Perth mentions John Grierson as having 
 been provincial from the year 1525, to the time of the Refor- 
 mation. Scott's History of the Reformers, p. 96. 
 
 ij See Note XI. 
 
 such a way as to allow the rest of the family, and the 
 people of the neighbourhood, to reap advantage from 
 it. He catechised them publicly in a chapel at 
 Langniddrie, in which he also read to them, at stated 
 times, a chapter of the Bible, accompanied with expla- 
 natory remarks. The memory of this fact has been 
 preserved by tradition, and the chapel, the ruins of 
 which are still apparent, is popularly called John 
 Knox's Kirk.* 
 
 It was not to be expected, that he would be suffered 
 long to continue this employment, under a government 
 which was now entirely at the devotion of Cardinal 
 Beatoun, who had gained a complete ascendant over 
 the mind of the timid and irresolute Regent. But in 
 the midst of his cruelties, and while he was planning 
 still more desperate deeds, f the Cardinal was himself 
 suddenly cut off. A conspiracy was formed against 
 his life; and a small, but determined band, (some of 
 whom seem to have been instigated by resentment for 
 private injuries, and the Influence of the English court, 
 others animated by a desire to revenge his cruelties, 
 and deliver their country from his oppression), seized 
 upon the castle of St. Andrews, in which he resided, 
 and put him to death, on the 29th of May, 1546. 
 
 The death of Beatoun did not, however, free Knox 
 from persecution. John Hamilton, an illegitimate 
 brother of the Regent, who was nominated to the va- 
 cant bishoprick, sought his life with as great eagerness 
 as his predecessor. He was obliged to conceal him- 
 self, and to remove from place to place, to provide for 
 his safety. Wearied with this mode of living, and 
 apprehensive that he would some day fall into the 
 hands of his enemies, he came to the resolution of 
 leaving Scotland. 
 
 England presented the readiest and most natural 
 sanctuary to those who were persecuted by the Scot- 
 tish prelates. But though they usually fled to that 
 kingdom in the first instance, they did not find their 
 situation comfortable, and the greater part, after a 
 short residence there, proceeded to the continent. 
 Henry VIII. from motives which, to say the least, 
 were highly suspicious had renounced subjection to 
 the Romish See, and compelled his subjects to follow 
 his example. He invested himself with the ecclesias- 
 tical supremacy, within his own dominions, which he 
 had wrested from the Bishop of Rome ; and in the 
 arrogant and violent exercise of that power, the Eng- 
 lish Pope was scarcely exceeded by any of the pre- 
 tended successors of St. Peter. Having signalized 
 himself at a former period as a literary champion 
 against Luther, he was anxious to demonstrate that 
 his breach with the court of Rome had not alienated 
 him from the Catholic faith ; and he would suffer none 
 to proceed a step beyond the narrow and capricious 
 line of reform which he was pleased to prescribe. 
 Hence the motley system of religion which he estab- 
 lished, and the contradictory measures by which it 
 was supported. Statutes against the authority of the 
 Pope, and against the tenets of Luther, were enacted 
 in the same parliament ; and Papists and Protestants 
 were alternately brought to the same stake. The Pro- 
 testants in Scotland were universally dissatisfied with 
 this bastard reformation, a circumstance which had 
 contributed not a little to cool their zeal for the lately 
 proposed alliance with England. Sir Ralph Sadler, 
 his ambassador, found himself in a very awkward pre- 
 dicament on this account ; for the Papists were offend- 
 ed because he had gone so far from Rome, the Protes- 
 
 * Chalmers's Caledonia, ii. 526. conip. Knox, Historie, 67. 
 
 f In his progress through the kingdom with the Governor, 
 he instigated hira, "to hang (at Perth) four honest men, for 
 eating of a goose on Friday; and drowned a young woman, 
 because she refused to pray to our lady in her birth." Pitscot- 
 tie, 188. Knox says, that the woman " having a soucking babe 
 upoun hir briest, was drounit." Historie, 40. Petrie's His- 
 tory of the Church of Scotland, Part ii. p. 182. He had 
 planned the destruction of the principal gentlemen of Fife, a« 
 appeared from docuiuents found after his death, Knox, 63, 64. 
 
30 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 tants because he had not gone farther. The latter 
 disrelished, in particular, the restrictions which he 
 had imposed upon the reading and interpretation of the 
 scriptures, and which he urged the Regent to imitate 
 in Scotland. And they had no desire for the King^s 
 Bopk, of which Sadler was furnished with copies to 
 distribute, and which lay as a drug upon his hands.* 
 
 On these accounts Knox had no desire to go to 
 England, where although "the Pope's name was sup- 
 pressed, his laws and corruptions remained in full 
 vigour."! His determination was to visit Germany, 
 and to prosecute his studies in some of the Protestant 
 universities, until he should see a favourable change 
 in the state of his native country. The lairds of Lang- 
 niddrie and Ormiston were extremely reluctant to part 
 with him, and they prevailed on him to relinquish his 
 design, and to repair along with their sons, to the 
 Castle of St. Andrews.:}: 
 
 The conspirators against Cardinal Beatoun kept 
 possession of the castle after fiis death. The Regent 
 had assembled an army and laid siege to it, from a 
 desire, not so much to revenge the murder of the Car- 
 dinal, at whose fall he secretly rejoiced, as to comply 
 with the importunity of the clergy, and to release his 
 eldest son, who had been retained by Beatoun as a 
 pledge of his father's fidelity, and had now fallen into 
 the hands of the conspirators. But the besieged hav- 
 ing obtained assistance from England baffled all his 
 skill ; and a treaty was at last concluded, by which 
 they engaged to deliver up the castle to the Regent, 
 upon his procuring to them from Rome a pardon for 
 the Cardinal's murder. The pardon was obtained ; 
 but the conspirators alarmed, or affecting to be alarmed, 
 at the contradictory terms in which it was expressed, 
 refused to perform their stipulation, and the Regent 
 felt himself unable, without foreign aid, to enforce a 
 compliance. In this interval, a number of persons 
 ■who were harassed for their attachment to the reformed 
 sentiments, repaired to the castle, where they enjoyed 
 the free exercise of their religion. || 
 
 Writers unfriendly to Knox have endeavoured to fix 
 an accusation upon him, respecting the assassination 
 of Cardinal Beatoun. Some have ignorantly asserted, 
 that he was one of the conspirators.§ Others, better 
 informed, have argued that he made himself accessory 
 to their crime, by taking shelter among them.f With 
 more plausibility, others have appealed to his writings, 
 as a proof that he vindicated the deed of the conspira- 
 
 * Sadler's State Papers, i. 264 — 5, corap. p. 128. Sir John 
 Borthwick (who fled to England in the year 1540), ridicules 
 the Scottish clergy for making it an article of accusation against 
 him, that he had approved of "all those heresies, commonly 
 called the heresies of England;" because (says he), "what re- 
 ligion at that time was used in England, the like the whole 
 realm of Scotland did embrace; in this point only, the English- 
 men difl'ered from the Scottes, that they had cast off the yoke 
 of Antichrist, the other not. Idols were worshipped of both 
 nations; the prophanating of the supper and baptisme was like 
 unto them both. — Truely, it is most false, that I had subscribed 
 nnto such kinde of heresies." Fox, 1149, 1150. 
 
 + Knox, Historie, p. 67. J Ibid. 
 
 II Act. Pari. Scot. p. 471, 477—9. Keith, 50—1. Knox, 
 66—7. Buchanan, i. 296. 
 
 { This is done in a book, entitled, "The Image of both 
 Churches, Hierusalem and Babell, Unitie and Confusion, Obe- 
 dience and Sedition, by P. D. M." (supposed to be Sir Tobie 
 Matthews), p. 139, 140. Tornay, 1623. In p. 136. the author 
 fays, " Yet is there one aduise of Knox which is to be recorded 
 with admiration, It wear good, that rewards wear publicklie 
 appointed by the peopl for such as kill tyrants, as well as for 
 those that kill wolfs." In proof of this he refers to Knox's 
 Historie, p. 372. The reader, who chuses to give himself the 
 trouble, will probably search in vain (as I have done) for such 
 a sentiment, either in that, or in any other part of the History. 
 
 T "Quorum se societate, non multo post, implicaret Joannes 
 Knoxus, Calvinistarura minister, qui se evangelicse perfectionis 
 cumulum assecutuin non arbitrabatur nisi in Cardinaiis ac sacer- 
 dotis sanguine ac caede triuniphasset." Leslaeus de rebus gestis 
 Scotoruiu. lib. X. The bishop should have recollected, that the 
 violence of his popish brethren drove "the Calvinistic minis- 
 ter" to this "pinnacle of evangelical perfection." 
 
 tors as laudable, or at least innocent. I know that 
 some of Knox's vindicators have denied this charge, 
 and maintain that he justified it only so far as it was 
 the work of God, or a just retribution in Providence 
 for the crimes of which the Cardinal had been guilty, 
 without approving the conduct of those who were the 
 instruments of punishing him.* The just judgment 
 of Heaven is, I acknowledge, the chief thing to which 
 he directs the attention of his readers ; at the same 
 time, I think no one who carefully reads what he has 
 written on this subject,f can doubt that he justified the 
 action of the conspirators. The truth is, he held the 
 opinion, that persons who, according to the law of 
 God, and the just laws of society, had forfeited their 
 lives, by the commission of flagrant crimes, such as 
 notorious murderers and tyrants, might warrantably be 
 put to death by private individuals; provided all re- 
 dress, in the ordinary course of justice, was rendered 
 impossible, in consequence of the offenders having 
 usurped the executive authority, or being systemati- 
 cally protected by oppressive rulers. This was an 
 opinion of the same kind with that oi tyrannicide, held 
 by so many of the ancients, and defended by Buchanan 
 in his dialogue, De jure regni apud Scotos. It is a 
 principle, I confess, of very dangerous application, ex- 
 tremely liable to be abused by factious, fanatical, and 
 desperate men, as a pretext for perpetrating the most 
 nefarious deeds. It would be unjust, however, on this 
 account, to confound it with the principle, which, by 
 giving to individuals a liberty to revenge their own 
 quarrels, legitimates assassination, a practice which 
 was exceedingly common in that age. I may add, 
 that there have been instances of persons, not invested 
 with public authority, executing punishment upon 
 flagitious offenders, whom we may scruple to load 
 with an aggravated charge of murder, although we 
 cannot approve of their conduct.:}: 
 
 Knox entered the Castle of St. Andrews at the time 
 of Easter, 1547, and conducted the education of his 
 pupils after his accustomed manner. In the chapel 
 within the Castle, he read to them his lectures upon 
 the scriptures, beginning at the place in the gospel 
 according to John, where he had left off at Langnid- 
 drie. He catechised them in the parish church be- 
 longing to the city. Among the refugees in the castle 
 who attended these exercises, and who had not been 
 concerned in the conspiracy against Beatoun, !| there 
 were three persons who deserve to be particularly 
 noticed. 
 
 Sir David Lindsay of the Mount, Lyon King at Arms, 
 had been a favourite at the court both of James IV. and 
 of his son. He was esteemed one of the first poets 
 of his age, and his writings had contributed very 
 greatly to the advancement of the Reformation. Not- 
 withstanding the indelicacy which disfigures several 
 of his poetical productions,^ .the personal deportment 
 of Lindsay was grave; his morals were correct; and 
 his writings discover a strong desire to reform the 
 manners of the age, as well as ample proofs of true 
 poetical genius, extensive learning, and wit the most 
 keen and penetrating. He had long lashed the vices 
 of the clergy, and exposed the absurdities and super- 
 stitions of popery, in the most popular and poignant 
 satires; being protected by James V. who retained a 
 strong attachment to the companion of his early sports, 
 
 * Principal Baillie's Historical Vindication of the Govern- 
 ment of the Church of Scotland, p. 42. A. 1646. Cald. MS. 
 ad An. 1590. f Historie, 86. \ See Note XII. 
 
 II Spottiswood says, that " seven-score persons entered into 
 the Castle, the day after the slaughter" of the Cardinal. His- 
 tory, p. 84. 
 
 f The coarseness of the age, and the strong temptation which 
 he was under to gratify a voluptuous prince, will not excuse 
 the gross indelicacies of Lindsay; and still less will the desire 
 of preserving the ancient dialect of Scotland, and of gratifying 
 an antiquarian passion, apologize for giving to the ino<iern 
 public a complete edition of his works, accompanied with a 
 glowary and explanatory notei. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 81 
 
 and the poet who had often amused his leisure hours. 
 After the death of that monarch, he entered zealously 
 into the measures pursued by the Earl of Arran, at the 
 commencement of his government ; and when the Re- 
 gent dismissed his reforming counsellors, Sir David 
 was left exposed to the vengeance of the clergy, who 
 could never forgive the injuries which they had re- 
 ceived from his pen.* 
 
 Henry Babiaves of Hallhill had raised himself, by 
 his talents and probity, from an obscure situation to the 
 highest honours of the state, and was justly regarded 
 as one of the principal ornaments of the reformed cause 
 in Scotland. Descended from poor parents in the town 
 of Kircaldy, he travelled when only a boy to the Con- 
 tinent, and hearing of a free school in Cologne, he 
 gained admission to it, and received a liberal education, 
 together with instruction in the principles of the Pro- 
 testant religion. Returning to his native country, he 
 applied himself to the study of law, and practised for 
 some time before the consistorial court of St. Andrews, j" 
 Notwithstanding the jealousy of the clergy, his repu- 
 tation daily increased, and he at length obtained a seat 
 in the Court of Session and in Parliament.:]: James 
 V. employed him in managing public affairs of great 
 importance; and at the beginning of Arran's regency, 
 he was made Secretary of Slate. The active part 
 which he at that time took in the measures for pro- 
 moting the Reformation rendered him peculiarly ob- 
 noxious to the administration which succeeded, and 
 obliged him to seek shelter within the walls of the 
 Castle. II 
 
 John Rough, having conceived a disgust at being 
 deprived of some property to which he thought him- 
 self entitled, had left his parents, and entered a monas- 
 tery in Stirling, when he was only seventeen years of 
 age.§ During the time that the light of divine truth 
 was spreading through the nation, and penetrating even 
 the recesses of cloisters, he had felt its influence, and 
 became a convert to the reformed sentiments. The 
 reputation which he had gained as a preacher was 
 such, that, in the year 1543, the Earl of Arran pro- 
 cured a dispensation for his leaving the monastery, and 
 appointed him one of his chaplains. Upon the apos- 
 tacy of Arran from the reformed religion, he retired 
 first into Kyle, and afterwards into the Castle of St. 
 Andrews, where he was chosen preacher to the gar- 
 rison.^f 
 
 These persons were so much pleased with Knox's 
 talents, and his manner of teaching his pupils, that 
 they urged him strongly to preach in public, and to 
 become colleague to Rough. But he resisted all their 
 solicitations, assigning as his reason, that he did not 
 consider himself as having a call to this employment, 
 and would not be guilty of intrusion. They did not, 
 however, desist from their purpose ; but, having con- 
 sulted with their brethren, came to a resolution, with- 
 out his knowledge, that a call should be publicly given 
 him, in the name of the whole, to become one of their 
 ministers. 
 
 Accordingly on a day fixed for the purpose. Rough 
 preached a sermon on the election of ministers, in 
 which he declared the power which a congregation, 
 however small, had over any one in whom they per- 
 ceived gifts suited to the office, and how dangerous it 
 was for such a person to reject the call of those who 
 desired instruction. Sermon being concluded, the 
 preacher turned to Knox, who was present, and ad- 
 
 * Heroes ex omni HistoriaScoticalectissimi: Auctore Johan. 
 Jonstono Abredonense Scoto, p. 27 — 8. Lu^duni Batavorura, 
 1603. 4to. Chalmers's Life of Lindsay, Works, vol. I. 
 
 + Cald. MS. i. 119. 
 
 % Lord Hailes, Catalogue of the Lords of Session, p. 2. Act. 
 Pari. Scot. p. 353. 
 
 11 Act. Pari. Scot. p. 409. Sadler's State Papers, i. 83, 
 Knox, 35. 
 
 5 Fox, p. 1840. He was born A. D. 1510. 
 
 IT Ibid. Knox, Historie, p. 33, 36. 67. 
 
 dressed him in these words : " Brother, you shall not 
 be offended, although I speak unto you that which I 
 have in charge, even from all those that are here pre- 
 sent, which is this: In the name of God, and of his 
 Son Jesus Christ, and in the name of all that presently 
 call you by my mouth, I charge you that you refuse 
 not this holy vocation, but as you tender the glory of 
 God, the increase of Christ's kingdom, the edification 
 of your brethren, and the comfort of me, whom you 
 understand well enough to be oppressed by the mul- 
 titude of labours, that you take the public office and 
 charge of preaching, even as you look to avoid God's 
 heavy displeasure, and desire that he shall multiply 
 his graces unto you." Then addressing himself to the 
 congregation, he said, " Was not this your charge unto 
 vael and do ye not approve this vocation ]" They all 
 answered, " It was ; and we approve it." Overwhelm- 
 ed by this unexpected and solemn charge, Knox, after 
 an ineffectual attempt to address the audience, burst 
 into tears, rushed out of the assembly, and shut him- 
 self up in his chamber. " His countenance and beha- 
 viour from that day, till the day that he was compelled 
 to present himself in the public place of preaching, did 
 sufficiently declare the grief and trouble of his heart ; 
 for no man saw any sign of mirth from him, neither 
 had he pleasure to accompany any man for many days 
 together."* 
 
 This proof of the sensibility of his temper, and the 
 reluctance which he fell at undertaking a public office, 
 may surprize those who have carelessly adopted the 
 common notions respecting our Reformer's character ; 
 but we shall meet with many examples of the same 
 kind in the course of his life. The scene, too, will be 
 extremely interesting to such as are impressed with 
 the weight of the ministerial function, and will natu- 
 rally awaken a train of feelings in the breasts of those 
 who have been intrusted with the gospel. It revives 
 the memory of those early days of the church, when 
 persons did not rush forward to the altar, nor beg to 
 " be put into one of the priest's offices, to eat a piece 
 of bread ;" when men of piety and talents, deeply af- 
 fected with the awful responsibility of the office, and 
 with their own insufficiency, were with great difficulty 
 induced to take on them those orders, which they had 
 long desired, and for which they had laboured to qua- 
 lify themselves. What a contrast did this exhibit to 
 the conduct of the herd, which at that time filled the 
 stalls of the popish church ! The behaviour of Knox 
 also reproves those who become preachers of their own 
 accord ; and who, from vague and enthusiastic desires 
 of doing good, or a fond conceit of their own gifts, 
 trample upon good order, and thrust themselves into 
 a sacred public employment, without any regular call. 
 
 We must not, however, imagine that his distress 
 of mind, and the reluctance which he discovered in 
 complying with the call which he had now received, 
 proceeded from consciousness of its invalidity, through 
 the defect of certain external formalities which had 
 been usual in the church, or which, in ordinary cases, 
 may be observed with propriety in the installation of 
 persons into sacred offices. These, as far as warranted 
 by scripture, or conducive to the preservation of order, 
 he did not contemn ; and his judgment respecting them 
 may be learned from the early practice of the Scottish 
 Reformed Church, in the organization of which he had 
 so active a share. In common with all the original 
 reformers, he rejected the necessity of episcopal ordi- 
 nation, as totally unauthorised by the laws of Christ; 
 nor did he even regard the imposition of the hands of 
 presbyters as a rite essential to the validity of orders, 
 or of necessary observance in all circumstances of the 
 church. The papists, indeed, did not fail to declaim 
 on this topic, representing Knox, and other reformed 
 ministers, as destitute of all lawful vocation. In the 
 same strain did many hierarchical writers of the Eng- 
 
 * Knox, Historie, p. 68. 
 
33 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 lish church afterwards learn to talk, not scrupling, by 
 their extravagant doctrine of the absolute necessity of 
 ordination by the hands of a bishop who derived his 
 powers by uninterrupted succession from the apostles, 
 to invalidate and nullify the orders of all the reformed 
 churches, except their own ; a doctrine which has been 
 revived in the present enlightened age, and unblush- 
 ingly avowed and defended, with the greater part of its 
 absurd, illiberal, and horrid consequences. The fathers 
 of the English Reformation, however, were very far 
 from entertaining such contracted and unchristian sen- 
 timents. When Knox afterwards went to England, 
 they accepted his services without the smallest hesita- 
 tion. They maintained a constant correspondence with 
 the reformed divines on the Continent, and cheerfully 
 owned them as brethren and fellow-labourers in the 
 ministry. And they were not so ignorant of their 
 principles, or so forgetful of their character, as to pre- 
 fer ordination by popish prelates to that which was 
 conferred by protestant presbyters.* 1 will not say 
 that our Reformer utterly disregarded his early ordina- 
 tion in the popish church, (although, if we may credit 
 the testimony of his adversaries, this was his senti- 
 ment);! but I have little doubt that he looked upon 
 the charge which he received at St. Andrews as prin- 
 cipally constituting his call to the ministry. 
 
 His distress of mind on the present occasion pro- 
 ceeded from a higher source than the deficiency of 
 some external formalities in his call. He had now 
 very different thoughts as to the importance of the 
 ministerial office, from what he had entertained when 
 ceremoniously invested with orders. The care of im- 
 mortal souls, of whom he must give an account to the 
 Chief Bishop ; the charge of declaring " the whole 
 counsel of God, keeping nothing back," however un- 
 grateful it might be to his hearers ; the manner of life, 
 afflictions, persecutions, imprisonment, exile, and vio- 
 lent death, to which the preachers of the Protestant 
 doctrine were exposed ; the hazard of his sinking under 
 these hardships, and "making shipwreck of faith and 
 a good conscience ;" these, with similar considerations, 
 rushed into his mind, and filled it with anxiety and 
 fear. Satisfied, at length, that he had the call of God 
 to engage in this work, he composed his mind to a re- 
 liance on Him who had engaged to make his " strength 
 perfect in the weakness" of his servants, and resolved, 
 with the apostle, " not to count his life dear, that he 
 might finish with joy the ministry which he received 
 of the Lord, to testify the gospel of the grace of God." 
 Often did he afterwards reflect with lively emotion 
 upon this very interesting step of his life, and never, 
 in the midst of his greatest sufferings, did he see rea- 
 son to repent the choice which he had so deliberately 
 made. 
 
 An occurrence which took place about this time 
 contributed to fix his wavering resolution, and in- 
 duced an earlier compliance with the call of the con- 
 gregation than he might otherwise have been disposed 
 to yield. Though sound in doctrine, Rough's literary 
 
 * In the year 1582, Archbishop Grindal, by a formal deed, 
 declared the validity of the orders of Mr. John Morrison, who 
 had been ordained by the Synod of Lothian, " according to 
 the laudable form and rite of the reformed church of Scotland" 
 (gays the instrument), per generalem Synodum sive Congrega- 
 tionem lllius comitatus, juxta laudabilem Ecclesins Scotia; re- 
 forniat<e formam et ritum, ad sacros ordines et sacrosanctum 
 ministerium per manuum impositionem admissus et ordinatus. — 
 Nos igilur formam ordinationis et pnefectionis tuae hujusmodi, 
 modo praemisso factam, quantum in nos est, et jure possumus, 
 approbaiites et ratificantes, &c. Strype's Life of Grindal. Ap- 
 
 Eeud. book ii. Numb. xvii. p. 101. Whittingham, Dean of 
 Durham, was ordained in the Knglish church at Geneva, 
 of which Kdox was pastor; and Travers, the opponent of 
 Hooker, was ordained by a presbytery at Antwerp. Attempts 
 were made by some highflyers to invalidate their orders, and 
 induce them to submit to re-ordination, but they did not suc- 
 ceed. Strype's Annals, vol. ii. 520 — 4. 
 
 t Ninian Winzet, apud Keith's History, .\pp. p. 212, 213. 
 Burne's Disputation, p. 128. Parisc, 158f. 
 
 acquirements were moderate. Of this circumstance 
 the patrons of the established religion in the university 
 and abbey took advantage ; and among others, one, 
 called Dean John Annan,* had long proved vexatious 
 to him, by stating objections to the doctrine which he 
 preached, and entangling him with sophisms, or garbled 
 quotations from the fathers. Knox had assisted the 
 preacher with his pen, and by his superior skill in 
 logic and the writings of the fathers, had exposed An- 
 nan's fallacies, and confuted the popish errors. This 
 polemic, being one day, at a public disputation in the 
 parish church, driven from all his usual defences, fled 
 as his last refuge to the infallible authority of the 
 church, which, he alleged, in consequence of its having 
 condemned the tenets of the Lutherans as heretical, 
 had rendered all further debate on that subject unneces- 
 sary. To this Knox replied, that before they could 
 submit to such a summary determination of the matters 
 of controversy, it was requisite to ascertain the true 
 church by the marks given in scripture, lest they 
 should blindly receive, as their spiritual mother, a 
 harlot instead of the immaculate spouse of Jesus 
 Christ. "For (continued he), as for your Roman 
 church as it is now corrupted, wherein stands the hope 
 of your victory, I no more doubt that it is the syna- 
 gogue of Satan, and the head thereof, called the Pope, to 
 be that man of sin, of whom the apostle speaks, than 
 I doubt that Jesus Christ suffered by the procurement 
 of the visible church of Jerusalem. Yea, I offer my- 
 self, by word or writing, to prove the Roman church 
 this day farther degenerate from the purity which was 
 in the days of the apostles, than were the church of 
 the Jews from the ordinances given by Moses, when 
 they consented to the innocent death of Jesus Christ." 
 This was a bold charge; but the minds of the people 
 were prepared to listen to the proof. They exclaimed, 
 that, if this was true, they had been miserably de- 
 ceived, and insisted that, as they could not all read 
 his writings, he would ascend the pulpit, and give 
 them an opportunity of hearing the probation of what 
 he had so confidently affirmed. The challenge was 
 not to be retracted, and the request was reasonable. 
 The following Sabbath was accordingly fixed for mak- 
 ing good his promise. 
 
 On the day appointed, he appeared in the pulpit of 
 the parish church, and gave out Daniel vii. 21, 25. as 
 his text. After an introduction, in which he explained 
 the vision, and shewed that the four empires, emblem- 
 atically represented by four different animals, were the 
 Babylonian, Persian, Grecian, and Roman, out of the 
 ruins of the last of which rose the empire described in 
 his text, he proceeded to shew that this was applicable 
 to no power but the papal. He compared the parallel 
 passages in the New Testament, and shewed that the 
 king mentioned in his text was the same elsewhere 
 called the Man of Sin, the Antichrist, the Babylonian 
 harlot; and that, in prophetical style, these expressions 
 did not describe a single person, but a body or multi- 
 tute of people under a wicked head, including a 
 succession of persons occupying the same place. In 
 support of his assertion, that the papal power was 
 anti-christian, be described it under the three heads 
 of life, doctrine, and laws. He depicted the scandal- 
 ous lives of the popes, from records published by 
 catholic writers, and contrasted their doctrine and laws 
 with those of the New Testament, particularly on the 
 heads of justification, holidays, and abstinence from 
 meats and from marriage. He quoted from the canon 
 law the blasphemous titles and prerogatives ascribed 
 
 * The friars were accustomed about this ticne to assume the 
 digni6ed title of Dean, although they did not hold that place 
 in the church which entitled tliem to the name. 
 " All moiik'ry, ye niav hear and sie. 
 Are callit Denis for Jignite; 
 Howbeit his mother milk the kow. 
 He mon be callit Dene Andrew." 
 
 Chalmers's Lindsay, iii. 103. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 33 
 
 to the Pope, as an additional proof that he was de- 
 scribed in his text.* In conclusion, he signified, that, 
 if any of his hearers thought that he had misquoted, or 
 misinterpreted the testimonies which he had produced 
 from the scriptures, ecclesiastical history, or the writ- 
 ings of the fathers, he was ready upon their coming to 
 him, in the presence of witnesses, to give them satis- 
 faction. Among the audience were his former precep- 
 tor, Major, and the other members of the university, 
 the Sub-prior of the abbey, and a great number of 
 canons and friars of different orders. 
 
 This sermon, delivered with a considerable portion 
 of that popular eloquence for which Knox was after- 
 wards so celebrated, made a great noise, and excited 
 much speculation among all classes. f The preachers 
 who had preceded him, not even excepting Wishart, 
 had contented themselves with refuting some of the 
 grosser errors of the established religion : Knox struck 
 at the root of popery, by boldly pronouncing the Pope 
 to be Antichrist, and the whole system erroneous and 
 antiscriptural. The report of the sermon, and of the 
 effects produced by it, soon reached Hamilton, the 
 bishop-elect of St. Andrews. He wrote to Winram, 
 the Sub-prior, who was Vicar-general during the 
 vacancy of the See, that he was surprised he would 
 allow such heretical and schismatical doctrine to be 
 taught without opposition. Winram was at bottom 
 friendly to the reformed tenets ; but he durst not alto- 
 gether disregard this admonition, and therefore ap- 
 pointed a convention of the learned men in the abbey 
 and university to be held in St. Leonard's Yards, to 
 which he summoned Knox and Rough. 
 
 The two preachers appeared before the assembly. 
 Nine articles drawn from their sermons were exhi- 
 bited, "the strangeness of which (the Sub-prior said) 
 had moved him to call for them to hear their answers." 
 Knox conducted the defence, for himself and his col- 
 league, with much acuteness and moderation. He 
 expressed high satisfaction at appearing before an 
 auditory so honourable, modest, and grave. As he 
 was not a stranger to the report concerning the private 
 sentiments of Winram, and nothing was more abhor- 
 rent to his mind than dissimulation, he, before com- 
 mencing his defence, obtested him to deal uprightly 
 in a matter of such magnitude. The people (he said) 
 ought not to be deceived or left in the dark ; if his col- 
 league and he had advanced any thing unscriptural, he 
 wished the Sub-prior by all means to expose it, but if, 
 on the other hand, he was convinced that the doctrine 
 taught by them was true, it was his duty to give it the 
 sanction of his authority. Winram cautiously replied, 
 that he did not come there as a judge, and would nei- 
 ther approve nor condemn ; he wished a free confer- 
 ence, and, if Knox pleased, he would reason with him 
 a little. Accordingly, he proceeded to state some 
 objections to one of the propositions maintained by 
 Knox, " that in the worship of God, and especially in 
 the administration of the sacraments, the rule pre- 
 scribed in the scriptures is to be observed without 
 
 * The doctrine which the preacher delivered at this time 
 was afterwards put into " ornate meeter." by one of his hearers. 
 Sir D. Lindsay, who, in his " Monarchie," finished Anno 1553, 
 has given a particular account of the rise and corruptions of 
 popery, under the name of the " fifth spiritual and papal 
 monarchie." Chalmers's Lindsay, iii. 86 — 116. 
 
 f " Sum said, utheris hued the branches of papistry, bot he 
 straiketh at the rute, to destroye the whole. Utheris said, gif 
 the doctors and mae-istri nostri defend not now the Pope and 
 his authoritie, which in their owin presence is so manifestlie 
 impugnit, the devill have my part of him and his lawes bothe. 
 Utheris said, Mr. George Wischeart spak never so planelie, 
 and yet he was brunt; even so will he be in the end. Utheris 
 said, the tyrannie of the Cardinal maid not his cause the better, 
 nether yet the suffering of God is servand maid his cause the 
 wors. — And thairfoir we wald counsail yow and thanie to pro- 
 vyde better defences than fyre and sword; for it may be that 
 allis ye shall be disappointed : men now have uther eyes than 
 they had then. This answer gave the laird of Nydrie." Knox, 
 Historie, p. 70. , ^i . 
 
 E 
 
 addition or diminution ; and that the church has no 
 right to devise religious ceremonies, and impose sig- 
 nifications upon them." After maintaining the argu- 
 ment for a short time, the Sub-prior devolved it on a 
 grey-friar, named Arbugkill, who took it up with great 
 confidence, hut was soon forced to yield with disgrace. 
 He rashly engaged to prove the divine institution of 
 ceremonies; and being pushed by his antagonist from 
 the gospels and acts to the epistles, and from one 
 epistle to another, he was driven at last to affirm, 
 " that the apostles had not received the Holy Ghost 
 when they wrote the epistles, but they afterwards re- 
 ceived him and ordained ceremonies." Knox smiled 
 at the extravagant assertion. "Father! (exclaimed 
 the Sub-prior) what say ye? God forbid that ye say 
 that! for then farewell the ground of our faith." 
 Alarmed and abashed, the friar attempted to correct 
 his error, but in vain. Knox could not afterwards 
 bring him to the argument upon any of the articles. 
 He resolved all into the authority of the church. His 
 opponent urging that the church could have no autho- 
 rity to act contrary to the express directions of scrip- 
 ture, which enjoined an exact conformity to the divine 
 laws respecting worship; "if so (said Arbugkill), you 
 will leave us no church." "Yes, (rejoined Knox, 
 sarcastically), in David I read of the church of malig- 
 nants, Odi ecclesiam maltgnantium ; this church you 
 may have without the word, and fighting against it. 
 Of this church if you will be, I cannot hinder you; 
 but as for me, I will be of no other church but that 
 which has Jesus Christ for pastor, hears his voice, and 
 will not hear the voice of a stranger." For purgatory, 
 the friar had no better authority than that of Virgil in 
 the sixth jEneid ; and the pains of it according to him 
 were — a bad wife.* 
 
 Solventur risu tabulae: ta missus abibis. 
 
 Instructed by the issue of this convention, the papists 
 avoided for the future all disputation, which tended 
 only to injure their cause. Had the Castle of St. An- 
 drews been in their power, they would soon have 
 silenced these troublesome preachers ; but as matters 
 stood, more moderate and crafty measures were neces- 
 sary. The plan adopted for counteracting the popular 
 preaching of Knox and Rough was politic. Orders 
 were issued, that all the learned men of the abbey and 
 university should preach by turns every Sunday in the 
 parish church. By this means the reformed preachers 
 were excluded on those days when the greatest audi- 
 ences attended ; and it was expected that the diligence 
 of the established clergy would concilitate the affec- 
 tions of the people. To avoid offence or occasion of 
 speculation, they were also instructed not to touch in 
 their sermons upon any of the controverted points. 
 Knox easily saw through this artifice ; but he con- 
 tented himself with expressing a wish, in th« sermons 
 which he still delivered on week days, that the clergy 
 would show themselves equally diligent in places 
 where their labours were more necessary. At the 
 same time, he rejoiced (he said) that Christ was 
 preached, and that nothing was publicly spoken against 
 the truth ; if any thing of this kind should be advanced, 
 he requested the people to suspend their judgment, 
 until they should have an opportunity of hearing him 
 in reply, f 
 
 His labours were so successful, during the few 
 months that he preached at St. Andrews, that, besides 
 the garrison in the Castle, a great number of the in- 
 habitants of the town renounced popery, and made 
 profession of the protestant faith, by participating of 
 the Lord's Supper. This was the first time that the 
 sacrament of the supper was dispensed after the re- 
 formed mode in Scotland ; if we except the administra- 
 tion of it by Wishart in the same Castle, which was 
 performed with great privacy, immediately before his 
 
 * Knox, Historie, p. 70—74. 
 3 
 
 t lb. 74—5. 
 
84 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 martyrdom.* Those who preceded Knox appear to 
 have contented themselves with preachina; and such 
 as embraced their doctrine had most probably continued 
 to receive the sacraments from the popish clergy, or at 
 least from such of them as were most friendly to the 
 reformation of the church. The gratification which he 
 felt in these first fruits of his ministry, was consider- 
 ably abated by instances of vicious conduct in those 
 under his charge, some of whom were guilty of those 
 acts of licentiousness which are too common among 
 soldiery when placed in similar circumstances. From 
 the time that he was chosen to be their preacher, he 
 had openly rebuked those disorders, and when he per- 
 ceived that his admonitions failed in putting a stop to 
 them, he did not conceal his apprehensions of the un- 
 successful issue of the enterprise in which they were 
 engaged. f 
 
 In the end of Jnne 1547, a French fleet, with a con- 
 siderable body of land forces, under the command of 
 Leo Strozzi, appeared before St. Andrews, to assist 
 the Governor in the reduction of the Castle. It was 
 invested both by sea and land ; and being disappointed 
 of the expected aid from England, the besieged, after 
 a brave and vigorous resistance, were under the neces- 
 sity of capitulating to the French commander on the 
 last day of July. The terms of the capitulation were 
 honourable; the Itves of all that were in the Castle 
 were to be spared, they were to be transported to 
 France, and if they did not choose to enter into the ser- 
 vice of the French king, were to be conveyed to any 
 country which they might prefer, except Scotland. 
 John Rough had left the Castle previous to the com- 
 mencement of the siege, and retired to England.:|: 
 Knox, although he did not expect that the garrison 
 would be able to hold out, could not prevail upon him- 
 self to desert his charge, and resolved to share with 
 his brethren in the hazard of the siege. He was con- 
 veyed along with the r«st on board the fleet, which, in 
 a few days, set sail for France, arrived at Fecamp, and, 
 going up the Seine, anchored before Rouen. The 
 capitulation was violated, and they were all detained 
 prisoners of war, at the solicitation of the Pope and 
 Scottish clergy. The principal gentlemen were incar- 
 cerated in Rouen, Cherburg, Brest, and Mont St. Mi- 
 chel. Knox, with some others, was confined on board 
 the galleys, bound with chains, and in addition to the 
 rigours of ordinary captivity, exposed to all the indig- 
 nities with which papists were accustomed to treat 
 those whom they regarded as heretics.|| 
 
 From Rouen they sailed to Nantes, and lay upon 
 the Loire during the following winter. Solicitations, 
 threatenings, and violence, were all employed to in- 
 duce the prisoners to change their religion, or at least 
 to countenance the popish worship. But so great was 
 their abhorrence of its idolatry, that not a single indi- 
 vidual of the whole company, on land or water, could 
 be induced to symbolise in the smallest degree. While 
 the prison-ships lay on the Loire, mass was frequently 
 said, and Salve Regina sung, on board, or on the shore 
 
 * Buchanan, Hist. lib. xv. Oper, Tom. i. 293.-4. Pitscottie, 
 189, folio ed. 
 
 •f Buchan. Oper. i. 296. Pitscottie, 191. Knox, 76. 
 
 I Rou^h continued to preach in England until the death of 
 Edward V[. when he retired to Norden in Friesland. There 
 he was obliged to support himself and his wife (whom he had 
 married in England') by knitting caps, stockings, &c. Having 
 ronie over to London n) the course of his trade, he heard of a 
 congregation of protestants which met secretly in that city; to 
 them he joined himself, and was elected their pastor. A few 
 weeks after this, the conventicle was discovered by the treach- 
 ery of or" of their own number, and Rough was carried before 
 Bishop Bonner, by whose oroers he was committed to the 
 flames on the 22d of December 1557. An account of his exa- 
 mination, and two of his letters, breathing the true spirit of a 
 martyr, may be seen in Fox, p. 1840 — 1842. 
 
 II l^alnaves's Confession, Epist. Dedic. Archibald Hamilton 
 says that he was condemned to work at the oar; — " impellendis 
 longarum navium remis, cum reliquis adjudicatur." Dial, de 
 Confut. CalT. Sectx, p. 64. b. 
 
 within their hearing. On these occasions they were 
 brought out and threatened with the torture, if they 
 did not give the usual signs of reverence; but instead 
 of complying, they covered their heads as soon as the 
 service began. Knox has preserved, in his History, a 
 humorous incident which took place on one of these 
 occasions ; and although he has not said so, it is highly 
 probable that he himself was the person concerned in 
 the affair. One day a fine painted image of the Virgin 
 was brought into one of the galleys, and a Scots pris- 
 oner was desired to give it the kiss of adoration. He 
 refused, saying that such idols were accursed, and he 
 would not touch it. " But you shall," replied one of 
 the officers roughly, thrusting it in his face, and placing 
 it between his hands. Upon this he took hold of the 
 image, and watching his opportunity, threw it into the 
 river, saying, Lat our lAidie now save hirself: ache is 
 lycht enougne, lal hir leirne to swyine. The oflicers 
 with difficulty saved their goddess from the waves ; 
 and the prisoners were relieved for the future from 
 such troublesome importunities.* 
 
 In the summer 1548, as nearly as I can collect, the 
 galleys in which they were confined returned to 
 Scotland, and continued for a considerable time on 
 the east coast, watching for English vessels. Knox's 
 health was now greatly impaired by the severity of 
 his confinement, and he was seized with a fever, 
 during which his life was despaired of by all in the 
 ship.f But even in this state, his fortitude of mind 
 remained unsubdued,:}: and he comforted his fellow- 
 prisoners with hopes of release. To their anxious 
 desponding inquiries (natural to men in their situa- 
 tion,) " if he thought they would ever obtain their 
 liberty," his uniform answer was, " God will deliver 
 us to his glory, even in this life." While they lay 
 on the coast between Dundee and St. Andrews, Mr. 
 (afterwards Sir) James Balfour, who was confined 
 in the same ship with him, pointed to the spires of 
 St. Andrews, and asked him if he knew the place. 
 " Yes ! (replied the sickly and emaciated captive) I 
 know it well ; for I see the steeple of that place where 
 God first opened my mouth in public to his glory ; 
 and I am fully persuaded, how weak soever I now 
 appear, that I shall not depart this life, till that ray 
 tongue shall glorify his godly name in the same 
 place." This striking reply Sir James repeated, in 
 the presence of a number of witnesses, many years 
 before Knox returned to Scotland, and when there was 
 very little prospect of his words being verified. || 
 
 We must not, however, think that he possessed 
 this tranquility and elevation of mind, during the 
 whole period of his imprisonment. When first thrown 
 into fetters, insulted by his enemies, and deprived of 
 all prospect of release, he was not a stranger to the 
 anguish of despondency, so pathetically described by 
 the Royal Psalmist of Israel.§ He felt that conflict 
 in his spirit, with which all good men are acquainted, 
 and which becomes peculiarly sharp when aggravated 
 by corporal affliction. But, having had recourse to 
 prayer, the never-failing refuge of the oppressed, he 
 was relieved from all his fears, and, reposing upon the 
 promise and the providence of the God whom he 
 served, he attained to " the confidence and rejoicing 
 of hope." Those who wish for a more particular 
 account of the state of his mind at this time, will find 
 it in the notes, extracted from a rare work which he 
 composed on prayer, and the chief materials of which 
 were suggested by his own experience.^T 
 
 When free from iever^ he relieved the tedious hours 
 
 « Knox, Historie, p. 83. + MS. Letters, p. 53. 
 
 \ One of his most bitter adversaries has borne an involuntary 
 and undesigned testimony to his magnaniniitv at this time. 
 " Ubi longo maris taedio, et laboris molcstia cxtenuatuin qui- 
 dera, et subactum corpus fuit; sed anirai elalio eum snbinde 
 rerum magnarum spe extimulans, nihilo niagis tunc quam prius 
 quiescere potuit." Hamiltonii Dialogus, p. 64, b. 
 
 H Koox, Historie. p. 74. { Pulm xlii. t See Note XIII. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 35 
 
 of captivity, by committing to writing a confession of 
 his faith, containing the substance of what he had 
 taught at St. Andrews, with a particular account of the 
 disputation which he had maintained in St. Leonard's 
 Yards. This he found means to convey to his reli- 
 gious acquaintances in Scotland, accompanied with an 
 earnest exhortation to persevere in the faith which 
 they had professed, whatever persecutions they might 
 suffer for its sake.* To this confession I find him 
 referring in the defence which he afterwards made 
 before the bishop of Durham. " Let no man think, 
 that because I am in the realm of England, therefore 
 so boldly I speak. No : God hath taken that suspicion 
 from me. For the body lying in most painful bands, 
 in the midst of cruel tyrants, his mercy and goodness 
 provided that the hand should write and bear witness 
 to the confession of the heart, more abundantly than 
 ever yet the tongue spake."]" 
 
 Notwithstanding the rigour of their confinement, 
 the prisoners who were separated found opportunities 
 of occasionally corresponding with one another. Hen- 
 ry Balnaves of Hallhill composed in his prison a 
 treatise on Juslification and the H-'orks and Conversation 
 of a jitstijied man. This being conveyed to Knox, 
 probably after his return from the coast of Scotland, 
 he was so much pleased with it, that he divided it into 
 chapters, and added some marginal notes, and a con- 
 cise epitome of its contents ; to the whole he prefixed 
 a recommendatory dedication, intending that it should 
 be published for the use of their brethren in Scotland, 
 as soon as an opportunity offered. :J: The reader will 
 not, I am persuaded, be displeased to have some ex- 
 tracts from this dedication, which represent, more 
 forcibly than any description of mine can do, the 
 pious and heroic spirit which animated the Reformer, 
 when " his feet lay in irons ;" and I shall quote more 
 freely as the book is rare. 
 
 It is thus inscribed :|| "John Knox, the bound 
 servant of Jesus Christ, unto his best beloved breth- 
 ren of the congregation of the Castle of St. Andrews, 
 and to all professors of Christ's true evangel, desireth 
 grace, mercy and peace, from God the Father, with 
 perpetual consolation of the Holy Spirit." After 
 mentioning a number of instances in which the name 
 of God was magnified, and the interests of religion 
 advanced, by the exile of those who were driven uom 
 their native countries by tyranny, as in the examples 
 of Joseph, Moses, Daniel, and the primitive Christians ; 
 he goes on thus : " Which thing shall openly declare 
 this godly work subsequent. The counsel of Satan 
 in the persecution§ of us, first, was to stop the whole- 
 some wind of Christ's evangel to blow upon the parts 
 where we converse and dwell ; and secondly, so to 
 oppress ourselves by corporal affliction and worldly 
 calamities, that no place should we find to godly study. 
 
 * Knox, Historie, p. 74. This Treatise appears to have 
 been lost. + MS. Letters, p. 40. 
 
 \ The manuscript, there is reason to think, was conveyed to 
 Scotland about that time, but it fell aside, and was long con- 
 sidered as lost. After Knox's death, it vyas discovered bv his 
 servant, Richard Bannatyne, in the house of Orniiston, and was 
 printed. Anno 1584, by Thomas Vaultrollier, in 12mo. with the 
 title of "Confession of Faith, &c., by Henry Balnaves of Hall- 
 hill, one of the Lords of Council and Session of Scotland." — 
 David Buchanan, in his edition of Knox's History, Anno 1644, 
 among his other alterations and interpolations, makes Knox to 
 say that this work was published at the time he wrote his His- 
 tory, which may be numbered among the anachronisms in that 
 edition, which, for some time, discredited the authenticity of 
 the History, and led many to deny that Knox was its author. 
 But in the genuine editions, Knox expresses the very reverse. 
 " In the presoun, he (Balnaves) wrait a maist profitabdl treatise 
 of justificatiouii, and of the warkis and conversatioun of a justi- 
 fycd man : but how it was suppressit we knaw not." Historie, 
 p. 83. Edin. Anno 1732. See also p. 181, of the first edition, 
 m 8vo. printed at London by Vaultrollier in the year 1586. 
 
 II I have not adhered to the orthography of the printed 
 •work, which is evidently different from what it must have been 
 in the MS. 
 
 } It is " perfection" in the printed copy, which is evidently 
 a mistake. 
 
 But by the great mercy and infinite goodness of God 
 our Father, shall these his counsels be frustrate and 
 vain. For, in despite of him and all his wicked mem- 
 bers, shall yet that same word (O Lord ! this I speak, 
 confiding in thy holy promise) openly be proclaimed 
 iu that same country. And how that our merciful 
 Father amongst these tempestuous storms, by* all 
 mens expectation, hath provided some rest for us, 
 this present work shall testify, which was sent to me 
 in Roane, lying in irons, and sore troubled by corporal 
 infirmity, in a galley named Nostre Dame, by an 
 honourable brother, Mr. Henry Balnaves of Hallhill, 
 for the present holden as prisoner, (though unjustly) 
 in the old palace of Roane. f Which work after I had 
 once again read to the great comfort and consolation of 
 my spirit, by counsel and advice of the foresaid noble 
 and faithful man, author of the said work, I thought 
 expedient it should be digested in chapters, &c. 
 Which thing I have done as imbecility of ingine:|: and 
 incommodity of place would permit ; not so much to 
 illustrate the work (which in the self is godly and 
 perfect) as, together with the foresaid nobleman and 
 faithful brother, to give my confession of the article 
 of justification therein contained. || And I beseech 
 you, beloved brethren, earnestly to consider, if we 
 deny any thing presently, (or yet conceal and hide) 
 which any time before we professed in that article. 
 And now we have not the Castle of St. Andrews to 
 be our defence, as some of our enemies falsely ac- 
 cused us, saying. If we wanted our walls, we would 
 not speak so boldly. — But blessed be that Lord whose 
 infinite goodness and wisdom hath taken from us the 
 occasion of that slander, and hath shewn unto us, that 
 the serpent hath power only to sting the heel, that is, 
 to molest and trouble the flesh, but not to move the 
 spirit from constant adhering to Christ Jesus, nor 
 public professing of his true word. O blessed be thou, 
 Eternal Father, which, by thy only mercy, hast pre- 
 served us to this day, and provided that the confes- 
 sion of our faith (which ever we desired all men to 
 have known) should, by this treatise, come plainly to 
 light. Continue, O Lord, and grant to us, that as now 
 with pen and ink, so shortly we may confess with voice 
 and tongue the same before thy congregation ; upon 
 whom look, O Lord God, with the eyes of thy mercy, 
 and suffer no more darkness to prevail. I pray you 
 pardon me, beloved brethren, that on this manner I 
 digress : vehemency of spirit (the Lord knoweth I lie 
 not) compelleth me thereto." 
 
 The prisoners in Mont St. Michel consulted Knox, 
 as to the lawfulness of attempting to escape by 
 breaking their prison, which was opposed by some 
 of them, lest their escape should subject their breth- 
 ren who remained in confinement to more severe 
 treatment. He returned for answer, that such fears 
 were not a sufficient reason for relinquishing the de- 
 sign, and that they might, with a safe conscience, 
 effect their escape, provided it could be done " with- 
 out the blood of any shed or spilt ; but to shed any 
 man's blood for their freedom, he would never con- 
 sent."§ The attempt was accordingly made by them, 
 and successfully executed, " without harm done to the 
 person of any, and without touching any thing that 
 appertained to the king, the captain, or the house. "^ 
 
 At length after enduring a tedious and severe impris- 
 onment of nineteen months, Knox obtained his liberty. 
 This happened in the month of February, 1549, accor- 
 ding to the modern computation.** By what means 
 
 * i. e. beyond. f Rouen, not Roanne, is the place meant. 
 
 I i. e. genius or knowledge. |{ See Note XIV. 
 
 ^ This is the man whom a high church historian has repre- 
 sented as of the principles of the ancient Zealots or Siccarii, 
 and one who taught that any person who met a papist might 
 kill him ! Collier, Eccles. Hist. ii. 545. 
 
 H Knox, Historie, p. 84, 85. 
 
 ** In one of his letters, preserved by Calderwood, Knox 
 gays that he was nineteen months in the French galleys. Cald. 
 MS. vol. i. 256. In the printed Calderwood, the period of his 
 
36 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, 
 
 his liberation was procured, I cannot certainly deter- 
 mine. One account says, that the galley in which he 
 was confined was taken in the channel by the English.* 
 According to another account, he was liberated by 
 order of the King of France, because it appeared, on ex- 
 amination, that he was not concerned in the murder of 
 the Cardinal, nor accessory to other crimes committed 
 by those who held the Castle of St. Andrews. f In 
 the opinion of others, his liberty was purchased by 
 his acquaintances, who fondly cherished the hope that 
 he was destined to accomplish some great achievements, 
 and were anxious, by their interposition in his behalf, 
 to be instrumental in promoting the designs of Provi- 
 dence.if: It is not improbable, however, that he owed 
 his deliverance to the comparative indifference with 
 which he and his brethren were now regarded by the 
 French court, who having procured the consent of the 
 Parliament of Scotland to the marriage of Queen Mary 
 to the Dauphin, and obtained possession of her person, 
 felt no longer any inclination to revenge the quarrels of 
 the Scottish clergy. 
 
 PERIOD III. 
 
 Froin the year 1549, when he was released from the French 
 galleys, to the year 1554, whea he fled from England. 
 
 Upon regaining his liberty, Knox immediately re- 
 paired to England. The objections which he had for- 
 merly entertained against a residence in that kingdom 
 were now in a great measure removed. Henry VIII. 
 had died in the year 1547; and archbishop Cran- 
 mer, released from the severe restraint under which he 
 had been held by his tyrannical and capricious mas- 
 ter, now exerted himself with much zeal in advanc- 
 ing the Reformation. In this he was cordially sup- 
 ported by those who governed the kingdom during 
 the minority of Edward VI. But the undertaking 
 was extensive and difficult ; and in carrying it on, 
 he found a great deficiency of ecclesiastical coadju- 
 tors. Although the most of the bishops had external- 
 ly complied with the alterations introduced by author- 
 ity, they remained attached to the old religion, and 
 secretly thwarted, instead of seconding the measures 
 of thp Primate. The inferior clergy were, in gen- 
 eral, as unable as they were unwilling to undertake 
 the instruction of the people, || whose ignorance of 
 religion was in many parts of the country extreme, 
 and whose superstitious habits had become quite invet- 
 erate. This evil which prevailed universally throughout 
 the popish church, instead of being corrected, was 
 considerably aggravated by a ruinous measure adopted 
 at the commencement of the English Reformation. 
 When Henry suppressed the monasteries, and seized 
 
 confinement is limited to nine months, a mistake which has 
 been copied by several writers. It is proper that the reader 
 of that book should be aware, that it consists merely of excerpts 
 from Calderwood's History (which still remains in manuscript,) 
 and, though it has been useful, is not always accurate in what 
 it contains. Knox, in a conference with Mary of Scotland, told 
 the Queen that he was five j'cars resident in England (Historie, 
 289.) Now, as he came to England immediately after he ob- 
 tained his liberty, and left it (as we shall afterwards see) in the 
 end of January or beginning of February, 1554, this exactl)- ac- 
 cords with the date of his liberation which is given above from 
 Calderwood's MS. 
 
 * This is mentioned in a MS. in my possession ; but little 
 credit can be given to it, as it is written in a modem hand, and 
 no authority is produced. 
 
 + Petrie'g Church History, Part ii. p. 184. 
 
 j Hamiltonii Dialog, p. 64. 
 
 II Peter Martyr, in a letter, dated Oxford, 1st July, J550, la- 
 ments the paucity of useful preachers in England. " Doleo plus 
 quam dici possit, tanta ubique in Anglia verbi Dei penuria labo- 
 rari; et eos qui ovcs Christi doctrina pascere tencnlur, cum 
 usque eo remissc agant, ut offirium facere prorsus recusent, 
 nescio quo Hetu, quibusve lachrymis deplorari possit. Verum 
 confido fore ut meliora simus visuri." Martyri Epist. apud Loc. 
 Commun. p. 760. Geneva, 1624. 
 
 their revenues, he allotted pensions to the monks du- 
 ring life ; but to relieve the royal treasury of this 
 burden, small benefices in the gift of the crown were 
 afterwards substituted in the place of pensions. The 
 example of the monarch was imitated by the nobles 
 who had procured monastic lands. By this means a 
 great part of the inferior livings were held by ignorant 
 and superstitious monks, who were a dead weight 
 upon the English church, and a principal cause of the 
 nation's sudden relapse to popery, at the subsequent 
 accession of Queen Mary.* 
 
 Cranmer had already adopted measures for remedy- 
 ing this alarming evil. With the concurrence of the 
 Protector and the Privy Council, he had invited a num- 
 ber of learned protestants from Germany into England, 
 and had placed Peter Martyr, Martin Bueer, Paul 
 Fagius, and Emanuel Tremellius, as professors in the 
 universities of Oxford and Cambridge. This was a 
 wise measure, which secured a future supply of useful 
 preachers, trained up by these able masters. But the 
 necessity was urgent, and demanded immediate provis- 
 ion. For this purpose, instead of fixing a number of 
 orthodox and popular preachers in particular charges, 
 it was judged most expedient to employ them in 
 itinerating through different parts of the kingdom, 
 where the clergy were most illiterate or disaffected to 
 the Reformation, and where the inhabitants were most 
 addicted to superstition. 
 
 In these circumstances, our zealous countryman did 
 not remain long unemployed. The reputation which 
 he had gained by his preaching at St. Andrews, f and 
 his late sufferings, recommended him to the English 
 Council ; and soon after his arrival in England, he was 
 sent down from London to preach in Berwick.:}: 
 
 The Council had every reason to be pleased with 
 the choice which they had made of a northern preach- 
 er. He had long thirsted for the opportunity which he 
 now enjoyed. His love for the truth, and his 'zeal 
 against popery had been inflamed during his captivity; 
 and he spared neither time nor labour in the instruction 
 of those to whom he was sent. Regarding the wor- 
 ship of the popish church as grossly idolatrous, and 
 its doctrine as damnable, he attacked both with the 
 utmost fervour, and exerted himself in drawing his 
 hearers from the belief of the one and from the ob- 
 servance of the other, with as much eagerness as in 
 .saving their lives from a devouring flame or flood. 
 Nor were his efforts fruitless : during the two years 
 that he continued in Berwick, numbers were converted 
 by his ministry from ignorance and the errors of pope- 
 ry ; and a visible reformation of manners was produced 
 upon the soldiers of the garrison, who had formerly 
 been noted for turbulence and licentiousness. |) 
 
 The popularity and success of a protestant preacher 
 were very galling to the clergy in that quarter, who 
 were, almost to a man, bigoted papists, and enjoyed 
 the patronage of the bishop of the diocese. Ton- 
 STAL, bishop of Durham, like his friend Sir Thomas 
 More, was one of those men of whom it is extremely 
 difficult to give a correct idea, qualities of an opposite 
 
 * Burnet's Hist, of the Reformation, II. 24. The suppres- 
 sio4i of the chauntries, in the reign of Edward VI. was attended 
 with similar effects. Strype's INleni. of the Reform. II. 446. 
 
 f I omitted mentioning in the proper place, that the biogra- 
 pher of Sir David Lindsay has stated, from the Minutes of the 
 English Council, that Knox was in the pay of England as early 
 as tne year 1547. Chalmers's Lindsay, I. 32. I cannot suppose 
 that the learned author would confound the salary which Knox 
 received during his residence in England, with a pension al- 
 lotted to him when he was in his native country. But on the 
 other hand, I think it very unlikely that he should have been 
 known to the English Court before he entered the castle of St. 
 Andrews, and am inclined to suppose that any pension which 
 he received from them did not commence until that period at 
 soonest. Mr. Chalmers's language conveys the idea, that he 
 was pensioned by England before he went to the Castle. 
 
 t Strype'i Meraor. of Reform, iii. 235. Knox. Hist. 85. 289. 
 
 II Knox, Historie, p. 289. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 37 
 
 kind being mixed and blended in their character. Sur- 
 passing all his brethren in polite learning, he was the 
 patron of bigotry and superstition. Displaying, in 
 private life, that moderation and suavity of manners 
 which liberal studies usually inspire,* he was acces- 
 sory to the public measures of a reign, disgraced 
 throughout by the most shocking barbarities. Claim- 
 ing our praise for honesty, by opposing in Parliament 
 innovations which his judgment condemned, he forfeit- 
 ed it by the most tame acquiescence and ample con- 
 formity ; thereby maintaining his station amidst all the 
 revolutions of religion during three successive reigns. 
 He had paid little attention to the science immediately 
 connected with his profession, and most probably was 
 indifferent to the controversies then agitated ; but living 
 in an age in which it was necessary for every man to 
 choose his side, he adhered to those opinions which 
 had been long established, and which were friendly to 
 the power and splendour of the ecclesiastical order. 
 As if anxious to atone for his fault, in having forward- 
 ed those measures which produced a breach between 
 England and the Roman See, he opposed in Parliament 
 all the subsequent changes. Opposition awakened 
 his zeal ; he became at last a strenuous advocate for 
 the popish tenets ; and wrote a book in defence of 
 transubstantiation, of which, says bishop Burnet, " the 
 Latin style is better than the divinity." 
 
 The labours of Knox, who exerted himself to over- 
 throw what the bishop wished to support, could not 
 fail to be very disagreeable to Tonstal. As the preach- 
 er acted under the authority of the Protector and 
 Council, he durst not inhibit him ; but he was disposed 
 to listen to the informations which were lodged against 
 him by the clergy. Although the town of Berwick 
 was Knox's principal station during the years 1549 
 1550, it is probable that he was appointed to preach 
 occasionally in the adjacent country. Whether, in the 
 course of his itineranc-y, he had preached in Newcastle, 
 or whether he was called up to it, in consequence of 
 complaints against his sermons delivered at Berwick, 
 it is difficult to ascertain. It is however certain, that a 
 charge was exhibited against him before the bishop, 
 for teaching that the sacrifice of the mass was idola- 
 trous, and that a day was appointed for him publicly 
 to assign his reasons for this opinion. 
 
 Accordingly, on the 4th of April, 1550, a large 
 assembly being convened in Newcastle, among whom 
 were the members of the council, f the bishop of 
 Durham, and the learned men of his cathedral, Knox 
 delivered, in their presence, an ample defence of his 
 doctrine. After an appropriate exordium, in which he 
 stated to the audience the occasion and design of his 
 appearance, and cautioned them against the powerful 
 prejudices of education and custom in favour of erro- 
 neous opinions and corrupt practices in religion, he 
 proceeded to establish the doctrine which he had taught. 
 The manner in which he treated the subject was well 
 adapted to his auditory, which was composed both of 
 the learned and the illiterate. He proposed his argu- 
 ments in the syllogistic form, according to the practice 
 of the schools, but illustrated them with a plainness 
 level to the meanest capacity among his hearers. At 
 the same time, the propositions on which he rested his 
 defence are very descriptive of his characteristic bold- 
 ness of thinking and acting, A more cautious and 
 timid disputant would have satisfied himself with 
 
 * Sir Thomas More, in one of his letters to Erasmus, gives 
 the following character of Tonstal : "Ut nemo est omnibus 
 bonis literis instructior, nemo vita moribusque severior, ita 
 nemo est usquam in convictu jucundior." 
 
 f Besides the great Council which managed the affairs of the 
 kingdom under the Protector, a number of the privy-counsellors 
 who belonged to this part of the country, composed a subor- 
 dinate board, called " the Council of the North." The mem- 
 bers here referred to belonged probably to this council, and 
 not the town-council of Newcastle. If I am right in this con- 
 jecture, Knox might owe to them, and not to the bishop, the 
 liberty of this public defence. 
 
 attacking the grosser notions which were generally 
 entertained by the people on this subject, and with 
 exposing the glaring abuses of which the priests were 
 guilty in the lucrative sale of masses. Knox scorned 
 to occupy himself in demolishing these feeble and 
 falling outworks, and proceeded directly to establish a 
 principle which overthrew the whole fabric of super- 
 stition. He engaged to prove that the mass, " even in 
 her most high degree," and when stripped of the 
 meretricious dress in which she now appeared, was an 
 idol struck from the inventive brain of superstition, 
 which had supplanted the sacrament of the supper, and 
 engrossed the honour due to the person and sacrifice of 
 Jesus Christ. " Spare no arrows," was the motto 
 which Knox wore on his standard : the authority of 
 Scripture, and the force of reasoning, grave reproof, 
 and pointed irony, were weapons which he alternate- 
 ly employed. In the course of this defence, he did 
 not restrain those sallies of raillery, which the foole- 
 ries of the popish superstition irresistibly provoke, 
 even from those who are deeply impressed with its 
 pernicious tendency. Before concluding his discourse, 
 he adverted to certain doctrines which he had heard 
 in that place on the preceding Sabbath, the falsehood 
 of which he engaged to demonstrate ; but in the first 
 place, he said, he would submit the notes of the ser- 
 mon, which he had taken down, to the preacher, that 
 he might correct them as he saw proper ; for his object 
 was not to misrepresent nor captiously entrap a speak- 
 er, by catching at words unadvisedly uttered, but to 
 defend the truth, and warn his hearers against errors 
 destructive to their souls. The defence, as drawn up by 
 Knox himself, is now before me in manuscript, and the 
 reader who wishes a more particular account of its 
 contents will find it in the notes.* 
 
 This defence had the effect of extending Knox's 
 fame through the North of England, while it com- 
 pletely silenced the bishop and his learned assis- 
 tants.-)" He continued to preach at Berwick during 
 the remaining part of this year, and in the following 
 was removed to Newcastle, and placed in a sphere 
 of greater usefulness. In December 1551, the Privy 
 Council conferred on him a mark of their approbation, 
 by appointing him one of King Edward's Chaplains in 
 Ordinary. " It was appointed (says his Majesty, in a 
 Journal of important transactions which he wrote with 
 his own hand) that I should have six chaplains ordin- 
 ary, of which two ever to be present, and four absent 
 in preaching ; one year two in Wales, two in Lan- 
 cashire and Derby ; next year two in the marches of 
 Scotland, and two in Yorkshire ; the third year two in 
 Norfolk and Essex, and two in Kent and Sussex. 
 These six to be Bill, Harle,:t: Perne, Grindal, Bradford, 
 
 and ."II The name of the sixth has been dashed 
 
 out of the Journal, but the industrious Strype has 
 shewn that it was Knox.§ " These it seems (says 
 Bishop Burnet) were the most zealous and readiest 
 preachers, who were sent about as itinerants, to supply 
 
 * See Note XV. 
 
 f The compiler of the account of Knox, prefixed to the edi- 
 tion of his History printed in 1732, says, that the MS. con- 
 taining the Defence, bears that it "quite silenced" the bishop 
 and his doctors. But that writer does not appear to have ever 
 seen the MS. which contains nothing of the kind. The fact, 
 however, is attested by the bishop of Ossory, who had good 
 opportunities of knowing its truth, and who is accurate in his 
 account of other circumstances relative to it. His words are, 
 " Et 4 die Aprilis ejusdem anni [1550] aperiens in concione 
 opinionem, ejus idolatrias et horrendas blaspheniias, tam solidis 
 argumentis, abominationem esse probabat, ut, cum omnibus sci- 
 olis, Saturnius ille somniator, [Dunelniensis] refragare non pos- 
 sit." Baleus, De Script. Scot, et Hibern. Art. Knoxus. 
 
 \ John Harle or Harley, was afterwards made bishop of 
 Hereford, May 26, 1553. Strype's Cranmer, p. 301. A late 
 writer has confounded this Englishman with William Harlowe, 
 who was minister of St. Cuthbert's church, near Edinburgh. 
 Scott's History of the Reformers in Scotland, p. 242. 
 
 11 King Edward's Journal, apud Burnet, ii. Records, p. 42. 
 
 } Memorials of the Reformation, ii. 297. Menior. of Craa- 
 mer, p. 292. Burnet, iii. 212. Records. 420, 422. 
 
38 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 the defects"of the greatest part of the clergy, who were 
 generally very faulty."* An annual salary of forty 
 pounds was allotted to each of the chaplains. f 
 
 In the course of this year, Knox was consulted 
 about the book of Common Prayer, which was un- 
 dergoing a revisal. On that occasion, it is probable 
 that he was called up for a short time to London. Al- 
 though the persons who had their chief direction of 
 ecclesiastical affairs were not disposed, or did not 
 think it yet expedient, to introduce that thorough 
 reform which he judged necessary, in order to reduce 
 the worship of the English church to the scripture- 
 model, his representations were not altogether disre- 
 garded. He had influence to procure an important 
 change in the communion-office, completely excluding 
 the notion of the corporeal presence of Christ in the 
 sacrament, and guarding against the adoration of the 
 elements, which was too much countenanced by the 
 practice, still continued, of kneeling at their reception.:}: 
 In his Admonition to the Professors of the Truth in 
 England, Knox speaks of these amendments with 
 great satisfaction. "Also God gave boldness and 
 knowledge to the Court of Parliament to take away 
 the round clipped god, wherein standeth all the holi- 
 ness of the papists, and to command common bread to 
 be used at the Lord's table, and also to take away the 
 most part of superstitions (kneeling at the Lord's table 
 excepted) which before profaned Christ's true religion." 
 These alterations gave great offence to the papists. In 
 a disputation with Latimer, after the accession of 
 Queen Mary, the Prolocutor, Dr. Weston, complained 
 of our countryman's influence in procuring them. 
 " A runnagate Scot did take away the adoration or 
 worshipping of Christ in the sacrament, by whose 
 procurement that heresie was put into the last com- 
 munion-book ; so much prevailed that one man's au- 
 thority at that time."|| In the following year, he was 
 employed in revising the Articles of Religion, previous 
 to their ratification by Parliament.§ 
 
 During his residence at Berwick, he had formed an 
 acquaintance with Miss Marjory Bowes, a young lady 
 who afterwards became his wife. She belonged to 
 the honourable family of Bowes, and was nearly 
 allied to Sir Robert Bowes, a distinguished courtier 
 during the reigns of Henry VIII. and his son Edward. 
 Before he left Berwick, Knox had paid his addresses 
 to this young Lady, and met with a favourable recep- 
 tion. Her mother also was friendly to the match ; but 
 owing to some reason, most probably the presumed 
 aversion of her father, it was deemed prudent to delay 
 solemnizing the union. But having come under a 
 
 * Burnet, ii. 171. 
 
 •f- Stry pe's Menior. of Reform, ut supra. Life of Grindal, p. 
 7. Mr. Strj'pe says, that the number of chaplains was after- 
 wards reduced to (our, Bradford and Knox being dropped from 
 the list. But both of these preached in their turn before the 
 Court, in the year 1553. And in the Council-book a warrant is 
 granted, October 27th, 1552, to four gentlemen, to pay to Knox, 
 "his Majesty's preacher in the North, forty pounds, as his 
 Majesty's reward." Strype's Cranmer, 292. This salary he 
 retained until the death of Edward; for in a letter written by 
 him at the time he left England, he says: " Ather the Queens 
 Majestie, or sum Thesaurer will be 40 pounds rycher by me, 
 «ae meikle lack I of the dutie of my patentis; but that littil 
 trubillis me." MS. Letters, p. 286. 
 
 \ See Note XVL 
 
 fl Fox, p. 1326. Strype questions the truth of Weston's 
 statement, and says that Knox "was hardly come into England 
 ^at least any further than Newcastle) at this time." Annals, 
 iii. 117. But we have already seen that he arrived in Englaud 
 at early as the beginning of 1549. 
 
 6 " October 2, (1552,) a letter was directed to Mess. Harley, 
 Bill, Horn, Grindal, Pern, and Knox, to consider certain arti- 
 cles exhibited to the King's Majesty, to be subscribed by all 
 auch as shall be admitted to be preachers or ministers in any 
 part of the realm ; and to make report of their opinions touch- 
 ing the same." Council-book, apud Strype's Cranmer, p. 273. 
 Their report was returned before the 20tn November, ibid. p. 
 301. Burnet says, the order was given October 20. History, 
 iii. 212. The articles agreed to at this time were ybr{y-/u)0. lu 
 1562 they were reduced to thirty-nine, their present number. 
 
 formal promise to her, he considered himself, from that 
 time, as sacredly bound, and he always addressed Mrs. 
 Bowes by the name of Mother, in the letters which he 
 wrote to that lady.* 
 
 Without derogating from the praise justly due to 
 those worthy men who were at this time employed 
 in disseminating religious truth through England, I 
 ma}' say, that our countryman was not behind the 
 first of them, in the unwearied assiduity with which 
 he laboured in the stations assigned to him. From an 
 early period, his mind seems to have presaged, that 
 the golden opportunity now enjoyed would not be of 
 long duration. He was eager to " redeem the time," 
 and indefatigable both in his studies and in teaching. 
 In addition to his ordinary services on Sabbath, he 
 preached regularly on week days, frequently on every 
 day of the week.f Besides the portion of time which 
 he allotted to study, he was often employed in con- 
 versing with persons who applied to him for advice on 
 religious subjects.:^ The Council were not insensible 
 to the value of his services, and conferred on him 
 several marks of approbation. They wrote different 
 letters to the governors and principal inhabitants of the 
 places where he preached, recommending him to their 
 notice and protection. || They secured him in the reg- 
 ular payment of his salary, until he should be provided 
 with a benefice. § And they, out of respect to him, 
 in September 1552, granted a patent to his brother 
 William Knox, a merchant, giving him liberty for a 
 limited time, to trade to any port of England, in a 
 vessel of a hundred tons burden.^ 
 
 But the things which recommended Knox to the 
 Council drew upon him the hatred of a numerous and 
 powerful party in the Northern counties, who remained 
 addicted to popery. Irritated by his boldness and suc- 
 cess in attacking their superstition, and sensible that 
 it would be in vain, and even dangerous, to prefer an 
 accusation against him on that ground, they watched 
 for an opportunity of catching at something in his dis- 
 courses or behaviour, which they might improve to 
 his disadvantage. He had long observed with great 
 anxiety the impatience with which the papists sub- 
 mitted to the present government, and their eager de- 
 sires for any change which might lead to the overthrow 
 of the protestant religion ; desires which were ex- 
 pressed by them in the North, without that reserve 
 
 * From this appellation in the MS. Letters, I concluded 
 that Knox was married to Miss Bowes before he left Berwick, 
 until I met with a book prmted by him, to which one of his 
 letters to Mrs. Bowes is added. On the margin of this, oppo- 
 site to a place in which he had called her mother, is this note: 
 " I had maid faithful promise, before witnes, to Mariorie Bowes 
 her daughter, so as she tuke me for sone, I hartly embrased her 
 as my mother." Knox's Answer to Tyrie the Jesuit. F. ij. 
 
 + MS. Letters, p. 265, 276. t I hid. passim. 
 
 II They wrote a letter in his commendation, Dec. 9, 1552, to 
 Lord Wharton, Deputy Warden of the Borders. During the 
 following year, when he was employed in Buckinghamshire, in 
 order to secure greater acce.ptance and respect to him in that 
 county, the Council wrote in his favour to Lords Russel and 
 Windsor, to the Justices of the Peace, and to several other 
 gentlemen. Strype's Cranmer, p. 292. 
 
 \ Strype's Memor. of the Reformation, ii. 533. 
 
 T Bishop Burnet and Mr. Strype, (Memor. of Reform, ii. 
 299.) who record this fact, conjecture that the patentee was a 
 relation of our Reformer. That he was his brother is evident 
 from Knox's letters, which mention his being in England about 
 this time. In a letter written in 1553, he says: "My brother, 
 WiUiame Knox, is presentlie with me. VV^hat ye waid haif 
 frome Scotland, let me knaw this Monunday at nycht; for hie 
 must depart on Tyisday." MS. p. 271. The same person 
 seems to be meant in the following extract from another letter: 
 "My brother hath communicat his haill hart with me; and I 
 persave the mychtie operation of God. And sa let us be esta- 
 blissit in his infinit gudnes and maist sure promissis." MS. p. 
 266. 
 
 tVilliam Knox afterwards became a preacher, and was 
 minister of Cockpen, in Mid Lothian, after the establishment 
 of the Reformation in Scotland. No fewer than fourteen 
 ministers of the church of Scotland are numbered among hii 
 descendants. Genealogical Account of the Knoxe8,apud Scott'* 
 HistOTj of the Refomier» in Scotland, p. 152. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 39 
 
 which prudence dictated in places adjacent to the seat 
 of authority. He had witnessed the joy with which 
 they received the news of the Protector's fall, and was 
 no stranger to the satisfaction with which they circu- 
 lated prognostications as to the speedy demise of the 
 king. In a sermon preached by him about Christmas 
 1552, he gave vent to his feelings on this subject ; and 
 lamenting the obstinacy of the papists, asserted, that 
 such as were enemies to the gospel, then preached in 
 England, were secret traitors to the crown and common- 
 wealth, thirsted for nothing more than his Majesty's 
 death, and cared not who should reign over them, pro- 
 vided they got iheir idolatry again erected. This free 
 speech was immediately laid hold of by his enemies, 
 and transmitted, with many aggravations, to some 
 great men about court, secretly in their interest, who 
 thereupon accused him of high misdemeanors, before 
 the Privy Council.* 
 
 In taking this step, they were not a little encouraged 
 by their knowledge of the sentiments of the Duke of 
 Northumberland, who had lately come down to his 
 charge as Warden General of the Northern marches. f 
 This ambitious and unprincipled nobleman had affected 
 much zeal for the reformed religion, that he might the 
 more easily attain the highest preferment in the state, 
 which he had recently secured by the ruin of the Duke 
 of Somerset, the Protector of the kingdom. Knox had 
 offended him by publicly lamenting the fall of Somer- 
 set as threatening danger to the Reformation, of which 
 he had always shewn himself a zealous friend, how- 
 ever blameable his conduct might have been in other 
 respects. :(: Nor could the freedom which the preacher 
 used, in reproving from the pulpit the vices of great as 
 well as small, fail to be displeasing to a man of Nor- 
 thumberland's character. On these accounts, he was 
 desirous to have Knox removed from that quarter, and 
 had actually applied for this, by a letter to the Coun- 
 cil, previous to the occurrence just mentioned ; alleg- 
 ing, as a pretext for this, that great numbers of Scots- 
 men resorted to him : as if any real danger was to be 
 apprehended from this intercourse with a man, of whose 
 fidelity the existing government had so many strong 
 pledges, and who uniformly employed all his influence 
 to remove the prejudices of his countrymen against 
 England. II 
 
 In consequence of the charge exhibited against him 
 to the Council, he was summoned to repair immedi- 
 ately to London, and answer for his conduct. The 
 following extract of a letter, written by him to Miss 
 Bowes,§ will shew the state of his mind on receiving 
 this citation. " Urgent necessity will not suffer that 
 I testify my mind unto you. My Lord of Westmore- 
 land*|f has written unto me this Wednesday at six of 
 
 * MS. Letters, p. 193. Knox's Admonition to the Profes- 
 sors of the Truth in England, p. 61, apud History, Edin. 1644, 
 4to. 
 
 f The Earl of Warwick, now created Duke of Northumber- 
 land, was appointed Warden General of the Northern marches 
 in Oct. 1551. But being occupied in securing his interest at 
 court, he got himself excused from going North until June 
 1552. Strype's Meraor. of the Reformation, ii. 282, 339. 
 
 \ MS. Letters, p. 112, 173. Admonition, p. 51. apud His- 
 tory, Edinburgh, 1644. Knox considered that the papists had 
 a secret hand in fomenting those dissentions which led to the 
 condemnation and execution of the Protector. Nor were his 
 luspicions ill founded. See Strype's Memor. of the Reform, 
 ii. 306—7. 
 
 II The Duke's letter was dated Nov. 23, 1552. Haynes, 
 State Papers, 136. Brand's History of Newcastle, p. 304. 
 Redpath's Border History, p. 577. 
 
 } A great number of his letters in the MS. are superscribed 
 "To his Sister." It appears from internal evidence that this 
 was a daughter of Mi-s. Bowes, and, although I cannot be 
 positive, 1 am inclined to think that she was the young lady 
 whom he married. One letter has this superscription, "To 
 Mariorie Bowes, who was his first wife." In it he addresses 
 her by the name of Sister, and at the close, says, " I think this 
 be the first letter that ever I wrait to you." MS. p. 335. But 
 there is no date by which to compare it with other letters. 
 
 IT Henry Nevyl, Earl of Westmoreland, was, by the interest 
 of the Duke of Northumberland, admitted a member of the 
 
 the clock at night, immediately thereafter ta repair 
 unto him, as I will answer at my peril. I could not 
 obtain license to remain the time of the sermon upon 
 the morrow. Blessed be God who does ratify and 
 confirm the truth of his word from time to time, as our 
 weakness shall require ! Your adversary, sister, doth 
 labour that you should doubt whether this be the word 
 of God or not. If there had never been testimonial 
 of the undoubted truth thereof before these our ages, 
 may not such things as we see daily come to pass 
 prove the verity thereof? Doth it not affirm, that it 
 shall be preached, and yet contemned and lightly re- 
 garded by many ; that the true professors thereof shall 
 be hated by father, mother, and others of the contrary 
 religion ; that the most faithful shall be persecuted ? 
 And Cometh not all these things to pass in ourselves ? 
 Rejoice, sister, for the same word that forespeaketh. 
 trouble doth certify us of the glory consequent. As 
 for myself, albeit the extremity should now apprehend 
 me, it is not come unlooked for. But, alas ! I fear 
 that yet I be not ripe nor able to glorify Christ by my 
 death ; but what lacketh now, God shall perform in 
 his own time. — Be sure I will not forget you and your 
 company, so long as mortal man may remember any 
 earthly creature."* 
 
 Upon reaching London, he found that his enemies 
 had been uncommonly industrious in their endeavours 
 to excite prejudice against him. But the Council, after 
 hearing his defences, were convinced of the malice of 
 his accusers, and gave him an honourable acquittal. 
 He was employed to preach before the court, and his 
 sermons gave great satisfaction, particularly to his 
 Majesty, who contracted a favour for him, and was 
 very desirous to have him promoted in the church. f 
 The Council resolved that he should preach in London 
 and the southern counties during the following year ; 
 but they allowed him to return for a short time to 
 Newcastle, either that he might settle his affairs in 
 the north, or that a public testimony might be borne 
 to his innocence in the place where it had been atf. 
 tacked. In a letter to his sister, dated Newcastle, 23d 
 March, 1553, we find him writing as follows, " Look 
 farther of this matter in the other letter,:^ written unto 
 you at such time as many thought I should never write 
 after to man. Heinous were the delations laid against 
 me, and many are the lies that are made to the Coun- 
 cil. But God one day shall destroy all lying tongues, 
 and shall deliver his servants from calamity. I look 
 but one day or other to fall in their hands ; for more 
 and more rageth the members of the devil against me. 
 This assault of Satan has been to his confusion, and to 
 the glory of God. And therefore, sister, cease not to 
 praise God, and to call for my comfort; for great is 
 the multitude of enemies, whom every one the Lord 
 shall confound. I intend not to depart from Newcastle 
 before Easter." 
 
 His confinement in the French galleys, together with 
 his labours in England, had considerably impaired the 
 vigour of his constitution, and brought on the gravel. 
 In the course of the year 1553, he endured several vio- 
 lent attacks of this acute disorder, accompanied with 
 severe pain in his head and stomach. " My daily 
 labours must now increase (says he, in the letter last 
 quoted), and therefore spare me as much as you may. 
 My old malady troubles me sore, and nothing is more 
 contrarious to my health than writing. Think not that 
 I weary to visit you ; but unless my pain shall cease, 
 I will altogether become unprofitable. W^ork, O Lord, 
 even as pleaseth thy infinite goodness, and relax the 
 
 Privy Council, anno 1552. He was also a member of the 
 Council for the North, and Lord Lieutenant of the bishopric 
 of Durham. His private character was indifferent. Strype'i 
 Memor. of the Reformation, ii. 401, 457 — 9. 
 
 * MS. Letters, p. 267--9. 
 
 + MS. Letters, p. 112. Melchior Adam, Vit. Theolog. Ext. 
 p. 137. 
 
 I The letter last quoted. MS. Letters, p. 273 — 4. compared 
 with p. 268. -•«;■ •; r?*^ : 
 
40 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 troubles, at thy own pleasure, of such as seeketh thy 
 glory to shine. Amen."* In another letter to the 
 same correspondent, he writes : " The pain of my head 
 and stomach troubles me greatly. Daily I find my 
 body decay ; but the providence of my God shall not 
 be frustrate. I am charged to be at Widdrington upon 
 Sunday, where I think I shall also remain Monday. 
 The Spirit of the Lord Jesus Christ rest with you. 
 Desire such faithful as with whom ye communicate 
 your mind, to pray that, at the pleasure of our good 
 God, my dolour both of body and spirit may be relieved 
 somewhat ; for presently it is very bitter. Never found 
 I the spirit, I praise my God, so abundant where God's 
 glory ought to be declared ; and therefore I am sure 
 there abides something that yet we see not."f " Your 
 messenger (says he in another letter) found me in bed, 
 after a sore trouble and most dolorous night; and so 
 dolour may complain to dolour when we two meet. 
 But the infinite goodness of God, who never despiseth 
 the petitions of a sore troubled heart, shall, at his good 
 pleasure, put end to these pains that we presently 
 suffer, and in place thereof shall crown us with glory 
 and immortality for ever. But, dear sister, I am even 
 of mind with faithful Job, yet most sore tormented, 
 that my pain shall have no end in this life. The power 
 of God may, against the purpose of my heart, alter 
 such things as appear not to be altered, as he did unto 
 Job ; but dolour and pain, with sore anguish, cries the 
 contrary. And this is more plain than ever I spake, 
 to let you know ye have a fellow and companion in 
 trouble: and thus rest in Christ, for the head of the 
 serpent is already broken down, and he is stinging us 
 upon the heel.":|: 
 
 About the beginning of April, 1553, he returned to 
 London. In the month of February preceding. Arch- 
 bishop Cranmer had been directed by the Council to 
 present him to the vacant living oi All-Hallows in the 
 city. II This proposal, which originated in the per- 
 sonal favour of the young King, was very disagreeable 
 to Northumberland, who exerted himself privately to 
 hinder his preferment. The interference of this noble- 
 man, however, was unnecessary ; for Knox declined 
 the living when it was offered to him; and, on being 
 questioned as to his reasons, readily acknowledged, 
 that he had not freedom in his mind to accept of a 
 fixed charge, in the present state of the English church. 
 His refusal, with the reason which he had assigned, 
 gave offence, and on the l^th of April, he was called 
 before the Privy Council. There were present the 
 archbishop of Canterbury, Goodrick bishop of Ely and 
 Lord Chancellor, the earls of Bedford, Northampton, 
 and Shrewsbury, the lords Treasurer and Chamberlain, 
 and the two Secretaries. They asked him, Why he 
 had refused the benefice provided for him in London 1 
 He answered, that he was fully satisfied that he could 
 be more useful to the church in another situation. 
 Being interrogated. If • was his opinion, that no per- 
 son could lawfully servo in ecclesiastical ministrations, 
 according to the present laws of that realm 1 he frankly 
 replied, That there were many things in the English 
 church which needed reformation, and that without 
 this reformation ministers could not, in his opinion, 
 discharge their office conscientiously in the sight of 
 God ; for no minister had authority, according to the 
 existing laws, to prevent the unworthy from partici- 
 pating of the sacraments, which was " a chief point 
 of his office." He was asked, If kneeling at the 
 Lord's table was not a matter of indifference % He 
 replied, that Christ's action at the communion was 
 most perfect, and in it no such posture was used ; that 
 it was most safe to follow his example; and that kneel- 
 ing was an addition and invention of men. On this 
 article, there was a smart dispute between him and 
 some of the members of the Council. After long rea- 
 
 » MS. Letters, p. 276. t Ibid. p. 260—1. 
 
 t Ibid. n. 262. I Strype's Cranni( 
 
 soning, he was told, that they had not sent for him 
 with any bad design, but were sorry to understand that 
 he was of a contrary judgment to the common order. 
 He said, he was sorry that the common order was con- 
 trary to Christ's institution. They dismissed him with 
 soft words, advising him to use all means for removing 
 the dislike which he had conceived to some of the 
 forms of their church, and to reconcile his mind, if 
 possible, to the idea of communicating according to 
 the established rites.* 
 
 Scruples which had resisted the force of authority 
 and argument have often been found to yield to the 
 more powerful influence of lucrative and honourable 
 situations. But whether, with some, we shall con- 
 sider Knox's conduct on this occasion as indicating 
 the poverty of his spirit,f or shall regard it as a proof 
 of true independence of mind, even the prospect of ele- 
 vation to the episcopal bench could not overcome the 
 repugnance which he felt at a closer connection with 
 the English church. Edward VI. with the concur- 
 rence of his Privy Council, offered him a bishoprick. 
 But he rejected it ; and in the reasons which he gave 
 for his refusal, declared the episcopal office to be desti- 
 tute of divine authority in itself, and its exercise in 
 the English church to be inconsistent with the eccle- 
 siastical canons. This is attested by Beza, a contem- 
 porary author.:^: Knox himself speaks, in one of his 
 treatises, of the "high promotions" offered to him by 
 Edward ;|| and we shall find him, at a later period of 
 his life, expressly asserting, that he had refused a 
 bishoprick. Tonstal being sequestered upon a charge 
 of misprision of treason, the Council had come to a 
 resolution, about this time, to divide his extensive 
 diocese into two bishopricks, the seat of one of which 
 was to be at Durham, and of the other at Newcastle. 
 Ridley, bishop of London, was to be translated to the 
 former, and it is highly probable that Knox was in- 
 tended for the latter. " He was offered a bishopric 
 (says Brand), probably the new founded one at New- 
 castle, which he refused — revera noluii cpiscopar{.^'§ 
 
 It may be proper, in this place, to give a more par- 
 ticular account of Knox's sentiments respecting the 
 English church. The reformation of religion, it is 
 well known, was established on very different princi- 
 ples in England and in Scotland, both as to worship 
 and ecclesiastical polity. In England, the papal su- 
 premacy was transferred to the prince, the hierarchy, 
 being subjected to the civil power, was suffered to 
 remain, and after removing the grosser superstitions, 
 the principal forms of the ancient worship were re- 
 tained ; whereas, in Scotland, ail of these were dis- 
 carded, as destitute of divine authority, unprofitable, 
 burdensome, or savouring of popery ; and the worship 
 and government of the church were reduced to the 
 primitive standard of scriptural simplicity. The influ- 
 ence of Knox, in recommending this establishment to 
 his countrymen, is universally allowed ; but, as he 
 officiated for a considerable time in the church of Eng- 
 land, and on this account was supposed to have been 
 pleased with its constitution, it has been usually said 
 tliat he afterwards contracted a dislike to it during his 
 exile on the continent, and that, having then imbibed 
 the sentiments of Calvin, he carried them along with 
 
 X Ibid. p. 262. 
 
 * The account of this examination before the Council is 
 taken from a letter of Knox, the substance of which has been 
 inserted by Calderwood in his MS. History, and by Strype in 
 his Memorials of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 400. 
 
 + Luther havinR rejected with disdain the great offers by 
 which Meander, the papal legate, attempted to gain bim over 
 to the court of Rome, " He is a ferocious brute (exclaimed the 
 legate, equally confounded and disappointed) whom nothing 
 can soften, and who regards riches and honours as mere dirt; 
 otherwise the Pope would long ago have loaded him with 
 favours." Beausobre's History of the Reformation, i. 395 — 6. 
 Macaulay's Translation. 
 
 t Bezae Icones, Ee iij. Verheideni Etfigics, p. 92, 93. Melch. 
 Adam. p. 137. 
 
 *»,■«. ji. *uv/— i . I y MS. Letters, p. 73. The passage will afterwards be quoted 
 
 Strype's Cranmer, p. 292. ' { Historj- of Newcastle, p. 304. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 41 
 
 him to his native country, and organized the Scottish 
 church after the Genevan model. This statement is 
 inaccurate. His objections to the English liturgy 
 were increased and strengthened during his residence 
 on the continent, but they existed before that time. 
 His judgment respecting ecclesiastical government aiKl 
 discipline was matured during that period, but his radi- 
 cal sentiments on these heads were formed long before 
 he saw Calvin, or had any intercourse with the foreign 
 reformers. At Geneva he saw a church, which, upon 
 the whole^ corresponded with his idea of the divinely 
 authorized pattern ; but he did not indiscriminately 
 approve, nor servilely imitate either that or any other 
 existing establishment.* 
 
 As early as the year 1547, he taught, in his first 
 sermons at St. Andrews, that no mortal man could be 
 head of the church, that there were no true bishops 
 but such as preached personally without a substitute, 
 that in religion men are bound to regulate themselves 
 by divine laws, and that the sacraments ought to be 
 administered exactly according to the institution and 
 example of Christ. We have seen that, in a solemn 
 disputation in the same place, he maintained that the 
 church has no authority, on pretext of decorating 
 divine service, to devise religious ceremonies, and im- 
 pose upon them arbitrary significations.! This posi- 
 tion he also defended in the year 1550 at Newcastle, 
 and in his late appearance before the Privy Council at 
 London. It was impossible that the English church, 
 in any of the shapes which it assumed, could stand 
 the test of these principles. The ecclesiastical su- 
 premacy, the various orders and dependencies of the 
 hierarchy, crossing in baptism, and kneeling in the 
 eucharist, with other ceremonies; the theatrical dress, 
 the mimical gestures, the vain repetitions used in reli- 
 gious service, were all condemned and repudiated by 
 the cardinal principle to which he steadily adhered, 
 that in the church of Christ, and especially in the acts 
 of worship, every thing ought to be arranged and con- 
 ducted, not by the pleasure and appointment of men, 
 but according to the dictates of inspired wisdom and 
 authority. 
 
 He rejoiced that liberty and encouragement were 
 given to preach the pure word of God throughout the 
 extensive realm of England; that idolatry and gross 
 superstition were suppressed ; and that the rulers were 
 disposed to support the Reformation, and even to carry 
 it farther than had yet been done. Considering the 
 character of the greater part of the clergy, the extreme 
 paucity of useful preachers, and other hindrances to 
 the introduction of the primitive order and discipline 
 of the church, he acquiesced in the authority exercised 
 by a part of the bishops, under the direction of the 
 Privy Council, and endeavoured to strengthen their 
 hands, in the advancement of the common cause, by 
 painful preaching in the stations which were assigned 
 to him. But he could not be induced to contradict or 
 to conceal his fixed sentiments, and he cautiously 
 avoided coming under engagements, by which he must 
 have approved of what, in his decided conviction, was 
 either unlawful in its own nature, or injurious in its 
 tendency to the interests of religion. Upon these 
 principles, he never submitted to the unlimited use of 
 the liturgy, during the time that he was in England,:}: 
 
 * The Churches of Geneva and Scotland, did not agree in 
 all points. Though holidays were abolished in Geneva at the 
 coraraencenient of the Reformation, the observance of a num- 
 ber of them was very soon restored, and has always continued 
 in that church; but this practice was wholly rejected by the 
 church of Scotland, from the very first establisnment of the 
 Reformation, and its introduction has always been vigorously 
 resisted by her. Other things in which they ditlered might 
 easily be mentioned. 
 
 t Knox, Historic, p. 72 — 74. and this Life, p, 33. 
 
 \ Cald. MS. i. 250. During the reign of Edward, and even 
 
 the first years of his sister Elisabeth's, absolute conformity to 
 
 the liturgy was not pressed upon ministers. Slrype's Annals, 
 
 1. 419,432. Burnet, iii. 3f»5, 311. Hutchinson's Antiq. of Dur- 
 
 F 
 
 refused to become a bishop, and declined accepting a 
 parochial charge. When he perceived that the pro 
 gress of the Reformation was arrested, by the influence 
 of a popish faction and the dictates of a temporizing 
 policy; that abuses, which had formerly been acknow- 
 ledged, began to be openly vindicated and stiffly main- 
 tained ; above all, when he saw, after the accession 
 of Elizabeth, that a retrograde course was taken, and 
 a yoke of ceremonies, more grievous than that which 
 the most sincere protestants had formerly complained 
 of, was imposed and enforced by arbitrary statutes, he 
 judged it necessary to speak in a tone of a more de- 
 cided and severe reprehension. 
 
 Among other things which he censured in the Eng- 
 lish ecclesiastical establishment, were the continuing 
 to employ a great number of ignorant and insufficient 
 priests, who had been accustomed to nothing but 
 saying mass, and singing the litany; the general sub- 
 stitution of the reading of homilies, the mumbling of 
 prayers, or the chanting of matins and even-song, in the 
 place of preaching ; the formal celebration of the 
 sacraments, unaccompanied with instruction to the peo- 
 ple ; the scandalous prevalence of pluralities; and 
 the total want of ecclesiastical discipline. He was 
 of opinion, that the clergy ought not to be entangled, 
 and diverted from the duties of their office, by hold- 
 ing civil places ; that the bishops should lay aside 
 their secular titles and dignities ; that the bishopricks 
 should be divided, so that in every city or large town, 
 there might be placed a godly and learned man, with 
 others joined with him for the management of ecclesi- 
 astical matters ; and that schools for the education 
 of youth should be universally erected through the 
 nation.* 
 
 Nor did the principal persons who were active in 
 effecting the English Reformation differ widely from 
 Knox in these sentiments ; although they might not 
 have the same conviction of their importance, and 
 of the expediency of reducing them to practice. We 
 would mistake exceedingly, if we supposed that they 
 were men of the same principles and temper with 
 many who succeeded to their places, or that they were 
 satisfied with the pitch to which they had carried the 
 Reformation of the English church, and regarded it as 
 a paragon and perfect pattern to other churches. They 
 were strangers to those extravagant and illiberal 
 notions which were afterwards adopted by the fond 
 admirers of the hierarchy and liturgy. They would 
 have laughed at the man who would have seriously 
 asserted, that the ceremonies constituted any part of 
 " the beauty of holiness," or that the imposition of 
 the hands of a bishop was essential to the validity of 
 ordination ; they would not have owned that person as 
 a protfistant who would have ventured to insinuate, 
 that where this was wanting, there was no Christian 
 ministry, no ordinances, no church, and perhaps — no 
 salvation ! Many things which their successors have 
 applauded, they barely tolerated, and they would 
 have been happy if the circumstances of their time 
 would have permitted them to introduce alterations, 
 which have since been cried down as puritanical in- 
 novations. Strange as it may appear to some, I am 
 
 ham, i. 453. Archbishop Parker, in the beginning of Elisa- 
 beth's reign, administered the elements to the coninuinicants 
 standing, in the cathedral church of Canterbury. Her Ma- 
 jesty's Commissioners appointed the communion to be received 
 in the same posture in Coventry; and the practice was con- 
 tinued in that town as late, at least, as the year 1603. Certain 
 demands propounded unto Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, 
 &c. p. 45. A. 1605. Removal of Imputations laid upon Minis- 
 ters of Devon and Cornwall, p. 51. A. 1606. A Dispute upon 
 the question of Kneeling, p. 131. A. 1608. 
 
 * This statement of liis sentiments is drawn from his Brief 
 Exhortation to England for the speedy embracing of Christ's 
 Gospel; printed at Geneva, Anno 1559, and at the end o/ his 
 History, Edinburgh, 1644, 4to. and from his letters to Mrs. 
 Locke, dated 6lh April, and 15th October 1559, apud Cald. 
 MS. i. 380, 491. 
 
42 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 not afraid of exceeding the truth when I say, that 
 if the English Reformers (including the protestant 
 bishops) had been left to their own choice, if they 
 had not been held back and retarded by a large mass 
 of popishly affected clergy in the reign of Edward, 
 and restrained by the supreme civil authority on the 
 accession of Elizabeth, they would have brought the 
 government and worship of the church of England, 
 nearly to the pattern of other reformed churches. If 
 the reader doubts this, he may consult the evidence 
 produced in the notes.* 
 
 Such, in particular, was the earnest wish of his 
 Majesty Edward VI. a prince who, besides his other 
 rare qualities, had an unfeigned reverence for the word 
 of God, and a disposition to comply with its precepts 
 in preference to custom and established usages; and 
 who shewed himself uniformly inclined to give relief 
 to his conscientious subjects, and sincerely bent on 
 promoting the union of all the friends of the reformed 
 religion at home and abroad. Of his intentions on 
 this head, there remain the most unquestionable and 
 satisfactory documents.f Had his life been, spared, 
 there is every reason to think that he would have ac- 
 complished the correction or removal of those evils in 
 the English church, which the most steady and en- 
 lightened protestants have lamented. Had his sister 
 Elizabeth been of the same spirit with him and prose- 
 cuted the plan which he laid down, the consequences 
 would have been most happy both for herself and for 
 her people, for the government and for the church. 
 She would have united all the friends of the Reforma- 
 tion, who were the great support of her authoEity. 
 She would have weakened the interest of the Roman 
 Catholics, whom all her accommodating measures 
 could not gain, nor prevent ffom repeatedly conspiring 
 against her life and crown. She would have put an 
 end to those dissentions among her protestant subjects 
 which continued during the whole of her reign, which 
 she bequeathed as a legacy to her successors, and 
 which, being fomented and exasperated by the sever- 
 ities employed for their suppression, at length burst 
 forth to the temporary overthrow of the monarchy, as 
 well as of the hierarchy, whose exorbitancies it had 
 patronised, and whose corruptions it had sanctioned 
 and maintained ; — dissentions which subsist to this 
 day, and, tliough. softened by the partial lenitive of a 
 toleration, have gradually alienated from the commun- 
 ion of that church a large proportion of the people, and 
 which, if a timely and salutary remedy be not applied, 
 may ultimately undermine the foundations of the Eng- 
 lish establishment. 
 
 During the time that Knox was in London, he had 
 full opportunity for observing the state of the Court ; 
 and the observations which he made, filled his mind 
 with the most anxious forebodings. Of the piety and 
 sincerity of the young king, he entertained not the 
 smallest doubt. Personal acquaintance heightened the 
 idea which he had conceived of his character from 
 report, and enabled him to add his testimony to the 
 tribute of praise, which all who knew that prince had 
 so cheerfully paid to his. common virtues and endow- 
 ments.:J: But the principal courtiers, by whom he was 
 at that time surrounded, were persons of a very dif- 
 ferent description, and gave proofs, too unequivocal to 
 be mistaken, of indifference to all religion, and of a 
 readiness to acquiesce, and even to assist in the re-es- 
 tablishment of the ancient superstition, whenever a 
 change of rulers should render this measure practicable 
 and expedient. The health of Edward, which had 
 
 • See Note XVII. f See Note XVIIl. 
 
 i We had (says he in his letter to the faithful in London, 
 Newcastle, and Berwick) ane King of sa godlie disposition to- 
 wardis vertew, and the treuth of God, that nane frome the be- 
 ginning passit him, and fto my knawledge) none of his yeirig 
 did ever mache him, in that behalf; gif hie niyght haifbene 
 lord of his awn will." MS. Letters, p. 119. He has passed a 
 more full encominm on this prince, in hit Historic, p. 89. 
 
 long been declining, growing gradually worse, so that 
 no hope of his recovery remained, they were eager 
 only about the aggrandizing of their families, and 
 providing for the security of their places and fortunes. 
 
 The royal chaplains were men of a very different 
 character from those who have usually occupied that 
 place in the courts of princes. They were no time- 
 serving, supple, smooth-tongued parasites ; they were 
 not afraid of forfeiting their pensions, or of alarming 
 the consciences, and wounding the delicate ears of 
 their royal and noble auditors, by denouncing the vices 
 which they committed, and the judgments of heaven 
 to which they exposed themselves. The freedom used 
 by the venerable Latimer is well known from his 
 printed seimons, which, for their homely honesty, 
 artless simplicity, native humour, and genuine pictures 
 of the manners of the age, continue still to be read 
 with interest. Grindal, Lever, and Bradford, who 
 were superior to Latimer in learning, evinced the same 
 fidelity and courage. They censured the ambition, 
 avarice, luxury, oppression, and irreligion which reign- 
 ed in the Court. As long as their Sovereign was able 
 to give personal attendance on the sermons, the preach- 
 ers were treated with exterior decency and respect; 
 but after he was confined to his chamber by a consump- 
 tive coagh, the resentment of the courtiers vented 
 itself openly in the most contumelious speeches and 
 insolent behaviour.* 
 
 From what the reader has already seen of Knox's 
 character, he may readily conceive that the sermons 
 delivered by him at court, were not less bold and free 
 than those of his colleagues. We may form a judg- 
 ment of them, from the account which he has given of 
 the last sermon which he preached before his Majesty. 
 In that he directed several piercing glances of reproof 
 at the haughty Premier, and his crafty relation the 
 Marquis of Winchester, Lord High Treasurer, both of 
 whom were among his hearers. His text was John 
 xiii. 18. He that eatelh bread with me, hath lifted up 
 his heel against me. It had been often seen, he said, 
 that the most excellent and godl}' princes were sur- 
 rounded with false and ungodly officers and counsel- 
 lors. Having enquired into the reasons of this, and 
 illustrated the fact from the scripture examples of 
 Achitophel under King David, Shebna under Hezekiah, 
 and Judas under Jesus Christ, he added : " What 
 wonder is it, then, that a young and innocent king be 
 deceived, by crafty, covetous, wicked, and ungodly 
 counsellors 1 I am greatly afraid, that Achitophel be 
 counsellor, that Judas bear the purse, and that Shebna 
 be scribe, comptroller, and treasurer." f 
 
 On the 6th of July, 1553, Edward VI. departed 
 this life, to the unspeakable grief of all the lovers of 
 learning, virtue, and the protestant religion ; and a 
 black cloud spread over England, which after hovering 
 a while, burst into a dreadful storm, that raged during 
 five years with the most destructive fury. Knox was 
 at this time in London. if: He received the afflicting 
 tidings of his Majesty's decease with becoming forti- 
 tude and resignation to the sovereign will of heaven. 
 The event did not meet him unprepared : he had long 
 anticipated it, with its probable consequences : the 
 prospect had produced the keenest anguish in his 
 breast, and drawn tears from his eyes; and he had 
 frequently introduced the subject into his public dis- 
 courses and confidential conversations with his friends. 
 Writing to Mrs. Bowes, some time after this, he says : 
 " How oft have you and 1 talked of these present 
 days, till neither of us both could refrain tears, when 
 no such appearance then was seen of man ! How oft 
 have I said unto you, that I looked daily for trouble, 
 
 * See Note XIX. 
 
 + MS.Letters, p. 175 — 177, and Admonition, p. 5'2, 54. tpud 
 History, Edin. 1644. 4to. 
 
 \ One of his letters to Mrs. Bowes is dated London, 22d June, 
 1553. MS. Letters, p. 249. And from other letters it appears 
 that he was still there in the following; month. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 43 
 
 and that I wondered at it, that so long I should escape 
 it ! What moved me to refuse (and that with dis- 
 pleasure of all men, even of those that best loved me) 
 those high promotions that were offered by him whom 
 God hath taken from us for our offences 1 Assuredly 
 the foresight of trouble to come.* How oft have I 
 said unto you that the time would not be long that 
 England would give me bread ! Advise with the last 
 letter that I wrote unto your brother-in-law, and con- 
 sider what is therein contained."]" 
 
 He remained in London until the 19th of July, when 
 Mary was proclaimed Queen, only nine days after the 
 same ceremony had been performed in that city, for the 
 amiable and unfortunate Lady Jane Grey. The thought- 
 less demonstrations of joy given by the inhabitants, at 
 an event which threatened such danger to the religious 
 faith which they still avowed, affected him so deeply, 
 that he could not refrain, in his sermons, from publicly 
 testifying his displeasure at their conduct, and from 
 warning them of the calamities which they had reason 
 to dread.:!^ Immediately after this, he seems to have 
 withdrawn from London, and retired to the north of 
 England, being justly apprehensive of the measures 
 which might be pursued by the new government.|] 
 
 To induce the protestanls to submit peaceably to her 
 authority, Mary amused them for some time with pro- 
 clamations, in which she promised not lo do violence 
 to their consciences. Though aware of the bigotry 
 of the Queen, and the spirit of the religion to which 
 she was devoted, the protestant ministers reckoned it 
 their duty to improve this respite. Li the month of 
 August, Knox returned to the South, and resumed his 
 labours. It seems to have been at this time that he 
 composed the Confession and Frnyer, commonly used 
 by him in the congregations to which he preached, in 
 which he prayed for Queen Mary by name, and for the 
 suppression of such as meditated rebellion. § While 
 he itinerated through Buckinghamshire, he was at- 
 tended by large audiences, which his popularity and 
 the alarming crisis drew together; especially at Amer- 
 sham, a borough formerly noted fbr the general recep- 
 tion of the doctrines of Wickliffe, the precursor of the 
 Reformation in England, and from which the seed 
 sown by his followers had never been altogether eradi- 
 cated.^ Wherever he went, he earnestly exhorted the 
 people to repentance under the tokens of divine dis- 
 pleasure, and to a steady adherence to the faith which 
 they had embraced. He continued to preach in Buck- 
 inghamshire and Kent during the harvest months, 
 although the measures of government daily rendered 
 his safety more precarious; and in the beginning of 
 November, returned to London, where he resided 
 chiefly with Mr. Locke and Mr. Hickman, two re- 
 spectable merchants of his acquaintance.** 
 
 While the measures of the new government threat- 
 ened danger to all the protestants in the kingdom, and 
 our countryman was under daily apprehensions of im- 
 prisonment, he met with a severe trial of a private 
 nature. I have already mentioned his engagements to 
 Miss Bowes. At this time, it was judged proper by 
 both parties to avow the connection, and to proceed to 
 solemnize their union. This step was opposed by the 
 young lady's father ; and his opposition was accom- 
 panied with circumstances which gave much distress 
 
 * We have already seen (p. 40.) that this was not his sole 
 reason for refusing preferment in the English church. 
 
 + MS. Letters, p. 73, 74. also p. 250. 
 
 j In his " Letter to the faithful in London," &c. he puts them 
 ia mind of the premonitions which he had given on different 
 occasions, and, among others, of "what was spoken in Londone 
 in ma places nor ane, whan fyreis of joy and ryatous banket- 
 ting wer at the proclamation of Marie your quene." MS. 112, 
 113. 
 
 II One of his letters is dated, Carlisle, 26th July, 1553. MS. 
 p. 270. 6 See Note XX. 
 
 1 Fox, 710, 748-9, 751-766. Knox, Admonition, p. 67. Ap- 
 pend, to History, Edin. 1644. 4to. 
 
 «» MS. Letters, p. 289, 291. 
 
 to Knox, to Mrs. Bowes, and her daughter. His re- 
 fusal seems to have proceeded from family pride; but I 
 am inclined to think that it was also influenced'^- 
 religious considerations ; as from different hints drop- 
 ped in the correspondence about this affair, he appears 
 lo have been, if not inclined to popery in his judgment, 
 at least resolved to comply with the religion now 
 favoured by the Court. On this subject I find Knox 
 writing from London to Mrs. Bowbs, in a letter, dated 
 20fh September, 1553. " My great labours, wherein 
 I desire your daily prayers, will not suffer me lo satisfy 
 my mind touching all the process between your hus- 
 band and you, touching my matter with his daughter. 
 I praise God heartily, both for your boldness and con- 
 stancy. But I beseech you, mother, trouble not your- 
 self too much therewith. It becomes me now to jeo- 
 pard my life for the comfort and deliverance of my own 
 flesh,* as that I will do, by God's grace, both fear and 
 friendship of all earthly creature laid aside. I have 
 written to your husband, the contents whereof I trust 
 our brother Harry will declare to you and my wife. 
 If I escape sickness and imprisonment, [you may] be 
 sure to see me soon."f 
 
 His wife and mother-in-law were anxious that he 
 should settle in Berwick, or in its neighbourhood, 
 where he might perhaps be allowed to reside peace- 
 ably, although in a more private way than formerly. 
 To this proposal he does not seem to have been averse, 
 provided he could have seen any prospect of his being 
 able to support himself. Since the accession of Queen 
 Mary, the payment of the salary allotted to him by 
 government had been stopped. Indeed, he had not re- 
 ceived any part of it for the last twelve-months. :{; His 
 father-in-law was abundantly able to give him a suffi- 
 cient establishment ; but Knox's spirit could not brook 
 the thought of being dependant on one who had treated 
 him with coldness and disdain. Induced by the im- 
 portunity of his mother-in-law, he applied to Sir Robert 
 Bowes at London, and attempted by a candid explana- 
 tion of all circumstances, to remove any umbrage 
 which had been conceived against him by the family, 
 and to procure an amicable settlement of the whole 
 affair. The unfavourable issue of this interview was 
 commnnicaled by him in a letter to Mrs. Bowes, of 
 which the following is an extract. 
 
 " Dear Mother, so may and will I call you, not only 
 for the tender affection I bear unto you in Christ, but 
 also for the motherly kindness ye have shewn unto me 
 at all times since our first acquaintance ; albeit such 
 things as I have desired (if it had pleased God), and 
 ye and others have long desired, are never like to come 
 to pass, yet shall ye be sure that my love and care 
 toward you shall never abate, so long as I can care for 
 any earthly creature. Ye shall understand that this 
 6th of November, I spake with Sir Robert Bowes on 
 the matter ye know, according to your request, whose 
 disdainful, yea dispiteful words hath so pierced my 
 heart, that my life is bitter unto me. I bear a good 
 countenance with a sore troubled heart; while he that 
 ought to consider matters with a deep judgment is be- 
 come not only a despiser, but also a taunter of God's 
 messengers. God be merciful unto him. Among 
 other his most unpleasing words, while that I was 
 about to have declared my part in the whole matter, 
 he said, 'Away with your rhetorical reasons, for I will 
 not be persuaded with them.' God knows I did use 
 no rhetoric or coloured speech, but would have spoken 
 the truth, and that in most simple manner. I am not 
 a good oratour in my own cause. But what he would 
 not be content to hear of me, God shall declare to him 
 one day to his displeasure, unless he repent. It is 
 supposed that all the matter comes by you and me. I 
 pray God that your conscience were quiet and at peace, 
 and I regard not what country consume this my wicked 
 carcase. And were [it] not that no man's unthankful- 
 
 * His wife, f MS. Letters, p. 290, 291. t lb. p. 296 
 
44 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 ness shall move me (God supporting my infirmity) to 
 cease to do profit unto Christ's congregation, those 
 days should be few that England would give me bread. 
 And I fear that, when all is done, I shall be driven to 
 that end ; for I cannot abide the disdainful hatred of 
 those, of whom not only I thought I might have craved 
 kindness, but also to whom God hath been by me more 
 liberal than they he thankful. But so must men de- 
 clare themselves. Affection does trouble me at this 
 present ; yet I doubt not to overcome by Him, who will 
 not leave comfortless his afflicted to the end : whose 
 omnipotent Spirit rest with you. Amen."* 
 
 He refers to tlie same disagreeable affair in another 
 letter written about the end of this year. After men- 
 tioning the bad state of his health, which had been 
 greatly increased by distress of mind, he adds, "It 
 will be after the 12th day before I can be at Berwick ; 
 and almost I am determined not to come at all. Ye 
 know the cause. God be more merciful unto some, 
 than they are equitable unto me in judgment. The 
 testimony of my conscience absolves me, before his 
 face who looks not upon the presence of man.-)"" 
 These extracts shew us the heart of the writer ; they 
 discover the sensibility of his temper, the keenness of 
 his feelings, and his pride and independence of spirit 
 struggling with a sense of duty and with affection to 
 his relations. 
 
 About the end of November, or the beginning of De- 
 cember, he retired from the south to Newcastle. The 
 Parliament had by this time repealed all the laws 
 made in favour of the Reformation, and restored the 
 Roman Catholic religion; but such as pleased, were 
 permitted to observe the protestant worship, until the 
 20th of December. After that period they were thrown 
 out of the protection of the law, and exposed to the 
 pains decreed against heretics. Many of the bishops 
 and ministers were committed to prison; others had 
 escaped beyond sea. Knox could not, however, pre- 
 vail on himself either to flee the kingdom, or to desist 
 from preaching. Three days after the period limited 
 by the statute had elapsed, he says in one of his letters, 
 " I may not answer your places of scripture, nor yet 
 write the exposition of the sixth psalm, for every day 
 of this week must I preach, if this wicked carcase will 
 permit.":}: 
 
 His enemies, who had been defeated in their attempts 
 to ruin him under the former government, had now ac- 
 cess to rulers sufficiently disposed to listen to their in- 
 formation. They were not dilatory in improving the 
 opportunity. In the end of December 1553, or begin- 
 ning of January 1554, his servant was seized, as he 
 carried letters from him to his wife and mother-in-law, 
 and the letters were taken from him, in the hopes of 
 finding in them some matter of accusation against the 
 writer. As they contained merely religious advices, 
 and exhortations to constancy in the protestant faith 
 (which he was prepared to avow before any court to 
 which he might be called), he was not alarmed at their 
 interception. But, being aware of the uneasiness which 
 the report would give to his friends at Berwick, he 
 set out immediately with the design of visiting them. 
 Notwithstanding the secrecy with which he conducted 
 this journey, the rumour of it quickly spread ; and some 
 of his wife's relations who had joined him, persuaded 
 that he was in imminent danger, prevailed on him, 
 greatly against his own inclination, to relinquish his 
 design of proceeding to Berwick, and to retire to a 
 place of safety on the coast, from which he might 
 escape by sea, provided the search for him was con- 
 tinued. From this retreat he wrote to his wife and 
 her mother, acquainting them with the reasons of his 
 absconding, and the small prospect which he had of 
 being able at that time to see them. His brethren (he 
 said) "had, partly by admonition, partly by tears, 
 
 • MS. Letters, p. 293, 294. 
 t Ibid. p. 265. 
 
 t Ibid. p. 265. 
 
 compelled him to obey," somewhat contrary to his 
 own mind; for "never could he die in a more honest 
 quarrel," than by suffering as a witness for that truth 
 of which God had made him a messenger. Notwith- 
 standing this state of his mind, he promised, if Provi- 
 dence prepared the way, to " obey the voices of his 
 brethren, and give place to the fury and rage of Satan 
 for a time."* 
 
 Having ascertained that his friends were not mis- 
 taken in the apprehensions which they felt for his 
 safety, and that he could not hope to elude the pursuit 
 of his enemies, if he remained in England, he procured 
 a vessel, which landed him safely at Dieppe, a port of 
 Normandy in France, on the 28ih of January, 1554.f 
 
 PERIOD IV. 
 
 F'roni the year 1554, when he left England, till the year 1556, 
 when he returned to Geneva, after visiting Scotland. 
 
 Providence, having more important services in re- 
 serve for Knox, made use of the urgent importunities 
 of his friends to hurry him away from those dangers, 
 to which, had he been left to the determination of his 
 own mind, his zeal and fearlessness would have 
 prompted him to expose himself. No sooner did he 
 reach a foreign shore than he began to regret the 
 course which he had been induced to take. When he 
 thought upon his fellow-preachers, whom he had left 
 behind him immured in dungeons, and the people 
 lately under his charge, now scattered abroad as sheep 
 without a shepherd, he felt an indescribable pang, and 
 an almost irresistible desire to return and share in the 
 hazardous but honourable conflict. Although he had 
 only complied with the divine direction, " when they 
 persecute you in one city, flee ye unto another," and 
 although in his own breast he stood acquitted of cow- 
 ardice, yet he found it difficult to divest his conduct of 
 the appearance of that weakness, and he was afraid 
 that it might operate as a discouragement to his breth- 
 ren in England, and might prove an inducement to 
 them to make sinful compliances with the view of 
 saving their lives. 
 
 On this subject we find him unbosoming himself to 
 Mrs. Bowes, in his letters from Dieppe. " The desire 
 that I have to hear of your continuance withChrist Jesus, 
 in the day of this his battle (which shortly shall end 
 to the confusion of his proud enemies,) neither by 
 tongue nor by pen can I express, beloved mother. 
 Assuredly, it is such, that it vanquisheth and over- 
 cometh all remembrance and solicitude which the flesh 
 useth to take for feeding and defence of herself. For, 
 in every realm and nation, God will stir up some one 
 or other to minister those things that appertain to this 
 wretched life; and, if men will cease to do their office, 
 yet will he send his ravens : so that in every place, 
 perchance, I may find some fathers to my body. But, 
 alas ! where I shall find children to be begotten unto 
 God, by the word of life, that can I not presently con- 
 sider ; and therefore the spiritual life of such as some- 
 time boldly professed Christ (God knoweth,) is to my 
 heart more dear than all the glory, riches, and honour 
 in earth ; and the falling back of such men, as I 
 hear daily to turn back to that idol again, is to me more 
 dolorous than, 1 trust, the corporal death shall [be,T 
 whenever it shall come at God's appointment. Sontie 
 
 * MS. Letters, p. 284. 
 
 f MS. Letters, p. 318. Archibald Hamilton has trumped 
 up a ridiculous story, respecting Knox's flight from England. 
 He says, that by teaching the unlawfulness of female govern- 
 ment, he had excited a dangerous rebellion against Queen 
 Mary. But the Queen having marched against the rebels, 
 defeated them with great slaughter; upon which Knox, stained 
 with their blood, fled to Geneva, earning along with huu a 
 noble and rich lady ! Dialog, de ConAis. Calv. Sect. p. 65. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 will ask then, Why did I flee 1 Assuredly I cannot 
 tell. But of one thing I am sure, the fear of death 
 was not the chief cause of my fleeing. I trust that 
 one cause hath been to let me see with my corporal 
 eyes, that all had not a true heart to Christ Jesus, that, 
 in the day of rest and peace, bare a fair face. But my 
 fleeing is no matter : by God's grace I may come to 
 battle before that all the conflict be ended. And haste 
 the time, O Lord ! at thy good pleasure, that once 
 again my tongue may yet praise thy holy name before 
 the congregation, if it were but in the very hour of 
 death." — " I would not bow my knee before that most 
 abominable idol for all the torments that earthly ty- 
 rants can devise, God so assisting me, as his Holy 
 Spirit presently moveth me to write unfeignedly. 
 And albeit that I have, in the beginning of this battle, 
 appeared to play the faint-hearted and feeble soldier 
 (the cause I remit to God,) yet my prayer is, that I 
 may be restored to the battle again. And blessed be 
 God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christy I am not 
 left so bare without comfort, but my hope is to obtain 
 such mercy, that, if a short end be not made of all my 
 miseries by final death, (which to me were no small 
 advantage,) that yet, by Him who never despiseth the 
 sobs of the sore afflicted, I shall be so encouraged to 
 fight that England and Scotland shall both know, that 
 I am ready to suffer more than either poverty or exile, 
 for the profession of that doctrine, and that heavenly 
 religion, whereof it has pleased his merciful providence 
 to make me, among others, a simple soldier and witness- 
 bearer unto men. And therefore, mother, let no fear 
 enter into your heart, as that I, escaping the furious 
 rage of these ravenous wolves (that for our unthank- 
 fulness are lately loosed from their bands,) do repent 
 any thing of my former fervency. No, mother; for a 
 few sermons by me to be made within England, my 
 heart at this hour could be content to suflfer more than 
 nature were able to sustain ; as by the grace of the 
 most mighty and most merciful God, who only is God 
 of comfort and consolation through Christ Jesus, one 
 day shall be known."* 
 
 In his present sequestered situation, Knox had full 
 leisure to meditate upon the various and surprising 
 turns of providence in his lot, during the last seven 
 years; his call to the ministry and employment at St. 
 Andrews, his subsequent imprisonment and release, 
 the sphere of usefulness in which he had been placed 
 in England, with the afflicting manner in which he was 
 excluded from it, and driven to seek refuge as an 
 exile in that country to which he had formerly been 
 carried as a prisoner. The late events seemed in a 
 special manner to summon him to a solemn review of 
 the manner in which he had discharged the sacred trust 
 committed to him, as "a steward of the mysteries of 
 God." It will throw light on his character, and may 
 not be without use to such as occupy the same station, 
 to exhibit the result of his reflections on this subject. 
 
 He could not deny, without ingratitude to Him who 
 had called him to be his servant, that his qualifications 
 for the ministry had been in no small degree improved 
 since he came to England ; and he had the testimony 
 of his own conscience, in addition to that of his nu- 
 merous auditors, that he had not altogether neglected 
 the gifts bestowed on him, but had exercised them 
 with some measure of fidelity and painfulness. At 
 the same time, he found reason for self-accusation on 
 different grounds. Having mentioned, in one of his 
 letters, the reiterated charge of Christ to Peter, Feed 
 my sheep, feed my lambs, he exclaims, " O alas ! how 
 small is the number of pastors that obeys this com- 
 mandment. But this matter will I not deplore, except 
 that I (not speaking of others) will accuse myself that 
 do not, I confess, the uttermost of my power in feeding 
 the lambs and sheep of Christ. I satisfy, peradven- 
 ture, many men in the small labours I take ; but I 
 
 45 
 
 satisfy not myself. I have done somewhat, but not 
 according to my duty."* In the discharge of private 
 duties, he acknowledges, that shame, and the fear of 
 incurring the scandal of the world, had sometimes 
 hindered him from visiting the female part of his 
 charge, and administering to them the instruction and 
 comfort which they craved. In public ministrations, 
 he had been deficient in fervency and fidelity, in im- 
 partiality, and in diligence. He could not charge him- 
 self with flattery, and his "rude plainness" had given 
 offence to some ; but his conscience now accused him 
 of not having been sufficiently plain in admonishing 
 offenders. His custom had been to describe the vices 
 of which his hearers were guilty in such colours that 
 they might read their own image; but being "unwil- 
 ling to provoke all men against him," he had restrained 
 himself from particular applications. Though his "eye 
 had not been muc4> set on y'orldly promotion," he had 
 sometimes been allured, by affection for friends and 
 familiar acquaintances, to reside too long in particular 
 places, to the neglect of others which had equal or per- 
 haps stronger claims on his regard. At that time he 
 thought he had not sinned, if he had not been idle; 
 now he was convinced that it was his duty to have 
 considered how long he should remain in one place, 
 and how many hungry souls were starving elsewhere. 
 Sometimes, at the solicitation of friends, he had spared 
 himself, and devoted to worldly business, or to bodily 
 recreation and exercise, the time which ought to have 
 been employed in the discharge of his official duties. 
 " Besides these, (says he) I was assaulted, yea in- 
 fected, with more gross sins, that is, my wicked nature 
 desired the favours, the estimation, and praise of men ; 
 against which, albeit that sometimes the Spirit of God 
 did move me to fight, and earnestly did stir me (God 
 knoweth I lie not) to sob and lament for these imper- 
 fections, yet never ceased they to trouble me, when 
 any occasion was offered ; and so privily and craftily 
 did they enter into my breast, that I could not perceive 
 myself to be wounded, till vain-glory had almost got 
 the upperhand. O Lord ! be merciful to my great 
 offence; and deal not with me according to my great 
 iniquity, but according to the multitude of thy mer- 
 cies."! 
 
 Such was the strict scrutiny which Knox made into 
 his ministerial conduct. To many the offences of which 
 he accused himself will appear slight and venial: 
 others will perceive in them nothing worthy of blame. 
 But they struck his mind in a very diflTerent light, in 
 the hour of adversity and solitary meditation. If he, 
 whose labours were so abundant as to appear to us 
 excessive, had such reason for self-condemnation, how 
 few are there in the same station who may not saj', / 
 do remember my faults this day ! 
 
 He did not, however, abandon himself to melancholy 
 and unavailing complaints. One of his first cares, 
 after arriving at Dieppe, was to employ his pen in 
 writing suitable advices to those whom he could no 
 longer instruct by his sermons and conversation. 
 With this view he transmitted to England two short 
 treatises. The one was an exposition of the sixth 
 psalm, which, at the request of Mrs. Bowes, he had 
 begun to write in England, but had not found leisure 
 to finish. It is an excellent practical discourse upon 
 that portion of scripture, and will be read, with pecu- 
 liar satisfaction, by those who have been trained to 
 religion in the school of adversity. The other treatise 
 was a large letter, addressed to those in London and 
 other parts of England, among whom he had been 
 employed as a preacher. The drift of it was to warn 
 them against abandoning the religion which they had 
 embraced, or giving countenance to the idolatrous wor- 
 ship; now erected among them. The reader of this 
 letter cannot fail to be struck with its animated strain, 
 
 * MS. Letters, p. 70, 71, 107, 108. 
 
 * MS. Letters, p. 308, 309. 
 
 t lb. 165 — 167. Admonition, p. 46 — 48. ut supra. 
 
46 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 when he reflects, that it proceeded from a forlorn exile, 
 in a strange country, without a single acquaintance, 
 and ignorant where he would find a place of abode or 
 the means of subsistence. I cannot refrain from quot- 
 ing its conclusion, as a specimen of the most impres- 
 sive eloquence, and the most elevated piety ; in which 
 he addresses their consciences, their hopes, their fears, 
 their feelings, and adjures them by all that is sacred, 
 and all that is dear to them, as men, as parents, and 
 as Christians, not to start back from their good profes- 
 sion, and plunge themselves and their posterity into 
 the gulph of ignorance and idolatry. 
 
 " Allace ! sail we, efter so many graces that God 
 has ofFerit in our dayis, for pleasure, or for vane threat- 
 nying of thame whome our hart knaweth and our 
 moutheshaveconfessit to be odious idolateris,altogidder 
 without resistance turne back to our vomit and damp- 
 nabill ydolatrie, to the perdition of uslnd our posteritie ? 
 O horribill to be hard ! Sail Godis halie preceptis wirk 
 no greater obedience in ws ? Sail nature no otherwayis 
 molifie our hartis ? Sail not fatherlie pitie overcum 
 this cruelnes ? I speik to you, O natural fatheris. 
 Behold your children with the eie of mercie, and con- 
 sidder the end of thair creatioun. Crueltie it were to 
 saif your selves, and damp thame. But, O ! more than 
 crueltie, and madnes that can not be expressit, gif,* 
 for the pleasure of a moment, ye depryve yourselves 
 and your posteritie of that eternall joy that is ordanit 
 for thame that continewis in confessioun of Christis 
 name to the end. Gif natural lufe, fatherlie affectioun, 
 reverence of God, feir of torment, or yit hoip of lyfe, 
 move you, then will ye ganestand that abomnabill ydol. 
 Whilk gif ye do not, then, allace! the sonef is gone 
 doun, and the lyht is quyte lost, the trompet is ceissit, 
 and ydolatrie is placeit in quietnes and rest. But gif 
 God sail strenthin you (as unfainedlie I pray that his 
 majestic may) then is their but ane dark elude over- 
 spred the sone for ane moment, whilk schortlie sail 
 vanische, sa that the beames efter salbe seven fald 
 mair bryht and amiable nor thay were befoir. Your 
 patience and constancie salbe a louder trompet to your 
 posteritie, than wer the voces of the prophetis that 
 instructit you ; and so is not the trompit ceissit sa lang 
 as any baldlie resisteth ydolatrie. And, thairfoir, for 
 the tender mercies of God, arme yourselves to stand 
 with Christ in this his schorte battell. 
 
 " Let it be knawn to your posteritie that ye wer 
 Christianis, and no ydolateris; that ye learnit Chryst 
 in tyme of rest, and baldlie professit him in tyme of 
 trubill. The preceptis, think ye, are scharpe and hard 
 to be observit ; and yet agane 1 affirme, that comparit 
 with the plagis that sail assuredlie fall upon obstinat 
 ydolateris, they salbe fund easie and lycht. For avoyd- 
 ing of ydolatrie ye may perchance be compellit to live 
 your native conlrie and realme; but obeyris of ydola- 
 trie without end salbe compellit to burne in hell: for 
 avoyding ydolatrie your substance salbe spoillit; but 
 for obeying ydolatrie heavenlie ryches salbe lost: for 
 avoyding of ydolatrie ye may fall in the handis of 
 earthlie tirantis ; but obeyeris, manteaneris, and con- 
 sentaris to ydolatrie sail not eschaip the handis of the 
 liveing God : for avoyding of ydolatrie your children 
 salbe depryvit of father, friendis, ryches, and of rest; 
 but be obeying ydolatrie thay salbe left without God, 
 without the knawledge of his word, and without hoip 
 of his kingdome. Considder, deir brethrene, that how 
 mekill mair:t: dolorous and feirfull it is to be tormentit 
 in hell than to suffer trubill in erth ; to be depryvit of 
 heavenlie joy, than to be rubbit of transitorie ryches ; 
 to fall in the handis of the liveing God, than to obey 
 manis vane and uncerlane displeasure; to leif oure 
 childrene destitute of God, than to leif thame-'un- 
 provydit befoir the world ; — sa mekill mair feirful it is 
 to obey ydolatrie, or by dissembling to consent to the 
 Bame, than be avoyding and flying from the abomina- 
 
 • if. 
 
 f tUD. 
 
 X much more. 
 
 tioun, to suffer what inconvenient may follow thair- 
 upon. 
 
 "Ye feir corporall deth. Gif nature admittit any 
 man to live ever, then had your feir sum aperance of 
 reasone. But gif corporall deth be commoun to all, 
 why will ye jeoparde to lois eternall lyfe, to eschaip 
 that which nether ryche nor pure, nether wyse nor 
 ignorant, proud of stomoke nor febill of corage, and 
 finally, no earthlie creature, be no craft nor ingyne* 
 of man, did ever avoid. Gif any eschaipit the uglie 
 face and horibill feir of deth, it was thay that baldlie 
 confessit Chryst befoir men. — Why aucht the way of 
 lyfe [to] be so feirfull, be reasone of any pane, con- 
 siddering that a great noumber of oure brethrene hes 
 past befoir ws, be lyke dangeris as we feir 1 A stout 
 and prudent marinell, in tyme of tempest, seeing but 
 one or two schippis, or like weschells to his, pas 
 througout any danger, and to win a sure harberie, will 
 have gud esperancef , be the lyke wind, to do the same. 
 Allace ! sail ye be mair feirfull to win lyfe eternall, 
 than the natural ipan is to save the corporall lyfe 1 Hes 
 not the maist part of the Sanctis of God from the be- 
 gynning enterit into thair rest, be torment and trubillis 1 
 And yit what complayntis find we in thair mouthis, 
 except it be the lamenting of thair persecuteris 1 Did 
 God comfort thame I and sail his Majestic despyse us, 
 gif, in fichting aganis iniquitie, we will follow thair 
 futstepisi Hie will not."^: 
 
 On the last day of February 1554,|| he set out from 
 Dieppe, like the Hebrew patriarch of old, " not know- 
 ing whither he went;"§ and " committing his way to 
 God," travelled through France, and came to Switzer- 
 land. A correspondence had been kept up between 
 some of the English reformers and the most noted 
 divines of the Helvetic church. The latter had already 
 heard, with the sincerest grief, of the overthrow of the 
 Reformation, and the dispersion of its friends, in Eng- 
 land. On making himself known, Knox was cordially 
 received by them, and treated with the most affectionate 
 hospitality. He spent some time in Switzerland, visit- 
 ing the particular churches, and conferring with the 
 learned men of that country ; and embraced the oppor- 
 tunity of submitting to them certain difficult questions, 
 which were suggested by the present conjuncture of 
 affairs in England, and about which his mind had been 
 greatly occupied. Their views with respect to these 
 coinciding with his own, he was confirmed in the judg- 
 ment which he had already formed for himself. T[ 
 
 In the beginning of May he returned to Dieppe, to 
 receive information from England, a journey which he 
 repeated at intervals as long as he remained on the 
 Continent. The kind reception which he had met 
 with, and the agreeable company which he enjoyed, 
 during his short residence in Switzerland, had helped 
 to dissipate the cloud which hung upon his spirits 
 when he landed in France, and to open his mind to 
 more pleasing prospects as to the issue of the present 
 
 * wit. + hope. 
 
 t Letter to the Faythful in Londoun, &c. apud MS. Letters, 
 p. 149—151, 156. 
 
 II His exposition of the sixth psalm concludes with these 
 words: "Upon the very point of my journey, the last of 
 February, 1553." MS. Letters, p. 109. The reader should 
 recollect, that in our Reformer's time, they did not beg-in the 
 year until the 25th of March; so that "February, 1553," ac- 
 cording to the old reckoning, is "February, 1554," according 
 to the modern. 
 
 6 His Letter to the Faithful in London, &c. concludes thus: 
 " From ane sore trubillit hart, upon my departure from Diep, 
 1553, whither God knaweth. In God is my trust through Jesui 
 Chryst his sone; and thairfoir I feir not the tyrannie of man, 
 nether yet what the Devill can invent against nie. Rejoice ye 
 faithful!: for in joy shall we meit, wher deth may not dissever 
 us." MS. Letters, p. 157, 158. 
 
 f In a letter, dated Dieppe, May 10, 1554, he says: "My 
 awne estait is this. Since the 28 of Januar [counting from the 
 time he came to France] I have traveilit throuphout all the 
 congregations of Helvetia, and has reasonit with all the pastoris 
 and many other excellentlie learnit men, upon sic matters as 
 now I cannot comit to wrytting." MS. Letters, p. 318. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 47 
 
 afflicting events. This appears from a letter written 
 by him at this time, and addressed "To his afflicted 
 Brethren." After discoursing of the situation of the 
 disciples of Christ, during the time that he lay in the 
 grave, and of the sudden transition which they expe- 
 rienced, upon the re-appearance of their Master, from 
 the depth of sorrow to the summit of joy, he adds; 
 "The rememberance thereof is unto my heart great 
 matter of consolation. For yet my hope is, that one 
 day or other, Christ .Tesus, that now is crucified in 
 England, shall rise again, in despite of his enemies, 
 and shall appear to his weak and sore troubled dis- 
 ciples (for yet some he hath in that wretched and 
 miserable realm) ; to whom he shall say. Peace be unto 
 you: it is I ; he not afraid J'"'* 
 
 His spirit was also refreshed, at this time, by the 
 information that he received of the constancy with 
 which his mother-in-law adhered to the prolestant 
 faith. Her husband, it appears, had expected that 
 she and the rest of her family had consciences equally 
 accommodating with his own. It was not until she 
 had evinced, in the most determined manner, her reso- 
 lution to forsake her friends and her native country, 
 rather than sacrifice her religion, that she was released 
 from his importunities to comply with the Roman Ca- 
 tholic religion. f Before he went to Switzerland, Knox 
 had signified his intention, if his life was spared, of 
 visiting his friends at Berwick.:}; When he returned 
 to Dieppe, he had not relinquished the thoughts of 
 this enterprise. II It is likely that his friends had, 
 in their letters, dissuaded him from this; and, after 
 cool consideration, he resolved to postpone an attempt, 
 by which he must have risked his life, without the 
 prospect of doing any good.§ 
 
 Wherefore, setting out again from Dieppe, he re- 
 paired to Geneva. The celebrated Calvin, who was 
 then in the zenith of his reputation and usefulness, had 
 completed the ecclesiastical establishment of that city ; 
 and, having surmounted the opposition raised by those 
 who envied his authority, or disliked his system of 
 doctrine and discipline, was securely seated in the 
 affections of the citizens. His writings were already 
 translated into the different languages of Europe; and 
 Geneva was thronged with strangers from Germany, 
 France, Poland, Hungary, and even from Spain and 
 Italy, who came to consult him about the advancement 
 of the Reformation, or to find shelter from the persecu- 
 tions to which they were exposed, in their native coun- 
 tries. The name of Calvin was respected by none 
 more than by the protestants of England; and at the 
 desire of archbishop Cranmer, he had imparted to the 
 Protector Somerset, and to Edward VI. his advice as 
 to the best method of advancing the Reformation in 
 that kingdom.^f Knox was affectionately received by 
 him as a refugee from England, and an intimate friend- 
 ship was soon formed between them, which subsisted 
 until the death of Calvin in 1564. They were nearly 
 of the same age ; and there was a striking similarity 
 in their sentiments, and in the more prominent features 
 of their character. The Genevan Reformer was highly 
 pleased with the piety and talents of Knox, who, in 
 his turn, entertained a greater esteem and deference for 
 Calvin than for any other of the reformers. As Geneva 
 was an eligible situation for prosecuting study, and 
 as he approved much of the religious order established 
 in that city, he resolved to make it the ordinary place 
 of his residence during the continuance of his exile. 
 
 But no prospect of personal safety or accommodation 
 could banish from his mind the thoughts of his perse- 
 cuted brethren. In the month of July he undertook 
 another journey to Dieppe, to inform himself accurately 
 of their situation, and to learn if he could do any thing 
 
 * MS. Letters, p. 313—315. f lb. p. 311. t lb. p. 106. 
 11 lb. p. 319. } lb. p. 310. 
 
 1 Strype's Cranmer, p. 413. Calvini Epist. et Respons. p. 
 179, 245, 248. Hanov. 1597. 
 
 for their comfort.* The tidings he received on this 
 occasion tore open those wounds which had begun to 
 close. The severities used against the protestants of 
 England daily increased ; and, what was still more 
 afflicting to him, many of those who had embraced the 
 truth under his ministry had been induced to return to 
 the communion of the Popish Church. In the agony 
 of his spirit, he wrote to them, setting before them the 
 destruction to which they exposed their immortal soula 
 by such cowardly desertion, and earnestly calling them 
 to repent.f Under his present impressions, he repeated 
 his former admonitions to his mother-in-law, and to his 
 wife ; over whose religious constancy he was tenderly 
 jealous. " By pen will I write (because the bodies 
 are put asunder to meet again at God's pleasure) that 
 which, by mouth, and face to face, ye have heard. 
 That if man or angel labour to bring you back from 
 the confession that* once you have given, let them in 
 that behalf be accursed. If any trouble you above 
 measure, whether they be magistrates or carnal friends, 
 they shall bear their just condemnation, unless they 
 speedily repent. But now, mother, comfort you my 
 heart, (God grant ye may) in this my great affliction 
 and dolorous pilgrimage ; continue stoutly to the end, 
 and bow you never before that idol, and so will the 
 rest of worldly troubles be unto me more tolerable. 
 With my own heart I oft commune, yea, and, as it 
 were comforting myself, I appear to triumph, that God 
 shall never suffer you to fall in that rebuke. Sure I 
 am that both ye would fear and eshame to commit that 
 abomination in my presence, who am but a wretched 
 man, subject to sin and misery like to yourself. But, 
 O mother ! though no earthly creature should be of- 
 fended with you, yet fear ye the presence and offence 
 of Him, who, present in all places, searcheth the 
 very heart and reins, whose indignation, once kindled 
 against the inobedient (and no sin more inflameth his 
 wrath than idolatry doth), no creature in heaven nor in 
 earth is able to appease. :}; 
 
 He was in this state of mind when he composed the 
 Admonition to England, which was published about 
 the end of this year. Those who have censured him, 
 as indulging in an excessive vehemence of spirit and 
 bitterness of language, usually refer to this tract in 
 support of the charge. || It is true, that he there paints 
 the persecuting papists in the blackest colours, and 
 holds them up as objects of human execration and di- 
 vine vengeance. I do not now stop to inquire, whether 
 he was chargeable with transgressing the bounds of 
 moderation prescribed by reason and religion, in the 
 expression of his indignation and zeal ; or whether the 
 censures pronounced by his accusers, and the prin- 
 ciples upon which they proceed, do not involve a con- 
 demnation of the temper and language of the most 
 righteous men mentioned in Scripture, and even of our 
 Saviour himself. But 1 ask. Is there no apology for 
 his severity to be found in the characters of the persons 
 against whom he wrote, and in the state of his own 
 feelings, lacerated, not by personal sufferings, but by 
 sympathy with his suffering brethren, who were driven 
 
 * One of his letters to Mrs. Bowes, is dated " At Diep the 
 20 of Jul}', 1554, after I had visitit Geneva and uther partis, 
 and returned to Diep to learn the estait of Ineland and Scot- 
 land." MS. Letters, p. 255, 256. This is the fetter which 
 was published by Knox, alon^ with his answer (o Tyrie, in 
 1572, after the death of Mrs. Bowes. 
 
 \ In the letter mentioned in last note, he refers his mother- 
 in-law to "a general letter written (says he) be me in greit 
 anguiss of hart to the congregationis of whonie I heir say a 
 greit part> under pretence that thai may keip faith secreitt in 
 the hart, and yet do as idolaters do, beginnis now to fall before 
 that idoil. But O alas! blindit and desavit ar thai; as thai 
 sail knaw in the Lordis visitatioun, whilk, sa assuredlie as our 
 God liveth, shall shortlie apprehend thai backstarteris amangii 
 the niiddis of idolateris." MS. Letters, p. 252. On the niargrn 
 of the printed copy is this note. " Frequent letters written bjr 
 Johne Knox to decline from idolatrie." 
 
 t MS. Letters, p. 251— 253. 
 
 [) Collier (Eccles. History, ii. 441.), cum muUis aliis. 
 
48 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 into prisons by their unnatural countrymen, " as sheep 
 for the slaughter," to be brought forth and barbarously 
 immolated to appease the Roman Moloch 1 Who could 
 suppress indignation in speaking of the conduct of men, 
 who, having raised themselves to honour and affluence 
 by the warmest professions of friendship to the re- 
 formed religion under the preceding reign, now abetted 
 the most violent measures against their former brethren 
 and benefactors 1 VV^hat terms were loo strong for 
 stigmatizing the execrable system of persecution coolly 
 projected by the dissembling, vindictive Gardiner, 
 the brutal barbarity of the bloody Bonner, or the un- 
 relenting, insatiable cruelty of Mary, who, having ex- 
 tinguished the feelings of humanity, and divested her- 
 self of the tenderness which characterizes her sex, 
 continued to issue orders for the murder of her sub- 
 jects, until her own husband, bigoted and unfeeling 
 as he was, turned with disgust froraf the spect'acie, and 
 to urge to fresh severities the willing instruments of 
 her cruelty, after they were sated with blood ! 
 On siicli a theme 'tis impious to be calm; 
 Passion is reason, transport temper here. — YcUNG. 
 " Oppression makes a wise man mad :" but (to use 
 the words of a modern orator,* with a more just appli- 
 cation) " the distemper is still the madness of the wise, 
 which is better than the sobriety o( fools. Their cry is 
 the voice of sacred misery, exalted, not into wild rav- 
 ing, but into the sanctified phrensy of prophecy and 
 inspiration." 
 
 Knox returned to Geneva, and applied himself to 
 study with all the ardour of youth, although his age 
 now bordered upon fifty. It seems to have been at 
 this time that he made himself master of the Hebrew 
 language, which he had no opportunity of acquiring 
 in early life.f It is natural to enquire, by what funds 
 he was supported during his exile. However much 
 inclined his mother-in-law was to relieve his neces- 
 sities, the disposition of her husband seems to have 
 put it greatly out of her power. Any small sum which 
 his friends had advanced to him, before his sudden de- 
 parture from England, was exhausted; and he was at 
 this time very much straitened for money. Being un- 
 willing to burden strangers, he looked for assistance 
 to the voluntary contributions of those among whom 
 he had laboured. In a letter to Mrs. Bowes, he says, 
 "My own estate I cannot well declare; but God shall 
 guide the footsteps of him that is wilsome, and will 
 feed him in trouble that never greatly solicited for the 
 world. If any collection might be made among the 
 faithful, it were no shame for me to receive that which 
 Paul refused not in the time of his trouble. But all I 
 remit to His providence, that ever careth for his 
 own.":|: I find, that remittances were made to him 
 by particular friends, both in England and in Scotland, 
 during his residence on the Continent. || 
 
 Meanwhile, the persecution growing hot in England, 
 great numbers of protestants had made their escape 
 from that kingdom. Before the close of the year 1554, 
 there were on the Continent several hundred learned 
 Englishmen, besides others of different ranks, who had 
 preferred their religion to their country, and voluntarily 
 encountered all the hardships of exile, that they might 
 hold fast the profession of the protestant faith. The 
 foreign reformed churches exhibited, on this occasion, 
 an amiable proof of the spirit of their religion, and 
 amply recompensed the kindness which many foreign- 
 ers had experienced in England, during the reign of 
 Edward. They emulated one another in exertions to 
 accommodate the unfortunate refugees who were dis- 
 persed among ihcm, and endeavoured with the most 
 affectionate solicitude to supply their wants and alle- 
 viate their sufferings. § The principal places in which 
 
 • Bu.-ke. + MS. Letters, p. 322. Davidson's Brief 
 
 Comniendatiouii of Uprichtiies; reprinted in the Supplement. 
 
 t MS. Letters, p. 256. Il Ibid. 344, 373. 
 
 j It is painful to observe, that many of the Lutherans, at 
 this time, disgraced themselves by their illiberal inhospitalitj, 
 
 they obtained settlements, were Zurich, Basle, Geneva, 
 Arrow, Embden, Wezel, Strasburg, Duysburg, and 
 Frankfort. 
 
 Frankfort on the Maine was a rich imperial city of 
 Germany, which, at an early period, had embraced the 
 Reformation, and befriended protestant refugees from 
 all countries, as far as this could be done without 
 coming to an open breach with the Emperor, by whom 
 their conduct was watched with a jealous eye. There 
 was already a church of French protestants in that 
 city. On the 14lh of July, 1554, the English exiles, 
 who had come to Frankfort, obtained from the magis- 
 trates the joint use of the place of worship allotted to 
 the French, with liberty to perform religious service 
 in their own language.* This was granted upon the 
 condition, of their conforming as nearly as possible to 
 the mode of worship used by the French church, a 
 prudent precaution dictated by the political situation 
 in which they were placed. The offer was gratefully 
 accepted by the English, who came to an unanimous 
 agreement, that they would omit the use of the surplice, 
 the litany, the audible responses, and some other cere- 
 monies prescribed by the English liturgy, which, 
 " in those reformed churches, would seem more than 
 strange," or which were " superstitious and superflu- 
 ous." Having settled this point in the most harmo- 
 nious manner, elected a temporary pastor and deacons, 
 and agreed upon some rules for discipline, they wrote 
 a circular letter to their brethren who were scattered 
 through different places, informing them of the agree- 
 able settlement which they had obtained, and inviting 
 them to participate with them in their accommodations 
 at Frankfort, and to unite in prayers for the afflicted 
 church of England. The exiles at Strasburg, in 
 their reply to this letter, recommended to them certain 
 persons as best qualified for filling the offices of super- 
 intendent and pastor; a recommendation not asked by 
 the congregation at Frankfort, who did not think a 
 superintendent necessary in their situation, and who 
 intended to put themselves under the inspection of two 
 or three pastors invested with equal authority. They, 
 accordingly, proceeded to make choice of three persons 
 to this office. One of these was Knox, who received 
 information of his election by a letter written in the 
 name of the congregation, and subscribed by its prin- 
 cipal members."}- 
 
 The deputation which waited upon him with this 
 invitation found him engaged in the prosecution of his 
 studies at Geneva. From aversion to interrupt these, 
 or from the apprehension of difficulties that he might 
 ineet with at Frankfort, he would gladly have excused 
 himself from accepting the invitation. But the depu- 
 ties having employed the powerful intercession of 
 Calvin, :J: he was induced to comply, and repairing to 
 Frankfort in the month of November, commenced his 
 ministry with the universal consent and approbation 
 of the church. Previous to his arrival, however, the 
 harmony which at first subsisted among that people 
 had been disturbed. In reply to their circular letter, 
 the exiles at Zurich had signified that they would 
 not come to Frankfort, unless they obtained security 
 that the church there would " use the same order of 
 service concerning religion, which was, in England, 
 last set forth by King Edward ;" for they were fully 
 
 refusing-, in different instances, to admit those who fled from 
 England into their harbours and towns; because they differed 
 from them in their sentiments on the sacramental controversy. 
 Melch. Adami Vitac Exter. Theolog. p. 20. Strype's Cranmer, 
 p. 353, 361. Gerdes. Hist. Reform. Tom. iii. 235—7. 
 
 * Tlie English exiles were ertatly indebted for this favour 
 to the friendTv services of the French pastors. One of these, 
 Valerandus Polanus, was a native of Flanders, and had been 
 minister of a coneregation in Strasburg. During the confu- 
 sions produced in Germany by the Interim, he had retired along 
 with his congregation to England, and obtained a settlement 
 at Glastonbury. Upon the death of Edward, he went to Frank- 
 fort. Strype's Memor. of the Reformat, ii. 242. 
 
 ■f See Note XXI. \ Knox, Historie, p. 85. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 49 
 
 determined " to admit and use no other." They al- 
 leged that, by varying from that service, they would 
 give occasion to their adversaries to charge their reli- 
 gion with imperfection and mutability, and would 
 condemn their brethren in England, who were then 
 sealing it with their blood. To these representations 
 the brethren at Frankfort replied, that they had ob- 
 tained the liberty of a place of worship, upon condition 
 of their accommodating themselves as much as possi- 
 ble to the form used by the French church ; that there 
 were a number of things in the English service-book 
 which would be oifensive to the protestants among 
 whom they resided, and which had been occasion of 
 scruple to conscientious persons at home; that, by the 
 variations which they had introduced, they were very 
 far from meaning to throw any reflection upon the regu- 
 lations of their late sovereign and his council, who had 
 themselves altered many things, and had resolved on 
 greater alterations, without thinking that they gave 
 any handle to their popish adversaries ; and still less 
 did they mean to detract from the credit of the martyrs, 
 who, they were persuaded, shed their blood in confir- 
 mation of more important things than mutable ceremo- 
 nies of human appointment. This reply had the effect 
 of lowering the tone of the exiles at Zurich, but it did 
 not satisfy them ; and instead of desisting from the 
 controversy, and contenting themselves with remain- 
 ing where they were, they instigated their brethren at 
 Strasburg to urge the same request, and, by letters 
 and messengers, fomented dissention in the congrega- 
 tion at Frankfort.* 
 
 When Knox arrived, he found that the seeds of ani- 
 mosity had already sprung up among them. From 
 what we already know of his sentiments respecting the 
 English service-book, we may be sure that the eager- 
 ness manifested by those who wished to impose it was 
 very displeasing to him. But so sensible was he of 
 the pernicious and discreditable effects of division 
 among brethren exiled for the same faith, that he re- 
 solved to act as a moderator between the two parties, 
 and to avoid, as far as possible, every thing which 
 might have a tendency to widen or continue the breach. 
 Accordingly, when the congregation had agreed to 
 adopt the order of the Genevan church, f and requested 
 him to proceed to administer the communion according 
 to it, although he approved of that order, he declined 
 to carry it into practice, until their learned brethren in 
 other places were consulted. At the same time, he 
 signified that he had not freedom to dispense the sacra- 
 ments agreeably to the English liturgy. If he could 
 not be allowed to perform this service in a manner 
 more consonant to scripture, he requested that some 
 other person might be employed in this part of duty, 
 and he would willingly confine himself to preaching: 
 if neither of these could be granted, he besought them 
 to release him altogether from his charge. To this last 
 request the}' would by no means consent. 
 
 Fearing that, if these differences were not speedily 
 accommodated, they would burst into a flame, Knox, 
 and some other members of the congregation, drew up 
 a summary of the Book of Common Prayer, and having 
 translated it into Latin, sent it to Calvin for his opinion 
 and advice. Calvin replied in a letter, dated January 
 
 * Brieff Discours off the Troubles beg-onne at Franckford in 
 German}', Anno Domini 1554. Abovvte the booke off Common 
 Prayer, pp. xviii — xxiiii. Printed in 1575. This book contains a 
 full actount of the transactions of the English church at F'rank- 
 fort, confirmed by original papers. The author was a non-con- 
 formist, but his narrative was allowed to be accurate by the 
 opposite party. To save repetition, I may mention once for 
 all, that, when no authority is referred to, my statement of 
 these transactions is taken from this book. It was reprinted in 
 1642, and is also to be found in the second volume of the 
 Phenix, or a revival of Scarce and Valuable Pieces. Lond. 
 1707 — 8. But I have made use of the firet edition. 
 
 + This was the order of worship used by the church of 
 Geneva, of which Calvin was minister: It had been lately 
 translated into English. 
 
 G 
 
 20, 1555 ; he lamented the unseemly contentions which 
 prevailed among them ; he said that, although he had 
 always recommended moderation respecting external 
 ceremonies, yet he could not but condemn the obsti- 
 nacy of those who would consent to no change of old 
 customs ; that in the liturgy of England he had found 
 many tolerable fooleries, (tolerabiles ineptias), practices 
 which might be tolerated at the beginning of a reforma- 
 tion, but which ought afterwards to be removed ; he 
 thought that the present condition of the English exiles 
 warranted them to attempt this, and to agree upon an 
 order more conducive to edification ; and, for his part, 
 he could not understand what those persons meant who 
 discovered such fondness for popish dregs.* 
 
 This letter, being read to the congregation, had a 
 great effect in repressing the keenness of such as had 
 urged the unlimited use of the liturgy ; and a com- 
 mittee was appointed to draw up a form which might 
 accommodate all differences. | When this committee 
 met, Knox told them that he was convinced it was 
 necessary for one of the parties to relent, before they 
 could come to an amicable settlement; and that he 
 would therefore state what he judged most proper to 
 be done, and having exonerated himself, would allow 
 them, without opposition, to determine as they should 
 answer to God and the church. They accordingly 
 agreed upon a form of worship, in which some things 
 were taken from the English liturgy, and others added, 
 which were thought suitable to their circumstances. 
 This was to continue in force until the end of April 
 next; and if any dispute arose in ihe interval, it was 
 to be referred to five of the most celebrated foreign 
 divines. The agreement was subscribed by all the 
 members of the congregation; thanks were publicly 
 returned to God for the restoration of harmony ; and 
 the communion was received as a pledge of union, and 
 the burial of all past offences. 
 
 But this agreement was soon after violated, and the 
 peace of that unliappy congregation again broken, in 
 the most wanton and scandalous manner. On the 13th 
 of March, 1555, Dr. Cox, who had been preceptor to 
 Edward VI. came from England to Frankfort, with 
 some others in his company. The first day that they 
 attended public worship after their arrival, they broke 
 through the established order, by answering aloud 
 after the minister in the time of divine service. Being 
 admonished by some of the elders to refrain from that 
 practice, they insolently replied, "That they would 
 do as they had done in England; and they would have 
 the face of an English church.":!: On the following 
 Sabbath, one of their number having intruded himself 
 into the pulpit, without the consent of the pastors or 
 the congregation, read the litany, while Cox and the 
 other accomplices echoed the responses. This offen- 
 sive behaviour was aggravated by the consideration, 
 that some of them, before leaving England, had been 
 guilty of compliances with popery, for which they had 
 not yet professed repentance. 
 
 Such an insult upon the whole body, and such an 
 outrage upon all order and decency, could not be passed 
 over in silence. It was Knox's turn to preach on the 
 afternoon of the last mentioned Sabbath. In his ordi- 
 
 * Calvini Epist. p. 28. apud Oper. torn. ix. Amstaelodami. 
 Anno 1667. 
 
 + Previous to the appointment of this committee, Knox, 
 WhittinghanvFox, Gilby, and T. Cole,, had composed (what 
 was afterwards called) The order of Geneva, but it did not 
 meet the views of all concerned. This was different from the 
 order of the Genevan church, mentioned in the preceding page. 
 It was so called, because first used by the English church at 
 Geneva; and it was aftenvards used in the church of Scotland, 
 under the name of TAe Book of Common Order, and is some- 
 times called Knox's lAtnrgy. 
 
 X " The Lord grant it to have the face of Christ's church 
 (says Knox, in an account which he drew up of these transac- 
 tions) ; and therefore I would have had it agreeable, in out- 
 ward rites and ceremonies, with Christian churches-reformed.' 
 Cald. xMS. i. 249. 
 
50 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 nary course of lecturing through the book of Genesis, 
 he had occasion to discourse of the manner in which 
 offences committed by professors of religion ought to 
 be treated. Having mentioned ihai there were infirm- 
 ities in their conduct over which a veil should be 
 thrown, he proceeded, to remark that offences which 
 openly dishonoured God and disturbed the peace of the 
 church,, ought to be disclosed and publicly rebuked. 
 He then reminded them of the contention which had 
 existed in the congregation, and of the happy manner 
 in which, after long and painful labour, it had been 
 ended, to the joy of all, by the solemn agreement 
 which had been that day flagrantly violated. This, he 
 said, it became not the proudest of them to have at- 
 tempted. Nothing which was destitute of a divine 
 warrant ought to be obtruded upon any Christian 
 church. In that book, for which some entertained 
 such an overweening fondness, he would undertake to 
 prove publicly, that there were things imperfect, im- 
 pure, and superstitious ; and, if any would go about to 
 burden a free congregation with such things, he would 
 not fail, as often as he occupied that place, (provided 
 his text afforded occasion), to oppose their design. 
 As he had been forced to enter upon that subject, he 
 would say further, that, in his judgment, slackness in 
 reforming religion, when time and opportunity were 
 granted, was one cause of the divine displeasure against 
 England. He adverted to the trouble which Bishop 
 Hooper had suffered for refusing to comply with some 
 of the ceremonies, and also to the want of discipline, 
 and to the well known fact, that three, four, or five 
 benefices had been occupied by one man, to the depriv- 
 ing of the flock of Christ of their necessary food. 
 
 This free reprimand was highly resented by those 
 against whom, it was levelled^ especially by such as 
 had held pluralities in England, who insisted that the 
 preacher should be called to account for having slan- 
 dered their mother church. A special meeting being 
 held for the consideration of this business, the friends 
 of the liturgy, instead of prosecuting their complaints 
 against Knox, began with requiring that Dr. Cox and 
 his friends should be admitted to a vote. This was 
 resisted by the great majority; because they had not 
 yet subscribed the discipline of the church, nor given 
 satisfaction for their late disorderly conduct, and for 
 their sinful compliances in England. The behaviour 
 of our countryman, on this occasion, was more remark- 
 able for magnanimity than for prudence. Although 
 aware of their hostility to himself, and that they sought 
 admission chiefly to overpower him by numbers, he 
 was so confident of the justice of his cause, and so 
 anxious to remove prejudices, that he entreated and 
 prevailed with the meeting to yield to this unreason- 
 able request, and to admit them presently to a vote. 
 " I know," said he, " that your earnest desire to be re- 
 ceived at this instant within the number of the congre- 
 gation, is, that by the multitude of your voices ye may 
 overthrow my cause. Howbeit, the matter is so evi- 
 dent, that ye shall not be able to do it. I fear not your 
 judgment; and therefore do require that ye might be 
 admitted."* This disinterestedness was thrown away 
 on the opposite party ; for no sooner were they admit- 
 ted, and had obtained a majority of voices, than Cox 
 (although he had no authority in the congregation) 
 discharged Knox ftom preaching, and from all inter- 
 ference in the congregational affairs. | 
 
 The great body of the congregation were indignant 
 at these proceedings; and there was reason to fear that 
 their mutual animosity would break out into a dis- 
 graceful tumult. Tb prevent this, some of the mem- 
 
 • CaJd. MS. i. 252. 
 
 f Collier (ii. 395.) says'that Knox manifested in this instance, 
 "a surprising^ compliance." But it appears, even from the 
 account given bv that historian, that in tne whole of the Frank- 
 fort affair, he displayed the ^eatest moderation and forbear- 
 ance, while the conauct of his opponents was marked through- 
 out with violence and want of cnarit/. 
 
 bers made a representation of the case to the senate 
 of Frankfort, who, after in vain recommending a pri- 
 vate accommodation, issued an order that the congre- 
 gation should conform exactly to the worship used by 
 the French church, as nothing but confusion had ensued 
 since they departed from it; and if this was not com- 
 plied with, they threatened to shut up their place of 
 worship. To this peremptory injunction the Coxian 
 faction pretended a cheerful submission, while they 
 clandestinely concerted measures for obtaining its re- 
 vocation, and enforcing their favourite liturgy upon 
 their reclaiming brethren. 
 
 Perceiving the influence which our countryman had 
 in the congregation, and despairing to carry their plan 
 into execution, as long as he was among them, Ihey 
 determined in the fir.st place to get rid of him. To 
 accomplish this, they had recourse to one of the basest 
 and most unchristian arts ever employed to ruin an 
 adversary. Two of them, in concurrence with others, 
 went privately to the magistrates, and accused Knox 
 of Hi6H Treason against the Emperor of Germany, 
 his son Philip, and Queen Mary of England ; putting 
 into their hands a copy of a book which he had lately 
 published, and in which the passages containing the 
 grounds of charge were marked ! " O Lord God ! 
 (says Knox, when narrating this step) open their 
 hearts to see their wickedness ; and forgive them, for 
 thy manifold mercies. And I forgive them, O Lord, 
 from the bottom of mine heart. But that thy message 
 sent by my mouth may not be slandered, I am com- 
 pelled to declare the cause of my departing, and to 
 utter their follies, to their amendment, I trust, and the 
 example of others, who in the same banishment can have 
 so cruel hearts as to persecute their brethren."* The 
 book which th& informers left with the magistrates 
 was his AdmonUion to England ; and the passage upon 
 which they principally fixed, as substantiating the 
 charge of treason against the Emperor, was the follow- 
 ing, originally spoken to the inhabitants of Amersham 
 in Buckinghamshire,! on occasion of the rumoured 
 marriage of Queen Mary with Philip, the son and heir 
 of Charles V. a match, which was at that lime dreaded 
 even by many of the English Catholics. "O Eng- 
 land, England, if thou obstinately wilt return into 
 Egypt, that is, if thou contract marriage, confederacy, 
 or league with such princes as do maintain and ad- 
 vance idolatry; such as the Emperor (who is no less 
 enemy to Christ that ever was Nero) : if for the plea- 
 sure of such princes thou return to thy old abomina- 
 tions before used under papistfy, then assuredly, O 
 England, thou shalt be plagued and brought to deso- 
 lation, by the means of those whose favour thou seek- 
 est !" The other passages related to the cruelty of the 
 English Queen. Not to speak of the extravagance of 
 the charge which they founded upon these passages, 
 and of tne unbrotherly spirit which they discovered, 
 it was with little grace and consistency that the stick- 
 lers for the English forms availed themselves of the 
 strong language' which Knox had employed in the 
 warmth of his zeal, in order to excite prejudices against 
 him ; and it would be no difficult task to extract from 
 their writings declamations against their own Queen 
 and against foreign princes, more intemperate by far 
 than any thing that ever proceeded from his pen.if 
 
 The magistrates, in consequence of this accusation, 
 
 * Cald. MS. i. 254. Upon his return to Geneva, Knox com- 
 mitted to writing an account of the reasons of bis retiring from 
 Frankfort. This he intended to have published in his vindi- 
 cation; but on mature deliberation, he resolved to suppress it, 
 and to leave his own character to suffer, rather than expose 
 his brethren and the common cause in which they were en- 
 gaged. His narrative has been preserved by Caldcrwood, and 
 has furnished me with several facts. It contains the names of 
 the persons who accused him to the senate of Frankfort, with 
 their advisers; but I have omitted them, as Knox has also done 
 in the notice which he has taken of the affair, in his Historie 
 of the Reformation, p. 85. 
 
 f See above, p. 11 4. 
 
 X See Note XXII. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 51 
 
 sent for JVhitttngham, a respectable member of the 
 English congregation, and interrogated him concern- 
 ing Knox's character. He told them that he was " a 
 learned, grave, and godly man." They then acquainted 
 him with the serious accusation which had been lodged 
 against him by some of his countrymen, and giving 
 him the book, charged him, sub pana pads, to bring 
 them an exact Latin translation of the passages which 
 were marked. This being done, they commanded 
 Knox to desist from preaching, until their pleasure 
 should be known. To this command he peaceably 
 submitted : " Yet, (says he, in his narrative), being 
 desirous to hear others, I went to the church next day, 
 not thinking that my company would have offended 
 any. But as soon as my accusers saw me, they, with 
   and others, departed from the sermon ; some of 
 
 them protesting with great vehemence, that they would 
 not tarry where I was."* The magistrates were ex- 
 tremely perplexed how to act in this delicate business : 
 on the one hand, they were satisfied of the malice of 
 Knox's accusers; on the other, they were afraid that 
 information of the charge would be conveyed to the 
 Emperor's Council, which sat at Augsburgh, and that 
 they might be obliged to deliver up the accused to 
 them, or to the Queen of England. In this dilemma, 
 they desired Whittingham to advise his friend private- 
 ly, to retire of his own accord from Frankfort. At the 
 same time, they did not dissemble their detestation of 
 the unnatural conduct of the informers, who, having 
 waited upon them to know the result of their delibera- 
 tions, were dismissed from their presence with signs 
 of displeasure. 
 
 On the 25lh of March, Knox delivered a very con- 
 solatory discourse to about fifty members of the con- 
 gregation, who assembled at his lodgings in the even- 
 ing. Next day they accompanied him some miles on 
 his journey from Frankfort, and, with heavy hearts 
 and many tears, committed him to God, and took their 
 leave. 
 
 No sooner was Knox gone, than Cox, who had pri- 
 vately concerted the plan with Dr. Glauberg, a civilian, 
 and nephew of the chief magistrate, procured an order 
 from the Senate for the unlimited use of the English 
 liturgy, by means of the false representation that it 
 was now universally acceptable to the congregation. 
 The next step was the abrogation of the discipline, and 
 then the appointment of a bishop, or superintendent 
 over the pastors. Having accomplished these impor- 
 tant improvements, they could now boast that they had 
 "the face of an English church." Yes! they could 
 now raise their heads above all the reformed churches 
 who had the honour of entertaining them ; who, though 
 they might have all the office-bearers and ordinances 
 instituted by Christ, had neither bishop, nor litany, 
 nor surplice ! They could now lift up their faces in the 
 presence of the church of Rome herself, and cherish 
 the hope that she would not altogether disown them. 
 But let me not forget, that the men c^ whom I write 
 were at this time suffering exile for the protestant reli- 
 gion, and that they really detested the bo^y of popery, 
 though childishly and superstitiously attached to its 
 attire, and gestures, and language. 
 
 The sequel of the transactions in the English con- 
 gregation at Frankfort, does not properly belong to this 
 memoir. I shall only add, that, after some ineffectual 
 attempts to obtain satisfaction for the breach of the 
 church's peace and the injurious treatment of their 
 minister, a considerable number of the members left 
 the city. Some of them, among whom was Fox the 
 celebrated martyrologist, repaired to Basil. The greater 
 
 * Cald. MS. i. 255. Mr. Strype has not discovered his 
 usual impartiality or accuracy in his short account of this 
 affair. He says that Knox had " published some dangerous 
 orinciples about government," and that the informers " thought 
 It Atjor their own security to make an open complaint ag-ainst 
 him." Memor. of the Reformat, iii. 242. Even Collier him- 
 self does not pretend such an excuse for the actors. 
 
 ■part went to Geneva, where they obtained a place of 
 worship, and lived in great harmony and love, until 
 the storm of persecution in England blew over, at the 
 death of Queen Mary ; while those who remained at 
 Frankfort, as if to expiate their offence against Knox, 
 continued a prey to endless contention. Cox and his 
 learned colleagues, having accomplished their favourite 
 object, soon left them to compose the strife which 
 they had excited, and provided themselves elsewhere 
 with a less expensive situation for carrying on their 
 studies.* 
 
 I have been the more minute in the detail of these 
 transactions, not only on account of the share which 
 the subject of this memoir had in them, but because 
 they throw light upon the controversy between the 
 conformists and non-conformists, which runs through 
 the succeeding period of the ecclesiastical history of 
 England. "The troubles at Frankfort" present, in 
 miniature, a striking picture of that contentious scene 
 which was afterwards exhibited on a larger scale in 
 the mother-country. The issue of that affair augured 
 ill as to the prospect of an amicable adjustment of the 
 litigated points. It had been usual to urge conformity 
 to the obnoxious ceremonies, from the respect due to 
 the authority by which they were enjoined. But in 
 this instance the civil authority, so far from enjoining, 
 had rather discountenanced them. If they were urged 
 with such intolerant importunity in a place where the 
 laws and customs were repugnant to them, what was 
 to be expected in England, where law and custom 
 were on their side 1 The divines who were advanced 
 in the church at the accession of Elizabeth professed, 
 that they desired the removal of those grounds of strife, 
 but could not obtain it from the Queen ; and 1 am dis- 
 posed to give many of them credit for the sincerity of 
 their professions. But as they shewed themselves so 
 stiff and unyielding when the matter was wholly in 
 their own power; as some of them were so eager in 
 wreathing a yoke about the consciences of their bre- 
 thren, that they urged reluctant magistrates to rivet it; 
 is it any wonder that their applications for relief were 
 cold and ineffectual, when made to rulers who were 
 disposed to make the yoke still more severe, and to 
 " chastise with scorpions those whom they had chas- 
 tised with whips?" I repeat it; when I consider the 
 transactions at Frankfort, I am not surprised at the de- 
 feat of every subsequent attempt to advance the Refor- 
 mation in England, or to procure relief to those who 
 scrupled to yield conformity to some of the ecclesias- 
 tical laws. I know-it is pleaded, that the things com- 
 plained of are matters of indifference, not prohibited in 
 scripture, not imposed as essential to religion or neces- 
 sary to salvation, matters that can affect no well in- 
 formed conscience ; and that such as refuse them, 
 
 * Cox was afterwards made to feel a little the galling yoke 
 which he strove to impose on his brethren. Upon the acces- 
 sion of Elizabeth, that stately princess, still fonder of pompous 
 and popish equipage than her clergy, kepi a Crucifix in her 
 chapel, and ordered her chaplains to perform divine service 
 before it. Dr. Cox was the only one of the refugees who com- 
 plied with this, but his conscience afterwards remonstrating 
 against it, he wrote a letter to the Queen, requesting to be 
 excused from continuing the practice. In this letter it is ob- 
 servable, that he employs the great argument which Knox had 
 used against other ceremonies, while he prostrates himself be- 
 fore his haughty mistress with a submission to wliich our Re- 
 former would never have stooped. " I ought (says he) to do 
 nothing touching religion, which may appear doubtful whether 
 it pleaseth God or not; for our religion, ought to be certain, 
 and grounded upon God's word and will. — Tender my sute, I 
 beseech you, in visceritius Jesu Christi, my dear .Sovereign, 
 and most gracious Queen Elizabeth." Burnet, ii. Append. 2§4. 
 The Crucifix was removed at this time, but again introduced 
 about 1570. Strype's Parker, p. 310. Dr. Cox afterward fell 
 under the displeasure of his "dear Sovereign," for maintaining 
 rather stiffly some of the revenues of his bishoDrick. Strype's 
 Annals, ii. 579. It is but justice, however, to this learned man 
 to say, that I do not find him taking a very active part against 
 the non-conformists, after his return to England : he even made 
 .some attempts for the removal of the obnoxious ceremonies. 
 
53 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, 
 
 when enacted by authority, are influenced by unreason-' 
 able scrupulosity, conceited, pragmatical, opinionative. 
 This has been the usual language of a ruling party, 
 when imposing upon the consciences of the minority. 
 But not to urge here the danger of allowing to any 
 class of rulers, civil or ecclesiastical, a power of en- 
 joining indifferent things in religion; nor the undeni- 
 able fact, that the burdensome system of ceremonial 
 observances, by which religion was corrupted under 
 the papacy, was gradually introduced under these and 
 similar pretexts ; nor that the things in question, when 
 complexly and formally considered, are not really 
 matters of indifference ; not to insist at present, I say, 
 upon these topics, the answer to the above plea is 
 short and decisive. ' These things appear matters of 
 conscience and importance to the scruplers : you say 
 they are matters of indifference. Why then violate the 
 sacred peace of the church, and perpetuate division ; 
 why silence, deprive, harass, and starve men of ac- 
 knowledged learning and piety, and drive from com- 
 munion a sober and devout people ; why torture their 
 consciences, and endanger their souls, by the imposi- 
 tion of things which, in your judgment, are indifferent, 
 not necessary, and unworthy to become subjects of 
 contention'?' 
 
 Upon retiring from Frankfort, Knox went directly 
 to Geneva. He was cordially welcomed back by 
 Calvin. As his advice had great weight in disposing 
 Knox to comply with the invitation from Frankfort, he 
 felt much hurt at the treatment which had obliged him 
 to leave it. In reply to an apologetic epistle which 
 he received from Dr. Cox, Calvin, although he pru- 
 dently restrained himself from saying any thing which 
 might revive or increase the flame, could not conceal 
 his opinion, that Knox had been used in an unbrotherly 
 and unchristian manner, and that it would have been 
 better for his accuser to have remained at home, than 
 to have come into a foreign country as a firebrand to 
 inflame a peaceable society.* 
 
 It appeared from the event, that Providence had 
 disengaged Knox from his late charge, to employ 
 him on a more important service. From the time 
 that he was carried prisoner into France, he had 
 never lost sight of Scotland, nor relinquished the hope 
 of again preaching in his native country. While he 
 resided at Berwick and Newcastle, he had frequent 
 opportunities of personal intercourse with his country- 
 men, and of learning the state of religion among 
 them.f His unintermitted labours, during the five 
 years which he spent in England, by occupying his 
 time and attention, lessened the regret which he felt at 
 seeing the object of his wishes apparently at as great 
 a distance as ever. Upon leaving that kingdom, his 
 thoughts were turned with much anxiety to the state 
 of Scotland. He found means to carry on an epistola- 
 ry correspondence with some of his friends in that 
 country ; one great object of his journeys to Dieppe 
 was to receive their letters;:}; and he had the satisfac- 
 tion, soon after his retreat from Frankfort, to obtain 
 information from them, which encourao^ed him to exe- 
 cute a design that he had long entertamed, of paying 
 a visit to his native country. To prepare the reader 
 for the account of this journey it may be of advantage 
 to give a view of the principal ecclesiastical transac- 
 tions which had taken place in that kingdom from the 
 time that Knox was forced to leave it. 
 
 The surrender of the castle of St. Andrews seemed 
 to have given an irrecoverable blow to the reformed 
 interest m Scotland. Among the prisoners conveyed 
 
   Calvini Epistolx, p. 98. ut supra. Thu letter is addressed 
 " Cnoxo, (by mistnke of the publisher, instead of Coxo,) et 
 Gregalibus. Pridie Idus Junii, 1555." Knox was at Geneva 
 when Calvin wrote that letter. 
 
 + See above, p. 91, 93. \ MS. Letters, p. 255—6. 
 
 to France were some of the most zealous and able 
 protestants in the kingdom ; and the rest, seeing 
 themselves at the mercy of their adversaries, were 
 dispirited and intimidated. The clergy triumphed in 
 the victory which they had obtained,* and flattered 
 themselves that they would now be able with ease to 
 stifle all opposition to their measures. The Regent, 
 being guided entirely by his brother, the archbishop of 
 St. Andrews, was ready to employ all the power of 
 the state for supporting the authority of the church, and 
 for suppressing those who refused to submit to her 
 decisions. During the confusions produced by the in- 
 vasion of the kingdom under the Duke of Somerset, and 
 by the disastrous defeat of the Scots at Pinkie, in the 
 year 1547, the Regent found it his interest not to irri- 
 tate the protestants. But no sooner was he freed from the 
 alarm created by these events than he began to treat 
 them with severity. Aware that it would be extreme- 
 ly invidious to prosecute the barons and gentry upon a 
 charge of heresy, and perhaps convinced that such 
 measures in the lime of his predecessor, had proved 
 injurious to the hierarchy, the crafty Primate commen- 
 ced his attack by bringing them to trial for crimes 
 against the state. | Although they had conducted 
 themselves in the most peaceable and loyal manner 
 during the late invasion, and many of them had died 
 under the standard of the Regent,:}: they were accused 
 of being secretly favourable to the English, and of 
 holding correspondence with them. Cockburn of 
 Ormiston, and Crichton of Brunston were banished, 
 and their estates forfeited. |1 Sir John Melville of 
 Raith, a gentleman of distinguished probity, and of 
 untainted loyalty, was accused of a traitorous connec- 
 tion with the enemy, and although the only evidence 
 adduced in support of the charge was a letter written 
 by him to one of his sons then in England, and al- 
 though this letter contained nothing criminal, yet was 
 he unjustly condemned and beheaded. § The signing 
 of a treaty of peace with England, in 1550, was a 
 signal for the clergy to proceed to an act of more un- 
 disguised persecution. Adam Wallace, who had lived 
 for some time as tutor in the family of Ormiston, was 
 apprehended, and being tried for heresy before a 
 convention of clergy and nobility, was committed 
 to the flames on the Castle-hill of Edinburgh.^ In 
 the following year, the parliament renewed the laws 
 in support of the church, and added a new statute 
 against the circulation of heretical ballads and tra- 
 gedies.** 
 
 By these severe measures the clergy struck terror 
 into the minds of the nation ; but they were unable 
 to conceal the glaring corruptions by which their 
 own order was disgraced, and they could not remain 
 strangers to the murmurs and complaints that these 
 had excited throughout the whole kingdom. In 
 
 * The following lines were comniouly used at this time in 
 Scotland: 
 
 Priestis, content you now, Priestis, content you now; 
 
 For Normand, and his companie, hes fillit tHe gallayis fow. 
 
 t MS. Letters, 435, 438. 
 
 I Knox, Historie, p. 78. Hume of Godscroft's History, ii. 
 128. Edin. 1743. || Knox, ibid. p. 80. 
 
 } Buchanani Oper. i. 302. Knox, Historie, p. 82. The fol- 
 lowing tribute to the memory of this patriot occurs in a work 
 of one of our Latin poets which is rarely to be met with. 
 
 JOHANNES MALVILLUS RETHIUS, 
 
 Nobilis Fifanus, Jacobo V. Regi olim faniiliarissimus, summa 
 vitse innocentia, ob piira? Relligionis studiuni, in suspicione falsi 
 criminis, iniquissinio judicio sublatus est A" Christi 1548. 
 Quidnam ego coniraerui? qua; tanta injuria facti? 
 
 Hostis ut in nostrum saeviat ense caput? 
 Idem hostis, judexque simul. Pro crimine, Christi 
 
 Relligio, et faedo crimine pura nianus. 
 O secla! O mores! scelenini sic tollere poenas 
 Ut virtus Bccleri debits danma luat. 
 
 Job. Jonstoni Heroes, pp. 28, 29. 
 Ludg. Bat. 1603. 
 t Knox, Historie, p. 87,88. Spottiswood, 90, 91. Becae 
 Icones, Ff. ij. »• Act. Pari. Scot. p. 488—9. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 53 
 
 the month of Novemher 1549, a provincial Council 
 was held at Edinburgh " for the reformation of the 
 church, and the extirpation of heresy."* This Coun- 
 cil acknowledged that " corruption and profane lewd- 
 ness of life, as well as gross ignorance of arts and 
 sciences, reigned among the clergy of almost every 
 degree,"! ^"^ ^^^y enacted no fewer than fifty-eight 
 canons for correcting these evils. They agreed to 
 carry into execution the decree of the General Coun- 
 cil of Basle, which ordained that every clergyman 
 who lived in concubinage should be deprived of the 
 revenues of his benefice for three months, and that if, 
 after due admonition, he did not dismiss his concu- 
 bine, or if he took to himself another, he should be 
 altogether deprived of all his benefices.:}: They ex- 
 horted the prelates and inferior clergy not to retain in 
 their own houses their bastard children, nor to suffer 
 them to be promoted directly or indirectly to their own 
 benefices, nor to employ the patrimony of the church 
 for the purpose of marrying them to barons, or of 
 erecting baronages for them-O That the distinction 
 between clergy and laity might be visibly preserved, 
 they appointed the ordinaries to charge the priests 
 under their care, to desist from the practice of preserv- 
 ing their beards which had begun to prevail, and to 
 see that the canonical tonsure was dul)' observed. § 
 To remedy the neglect of public instruction, which 
 was loudly complained of, they agreed to observe the 
 act of the Council of Trent, which ordained that every 
 bishop, " according to the grace given to him," should 
 preach personally four times a year at least, unless 
 lawfully hindered ; and that such of them as were 
 unfit for this duty, through want of practice, should 
 endeavour to qualify themselves, and for that end 
 should entertain in their houses learned divines ca- 
 pable of instructing them. The same injunctions 
 were laid on rectors.^ They determined that a bene- 
 fice should be set apart in each bishoprick and monas- 
 tery for supporting a preacher who might supply the 
 want of teaching within the bounds ; that, where no 
 such benefice was set apart, pensions should be al- 
 lotted ; and that, where neither of these was provided, 
 the preacher should be entitled to demand from the 
 rector forty shillings a year, provided he had preached 
 four times in his parish within that period.** The 
 Council made a number of other regulations, concern- 
 ing the dress and diet of the clergy, the course of 
 study in cathedral churches and monasteries, union of 
 benefices, pluralities, ordinations, dispensations, and 
 the method of process in consistorial courts. But 
 not trusting altogether to these remedies for the cure 
 of heresy, they further ordained, that the bishop of 
 each diocese, and the head of each monastery, should 
 appoint " Inquisitors of heretical pravity, men of pie- 
 ty, probity, learning, good fame, and great circum- 
 spection," who should make the most diligent search 
 after heresies, foreign opinions, condemned books, and 
 particularly profane songs intended to defame the 
 clergy, and to detract from the authority of the ecclesi- 
 astical constitutions. ff 
 
 Another provincial Council, held in 1551 and 1552, 
 besides ratifying the preceding canons,:}::}: adopted an 
 additional expedient for correcting the continued neg- 
 lect of public instruction. After declaring that " the 
 inferior clergy, and the prelates for the most part, 
 were still unqualified for instructing the people in 
 the catholic faith and other things necessary to salva- 
 tion, and for reclaiming the erroneous," they proceeded 
 to approve of a Catechism which had been compiled in 
 the Scottish language, ordered that it should be print- 
 
 * This Council assembled at Linlithgow, and was tranferred 
 to Edinburgh. Wilkins, Concilia. Tom. iv. 46. conf. p. 209. 
 ■|- Proem. Concil. apud Wilkins, iv. 46. 
 X Canon, i. Ibid. p. 47. jl Can. 2. Ibid. p. 48. 
 
 } Can. 5. Ibid. p. 48. f Can. 15,20. Ibid. p. 50—1. 
 
 »* Can. 42. 45. Ibid. 56—7. 
 tt Can. 43. 44. 47. Ibid. p. 57—8. W Ibid. p. 69—73. 
 
 ed, and that copies of it should be sent to all rectors, 
 vicars, and curates, who were enjoined to read a por- 
 tion of it, instead of a sermon, to their parishioners, 
 on every Sunday and holiday, when no person quali- 
 fied for preaching was present. The rectors, vicars, 
 and curates, were enjoined to practise daily in reading 
 their Catechism, lest on ascending the pulpit, they 
 should stammer and blunder, and thereby expose 
 themselves to the laughter of the people. The arch- 
 bishop was directed, after supplying the clergy with 
 copies, to keep the remainder beside him " in firm 
 custody ;" and the inferior clergy were prohibited from 
 indiscreetly communicating their copies to the people, 
 without the permission of their bishops, who might 
 allow this privilege to " certain honest, grave, trusty and 
 discreet laics, who appeared to desire it for the sake 
 of instruction, and not of gratifying curiosity."* If 
 any of the hearers testified a disposition to call in ques- 
 tion any part of the Catechism, the clerical reader 
 was prohibited, under the pain of deprivation, from 
 entering into dispute with them on the subject, and 
 was instructed to delate them to the Inquisitors. f 
 
 Many of the regulations enacted by these two Coun- 
 cils were excellent;:}: but the execution of them de- 
 pended upon the very persons who were interested in 
 the support of the evils against which they were di- 
 rected ; and the canons of the Scottish Clergy, like 
 those of the General Councils called for the reforma- 
 tion of the church, instead of correcting, served only 
 to proclaim the abuses which prevailed. We know 
 from the declarations of subsequent provincial Coun- 
 cils, || as well as from the complaints of the people, that 
 the licentiousness of the clergy continued ; and the 
 Catechism which they had sanctioned seems to have 
 been but little used. I have not found it mentioned 
 by any writer of that age, popish or protestant ; and we 
 know of its existence only from the canon of the 
 Council which authorized its use, and from a few 
 copies of it which have descended to our time.§ 
 
 The Council which met in 1551, boasts that, through 
 the singular favour of the government and the vigil- 
 ance of the prelates, heresy, which had formerly 
 spread through the kingdom, was now repressed, and 
 almost extinguished.lf There were still, however, 
 many protestants in the nation ; but they were deprived 
 of teachers, and they satisfied themselves with retain- 
 ing their sentiments, without exposing their lives to 
 inevitable destruction by avowing their creed, or ex- 
 citing the suspicions of the clergy by holding private 
 conventicles. In this state they seem to have re- 
 mained from 1551 to 1554. While the Reformation 
 was in this languishing condition, it experienced a 
 sudden revival in Scotland, from two causes which 
 appeared at first view to threaten its utter extinction 
 in Britain. These were the elevation of the Queea 
 Dowager to the regency of Scotland, and the accession 
 of Mary to the throne of England. 
 
 The Queen Dowager of Scotland, who possessed a 
 great portion of that ambition by which her brothers, 
 the princes of Lorrain, were fired, had long formed 
 the design of wresting the regency from the hands 
 of Arran. After a series of political intrigue, in 
 which she discovered the most consummate and per- 
 severing address, she at last succeeded ; and, on the 
 10th of April 1554, the Regent resigned his oflSce 
 to her in the presence of parliament, and retired into 
 private life with the title of Duke of Chastelherault. 
 The Dowager had at an early period made her court 
 to the protestants, whom Arran had alienated from 
 him by persecution ; and, to induce them to favour her 
 pretensions, she had promised to screen them from the 
 violence of the clergy. Having received their cordial 
 support, and finding it necessary still to use them as 
 
 * Can. 16. Ibid. p. 72—3. f Ibid. p. 73. } See Note XXIII. 
 
 II Wilkins, p. 207, 209, 210. Keith, pref. p. xi<r. 
 
 if See Note XXIV. V Wilkins, iv. 72. 
 
54 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 a check upon the clergy, who, under the influence of 
 the primate, favoured the interest of her rival, the 
 Queen Regent secretly countenanced them, and the 
 protestants were emboldened again to avow their sen- 
 timents. 
 
 In the meantime, the Queen of England was ex- 
 erting all her power to crush the Reformation ; and 
 had the court of Scotland acted in concert with her 
 for this purpose, the protestants must, according to 
 all human probability, have been exterminated in 
 Britain. But the English Queen having married 
 Philip king of Spain, while the Queen Regent was 
 indissoiubly attached to France, the rival of Spain, a 
 coldness was produced between these two princesses, 
 which was soon afterward succeeded by an open breach. 
 Among the protestants who fled from the cruelty of 
 Mary, some took refuge in Scotland, where they were 
 suffered to remain undisturbed, and even to teach in 
 private, through the connivance of the new Regent, 
 and in consequence of the security into which the 
 clergy had been lulled by success. Travelling from 
 place to place, they instructed numbers, and by their 
 example and their exhortations fanned the latent zeal 
 of those who had formerly received the knowledge of 
 the truth. 
 
 William Harlow, whose zeal and acquaintance with 
 the Scriptures compensated for the defects of his edu- 
 cation, was the first preacher who at this time came to 
 Scotland. Let those who do not know, or who wish 
 to forget, that the religion which they profess was first 
 preached by fishermen and tentmakers, labour to con- 
 ceal the occupations of some of those men whom 
 Providence raised up to spread the reformed gospel 
 through their native country. Harlow had followed 
 the trade of a tailor in Edinburgh ;* but having im- 
 bibed the protestant doctrine, he retired to England, 
 where he was admitted to deacon's orders, and em- 
 ployed as a preacher, during the reign of Edward 
 VI. f Upon his return to Scotland he remained for 
 some time in Ayrshire, and he continued to preach in 
 different parts of the country, with great fervour and 
 diligence, until the establishment of the Reformation, 
 when he was admitted minister of St. Cuthberts, in 
 the vicinity of Edinburgh.:|: 
 
 Some time after him arrived John Wtllock. This 
 reformer afterwards became the principal coadjutor of 
 Knox, who never mentions him without expressions of 
 affection and esteem. The cordiality which subsisted 
 between them, the harmony of their sentiments, and 
 the combination of the peculiar talents and qualities 
 by which they were distinguished, conduced very 
 much to the prosperity of the Reformation. Willock 
 was scarcely inferior to Knox in learning, and though 
 he did not equal him in eloquence and intrepidity, 
 surpassed him in affability, in moderation, and in 
 address, II and thus was sometimes able to maintain his 
 station and to accomplish his purposes, when his 
 colleague could not act with safety or with success. 
 He was a native of Ayrshire, and had belonged to the 
 order of Franciscan friars ; but having embraced the 
 reformed opinions at an early period, he threw off the 
 monastic habit, and fled to England. During the perse- 
 cution for the Six Articles in 1541, he was thrown into 
 the prison of the Fleet. He afterwards became chaplain 
 to the Duke of Suffolk, the father of Lady Jane Grey,§ 
 
 • Keith, Append, p. 90. Epiicopal writers have sonietirnes 
 upbraided the Scottisn church, as reformed bj' tradesmen and 
 mechanics. They have, however, no reason to talk in this 
 strain ; for, in the lirst place, a sensible, pious tradesman is 
 surely better qualified for communicating religious instruction 
 than an ignorant, superstitious priest; and secondly, the church 
 of England herself, after trying those of the latter class, was 
 
 flad to betake herself to the former. See Strype's Annals, i. 
 76, 177. t Cald. MS. i. 256. \ Keith, History, p. 498. 
 
 H Sraetonii Respons. ad. Arch. Hamilton! Dialog, p. 93. 
 Edinburgi, 1579. 
 
 \ Parkhurtt, bishop of Norwich, celebrates Willock, among 
 the chaplains of the Duke, in the following' lines, 
 
 and upon the accession of Queen Mary left England, 
 and took up his residence at Embden. Having prac- 
 tised there as a physician, he was introduced to Anne, 
 Duchess of Friesland, who patronised the Reforma- 
 tion,* and whose opinion of his talents and integrity 
 induced her to send him to Scotland, in the summer 
 of 1555, with a commission to the Queen Regent, to 
 make some arrangements respecting the trade which 
 was carried on between the two countries. The pub- 
 lic character with which he was invested gave him 
 an opportunity of cultivating acquaintance with the 
 leading protestants, and while he resided in Edinburgh, 
 they met with him in private, and listened to his reli- 
 gious exhortations.! 
 
 Knox received the news of this favourable change 
 in the situation of his brethren with heart-felt satis- 
 faction. He did not know what it was to fear danger, 
 and was little accustomed to consult his own ease, 
 when he had the prospect of being useful in advanc- 
 ing the Reformation ; but he acknowledges that, on 
 the present occasion, he was at first averse to a jour- 
 ney into Scotland, notwithstanding some encouraging 
 circumstances in the intelligence which he had receiv- 
 ed from that quarter. He had been so much tossed 
 about of late, that he felt a peculiar relish in the 
 learned leisure which heat present enjoyed, and which 
 he was desirous to prolong. His anxiety to see his 
 wife, after an absence of nearly two years, and the 
 importunity with which his mother-in-law, in her let- 
 ters, urged him to visit them, determined him at last to 
 undertake the journey.:^ Setting out from Geneva in 
 the month of August, 1555, he came to Dieppe, and, 
 sailing from that port, landed on the east coast, near 
 the boundaries between Scotland and England, about 
 the end of harvest,]} He repaired immediately to 
 Berwick, where he had the satisfaction of finding his 
 wife and her mother in comfortable circumstances, 
 enjoying the happiness of religious society with sever- 
 al individuals in that city, who like themselves, had 
 not " bowed the knee" to the established idolatry, 
 nor consented to " receive the mark" of antichrist.§ 
 
 Having remained some time with them, he set out 
 secretly to visit the protestants in Edinburgh, intend- 
 ing, after a short stay, to return to Berwick. But he 
 found employment which detained him beyond his 
 expectation. He lodged with James Syme, a respect- 
 able burgess of Edinburgh, to whose house the friends 
 of the reformed doctrine repaired, to attend the in- 
 structions of Knox, as soon as they were informed of 
 his arrival. Few of the inhabitants of the metropolis 
 had as yet embraced the Reformation, but several 
 protestants had repaired to it at this time to meet with 
 Willock. Among these were John Erskine of Dun, 
 whom we had formerly occasion to mention as an 
 early favourer of the new opinions, and a distinguished 
 patron of literature,^ and whose great respectability 
 of character, and approved loyalty and patriotism, had 
 preserved him from the resentment of the clergy, and 
 the jealousy of government, during successive periods 
 of persecution.** And William Maitland of Lething- 
 ton, a young gentleman of the finest parts, improved 
 by a superior education, but inclined to subtlety in 
 reasoning, accommodating in his religious sentiments, 
 and extremely versatile in his political conduct. 
 Highly gratified with Knox's discourses, which were 
 
 Quid raemorem quanta Wiloeus, Skinerus et Haddon, 
 
 iElmerusque tuos ornarint luce penates? 
 
 O! Deus, O! quales iuvenesi Quo principe digni? 
 
 His tua luminibus splendet domus. - 
 
 Strype's Annals, ii. Append, p. 46. 
 • Gerdes. Hist. Reform, iii. 147—8. 
 
 t Spottiswood, p. 93. Knox. 90. X MS. Letters, n. 542. 
 
 II Discours of the Troubles at Franckford, p. Iv. lix. Knox, 
 Historie, p. 90 
 
 MS. Letters, p. 343. T See above, p. 6. 3.?. 
 
 * Buchanani Ooer. I. 301. Keith, Append, p. £7. 
 
 i. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 55 
 
 BO much superior to any which they had heard, either 
 from popish or protestant preachers, they brought 
 their acquaintances along with them to hear him, and 
 his audiences daily increased. Being confined to a 
 private house, he was obliged to preach to success- 
 ive assemblies ; and was unremittingly employed, by 
 night as well as by day, in communicating instruction 
 to persons who demanded it with extraordinary avidity. 
 The following letter written by him to Mrs. Bowes, to 
 excuse himself for not returning as soon as he had 
 purposed, will convey the best idea of his employ- 
 ment and feelings on this interesting occasion. 
 
 " The wayis of man are not in his awn power. 
 Albeit my journey toward Scotland, belovit mother, 
 was maist contrarious to my awn judgement, befoir 
 I did interpryse the same ; yet this day I prais God 
 for thame wha was the cause externall of my resort to 
 theis quarteris ; that is, I prais God in yow and for 
 yow, whome hie maid the instrument to draw me from 
 the den of my awn eas (you allane did draw me 
 from the rest of quyet studie,) to contemplat and be- 
 hald the fervent thirst of cure brethrene, night and 
 day sobbing and gronyng for the breide of lyfe. Gif I 
 had not sene it with my els, in my awn cuntry, I culd 
 not have beleveit it ! I praisit God, when I was with 
 you, perceaving that, in the middis of Sodome, God 
 had mo Lottis than one, and ma faithful douchteris 
 than tua. But the fervencie heir doith fer exceid all 
 utheris that I have seen. And thairfoir ye sail pacient- 
 lie bear, altho' I spend heir yet sum dayis ; for depart 
 I cannot unto sic tyme as God quenche thair thrist a 
 litill. Yea, mother, thair fervencie doith sa ravische 
 me, that I cannot but accus and condemp my sleuth- 
 full coldnes. God grant thame thair hartis desyre ; 
 and I pray yow adverteis [me] of your estait, and of 
 thingis that have occurit sense your last wrytting. 
 Comfort yourself in Godis promlssis, and be assureit 
 that God steiris up mo friendis than we be war of. 
 My commendation to all in your company. I commit 
 you to the protectioun of the omnipotent. In great 
 haist; the 4. of November 1555. From Scotland. 
 Your sone, Johne Knox."* 
 
 Having executed his commission, Willock returned 
 to Embden; and he quitted Scotland with the less 
 regret, as he left behind him one who was so capa- 
 ble of promoting the cause which he had at heart. 
 When he first arrived in Scotland, Knox found that 
 the friends of the reformed doctrine continued, in 
 general, to attend the popish worship, and even the 
 celebration of mass ; principally with the view of 
 avoiding the scandal which they would otherwise 
 incur. Highly disapproving of this practice, he la- 
 boured, in his conversation and sermons, to convince 
 them of the great impiety of that part of the popish 
 service, and the criminality of countenancing it by 
 their presence. Doubts being still entertained on the 
 subject by some, a meeting of the protestants in the city 
 was held for the express purpose of discussing the 
 question. Maitland defended the practice with all 
 the ingenuity and learning for which he was distin- 
 guished ; but his arguments were so satisfactorily 
 answered by Knox, that he yielded the point as inde- 
 fensible, and agreed, with the rest of his brethren, to 
 abstain for the future from such temporizing conduct. 
 Thus was a formal separation made from the popish 
 church in Scotland, which may be justly regarded as 
 an important step in the Reformation."]" 
 
 Erskine of Dun prevailed on Knox to accompany 
 him to his family-seat in the shire of Angus, where 
 he continued a month, preaching every day. The 
 principal persons in that neighbourhood attended his 
 sermons. After his return to the south of the Forth, 
 he resided at Calder-house,:^ in West Lothian, with 
 
 * MS. Letters, p. 342, 343. f Knox, Historic, p. 91. 
 
 X On the back of a picture of our Reformer, which nungs in 
 one of the rooms of Lord Torphichen's bouse at Calder, is this 
 
 Sir James Sandilands, commonly called Lord St. John, 
 because he was chief in Scotland of the religious 
 order of military knights who went by the name of 
 Hospitallers, or Knights of St. John. This knight 
 who was now venerable for his gray hairs as well as 
 for his valour, sagacity, and sobriety, had long been 
 a sincere friend to the reformed cause, and had contri- 
 buted to its preservation in that part of the country.* 
 In 1548, he had presented to the parsonage of Calder 
 John Spottlswood,"!" afterwards the reformed superin- 
 tendent of Lothian, who had imbibed the Protestant 
 doctrines from Archbishop Cranmer in England, and 
 who instilled them into the minds of his parishioners, 
 and of the nobility and gentry that frequented the 
 house of his patron.:}: Among those who attended 
 Knox's sermons at Calder, were three young noble- 
 men, who made a great figure in the public transactions 
 which followed. Archibald, Lord Lorn, who, succeed- 
 ing to the Earldom of Argyle at the most critical 
 period of the Reformation, promoted, Avith all the 
 ardour of youthful zeal, that cause which his fathers had 
 espoused in extreme old age. John, Lord Erskine^ 
 who commanded the important fortress of Edinburgh 
 Castle during the civil war which ensued between the 
 Regent and the Protestants, who afterwards became 
 Earl of Mar, and died Regent of Scotland. And 
 Lord James Stewart, an illegitimate son of James V. 
 who was subsequently created Earl of Murray, and 
 was the first Regent of the kingdom during the minor- 
 ity of James VI. Being designed for the church, this 
 nobleman was in his youth made Prior of St. Andrews 
 (a title by which he is often mentioned in history ;) 
 but when he arrived at manhood he discovered no in- 
 clination to follow the clerical profession. He was at 
 this time only in the twenty-second year of his age ;|| 
 and although he had lived for the most part in retirement 
 from the Court, yet had he already given proofs of 
 those superior talents which he had soon a more fa- 
 vourable opportunity of displaying. Knox had for- 
 merly met with him in London ; and the sagacity of 
 the Reformer led him, even at that time, to form the 
 highest hopes from the talents and spirit of the youth- 
 ful Prior.§ These three noblemen were much grati- 
 fied with Knox's doctrine, and his exhortations made 
 an impression upon their minds, which remained du- 
 ring the succeeding part of their lives. 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1556, he was conducted 
 by Lockhart of Bar, and Campbell of Kineancleugh, 
 to Kyle, the ancient receptacle of the Scottish Lollards, 
 where there were a number of adherents to the reform- 
 ed doctrine. He preached in the houses of Bar, Kin- 
 eancleugh, Carnell, Ochiltree, and Gadgirth, and in the 
 town of Ayr. In several of these places, he also 
 dispensed the sacrament of our Lord's Supper. A 
 little before Easter, he went to Finlayston, the baroni- 
 al mansion of the noble family of Glencairn. Will- 
 iam, Earl of Glencairn having been killed at the 
 battle of Pinkey, had been succeeded by his son, 
 Alexander, whose superior learning and ability did not 
 escape the discerning eye of Sir Ralph Sadler, during 
 his residence in Scotland.^ He was an ardent and 
 steady friend to the reformed religion, and had careful- 
 ly instructed his family in its principles. Besides 
 preaching, Knox dispensed the sacrament of the Sup- 
 per in his house; the Earl himself, his Countess, and 
 
 inscription: "The Rev. John Knox. — The first sacrament of 
 the super riven in Scotland after the Reformation, was dis- 
 pensed in this hall." The commencement of the Reformation 
 IS here dated from the present visit of Knox to Scotland ; for 
 we have already seen that he administered the ordinance in the 
 Castle of St. Andrews, Anno 1547. The account given by 
 Knox in his History of the Reformation, (p. 92.) seems to im- 
 
 Ely that he performed this service in the West country, before 
 e did it in Calder-house. * Knox, Historie, p" 91, 118. 
 
 t Keith, p. 530. % Spottiswood, p. 90. 
 
 ij Chalmers's Caledonia, i. 848. { Knox, Historie, p. 91, 331. 
 It Sadler's State Papers, i. 83. Godscroit's Hist. ii. 128, 
 
56 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, 
 
 two of their sons, with some of their friends and 
 acquaintance, participalingr of the sacred feast.* 
 
 From Finlayston he returned to Calder-house, and 
 soon after paid a second visit to Dun, during which 
 he preached more openly than before. The greater 
 part of the gentlemen of Mearns did at this time make 
 profession of the reformed religion, by sitting down at 
 the Lord's table ; and entered into a solemn and mu- 
 tual bond, in which they renounced the popish com- 
 munion, and engaged to maintain and promote the 
 pure preaching of the gospel, as Providence should 
 favour them with opportunities.! This seems to have 
 been the first of those religious bonds or covenants, by 
 which the confederation of the protestants in Scotland 
 was so frequently ratified. Although they have been 
 often condemned as unwarranted in a religious point 
 of view, and dangerous in a political, yet are they 
 completely defensible upon the principles both oif 
 reason and of revelation ; and by cementing union, by 
 producing mutual confidence, and strengthening the 
 motives to fidelity and diligence, among those who are 
 embarked in the same cause, they have frequently 
 proved of the greatest utility for promoting reformation 
 in churches and nations, for maintaining a pure profes- 
 sion of religion after it had been attained, and for 
 securing the religious and political privileges of men. 
 The misapplication of them, when they are employed 
 in a bad cause and for mischievous ends, can be no 
 argument against them when they are used in a leo-iti- 
 mate way, and for laudable purposes. A mutual 
 agreement, compact, or covenant, is virtually implied 
 in the constitution of every society, civil or religious; 
 and the dictates of natural light conspire with the 
 declarations of scripture in ascertaining the warranta- 
 bleness and propriety of entering into explicit engage- 
 ments, about any lawful and important matter, and of 
 ratifying these even in the most solemn manner, if 
 circumstances shall require it, by formal subscription, 
 and by an appeal to the Searcher of hearts. 
 
 The dangers to which Knox and his friends had 
 been accustomed, taught them to conduct matters with 
 such secrecy, that he had preached for a considerable 
 time, and in different places, before the clergy knew 
 that he was in the kingdom. Concealment was, how- 
 ever, impracticable after his audiences became numer- 
 ous. His preaching at Ayr was reported to the Court, 
 and formed the topic of conversation in the presence 
 of the Queen Regent. Some having affirmed that the 
 
 f»reacher was an Englishman, " a prelate not of the 
 east pride (probably Beatoun, Archbishop of Glasgow,) 
 said, 'Nay; no Englishman, but it is Knox, that 
 knave.^ It was my Lord's pleasure (says Knox) so to 
 baptize a poor man ; the reason whereof, if it should 
 be required, his rochet and mitre must stand for 
 authority. What further liberty he used in defining 
 things like uncertain to him, to wit, of my learning 
 and doctrine, at this present I omit. For what hath 
 my life and conversation been, since it hath pleased 
 God to call me from the puddle of papistry, let my 
 very enemies speak ; and what learning I have, they 
 may prove when they please.":!: Interest was at that 
 
 * The silver cups which were used on that occasion were 
 till of late carefully preserved by the family of Glencairn at 
 Finlayston, and the parish of Kilmalcolm was regularly fa- 
 voured with the use of them at the time of dispensing the 
 sacrament. " The people (says the Minister, in his statisitical 
 account of the parish) respect them much for their antiquity, 
 as well as for the solemnity attending them in former and later 
 times." Statistical Account of Scotland, vol. iv. p. 279. This 
 writer thinks they had been originally candlesticks, and con- 
 verted to this use on the emergent occasion ; the hollow bot- 
 tom reversed forming the mouth of the cup, and the middle, 
 after the socket was screwed out, being converted into the 
 foot. But it is not likely, that the family of Glencairn were so 
 destitute of silver cups, as to need to have recourse to this 
 expedient. f Knox, Historie, p. 92. 
 
 X Letter to the Lady Mary, Regent of Scotland, apud His- 
 torie, p. 417. 
 
 time made by the bishops for his apprehension; but 
 the Queen Regent discouraged the application.* 
 
 After his last journey to Angus, the friars flocked 
 from all quarters to the bishops, and instigated them 
 to adopt speedy and decisive measures for checking 
 the alarming effects of his preaching. In consequence 
 of this, Knox was summoned to appear before a con- 
 vention of the clergy, in the church of the Black- 
 friars at Edinburgh, on the 15th of May. This diet 
 he resolved to keep, and with that view came to Edin- 
 burgh, before the day appointed, accompanied by 
 Erskine of Dun, and several other gentlemen. The 
 clergy had never dreamed of his attendance. Being 
 apprized of his determination, and afraid to bring 
 matters to extremity, while unassured of the Regent's 
 decided support, they met before hand, set aside the 
 summons under pretence of some informality, and de- 
 serted the diet against him. On the day on which he 
 should have appeared as a culprit, Knox preached in 
 the bishop of Dunkeld's large lodging, to a far greater 
 audience than had before attended him in Edinburgh. 
 During the ten following days he preached in the same 
 place, forenoon and afternoon ; none of the clergy 
 making the smallest attempt to disturb him. In the 
 midst of these labours, he wrote the following hasty 
 line to Mrs. Bowes. 
 
 " Belovit mother, with my maist hartlie commenda- 
 tion in the Lord Jesus, albeit I was fullie purpoisit to 
 have visitit yow before this tyme, yet hath God laid 
 impedimentis, whilk I culd not avoyd. Thay are 
 suche as I dout not ar to his glorie, and to the comfort 
 of many heir. The trumpet blew the aid sound thrie 
 dayis together, till privat houssis of indifferent largenes 
 could not counteane the voce of it. God, for Chryst 
 his Sonis sake, grant me to be myndful, that the sob- 
 bis of my hart hath not been in vane, nor neglectit, in 
 the presence of his majestie. O ! sweet war the 
 death that suld follow sic fourtie daysia in Edinburgh, 
 as heir I have had thrie. Rejose, mother; the tyme 
 of our deliverance approacheth : for, as Sathan rageth, 
 sa dois the grace of the Halie Spreit abound, and 
 daylie geveth new testimonyis of the everlasting love 
 of oure merciful! Father. I can wryt na mair to you 
 at this present. The grace of the Lord Jesus rest 
 with you. In haste — this Monunday — your sone, 
 John Knox."]- 
 
 About this time, the Earl Marishal, at the desire of 
 the Earl of Glencairn, attended an evening exhortation 
 delivered by Knox. He was so much pleased with 
 the discourse, that he joined with Glencairn, in urging 
 the preacher to write a letter to the Queen Regent, 
 which, they thought, might have the effect of inclining 
 her to protect the reformed preachers, if not also to 
 give a favourable ear to their doctrine. With this 
 request he was induced to comply. 
 
 As a specimen of the manner in which this letter 
 was written, I shall give the following quotation, in 
 the original language. " I dout not, that the ru- 
 mouris, whilk haif comin to your Grace's earis of me 
 haif bene such, that (yf all reportis wer trew) I wer 
 unworthie to live in the earth. And wonder it is, 
 that the voces of the multitude suld not so have in- 
 flamed your Grace's hart with just hatred of such a 
 one as I am accuseit to be, that all acces to pitie suld 
 have bene schute up. I am traducit as ane heretick, 
 accusit as a false teacher and seducer of the pepill, 
 besydes uther opprobries, whilk (affirmit be men of 
 warldlie honour and eslimatioun) may easlie kendill 
 the wrath of majestratis, whair innocencie is not 
 knawin. But blissit be God, the Father of our Lord 
 Jesus Chryst, who, by the dew of his heavenlie grace 
 hath so quenchet the fyre of displeasure as yit in your 
 Grace's hart, (whilk of lait dayis I have understand) 
 that Sathan is frustrat of his interpryse and purpois. 
 
 * Letter to the Lady Mary, Reg6nt of Scotland, apud His- 
 torie, p. 416, 417. t MS. Letters, p. 343, 344. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KINOX, 
 
 57 
 
 Whilk is to my hart no small comfort ; not so muche 
 (God is witnes) for any benefit that I can resave in 
 this miserable lyfe, by protection of any earthlie 
 creature, (for the cupe whilk it behoveth me to drink 
 is apoyntil by the wisdome of him whois consallis ar 
 not changeable) as that T am for that benefit whilk I 
 am assurit your Grace sail resave ; yf that ye continew 
 in like moderation and clemeneie towardis utheris 
 that maist unjustlie ar and sal be accusit, as that your 
 Grace hath began towardis me, and my most desper- 
 ate cause." An orator (he continued) might justly 
 require of her Grace a motherly pity towards her 
 subjects, the execution of justice upon murderers and 
 oppressors, a heart free from avarice and partiality, a 
 mind studious of the public welfare, with other virtues 
 which heathen as well as inspired writers required of 
 rulers. But, in his opinion, it was vain to crave 
 reformation of manners, when religion was so much 
 corrupted. He could not propose, in the present letter, 
 to lay open the sources, progress, and extent of those 
 errors and corruptions which had overspread and in- 
 undated the church ; but, if her Majesty would grant 
 him opportunity and liberty of speech, he was ready to 
 undertake this task. In the mean time, he could not 
 refrain from calling her attention to this important sub- 
 ject, and pointing out to her the fallacy of some general 
 prejudices, by which she was in danger of being delu- 
 ded. She ought to beware of thinking, that the care 
 of religion did not belong to magistrates, but was 
 devolved wholly on the clergy ; that it was a thing 
 incredible that religion should be so universally de^ 
 praved ; or that true religion was to be jxidged of by 
 the majority of voices, by custom, by the laws and 
 determinations of men, or by any thing but the infalli- 
 ble dictates of inspired scripture. He knew that inno- 
 vations in religion were deemed hazardous ; but the 
 urgent necessity and immense magnitude of the object 
 ought, in the present case, to swallow up the fear of 
 danger. He was aware that a public reformation might 
 be thought to exceed her authority as Regent ; but she 
 could not be bound to maintain idolatry and manifest 
 abuses, nor to suffer the fury of the clergy to rage in 
 murdering innocent men, merely because they wor- 
 shipped God according to his word. 
 
 Though Knox's pen was not the most smooth nor 
 delicate, and though he often irritated by the plainness 
 and severity of his language, yet is the letter to the 
 Queen Regent very far from being uncourtly or in- 
 elegant. It seems to have been written with great 
 care; and, in point of language, it may be compared 
 with any composition of that period, for simplicity and 
 forcible expression.* Its strain was well calculated 
 for stimulating the inquiries, an-d confirming the reso- 
 lutions of one who was impressed with a conviction 
 of the reigning evils in the church, or who, though not 
 resolved in judgment as to the matters in controversy, 
 was determined to preserve moderation between the 
 contending parties. Notwithstanding her imposing 
 manners, the Regent was not a person of this descrip- 
 tion. The Earl of Glencairn delivered the letter into 
 her hand ; she glanced over it with a careless air, and 
 gave it to the archbishop of Glasgow, saying. Please 
 you, my Lord, to read a pasquil.f The report of this 
 induced Knox, after he retired from Scotland, to pub- 
 lish the letter, with additions. The style of the addi- 
 tions is more spirited and sharp than that of the original 
 letter; but there is nothing even in them which is in- 
 decorous, or which will warrant the charge which has 
 been brought against him of being accustomed to treat 
 crowned heads with di'srespect and irreverence. " As 
 charitie (says he, in these additions) persuadeth me to 
 
 * This is more evident from the letter in its orifjinal lan- 
 guage, which is now before me in manuscript. In the copies 
 of it which have been published along with his History, (even 
 in the edition of 1732) freedoms have been used, and the stjle 
 is not a little injured by the insertion of unnecessary and en- 
 feebling expletives. f Historic, p. 92, 425. 
 
 H 
 
 interpret thinges doubtfully spoken in the best senoe, 
 so my dutie to God, (who hath commanded me to 
 flatter no prince in the earth) compelleth me to say, 
 that if no more ye esteme the admonition of God nor 
 the Cardinalles do the scoffing of pasquilles, then he 
 shall shortly send you messagers, with whome ye 
 shall not be able on that maner to jest. — I did not 
 speak unto you, Madame, by former lettre, neither 
 yet do I now, as Pasquillus doth to the Pope, in be- 
 half of such as dare not utter their names ; but 1 come, 
 in the name of Jesus Christ, affirming, that the religion 
 which ye maintain is damnable idolatrie : the which I 
 offre myselfe to prove by the most evident testimonies 
 of Goddis scriptures. And, in this quarrelle, I present 
 myself againste all the papistes within the realme, 
 desiring none other armore but Goddis holie worde 
 and the Irbertie of my tonge."* 
 
 While he was thus employed in Scotland, he re- 
 ceived letters from the English congregation at Geneva, 
 stating that they had made choice of him as one of 
 their pastors, and urging him to come and take the 
 inspection of them.f He judged it his duty to com- 
 ply with this invitation, and began immediately to 
 prepare for the journey. His wife and mother-in-law 
 had by this time joined him at Edinburgh ; and Mrs. 
 Bowes, being now a widow, resolved to accompany 
 Mrs. Knox and her husband to Geneva. Having sent 
 them before him in a vessel to Dieppe, Knox again 
 visited and took his leave of the brethren in the dif- 
 ferent places where he had preached. Campbell of 
 Kineancleugh conducted him to the Earl ofArgyle, 
 and he preached for some days in his house of Castle 
 Campbell. The aged Earl appears to have received 
 durable impressions from his instructions. He resisted 
 all the arts which the clergy afterwards employed to 
 detach him from the protestant interest, and on his 
 death-bed laid a solemn charge upon his son to use his 
 utmost influence for its preservation and advancement. 
 Argyle, and Glenorchy, who was also a hearer of 
 Knox, endeavoured to detain him in Scotland, but 
 without success. " If God so blessed their small be- 
 ginnings, (he said) that they continued in godliness, 
 whensoever they pleased to command him, they should 
 find him obedient. But once he must needs visit that 
 little flock, which the wickedness of men had com- 
 pelled him to leave." Accordingly, in the month of 
 July 1556, he left Scotland, and having joined his wife 
 and her mother at Dieppe, proceeded with them to 
 Geneva.":f 
 
 No sooner did the clergy understand that he had 
 quitted the kingdom, than they, in a dastardly manner, 
 renewed the summons against him which they had 
 deserted during his presence, and, upon his failing to 
 appear, passed sentence against him, adjudging his 
 body to the flames, and his soul to damnation. As his 
 person was out of their reach, they caused his effigy 
 to be rgnomrniously burned at the cross of Edinburgh. 
 Against this sentence, he drew up his Appellation, 
 which he afterwards published, with a supplication 
 and exhortation, directed to the nobility and common- 
 alty of Scotland. It may not be improper here to sub- 
 jorn the summary which he gave in this treatise of the 
 doctrine taught by him during his late visit to Scot- 
 land, which the clergy pronounced so execrable, and 
 deserving of such horrible punishment. He taught, 
 that there was no other ncime by which men could be 
 saved but that of Jesus, and that all reliance on the 
 merits of others was vain and delusive: that the Sa- 
 viour having by his one sacrifice sanctified and recon- 
 ciled to God those who should inherit the promised 
 kingdom, all other sacrifices which men pretended to 
 
 * Letter, &c. apud Historie, p. 425, 426. 
 
 f This congregation (which consisted of those who had 
 withdrawn from Frankfort), as early as September 1555, " chose 
 Knox and Goodman for their pastors, and Gilby requested to 
 supplie the rome till Knox returned owte off France." Troubles 
 at Franckford, p. lix. \ Knox, Historie, p. 92-3, 108. 
 
58 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 
 
 offer for sin were blasphemous ; that all men ought to 
 hate sin, which was so odious before God that no sacri- 
 fice but the death of his Son could satisfj' for it; that 
 they ought to magnify their heavenly Father, who did 
 not spare Him who is the substance of his glory, but 
 gave him up to suffer the ignominious and cruel death 
 of the cross for us; and that those who have been 
 washed from their former sins are bound to lead a new 
 life, fighting against the lusts of the flesh, and study- 
 ing to glorify God by good works. In conformity 
 with the certification of his Master, that he would 
 deny and be ashamed of those who should deny and 
 be ashamed of him and his words before a wicked 
 generation, he further taught, that it is incumbent on 
 those who hope for life everlasting, to make an open 
 profession of the doctrine of Christ, and to avoid idol- 
 atry, superstition, vain religion, and, in one word, 
 every way of worship which is destitute of authority 
 from the word of God. This doctrine he did believe 
 so conformable to God's holy scriptures, that he 
 thought no creature could have been so impudent as 
 to deny any point or article of it; yet had the false 
 bishops and ungodly clergy condemned him as a here- 
 tic, and his doctrine as heretical, and pronounced 
 against him the sentence of death, in testification of 
 which they had burned his effigy : from which sentence 
 he appealed to a lawful and general council, to be held 
 agreeably to ancient laws and canons ; humbly request- 
 ing the nobility and commons of Scotland, to take him, 
 and others accused and persecuted, under their protec- 
 tion, until such time as these controversies were de- 
 cided, and to regard this his plain appellation as of no 
 less effect, than if it had been made with greater solem- 
 nity and ceremonies.* 
 
 The late visit of our Reformer (for in this light we 
 are now to view him) was of vast consequence. By 
 his labours on this occasion he laid the foundations of 
 that noble edifice which he was-.afterwards so instru- 
 mental in completing. The friends of the reformed 
 doctrine were separated by him from the corrupt com- 
 munion to which in a certain degree they had hitherto 
 adhered ; their information in scriptural truth was 
 greatly improved ; and they were brought together in 
 different parts of the nation, and prepared for being 
 organized into a regular church, as soon as Providence 
 should grant them external liberty, and furnish them 
 with persons qualified for acting as overseers. Some 
 may be apt to blame him for abandoning with too great 
 precipitation the undertaking which he had so auspi- 
 ciously begun. But, without pretending to ascertain 
 the train of reflections which had occurred to his mind, 
 we may trace, in his determination, the wise arrange- 
 ments of that Providence which watched over the in- 
 fant Reformation, and guided the steps of the Reformer. 
 His absence was now no less, conducive to the preser- 
 vation of the cause, than his presence and personal 
 labours had lately been to its advancement. Matters 
 were not yet ripened for a general reformation in Scot- 
 land ; and the clergy would never have suffered so 
 zealous and so able a champion of the new doctrines 
 to live in the country. By retiring at this time, he not 
 only preserved his own life, and reserved his labours 
 to a more fit opportunity, but he also averted the storm 
 of persecution from the heads of his brethren. De- 
 prived of teachers, they became objects of less jealousy 
 to their adversaries ; while in their private meetings, 
 they continued to confirm one another in the doctrine 
 which they had received, and the seed lately sown had 
 sufiicient time to take root and spread. 
 
 Before he took his departure, Knox was careful to 
 give his brethren such directions as he judged most 
 necessary, and most useful to them, in their present 
 circumstances. Not satisfied with comraanicating these 
 orally, he committed them to writing in a common 
 letter, which he either left behind him, or sent from 
 
 * Appellation, &c. apad Historie, p. 428. 
 
 Dieppe, to be circulated in the different o- arttrs where 
 he had preached. In this letter, he va.mly recom- 
 mended to every one the frequent and careful perusal 
 of the scriptures. He inculcated the duty of attending 
 to religious instruction and worship in each family. 
 He exhorted the brethren to meet together once every 
 week, if practicable, and gave them directions for con- 
 ducting their assemblies in the manner best adapted 
 to their mutual improvement, while destitute of public 
 teachers. They ought to begin with confession of sins 
 and invocation of the Divine blessing. A portion of 
 the scriptures should then be read; and they would 
 find it of great advantage to observe a regular course 
 in their reading, and to join a chf-pter of the Old 
 and of the New Testament together. After the read- 
 ing of the scriptures, if an exhortati jn, interpretation, 
 or doubt, occurred to any brother, he might speak ; but 
 he ought to do it with modesty, anrt a desire to edify 
 or to be edified ; carefully avoiding " multiplication of 
 words, perplexed interpretation, and wilfulness in rea- 
 soning. If, in the course of reading or conference, 
 they met with any difficulties which they could not 
 solve, he advised them to commit these to writing be- 
 fore they separated, that they might submit them to 
 the judgment of the learned ; and he signified his own 
 readiness to give them his advice by letters, whenever 
 it should be required. Their assemblies ought always 
 to be closed, as well as opened, by prayer.* There is 
 every reason to conclude, that these directions were 
 punctually complied with ; this letter may, therefore, 
 be viewed as an important document regarding the 
 state of the protestant church in Scotland, previous to 
 the establishment of the Reformation, and shall be in- 
 serted at large in the notes.]" 
 
 Among his letters are several answers to questions 
 which they had transmitted to him for advice. The 
 questions are such as might be supposed to arise in 
 the minds of serious persons lately made acquainted 
 with Scripture, puzzled with particular expressions, 
 and at a loss how to apply some of its directions to 
 their situation. They discover an inquisitive and con- 
 scientious disposition ; and at the same time, illustrate 
 the disadvantages under which ordinary Christians 
 labour when deprived of the assistance of learned 
 teachers. Our Reformer's answers display an intimate 
 acquaintance with scripture, and dexterity in expound- 
 ing it, with prudence in giving advice in cases of con- 
 science, so as not to encourage a dangerous laxity on 
 the one hand, or scrupulosity and excessive rigidness 
 on the other.:|: 
 
 ' PERIOD V. 
 
 From tlieyear 1556, when he returned to Genera, after visit- 
 ing Scotland, to the ye<ir 1559, when he returned to Scot- 
 land for the last time. 
 
 Knox reached Geneva before the end of harvest, and 
 took upon him the charge of the English congregation 
 there,|| among whom he laboured during the two foV 
 
 * MS. Letters,. p. 352—359. + See Note XXV. 
 
 \ Aniong^ the questions proposed were the following : Whe- 
 ther the baptism adniinistered by the popish priests was valid, 
 and did not require repetition? VVhetlier all the things pro- 
 hibited in the decree of the apostles and elders at .lerus^alem 
 (Acts XV.) were still unlawful? Whether the prohibition of the 
 apostle John (2d ep. v. 10.) extended to common salutation of 
 those who taught erroneous doctrine? How are the directions 
 of the apostle Peter respecting dress (Ist ep. chap. iii. 3.) to 
 be obey-ed? In what sense is God said to repent? 
 
 II The congregation seem to have delayed the final settle- 
 ment of their order of worship and discipline until Knox'i 
 arrival; for the preface to The Order of Geneva, is dated 
 "The 10th of February, Anno 1556." Dunlop's Collection 
 of Confessions, ii. 401. If this date was according to the old 
 method of reckoning, Knox must have been present at the 
 time. But I am not sure but that the new mode, of beginning 
 theyearwith January was introduced in Geneva as early as 155o. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 lowing years. This short period was the most quiet 
 of his life. In the bosom of his own family, he expe- 
 rienced that soothing care to which he had hitherto 
 been a stranger, and which his frequent bodily ailments 
 now required. Two sons were born to him in Geneva. 
 The greatest affection to him, and cordiality among 
 themselves, subsisted in the small flock under his 
 charge. With his colleague, Christopher Goodman, 
 he lived as a brother ; and he was happy in the friend- 
 ship of Calvin and the other pastors of Geneva. So 
 much was he pleased with the purity of religion estab- 
 lished in that city, that he warmly recommended it to 
 his religious acquaintances in England, as the best 
 Christian asylum to which they could flee. " In my 
 heart (says he, in a letter to his friend Mr. Locke) I 
 could have wished, yea, and cannot cease to wish, that 
 it might please God to guide and conduct yourself to 
 this place, where, I neither fear nor eshame to say, is 
 the most perfect school of Christ that ever was in the 
 earth, since the days of the apostles. In other places 
 I confess Christ to be truly preached ; but manners and 
 religion so sincerely reformed, I have not yet seen in 
 any other place beside."* 
 
 But neither the enjoyment of personal accommoda- 
 tions, nor the pleasures of literary society, nor the en- 
 dearments of domestic happiness, could subdue our 
 Reformer's ruling passion, or unfix his determination to 
 revisit Scotland, as soon as an opportunity should offer 
 for advancing the Reformation among his countrymen. 
 In a letter written to some of his friends in Edinburgh, 
 March 16, 1557, I find him expressing himself thus: 
 " My own motion and daily prayer is, not only that I 
 may visit you, but also that with joy I may end my 
 battle among you. And assure yourself of that, that 
 whenever a greater number among you shall call upon 
 me than now hath bound me to serve them, by His 
 grace it shall not be the fear of punishment, neither 
 yet of the death temporal, that shall impede my com- 
 ing to you."f A certain heroic confidence, and as- 
 surance of ultimate success, have often been displayed 
 b)' those whom Providence has raised up to achieve 
 great revolutions in the world ; by which they have 
 been borne up under discouragements which would 
 have overwhelmed men of ordinary spirits, and em- 
 boldened to face dangers from which others would 
 have shrunk appalled. This enthusiastic heroism (I 
 use not the epithet in a bad sense) often blazed forth 
 in the conduct of the great German Reformer. Knox 
 possessed no inconsiderable portion of Luther's spirit. 
 "Satan, I confess, rageth (says he, in a letter nearly 
 of the same date with that last quoted) ; but potent is 
 He that promiseth to be with us, in all such enter- 
 prises as we take in hand at his commandment, for 
 the glory of his name, and for maintenance of his true 
 religion. And therefore the less fear we any contrary 
 power: yea, in the boldness of our God, we altogether 
 contemn them, be they kings, emperors, men, angels, 
 or devils. For they shall be never able to prevail 
 against the simple truth of God which we openly pro- 
 fess ; by the permission of God they may appear to 
 prevail against our bodies, but our cause shall triumph 
 in despite of Satan. ":|: 
 
 Within a month after he wrote the letter last quoted 
 but one, James Syme, who had been his host at Edin- 
 burgh, and James Barron, another burgess of the same 
 city, arrived at Geneva with a letter, and credence, 
 from the Earl of Glencairn, Lords Lorn, Erskine, and 
 James Stewart ; informing him, that the professors of 
 the reformed doctrine remained stecjfast, that its adver- 
 saries were daily losing credit in the nation, and that 
 those who possessed the supreme authority, although 
 they had not yet declared themselves friendly to it, 
 still refrained from persecution ; and inviting him, in 
 their own name, and in that of their brethren, to return 
 to Scotland, where he would find them aU ready to 
 
 * MS. Letters, p. 377. f lb. p. 408. t lb. . 378. 
 
 receive him, and to spend their lives and fortunes in 
 advancing the cause which they had espoused."* 
 
 Knox laid this letter before his congregation, and 
 also submitted it to Calvin and his colleagues. The 
 latter delivered it as their opinion, " that he could not 
 refuse the call, without shewing himself rebellious to 
 God, and unmerciful to his country." His congrega- 
 tion agreed to sacrifice their particular interest to the 
 greater good of the church ; and his own family 
 silently acquiesced. Upon this, he returned an answer 
 to the letter of the nobility, signifying, that he meant 
 to visit them with all reasonable expedition. The con- 
 gregation chose as his successor William Whitting- 
 kam,\ a learned Englishman with whom he had been 
 long united by strict friendship, and congeniality of 
 sentiment. Having settled his other affairs, he took 
 an affectionate leave of his friends at Geneva, and 
 went to Dieppe, in the beginning of October. While 
 he waited there for a vessel, he received letters from 
 Scotland, written in a very different strain from the 
 former. By these he was informed, that new consul- 
 tations had been held among the protestants in that 
 country ; that some of them began to repent of the in- 
 vitation which they had given him to return ; and that 
 the greater part seemed irresolute and faint-hearted. 
 
 This intelligence excoediiigly disconcerted and em- 
 barrassed him. He instantly despatched a letter to 
 the nobility who had invited him, upbraiding them for 
 their timidity and inconstancy. The information, 
 which he had just received, had (he said) confounded 
 him, and pierced his heart with sorrow. After taking 
 the advice of the most learned and godly in Europe, 
 for the satisfaction of his own conscience and theirs 
 respecting this enterprise, the abandonment of it would 
 reflect disgrace either on him or them : it would argue 
 either that he had been marvellously forward and vain, 
 or that they had betrayed great imprudence and want, 
 of judgment in their invitation. To some it might 
 appear a small matter, that he had left his poor family 
 destitute of a head, and had committed the care of his 
 little but dearly beloved flock to another ; but, for his 
 part, he could not name the sum that would induce 
 him to go through the same scene a second time, and 
 to behold so many grave men weeping at his depar- 
 ture. What answer could he give, on his return, to 
 those who inquired, why he did not prosecute his 
 journey] He could take God to witness, that the per- 
 sonal inconveniencies to which he had been subjected, 
 and the mortification which he felt at the disappoint- 
 ment, were not the chief causes of his grief. But he 
 was alarmed at the awful consequences which would 
 ensue, at the bondage and misery, spiritual and tem- 
 poral, which they would entail on themselves and their 
 children, their subjects and their posterity, if they 
 neglected the present opportunity of introducing the 
 gospel into their native country. In his conscience, 
 he could except from blame in this matter, none that 
 bore the name of nobility in Scotland. His words 
 might perhaps seem sharp and indiscreet; but charity 
 would construe them in the best sense, and wise men 
 would consider that a true friend cannot flatter, espe- 
 cially in a case which involved the salvation of the 
 bodies and souls, not of a few persons, but of a whole 
 realm. " What are the sobs, and what is the affliction 
 of my troubled heart, God shall one day declare. But 
 this will I add to my former rigour and severity ; to 
 wit, if any persuade you, for fear or dangers to follow, 
 to faint in your former purpose, be he esteemed never 
 so wise and friendly, let him be judged of you both 
 foolish, and your mortal enemy. — I am not ignorant 
 that fearful troubles shall ensue your enterprise ; as in 
 my former letters I did signify unto you. But, O 1 
 joyful and comfortable are those troubles and adversi- 
 ties which man sustaineth for accomplishment of God's 
 will revealed in his word. For how terrible that ever 
 
 * Knox, Histone, p. 97, 98. 
 
 t See Note XXVI. 
 
60 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 they appear to the judgment of natural men, yet are 
 they never able to devour nor utterly to consume the 
 sufferers ; for the invisible and invincible power of 
 God sustaineth and preserveth, according to his pro- 
 mise, all such as with simplicity do obey him. — No 
 less cause have ye to enter in your former enterprise, 
 than Moses had to go to the presence of Pharaoh; for 
 your subjects, yea your brethren, are oppressed ; their 
 bodies and souls holden in bondage t and God speaketh 
 to your consciences (unless ye be dead with the blind 
 world,) that ye ought to hazard your own lives, be it 
 against kings or emperors, for their deliverance. For, 
 only for that cause are ye called princes of the people, 
 and receive honour, tribute, and homage at God's com- 
 mandment, not by reason of your birth and progeny 
 (as the most part of men falsely do suppose,) but by 
 reason of your office and duty ; which is, to vindicate 
 and deliver your subjects and brethren from all violence 
 and oppression, to the uttermost of your power."* 
 
 Having sent off this letter, with others, written in 
 the same strain, to Erskine of Dun, Wishart of Pitta- 
 row, and some other gentlemen of his acquaintance, 
 he cherished the hope that he would soon receive more 
 favourable accounts from Scotland, and resolved in the 
 mean time to travel into the interior of France. + The 
 reformed doctrine had been early introduced into that 
 kingdom ; ii had been watered with the blood of many 
 martyrs ; and all the violence which had been employ- 
 ed by its enemies, had not been able to extirpate it, or 
 to prevent its spreading among all ranks. The Parisian 
 protestants were at present smarting under the effects 
 of one of those massacres, which so often disgraced 
 the Roman Catholic religion in that country, before as 
 well as after the commencement of the civil wars. Not 
 satisfied with assaulting them when peaceably as- 
 sembled for worship in a private house, and treating 
 them with great barbarity, their adversaries, in imita- 
 tion of their pagan predecessors, invented the most 
 diabolical calumnies against them, and circulated the 
 report that they were guilty of abominable practices in 
 their religious assemblies.:^: The innocent sufferers 
 had drawn up an apology, in which they vindicated 
 themselves from this atrocious charge ; and Knox 
 having got a copy of this translated into English, wrote 
 a preface and additions to it, with the intention of 
 publishing it for the use of his countrymen. || 
 
 Having formed an acquaintance with many of the 
 protestants of France, and being able to speak their 
 language, he occasionally preached to them in passing 
 
 * Knox, Historic, p. 98—100. 
 
 t I find him, about this time, addressing a letter to one of 
 his correspondents from Lyons. MS. Letters, p. 346. This 
 letter is subscribed John Sinclair. See above, p. 2, note f . 
 
 t Histoire des Martyrs, p. 425, 426. Anno 1597. Folio. 
 Beza, Vita Calvini, ad. Ann. 1557. The Cardinal of Lorrain, 
 uncle to Mary the young Queen of Scotland, was industrious 
 in propagating this vile calumny; a circumstance which no 
 doubt contributed to increase Knox's bad opinion of that most 
 determined enemy of the Reformation. This is mentioned by 
 him in his preface to the Parisian Apology. "This was not 
 bruited be the rude and ignorant pepil; but a Cardinall (whais 
 ipocrisie nevertheless is not abil to cover his awn filthiness) 
 escharait not openlie at his tabill to affirm that maist impudent 
 and manifest lie; adding moreover (to the further declaratioun 
 whais sone he was) that, in the hous whair thay wer apprehen- 
 dit, 8 bedis wer preparit. When in verie deid in that place 
 whair thay did convene, (except a table for the Lord's Supper 
 to have been ministered, a chayr for the preicher, and bankig 
 and stullis for the easement of the auditors) no preparation nor 
 furniture was abill to be proved, not even be the verie ene- 
 myis." MS. Letters, p. 445, 446. 
 
 ■|| MS. Letters, p. 442—500. The apology of the Parisian 
 protestants was published ; but I do not uiink that Knox's 
 translation and additions ever appeared in print. The writer 
 of the Life of Knox, prefixed to the edition of his History, 
 1732, page xxi. has fallen into several blunders in speaking of 
 this subject. There are no letters to the French protestants in 
 the MS. to which he refers; and the apology was written by 
 the Parisians themselves, and only translated partly by Knox, 
 but " the most part bj another, because of his other labours." 
 
 through the country. It seems to have been on this 
 occasion, that he preached in the city of Rochelle, 
 when, having introduced the subject of his native 
 country, he told his audience that he expected, within 
 a few years, to preach in the church of St. Giles, in 
 Edinburgh,* There is nothing in our Reformer's let- 
 ters from which I can learn whether he found any 
 protestants in Dieppe, a place which he visited so often 
 during his exile : it is probable, however, that he did ; 
 for at an early period of the following century they 
 had a very numerous church in that town.f 
 
 Being disappointed in his expectation of letters from 
 Scotland, he determined to relinquish his journey, and 
 return to Geneva. This resolution does not accord 
 with the usual firmness of our Reformer, and is not 
 suflicienlly accounted for in the common histories. 
 The protestant nobles had not retracted their invita- 
 tion ; the discouraging letters which he had received 
 were written by individuals, without any authority 
 from the rest ; and if their zeal and courage had begun 
 to flag, his presence was the more necessary to recruit 
 them. From the letters which he wrote to his familiar 
 acquaintances, I am enabled to state more fully the 
 motives by which he was actuated in taking this re- 
 trograde step. He was perfectly aware that a violent 
 struggle would necessarily precede the establishment 
 of the Reformation in his native country; he knew that 
 his presence in Scotland would excite the rage of the 
 clergy, who would make every effort to crush their 
 adversaries, and to maintain the lucrative S3'stem of 
 superstition ; and he dreaded that civil discord, and 
 tumult, and bloodshed would ensue. The prospect of 
 these things rushed into his mind, and (regardless 
 of public tranquillity as some have pronounced him to 
 be) staggered his resolution in prosecuting an under- 
 taking which his judgment approved as lawful, and 
 laudable, and necessary. When, says he, " I heard 
 such troubles as appeared in that realm, I began to 
 dispute with myself as followeth : ' Shall Christ, the 
 author of peace, concord, and quietness, be preached 
 where war is proclaimed, sedition engendered, and 
 tumults appear to rise? Shall not his evangel be ac- 
 cused as the cause of all this calamity which is like to 
 follow 1 What comfort canst thou have to see the one 
 half of the people rise up against the other, yea, to 
 jeopard the one, to murder and destroy the other? 
 But, above all, what joy shall it be to thy heart, to 
 behold with thy eyes thy native country betrayed in- 
 [to] the hands of strangers, which to no man's judg- 
 ment can be avoided ; because that those who ought to 
 defend it, and the liberty thereof, are so blind, dull, 
 and obstinate, that they will not see their own destruc- 
 tion 1"j^ To " these and more deep cogitations," 
 which continued to distract his mind for several 
 months after he returned to Geneva, he principally 
 
 * " Having particularly declared to me (says Row) by those 
 who heard him say, when he was in Rochel, in France, that 
 within two or three years, he hoped to preach the gospel pub- 
 licly in St. Giles in Edinburgh. But the persons who heard 
 him say it, being papists for the time, and yet jiersuaded by a 
 nobleman to hear him preach privately, and see him baptize a 
 bairn that was carried many miles to him for that purpose, 
 thought that such a thing could never come to pass, and hated 
 him for so speaking ; yet, coming home to Scotland, and 
 through stress of weather likely to perish, they began to think 
 of his preaching, and allowed of every part of it, and vowed to 
 God, if he would preserve their lives, that they would forsake 
 papistrj' and follow the calling of God; whilk they did, and 
 saw and heard John Knox preach openly in the kirk of Edin- 
 burgh, at the time whereof he spoke to them." Row's Histo- 
 rie, MS. p. 8, 9. The same fact is mentioned by Pierre de La 
 Roque, a French author, in Recueil des Dernieres Heures Edi- 
 fiantes, apud Wodrow, MSS. No. 15. Advocates' Library. 
 
 + Mr. Robert Trail, minister first at Ely, and afterwards at 
 Edinburgh, when he was in France, between 1625 and 1630, 
 was present in a protestant congregation at Dieppe, when 5000 
 people were assembled. Note of the most remarkable particu- 
 lars in a MS. account of Mr. Robert Trail, written with hi» 
 own hand, anno 1669, p. 4. MS. penes me. 
 
 {MS. Letters, p. 349. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 61 
 
 imputed his abandonment of the journey to Scotland. 
 At the same time, he was convinced that they were 
 not sufficient to justify his desisting from an under- 
 taking, recommended by so many powerful considera- 
 tions. " But, alas ! (says he) as the wounded man, be 
 he never so expert in physick or surgery, cannot sud- 
 denly mitigate his own pain and dolour; no more can 
 I the fear and grief of my heart, although I am not 
 ignorant of what is to be done. It may also be, that 
 the doubts and cold writing of some brethren did aug- 
 ipent my dolour, and somewhat discourage me that 
 before was more nor feeble. But nothing do I so much 
 accuse as myself." Whatever were the secondary 
 causes of this step, I cannot help again directing the 
 reader's attention to the wisdom of Providence, in 
 throwing impediments in his way, by which his return 
 to Scotland was protracted to a period, before which it 
 might have been injurious, and at which it was calcu- 
 lated to be in the highest degree beneficial to the great 
 cause that he meant to promote. 
 
 In judging of Knox's influence in advancing the Re- 
 formation, we must take into view not only his per- 
 sonal labours, but also the epistolary correspondence 
 which he maintained with his countrymen. By this 
 he instructed them in his absence, communicated his 
 own advice and that of the learned among whom he 
 resided, upon every difficult case which occurred, 
 and animated them to constancy and perseverance. 
 Before leaving Dieppe, he transmitted to Scotland two 
 long letters, which deserve particular attention in this 
 view. The one, dated 1st December, is directed to 
 the protestants in general ; the other, dated the I7th 
 of that month, is addressed to the nobility. In both 
 of them he prudently avoids any reference to his late 
 disappointment. 
 
 In the first letter he strongly inculcates purity of 
 morals, and warns all who professed the reformed reli- 
 gion against those irregularities of life, whicli were 
 improved to the disparagement of their cause, by two 
 classes of persons; by the papists, who, although the 
 same vices prevailed in a far higher degree among 
 themselves, represented them as the native fruits of 
 the protestant doctrine ; and by a new sect, who were 
 enemies to superstition, but who had deserted the pro- 
 testant communion to which they had belonged, and 
 were become scarcely less hostile to it than the papists. 
 The principal design of this letter was to put his coun- 
 trymen on their guard against the arts of this last class 
 of persons, and to expose their leading errors. 
 
 The persons to whom he referred were those who 
 went under the general name of Jlnabaptists, a sect 
 which sprung up in Germany soon after the commence- 
 ment of the Reformation under Luther, broke out into 
 the greatest excesses, and produced the most violent 
 commotions in different places. Being suppressed in 
 Germany, it spread through other countries, and secret- 
 ly made converts by high pretensions to seriousness 
 and Christian simplicity ; the spirit of turbulence and 
 wild fanaticism, which at first characterized the sect, 
 gradually subsiding after the first effervescence. Ebul- 
 litions of a similar kind have not unfrequently accom- 
 panied great revolutions; when the minds of men, 
 dazzled by a sudden irradiation, and released from the 
 galling fetters of ecclesiastical or civil despotism, of 
 implicit faith and blind obedience, have been disposed 
 to fly to the opposite extreme of anarchy and extrava- 
 gance. Nothing proved more vexing to the original 
 reformers than this. It was improved by the defenders 
 of the old system as a popular argument against all 
 change. The extravagant opinions and disorderly 
 practices of the new sect, though disowned and op- 
 posed l>y all sober protestants, were artfully imputed 
 to them by their adversaries. And many who had 
 declared themselves friendly to reform, alarmed, or 
 
 Eretending to be alarmed, at this hideous spectre, drew 
 ack, and sheltered themselves within the sacred pale 
 of that Church, who, notwithstanding her notorious 
 
 dissensions, errors, and corruption both in head and 
 members, continued to arrogate to herself exclusively 
 the properties of unity, purity, universality, and perpe- 
 tual infallibility. 
 
 The radical error of this sect, according to the more 
 improved system held by them at the time of which 
 I write, was a fond conceit of a certain ideal spiritu- 
 ality and perfection, by which they considered the 
 Christian church to be essentially, and in all respects, 
 distinguished from the Jewish, this being, in their 
 opinion, a mere carnal, worldly society. Entertaining 
 such a notion, they were naturally led to abridge the 
 rule of faith and manners, by confining themselves al- 
 most entirely to the New Testament, and to adopt their 
 other opinions concerning the unlawfulness of infant 
 baptism, of civil magistracy, national churches, oaths, 
 and defensive war. But besides these tenets, the ana- 
 baptists were, at this period, generally infected with 
 the Arian and Pelagian heresies, and united with the 
 papists in loading the doctrines maintained by the re- 
 formers respecting predestination and grace with the 
 most odious charges.* 
 
 Our reformer had occasion to meet with some of 
 these sectaries, both in England and on the continent, 
 and had ascertained their extravagant and dangerous 
 principles. In the year 1553, one of them came to his 
 lodging in London, and, after requiring of him great 
 secrecy, gave him a book, written by one of his party, 
 which he pressed him to read. Upon looking into it, 
 Knox perceived the following proposition, " God made 
 not the world, nor the wicked creatures in it ; but these 
 were made by the devil, who is therefore called the 
 God of this world." He immediately warned the man 
 against such gross doctrine, and began to explain to 
 him the sense in which the devil is called " the god 
 of this world" in scripture. " Tush for your written 
 word ! (replied the enthusiast) we have as good and as 
 sure a word and veritie that teacheth us this doctrine, 
 as ye have for you and your opinion. "f Being ap- 
 prized that persons who had imbibed these opinions 
 were creeping into Scotland, Knox was afraid that 
 they might insidiously instil their poison into the 
 minds of some of his brethren. He refuted their opin- 
 ion respecting church-communion, by shewing that 
 they required such purity as was never found in the 
 church, either before or since the completion of the 
 canon of scripture. In opposition to their Pelagian 
 tenets, he gave the following statement of his senti- 
 ments. " If there be any thing which God did not 
 predestinate and appoint, then lacked he wisdom and 
 free regimen ; or, if any thing was ever done, or yet 
 after shall be done, in heaven or in earth, which he 
 might not have impeded (if so had been his godly 
 pleasure), then he is not omnipotent; which three 
 properties, to wit, wisdom, free regimen, and power, 
 denied to be in God, I pray you what rests in his god- 
 head 1 The wisdom of our God we acknowledge to 
 be such, that it compelleth the very malice of Satan, 
 and the horrible iniquity of such as be drowned in sin, 
 to serve to his glory and to the profit of his elect. His 
 power we believe and confess to be infinite, and such 
 as no creature in heaven or earth is able to resist. And 
 his regimen we acknowledge to be so free, that none 
 
 * The Careles by Necessitie, as reprinted in Knox's An- 
 swer to an Anabaptist, 1560. Spanheinii (Patris) Disput. 
 Theol. Miscell. Genevas. 1652, Spanhemii (Filii) Opera, Tom. 
 iii. pp. 771 — 798. — It is scarcely necessary to state, that the 
 ^reat body of those who, in the present day, oppose the bap- 
 tism of infants do not hold a number of the tenets specified 
 above. They are decidedly hostile to the Arian and Pelagian 
 errors, and friendly to the doctrine of grace. So far from 
 denying the lawfulness of magistracy among Christians, they 
 have in general (at least in Scotland) adopted the principle of 
 non-resistance to civil rulers in all cases. 
 
 t Answer to the Blasphemous Cavillations written by an 
 Anabaptist, p. 405, 407. Anno 1560. He adds, that he had 
 the best opportunity of knowing, that others of that sect held 
 the exploded heresy of the ancient Manicheans. 
 
62 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, 
 
 of his creatures dare present them in jndgment, to rea- 
 son or demand the question, Why hast thou done this 
 or that? But the fountain of this their damnable 
 error (which is, that in God they can acknowledge no 
 justice except that which their foolish brain is able to 
 comprehend), at more opportunit}', God willing, we 
 shall intreal."* 
 
 He assigns his reasons for w'arning them so particu- 
 larly against the seduction of these erroneous teachers. 
 Under the cloak of mortification, and the colour of a 
 godly life, they " supplanted the dignity of Christ," 
 and " were become enemies to free justification by 
 faith in his blood." The malice of their popish adver- 
 saries was now visible to all the world ; the hypocrisy 
 of mercenary teachers and ungodly professors would 
 soon discover itself; and seldom was open tyranny 
 able to suppress the true religion, when it had once 
 been earnestly embraced by the body of any nation or 
 province. " But deceivable and false doctrine is a 
 poison and venom, which, once drunken and received, 
 with great difficulty can afterward be purged." Ac- 
 cordingly, he charged them to " try the spirits" which 
 came to them, and to suflTer no man to take the office 
 of preacher upon him, of his own accord, without trial, 
 or to assemble the people in privy conventions ; else 
 Satan would soon have his emissaries among them, 
 who would " destroy the plantation of our heavenly 
 Father."f His admonitions, on this head, were not 
 without effect ; and the protestants of Scotland, instead 
 of being distracted with these opinions, remained united 
 in their views, as to doctrine, worship, and discipline. 
 
 His letter to the protestant lords breathes a spirit of 
 ardent and elevated piety. Its object was to endeavour 
 to purify their minds from selfish and worldly princi- 
 ples ; to raise, to sanctify, and christianize their mo- 
 tives, by exhibiting and recommending to them the 
 spirit and conduct of the princes and heroes, celebrated, 
 not in profane, but in sacred history. The glory of 
 God, the advancement of the kingdom of Jesus Christ, 
 the salvation of themselves and their brethren, the 
 emancipation of their country from spiritual and civil 
 thraldom ; these, and not their own honour and ag- 
 grandizement, or the revenging of their petty, private 
 Fends, were the objects which they ought to keep 
 steadily and solely in view. 
 
 In this letter, he also communicates his advice on 
 the delicate question of resistance to supreme rulers. 
 They had consulted him on this question, and he had 
 submitted it to the judgment of the most learned on the 
 continent. Soon after they had agreed to the marriage 
 of their young Queen to the Dauphin of France, the 
 Scots began to be jealous of the designs of the French 
 court against their liberties and independence. Their 
 jealousies increased after the Regency was transferred 
 to the Queen Dowager, who was wholly devoted lo 
 the interests of France, and had contrived, under 
 different pretexts, to keep a body of French troops in 
 the kingdom. It was not difficult to excite to resist- 
 ance the independent and haughty barons of Scotland, 
 accustomed to yield but a very limited and precarious 
 obedience, even to their native princes. They had 
 lately given a proof of this by their refusal to co-ope- 
 rate in the war against England, which they consider- 
 ed as undertaken merely for French interests. En- 
 couraged by this circumstance, the Duke of Chastel- 
 herauft began, under the direction of the archbishop 
 of St. Andrews, to intrigue for regaining the regency 
 which he had demitted. 
 
 Our Reformer displayed his moderation, and the 
 soundness of his principles, in the advice which he 
 gave at this critical period. He did not attempt to 
 inflame the irascible minds of the nobility by aggra- 
 
 * This he afterwards acconiplishpd in the book referred to 
 in the precetline note, in which he largely explains the doc- 
 trine of predestination, as held by the reformed churches, and 
 vindicates it agtiinst the cavils and misrepresentation of its 
 adversaries. + MS. Lettem, p. 403—424 
 
 vating the mal-administration of the Queen Regent; 
 far less did he advise them to join with the Duke, and 
 others who were discontented with the measures of gov- 
 ernment, and to endeavour in this way to advance their 
 cause. On the contrary, he informed them of a rumour 
 circulated on the continent, that a rebellion was intend- 
 ed in Scotland ; and he solemnly charged those who 
 professed the protestant religion to avoid all accession 
 to it, and to beware of countenancing such as, for the 
 sake of worldly promotion and other private ends, 
 sought to disturb the government. He did not mean 
 (he said) to retract the principle which he had advan- 
 ced in former letters as to the lawfulness of inferior 
 magistrates, and the body of a nation, resisting the 
 tyrannical measures of supreme rulers. He still held, 
 that there was " a great difference between lawful 
 obedience, and a fearful flattering of princes, or an 
 unjust accomplishment of their desires, in things which 
 be required or devised for the destruction of a com- 
 monwealth." The nobility were the constituted guar- 
 dians of the national liberties ; and there were hmits 
 beyond which obedience was not due by subjects. 
 But recourse ought not to be had to resistance, except 
 when matters were tyrannically driven to an extreme. 
 It was peculiarly incumbent on the protestants of 
 Scotland to be circumspect in all their proceedings, 
 and not to give their adversaries any reason to allege 
 that they concealed a seditious and rebellious design 
 under the cloak of zeal for religion. His advice and 
 solemn charge to them was, that they should continue 
 to yield dutiful and cheerful obedience to all the 
 lawful commands of the Regent, and endeavour, by 
 humble and repeated requests, to procure her favour, 
 and to prevail upon her, if not to promote their cause, 
 at least to protect it from persecution. If she refused 
 to take any steps for reforming religion, it was their 
 duty to provide that the gospel should be preached, 
 and the sacraments administered in purity, to them- 
 selves and their brethren. If, while they endeavoured 
 peaceably to accomplish this, attempts should be made 
 to crush them by tyrannical violence, he did not think 
 that they, considering the station which they occupied, 
 were bound to suffer their innocent brethren to be 
 murdered. On the contrary, it was lawful for them, 
 nay it was their bounden duty, to stand up in their 
 defence. But even in this case they ought to protest 
 their readiness to obey the Regent in every thing 
 consistent with their fidelity to God, and to avoid all 
 association with the ambitious, the factious, and the 
 turbulent.* 
 
 This is a specimen of the correspondence which 
 Knox maintained with the protestant nobility, by 
 which he enlightened their views, aroused their zeal, 
 and restrained their impetuosity, at this important 
 juncture. I shall afterwards have occasion to call the 
 attention of the reader more particularly to his political 
 principles. 
 
 Knox returned to Geneva in the end of the year 
 1557. During the following year, he was engaged, 
 along with several learned men of his congregation, 
 in making a new translation of the Bible into English ; 
 which, from the place where it was composed and first 
 printed, has attained the name of Tke Geneva Bible.\ 
 It was at this time that he published his Letter to the. 
 Queen Regent, and his Appellation and Exhortation ; 
 both of which were transmitted to Scotland, and co»- 
 tribuled not a little to the spread of the reformed 
 
 « MS. Letters, p. 424— 438. 
 
 t Strype's Mem. of Parker, p. 205. This translation wai 
 often reprinted in Britain. The freedom of remark used in 
 the notes gave offence to Queen Elizabeth, and her successor 
 James; the last of whom said, that it was the worst translation 
 which he had seen. Notwithstanding this expression of disap- 
 probation, it is evident that the translators, appointed by his 
 authority, made great use of it ; and if they had followed it 
 still more, the version which they have given us would, upon 
 the whole, have been improved. The late Dr. Geddes had a 
 very different opinion of it from the Royal critic. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 63 
 
 opinions. I have already given an account of the first 
 of these tracts, which was chiefly intended for removing 
 the prejudices of Roman Catholics. The last was more 
 immediately designed for instructing and animating 
 such as were friendly to the reformed religion. Ad- 
 dressing himself to the nohility and estates of the 
 kingdom, he shews that the care and reformation 
 of religion belonged to civil rulers, and constituted 
 one of the primary duties of their office. This was a 
 dictate of nature as well as revelation ; and he would 
 not insist long upon that topic, lest he should seem to 
 suppose them " lesse careful over God's true religion, 
 than were the Ethnickes* over their idolatrie." Infe- 
 rior magistrates, within the sphere of their jurisdiction, 
 the nobles and estates of a kingdom, as well as kings 
 and princes, were bound to attend to this high duly. 
 He ttien addresses himself to the commonalty of 
 Scotland, and points out their duty and interest, with 
 regard to the important controversy in agitation. They 
 were rational creatures, formed after the image of God ; 
 they had souls to be saved ; they were accountable for 
 their conduct ; they were bound to judge of the truth 
 of religion, and to make profession of it, as well as 
 kings, nobles, or bishops. If idolatry was maintained, 
 if the gospel was suppressed, if the blood of the in- 
 nocent was shed, and if, in these circumstances, they 
 kept silence, and did not exert themselves to prevent 
 such evils, how could they vindicate their conduct If 
 
 But the most singular treatise published this year 
 by Knox, and that which made the greatest noise, was 
 The first Blast of the Trumpet against the moristrous 
 Regiment X of Women; in which he attacked, with 
 great vehemence, the practice of admitting females to 
 the government of nations. There is some reason to 
 think that his mind was struck with the incongruity 
 of this practice, as early as Mary's accession to the 
 throne of England. || This was probably one of the 
 points on which he had conferred with the Swiss 
 divines in 1554.§ That his sentiments respecting it 
 were fixed in 1556 appears from an incidental reference 
 to the subject in a letter which he wrote during that 
 year.^ Influenced, however, by deference to the opin- 
 ion of others, he refrained for a considerable time 
 from publishing them to the world. But at last, pro- 
 voked by the tyranny of the Queen of England, and 
 wearied out with her increasing cruelties, he applied 
 the trumpet to his mouth, and uttered a terrible blast. 
 " To promote a woman to bear rule, superiority, do- 
 minion, or empire, above any realm, nation, or city, is 
 repugnant to nature, contumely to God, a thing most 
 contrarious to his revealed will and approved ordin- 
 ance, and, finally, it is the subversion of all equity 
 and justice." Such is the first sentence and principal 
 proposition of the work. The arguments by which 
 he endeavours to establish it are, that nature intended 
 the female sex for subjection, not superiority to the 
 male, as appears from their infirmities, corporal and 
 mental (he excepts, however, such as God, " by sin- 
 gular privilege, and for certain causes, exempted from 
 the common rank of women;") that the divine law, 
 announced at the creation of the first pair, had ex- 
 pressly assigned to man the dominion over woman, 
 and commanded her to be subject to him ; that female 
 government was not permitted among the Jews ; is 
 contrary to apostolical injunctions; and leads to the 
 perversion of government, and other pernicious con- 
 sequences. 
 
 Knox's theory on this subject was far from being 
 novel. In confirmation of his opinion, he could ap- 
 peal to the constitutions of the free states of anti- 
 quity, and to the authority of their most celebrated 
 
 * i. e. HeatheD. 
 
 t Appellation, apud Historic, p. 434 — 440, 453, 454. 
 
 X t. e. regimen, or government. 
 
 IJ First Blast, apud Historie, p. 478. 
 
 } MS. Letters, p, 318, 319. IT Ibid. p. 322, 323. 
 
 legislators and philosphers.* In the kingdom of 
 France, females were, by an express law, excluded 
 from succeeding to the crown. Edward VI. some 
 time before his death, had proposed to the Privy 
 Council the adoption of this law in England ; but 
 the motion, not suiting the ambitious views of the 
 Duke of Northumberland, was overruled. | Though 
 his opinion was sanctioned by such high authorities, 
 he was by no means sanguine in his expectations as 
 to the reception of his performance. He tells us, in 
 his preface, that he laid his account not only with the 
 indignation of those who were interested in the support 
 of the reprobated practice, but also with the disapproba- 
 tion of such gentle spirits among the learned, as would 
 be alarmed at the boldness of the attack. He did not 
 doubt, that he would be called " curious, despiteful, a 
 sower of sedition, and one day perchance be attainted 
 for treason ;" but, in uttering a truth of which he was 
 deeply convinced, he was determined to "cover his 
 eyes, and shut his ears," from these dangers and ob- 
 loquies. He was not disappointed in his apprehen- 
 sions. It exposed him to the resentment of two 
 queens, during whose reign it was his lot to live; 
 the one his native princess, and the other exerting 
 a sway over Scotland scarcely inferior to that of any 
 of its monarchs. Several of the English exiles ap- 
 proved of his opinion,:^; and few of them would have 
 been displeased at seeing it reduced to practice, at the 
 time when the Blast was published. But Queen Mary 
 dying soon after it appeared, and her sister Elizabeth 
 succeeding her, they raised a great outcry against it. 
 John Fox wrote a letter to the author, in which he 
 expostulated with him, in a very friendly manner, as 
 to the impropriety of the publication, and the severity 
 of its language. Knox, in his reply, did not excuse 
 his " rude vehemency and inconsiderate affirmations, 
 which might appear rather to proceed from choler 
 than of zeal and reason ;" but signified, that he was 
 still persuaded of the principal proposition which he 
 had maintained, II 
 
 His original intention was to blow his Trumpet 
 thrice, and to publish his name with the last Blast, to 
 prevent the odium from falling on any other person. 
 But, finding that it gave offence to many of his bre- 
 thren, and being desirous to strengthen rather than 
 invalidate the authority of Elizabeth, he relinquished 
 his design of prosecuting the subject.§ He retained 
 his sentiments to the last, but abstained from any far- 
 ther declaration of them, and from replying to his op- 
 ponents; although he was provoked by their censures 
 and triumph, and sometimes hinted, in his private 
 letters, that he would break silence, if they did not 
 study greater moderation. 
 
 In the course of the following year, an answer to 
 the Blast appeared, under the title of An Harboroiv for 
 Faithful Subjects.^ Though anonymous, like the book 
 
 * Tacitus has expressed his contempt of those who submit 
 to female government, with his usuul emphatic brevity, in the 
 account which he gives of the Sitones, a German tribe. " Cae- 
 tera similes, uno uiil'erunt, quod fcBmina dorainatur; in tantum, 
 non modo a libertate, sed etiam a servitute degenerant." De 
 Mor. Germ. c. 45. 
 
 f Warner's Eccles. History of England, ii. 308. 
 
 j Christopher Goodman adopted the sentiment, and com- 
 mended the publication of his colleague, in his book on Obe- 
 dience to Superior Powers. Whittingham and Gilby declared 
 themselves on the same side of the question. I might also 
 mention countrymen of his own, who agreed with Knox on this 
 subject; as James Kennedy, the celebrated Archbishop of St. 
 Andrews, and Sir David Lindsay. Buchanani Hist. lib. xii. 
 torn. i. 221 — 24. Rudlm. Chalraeis's Lindsay, iii. 175. 
 
 II Strype's Annals, i. 127. Strype promised to insert Knox's 
 letter at large in the Appendix, but did not find room for it. 
 Fox's letter was written before the death of Queen Mary. 
 
 } He, however, added the heads of the intended Second 
 Blast to his Appellation, which was published some months 
 after the First Blast. 
 
 f "An Harborowe for Faithful aud Trewe Subjcctes, against 
 the late blowne Blaste, concerning the Government of Wemen, 
 &c. Anno MD. lix. At Strasborowe the 26. of Aprill." The 
 
64 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, 
 
 to which it was a reply, it was soon declared to be the 
 production oi John Aylmer, one of the English refugees 
 on the continent, who had been archdeacon of Stowe, 
 and tutor to Lady Jane Grey. It was not undertaken 
 until the accession of Elizabeth, and was written (as 
 Aylmer's biographer informs us) " upon a consultation 
 holden among ihe exiles, the belter to obtain the favour 
 of the new queen, and to take off any jealousy she 
 might conceive of them, and of the religion which they 
 professed."* Aylmer himself says, that, if the author 
 of the Blast " had not swerved from the particular 
 question to the general," but had confined himself to 
 the queen who filled the throne when he wrote, " he 
 could have said nothing too much, nor in such wise as 
 to have offended any indifferent man;" and he allows 
 with Knox that Mary's government was " unnatural, 
 unreasonable, unjust, and unlawful. "f From these 
 and some other considerations, Knox was induced to 
 express a suspicion, that his opponent had accommo- 
 dated his doctrine to the times, and courted the favour 
 of the reigning princess, by flattering her vanity and 
 lo^/e of power.:^ It is certain, that, if Knox is entitled 
 to the praise of boldness and disinterestedness, Aylmer 
 carried away the palm for prudence; the latter was 
 advanced to the bishoprick of London ; the former 
 could not, without great difl[iculty, obtain leave to set 
 his foot again upon English ground. Knox's Trumpet 
 would never have sounded its alarm, had it not been 
 for the tyranny of Mary, and there is reason to think 
 that Aylmer's " Harborow" would never have been 
 opened " for faithful subjects," but for the auspicious 
 succession of Elizabeth. 
 
 This, however, is independent of the merits of the 
 question, which I do not feel inclined to examine 
 minutely. The change which has taken place in the 
 mode of administering government in modern limes, 
 renders it of less practical importance than it was for- 
 merly, when so much depended upon the personal 
 talents and activity of the reigning prince. It may be 
 added, that the evils incident to a female reign will be 
 less felt under such a constitution as that of Britain, 
 than under a pure and absolute monarchy. This last 
 consideration is urged by Aylmer; and here his rea- 
 soning is most satisfactory. II The Blast bears the 
 marks of hasty composition. § The Harborow has 
 evidently been written with great care ; it contains a 
 good collection of historical facts bearing on the ques- 
 tion ; and though more distinguished for rhetorical 
 exaggeration than logical precision, the reasoning is 
 ingeniously conducted, and occasionally enlivened by 
 strokes of humour.^ It is, upon the whole, a curious 
 as well as a rare work. 
 
 Blast drew forth several defences of female government besides 
 this; two of which were written by natives of Scotland. Bishop 
 Lesley's tract on this subject was printed along with his de- 
 fence of Queen Mary's honour. David Chalmers, one of the 
 Lords of Session, published his " Discours de la legitime suc- 
 cession des Femraes," after he retired from Scotland. Lord 
 Hailes's Catal. of the Lords of Session, note 23. Mackenzie's 
 Lives, iii. 388. 392. 
 
 * Strype's Life of Aylmer, p. 16. 
 
 f Harborowe, B. Strype says, coutrary to the plain mean- 
 ing of the passage, that .\yluier speaks here of "the Scotch 
 Queen Mary." Life of Aylmer, p. 230. 
 
 J The same suspicion seems to have been entertained by 
 some of Elizabeth's courtiers. Strype's Ayhner, p. 20. 
 
 11 See Note XXVIL 
 
 9 The copies of the Blast printed along with Knox's History, 
 are all extremely incorrect: whole sentences are often omittecl. 
 
 If In his answer to Knox's argument frojn Isaieih iii. 12. he 
 concludes thus: "Therefore the argumente ariseth from wrong 
 understandinge. As the vicar of Trumpenton understode Elt, 
 Eli, lamn-zabatani, when he read the Passion on Palme Son- 
 day. When he came to that place, he stopped, and calling 
 the churchwardens, saide, 'Neighbours! this gear must be 
 amended. Heare is Kli twice in the book: I assure you, if mv 
 L. [the Bishop] of Elie come this waye, and see it, he will 
 have the book. Therefore, by mine advice, we shall scrape it 
 out, and put in our own towne's name, Trumpinffton, Trump- 
 ington, lamah zabactani.' They consented, and be did so, be- 
 cause he urtderstode no grewe."' Harborowe, G. 3. G. 4. 
 
 After all, it is easier to vindicate the expediency of 
 continuing the practice, where it has been established 
 by laws and usage, than to support the affirmative, 
 when the question is propounded as a general thesis 
 on government. It may fairly be questioned, if Ayl- 
 mer has refuted the principal arguments of his oppo- 
 nent ; and had Knox deemed it prudent to rejoin, he 
 might have exposed the fallacy of his reasoning in 
 different instances. In replying to the argument from 
 the apostolical canon,* the archdeacon is not a little 
 puzzled. Distrusting his distinction between the 
 greater office, " the ecclesiastical function," and the 
 less, " extern policy ;" he argues, that the apostle's 
 prohibition may be considered as temporary, and pecu- 
 liarly applicable to the women of his own time ; and 
 he insists that his clients shall not, in toto, be excluded 
 from teaching and ruling in the church, any more than 
 in the state. " Me thinke, (says he, very seriously) 
 even in this poynte, we must use imttKu^, a certain 
 moderacion, not absolutely, and in every wise, to debar 
 them herein (as it shall please God) to serve Christ. 
 Are there not, in England, women, think you, that for 
 their learninge and wisdom, could tell their housholde 
 and neighbouris as good a tale as the best Sir Jhone 
 there ■?"! Beyond all question ! Who can doubt that 
 the learned Lady Elizabeth, who could direct the Dean 
 of her chapel to " keep to his text," was able to make 
 as good a sermon as any of her clergy 1 or, that she 
 was better qualified for other parts of the duty, when 
 she composed a book of prayers for herself, while they 
 were obliged to use one made to their hands 1 In fact, 
 the view which the archdeacon gave of the text was 
 necessary to vindicate the authority of his queen, who 
 was head, or supreme governor of the church as well 
 as of the state. She who, by law, had supreme autho- 
 rity over all the reverend and right reverend divines in 
 the land, with power to superintend, suspend, and 
 control them in all their ecclesiastical functions; who, 
 by her injunctions, could direct the primate himself 
 when to preach, and how to preach ; and who could 
 license and silence ministers at her pleasure, must 
 have been bound very moderately indeed by the apos- 
 tolical prohibition, " I suffer not a woman to teach, 
 nor to usurp authority over the man, but to be in 
 silence." Reason would also say, that she had an 
 equal right to assume the exercise of the office in her 
 own person, if she chose to avail herself of that right; 
 and had she issued a conge d'elire, accompanied with 
 her royal recommendation to elect some learned Sister 
 to a vacant See, the archdeacon at least would not have 
 felt so squeamish at complying with it, as the Italian 
 University did at conferring the degree of Doctor in 
 Divinity upon the learned Helen Lucrecia Piscopia 
 Cornaca.j^ 
 
 There are some things in the Harborow which might 
 have been unpalatable to the Queen, if the author had 
 not taken care to sweeten them with that personal 
 flattery, which was as agreeable to Elizabeth as to 
 others of her sex and rank, and which he administered 
 in sufficient quantities before concluding his work. 
 The ladies will be ready to excuse a slight slip of the 
 pen in the good archdeaeon, in consideration of lh» 
 handsome manner in which he has defended their 
 right to rule ; but they will scarcely believe that the 
 following description of the sex could proceed from 
 him. " Some women (says he) be wiser, better learned, 
 discreater, constanter, than a number of men." But 
 others, (his biographer says, " the most part") he de- 
 scribesll as " fond, foolish, wanton, flibbergibs, tatlers, 
 trifling, wavering, witles, without counsel, feabie, 
 carles, rashe, proud, daintie, nise, tale-bearers, eves- 
 droppers, rumour-raisers, evil-tongued, worse-minded, 
 and, in every wise, doltified with the dreggesofthe 
 devil's doungehill ! ! !" The rude author of the mon- 
 
 • 1 Tim. ii. 11—14. 
 
 t See Note XXVIIL 
 
 II Harborowe, G. 3. Life of Aylmer, p. 279 
 
 f Harborowe, G. 4. H. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 65 
 
 strous Blast never spoke of the sex in terms half so 
 disrespectful as these. One would suppose that Ayl- 
 mer had already renounced the character of Advocate 
 of the fair sex, and recanted his principles on that 
 head ; as he did respecting the titles and revenues of 
 bishops, which he inveighed against before his return 
 from exile, but afterwards accepted with little scruple ; 
 and, when reminded of the language which he had 
 formerly used, apologized for himself, by saying, 
 " When I was a child, I thought as a child ; but when 
 I became a man I put away childish things."* — But 
 it is time to return to the narrative. 
 
 Our Reformer's letter to the protestant Lords in 
 Scotland produced its intended effect, in re-animating 
 their drooping courage. At a consultative meeting held 
 at Edinburgh, in December 1557, they unanimously 
 resolved to adhere to one another, and exert themselves 
 for the advancement of the Reformation. Having sub- 
 scribed a solemn bond of mutual assurance, they re- 
 newed their invitation to Knox ; and being afraid that 
 he might hesitate on account of their former irresolu- 
 tion, they wrote to Calvin, to employ his influence to 
 induce him to comply. Their letters did not reach 
 Geneva, until November 1558. f By the same CDn- 
 veyance Knox received letters of a later date, com- 
 Aiunicating the most agreeable intelligence respecting 
 the progress which the reformed cause had made, and 
 the flourishing appearance which it continued to wear 
 in Scotland. 
 
 Through the exertions of our Reformer, during his 
 residence among them in the beginning of the year 
 1556, and in pursuance of the instructions which he 
 left behind him, the protestants had formed themselves 
 into congregations, which met in different parts of the 
 country with greater or less privacy, according to the 
 opportunities which they enjoyed. Having come to the 
 resolution of withdrawing from the popish worship, 
 they endeavoured to provide for their religious instruc- 
 tion and mutual edification, in the best manner that 
 their circumstances permitted. As there were no 
 ministers among them, they continued for some time 
 to be deprived of the dispensation of the sacraments ;:|: 
 but certain intelligent and pious men of their number 
 were chosen, to read the scriptures, to exhort, and 
 offer up prayers in their assemblies. Con'Mnced of the 
 necessity of order and discipline in their societies, and 
 desirous to have them organized, as far as was in their 
 power, agreeably to the institution of Christ, they 
 next proceeded to choose elders for the inspection of 
 their manners, to whom they promised subiection, and 
 deacons for the collection and distribution of alms to 
 the poor.ll Edinburgh was the first place in which 
 this order was established ; Dundee the first town in 
 which a reformed church was completely organized, 
 provided with a regular minister, and favoured with 
 the dispensation of the sacraments. 
 
 During the war with England, which began in 
 autumn 1556, and continued through the following 
 year, the protestants enjoyed considerable liberty; and 
 
 * Life of Aylmer, p. 269. f Knox, Historic, p. 
 
 \ Ninian Winget sa^s, that "sum LorcJis and gent: 
 
 101. 
 
 „ itilnien" 
 ministered the sacrament of the supper "to their awn houshald 
 servanrlis and tenantis." If only one instance of this kind oc- 
 curred, the papists would exaggerate it. The same writer 
 adds, that Knox blamed the persons who did it, saying, that 
 they had "gretuinlie failzeit." Winzet's Buke of Fourscoir 
 Three Questionis, apud Keith, Append, p. 239. Comp. Knox, 
 p. 217. 
 
 II Cald. MS. i. 257. "The Electioun of Eldaris and Dea- 
 conis in the church of Edinburgh," apud Dunlop's Confession?, 
 ii. 635, 636. Calderwood places his account of this under the 
 year 1555, but I think that date too early. It was rather in 
 the end of 1556, or in the course of 1557. The names of the 
 first elders in Edinburgh were George Sniail. Michael Robert- 
 son, Adam Craig, J:,lin Cairns, and Alexander Hope. There 
 were at first two assembli. s in Edinburgh; but Erskine of Dun 
 persuaded them to unite, and they met sometimes in the houses 
 of Robert Watson and James Barron, and sometimes in the 
 abbey 
 
 I 
 
 they improved it with great zeal and success. The 
 clergy were not indifferent to the progress which the 
 reformed opinions were daily making, and they pre- 
 vailed with the Regent to summon such as had pre- 
 sumed to preach without their authority; but she was 
 obliged to abandon the process against them, in conse- 
 quence of the arrival of certain gentlemen from the 
 west country, who demanded their release in a tone 
 which declared that they were resolved not to be 
 refused.* 
 
 At a meeting of the nobles and barons attached to 
 the Reformation, held at Edinburgh in December 1557, 
 two resolutions were adopted for regulating their con- 
 duct in the present delicate juncture. It was agreed, 
 in the first place, that they should rest satisfied for the 
 present with requiring that prayers, and the lessons of 
 the Old and New Testament, should be read in English, 
 according to the book of Common Prayer,f in every 
 parish, on Sundays and festival days, by the curates 
 of the respective parishes, or, if they were unable or 
 unwilling, by such persons as were best qualified in 
 the bounds. And, secondly, that the reformed preach- 
 ers should teach in private houses only, til! the govern- 
 ment should allow preaching in public. :|: The first 
 resolution has been represented as an unwarrantable 
 assumption of authority by this reforming assembly to 
 dictate to the whole nation, by setting aside the estab- 
 lished worship, and imposing a new form. This con- 
 struction is, however, irreconcilable with the situa- 
 tion in which they were then placed, and with the 
 moderate and submissive manner in which they con- 
 tinued to urge their claims at a subsequent period. It 
 is rather to be viewed as expressing the opinion of that 
 meeting respecting the degree of reformation which 
 individuals of their body might introduce, in places to 
 which their authority and influence extended. And 
 accordingly it was reduced to practice in many parishes 
 where the protestant barons resided, and where the 
 people were disposed to imitate their example.jj 
 
 In pursuance of the second resolution agreed on at 
 the general meeting, the earl of Argyle undertook the 
 protection of John Douglas, a Carmelite friar, who 
 had embraced the reformed sentiments ;§ and the rest 
 of the preachers were received into the houses of other 
 barons, and employed to preach as their chaplains. 
 This measure alarmed the clergy no less than the for- 
 mer practice of itinerant preaching had done. They 
 saw that it would be vain to commence prosecutions 
 against preachers who were entertained in the families 
 or the principal men in the kingdom ; and they re- 
 solved to exert all their influence to deprive them of 
 such powerful patronage. Presuming upon the easy 
 temper of the aged earl of Argyle, and upon the friend- 
 ship which had long subsisted between his family and 
 the Hamiltons, the archbishop of St. Andrews wrote a 
 letter to him in a very insinuating strain, and at the 
 same time sent a relation of his own. Sir David Ham- 
 ilton, with instructions to represent the danger to 
 which he exposed his noble house by countenancing 
 Douglas, and to intreat him in the most earnest man- 
 ner to withdraw his protection from the pestilent 
 heretic. Argyle's reply was temperate and respectful, 
 but at the same time firm and spirited ; he not only 
 vindicated the doctrine taught by his chaplain, and 
 refused to dismiss him, but made several shrewd and 
 pointed remarks, which the archbishop could not fail 
 to apply to himself. The bishop having written, that 
 he felt himself bound in " honour and conscience" to 
 inquire into the heresies of which Douglas was accus- 
 ed, the Earl replies : " He preiches against idolatrie; 
 I remitt to your lordschip's conscience gif it be heresie 
 or not : he preiches against adulterie and fornicatioun f 
 I referre that to your lordschip's conscience :1f he 
 
 * Knox, Historie, p. 94—5. f See Note XXIX. 
 
 t Knox, 101. jl Spottiswood,p. 117. ^ Ibid, Knox, p. 102. 
 It How the bishop's conscience stood afl'ectcd as to these 
 points we know not ; but it is certaii) that hi.s practice was very 
 6 
 
66 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 fireiches against hypocrisie : I referre that to your 
 ordschip's conscience : he preiches against all manner 
 of abuses and corruptioun of Christis sincere religioun ; 
 I referre that to yourlordschip's conscience. My lord, 
 I exhort yow, in Christis name, to wey all thir afFairis 
 in your conscience, and considder if it be your dewtie 
 also not onlie to thole* this, bot in like maner to do 
 the same. This is all, my lord, that I varie in my age, 
 and na uther thing oot that I knew not befoir these 
 offences to be abhominable to God, and now, knawing 
 his will be manifestalioun of his word, abhorres 
 thame." Referring to the bishop's offer to send him a 
 learned and catholic teacher, the Earl replies, " God 
 Almichtie send us mony of that sorte, that will preiche 
 trewlie, and nathing but ane catholic universall Chris- 
 tian fayth ; and we Hieland rude pepill hes misterf of 
 thame. And if your lordschip wald get and provyde 
 me sick a man, I sould provyde him a corporal leving, 
 as to myself, with grit ihankis to your lordschip : 
 for trewlie, I and many ma hes grit mister of sick 
 men. And becaus I am abill to sustein ma nor ane of 
 thame, I will requeist your lordschip earnestlie to 
 provyde me sick a man as ye wrait ; for ilte harvest 
 is grit, and thair arfew labouraris.^^^ 
 
 Foiled in his attempts to prevail on the nobility to 
 withdraw their protection from the preachers, the arch- 
 bishop determined to wreak his vengeance upon such 
 of them as were still within his power, and proceeded 
 to revive those cruel measures which had been sus- 
 pended for several years, by the political circumstances 
 of the country, rather than the clemency and modera- 
 tion of the clergy. Walter ARII, parish-priest of Lunan 
 in Angus, having been condemned as a heretic in the 
 time of Cardinal Beatoun, had escaped from execution, 
 and continued to preach, sometimes in private and at 
 other times openly, in different quarters of the king- 
 dom. Being lately discovered by one of the arch- 
 bishop's spies, he was brought to trial at St. Andrews. 
 He appeared before the court so worn out with age, 
 and the hardships which he had endured, that it was 
 not expected he would be able to answer the questions 
 which might be put to him; but to the surprise of all, 
 he conducted his defence with great spirit. Such was 
 the compassion excited by his appearance, and the 
 horror which was now felt at the punishment to which 
 he was doomed, that the clergy, after pronouncing him 
 guilty, could not procure a secular judge to pass sen- 
 tence of death upon him, anJ the archbishop was at 
 last obliged to employ a worthle:<s servant of his own 
 to perform the odious task. On 'he 28th of August 
 1558, Mill expired amidst the flamf. uttering these 
 words : As for me, I am fourscore and two years old, 
 and cannot live long by course of nature ,- but a hun- 
 dred better shall rise out of the ashes of my bones. I trust 
 in God, I shall be the last that shall suffer death in Scot-^ 
 land for this cause. || 
 
 This barbarous and illegal execution produced effects 
 of the greatest importance. It raised the horror of the 
 nation to an incredible pitch; and as it was believed, 
 at that time, that the Regent was not accessory to the 
 deed, their indignation was directed wholly against the 
 clergy. Throwing aside all fear, and those restraints 
 which prudence, or a regard to established order, had 
 hitherto imposed on them, the people now assembled 
 openly to join in the reformed worship, and avowed 
 their determination to adhere to it at all hazards. Har- 
 low, Douglas, Paul Methven, and some others, were 
 emboldened to break through the restraint to which 
 they had submitted, and began to preach, and admin- 
 ister the sacraments, with greater publicity than for- 
 
 far from beings immaculate. Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 200. Knox, 
 Historie, p. 104. Keith, p. 208. 
 
 • einiu** f need. J Knox, Historie, p. 106-7. 
 
 II Lindsay of PiUcottie'g History, p. 200-1. Knox. 122. 
 Spottitwood, 95-7. Pctrie, Part. ii. 191. 
 
 merly.* In the month of October,| they were joined' 
 by John Willock, who returned a second time from 
 Embden. Meanwhile, the protestant barons, having 
 assembled at Edinburgh in the month of July,:^ re- 
 solved to lay their complaints in a formal manner be- 
 fore the Regent. They renewed the request whict 
 they had formerly made, that she would, by her autho- 
 riry, and in concurrence with the Parliament, restrain 
 the tyrannical proceedings of the clergy, correct the 
 flagrant and insufferable abuses which prevailed in the 
 church, and grant to them and their brethren the liberty 
 of religious instruction and worship, at least according 
 to a restricted plan which ihey laid before her, and to 
 which they were willing to submit, till tiieir grievances 
 should be deliberately examined and legally redressed. |j 
 Their petition was presented to the Regent, in the 
 palace of Holyroodhouse, by Sir James Sandilands 
 of Calder, in the presence of a number of the nobility 
 and bishops. Her reply was such as to persuade them 
 that she was friendly to their proposals : she pro- 
 mised, that she would take measures for carrying 
 them legally into effect, as soon as it was in her 
 power ; and assured them that, in the meantime, they 
 might depend on her protection. § 
 
 It did not require many arguments to persuade Knox 
 to comply with an invitation, which was accompanied 
 with such gratifying intelligence; and he began imme- 
 diately to prepare for his journey to Scotland. The 
 future settlement of the congregation under his charge 
 occupied him for some time. Information being re- 
 ceived of the death of Mary queen of England,1[ and 
 the accession of Elizabeth, the protestant refugees 
 hastened to return to their native country. The con- 
 gregation at Geneva, having met to return thanks to 
 God for this deliverance, agreed to send one of their 
 number with letters to their brethren in different places 
 of the continent, particularly at Frankfort ; congratulat- 
 ing them on the late happy change, and requesting a 
 confirmation of the mutual reconciliation which had 
 already been effected, the burial of all past offences, 
 and a brotherly co-operation, in endeavouring to obtain 
 such a settlement of religion in England as would be 
 agreeable to all the sincere well-wishers of the Refor- 
 mation. A favourable return to their letters being 
 obtained,** they took leave of the hospitable city, and 
 set out for their native country. By them Knox sent 
 
 * Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 216. Besides the persons above 
 named, the Council mention (in the place here referred to) 
 "Johannes Patritz, et alii complures, catholica; ficiei et eccle- 
 siasticae uiiitatis desertores." Who this Fatritz was 1 do not 
 know. The reformed preachers were obliged to assume feigned 
 names on particular occasions to escape apprehension. Thus 
 Douglas went by the name of Grant. Comp. Knox, Historie, 
 p. 103, 106. 
 
 + Historie of the Estate of Scotland from 1559 to 1566, p. 1. 
 MS. belonging to Thomas Thomson, Esq. Advocate. This MS. 
 which I had not seen when I published the first edition of this 
 work, contains a number of minute particulars not mentioned 
 in other histories. It would have been extremely \aluable if 
 it had been complete, but the copy which I have used stops 
 short in the middle of the year 1560. 
 
 t Ibid. 11 See Note XXX. 
 
 5 Knox, Historie, p. 122. Hishop Bale, who was then at 
 Basle, inserted, in a work which he was jnst publishing, a 
 letter sent him at this time by Thomas Cole, an English re- 
 fugee residing at Geneva, communicating this information. 
 " Hcri enim (says Cole) D. Knoxus ex Scotia nova certissima 
 de immutata rtligione accepit: Christum publice per totuni 
 iilud regnum doceri; et ita demum hominum corda occupasse, 
 ut oinni metu posito audeant publicis precibus interesse sua 
 lingua celebratis, et sacramenta quoque habeant rite adniinis- 
 trata, iuipuris antichrist! cerenioniis abjectis. — Nunc rcgina 
 cogitat Reforniationeni religionis, indicto die quo conventus 
 6at totius regni, &c." Scriptor. lilustr. Major. Britanniae 
 Poster. Pars. Art. Knoxus. Basil. 1559. 
 
 t " God would not sufl'er her to reign long (says a Catholic 
 wiiter); cither on account of the sins of her father, or on ac- 
 count of the sins of her people, who were unworthy of a prin- 
 cess so holy, so pious, and endued with such divine and rare 
 dispositions!" Laing. de Vita Hjcretic. fol. 28. 
 
 »» Troubles at Fmnckford. p. 1«9, 19a 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 m 
 
 letters to some of his former acquaintances, wlio were 
 now in the court of Elizabeth, requesting permission 
 to travel through England, on his way to Scotland. 
 
 In the month of January 1559, our Reformer took 
 his leave of Geneva, for the last time.* In addition 
 to former marks of respect, the republic, before his 
 departure, conferred on him the freedom of the city.f 
 He left his wife and family behind him, until he should 
 ascertain that they could live with safety in Scotland. 
 Upon his arrival at Dieppe, in the middle of March, 
 he received information, that the English government 
 had refused to grant him liberty to pass through their 
 dominions. The request had appeared so reasonable 
 to his own mind, considering the station which he had 
 held in that country, and the object of his present 
 journey, that he had once thought of proceeding to 
 London without waiting for a formal permission ; yet 
 it was with some difficulty that those who presented 
 his letters escaped imprisonment.:^: 
 
 This impolitic severity was occasioned by the infor- 
 mations of some of the exiles, who had not forgotten 
 the old quarrel at Frankfort, and had accused of dis- 
 loyalty and disaffection to the queen, not only Knox, 
 but all those who had been under his charge at Geneva, 
 whom they represented as proselytes to the opinion 
 which he had published against female government.|| 
 There was not an individual who could believe that 
 Knox had the most distant eye to Elizabeth in pub- 
 lishing the obnoxious book ; nor a person of judgment 
 who could seriously think that her government was 
 exposed to the slightest danger from him or his asso- 
 ciates, who felt no less joy at her auspicious accession 
 than the rest of their brethren. § If he had been im- 
 prudent in that publication, if he had " swerved from 
 the particular question to the general," his error (to 
 use the words of his respondent) " rose not of malice, 
 but of zeal, and by looking more to the present cruelty, 
 than to the inconveniencies that after might follow;" 
 and it was the part of generosity and of good policy to 
 overlook the fault. Instead of this, Elizabeth and her 
 
 * Cald. MS. 1.380. 
 
 f Histoire Litteraire de Geneve par Jean Senebier, tome i. 
 375. Genev. 1786. It is somewhat singular, that Calvin did not 
 obtain this honour until December 1559. " II n'y a cependant 
 point de citoyen (says Senebier) qui ait achete ce titre honor- 
 able aussi cnerement que lui par ses services, et je ne crois 
 pasqu'il y en ait beaucoup qui I'aient autant nierite, et qui le 
 rendrent aussi celebre." Ibid. p. 230, 231. 
 
 Our Reformer obtained another public teslimony of esteem 
 at this time, from Bishop Bale, who dedicated his work on 
 Scottish Writers to him and Alexander Alcss. Tiie praise 
 which he bestows on him deserves the more notice, because 
 the bishop had been one of his opponents at Frankfoi't. " Te 
 vero, Knoxe, frater amantissime, conjunxit mihi Ana;lia et 
 Germania, iniprimit autera doctrinae nostra; in Christo Domino 
 fraterna consensio. Nemo est eiiim qui tuani (idem, constan- 
 tiam, patientiam, tot eruninis, tanta persecutione, exilioque 
 diuturno et gravi testatum, non collaudet, et non adniiretur, 
 non aniplectatur." Balei Script. Illus. Maj. Brit, poster, pars. 
 p. 175, 176. Basiliae, ex officina Joan. Operini, 1559. Mense 
 Februario. } Knox, Hi.«torie, p. 205. || lb. p. 206, 210. 
 
 } In February 1559, the English exiles at Geneva published 
 B. prose translation of the book of P^nZms, which they dedicated 
 to Elizabeth; and in this dedication, their congratulations on 
 ner accession to the throne, and their professions of loyalty, 
 are as warm as those of any of her subjects were. It is in- 
 scribed "To the most Vertuous and Noble Queene Elizabeth, 
 Queene of Englande, France and Irelande, Slc. your humble 
 subjects of the English church at Geneva, wyth grace, &c." 
 After mentioning that they had employed the time of their 
 exile, in revising the English translation of the Bible, and en- 
 deavouring to bring it as near as they could to the pure sim- 
 plicity and true meaning of the Hebrew tongue, tney add: 
 "When we heard that the almightie and most mercyfull God 
 had no less myraculously preferred you to that excellent dig- 
 nitie, then he had aboue all mens expectations preserued you 
 from the furie of such as sought your blood: with most joyful 1 
 myndes and great diligence we endeauoured our selves) to set 
 foorth and dedicate this most excellent booke of the Psalmes vnto 
 your grace as a speciall token of our seruioe and good will, till 
 the rest of the Byble, which, praysed be God, is in good readi- 
 nesse, may be accomplished and presented.'' Epistle, p. 3. 
 prefixed to the Booke of Psalmes, Geneva, 1559, 16mo. 
 
 counsellors took up the charge in a serious light ; and 
 the accused were treated with such harshness and dis- 
 dain, that they repented of leaving their late asylum to 
 return to their native country. One cannot help feel- 
 ing indignant at this weak revenge, when it is con- 
 sidered that Elizabeth had admitted to favour, and re- 
 tained at court, persons who had endeavoured to prevent 
 her succession, and who had thirsted for her blood ;* 
 and that those who, under the preceding reign, had 
 advised and practised the greatest severities against 
 the protestants were treated with the utmost lenity. 
 Even the infamous Bonner was allowed to appear at 
 Court, and although the Queen shuddered at the 
 thought of a man, who was polluted with so much 
 blood, kissing her hand, yet was he at this time going 
 about London without the smallest molestation. | In 
 the first parliament of Elizabeth, one Dr. Story made 
 a speech, in which he had the effrontery to justify the 
 cruelties of Mary, to boast of his own activity in carry- 
 ing her orders into execution, and to regret that mea- 
 sures still more violent and effpctual liad not been 
 adopted for the utter extirpation of heresy.:^ Nor does 
 it appear that this speech was resented either by the 
 House or by the Queen. 
 
 De nolii<, post hrpc, tristis sententia fertur: 
 Dat veniani corvis, vexat censura rolunibas. 
 
 Juvenal. Sat. ii. 
 
 The refusal of his request, and the harsh treatment 
 of his flock, touched to the quick the irritable temper 
 of our Reformer; and it was with some difficulty that 
 he suppressed the desire, which he felt rising in his 
 breast, to prosecute a controversy which he had re- 
 solved to abandon. " My first Blast (says he, in a 
 letter dated Dieppe, 6th April, 1559) hath blown from 
 me all my friends in England. My conscience bears 
 record, that yet I seek the favour of my God, and so 
 1 am in the less fear. The second Blast, I fear, shall 
 sound somewhat more sharp, except that men be more 
 moderate than I hear they are. — England hath refused 
 me ; but because, before, it did refuse Jesus Christ, 
 the less do I regard the loss of this familiarity. And 
 yet have I been a secret and assured friend to thee, O 
 England, in cases which thyself could not have reme- 
 died. "|| But greater designs occupied his mind, and 
 engrossed his attention. It was not for the sake of 
 personal safety, nor from the vanity of appearing at 
 Court, that he desired to pass through England. He 
 felt the natural wish to visit his old anquaintances in 
 that country, and was anxious for an opportunity of 
 once more addressing those to whom he had preached, 
 especially at Newcastle and Berwick. But there was 
 another object which he had still more at heart, and in 
 which the welfare of both England and Scotland were 
 concerned. 
 
 Notwithstanding the flattering accounts which he 
 had received of the favourable disposition of the queen 
 
 * Haynes, State Papers, p. 295. Knox, Historie, p. 210. 
 
 t Burnet, ii. 374, 396. Stow, Annals, p. 635. edit. 1631. 
 When he was afterwards committed to the Marshalsea, for re- 
 fusing to take the oath of allegiance and supremacy, he was 
 kept "under a very easy restraint." Godwin de Pi-aesulibus 
 Anglias, p. 251. edit. 1616. Stapleton, a popish writer, says 
 that Tonstal was " cast into prison, as most of the bishops were, 
 where he made a glorious end of a confessor, and satisfied for 
 his former crime of schism." — " A prison!" exclaims Dr. Jortin. 
 " Lambeth palace, and the archbishop's table, was a dreadful 
 dun^on, to be sure; and as bad as those into which the righte- 
 ous Bonner, and other saints of the same class, used to thrust 
 the poor heretics! Will men never be ashamed of these godly 
 tricks and disingenuous prevarications?" Life of Erasmus, 
 i. 101. 
 
 I He said, " that he saw nothing to be ashamed of, or sorry 
 for; wished that he had done more, and that he and others had 
 been more vehement in executing the laws; and said that it 
 grieved him, that they laboured only about the young and 
 little twigs, whereas they should have struck at the root;" by 
 which he was understood to mean Queen Elizabeth. Strype'a 
 Annals, i. 79, 536. 
 
 II Cald. MS. i. 384. See also Knox's Historie, p. 204—207, 
 
68 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 regent towards the protestants, and the directions which 
 he sent them to cultivate this, he seems to have always 
 entertained suspicions of the sincerity of her profes- 
 sions. Since he left Geneva, these suspicions had 
 been confirmed ; and the information which he had 
 procured, in travelling through France, conspired with 
 intelligence which he had lately received from Scot- 
 land, in convincing him, that the immediate suppres- 
 sion of the Reformation in his native country, and its 
 consequent suppression in the neighbouring kingdom, 
 were intended. The plan projected by the gigantic 
 ambition of the princes of Lorrain, brothers of the 
 queen regent of Scotland, has been developed, and de- 
 scribed with great accuracy and ability, by a celebrated 
 modern historian.* Suffice it to say here, that their 
 counsels had determined the French court to set up 
 the claim of the young queen of Scots to the crown of 
 England; to attack Elizabeth, and wrest the sceptre 
 from her hands, under the pretext that she was a bas- 
 tard and a heretic; and to commence their operations 
 by suppressing the Reformation, and establishing the 
 French influence, in Scotland, as the best preparative 
 to an attack upon the dominions of the English 
 queen. Knox, in the course of his journeys through 
 France, had formed an acquaintance with certain 
 persons about the court; and, by their means, had 
 gained some knowledge of this plan.f He was con- 
 vinced that the Scottish reformers were unable to resist 
 the power which France might bring against them ; 
 and that it was no less the interest than the duty of the 
 English court to afford them the most effectual sup- 
 port. But he was afraid that a selfish and narrow 
 policy might prevent them from doing this, until it 
 was too late; and was therefore anxious to call their 
 attention to this subject at an early period, and to put 
 them in possession of the facts that had come to his 
 knowledge. The assistance which Elizabeth granted 
 to the Scottish protestants, in the year 1560, was dic- 
 tated by the soundest policy. It baffled and defeated 
 the designs of her enemies at the very outset ; it gave 
 her an influence over Scotland, which all her prede- 
 cessors could not obtain by the terror of their arms, 
 nor the influence of their money ; and it secured the 
 stability of her government, by extending and strength- 
 ening the protestant interest, the principal pillar on 
 which it rested. And it reflects not a little credit on 
 our Reformer's sagacity, that he had conceived this 
 plan at so early a period, was the first person who 
 proposed it, and persisted, in spite of great discourage- 
 ments, to urge its adoption, until his endeavours were 
 ultimately crowned with success. 
 
 Deeply impressed with these considerations, he re- 
 solved, although he had already been twice repulsed, 
 to brook the mortification, and make another attempt 
 to obtain an interview with some confidential agent of 
 the English government. With this view, he, on 
 the lOlh of April, wrote a letter to Secretary Cecil, 
 with whom he had been personally acquainted during 
 his residence in London. Adverting to the treatment 
 of the exiles who had returned from Geneva, he excul- 
 
 * Robertson's History of Scotland, B. ii. ad. An. 1559. 
 
 + Knox, Historic, p. 206, 214. 260. He had an opportunity 
 of receiving a confirmation of this intelligence, during his voy- 
 age to Scotland. In the same ship in which he sailed, there 
 was sent by the French court, to the Queen Regent, a stafl' of 
 state, with a great seal, on which were engraved the arms 
 of France, Scotland, and Englaixd. This was shewn to him in 
 great secrecy. The English court, after they were awakened 
 from their lethargy, and convinced of the hostile designs of 
 France, applied to Knox for the information which they might 
 have had from him six months before. Cotton MSS. Caligula, 
 B. ix. f. 38, 74. Sadler's State Papers, i. 463, 688. Keith, Ap. 
 p. 38, 42. The English certainly suffered themselves to be 
 amused at the treaty of Chateau-Cambresis, while the courts 
 of France and Spain concerted measures dangerous to England, 
 and to the whole protestant interest. Dr. Wotton, one of the 
 commissioners, complains, in a letter to Cecil, of want of intel- 
 ligence, a^d that the English had no ipies on the continent. 
 ForbM's State Papers, i.^. 
 
 pated them from all responsibility as to the offensive 
 book which he had published, and assured him that 
 he had not consulted with one of them previous to its 
 publication. As for himself, he did not mean to deny 
 that he was the author, nor was he yet prepared to re- 
 tract the leading sentiment which it contained. But 
 he was not, on that account, less friendly to the person 
 and government of Elizabeth, in whose exaltation he 
 cordially rejoiced ; although he rested the defence of 
 her authority upon grounds different from the common. 
 This was the third time that he had craved liberty to 
 pass through England. He had no desire to visit the 
 court, nor to remain long in the country; but he was 
 anxious to communicate to him, or to some other trusty 
 person, matters of great importance, which it was not 
 prudent to commit to writing, or intrust to an ordinary 
 messenger. If his request was refused, it would turn 
 out to the disadvantage of England.* 
 
 The situation in which he stood at this time with 
 the court of England was so well known, that it was 
 not without great difficulty that he could find a mes- 
 senger to carry his letter ;f and, either despairing of 
 the success of his application, or urged by intelligence 
 received from Scotland, he sailed from Dieppe on the 
 22d of April, and landed safely at Leith on the 2d of 
 May 1559.^ 
 
 PERIOD VL 
 
 From May 1559, when he finally returned to Scotland, till 
 August 1560, when he was settled as Minister of Edinburgh, 
 at tne establishment of the Reformation. 
 
 On his arrival, Knox found matters in the most 
 critical state in Scotland. The Queen Regent had 
 thrown off the mask which she had long worn, and 
 avowed her determination forcibly to suppress the 
 Reformation. As long as she stood in need of the 
 assistance of the protestants, to support her authority 
 against the Hamiltons, and to procure the matrimonial 
 crown for her son-in-law, the Dauphin of France, she 
 courted their friendship, listened to their plans of re- 
 form, professed her dissatisfaction with the corruption 
 and tyranny of the ecclesiastical order, and her desire 
 of correcting these as soon as a fit opportunity offered, 
 and flattered them, if not with the hopes of her joining 
 their party, at least with assurances that she would 
 shield them from the fury of the clergy. So complete- 
 ly were they duped by her consummate address and 
 dissimulation, that they complied with all her requests, 
 restrained some of their preachers from teaching in 
 public, and desisted from presenting to the late Par- 
 liament a petition which they had prepared ; nor would 
 they believe her to be insincere, even after different 
 parts of her conduct had afforded strong grounds for 
 suspicion. But, having accomplished the great objects 
 which she had in view, she at last adopted measures 
 which completely undeceived them, and discovered 
 the gulph into which they were almost precipitated. 
 
 As this discovery of the Regent's duplicity produced 
 consequences of the greatest importance ; as it com- 
 pletely alienated from her the minds of the reformers, 
 and aroused that spirit of determined and united oppo- 
 sition to her insidious policy, and her violent measures, 
 which ultimately led to the establishment of the Re- 
 
 * Knox, Historic, p. 204, 206. 
 
 + The person whom he at last persuaded to take his letter 
 was Richard Harrison, But the honest spy, (for such was his 
 employment at that time) dreading that Knox bad made him 
 the bearer of another Blast, which, if it did not endanger the 
 throne of Elizabeth, might blow up his credit with the court, 
 prudently communicated the suspicious packet to Sir Nicholas 
 Throkmortou, the English ambassador to the court of France, 
 and obtained his sanction and safe conduct before conveying it 
 to London. Letter from Throkmorton to Cecil, 15th of May, 
 1559. Forbes's State Papers, i. 90, 91. 
 
 \ Cald. MS. i. 392, 393. Knox, Historie, p. 127, 207. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 69 
 
 formation ; and as the facets connected with it have not 
 been accurately or fully stated in our common histo- 
 ries,* the reader may not be displeased at having the 
 following more circumstantial detail laid before him. 
 
 A mutual jealousy had long subsisted between the 
 Queen Regent and that able but unprincipled prelate, 
 Archbishop Hamilton, whose zeal for the church was 
 uniformly subordinated to his personal ambition, and 
 the desire of aggrandizing his family. While he 
 exerted the influence which his station gave him over 
 the clergy to embarrass the administration of the Re- 
 gent, she employed the protestants as a counterbalance 
 to his power. But amidst the jarring excited by rival 
 interests, both parties beheld the rapid progress of the 
 reformed sentiments with equal concern ; and intelli- 
 gent persons early foresaw, that their differences would 
 be finally compromised, and a coalition formed between 
 them, for the purpose of effecting the ruin of the pro- 
 testants. f It does not appear that the primate ever 
 entertained the slightest suspicion that the Regent was 
 friendly to the cause of the Reformers. Independently 
 of her own sentiments, he was well acquainted with 
 the influence which her brothers possessed over her, 
 and with their devoted attachment to the Roman Ca- 
 tholic church. Had he not had good reasons for pre- 
 suming upon her connivance and secret approbation, 
 his known prudence would not have allowed him to 
 venture upon the invidious measure of putting Mill to 
 death. As early as July 1558, she had consulted with 
 him on the measures which should be adopted for 
 checking the Reformation.:!: And immediately after 
 the parliament which met in November, and at which 
 the Regent accomplished, by the assistance of the 
 protestants, all the objects which she wished to carry, 
 the primate received positive assurances of her sup- 
 port in his exertions for maintaining the authority of 
 the church. For, in the end of December, he sum- 
 moned the reformed preachers to appear before him in 
 St, Andrews on the 2d of February following, to an- 
 swer for their conduct in usurping the sacred office and 
 disseminating heretical doctrines. [J 
 
 Upon this a deputation of the protestants waited on 
 the Regent, and informed her, that, after what had re- 
 cently taken place in the instance of Mill, they were 
 determined to attend and see justice done to their 
 preachers; and that, if the prosecution went forward, 
 there would be a greater convocation at St, Andrews 
 than had been seen at any trial in Scotland for a long 
 period. Dreading the consequences of a concourse of 
 people in a place adjacent to counties in which the 
 protestants were numerous, the Queen wrote to the 
 archbishop to prorogue the trial. She, at the same 
 time, summoned a convention of the nobility, to be 
 held at Edinburgh on the 7th of March, to advise upon 
 the most proper measures for settling the religious 
 differences which had so long agitated the nation.§ 
 And the primate, at her request, called a provincial 
 council of the clergy to meet in the same place on the 
 first day of March.^ 
 
 When our Saviour was condemned to be crucified, 
 it was observed, that, " on the same day, Pilate and 
 Herod were made friends together, for before they 
 were at enmity between themselves," The determi- 
 nation which was at this time formed to crush the pro- 
 testant interest in Scotland seems to have brought 
 about the reconciliation of more than the Queen Re- 
 gent and the Primate. A rivalship had long subsisted 
 between those who occupied the two Scottish arch- 
 bishopricks; the bishops of Glasgow insisting on the 
 independence of their See, and boasting of the priority 
 of its erection, while the bishops of St. Andrews 
 
 * Some remarks on (he representation which Dr. Robertson 
 has given of the Regent's conduct will be found in Note XXXI. 
 
 f Knox, Historie, p. 125. 
 
 i MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, from 1559 to 
 1566. p. 1. II MS. Historie, ut sup. p. 2. { lb. p. 2, 3. 
 
 T lb. p. 3. W ilkins, Concilia, torn, iv, p. 205. 
 
 claimed an authoritative primacy over all the clergy in 
 the kingdom, as belonging to that See from the time 
 of its foundation.* Hamilton, in the mandate issued 
 for assembling this Council, had asserted his primacy 
 in very formal terms, founding upon it, as well as upon 
 the legantine authority with which he was invested by 
 the Pope, his right to convocate the clergy, | Beatoun, 
 archbishop of Glasgow, seems to have resented this 
 claim of superiority, and he declined for some time to 
 countenance the Council by his presence, or to cite his 
 suffragans and the clergy of his diocese to attend. 
 This dissention might have proved highly injurious to 
 the church at this critical period ; but it was got ac- 
 commodated, and Beatoun with the western clergy at 
 length joined the Council.:|: 
 
 In the mean time, the protestants, having assembled 
 at Edinburgh, appointed commissioners to lay their 
 representations before the convention of the nobility, 
 and the council of the clergy. || The commissioners 
 gave in to the latter certain preliminary articles of re- 
 formation, in which they craved, that the religious ser- 
 vice should be performed in the vulgar tongue; that 
 such as were unfit for the pastoral office should be re- 
 moved from their benefices ; and that, in time coming, 
 bishops should be admitted with the assent of the 
 barons of the diocese, and parish-priests with the as- 
 sent of the parishioners, and measures adopted for 
 preventing immoral and ignorant persons from being 
 employed in ecclesiastical functions,^ But there was 
 another paper laid before the Council, which, it is pro- 
 bable, gave them more uneasiness than the representa- 
 tion of the protestants. This was a remonstrance by 
 certain persons attached to the Roman Catholic faith, 
 "craving redress of several grievances complained of 
 in the ecclesiastical administration of Scotland." It 
 consisted of thirteen articles, in which, among other 
 points of reformation, they required that the exacting 
 of corps-presents and easter-ofTerings should be abol- 
 ished ; that, for the more eflfectual instruction of those 
 who partook of the sacraments, " there should be an 
 godlieand faithful declaration set forth in Inglis toung, 
 to be first shewin to the pepil at all times," when any 
 of the sacraments were administered; and that the 
 common prayers and litanies should also be read in 
 the vulgar language. At the same time, they desired 
 that none should speak irreverently of the mass, make 
 innovations upon the received ceremonies of the church, 
 or assume the administration of divine ordinances with- 
 out authority from the bishops.^ 
 
 The Council were not disposed to agree to the pro- 
 posals either of the protestant or of the popish reform- 
 ers. After making certain partial regulations relating 
 to some of the grievances complained of by the latter,** 
 and renewing the canons of former councils respecting 
 the lives of the clergy and public instruction,! f they 
 
 * Act. Pari. Scot. p. 342, Knox, p. 51. Spottiswood, 24. 
 Lord Hailes, Provincial Councils, 39, 40. 
 t Wilkins, ut sup. p. 204—5. 
 
 I The Primate's letter summoning the archbishop of Glas- 
 gow to the Council is dated the last day of January. Wilkins, 
 ut supra. The Council met on March 1. Ibid. p. 208. But 
 the archbishop of Glasgow's letter, calling his clergy to the 
 Council, is dated as late as March 18. and lie requires them to 
 attend on the 6th of April. Ibid. p. 206. It is also observable 
 that Beatoun, in his citation, takes no notice of the Primate's 
 mandate. Ibid. It is likely that the matter was settled by 
 the good offices of the Queen Regent, whose favourable incli- 
 nation towards the church is warmly commended b}- this Coun- 
 cil. Ibid. p. 209. 
 
 II MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, ut sup. p. 3. 
 
 5 Lesley, Hist. p. 546. Lord Hailes, ProvincialCounciU, 
 p. 38. 
 
 IT Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 207 — 8. Wilkins has inserted the 
 Remonstrance at large, which he procured from the Records 
 in the Scots College at Paris. It is surprising that this curious 
 document should have escaped the eve of Lord Hailes, who 
 has not taken the slightest notice of It in his account of the 
 Scottish Councils. 
 
 ** Can. 21, 22, 24, 32. apud Wilkins, ut sup. p. 214—16, 
 
 tt Can. 2—20. Ibid. p. 210—14. 
 
70 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 refused to allow any part of the public service to be 
 performed in the vulgar language ;* they ratified in 
 the strongest terms all the popish doctrines which 
 were controverted by the protestants ;f and they or- 
 dained, that strict inquisition should be made after 
 such as absented themselves from the celebration of 
 inass,:^: and that excommunications should be fulmi- 
 nated against those who administered or received the 
 sacraments after the protestant forms, and against 
 parents and sponsors who had presented children for 
 baptism to the reformed preachers, and did not bring 
 them to the priests to be re-baptized. || 
 
 The Council were emboldened to take these decisive 
 steps in consequence of a secret treaty which they had 
 concluded with the Regent, and in which they had 
 stipulated to raise a large sum of money to enable her 
 to suppress the reformers.^ This arrangement could 
 not be long concealed from the protestant deputies, 
 who, perceiving that they were mocked by the clergy, 
 and abandoned by the court, broke off the fruitless 
 negociations in which they had been engaged, and left 
 Edinburgh. They were no sooner gone than a procla- 
 mation was made at the market-cross, by order of the 
 Regent, prohibiting any person from preaching or ad- 
 ministering the sacraments without authority from the 
 bishops, and commanding all the subjects to prepare 
 to celebrate the ensuing feast of Easter according to 
 the rites of the Catholic church. Understanding that 
 her proclamation was not complied with, she sum- 
 moned the preachers to answer for their disobedience.^ 
 The Earl of Glencairn and Sir Hugh Campbell of 
 Loudon, sheriff of Ayr, waited on her, and remonstrated 
 against these proceedings ; but she told them haughtily, 
 that, " in spite of them, all their preachers should be 
 banished from vScotland." They reminded her of the 
 promises which she had repeatedly made to protect 
 them, upon which she unblushingly replied, that " it 
 became not subjects to burden their princes with pro- 
 mises further than they pleased to keep them." Sur- 
 prised, but not intimidated at this language, Glencairn 
 and Loudon told her, that, if she violated the engage- 
 ments which she had come under to her subjects, they 
 would consider themselves as absolved from their 
 allegiance to her. Having remonstrated with her very 
 freely, and pointed out the dangerous consequences 
 that might result from adopting such a line of con- 
 duct, she began to speak to them in a milder tone, and 
 promised to suspend the trial, and take the whole affair 
 into serious consideration.** But receiving intelli- 
 
 fence soon after that peace was concluded between 
 ranee and Spain, and that these two powers had 
 agreed to unite their endeavours for the extirpation of 
 heresy, and irritated by the introduction of the reformed 
 worship into the town of Perth, she revived the pro- 
 cess against the preachers, and summoned them per- 
 emptorily to stand their trial at Stirling on the 10th 
 ofMay.ft 
 
 The state of our Reformer's mind, upon receiving 
 this information, will appear from the following letter, 
 
 « Lesley, Hist. p. 546. Lord Haileg, Prov. Coun. p. 38—9. 
 
 + Can. 16. apud Wilkins, ut sup. p. 212—13, 
 
 t Can. 30. Ibid. p. 216. 
 
 [I Can. 33, 34. Ibid. p. 216—17. The form of words ap- 
 pointed by the Council to be used by the priest in re-baptiza- 
 tion is curious. "Si tu es baptizatus, e^o non te baptizo; sed 
 si non es baptizatus, ego te baptizo, in nomine Patris," &c. i. e. 
 " If thou hast been baptized, I do not baptize thee; but if thou 
 hast not been baptized, I do baptize thee, in the name of the 
 Father," &c. 
 
 J MS. Historic of the Estate of Scotland, ut supra, p. 3. 
 Knox, Historic, p. 122. According to the 6r8t of these autho- 
 rities the suna promised by the clerg-y was IS.OOOZ. ; but accor- 
 ding to a Chronicle written by the laird of Erleshall, referred 
 to by Knox, it was 40,000/. 
 
 IT MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, ut sup. 
 
 •• Knox. 126. 
 
 + t Kdox ut sup. Spottiswood, 120 — 1. Bachanani. Oper. i. 
 312—3. 
 
 hastily written by him on the day after he landed in 
 Scotland. 
 
 " The perpetual comfort of the Holy Ghost for 
 salutation. 
 
 "These few lines are to signify unto you, dear 
 sister, that it hath pleased the merciful providence 
 of my heavenly Father to conduct me to Edinburgh, 
 where I arrived the 2 of May : uncertain as yet what 
 God shall further work in this country, except that I 
 see the battle shall be great. For Satan rageth even 
 to the uttermost, and I am come, I praise my God, 
 even in the brunt of the battle. For my fellow 
 preachers have a day appointed to answer before the 
 Queen Regent, the 10th of this instant, when I intend 
 (if God impede not) also to be present ; by life, by 
 death, or else by both, to glorify his godly name, who 
 thus mercifully hath heard my long cries. Assist me, 
 sister, with your prayers, that now I shrink not, when 
 the battle approacheth. Other things I have to com- 
 municate with you, but travel after travel doth so 
 occupy me, that no lime is granted me to write. Ad- 
 vertise my brother, Mr. Goodman, of my estate ; as 
 in my other letter sent unto you from Dieppe, I 
 willed you. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ rest 
 with you. From Edinburgh, in haste, the 3d of 
 May."* 
 
 His arrival in Scotland was not long concealed 
 from the clergy. On the morning after he landed at 
 Leith, one came to the monastery of the Grey-friars, 
 where the Provincial Council was still sitting,f and 
 informed them that John Knox was come from France, 
 and had slept last night in Edinburgh. The clergy 
 were panic-struck with the intelligence, and foreboding 
 the ruin of all the plans which they had formed with 
 so much care, they dismissed the Council in great 
 haste and confusion. A messenger was instantly 
 despatched by them with the information to the Queen 
 Regent who was at Glasgow ; and within a few days 
 Knox was publicly declared an outlaw and rebel, in 
 virtue of the sentence formerly pronounced against him 
 by the clergy.:}: 
 
 Although his own cause was prejudged, and he 
 knew that he was liable to be apprehended as a con- 
 demned heretic, he did not hesitate a moment in re- 
 solving to present himself voluntarily at Stirling, to 
 assist his brethren in their defence, and share in their 
 danger. Having resided only a single day at Edin- 
 burgh, he hurried to Dundee, where he found the 
 principal protestants in Angus and Mearns already 
 assembled, and determined to attend their ministers 
 to the place of trial, and to avow their adherence 
 to the doctrines for which they were accused. The 
 providential arrival of such an able champion of the 
 cause, at this crisis, must have been very encouraging 
 to the assembly; and the liberty of accompanying 
 them which he requested, was readily granted. 
 
 Lest the unexpected approach of such a multitude, 
 though unarmed, should alarm or offend the Regent, the 
 assembled protestants agreed to stop at Perth, and sent 
 Erskine of Dun before them to Stirling, to acquaint 
 her with the peaceable object and manner of their 
 coming. Apprehensive that their presence would dis- 
 concert her measures, the Regent had again recourse 
 to dissimulation. She persuaded Erskine to request his 
 brethren to desist from their intended journey, and 
 aulhorivsed him to promise, in her name, that she would 
 put a stop to the trial. The protesanis testified their 
 
 • Letter to Mrs. Anne Locke, apud Cald. MS. i. 393. 
 
 f MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, ut sup. p. 3, 4. 
 Knox. Historie, p. 109. In the preamble to the acts of this 
 Council, it is said to hare been " finitum 10. die mensis Aprilis," 
 But in the conclusion of the acts there is an expression which 
 leads to a reconciliation of (his with the two preceding authori- 
 ties ; '^Jinierulo sen Jinilo die 10. mensis Aprilis:" from which 
 it appears that, though the acts were concluded, it was not yet 
 agreed to close the Council on that day. Wilkins, iv. 209, 217. 
 
 \ MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, ut sup. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 n 
 
 pacific intentions by a cheerful compliance with this 
 request, and the greater part, confiding in the royal 
 promise, returned to their homes. But when the day 
 of trial came, the summons was called by the orders 
 of the Queen, the preachers were outlawed for not 
 appearing, and all persons were prohibited, under 
 the pain of rebellion, from harbouring or assisting 
 them.* 
 
 Escaping from Stirling, Erskine brought to Perth 
 the intelligence of this disgraceful transaction, which 
 could not fail to incense the protestants. It happened 
 that, on the same day on which the news came, Knox, 
 who remained at Perth, preached a sermon, in which 
 he exposed the idolatry of the mass, and of image- 
 worship. Sermon being concluded, the audience qui- 
 etly dismissed ; a few idle persons only loitered in the 
 church ; when an imprudent priest, wishing either to 
 try the disposition of the people, or to shew his con- 
 tempt of the doctrine which had been delivered by the 
 preacher, uncovered a rich altar-piece, decorated with 
 images, and prepared to celebrate mass. A boy, having 
 uttered some expressions of disapprobation, was struck 
 by the priest. He retaliated by throwing a stone at 
 the aggressor, which, falling on the altar, broke one 
 of the images. This operated like a signal upon the 
 people present, who had taken part with the boy; and, 
 in the course of a few minutes, the altar, images, and 
 all the ornaments of the church were torn down, and 
 trampled under foot. The noise soon collected a mob, 
 who, finding no employment in the church, by a 
 sudden and irresistible impulse flew upon the monas- 
 teries ; and although the magistrates of the town and 
 the preachers assembled as soon as they heard of the 
 riot, yet neither the persuasions of the one nor the 
 authority of the other could restrain the mob, until the 
 houses of the grey and black friars, with the costly 
 edifice of the Carthusian monks, were laid in ruins. 
 None of the gentlemen or sober part of the congrega- 
 tion were concerned in this unpremeditated tumult ; it 
 was wholly confined to the baser inhabitants, or (as 
 Knox designs them) " the rascal multitude." [ 
 
 The demolition of the monasteries having been 
 represented as the first-fruits of our Reformer's la- 
 bours on this occasion, it was necessary to give this 
 minute account of the causes which produced that 
 event. Whatever his sentiments were as to the de- 
 struction of the instruments and monuments of idolatry, 
 he wished this to be accomplished in a regular man- 
 ner ; he was sensible that, in the present circumstances, 
 such tumultuary proceedings were prejudicial to the 
 cause of the reformers; and, instead of instigating, he 
 exerted himself in putting a stop to the ravages of the 
 mob. But if this disorderly conduct must be traced 
 to a remote cause, we can impute it only to the wanton 
 and dishonourable perfidy of the Queen. 
 
 In fact, nothing could be more favourable to the 
 designs of the Regent than this riot. By her recent 
 conduct she had forfeited the confidence of the protest- 
 ants, and even exposed herself in the eyes of the 
 sober and moderate of her own party. This occur- 
 rence afforded her an opportunity of turning the public 
 indignation from herself, and directing it against the 
 protestants. She did not fail to improve it with her 
 usual address. She magnified the accidental tumult 
 into a dangerous and designed rebellion. Having 
 called the nobility to Stirling, she in her interviews 
 with them insisted upon such topics as were best 
 calculated to persuade the parties into which they were 
 divided. In conversing with the Catholics, she dwelt 
 upon the sacrilegious overthrow of those venerable 
 structures which their ancestors had dedicated to the 
 service of God. To the Protestants who had not 
 joined their brethren at Perth, she compUaned of the 
 
 * Knox, Historie, p. 127. Spottiswood, 121. Buchanani 
 Oper. i. 313. 
 
 ■f Knox, Historie, p. 128. Buchanani Oper. i. 31.J. 
 
 destruction of the Royal foundation of the Charter- 
 house, and, protesting that she had no intention of 
 offering violence to their consciences, she promised to 
 protect them, on the condition that they assisted her in 
 punishing those who had been guilty of this violation 
 of public order.* Having inflamed the minds of all 
 against them, and collected an army from the adjacent 
 counties,! she advanced to Perth, threatening to lay 
 waste the town with fire and sword, and to inflict the 
 most exemplary vengeance on all who had been instru- 
 mental in producing the riot.:): 
 
 The protestants of the North were not insensible 
 to their danger, and did all in their power to avert 
 the storm which threatened them. They wrote to 
 the Queen Regent, to the commanders of the French 
 troops, to the popish nobles, and to those of their 
 own persuasion ; they solemnly disclaimed all rebel- 
 lious intentions ; they protested their readiness to 
 yield due obedience to the government ; they in- 
 treated all to refrain from offering violence to peace- 
 able subjects, who sought only the liberty of their 
 consciences and the reformation of religion. But 
 finding all their endeavours fruitless, they resolved 
 not to suffer themselves and their brethren to be mas- 
 sacred, and prepared for a defence of the town against 
 an illegal and furious assault. And so prompt and 
 vigorous were they in the measures which they adopt- 
 ed, that the Regent, when she approached, deemed it 
 imprudent to attack them, and proposed overtures of 
 accommodation, to which they readily acceded. || 
 
 While the two armies lay before Perth, and nego- 
 ciations were going on between them, our Reformer 
 obtained an interview with the Prior of St. Andrews 
 and the young Earl of Argyle, who adhered to the Re- 
 gent. He reminded them of the solemn engagements 
 which they had contracted, and charged them with 
 violating these, by abetting measures which tended to 
 suppress the reformed religion, and to enslave their 
 native country. The noblemen replied, that they had 
 been induced, by the representations of the regent and 
 the clergy, to believe that their brethren intended to 
 swerve from their former loyalty, and, although they 
 were now convinced that this charge was unfounded, 
 yet they were anxious to fulfil the promise which they 
 had made to the Queen, by bringing the present dif- 
 ference to an amicable termination ; but, if she should 
 violate the present treaty, they would withdraw their 
 countenance from her, and openly take part with their 
 brethren, to whom they considered themselves as 
 bound by the most sacred ties of religion. The Re- 
 gent was not long in affording them the opportunity of 
 verifying their promise. No sooner had she taken 
 possession of Perth, and perceived that the forces of 
 the protestants were disbanded, than she began to 
 disregard the conditions to which she had agreed. 
 And Argyle and the Prior, having remonstrated against 
 the infractions of a treaty which they had concluded 
 at her earnest request, were answered in such an unsat- 
 
 * Knox, Historie, p. 128—9, 135. 137. 
 
 t MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, ut supra, p. 5. 
 
 I Buchanani Oper. i. 313. Knox, 128. A writer has given 
 the name of" bellum imaginarium" to this war, undertaken by 
 the Regent to avenge the destruction of the images, and the 
 Climes charged upon the protestants he denominates " mere 
 imaginaria seditio et rebellio." Historie of the Church of 
 Scotland to 1566. MS. Adv. Lib. A. 5. 43. 
 
 II When the overtures were proposed to the protestants, they 
 exclaimed with one voice; " Cursit be they that seik eflusioun 
 of blude, weir, or dissentioan. Lat us possess Christ Jesus, and 
 the benefite of his evangel!, and nane within Scotland sail be 
 uiair obedient subjectis than we sail be." Knox, Historie, p. 
 137. The Regent's army consisted of 8000, that of the pro- 
 testants amounted to 5000 men. This seems to have been the 
 number of the latter previous to the arrival of the Earl of 
 Glencairn, with a reinforcement from the West. Glencairn 
 had joined them, before the conclusion of the treaty, with 
 2500 men, a circura&tance which did not alter their pacific 
 wishes. Cald. MS. k 426. MS. Historie of the Estate of 
 Scotland, p. 5. Knox, Historie, 136. 
 
72 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 isfactory manner, that they deserted the court, and 
 could never afterwards be persuaded to place confi- 
 dence in her promises.* 
 
 From the time that the leading protestants discovered 
 the hostile intentions of the Regent, they had used 
 grreat industry to ascertain the numbers of their friends, 
 to establish means of correspondence among them, and 
 to have them united by the strictest bonds. For this 
 purpose, copies of their religious covenant were com- 
 mitted to persons who procured subscriptions to it in 
 the different districts where they resided. | From the 
 designation which they gave themselves in this cov- 
 enant, or from the union which subsisted among them, 
 the protestants began at this time to be distinguished 
 by the name of The Congregation. The nobles 
 who had joined the association were the Earls of Ar- 
 gyle, Glencairn, Monteith and Rothes, Lords Ochiltree, 
 Boyd, Ruthven, and the Prior of St. Andrews. The 
 Earl Marishal and Lord Erskine, with some others 
 who were friendly to the reformed religion, either sup- 
 ported the Regent, or remained neutral. A large 
 proportion of the lesser barons belonged to the Con- 
 gregation, particularly those of Mearns, Angus, Strath- 
 earn, Monteith, Fyfe, Cunningham, Kyle, Carrick, 
 and Galloway.^ 
 
 In the beginning of June the Lords of the Con- 
 gregation held a consultation on the measures which 
 they should adopt for their own security, and for the 
 advancement of the Reformation. They had repeated- 
 ly applied to the clergy to rectify the abuses which 
 prevailed in the church, and to release them from those 
 unjust and oppressive laws by which their consciences 
 had long been enslaved ; but their petitions had been 
 treated with neglect and disdain. " To abandon 
 usurped power, to renounce lucrative error, are sacrifi- 
 ces which the virtue of individuals has, on some occa- 
 sions, offered to truth ; but from any society of men no 
 such effort can be expected. The corruptions of a 
 society, recommended by common utility, and justified 
 by universal practice, are viewed by its members with- 
 out shame or horror ; and reformation never proceeds 
 from themselves, but is always forced upon them by 
 some foreign hand."|j Convinced of this, the protest- 
 ant leaders had next addressed themselves to the Re- 
 gent, and requested her to employ her authority to 
 bring about a reformation which could not be much 
 longer deferred, without interrupting the peace of the 
 kingdom. As long as they had any reason to think that 
 she was disposed to listen to their petitions, they had 
 waited with exemplary patience, and restrained the 
 ardour of such of their friends as were inclined, with- 
 out further delay, to use the right which nature and 
 Christianity gave them ; but the Regent had disap- 
 pointed their expectations, and from being a professed 
 friend was become a declared enemy ; they could no 
 longer place the smallest dependance on her promises ; 
 and they were satisfied that she had formed a syste- 
 matic plan for suppressing the Reformation, and en- 
 forcing the existing ecclesiastical laws in all their 
 rigour. It behoved them now either to submit to have 
 their chains riveted, or by a bold and vigorous effort 
 to shake them off altogether. They determined upon 
 the latter. The scandalous lives of the established 
 clergy, their total neglect of the religious instruction 
 of the people, and the profanation of Christian worship 
 by gross idolatry, were the most glaring abuses. The 
 Lords of the Congregation resolved to take immediate 
 steps for removing these, by abolishing the popish 
 service, and setting up the reformed worship in all 
 those places to which their authority or influence ex- 
 tended, and in which the greater part of the inhabitants 
 
 * MS. Historic of the Estate of Scotland, ut sup. p. 6. Knox, 
 135—9. Buchanan! Oper. i. 314—5. Spottiswood, 123. 
 
 f Buchanan! Opcr. i. 311. 
 
 } MS. Hiitorie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 8. Knox, Hii- 
 torie, 136, 138, 144. || Dr. Robertson. 
 
 were friendly to the design. This step is justified in 
 part by the feudal ideas respecting the jurisdiction of 
 the nobility, which at that time prevailed in Scotland ; 
 the urgent and extreme necessity of the case, however, 
 forms its best vindication. A great part of the nation 
 loudly demanded such a reformation, and had not reg- 
 ular measures been adopted for its introduction, the 
 popular indignation would have effected the work in a 
 more exceptionable way. 
 
 St. Andrews was the place fixed on for commencing 
 these operations. With this view, the Earl of Argyle, 
 and Lord James Stewart, who was Prior of the abbey 
 of St. Andrews, made an appointment with Knox to 
 meet them, on a certain day, in that city. Travelling 
 along the ea.st coast of Fife, he preached at Anstruther 
 and Crail, and, on the 9th of June, joined them at St. 
 Andrews. The archbishop, apprized of his design to 
 preach in his cathedral, assembled an armed force, and 
 sent information to him, that if he appeared in the 
 pulpit, he would give orders to the soldiers to fire upon 
 him. The noblemen, having met to consult what 
 ought to be done, agreed that Knox should desist from 
 preaching at that lime, and strongly urged upon him 
 the reasons of their opinion. Their retinue was very 
 slender; they had not yet ascertained the disposition of 
 the inhabitants of the town ; the Queen lay at a small 
 distance with an army, ready to come to the bishop's 
 assistance; and his appearance in the pulpit might 
 lead to the sacrifice of his own life, and the lives of 
 those who were determined to defend him from vio- 
 lence. 
 
 There are occasions on which it is a proof of supe- 
 rior wisdom to disregard the ordinary dictates of pru- 
 dence ; on which, to face danger is to avoid it, to flee 
 from it is to invite it. Had the reformers, after an- 
 nouncing their intentions, suffered themselves to be 
 intimidated by the bravading attitude and threats of 
 the archbishop, their cause would, at the very outset, 
 have received a blow, from which it would not easily 
 have recovered. This was prevented by the firmness 
 and intrepidity of Knox. Fired with the recollection 
 of the part which he had formerly acted on that spot, 
 and with the near prospect of realizing the sanguine 
 hopes which he had so long cherished in his breast, 
 he resisted all the importunities of his friends. He 
 could take God to witness, (he said) that he never 
 preached in contempt of any man, nor with the design 
 of hurting an earthly creature; but to delay to preach 
 next day (unless forcibly hindered), he could not in 
 conscience agree: In that town, and in that church, 
 had God first raised him to the dignity of a preacher, 
 and from it he had been rtft by French tyranny, at the 
 instigation of the Scots bishops : The length of his 
 imprisonment, and the tortures which he had endured, 
 he would not at present recite; but one thing he could 
 not conceal, that, in the hearing of many yet alive, he 
 had expressed his confident hope of again preaching 
 in St. Andrews: Now, therefore, when Providence, 
 beyond all men's expectation, had brought him to that 
 place, he besought them not to hinder him. "As for 
 the fear of danger, that may come to me (continued 
 he), let no man be solicitous; for my life is in the 
 custody of Him whose glory I seek. I desire the hand 
 nor weapon of no man to defend me. I only crave 
 audience; which, if it be denied here unto me at this 
 time, I must seek where I may have it." 
 
 This intrepid reply silenced all further remon- 
 strances ; and next day Knox appeared in the pulpit, 
 and preached to a numerous assembly, including many 
 of the clergy, without experiencing the slightest inter- 
 ruption. He discoursed on the subject of our Saviour's 
 ejecting the profane traflickers from the temple of 
 Jerusalem, from which he took occasion to expose the 
 enormous corruptions which had been introduced into 
 the church under the papacy, and to point out what 
 was incumbent upon Christians, in their different 
 spheres, for removing them. On the three following 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 73 
 
 days he preached in the same place ; and such was the 
 influence of his doctrine, that the provost, bailies, and 
 inhabitants, harmoniously agreed to set up the re- 
 formed worship in the town : the church was stripped 
 of all images and pictures, and the monasteries were 
 pulled down. 
 
 Understanding that the lords at St. Andrews were 
 accompanied by a slender retinue, the Queen Regent, 
 who lay at Falkland, attempted to surprise them. But 
 the protestants in Angus, having received information 
 of the critical situation of their brethren, came to their 
 assistance with such celerity and in such numbers, 
 that they were able to face the royal army at Cupar- 
 raoor; and the Regent, afraid to risk a battle, con- 
 sented to a truce, by which she engaged to remove her 
 French troops from Fife, and to send commissioners 
 to St. Andrews for the purpose of settling all differ- 
 ences between her and the Congregation. The troops 
 were removed, but no commissioners appeared; and 
 the Lords of the Congregation, being apprized that 
 the Queen intended to fortify the passage of the Forth 
 at Stirling, and to cut off their communication with the 
 protestants in the south, proceeded to Perth, and hav- 
 ing expelled the garrison from that town, Ijy a rapid 
 marcli seized upon Stirling, and, advancing, took pos- 
 session of the capital of the kingdom ; the Regent, as 
 they approached, retiring with her forces to Dunbar.* 
 
 The example of St. Andrews in abolishing the Po- 
 pish worship was quickly followed in other parts of 
 the kingdom; and, in the course of a few weeks, at 
 Crail, at Cupar, at Lindores, at Stirling, at Linlith- 
 gow, and at Edinburgh, the houses of the monks were 
 overthrown, and all the instruments, which had been 
 employed to foster idolatry and superstition, destroyed. f 
 
 These proceedings were celebrated in the singular 
 lays, which were at that time circulated among the 
 reformers. 
 
 His cardinalles hes cause to mourne. 
 
 His bishops are borne a backe; 
 
 His abbots gat an uncouth turne. 
 
 When shavellinres went to sacke. 
 
 With burges wifes they led their lives^ 
 
 And fare better than wee. 
 
 Hay trix, trim goe trix, under the greene wod-tree. 
 
 His Carmelites and Jacobinis, 
 His Domini kes had great adoe; 
 His Cordeilier and Augustines, 
 Sanct Francis's ordour to; 
 The sillie friers, mony yeiris 
 With babliag bleerit our ee. 
 Hay trix, &c. 
 
 Had not your self begun the weiris, 
 Your Stepillis had been standand yit; 
 It was the flattering of your friers 
 That ever gart Sanct Francis flit: 
 Ye grew sa superstitious 
 
 In wickednesse. 
 It gart us grow malicious 
 
 Contrair your messe.f 
 
 Scarcely any thing in the progress of the Scottish 
 Reformation has been more frequently or more loudly 
 condemned than the demolition of those edifices, upon 
 which superstition had lavished all the ornaments of 
 the chisel and the pencil. To the Roman Catholics, 
 who anathematized all who were engaged in this work 
 of inexpiable sacrilege, and represented it as involv- 
 ing' the overthrow of all religion, ||, have succeeded 
 
 » Knox, Historic, 141—146. Buchanani Oper. i. 315—6- 
 Spottiswood, 142 — 6. 
 
 •f Letter written by Knox from St. .\ndrews,23d June, 1559. 
 apud Cald. MS. i. 426, 428. Knox. Histone, p. 140, 141. MS. 
 Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 6. The demolition of 
 the monasteries at St. Andrews began on the 14th of June. 
 
 f Gude and godly Bailates, apud Dalyell's Scottish Poems 
 of the 16th century, ii. 192, 198. 
 
 11 The tolbooth of Musselburgh was built out of the ruins 
 of the chapel of Loretto : on wliich account the good people 
 K 
 
 another race of writers, who, although they do not, in 
 general, make high pretensions to devotion, have not 
 scrupled at all times to borrow the language of their 
 predecessors, and have bewailed the wreck of so many 
 precious monuments, in as bitter strains as ever idola- 
 ter did the loss of bis gods. These are the warm ad- 
 mirers of Gothic architecture, and other. reliques of 
 ancient art; some of whom, if we may judge from 
 their language, would welcome back the reign of 
 superstition, with all its ignorance and bigotry, if they 
 could recover the objects of their adoration.* Writers 
 of this stamp depict the devastation and ravages, which 
 marked the progress of the Reformation, in colours as 
 dark as ever were employed by the historian in de- 
 scribin^g the overthrow of ancient learning, by the 
 irruptions of the barbarous Huns and Vandals. Our 
 Reformer cannot be mentioned by them but with 
 symptoms of horror, and in terms of detestation, as a 
 barbarian, a savage, and a ring-leader of mobs, for 
 overthrowing whatever was venerable in antiquity, or 
 sacred in religion. It is unnecessary to produce in- 
 stances. 
 
 Expccfss eadem a suramo rainimoque poeta. 
 
 To remind such persons of the divine mandate to 
 destroy all monuments of idolatry in the land of Ca- 
 naan would be altogether insufferable, and might pro- 
 voke, from some of them, a profane attack upon the 
 authority from which it proceeded. To plead the 
 example of the early Christians, in demolishing the 
 temples and statues dedicated to pagan polytheism, 
 would only awaken the keen regrets which are felt for 
 the irreparable loss.f It would be still worse to refer 
 to the apocalyptic predictions, which some have been 
 so fanatical as to think were fulfilled in the miserable 
 spoliation of that "Great City," which, under all its 
 revolutions, has so eminently proved the nurse of the 
 arts, and given encouragement to painters, statuaries, 
 and sculptors, to " harpers, and musicians, and pipers, 
 and trumpeters, and craftsmen of whatsoever craft;" 
 who, to this day have not forgotten their obligations 
 to it, nor ceased to bewail its destruction. In any 
 apology which I make for the Reformers, I would 
 rather alleviate than aggravate the distress which is 
 felt for the loss of such valuable memorials of anti- 
 quity. It has been observed by high authority, that 
 there are certain commodities which derive their prin- 
 cipal value from their great rarity, and which, if found 
 in great quantities, would cease to be sought after or 
 prized.:}: A nobleman of great literary reputation has, 
 indeed, questioned the justness of this observation, as 
 far as respects precious stones and metals. [| But I 
 
 of that town were, till lately, annually excommunicated at 
 Rome. Sibbald's Chronicle of Scottish Poetry, iii. 19. Those 
 who wish to see a specimen of Catholic declamation on thi» 
 subject, will find it in Note XXXII. 
 
 * The reader may take one example, which I adduce, not 
 because it is the strongest, but because it happens to be at 
 hand. '* Thi» abbey [Kelso] was demolished 1569, in conse- 
 quence of the enthusiastic Reformation, which, in its violence, 
 was a greater disgrace to religion than all the errors it was 
 intended to subvert. Reformation has hitherto always appeared 
 in the form of a zealot, full of fanatic fury, with violence sub- 
 duing, but through madness creating, almost as many mischiefs 
 in its oversights, as it overthrows errors in its pursuit. Religion 
 has received a greater shock from the present struggle to re- 
 press some Jbrmularies and save some scruples, than it ever 
 did by the growth of superstition." Hutchinson's History 
 of Northumberland, and of an Excursion to the Abbey of Mel- 
 rose, i. 265, 
 
 f "Alas! how little of its former splendour have time and 
 the fanatic rage of the early Christians left to the Roman 
 forum! The covered passage, with a flight of steps, founded 
 by Tarquin the elder, is no more here to shelter us from bad 
 weather, or to serve for the spectators to entertain themselves 
 with mountebanks in the market-place." A most deplorable 
 loss, truly ! This writer adds, that the statues of the twelve 
 gods are yet standing: no great proof, one would imagine, of 
 the fanatic rage o( the Christians. Kotzebue's Travels through 
 Italy, vol. i. p. 200. Lond. 1807. 
 
 X Edinburgh 'Review, vol. iv. p. 348. 
 
 1) Lord Lauderdale's Observations on Edinburgh Review. 
 
74 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 flatter myself, that the noble author and the learned 
 critic, however much they differ as to public wealth, 
 will agree that the observation is perfectly just, as 
 applied to those commodities which constitute the 
 wealth and engage the researches of the antiquary. 
 With him rarity is always an essential requisite and 
 primary recommendation. His property, like that of 
 the possessor of the famous Sibylline books, does not 
 decrease in value by the reduction of its quantity, but, 
 after the greater part has been destroyed, becomes still 
 more precious. If the matter be viewed in this light, 
 antiquarians have no reason to complain of the ravages 
 of the reformers, who have left them such valuable 
 remains, and placed them in that very state which 
 awakens in their minds the most lively sentiments of 
 the sublime and beautiful, by reducing them to — Ruins. 
 
 But to speak seriously, I would not be thought so 
 great an enemy to any of the fine arts, as to rejoice at 
 the wanton destruction of their models, ancient or 
 modern, or to vindicate those who, from ignorance or 
 fanatical rage, may have excited the mob to such vio- 
 lence. I am satisfied, however, that the charges 
 usually brought against our Reformers on this head 
 are highly exaggerated, and in some instances altoge- 
 ther groundless. The demolition of the monasteries 
 is, in fact, almost the only thing of which they can be 
 accused. Cathedral and parochial churches, and, in 
 several places, the chapels attached to monasteries, 
 were appropriated to the protestant worship ; and in 
 the orders issued for stripping them of images, idola- 
 trous pictures, and superstitious utensils, particular 
 directions were given to avoid whatever might injure 
 the buildings, or deface any of their ordi-nary decora- 
 tions. It is true, that some churches suffered from 
 popular violence during the ferment of the Reforma- 
 tion ; and that others were dilapidated, in consequence 
 of their most valuable materials being sold to defray 
 the expences of the war in which the protestants were 
 involved ; but the former will not be matter of surprise 
 to those who have attended to the conduct of other 
 nations in similar circumstances, and the latter will be 
 censured by such persons only as are incapable of 
 entering into the feelings of a people who were en- 
 gaged in a struggle for their lives, their liberties, and 
 their religion. Of all the charges thrown out against 
 our Reformers, the most ridiculous is, that, in their 
 zeal against popery, they waged war against literature, 
 by destroying the valuable books and records which 
 had been deposited in the monasteries. The state of 
 learning among the monks, at the era of the Reforma- 
 tion, was wretched, and their libraries poor; the only 
 [tersons who patronized or cultivated literature in Scot- 
 and were protestants ; and so far from sweeping away 
 any literary monuments which remained, the Reform- 
 ers were disposed to search for them among the rub- 
 bish, and to preserve them with the utmost care. In 
 this respect we have no reason to deprecate a compa- 
 rison between our Reformation and that of England, 
 notwithstanding the flattering accounts which have 
 been given of the orderly and temperate manner in 
 which the latter was conducted under the superintend- 
 ing control of the supreme powers.* 
 
 But, even although the irregularities committed in 
 the progress of that work had been greater than have 
 been represented, I must still reprobate the spirit 
 which disposes persons to dwell with unceasing lam- 
 entations upon losses, which, in the view of an en- 
 lightened and liberal mind, will sink and disappear, in 
 the magnitude of the incalculable good which rose 
 from the wreck of the revolution. What! do we 
 celebrate, with public rejoicings, victories over the 
 enemies of our country, in tlie gaining of which the 
 lives of thousands of our fellow-creatures have been 
 sacrificed 1 and shall solemn masses and sad dirges, 
 accompanied with direful execrations, be everlastingly 
 
 j sung, for the mangled members of statues, torn pic- 
 tures, and ruined towers 1 Shall those who, by a 
 display of the horrors of war, would persuade their 
 I countrymen to repent of a contest which had been dis- 
 tinguished with uncommon feats of valour, and crowned 
 with the most brilliant success, be accused of a desire 
 to tarnish the national glory ; and shall the arguments 
 on which they insist, however just and strong, the 
 eflfusion of human blood, the sacking of cities, the 
 devastation of fertile provinces, the ruin of arts and 
 manufactures, and the intolerable burdens entailed 
 even upon the victors themselves, be represented as 
 mere common-place topics, employed as a covert to 
 disloyalty? and do not those who, at the distance of 
 nearly three centuries, continue to wail evils of a far 
 inferior kind which attended the Reformation, justly 
 expose themselves to the suspicion of indifference and 
 disaffection to a cause, in comparison with which 
 all contests between rival kingdoms and sovereigns 
 dwindle into insignificance] 1 will go farther, and 
 say, that I look upon the destruction of these monu- 
 ments as a piece of good policy, which contributed 
 materially to the overthrow of the Roman Catholic 
 religion, and the prevention of its re-establishment. It 
 was chiefly by the magnificence of its temples, and the 
 splendid apparatus of its worship, that the popish 
 church fascinated the senses and imaginations of the 
 people. A more successful method of attacking it 
 therefore could not be adopted, than the demolition of 
 what thus contributed so much to uphold and extend 
 its influence. There is more wisdom than many seem 
 to perceive, in the maxim which Knox is said to have 
 inculcated, " that the best way to keep the rooks from 
 returning, was to pull down their nests.'"' In demol- 
 ishing, or rendering uninhabitable all those buildings 
 which had served for the maintenance of the ancient 
 superstition (except what were requisite for the pro- 
 testant worship), the reformers only acted upon the 
 principles of a prudent general, who dismantles or 
 razes the fortifications which he is unable to keep, and 
 which might afterwards be seized, and employed 
 against him, by the enemy. Had they been allowed 
 to remain in their former splendor, the popish clergy 
 would not have ceased to indulge hopes, and to make 
 efforts to be restored to them ; occasions would have 
 been taken to tamper with the credulous, and to inflame 
 the minds of the superstitious ; and the reformers might 
 soon have found reason to repent their ill-judged for- 
 bearance. 
 
 When we had quelled 
 
 The strength of Aztlan, we should have thrown down 
 
 Her altars, cast her idols to the fire. 
 
 The priests combined to save their craft; 
 
 And soon the rumour ran of evil signs 
 
 And tokens; in the temple had been heard 
 
 Wailings and loud lament; the eternal fire 
 
 Gave dismally a dim and doubtful flame; 
 
 And from the censer, which at morn should steam 
 
 Sweet odours to the sun, a fcetid cloud, 
 
 Black and portentous rose. 
 
 Southej's Madoc. p. i. b. ii. 
 
 • See Kote XXXEII. 
 
 Our Reformer was along with the forces of the Con- 
 gregation when they faced the army of the Regent in 
 Cupar-mooi ;* he accompanied them on their expedi- 
 tion to Perth, f and in the end of June arrived with 
 them at Edinburgh.:}: On the same day he preached 
 in St, Giles's, and next day in the Abbey church. || 
 On the 7lh of July, the protestant inhabitants met in 
 the Tolbooth, and made choice of him as their Minis- 
 ter.§ With this choice, which was approved of by his 
 brethren, he judged it his duty to comply, and imme- 
 diately began his labours in the city. Meanwhile, the 
 Regent, who lay at Dunbar with her army, neglected 
 
 • Knox, Historie. p. 332. f lb. p. 145. 
 II MS. Historie of the EsUte of Scotland. 
 
 \ lb. p. 146. 
 } lb. p. 9. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 76 
 
 no means for disuniting the Lords of the Congregation. 
 Having spun out the negociations which they had 
 opened with her until she understood that the greater 
 part of their forces had left them, she advanced sud- 
 denly to Edinburgh. The protestants took up a posi- 
 tion on the east side of Craigingate,* and resolved to 
 defend the capital and Leith against the superior forces 
 of the Regent,| but the inhabitants of Leith having 
 opened their gates to her, and Lord Erskine, who com- 
 manded the Castle, threatening to fire upon them, they 
 were forced to conclude a treaty, by which they agreed 
 to leave Edinburgh. They stipulated, however, that 
 the inhabitants should be left at liberty to use that 
 form of worship which was most acceptable to them.ij: 
 Knox would have remained with his congregation after 
 the Regent took possession of the city ; but the nobles, 
 knowing the value of his life, and the hostility with 
 which the court and clergy were inflamed against him, 
 would not consent to this.|| Willock, who was less 
 obnoxious to them, was therefore substituted in his 
 place; and the prudence and firmness which this 
 preacher displayed in that difficult situation proved 
 that he was not unworthy of their choice. The Re- 
 gent was extremely anxious to have the Roman Ca- 
 tholic service re-established in the church of St. Giles, 
 and she employed the Earl of Huntly to persuade the 
 citizens to declare that this was their wish; but nei- 
 ther the authority of the Queen, nor the entreaties 
 which Huntly employed, both in private and in a 
 public meeting called with that view, could prevail 
 with them to swerve from their profession of the re- 
 formed religion, or to relinquish the right which was 
 secured to them by the late treaty. § Although the 
 French soldiers paraded the city, and often disturbed 
 the proteslant service,^ Willock maintained his place; 
 and in the month of August he administered the sacra- 
 ment of the supper after the reformed manner, for the 
 first time at Edinburgh, in St. Giles's church.** The 
 celebration of the popish worship was confined to the 
 royal chapel and the church of Holyroodhouse, during 
 the time that the capital was in the possession of the 
 Queen Regent.|| 
 
 In the month of August, a singular phenomenon was 
 seen in the Abbey church. The Archbishop of St. 
 Andrews appeared in the pulpit, and preached. If his 
 Grace did not acquit himself with great ability on the 
 occasion, he at least behaved with becoming modesty. 
 After discoursing for a short space of time, he requested 
 the audience to excuse the defects of his sermon, as he 
 had not really been accustomed to the employment, 
 and told them that he had provided a very skilful 
 preacher to succeed him ; upon which he concluded, 
 and gave way to friar Black. :J:t 
 
 On retiring from Edinburgh, Knox undertook a tour 
 of preaching through the kingdom. The wide field 
 which was before him, the interesting situation in 
 which he was placed, the dangers by which he was 
 surrounded, and the hopes which he cherished, in- 
 creased the ardour of his zeal, and stimulated him 
 to extraordinary exertions both of body and mind. 
 Within less than two months, he travelled over the 
 
 freater part of Scotland. He visited Kelso, and 
 edburgh, and Dumfries, and Ayr, and Stirling, and 
 Perth, and Brechin, and Montrose, and Dundee, and 
 returned again to St. Andrews. This itinerancy had 
 great influence in diffusing the knowledge of the truth, 
 and in strengthening the protestant interest. The at- 
 tention of the nation was aroused ; their eyes were 
 
 * Probably a part of the Caltonhill. 
 
 + The army of the Regent consisted of 5000 men, the Cnn- 
 greg-ation could not muster above 1500. MS. Historie of the 
 Estate of Scotland, p. 9. 
 
 t Ibid. p. 10. Knox, Historie, 151—5. 
 
 I Knox, Historie, p. 158. 
 
 \ MS. Historie of the Estate, &c. p. 11 
 
 «« MS. Historie, p. 12. 
 
 II MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 12. 
 
 IT Knox, 159. 
 t+ Ibid. Knox, 159. 
 
 opened to the errors by which they had been deluded ; 
 and they panted for a continued and more copious 
 supply of the word of life, which they had once been 
 permitted to taste, and had felt so refreshing to their 
 souls.* I cannot better describe the emotions which 
 this success excited in Knox's breast, than by quoting 
 from the familiar letters which he wrote at intervals 
 snatched from his constant employment. 
 
 " Thus far (says he, in a letter from St. Andrews, 
 June 23d) hath God advanced the glory of his dear 
 Son among us. O ! that my heart could be thankful 
 for the Superexcellent benefit of my God. The long 
 thirst of my wretched heart is satisfied in abundance 
 that is above my expectation; for now forty days and 
 more hath my God used my tongue, in my native 
 country, to the manifestation of his glory. Whatso- 
 ever now shall follow as touching my own carcase, his 
 holy name be praised. The thirst of the poor people, 
 as well as of the nobility here is wondrous great; 
 which putteth me in comfort, that Christ Jesus shall 
 triumph here in the north and extreme parts of the 
 earth for a space." In another letter, dated Septem- 
 ber 2d, he says, " Time to me is so precious, that with 
 great difficulty can I steal one hour in eight days, 
 either to satisfy myself, or to gratify my friends. I 
 have been in continual travel since the day of appoint- 
 ment;! and, notwithstanding the fevers have vexed 
 me, yet have I travelled through the most part of this 
 realm, where (all praise to His blessed Majesty !) men 
 of all sorts and conditions embrace the truth. Ene- 
 mies we have many, by reason of the Frenchmen who 
 lately arrived, of whom our papists hope golden hills. 
 As we be not able to resist, we do nothing hut go about 
 Jericho, blowing with trumpets, as God giveth strength, 
 hoping victory by his power alone.":): 
 
 Soon after his arrival in Scotland, he wrote for his 
 wife and family, whom he had left behind him at 
 Geneva. On the 13th of June Mrs. Knox and her 
 mother were at Paris, and applied to Sir Nicolas 
 Throkmorton, the English ambassador, for a safe con- 
 duct to pass into England. Throkmorton, who by this 
 time had begun to penetrate the counsels of the French 
 court, not only granted this, but wrote a letter to the 
 Queen, in which he urged the propriety of overlook- 
 ing the offence which Knox had given by his publica- 
 tion, and of conciliating him by the kind treatment of 
 his wife; seeing he was in great credit with the Lords 
 of the Congrregation, had been the principal instru- 
 ment in producing the late change in that kingdom, and 
 was capable of doing essential service to her majesty. (| 
 Accordingly, Mrs. Knox came into England, and, 
 being conveyed to the borders by the directions of the 
 court, reached her husband in safety, on the 20th of 
 September.§ Mrs Bowes, after remaining a short 
 time in her native country, followed her daughter "ftito 
 Scotland, where she remained until her death.^ 
 
 * Cald. MS. i. 472, 473. Forbes, i. 131, 155. Sadler, i. 
 431, 432. 
 
 f This refers to the agreement between the Regent and 
 Lords of the Congregation, by which the latter gave up Edin- 
 burgh. The Lords left Edinburgh on the 25th of July. MS. 
 Historie of the Estate, &c. p. 10. comp. Knox, Historie, p. 154, 
 
 t Cald. MS. i. 428,471. 
 
 II Forbes, i. 129, 130. Throkmorton wrote to the same ef- 
 fect to Cecil, in letters dated 7th June, and 19th July. Ibid, 
 p. 119, 167. The ambassador was probably moved to more 
 earnestness in this matter by the influence of Alexander Whit- 
 law of Greenrig, a particular friend of our Reformer, who was 
 at this time in France. He returned soon after to Scotland, 
 and Throkmorton recommended him to Cecil, as " a very hon- 
 est, sober, and godly man." — "You must let hmi se as littel sin 
 in England as yowe maye." — He " is greatly estemyd of Jhone 
 Knokes, and he dothallso favour hyni above other: neverthe- 
 less, he is sory for his boke rashly written." Ibid. 137, 147 — 
 149. § Cald. MS. i. 491. 
 
 IT Knox applied to the English court for a safe-conduct for 
 Mrs. Bowes to come into Scotland, which was granted about 
 the month of October, 1559. Sadler, i. 456, 479, 509. I have 
 aIrs' dy noticed, (p. 57.) that Mrs. Bovres's husband wag dead. 
 
76 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 The arrival of his family was the more gratifying to 
 our Reformer, that they were accompanied by Chris- 
 topher Goodman, his late colleague at Geneva. He 
 had repeatedly written, in the most pressing manner, 
 for him to come to his assistance, and expressed much 
 uneasiness at the delay of his arrival.* Goodman 
 became minister of St. Andrews. The settlement of 
 protestant ministers began to take place at an earlier 
 period than is mentioned in our common histories. 
 Previous to September, 1559, eight towns were provi- 
 ded with pastors ; and other places remained unprovi- 
 ded owing to the scarcity of preachers, which was 
 severely felt.f 
 
 In the mean time, it became daily more apparent 
 that the Lords of the Congregation would be unable, 
 without foreign aid, to maintain the struggle in which 
 they were involved. Had the contest been merely 
 between them and the domestic party of the Regent, 
 they would soon have brought it to a successful ter- 
 mination ; but they could not withstand the veteran 
 troops which France had already sent to her assistance, 
 and was preparing to send in still more formidable 
 numbers. :|: As far back as the middle of June, our 
 Reformer had renewed his exertions for obtaining 
 assistance from England ; and persuaded William 
 Kircaldy of Grange, first to write, and afterwards to 
 pay a visit to Sir Henry Percy, who held a public 
 situation on the English marches. Percy immediately 
 transmitted his representations to London, and an 
 answer was returned from Secretary Cecil, encouraging 
 the correspondence.!! 
 
 Knox himself wrote to Cecil, requesting permis- 
 sion to visit England,§ and inclosed a letter to queen 
 Elizabeth in which he. attempted to apologize for his 
 rude attack upon female government. 
 
 When a man has been " overtaken in a fault," it is 
 his glory to confess it ; but those who have been so 
 unfortunate as to incur the resentment of princes, must, 
 if they expect to appease them, condescend to very 
 ample and humiliating apologies. Luther involved 
 himself more than once by attempting this task, and, 
 had not the lustre of his talents protected him, his 
 reputation must have suffered materially from his ill 
 success. He was prevailed on to write submissive 
 apologies to Leo X. and Henry VHL for the abuse 
 with which he had treated them in his writings, and, 
 in both instances, his apologies were rejected with 
 contempt, and he found himself under the necessity 
 of retracting his retractations.^ Knox was in no 
 
 The particular time of his death I have not ascertained, but it 
 seems to have been between 1554 and 1556. She is designed 
 a widow, in the correspondence between Cecil and Sadler. 
 
 * Cald. MS. i. 429. 473. 
 
 t •dinburgh, St. Andrews, Dundee, Perth, Brechin, Mon- 
 trose, Stirling, Ayr, were the towns provided with ministers. 
 Letter, Knox to Locke, 2d Sept. 1559, apud Cald. MS. i. 472. 
 
 J Sadler, i. 403, 411. Forbe.s, vol. i. passim. Dr. Robertson 
 complains that, from the carelessness of the contemporary his- 
 torians, it is impossible to ascertain the number of French sol- 
 diers in Scotland, or at what times, and under what pretexts, 
 they had returned, after having left the kingdom in 1550. His- 
 tory of Scotland, p. 108. Lond. 1791. In September, 1559, 
 when the Queen Regent retired within the fortifications of 
 Leith, her forces amounted to 3000 soldiers, of whom 500 only 
 were Scots. MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland from 1559 
 to 1566. p. 13. In August, 1000 of these had arrived from 
 France, and it does not appear that any other arrival had taken 
 place since the commencement of the late commotions. It seems 
 pretty evident that the other 1500 had been sent from France 
 during the war between Scotland and England, in 1556 and 
 1557. The Lords of the Congregation mustered 8000 men in 
 September; but only 1000 of these were trained to arms. Ibid. 
 
 n Knox, Historie, p. 207. 
 
 X Ibid. p. 209. Forbes, i. 155, 167. 
 
 V Beausobre, Hist. Reform, i. 355—377. Macaulay's transla- 
 tion. Milner'g History of the Church, iv. 948— 9. This last 
 historian, in speaking of Luther's apology to Henry, says, that 
 he went "quite far enough, either for the dignity of a leading 
 Reformer, or the simplicity of a follower of Christ." Luther 
 himself, after receiving Henry's reply, seems to have been abun- 
 dantly tensibU of the ridicule to which he had exposed himself, 
 
 danger of committing himself in this way. He was 
 less violent in his temper than the German Reformer, 
 but he was also less flexible and accommodating. 
 There was nothing at which he was more awkward 
 than apologies, condescensions, and civilities ; and on 
 the present occasion he was placed in a very embar- 
 rassing predicament, as his judgment would not permit 
 him to retract the sentiment which had given oflfence 
 to the English Queen. In his letter to Elizabeth he 
 expresses deep distress at having incurred her displea- 
 sure, and warm attachment to her government ; but the 
 grounds on which he advises her to found her title to 
 the crown, and indeed the whole strain in which the 
 letter is written, are such as must have aggravated 
 instead of extenuating his offence in the opinion of that 
 high-minded princess.* But although his apology 
 had been more ample and humble, I question if he 
 would have succeeded better with Elizabeth than 
 Luther did with her father. Christopher Goodman, 
 after his return to England, was obliged, at two sev- 
 eral periods, to subscribe a recantation of the opinion 
 which he had given against the lawfulness of female 
 government, nor could all his condescensions procure 
 for him the favour of his sovereign. f In fact, Eliza- 
 beth was all along extremely tender on the subject of 
 her right to the crown ; she never failed to resent every 
 attack that was made upon this, from whatever quarter 
 it came ; and although several historians have amused 
 their readers with accounts of her ambition to be 
 thought more beautiful and accomplished than the 
 Queen of Scots,:!: I am persuaded that she was always 
 more jealous of Mary as a competitor for the crown, 
 than as a rival in personal charms. 
 
 I do not, however, suppose that Elizabeth ever saw 
 Knox's letter, and have little doubt that it was sup- 
 pressed by the sagacious Secretary. jj Cecil was him- 
 self friendly to the measure of assisting the Scottish 
 Congregation, and exerted all his influence to bring 
 over the Queen and her Council to his opinion. A 
 message was, accordingly, sent to Knox, desiring hira 
 to meet Sir Henry Percy at Alnwick, on the 2d of 
 August, upon business which required the utmost 
 secrecy and despatch ; and Cecil came down to Stam- 
 ford to hold an interview with the Reformer.^ The 
 confusion produced by the advance of the Regent's army 
 upon Edinburgh, retarded his journey ; but no sooner 
 was this settled, than he sailed from Pittenweem to Holy 
 Island. Finding that Percy was recalled from the 
 borders, he applied to Sir James Croft, the governor 
 of Berwick. Croft, who was not unapprized of the 
 design on which he came, dissuaded him from pro- 
 ceeding farther into England, and undertook to des- 
 patch his communications to London, and to procure a 
 speedy return. Alexander Whitlaw of Greenrig, who 
 had been banished from Scotland, having come to Lon- 
 don on his way from France, was entrusted by the 
 English court with their answers to the letters of the 
 Congregation. Arriving at Berwick, he delivered the 
 despatches to Knox, who hastened with them to Stir- 
 ling, where a meeting of the protestant Lords was to 
 be held. He prudently returned by sea to Fife; for the 
 
 and, with a facetiousness which seldom forsook him, asked hi* 
 friends, if they would not now advise him to write penitential 
 epistles to the archbishop of Mentz, the archduke Ferclinand, and 
 other princes whom he had offended. Milner, ut sup. p. 966. 
 
 « Knox, Historie, p. 210—2. 
 
 + Strype, Annals, i. 126. ii. 95—6. Life ofGrindal, 170 
 and of Parker, 325—6. 
 
 \ See Sir James Melvil's account of his interview with Eli- 
 zabeth, Memoirs, p. 49 — 51, which has been adopted, and 
 detailed by Mr. Hume, Dr. Robertson, and other historians. 
 
 II Cecil was accustomed to keep back intelligence which he 
 knew would be disagreeable to his mistress. A curious instanco 
 of this occurs with respect to the misfortune which happened 
 to Cockburn of Ormiston, while conveying a subsidy which 
 she had sent to the Congregation. Sadler, i. 573. We learn, 
 from one of his letters, that he did not usually communicate 
 the epistles of our Reformer, whom he knew to be no favourite 
 with Eliiabeth. Ibid. p. S3S. } Knox, Historic, p. 212. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 77 
 
 Queen Regent had come to the knowledge of his jour- 
 ney to England, and Whitlaw, in travelling through 
 East Lothian, being mistaken for Knox, was hotly 
 pursued, and escaped with great difficulty.* The ir- 
 resolution or the caution of Elizabeth's cabinet led 
 them to express themselves in such general and un- 
 satisfactory terms, that the Lords of the Congregation, 
 when the letters were laid before them, were both 
 disappointed and displeased ; and it was with some 
 difficulty that our Reformer obtained permission from 
 them to write again to London in his own name. The 
 representation which he gave of the urgency of the 
 case, and the danger of further hesitation or delay, 
 produced a speedy reply, desiring them to send a con- 
 fidential messenger to Berwick, who would receive a 
 sum of money, to assist them in prosecuting Ihe war. 
 About the same time. Sir Ralph Sadler was sent down 
 to Berwick, to act as accredited but secret agent, and 
 the correspondence between the court of London and 
 the Lords of the Congregation continued afterwards to 
 be carried on through him and Sir James Croft, until 
 the English auxiliary army entered Scotland.]" 
 
 If we reflect upon the connection which the religious 
 and civil liberties of the nation had with the contest in 
 which the protestants were engaged, and upon our Re- 
 former's zeal in that cause, we shall not be greatly 
 surprised to find him at this time acting in the charac- 
 ter of a politician. Extraordinary cases cannot be 
 measured by ordinary rules. In a great emergency, 
 like that under consideration, when all that is valuable 
 and dear to a people is at stake, it becomes the duty 
 of every individual to step forward, and exert all his 
 talents for the public good. Learning was at this 
 time rare among the nobility ; and though there were 
 men of distinguished abilities among the protestant 
 leaders, few of them had been accustomed to transact 
 public business. Accordingly, the management of the 
 correspondence with England was for a time devolved 
 chiefly on Knox and Balnaves. But our Reformer 
 submitted to this merely from a sense of duty and re- 
 gard to the common cause ; and when the younger 
 Maitland acceded to their party, he expressed the 
 greatest satisfaction at the prospect which this gave 
 him of being relieved from the burden.:^ 
 
 It was not without reason that he longed for this 
 deliverance. He now felt that it was as difficult to 
 preserve Christian integrity and simplicity amidst the 
 crooked wiles of political intrigue, as he had formerly 
 found it to pursue truth through the perplexing mazes 
 of scholastic sophistry. In performing a task foreign 
 to his habits, and repugnant to his disposition, he met 
 with a good deal of vexation, and several unpleasant 
 rubs. These were owing partly to his own impetu- 
 osity, partly to the grudge entertained against him by 
 the English court, but chiefly to the particular line of 
 policy which the latter had resolved to pursue. They 
 were convinced of the danger of suffering the Scottish 
 protestants to be suppressed ; but they wished to con- 
 fine themselves to pecuniary aid, believing that by 
 such assistance the Lords of the Congregation would 
 be enabled to expel the French, and bring the contest 
 to a successful issue, while, by the secrecy with which 
 it could be conveyed, an open breach between France 
 and England would be more easily prevented. This 
 plan, which originated in the personal disinclination 
 of Elizabeth to the Scottish war,* rather than in the 
 judgment of her wisest counsellors, protracted the con- 
 test, and gave occasion to some angry disputes between 
 
 * Knox, Historic, 159, 213. 
 
 t Knox, Historie, p. 212—214. The State Papers of Sir 
 Ralph Sadler have been lately published in 2 vols. 4to. The 
 1st volume contains the greater part of the letters that passed 
 between him and the agents of the Congregation. These 
 throw much light upon this interesting period of our national 
 history, and ought to be consulted, in addition to the histories 
 which appeared previous to their publication. 
 
 t Keith, Append. 42. || See Note XXXIV. 
 
 the English agents and those of the Congregation.' 
 The former were continually urging the associated 
 Lords to attack the Regent, before she received fresh 
 succours from France, and blaming their slow opera- 
 tions; they complained of the want of secrecy in 
 the correspondence with England ; and even insinuated 
 that the moneyt intended for the common cause, was 
 partially applied to private purposes. The latter were 
 irritated by this insinuation, and urged the necessity 
 of military as well as pecuniary assistance.^ 
 
 In a letter to Sir James Croft, Knox represented 
 the great importance of their being speedily assisted 
 with troops, without which they would be in much 
 hazard of miscarrying in an attack upon the fortifica- 
 tions of Leith. The court of England, he said, ought 
 not to hesitate at oflfending France, of whose hostile 
 intentions against them they had the most satisfactory 
 evidence. But "if ye list to craft with ihame (con- 
 tinued he), the sending of a thousand or mo men to us 
 can breake no league nor point of peace contracted be- 
 twixt you and France : For it is free for your subjects 
 to serve in warr anie prince or nation for their wages; 
 and if yee fear that such excuses will not prevail, ye 
 may declare thame rebelles to your realme when ye 
 shall be assured that thei be in our companye." No 
 doubt such things have been often done ; and such 
 political casuisijry (as Keith very properly styles it) is 
 not unknown at courts. But it must be confessed, that 
 the measure recommended by Knox (the morality of 
 which must stand on the same grounds with the assist- 
 ance which the English were at that time aiford- 
 ing) was too glaring to be concealed by the excuses 
 which he suggested. Croft laid hold of this opportu- 
 nity to check the impetuosity of his correspondent, and 
 wrote him, that he wondered how he, " being a wise 
 man," would require from them such aid as they could 
 not give "without breach of treaty, and dishonour;" 
 and that " the world was not so blind but that it could 
 soon espy" the " devices" by which he proposed " to 
 colour their doings." Knox, in his reply, apologized 
 for his " unreasonable request ;" but, at the same time, 
 reminded Croft of the common practice of courts in 
 such matters, and particularly of the French court 
 towards themselves in a recent instance.f He was 
 not ignorant, he said, of the inconveniences which 
 might attend an open declaration in their favour, but 
 feared that they would have cause to " repent the drift 
 of time, when the remedy would not be so easy.":}: 
 
 This is the only instance in which I have found our 
 Reformer recommending dissimulation, which was 
 very foreign to the openness of his natural temper, 
 and the blunt and rigid honesty that marked his gen- 
 eral conduct. His own opinion was, that the English 
 court ought from the first to have done what they found 
 themselves obliged to do at last, to avow their resolu- 
 tion to support the Congregation. Keith praises Croft's 
 "just reprimand on Mr. Knox's double fac'd proposi- 
 
 * Sadler, i. 520, 524. Randolph mentions in one of his 
 letters, that both Knox and Balnaves were discontented. Keith 
 has inserted a letter in which Balnaves complained of, and 
 vindicated himself from the charges brought against him. 
 Sadler afterwards endeavoured to pacifj- them. Keith, Ap. 43, 
 44. Sadler, i. p. 537, 548. Notwithstanding the complaints 
 against the Congregation for being too "open," there is some 
 reason to think that Sir James Croft's own secretary bad in- 
 formed the Queen Regent of the correspondence between 
 England and the Congregation. Forbes, i. p. 137. 
 
 t " See how Mr. Knox still presses his under-hand manage- 
 ment!" saj's Keith. Qucere: Did the honest Bishop never find 
 any occasion, in the course of his history to reprimand such 
 management in his own friends? or, did he think that intrigue 
 was criminal, only when it was employed by protestant cabinets 
 and ministers? 
 
 \ Keith, Ap. 40—42. Sadler, i. p. 523. In fact, if a storm 
 had not dispersed and shattered the French fleet, which had 
 on board the Marquis D'Elbcuf, and a large body of French 
 troop.s, destined for the reinforcement of the Queen Regent 
 the English, after so long delay, would have found it very 
 difficult to expel the French from Scotland. 
 
7a 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 tion," and Cecil says, that his " audacite was well 
 tamed." We must not, however, imagine that these 
 statesmen had any scruple of conscience, or nice feel- 
 ing of honour on this point. For, on the very day on 
 ■which Croft answered Knox's letter, he wrote to Cecil 
 that he thought the Queen ought openly to take part 
 with the Congregation. And in the same letter in 
 which Cecil speaks of Knox's audacity, he advises 
 Croft to adopt in substance the very measure which 
 Knox had recommended, by sending five or six officers, 
 who should " steal from thence with appearance of 
 displeasure for lack of interteynment;" and in a sub- 
 sequent letter, he gives directions to send three or four, 
 fit for being captains, who should give out that they 
 left Berwick, " as men desyrous to be exercised in the 
 warres, rather than to lye idely in that towne."* 
 
 Notwithstanding the prejudice which existed in the 
 English court against our Reformer,]" on account of 
 his " audacity" in attacking female prerogative, they 
 were too well acquainted with his integrity and influ- 
 ence to decline his services. Cecil kept up a corres- 
 Eondence with him; and in the directions sent from 
 lOndon for the management of the subsidy, it was ex- 
 pressly provided, that he should be one of the council 
 for examining the receipts and payments, to see that it 
 was applied to " the common action," and not to any 
 private use.:}: 
 
 In the mean time, his zeal and activity, in the cause 
 of the Congregation, exposed him to the deadly resent- 
 ment of the Queen Regent and the papists. A reward 
 was publicly offered to any one who who should ap- 
 prehend or kill him ; and not a few, actuated by hatred 
 or avarice, lay in wait to seize his person. But this 
 did not deter him from appearing in public, nor from 
 travelling through the country, in the discharge of his 
 duty. His exertions at this period were incredibly 
 great. By day he was employed in preaching, by 
 night in writing letters on public business. He was 
 the soul of the Congregation ; was always found at the 
 post of danger ; and by his presence, his public dis- 
 courses, and private advices, animated the whole body, 
 and defeated the schemes employed to corrupt and dis- 
 unite them. II 
 
 « Sadler, i. 522, 534, 568. 
 
 f The Lords of the Congregation having proposed to send 
 our Reformer to London as one of their commissioners, Cecil 
 found it necessary to discourage the proposal. "Of all others, 
 Knoxees name, if it be not Goodman's, is most odiose here; 
 and therefore, ( wish no mention of him [coming] hither." 
 And in another letter he saysj "his writmgs [i. e. Knox's 
 letters] doo no good here; and therefore I doo rather suppress 
 them, and yet I meane not but that ye should contynue in 
 sending of them." Sadler, i. 532, 535. The editor of Sadler 
 supposes, without any reason, that Knox and Goodman were 
 obnoxious to the court on account of their Geneva discipline, 
 and republican tenets. The unpardonable offence of which 
 both had be eg g uilty was different from either of these: they 
 had attacke^Huie Regiment of Women." 
 
 t Sadler, W5o. Keith, Ap. 40. 
 
 II " In twenty-four hours, I have not four free to natural 
 rest, and easce of this wicked carcass. Remember my last re- 
 quest for my mother, and say to Mr. George [Mr. George 
 Bowes, his brother-in-law] that I have need of a good and an 
 assured horse; for great watch is laid for my apprehension, 
 
 and large money promissed till any that shall k'yli me. And 
 
 this part of my care now poured in your bosom, T cease farther 
 to trouble you, being troubled myself in body and spirit, 
 for the troubles that be present, and appear to grow. — At 
 niydnicht. 
 
 •' Many things I have to writ, which now tym sufTereth not, 
 but after, if ye mak haste with this messinger, ye shall undir- 
 stand more. R ryt I write with sleaping eis.'" 
 
 Knox's Letter to Raylton, 23d October, 1559. Keith, Ap. 38. 
 Sadler, i. 681,682. 
 
 This letter, written with the Reformer's own hand, is in the 
 British Museum. Cotton MS. Calig. B. ix. f. 38. The con- 
 clusion of the letter, which is here printed in imitation of the 
 original, is very descriptive of the state of the writer at the 
 time. — It appears from the same letter, that, amidst his other 
 employments, he had already begun and made considerable 
 progress in his History of the Refornoation. 
 
 The Congregation had lately received a consider* 
 able increase of strength by the accession of the former 
 regent, the Duke of Chastelherault. His oldest son, 
 the Earl of Arran, who commanded the Scots guard 
 in France, had embraced the principles of the Refor- 
 mation. Understanding that the French court, which 
 was entirely under the direction of the princes of Lor- 
 rain, intended to throw him into prison, he secretly 
 retired to Geneva, from which he was conveyed by the 
 assistance of Elizabeth's ministers to London. In the 
 month of August he came to his father at Hamilton. 
 The representation of his son, joined with those of 
 the English cabinet and with his own jealousy of the 
 designs of the Queen Regent, easily gained over the 
 vacillating Duke, who met with the Lords of the 
 Congregation, and subscribed their bond of confedera- 
 tion.* 
 
 Our Reformer was now called to take a share in a 
 very delicate and important measure. When they first 
 had recourse to arms in their own defence, the Lords 
 of the Congregation had no intention of making any 
 alteration in the government, or of assuming the exer- 
 cise of the supreme authority. f Even after they had 
 adopted a more regular and permanent system of resist- 
 ance to the measures of the Queen Regent, they con- 
 tinued to recognise the station which she held, presented 
 petitions to her, and listened respectfully to the propo- 
 sals which she made for removing the grounds of vari- 
 ance. But finding that she was fully bent upon the exe- 
 cution of her plan for subverting the national liberties, 
 and that her official situation gave her great advantages 
 in carrying on this design, they began to deliberate upon 
 the propriety of adopting a different line of conduct. 
 Their sovereigns were minors, in a foreign country, 
 and under the management of persons to whose influ- 
 ence the evils of which they complained were princi- 
 pally to be ascribed. The queen dowager held the 
 regency by the authority of Parliament; and might 
 she not be deprived of it by the same authority 1 In 
 the present state of the country, it was impossible for 
 a free and regular Parliament to meet ; but the major- 
 ity of the nation had declared their dissatisfaction with 
 her administration ; and was it not competent for them 
 to provide for the public safety, which was exposed to 
 such imminent danger? These were questions which 
 formed the topic of frequent conversation at this time. 
 
 After much deliberation on this important point, a 
 numerous assembly of nobles, barons, and representa- 
 tives of boroughs met at Edinburgh, on the 2 1st of 
 October, to bring it to a solemn issue. To this assem- 
 bly Knox and Willock were called ; and the question 
 being stated to them, they were required to deliver 
 their opinions as to the lawfulness of the proposed 
 measure. Willock, who officiated as minister of Edin- 
 burgh, being first asked, declared it to be his judg- 
 ment, founded on reason and scripture, that the power 
 of rulers was limited ; that they might be deprived of 
 it upon valid grounds; and that the Queen Regent, 
 having, by the fortification of Leith, and the introduc- 
 tion of foreign troops, evinced a fixed determination to 
 oppress and enslave the kingdom, might justly be 
 divested of her authority, by the nobles and barons, 
 the native counsellors of the realm, whose petitions 
 and remonstrances she had repeatedly rejected. Knox 
 assented to the opinion delivered by his brother, and 
 added, that the assembly might, with safe consciences, 
 act upon it, provided they attended to the three follow- 
 ing things : first, that they did not suffer the miscon- 
 duct of the Queen Regent to alienate their affections 
 from due allegiance to their sovereigns, Francis and 
 Mary ; second, that they were not actuated in the mea- 
 sure by private hatred or envy of the queen dowager, 
 but by regard to the safety of the commonwealth ; and, 
 third, that any sentence which they might pronounce 
 
 » Forbes, i. 117. 144, 163, 166. Sadler, i. 404, 417. 447 
 + See Note XXXV. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 79 
 
 at this time should not preclude her re-admission to 
 the office, if she afterwards discovered sorrow for her 
 conduct, and a disposition to submit to the advice of 
 the counsellors of the kingdom. After this, the whole 
 assembly, having severally delivered their opinions, 
 did, by a solemn deed, suspend the queen dowager 
 from her authority as Regent of the kingdom, until 
 the meeting of a free parliament;* and, at the same 
 time, elected a counsel for the management of public 
 affairs during the interval. f When the council had 
 occasion to treat of matters connected with religion, 
 four of the ministers were appointed to assist in their 
 deliberations. These were Knox, Willock, Goodman, 
 and Alexander Gordon, bishop of Galloway, who had 
 embraced the Reformation. :{: 
 
 It has been alleged by some writers, that the ques- 
 tion respecting the suspension of the Queen Regent 
 was altogether incompetent for ministers of the gospel 
 to determine, and that Knox and Willock, by the ad- 
 vice which they gave on this occasion, unnecessarily 
 exposed themselves to odium. || But it is not easy to 
 see how they could have been excused in refusing to 
 deliver their opinion, when required by those who had 
 submitted to their ministry, upon a measure which in- 
 volved a case of conscience, as well as a question of 
 law and political right. The advice which was ac- 
 tually given and followed is a matter of greater conse- 
 quence, than the quarter from which it came. And as 
 this proceeded upon principles very different from those 
 which produced resistance to princes, and the limita- 
 tion of their authority, under feudal governments, and 
 as our Reformer has been the object of much animad- 
 version for inculcating these principles, I shall em- 
 brace the present opportunity of offering a few remarks 
 for the elucidation of this important subject. 
 
 Among the various causes which aff"ected the gen- 
 eral state of society and government in Europe, during 
 the middle ages, the influence of religion cannot be 
 overlooked. Debased by ignorance, and fettered by 
 superstition, the minds of men were prepared to ac- 
 quiesce without examination in the claims of authority, 
 and tamely to submit to every yoke. In whatever 
 light we view popery, the genius of that singular sys- 
 tem of religion will be found to be adverse to liberty. 
 The Romish court, while it aimed directly at the 
 establishment of a spiritual despotism in the hands of 
 ecclesiastics, contributed to rivet the chains of political 
 servitude upon the people. In return for the support 
 which princes yielded to its arrogant claims, it was 
 content to invest them with an absolute authority over 
 the bodies of their subjects. By the priestly unction, 
 performed at the coronation of kings in the name of the 
 Holy See, a sacred character was understood to be 
 communicated, which raised them to a superiority over 
 their nobility which they did not possess according to 
 feudal ideas, rendered their persons inviolable, and 
 their office divine. Although the sovereign pontiff's 
 claimed, and, on different occasions, exercised the 
 power of dethroning kings, and absolving subjects 
 from their allegiance, yet any attempt of this kind, 
 when it proceeded from the people themselves, was 
 denounced as a crime deserving the severest punish- 
 ment in this world, and damnation in the next. Hence 
 sprung the divine right of kings to rule independently 
 
 * Dr. Robertson says, " [t was the work but of one day to 
 examine and resolve this nice problem, concerning the beha- 
 viour of subjects towards a ruler who abuses his power." But 
 it may be observed, that this was the Jbrmal determination of 
 the question. It had been discussed among the protestants 
 frequently before this meeting, and, as early as the beginning 
 of September, they were nearfy unanimous about it. Sadler, i. 
 433. It should also be noticed, that the queen was only sus- 
 pended from, not absolutely "deprived of her office." 
 
 f Knox, 182—187. \ Sadler, i. 510, 511. 
 
 II Spottiswood, p. 137. Keith, p. 104. 
 
 of their people, and of passive obedience and non-re- 
 sistance to their will ; under the sanction of which they 
 were encouraged to sport with the lives and happiness 
 of their subjects, and to indulge in the most tyrannical 
 and wanton acts of oppression, without the dread of 
 resistance, or of being called to an account by any 
 power on earth. Even in countries where the people 
 were understood to enjoy certain political privileges, 
 transmitted from remote ages, or wrested from their 
 princes on some favourable occasions, these principles 
 were generally prevalent; and it was easy for an am- 
 bitious and powerful monarch to avail himself of them, 
 to violate the rights of the people with impunity, and 
 upon a constitution, the forms of which were friendly 
 to popular liberty, to establish an administration com- 
 pletely despotic and arbitrary. 
 
 The contest between Papal sovereignty and the au- 
 thority of General Councils, which was carried on 
 during the fifteenth century, elicited some of the essen- 
 tial principles of liberty, which were afterwards ap-» 
 plied to political government. The revival of learning, 
 by unfolding the principles of legislation and modes 
 of government in the republics of ancient Greece and 
 Rome, gradually led to more liberal notions on this 
 subject. But these were confined to a few, and had 
 no influence upon the general state of society. The 
 spirit infused by philosophy and literature is too feeble 
 and contracted to produce a radical reform of estab- 
 lished abuses ; and learned men, satisfied with their 
 own superior illumination, and the liberty of indulging 
 their speculations, have generally been too indifferent 
 or too timid to attempt the improvement of the multi- 
 tude. It is to the religious spirit excited during the 
 sixteenth century, which spread rapidly through Eu- 
 rope, and diff'used itself among all classes of men, that 
 we are chiefly indebted for the propagation of the 
 genuine principles of rational liberty, and the conse- 
 quent amelioration of government. 
 
 Civil and ecclesiastical tyranny were so closely 
 combined, that it was impossible for men to emanci- 
 pate themselves from the latter without throwing off 
 the former ; and from arguments which established 
 their religious rights, the transition was easy, and 
 almost unavoidable, to disquisitions about their civil 
 privileges. In those kingdoms in which the rulers 
 threw off" the Romish yoke, and introduced the Refor- 
 mation by their authority, the influence was more im- 
 perceptible and slow; and in some of them, as in Eng- 
 land, the power taken from the ecclesiastical was 
 thrown into the regal scale, which proved so far preju- 
 dicial to popular liberty. But where the Reformation 
 was embraced by the ^reat body of a nation, while 
 the ruling powers contmued to oppose it, the eflfect 
 was visible and immediate. The interested and obsti- 
 nate support which rulers gave to the old system of 
 error and ecclesiastical tyranny, and their cruel perse- 
 cution of all who favoured the new opinions, drove 
 their subjects to inquire into the just limi^ of autho- 
 rity and obedience. Their judgments once informed 
 as lo the rights to which they were entitled, and their 
 consciences satisfied respecting the means which they 
 might employ to acquire them, the immense import- 
 ance of the immediate object in view, their emancipa- 
 tion from religious bondage, and the salvation of them- 
 selves and their posterity, impelled them to make the 
 attempt with an enthusiasm and perseverance which 
 the mere love of civil liberty could not have in- 
 spired. 
 
 In eflTecting that memorable revolution, which termi- 
 nated in favour of religious and political liberty in so 
 many nations of Europe, the public teachers of the 
 protestant doctrine had a principal influence. By their 
 instructions and exhortations, they roused the people 
 to consider their rights and exert their power; they 
 stimulated timid and w^ary politicians ; they encouraged 
 and animated princes, nobles, and confederated states, 
 with their armies, against the most formidable opposi- 
 
80 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 tion, and under the most overwhelming difficulties, 
 until their exertions were ultimately crowned with 
 success. These facts are now admitted, and this 
 honour at last, through the force of truth, conceded to 
 the religious leaders of the prolestant Reformation, by 
 philosophical writers, who had too long branded them 
 as ignorant and fanatical.* 
 
 Our national Reformer had caught a large portion 
 of the spirit of civil liberty. We have already ad- 
 verted to the circumstance in his education which 
 directed his attention, at an early period, to seme of its 
 principles."!" His subsequent studies introduced him 
 to an acquaintance with the maxims and modes of 
 government in the free states of antiquity; and it is 
 reasonable to suppose that his intercourse with the 
 republics of Switzerland and Geneva had some influ- 
 ence on his political creed. Having formed his senti- 
 ments independently of the prejudices arising from 
 established laws, long usage, and commonly received 
 opinions, his zeal and intrepidity prompted him to 
 avow and to propagate them, when others, less san- 
 guine and resolute, would have been restrained by fear, 
 or by despair of success. :t Extensive observation had 
 convinced him of the glaring perversion of government 
 in most of the European kingdoms. But his principles 
 led him to desire their reform, not their subversion. 
 His admiration of the policy of republics, ancient or 
 modern, was not so great or indiscriminate as to pre- 
 vent him from separating the essential principles of 
 equity and freedom which they contained, from others 
 which were incompatible with monarchy. He was 
 perfectly sensible of the necessity of regular govern- 
 ment to the maintenance of justice and order among 
 mankind, and aware of the danger of setting men loose 
 from its salutary control. He uniformly inculcated a 
 conscientious obedience to the lawful commands of 
 rulers, and respect to their persons as well as to their 
 authority, even when they were chargeable with vari- 
 ous mismanagements ; as long as they did not break 
 through all the restraints of law and justice, and cease 
 to perform the essential duties of their office. 
 
 But he held, that rulers, supreme as well as subor- 
 dinate, were invested with authority for the public 
 good ; that obedience was not due to them in any thing 
 contrary to the divine law; that, in every free and well- 
 constituted government, the law of the land was supe- 
 rior to the will of the prince, and that inferior magis- 
 trates and subjects might restrain the supreme magis- 
 trate from particular illegal acts, without throwing off 
 their allegiance, or being guilty of rebellion ; that no 
 class of men have an original, inherent, and indefeasi- 
 ble right to rule over a people, independently of their 
 will and consent; that every nation is entitled to pro- 
 vide and require that they be ruled by laws which are 
 agreeable to the divine law, and calculated to promote 
 their welfare ; that there is a mutual compact, tacit 
 and implied, if not formal and explicit, between rulers 
 and their subjects; and, if the former shall fla<^rantly 
 violate this, employ that power for the destruction of a 
 commonwealth which was committed to them for its 
 preservation and benefit, in one word, if they shall be- 
 come habitual tyrants and notorious oppressors, that 
 the people are absolved from allegiance, and have a 
 right to resist them, formally to depose them from 
 their place, and to elect others in their room. 
 
 The real power of the Scottish kings was, indeed, 
 always limited, and there are in our history, previous 
 to the era of the Reformation, many instances of re- 
 sistance to their authority. But, though these were 
 pleaded as precedents on this occasion, it must be con- 
 
 « Villiers's Essay on the Spirit and inffaence of the Refor- 
 mation of Luther, Mill's Transration, p. 183, 186, 321, 327. 
 
 + See above, p. 7 — 9. 
 
 t "I prai* my God (said he) I hare not learned to cry con- 
 juration and treasoun at every thing that the godles multitude 
 does condero, neither yet to fear the things that they fear." 
 Conference with Murray and Maitland, Historie, p. 339. 
 
 fessed that we cannot trace them to the principles of 
 genuine liberty. They were the effects of sudden 
 resentment on account of some extraordinary act of 
 mal-administration, or of the ambition of some power- 
 ful baron, or of the jealousy with which the feudal 
 aristocracy watched over the privileges of their order. 
 The people who followed the standards of their chiefs 
 had little interest in the struggle, and derived no bene- 
 fit from the limitations which were imposed upon their 
 sovereign. But, at this time, more just and enlarged 
 sentiments were diffused through the nation, and the 
 idea of a commonwealth, including the mass of the 
 people as well as the privileged orders, began to be 
 entertained. Our Reformer, whose notions of heredi- 
 tary right, whether in kings or nobles, were not exalted, 
 studied to repress the insolence and oppression of the 
 nobles. He reminded them of the original equality 
 of men, and the ends for which some were raised 
 above others ; and he taught the people that they had 
 rights to preserve, as well as duties to perform.* With 
 respect to female government, he never moved any 
 question among his countrymen, nor attempted to gain 
 proselytes to his opinion. 
 
 Such, in substance, were the political sentiments 
 which were inculcated by our Reformer, and which 
 were more than once acted upon in Scotland during 
 his life. That in an age when the principles of poli- 
 tical liberty were only beginning to be understood, such 
 sentiments should have been regarded with a suspi- 
 cious eye by some of the learned who had not yet 
 thrown off common prejudices, and that they should 
 have exposed those who maintained them to a charge 
 of treason from despotical rulers and their numerous 
 satellites, is far from being matter of wonder. But it 
 must excite both surprise and indignation, to find 
 writers, in the present enlightened age, and under the 
 sunshine of British liberty (if our sun is not fast going 
 down), expressing their abhorrence of these principles, 
 and exhausting upon their authors all the invective 
 and virulence of the former Anti-monarcho-machi, and 
 advocates of passive obedience. They are essentially 
 the principles upon which the free constitution of Bri- 
 tain rests ; and the most obnoxious of them were re- 
 duced to practice at the memorable era of the Revolu- 
 tion, when the necessity of employing them was not 
 more urgent or unquestionable, than it was at the sus- 
 pension of the Queen Regent of Scotland, and the 
 subsequent sequestration of her daughter. 
 
 I have said essentially .• for I would not be under- 
 stood as meaning, that every proposition advanced by 
 Knox, on this subject, is expressed in the most guarded 
 and unexceptionable manner, or that all the cases in 
 which he was led to vindicate forcible resistance to 
 rulers, were such as rendered it necessary, and may 
 be pleaded as precedents in modern times. The poli- 
 tical doctrines maintained at that time received a tinc- 
 ture from the spirit of the age, and were accommodated 
 to a state of society and government comparatively 
 rude and unsettled. The checks which have since 
 been introduced into the constitution, and the influence 
 which public opinion, expressed by the organ of a free 
 press, has upon the conduct of rulers, are sufficient, in 
 ordinary cases, to restrain dangerous encroachments, 
 or to afford the means of correcting them in a peace- 
 able way ; and have thus happily superseded the neces- 
 sity of having recourse to those desperate but decisive 
 remedies which were formerly applied by an oppressed 
 and indignant people. But if ever the time come when 
 these principles shall be generally abjured or forgotten, 
 the extinction of the boasted liberty of Britain will not 
 be far off. 
 
 There are objections against our Reformer's political 
 principles which demand consideration, from the au- 
 thority to which they appeal, and the influence which 
 they may have on pious minds. 'The doctrine of re- 
 
 * The authorities for this statement of Knox's political 
 opinions will be found in Note XXXVI. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 81 
 
 sistance to civil rulers,' it is alleged, ' is repugnant to 
 the express directions of the New Testament, which 
 repeatedly enjoin Christians to be subject to "the 
 powers that be," and denounce damnation against such 
 as disobey or resist them on any pretext whatever. 
 With the literal and strict import of these precepts the 
 example of the primitive Christians agreed ; for even 
 after they became very numerous, so as to be capable 
 of opposing the government under which they lived, 
 they never attempted to shake off the authority of the 
 Roman emperors, or to employ force to protect them- 
 selves from the tyrannical persecutions to which they 
 were exposed. Besides, granting that it is lawful for 
 subjects to vindicate their civil rights and privileges 
 by resisting arbitrary rulers, to have recourse to forci- 
 ble measures for promoting Christianity, is diametri- 
 cally opposite to the genius of that religion, which 
 was propagated at first, and is still to be defended, 
 not by arms and violence, but by teaching and suffer- 
 ing.' 
 
 These objections are more specious than solid. The 
 directions and precepts on this subject, which are con- 
 tained in the New Testament, must not be stretched 
 beyond their evident scope and proper import. They 
 do not give greater power to Magistrates than they 
 formerly possessed, nor do they supersede any of the 
 rights or privileges to which subjects were entitled, by 
 the common law of nature, or by the particular statutes 
 of any country. The New Testament does not give 
 directions to communities respecting the original for- 
 mation or subsequent improvement of their civil con- 
 stitutions, nor prescribe the course which ought to be 
 pursued in certain extraordinary cases, when rulers 
 abuse the power with which they are invested, and 
 convert their legitimate authority into an engine of 
 despotism and oppression.* It supposes magistrates 
 to be acting within the proper line of their office, and 
 discharging its duties to the advantage of the society 
 over which they are placed. And it teaches Chris- 
 tians, that the liberty which Christ purchased, and to 
 the enjoyment of which they are called by the gospel, 
 does not exempt them from subjection and obedience 
 to civil authority, which is a divine ordinance for the 
 good of mankind ; that they are bound to obey existing 
 rulers, although they should be of a different religion 
 from themselves ; and that Christianity, so far from 
 setting them free from obligations to this or any other 
 relative duty, strengthens these obligations, and re- 
 quires them to discharge their duties for conscience- 
 sake, with fidelity, cheerfulness, patience, long-suffer- 
 ing, and singleness of heart. Viewed in this light, 
 nothing can be more reasonable in its own nature, or 
 more honourable to the Gospel, than the directions 
 which it gives on this subject ; and we must perceive 
 a peculiar propriety in the frequency and earnestness 
 with which they are urged, when we consider the 
 danger in which the primitive Christians were of sup- 
 posing, that they were liberated from the ordinary 
 restraints of the rest of mankind. But if we shall go 
 beyond this, and assert that the Scriptures have pro- 
 hibited resistance to rulers in every case, and that if 
 the great body of a nation consisting of Christians 
 shall attempt to curb the fury of their rulers, or de- 
 prive them of the power which they have grossly 
 abused, they are guilty of that crime against which the 
 
 * "Concedit auletn (says Melanchthon) Evangelium uti 
 legibus politicis cum ratione congruentibus. Imo si talis de- 
 fensio non esset concessa, transformaretur Erangelium in doc- 
 trinani politicam, et stabiliret infinitaiu tyraniiidera." Com- 
 ment, in Prov. xxiv. 21, 22. And again: "Non constituit 
 Evangelium novas politias, quare nee infinitam servitutem prae- 
 cepit." 2. Artie. Symbol. Nicen. sub quasst. Utrum armis 
 reprimendi sunt Tyranni? Tlais argument influeneed Luther 
 to retraet the unlimited condemnation of resistance which he 
 had formerly published, and to approve of the League of Smal- 
 cald. Sleicfan, Comment, lib. 8. Dean Milner seems to have 
 overlooked this fact in his statement of the political principles 
 of that Reformer. 
 
 apostle denounces damnation, we represent the benefi- 
 cent religion of Jesus as sanctioning despotism, and 
 entailing upon mankind all the evils of political bond- 
 age ; and we tread in the steps of those enemies to 
 Christianity, who, under the colour of paying a com- 
 pliment to its pacific, submissive, tolerating, and self- 
 denying maxims, have represented it as calculated to 
 produce a passive, servile spirit, and to extinguish 
 courage, patriotism, the love of civil liberty, the desire 
 of self-preservation, and every kind of disposition to 
 repel injuries, or to obtain the redress of the most in- 
 tolerable grievances. 
 
 The example of the primitive Christians is not bind- 
 ing upon others any farther than it is conformable to 
 the Scriptures; and the circumstances in which they 
 were placed were totally different from those of the 
 protestants in Scotland, and in other countries, at the 
 time of the Reformation. The Fathers often indulge 
 in oratorical exaggerations when speaking of the num- 
 bers of the Christians, nor is there any satisfactory 
 evidence that they ever approached near to a majority 
 of the Roman empire, during the time that they were 
 exposed to persecution. 
 
 " If thou mayest be made free, use it rather," says 
 the Apostle; a maxim which is applicable by just 
 analogy to political, as well as to domestic freedom. 
 The Christian religion natively tends to cherish and 
 diffuse a spirit favourable to civil liberty, and this in 
 its turn has the most happy influence upon Christia- 
 nity, which never flourished extensively, and for a long 
 period, in any country where despotism prevailed. It 
 must therefore be the duty of every Christian to exert 
 himself for the acquisition and defence of this invalu- 
 able blessing. Although Christianity ought not to be 
 propagated by force of arms; yet the external liberty 
 of professing it maybe vindicated in ihat way both 
 against foreign invaders and against domestic tyrants ; 
 and if the free exercise of their religion, or their right 
 to remove religious abuses, enter into the grounds of 
 the struggle which a nation maintains against oppres- 
 sive rulers, the cause becomes of vastly more import- 
 ance, its justice is more unquestionable, and it is still 
 more worthy not only of their prayers and petitions, 
 but of their blood and treasure, than if it had been 
 maintained solely for the purpose of securing their 
 fortunes, or of acquiring some mere worldly privilege. 
 And to those whose minds are not warped by preju- 
 dice, and who do not labour under a confusion of ideas 
 on the subject, it must surely appear paradoxical to 
 assert, that, while God has granted to subjects a right 
 to take the sword of just defence for securing objects 
 of a temporary and inferior nature, he has prohibited 
 them from using this remedy, and left them at the 
 mercy of every lawless despot, with respect to a con- 
 cern the most important of all, whether it be viewed 
 as relating to His own honour, or to the welfare of 
 mankind. 
 
 Those who judge of the propriety of any measure 
 from the success with which it is accompanied, will 
 be disposed to condemn the suspension of the Queen 
 Regent. Soon after this step was taken, the affairs 
 of the Congregation began to wear a gloomy aspect. 
 The messenger whom they had sent to Berwick to re- 
 ceive a remittance from the English court, was inler- 
 cepted on his return, and rifled of the treasure ; their 
 soldiers mutinied for want of pay ; they were repulsed 
 in a premature assault upon the fortifications of Leith, 
 and worsted in a skirmish with the French troops ; the 
 secret emissaries of the Regent were too successful 
 among them ; their numbers daily decreased ; and the 
 remainder, disunited, dispirited, and dismayed, came 
 to the resolution of abandoning Edinburgh on the 
 evening of the 5th of November, and retreated with 
 precipitation and disgrace to Stirling. 
 
 Amidst the universal dejection produced bv these 
 6 
 
82 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 disasters, the spirit of Knox remained unsubdued. 
 On the day after their arrival at Stirling, he mounted 
 the pulpit, and delivered a discourse, which had a 
 wonderful effect in rekindling the zeal and courage of 
 the Congregation. Their faces (he said) were con- 
 founded, their enemies triumphed, their hearts had 
 quaked for fear, and still remained oppressed with 
 sorrow and shame. What was the cause for which 
 God had thus dejected them? The situation of their 
 affairs required plain language, and he would use it. 
 In the present distressed state of their minds, they 
 were in danger of attributing these misfortunes to a 
 wrong cause, and of imagining that they had offended 
 in taking the sword of self-defence into their hands; 
 just as the tribes of Israel did, when twice discomfited 
 in the war which they undertook, by divine direction, 
 against their brethren the Benjamites. Having divided 
 the Congregation into two classes, those who had been 
 embarked in this cause from the beginning, and those 
 who had lately acceded to it, he proceeded to point out 
 what he considered as blameable in the conduct of each. 
 The former (he said) had laid aside that humility and 
 dependence upon divine providence which they had 
 discovered when their number was small, and, since 
 they were joined by the Hamiltons, had become elated, 
 secure, and self-confident. " But wherein had my 
 Lord Duke and his friends offended? I am uncertain 
 if my Lord's Grace has unfeignedly repented of his 
 assistance to these murderers, unjustly pursuing us. 
 Yea, I am uncertain if he has repented of that innocent 
 blood of Christ's blessed martyrs, which was shed in 
 his default. But let it be that so he has done, (as I 
 hear that he has confessed his fault before the Lords 
 and brethren of the Congregation) ; yet I am assured 
 that neither he, nor yet his friends did feel before this 
 time the anguish and grief of heart which we felt, 
 when in their blind fury they pursued us. And there- 
 fore God hath justly permitted both them and us to 
 fall in this fearful confusion at once ; us, for that we 
 put our trust and confidence in man, and them, because 
 they should feel in their own hearts how bitter was 
 the cup which they made others drink before them." 
 After exhorting all to amendment of life, to prayers, 
 and works of charity, he concluded with an animating 
 address. God (he said) often suffered the wicked to 
 triumph for a while, and exposed his chosen congrega- 
 tion to mockery, dangers, and apparent destruction, in 
 order to abase their self-confidence, and induce them 
 to look to Him for deliverance and victory. If they 
 turned unfeignedly to the Eternal, he no more doubted 
 that their present distress would be converted into joy, 
 and followed by success, than he doubted that Israel 
 was finally victorious over the Benjamites, after being 
 twice repulsed with ignominy. The cause in which 
 they were engaged would, in spite of all opposition, 
 prevail in Scotland. It was the eternal truth of the 
 eternal God which they maintained ; it might be op- 
 pressed for a time, but would ultimately triumph.* 
 
 The audience, who had entered the church in deep 
 despondency, left it with renovated courage. In the 
 afternoon the council met, and, after prayer by the 
 Reformer, unanimously agreed to despatch William 
 Maitland of Lethington to London, to supplicate more 
 effectual assistance from Elizabeth. In the mean time, 
 as they were unable to keep the field, it was agreed 
 that they should divide, and that the one half of the 
 council should remain at Glasgow, and the other at 
 St. Andrews. Knox was appointed to attend the latter 
 in the double capacity of preacher and secretary. The 
 French having, in Ihe beginning the year 1560, pene- 
 trated into Fife, he encouraged that small band, which, 
 under the Earl of Arran and the Prior of St. Andrews, 
 bravely resisted their progress, until the appearance 
 
 » Knox has preserved in his history, (p. 194 — 197.) the prin- 
 cipal topics on which he insisted in this sermon, which liavc 
 been highly praised both by Buchanan and Robertson. 
 
 of the English fleet obliged them to retreat with pre- 
 cipitation.* 
 
 The disaster which obliged the protestant army to 
 raise the siege of Leith, and to evacuate Edinburgh, 
 turned out eventually to the advantage of their cause. 
 It induced the English court to abandon the line of 
 cautious policy which they had hitherto pursued. 
 Maitland's embassy to London was successful ; and, 
 on the 27th of February 1560, Elizabeth concluded a 
 formal treaty with the Lords of the Congregation, by 
 which she engaged to send an army into Scotland, to 
 assist them in expelling the French forces. Being 
 informed of this treaty, the Queen Regent resolved to 
 disperse the troops which were collected at Glasgow 
 under the Duke of Chastelherault, before the English 
 army could arrive. On the 7th of March, the French, 
 to the number of two thousand foot, and three hundred 
 horse, issued from Leith, and, proceeding by Linlith- 
 gow and Kirkintilloch, suddenly appeared before Glas- 
 gow. The Duke having retired with his retinue at 
 their approach, they reduced the episcopal Castle, and 
 prepared to advance to Hamilton. But having re- 
 ceived a message from the Queen Regent that the 
 English auxiliary army had begun its march into Scot- 
 land, they relinquished their design, and returned to 
 Leith, carrying along with them a number of prison- 
 ers, and a considerable booty.f In the beginning of 
 April, the English army joined the forces of the Con- 
 gregation. The French shut themselves up within 
 the fortifications of Leith, which were invested both 
 by sea and land. And the Queen Regent, who was 
 in a declining state of health, was received by Lord 
 Erskine into the Castle of Edinburgh, where she died 
 during the siege of Leith. 
 
 These proceedings were viewed with deep interest 
 by the court of France. Henry II. having died in 
 July 1559, was succeeded by Francis II. the husband 
 of the young Queen of Scots, and the administration 
 of affairs consequently fell wholly into the hands of 
 the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorrain. They 
 employed every art of political intrigue to prevent 
 Elizabeth from giving assistance to the Scottish Con- 
 gregation, and to prevail on her to desert them, after 
 she had undertaken their protection. Nor were they 
 altogether unsuccessful in their attempts. For the 
 English Queen, partly from her extreme caution and 
 parsimony, and partly from the influence of some of 
 her counsellors, was induced to listen to their plausi- 
 ble proposals ; she delayed the march of her army into 
 Scotland, and even after they had undertaken the siege 
 of Leith, she suspended the military operations, and 
 engaged in premature negociations for peace. This 
 last step justly alarmed the Congregation, and while 
 they neglected no means to persuade the English 
 court to perform the stipulations of the late treaty, 
 they prepared for the worst, by renewing their cove- 
 nant among themselves. Elizabeth at last listened to 
 the advice of her ablest counsellors, and resolved to 
 prosecute the war with vigour. No sooner did she 
 evince this determination than the French court yielded 
 to all her demands. The armament which they had 
 formerly fitted out at great expence for Scotland had 
 been dispersed by a storm; the Frith of Forth was 
 blocked up by an English fleet; and a confederacy 
 had been formed among a number of the French nobi- 
 lity, to remove the princes of Lorrain from the admin- 
 istration of public affairs, and to free the protestants 
 in that kingdom from the severe persecutions to which 
 
 » Knox, Historic, p. 197, 201. 215. Spottiswood, p. 140. 
 MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 19—22. 
 
 + A particular account of this expedition is given in MS. 
 Historie of the Estate of Scotland from 1559 to 1566, p. 
 25 — 7. Lesley (p. 519.) refers to it obscurely. Spottiswood 
 (p. 140.) ana Keith (p. 110.) have confounded it with a 
 different expedition which was undertaken in November pre- 
 ceding. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 83 
 
 they had been hitherto exposed.* Influenced by these 
 circumstances, France sent plenipotentiaries to Edin- 
 burgh, who concluded a treaty with England, by which 
 the Scottish differences were also adjusted. By this 
 treaty it was provided, that the French troops should 
 immediately be removed from Scotland ; that an am- 
 nesty should be granted to all who had been engaged in 
 the late resistance to the Queen Regent ; that the prin- 
 cipal grievances of which they complained in the civil 
 administration should be redressed ; that a free parlia- 
 ment should be held to settle the other affairs of the 
 kingdom ; and that, during the absence of their sove- 
 reigns, the government should be administered by a 
 council to be chosen partly by Francis and Mary, and 
 partly by the estates of the nation. The treaty was 
 signed on the 7th of July; on the 16th, the French 
 troops were embarked at Leith, and the English army 
 began their march into their own country; and on 
 the 19th, the Congregation assembled in St. Giles's 
 church, and returned solemn thanks to God for the 
 restoration of peace, and the success which had crowned 
 their exertions.f In this manner terminated the civil 
 war which attended the Scottish Reformation, after it 
 had continued for twelve months, with less rancour 
 and bloodshed than have distinguished any other con- 
 test of a similar kind. 
 
 During the continuance of the war, the protestant 
 preachers had been assiduous in disseminating the 
 knowledge of the truth through all parts of the king- 
 dom. They had lately received a considerable acces- 
 sion to their number. While we venerate those men 
 who enlisted under the banners of truth when her 
 friends were few, and who boldly took the field in her 
 defence when the victory was dubious and distant, 
 and while we cheerfully award to them the highest 
 meed of praise, let us not load with heavy censure, or 
 even deprive of all praise, such as, less enlightened or 
 less courageous, were more tardy in their appearances 
 in behalf of this cause, in the dawn of light, and in 
 perilous times. He who " knew what is in man" 
 did not reject such disciples. Nicodemus, who at first 
 "came to Jesus by night," and Joseph of Arimathea, 
 who was his disciple, " but secretly for fear of the 
 Jews," afterwards avouched their faith in him, and 
 obtained the honour of embalming and interring his 
 body, when all his early followers had forsaken him 
 and fled. Several of the Scottish clergy who were 
 favourable to the protestant doctrine had contrived to 
 retain their places in the church, by concealing their 
 sentiments, or through the favour of some powerful 
 patron. Of this number were John Winram, sub-prior 
 of the Abbey of St. Andrews, Adam Herriot, a friar 
 of that Abbey, John Spottiswood, parson of^ C alder, 
 and John Carsewell, rector of Kilmartine. In the 
 gradual diffusion of knowledge through the nation, the 
 minds of many who were attending the schools had 
 been also enlightened ; among whom were David Lind- 
 say, William Christison, Andrew Hay, Robert Mont- 
 gomery, Patrick Adamson, and Archibald Hamilton. 
 During the year 1559, these men came forward as 
 auxiliaries to the first protestant preachers ; and so 
 successful were they in instructing the people, that 
 even though the French had proved victorious in the 
 military contest, they would have found it extremely 
 difficult to support the ancient superstition. 
 
 On the other hand, the exertions of the popish 
 clergy had been feeble in the extreme. Too corrupt 
 to think of reforming their manners, too illiterate to 
 be capable of defending their errors, they placed their 
 forlorn hope on the success of the French arms, and 
 
 * Those who wish to see a particular account of the nego- 
 ciations between F'rance and England, and of the motives 
 which inrtuenced both courts in their conduct towards Scot- 
 land, may consult the Letters published b}' Forbes and Haynes, 
 particularly from November 1559 to July 1560. 
 
 t Buchanan! Oper. i. 313. Knox, 229—234. Spottiswood, 
 p. 147—9. Keith, p. 130—145. 
 
 looked forward to the issue of the war as involving 
 the establishment or the ruin of their religion. The 
 bishop of Amiens, who came into Scotland in the 
 double capacity of ambassador from the French court 
 and of papal legate, was accompanied by three doctors 
 of the Sorbonne, who gave out that they would con- 
 found the reformed ministers, and bring back the peo- 
 ple whom they had misled to the bosom of the church, 
 by the force of argument and persuasion. Lesley 
 boasts of the success which attended their exertions ; 
 but there is good reason for thinking, that these foreign 
 divines confined themselves to the easier task of in- 
 structing the Scottish clergy to perform the religious 
 service with greater solemnity, and to purify the 
 churches, in a canonical manner, from the pollution 
 which they had contracted from the profane worship 
 of heretics.* One attempt, however, was made by 
 the popish clergy to support their sinking cause, which, 
 if it had succeeded, would have done more to retrieve 
 their reputation than all the arguments of the Sorbo- 
 nists. As this was the last attempt of the kind that 
 ever was made in Scotland, the reader may be gratified 
 with the following account of it. 
 
 In the neighbourhood of Musselburgh was a chapel 
 dedicated to our Lady of Loretto, the sanctity of which 
 was increased from its having been the favourite abode 
 of the celebrated Thomas the Hermit. To this sacred 
 place the inhabitants of Scotland, from time imme- 
 morial, had repaired in pilgrimage, to present their of- 
 ferings to the Virgin, and to experience the virtue of 
 her prayers ; and the healing power of the wonder- 
 working " Hermit of Lareit.'*f In the course of the 
 year 1559, public notice was given by the friars, that 
 they intended to put the truth of their religion lo the 
 proof, by performing a miracle at the chapel of Loretto 
 upon a young man who had been born blind. On the 
 day appointed, a vast concourse of people assembled 
 from the three Lothians. The young man, accom- 
 panied with a solemn procession of monks, was con- 
 ducted to a scaffold, erected on the outside of the 
 chapel, and was exhibited to the multitude. Many of 
 them knew him to be the blind man whom they had 
 often seen begging, and whose necessities they had re- 
 lieved : all looked on him, and pronounced him stone 
 blind. The friars then proceeded to their devotions 
 with great fervency, invoking the assistance of the 
 Virgin, at whose shrine they stood, and of all the saints 
 whom they honoured ; and after some time spent in 
 prayers and religious ceremonies, the blind man open- 
 ed his eyes, to the astonishment of the spectators. 
 Having returned thanks to the friars and their saintly 
 patrons for this wonderful cure, he was allowed to go 
 down from the scaffold, to gratify the curiosity of the 
 people, and to receive their alms. 
 
 It happened that there was among the crowd a 
 gentleman of Fife, Robert Colville of Cleish,^: who, 
 from his romantic bravery, was usually called Squire 
 Meldrum, in allusion to a person of that name who 
 had been celebrated by Sir David Lindsay. He was 
 of protestant principles, but his wife was a Roman 
 Catholic, and, being pregnant at this time, had sent a 
 servant with a present to the chapel of Loretto, to pro- 
 cure the assistance of the Virgin in her labour. The 
 Squire was too gallant to hurt his lady's feelings by 
 prohibiting the present from being sent off, but he 
 resolved to prevent the superstitious offering, and with 
 that view, had come to Musselburgh. He had wit- 
 nessed the miracle of curing the blind man with the 
 
 * Lesley, p. 516—7. Spottiswood, 133—4. Keith, 102. 
 Sadler says, that the bishop of Amiens came " to curse, and 
 also to dispute with the protestants, and to reconcile them, if 
 it wolbe." State Papers, i. 470. 
 
 f The Earl of Glencairn's satirical poem against the friars 
 is written in the form of an epistle from this nermil. Knox 
 Historie, p. 25. 
 
 \ He was the ancestor of Lord Colville of Ochiltree (Doug- 
 las's Peerage, p. 147); and was killed at the siege of Leith, ob 
 the 7th of May 1560. Knox, Historie, p. 227. 
 
84 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 distrust natural to a protestant, and he determined, if 
 possible, to detect the imposition before he left the 
 place. Wherefore, having sought out the young man 
 from the crowd, he put a piece of money of consider- 
 able value into his hand, and persuaded him to accom- 
 pany him to his lodgings in Edinburgh. Taking him 
 along vi^ith him into a private room, and locking the 
 door, he told him plainly that he was convinced he 
 had engaged in a wicked conspiracy with the friars to 
 impose on the credulity of the people, and at last drew 
 from him the secret of the story. When a boy, he 
 had been employed to tend the cattle belonging to the 
 nuns ofSciennes, in the vicinity of Edinburgh, and 
 had attracted their attention by a peculiar faculty 
 which he had of turning up the white of his eyes, and 
 of keeping them in this position, so as to appear quite 
 blind. This being reported to some of the friars in 
 the city, they immediately conceived the design of 
 making him subservient to their purposes; and having 
 prevailed on the sisters of Sciennes to part with the 
 poor boy, lodged him in one of their cells. By daily 
 practising, he became an adept in the art of counter- 
 feiting blindness; and after he had remained so long 
 in concealment as not to be recognized by his former 
 acquaintances, he was sent forth to beg as a blind 
 pauper; the friars having previously bound him, by a 
 solemn vow, not to reveal the secret. To confirm his 
 narrative, he "played his pavie" before CI eish, by 
 "flypingup the lid of his eyes and casting up the 
 white," so as to appear as blind as he did on the 
 scaffold at Loretto. The gentleman laid before him 
 the iniquity of his conduct, and told him that he must 
 next day repeat the whole story publicly at the Cross 
 of Edinburgh; and as this would expose him to the 
 vengeance of the friars, he engaged to become his 
 protector, and to retain him as a servant in his house. 
 The young man complied with his directions, and 
 Cleish, with his drawn sword in his hand, having 
 stood by him till he had finished his confession, placed 
 him on the same horse with himself, and carried him 
 off to Fife. The detection of this imposture was quick- 
 ly published through the country, and covered the 
 friars with confusion. My author does not say whe- 
 ther it cured Lady Cleish of her superstition, but I 
 shall afterwards have occasion to notice its influence 
 in opening the eyes of one who became a distinguished 
 promoter of the Reformation.* 
 
 The treaty which put an end to the civil war in 
 Scotland, made no particular settlement respecting the 
 religious differences, f but it was, on that very account, 
 the more fatal to popery. The proteslants were left 
 in the possession of authority; and they were now by 
 far the most powerful party in the nation, both in rank 
 and in numbers. Excepting those places which had 
 been occupied by the Queen Regent and her foreign 
 auxiliaries, the Roman Catholic worship "was almost 
 universally deserted throughout the kingdom, and no 
 provision was made in the treaty for its restoration. 
 The firm hold which it once had of the opinions and 
 affections of the people was completely loosened ; it 
 was supported by force alone ; and the moment that the 
 French troops embarked, that fabric, which had stood 
 
 * Row's MS. Historic of the Kirk, p. 356. of a copy tran- 
 scribed in 1726. An account of this pretended miracle and 
 its detection, probably taken from the above MS. will be found 
 iii_ the Weekly Magazine for June 1772, and also in Scott's 
 History of the Scottish Reformers, p. 159. 
 
 + The English ambassadors, in a letter to Elizabeth, gay: 
 "Two thinig's have bene to whott [too hotj for the French too 
 meddle withal; and therefore they be passed, and left as they 
 found them. The first is the matter of religion, which is here 
 as freely, and rather more earnestly (a< I the Secretary thynk) 
 feceaved than in England: a hard thing now to alter, as it is 
 planted." Hayncs, p. 352. Dr. Wotton, Dean of Windsor, 
 and Secretary Cecil are the subscribers of this letter; but as 
 it would rather have been too much for the Dean to say that 
 religion wag more earnestly received in Scotland than in Eng- 
 land, the Secretary alone vouches for that fact. 
 
 for ages in Scotland, fell to the ground. Its feehle 
 and dismayed priests ceased, of their own accord, from 
 the celebration of its rites : and the reformed service 
 was peaceably set up, wherever ministers could be 
 found to perform it. The parliament, when it met in 
 August, entered upon the consideration of the state of 
 religion, as one of the points, undecided by the com- 
 missioners, which had been left to them ;* and they 
 had little else to do but to sanction what the nation 
 had previously done, by legally abolishing the popish, 
 and establishing the protestant religion. 
 
 When the circumstances in which they were assem- 
 bled, and the affairs on which they were called to 
 deliberate are taken into consideration, this must be 
 regarded as the most important meeting of the Estates 
 that had been ever held in Scotland. It engrossed the 
 attention of the nation, and the eyes of all Europe 
 were fixed on its proceedings. The parliament met 
 on the 10th of July, but, agreeably to the terms of the 
 treaty, it was prorogued, without entering on business, 
 until the first day of August. Although a great con- 
 course of people resorted to Edinburgh on that occa- 
 sion, 3'et no tumult or disturbance of the public peace 
 occurred. Many of the lords, both spiritual and tem- 
 poral, who were attached to popery, absented them- 
 selves; but the chief patrons of the old religion, as the 
 archbishop of St. Andrews, and the bishops of Dun- 
 blane and Dunkeld, countenanced the assembly by 
 their presence, and were allowed to act with freedom 
 as lords of parliament. There is one fact in the con- 
 stitution and proceedings of this parliament which 
 strikingly illustrates the influence of the Reformation 
 upon political liberty. In the reign of James I. the 
 lesser barons had been exempted from personal attend- 
 ance on parliament, and permitted to elect representa- 
 tives in their different shires. But a privilege which 
 in modern times is so eagerly coveted was then so 
 little prized, that, except in a few instances, no repre- 
 sentatives from the shires had appeared in parliament,f 
 and the lesser barons had almost forfeited their right 
 by neglecting to exercise it. At this time, however, 
 they assembled at Edinburgh, and agreed upon a peti- 
 tion to the parliament, claiming to be restored to their 
 ancient privilege of sitting and voting in that assem- 
 bly. The petition was granted, and in consequence 
 of it about a hundred gentlemen took their seats. :|: 
 
 The business of religion was brought under the 
 consideration of parliament in consequence of a peti- 
 tion presented by a number of protestants of different 
 ranks, in which, after rehearsing their former endea- 
 vours to procure the reformation of the corruptions 
 which had infected the church, they requested them 
 to use the power which Providence had now put into 
 their hands for effecting this great and urgent work. 
 They craved three things in general, that the anti- 
 christian doctrine maintained in the popish church 
 should be discarded; that means should be used to 
 restore purity of worship, and of primitive discipline; 
 and that the ecclesiastical revenues which had been 
 engrossed by a corrupt and indolent hierarchy, should 
 be applied to the support of an useful ministry, to the 
 promotion of learning, and the relief of the poor. They 
 declared, that they were ready to substantiate the jus- 
 tice of all these demands; and, in particular, to prove, 
 that those who arrogated to themselves the name of 
 clergy were destitute of all right to be accounted 
 
 • By one of the articles of the treaty, the Parliament, after 
 agreeing upon such things as they thought necessary to be 
 done for the reformation of religion, were to send deputies 
 into France to represent them to their Majesties. Knox, His- 
 torie, p. 234. Spottiswood, p. 149. 
 
 t Robertson's Hist, of Scotland, B. i. Keith, p. 147—8. 
 
 \ Act. Pari. Scot. p. 525—6. Keith, 146—7. Robertson, i. 
 Append. No. iv. In the list of members in this parliament, 
 the names of the lesser barons, or gentlemen of the shire, are 
 inserted after those of the commissioners of boroughs; the roll 
 having been made up previous to the admission of the former. 
 Act Pari. Scot, ut lup. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 85 
 
 ministers of religion, and tliat, from the tyranny whicii 
 they had exercised, and their vassalage to the court of 
 Rome, they could not be safely tolerated, and far less 
 intrusted with power, in a reformed commonwealth.* 
 
 In answer to the first demand, the parliament re- 
 quired the reformed ministers to draw up and lay 
 before them a summary of doctrine which they could 
 prove to be consonant with the scriptures, and which 
 they desired to have established. The ministers were 
 not unprepared for the task; and in the course of four 
 days, they presented a Confession of Faith, as the 
 product of their joint labours, and an expression of 
 their unanimous judgment. It agreed with the Con- 
 fessions which had been published by other reformed 
 churches. It professed belief in the common articles 
 of Christianity respecting the divine nature, the trinity, 
 the creation of the world, the origin of evil, and the 
 person of the Saviour, which were retained by the Ca- 
 tholic church, in opposition to the errors broached by 
 ancient heretics. On the different points in controversy 
 between the papists and protestants, it condemned not 
 only the idolatrous and superstitious tenets of the 
 church of Rome, but also its gross depravation of the 
 doctrine of scripture respecting the slate of fallen man, 
 and the method of his recovery. It declared that by 
 " original sin was the image of God defacit in man, 
 and he and his posteritie of nature become enemies to 
 God, slaifis to Sathan, and servandis to sin :" That 
 "all our saluatioun springs fra the eternall and immu- 
 tabill decre of God, quha of meir grace electit us in 
 Christ Jesus his Sone, before the foundatione of the 
 warld was laid :" That it behoves us " to apprehend 
 Christ Jesus, with his justice and satisfactioun, quha 
 is the end and accomplischement of the law, be quhome 
 we ar set at this libertie, that the cursse and maledic- 
 tioun of God fall not upon us:" That "as God the 
 Father creatit us quhan we war not, as his Sone our 
 Lord Jesus redemit us quhan we war enemeis to him, 
 sa alswa the Haly Gaist dois sanctifie and regenerat 
 us, without all respect of ony merite proceeding fra 
 us, be it befoir or be it efter our regeneratioun ; to 
 speik this ane thing yit in mair plaine wordis, as we 
 willinglie spoyl? ourselfis of all honour and gloir of 
 our awin creatioun and redemptioun, sa do we alswa 
 of our regeneratioun and sanctificatioun : for of our 
 selfis we ar not sifficient to think ane gude thocht, bot 
 he quha hes begun the wark in us is onlie he thatcon- 
 tinewis us in the same, to the praise and glorie of his 
 undeseruit grace :" In fine, that, although good works 
 proceed " not from our fre-will, but the Spirit of the 
 Lord Jesus," and although those that boast of the 
 merit of their own works, " boist them selfis of that 
 quhilk is nocht," yet "blasphemie it is ro say, that 
 Christ abydis in the hartis of sic as in quhome thair is 
 no Spirite of sanctificatioun; — and all wirkers ofini- 
 quitie have nouther trew faith, nouther ony portioun 
 of the Spirite of the Lord Jesus, sa lang as obslinatlie 
 they continew in thair wickitnes."]- 
 
 The Confession was read first before the Lords of 
 Articles, and afterwards before the whole parliament. 
 The protestant ministers attended in the house to de- 
 fend it, if attacked, and to give satisfaction to the 
 members respecting any point which might appear 
 dubious. Those who had objections to it were form- 
 ally required to state them. And the farther consider- 
 ation of it was adjourned to a subsequent day, that 
 none might pretend that an undue advantage had been 
 taken, or that a matter of such importance had been 
 concluded precipitately. On the 17th of August, the 
 parliament resumed the subject, and previous to the 
 vote, the Confession was again read, article by article.:): 
 "The bischopis spak nothing."j| The Earl of Athole, 
 
 * Knox, Histoiit^, p. 237—3. 
 
 f Act. Pari. Si'ot. p. 526—534. Knox, Historic, p. 240— 
 253. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 21—98. 
 
 .| In Knox's Hislorie, " the 17th day of July" is printed, by 
 mistake, instead of the 17th oi August. 
 
 II Keith is at a great loss to account for, and excuse, the 
 
 and Lords Somerville and Borthwick were the only 
 persons of the temporal estate who voted in the nega- 
 tive, assigning this reason, We will beleve as our fore- 
 fatheris belevit,* After the vote establishing the Con- 
 fession, the Earl Marischal made a speech, in which 
 he declared, that the silence of the clergy that day had 
 confirmed him in his belief of the truth of the protes- 
 tant doctrine ; and he protested that if any of the eccle- 
 siastical estate should afterwards oppose the Confes- 
 sion now received, they should be entitled to no credit, 
 seeing, after full knowledge of it, and ample time for 
 deliberation, they had allowed it to pass without the 
 smallest opposition or contradiction. f On the 24th 
 of August, the parliament abolished the papal jurisdic- 
 tion, prohibited under certain penalties the celebration 
 of mass, and rescinded all the laws formerly made in 
 support of the Roman Catholic church, and against the 
 reformed religion. + 
 
 Thus did the reformed religion advance in Scotland, 
 from small beginnings, and amidst great opposition, 
 until it attained a parliamentary establishment. Be- 
 sides the influence of Heaven which secretly accom- 
 panied the labours of the preachers and confessors of 
 the truth, the serious and inquisitive reader will trace 
 the hand of Providence in that concatenation of event 
 which contributed to its rise, preservation, and increase ; 
 in the over-ruling of the caprice, the ambition, the 
 avarice, and the interested policy of princes and cabi- 
 nets, many of whom had nothing less in view than to 
 favour that cause, which they were so instrumental in 
 promoting. 
 
 The breach of Henry VIII. of England with the 
 Romish See, awakened the attention of the inhabitants 
 of the northern part of the island to a controversy 
 which had formerly been carried on at too great a dis- 
 tance to interest them, and led not a few to desire a 
 reformation more improved than the model which that 
 monarch had held out to them. The premature death 
 of James V. of Scotland saved the Reformers from 
 destruction. And during the short period in which 
 they received the countenance of civil authority, at the 
 commencement of Arran's regency, the seeds of the 
 reformed doctrine were so widely spread, and had taken 
 such deep root, as to be able to resist the violent mea- 
 sures which the Regent, after his recantation, employ- 
 ed to extirpate them. Those who were driven from 
 the country by persecution found an asylum in Eng- 
 land, under the decidedly protestant government of 
 Edward VI. After his death, the alliance of England 
 with Spain, and of Scotland with France, the two 
 great contending powers on the continent, prevented 
 any concert between the two courts, which might 
 have proved fatal to the protestant religion in Britain. 
 While the cruelties of the English Queen drove preach- 
 ers into Scotland, the political schemes of the Queen 
 Regent induced her to favour the protestants, and to 
 connive at the propagation of their opinions. At the 
 critical moment when she had accomplished her 
 favourite designs, and was prepared to crush the Re- 
 formation, Elizabeth ascended the throne of England, 
 who was induced, by political no less than religious 
 considerations, to support the Scottish reformers. The 
 French court were equally bent on their suppression, 
 and, having lately concluded peace with Spain, were 
 preparing to turn the whole force of the kingdom 
 against them ; but at this very time, those intestine 
 dissentions, which continued so long to desolate France, 
 broke out, and forced them to accede to that treaty, 
 which put an end to the French influence, and the 
 Roman Catholic religion, in Scotland. 
 
 silence of the popish clergy (to whom he is almost uniformly 
 partial); and he found himself obliged to retract one apology 
 which he had made for them, viz. that they were deterred 
 from speaking by the threatenings of their opponents. His- 
 tory, p. 149, 150, 488, note (a). 
 
 * Knox, Historie, p. 253. + Ibid. 
 
 I Act Pari. Scot. p. 534—5. Knox, Historie, p. 254. 
 
88 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 PERIOD VII. 
 
 From Aug-ust 1560, when he was settled as Minister of Edin- 
 burgh, at the establishment of the Reformation, to Decem- 
 ber 1563, when he was acquitted from a charge of treason. 
 
 In appointing the protestant ministers to particular sta- 
 tions throughout the kingdom, a measure which engaged 
 the attention of the council immediately after the conclu- 
 sion of the civil war, the temporary arrangements that 
 had been formerly made were in general confirmed, and 
 our Reformer resumed his charge as minister of Edin- 
 burgh.* He returned to that city in the end of April, | 
 and continued to preach there during the siege of Leith, 
 and during the negociations which terminated in a peace. 
 
 Although the Parliament had abolished the papal 
 jurisdiction and worship, and ratified the protestant 
 doctrine, as laid down in the Confession of Faith, the 
 reformed church was not yet completely organized in 
 Scotland. Hitherto the Book of Common Order, used 
 by the English church at Geneva, had been generally 
 followed as the rule of public worship and discipline. 
 But this having been compiled for the use of a single 
 congregation, composed, too, chiefly of men of educa- 
 tion, was found inadequate for an extensive church, 
 consisting of a multitude of confederated congrega- 
 tions. Our reformers were anxious to provide the 
 means of religious instruction to the whole people in 
 the kingdom ; but they were very far from approving 
 of the promiscuous admission of persons of all descrip- 
 tions to the peculiar privileges of the church of Christ. 
 From the beginning, they were sensible of the great 
 importance of ecclesiastical discipline, to the prosper- 
 ity of religion, to the maintenance of order, and the 
 preservation of pure doctrine and morals. In the peti- 
 tion presented to Parliament in August, the restoration 
 of this was specially requested.:}: And Knox, who 
 had observed the great advantages which attended the 
 observance of a strict discipline at Geneva, and the 
 manifold evils which resulted from the want of it in 
 England, insisted very particularly on this topic, in 
 the discourses which he delivered from the book of 
 Haggai during the sitting of Parliament.|| The diffi- 
 culties which the reformed ministers had to surmount, 
 before they could accomplish this great object, began 
 to present themselves at this early stage of their pro- 
 gress. When it is considered, that Calvin was sub- 
 jected to a sentence ot banishment from the senate of 
 Gfeneva, and exposed to the rage of a popular tumult, 
 before he could prevail on the citizens to submit to 
 ecclesiastical discipline,§ we need not be surprised at 
 
 * Knox, Historie, p. 236. 
 
 + Records of Town Council, May 8, 1560. 
 
 i Knox, Historie, p. 238. || Ibid. p. 237. 
 
 } Beza. Vita Calvini. Melchior. Adami Vitae Exter. Theo- 
 \og. p. 70, 88. After the Senate had made a decree which 
 subverted the discipline of the church, Calvin, in the course 
 of a sermon which he delivered before the dispensation of the 
 Supper, lifted up his hand, and said, " I will die sooner than 
 this hand shall reach the symbols of the Lord's body to any 
 one who has been found a despiser of God:'' which worcfs 
 struck such an awe on the minds of the persons who had been 
 absolved by the senate from the sentence of the churcb-court, 
 that none of them ventured to approach the table. Persons 
 unfriendly to the government and discipline of the Reformed 
 churches have represented the opposition made to them, in 
 this and other instances, as arising from the attempts of the 
 reformers to have their discipline established by human laws, 
 and supported by civil penalties. But this is a complete mis- 
 representation of the case. " Neque enim consentaneum est 
 (says Calvin) ut qui monitionibus nostris obtemperare nolu- 
 erint, eos ad magistratum deferanius." Institut. Christ. Relig. 
 p. 434. Lugd. Batav. 1654. The proper question between him 
 and his opponents was. Whether ministers were obliged to 
 administer the sacraments to those whom they judged unwor- 
 thy? Or, (which amounted to the same thing) Whether the 
 decisions of the church-court in such matters were to be re- 
 viewed and reversed by the civil court? Melch. Adam, ut 
 supra. And this will be found to have been the true state of 
 the question, in the greater part of the dissentions between the 
 church and the court in Scotland, after the establishment of 
 the Refomiation. 
 
 the opposition which our reformers met with in their 
 endeavours to introduce this into Scotland. Knox's 
 warm exhortations on this head were at first disre- 
 garded, and his plan of church-polity derided as a de- 
 vout imagination, by some of the professors of the 
 reformed doctrine.* And the Parliament dissolved 
 without adopting any measure relative to this matter. 
 
 As the ministers, however, continued to urge the 
 subject, and as the reasonableness of their demands 
 could not be denied, the Privy Council, soon after the 
 dissolution of the Parliament, gave a commission to 
 Knox, and four other ministers, who had formerly been 
 employed along with him in composing the Confes- 
 sion, to draw up a plan of ecclesiastical government.^ 
 They immediately set about this task, with a diligence 
 and care proportioned to their convictions of its im- 
 portance. They " took not their example (says Row) 
 from any kirk in the world, no, not from Geneva ;" 
 but drew their plan from the sacred scriptures. Hav- 
 ing arranged the subject under different heads, they 
 divided these among them ; and, after they had finished 
 their several parts, they met together, and examined 
 them with great attention, spending much time in read- 
 ing and meditation on the subject, and in earnest 
 prayers for divine direction. When they had drawn 
 up the whole in form, they laid it before the General 
 Assembly, by whom it was approved, after they had 
 caused some of its articles to be abridged.:}: It was 
 also submitted to the Privy Council. But although 
 many of the members highly approved of the plan, it 
 was warmly opposed by others. This opposition did 
 not arise from any difference of sentiment between them 
 and the ministers respecting ecclesiastical government, 
 but partly from aversion to the strict discipline which 
 it appointed to be exercised against vice, and partly 
 from reluctance to comply with its requisition for the 
 appropriation of the revenues of the popish church to 
 the support of the new religious and literary establish- 
 ments. Though not formally ratified by the Council, 
 it was, however, subscribed by the greater part of the 
 members ;|| and as the sources of prejudice against it 
 were well known, it was submitted to the nation, and 
 carried into effect in all its principal ecclesiastical 
 regulations. § It is known in history by the name of 
 the Book of Policy, or First Book of Discipline. 
 
 Considering the activity of Knox in constructing and 
 recommending this platform, and the importance of the 
 subject in itself, it cannot be altogether foreign to our 
 object, to take a view of the form and order of the pro- 
 testant church of Scotland, as delineated in the Book 
 of Discipline, and in other authentic documents of that 
 period. 
 
 The ordinary and permanent office-bearers of the 
 church were of four kinds : the minister or pastor, to 
 whom the preaching of the gospel and administration 
 
 * Knox, Historie, p. 237, 256. 
 
 f The names of the ministers who composed the Confession 
 of Faith, and the Book of Discipline, were John Winram, John 
 Spottiswood, John Douglas, John Row, and John Knox. Ibid. 
 p. 256. 
 
 i Row, MS. Historie of the Kirk, p. 12, 16, 17. It is most 
 probable that the meeting of Assembly by which the Book of 
 Discipline was approved, was that which Knox calls a conven- 
 tion, neld on the 5th of January 1561. Historie, p. 261. 295. 
 The first General Assembly appointed a meeting to be held nt 
 that time. Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 3. MS. Advocates' 
 Library. But there is no account of its proceedings in that, 
 or in any other register which I have had access to see. In 
 the copy of the First Book of Discipline, published (by Cal- 
 derwood, I believe,) anno 1621. p. 23, 70. and in Dunlop's Con- 
 fessions, ii. 517, 605, it is said that the order for compiling it 
 was given on the 29th of April 1560; and that it was finished 
 by them on the 20th May following. But as the civil war was 
 not then concluded, I have preferred the account which Knox 
 gives, that it was undertaken subsequent to the meeting of 
 parliament in August that year. Historie, p. 256. 
 
 II In Dunlop ii. 436. the approbation of it is styled an Act. 
 of Secret Council, 25th January 1560. t. e. 1561. 
 
 } Knox, Historie, p. 256, 257, 295, 296. Keith, 496, 497. 
 Dunlop, ii. 606—608. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 87 
 
 of the sacraments belonged ; the doctor or teacher, whose 
 province it was to interpret scripture, and confute errors 
 (including those who taught theology in schools and 
 universities) ; the ruling elder, who assisted the min- 
 ister in exercising ecclesiastical discipline and govern- 
 ment; and the deacon, who had the special over- 
 sight of the revenues of the church and the poor. 
 But besides these, it was found necessary, at this 
 time, to employ some persons in extraordinary and 
 temporary charges. As there was not a sufficient 
 number of ministers to supply the different parts of the 
 country, that the people might not be left altogether 
 destitute of public worship and instruction, certain 
 pious persons who had received a common education 
 were appointed to read the scriptures and the common 
 prayers. These were called readers. In large parishes, 
 persons of this description were also employed to re- 
 lieve the ministers from a part of the puolic service. 
 If they advanced in knowledge, they were encouraged 
 to add a few plain exhortations to the reading of the 
 scriptures. In this case they were called exhort ers ; 
 but they were examined and admitted, before entering 
 upon this employment. 
 
 The same cause gave rise to another temporary ex- 
 pedient. Instead of fixing all the ministers in particu- 
 lar charges, it was judged proper, after supplying the 
 principal towns, to assign to the rest the superintend- 
 ence of a large district, over which they were appointed 
 regularly to travel, for the purpose of preaching, of 
 planting churches, and inspecting the conduct of min- 
 isters, exhorters, and readers. These were called 
 superintendents. The number originally proposed was 
 ten ; but owing to the scarcity of proper persons, or 
 rather to the want of necessary funds, there were never 
 more than six appoinioi- The deficiency was sup- 
 plied by commissioners or visitors, appointed from time 
 to time by the General Assembly. 
 
 None were allowed to preach, or to administer the 
 sacraments, till they were regularly called to this em- 
 ployment. Persons were invested with the pastoral 
 office in the way of being freely elected by the people,* 
 examined by the ministers, and publicly admitted in 
 the presence of the congregation. On the day of ad- 
 mission, the minister who presided, after preaching a 
 sermon suited to the occasion, put a number of ques- 
 tions to the candidate, to satisfy the church as to his 
 soundness in the faith, his willingness to undertake 
 the charge, the purity of his motives, and his resolu- 
 tion to discharge the duties of the office with diligence 
 and fidelity. Satisfactory answers having been given 
 to these questions, and the people having signified 
 their adherence to their former choice, the person was 
 admitted and set apart by prayer, without the imposi- 
 tion of hands ;] and the service was concluded with 
 an exhortation, the singing of a psalm, and the pro- 
 nouncing of the blessing. Superintendents were ad- 
 mitted in the same way as other ministers.:^ The 
 affairs of each congregation were managed by the 
 minister, elders, and deacons, who constituted the 
 kirk-session, which met regularly once a-week, and 
 oftener if business required. There was a meeting 
 called the weekly exercise, or prophesying, held in every 
 considerable town, consisting of the ministers, exhort- 
 ers, and learned men in the vicinity, for expounding 
 the scripture. This was afterwards converted into the 
 presbytery or classical assembly. The superintendent 
 met with the ministers and delegated elders of his dis- 
 trict, twice a-year, in the provincial synod, which took 
 cognizance of ecclesiastical affairs within its bounds. 
 And the general assembly, which was composed of 
 ministers and elders commissioned from the different 
 parts of the kingdom, met twice, sometimes thrice in 
 
 » Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 524, 526, 545, 577, 638, 639. 
 
 I Dunlop, ii. 526. Imposition of hands was afterwards ap- 
 pointed to be used by the Second Book of Discipline. Ibid. 
 768—9. t Knox, Historie, p. 263—266. 
 
 a year, and attended to the interests of the national 
 church. 
 
 Public worship was conducted according to the 
 Book of Common Order, with a few variations adapted 
 to the state of Scotland. On Sabbath-days, the people 
 assembled twice for public worship ; and, to promote 
 the instruction of the ignorant, catechizing was sub- 
 stituted for preaching in the afternoon. In towns, 
 a sermon was regularly preached on one day of the 
 week besides Sabbath ; and on almost every day the 
 people had an opportunity of hearing public prayers 
 and the reading of the scriptures. Baptism was never 
 dispensed unless it was accompanied with preaching 
 or catechizing. The Lord's supper was administered 
 four times a year in towns, and there were ordinarily 
 two " ministrations," one at an early hour of the morn- 
 ing, and another later in the day. The sign of the 
 cross in baptizing, and kneeling at the Lord's table, 
 were condemned and laid aside; and anniversary holy- 
 days were wholly abolished.* We shall afterwards 
 have occasion to advert to the discipline under which 
 offenders were brought. 
 
 The compilers of the First Book of Discipline paid 
 particular attention to the state of education. They, 
 required that a school should be erected in every 
 parish, for the instruction of youth in the principles 
 of religion, grammar, and the Latin tongue. They 
 proposed that a college should be erected in every 
 " notable town," in which logic and rhetoric should 
 be taught along with the learned languages. They 
 seem to have had it in their eye to revive the system 
 adopted in some of the ancient republics, in which the 
 youth were considered as the property of the public 
 rather than of their parents, by obliging the nobility 
 and gentry to educate their children, and by providing, 
 at the public expense, for the education of the children 
 of the poor who discovered talents for learning. Their 
 regulations for the three national universities discover 
 an enlightened regard to the interests of literature, and 
 may suggest hints which deserve attention in the pre- 
 sent age.f If they were not reduced to practice, the 
 blame cannot be imputed to the reformed ministers, 
 but to those persons who, through avarice, defeated 
 the execution of their plans. 
 
 To carry these important measures into effect, per- 
 manent funds were requisite; and for these it was 
 natural to look to the patrimony of the church. The 
 popish clergy had been superseded, and excluded from 
 all religious services, by the alterations which the par- 
 liament had introduced; and, whatever provision it 
 was proper to allot for the individual incumbents dur- 
 ing life, it was unreasonable that they should continue 
 to enjoy the whole of the emoluments which were at- 
 tached to the offices for which they had been found 
 totally unfit. No successors could be appointed to 
 them; and there was not any individual, or class of 
 men in the nation, who could justly claim a title to 
 the rents of their benefices. The compilers of the 
 Book of Discipline, therefore, proposed that the patri- 
 mony of the church should be appropriated, in the first 
 instance, to the support of the new ecclesiastical esta- 
 blishment. Under this head they included the min- 
 istry, the schools, and the poor. For the ministers 
 they required that such " honest provision" should be 
 made, as would give "neither occasion of solicitude, 
 neither yet of insolencie and wantonnesse." In ordi- 
 nary cases, they thought that forty bolls of meal, and 
 twenty-six bolls of malt, with a reasonable sum of 
 money to purchase other necessary articles of provi- 
 sion for his family, was an adequate stipend for a 
 minister. To enable superintendents to defray the 
 extraordinary expenses of travelling in the discharge 
 of their duty, six chalders of bear, nine chalders of 
 meal, three chalders of oats, and six hundred merks in 
 
 * For an illustration of some of these facts, see A^ote 
 XXXVII. 
 
 t First Book of Discipline, chap. vii. Dunlop, ii. 547 — 561. 
 
88 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 money, were thought necessary as an annual stipend. 
 The salaries of professors were fixed from one to two 
 hundred pounds ; and the particular mode of support- 
 ing the poor was delayed, until means should be 
 adopted to suppress "stubborne and idle beggars," 
 and to ascertain the number of the really necessitous 
 in each parish. The stipends of ministers were to be 
 collected by the deacons from the tithes ; but all illegal 
 exactions were to be previously abolished, and mea- 
 sures taken to relieve the labourers of the ground from 
 the oppressive manner in which the tithes had been 
 gathered by the clergy, or by those to whom they had 
 farmed them. The revenues of bishopricks, and of 
 cathedral and collegiate churches, with the rents aris- 
 ing from the endowments to monasteries and other 
 religious foundations, were to be divided and appro- 
 priated to the support of the universities, or of the 
 churches within their bounds. 
 
 Nothing could be more unpalatable than doctrine of 
 this kind to a considerable number of the proleslant 
 nobility and gentry. They had for some time fixed a 
 covetous eye on the rich revenues of the popish clergy. 
 Some of them had seized upon the church-lands, or 
 retained the tithes in their own hands. Others had 
 taken long leases of them from the clergy for small 
 sums of money, and were anxious to have these pri- 
 vate bargains legalized. Hence their aversion to have 
 the Book of Discipline ratified ;* hence the poverty and 
 the complaints of the ministers, and the languishing 
 state of the universities. The Swiss Reformer, by his 
 eloquence and his firmness, enabled his countrymen to 
 gain a conquest over their avarice which was more 
 honourable to them than any of their other victories, 
 and prevailed on them to appropriate the whole reve- 
 nues of the popish establishment to the support of the 
 protestant church and seminaries of literature. f But 
 it was not so easy a matter to manage the numerous 
 and powerful barons of Scotland as it was to sway the 
 minds of the burgo-masters of Zurich. When we 
 consider, however, the extent of the establishments 
 proposed by our reformers, including the support of 
 the ministry, of parochial schools, of city colleges, and 
 of national universities, we cannot regard the demand 
 which they made on the funds devoted to the church 
 as extravagant or unreasonable. They shewed them- 
 selves disinterested by the moderate share which they 
 asked for themselves; and the worst that we can say 
 of their plan is, that it was worthy of a more enlight- 
 ened and liberal age, in which it might have met with 
 rulers more capable of appreciating its utility, and 
 better disposed to carry it into execution.:^ 
 
 It is peculiarly pleasing to observe the restoration 
 of religion and of letters going hand in hand, in our 
 native country. Every where, indeed, the Reforma- 
 tion had the most powerful influence, direct and remote, 
 on the general promotion of literature. It aroused the 
 human mind from the lethargy in which it had slum- 
 bered for ages, released it from the fetters of implicit 
 faith and blind obedience to human authority, and 
 stimulated it to the exertion of its powers in the search 
 of truth, it induced the learned to study with care 
 the original language in which the sacred books were 
 written ; and it diffused knowledge among the illiterate, 
 
 • Knox mentions Lord Erskine, (afterwards Earl of Mar) 
 as one of the chief iiobleaierj who refused to subscribe the dis- 
 cipline, and assigns two reasons for his refusal; first, "he hesa 
 very Jesabell to hi* wife," and second, " if the pure, the senilis, 
 ana ministry of the kirk, had thair awn, his kitcheine wald 
 want twa partes and niair of that quhiik he now injustly pos- 
 sesses." Historie, p. 256. My lady Mar's passion for niouey 
 was well known at that time, and is referred to in Lord Thirl- 
 stane's " Admonitioun to my Lord of Mar Regent," published 
 in Ancient Scottish Poems from Maitland MS. p. 164. Lond. 
 1786, 
 
 Nor, to content thy marrovj''s covatice, 
 Put not thyself in perrell for to pereis. 
 
 + Hess, Life of Zuingle, p. 201-207. Gerdes. i. 309. 
 t See Note XXXVIII 
 
 by laying open the scriptures, and calling upon all to 
 examine them for themselves. 'I'he unintelligible jar- 
 gon which had long infested the schools began to be 
 discarded. Controversies were now decided by ap- 
 peals to scripture and common sense ; and the disputes 
 which were eagerly maintained led to the improvement 
 of the art of reasoning, and a more rational method of 
 communicating knowledge. Superstition and credu- 
 lity being undermined, the spirit of inquiry was soon 
 directed to the discovery of the true laws of nature, as 
 well as the genuine doctrines of revelation. 
 
 In the south of Europe, the revival of letters pre- 
 ceded the reformation of religion, and materially facili- 
 tated its progress. In the north, this order was re- 
 versed ; and Scotland, in particular, must date the 
 origin of her literary acquirements from the first intro- 
 duction of the protestant opinions. As the one gained 
 ground, the other was brought forward. We have 
 already seen that the Greek language began to be 
 studied almost as soon as the light of Reformation 
 dawned upon this country ; and I have now to state 
 that the first school for teaching the Hebrew language 
 in Scotland was opened immediately after the estab- 
 lishment of the protestant church. Hebrew was one 
 of the branches of education appointed by the Book 
 of Discipline to be taught in the reformed seminaries, 
 and Providence had furnished a person who was well 
 qualified for that task which the incumbent professors 
 in the universities were totally unfit to undertake. 
 
 The person to whom I refer was John Row. After 
 finishing his education at St. Andrews, and practising 
 for some time as an advocate before the consistorial 
 court there, he had left the countr)^, about the year 
 1550, with the view of prosecuting his studies to 
 greater advantage on the continent. Within a short 
 time he received the degree of Doctor of Laws from 
 two Italian universities. He did not, however, confine 
 himself to one branch of study, but, improving the op- 
 portunity which he enjoyed, made himself master of 
 the Greek and Hebrew languages. His reputation as 
 a lawyer being high, the Scottish clergy employed him 
 as agent to manage some of their causes before the 
 court of Rome. This introduced him to the friendsliip 
 of Guide Ascanius Sforza, Cardinal of Sancta Flora, 
 and to the acquaintance of two sovereign Pontiffs, 
 Julius HI. and Paul IV. Had he remained in Italy, 
 it is highly probable that he would soon have attained 
 to honourable preferment in the church ; but having 
 lost his health, he determined in 1558 to return to his 
 native country. The reigning Pope had heard with 
 concern of the progress which the Reformation was 
 making in Scotland, and, as he had great confidence in 
 Row's talents, appointed him his nuncio, with instruc- 
 tions to use his utmost exertions to oppose the new 
 opinions. When he came home he endeavoured for 
 some time to discharge his commission, but despairing 
 of success, and foreseeing the confusions in which the 
 country was in danger of being involved, he resolved 
 on returning to Italy. From this resolution he was 
 diverted by the Prior of St. Andrews, who admired 
 his learning, and conceived good hopes from the can- 
 dour which he displayed in the management of religi- 
 ous controversy. His constancy was soon after shaken 
 by the discovery of the imposture which the clergy 
 attempted to practise at Musselburgh, and having held 
 some conferences with Knox, he became a convert to 
 the protestant faith. Upon the establishment of the 
 Reformation he was admitted minister of Perth, and, 
 at the recommendation of his brethren, began to give 
 lessons on the Hebrew language to young men who 
 were placed under his tuition.* 
 
 The interests of literature in Scotland were not a 
 little promoted at this time by the return of Buchanan 
 to his native country. That accomplished scholar. 
 
 • Row's MS. Historie ut sup^p. 308, 356, 372. See also 
 Note XXXIX. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 80 
 
 since his flight in 1538, had visited the most celebrated 
 seminaries on the continent, improved his stock of 
 learning, and given diiferent specimens of those talents 
 which, in the opinion of posterity as well as of his 
 contemporaries, have placed him indisputably at the 
 head of modern Latin poets. The reception which he 
 obtained from his countrymen evinced that they were 
 not incapable of estimating his merits; and the satis- 
 faction with which he spent the remainder of his life 
 among them, after he had enjoyed the society of the 
 most learned men in Europe, is a sufficient proof that 
 they had already made no inconsiderable advances in 
 the acquisition of polite literature.* 
 
 We are apt to form false and exaggerated notions 
 of the rudeness of our ancestors. Scotland was, in- 
 deed, at that period, as she is still at the present day, 
 behind many of the southern countries in the cultiva- 
 tion of some of the fine arts, and she was a stranger to 
 that refinement of manners which has oftener been a 
 concealment to vice than an ornament to virtue. Bat 
 that her inhabitants were " men unacquainted with the 
 pleasures of conversation, ignorant of arts and civility, 
 and corrupted beyond their usual rusticity by a dis- 
 mal fanaticism, which rendered them incapable of all 
 humanity or improvement,"! is an assertion which 
 argues either inexcusable ignorance or deplorable pre- 
 judice. Will this character apply to such men as 
 Buchanan, Knox, Row, Willock, Balnaves, Erskine, 
 Maitland, Glencairn, and James Stewart, not to name 
 many others ; men, who excelled in their respective 
 ranks and professions, who had received a liberal edu- 
 cation, travelled into foreign countries, conversed with 
 the best company, and, in addition to their acquaint- 
 ance with ancient learning, could speak the most polite 
 languages of modern Europe? Perhaps some of our 
 literati, who entertain such a diminutive idea of the 
 taste and learning of those times, might be surprised, 
 if they could be set down at the table of one of our 
 Scottish reformers, surrounded with a circle of his 
 children and pupils, where the conversation was all 
 carried on in French, and the chapter of the bible, at 
 family worship, was read by the boys in French, Latin, 
 Greek, and Hebrew. Perhaps they might have blushed, 
 if the book had been put into their hands, and they had 
 been required to perform a part of the exercises. It is 
 certain, however, that this was the common practice 
 in the house of John Row.:^: Nor was the improve- 
 ment of our native tongue neglected at that time. 
 David Ferguson, minister of Dunfermline, was much 
 celebrated for his attention to this branch of composi- 
 tion. He had not enjoyed the advantage of an univer- 
 sity education, but possessing a good taste and lively 
 imagination, was very successful in refining and en- 
 riching the Scottish language, by his discourses and 
 writings.|| 
 
 The first General Asse7nhly of the reformed church 
 of Scotland met at Edinburgh on the 20th of Decem- 
 ber 1560. It consisted of forty members, only six of 
 whom were ministers.§ Knox was one of these ; and 
 he continued to sit in most of the meetings of that 
 court until the time of his death. Its deliberations 
 were conducted at first with great simplicfty and una- 
 nimity. It is a singular circumstancB that there were 
 seven different meetings of Assembly without a mode- 
 rator or president. But as the number of members 
 increased, and business became more complicated, a 
 moderator was appointed to be chosen at every meet- 
 ing; he was invested with authority to maintain order; 
 and regulations were enacted concerning the constit- 
 uent members of the court, the causes which ought to 
 come before them, and the mode of procedure. The 
 
 * See Note XL. 
 
 f Hume, History of England, vol. v. chap. 38, p. 51. Lend. 
 1807. X See the last note on the preceding' page. 
 
 II See Note XLI. 
 5 Bulk of the Universal Kirk, p. 2. MS. Adv. Lib. Keith, 49C. 
 
 M 
 
 first person who occupied the place of moderator was 
 John Willock, Superintendent of Glasurow and the 
 West.* 
 
 In the close of this year, our Reformer suffered a 
 heavy domestic loss, by the death of his valuable wife, 
 who, after sharing in the hardships of her husband's 
 exile, was removed from him just when he had ob- 
 tained a comfortable settlement for his family.f He 
 was left with the charge of two young children, in 
 addition to his other cares. His mother-in-law was 
 still with him; but though he took pleasure in her 
 religious conversation, the dejection of mind to which 
 she was subject, and which all his efforts could never 
 completely cure, rather increased than lightened his 
 burden. + His acute feelings were severely wounded 
 by this stroke ; but he endeavoured to moderate his 
 grief by the consolations which he administered to 
 others, and by application to public duty. He had 
 the satisfaction of receiving, on this occasion, a letter 
 from his much respected friend Calvin, in which ex- 
 pressions of great esteem for his deceased partner were 
 mingled with condolence for his loss.|| 
 
 I may take this opportunity of mentioning, that 
 Knox, with the consent of his brethren, consulted the 
 Genevan reformer upon several difficult questions 
 which occurred respecting the settlement of the Scot- 
 tish Reformation, and that a number of letters passed 
 between them on this subject. § 
 
 Anxieties on a public account were felt by Knox 
 along with his domestic distress. The Reformation 
 had hitherto advanced with a success equal to his 
 most sanguine expectations ; and, at this time, no op- 
 position was publicly made to the new establishment. 
 But matters were still in a very critical state. There 
 were a party in the nation, by no means inconsiderable 
 in numbers and power, who remained addicted to 
 popery ; and, though they had given way to the tor- 
 rent, they anxiously waited for an opportunity to em- 
 broil the country in another civil war, for the restora- 
 tion of the ancient religion. Queen Mary, and her 
 husband the King of France, had refused to ratify the 
 late treaty, and had dismissed the deputy sent by the 
 Parliament, with marks of the highest displeasure at 
 the innovations which they had presumed to introduce. 
 A new array was preparing in France for the invasion 
 of Scotland against the spring; emissaries were sent, 
 in the mean time, to encourage and unite the Roman 
 Catholics; and it was doubtful if the Queen of Eng- 
 land would subject herself to new expense and odium, 
 by protecting them from a second attack. If 
 
 The danger was not unperceived by our Reformer, 
 who laboured to impress the minds of his countrymen 
 with a due sense of it, and to excite them speedily to 
 complete the settlement of religion throughout the 
 kingdom, which, he was persuaded, would prove the 
 principal bulwark against the assaults of th«ir adver- 
 saries. His admonitions were now listened to with 
 attention by many who bad formerly treated them with 
 indifference.** The threatened storm, however, blew 
 over, in consequence of the death of the French kingj 
 but this necessarily led to a measure which involved 
 the Scottish protestants in a new struggle, and exposed 
 the reformed church to dangers less obvious and strik- 
 
 * See Note XLIL f Knox, Historie, p. 269. 
 
 \ Preface to a Letter, added to An Answer to a Letter ofa! 
 Jesuit, named Tyrie, be Johne Knox. — Sanctandrois. — Anno 
 Do. 1572. 
 
 II Calvini Epistolie, p. 150, apud Oper. torn. ix. " Viduitas 
 tua mihi, ut debet, tristis et acerba est. Uxorem iiactus eras 
 cui non reperiuntur passim similes," &c. In a letter to Clirist. 
 Goodman, written at tlie same time, Calvin says, '• Fratrem 
 nostrum Knoxuni, etsi non pavum doleo suavissimauxore fuisse 
 privatum, gaudeo tamen ejus morte non ita fuisse afflictum 
 quin strenue operam suam Christo et ecclesiae impendat." Ibid 
 Calvin had lost his own wife in 1549. Epistolae et Responsa, 
 p. 212—3, 225. Hanov. 1597. } See Note XLllI. 
 
 T Knox. 257, 258. Buchanan. L 326, 327. Spottiswood, 
 159,151. Keith, 154, 157. ** Knox, 260. 
 
90 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 ing, but, on that account, not less to be dreaded than 
 open violence and hostility. This was the invitation 
 given by the protestant nobility to their young Queen, 
 who, on the 19th of August 1561, arrived in Scotland, 
 and assumed the reins of government into her own 
 hands. 
 
 The education which Mary had received in France, 
 whatever embellishments it added to her beauty, was 
 the very worst which can be conceived for fitting her 
 to rule her native country, in the present juncture. Of 
 a temper naturally violent, the devotion which she had 
 been accustomed to see paid to her personal charms 
 rendered her extremely impatient of contradiction.* 
 Habituated to the Siplendour and gallantry of the most 
 luxurious and dissolute co\jrt of Europe, she could not 
 submit to tliose restraints which the more severe man- 
 ners/ of her subjects imposed ; and while they took 
 offence at the freedom of her behaviour, she could not 
 conceal the antipathy and disgust which she felt at 
 theirs. f Full of high notions of royal prerogative, she 
 regarded the late proceedings in Scotland as a course 
 of rebellion against her authority. Nursed from her 
 infancy in a blind attachment to the Roman Catholic 
 religion, every means was employed, before she left 
 France, to strengthen this prejudice, and to inspire her 
 with aversion to the religion whicli had been embraced 
 by her people. She was taught that it would be the 
 great glory of her reign to reduce her kingdom to the 
 obedience of the Romish See, and to co-operate with 
 the popish princes on the continent in extirpating 
 heresy. If she forsook the religion in which she had 
 been educated, she would forfeit their powerful friend- 
 ship ; if she persevered in it, she might depend upon 
 their assistance to enable her to chastise her rebellious 
 subjects, and prosecute her claims to the English 
 crown against a heretical usurper. 
 
 With these fixed prepossessions, Mary came into 
 Scotland, and she adhered to them with singular per- 
 tinacity to the end of her life. To examine the sub- 
 jects of controversy between the papists and protes- 
 tants, with the view of ascertaining on which side the 
 truth lay; to hear the reformed preachers, or permit 
 them to lay before her the grounds of their faith, even 
 in the presence of the clergy whom she had brought 
 along with her; to do any thing which might lead to 
 a doubt in her mind respecting the religion in which 
 she had been brought up, these were condescensions 
 which she had formed an unalterable determination to 
 avoid. As the protestants were at present in posses- 
 sion of power, it was necessary for her to temporize; 
 but she resolved to withhold her ratification of the late 
 proceedings, and to embrace the first favourable oppor- 
 tunity to overturn them, and re-establish the ancient 
 system.:}: 
 
 The reception which she met with on her first ar- 
 rival in Scotland was flattering; but an occurrence that 
 took place soon after, damped the joy which had been 
 expressed, and prognosticated future jealousies and 
 confusion. Resolved to give her subjects an early 
 proof of her firm determination to adhere to the Roman 
 Catholic worship, Mary directed preparations to be 
 made for the celebration of a solemn mass in the 
 chapel of Holyroodhouse, on the first Sabbath after 
 her arrival. This service had not been celebrated in 
 Scotland since the conclusion of the civil war, and was 
 prohibited, under certain penalties, by an act of the 
 late Parliament. And so great was the horror with 
 
 * Mr. Hume's letter, printed in the Life of Dr. Robertson, 
 apul History of Scotland, vol. i. 25. Loud. 1809. Anderson's 
 ColKctions, vol. iv. part i. p. 71, 72, 74, 79. 
 
 t "How sone that ever her French fillokes, fidlnrs, and 
 utheris of that band gat the hous alone, thair niycht be sene 
 9ki;)ping not veray conielie for honest women. Her coniune 
 talk was ill secrete, that sche saw nothing in Scotland bot 
 gr;ivity, quhilk repugned altogidder to her nature, for sche 
 was brocht up in joyeusetie." Knox, Historie, p. 294. 
 
 t See Note XLIV 
 
 which the protestants viewed its restoration, and the 
 alarm which they felt at finding it countenanced by 
 their Queen, that the first rumour of the design excited 
 violent murmurs, which would have burst into an open 
 tumult, had not some of the leading men among the 
 protestants interfered, and exerted their authority to 
 repress the zeal of the multitude. From regard to 
 public tranquillity, and reluctance to offend the Queen 
 at her first return to her native kingdom, Knox used 
 his influence in private conversation to allay the fer- 
 vour of the more zealous reformers, who were ready to 
 prevent the service by force. But he was not less 
 alarmed at the precedent than his brethren were ; and 
 having exposed the evil of idolatry in his sermon on 
 the following Sabbath, he said, that " one mess was 
 more fearful! unto him, than if ten thousand armed 
 enemies wer landed in ony parte of the realme, of pur- 
 pose to suppress the hole religioun."* 
 
 At this day, we are apt to be struck with surprise 
 at the conduct of our ancestors, to treat their fears as 
 visionary, or at least as highly exaggerated, and sum- 
 marily to pronounce them guilty of the same intoler- 
 ance of which they complained in their adversaries. 
 Persecution for conscience' sake is so odious, and the 
 least approach to it so dangerous, that we deem it im- 
 possible to express too great detestation of any mea- 
 sure which tends to countenance or seems to encourage 
 it. But let us be just as well as liberal. A little re- 
 flection upon the circumstances in which our reform- 
 ing forefathers were placed may serve to abate our 
 astonishment, and to qualify our censures. They were 
 actuated by a strong abhorrence of popish idolatry, a 
 feeling which is fully justified by the spirit and the 
 precepts of Christianity ; and the prospect of the land 
 being again defiled by the revival of its impure rites 
 produced on their minds a sensation, with which, from 
 our ignorance and lukewarmness as much as our ideas 
 of religious liberty, we are incapable of sympathizing. 
 But they were also influenced by a proper regard to 
 their own preservation ; and neither were the fears 
 which they entertained on this head fanciful, nor the 
 precautions which they adopted unnecessary. 
 
 The warmest friends of toleration and liberty of con- 
 science (some of whom will not readily be charged 
 with protestant prejudices) have granted, that persecu- 
 tion of the most sanguinary kind was inseparable from 
 the system and spirit of popery which was at that time 
 dominant in Europe; and they cannot deny the infer- 
 ence, that the profession and propagation of it were, 
 on this account, justly subjected to penal restraints, as 
 far, at least, as was requisite to prevent it from obtain- 
 ing the ascendency, and from re-acting the bloody 
 scenes which it had already exhibited. t The protes- 
 tants of Scotland had these scenes before their eyes, 
 and fresh in their recollection ; and infatuated and 
 criminal indeed would they have been, if, by listening 
 to the Syren song of toleration (by which their adver- 
 saries, with no less impudence than artifice, now at- 
 tempted to lull them asleep), they had suffered them- 
 selves to be thrown off their guard, and neglected to 
 provide against the most distant approaches of the 
 danger by which they were threatened. Could they 
 be ignorant of the perfidious, barbarous, and unrelent- 
 ing cruelty with which protestants were treated in 
 every Roman Catholic kingdom? In France, where 
 so many of their brethren had been put to death, under 
 the influence of the house of Guise; in the Nether- 
 lands, where such multitudes had been tortured, be- 
 headed, hanged, drowned, or buried alive ; in England, 
 where the flames of persecution were but lately extin- 
 guished ; and in Spain, where they still continued to 
 blaze 1 Could they have forgotten what had taken 
 place in their own country, or the perils from which 
 they had themselves so recently and so narrowly 
 escaped 1 " God forbid !" (exclaimed the lords of the 
 
 * Knox, Historie, p. 284—287. 
 
 t See Note XLV. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 n 
 
 privy council, in the presence of queen Mary, at a time 
 when they were not disposed to offend her) " God for- 
 bid ! that the lives of the faithful stood in the power 
 of the papists : for just experience has taught us what 
 cruelty is in their hearts."* 
 
 Nor was this an event so improbable, and so un- 
 likely to happen, as many seem to imagine. The rage 
 for conquest, on the continent, was now converted into 
 a rage for proselytism ; and steps had already been 
 taken towards forming that league among the Catholic 
 princes, which had for its object the universal exter- 
 mination of the protestants. The Scots Queen was 
 passionately addicted to the intoxicating cup of which 
 so many of " the kings of the earth had drunk." 
 There were numbers in the nation who were similarly 
 disposed. The liberty taken by the Queen would soon 
 be demanded for all who declared themselves Catho- 
 lics. Many of those who had hitherto ranged under 
 the protestant standard were lukewarm in the cause; 
 the zeal of others had already suffered a sensible abate- 
 ment since the arrival of the Queen ;f and it was to be 
 feared, that the favours of the Court, and the blandish- 
 ments of an artful and engaging princess, would make 
 proselytes of some, and lull others into security, while 
 designs were carried on pregnant with ruin to the reli- 
 gion and liberties of the nation. In one word, the 
 public toleration of the popish worship was only a step 
 to its re-establishment, and this would be the signal 
 for kindling afret^h the fires of the Inquisition. It was 
 in this manner that some of the wisest persons in the 
 kingdom reasoned at that time ;:J: and, had it not been 
 for the uncommon spirit which then existed among the 
 reformers, there is every reason to think that their pre- 
 dictions would have been realized. 
 
 To those who accuse the Scottish protestants of dis- 
 playing the same spirit of intolerance by which the 
 Roman Catholics were distinguished, I would recom- 
 mend the following statement of a sensible French 
 author, who had formed a more just notion of these 
 transactions than many of our own writers. " Mary 
 (says he) was brought up in France, accustomed to 
 see protestants burned to death, and instructed in the 
 maxims of her uncles, the Guises, who maintained 
 that it was necessary to exterminate, without mercy, 
 the pretended reformed. With these dispositions she 
 arrived in Scotland, which was wholly reformed, with 
 the exception of a few lords. The kingdom receive 
 her, acknowledge her as their Queen, and obey her in 
 all things according to the laws of the country. 1 
 maintain, that, in the state of men's spirits at that 
 time, if a Huguonot Queen had come to take posses- 
 sion of a Roman Catholic kingdom, with the retinue 
 with which Mary came to Scotland, the first thing 
 they would have done would have been to arrest her ; 
 and if she had persevered in her religion, they would 
 have procured her degradation by the Pope, thrown 
 her into the Inquisition, and burned her as a heretic. 
 There is not an honest man who dare deny this."|| 
 
 After all, it is surely unnecessary to apologize for 
 the restrictions which our ancestors were desirous of 
 imposing on Queen Mary, to those who approve of the 
 
 * Knox, Historic, p. 341. + lb. p. 282, 283, 285, 287-. 
 
 I Several of the aoo\re considerations, alon^ with others, 
 are forcibly stated in a letter of Maitland to Cecil, written a 
 short time before Queen Mary's arrival in Scotland. Keith, 
 App. 92 — 95. That sagacious, but supple politician viras 
 among the first to verily some of his own predictions. That 
 such fears were very general in the nation appears also from a 
 letter of Randolph. Robertson, Ap. No. 5. 
 
 II Histoire du Calvinism« et celle du Papisme mises et Parel- 
 lele; ou Apologie pour les Reformateurs, pour la Reformation, 
 et pour les Reformez, tome i. 334. A Rotterdam, 1683. 4to. 
 The affirmation of this writer is Completely supported by the 
 well-known history of Henry IV. of France (not to mention 
 other instances); whose recantation of Calvinism, although it 
 smoothed his way to the throne, was never able to efface the 
 indelible stigma of his former heresy, to secure the affections 
 of his Roman Catholic subjects, or to avert from his bresist the 
 consecrated poignard of the assassin. 
 
 present constitution of Britain, according to which 
 every papist is excluded from succeeding to the throne, 
 and the reigning monarch, by setting up mass in his 
 chapel, would virtually forfeit his crown. Is popery 
 more dangerous now than it was two hundred and fifty 
 years ago 1 
 
 Besides his fears for the common cause, Knox had, 
 at this time, grounds for apprehension as to his per- 
 sonal safety. The Queen was peculiarly incensed 
 against him on account of the active hand which he 
 had in the late revolution; the popish clergy who left 
 the kingdom had represented him as the ring-leader 
 of her factious subjects; and she had signified, before 
 she left France, that she was determined he should be 
 punished. His book against female government was 
 most probably the ostensible charge on which he was 
 to be prosecuted ; and accordingly we find him making 
 application, through the English resident at Edin- 
 burgh, to secure the favour of Elizabeth, reasonably 
 suspecting that she might be induced to abet the pro- 
 ceedings against him on this head.* But whatever 
 perils he apprehended, from the personal presence of 
 the Queen, either to the public or to himself, he used 
 not the smallest influence to prevent her being invited 
 home. On the contrary, he concurred with his brethren 
 in this measure, and also in using means to defeat a 
 scheme which the Duke of Chastelherault, under the 
 direction of the archbishop of St. Andrews, had formed 
 to exclude her from the government.f But when the 
 Prior of St. Andrews was sent to France with the in- 
 vitation, he urged that her desisting from the celebra- 
 tion of mass should be one of the conditions of her 
 return; and when he found him and the rest of the 
 council disposed to grant her this liberty within her 
 own chapel, he predicted that "her liberty would be 
 their thraldom. ":^: 
 
 In the beginning of Septomber,|| only a few days 
 after the Queen's arrival in Scotland, she sent for Knox 
 to the palace, and held a long conversation with him, 
 in the presence of her brother, the Prior of St. An- 
 drews. Whether she did this of her own accord, or 
 in consequence of the advice of some of her counsel- 
 lors, is uncertain; but she seems to have expected to 
 awe him into submission by her authority, if not to 
 confound him by her arguments. The bold freedom, 
 however, with which he replied to all her charges, 
 and vindicated his own conduct, convinced her that 
 the one expectation was not more vain than the other ; 
 and the impression which she wished to make on him 
 was left on her own mind. 
 
 She accused him of raising her subjects against her 
 mother and herself; of writing a book against her just 
 authority, which (she said) she would cause the most 
 learned in Europe to answer; of being the cause of 
 sedition and bloodshed, when he was in England; and 
 of accomplishing his purposes by magical arts. 
 
 To these heavy charges Knox replied, that, if to 
 teach the truth of God in sincerity, to rebuke idolatry, 
 and exhort a people to worship God according to his 
 word, were to excite subjects to rise against their 
 
 * Randolph to Cecil, 9lh Aug. 1561. apud Robertson's Scot- 
 land, Appendix, No. 5. and Keith, p. 190. A letter of Mail- 
 land to Cecil, of the same date with the above, seems to refer 
 to the same design; and I shall take the opportunity of cor- 
 recting (what appears to me) an error in the transcription of 
 this letter. " I wish to God (says Maitland), the first warre 
 may be planely intended against them by Knox, for so shold 
 it be manifest that the suppressing off religion was ment; but I 
 fear more she will proceed tharunto by indirect meanes: And 
 nothing for us so dangerouse as temporising." Haynes, p. 369. 
 This seems altogether unintelligible; but it the words which I 
 have printed in Italics be transposed, and read thus, ''by them 
 against Knox," they will make sense, and correspond with the 
 strain of the letter, and with the fact mentioned by Randolph, 
 in his letter to Cecil written on the same day. Maitland ex- 
 presses his fears that Mary would have recourse to crafty mea- 
 sures for undermining their cause, instead of persevering in the 
 design which she had avowed of prosecuting Knox. 
 
 t Knox, Historie, p. 269. t ^^ P- 2C2, 293. \\ Keith. 188 
 
92 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 princes, then he stood convicted of that crime; for it 
 had pleased God to employ him, among many others, 
 to disclose unto that realm the vanity of the papistical 
 religion, with the deceit, pride, and tyranny of the 
 Roman antichrist. But if the true knowledge of God 
 and his right worship were the most powerful induce- 
 ments to subjects cordially to obey their princes (as 
 they certainly were), then was he innocent. Her 
 Grace, he was persuaded, had at present an unfeigned 
 obedience from the protestants of Scotland, as ever her 
 father, or any of her ancestors, had from those called 
 bishops. With respect to what had been reported to 
 her Majesty concerning the fruits of -his preaching in 
 England, he was glad that his enemies laid nothing to 
 his charge but what the world knew to be false. If 
 they could prove, that in any of the places where he 
 had resided there was either sedition or mutiny, he 
 would confess himself to be a malefactor. But so far 
 from this being the case, he was not ashamed to say, 
 that in Berwick, where bloodshed among the soldiers 
 had formerly been common, God so blessed his weak 
 labours, that there was as great quietness during the 
 time he resided in it, as there was at present in Edin- 
 burgh. The slander of practising magic (an art which 
 he had condemned wherever he preached) he could 
 more easily bear, when he recollected that his master, 
 the Lord Jesus, had been defamed as one in league 
 with Beelzebub. As to the book which seemed so 
 highly to offend her Majesty, he owned that he wrote 
 it, and he was willing that all the learned should judge 
 of it. He understood that an Englishman had written 
 against it, but he had not read his work. If he had 
 sufficiently confuted his arguments, and established 
 the contrary opinion, he would confess his error; but 
 to that hour he continued to think himself alone more 
 able to maintain the propositions affirmed in that book 
 than any ten in Europe were to confute them. 
 
 "You think I have no just authority T" said the 
 Queen. " Please your Majesty (replied he), learned 
 men in all ages have had their judgments free, and 
 most commonly disagreeing from the common judg- 
 ment of the world ; such also have they published both 
 with pen and tongue; notwithstanding, they them- 
 selves have lived in the common society with others, 
 and have borne patiently with the errors and imperfec- 
 tions which they could not amend. Plato the philoso- 
 pher wrote his book Of the Commonwealth, in which 
 he condemned many things that then were maintained 
 in the world, and required many things to have been 
 reformed ; and yet, notwithstanding, he lived under 
 such policies as then were universally received, with- 
 out farther troubling of any state. Even so, madam, 
 am I content to do, in uprightness of heart, and with a 
 testimony of a good conscience." He added, that his 
 sentiments on that subject should be confined to his 
 own breast; and that, if she refrained from persecu- 
 tion, her authority would not be hurt, either by him or 
 his book, "which was written most especially against 
 that wicked Jesabeli of England." 
 
 " But ye speak of women in general," said the Queen. 
 " Most true it is, madam; yet it appeareth to me, thit 
 wisdom should persuade your Grace never to raise 
 trouble for that which to this day has not troubled 
 your Majesty, neither in person nor in authority: for 
 of late years many things, which before were held 
 stable, have been called in doubt; yea they have been 
 plainly impugned. But yet, madam, I am assured 
 that neither protestant nor papist shall be able to 
 prove, that any such question was at any time moved 
 either in public or in secret. Now, madam, if I had 
 intended to have troubled your estate, because ye are 
 a woman, I would have chosen a time more convenient 
 for that purpose than I can do now, when your pre- 
 sence is within the realm." 
 
 Changing the subject, she charged him with having 
 taught the people to receive a religion different from 
 that which was allowed by their princes; and she 
 
 asked, if this was not contrary to the divine command, 
 that subjects should obey their rulers. He replied, that 
 true religion derived its origin and authority not from 
 princes, but from the eternal God ; that princes were 
 often most ignorant of the true religion ; and that sub- 
 jects were not bound to frame their religion according 
 to the arbitrary will of their rulers, else the Hebrews 
 would have been bound to adopt the religion of Pha- 
 raoh, Daniel and his associates that of Nebuchadnezzar 
 and Darius, and the primitive Christians that of the 
 Roman Emperors. "Yea," replied the Queen, quali- 
 fying her assertion ; "but none of these men raised the 
 sword against their princes." " Yet you cannot deny," 
 said he, " that they resisted ; for those who obey not 
 the commandment given them do in some sort resist." 
 " But they resisted not with the sword," rejoined the 
 Queen, pressing home the argument. " God, madam, 
 had not given unto them the power and the means." 
 "Think you," said the Queen, " that subjects, having 
 the power, may resist their princes 1" — "If princes 
 exceed their bounds, madam, no doubt they may be 
 resisted, even by power. For no greater honour, or 
 greater obedience, is to be given to kings and princes, 
 than God has commanded to be given to father and 
 mother. But the father may be struck with a phrenzy, 
 in which he would slay his children. Now, madam, 
 if the children arise, join together, apprehend the father, 
 take the sword from him, bind his hands, and keep him 
 in prison, till the phrenzy be over; think you, madam, 
 that the children do any wrong] Even so, madam, is 
 it with princes that would murder the children of God 
 that are subject unto them. Their blind zeal is nothing 
 but a mad phrenzy ; therefore, to take the sword from 
 them, to bind their hands, and to cast them into prison, 
 till they be brought to a more sober mind, is no dis- 
 obedience against princes, but just obedience, because 
 it agreeth with the will of God." 
 
 The Queen, who had hitherto maintained her courage 
 in reasoning, was completely overpowered by this bold 
 answer: her countenance changed, and she continued 
 in a silent stupor. Her brother spoke to her, and in- 
 quired the cause of her uneasiness; but she made no 
 reply. Recovering herself at length, she said, "Well 
 then, I perceive that my subjects shall obey you, and 
 not me, and will do what they please, and not what I 
 command ; and so must I be subject to them, and not 
 they to me." "God forbid!" replied the Reformer, 
 "that ever I take upon me to command any to obey 
 me, or to set subjects at liberty to do whatever pleases 
 them. But my travel is, that both princes and subjects 
 may obey God. And think not, madam, that wrong 
 is done you, when you are required to be subject unto 
 God : for it is he who subjects people under princes, 
 and causes obedience to be given unto them. He 
 craves of kings that they be as foster-fathers to his 
 church, and commands queens to be nurses to his peo- 
 ple. And this subjection, madam, unto God and his 
 church, is the greatest dignity that flesh can get upon 
 the face of the earth ; for it shall raise them to ever- 
 lasting glory." 
 
 " But you are not the church that I will nourish," 
 said the Queen : " I will defend the church of Rome ; 
 for it is, I. think, the true church of God." " Youi 
 will, madam, is no reason ; neither doth your thous;ht 
 make the Roman harlot to be the true and immaculate 
 spouse of Jesus Christ. Wonder not, madam, that 1 
 call Rome an harlot, for that church is altogether pol- 
 luted with all kinds of spiritual fornication, both in 
 doctrine and manners." He added, that he was ready 
 to prove that the Romish church had declined farther 
 from the purity of religion taught by the apostles, than 
 the Jewish church had degenerated from the ordinances 
 which God gave them by Moses and Aaron, at the 
 time when they denied and crucified the Son of God. 
 " My conscience is not so," said the Queen. " Con- 
 science, madam, requires knowledge ; and I fear that 
 right knowledge you have none." — " But I have both 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 heard and read." — So, madam, did the JewfS who 
 crucified Christ Jesus read the law and the pro- 
 phets, and heard the same interpreted after their man- 
 ner. Have you heard any teach but such as the pope 
 and cardinals have allowed 1 and you may be assured, 
 that such will speak nothing to offend their own 
 estate." 
 
 " You interpret the scriptures in one way," said the 
 Queen evasively, '" and they in another: whom shall 
 I believe, and who shall be judge?" "You shall 
 believe God, who plainly speaketh his word," replied 
 the Reformer, " and farther than the word teacheth 
 you, you shall believe neither the one nor the other. 
 The word of God is plain in itself; and if there appear 
 any obscurity in one place, the Holy Ghost, who is 
 never contrary to himself, explains the same more 
 clearly in other places, so that there can remain no 
 doubt, but unto such as are obstinately ignorant." As 
 an example, he selected one of the articles in contro- 
 versy, that concerning the sacrament of the supper, 
 and proceeded to shew, that the popish doctrine of the 
 sacrifice of the mass was destitute of all foundation in 
 scripture. But the Queen, who was determined to 
 avoid all discussion of the articles of her creed, inter- 
 rupted him, by saying, that she was unable to contend 
 with him in argument, but if she had those present 
 whom she had heard, they would answer him. 
 "Madam," replied the Reformer fervently, "would 
 to God that the learnedest papist in Europe, and he 
 whom you would best believe, were present with your 
 Grace to sustain the argument, and that you would 
 wait patiently to hear the matter reasoned to the end ! 
 for then, I doubt not, madam, but you would hear the 
 vanity of the papistical religion, and how little ground 
 it hath in the word of God." " Well," said she, "you 
 may perchance get that sooner than you believe." — 
 " Assuredly, if ever I get that in my life, I get it 
 sooner than I believe; for the ignorant papist cannot 
 patiently reason, and the learned and crafty papist will 
 never come, in your audience, madam, to have the 
 ground of their religion searched out. When you shall 
 let me see the contrary, I shall grant myself to have 
 been deceived in that point." 
 
 The hour of dinner afforded an occasion for breaking 
 off this singular conversation. At taking leave of her 
 Majesty, the Reformer said, " I pray God, madam, 
 that you may be as blessed within the commonwealth 
 of Scotland, as ever Deborah was in the commonwealth 
 of Israel."* 
 
 I have been the more minute in the narrative of this 
 curious conference, because it affords the most satis- 
 factory refutation of the charge, that Knox treated 
 Mary with rudeness and disrespect. For the same 
 reason I shall lay before the reader a circumstantial 
 account of the subsequent interviews between them, 
 from which he will perceive that, though the Reformer 
 addressed her with a plainness to which crowned heads 
 are seldom accustomed, he never lost sight of the re- 
 spect which was due to the person of his sovereign, or 
 of the decorum which became his own character. 
 
 The interview between the Queen and the Reformer 
 excited great speculation, and different conjectures 
 were formed as to its probable consequences. The 
 Catholics, whose hopes now depended solely on the 
 Queen, were alarmed, lest Knox's rhetoric should have 
 shaken her constancy. The protestants cherished the 
 expectation that she would be induced to attend the 
 protestant sermons, and that her religious prejudices 
 would gradually abate.f Knox indulged no such 
 flattering expectations. He had made it his study, 
 during the late conference, to discover the real charac- 
 ter of the Queen; and when some of his confidential 
 friends asked his opinion of her, he told them that he 
 was very much mistaken, if she was not proud, crafty, 
 obstinately wedded to the popish church, and averse to 
 
 * Knox, Historie, p. 287—292. 
 
 + Ibid. p. 292. 
 
 all means of instruction.* Writing to Cecil, he saya, 
 " The Queen ney ther is, neyther shal be of our opinion ; 
 and, in very dead, her hole proceedings do declair that 
 the cardinalles lessons ar so deaplie printed in her 
 heart, that the substance and the qualitie are lick to 
 perishe together. I wold be glad to be deceaved, but 
 I fear I shall not. In communication with her, I 
 espyed such craft as I have not found in such aige. 
 Since, hath the court been dead to me and I to it."f 
 
 He resolved, therefore, vigilantly to watch her pro- 
 ceedings, and to give timely warning of any danger 
 which might result from them to the reformed interest; 
 and the more that he perceived the zeal of the protes- 
 tant nobles to cool, and their jealousy to be laid asleep 
 by the winning arts of the Queen, the more frequently 
 and loudly did he sound the alarm. Vehement and 
 harsh as his expressions often were ; violent, seditious, 
 and insufferable, as his sermons and prayers have been 
 pronounced, I have little hesitation in saying, that as 
 the public peace was never disturbed by them, so they 
 were useful to the public safety, and a principal means 
 of warding off for a time those confusions in which the 
 country was afterwards involved, and which brought 
 on the ultimate ruin of the infatuated Queen. His un- 
 courtly and rough manner was not, indeed, calculated 
 to gain upon her mind, (nor is there reason to think 
 that an opposite manner would have had this effect), 
 and his admonitions often irritated her ; but they obliged 
 her to act with greater reserve and moderation ; and 
 they operated, to an indescribable degree, in arousing 
 and keeping awake the zeal and the fears of the nation, 
 which, at that period, were the two great safeguards 
 of the protestant religion in Scotland. W^e may form 
 an idea of the effect produced by his pulpit orations, 
 from the account of the English ambassador, who was 
 one of his constant hearers. " Where your honour 
 (says he, in a letter to Cecil) exhorted us to stoutness, 
 I assure you the voice of one man is able, in an hour, 
 to put more life in us, than six hundred trumpets con- 
 tinually blustering in our ears.":): 
 
 The Reformer was not ignorant that some of his 
 friends thought him too severe in his language, nor 
 was he always disposed to vindicate the expressions 
 which he employed. Still, however, he was per- 
 suaded, that the times required the utmost plainness ; 
 and he was afraid that snares lurked under the smooth- 
 ness which was recommended and practised by cour- 
 tiers. Cecil having given him an advice on this head, 
 in one of his letters, we find him replying : " Men 
 deliting to swym betwix two waters, have often com- 
 pleaned upon my severitie. I do fear that that which 
 men term lenitie and dulcenes do bring upon them- 
 selves and others mor fearful destruction, thanyit hath 
 ensewed the vehemency of any preacher within this 
 realme."|| 
 
 The abatement of zeal which he dreaded from " the 
 holy water of the court," soon began to appear among 
 the protestant leaders. The general assemblies of the 
 church were a great eye-sore to the Queen, who was 
 very desirous to have them put down. At the first 
 assembly held after her arrival, the courtiers, through 
 her influence, absented themselves, and when chal- 
 lenged for this, began to dispute the propriety of such 
 
 * Knox, Historie, p. 292. Keith, 197. 
 
 \ Letter, Knox to Cecil, 7th October 1561, Haynes, State 
 Papers, p. 372. 
 
 t Randolph's letter, in Keith, 188. In this letter, the ambas- 
 sador states some circumstances relating to the first interview 
 between the Queen and the Reformer, which are not mentioned 
 in Knox's History. He "knocked so hastily upon her heart, 
 that he made her to weep, as well you know there be some of 
 that sex that will do that as well for anger as for grief; though 
 in this the lord James will disagree with me. He concluded 
 so in the end with her, that he hath liberty to speak his con- 
 science; [and] to give unto her such reverence as becoraeth 
 the ministers of God unto the superior powers." 
 
 II Haynes, 372. An epistolary correspondence was at this 
 time maintained between Secretary Cecil and our Reformer. 
 Keith, 191, 192, 194. Robertson, Append. No. 5. 
 
04 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 conventions without her majesty's pleasure. On this 
 point, there was sharp reasoning between Knox anc^ 
 Maltland, who was now made Secretary of State. 
 " Take from us the liberty of assemblies, and take 
 from us the gospel," said the Reformer. " If the 
 liberty of the church must depend upon her allowance 
 or disallowance, we shall want not only assemblies, 
 but also the preaching of the gospel." It was propo- 
 sed that the Book of Discipline should be ratified by 
 the Queen and Council, but this was keenly opposed 
 by secretary Maltland. " How many of those that 
 subscribed that book will be subject to if?" said he, 
 scoffingly. " All the godly," it was answered. " Will 
 the Duke?" said he. " If he will not," replied Lord 
 Ochiltree, " I wish that his name were scraped not 
 only out of that book, but also out of our number 
 and company ; for to what end shall men subscribe 
 and never mean to keep word of that which they 
 promise.*' Maitland said, that many subscribed it 
 infide parentuni, implicitly. Knox replied, that the 
 scoff was as untrue as it was unbecoming; for the 
 book was publicly read and its different heads dis- 
 cussed for a number of days, and no man was required 
 to subscribe what he did not understand. " Stand 
 content," said one of the courtiers ; " that book will 
 not be obtained." " And let God require the injury 
 which the commonwealth shall sustain, at the hands 
 of those who hinder it," replied the Reformer.* 
 
 He was still more indignant at their management 
 in settling the provision for the ministers of the 
 church. Hitherto they had lived chiefly on the be- 
 nevolence of their hearers, and many of them had 
 scarcely the means of subsistence ; but repeated com- 
 plaints having obliged the Privy Council to take up 
 the affair, they came at last to a determination, that 
 the ecclesiastical revenues should be divided into three 
 parts ; that two of these should be given to the ejected 
 popish clergy ; and that the third part should be divided 
 between the court and the protestant ministry ! f The 
 persons appointed to " modify the stipends"^ were 
 disposed to gratify the Queen, and the demands of 
 the court were readily answered, while the sums allot- 
 ted to the ministers were as ill paid as they were paltry 
 and inadequate. " Weall ! (exclaimed Knox, when 
 he heard of this disgraceful arrangement) if the end 
 of this ordour, pretendit to be takin for sustentation 
 of the ministers, be happie, my jugement failes me. 
 I sie twa pairtis freelie gevin to the devill, and the 
 third mon be devyded betwix God and the devill. 
 Quho wald have thocht, that quhen Joseph reuUed in 
 Egypt, his brethren sould have travellit for victualles, 
 and have returned with emptie sackes unto thair fami- 
 lies ■? O happie servands of the devill, and miserabill 
 servands of Jesus Christ, if efter this lyf thair wer not 
 hell and heavin !"|| 
 
 He vented his mind more freely on this subject, as 
 his complaints could not be imputed to personal mo- 
 
 » Kuox, Historie. p. 295—6. 
 
 + Keith, App. 175—179. Knox, 296—300. 
 
 i The Privy Council appointed certain persons to fix the 
 sunis which were to be appropriated to the court and to the 
 ministry, and also the particular salaries which were to be al- 
 lotted to individual ministers, according to the circumstances 
 in which they were placed. The officers appointed for this 
 purpose composed a board or court, under the Privy Council, 
 which was called the Court of Modification. 
 
 Ij " So busie," says he, " and circumspect wer the modifica- 
 tors (because it was a uew office, the ternie must also be new.) 
 that the ministers should not be over-wantoun, that an hun- 
 dreth merks was sufficient to an single man, being a commone 
 minister: Thre hundreth merks was the hiest apoynted to anv 
 except the superintendents, and a few utheris." Historie, 301. 
 "Mr. Knox, is not at all here diminishing the sum (says Keith) ; 
 for the original books o( Asais;nalion to the ministers, which 
 now ly before me, ascertain the truth of what he says," p. 508. 
 Wishart of Pittarrow, who was comptroller of the modification, 
 pinched the ministers so much, that it became a proverb. The 
 gude laird of Petarro was an emest professoxir of Christ, Lot 
 the mekill aevill receave tlu Comptroller. 
 
 tives ; for his own stipend, though moderate, was 
 liberal when compared with those of the most of his 
 brethren. From the time of his last return to Scot- 
 land until the conclusion of the war, he had been 
 indebted to the liberality of individuals for the support 
 of his family. After that period, he lodged for some 
 time in the house of David Forrest, a burgess of Edin- 
 burgh, from which he removed to the lodging which 
 had belonged to Durie, abbot of Dunfermline. As 
 soon as he began to preach statedly in the city, the 
 town council assigned him an annual stipend of two 
 hundred pounds, which he was entitled to receive 
 quarterly ; and they also paid his house-rent, and his 
 board during the time that he had resided with For- 
 rest. Subsequent to the settlement made by the Privy 
 Council, it would seem that he received at least a part 
 of his income from the common fund allotted to the 
 ministers of the church ; but the good town had still 
 an opportunity of testifying their generosity, by sup- 
 plying the deficiencies of the legal allowance. Indeed, 
 the uniform attention of the town council to his exter- 
 nal support and accommodation, was honourable to 
 them, and deserves to be recorded to their commenda- 
 tion.* 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1562, he went to Angus 
 to preside in the election and admission of John Ers- 
 kine of Dun as superintendent of Angus and Mearns. 
 That respectable baron was one of those whom the 
 first General Assembly declared " apt and able to 
 minister ;"f and having already contributed in different 
 ways to the advancement of the Reformation, he now 
 devoted himself to the service of the church, in a 
 laborious employment, at a time when she stood emi- 
 nently in need of the assistance of all the learned and 
 pious. Knox had formerly presided at the installation 
 of John Spottiswood, as superintendent of Lothian.:^ 
 
 The influence of our Reformer appears from his 
 being employed on different occasions to compose 
 variances of a civil nature, which arose among the 
 protestants. He was applied to frequently to intercede 
 with the town council in behalf of some of the inhabit- 
 ants, who had subjected themselves to punishment by 
 their disorderly conduct.|| Soon after his return to 
 Scotland, he had composed a disagreeable domestic 
 variance between the Earl and Countess of Argyle.§ 
 And he was now urged by the Earl of Bothwell to 
 assist in removing a deadly feud which subsisted be- 
 tween him and the Earl of Arran. He was averse to 
 interfere in this business, which had already baffled 
 the authority of the privy council ;1[ but at the desire 
 of some friends, he yielded, and, after considerable 
 pains, had the satisfaction of bringing the parlies to 
 an amicable interview, at which they mutually pro- 
 mised to bury their former differences. But ail the 
 fine hopes which he had formed from this reconcilia- 
 tion were speedily blasted. For in the course of a few 
 days, Arran came to him in great agitation, and in- 
 formed him, that Bothwell had endeavoured to engage 
 him in a conspiracy, to seize upon the person of the 
 Queen, and to kill the Prior of St. Andrews, Maitland, 
 and the rest of her counsellors. Knox does not seem 
 to have given much credit to this information ; he even 
 endeavoured to prevent Arran from making it public; 
 in this, however, he did not succeed, and both noble- 
 men were imprisoned. It soon after became evident 
 that Arran was lunatic, but the fears of the courtiers 
 shew that they did not altogether disbelieve his accu- 
 sation, and that they suspected that Bothwell had 
 
 * See Extracts from the Records of the Town Council, in 
 Note XLVI. 
 
 t Keith, p. 498. 
 
 \ The form observed on that occasion, which was followed 
 ill the admission or ordination of all the superintendents and 
 other ministers, is inserted at length in Knox's Historie, p. 
 263—266, and in Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 627—636. 
 
 11 Knox, Historie, p. ^70. } Ibid. p. 328-9. 
 
 \ Keith. 215. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 m 
 
 formed that wicked design, of which his future con- 
 duct proved that he was capable.* 
 
 In the month of May, Knox had another interview 
 with the Queen, on the following occasion. The 
 family of Guise were at this time maliing the most 
 vigorous efforts to regain that ascendancy in the French 
 counsels which they had been deprived of since the 
 death of Francis II. and, as zeal for the Catholic reli- 
 gion was the cloak under which they concealed their 
 ambitious designs, they began by stirring up persecu- 
 tion against the protestants. The massacre of Vassy, 
 in the beginning of March, was a prelude to this; in 
 which the duke of Guise and cardinal of Lorrain at- 
 tacked, with an armed force, a congregation assembled 
 for worship, killed a number of ihem, and wounded 
 and mutilated others, not excepting women and chil- 
 dren. | Intelligence of the success which attended the 
 measures of her uncles was brought to Queen Mary, 
 who immediately after gave a splendid ball to her 
 foreign servants, at which the dancing was prolonged 
 to a late hour. 
 
 Knox was advertised of the festivities in the palace, 
 and had no doubt that they were occasioned by the 
 accounts which the Queen had received from France. 
 He always felt a lively interest in the concerns of the 
 French protestants, with many of whom he was inti- 
 mately acquainted ; and he entertained a very bad 
 opinion of the princes of Lorrain. In his sermon on 
 the following Sabbath, having discoursed of the dig- 
 nity of magistrates, and the obedience which was due 
 to them, he proceeded to lament the abuse which the 
 greater part of rulers made of their power, and intro- 
 duced some severe strictures upon the vices to which 
 princes were commonly addicted, their oppression, 
 ignorance, hatred of virtue, attachment to bad com- 
 pany, and fondness for foolish pleasures. Glancing at 
 the amusements which were common in the palace, he 
 said that princes were more exercised in dancing and 
 music than in reading or hearing the word of God, and 
 they delighted more in fiddlers and flatterers than in 
 the company of wise and grave men, who were capable 
 of giving them wholesome counsel. As to dancing, 
 (he said), although he did not find it praised in Scrip- 
 ture, and profane writers had termed it a gesture more 
 becoming mad than sober men, yet he would not utter- 
 ly condemn it, provided, first, that persons did not 
 neglect the duties of their station by indulging in it, 
 and secondly, that they did not dance, like the Philis- 
 tines, from joy at the misfortunes of God's people. 
 If they were guilty of these, their mirth would be soon 
 converted into sorrow. Information of this discourse 
 was quickly conveyed to the Queen, with many exag- 
 gerations ; and the preacher was next day ordered to 
 attend at the palace. Being conveyed into the royal 
 chamber, where the Queen sat with her maids of honour 
 and her principal counsellors, he was accused of hav- 
 ing spoken of her Majesty irreverently, and in a man- 
 ner calculated to bring her under the contempt and 
 hatred of her subjects. 
 
 After the Queen had made a long speech on that 
 theme, he was allowed to state his defence. He told 
 her Majesty, that she had been treated as persons 
 usually were who refused to attend the preaching of 
 the word of God : she had been obliged to trust to the 
 false reports of flatterers. For, if she had heard the 
 calumniated discourse, he did not believe she could 
 have been oflTended with any thing that he had said. 
 She would now, therefore, be pleased to hear him re- 
 peat, as exactly as he could, what he had preached 
 yesterday. Mary was obliged for once to listen to a 
 protestant sermon. Having finished the recapitulation 
 of his discourse, he said, "If any man, madam, will 
 say, that I spake more, let him presently accuse me; 
 
 « Knox, Historic, 305—308, and Letter to Locke, 6th May, 
 1562, in Cald. MS. i. 755, 756. Spottis. 184. 
 
 t Histoire des Martyrs, fol. 658, 559. printed A. 1.597. 
 
 for I think I have not only touched the sum, but the 
 very words as I spake them." Several of the com- 
 pany, who had heard the sermon preached, attested 
 that he had given a fair and accurate account of it. 
 The Queen, after turning round to the informers, who 
 were dumb, told him, that his words, though sharp 
 enough as related by himself, had been reported to her 
 in a different way. She added, that she knew that her 
 uncles and he were of a diflferent religion, and there- 
 fore did not blame him for having no good opinion of 
 them; but if he heard anything about her conduct 
 which displeased him, he should come to herself pri- 
 vately, and she would willingly listen to his admoni- 
 tions. Knox easily saw through this proposal ; and, 
 from what he already knew of Mary's character, he 
 was convinced that she had no inclination to receive 
 his private instructions, but wished merely to induce 
 him to refrain in his sermons from every thing that 
 might be displeasing to the court. He replied, that 
 he was willing to do any thing for her Majesty's con- 
 tentment, which was consistent with his ofllice ; if her 
 Grace chused to attend the public sermons, she would 
 have an opportunity of knowing what pleased or dis- 
 pleased him in her and in others; or if she chose to 
 appoint a -time when she would hear the substance 
 of the doctrine which he preached in public, he would 
 most gladly wait upon her Grace's pleasure, lime, and 
 place : but to come and wait at her chamber-door, and 
 then to have liberty only to whisper in her ear what 
 people thought and said of her, that would neither his 
 conscience nor his office permit him to do. " For, 
 (added he, in a strain which he sometimes used even 
 on serious occasions), albeit at your Grace's command- 
 ment, I am heir now, yit can I not tell quhat uther 
 men shall judge of me, that, at this time of day, am 
 absent from my buke, and waitting upon the court." 
 " Ye will not alwayes be at your buke," said the 
 Queen pettishly, and turned her back. As he left the 
 room " with a reasounable merry countenance," some 
 of the popish attendants said in his hearing. He is not 
 afraid ! " Why sould the plesing face of a genlilwoman 
 afray me? (said he, regarding them with a sarcastic 
 scowl) I have luiked in the faces of mony angry men, 
 and yit have not bene aflfrayed above measour."* 
 
 There was at that time but one place of worship in 
 the city of Edinburgh. f The number of inhabitants 
 was, indeed, small, when compared with its present 
 population ; but still they must have formed a very 
 large congregation. The place used for worship in St. 
 Giles's church was capacious; for we learn that, on 
 some occasions, three thousand persons assembled in 
 it to hear sermon.:^ In this church, Knox had, since 
 1560, performed all the parts of ministerial duty, with- 
 out any other assistant than John Cairns, who acted as 
 reader. II He preached twice every Sabbath, and thrice 
 on other days of the week.§ He met regularly once 
 every week with his kirk-session for discipline,^^ and 
 with the assembly of the neighbourhood for the exer- 
 cise on the scriptures. He attended, besides, the 
 meetings of the provincial synod and general assem- 
 bly; and at almost every meeting of the latter, he re- 
 ceived an appointment to visit and preach in some 
 distant part of the country. These labours must have 
 been oppressive to a constitution which was already 
 much impaired ; especially as he did not indulge in 
 extemporaneous effusions, but devoted a part of every 
 day to study. His parish was sensible of this; and, 
 in April 1562, the town council came to an unanimous 
 
 * Knox, Historic, 308—311. 
 
 \ St. Cuthberts, or the West Church, was at that time (a» 
 it is at present), a distinct parish, of which William Harlow 
 was minister. There was also a minister in Canong^ate or 
 Holyroodhouse. | Cald. MS. ii. 157. 
 
 II Records of Town Council, 26tb October, 1561. 
 
 £ Ibid. 10th April, 1562. 
 
 IT The number of elders in the session of Edinburgh was 
 twelve, and of deacons sixteen. Dunlop's Confes.sions, ii. 638. 
 
96 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 resolntion to solicit the minister of Canongate to under- 
 take the half of the charge. The ensuing general as- 
 sembly approved of the council's proposal, and ap- 
 pointed the translation.* It did not, however, take 
 place before June 15G3, owing, as it would seem, to 
 the difficulty of obtaining an additional stipend, j" 
 
 The person who was appointed colleague to our 
 Reformer was John Craig. A short account of this 
 distinguished minister cannot be altogether foreign 
 to the history of one with whom he was so strictly 
 associated, and it will present incidents which are 
 both curious in themselves, and illustrative of the 
 singular manner in which many of the promoters of 
 the Reformation were fitted by providence for engaging 
 in that great undertaking. He was born in 1512, and 
 soon after lost his father in the battle of Flodden, 
 which proved fatal to so many families in Scotland. 
 After finishing his education at the university of St. 
 Andrews, he went to England, and became tutor to the 
 family of Lord Dacres, but war having broken out 
 between England and Scotland, he returned to his na- 
 tive country, and entered into the order of Dominican 
 friars. The Scottish clergy were at that time eager in 
 making inquisition for Lutherans ; and owing either 
 to the circumstance of his having been in England, or 
 to his having dropped some expressions respecting 
 religion which were deemed too free, Craig fell under 
 the suspicion of heresy, and was thrown into prison. 
 The accusation was found to be groundless, and he 
 was set at liberty. But althoutrh he was still attach- 
 ed to the Roman Catholic religion, the ignorance 
 and bigotry of the clergy gave him such a disgust 
 at his native country that he left it in 1537, and 
 having remained a short time in England, went to 
 France, and from that to Italy. At the recommen- 
 dation of the celebrated Cardinal Pole, he was admit- 
 ted among the Dominicans in the city of Bologna, and 
 was soon raised to an honourable employment in that 
 body. In the library of the Inquisition, which was 
 attached to the monastery, he found Calvin's Inslilu- 
 tions. Being fond of books, he determined to read 
 that work, and the consequence was that lie became a 
 complete convert to the reformed opinions. In the 
 warmth of his first impressions, he could not restrain 
 himself from imparling the change of his sentiments 
 to his associates, and he must have soon fallen a sacri- 
 fice to the vigilant guardians of the faith, had not the 
 friendship of a fother in the monastery saved him. The 
 old man, who also was a native of Scotland, represent- 
 ed the danger to which he exposed himself by avow- 
 ing such tenets in that place, and advised him, if he 
 was fixed in his views to retire immediately to some 
 protestant country. With this prudent advice he 
 complied so far as to procure his discharge from the 
 monastery. 
 
 At a very early period of the Christian era there 
 were converts to the gospel " in Caesar's household," 
 and in the sixteenth century the light of reformation 
 penetrated into Italy, and even into the territories of 
 the Roman Pontiff.t On leaving the monastery of 
 Bologna, Craig entered as tutor into the family of a 
 neighbouring nobleman, who had embraced the pro- 
 testant principles ; but he had not resided long in it 
 when he was delated for heresy, seized by the famil- 
 iars of the Inquisition, and carried to Rome. After 
 being confined nine months in a noisome dungeon, he 
 was brought to trial, and condemned to be burned, 
 along with some others, on the 20th of August 1559. 
 On the evening previous to their appointed execution, 
 the reigning Pontiff, Paul IV. died; and, according 
 to an accustomed practice on such occasions, the 
 prisons in Rome were all thrown open. Those who 
 were confined for debt and other civil offences were 
 liberated, but heretics, after being allowed to go 
 
 * Calderwood, apud Keith, 514. 
 J See Note XLVIII. 
 
 t See Note XLVII. 
 
 without the walls of their prison, were again thrown 
 into confinement. But a tumult having been excited 
 that night in the city, Craig and his companions ef- 
 fected their escape, and took refuge in an inn at a 
 small distance from Rome. They had not been long 
 there when they were followed by a company of sol- 
 diers, sent to apprehend them. On entering the house, 
 the Captain looked steadfastly on Craig's countenance, 
 and taking him aside, asked him, if he recollected of 
 once relieving a poor wounded soldier in the vicinity 
 of Bologna. Craig was in too great confusion to re- 
 member the circumstance. " But I recollect it (replied 
 the captain,) and I am the man whom you relieved, 
 and providence has now put it in my power to return 
 the kindness which you shewed to a distressed stran- 
 ger. You are at liberty ; your companions I must 
 take along with me, but for your sake I shall shew 
 them every favour in my power." He then gave hira 
 what money he had upon hira, and directions how to 
 make his escape. 
 
 We are not yet done with the wonderful incidents 
 in the life of Craig. " Another accident (says arch- 
 bishop Spotliswood) befel him, which I should scarce- 
 ly relate, so incredible it seemeth, if to many of good 
 place he himself had not often repeated it as a singular 
 testimony of God's care for him." In the course of 
 his journey through Italy, while he avoided the public 
 roads, and took a circuitous route to escape from pur- 
 suit, the money which he had received from the grate- 
 ful soldier failed him. Having laid himself down by 
 the side of a wood to ruminate on his condition, he 
 perceived a dog approaching him with a purse in its 
 teeth. It occurred to him that it had been sent by 
 some evil disposed person, who was concealed in the 
 wood, and wished to pick a quarrel with him. He 
 therefore endeavoured to drive it away, but the animal 
 continuing to fawn upon him, he at length took the 
 purse, and found in it a sum of money which enabled 
 him to prosecute his journey. Having reached Vien- 
 na, and announced himself as a Dominican, he was 
 employed to preach before the Emperor Maximilian. 
 His Majesty was so much pleased that he was desi- 
 rous of retaining him ; but the Pope, Pius IV. having 
 heard of his reception at the Austrian capital, applied 
 to have him sent back to Rome as a condemned here- 
 tic, upon which the Emperor dismissed him with a 
 safe-conduct. When he arrived in England in 1560, 
 and was informed of the establishment of the reformed 
 religion in his native country, he immediately repaired 
 to Scotland, and was admitted to the ministry. Hav- 
 ing in a great measure forgotten his native language, 
 during an absence of twenty-four years, he for a short 
 time preached in Latin to some of the learned in 
 Magdalene's chapel. He was afterwards appointed 
 minister of the parish of Canongate, where he had 
 not officiated long, till he was elected colleague to 
 Knox.* 
 
 The Queen still persevered in the line of policy 
 which she had adopted at her first arrival in Scotland, 
 and employed none but protestant counsellors. She 
 entrusted the chief direction of public affairs to the 
 Prior of St. Andrews, who, in 1502, was created Earl 
 of Murray,! aiul married a daughter of the Earl 
 Marishal. The marriage ceremony was performed by 
 Knox publicly before the congregation, according to 
 the custom at that time ; and on that occasion the 
 Reformer reminded the Earl of the benefit which the 
 church had hitherto received from his services, and 
 exhorted him to persevere in the same course, lest, if 
 
 • Row, MS. Historie of the Kirk, p. 47. Spottiswood, p. 
 463 — 4. 1 have chiefly followed Row's narrative. By com- 
 paring; it with Spottiswood 's, the reader will perceive that they 
 (iirt'er in a few unimportant circumstances. Row mentions that 
 he had his information from several persons who had heard 
 Craig himself relate the story, and particularly from his widow, 
 Dame Craie, who survived her husband, and lived in Edin- 
 burgh until 1630. t Keith, p. 226. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 97 
 
 an unfavourable chancre was perceived, the blame 
 should be imputed to his wife.* Tlie fact, however, 
 was, that Knox was more afraid that Murray would 
 be corrupted by his connection with the court, than by 
 his matrimonial alliance. 
 
 Although the protestants filled the cabinet, it was 
 well known that they did not possess the affection and 
 confidence of her majesty, and in consequence of this 
 various plots were laid to displace and ruin them. 
 During the autumn of 1562, the Roman Catholics in 
 Scotland entertained great hopes of a change in their 
 favour. After several unsuccessful attempts to cut 
 off the principal protestant courtiers,f the Earl of 
 Huntly openly took arms in the North, to rescue the 
 Queen from their hands; while the archbishop of St. 
 Andrews endeavoured to unite and rout the papists of 
 the South. On this occasion, our Reformer acted with 
 his usual zeal and foresight. Being appointed by the 
 general assembly as commissioner to visit the church- 
 es of the West, he persuaded the gentlemen of that 
 quarter to enter into a new bond of defence. Hasten- 
 ing into Nithsdale and Galloway, he, by his sermons 
 and conversation, confirmed the protestants in these 
 places. He employed the Master of Maxwell to write 
 to the Earl of Bothwell, who had escaped from con- 
 finement, and meant, it was feared, to join Huntly. He 
 himself wrote to the Duke of Chastelherault, warning 
 him not to listen to the solicitations of his brother, 
 the archbishop, nor accede to a conspiracy which 
 would infallibly prove the ruin of his house. By 
 these means, the southern parts of the kingdom were 
 preserved in a state of peace, while the vigorous 
 measures of the Council crushed the rebellion in the 
 North.:]: The Queen expressed little satisfaction at 
 the victory over Huntly, and there is every reason to 
 think, that, if she was not privy to his rising, she at 
 least expected to turn it to the advancement of her 
 projects.!! According to archbishop Spottiawood, she 
 scrupled not to say, at this time, that she " hoped, 
 before a year was expired, to have the mass and Cath- 
 olic profession restored through the whole kingdom."§ 
 
 While these hopes were indulged, the popish clergy 
 thought it necessary to gain credit to their cause, 
 by appearing more openly in defence of their tenets 
 than they had lately done. They began to preach 
 publicly in different parts of the country, and boasted 
 that they were ready to dispute with the protestant 
 ministers.^ 
 
 The person who stepped forward as their champion 
 was Quintin Kennedy, uncle to the Earl of Cassilis, 
 and abbot of Crossraguel. Though his talents were 
 not of a superior order, the abbot was certainly one 
 of the most respectable of the popish clergy in Scot- 
 land, not only in birth, but also in regularity and 
 decorum of conduct. He seems, however, to have 
 spent the greater part of his life in the same neglect 
 of professional duty which characterized his brethren ; 
 but he was roused from his inactivity by the zeal and 
 success of the protestant preachers, who, in the years 
 1556 and 1557, attacked the popish faith, and inveigh- 
 ed against the idleness and corruption of the clergy.** 
 At an age when others retire from the field, he began 
 to rub up his long neglected theological armour, and 
 to gird himself for the combat. 
 
 * Knox, Historie, p. 302. f Keith, 230: Knox, 321. 
 
 t Knox, 316—318. 
 
 II The historian of the family of Grordon expressly says, that 
 " her majesty thought, by the Earle of Huntlie his power in 
 the north, to get herself! fred from the hands of her bastard 
 brother, James Earle of Morray ;" and that " the Earle of 
 Huntlie (at the quein's owne desyre) did gather some forces, to 
 get her out of the Earle of Murraye's power." Genealogical 
 History of the Earldom of Sutherland, by Sir Robert Gordon 
 of Gordonstoun, p. 140, 141 ; just published Jrom a MS. inthe 
 possession of the Marchioness of Stafford. 
 
 { Spottiswood, 185. T Knox, Historie, p. 316, 318. 
 
 ** The reasoning betwix Jo. Knox and the abbote of C'ross- 
 raguell, fol. 4. Edinburgh, 1563. 
 
 N 
 
 His first appearance as a polemical writer was in 
 1558, when he published a short system of catholic 
 tactics, under the title of ^ne Compendius Tractive^ 
 shewing " the nerrest and onlie way to establish the 
 conscience of a Christian man," in all matters which 
 were in debate concerning faith and religion. This 
 way was no other than implicit faith in the decisions 
 of the church or clergy. When any point of religion 
 was controverted, the scripture might be cited as a 
 witness, but the church was the judge, whose deter- 
 minations, in general councils canonically assembled, 
 were to be humbly received and submitted to by all 
 the faithful.* It was but " a harbour saying" which 
 the protestants had commonly in their mouths, that 
 every man ought to examine the scriptures for himself. 
 It was sufficient for those who did not occupy the 
 place of teachers, that they had a 'general knowledge 
 of the creed, the ten commandments, and the Lord's 
 prayer, according to the sense in which these were 
 explained by the church. And "as to the sacramentis, 
 and all other secretis of the scripture," every Chris- 
 tian man ought to " stand to the judgement of his pastor, 
 who did bear his burden in all matters doubtsome 
 above his knowledge. "f 
 
 This was doubtless a very near way to stability of 
 mind, and a most compendious mode of deciding every 
 controversy which might arise, without havino- re- 
 course to examination, or reasoning, or debate. But 
 as the wilful and stubborn reformers would not submit 
 to this easy and short mode of decision, the abbot 
 was reluctantly obliged to enter the lists of argument 
 with them. Accordingly, in the beginning of 1559, 
 he challenged Willock, who was preaching in his 
 neighbourhood, to a dispute on the sacrifice of the 
 mass. The challenge was accepted, the time and 
 place of meeting were fix^d ; but the dispute did not 
 take place, as Kennedy refused to appear, unless his 
 antagonist would previously engage to submit to the 
 interpretations of scripture which had been given by 
 the ancient doctors of the church. ij: From this time 
 he seems to have made the mass the great subject of 
 his study, and in 1561 wrote a book in its defence, 
 which was answered by George Hay.!| 
 
 On the 30th of August 1562, the abbot read, in his 
 chapel of Kirk Oswald, a number of articles respect- 
 ing the mass, purgatory, praying to saints, the use of 
 images, &c. which, he said, he would defend against 
 any who would impugn them, and he promised to 
 declare his mind more fully respecting them on the 
 following Sabbath. Knox, who was in the vicinity, 
 came to Kirk Oswald on that day,, with the design of 
 hearing the abbot, and granting him the disputation 
 which he had courted. In the morning, he sent some 
 gentlemen who accompanied him to acquaint Kennedy 
 with the reason of his coming, and to desire him 
 either to preach according to his promise, or to attend 
 Knox's sermon, and afterwards to state his objeetrons 
 to the doctrine which might be delivered. The abbot 
 did not think it proper to appear, and Knox preached 
 in the chapel. When he came down from the pulpit, 
 a letter from Kennedy was put into his hand, which 
 led to an epistolary correspondence between them, 
 fully as curious as the dispute which followed. 
 
 The abbot wrote to Knox, that he was informed he 
 had come to that quarter of the country " to seik dis- 
 putation," which he was so far from refusing that he 
 " ernestlie and eflfectuouslie covated the samin," and 
 
 * Kennedy, Compendius Tractive, A, iiij. f Ibid. D, vii. 
 
 :|; Keith, App. 195 — 199. Kennedy, in a letter to the arch- 
 bishop of Glasgow, says, " Willock, and the rest of his counsell 
 labourit earnestlie to sie gif I wald admitt the scripture onlye 
 juge, and, be that meines, to haif maid me contrarry to my 
 awin buke; bot thair labouris wes in waist. — I held me evir 
 fast at ane grounde." And he triumphs, that he "draif the 
 lymmar — to refuse the interpretation of the doctoris allegeit be 
 him and all utheris, bot so far as he thocht, thay war agreable 
 with the worde of God, auhilk was as rycht nocht."' Ut supra, 
 193, 194. II See Note XLIX. 
 
 7 
 
98 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 with that view should meet him next Sunday in any 
 house in Maybole that he choosed, provided not 
 more than twenty persons on each side were allowed 
 to be present. The reformer replied, that he had 
 come to that quarter for the purpose of preaching the 
 gospel, and not of disputing; that he was under a 
 previous engagement to be in Dumfries on the day 
 mentioned by the abbot ; but that lie would return 
 with all convenient speed, and fix a time for meeting 
 him. To this letter the abbot sent an answer, to which 
 Knox returned a verbal message only at the time, but 
 when he afterwards published the correspondence, 
 affixed short notes to it by way of reply. The abbot 
 proposed that they should have " familear, formall, 
 and gentill ressoning." " With my whole hart I ac- 
 cept the condition," replies the reformer, " for assured- 
 lie, my lord, (so I style you by reason of blood, and 
 not of office) chiding and brawling 1 utterlie abhor." 
 To Knox's declaration that he had come to "preach 
 Jesus Christ crucified to be the only Saviour of the 
 world," the abbot answers, " Praise be to God, that was 
 na newings in this conntrie, or ye war borne." " I 
 greatlie dout," replies the reformer, "if ever Christ 
 Jesus was treulie preached by a papistical prelat or 
 monk." As an excuse for his not preaching at Kirk 
 Oswald on the day he had promised, the abbot says, 
 that Knox had come to the place convoyed by five or 
 six score strangers. " I lay the night before," says 
 Knox, " in Mayboil, accompanied with fewer than 
 twentie." The abbot boasted that Willock at a for- 
 mer period, and Hay more lately, had refused to dis- 
 pute with him, until they consulted the council and 
 their brethren. — " Maister George Hay offered unto 
 you disputation, but ye fled the barrass." Knox wish- 
 ed the dispute to be conducted publicly in St. John's 
 Church, Ayr; for, says he, "I wonder with what 
 conscience ye can require privat conference of those 
 artikles that ye have publicklie proponed. Ye have 
 infected the ears of the simple ; ye have wounded the 
 hearts of the godlie ; and ye have spoken blasphemie 
 in oppen audience. Let your owne conscience now 
 be judge, if we be bouiKl to answer you in the audi- 
 ence of 20 or 40, of whom the one half are alreadie 
 persuaded in the treuth, and the other perchance so 
 addicted to your error, that they will not be content 
 that light be called light, and darkness, darkness." — 
 " Ye said ane lytill afore," answers the abbot, " ye 
 did abhor all chiding and railling, hot nature passis 
 nurtor with yow." — " I will nether interchange nature 
 nor nurtor with yow, for all the proffets of Crosragu- 
 ell." — " Gif the victorie consist in clamor or crying 
 out," says the abbot, objecting to a public meeting, 
 " I wil quite you the cause but farder pley ;* and yet, 
 praise be to God, I may quhisper in sic manner as I 
 wilbe hard sufficientlie in the largest house in all car- 
 rick.''f "The larger hous, the belter for the auditor 
 and me," says the reformer. 
 
 The Earl of Cassilis wrote to Knox, expressing his 
 disapprobation of the proposed disputation, as unlikely 
 to do any good, and calculated to endanger the public 
 peace; to which the reformer replied, by signifying, 
 that his relation had given the challenge, which he 
 was resolved not to decline, and that his lordship 
 ought to encourage him to keep the appointment, 
 from which no bad effects were to be dreaded. Upon 
 this the abbot wrote a letter to Knox, charging him 
 with having procured Cassiiis's letter, to bring him 
 into disgrace, and to advance his own honour, and say- 
 ing that lie would have " rancountered" him the last 
 time he was in that country, bad it not been for the 
 interposition of his nephew. " Ye sal be assured 
 (adds he) I sal keip day and place in Mayboill, ac- 
 cording to my writing, and I haif my life, and my feit 
 
 • without farther plea. 
 
 t The shire of Ari is divided into three districts, Carrick, 
 Kyle, and Cunning^hani. 
 
 louse ;" and in another letter to Knox and the baillics 
 of Ayr, he says, " keip your promes, and pretex na 
 joukrie, be my lorde of Cassilis writing." " To nether 
 of these," says Knox, " did I answer otherwise than 
 by appointing the day, and promising to keap the 
 same. For I can pacientlie suffer wantone men to 
 speak wantonlie, considering that I had sufficientlie 
 answered my Lord of Cassilis in that behalf." 
 
 The conditions of the combat were now speedily 
 settled. They agreed to meet on the 28th of Septem- 
 ber, at eight o'clock in the morning, in the house of 
 the provost of Maybole. Forty persons on each side 
 were to be admitted as witnesses of the dispute, with 
 "as many mo as the house might goodly hold, at the 
 sight of my lord of Cassilis." And notaries or scribes 
 were chosen on each side to record the papers which 
 might be given in by the parties, and the arguments 
 which they advanced in the course of reasoning, to 
 prevent unnecessary repetition, or a false report of the 
 proceedings. These conditions were formally drawn 
 out, and subscribed by the abbot and the reformer, on 
 the day preceding the meeting. 
 
 When they met, "John Knox addressed him to 
 make publict prayer, whereat the abbot wes soir of- 
 fended at the first, but whil the said John wold in 
 nowise be stayed, he and his gave audience; which 
 being ended, the abbote said. Be my faith, il is weill 
 said.''^ The reasoning commenced by reading a paper 
 presented by the abbot, in which, after rehearsing the 
 occasion of his present appearance, and protesting that 
 his entering into dispute was not to be understood as 
 implying that the points in question were disputable 
 or dubious, being already determined by lawful gen- 
 eral councils, he declared his readiness to defend the 
 articles which he had exhibited, beginning with that 
 concerning the sacrifice of the mass. To this paper 
 Knox gave in a written answer in the course of the 
 disputation: in the mean time, after stating his opinion 
 respecting general councils, he proceeded to the article 
 in dispute. It was requisite, he said, to stale clearly 
 and distinctly the subject in controversy ; and he 
 thought it contained the four following things, the 
 name, the form and action, the opinion entertained of 
 it, and the actor with the authority which he had to 
 do what he pretended to do : all of which he was pre- 
 pared to shew were destitute of any foundation in 
 scripture. The abbot was aware of the difficulty of 
 managing the dispute on such broad ground, and he 
 had taken up ground of his own which he thought he 
 could maintain against his antagonist. " As to the 
 masse that he will impung (said he) or any mannes 
 masse, yea, and it war the paipes awin masse, I will 
 maintein na thing but Jesus Christes masse, conforme 
 to my article, as it is written, and diffinition con- 
 tened in my bulk, quhilk he hes tane on hand to im- 
 pung." 
 
 Knox expressed his delight at hearing the abbot say 
 that he would defend nothing but the mass of Christ, 
 for if he adhered to this, they were "on the verray 
 point of an chrisliane agreement," as he was ready to 
 allow whatever could be shewn to have been instituted 
 by Christ. As to his lordship's book, he confessed he 
 had not read it, and (without excusing his negligence) 
 requested the definition to be read to him from it. The 
 abbot qualified his assertion, by saying, that he meant 
 to defend no other mass, except that which in its 
 " substance, institution, and effect," was appointed by 
 Christ; and he defined the mass, as concerning the 
 substance and effect, to be the sacrifice and oblation 
 of the Lord's body and blood, given and offered by 
 him in the last supper; and for the first confirmation 
 of this, he rested upon the oblation of bread and wine 
 by Melchizedeck. His argument was, that the scrip- 
 ture declared that Christ was a priest after the order 
 of Melchizedeck : Melchizedeck offered bread and 
 wine to God : therefore Christ offered or made obla- 
 tion of his body and blood in the last supper, which 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 was the only instance in which the priesthood of Christ 
 and Melchizedeck could agree. 
 
 Knox said, that the ceremonies of the mass, and the 
 opinion entertained of it, (as procuring remission of 
 sins to the quick and the dead) were viewed as im- 
 portant parts of it, and having a strong hold of the 
 consciences of the people, ought to be taken into the 
 argument; but as the abbot declared himself willing 
 to defend these afterwards, he would proceed to the 
 substance, and proposed, in the first place, to fix the 
 sense in which the word sacrifice or oblation was used 
 in this question. There were sacrifices propitiatorix, 
 for expiation, and eucharisticac, of thanksgiving ; in 
 which last sense the mortification of the body, prayer, 
 and alms-giving, were called sacrifices in scripture. 
 He wished, therefore, to know whether the abbot un- 
 derstood the word in the first or second of these senses 
 in this dispute. The abbot said, that he would not at 
 present dispute what his opponent meant by a sacrifice 
 propitiatorum ,• but he held the sacrifice on the cross to 
 be the only sacrifice of redemption, and that of the 
 mass to be the sacrifice of commemoration of the death 
 and passion of Christ. Knox replied, that the chief 
 head which he intended to impugn seemed to be yielded 
 by the abbot; and lie, for his part, cheerfully granted, 
 that there was a commemoration of Christ's death in 
 the right use of the ordinance of the supper. 
 
 The abbot insisted that Knox should proceed to 
 impugn the warrant which he had taken from scripture 
 for his article. " Protesting (said the reformer) that 
 this mekle is win, that the sacrifice of the messe being 
 denied by me to be a sacrifice propitiatorie for the sins 
 of the quick and the dead (according to the opinion 
 thereof before conceaved), hath no patron at the pre- 
 sent, I am content to procede." — " I protest he hes 
 ■win nothing of me as yit, and referres it to black and 
 quhite contened in our writing." — " I have openlie 
 denied the masse to be an sacrifice propitiatorie for the 
 quick, &c. and the defence thereof is denied. And, 
 therefore, I referre me unto the same judges that my 
 lord hath clamed." — " Ye may denie quhat ye pleis ; 
 for all that ye denie I tak not presentlie to impung ; 
 but quhair I began there will I end, that is, to defend 
 the messe conform to my artickle." " Your lordship's 
 ground (said Knox, after some altercation) is, that 
 Melchizedeck is the figure ofChriste in that he did 
 offer unto God bread and wine, and that it behoved 
 Jesus Christ to offer, in his latter supper, his body 
 and blude, under the forms of bread and wine. I 
 answer to your ground yet againe, that Melchizedeck 
 offered neither bread nor wine unto God ,- and there- 
 fore, it that ye would thereupon conclude hath no as- 
 surance of your ground." " Preve that," said the 
 abbot. Knox replied, that, according to the rules of 
 just reasoning, he could not be bound to prove a nega- 
 tive ; that it was incumbent on his opponent to bring 
 forward some proof for his affirmation, concerning 
 which the text was altogether silent; and that until 
 the abbot did this, it was sufficient for him simply to 
 deny. But the abbot said, he " stuck to his text," 
 and insisted that his antagonist should shew for what 
 purpose Melchizedeck brought out the bread and wine, 
 if it was not to offer them to God. After proteslino- 
 that the abbot's position remained destitute of any 
 support, and that he was not bound in argument to 
 shew what became of the bread and wine, or what use 
 was made of them, Knox consented to state his opinion, 
 that they were intended by Melchizedeck to refresh 
 Abraham and his company. The abbot had now 
 gained what he wished ; and he had a number of objec- 
 tions ready to start against this view of the words, by 
 which he was able at least to protract and involve the 
 dispute. And thus ended the first day's contest. 
 
 When the company convened on the following day, 
 ihe abbot proceeded to impugn the view which his 
 opponent had given of the text. He urged, first, that 
 Abraham and his company had a sufl[iciency of provi- 
 
 sion in the spoils which they had taken from the enemy 
 in their late victory, and did not need Melchizedeck'a 
 bread and wine; and, secondly, that the text said that 
 Melchizedeck brought them forth, and it was impro- 
 bable that one man, and he a king, should carry as 
 much as would refresh three hundred and eighteen 
 men. To these objections Knox made such replies as 
 will occur to any person who thinks on the subject. 
 And in this manner did the second day pass. 
 
 When they met on the third day, the abbot presented 
 a paper, in which he stated another objection to Knox's 
 view of the text. After some more altercation on this 
 subject, Knox desired his opponent to proceed to his 
 promised proof of the argument upon which he had 
 rested his cause. But the abbot, being indisposed, 
 rose up, and put into Knox's hand a book to which he 
 referred him for the proof.* By this time, the noble- 
 men and gentlemen present were completely wearied 
 out. For besides the tedious and uninteresting mode 
 in which the disputation had been managed, they 
 could find entertainment neither for themselves nor for 
 their retinue in Maybole; so that if any person had 
 brought in bread and wine among them, it is presum- 
 able that they would not have debated long upon the 
 purpose for which it was brought. Knox proposed 
 that they should adjourn to Ayr and finish the dispute, 
 which was refused by the abbot, who said he would 
 come to Edinburgh for that purpose, provided he 
 could obtain the Queen's permission. Upon this the 
 company dismissed. 
 
 The dispute was never resumed, though Knox says 
 that he applied to the privy council for liberty to the 
 abbot to come to Edinburgh for this purpose. Kennedy 
 died in August 1564. It has been said that he was 
 canonized as a saint after his death, f and Dempster 
 makes him both a saint and a martyr.:}: I have not 
 seen his name in the Romish calendar, but I find 
 (what is of as great consequence) that the grand argU' 
 ment upon which he insisted in his disputation with 
 the reformer has been canonized. For in the calendar, 
 at "March 25," it is written, " Melchezedec sacrifeit 
 breid and wyne in figure of ye bodie and blond of our 
 lord, whilk is offerit in ye messe." Doubtless, those 
 who knew the very month and day on which this 
 happened, must have been belter acquainted with the 
 design of Melchizedeck, and with the whole transac- 
 tion, than Moses. II 
 
 The abbot, or his friends, having circulated the 
 report that he had the advantage in the disputation, 
 Knox, in 1563, published the account of it from the 
 records of the notaries, to which he added a prologue 
 and short marginal notes. The prologue and his an- 
 swer to the abbot's first paper, especially the latter, 
 are pieces of good writing. I have been more minute 
 in the narration of this dispute than its merits deserve, 
 because no account of it has hitherto appeared, the 
 tract itself being so exceedingly rare, as to have been 
 seen by few for a long period.§ 
 
 * This seems to have been the book published by Kennedy 
 duriiig the preceding year. 
 
 f Crawford's Peerage of Scotland, p. 75. 
 
 \ " Augustus 22 — IVIonast«'rio Crucis regalis obitus Beati 
 Quintini Kennedii abbatis, Comitis Cassilii fratris, qui adriii- 
 i-anda constantia sex annis totis, cum haeresi nascente, et jam 
 confirniata conflixit, ad extremuni lento veneno nonsumptus, 
 corruptoqne sanguine excessit." Dempster! Menologiuni Sco- 
 torum, p. 20. Bononiae^ 1622. 
 
 [| See Calendar by " M. ,\dam King, profeseur of philosophic 
 and Mathimatikis at Paris" prefixed to a Scots translation of 
 Canisius's Catechism, which was printed in 1587. 
 
 ^ Knox gives merely a general notice of this disputation in 
 his Historie, p. 318. Keith, who was very industrious in col- 
 lecting whatever referred to the ecclesiastical history of that 
 period, could not obtain a copy of the printed disputation, and 
 nad heard of but one imperfect copy. History, App. 255. 
 The only copy known to exist at present, is in the library of 
 Alexander Boswell, Esq. ofAuchinleck. Since the publica- 
 tion of the first edition of this Life, Mr. Boswell has reprinted 
 a small impression of this unique, being an exact ^ac simile of 
 the original edition, for the gratification of the curioug. 
 
100 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 Another priest who advocated the Roman Catholic 
 cause at this time was Ninian Wingaie, who had been 
 schoolmaster of Linlithg^ow, from which situation he 
 was removed by Spottiswood, superintendent of Lo- 
 thian, on account of his attachment to popery. In the 
 month of February, 1562, he sent to Knox a writing, 
 consisting of eighty-three questions upon the principal 
 topics of dispute between the papists and protestants, 
 which he had drawn up in the name of the inferior 
 clergy and laity of the Catholic persuasion in Scot- 
 land. To some of these, particularly the questions 
 which related to the call of the protestant ministers, 
 the Reformer returned an answer from the pulpit, and 
 Wingaie addressed several letters to him, complaining 
 that his answers were not satisfactory. These letters, 
 with addresses to the Queen, nobility, bishops, and 
 magistrates of Edinburgh, Wingate committed to the 
 press, but the impression being seized in the printer's 
 house (according to bishop Lesley,) the author escaped 
 and went to the continent.* Knox intended to pub- 
 lish an answer to Wingate's questions, and to defend 
 the validity of the protestant ministry; but it does not 
 appear that he carried his design into execution. f 
 
 In the beginning of 1563, Knox went to Jedburgh, 
 by appointment of the General Assembly, to investi- 
 gate a scandal which had broken out against Paul 
 Methven, the minister of that place, who was sus- 
 pected of adultery. Methven was found guilty, and 
 excommunicated. ][: Having fled to England, he sent 
 a letter to the General Assembly, professing his wil- 
 lingness to submit to the discipline of the church, but 
 requesting that the account of his process should be 
 deleted from the records. The Assembly declared that 
 he might return with safety to his native country, and 
 that he should be admitted to public repentance, but 
 refused to erase the process from their minutes. || He 
 afterwards returned to Scotland ; and a severe and 
 humiliating penance was prescribed to him. He was 
 enjoined to appear at the church-door of Edinburgh, 
 when the second bell rang for public worship, clad in 
 sackcloth, bare-headed, and bare-footed ; to stand there 
 until the prayer and psalms were finished, when he 
 was to be brought into the church to hear sermon, 
 during which he was to be "placeit in the public 
 spectakell above the peiple." This appearance he 
 was to make on three several preaching-days, and on 
 the last of them, being a Sabbath-day, he was, at the 
 close of the sermon, to profess his sorrow before the 
 congregation, and to request their forgiveness ; upon 
 which he was again to be " clad in his awin apparell," 
 and received into the communion of the church. He 
 was to repeat this course at Dundee and at Jedburgh, 
 where he had officiated as minister.§ Methven went 
 through a part of this humbling scene, with professions 
 of deep sorrow; but being overwhelmed with shame, 
 
 * Lesley, apud Keith, p. 501. App. 203. Lesley speaks of 
 a dispute between Knox and Wingate, but that nislorian is 
 often incorrect in his details. The dispute between the doctors 
 of Aberdeen and the ministers, which took place in the begin- 
 ning of 1561 is Hientioned by Knox, Historie, p. 261, 262. It 
 would seem from a letter of llandolph, that there was a dispute 
 in the end of 1561, between some of the ministers and a Pari- 
 sian divine, who had come over with the Queen. Keith, 208. 
 Wingate published, at Antwerp, his " Buke of Fourscoir Three 
 Questionis," anno 1563. Keitn has reprinted this, and also his 
 " Ti"actatis," originally printed at Edinburgh. He calls them 
 " very rare and much noted pieces." History, App. 203. In 
 point of argument or sentiment they are certainly not noted; 
 but they contain a strong proof of the extreme corruption 
 which prevailed among the superior popish clergy, agiiinst 
 which Wingate inveighs as keenly as any reformer. His second 
 book concludes with this exclamation, " Och for mair paper or 
 penyis!" Wingate' translated several works of the Fathers 
 into the Scottish language, some of which are mentioned by 
 him in his Tractates. Keith, App. 226, 227. He was made 
 abbot of a Scots monastery at Ratisbon. Mackenzie's Lives, 
 Tol. iii. p. 149. + See Note L. 
 
 \ Knox, Historie, p. 323, 324. Keith, 522. 
 
 n Keith, p. 538. 
 
 \ Bulk of the UniTenal Kirk, p. 23. Keith, 559, 660. 
 
 and despairing to regain his lost reputation, he stopped 
 in the midst of it, and again retired to England.* Pru- 
 dential considerations were not wanting to induce the 
 reformed church of Scotland to stifle this aflfair, and to 
 screen from public ignominy a man who had acted a 
 distinguished part in the late reformation of religion. 
 But they refused to listen to these; and by instituting a 
 strict scrutiny into the fact, and inflicting an exemplary 
 punishment upon the criminal, they '* approved them- 
 selves to be clear in this matter," and efTectually shut 
 the mouths of their popish adversaries. 
 
 The mode of public repentance enjoined on this oc- 
 casion was appointed to be afterwards used in all cases 
 of aggravated immorality. f There was nothing in 
 which the Scottish reformers approached nearer to the 
 primitive church than in the rigorous and impartial 
 exercise of ecclesiastical discipline, the relaxation of 
 which, under the papacy, they justly regarded as one 
 great cause of the universal corruption of religion. 
 While they rejected many of the ceremonies which 
 were introduced into the worship of the Christian 
 church, during the three first centuries, they, from 
 detestation of vice, and a desire to restrain it, did not 
 scruple to conform to a number of their penitential 
 regulations. In some instances they might carry their 
 rigour against offenders to an extreme ; but it was a 
 virtuous extreme, compared with the dangerous laxity, 
 or rather total disuse of discipline, which has gradually 
 crept into almost all the churches which retain the 
 name of reformed : even as the scrupulous delicacy 
 with which our forefathers shunned the society of 
 those who had transgressed the rules of morality, is to 
 be preferred to modern manners, by which the vicious 
 obtain easy admission into the company of the virtuous. 
 
 'Twas hard perhaps on here and there a waif, 
 
 Desirous to return, and not received; 
 
 But was an wholesome rigour in the main, 
 
 And taught the unblemished to preserve with care 
 
 That purity, whose loss was loss of all. 
 
 But now — yes, now, 
 
 We are become so candid and so fair. 
 So liberal in construction, and so rich 
 In Christian charity, (good-natured age!) 
 That the)- are safe, sinners of either sex. 
 Transgress what laws they may. 
 
 Cowper, Task, B. iii. 
 
 In the month of May, the Queen sent for Knox to 
 Lochlevin. The popish priests, presuming upon her 
 avowed partiality to them, and her secret promises of 
 protection, had of late become more bold, and during 
 the late Easter, masses had been openly celebrated in 
 diflferent parts of the kingdom. Repeated proclama- 
 tions had been issued against this practice by the 
 Queen in Council, but none of them were carried into 
 execution. The gentlemen of the West, who were the 
 most zealous protestants, perceiving that the laws were 
 eluded, resolved to execute them, without making any 
 application to the court, and apprehended some of the 
 offenders by way of example. The Queen was highly 
 offended at these decided proceedings, which were cal- 
 culated to defeat the scheme of policy which she had 
 formed ; but finding that the signification of her dis- 
 pleasure had not the effect of stopping them, she 
 wished to avail herself of the Reformer's influence for 
 accomplishing her purpose. 
 
 She dealt with him very earnestly, for two hours 
 before supper, to persuade the western gentlemen to 
 desist from all interruption of the Catholic worship. 
 He told her Majesty, that if she would exercise her 
 authority in executing the laws of the land, he could 
 promise for the peaceable behaviour of the protestants; 
 but if she thought to elude them, he feared that there 
 were some who would let the papists understand that 
 they should not offend with impunity. " Will ye 
 allow, that they shall take my sword in their hands'!" 
 said the Queen. ♦' The sword of justice is GodCs, (re- 
 
 • Koox, Hiatorie, p. 398. 
 
 + See Note LI. 
 
LIFE OF JOHP^ KNOX. 
 
 I<H 
 
 plied the Reformer with equal firmness), and is given 
 to princes and rulers for one end, which, if they trans- 
 gress, sparing the wicked and oppressing the innocent, 
 they who, in the fear of God, execute judgment where 
 God has commanded, offend not God, although kings 
 do it not." Having produced some examples from 
 scripture to shew that criminals might be punished by 
 persons who did not occupy the place of supreme rulers, 
 he added, that the gentlemen of the West were acting 
 strictly according to law; for the act of parliament 
 gave power to all judges within their bounds, to search 
 for and punish those who should transgress its enact- 
 ments. He concluded with inculcating a doctrine 
 which has seldom been very pleasing to princes. "It 
 shall be profitable to your Majesty to consider what is 
 the thing your Grace's subjects look to receive of your 
 Majesty, and what it is that ye ought to do unto them 
 by mutual contract. They are bound to obey you, and 
 that not but in God : ye are bound to keep laws to 
 them. Ye crave of them service : they crave of you 
 protection and defence against wicked doers. Now, 
 madam, if you shall deny your duty unto them (which 
 especially craves that ye punish malefactors), think ye 
 to receive full obedience of them 1 I fear, madam, ye 
 shall not." The Queen broke off the conversation 
 with evident marks of displeasure. 
 
 Having communicated what had passed between 
 them to the Earl of Murray, Knox meant to return to 
 Edinburgh next day, without wailing for any further 
 communication with the Queen. But a message was 
 delivered to him early in the morning, desiring him 
 not to depart until he had again spoken with her Ma- 
 jesty. He accordingly met her at a place in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Kinross, where she took the amusement 
 of hawking. This interview was very different from 
 that of the preceding evening. Waving entirely the 
 subject on which they had differed, she conversed with 
 him upon a variety of other topics, with the greatest 
 familiarity and apparent confidence. Lord Ruthven 
 (she said) had offered her a ring; but she could not 
 love that nobleman. She knew that he used enchant- 
 ment;* and yet he had been made a member of her 
 Privy Council. And she blamed Secretary Lethington 
 for procuring his admission among that body. Knox 
 excused himself from saying any thing of the Secre- 
 tary in his absence. "I understand," said she, intro- 
 ducing another subject of discourse, " that ye are ap- 
 pointed to go to Dumfries, for the election of a super- 
 intendent to be established in these countries." He 
 answered in the affirmative. " But I understand the 
 bishop of Athenst would be superintendent." — " He 
 is one, madam, that is put in election." — " If you 
 knew him as well as I do, you would not promote him 
 to that oflSce, nor yet to any other within your kirk." 
 Knox said that the bishop deceived many, if he did 
 not fear God. " Well, do as you will ; but that man 
 is a dangerous man." 
 
 Knox wished to take his leave of her Majesty, but 
 she pressed him to stay. " I have one of the greatest 
 matters that have touched me since I came into this 
 realm to open to you, and I must have your help in 
 it," said she, with an air of condescension and confi- 
 dence as enchanting as if she had put a ring on his 
 finger. She then entered into a long discourse with 
 him concerning a domestic difference between the Earl 
 and Countess of Argyle. Her ladyship had not, she 
 
 * Comp. Knox, Historie, 327, with Keith. App. 125. 
 
 t In Knox's Historie, it is printed Cathenis, by mistake, in- 
 stead of ./3</i em's. The person referred to is Alexander Gor- 
 don, brother to George, Earl of Huntly, who was slain at 
 Corrichie in 1562. Scarcel}' any Scottish prelate ever occu- 
 pied so many different sees, or occupied them for so short a 
 time. He was bishop of Caithness, archbishop of Glasgow, 
 bishop of the Isles, and bishop ofGallowaj'. When he was 
 deprived of the see of Glasgow, the Pope, as a recompense, 
 created him titular krchhishop of Athens. Gordon's Genea- 
 logical History of the Earldom of Sutherland, p. Ill — 12, 137, 
 290. Keith's Scottish Bishops, p. 128, 153, 166, 175. 
 
 said, been so circumspect in every thing as she could 
 have wished, but still she was of opinion that his lord- 
 ship had not treated her in an honest and godly man- 
 ner. Knox said that he was not unacquainted with 
 the disagreeable variance which had subsisted between 
 that honourable couple, and, before her Majesty's ar- 
 rival in this country, he had effected their reconcilia- 
 tion. On that occasion, the Countess had promised 
 not to complain to any creature before acquainting 
 him ; and as he had never heard from her on that sub- 
 ject, he had concluded that there was nothing but 
 concord between her and his lordship. " Well," said 
 the Queen, " it is worse than ye believe. But do this 
 much /or my sake, as once again to put them at unity, 
 and if she behave not herself as she ought to do, she 
 shall find no favour of me ; but in any wise let not my 
 lord know that 1 have requested you in this matter." 
 Then introducing the subject of their reasoning on the 
 preceding evening, she said, " I promise to do as ye 
 required : I shall cause summon all oflTenders; and ye 
 shall know that I shall minister justice." " I am as- 
 sured then," said he, " that ye shall please God, and 
 enjoy rest and tranquillity within your realm, which to 
 your Majesty is more profitable than all the pope's 
 power can be." Upon this he took his leave of the 
 Queen.* 
 
 This interview exhibits one part of Queen Mary's 
 character in a striking light. It shews how far she 
 was capable of dissembling, what artifice she could 
 employ, and what condescensions she could make, 
 when she was bent on accomplishing a favourite 
 scheme. She had formerly attacked the Reformer on 
 another quarter without success, and was convinced 
 that it was vain to think of working on his fears ; she 
 now resolved to try if she could soothe his stern tem- 
 per by flattering his vanity, and disarm his jealousy 
 by strong marks of confidence. There is some reason 
 to think that she partly succeeded in her design. For 
 though he was not very susceptible of flattery, and 
 must have been struck with the sudden change in the 
 Queen's views and behaviour, there are few minds 
 that can altogether resist the impression made by the 
 condescending familiarity of persons of superior rank; 
 and our feelings, on such occasions, chide as unchari- 
 table the cold suspicions suggested by our judgment. 
 In obedience to her Majesty's request, he wrote a letter 
 to the Earl of Argyle, which was not very pleasing to 
 that nobleman. From deference to the opinion which 
 she had expressed of the bishop of Galloway, he en- 
 quired more narrowly into his conduct, and finding 
 some grounds of suspicion, postponed the election. 
 And the report which he gave of the Queen's gracious 
 answer operated in her favour on the public mind.f 
 
 But if his zeal suflfered a temporary intermission, it 
 soon kindled with fresh ardour. On the 19th of May, 
 the archbishop of St. Andrews and a number of the 
 principal papists were arraigned, by the Queen's orders, 
 before the Lord Justice General, for transgressing the 
 laws; and having come in her Majesty's will, were 
 committed to ward. But this was merely a stroke of 
 policy, to enable her the more easily to carry her mea- 
 sures in the parliament which met on the following 
 day.t ^ 
 
 This was the first parliament which had been held 
 since the Queen's arrival in Scotland ; and it was natu- 
 ral to expect that they would proceed to ratify the 
 treaty of peace made in July 1560, and the establish- 
 ment of the protestant religion. If the acts of the 
 former parliament were invalid, as the Queen had 
 repeatedly declared, the protestants had no law on 
 their side; they hela their religion at the mercy of 
 their sovereign, and might be required, at her plea- 
 sure, to submit to popery, as the religion which still 
 possessed the legal establishment. But so well had 
 
 * Knox, Historie, p. 326—328. f Ibid. p. 327, 329. 
 
 \ The prisoners were set at liberty as soon as the parliament 
 was dissolved. Ibid. p. 330, 334. 
 
102 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 she laid her plans, such was the effect of her insinuat- 
 ing address, and, above all, so powerful was the temp- 
 tation of self-interest on the minds of the protestant 
 leaders, that, by general consent, they passed from 
 this demand, and lost the only favourable opportunity 
 which presented itself, during the reign of Mary, for 
 giving a legal security to the reformed religion, and 
 thereby removing one principal source of national fears 
 and jealousies. An act of oblivion, securing indemnity 
 to those who had been engaged in the late civil war, 
 was indeed passed ; but the mode of its enactment vir- 
 tually implied the invalidity of the treaty in which it 
 had been originally embodied; and the protestants on 
 their bended knees,* supplicated, as a boon from their 
 sovereign, what they had formerly won with their 
 swords, and repeatedly demanded as their right. The 
 other acts made to please the more zealous reformers 
 were expressed with such studied and glaring am- 
 biguity, as to offer an insult to their understandings.! 
 
 Our Reformer was thunderstruck when first in- 
 formed of the measures which were in agitation, and 
 could scarcely believe that it was seriously intended 
 to carry them into execution. He immediately pro- 
 cured an interview with some of the leading members 
 of parliament, to whom he represented the danger of 
 allowing that meeting to dissolve without obtaining 
 the ratification of the acts of the preceding parliament, 
 or at least those acts which established the Reforma- 
 tion. They alleged that the Queen would never have 
 agreed to call this meeting, if they had persisted in 
 these demands; but that there was a prospect of her 
 being soon married, and on that occasion they would 
 obtain all their wishes. In vain he reminded them 
 that poets and painters had represented Occasion with 
 a bald hind-head ; in vain he urged, that the event to 
 which they looked forward would be accompanied 
 with difficulties of its own, which would require all 
 their skill and circumspection. Their determination 
 was fixed. He now perceived the full extent of the 
 Queen's dissimulation ; and the selfishness and servil- 
 ity of the protestant leaders affected him deeply. 
 
 So hot was the altercation between the Earl of Mur- 
 ray and him on this subject, that an open rupture 
 ensued. Knox had long looked upon that nobleman 
 as one of the most sincere and steady adherents to the 
 reformed cause ; and therefore felt the greater disap- 
 pointment at his conduct. Under his first irritation he 
 wrote a letter to the Earl, in which, after reminding 
 him of his condition when they first became acquainted 
 in London,:J: and the honours to which providence had 
 now raised him, he solemnly renounced friendship 
 with him as one who preferred his own interest, and 
 the pleasure of his sister, to the advancement of reli- 
 gion, left him to the guidance of the new counsellors 
 whom he had chosen, and exonerated him from all 
 future concern in his affairs. This variance, which 
 
 * Spottiswood, 188. " We are very much obliged to the 
 iaforination of archbishop Spottiswoocl" for this, says honest 
 Keith. History, 240. 
 
 + Act. Pari. Scot. p. 536—8. Knox, 331. Keith. 240. 
 
 \ I have not been able to ascertain the time at which the 
 acquaintance between the Earl of Murray and the Reformer 
 commenced. It was probably soon after Knox came into Eng- 
 land, in the reign of Edward VI. A popish writer has men- 
 tioned their meeting, and grafted upon it the calumny, current 
 among the party, that the Earl had formed the ambitious pro- 
 ject of wresting the crown from his sister, and placing it on 
 ois own head. "Johann Kmnox deceavit" him, siays he, "in 
 S. Pauleg kirk in Londone, bringand him in consait, that God 
 had chosen him extraordinarilie as ane Josias to be king of 
 Scotland, to rute out idolatrie, and to plant the licht of the 
 new evangel: quhair they convenit in this manner, That the 
 prior of Sanct Androis, erl of Murray, sould mentene the new 
 £/ta« aganis the priestes of Baal, (for sua blasphemouslie he 
 namit the priestes of Christ Jesus.) And the neu Eliai gould 
 fortifie the new Josias, be procuring the favour of the people 
 aganis lesabel, blaspheming niaist impudentlie the quenis M." 
 Nicol Burne's Disputation, p. 156. Knox was belter acquainted 
 with scripture-history than to make Josias contemporary with 
 
 continued nearly two years, was very gratifying to the 
 Queen, and to others who disliked their former fami- 
 liarity, and who failed not (as Knox informs us) to 
 " cast oil into the flame, until God did quench it by 
 the water of affliction." * 
 
 Before the dissolution of the parliament, the Re- 
 former embraced an opportunity of disburdening his 
 mind in the presence of the greater part of the mem- 
 bers assembled in his church. After discoursing of 
 the great mercy of God shewn to Scotland, in marvel- 
 lously delivering them from bondage of soul and body, 
 and of the deep ingratitude which he perceived in all 
 ranks of persons, he addressed himself particularly to 
 the nobility. He praised God that he had an opportu- 
 nity of pouring out the sorrows of his heart in the pre- 
 sence of those who could attest the truth of all that he 
 said. He appealed to their consciences, if he had not, 
 in their greatest extremities, exhorted them to depend 
 upon God, and assured them of preservation and vic- 
 tory, provided they preferred the divine glory to their 
 own lives and secular interests. "I have been with 
 you in the most desperate temptations (continued he, 
 in a strain of impassioned eloquence) : In your most 
 extreme dangers I have been with you. St. Johnston, 
 Cupar-moor, and the Craggs of Edinburghf are yet 
 recent in my heart; yea, that dark and dolorous night 
 wherein all ye, my lords, with shame and fear, left 
 this town,+ is yet in my mind ; and God forbid that 
 ever I forget it ! What was, I say, my exhortation to 
 you, and what has fallen in vain of all that ever God 
 promised unto you by my mouth, ye yourselves yet 
 live to testify. There is not one of you, against whom 
 was death and destruction threatened, perished : and 
 how many of your enemies has God plagued before 
 your eyes! Shall this be the thankfulness that ye 
 shall render unto your God 1 To betray his cause, 
 when ye have it in your hands to establish it as you 
 please ■?" He saw nothing (he said) but a cowardly 
 desertion of Christ's standard. Some had even the 
 effrontery to say that they had neither law nor parlia- 
 ment for their religion. They had the authority of 
 God for their religion, and its truth was independent 
 of human laws ; but it was also accepted within this 
 realm in public parliament; and that parliament he 
 would maintain to have been as lawful as any one that 
 had ever been held within the kingdom. 
 
 In the conclusion of his discourse, he adverted to 
 the reports of her Majesty's marriage, and of the 
 princes who courted this alliance ; and (desiring the 
 audience to mark his words) he predicted the conse- 
 quences which were to be dreaded, if ever the nobility 
 consented that their sovereign should marry a papist. 
 
 Protestants as well as papists were offended with 
 the freedom of this sermon, and some who had been 
 most familiar with the preacher now shunned his com- 
 pany. Flatterers were not wanting to run to the 
 Queen, and inform her that John Knox had preached 
 against her marriage. After surmounting all opposi- 
 tion to her measures, and managing so successfully 
 the haughty and independent barons of her kingdom, 
 Mary was incensed to think that there should yet be 
 one man of obscure condition, who ventured to con- 
 demn her proceedings ; and as she could not tame his 
 stubbornness, she determined to punish his temerity. 
 Knox was ordered instantly to appear before her. 
 Lord Ochiltree, with several gentlemen, accompanied 
 him to the palace; but the superintendent of Angus, 
 Erskine of Dun, was the only person allowed to go 
 with him into the royal presence. 
 
 Her Majesty received him in a very different manner 
 from what she had done at Lochlevin. Never had 
 prince been handled (she passionately exclaimed) aa 
 
 Eliaa and Jesabel. 
 
 ■w^ 
 
 • Knox, Historic, p. 331. 
 
 + Referring to the critical circumstances in which the Lords 
 of the Congregation had been situated at these places, when 
 the Queen Regent threatened to attack them with superior 
 forces. Sec p. 71, 73, 76. t ^H* 81. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 103 
 
 she was : she had home with him in all his rigorous 
 speeches against herself and her uncles : she had 
 sought his favour by all means : she had offered unto 
 him audience whenever he pleased to admonish her: 
 "And yet (said she) I cannot be quit of you. I vow 
 to God I shall be once revenged" — On pronouncing 
 these words with great violence, she burst into a flood 
 of tears which interrupted her speech. When the 
 Queen had composed herself, Knox proceeded calmly 
 to make his defence. Her Grace and he had (he said) 
 at different times been engaged in controversy, and he 
 never before had perceived her offended with him. 
 When it should please God to deliver her from the 
 bondage of error in which she had been trained through 
 want of instruction in the truth, he trusted that her 
 Majesty would not find the liberty of his tongue offen- 
 sive. Out of the pulpit, he believed, few had occasion 
 to be offended with him ; but there he was not his own 
 master, but was bound to obey Him who commanded 
 him to speak plainly, and to flatter no flesh on the face 
 of the earth. 
 
 " But what have you to do with my marriage ?" said 
 the Queen. He was proceeding to state the extent of his 
 commission as a preacher, and the reasons which led him 
 to touch on that delicate subject; but she interrupted 
 him by repeating her question ; " What have ye to do 
 with my marriage 1 Or what are you in this common- 
 wealth 1" — " A subject born within the same, madam," 
 replied the Reformer, piqued by the last question, and 
 by the contemptuous tone in which it was proposed. 
 " And albeit I be neither earl, lord, nor baron in it, yet 
 has God made me (how abject that ever I be in your 
 eyes) a profitable member within the same. Yea, 
 madam, to me it appertains no less to forewarn of such 
 things as may hurt it, if I foresee them, than it doth 
 to any of the nobility ; for both my vocation and con- 
 science requires plainness of me. And therefore, 
 madam, to yourself I say that which I spake in public 
 place : Whensoever the nobility of this realm shall 
 consent that ye be subject to an unfaithful husband, 
 they do as much as in them lieth to renounce Christ, 
 to banish his truth from them, to betray the freedom, 
 of this realm, and perchance shall in the end do small 
 comfort to yourself." At these words, Mary began 
 again to weep and sob with great bitterness. The 
 superintendent, who was a man of mild and gentle 
 spirit, tried to mitigate her grief and resentment: he 
 praised her beauty and her accomplishments; and told 
 her, that there was not a prince in Europe who would 
 not reckon himself happy in gaining her hand. During 
 this scene, the severe and inflexible mind of the Re- 
 former displayed itself. He continued silent, and 
 with unaltered countenance, until the Queen had given 
 vent to her feelings. He then protested, that he never 
 took delight in the distress of any creature; it was 
 with great difficulty that he could see his own boys 
 weep when he corrected them for their faults, far less 
 could he rejoice in her Majesty's tears; but seeing he 
 had given her no just reason of offence, and had only 
 discharged his duty, he was constrained, though un- 
 willingly, to sustain her tears, rather than hurt his 
 conscience, and betray the commonwealth through his 
 silence. 
 
 This apology inflamed the Queen still more : she 
 ordered him instantly to leave her presence, and to 
 wait the signification of her pleasure in the adjoining 
 room. There he stood as " one whom men had never 
 seen;" all his friends, lord Ochiltree excepted, being 
 afraid to shew him the smallest countenance. In this 
 situation he addressed himself to the court-ladies, who 
 sat in their richest dress in the chamber. " O fair 
 ladies, how plesing war this lyfe of yours, if it 
 sould ever abyde, and then, in the end, that we might 
 pas to hevin with all this gay gear!" Having en- 
 gaged them in a conversation, he passed the time till 
 the superintendent came, and informed him that he 
 was allowed to go home until her Majesty had taken 
 
 further advice. The Queen insisted to have the judg- 
 ment of the Lords of Articles, whether the words he 
 had used in the pulpit were not actionable; but she 
 was persuaded by her counsellors to abandon the idea 
 of a prosecution. " And so that storme quietit in ap- 
 pearance, hot nevir in the hart."* 
 
 No expressions are sufficiently strong to describe 
 the horror which many feel at the monstrous inhuman- 
 ity of Knox, in remaining unmoved, while " youth, 
 beauty, and royal dignity"! were dissolved in tears 
 before him. Enchanting, surely, must the charms of 
 the Queen of Scots have been, and iron-hearted the 
 Reformer who could resist their impression, when they 
 continue to his day to exercise such a sway over the 
 hearts of men, that even grave and serious authors, not 
 addicted to the language of gallantry and romance, do 
 protest that they cannot read of the tears which she 
 shed on this occasion, without feeling an inclination to 
 weep along with her. There may be some, however, 
 who, knowing how much real misery there is in the 
 world, are not disposed to waste their feelings unne- 
 cessarily, and who are of opinion, that there was not 
 much to commiserate in the condition of the Queen, 
 nor to reprobate in the conduct of the Reformer. Con- 
 sidering that she had been so fortunate in her mea- 
 sures, and had found her nobility so ready to gratify 
 her wishes, the passion by which she suffered herself 
 to be transported was extravagant, and her tears must 
 have been those of anger rather than of grief. On the 
 other hand, when we consider that Knox was at this 
 time deserted by his friends, and stood almost alone 
 in resisting the will of a princess, who accomplished 
 her measures chiefly by caresses and tears, we may be 
 disposed to form a more favourable idea of his conduct 
 and motives. We behold not, indeed, the enthusiastic 
 lover, mingling his tears with those of his mistress, 
 and vowing to revenge her wrongs ; nor the man of 
 nice sensibility, who loses every other consideration 
 in the gratification of his feelings ; but we behold, 
 what is more rare, the stern patriot, the rigid reformer, 
 who, in the discharge of his duty, and in a public 
 cause, can withstand the tide of tenderness as well as 
 the storm of passion. There have been times when 
 such conduct was regarded as the proof of a superior 
 mind ; and the man who, from such motives, " heark- 
 ened not to the wife of his bosom, nor knew his own 
 children, "t has been the object not of censure, but of 
 admiration, in sacred as well as pagan story. 
 
 Fertur pudicce conjugis osculiim. 
 
 Parvosque natos, ut capitis minor, 
 
 Ab se reniovisse, et virilem 
 
 Torrus hutui posuisse vultum. HoR. lib. iii. Od. r. 
 
 When Knox lay under the displeasure of the court, 
 and had lost the confidence of his principal friends, his 
 enemies judged it a favourable opportunity for attack- 
 ing him in (what had been universally allowed to be 
 irreproachable) his moral conduct. At the very time 
 that he was engaged in scrutinizing the scandal against 
 Methven, and inflicting upon him the highest censure 
 of the church, it was alleged that he was himself guilty 
 of the same crime. Euphemia Dundas, an inhabitant 
 of Edinburgh, inveighing one day, in the presence of a 
 circle of her acquaintances, against the protestant doc- 
 trine and ministers, said, among other things, that John 
 Knox had been a common whoremonger all his days, 
 and that, within a few days past, he " was apprehendit 
 and tane furth of ane killogye with ane commoun hure." 
 This might perhaps have been passed over by Knox 
 and the church, as an effusion of popish spleen and 
 female scandal ; but the recent occurrence at Jedburgh, 
 the situation in which the Reformer at present stood 
 
 * Knox. Historic, p. 332—834. 
 
 + These are the words of Mr. Hume, who holds a distin. 
 guished place among the writers who have excited prejudice* 
 against our Reformer on the score of cruelty to Mary. The 
 reader will find some remarks on the statements of that able 
 but artful historian, in Note LII. J Deut. xxxiii. 9. 
 
104 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 
 
 with the court, the public manner in which the charge 
 had been brought, and the specification of a particular 
 instance, seemed to them to justify and call for a legal 
 investigation. Accordingly, the clerk of the General 
 Assembly, on the 18th of June, gave in a formal repre- 
 sentation and petition to the town council, praying that 
 the woman might be called before them, and the matter 
 examined ; that, if the accusation was found true, the 
 accused might be punished with every degree of 
 merited rigour; and that, if false, the accuser might 
 be dealt with according to the demerit of her offence. 
 She was called, and, appearing before the council, 
 flatly denied that she had ever used any such words ; 
 although Knox's procurator afterwards produced re- 
 spectable witnesses to prove that she had spoken 
 them.* 
 
 This convicted calumny, which never gained the 
 smallest credit at the time, would scarcely have de- 
 served notice, had it not been revived, after the Reform- 
 er's death, by the popish writers, who, having caught 
 hold of the report, and dressed it out in all the horrid 
 colours which malice or credulity could suggest, circu- 
 lated it industriously, by their publications, through the 
 continent. Though I had not been able to trace their 
 slanders to this source; the atrocity of the imputed 
 crimes, the unspotted reputation which Knox uniformly 
 maintained among all his contemporaries, the glaring 
 self-contradictions of the accusers, and, above all, the 
 notorious spirit of slander and defamation for which 
 they have long been stigmatized in the learned world, 
 would have been grounds sufficient for rejecting such 
 charges with detestation. Those who are acquainted 
 with the writings of that period will not think that I 
 speak too strongly ; those who are not may be satis- 
 fied by looking into the notes. f 
 
 The Queen flattered herself that she had at last 
 caught the Reformer in an offence, which would infal- 
 libly subject him to exemplary punishment. During 
 her residence at Stirling, in the month of August, the 
 domestics whom she left behind her in Holyrood- 
 house celebrated the popish worship with greater pub- 
 licity than had been usual when she herself was pres- 
 ent ; and at the time when the sacrament of the supper 
 was dispensed in Edinburgh, they revived certain 
 superstitious practices which had been laid aside by 
 the Roman Catholics, since the establishment of the 
 Reformation. This boldness offended the protestants, 
 and some of them went down to the palace to mark 
 the inhabitants who repaired to the service. Perceiv- 
 ing numbers entering, they burst into the chapel, and 
 presenting themselves at the altar, which was prepared 
 for mass, asked the priest how he durst be so malapert 
 as to proceed in that manner, when the queen was 
 absent? Alarmed at this intrusion, the mistress of 
 the house despatched a messenger to the comptroller 
 (who was attending sermon in St. Giles's church), 
 desiring him to come instantly to save her life and the 
 palace. Having hurried down accompanied with the 
 magistrates and a guard, the comptroller found every 
 thing quiet, and no appearance of tumult, except what 
 was occasioned by the retinue which he brought along 
 with him.:^ When the report of this affair was con- 
 
 » See Note LIII. + See Note LIV. 
 
 X SpottUwood g^ves a different account of this affair, which 
 has been adopted by several writers. He not only says that 
 the protestants " forced the gates ;" but that [some of the 
 papists] were taken and carried to prison, many escaped the 
 back way with the priest himself." History, p. 188. But he 
 could not have the opportunity of being so well acquainted 
 with the circumstances as Knox, whose account is totally irrec- 
 oncilable with the Archbishop's. Knox expressly says, that, 
 besides bursting into the chapel, and addressing the priest as 
 above mentioned, " no farther was done or said." Historic, 
 p. 335, 336. Had some of the papists been carried to prison, 
 ne never could have given such an account of it as he did, not 
 only in his history, but also in his circular letter, which was 
 produced at his trial, without any allegation that it contained 
 an unfair or partial statement of facts. 
 
 veyed to the Queen, she declared her resolution not to 
 return to Edinburgh unless this riot was punished, and 
 indicted two of the protestants who had entered the chap- 
 el, to stand trial " for forethought felony, hamesuckin, 
 and invasion of the palace." Fearing that she inten- 
 ded to proceed to extremities against these men, and 
 that their condemnation was a preparative to some hos- 
 tile measure against their religion, the protestants in 
 Edinburgh resolved that Knox, agreeably to a commis- 
 sion which he had received from the church, should 
 write a circular letter to the principal gentlemen of 
 their persuasion, informing them of the circumstances, 
 and requesting their presence on the day of trial. He 
 wrote the letter according to their request.* A copy 
 of it having come into the hands of Sinclair, bishop of 
 Ross, and president of the Court of ISession, who was a 
 great personal enemy to Knox, he conveyed it immedi- 
 ately to the Queen at Stirling. She communicated it 
 to the privy council, who, to her great satisfaction, pro- 
 nounced it treasotiable ,• but to give the greater solem- 
 nity to the proceedings, it was resolved that an extra- 
 ordinary convention of the counsellors and other noble- 
 men should be called to meet at Edinburgh, in the end 
 of December, to try the cause. The Reformer was 
 summoned to appear before this convention. f 
 
 Previous to the day of trial great influence was 
 used in private to persuade or intimidate him to ac- 
 knowledge a fault, and to throw himself on the Queen's 
 mercy. This he peremptorily refused to do. The 
 Master of Maxwell (afterwards Lord Herries), with 
 whom he had long been very intimate, threatened him 
 with the loss of his friendship, and told him that he 
 would repent, if he did not submit to the Queen, for 
 men would not bear with him as they had hitherto 
 done. He replied that he did not understand such lan- 
 guage ; he had never opposed her Majesty except in 
 the article of religion, and surely it was not meant 
 that he should bow to her in that matter ; if God 
 stood by him (which he would do as long as he confi- 
 ded in Him, and preferred his glcry to his own life), 
 he regarded little how men should behave towards him ; 
 nor did he know wherein they had borne with him, 
 unless in hearing the word of God from his mouth, 
 which, if they should reject, he would mourn for 
 them, but the danger would be their own. 
 
 The Earl of Murray, and Secretary Maitland, 
 sent for him to the Clerk Register's house, and had a 
 long conversation with him to the same purpose. They 
 represented the pains which they had taken to mitigate 
 the Queen's resentment, and that nothing could save 
 him but a timely submission. He gave them the same 
 answer, that he never would confess a fault when he 
 was conscious of none, and had not learned to cry trea- 
 son at every thing which the multitude called treason, 
 nor to fear what they feared. The wily Secretary find- 
 ing him determined to abide the consequences of a 
 trial, endeavoured to bring on a dispute on the subject, 
 and to draw from him the defence which he meant to 
 make for himself; but Knox, aware of his craft, de- 
 clined the conversation, and told him that it would be 
 foolish to intrust with his defence one who had already 
 prejudged his cause, and pronounced him guilty. 
 
 On the day appointed for the trial, the public anxiety 
 was greatly raised, and the palace-yard and avenues 
 
 « Knox, Historic, p. 336, 337. 
 
 + It has been doubted, whether this convention acted as a 
 court of judicature in Knox's trial, or met merely to determine 
 whether he should be brought to a judicial trial. Dalyeil's 
 Cursory Remarks, prefixed to .Scottish Poems, vol. i. 72. The 
 justice-general, the lord advocate, and the other law-lords were 
 present ; but they had seals in the privy council. Upon the 
 whole, I am inclined to think that this was an extraordinary 
 meeting of the privy council, to which other noblemen, 
 besides the counsellors, were called, to give their proceedings 
 greater weight with the public. The object of the Queen was 
 in the first place, to procure the imprisonment of Knox, after 
 which she might proceed against him as she thought most pru- 
 dent. Knox, Historie, p 339, 340.— Spottiiwood, p. 188. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 im 
 
 were crowded with people, who waited to learn the 
 result. The Reformer was conducted to the chamber 
 in which the Lords were already assembled, and en- 
 gaged in consultation. When the Queen had taken 
 her seat and perceived Knox standing uncovered at the 
 foot of the table, she burst into a loud fit of laughter. 
 " That man," she said, " had made her weep, and 
 shed never a tear himself: she said she would now 
 see if she could make him weep." The Secretary 
 opened the proceedings with greater gravity, by stating, 
 in a speech addressed to the Reformer, the reasons 
 why the Queen had convened him before her nobility. 
 " Let him acknowledge his own hand writing," said 
 the Queen, " and then we shall judge of the contents 
 of the letter." A copy of the circular letter being 
 handed to him, he looked at the subscription, and 
 owned that it was his ; and though he had subscribed 
 a number of blanks, he had such confidence, he said, 
 in the fidelity of the scribe, that he was ready to ac- 
 knowledge the contents as well as the subscription. 
 " You have done more than I would have done," said 
 Maitland. " Charity is not suspicious," replied the 
 Reformer, " Well, well," said the Queen, " read 
 your own letter, and then answer to such things as 
 shall be demanded of you." " I will do the best I can," 
 said he ; and having read the letter with an audible 
 voice, returned it to the Queen's advocate, who was 
 commanded to accuse him. 
 
 " Heard you ever, my Lords, a more despiteful and 
 treasonable letter]" said the Queen, looking round the 
 table. " Mr. Knox, are you not sorry from your heart, 
 and do you not repent that such a letter has passed 
 your pen, and from you has come to the know- 
 ledge of others V said Maitland. — " My Lord Secre- 
 tary, before I repent I must be taught my offence." — 
 " Offence ! if there were no more but the convocation 
 of the Queen's lieges, the offence cannot be denied." 
 — " Remember yourself, my lord, there is a difference 
 between a lawful convocation and an unlawful. If I 
 have been guilty in this, I offended oft since I last 
 came into Scotland ; for what convocation of the breth- 
 ren has ever been to this hour, unto which my pen 
 served not ]" — " Then was then, and now is now," 
 said the Secretary ; " we have no need of such convo- 
 cations as sometimes we have had." " The time that 
 has been is even now before my eyes," rejoined the 
 Reformer; " for I see the poor flock in no less danger 
 than it has been at any time before, except that the 
 devil has got a vizor upon his face. Before, he came 
 in with his own face, discovered by open tyranny, 
 seeking the destruction of all that refused idolatry ; 
 and then, I think, you will confess the brethren law- 
 fully assembled themselves for defence of their lives : 
 and now the devil comes under the cloak of justice, to 
 do that which God would not suffer him to do by 
 strength" 
 
 " What is this ?" interrupted her Majesty, who was 
 offended that he should be allowed such liberty of 
 speech, and thought that she could bring him more 
 closely to the question than any of her counsellors. 
 " What is this 1 Methinks you trifle with him. 
 Who gave him authority to make convocation of my 
 lieges 1 Is not that treason?" "No, madam," re- 
 plied Lord Ruthven, displeased at the active keenness 
 which the Queen shewed in the cause ; " for he makes 
 convocation of the people to hear prayer and sermon 
 almost daily ; and whatever your Grace or others will 
 think thereof, we think i-t no treason." " Hold your 
 peace," said the Queen ; " and let him make answer 
 for himself." — " I began, madam," resumed Knox, " to 
 reason with the Secretary (whom I take to be a better 
 dialectician than your Grace) that all convocations are 
 not unlawful; and now my Lord Ruthven has given 
 the instance." — " I will say nothing against your reli- 
 gion, nor against your convening to your sermons ; but 
 what authority have you to convocate my subjects 
 when you will, without my commandment?" He 
 O 
 
 answered that at his own will he had never convened 
 four persons in Scotland, but at the orders of his 
 brethren he had given many advertisements, and great 
 multitudes had assembled in consequence of,.lhem; 
 and if her Grace complained that this had been done 
 without her command, he begged leave to answer, that 
 so was all that had been done respecting the reforma- 
 tion of religion in this kingdom. He had never, he 
 said, loved to stir up tumults, never been a preacher 
 of rebellion ; on the contrary, he had always taught the 
 people to obey princes and magistrates in all their law- 
 ful commands. If he had been moro active than the 
 rest of his brethren in calling extraordinary assemblies 
 of the protestants, it was owing to a charge which 
 he had received from the church to do so, as often as 
 he saw a necessity for such meetings, and especially 
 when religion was exposed to danger; and he had 
 repeatedly requested to be exonerated from this irk- 
 some and invidious charge, but could not obtain his 
 wish. He must, therefore, be convicted by a just law, 
 before he would profess sorrow for what he had done : 
 he thought he had done no wrong. 
 
 "You shall not escape so," said the Queen. "Is 
 it not treason, my lords, to accuse a prince of cruelty ? 
 I think there be acts of parliament against such whis- 
 perers." Several of their lordships said that there 
 were such laws. " But wherein can I be accused of 
 this?" — " Read this part of your own bill," said the 
 queen, who shewed herself an acute prosecutor. 
 She then ordered the following sentence to be read 
 from his letter: "This fearful summons is directed 
 against them, [the two persons who were indicted] to 
 make no doubt a preparative on a few, that a door may 
 be opened to execute cmelty upon a greater multi- 
 tude." — " Lo!" exclaimed the Queen exultingly; 
 "what say you to that?" The eyes of the assembly 
 were fixed on the Reformer, anxious to know what 
 answer he would make to this charge. 
 
 " Is it lawful for me, madam, to answer for myself? 
 or, shall I be condemned unheard ?" — " Say what you 
 can ; for I think you have enough to do." — " 1 will 
 first then desire of your Grace, madam, and of this 
 most honourable audience. Whether your Grace 
 knows not, that the obstinate papists are deadly ene- 
 mies to all such as profess the gospel of Jesus Christ, 
 and that they most earnestly desire the extermination 
 of them, and of the true doctrine that is taught with- 
 in this realm?" — The Queen was silent; but the 
 Lords, with one voice, exclaimed, " God forbid, that 
 ever the lives of the faithful, or yet the staying of the 
 doctrine, stood in the power of the papists! for just 
 experience has taught us what cruelty lies in their 
 hearts." " 1 must proceed then," said the Reformer. 
 " Seeing that I perceive that all will grant, that it 
 were a barbarous thing to destroy such a multitude as 
 profess the gospel of Christ within this realm; which 
 oftener than once or twice they have attempted to do 
 by force, — they, by God and by his providence being 
 disappointed, have invented more crafty aad danger- 
 ous practices, to wit, to make the prince a party ander 
 colour of law ; and so what they could not do by open 
 force, they shall perform by crafty deceit. For who 
 thinks, my Lords, that the insatiable cruelty of the pa- 
 pists (within this realm I mean) shall end in the mur- 
 dering of these two brethren, now unjustly summoned, 
 and more unjustly to be accused ? — And therefore, 
 madam, cast up, when you list, the acts of your par- 
 liament ; I have offended nothing against them; for I 
 accuse not, in my letter, your Grace, nor yet your 
 nature, of cruelty. But I aflirm yet again, that the 
 pestilent papists, who have inflamed your Grace 
 against those poor men at this present, are the sons of 
 the devil, and therefore must obey the desires of their 
 father, who has been a liar and a manslayer from the 
 beginning." " You forget yourself! you are not now 
 in the pulpit," said the Chancellor. — "I am in the 
 place where I am demanded of conscience to speak 
 
10« 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 
 
 the truth ; and therefore the truth I speak, impugn it 
 whoso list." He added, again addressing the Queen, 
 that persons who appeared to be of honest, gentle, and 
 meek natures, had often been corrupted by wicked 
 counsel ; and that the papists who had her ear were 
 dangerous counsellors, and such her mother had found 
 them to be. 
 
 Mary, perceiving that nothing was to be gained by 
 reasoning, began lo upbraid him with his harsh be- 
 haviour to her, at their last interview. He spake 
 " fair enough" at present before the Lords, she said, 
 but on that occasion he caused her to shed many salt 
 tears, and said, " he set not by her weeping." This 
 drew from him a vindication of his conduct, in which 
 he gave a narration of that conference. After this, 
 the Secretary, having spoken with the Queen, told 
 Knox that he was at liberty to return home for that 
 night. "I thank God and t\te Queen's majesty," said 
 he. 
 
 When Knox had withdrawn, the judgment of the 
 nobility was taken respecting his conduct. All of 
 them, with the exception of the immediate depend- 
 ents of the Court, voted, that he had not been guilty 
 of any breach of the laws. The Secretrary, who had 
 assured the Queen of his condemnation, was enraged 
 at this decision. He brought her Majesty, who had 
 retired before the vote, again into the room, and pro- 
 ceeded to call the votes a second time in her presence. 
 This attempt to overawe them incensed the nobility. 
 " What !" said they, " shall the laird of Lethington 
 have power to control us 1 or, shall the presence of 
 a woman cause us to offend God, and to condemn an 
 innocent man, against our conscience 1" They then 
 repeated the votes which they had already given, ab- 
 solving him from all offence, and, at the same time, 
 praising his modest appearance and the judicious man- 
 ner in which he had conducted his defence. 
 
 Mary was unable to conceal the mortification and 
 displeasure which she felt at this unexpected acquit- 
 tal. When the bishop of Ross, who had been the 
 informer, gave his vote on the same side with the rest, 
 she taunted him openly in the presence of the Court. 
 " Trouble not the child ! I pray you trouble him not ! 
 for he is newly wakened out of his sleep. Why 
 should not the old fool follow the footsteps of those 
 that have passed beibre him ?" The bishop replied 
 coldly, that her Majesty might easily know, that his 
 vote was not influenced by partiality to the accused. 
 " That nicht was nyther dancing nor fiddeling in the 
 court ; for madam was disappoynted of hir purpose, 
 quhilk was to have had Johne Knox in hir will, be 
 vote of hir nobility."* 
 
 PERIOD VIIL 
 
 From December 1563, when he wag acquitted fronj a charjj-e 
 of treason, to the year 1570, when he was struck with 
 apoplexy. 
 
 The indignation of the Queen at the Reformer's 
 escape from punishment did not soon abate,j" and 
 the effects of it fell both upon the courtiers who had 
 voted /or his exculpation, and- upon those who had 
 been unsuccessful in opposing it. The Earl of Mur- 
 ray was among the former ;:J: Mailland among the 
 latter. In order to appease her, they again attempted 
 to persuade Knox to soothe her by some voluntary 
 submission ; and they engaged that, provided he 
 
 * Knox. Historie, p. 238— 343. Spottiswood, p. 188. 
 ccounl of the trial given by Calderwowl, in hi? MS. has 
 
 The 
 account ol the trial given by Calderwowi, in hi? MS. has been 
 compared with that of Knox, and exactly agrees with it 
 
 + Keith, 248, 251. 
 
 t In a letter to Randolph, 27th Feb. 1564, there is mention 
 made of " some unkindness between Murray and the Queen, 
 aboat Knox, whose parte be [Murray] taketh." Keith, 249. 
 
 would only agree to go within the walls of the castle, 
 he should be allowed to return immediately to his 
 own house. But he refused to yield, being convinced 
 that by such compliances he would throw discredit 
 on the judgment of the nobility who had acquitted him, 
 and confess himself to be a mover of sedition. Disap- 
 pointed in this, they endeavoured to injure him by 
 whispers and detraction, circulating that he had no 
 authority from his brethren for what he had done ; 
 and that he arrogated a papal and arbitrary power 
 over the Scottish church, issuing his letters, and 
 exacting obedience to them. These charges were 
 very groundless and injurious; for there never was 
 any one perhaps who possessed as much influence, and 
 at the same time was so careful to avoid all appearance 
 of assuming superiority over his brethren, or of acting 
 by his own authority, in matters of public and com- 
 mon concern. 
 
 In the General Assembly, which met at the close 
 of this year, he declined taking any share in the de- 
 bates. When their principal business was settled, 
 he requested liberty to speak on an affair which con- 
 cerned himself. He stated what he had done in 
 writing the late circular letter, the proceedings to 
 which it had given rise, and the surmise* which were 
 still circulated to his prejudice; and insisted that the 
 church should now examine his conduct in that mat- 
 ter, and particularly that they should declare, whether 
 or not they had given him a commission to advertise 
 the brethren, when he foresaw any danger threatening 
 their religion, or any difiicuU case which required their 
 advice. The courtiers strenuously opposed the dis- 
 cussion of this question ; but it was taken up, and the 
 Assembly, by a great majority, found that he had 
 been burthened with such a commission, and, in the 
 advertisement which he had lately given, had not 
 exceeded his powers.* 
 
 Knox had remained a widower upwards of three 
 years. But in March 1564, he contracted a second 
 marriage with Margaret Slewart,-\ daughter of Lord 
 Ochillree,X a nobleman of amiable dispositions,]! who 
 had been long familiar with our Reformer, and steadily 
 adhered to him when he was deserted by his other 
 friends. She continued to discharge the duties of a 
 wife to him, with pious and affectionate assiduity, 
 until the time of his death. The popish writers 
 who envied the honours of the Scottish Reformer, 
 have represented this marriage as a proof of his great 
 ambition : and, in the excess of their spleen, have 
 ridiculously imputed to him the project of aiming to 
 raise his progeny to the throne of Scotland ; because 
 the family of Ochiltree were of the blood royal ! They 
 are quite clear, too, that he gained the heart of the young 
 lady by means of sorcery, and the assistance of the 
 devil. But it seems, that, powerfully as he was sec- 
 onded, he could not succeed in another attempt which 
 he had previously made ; for the same writers inform 
 us, that he had paid his addresses to Lady Barbara Ham- 
 ilton, eldest daughter of the duke of Chastelherault, 
 and widow of James Lord Fleming, and that he was 
 
 « Keith, 527, 528. Knox. 344. 345. 
 
 + Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, 18th March, 156}, say*: 
 " Knox askt in church to be marryed to Margrett Steward, the 
 daughter of the lortl Ochiltre;" referring to the proclamatioD 
 of banns. Ktith, 251. 
 
 } Lord Ochiltree wag descended from Robert, duke of Alba- 
 ny, second son of king Robert II. His father exchanged the 
 lands and title o( Evandale for those of Ochiltree, Douglas's 
 Peerage, 522. Crawford's Renfrew, and Royal House of Stew- 
 art, by Seniple, part i. p. 92 — 94. The second son of lord 
 Ochiltree, and brother-in-law of the Reformer, was Sir James 
 Stewart of Bothwelmuir, afterwards the infamous favourite of 
 James VI. who created him Earl of Arran. Crawfurd, in his 
 Officers of State, (p. 448.) has published a protestation which 
 Arran made of his lineage, and title of priority to the Duke of 
 Lennox, his rival in James's favour. 
 
 II He was usually called, the good Lord Ochiltree. Knox 
 says, that he was " a man rather borne to mak peace then to 
 brag nponn the calsejr." Historie, p. 304. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 IflT 
 
 repulsed. The account of the appearance that he 
 made about the time of his marriage, which shall be 
 inserted in the notes, the reader will receive according 
 to the degree of its probability, and the credit he may 
 think due to the authority upon which it rests.* 
 
 The country continued in a state of quietness during 
 the year 1564; but the same jealousies still subsisted 
 between the court and the church. Her Majesty's 
 prejudices against the reformed religion were unabated, 
 and she maintained a correspondence with its sworn 
 enemies on the continent, which could not altogether 
 escape the vigilance of her protestant subjects.")- The 
 preachers, on their side, did not relax in their zealous 
 warnings against popery, and concerning the dangers 
 which they apprehended ; they complained of llie 
 beggary to which the greater part of their own number 
 was reduced, and of the growing lukewarmness of the 
 protestant courtiers. The latter were uneasy under 
 these reproaches, and, in concert with the Queen, were 
 anxious to restrain the license of the pulpit. They 
 began by addressing themselves in private to some of 
 the more moderate and complying of the ministers, 
 whom they had gained over, by their persuasions, to 
 a partial appiobation of their measures. Having so 
 far succeeded, they ventured to propose the matter more 
 publicly, and to request the sanction of the leading 
 members of the General Assembly. Without design- 
 ing to vindicate the latitude which might be taken by 
 particular preachers at this time, I may say in general, 
 that a systematic attempt to restrain the liberty of 
 speech in the pulpit (farther than the correction of any 
 occasional excess might require) would have been a 
 measure fraught with danger to the protestant interest. 
 The reformed preachers were the most vigilant and 
 incorrupt guardians of national liberty; an honourable 
 distinction which their successors maintained during 
 the remainder of that century. It is better to be awa- 
 kened with rudeness, or even by a false alarm, than 
 to be allowed to sleep on in the midst of dangers. 
 Who would muzzle the mouth of the wakeful animal 
 who guards the house against thieves, because the 
 inhabitants are sometimes disturbed by his nocturnal 
 vociferation'? or substitute in his place, a "dumb dog, 
 that cannot bark, sleeping, lying down, loving to 
 slumber 1" 
 
 Knox, the freedom and sharpness of whose censures 
 the courtiers felt most deeply, was the person whom 
 they chiefly wished to restrain ; but it was no easy 
 matter either to overawe or reason him into silence. 
 In the month of June they obtained a conference with 
 the leading members of the General Assembly, when 
 this subject was discussed ; and in an elaborate debate 
 with Maitland, Knox defended the principal points of 
 his doctrine which gave offence to the court. This de- 
 bate, says Dr. Robertson, "admirably displays the 
 talents and character of both the disputants ; the acute- 
 ness of the former, embellished with learning, but 
 
 {»rone to subtilty ; the vigorous understanding of the 
 atter, delighting in bold sentiments, and superior to 
 all fear.":|: 
 
 Maitland opened the conference with a plausible 
 speech. He set forth the benefits which they had 
 
 * See Note LV. 
 
 t Robertson's Histor}- of Scotland, vol ii. 108. Lend. 1809. 
 MS. Letters (extracted from the Barberini Library). Adv. 
 Lib. A. 2. 11. In a letter to the Council of Trent, 18th March 
 156| Mary expresses her regret that the situation of her affairs 
 (hujus temporis tanta injuria) did not permit her to send some of 
 her prelates to that council ; and assures them of her great 
 and unalterable devotion to the apostolic See, " nostra perpet- 
 ua mente ac voluntate, in ejusdem sedis observantia et subiiiis- 
 sione." In a letter written Jan. 3. the same year, she entreats 
 the Cardinal of Lorrain to assure the Pope of her resolution 
 to live and die a Catholic. And on the last day of the same 
 month, she writes to his Holines himself, laments the damnable 
 tiTors (damnabili errori) in which she found her subjects 
 •lunged, and informs him that her intention, from the time she 
 liad left France, had uniformly been to re-establish the ancient 
 reliffion. | Hist, of Scotland, ut supra, p. 109. 
 
 enjoyed under her Majesty's government, and partic- 
 ularly the liberty which she had granted thein in reli- 
 gious matters ; he insisted on the great importance of 
 the ministers of the church cultivating her favour by 
 every good office in their power, and endeavouring to 
 inspire the people with a good opinion of her person 
 and administration; and he represented the hurtful 
 effects of their being observed to disagree in their 
 form of prayer for her, and in their doctrine concerning 
 the duty of subjects. Addressing himself to Knox 
 in particular, he told him, with much politeness and 
 address, that it was the earnest wish of the Council 
 that he should study greater caution when he had occa- 
 sion to speak of her Majesty from the pulpit; not that 
 they were afraid of his saying any thing v(-ry im- 
 proper, but because the liberty which he used would 
 be taken by persons less modest and prudent. Knox 
 replied to the Secretary's speech. He drew a very 
 different picture of matters since the Queen came to 
 the country ; he stated the grievances under which 
 the church laboured, and which were daily increasing, 
 instead of being diminished ; and he said, that in 
 these circumstances the courtiers ought not to be sur- 
 prised at the complaints of the ministers, and the liber- 
 ties which they took in rebuking sins, which were 
 openly committed, and persisted in notwithstanding all 
 due admonitions. At the same time he professed his 
 readiness to account for any part of his own conduct 
 which had given offence, and to listen to the objections 
 which might be urged against it. 
 
 Maitland specified the mode in which the Reformer 
 usually prayed for her Majesty, as one thing which gave 
 offence to him and his colleagues. Prayers and tears, 
 it has often been alleged, are the only arms which 
 Christians ought to employ against injuries. But 
 those who have deprived them of other weapons, have 
 usually envied them the use of these also : and if 
 their prayers have not been smoothed down to the tem- 
 per of their adversaries, so as to become mere compli- 
 ments to princes under colour of an address to the 
 Almighty, they have often been pronounced seditious 
 and treasonable.* Knox repeated his common form 
 of prayer for the Queen, and requested to be informed 
 in what respects it was deserving of reprehension. 
 " Ye pray for the Queen's Majesty with a condition, 
 (said Maitland) saying, 'Illuminate her heart if thy 
 good pleasure be.' Where have ye example of such 
 prayer V " Wherever the examples are," replied 
 Knox, " I am assured of the rule, ' If we shall ask any 
 thing according to his will he will hear us ;' and Christ 
 commanded us to pray, ' Thy will be done." " But 
 in so doing ye put a doubt in the people's head of her 
 conversion," said Maitland. — " Not I, my Lord ; hax. 
 her own obstinate rebellion causes more than me to 
 doubt of her conversion." — "Wherein rebels she 
 against God T' — "In all the actions of her life, but 
 in these two heads especially ; that she will not hear 
 the preaching of the blessed evangel of Jesus Christ, 
 and that she maintains that idol the mass." — " She 
 thinks not that rebellion, but good religion." — "So 
 thought they who offered their children to Moloch, and 
 yet the spirit of God affirms, that they offered them 
 unto devils, and not unto God." " But yet ye can pro- 
 duce the example of none that has so prayed before 
 you," said the Secretary, pressing his former objec- 
 tion. " Well then," said Knox ; " Peter said these 
 words to Simon Magus, ' Repent of this thy wickedness, 
 and pray to God, that, if it be possible, the thought 
 of thine heart may be forgiven thee.' And think ye 
 not, my Lord Secretary, that the same doubt may 
 touch my heart as touching the Queen's conversion that 
 
 * During the reign of Mary of England, the manner in which 
 the protestants prayed for her, in their conventicles, was declar- 
 ed High Treason. Act. Pari. 1. and 2. Philip and Mary, cap. 9. 
 Nor did the psalms and pra; ers of the primitive Christians es- 
 cape punishment under the tolerant emperor Julian. Work* 
 of the Rev. Samuel Johnson, p. 20—22, Lend. 1713. 
 
108 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 then touched the heart of the Apostle 1" — " I would 
 never hear you or any other call that in doubt," replied 
 Maitland. — " But your will is no assurance to my con- 
 science." " Why say ye that she refuses admoni- 
 tions?" said Maitland; "she will gladly hear any 
 man." — " But what obedience ensues 1 Or, when 
 shall she be seen to grive her presence to the public 
 preachinff?" "I think never, so long as she is thus 
 entreated," replied the Secretary. " And so long," 
 rejoined the Reformer, "ye and all others must be 
 contefit that I pray so as I may be assured to be heard 
 of my God, either in making her comfortable to his 
 church, or, if he has appointed her to be a scourge to 
 the same, that we may have patience, and she may be 
 bridled." 
 
 " Well then," said the Secretary, " let us come to 
 the second head. W'here find ye that the Scripture 
 calls any ' the bond-slaves of Satan V Or, that the 
 prophets spake so irreverently of kings and princes 1" 
 "If the sharpness of the term oifend you," replied the 
 Reformer, " I have not invented that phrase of speak- 
 ing, but have learned it out of God's scriptures ; for 
 these words I find spoken unto Paul, ' Behold, I 
 send thee unto the Gentiles, to open their eyes, that 
 they may turn from darkness lo light, and from the 
 POWER OF SATAN unto God.' Mark thir words, my 
 Lord, and stur not at the speaking of the Holy Ghost." 
 
 The Secretary, who during the greater part of the 
 dispute leaned on the Master of Maxwell's breast, said 
 that he was fatigued, and desired some other person to 
 reason with Knox on the point which remained to be 
 discussed, respecting the authority of magistrates and 
 the duty of subjects. The Chancellor Morton ordered 
 George Hay to perform this part. Knox was aware, 
 that the object of the Court was, if possible, to divide 
 the ministers, and that they would improve any ap- 
 pearance of diversity of opinion among them to the 
 prejudice of the common cause. He therefore told 
 his brother, Hay, that he had no objections to reason 
 with him, as he knew him to be a man of learning and 
 modesty ; but he should be sorry to think that they 
 opposed each other, like two scholars of Pythagoras, 
 to shew the quickness of their parts by supporting 
 either side of a question ; and as he, for his own part, 
 protested that he durst no more support a proposition 
 which he knew to be untrue than he durst teach 
 false doctrine in the pulpit, so he hoped that his broth- 
 er would, on the present occasion, advance or main- 
 tain nothing but what he was persuaded of in his 
 conscience. This caution had the desired effect, and 
 Hay declared before the whole assembly, that his 
 judgment exactly coincided with Knox's on the sub- 
 ject proposed for discussion. " Marry," said the dis- 
 appointed Secretary, " ye are the well worst of the 
 two ; far I remember our reasoning when the Queen 
 was in Carrick." 
 
 Perceiving that none of the company was disposed 
 lo enter the lists with the Reformer, the Secretary 
 again returned to the charge, and engaged to defend 
 the uncontrollable authority of rulers. " Well," said 
 he, " I am somewhat better provided in this last head, 
 than I was in the other two. Mr. Knox, yesterday 
 we heard your judgment upon the 13th to the Romans ; 
 we heard the mind of the apostle well opened ; we 
 heard the causes why God has established powers 
 upon the earth ; we heard the necessity that mankind 
 h?.s of the same; and we heard the duty of magis- 
 trates sufficiently declared. But in two things I was 
 offended, and I think some more of my Lords that 
 then were present : The one was, ye made difference 
 betwixt the ordinance of God, and the persons that 
 were placed in authority ; and ye affirmed, that men 
 might resist the persons, and yet not offend God's 
 ordinance : The other was, that subjects were not 
 bound to obey their princes if they commanded unlaw- 
 ful things, but that they might resist their princes, and 
 were not ever bound to suffer." Knox said that the 
 
 Secretary had given an exact statement of his senti- 
 ments. " How will you prove your division and 
 difference," said Maitland, " and that the person 
 placed in authority may be resisted, and God's ordin- 
 ance not transgressed, seeing that the apostle says, 
 ' He that resists the powers, resists the ordinance of 
 God ?" Knox replied, that the difference was evi- 
 dent from the words of the apostle, and that his 
 affirmative was supported by approved examples. For 
 the apostle asserts, that the powers ordained of God 
 are for the preservation of quiet and peaceable men, 
 and for the punishment of malefactors ; whence it is 
 plain, that God's ordinance is wholly intended for the 
 preservation of mankind, the punishment of vice, and 
 the maintaining of virtue : but the persons placed in 
 authority are often corrupt, unjust, and oppressive. 
 Having referred to the instance of the people of Is- 
 rael rescuing Jonathan from the hands of Saul, and 
 mentioned the conduct of Doeg in executing the 
 command of that monarch, by putting the priests to 
 death, he proceeded thus: "And now, my Lord, in 
 answer to the place of the apostle, I say, that ' the 
 power' in that place is not to be understood of the 
 unjust commandment of men, but of the just power 
 wherewith God has armed his magistrates to punish 
 sin and to maintain virtue. As if any man should 
 interprise to take from the hands of a lawful judge 
 a murderer, an adulterer, or any other malefactor that by 
 God's law deserved the death, this same man resisted 
 God's ordinance, and procured to himself vengeance 
 and damnation, because that he stayeih God's sword 
 to strike. But so it is not, if that men, in the fear of 
 God, oppose themselves to the fury and blind ragre of 
 princes ; for so they resist not God but the Devil, 
 who abuses the sword and authority of God." "I 
 understand sufficiently," said Maitland, " what you 
 mean ; and unto the one part I will not oppose my- 
 self, but I doubt of the other. For if the Queen 
 would command me to slay John Knox, because she 
 is offended at him, I would not obey her ; but if she 
 would command others to do it, or yet by a colour of 
 justice to take his life from him, I cannot tell if I be 
 bound to defend him against the Queen, and against 
 her officers." " Under protestation," replied the Re- 
 former, " that the auditory think not that I speak in 
 favours of myself, I say, my Lord, that if ye be per- 
 suaded of my innocence, and if God hath given you 
 such power or credit as might deliver me, and yet ye 
 suffer me to perish, that in so doing ye should be crim- 
 inal, and guilty of my blood." " Prove that, and win 
 the plea," said Maitland. " Well, my Lord," an- 
 swered Knox, " remember your promise, and I shall 
 be short in my probation." He then produced the 
 example of Jeremiah, who, when accused by the priests 
 and false prophets, said to the princes, ' but know 
 ye for certain, that if ye put me to death, ye shall 
 surely bring innocent blood upon yourselves, and upon 
 this city, and upon the inhabitants thereof.' "The 
 cases are not like," said Maitland. " And I would 
 learn," said Knox, " wherein the dissimilitude stands." 
 " First," replied the other, " the king had not con- 
 demned him to death." And next, the false prophets, 
 the priests, and the people, accused him without a 
 cause, and therefore they could not but be guilty of 
 his blood." To this the Reformer answered, thai the 
 princes sitting in judgment represented the king, and 
 thai the text plainly stated that the princes defended 
 him, and no doubt also a great part of the people, and 
 yet Jeremiah afllirms, that they should be all guilty of 
 his blood, if he should be put to death. "Then will 
 ye," said the Secretary, "make subjects to control 
 their princes and rulers'?" "And what harm," asked 
 the Reformer, " should the commonwealth receive, if 
 the corrupt affections of ignorant rulers were modera- 
 ted, and so bridled by the wisdom and discretion 
 of godly subjects, that they should do wrong or vio- 
 lence lo no man 1" 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 100 
 
 The Secretary, finding himself hard pushed, said 
 that they had wandered from the argument ; and he 
 professed that if the Queen should become a perse- 
 cutor, he would be as ready as any within the realm to 
 adopt the doctrine of the Reformer. " But our ques- 
 tion," said he, " is, whether that we may, and ought, 
 suppress ihe Queen's mass 1 Or, whether that her 
 idolatry should be laid to our charge T" " Idolatry 
 ought not only to be suppressed," said Knox, " but 
 the idolater ought to die the death." "I know," an- 
 swered Maitland, "that the idolater ought to die the 
 death ; but by whom T' " By the people," rejoined 
 the Reformer ; " for the commandment was made to 
 Israel, as ye may read, ' Hear, O Israel, saith the 
 Lord, the statutes and commandments of the Lord 
 thy God." — " But there is no commandment given 
 to the people to punish their king, if he be an idol- 
 ater." " I find no privilege granted unto kings," 
 said Knox, " more than unto the people, to oifend 
 God's majesty." " I grant," said the Secretary ; 
 " but yet the people may not be judge unto their king, 
 to punish him, albeit he be an idolater. The people 
 may not execute God's judgment, but must leave it 
 unto himself, who will either punish it by death, by 
 war, by imprisonment, or by some other kind of his 
 plagues." "I know," said Knox, "the last part of 
 your reason to be true; but for the first I am assured 
 ye have no other warrant except your own imagina- 
 tion, and the opinion of such as more fear to offend 
 princes than God." 
 
 " Why say you so?" said Maitland. " I have the 
 judgments of the most famous men within Europe, 
 and of such as ye yourself will confess both godly 
 and learned." Upon which he produced a bundle 
 of papers, and read extracts from the writings of the 
 principal reformed divines on the subject of resistance 
 to rulers ; adding, that he had bestowed more labour 
 on the collection of these than on the reading of com- 
 mentaries for seven years. Knox replied, that it was 
 a pity he had given himself so much labour, for none 
 of the extracts which he had read bore upon the 
 question between them ; some of them being directed 
 against the Anabaptists, who denied that Christians 
 should be subject to magistrates, and that it was law- 
 ful for them to hold the office of magistracy ; and the 
 rest referring to the case of a small number of Chris- 
 tians scattered through heathen and infidel countries, 
 as was the situation of the primitive church. In this 
 last case, he said, he perfectly agreed with the writers 
 whom Maitland had quoted ; but when a majority of 
 a nation were professors of the true religion, the case 
 was very different. While the posterity of Abraham 
 were few in number, and while they sojourned in dif- 
 ferent countries, they were merely required to avoid 
 all participation in the idolatrous rites of the heathen ; 
 but as soon as they " prospered into a kingdom," and 
 obtained possession of Canaan, they were strictly 
 charged to suppress idolatry, and to destroy all its 
 monuments and incentives. The same duty was now 
 incumbent on the professors of the true religion in 
 Scotland, whose release from bondage, temporal and 
 spiritual, was no less wonderful than the redemption of 
 the Israelites from Egypt. Formerly, when not more 
 than ten persons in a county were enlightened, and 
 these were called to seal their testimony to the truth 
 by giving their bodies to the flames, it would have 
 been foolishness to have demanded of the nobility the 
 suppression of idolatry. But now, when knowledge 
 had increased, and God had given such a signal victo- 
 ry to the truth, that it had been publicly embraced by 
 the realm, if they suffered the land to be again defiled, 
 both they and their Queen should drink of the cup 
 of divine indignation ; she, because, amidst the great 
 light of the gospel, she continued obstinately addicted 
 to idolatry, and they, because they permitted, and 
 even countenanced her in this sinful practice. 
 
 Maitland challenged his opponent to prove that the 
 
 apostles or prophets ever taught that subjects might 
 suppress the idolatry of their rulers. Knox appeal- 
 ed to the conduct of the prophet Elisha in anointing 
 Jehu, and giving him a charge to punish the idolatry 
 and bloodshed of the royal family of Ahab. " Jehu 
 was a king before he put any thing in execution," said 
 the Secretary. " My Lord, he was a mere subject, 
 and no king, when the prophet's servant came to him; 
 yea, and albeit that his fellow captains, hearing of the 
 message, blew the trumpet, and said ' Jehu is king,* 
 yet I doubt not but Jezebel both thought and said, he 
 was a traitor, and so did many others in Israel and Sa- 
 maria." " Besides this," said Maitland, "the fact is 
 extraordinary, and ought not to be imitated. " It had 
 the ground of God's ordinary judgment, which com- 
 mands the idolater to die the death," answered Knox. 
 " We are not bound to imitate extraordinary exam- 
 ples," rejoined Maitland, " unless we have like com- 
 mandment and assurance." Knox granted, that this 
 was true when the example was repugnant to the 
 ordinary precept of the law, as in the case of the 
 Israelites borrowing from the Egyptians without re- 
 payment. But when the example agreed with the law, 
 he insisted that it was imitable ; and of this kind was 
 the instance to which he had appealed. But, said 
 Maitland, " whatsoever they did, was done at God's 
 commandment." " That fortifies my argument," re- 
 torted the Reformer ; " for God by his commandment 
 has approved that subjects punish their princes for 
 idolatry and wickedness by them committed." " We 
 have not the like commandment," said the Secretary. 
 — "That I deny; for the commandment, that the 
 idolater shall die the death, is perpetual, as ye your- 
 self have granted ; ye doubted only who should be 
 the executioner, and I have sufficiently proven that 
 God has raised up the people, and by his prophet has 
 anointed a king, to take vengeance upon the king and 
 his posterity, which fact God since that time has never 
 retracted." " Ye have produced but one example," 
 said Maitland. — " One sufficeth ; but yet, God be 
 praised, we lack not others, for the whole people con- 
 spired against Amaziah, king of Judah, after he had 
 turned away from the Lord." " I doubt whether 
 they did well, or not," said Maitland. — "God gave 
 sufficient approbation of their fact, for he blessed thena 
 with victory, peace, and prosperity, the space of fifty- 
 two years after." — " But prosperity does not always 
 prove that God approves the facts of men." — " Yes, 
 when the facts of men agree with the law of God, and 
 are rewarded according to his promise, I say that the 
 prosperity succeeding the fact is a most infallible assu- 
 rance, that God has approved that fact. And now, 
 my Lord, I have but one example to produce, and then 
 I will put an end to my reasoning, because I weary 
 longer to stand." The Lords desired him to take a 
 chair; but he declined it, saying, "that melancholic 
 reasons needed some mirth to be intermixed with 
 them." After a short dispute on the resistance of the 
 priests to Uzziah, the Reformer recapitulated the prop- 
 ositions which he considered as established in the 
 course of the debate. "Well," said Maitland, "I 
 think ye shall not have many learned men of your 
 opinion." Knox replied, that the truth ceased not to 
 be the truth, because men misunderstood or opposed if, 
 and yet he did not want the suffrages of learned men 
 to his opinions. Upon which he presented ihe Apology 
 of Magdeburgh. and desired the Secretary to look at 
 the names of the ministers who had approved of the 
 defence of that city against the Emperor, and who 
 had subscribed the proposition, that to resist a tyrant 
 is not to resist the ordinance of God. " Homines 
 obscuri !"* said Maitland, slightingly, after perusing 
 the list. " Dei tamen servi,"f replied the Reformer. 
 The Secretary now insisted that the questions dis- 
 cussed should be put to the vote, and that the deter- 
 
 * Men of no note. 
 
 t Servants of God, however. 
 
no 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 mination of the meeting should fix a rule for uniformi- 
 ty of doctrine among the ministers. Knox protested 
 against this naolion, and reminded their Lordships that 
 the General Assembly had agreed to the present con- 
 ference upon the express condition that nothing should 
 be voted or decided at it. At last, it was agreed that 
 the opinions of those who were present should be 
 taken, but that they should not be considered as 
 decisive. Winram, superintendent of Fife, and Doug- 
 las, rector of the University of St. Andrews, were the 
 principal persons among the ministers, who agreed in 
 sentiment with the courtiers. Knox's colleague, in 
 delivering his judgment, took occasion to give an 
 account of a public disputation, which he liad witness- 
 ed in Bologna, upon the question. Whether subjects 
 have a right to control and reform their rulers, when 
 they have been guilty of violating their oaths of office. 
 Thomas de Finola, rector of the University, and Vin- 
 centius de Placentia, persons celebrated for their 
 learning, maintained the affirmative of this question, 
 and their opinion was adopted after long discussion. 
 " Ye tell us what was done in Bononia," exclaimed 
 one of the courtiers ; " we are in a kingdom, and they 
 are but a commonwealth." " My Lord," replied 
 Craig, " my judgment is that every kingdom is a com- 
 monwealth, or at least should be, albeit that every 
 commonwealth is not a kingdom ; and therefore I 
 think that in a kingdom no less diligence ought to be 
 taken that laws be not violated than in a common- 
 wealth, because the tyranny of princes who continually 
 reign in a kingdom is more hurtful to the subjects, 
 than the misgovernment of those that from year to year 
 are changed in free commonwealths." He added, 
 that the dispute to which he had referred was con- 
 ducted on general principles, applicable to all king- 
 doms and commonwealths ; and the conclusion adopted 
 was, that, although laws contrary to the law of God, 
 and to the true principles of government, had been 
 introduced, through the negligence of the people or 
 the tyranny of princes, yet the same people, or their 
 posterity, had a right to demand that all things should 
 be reformed according to the original institution of 
 kings and commonwealths. 
 
 This speech of Craig* alarmed the courtiers as to 
 the issue of the vote ; and the Clerk Register took 
 occasion to observe that, at a former conference, it had 
 been agreed that Knox should write to Calvin to ob- 
 tain his opinion on this question. Knox corrected this 
 statement, by saying that the Secretary had undertaken 
 to consult that reformer, but although repeatedly re- 
 minded of his promise, he had never fulfilled it. Mait- 
 land acknowledged this, and said that upon mature 
 deliberation he durst not, considering his station, ask 
 advice respecting any controversy between the Queen 
 and her subjects, without her Majesty's consent. It 
 was now proposed that Knox should write to Calvin; 
 but he refused to be employed in the business. Before 
 he returned to the kingdom, he said, he had obtained 
 the judgment of the most eminent foreign divines on 
 that question, and he could not renew his application 
 to them without exposing himself to the charge of for- 
 getful ness or of inconstancy. The proper course was 
 for them to write, complaining that he had taught such 
 doctrines as he had now defended, and requesting 
 Calvin to communicate his judgment respecting them. 
 This proposal was thought reasonable, but none would 
 undertake the task ; and the conference broke oif with- 
 out any determinate resolution being adopted. f 
 
 * Crai^, who was rather facile in his disposition and apt to 
 be mouhled by those who were »boiit him, seems afterwards to 
 have recanted the principle which he niaintaincfl on this occa- 
 sion. For I suppose he is the person who preaclied (he ser- 
 mon «t I/mlith^ow, mentioned by Hume of Godscroft. His- 
 tory of the house of Douglas and Angus, ii. 383, 385. The 
 historian has inserted some very ingenious observations on 
 the subject, by way of strictures on that sermon. 
 
 •I Knnx. Historie, p. 348—366. 
 
 The reader must be struck with the difference be- 
 tween this dispute and that which Knox formerly 
 maintained with the Abbot of Crossraguel. Although 
 long, it was kept up by the disputants with great 
 spirit; nor did they flee to these ambiguities of speech, 
 or to those sophistical forms of argument, of which 
 those who were trained to wrangle in the schools were 
 ever ready to avail themselves, to perplex an adver- 
 sary, or to conceal their own defeat. Few Secretaries 
 of State in modern times would, it is presumed, be 
 able to acquit themselves so well as Mailland did, on 
 questions which were decided chiefly by an appeal to 
 the scriptures. But learned and acute as Maitland 
 was, Knox was fully a match for him, and on the 
 greater part of the topics introduced into the debate, he 
 evidently had the advantage, according to the princi- 
 ples held, and the concessions made by his opponent. 
 For both parties maintained, that idolatry ought to be 
 punished by death; a sentiment which they were led 
 to adopt in consequence of their holding the untenable 
 opinion, that Christian nations are bound to enact the 
 same penalties, against all breaches of the moral law, 
 which were enjoined by the judicial laws of the Jews.* 
 This being taken for granted, the dispute between 
 them resolved itself entirely into a question respecting 
 the prerogatives of princes and the rights and duties 
 of subjects. It may be questioned, too, whether 
 Knox's reasoning from extraordinary examples, quali- 
 fied as it was by him, is sufficiently guarded and cor- 
 rect; for the instances in which punishment was in- 
 flicted in an extraordinary way on criminals, although 
 the punishment itself was merited and agreeable to 
 law, cannot be pleaded as precedents in ordinary cases. 
 But even when we cannot approve of his reasonings, 
 we are compelled to admire the manly openness and 
 boldness with which he avowed and defended senti- 
 ments so opposite to those which were generally re- 
 ceived in that age. 
 
 In the month of August, Knox went, by appointment 
 of the General Assembly, as visitor of the churches, to 
 Aberdeen and the North, where he remained six or 
 seven weeks. f The subsequent Assembly gave him 
 a similar appointment to Fife and Perthshire.^ 
 
 Our Reformer's predictions at the last meeting of 
 parliament were now fully realized. Another parlia- 
 ment was held in the end of 15G4, but nothing was 
 dene for securing the protestant religion. || The 
 Queen's marriage had long engaged the anxious at- 
 tention of her ministers, and had been the object of 
 much negociation with England and at foreign courts. 
 But the various proposals which had been made with 
 a view to this, and the political intrigues to which 
 
 * This was an ophiion g-enerally entertained among the Re- 
 formers; and it was one ground (though not the only one, as 
 we have seen, p. 25.) upon which they vindicated the penal 
 statutes against the mass and image worship. At the same 
 time, while they laboured to restrain these evils, they dis- 
 covered no disposition to proceed to capital punishment, even 
 when it was completely in their power. I never read nor 
 heard of an instance, in the time of our Reformer, of a person 
 being put to death for performing any part of the Roman Ca- 
 tholic worship. If the reason of this disconformity between 
 their opinion and their practice be asked, it may be answered, 
 — their aversion to blood. " God (says our Reformer, ad- 
 dressing the popish princes who persecuted the protestants) 
 will not use his saintes and chosen children to punish you. 
 For with them is alwaies niercie, yea, even althogh God nave 
 pronounced a curse and malediction; as in the history of Josua 
 is plaine. But as ye have pronounced wrong and cruel judg- 
 ment without mercie, so will he punish you bv such as m 
 whom there is no mercie." Answer to the Caviflations of an 
 Anabaptist, p. 449. 
 
 t The magistrates of F.dinburgh, understanding that Mr. 
 Christopher TJoodman was ajipointed to preach during the 
 absence of their own ministers, directed a committee of their 
 number to wait upon him, and to " ofl'er him in their names 
 all honourabill intertenment, and cause the stewart of Jhonne 
 Knox house to keep table to him upoun the town's expcnsis." 
 Records of Town Council for 23d Aug. 1564. 
 
 \ Keith. 535, 537, 540. I Knox, Historie, p. 36» 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 Ill 
 
 they gave rise, were all thwarted hy the sudden and 
 strong passion which Mary conceived for Lord Henry 
 Darnly, the son of the Earl of Lennox. As this young 
 noblemar., so far as he had discovered any religious 
 sentiments, was inclined to popery,* the match could 
 not be very agreeable to the great body of the nation, 
 who had already testified the strongest jealousy at the 
 Queen's attachment to that religion. It was, there- 
 fore, natural for the nobility, in the prospect of this 
 event, to provide additional securities for the protes- 
 tant church, and to insist that its legal establishment, 
 which had hitherto been evaded, should now be granted. 
 Provided this condition was complied with, they pro- 
 mised their consent to the marriage, f The Queen 
 agreed to summon a parliament to deliberate on this 
 important affair, but she found some pretext for pro- 
 roguing its meeting;:}: and, having gained a number of 
 the nobility by favours and promises, she proceeded, 
 in .Tuly 1565, not only to solemnize the nuptials, but 
 to proclaim her husband King, without the consent 
 of the estates of the kingdom. 
 
 The dissatisfaction produced by these precipitate 
 and illegal steps was heightened by the conduct of 
 Darnly. Naturally vain, rash, and vindictive, his 
 unexpected prosperity rendered him insolent and over- 
 bearing; and it required all the prudence of the Queen 
 to preserve him from falling into contempt even before 
 their marriage. || Although he could not have come 
 to Scotland, and his father could not have been re- 
 stored to his honours and possessions, considering the 
 opposition made by the Duke of Chaslelherault, with- 
 out the concurrence and interest of the Earl of Murray ; 
 yet, he no sooner found himself seated in the affections 
 of Marj^ than he exerted his influence to deprive that 
 nobleman of her favour, represented the honours which 
 she had conferred on him as excessive, and leagued 
 with those who were enemies to him and to the re- 
 formed religion. Lennox, Athole, and David Rizio, 
 a low-bred Italian, who had insinuated himself into 
 the good graces of Mary, now ruled the court, to the 
 exclusion of the most able counsellors. § Murray had 
 been urged in private to sign an approbation of the 
 intended marriage, but refused to do it until the nobil- 
 ity had been consulted.^ His refusal to gratify the 
 Queen, by forwarding a match on which she was pas- 
 sionately bent, obliterated the memory of all his past 
 services, and drew upon him the furious resentment 
 of Darnly. Having declined to attend a convention at 
 Perth, from just apprehensions of personal danger, he 
 was summoned to Court by the Queen. The summons 
 was repeated three days after her marriage, and be- 
 cause he refused to entrust his person, on her safe 
 conduct, to a court where the influence of his declared 
 enemies prevailed, he was immediately proclaimed an 
 outlaw.** In the mean time, the persons who had dis- 
 covered the greatest hostility to him were openly en- 
 couraged. Bothwell was invited to return; Lord 
 George Gordon was set at liberty, and the earldom of 
 Huntly restored to him; and the Earl of Sutherland 
 was recalled from banishment. f| The Lords who were 
 dissatisfied with the late proceedings assembled at 
 Stirling, and, after agreeing to request the protection 
 of Elizabeth, retired to their houses. +:J: But the Queen 
 taking the field with all the forces which she could 
 collect, they were at last compelled to arm in their 
 own defence. I) II Even after they were driven to this 
 extremity they neglected no means of conciliation. 
 They professed their stedfast loyally to the Queen. 
 
 * Keith, p. 278, note (a.) f Knox, p. 373. 
 
 t Keith, 279. Knox, 374, 378. 
 11 Keith, 329. Robertson, ii. 123. 
 
 } Knox, 372, 374. Robertson, ii. 114, 120. IT Knox, 372. 
 »» Ibid. 379. Keith. 309, 310. Append. 108—110. 
 t+ Knox, 368, 379, 386. Keith, 309, 310. Gordon's Ge- 
 nealog. Hist, of the Earldom of Sutherland, 143 — 4. 
 tt Keith 300, 304, 306. 
 III! Robertson, ii. 131. Laing, History of Scotland, i. 5 — 8. 
 
 They declared that they desired only, that the reformed 
 religion should be secured against the dangers to which 
 it was exposed, and that the administration of public 
 aflTairs should be put into the hands of those whom the 
 nation could trust. And they offered to submit their 
 own cause to be tried by the laws of their country.* 
 But the Queen spurned all their offers of submission, 
 refused to listen to any intercession in their favour, 
 and advancing against them with her army, obliged 
 them to take refuge in England. f 
 
 While her marriage with Darnly was in dependance, 
 and while she laboured to surmount the opposition 
 made to it by the nobility, the Queen condescended to 
 court the protestant ministers. She sent for the super- 
 intendents of Lothian, Glasgow, and Fife (for Knox 
 could not now be admitted to her presence), and 
 amused them with fair words. She was not yet per- 
 suaded, she said, of the truth of their religion, but she 
 was willing to hear conference and reasoning on the 
 subject; she was also content to attend the public ser- 
 mons of some of them ; and, "above all others, she 
 would gladly hear the superintendent of Angus, for he 
 was a mild and sweet-naturod man, with true honesty 
 and uprightness. Sir John Erskine of Dun.":j: She 
 even went so far' as to be present at the sermon 
 preached by one of the ministers in Callendar-house, 
 at the baptism of a child of Lord Livingston. || But 
 as soon as her marriage was accomplished, she told 
 the commissioners of the church, in very plain and 
 determined language, " her Majesty neither will, nor 
 may leave the religion wherein she has been nourished, 
 and brought up."§ And there was no further proposal 
 of attending either sermon or conference. 
 
 The friendship between the Earl of Murray and the 
 Reformer had been renewed in the beginning of 15G5. 
 Knox was placed in a very delicate predicament by 
 the insurrection under Murray, and the other Lords 
 who opposed the Queen's marriage. His father-in-law 
 was one of their number. They professed that the 
 security of the protestant religion was the principal 
 ground of their taking arms ; and they came to Edin- 
 burgh to collect men to their standard. But whatever 
 favour he might have for them, he kept himself clear 
 from any engagement.^ If he had taken part in this 
 unsuccessful revolt, we need not doubt that her Majesty 
 would have embraced the opportunity of punishing 
 him for it, when his principal friends had fled the 
 kingdom. 
 
 We find, in fact, that she immediately proceeded 
 against him on a different, but far more slender pretext. 
 The young King, who could be either papist or pro- 
 testant, as it suited him, went sometimes to mass with 
 the Queen, and sometimes attended the reformed ser- 
 mons.** To silence the suspicions of his alienation 
 from the reformed religion, circulated by the insurgent 
 Lords, he, on the 19lh of August, made a solemn ap- 
 pearance in St. Giles's church, sitting on a throne 
 which had been prepared for his reception. Knox 
 preached that day on Isa. xxvi. 13, 14. and happened 
 to prolong the service beyond his usual time. In one 
 part of the sermon, he quoted these words of scripture, 
 " I will give children to be their princes, and babes 
 shall rule over them — children are their oppressors, 
 and women rule over them;" and in another part of 
 it, he mentioned that God punished Ahab, because he 
 did not correct his idolatrous wife Jesabel.f f Though 
 
 » Knox, nistorie, 382, 284, 386. + Ibid. 388. 
 
 t Ibid. p. 373. 374. || Ibid. p. 377. j Ibid. p. 376. 
 
 H Goodall says, that Knox was engaged with the Earl of 
 Murray in a plot for seizing Darnly; but he has not produced 
 the evidence lor his assertion. Life of Queen Mary, i. 207 — 
 209. ** Keith, 301—2. 
 
 tt Sermon, apud History of the Reformation, Edin. 1644. 
 4to. Append, p. 120, 128. Spottiswood says, that Knox, in 
 his sermon, (either doubting the king's sincerity, or favouring 
 the faction of the noblemen), "fell upon him with a bitter re- 
 
 Eroof." History, 191. But the archbishop docs not seem to 
 ave read tiie sermon, which contains no reproof of the king. 
 
112 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 no particular application was made by the preaclier, 
 the King applied these passages to himself and the 
 Queen, and, returning to the palace in great wrath, re- 
 fused to taste dinner. The papists, who had accom- 
 panied him to church, inflamed his resentment and that 
 of the Queen, by their representations. 
 
 That very afternoon Knox was taken from bed,* and 
 carried before the privy council. Some respectable 
 inhabitants of the city, understanding his citation, ac- 
 companied him to the palace. He was told that he 
 had offended the King, and must desist from preaching 
 as long as their Majesties were in Edinburgh. He 
 replied, that " he had spoken nothing but according to 
 his text; and if the church should command him to 
 speak or abstain, he would obey, so far as the word 
 of God would permit him."f Spottiswood says, that 
 he not only stood to what he had said in the pulpit, 
 but added, "That as the King, for" the Queen's 
 " pleasure, had gone to mass, and dishonoured the 
 Lord God, so should He in his justice make her the 
 instrument of his overthrow. This speech (continues 
 the archbishop's manuscript), esteemed too bold at the 
 time, came afterwards to be remembered, and was 
 reckoned among other his prophetical sayings, which 
 certainly were marvelous. The Queen, enraged at this 
 answer, burst forth into tears. "t 
 
 The report of the inhibition laid upon the Reformer 
 created great agitation in the city. His colleague, 
 who was appointed to supply his place during the sus- 
 
 ?ension, threatened to desist entirely from preaching. 
 'he town council met, and appointed a deputation to 
 wait on their Majesties, and to request the reversal of 
 tlie sentence ; and in a second meeting held on the 
 same day, they came to an unanimous resolution, that 
 they would "in no manner of way consent or grant 
 that his mouth be closed," but that he should be 
 desired, "at his pleasure, and as God should move his 
 heart, to proceed forward to the true doctrine as before, 
 which doctrine they would approve and abide at to 
 their life's end."|| 
 
 It does not appear that he continued any time sus- 
 pended from preaching. For the King and Queen left 
 Edinburgh before next Sabbalh,§ and the prohibition 
 extended only to the time of their residence in the city. 
 
 either bitter or mild. Indeed, the preacher seems, on that 
 occasion, to have used less freedom in the application than 
 ordinary. 
 
 * Preface to the Sermon, ut supra. 
 
 t Ibid. Records of Town Council, ut infra. Knox, Historie, 
 p. 381. In consequence of being called before the privy coun- 
 cil, he immediately wrote out the sermon, as exactly accord- 
 ing to what he preached as he could, and sent it to the press, 
 to let the impartial see, " upon how small occasions great 
 offence is now taken." At the end of it is this postscript: 
 •■Lord, into thy hands I commend my spirit; for the terrible 
 roaring of gunnes, and the noise of armour do so pierce my 
 heart, that my soul thirsteth to depart." On the margin are 
 these words: " The castle of Edinburgh was shooting against 
 the exiled for Christ Jesus sake." Then follows the date at 
 which the writing was finished. "The last day of August 
 1565, at four of the clock in the afternoon, written indigestly, 
 but yet truly so farre as memory would serve, of those things 
 that in publike I spake on Sunday, August 19, for the which I 
 wag discharged to preach for a time. Be mercifull to thy 
 flock, O Lord, and at thy pleasure put end to my misery. 
 John Knox." 
 
 t Spottiswood, 191, 192. Keith, 546, 547. Keith calls in 
 question the archbishop's narrative; because Knox, in his his- 
 tory, does not say that the queen wag present, and does not 
 mention the prediction, although "fond enough to catch at 
 and force such things upon his readers." But it should be 
 noticed, that Knox did not write this part of the history; the 
 fifth book having been compiled after his death, and not being 
 found in old MSS. See Advertisement prefixed to the edition 
 of his Historie, Edin. 1732. It must be confessed, however, 
 that Spottiswood's account of this affair is inaccurate in a num- 
 ber of particulars. David Buchanan says that the king had 
 "cast the psalme booke in the fire," which was the cause of 
 Knox's denunciation against him. Life prefixed to History 
 of the Reformation. 
 
 I) Records of Town Council, 23d August, 1565. Keith, 547. 
 
 § Knox, Historie, p. 381. 
 
 Upon their return, it is probable that the Court judged 
 it unadvisable to enforce an order which had already 
 created much discontent, and might alienate the minds 
 of the people still farther from the present administra- 
 tion. Accordingly, we find him exercising his minis- 
 try in Edinburgh with the same boldness as formerly. 
 Complaints were made to the Council of tiie manner 
 in which he prayed for the exiled noblemen ; but Se- 
 cretary Maitland, who had formerly found so much 
 fault with his prayers, defended them on the present 
 occasion, saying, that he had heard them, and they 
 were such as nobody could blame.* 
 
 Christopher Goodman had ofiiciated with much ap- 
 probation as minister of St. Andrews, since the year 
 1560; but he was prevailed on, by the solicitations of 
 his friends in England, to return, about this time, to 
 his native country. f The commissioners from St. 
 Andrews were instructed to petition the General As- 
 sembly, which met in December this year, that Knox 
 should be translated from Edinburgh to their city. 
 They claimed a right to him, as he had commenced 
 his ministry among them ; and they might think, that 
 the dissentions in which he was involved with the 
 court would induce him to prefer a more retired situa- 
 tion. But the petition was refused. :j: 
 
 This Assembly imposed on him several important 
 services. He was commissioned to visit the churches 
 in the south of Scotland, and appointed to write " a 
 comfortable letter," to encourage the ministers, ex- 
 horters, and readers, throughout the kingdom, to per- 
 severe in the discharge of their functions, which many 
 of them were threatening to abandon on account of the 
 non-payment of their stipends ; and to excite the people 
 among whom they laboured to relieve their necessi- 
 ties. |j He had formerly received an appointment to 
 draw up The Form of Excommunication and oi Public 
 Repentance.^ And he was now required to compose a 
 Treatise of Pasting. The Assembly, having taken into 
 consideration the troubles of the country, and the dan- 
 gers which threatened the whole protestant interest, 
 appointed a general fast to be kept through the king- 
 dom. The form and order to be observed on that 
 occasion they left to be drawn out by Knox and his 
 colleague. As nothing had been hitherto published 
 expressly on this subject, they were authorized to ex- 
 plain the duty, as well as to state the reasons which 
 at that period called for this solemn exercise. It was 
 appointed to be published before the time of the fast, 
 to serve as a directory to ministers and people. The 
 treatise does credit to the compilers, both as to matter 
 and form. It is written in a perspicuous and nervous 
 style. In the grounds assigned for fasting, the critical 
 state of all the reformed churches, the late decree of 
 the Council of Trent for the extirpation of the protes- 
 tant name, the combination of the popish princes for 
 carrying it into execution, and the barbarities exer- 
 cised upon their brethren in different countries, are all 
 held forth as a warning to the protestants of Scotland, 
 and urged as calls to repentance and prayer. 
 
 The following may serve as a specimen. " Sup- 
 posing, we say, that wee had none of these foresaid 
 causes to moove us, yet is there one which if it 
 moove us not to humiliation, wee shew ourselves 
 more than insensible. For now is Satan so enlarged 
 against Jesus Christ, and so odious is the light of nis 
 
 * Knox, Historie, p. 389. \ See Note LVI. 
 
 \ Keith, 562. || Ibid. 533. 
 
 { This appointment was laid upon him in June 1563. Keith, 
 525. He does not seem to have executed it till 1567; which is 
 the date subjoined to a prayer at the end of the treatise. Then 
 follows a postscript: "This booke is thought necessary and 
 profitable for the church, and commanded to be printed by the 
 Generall Assemblie." The order for printing it seems to have 
 been first given by the Assembly in 1568, and renewed in 1571. 
 Psalmes in meeter, &c. (commonly called Knox's Liturojy) 
 printed by .\ndro Hart, A. 1611. p. 28, 67. . Dunlop's Confei- 
 gions, ii. 705, 747. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 1% 
 
 gospel unto the Romaine Antichrist, that to suppresse 
 It in one province, realme, or nation, he thinketh it 
 nothing, unlesse that in all Europe the godly, and 
 such as abhorre the papisticall impietie, be therewith 
 also utterlie destroyed, and so rased from the face of 
 the earth that no memory of them shal after remaine. 
 If any thinke that suche crueltie cannot fall into the 
 hearts of men, we send them to be resolved of those 
 fathers of the last Councel of Trenf, who in one of 
 their sessions have thus concluded : All Lutherans, 
 Calvinists, and such as are of the new religion, shall 
 utterly be rooted out. The beginning shall be in 
 France, by conducting of the Catholike King, Philip 
 of Spaine, and by some of the nobilitie of France, 
 which matter (they say) put in execution, the whole 
 power of both together with the Popes armie, and force 
 of the Duke of Savoy and Ferrar, shall assault Geneva, 
 and shall not leave it, till that they have put it to 
 sacke, saving in it no living creature. And with the 
 same mercie shall so many of France as have tasted 
 of the new religion be served. From thence expedition 
 shall be made against the Germanes, to reduce them to 
 the obedience of the Apostolike seate. And so shall they 
 proceed to other realmes and nations, never ceasing till 
 that all be rooted out, that will not make homage to 
 that Romane Idoll. How fearefull a beginning this 
 conclusion and determination had, France will remem- 
 ber moe ages than one. For how manie, above a hun- 
 dreth thousand men, women, babes, virgines, matrones, 
 and aged fathers suffered, some by sworde, some by 
 water, some by fire, and other torments, the verie ene- 
 mies themselves are compelled to acknowledge. And 
 albeit that God of his mercie in part disappoynted their 
 cruell enterprises, yet let us not thinke that their will 
 is changed, or their malice asswaged. No; let us be 
 assured, that they abide but opportunitie to finish the 
 worke, that cruellie against God, against his trueth, 
 and the true professors of the same, they have begunne. 
 The whisperings whereof are not secreete, neither yet 
 the tokens obscure. For the traffike of that Dragon 
 now with the Princes of the earth, his promises and 
 flattering enticements, tende to none other ende, but to 
 enflame them against Jesus Christ, and against the 
 true proffessours of his gospel. For who can thinke 
 that the Pope, Cardinals, and horned Bishops, will 
 offer the greatest portion of their rents, for sustaining 
 of a warre, whereof no commoditie should redound (as 
 they suppose) to themselves?" Having quoted that 
 part of the decree of the Council which relates to the 
 assessment imposed on the clergy for carrying on this 
 Holy War, the compilers of the Treatise add: "But 
 let us hear their conclusion. France and Germanic 
 (say they) being by these meanes so chastised, abased, 
 and brought to the obedience of the holy Romane 
 Church, the fathers doubt not but time shall provide 
 both counsell and commoditie, that the rest of the 
 realmes about may be reduced to one flocke, and one 
 Apostolike Governour and Pastour. — But some shall 
 say, they are yet far from the end of their purpose, and 
 therefore wee neede not to be so fearefull, nor so 
 troubled. We answere, the danger may be nearer 
 than wee beleeve, yea, perchance a part of it hath 
 bene nearer to our neckes, then we have considered. 
 But how so ever it be, seeing that God of his mercie 
 hath brought foorth to light their cruell and bloodie 
 counsell, in which we neede not to doubt but still they 
 continue, it becummeth us not to be negligent or 
 slouthful."* 
 
 Strong as their apprehensions were, the danger was 
 nearer to them than they imagined. The most zeal- 
 ous and powerful of the protestant nobles being exiled, 
 the Queen determined' to carry into execution the 
 designs of which she had never lost sight ; and while 
 she amused the nation with proclamations against 
 
 * Treatise of Fasting, in Knox's Liturgy, p. 157 — 160. edit. 
 1611. and Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 661 — 664. 
 
 altering the received religion, and tantalized the min- 
 isters with offers of more adequate support, was 
 preparing for the speedy restoration of the Roman 
 Catholic worship. No means were left unattempted 
 for gaining over the nobility to that religion. The 
 King openly professed himself a convert, and officia- 
 ted in some of its most superstitious rites. The Earls 
 of Lennox, Cassilis, and Caithness, with Lord Mont- 
 gomery and Seton, followed his example.* The fri- 
 ars were employed to preach at Holyroodhouse, and, 
 to gain the favour of the people, endeavoured to imi- 
 tate the popular method of the protestant preachers. | 
 In the beginning of February 1566, a messenger ar- 
 rived from the Cardinal of Lorrain, with a copy of 
 the catholic league for extirpating the protestants, and 
 instructions to obtain the Queen's subscription to it, 
 and to urge the propriety of adopting the most rigor- 
 ous measures against the exiled noblemen. Mary 
 scrupled not to set her hand to the league. :|: Previous 
 to this, it is said, that she was inclined to yield to the 
 intercessions made in behalf of the exiles; but if ever 
 she felt this disposition, it is certain that, from the 
 arrival of this embassy, the door of mercy was shut; 
 for Murray and his associates were immediately sum- 
 moned to appear before the parliament which was to 
 meet on the twelfth of March. The Lords of the 
 Articles were chosen according to the Queen's plea- 
 sure ; the popish ecclesiastics were restored to their 
 place in parliament ; the altars to be erected in St. 
 Giles's church for the celebration of the Roman Cath- 
 olic worship were already prepared. || 
 
 But these measures, when ripe for execution were 
 blasted in consequence of a secret engagement which 
 the King had entered into with some of the protes- 
 tant nobles. The first effect produced by this en- 
 gagement was the well known assassination of Rizio, 
 the unworthy favourite of the Queen, who was the 
 principal instigator of the measures against the pro- 
 testant religion and the banished Lords, and had in- 
 curred the jealousy of the King, the contempt of the 
 nobility, and the hatred of the people. To have re- 
 moved this minion from her Majesty'^s counsels and 
 presence by legitimate means would have been meri- 
 torious ; but the manner in which it was accomplish- 
 ed was equally inconsistent with law and humanity, 
 and fixes a deep stigma on the character of those who 
 perpetrated the deed.§ 
 
 A complete change in the state of the Court suc- 
 ceeded this event : the popish counsellors fled from 
 the palace ; the exiled Lords returned out of England ; 
 and the parliament was prorogued, without accomplish- 
 ing any of the objects for which it had been assembled. 
 But the Queen soon persuaded the weak and uxorious 
 King to desert the noblemen, to retire with her to 
 Dunbar, and to issue a proclamation, disowning his 
 consent to the late attenvpt, by which he exposed 
 himself to the contempt of^the nation, without regain- 
 ing her affection. Having collected an army, she 
 
 * Robertson, App. No. 14. Keith, App. p. 165, 167. Knox, 
 389,391. 
 
 t The friars were so little esteemed, that they soon wearied 
 of preaching. They boasted that they would dispute with the 
 protestant ministers ; but when the commissioners of the 
 General Assembly waited on their Majesties, and requested 
 that this might be j^ranted in their presence, the Queen repli- 
 ed, that "sche wald not jeopard her religioun upon sick as 
 were thare present ; for sche knew weill enouch, that the pro- 
 testants wer more Teamed." Knox, Historic, p. 291. 
 
 t Keith, p. 326. App. 167. Melvir'sMemoires,. 63,64. Ro- 
 bertson, App. No. 14. 
 
 II Knox, 392, 394. Keith,, App. 126. The Queen's letter 
 to the archbishop of Glasgow, apud Keith, 331. Goodall and 
 Blackwood, apud Robertson, ii. 145. Lond. 1809. 
 
 \ The noblemen wished to bring Rizio to a public trial; but 
 the kingwoufd not wait for this, and determined that he should 
 be seized in the gueen's presence, although she was big; with 
 child, that he might upbraid her for the wrongs which he had 
 suffered. Keith, App. 121. 122. Robertson, iii. 318, Apn. 
 No. 15. - ^* 
 
 8 
 
114 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 returned to Edinburgh, threatening to inflict the most 
 exemplary vengeance on all who nad been accessory 
 to the murder of her secretary, and the indignity 
 shewn to her person. She found herself, however, 
 unable to resume her plan for altering the received 
 religion ; and, while the conspirators against Rizio 
 were forced to flee to England, the Earl of Murray, 
 and the other Lords who had opposed her marriage, 
 were allowed to remain in the country and soon after 
 pardoned. 
 
 When the Queen returned to Edinburgh, Knox left 
 it, and retired to Kyle. There is no reason to think 
 that he was privy to the conspiracy which proved fatal 
 to Rizio. But it is probable that he had expressed his 
 satisfaction at an event which contributed to the safety 
 of religion and the commonwealth, if not also his 
 approbation of the conduct of the conspirators.* At 
 any rate, he was sufficienily obnoxious to the Queen 
 on other grounds; and as her resentment, on the 
 present occasion, was exceedingly inflamed, it was 
 deemed prudent for him to withdraw. | 
 
 Having at last " got quit" of one who had long 
 been troublesome to her, Mary was determined to 
 prevent his return to the capital. We need not doubt 
 that the town-council and inhabitants, who had for- 
 merly refused to agree to his suspension from preach- 
 ing for a short time, would exert themselves to obtain 
 his restoration ; and powerful intercession was made 
 in his behalf by mafly of the nobility and gentry. 
 But the queen was deaf to all their entreaties. She 
 was even unwilling that he should find a refuge within 
 the kingdom, and wrote to a nobleman in the west 
 country, with whom he resided, to banish him from 
 his house.:}: It does not appear that he returned to 
 Edinburgh, or, at least, that he resumed his ministry 
 in it, until the Queen was deprived of the government. 
 
 Being banished from his flock, he judged this a 
 favourable opportunity for paying a visit to England. 
 Parental affection increstsed at this time the desire 
 which he had long fell to accomplish his journey. 
 His two sons had been lately sent by him into that 
 kingdom, to reside with some of their mother's re- 
 lations, and to obtain their education in the English 
 seminaries. Having procured the Queen^s safe-con- 
 duct, he applied to the General Assembly, which met 
 in December 1556, for their permission to remove. 
 This was readily granted by them, upon condition of 
 his returning against the time of their next meeting 
 in June. The Assembly likewise gave him a most 
 ample and honourable testimonial, in which they de- 
 scribe him as " a true and faithfull minister, in doctrine 
 pure and sincere, in life and conversation in our sight 
 inculpable," and one who " has so fruitfully used that 
 talent granted to him by the Eternal, to the advance- 
 ment of the glory of his godly name, to the propaga- 
 tion of the kmgdom of Jesus Christ, and edifying of 
 them who heard his preaching, that of duty we most 
 heartily praise His godly name, for that so great a 
 benefit granted unto him for our utility and profit. "|| 
 
 The Reformer was charged with a letter from the 
 Assembly to the bishops and ministers of England, 
 interceding for lenity to such of their brethren as 
 
 * King James VI. having found jjreat fault with Knox for 
 approving of the assassination of Rizio, one of the ministers 
 said, that " the slaughter of David [RiiioJ, so far as it was the 
 work of God was allowed by Mr. Kaox^and not otherwise." 
 Cald. MS. ad Ann. 1591. Knox himself does not, however, 
 make this qualification, when he mentions the subject incident- 
 ally. Historic, p. 86. Robertson, ii. 161—2. 
 
 t Knox, Historic, 395. Answer to T^rie, A. iiij. 
 
 I Letter from archbishop Grindal to BuUinger, I7th August, 
 1566. Strype's Grindal, A pp. 20. Letter from bishop Fark- 
 hurst, written in December, 1566. Burnet's Hist, ot Refor. 
 iii. App. No. 91. In the .Assembly which met in June this year, 
 Craig desired that "John Carnes, who had read prayers, and 
 exhorted four years and more in Edinburgh, and had weill 
 profited, — might be joyned with him as colleague in the kirk 
 of Edinburgh, in respect he wat alone." Keith, 560. 
 
 II Keith, 564. 
 
 scrupled to use the sacerdotal dress enjoined by the 
 laws. The controversy on that subject was at this 
 time carried on with great heat among the English 
 clergy. It is not improbable, that the Assembly in- 
 terfered in this business at the desire of Knox, to 
 whom the composition of the letter was committed.* 
 He could not have forgotten the trouble which he 
 himself had suffered on a similar ground, and he had 
 a high regard for many of the scniplers. This inter- 
 position did not procure for them any relief. Even 
 though the superior clergy had been more zealous to 
 obtain it than they were, Elizabeth was inflexible, and 
 would listen neither to the supplications of her bishops, 
 nor to the advice of her counsellors. Knox's good 
 opinion of the English Queen does not seem to have 
 been improved by this visit."}" 
 
 He performed one important piece of public service 
 before undertaking his journey to England. On the 
 23d of December, the Queen granted a commission to 
 the archbishop of St. Andrews, under the Privy Seal, 
 restoring him to his ancient jurisdiction, which had 
 been abolished in 15G0, by act of parliament.:}: This 
 step was taken, partly to prepare for the restoration of 
 the popish religion, and partly to facilitate another 
 dark design which was soon after disclosed. The 
 protestants could not fail to be both alarmed and 
 enraged at this daring measure. Moved by his own 
 zeal no less than by the advice of his brethren, the 
 Reformer addressed a circular letter to the principal 
 protestants in the kingdom, requesting their immedi- 
 ate advice on the measures most proper to be adopted 
 on this occasion, and inclosing a copy of a proposed 
 supplication to the Queen. This letter discovers all 
 the ardour of the writer's spirit, called forth by such 
 an alarming occurrence. After mentioning the late 
 acts for the provision of the ministry, || by which the 
 Queen attempted to blind them, he says ; " How that 
 any such assignation, or any promise made thereof, 
 can stand in any stable assurance, when that Roman 
 Antichrist, by just laws once banished from this realm, 
 shall be intrusted above us we can no ways under- 
 stand. Yea, farther, we cannot see what assurance 
 can any within this realm, that hath professed the 
 Lord Jesus, have of life, or inheritance, if the head of 
 that odious Beast be cured among us." Having in- 
 forced his request, he adds : " As from the beginning 
 we have neither spared substance nor life, so mind we 
 not to faint unto the end, to maintain the same, so long 
 as we can find the concurrence of brethren ; of whom 
 (as God forbid) if we be destitute, yet are we determin- 
 ed never to be subject to the Roman Antichrist, neither 
 yet to his usurped tyranny ; but when we can do no 
 farther to suppress that odious Beast, we mind to seal 
 it with our blood to our posterity, that the bright 
 knowledge of Jesus Christ hath banished that Man 
 of Sin, and his venomous doctrine, from our hearts and 
 consciences. Let this our letter and request bear 
 witness before God, before his church, before the 
 world, and before your own consciences."§ The sup- 
 plication of the General Assembly to the Lords of the 
 Privy Council, on the same subject, also bears marks 
 of the Refonner's pen.^f 
 
 * Keith, 565, 566. Knox, 402,405. Spottiswood, 198, 199. 
 The letter was subscribed by " John Davidson, for James 
 Nicoldson, writer and clarke of the church of Edinborough." 
 Strype's Life of Archbishop Parker, App. p. 88. 
 
 f Speaking of England, he says: " And yet is sche that now 
 rignetn over thanie nether gude protestant, nor yet resolute pa- 
 pist; let the warld juge qunilk is the third.'' Historie, u. 277. 
 By comparing p. 269, it appears that this was written by nim in 
 1567, and consequently after his return from England. 
 
 } Laing's History of Scotland, vol. i. 75, 76. 2d edit. This 
 historian has refuted the charges of forgery which Whitaker 
 had brought against Knox and Calderwood on this head. Ibid, 
 p. 78, 79. 
 
 y Keith, p. 561.562. The occurrence which had taken place 
 helps to explain the coldness with which the Assembly received 
 the information of these acts in their favour. Ibtd. p. 563. 
 
 i Cald. MS. apud Keith, 566, 567. H Ibid. 567—8. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 m 
 
 During the time that Knox was in England, that 
 tragedy, so well known in Scottish history, was acted, 
 which led to a complete revolution in the government 
 of the kingdom, and, contrary to the designs of the 
 principal actors, threw the power wholly into the 
 hands of the protestants. Mary's affection for her 
 husband which had cooled soon after their marriage, 
 was, from the time of Rizio's assassination, converted 
 into a fixed hatred, which she was at little pains to 
 conceal. The birth of an heir to the crown produced 
 no reconciliation between the royal parents; the King 
 was not allowed to be present at the baptism of his 
 own son ; and was treated with such marked disrespect 
 even by the servants, that he abandoned the Court, 
 and shut himself up in his father's house. In pro- 
 portion as the Queen's mind was alienated from the 
 King, the unprincipled Earl of Bothwell grew in her 
 favour. He engrossed the whole management of 
 public affairs, was loaded with honours, and treated 
 by her Majesty with every mark of personal regard 
 and affection. In these circumstances, the neglected, 
 unhappy King was decoyed to Edinburgh, lodged in 
 a solitary dwelling at the extremity of the city, and 
 murdered on the morning of February 10, 1567; the 
 house in which he lay being blown up with gun- 
 powder. 
 
 It would be unsuitable to the nature of the present 
 work to enter into the controversy respectingr the 
 authors of this murder, which has been agitated with 
 uncommon keenness from that day to the present time. 
 The accusation of the Earl of Murray as a party to 
 the deed, is destitute of all proof, and utterly uncredi- 
 ble. It was at first circulated with the evident design 
 of turning away the public mind from the real perpe- 
 trators; it was insinuated, and afterwards directly 
 brought forward, in the conferences at York and 
 Westminster, as a retaliation upon him for the charge 
 which he exhibited against the Queen ; and it is now 
 kept up only by the most blind and bigoted of her par- 
 tizans. That Bothwell was the prime contriver and 
 agent in the murder cannot admit of a doubt with any 
 impartial and judicious inquirer. And that Mary was 
 privy to the design, and accessory to its execution by 
 permission and approbation, there is, I think, all the 
 evidence, moral and legal, which could reasonably 
 be expected in a case of this kind. The whole of her 
 behaviour towards the King, from the time that she 
 brought him from Glasgow till she left him on the 
 fatal night; the remissness which she discovered in 
 inquiring into the murder; the shameful manner in 
 which she suffered the farce of Bothwell's trial to be 
 conducted ; the glaring act (which struck with horror 
 the whole of Europe, and even her own friends) of 
 taking to her bed, with indecent haste, the man who 
 was stigmatized as the murderer of her husband ; and 
 the manner in which she refused to defend herself, and 
 broke off the conference to which she had agreed, as 
 eoon as the charge of accession to the murder was 
 brought against her, — afford the strongest presumption 
 of her guilt ; and, when taken in connection with the 
 direct evidence arising from letters and depositions, 
 would have been sufficient long ago to shut the 
 mouths of any but the defenders of Mary, Queen of 
 Scots.* 
 
 Knox was absent from Edinburgh at the time of 
 
 * Those who wish to see the proof of these assertions, niaj' 
 ';onsiilt Mr. Hume's History of the period, with the Notes; Dr. 
 Robertson's, with his Dissertation; and especially Mr. Laing-'s 
 Dissertation on the subject. This last writer has examined the 
 point with great calmness, accuracy, and acuteness, has estab- 
 lishetl the genuineness of the letters to Bothwell, and cleared 
 the whole evidence from the objections and cavils of the fan- 
 tastical Whilaker, a late author, who has equalled any of his 
 predecessors in prejudice, and exceeded all of them in the 
 :Uiberal and virulent abuse with which he has treated the most 
 respectable of his opponents. The principal writers who in 
 modern times have undertaken the defence of Mary are Goodall, 
 Tytler, Stuart, and Whitaker. 
 
 the Queen's marriage with Bothwell ; hut his col- 
 league ably supported the honour of his place and 
 order on that occasion, when the whole nobility of 
 Scotland preserved a passive and disgraceful silence. 
 Being required by both the parties to publish the 
 banns, Craig reluctantly complied, after taking the 
 advice of his session ; but he at the same time protest- 
 ed from the pulpit, on three several days, and took 
 heaven and earth to witness, that he abhorred and 
 detested the intended inarriage as unlawful and scan- 
 dalous, and solemnly charged the nobility to use their 
 influence to prevent the Queen from taking a step, 
 which would inevitably cover her with infamy, and 
 involve her in ruin. Being called before the Council, 
 and accused of having exceeded the bounds of his 
 commission, he boldly replied, that the bounds of his 
 commission, were the word of God, good laws, and 
 natural reason, to all of which the proposed marriage 
 was contrary. And Bothwell being present, he charg- 
 ed him with the crime of adultery, the precipitancy 
 with which the process of divorce had been carried 
 through, and the suspicions entertained of collusion 
 between him and his wife, of his having murdered the 
 King, and ravished the Queen, all of which would be 
 confirmed, if they carried their purpose into execution.* 
 
 The events which followed in a rapid succession 
 upon this infamous marriage; the confederation of the 
 nobility for revenging the King's death, and preserving 
 the person of the infant Prince ; the flight of Bothwell ; 
 the surrender and imprisonment of Mary ; her resigna- 
 tion of the government; the coronation of her son; 
 and the appointment of the Earl of Murray as Regent 
 during his minority, are all well known to the readers 
 of Scottish history. 
 
 Knox seems to have returned to his charge at the 
 time that the Queen fled with Bothwell to Dunbar. 
 He was present in the General Assembly which met 
 at Edinburgh on the 25th of June, and was delega- 
 ted by them to go to the west country, and endeavour 
 to persuade the Hamiltons and others who stood aloof 
 from the confederated Lords, to join with them in set- 
 tling the distracted affairs of the country, and to 
 attend a general convention of the delegates of the 
 churches, to be held on the 20th of July following. f 
 He was unsuccessful in this negociation. But the 
 convention was held, and the nobles, barons, and 
 commissioners of boroughs, who were present, sub- 
 scribed a number of articles, with reference to religion 
 and the state of the nation. :|: 
 
 On the 29th of July 1567, the Reformer preached 
 the sermon at the coronation of James VL in the parish 
 church of Stirling.|| He objected to the ceremony of 
 unction, as a Jewish rite abused under the papacy ; 
 but on the present occasion it was deemed inexpedient 
 to depart from the accustomed ceremonial. It was 
 therefore performed by the bishop of Orkney ; the 
 superintendents of Lothian and Angus assisting him 
 to place the crown on the King's head.§ After the 
 coronation, Knox, along with some others, took in- 
 struments, and craved extracts of the proceedings.^" 
 
 * Bulk of the Universal Kirk, p. 85, 87, 103. Anderson's 
 Collections, ii. 278— 283. Knox, 405, 406. Spottiswood, 202, 
 203. Craig gave in a narrative and defence of his conduct to 
 the General Assembly, 30th Dec. 1567 ; but it was not until 
 the 6th July, 1569, t'lat the Assembly overtook the formal con- 
 sideration of that affair, when they declared that " be had done 
 the dewtie of a faithfull minister." 
 
 t Keith, 574, 577. Knox, 410. 
 
 t Keith, 581— 583. Knox, 411. Spottis. 209, 210. 
 
 11 Knox, 412. Buchanan calls it luculentam concionetn. 
 Hist. lib. xviii. Oper. torn. i. p. 366. 
 
 § Cald. MS. ii.67,68. Anderson's Collections, ii. 249. One 
 author says that Knox was employed in putting the crown on 
 the king's head. " Diadema Joannis Knoxii manibus capiti 
 regio iniposituni." Arcbibaldus Sinisonus, Annates Eccleg. 
 Scotican. p. 9. MS. in the ]K)s$ession of Thomas Thomson, Esq. 
 
 1[ Keith, 439. Keith expresses his surprise at Knox's taking 
 instruments in the name of the estates, as he "could properly 
 belong- to no estate at all." p. 440. But the record does not say 
 
116 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 When the Queen was confined by the Lords in the 
 castle of Lochlevin, they had not resolved in what 
 manner they should dispose of her person for the 
 future. Some proposed that she should be allowed 
 to leave the kingdom ; some that she should be im- 
 prisoned during life; while others insisted that she 
 ought to suffer capital punishment. Of this last opin- 
 ion was Knox, with almost all the ministers, and the 
 great body of the people. The chief ground upon 
 which they insisted for this, was not her maladminis- 
 tration in the government, or the mere safety and peace 
 of the commonwealth ; which were the reasons upon 
 which the parliament of England, in the following 
 century, proceeded to the execution of her grandson. 
 But they founded their opinion upon the personal 
 crimes with which Mary was charged. Murder and 
 adultery, they reasoned, were crimes to which the 
 punishment of death was allotted by the law of God 
 and of nations. From this penalty persons of no 
 rank could plead exemption. The ordinary forms of 
 judicial procedure, indeed, made no provision for the 
 trial of a supreme magistrate; because the laws did not 
 suppose that such enormous crimes would be commit- 
 ted by them. But extraordinary cases required extra- 
 ordinary remedies ; and new offences gave birth to 
 new laws. There were also examples in scripture of 
 the capita] punishment of princes, nor were precedents 
 for it wanting in the history of their own country.* 
 
 Upon these grounds, Knox scrupled not publicly to 
 maintain, that the estates of the kingdom ought to 
 bring Mary to a trial ; and, if she was found guilty of 
 the murder of her husband, and an adulterous connec- 
 tion with Both well, that she ought to be put to death. 
 Throkmorton, the English ambassador, held a confer- 
 ence with him, with the view of mitigating the rigour 
 of this judgment ; but though he acquiesced in the re- 
 solution adopted by the Lords to detain her in prison, 
 he retained his own sentiment, and, after the civil war 
 was kindled by her escape from confinement, repeat- 
 edly said, that he considered the nation as suffering 
 for their criminal lenity. f 
 
 Though the Earl of Murray, after his return from 
 banishment, was pardoned, and re-admitted to his 
 place in the privy council, he did not regain the confi- 
 dence of her Majesty. Perceiving the ruinous tendency 
 of the course on which she was bent, and despairing 
 of being able to prevent it by his advice, he declined 
 taking an active part in the management of public 
 affairs, and appeared very seldom at Court. Soon 
 after the King was murdered, he obtained liberty to 
 leave the kingdom, and retired to France, where he 
 remained till recalled by a message from the confeder- 
 ated Lords, after Mary had subscribed the instruments 
 by which she resigned the crown and appointed him 
 Regent, Having arrived in Scotland, he was formally 
 invested with the regency, on the 22d of August 15G7. 
 As soon as he was confirmed in the government, he 
 exerted himself with great zeal and prudence, to secure 
 the peace of the kingdom, and to settle the affairs of 
 the church. A parliament being summoned to meet 
 in the middle of December, he, with the advice of the 
 privy council, previously nominated certain barons, 
 and commissioners of boroughs, to consult upon and 
 digest such overtures as were proper to be laid before 
 that assembly. "With these he joined Knox, and four 
 other ministers, to assist in matters which related to 
 the church. This committee met in the beginning of 
 
 that he took instrument? in the name of the estates. It is evi- 
 dent that he acted in the name of ilie church, whicli was con- 
 sidered as having an interest in the transaction, as by one 
 clause of the coronation oath the king engaged to maintain the 
 reformed religion, and the privileges of the protestant church. 
 Ibid. p. 438. 
 
 » Keith, 421, 422, 428. Throkmorton's Letters, 14th and 
 18th July; apnd Robertson, App. No. 21. "The women (says 
 the ambassador) be most furious and impudent against the 
 Queen, and yet the men be mad enough." 
 
 t Cald. MS. ii. 73. Bannatyne's Journal, p. 113. 
 
 December, and sat until the opening of the parliament. 
 The record of their proceedings, both as to civil and 
 ecclesiastical affairs, is preserved ; and, as many of 
 their propositions were not adopted by the parliament, 
 it is valuable as a declaration of the sentiments of a 
 number of the most able men in the kingdom.* 
 
 On the 15th of December, Knox preached at the 
 opening of the parliament, and exhorted them to begin 
 with the affairs of religion, in which case they would 
 find better success in their other business. The par- 
 liament ratified all the acts which had been passed in 
 1560, in favour of the protestant religion, and against 
 popery. New statutes of a similar kind were a'dded. 
 It was provided, that no prince should afterwards be 
 admitted to the exercise of authority in the kingdom, 
 without taking an oath to maintain the protestant reli- 
 gion ; and that none but protestants should be admitted 
 to any office, not hereditary nor held for life. The 
 ecclesiastical jurisdiction, exercised by the assemblies 
 of the church, was formally ratified, and commissioners 
 appointed to define more exactly the causes which 
 came within the sphere of their judgment. The thirds 
 of benefices were appointed to be paid immediately to 
 collectors appointed by the church, who were to ac- 
 count to the exchequer for the overplus after paying 
 the stipends of the ministers. And the funds of pro- 
 vostries, prebendaries, and chaplainries were appropri- 
 ated to maintain bursars in colleges.")" 
 
 In the act ratifying the jurisdiction of the church, 
 Knox was appointed one of the commissioners for 
 drawing out the particular points which pertained to 
 ecclesiastical jurisdiction, to be presented to next meet- 
 ing of parliament. The General Assembly, which met 
 about the same time, gave him a commission, along 
 with some others, to act for them in this matter, and, 
 in general, to consult with the Regent and council on 
 such ecclesiastical questions as might occur after their 
 dissolution. He was also appointed to assist the su- 
 perintendent of Lothian in his visitation, and after- 
 wards to visit the churches in Kyle, Carrick, and 
 Cunningham.:}: 
 
 During the regency of Murray, there were no jars 
 between the church and the court, nor any of those un- 
 pleasant complaints which had been made at every 
 meeting of the General Assembly before that period, 
 and which were renewed under the succeeding Re- 
 gents. || All the grievances of which they complained 
 were not indeed, redressed ; and the provision made 
 by law was still inadequate for the support of such an 
 ecclesiastical establishment as the nation required, in- 
 cluding the seminaries of education. But the Regent 
 not only received the addresses of the general assem- 
 blies in a "manner very different from that to which 
 they had been accustomed ;" but shewed a disposition 
 to grant their petitions, whenever it was in his power. 
 It was chiefly through his influence that the favourable 
 arrangement concerning the thirds of benefices was 
 made ; and he endeavoured, though unsuccessfully, to 
 obtain the consent of parliament to the dissolution of 
 
 * See Note LVII. 
 
 t Cald. MS. ad ann. 1567; and Acts Pari. 1st, James VI. 
 
 t Cald. ut supra. Keith, 585, 586. 
 
 jl Dr. Robertson says, that the regulation respecting the 
 thirds, made by the parliament in December 1567, did not 
 produce any considei-able change in the situation of the clergy, 
 and speaks of them as still "groaning under extreme poverty, 
 unable to obtain any thing but fair words and liberal promises." 
 History of Scotland, ii. 250, 312. Loud. 1809. But the law 
 which gave power to the collectors appointed by the church to 
 uplift the thirds, and to pay the stipends, before any thing was 
 allowed to the court, was certainly a very considerable benefit. 
 The church herself viewed it in this light. Calderwood says 
 that "the ministers were now refreshed with the allowance 
 made by the last parliament." MS. ad ann. 1567. And the 
 Assembly, in their letter inviting Wilock to return from Kng- ' 
 land, ex))ressly say, " Our enemies, praised be God, are dashed; 
 religion established; sufficient provision made for minisltrs" 
 &c. Keith, 590. The account which I have given in the text 
 is, I think, supported by the register of the five general assem- 
 blies which were held cluring the regency of Murray. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 Iff 
 
 the prelacies, and the appropriation of their revenues 
 to the common fund of the church.* 
 
 Our Reformer had now reached that point from 
 which he could take a calm and deliberate view of the 
 bustling scene through which he had passed, and of 
 the arduous struggle which he had been so long en- 
 gaged in, and had at length brought to a happy ter- 
 mination. Papal superstition and tyranny were sup- 
 pressed and abolished by law; the protestant religion 
 was established ; the supreme government of the nation 
 was in the hands of one in whose wisdom and integrity 
 he had the greatest confidence; the church was freed 
 from many of those grievances under which she had 
 hitherto groaned, and enjoyed the prospect of obtain- 
 ing the redress of such as still remained. The work 
 on which his heart had been so ardently set for such a 
 long period, and for the success of which he had so 
 often trembled, had prospered beyond his utmost ex- 
 pectation. He now congratulated himself on the pros- 
 pect of being released from all burden of public affairs, 
 and of spending the remainder of his days in religious 
 meditation, and in preparation for that event of which 
 his increasing infirmities admonished him.f He even 
 secretly cherished the wish of resigning his charge in 
 Edinburgh, and of retiring to that privacy, from which 
 he had been drawn at the commencement of the Scot- 
 tish Reformation. Speaking of the congregation of 
 which he had been pastor at Geneva, he says in one 
 of his confidential letters : " God comfort that dispersed 
 little flock, among whom I lived with quietness of con- 
 science, and contentment of heart ; and amongst whom 
 I would be content to end my days, if so it might stand 
 with God's good pleasure. For, seeing it hath pleased 
 His Majesty, above all men's expectations, to prosper 
 the work, for the performing whereof I left that com- 
 pany, 1 would even as gladly return to them, if they 
 stood in need of my labours, as ever I was glad to be 
 delivered from the rage of mine enemies. I can give 
 you no reason that 1 should so desire other than that 
 my heart so thirsteth.":}: 
 
 But " the way of man is not in himself." Provi- 
 dence had allotted to him further trials of a public 
 nature : he was yet to see the security of the reformed 
 religion endangered, and the country involved in an- 
 other civil war, even more distressing than the former, 
 in as much as the principal persons on each side were 
 professed proiestants. 
 
 From the time that the Queen was imprisoned, and 
 the government transferred to the young prince under 
 the regency of Murray, a very considerable number of 
 the nobility had withheld their approbation of these 
 proceedings. The popish party were decidedly at- 
 tached to Mary, and inimical to a revolution which 
 crushed all the hopes which they had cherished of ac- 
 complishing the restoration of the ancient religion. 
 Others, though professed protestants, were induced 
 by personal motives to oppose the new government. 
 Argyle was at this time alienated from Murray by a 
 family quarrel. || The house of Hamilton followed 
 that line of narrow and interested policy which they 
 had adopted on former occasions of a similar kind. 
 They were jealous lest the late settlement of the crown 
 should invalidate the right of their chief, the Duke of 
 Chastelherault, to the succession, and they were of- 
 fended that the regency, which they considered as due 
 to him, should have been conferred on the Earl of 
 Murray .§ The very means which it was requisite for 
 
 * Letter from the Recent to the General Assembly, ult. June, 
 1569. Bulk of the Universal Kirk, p. 45 — 47. 
 
 t Cald. MS. ii. 108. 
 
 i Letter to John Wood, 14th of February. 1568: Cald. MS. 
 ii. 9L 
 
 II Throkmorton to Elizabeth. 22d August, 1567: Keith, 450. 
 
 } Throkmortou's Letters of 14th, 16th, 18th, and 19th July, 
 1567: Robertson, Append. No. 21. Laing-, ii. App. No. 13. p. 
 125. Keith, p. 423. The protestation taken, at the corona- 
 tion of James VI. by Arthur Hamilton of Meritoo, in the name 
 
 the Regent to employ, to restore tranquillity and order 
 to the kingdom, created him enemies. During the 
 late confusions, many parts of the country had fallen 
 into a state of anarchy ; and the north and the borders 
 presented nothing but scenes of rapine and bloodshed. 
 It was impossible to repress these disorders without 
 making severe examples of the most guilty ; and the 
 turbulent and licentious naturally sought the overthrow 
 of a government by which they felt themselves over- 
 awed and restrained.* The abilities of the Regent, 
 however, enabled him to overcome these difficulties, 
 and he was daily receiving submissions from the most 
 powerful of the opposite parly; when, on the 2d of 
 May 1568, the Queen escaped from her confinement 
 in Lochlevin. The discontented nobles immediately 
 joined her standard, and having mustered a large force, 
 avowed their determination to restore her to the exer- 
 cise of that authority which she had renounced by 
 constraint. This formidable insurrection was defeated 
 by the promptitude of the Regent ; and in consequence 
 of the battle of Langside, Mary was driven into Eng- 
 land, and her party broken. Elizabeth having pro- 
 cured herself to be chosen umpire between the two 
 parties, the conferences were protracted during so long 
 a period, and the conduct of the English court was so 
 equivocal and contradictory, that the friends of Mary 
 were encouraged to renew their attempts to restore her 
 by force of arms. But although the Duke of Chastel- 
 herault returned from France with a large sum of 
 money contributed by the popish princes, and came 
 into Scotland in the character of Lieutenant for the 
 Queen, f the Regent, by his vigilance, and vigorous 
 measures, prevented any insurrection, and preserved 
 the kingdom in a state of obedience to the young King's 
 authority. 
 
 Despairing to accomplish their daring object during 
 his life, the partizans of Mary resolved to cut off Mur- 
 ray by private means. During the year 1568, two 
 persons were employed to assassinate him ; but the 
 design was discovered and prevented.:!: This did not 
 hinder new machinations. Hamilton of Bothwell- 
 haugh, a nephew of the archbishop of St. Andrews, 
 undertook to perpetrate the deed. He was one of the 
 prisoners taken at the battle of Langside, and after 
 being arraigned, condemned, and brought out to execu- 
 tion, had his life given him by the Regent.]] Some 
 time after he was set at liberty along with the other 
 prisoners.§ It is said, that he was actuated by revenge, 
 on account of an injury which he had received, by de- 
 taining one of his forfeited estates, or by the cruel 
 manner in which his wife had been dispossessed of it.^f 
 
 of the Duke, is confined to the point of his succession to the 
 crown, and does not allude in the slightest degree to the right 
 of the Queen. Keith, 437. Of the same strain was the protest 
 which was intended to have been made at the parliament held 
 in December 1567; a copy of which, and a minute of a conver- 
 sation on the subject between the Regent and Arthur Hamil- 
 ton are preserved among the Hamilton MSS. 
 
 » Buchanan, Oper. i. 346. Keith, 407. 
 
 + Spottiswood, 216. Letter, Knox to Wood, 10th Septem- 
 ber 1568, published in the Appendix, No. X. 
 
 I The Hist, of King James the Sext, p. 48. Birrel's Diary, 
 17, in Dalyell's Fragments of Scottish History. Laing, ii. 269. 
 See also Letter, Knox to Wood, 10th September, 1568, pub-- 
 lished in the Appendix, No. X. 
 
 II Hist, of King James the Sext, p. 43. { Ibid. p. 63. 
 
 1r This story is related in very diflferent ways. One account 
 makes the revenge to turn solely upon the treatment of hi.'? 
 wife, who, expecting to be allowed to remain in her house of 
 " Woodislie," was " uncourtouslie and uumercifullie, put thair- 
 fra, all her gudis tane fra hir, and schoe left stark naked. The 
 gentilwoman, quhat for grief of mynd and exceeding cald, that 
 schoe had then contractit, conceaved sic madness as was almost 
 incredible." Historie of King James the Sext, p. 74. Spottis- 
 wood's account is different. He says, that Bothwellhaugh had 
 redeemed his life by yielding up the lands of Woodhouselie, 
 which were given to the Justice Clerk, and he refusing to part 
 with them, Bothwellhaugh " made his quarrel to the regent, 
 [i. e. revenged himself upon the regent], who was most inno- 
 cent, and had restored him to life and liberty." Spottis. His- 
 
ire 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 Whether this was really the case, or whether it was 
 afterwards alleged to diminish the odium of his crime, 
 and turn it away from his party, cannot perhaps be 
 now certainly determined. But it does not appear, 
 that any part of the Regent's conduct towards him 
 was such as to afford the slightest alleviation of a 
 crime, in the commission of which he burst the ties 
 of gratitude as well as of humanity and justice. On 
 the other hand, there is ample proof that he was incited 
 to make the attempt by the political party with which 
 he was connected.* Having formed his resolution, he 
 deliberately followed the Regent in his progress to 
 Glasgow, Stirling, and Linlithgow; and, finding an 
 opportunity in the last of these places, shot him 
 through the body with a musket-ball. The wound 
 proved mortal, and the Regent died the same evening. 
 While some of his friends, who stood round his bed, 
 lamented the excessive lenity which he had shewn to 
 his enemies, and particularly to his murderer, he re- 
 plied, with a truly noble and Christian spirit, that 
 nothing would ever make him repent of an act of cle- 
 mency.^ 
 
 The consternation which is usuall)' produced by the 
 fall of a distinguished leader was absorbed in the deep 
 distress which the tidings of the Regent's murder 
 spread through the nation. The common people, who 
 had experienced the beneficial effects of his short ad- 
 ministration to a degree altogether unprecedented in 
 the country, felt as if each had lost a father, and 
 loudly demanded vengeance against the authors of the 
 parricide. Many who had envied or hated him during 
 his life were now forward to do justice to his virtues. 
 Those who had not been able to conceal their satisfac- 
 tion on the first intelligence of his death, became 
 ashamed of the indecent exultation which they had 
 imprudently expressed. The Hamiltons were anxious 
 to clear themselves from the imputation of a crime 
 which they saw to be universally detested. The 
 murderer was dismissed by them, and was glad to 
 conceal his ignominy by condemning himself to per- 
 petual banishment. The only one of his crimes for 
 which the archbishop of St. Andrews afterwards ex- 
 pressed contrition before his execution, was his acces- 
 sion to the murder of the Regent.:^ Nor were these 
 
 tory, p. 233. Crawfurd, in his Memoirs of the Affairs of Scot- 
 land, p. 140. 1st edit, says, that ''Murray sent some officers to 
 talce possession of the house, who not only turned the gentle- 
 woman out of doors, but" &c. This is the authority which has 
 been relied upon by ail those writers who have charged the 
 regent with cruelty in this transaction; yet it is now discovered 
 that the interpolation of Murray's name in this place is one of 
 those forgeries by which that work is disgraced from beginning 
 to end. See Hist, of King James the Sext, preface, and p. 74. 
 
 * This is clear from many considerations. Within a few 
 days after the regent's assassination, his secretary, Mr. John 
 Wood, was n)urdered in Fife: Anderson's Coll. iii. 84. The 
 bouse in which Cothwellhaugh concealed himself, while he 
 committed the murder, belonged to the archbishop of St. An- 
 drews, who acknowledged that he was privy and accessory to 
 the deed. Historic of King James the Sext, p. 117. the 
 horse on which the murderer escaped belonged to John Hamil- 
 ton, abbot of Arbroath, one of the Duke's sons. Cald. ad. ann. 
 1570. He rode immediately to Hamilton, where he was "re- 
 ceived with great applause." Ibid. Nay, grounds are not 
 wanting for strong suspicion, that Maitland, and even Grange 
 himself who had long been the bosom friend of the Regent, 
 were acquainted with the conspiracy against his life. Ibid. 
 Bannatyne's Journal, p. 429. Buchan. i. 384. 
 
 + Caul, ut supra. Buchanani Oper. i. 385. Spottiswood, 233. 
 
 t Bannatyne, p. 121. Hist, of James the Sext, p. 117. "To 
 the thrid head" (his participation in the murder of the regent) 
 the archbishop " answerit thus: That he not only knew thairof, 
 and wald not stopp it. bot rather furlherit the deed thairof, 
 quhilk he repentit, and askit God mercie for the same." Yet 
 an author, in the nineteenth century, can write of this deed in 
 the following terms: "The heiress of Woodhouselie fell a 
 sacrifice to the corrupt tyranny of the regent Murray. Her 
 husband, Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh, put the guilty tyrant to 
 ueatn, as 'base-born Murray rode through old Linlithgow's 
 rrowfled town." Chalmers's Caledonia, ii. 571. Did 7 not 
 respect the erudition of this writer, and pity his prejudice 
 (which, ou ecclesiastical and political subjects, is worthy of the 
 
 feelings confined to Scotland ; the sensation was gen- 
 eral through England, and the expressions of grief 
 and condolence from that country evinced the uncom- 
 mon esteem in which he was held by all ranks. 
 
 It was the happiness of the Regent, that, in his 
 early years, he fell into the company of men, who cul- 
 tivated his vigorous understanding, gave a proper 
 direction to his activity, and instilled into his mind 
 the principles of religion and virtue. His early adop- 
 tion of the reformed sentiments, the steadiness with 
 which he adhered to them, the uniform correctness of 
 his morals, his integrity, sagacity, and enterprising 
 but cool courage, soon placed him in the first rank 
 among those who embarked in the struggle for the 
 reformation of religion, and maintenance of national 
 liberties, and secured to him their cordial and un- 
 bounded confidence. The honours which Queen Mary 
 conferred on him were not too great for the services 
 which he rendered to her ; and had she continued to 
 entrust him with the direction of her counsels, those 
 measures would have been avoided which brought on 
 her ruin. He was repeatedly placed in a situation 
 which would have tempted the ambition of persons 
 less qualified, to aspire to the supreme authority; yet 
 he shewed no disposition to grasp at this. When he 
 accepted the regency, it was in compliance with the 
 decided and uncorrupled voice of the acting majority 
 in the nation, pointing him out as the fittest person for 
 occupying that high station. His conduct, in one of 
 the most delicate and embarrassing situations in which 
 a governor was ever placed, shewed that his country- 
 men were not mistaken in their choice. He united, 
 in no ordinary degree, those qualities which are rarely 
 combined in the same individual, and which make up 
 the character of an accomplished prince. Excelling 
 equally in the arts of war and peace, he reduced the 
 country to universal obedience to the King's authority 
 by his military skill and valour, and preserved it in a 
 state of tranquillity and order by the wise and impar- 
 tial administration of justice. Successful in all his 
 warlike enterprises, he never once tarnislied the laurels 
 of victory, by cruelty or unnecessary rigour to the 
 vanquished. He knew how to maintain the authority 
 of the laws, and to bridle the licentious, by salutary 
 severity, and at the same time to temper the rigour 
 of justice by the interposition of mercy. He used to 
 sit personally in the courts of judicature, and exerted 
 himself to obtain for all the subjects an easy and ex- 
 pieditious decision of litigated causes. His hospitality, 
 his unostentatious charity, his uncommon liberality to 
 learned men, and the anxiety he shewed to confer his 
 favours in the manner least calculated to hurt their 
 feelings, have been celebrated by one who had the best 
 opportunities of becoming acquainted with these ami- 
 able traits of his character.* Nor has the breath of 
 calumny, which has laboured in many ways to blast 
 his reputation, ever insinuated that he oppressed or 
 burdened the public during his regency, in order to 
 enrich himself or his family. Add to all his exem- 
 plary piety, the only source of genuine virtue. His 
 family was so regulated as to resemble a church rather 
 than a court. Not a profane nor a lewd word was to 
 be heard from any of his domestics. Besides the 
 ordinary exercises of devotion, a chaper of the bible 
 was always read at dinner and supper; and it was his 
 custom, on such occasions, to require his chaplain, or 
 some other learned men (of whom he had always a 
 number about him) to give their opinion upon the pas- 
 sage, for his own instruction and that of his family. 
 "A man truly good (says Archbishop Spottiswood), 
 and worthy to be ranked amongst the best governors 
 that this kingdom hath enjoyed, and, therefore, to this 
 day honoured with the title of The good Regent.'*''^ 
 
 darkest age into which he has carried his researches), there are 
 few exjiressions which I would reckon too strong to be em- 
 ployed in reprobating the spirit which breathes in this passage. 
 • Buchanan. Oper. i. 385. t Historv 234. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 119 
 
 This may be deemed, by some readers, an improper 
 digression from the subject of this work. But even 
 though it had been still less connected with it than it 
 is, though there had not subsisted that intimate fami- 
 liarity and co-operation between the Regent and the 
 Reformer, I could scarcely have denied myself the 
 satisfaction of paying a small tribute to the memory 
 of one of the greatest men of his age, who has been 
 traduced and vilified in a most unjustifiable manner, 
 and whose character has been drawn with unfavour- 
 able, and, in my opinion, with unfair colours, by the 
 most moderate and impartial of our historians. All 
 that I have attempted is to sketch the more prominent 
 features of his character. That he was faultless, I am 
 far from wishing to insinuate ; but the principal charges 
 which have been brought against him, I consider as 
 either irrelevant, or unproved, or greatly exaggerated. 
 That his exaltation to the highest dignity in the state 
 which a subject could enjoy, produced no unfavourable 
 change on his temper and behaviour, is what none can 
 be prepared to affirm ; but I have not seen the contrary 
 established. The confidence which he reposed in his 
 friends was great, and he was inclined to pay nmch 
 deference to their advice; but that he became the dupe 
 of worthless favourites, and fell by listening to their 
 flattery and refusing to hearken to wholesome advice, 
 and not by the treachery of his friends and the malice 
 of his implacable enemies, are assertions which have 
 been repeated upnn the authority of a single witness, 
 unsupported by facts, and capable of being disproved.* 
 
 The Regent died on the evening of Saturday, the 
 23d of January 1570; and the intelligence of his mur- 
 der was conveyed early next morning to Edinburgrh. 
 It is impossible to describe the anguish which the Re- 
 former felt on this occasion. A cordial and intimate 
 friendship had long subsisted between them. Of all 
 the Scottish nobility, he placed the greatest confidence 
 in Murray's attachment to religion ; and his conduct 
 after his elevation to the regency had served to heighten 
 the good opinion which he formerly entertained of him. 
 He looked upon his death as the greatest calamity 
 which could befal the nation, and as a forerunner 
 of many evils.f When the shock produced by the 
 melancholy tidings had subsided, the first thought that 
 rushed into his mind was, that he had himself been 
 the instrument of obtaining, from his clemency, a par- 
 don to the man who had become his murderer : a 
 thought which naturally produced a very different im- 
 pression on him from what it did on the mind of the 
 dying Regent. :J: 
 
 In his sermon that day, he introduced the melan- 
 choly subject : and after saying, that God in his great 
 mercy raised up pious rulers, and took them away in 
 his displeasure on account of the sins of a nation, he 
 thus poured out the sorrows of his heart. " O Lord, 
 in what misery and confusion found he this realm ! 
 To what rest and quietness now by his labours sud- 
 denly he brought the same, all estates, but especially 
 the poor commons, can witness. Thy image. O Lord, 
 did so clearly shine in that personage, that the devil, 
 and the wicked to whom he is prince, could not abide 
 it; and so to punish our sins and our ingratitude (who 
 did not rightly esteem so precious a gift), thou hast 
 permitted him to fall, to our great grief, in the hands 
 of cruel and traitorous murderers. He is at rest, O 
 Lord : we are left in extreme misery."|| 
 
 * See Note LVIII. 
 
 t Snietoni Responsioad Hatuiltonii Dialog^uni, p. 116. 
 
 j " Upon the 22 of Mali, the sherife of Linlithgow, the laird 
 of Iiinerweek, James Hamilton of Bothelhaugh, and six others, 
 were put to an assyse; their hands bound; and pardoned, at 
 request of Mr. Knox, whereof he sore repented; for Bothwell- 
 haugh killed the regent shortlie after." Caid. MS. ad ann. 1568. 
 
 II Cald. MS. ii. 150. He is said to have added this to his 
 usual prayers after dinner and supper. But in a volume of 
 Calderwood's History, in the Advocates' Library in Edinburgh 
 (which has been transcribed more early than any coi)y which I 
 have seen), these words are scored out; and, it is introduced 
 
 Only a few days before this, when the murder was 
 fully concerted, Gavin Hamilton, abbot of Kilwinning, 
 applied to Knox to intercede with the Regent in be- 
 half of his kinsmen, who were confined for practising 
 against the government. He signified his readiness 
 to do all in his power for the relief of any of that 
 family who were willing to own the authority of the 
 King; but he entreated him not to abuse him, by em- 
 ploying his services, if his relations intended to do 
 any mischief to the Regent:* for "I protest (said he) 
 before God, who is the only witness now betwixt us, 
 that if there be any thing attempted, by any of that 
 surname, against the person of that man, in that case, 
 I discharge myself to you and them for ever." After 
 the assassination, the abbot sent to desire another in- 
 terview ; but Knox refused to see him, and desired the 
 messenger to say to him, " I have not now the Regent 
 to niake suit unto for the HamiItons."f 
 
 At this time there were handed about a fabricated 
 account of a pretended conference held by the late 
 Regent with Lord Lindsay, Wishart of Pittarrow, the 
 tutor of Pitcur, James Macgill, and Knox; in which 
 they were represented as advising him to set aside the 
 young King, and to place the crown on his own head. 
 The modes of expression peculiar to each of the per- 
 sons were carefully imitated in the speeches put into 
 their mouths, to give it the greater air of credibility. 
 The evident design of circulating it at this time, was 
 to lessen the odium of the murder, and the veneration 
 of the people for the memory of Murray ; but it was 
 universally regarded as an impudent and gross forgery. 
 The person who fabricated it was Thomas Maitland, a 
 young man of talents, but corrupted by his brother the 
 Secretary, who before this had engaged himself to the 
 Queen's party, and was suspected of having a deep 
 hand in the plot for assassinating the Regent.:^: 
 
 On the day on which the weekly conference was held 
 in Edinburgh, the same person slipped into the pulpit 
 a schedule, containing words to this effect, "Take up 
 now the man whom you accounted another God, and 
 consider the end to which his ambition hath brought 
 him." Knox, whose turn it was to preach that day, 
 took up the paper on entering the pulpit, supposing it 
 to be a note requesting the prayers of the congregation 
 for a sick person, and, having read it, laid it aside 
 without any apparent emotion. But towards the con- 
 clusion of his sermon, having deplored the loss which 
 the church and commonwealth had recently sustained, 
 and declared the account of the conference, which had 
 been circulated, to be false and calumnious, he said 
 that there were persons who rejoiced at the treasonable 
 murder, and scrupled not to make it the subject of their 
 merriment; particularly, there was one present who 
 had thrown into the pulpit a writing insulting over an 
 event which was the cause of grief to all good men. 
 "that wicked man, whosoever he be, shall not go un- 
 punished, and shall die where there shall be none to 
 lament him." Maitland, after he went home, said to 
 his sister, that the preacher was raving, when he spake 
 in such a manner of a person who was unknown to 
 him; but she understanding that her brother had 
 written the line, reproved him, saying with tears, that 
 none of that man's denunciations were wont to prove 
 idle. Spottiswood (who had his information person- 
 ally from the mouth of that lady) says, that Maitland 
 died in Italy, " having no known person to attend 
 him."|| 
 
 as the prayer which he offered up in public, the day on which 
 he was informed of the regent's death. 
 
 * Great apprehensions of this were entertained by the Re- 
 gent's friends. Bannatyne, 428 — 9. 
 
 + Cald. MS. ad ann. 1570. { Ibid. ii. 151—157. 
 
 II Spottiswood, p. 234. Mackenzie labours to discredit the 
 archbishop's narrative of this affair. Lives of Scottish Writers, 
 iii. 195, 196. But whatever opinion we may form about the 
 prediction, it cannot be doubted that Spottiswood had the best 
 means of information respecting the facts which he relates. 
 Nor has Mackenzie any other authority for what he says about 
 
120 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 On Tuesday the 14th of February, the Rpgent's 
 corpse was brought from the palace of Holyrood- 
 house, and interred in the south aisle of the collegi- 
 ate church of St. Giles. Before the funeral, Knox 
 preached a sermon on these words, JBlessed are the 
 dead luhich die in the Lord. Three thousand persons 
 were dissolved in tears before him, while he described 
 the Regent's virtues, and bewailed his loss.* Buchanan 
 paid a tribute to the memory of his deceased patron, 
 by writing the inscription placed on his monument, 
 with that expressive simplicity and brevity which are 
 dictated by genuine grief f A convention of the no- 
 bility was held after the funeral, at which it was 
 resolved to avenge his death ; but different opinions 
 were entertained as to the mode of doing this, and the 
 commons complained loudly as to the remissness with 
 which the resolution was prosecuted. The General 
 Assembly, at their first meeting, testified their detesta- 
 tion of the crime, by ordering the assassin to be publicly 
 excommunicated in all the chief towns of the king- 
 dom, and by appointing the same process to be used 
 against all who should afterwards be convicted of 
 accession to the murder. :j: 
 
 During the sitting of the convention, Knox received 
 a number of letters from his acquaintances in England, 
 expressive of their high regard for the character of the 
 Regent, and their sorrow at so grievous a loss.|| One 
 of his correspondents. Dr. Laurence Humphrey,§ 
 urged him to write a memoir of the deceased. Had 
 he done this, his intimate acquaintance with the Re- 
 gent would, no doubt, have enabled him to communi- 
 cate many particulars, of which we must now be 
 content to remain ignorant. But though he had been 
 disposed to undertake this task, the state of his health 
 would have prevented its execution. 
 
 The grief which he indulged on account of this 
 mournful event, and the confusions which followed 
 
 the death ofMaitland than the archbishop's, who must have 
 been satisfied, that what he says in the account of Smeaton was 
 not inconsistent with what he had written as to Knox's denun- 
 ciation. * Cald. MS, ii. 157. 
 
 t The inscription, engraved on brass, is ye.t preserved ; a 
 copy of which shall be inserted in Note LIX. But Buchanan 
 has, in his History, reared to the Regent '"a monument more 
 durable than brass," which will preserve his memory as lon^ as 
 the language in which it is written shall continue to be under- 
 stood, and as long as a picture taken from life shall be prefer- 
 red to the representations, of fancy or of prejudice. Nor has 
 Buchanan neglected to celebrate him in his verses. Epigram. 
 lib. ii. 29. iii. 7, 9, 18. \ Spottiswood, 235. 
 
 II Among others, he received letters from Christopher Good- 
 man, and John Willock. Cald. ut supra. It appears from 
 these, that Willock had returned to England, after he vvps re- 
 called from it by the General Assembly which met in 1568. I 
 find no mention made of that reformer, after this period, by 
 any of the writers of the age. A late author has very wan- 
 tonly attempted to load the memory of this excellent man 
 with a capital crime. He gives the following extract from the 
 paper office, 22d April 1590. " Twa men, the ane naniyt 
 Johnne Gibsone, Scottishman, preacher, and the other Johnne 
 Willokis, now baith lying in prison at Leicester, were convict- 
 ed by ajury of robbery." The last of these convicts, says he, 
 was ■' the reforming co-adjutor of Knox." Chalmers's Life of 
 Ruddiman, p. 307. What evidence has this author for saying 
 so 7 Nothing but the sameness of the name ! Just as if a 
 person, on reading in the public papers of one George Chal- 
 mers who was convicted of a robbery, (no unlikely thing) 
 should immediately take it into his head that this was, and 
 could be, no other than the author of the Life of Ruddiman, 
 «nd Caledonia ! It is evident that the second convict was no 
 preacher, else this designation would have been added to his 
 name, as well as to that of the first. It is probable that Wil- 
 lock, who was a preacher as early as 1540, was not alive in 
 1590 : it is utterly incredible that he should then have been 
 in a condition to act as a robber. — But it is paying too much 
 regard to such a charge, to bring exculpatory proof. 
 
 } In the r^py of Cald. MS. belonging to the church of 
 Scotland, the name is written Winfrid ; out in the copy in 
 the Advocates' Library, it is Umfrede. The person meant is 
 evidently Dr. Laurence Humphrey (Umfredius), Profe.wor of 
 divinity, and Head of one of the colleges, in the University 
 of Oxford. This learned man was a puritan, but enjoyed the 
 patronage of Secretary Cecil. Strype's Annals, i. 421, 430 — 
 432. 
 
 it, preyed upon his spirits, and injured his health.* 
 In the month of October, he had a stroke of apoplexy, 
 which affected his speech to a considerable degree. 
 On this occasion, his enemies exulted, and circulated 
 the most exaggerated tales respecting his disorder. 
 The report ran through Scotland and England, that 
 John Knox would never preach nor speak more ; 
 that his face was turned into his neck ; that he was 
 become the most deformed creature ever seen ; that he 
 was actually dead.j- A most unequivocal expression 
 of the high consideration in which he was held, which 
 our Reformer received in common with some other 
 great men of his age.:j: 
 
 PERIOD IX. 
 
 From October 1570. when he was struck with apoplexy, to his 
 death, in November 1572. 
 
 Those who flattered themselves that the Reformer's 
 disorder was mortal were disappointed ; for he was 
 restored to the use of his speech, and was able, in the 
 course of a few days, to resume preaching, at least on 
 Sabbath days.|| He never recovered, however, from 
 the debility which was produced by the apoplectic 
 stroke. 
 
 The confusions which he had augured from the death 
 of the good Regent soon broke out, and again spread 
 the flames of civil discord though the nation. The 
 Earl of Lennox, who was the natural guardian of the 
 young King, was advanced to the regency ; but he was 
 deficient in the talents which were requisite for so diffi- 
 cult a station, and the knowledge of his weakness em- 
 boldened and increased the party which was attached to 
 the Queen. The Hamiltons openly raised her stand- 
 ard, and were strengthened by the influence and abili- 
 ties of Maitland. Kircaldy of Grange, governor of 
 the castle of Edinburgh, after concealing his defection 
 for a time under the flag of neutrality, declared him- 
 self on the same side, and became the principal agent 
 in attempting to overturn the government which he 
 had been so zealous in erecting. The defection of 
 Kircaldy was a source of great injury to the inhabi- 
 tants of Edinburgh, and of keen distress to Knox. 
 He had a warm affection for the governor, on account 
 of the important services which he had rendered to 
 the Reformation ; and he continued always to think 
 that he was at bottom a sincere friend to religion. 
 Under this conviction, he spared no pains in endeav- 
 ouring to prevent him from renouncing his fidelity to 
 the King, and afterwards to reclaim him from his 
 apostasy. But he was unsuccessful in both attempts. 
 
 In the end of the year 1570, he was personally in- 
 volved in a disagreeable quarrel with Kircaldy. One 
 of the soldiers belonging to the castle having been 
 imprisoned by the magistrates on a charge of murder, 
 the governor sent a party from the garrison, who broke 
 open the tolbooth, and carried off the prisoner. In his 
 sermon on the following Sabbath, Knox condemned 
 this riot, and violation of the house of justice. Had 
 it been done by the authority of a blood-thirsty man, 
 
 * Snietoni Rcspons. ad Hamilt. p. 116. 
 
 + Banivntyne's Journal, p. 54. Cald. MS. ii. 206. Banna- 
 tyne says " the disorder was a kynd of apoplexia, called by 
 the phisitiones resolutioac ;" probably a more gentle stroke 
 of the disorder, attended with relaxation of the system. 
 
 \ In 1556, Calvin was suddenly seized in the pulpit with a 
 fever, which confined him to his bed for a considerable time, 
 and from which it was not thought he would recover. On 
 hearing this, the popish clergy of Noyon (his native city) met, 
 and, rather prematurelv, gave public thanks to God "for his 
 death. Melch. Adam, Vit. Exter. Theol. p. 93.—" Plusieurs 
 grands horanies (says Senebier) ont partag6 cet honneur avec 
 Calvin, et ont eu, comme lui, la satisfaction de connoitre la 
 rofonde estinie qu'on avoit concue pour eux." Histoire 
 
 tteralre de Geneve, torn. i. 228. 
 
 II Bannatyne's Journal, p. 55. 
 
 K 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 121 
 
 and one who had no fear of God, he would not, he said, 
 have been so much moved at it; but he was affected 
 to think that one of whom all good men had formed 
 so great expectations, should l)ave fallen so far as to 
 act such a part; one too who, when formerly in prison, 
 had refused to purchase his own liberty by the shedding 
 of blood.* An erroneous and exaggerated report of 
 this censure being conveyed to the castle, the govern- 
 or, in great rage, made his complaint, first to Knox's 
 colleague, and afterwards formally to the kirk-session, 
 that he had been calumniated as a murderer, and re- 
 quired that his character should be vindicated as 
 publicly as it had been traduced. Knox, understand- 
 ing that his words had been misrepresented, embraced 
 the first opportunity of explaining and vindicating 
 them from the pulpit. On a subsequent Sabbath, 
 Kircaldy, who had been absent from the church 
 nearly a whole year, came down to St. Giles's, ac- 
 companied with a number of the persons who had 
 been active in the murder and riot. Regarding this 
 as an attempt to set at defiance the offence which had 
 been taken at his conduct, the Reformer dwelt partic- 
 ularly, in his discourse, upon the sinfulness of forget- 
 ting benefits received from God, and warned his 
 hearers against confiding in the divine mercy, while 
 they were knowingly transgressing any of the com- 
 mandments, or proudly defending their transgression. 
 
 Kircaldy was much incensed at these warnings, 
 which he considered as levelled at him, and, in speak- 
 ing of the preacher, made use of very threatening 
 language. The report spread that the governor of the 
 castle was become a sworn enemy to Knox, and that 
 he intended to kill him. And several noblemen and 
 gentlemen of Kyle and Cunningham sent a letter to 
 Kircaldy, in which, after reminding him of his former 
 appearances for religion, and mentioning the reports 
 which had reached their ears, they warned him against 
 doing any thing to the hurt of that man whom " God 
 had made the first planter and chief waterer of his 
 church among them," and protested that " his death 
 and life were as dear to them as their own."!" 
 
 Knox was not to be deterred, by threatenings, from 
 doing what he considered to be his duty. He persisted 
 in warning his hearers to avoid all participation with 
 those who prevented the punishment of atrocious 
 crimes by supporting the pretensions of the Queen, 
 and who exposed the reformed religion to the utmost 
 hazard by opposing the King's authority. When the 
 General Assembly met in March 157i, anonymous 
 libels were thrown into the assembly-house, and pla- 
 cards fixed on the church-door, accusing him of sedi- 
 tious railing against their sovereign, the Queen, refu- 
 sing to pray for her welfare and conversion, represent- 
 ing her as a reprobate whose repentance was hopeless, 
 and uttering imprecations against her. One of the 
 placards concluded with a threat, that, if the assembly 
 did not restrain him by their authority from using such 
 language, the complainers would themselves apply a 
 remedy to the evil "with greater unquietness." The 
 assembly having, by public intimation, required the 
 complainers to come forward and substantiate their 
 charges, another anonymous bill appeared, promising 
 that accusers should not be wanting against next as- 
 sembly, if the preacher continued his offensive speech- 
 es, and was " then law-byding, and not fugitive 
 according to his accustomed manner." 
 
 Several of his friends dealt with him to pass over 
 these anonymous libels in silence, but he refused to 
 comply with this advice, considering that the credit 
 of his ministry was implicated. Accordingly, he 
 produced them in the pulpit, and returned a particular 
 answer to the accusations which they contained. That 
 he had charged the late Queen with the crimes of 
 which she had been notoriously guilty, he granted, but 
 that he had railed against her, he denied ; nor would 
 
 * See page 35. 
 
 + Bannatyije's Journal, p. 67 — 87. 
 
 they be able to substantiate this charge against him, 
 without at the same time proving Isaiah, Jeremiah, 
 and other inspired writers, to have been railers. " From 
 them we had learned plainly and boldly to call wick- 
 edness by its own terms, a fig, a fig, and a spade, a 
 spade." He had never called the Queen reprobate, 
 nor said that her repentance was impossible ; but he 
 had affirmed that pride and repentance could not remain 
 long together in one heart. H« had prayed that God, 
 for the comfort of his church, would oppose his power 
 to her pride, and confound her and her assistants in 
 their impiety: this prayer, let them call it imprecation 
 or execration as they pleased, had stricken, and would 
 yet strike, whoever supported her. To the charge of 
 not praying for her, he answered, "I am not bound 
 to pray for her in this place, for sovereign to me she is 
 not ; 1 let them understand that I am not a man of law 
 that has my tongue to sell for silver, or favour of the 
 world."* What title she how had, or ever had to the 
 government, he would not dispute : the estates had 
 deprived her of it, and it belonged to them to answer 
 for this : as for him, he had hitherto lived in obedience 
 to all lawful authority within the kingdom. To the 
 threatening against his life, and the insinuation that he 
 might not be " law-byding but fugitive" against next 
 assembly, he replied, that his life was in the custody 
 of Him who had hitherto preserved him from many 
 dangers, that he had reached an age at which he was 
 not apt to flee far, nor could any yet accuse him of 
 having left the people committed to his charge, except 
 at their own command. 
 
 After these answers, his enemies fled, as their der- 
 nier-resort, to an attack upon his Blast of the Trumpet, 
 and accused him of inconsistency in writing against 
 female goverment, and yet praying for Queen Eliza- 
 beth, and seeking her aid against his native country. 
 This accusation he also met in the |)ulpit, and refuted 
 with great spirit. After vindicating his consistency, 
 he concludes in the following manner : " One thing, in 
 the end, I may not pretermit, that is, to give him a lie 
 in his throat that either dare, or will say, that ever I 
 sought support against my native country. What I 
 have been to my country, albeit this unthankful age 
 will not know, yet the ages to come will be compelled 
 to bear witness to the truth. And thus I cease, re- 
 quiring of all men that has to oppose any thing against 
 me, that he will do it so plainly as 1 make myself and 
 all my doings manifest to the world ; for to me it 
 seems a thing most unreasonable, that, in my decrepid 
 age, I shall be compelled to fight against shadows,and 
 houlets that dare not abide the light. "| 
 
 The conduct of our Reformer at this time affords a 
 striking display of the unextinguishable ardour of his 
 mind. He was so debilitated in body, that he never 
 went abroad except on Sabbath days, to preach in the 
 forenoon. :{: He had given up attendance on church- 
 courts. And previous to the breaking out of the last 
 disturbances, he had weaned his heart from public 
 affairs. But whenever he saw the welfare of the 
 church and commonwealth threatened, he forgot his 
 resolutions and his infirmities, and entered into the 
 cause with all the keenness of his more vigorous days. 
 Whether the public proceedings of the nation, or his 
 own conduct, were arraigned and condemned, whether 
 the attacks upon them were open or clandestine, be 
 
 * Crawfurd, in his Memoirs of Scotland, (p. 186. Edin. 
 Anno. 1706.) among other things disgraceful to the Reformers, 
 says that they openly avowed, on this occasion, " That to pray 
 for, or forgive our real or reputed enemies, was no part of a 
 Christian's duty." It is sufficient to sav, that there is not one 
 word of this in the "authentick MS." from which he professes 
 that his Memoirs were " faithfully publish "d." See Historic 
 and Life of King James the Sext, p. 113, 114. The public are 
 under great obligations to Mr. Malcolm Laing, for exposing 
 this literary forgery, which had continued so long to impose 
 upon our most acute and industrious historians. 
 
 t The accusation and defence may be seen at full length in 
 Bannatyne's Journal, p. 99 — 120. \ Bannatyne, p. 77. 
 
122 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 stood prepared to repel them, and convinced the ad- 
 versaries, that they could not accomplish their designs 
 without opposition, as long as he was able to act or 
 speak.* 
 
 His situation became very critical in April 1571, 
 when Kircaldy received the Hamiltons, with their 
 forces, into the castle. Their inveteracy against him 
 was so great, that his friends were obliged to watch 
 his house during the night. They proposed forming 
 a guard for the protection of his person when he went 
 abroad ; but the governor of the castle forbade this, 
 as implying a suspicion of him, and offered to send 
 Melvil, one of his officers, to conduct him to and from 
 church. " He wold gif the woulf the wedder to 
 keip," says Bannatyne. Induced by the importunity 
 of the citizens, Kircaldy applied to the Duke and his 
 parly for a special protection to Knox ; but they re- 
 fused to pledge their word for his safety, because 
 " there were many rascals and others among them who 
 loved him not, that might do him harm without their 
 knowledge."! Intimations were often given him of 
 threatenings against his life; and one evening, a mus- 
 ket ball was fired in at his window, and lodged in the 
 roof of the apartment in which he was sitting. It 
 happened that he sat at the time in a different part of 
 the room from that in which he had been accustomed 
 to take liis seat, otherwise the ball, from its direction, 
 must have struck him.:^: Alarmed by these circum- 
 stances, a deputation of the citizens, accompanied by 
 his colleague, wailed upon him, and renewed a re- 
 quest which they had formerlj' made, that he would 
 remove from Edinburgh, to a place where his life 
 would be in greater safety, until the Queen's party 
 should evacuate the town. But he refused to yield to 
 them, apprehending that his enemies wished to in- 
 timidate him into flight, that they might carry on their 
 designs more quietly, and then ac&use him of cow- 
 ardice. Being unable to persuade him by any other 
 means, they at last had recourse to an argument which 
 prevailed. They told him that if he was attacked, 
 they were determined to risk their lives in his defence, 
 and if blood was shed in the quarrel, which was high- 
 ly probable, they would leave it on his head. Upon 
 this, he consented, " sore against his will," to remove 
 from the city.|f' 
 
 On the 5th of May 1571, he left Edinburgh, and 
 crossing the firth at Leith, travelled by short stages 
 to St. Andrews, which he had chosen as the place of 
 his retreat.§ Alexander Gordon, bishop of Galloway, 
 occupied his pulpit.^ He preached and prayed in a 
 manner more acceptable to the Queen's party than his 
 predecessor, but little to the satisfaction of the people, 
 who despised him on account of his weakness, and 
 disliked him for supplanting their favourite pastor.** 
 A great number of the most respectable inhabitants 
 were either driven from the city by violence, or in- 
 duced to quit it, and retire to Leith, which was occu- 
 pied by the Regent, that they might not be understood 
 as even practically and tacitly submittii>g to the 
 Queen's authority. The church of Edinburgh was 
 
 * The lively interest which he continued to take in public 
 affairs is apparent from the letters of his correspondents. Cap- 
 tain Crawford of Jordaiihill sent him, at his desire, a minute 
 account of the taking of Dunbarton castle, with an inventory 
 of the arms, anmmnition, and provisions which were found in 
 it. Bannatyne, 123. There are also two letters to him from 
 Alexander Hay, clerk of the Privy Coimcil, informing him of 
 the roost important transactions in England, and on the Conti- 
 nent. Ibid. 294—302. + Bannatyne, 132—3, 145. 
 
 I Cald. MS. ad ann. 1572. Life prefixed to History, anno 
 1644. II Bannatyne, 144—146. 
 
 { Bannatyne, 144, 146. Hi^torie of King James the Sext, 
 p. 123. t Keith Scottish Bishops, 166. 
 
 *• The princ'mles upon which the bishop vindicated the 
 authority of the Queen, and the duty of praying for her in the 
 pulpit, sheiv the strung and universal opioion entertained of 
 tier guilt at that time. He did not venture to insinuate her 
 innocence, although the town was full of armed men, who were 
 enlisted under her banners. I'aiinntvne, 181, 182. 
 
 for a time dissolved. The celebration of the Lord's 
 Supper was suspended. And while formerly scarce a 
 day passed without some public exercises of religion, 
 there was now, during a whole week, " neither preach- 
 ing nor prayer, neither was there any sound of bell 
 heard in all the town, except the ringing of the 
 cannon."* 
 
 The kingdom was now subjected to all the miseries 
 of civil war and intestine faction. In almost every 
 part of the country there were adherents lo the King 
 and to the Queen, who exasperated each other by re- 
 ciprocal reproaches and injuries. The Regent fortified 
 Leith, while the Queen's party held possession of the 
 castle and town of Edinburgh. As the two armies lay 
 within so small a distance, and neither of them was 
 sufficiently strong for undertaking to dispossess the 
 other, they were daily engaged in petty skirmishes ; 
 and several acts of disgracef^u! retaliation, which rarely 
 happen in the open field, were committed on both 
 sides. The evidences which the Qneen's friends gave 
 of their personal antipathy to the Reformer fully de- 
 monstrated that his life would have been in danger, if 
 he had remained among them. An inhabitant of Leith 
 was assaulted, and his body mutilated, because he 
 was of the same name with him. A servant of John 
 Craig, being met one day by a reconnoitring party, 
 and asked who was his master, answered in his trepi- 
 dation, Mr. Knox, upon which he was seized ; and, 
 although he immediately corrected his mistake, they 
 desired him to " hold at his first master," and dragged 
 him to prison. Having fortified St. Giles's steeple to 
 overawe the inhabitants, the soldiers baptized one of 
 the cannons by the name of Knox, which they were so 
 fond of firing, that it burst, killed two of the party, 
 and wounded others.! They circulated the most ri- 
 diculous tales respecting his conduct at St. Andrews. 
 John Law, the letter carrier of St. Andrews, being 
 in the castle of Edinburgh, " the ladie Home and 
 utheris wald neidis thraip in his face, that" John 
 Knox " was banist the said toune, becaus that in the 
 yarde he had reasit sum sandis, amongis whome thair 
 came up Ihe devill with kornis, which when his servant 
 Richart sawe, [he] ran woode, and so died.":J: 
 
 Although ne was now free from personal danger, 
 Knox did not find St. Andrews that peaceful retreat 
 which he had expected. The friends of Kircaldy, 
 and Sir James Balfour, resided in the neighbourhood, 
 and the Hamiltons had their relations and partizans 
 both in the university and among the ministry. These 
 were thorns in the Reformer's side, and made his 
 situation very uneasy, as long as he resided among 
 them. Having left Edinburgh, because he could not 
 be permitted to discharge his conscience, in testifying 
 against the designs of persons whom he regarded as 
 conspirators against the legal government of the coun- 
 try, and as favourers of a faction who intended nothing 
 less than the overthrow of the reformed religion, it 
 was not to be expected that he would preserve silence 
 on this subject at St. Andrews. Accordingly, in the 
 discourses which he preached on the eleventh chapter 
 of Daniel's prophecy, he frequently took occasioa io 
 advert to the transactions of his own time, ar^d to 
 inveigh against the murder of the late King, and of 
 the Regent. This was very grating to the ears of the 
 opposite faction, particularly to Robert and Archibald 
 Hamilton, the former one of the ministers of the city, 
 and the latter a professor in one of the colleges. Irri- 
 tated by the censures which Knox pronounced against 
 his kinsmen, Robert Hamilton attempted to injure his 
 reputation, by circulating in private that it did not 
 become him to exclaim so loudly against murderers ; 
 
 * Bannatyne, 144, 169, 170. Hist, of King James the Sext, 
 123, 124. Knox's Epistle to his Brethren of the Church of 
 Edinburgh, now dispersed. Streveling, 1571. 
 
 + Bannatyne, 154, 240. 322. 
 
 I Ibid. 309, 310. "Oif this had bene thair first inventit lie 
 (says the same Richart) 1 wald never have blecket paper for it." 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 123 
 
 for he had seen his subscription, along with that of 
 the Earl of Murray, to a bond for assassinating Darnly 
 at Perth. When this came to the Reformer's ears, 
 he immediately wrote a letter to Hamilton, desiring 
 him to say whether he was the author of this report. 
 Not receiving a satisfactory answer, he communicated 
 the matter to Douglas, rector of the University, and 
 Rutherford, provost of St. Salvador's college ; re- 
 questing them to converse with Robert Hamilton on 
 the subject, and to inform him, that if he did not give 
 satisfaction for the slander which he had propagated, a 
 complaint would be lodged against him before the 
 church. Upon this he came to Knox's room, and 
 denied that he had ever given any ground for such a 
 scandalous surmise.* 
 
 Archibald Hamilton being complained of for with- 
 drawing from Knox's sermons, and for accusing him 
 of intolerable railing, endeavoured to bring the matter 
 under the cognizance of the masters of the university, 
 among whom he possessed considerable influence.} 
 Knox did not scruple to give an account of his con- 
 duct before the professors, for their satisfaction ; but 
 he judged it necessary to enter a protestation, that his 
 appearance should not invalidate the liberty of the 
 pulpit, nor the authority of the regular church-courts, 
 to which, and not to any university, the judgment of 
 religious doctrine belonged.:^: This incident accounts 
 for the zeal with which he expresses himself on this 
 subject, in one of his letters to the General Assembly; 
 in which he exhorts them, above all things, to preserve 
 the church from the bondage of the universities, and 
 not to exempt them from ecclesiastical jurisdiction, or 
 allow them to become judges of the doctrine taught 
 from the pulpit.|| 
 
 The military operations during the civil war were 
 chiefly distinguished bj' two enterprises, which claim 
 our notice from the influence which they had upon 
 the affairs of the church. The one was the taking 
 of Dunbarton castle, which was surprised, on the 2d 
 of April 1571, by a small party of the Regent's forces, 
 led by captain Crawford of .lordanhill. Archbishop 
 Hamilton having fallen into the hands of the captors, 
 was soon after condemned, and ended his life on the 
 gibbet. The execution of prisoners, although charge- 
 
 * Bannatyne, 380 — 3. Goodall, after relating this story, 
 attempts, but with his usual imbecility of argument, to deduce 
 from it, that Murray had reall)' conspired to murder Dariily, 
 and that Knox was one of his accomplices. " They all talk of 
 it (says he) as a known uncontroverted matter of fact. And 
 Knox's waving all prosecution, and hushing up the business, — 
 is more than a tacit acknowledgement that he was in that plot, 
 and a subscriber." Kxamination, i. 211. According to this 
 doctrine, if a person shall rest satisfied with a private apolog'y 
 for a slander which a weak and irritable man had imprudently 
 circulated to his prejudice, and if he shall decline a public 
 prosecution, this must be regarded as good proof of his guilt, 
 and of the truth of the report ! With respect to Murray's 
 having conspired against Darnly at the time of his marriage, it 
 is true that such a thing was reported ; but it is not mentioned 
 in the proceedings against that nobleman, nor is there the least 
 allusion to it in any of the proclamations which the Queen 
 issued against him, although Murray publicly accused Darnly 
 of a plot against his life. If the court had credited that report, 
 and possessed any evidence of its truth, it will not be easj- to 
 account for this silence. 
 
 f Archibald Hamilton, a short time after this, left Scotland; 
 and going to France, made a recantation of the protestant reli- 
 gion. As an evidence of the sincerity of his conversion to 
 popery, he published De Confusione Calvinianm Secfa apud 
 Scotos Dialogiis; a book which I have frequently referred to, 
 and which strikingly exemplifies the adage, Omnis aposlata 
 osor acerrimus sui ordinis. In the copious abuse of Knox 
 with which it teems, we are reminded of the present quarrel. 
 Thomas Smeton, principal of the university of Glasgow, 
 published an elegant and masterly answer to this Dialogue. 
 Hamilton replied, in a work entitled, Calvinianm Canfiisionis 
 Demonstrafio : Parisiis 1581. Of this treatise, wliich is more 
 rare than his first, some specimens will be found in Notes XL. 
 «nd LIV. 
 
 I Hamiltonii Dialog, p. 61. Smetoni Respons. ad Hainilt. 
 /)ialog. p. 90, 91. Bannatyne, 383—385. 
 
 II Bannatyne, 364. 
 
 able with crimes which merit death, is ordinarily 
 avoided in civil contests, because it produces reprisals 
 from the opposite party ; but in every other respect the 
 fate of Hamilton is not a subject of regret or of cen- 
 sure. Of all the Queen's adherents his motives for 
 supporting her cause appear to have been the most un- 
 worthy ; and his talents and station in the church 
 ought not to be pleaded in extenuation of the vices by 
 which his private character was stained, or the crimes 
 of which he had been guilty.* The death of Hamil- 
 ton gave occasion to a change on the ecclesiastical 
 government of which I shall speak in the sequel. 
 
 An enterprise equally bold with Crawford's, but 
 less successful, was planned by Kircaldy. While the 
 Regent Lennox held a parliament at Stirling, which 
 was very numerously attended, a party of soldiers 
 entered the town early in the morning of September 
 .3, 1571, suddenly seized the Regent and the nobility 
 who were along with him, and carried them away 
 prisoners. But the alarm having been given, the Earl 
 of Mar sallied from the castle, and being assisted by 
 the townsmen, dispersed the assailants, and rescued 
 the noblemen. f This was not accomplished, how- 
 ever, without the loss of the Regent, who was slain 
 by the orders of Lord Claud Hamilton, in revenge for 
 the death of the archbishop of St. Andrews. Lennox 
 was succeeded in the Regency by the Earl of Mar, a 
 nobleman of great moderation, who, during the short 
 time that ho held that office, exerted himself to restore 
 peace to the kingdom, and brought the negociations 
 for this purpose very near to a successful termination. 
 
 In addition to his other distresses, our Reformer 
 was at this time much grieved with a new scheme 
 which the courtiers had formed for altering the polity 
 of the church, and for securing to themselves the prin- 
 cipal part of the ecclesiastical revenues. We have 
 repeatedly had occasion to notice the aversion of the 
 nobility to the Book of Discipline, and the principal 
 source from which this aversion sprung. VVhile the 
 Earl of Murray administered the government, he pre- 
 vented any new encroachments upon the rights of the 
 church ; but the succeeding regents were either less 
 friendly to them, or less able to bridle the avarice of 
 the more powerful nobles. Several of the richest 
 benefices becoming vacant by the death, or by the for- 
 feiture of the popish incumbents, who had been per- 
 mitted to retain them, it was necessary to determine 
 in what manner they should be disposed of for the 
 future. The church had uniformly required that their 
 revenues should be divided, and applied to the support 
 of the religious and literary establishnnents ; l)ut with 
 this demand the courtiers were as much indisposed to 
 comply as ever. At the same time, the total seculari- 
 zation of them was deemed too bold a step ; nor could 
 laymen, with any shadow of consistency, or by a valid 
 
 * Archbishop Spottiswood is displeased that a bishop, and 
 one of his predecessors in the see of St. Andrews, should have 
 suffered so disgraceful a punishment. History, p. 252. Even 
 Dr. Robertson seems to have felt the esprit de corps on this 
 occasion. It is surprising that this accurate historian should 
 say, that the accusations against Hamilton, as " accessorv to 
 the murder both of the king and regent were supported by no 
 proof," and that his enemies> by " imputing to hin! such odious 
 crimes," merely "sought some colour," for the sentence which 
 they pronounced against him. History of Scotland, ii. 334. 
 Hamilton confessed his accession to the regent's murder. See 
 above, p. 168. As the record of the trial has not been pre- 
 served, we cannot determine what evidence was brought for- 
 ward; but there are good grounds for believing that he was 
 equally concerned in the murder of the King. Keith. 447. 
 Spottiswood, 252. 
 
 f Dr. Robertson seems to regret the failure of this expedi- 
 tion, and says that if Kircaldy 's plan had succeeded, it would 
 have "restored peace to his country." History of Scotland, 
 ii. 339. It would certainly have given a very dangerous blow 
 to the King's party ; but it is not easy to conceive how it could 
 have produced a desirable or lasting peace, when we considei 
 the disposition of the great body of the nation, the situation of 
 the Queen, and the temper and views of her adherents. 
 
124 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 title, hold benefices which the law declared to be 
 ecclesiastical. The expedient resolved on was, that the 
 bishopricks and other livings should be presented to 
 certain ministers, who, previous to their admission, 
 should make over the principal part of the revenues to 
 such noblemen as had obtained the patronage of them 
 from the court. This plan was concerted under the 
 regency of Lennox ; it began to be carried into exe- 
 cution during that of Mar, and was afterwards com- 
 pleted by Morton. 
 
 The Earl of Morton, having obtained from the court 
 a gift of the vacant archbishoprick of St. Andrews, 
 entered into a private agreement respecting its reve- 
 nues with John Douglas, Rector of the University, 
 whom he presented to that See. At the meeting of 
 parliament in Stirling, August 1571, the commission- 
 ers of the General Assembly protested against this 
 transaction ; but through the influence of Morton, 
 Douglas, though not yet elected, was admitted to a 
 seat in parliament, and the new scheme for seizing on 
 the ecclesiastical livings was confirmed, notwithstand- 
 ing the warm remonstrances of the ministers of the 
 church, and the strenuous opposition of the more 
 zealous and disinterested barons.* Bishopricks and 
 other benefices were now openly conferred on noble- 
 men, on persons totally unqualified for the ministry, 
 and even on minors. Pluralities were multiplied ; the 
 ecclesiastical courts were hindered in the exercise of 
 their jurisdiction ; and the collectors of the church 
 were prohibited from gathering the thirds, until some 
 new regulation was adopted for supplying the necessi- 
 ties of the court.f 
 
 These proceedings having created great dissatisfac- 
 tion through the nation, the Regent and council called 
 an extraordinary assembly of superintendents and 
 other ministers, to meet at Leith in January 1572, to 
 consult about an order which might prove more ac- 
 ceptable. This convention, through the influence of 
 the court, consented that the titles of archbishop, and 
 of other ecclesiastical dignitaries, should be retained, 
 that the bounds of the ancient dioceses should not be 
 altered during the King's minority, and that qualified 
 persons from among the ministers should be advanced 
 to these dignities. They, however, allotted no greater 
 power to archbishops and bishops than to superintend- 
 ents, with whom they were to be equally subject to the 
 assemblies of the church. :|: These regulations were 
 submitted to the ensuing General Assembly at St. 
 Andrews, but as that meeting was thinly attended, it 
 eame to no determination respecting them. The As- 
 sembly held at Perth, August 1572, resumed the sub- 
 ject, and came to the following resolution: That the 
 regulations contained Certain titles, such as archbishop, 
 dean, archdean, chancellor, and chapter, which savour- 
 ed of popery, and were scandalous and offensive to 
 their ears; and that the whole assembly, including 
 the commissioners which had met at Leith, unani- 
 mously protested that they did not approve of these 
 names, that they submitted to the regulations merely 
 as an interim arrangement, and that they would exert 
 themselves to obtain a more perfect order from the 
 Regent and council. || Such was the origin and nature 
 of that species of episcopacy which was introduced 
 into the reformed church of Scotland, in the minority 
 of James VL It was disapproved of by the ministers 
 of the church ; and on the part of the courtiers and 
 nobility, it does not appear to have proceeded in any 
 degree from predilection to hierarchical government, 
 but from the desire which they had to secure to them- 
 selves the revenues of the church. This was em- 
 
 » Bannatyne, 246, 250, 255, 257, 260, 285. 
 
 t Ibid. 253, 250, 312, 367. 
 
 i Calderwoo'l, De rcg. Eccl. Scotic. relatio, p. 8. anno 1618. 
 and Epist. Philad. VinH. apiul Altarc Damasc. p. 727, 729. 
 Lugd. Batav. 1708. Petrie, part. ii. p. 372, 374. 
 
 II Bulk of the Universal) Kirk, p. 55. Matthew Crawfurd'i 
 Hiitorj of the Church of Scotland, MS. toI. i. p. 80. 
 
 phalically expressed by the name of tulchan biihops,* 
 which was commonly applied to those who were at 
 that time admitted to the oflice. 
 
 Knox did not fail from the beginning to oppose these 
 innovations on the polity, and these invasions of the 
 property of the church. Being unable to attend the 
 General Assembly at Stirling in August 1571, he ad- 
 dressed a letter to them, warning them of the contest 
 which he foresaw they would have to maintain, and 
 animating them to fidelity and courage. " And now 
 brethren, (says he) because the daily decay of natural 
 strength threateneth my certain and sudden departing 
 from the misery of this life, of love and conscience I 
 exhort you, yea, in the fear of God, I charge and com- 
 mand you, that ye take heed unto yourselves, and to 
 the flock over which God hath placed you pastors. 
 Unfaithful and traitorous to the flock shall ye be before 
 the Lord Jesus Christ, if, with your consent directly, 
 ye suffer unworthy men to be thrust into the ministry 
 of the church, under whatever pretence it shall be. 
 Remember and judge before whom we must make our 
 account, and resist that tyranny as ye would avoid 
 hell-fire. This battle will be hard, but in the second 
 point it will be harder; that is, tliat with the like up- 
 rightness and strength in God, ye gain-stand the mer- 
 ciless devourers of the patrimony of the church. If 
 men will spoil, let them do it to their own peril and 
 condemnation, but communicate ye not with their sins, 
 (of whatsoever estate they be) by consent nor by 
 silence ; but with public proclamation make this 
 known unto the world, that ye are innocent of robbery, 
 whereof ye will seek redress of God and man. God 
 give you wisdom and stout courage in so just a cause, 
 and me an happy end."f In a letter which he after- 
 wards wrote to Wishart of Pitarrow, he also expresses 
 himself in a strain of honest but keen indignation at 
 the avarice of the nobility.:}: 
 
 It has been insinuated, that Knox approved of the 
 resolutions of the convention at Leith to restore the 
 episcopal office ; and the articles sent by him to the 
 General Assembly, August 1572, have been appealed 
 to as a proof of this. But all that can be deduced 
 from these articles is, that he desired the conditions 
 and limitations agreed upon by that convention to be 
 strictly observed in the election of bishops, in opposi- 
 tion to the granting of bishopricks to laymen, || and 
 also to the simoniacal pactions which the ministers 
 made with the nobles on receiving presentations. Pro- 
 vided one of the propositions made by him to the 
 Assembly had been enforced, and the bishops had 
 been bound to give an account of the whole of their 
 rents, and either to support ministers in the particular 
 places from which they derived these, or else to pay 
 into the funds of the church the sums requisite for this 
 purpose, it is evident that the mercenary views both 
 of patrons and presentees would have been defeated, 
 and the church would have gained her object, the use 
 of the episcopal revenues. The prospect of this in- 
 duced some honest ministers to agree to the proposed 
 regulations, at the convention held in Leith. But it 
 required a greater portion of disinterested firmness 
 than falls to most men to act upon this principle ;$ 
 
 * A Tidchan is a calf's skin stuflfed with straw, set up to 
 make the cow give her milk freely. 
 
 + Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 53. Cald. MS. ii. 280, 281. 
 Petrie, part ii. 370. Spottis. 258. Collier says, that in Knox's 
 Utter to the Assembly at Stirling, " there are some passages 
 not unbecoming a person of integrity and courao:e," ii. 533. 
 Those who are acquainted with the spirit of this historian will 
 think this high praise from such a quarter. 
 
 t See this letter in the Appendix, No. XIII. 
 
 II One glaring instance of this had just taken place, in giving 
 the bishoprick of Ross to Lord Methven. Bannatyne, 366. 
 Robertson's History of Scotland, ii. 358, 359. Lond. 1809. 
 
 } I have read somewhere (though I cannot at present find 
 my authority) that Robert Pont, when offered a bishoprick, 
 took the advice of the General Assembly as to accepting it, and 
 professed hii> readiness to apply its funds to the support of the 
 ministry within the diocese. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 125 
 
 and the nobles were able to find, even at that period, 
 a sufficient number of pliant, needy, or covetous 
 ministers, to be the partners or the dupes of their 
 avarice. 
 
 Though our Reformer was of opinion, that, in cer- 
 tain circumstances of the church, a power might be 
 delegated to some ministers to inspect the congrega- 
 tions within a particular district, and accordingly re- 
 commended the appointment of superintendents at ihi^ 
 first establishments of the Reformation in Scotland, 
 yet he did not allow of any class of office-bearers in 
 the church, under whatever name, who were superior 
 either in office or in order to ministers or presbyters. 
 His sentiments were not more favourable to English 
 episcopacy in his latter than in his earlier days. 
 Writing to a correspondent in England, in 1568, he 
 says, " I would most gladly pass through the course 
 that God hath appointed to my labours, giving thanks 
 to his holy name, for that it hath pleased his mercy to 
 make me not a Lord Bishop, but a painful preacher 
 of his blessed evangel."* In his correspondence with 
 Beza, he had informed him of the government establish- 
 ed in the Scottish church ; and at this very time he re- 
 ceived a letter from that reformer, congratulating him 
 that he had banished the order of bishops, and admon- 
 ishing him and his colleagues to beware of suffering 
 it to re-enter under the deceitful pretext of preserving 
 unity. f He had an opportunity of publicly declaring 
 his sentiments on this subject, at the installation of 
 Douglas as archbishop of St. Andrews. Having 
 preached as usual on Sabbath, February 10, 1572, 
 the Earl of Morton, who was present, desired him to 
 iflaugurate Douglas; but he positively refused, and 
 pronounced an anathema against both the donor and 
 the receiver of the bishoprick. The provost of St. 
 Salvador's having said that Knox's conduct proceeded 
 from disappointment, because the bishoprick had not 
 been conferred on himself, he, on the following Sab- 
 bath, repelled the invidious charge. He had refused, 
 he said, a greater bishoprick than that of St. Andrews, 
 which he might have had by the favour of greater 
 men than Douglas had his;:J: what he had spoken was 
 for the exoneration of his conscience, that the church 
 of Scotland might not be subject to that order, espe- 
 cially after a very different one had been settled in the 
 book of discipline, subscribed by the nobility, and rati- 
 fied by parliament. He lamented also that a burden 
 should have been laid upon one old man, which twenty 
 men of the greatest ability could not sustain. || In the 
 General Assembly held at St. Andrews in the follow- 
 ing month, he not only entered a protest against the 
 election of Douglas, § but also " opponed himself 
 directly to the making of bishops."^ 
 
 While he was engaged in these contests, his bodily 
 strength was every day sensibly decaying. Yet he 
 continued to preach, although unable to walk to the 
 pulpit without assistance; and, when warmed with his 
 subject, he forgot his weakness, and electrified the 
 audience with his eloquence. James Melville, after- 
 wards minister of Anstruther, was then a student at 
 the college, and one of his constant hearers. The ac- 
 count which he has given of his appearance is exceed- 
 ingly striking; and, as any translation would enfeeble 
 
 * See Letter to Mr. John Wood, Feb. 14, 1568, in the Ap- 
 pendix, No. X. 
 
 t In this letter Beza commends Knox for establishing not 
 merely the purity of doctrine in the Scottish church, but also 
 discipline and good order, without which the former could not 
 be preserved for any time, Bezae Epistol. Theol. ep. Ixxxix. 
 p. 344, 355, edit. 1572. 
 
 J Meaning Edward VI. of England and his council. See 
 page 40. 
 
 II Bannatyne, 321. 325, 375. Cald. MS. ii. 269,338,340. 
 Douglas, after he was made bisbop, was continued in his offices 
 of rector of the university, and provost of the new college. 
 James .Melville says that he was " a good upright hearted man, 
 but ambitious and simple," and that Knox spoke against him 
 " bot sparinglie, because he loved the man." MS. Diary, p. 27. 
 
 5 Bannatyne, 331. IT Melville's MS. Diary, p. 26. 
 
 it, I shall give it in his own words. " Of all the bene- 
 fits I had that year [1571], was the coming of that 
 maist notable profet and apostle of our nation, Mr. 
 Johne Knox, to St. Andrews, who, be the faction of 
 the Queen occupeing the castell and town of Edin- 
 burgh, was compellit to remove therefra, with a num- 
 ber of the best, and chusit to come to St. Andrews. I 
 heard him teache there the prophecies of Daniel, that 
 simmer and the wintar following. I had my pen and 
 my litle buike, and tuk away sic things as I could 
 comprehend. In the opening up of his text, he was 
 moderat the space of an half houre; but when he en- 
 terit to application, he made me so to grew,* and trem- 
 ble, that I could not hald a pen to wryt. — He was very 
 weik. I saw him, everie day of his doctrine, go hulie 
 andfear,\ with a f^urring of marticks about his neck, a 
 staffe in the an hand, and gud, godlie Richart Ballan- 
 den, his servand, haldin up the uther oxter,\. from the 
 abbey to the parish kirk, and, be the said Richart, and 
 another servand, lifted up to the pulpit, whar he beho- 
 vit to lean, at his first entrie ; bot, er he haid done 
 with his sermone, he was sa active and vigorous, 
 that he was lyk to ding the pulpit in blads,^ and file 
 out of it."§ 
 
 The persons with whom the Reformer was most 
 familiar at St. Andrews were the professors of St. 
 Leonard's college, who often visited him at his lodg- 
 ing in the abbey. This college was distinguished by 
 its warm attachment to the doctrines of the Reforma- 
 tion, which it had embraced at a very early period ;^ 
 while the two other colleges were disaffected to the 
 authority of the King, and several of their teachers 
 suspected of leaning to popery. The Reformer was 
 accustomed to amuse himself by walking in St. Leo- 
 nard's Yard, and to look with peculiar complacency 
 on the students, whom he regarded as the rising hope 
 of the church. He would sometimes call them to him, 
 and bless them, and exhort them to be diligent in their 
 studies, to attend to the instructions of their teachers, 
 and imitate the good example which they set before 
 them, to acquaint themselves with God and with the 
 great work which he had lately performed in their 
 native country, and to cleave to the good cause. These 
 familiar advices from a person so venerable made a 
 deep impression on the minds of the young men. He 
 even condescended to be present at a college exercise 
 performed by them at the marriage of one of their 
 regents, in which the siege and taking of Edinburgh 
 castle was dramatically represented.** 
 
 During his stay at St. Andrews, he published a 
 vindication of the reformed religion, in answer to a 
 letter written by a Scots Jesuit, called Tyrie. The 
 argumentative part of the work was finished by him 
 in 1568; but he sent it abroad at this time, with addi- 
 tions, as a farewell address to the world, and a dying 
 testimony to the truth which he had long taught and 
 defended. ff Along with it he published one of the 
 religious letters which he had formerly written to his 
 mother-in-law, Mrs. Bowes ; and, in an advertisement 
 prefixed to this, hs informs us that she had lately de- 
 parted this life, and that he could not allow the oppor- 
 tunity to slip of acquainting the public, by means of 
 this letter, with the intimate Christian friendship 
 which had so long subsisted between them. 
 
 * i. e. thrill. f i. e. slowly and warily. 
 
 X i. e. arm-pit. || i. e. beat the pulpit in piece*. 
 
 \ Melville's Diary, p. 23, 28' T See page 27. 
 
 *« See Note LX. 
 
 \\ Tyrie published a reply to this, under the title of "The 
 Refutation of ane answer made be Schir Johne Knox to ane 
 Letter, send be James Tyrie to his vmquhyle brother. Set 
 furth be James Tyrie. Parisiis 1573. Cvm Privilegio." H. fol. 
 57. 12mo. It includes Tyrie's first letter, and Knox's answer, 
 but not the other papers originally printed along with that 
 answer. " Mr. Knox (says Keith) makes some good and solid 
 observations, from which, in my opinion, the Jesuit [in his 
 reply] has not handsomely extricated himself" History, Ap- 
 pencl. p. 255. 
 
126 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 The ardent desire which he felt to be released by 
 death, from the troubles of the present life, appears in 
 all that he wrote about this time. "Wearieofthe 
 world," and "thirsting- to depart," are expressions 
 frequently used by him. The dedication of the above 
 mentioned work is thus inscribed: "John Knox, the 
 servant of Jesus Christ, now wearie of the world, and 
 daylie luiking for the resolution of this my earthly 
 tabernakle, to the faithful that God of his mercie shall 
 appoint to fight after me."' In the conclusion of it he 
 says, "Call for me, deir brethren, that God, in his 
 mercie, will pleis to put end to my long and paneful 
 battell. For now being unable to fight, as God sum- 
 tymes gave strenth, I thirst an end, befoir I be more 
 Iroublesum to the faithfull. And yet, Lord, let my 
 desyre be moderate be thy holy spirit." In a prayer 
 subjoined to the dedication are these words. "To 
 thee, O Lord, I commend my spirit. For I thirst to 
 be resolved from this body of sin, and am assured that 
 I shall rise agane in glorie; howsoever it be that the 
 wicked for a tyme sail trode me and others thy ser- 
 vandes under their feit. Be merciful, O Lord, unto 
 the kirk within this realme; continew with it in the 
 light of thy evangell ; augment the number of true 
 preicheris. And let thy mercyfull providence luke 
 upon my desolate bedfellow, the fruit of hir bosome, 
 and my two deir children, Nathanael and Eleazar.* 
 Now, Lord, put end to my miserie." The advertise- 
 ment "to the Faithful Reader," dated from St. An- 
 drews, 12th July 1572, concludes in the following 
 manner: "I hartly salute and take my good night of 
 all the faithful of both realmes, earnestly desyring the 
 assistance of their prayers, that, without any notable 
 slander to the evangel of Jesus Christ, I may end my 
 battel ; for, as the worlde is wearie of me, so am I of it.'''' 
 
 The General Assembly being appointed to meet at 
 Perth on the 6th of August, he took his leave of them 
 in a letter, along with which he transmitted certain 
 articles and questions which he recommended to their 
 consideration. The Assembly returned him an answer, 
 declaring their approbation of his propositions, and 
 their earnest desires for his preservation and comfort.f 
 The last piece of public service which he performed 
 at their request, was to examine and approve of a ser- 
 mon which had been lately preached by David Fer- 
 guson, minister of Dunfermline. His subscription to 
 this sermon, like every thing which proceeded from 
 his mouth or pen about this time, is uncommonly 
 striking. "John Knox, with my dead hand, but glaid 
 heart, praising God, that of his mercy he levis such 
 light to his kirk in this desolatioun.":t: 
 
 From the rapid decline of our Reformer's health, in 
 spring 1572, there was every appearance of his ending 
 his days at St. Andrews; but it pleased God that he 
 should be restored once more to his flock, and allowed 
 to die peaceably in his own bed. In consequence of a 
 cessation of arms agreed to, in the end of July, between 
 the Regent and the adherents of the Queen, the city 
 of Edinburgh was abandoned by the forces of the latter. 
 
 » Tjrif, in his reply, scoffs at this aniiable expression of 
 pious affection; and in doing; so discovers that he was as jjreat 
 a stranger to conjugal and parental feelings, as he was to the 
 rules ol logic. "He [Knox] sais, that of tuay propositiones 
 quhilkis ar verray trew, I collect ane conclusione maist false 
 and repugnant to all veritie. Ane Dialectitian wald answer 
 that Schir Johne knox hes norht weill considderit the rewlis 
 of Dialectik, to affirme ane fals conclusion to follow of trew 
 preniissis. Bot becaus I knaw his greit occupationis, and 
 sollieitude he hes of liis wyf and cliiidrine, that he culd nocht 
 take tent to sic trifflis, I will pas this with silence." Refuta- 
 tion, ut supra, fol. 4, a. 
 
 + Bannatync, 364—369. Cald. ii. 355. 366. 
 
 t " Ane sermon prechit before the regent and nobilitie upon 
 a part of the third chapter of Malachi [verses 7 — 12.] in the 
 kirk of Leith, at the linie of the Gencrall Asscmblie, on Son- 
 day the 13. of Januarie. Anno Do. 1571. Be David Fergu- 
 sone, minister of the evangell at Dunfermlyne. Iniprentit at 
 Saactandrois, be Robert Lekpreuik. Anno Do. MDLXXII." 
 The dedication to the regent Mar is dated 20th August, 1572. 
 
 and secured from the annoyance of the garrison in the 
 castle. As soon as the banished citizens returned to 
 their houses,* they sent a deputation to St. Andrews, 
 with a letter to their minister, expressive of their earn 
 est desire " that once again his voice might be heard 
 among them," and intreating him immediately to come 
 to Edinburgh, if his health would at all permit hiiifi."|" 
 After reading the letter, and conversing with the com- 
 missioners, he agreed to return, but under the express 
 condition, that he should not be urged to preserve 
 silence respecting the conduct of those who held the 
 castle ; •' whose treasonable and tyrannical deeds (he 
 said) he would cry out against, as long as he was able 
 to speak." He, therefore, desired them to acquaint 
 their constituerts with this, lest they should afterwards 
 repent of his austerity, and be apprehensive of ill- 
 treatment on his account. The commissioners assured 
 him, that they did not mean to put a bridle in his 
 mouth, but wished him to discharge his duty as he 
 had been accustomed to do. On his arrival at Edin- 
 burgh, he repeated this intimation to the principal 
 persons of his congregation, and received the same 
 assurance from them, before he would resume prcach- 
 
 On the 17th of August, to the great joy of the Queen's 
 faction, whom he had overawed duting his residence 
 among them, the Reformer left St. Andrews, along 
 with his family. He was accompanied so far on his 
 journey by a number of his acquaintances in the town, 
 who sorrowfully took their leave of him, in the pros- 
 pect of seeing his face no more. Being obliged by his 
 weakness to travel slowly, it was the 23d of the month 
 before he reached Leith, from which, after resting a 
 day or two, he came to Edinburgh. The inhabitants 
 enjoyed the satisfaction of seeing him again in his own 
 pulpit, on the first Sabbath after he arrived ; but his 
 voice was now so enfeebled that he could not be heard 
 by the half of the congregation. Nobody was more 
 sensible of this than himself. He therefore requested 
 his session to provide a smaller house, in which he 
 could be heard, if it were only by a hundred persons; 
 for his voice, (he said) was not able, even in his best 
 time, to extend over the multitude which assembled in 
 that large church, much less now when he was so 
 greatly debilitated. This request was readily complied 
 with by the session. |) 
 
 During his absence, a coolness had taken place be- 
 tween his colleague and the parish, who found fault 
 with him for temporizing during the time that the 
 Queen's party retained possession of the city. In 
 consequence of this, they had mutually agreed to 
 separate. § After preaching two years in Montrose, 
 Craig removed to Aberdeen, where he acted as visitor 
 of the churches in Buchan and Mar; and was after- 
 wards chosen minister to the Royal household, a situ- 
 ation which he held until his death in 1600, at the 
 advanced age of eighty-eight.^ Being deprived of 
 both their pastors, and having no prospect that Knox, 
 
 * Previous to the cessation of arms, the banished citizens 
 (who had taken up their residence chiefly- in Leith) entered 
 into a solemn league, by which they engaged " in the fear of 
 God the Father, of his Son our Lord Jesus Christ, and of the 
 Holie Spirit, tackand to witness his holie name," that they 
 would, with their lives, lands, and goods, promote the gospel 
 professed among them, maintain the authority of the king and 
 regent, a.ssist and concur with others against their enemies in 
 the castle, defend one another if attacked, and submit any 
 variances which might arise among themselves to brotherly 
 arbitration, or to the judgment of the town-council. Bauna- 
 tyne, 301—364. 
 
 f Bannatyne, 370 — 373. " Leath we are to diseas or hurt 
 your persone ony wayis, and far leather to want you." 
 
 t lb. 372, 373. 
 
 II Ibid, p. 373, 385. Smetoni Rcspons. p. 117, 118. 
 
 S^Bannatyne, 150. 370. 
 
 "IT Spottiswood, 464. When informed that his Majesty had 
 n)ade choice of Ciai«f, the General Assembly, July 1580 
 " blessed the Lord, and praised the King for his' zeal." Row 
 Hist, of the Kirk, 47. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 12? 
 
 although he should return, would be capable of per- 
 forming the public service among them, the kirk-ses- 
 sion of Edinburgh had instructed their delegates to 
 Ihe General Assembly which lately met at Perth, to 
 petition that court for liberty to choose from the min- 
 istry a colleague to the Reformer. The Assembly 
 granted their request, and ordained any minister (those 
 of Perth and Dundee excepted) who might be chosen 
 by Knox, the superintendent of Lothian, and the church 
 of Edinburgh, to comply with their invitation and re- 
 move to the capital.* When the commissioners came 
 to St. Andrews, they found the superintendent along 
 with Knox, and having consulted with them, it was 
 agreed to nominate and recommend James Lawson, 
 Sub-principal of the University of Aberdeen, a man 
 eminent for piety, learning, and eloquence. f Perceiv- 
 ing, on his return to Edinburgh, that he would not long- 
 be able to endure the fatigue of preaching, and that he 
 was already incapacitated for all other ministerial 
 duties, Knox was extremely solicitous to have this 
 business speedily settled, that the congregation might 
 not be left " as sheep without a shepherd," when he 
 was called away. The session and the superintendent 
 having written letters of invitation to Lawson, the Re- 
 former also sent a letter to him, urging his speedy 
 compliance with their requests. Though this letter 
 has already appeared in print,:}: yet as it is not long, 
 and is very descriptive of the state of his mind at this 
 interesting period, I shall lay it before the reader. 
 
 "All worldie strenth, yea ewin in thingis spirituall, 
 decayes ; and yit sail never the work of God decay. 
 Belovit brother, seeing that God of his mercie, far 
 above my expectalione, has callit me ones agane to 
 Edinburgh, and yit that I feill nature so decayed, and 
 daylie to decay, that 1 luke not for a long continewance 
 of my battel!, I wald gladlie anes discharge my con- 
 science into your bosome, and into the bosome of 
 vlheris, in whome I think the feare of God remanes. 
 Gif I hath had the habilitie of bodie, I suld not have 
 put you to the pane to the whilk I now requyre you, 
 that is, anes to visite me, that we may conferre toge- 
 ther of heawinlie thingis; for into earth there is no 
 stabilitie, except the kirk of Jesus Christ, ever fightand 
 vnder the crosse, to whose myghtie protectione I 
 hartlie comitt you. Of Edinburgh the vii of Septem- 
 ber, 1572. Jhone Knox." 
 
 In a postscript these expressive words were added, 
 " Haist, leist ye come to lait." 
 
 In the beginning of September, intelligence came to 
 Edinburgh, that the Admiral of France, the brave, the 
 generous, the pious Coligni was murdered in the city 
 of Paris, by the orders of Charles IX. Immediately 
 on the back of this, tidings arrived of that most detest- 
 able and unparalleled scene of barbarity and treachery, 
 the general massacre of the protestants throughout that 
 kingdom. Post after post brought fresh accounts of 
 the most shocking and unheard-of cruelties. Hired 
 cut-throats, and fanatical cannibals marched from city 
 to city, paraded the streets, and entered into the houses 
 of those that were marked out for destruction. No 
 reverence was shewn to the hoary head, no respect to 
 rank or talents, no pity to tender age or sex. Infants, 
 aged matrons, and women upon the point of their de- 
 livery, were trodden under the feet of the assassins, or 
 dragged with hooks into the rivers; others, after being 
 thrown into prison, were instantly brought out and 
 butchered in cold blood. Seventy thousand persons 
 were murdered in one week. For several days the 
 streets of Paris literally ran with blood. The savage 
 monarch, standing at the windows 5T the palace, with 
 his courtiers, glutted his eyes with the inhuman spec- 
 
 * Smetoni Respons. 118. Bannatyne, 370. 
 ' t Siiieton, ut sup. Bannatyne, 372. James Melville thus 
 describes Lawson: " A man of singular learninfc. zeal, and 
 eloquence, whom I never hard preache bot he meltit my hart 
 with teares." MS. Diary, 23. Sec also Note XXXIX. 
 
 t Bannatyne, 386. 
 
 tacle, and amused himself with firing upon the miser 
 able fugitives who sought shelter at his merciless 
 gates.* 
 
 The intelligence of this massacre (for which a solemn 
 thanksgiving was offered up at Rome by order of the 
 Pope)| produced the same horror and consternation in 
 Scotland as in every other protestant country. :|: It in- 
 flicted a deep wound on the exhausted spirit of Knox. 
 Besides the blow struck at the whole reformed body, 
 he had to lament the loss of many individuals, eminent 
 for piety, learning, and rank, whom he numbered 
 among his acquaintances. Being conveyed to the pul- 
 pit, and summoning up the remainder of his strength, 
 he thundered the vengeance of Heaven against that 
 cruel murderer and false traitor, the king of France, 
 and desired Le Croc, the French ambassador, to tell 
 his master, that sentence was pronounced against him 
 in Scotland, that the divine vengeance would never 
 depart from him, nor from his house, if repentance did 
 not ensue; but his name would remain an execration 
 to posterity, and none proceeding from his loins would 
 enjoy his kingdom in peace. The ambassador com- 
 plained of the indignity offered to his master, and re- 
 quired the Regent to silence the preacher; but this 
 was refused, upon which he left Scotland. || 
 
 Lawson having received the letters of invitation, 
 hastened to Edinburgh, and had the satisfaction to 
 find that Knox was still able to receive him. Having 
 preached to the people, he gave universal satisfaction. 
 On the following Sabbath, 21st September, Knox 
 began to preach in the Tolbooth church, which was 
 now fitted up for him. He chose for the subject of 
 his discourses, the account of our Saviour's crucifix- 
 ion, as recorded in the twenty-seventh chapter of the 
 Gospel according to Matthew, a theme upon which he 
 often expressed a wish to close his ministry. On 
 Sabbath, the 9th of November, he presided in the 
 installation of Lawson as his colleague and successor. 
 The sermon was preached by him in the Tolbooth 
 church ; after it was concluded, he removed, with the 
 audience, to the large church, where he went through 
 the accustomed form of admission, by proposing the 
 questions to the minister and people, addressing an 
 exhortation to both, and praying for the Divine bless- 
 ing upon the connection. On no former occasion did 
 he deliver himself more to the satisfaction of those 
 who were able to hear him. After declaring the mu- 
 tual duties of pastor and congregation, he protested, in 
 the presence of Him before whom he expected soon 
 to appear, that he had walked among them with a good 
 conscience, preaching the gospel of Jesus Christ in all 
 sincerity, not studying to please men. nor to gratify 
 his own affections ; he praised God, that he had been 
 pleased to give them a pastor in liis room, when he 
 was now unable to teach; he fervently prayed, that 
 any gifts which had been conferred on himself might 
 be augmented a thousand fold in his successor; and, 
 in a most serious and impressive manner, he exhorted 
 and charged the whole assembly to adhere steadfastly 
 to the faith which they had professed. Having fin- 
 ished the service, and pronounced the blessing with a 
 cheerful but exhausted voice, he descended from the 
 pulpit, and, leaning upon his staff, crept down the 
 
 * Menioires cle Sully, torn. i. 16. Paris 1664. Brantosiiie 
 Memoires, apud Jurieu, Apologie pour la Reformation, foni. i. 
 420. Smetoni Respons. ad Haiuilt. Dial, p 117. Bannatyne's 
 Journal, p. 388—396. 
 
 + The Pope's Bull for the Jubilee may be seen in Strype's 
 Life of archbishop Parker, Append. No. 68, p. 108. 
 
 J The reg^ent Mar issued a proclamation on this occasion, 
 summoning a general convention of deputies from all parts of 
 the kingdom, to deliberate on the measures proper to be 
 adopted for defence against the cruel and treasonable conspi- 
 racies of the papists. Bannatyne, 397 — 401. Strype has ui- 
 serted the preamble, and one of the articles of a supplication 
 presented by this convention to the regent and council. An- 
 nals, ii. 180, 181. This may be compared with the more full 
 account of their proceedings, in Bannatyne, 406 — 411. 
 
 II Bp.nnatyne, 401, 402. 
 
128 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 street, which was lined with the audience, who, as if 
 anxious to take the last sight of their beloved pastor, 
 followed him until he entered his house, — from which 
 he never aorain came out alive.* 
 
 On the Tuesday following, the 11th of November, 
 he was seized with a severe cough, which greatly af- 
 fected his breathing.f When his friends, anxious to 
 prolong his life, proposed to call in the assistance 
 of physicians, he readily acquiesced, saying, that he 
 would not neglect the ordinary means of health, al- 
 though he was persuaded, that the Lord would soon 
 put an end to all his sorrows. It had been his ordin- 
 ary practice to read every, day some chapters of the 
 Old and New Testaments ; to which he added a certain 
 number of the Psalms of David, the whole of which 
 he perused regularly once a month. On Thursday the 
 13th, he sickened, and was obliged to desist from his 
 course of reading; but he gave directions to his wife, 
 and to his secretary, Richard Bannatyne, that one of 
 them should every day read to him, with a distinct 
 voice, the seventeenth chapter of the Gospel according 
 to John, the fifty-third of Isaiah, and a chapter of the 
 Epistle to the Ephesians. This was punctually com- 
 plied with during the whole time of his sickness ; and 
 scarcely an hour passed in which some part of scrip- 
 ture was not read in his hearini. Besides the above 
 passages, he, at different times, fixed on certain 
 Psalms, and some of Calvin's French Sermons on the 
 Ephesians. Sometimes when they were engaged in 
 reading, thinking him to be asleep, they asked him if 
 he heard them, to which he answered, " I hear (I 
 praise God,) and understand far better;" which words 
 he uttered for the last time, only four hours before his 
 death. 
 
 The same day on which he sickened, he desired his 
 wife to discharge the servants' wages; and wishing 
 next day to pay one of his men servants himself, he 
 gave him twenty shillings above his fee, sayin? 
 "Thou wilt never receive more from me in this life." 
 To all of them he addressed suitable exhortations to 
 walk in the fear of God, and as became Christians 
 who had lived in his family. 
 
 On Friday the 14th, he rose from bed at an earlier 
 hour than usual ; and thinking that it was Sabbath, 
 said, that he meant to go to church, and preach on the 
 resurrection of Christ, upon which he had meditated 
 through the whole night. This was the subject on 
 which he should have preached in his ordinary course. 
 But he was so weak, that he needed to be supported 
 from his bed-side by two men, and it was with great 
 difficulty that he could sit on a chair. 
 
 Next day at noon, John Durie, one of the ministers 
 of Leith, and Archibald Stewart, who were among his 
 intimate acquaintances, came into his room. Per- 
 ceiving that he was very sick, they wished to take 
 their leave, but he insisted that they should remain, 
 and having prevailed with them to stay dinner, he rose 
 
 * Siiietoni Responsio, 118. The house which the Reformer 
 possessed is situated near the bottom of the High Street, a lit- 
 tle below the Fountain well. It has these three words inscribed 
 on it, eEor, Deus, God. 
 
 f As it is unnecessary to repeat the quotations, the reader 
 may be informed, once for all, that the account of the Reform- 
 er's last illness and death is taken from the following; authori- 
 ties: " Eximii viri Joannis Knoxii, Scoticanae Ecclesias instau- 
 ratoris, Vera extremae vitae et obitus Historia," published by 
 Thomas Smeton, principal of the university of Glasgow, at the 
 end of his " Responsio ad Hainiltonii Dialogum. Edinburgi, 
 •pud Johannem Kosseum. Pro Henrico Charteris. Anno Do. 
 1579. Cum Privilegio Regali:" — "Journal of the Transactions 
 in Scotland, (Annis) 1570 — 1573, by Richard Bannatyne, secre- 
 tary to John Knox," 413 — 429, edited from an authenti MS. 
 by J. Graham Dalyell, Esq. Anno 1806: — Spottiswood's Histo- 
 ry, p. 265—267. Anno 1677: and Calderwood's MS. History, 
 ad Ann. 1572; copy in Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, transcri- 
 bed Anno 1634. The two first of these works contain the most 
 ancient and authentic narratives, both being written at the '.ime 
 of the event, and by persons who were eye and ear witnesses 
 (vf what they relate. 
 
 froiri bed, and came to the table, which was the last 
 time that he ever sat at it. He ordered a hogshead of 
 wine which was in his cellar to be pierced for them ; 
 and, with a hilarity which he delighted to indulo-e 
 among his friends, desired Archibald Steward to send 
 for some of it as long as it lasted, for he would not 
 tarry until it was all used. 
 
 On Sabbath, the IGth, he kept his bed, and mista- 
 king it for the first day of the fast appointed on 
 account of the French massacre, refused to take any 
 dinner. Fairley of Braid, who was present, informed 
 him that the fast did not commence until the following 
 Sabbath, and sitting down, and dining before his bed, 
 prevailed on him to take a little food. 
 
 He was very anxious to meet once more with the 
 session of his church, to leave them his dying charge, 
 and bid them a last farewell. In compliance with this 
 wish, his colleague, the elders, and deacons, with 
 David Lindsay, one of the ministers of Leith, assem- 
 bled in his room on Monday the 17th, when he ad- 
 dressed them in the following w^ords, which made a 
 deep and lasting impression on the minds of all. 
 " The day approaches, and is now before the door, for 
 which I have frequently and vehemently thirsted, 
 when I shall be released from my great labours" and 
 innumerable sorrows, and shall be with Christ. And 
 now, God is my witness, whom I have served in the 
 spirit in the gospel of his Son, that I have taught 
 nothing but the true and solid doctrine of the gospel 
 of the Son of God, and have had it for my only object 
 to instruct the ignorant, to confirm the faithful, lo 
 comfort the weak, the fearful, and the distressed, by 
 the promises of grace, and to fight against the proud 
 and rebellious, by the divine threatenings. I know 
 that many have frequently complained, and still loudly 
 complain, of my too great severity ; but God knows 
 that my mind was always void of hatred to the per- 
 sons of those against whom I thundered the severest 
 judgments. I cannot deny but that I felt the greatest 
 abhorrence at the sins in which they indulged, but I 
 still kept this one thing in view, that, if possible, I 
 might gain them to the Lord. What influenced me to 
 utter whatever the Lord put into my mouth, so boldly, 
 without respect of persons, was a reverential fear of 
 my God, who called and of his grace appointed me to 
 be a steward of divine mysteries, and a belief that he 
 will demand an account of my discharge of the trust 
 committed to me, when I shall stand before his tribu- 
 nal. I profess, therefore, before God, and before his 
 holy angels, that I never made merchandise of the 
 sacred word of God, never studied to please men, 
 never indulged my own private passions or those of 
 others, but faithfully distributed the talents intrusted 
 to me for the edification of the church over which 1 
 watched. Whatever obloquy wicked men may cast on 
 me respecting this point, I rejoice in the testimony of 
 a good conscience. In the mean time, my dearest 
 brethren, do you persevere in the eternal truth of the 
 
 fospel ; wait diligently on the flock over which the 
 rord hath set you, and which he redeemed with the 
 blood of his only begotten Son. And thou, my dear 
 brother Lawson, fight the good fight, and do the work 
 of the Lord joyfully and resolutely. The Lord from 
 on high bless you and the whole church of Edinburgh, 
 against whom, as long as they persevere in the word 
 of truth which they have heard of me, the gales of 
 hell shall not prevail."* Having warned them against 
 countenancing those who disowned the King's au- 
 thority, and made^some observations on a complaint 
 which Maitland fiad lodged against him before the 
 session, he was so exhausted that he was obliged to 
 desist from speaking. Those who were present were 
 filled both with joy and grief by this affecting address. 
 
 * This speech is translated from the Latin of Smeton, which 
 accounts for the difference of style which the intelligent reader 
 must have remarked. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 120 
 
 After reminding him of the warfare which he had 
 endured, and the triumph which awaited him, and 
 joining in prayer, they took their leave of him drowned 
 in tears. 
 
 When they were going out, he desired his colleague 
 and Lindsay to remain behind, " There is one thing 
 that greatly grieves me," said he to them. " You 
 have been witnesses of the former courage and con- 
 stancy of Grange in the cause of God ; but now, alas ! 
 into what a gulph has he precipitated himself! 1 en- 
 treat you not to refuse the request which I now 
 make to you : Go to the castle, and tell him from me, 
 ' That John Knox remains the same man now when he 
 is about to die, that ever he knew him when able in 
 body, and wills him to consider what he was, and the 
 estate in which he now stands, which is a great part 
 of his trouble. Neither the craggy rock in which he 
 miserably confides, nor the carnal prudence of that 
 man (Maitland) whom he esteems a demi-god, nor 
 the assistance of strangers, shall preserve him; hut he 
 shall be disgracefully dragged from his nest to punish- 
 ment, and hung on a gallows before the face of the sun, 
 unless he speedily amend his life, and flee to the mercy 
 of God.' That man's soul is dear to me, and I would 
 not have it perish, if I could save it." The ministers 
 undertook to execute this commission ; and going up 
 to the castle, they obtained an interview with the gov- 
 ernor, and delivered their message. He at first exhib- 
 ited some symptoms of relenting, but having consulted 
 apart with Maitland, he returned, and gave them a very 
 unpleasant answer. This being reported to Knox, he 
 was much grieved, and said, that he had been earnest 
 in prayer for that man, and he still trusted that his soul 
 would be saved, although his body should come to a 
 miserable end.* 
 
 After his interview with the session, he was much 
 worse ; his difficulty of breathing increased, and he 
 could not speak without great and obvious pain. Yet 
 he continued still to receive persons of every rank, 
 who came in great numbers to visit him, and he suf- 
 fered none to go away without exhortations, which he 
 uttered with such variety and suitableness as astonish- 
 ed those who waited upon him. Lord Boyd came in 
 and said, " I know. Sir, that I have offended you in 
 many things, and am now come to crave your pardon." 
 His answer was not heard, as the attendants retired 
 and left them alone. But his Lordship returned next 
 day, in company with the Earl of Morton and the 
 laird of Drumlanrig. The Reformer's private conver- 
 sation with Morton was very particular, as afterwards 
 related by the Earl himself. He asked him, if he was 
 previously acquainted with the design to murder the 
 late king. Morton having answered in the negative,! 
 he said, " Well, God has beautified you with many 
 benefits which he has not given to every man ; as he 
 has given you riches, wisdom, and friends, and now 
 is to prefer you to the government of this realm. :|: 
 And therefore, in the name of God, I charge you to use 
 all these benefits aright, and better in time to come 
 
 * After the castle surrendered, and Kircaldy was condemned 
 to die, Lindsay attended him at his earnest desire, and received 
 much satisfaction from conversation with him. When he was 
 on the scaffold, he desired the minister to repeat Knox's last 
 words respecting him, and said that he hoped they would prove 
 true. James Melville had this information from Lindsay. MS. 
 Diary, p. 29, 30. See also Spottis. 266, 272. 
 
 f He acknowledged afterwards that he did know of the mur- 
 der; but excused himself for concealing it. "The quene (he 
 said) was the doare thareof," and as for the king, he was "sic 
 a bairne, that there was nothing tauld him but he wald reveill 
 it to hir agane." Bannatyne, 494, 497. 
 
 I The regent Mar died on tlie 29th of October preceding. 
 The nobility were at this time assembled at Edinburgh to chuse 
 bis successor, and it was understood that Morton would be 
 raised to that dignity. He was elected regent on the day of 
 Knox's death. Bannatyne, 411, 412, 427. The author of the 
 Historic of King .Tames the Sext says, that the regent died Oc- 
 tober 18, and adds, "efter him dyed Johne Knox in that same 
 moiieth." p. 197. But he has mistaken the dates. 
 
 R 
 
 than ye have done in times bypast; first to God's 
 glory, to the furtherance of the evangel, the mainten- 
 ance of the church of God, and his ministry; next 
 for the weal of the King, and his realm and true sub- 
 jects. If so ye shall do, God shall bless you and 
 honour you ; but if ye do it not, God shall spoil you 
 of these benefits, and your end shall be ignominy and 
 shame."* 
 
 On Thursday, the 20th, Lord Lindsay, the bishop of 
 Caithness, and several gentlemen visited him. He 
 exhorted them to continue- in the truth which they had 
 heard, for there was no othef word of salvation, and 
 besought them to have nothing to do with those in the 
 castle. The Earl of Glencairri (who had often visited 
 him) came in, with Lord Ruthven. The latter, who 
 called only once, said to him, " If there be any thing. 
 Sir, that I am able to do for you, I pray you charge 
 me." His reply was, " I care not for all the pleasure 
 and friendsliip of the world." 
 
 A religious lady of his acquaintance desired him to 
 praise God for what good he had done, and was begin- 
 ning to speak in his commendation, when he interrupted 
 her. "Tongue ! tongue ! lady, flesh of itself is over- 
 proud, and needs no means to esteem itself." He put her 
 in mind of what had been said to her long ago, " Lady 
 lady, the black one has never trarnpit on your fute ;" 
 and exhorted her to lay aside pride, and be clothed 
 with humility. He then protested as to himself, as he 
 had often done before, that he relied wholly on the 
 free merey of God, manifested to mankind through 
 his dear Son Jesus Christ, whom alone he embraced 
 for wisdom, and righteousness, and sanctification, and 
 redemption. The rest of the company having taken 
 their leave of him, he said to the laird of Braid, 
 " Every one bids me good night, but when will j'ou 
 do it ? I have been greatly indebted unto you ; for 
 which I shall never be able to recompense you ; but I 
 commit you to one that is able to do it, to the eternal 
 God." 
 
 On Friday the 21st, he desired Richard Bannatyne 
 to order his coffin to be made. During that day he 
 was much engaged in meditation and prayer. These 
 words were often in his mouth : " Come, Lord Jesus. 
 Sweet Jesus, into thy hands I commit my spirit. Be 
 merciful. Lord, to thy church which thou hast redeem- 
 ed. Give peace to this afflicted commonwealth. 
 Raise up faithful pastors who will take the charge of 
 thy church. Grant us. Lord, the perfect hatred of 
 sin, both by the evidences of thy wrath and mercy." 
 In the midst of his meditations, he would often ad- 
 dress those who stood by, in such sentences as these: 
 " O serve the Lord in fear, and death shall not be 
 terrible to you. Nay, blessed shall death be to those 
 who have felt the power of the death of the only be- 
 gotten Son of God." 
 
 On Sabbath, the 23d (which was the first day of the 
 national fast,) during the afternoon-sermon, he, after 
 lying a considerable time quiet, suddenly exclaimed, 
 " If any be present, let them come and see the work 
 of God." Richard Bannatyne, thinking that his death 
 was at hand, sent to the church for Johnston of 
 Elphingston. When he came to his bedside, he burst 
 out in these rapturous expressions: "I have been 
 these two last nights in meditation on the troubled 
 state of the church of God, the spouse of Jesvis Christ, 
 despised of the world, but precious in the sight of 
 God. I have called to God for her, and have commit- 
 ted her to her head, Jesus Christ. I have fought 
 against spiritual wickedness in heavenly things, and 
 have prevailed. I have been in heaven, and have pos- 
 session. I have tasted of the heavenly joys where 
 presently I am." He then repeated the Lord's prayer 
 
 * Morton gave this account of his conference with the Re- 
 former, to the ministers who attended him before his execution. 
 Being asked by them if he had uot found Knox's admonition 
 tine, he replied, " I have fand it indeid." Morton's Confes- 
 sion, apud Bannatyne, 608, 509. 
 
130 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 and the creed, interjecting some devout aspiration be- 
 tween every article. 
 
 After sermon many came to visit him. Perceiving 
 that he breathed with great difficulty, some of them 
 asked if he felt much pain. He answered, that he 
 was willing to lie there for years, if God so pleased, 
 and if he continued to shine upon his soul through 
 Jesus Christ. He slept very little; but was employ- 
 ed almost incessantly either in meditation, in prayer, 
 or in exhortation. " Live in Christ. Live in Christ, 
 and then flesh need not fear death. Lord, grant 
 true pastors to thy church, that purity of doctrine may 
 be retained. Restore peace again to this common- 
 wealth, with godly rulers and magistrates. Once, 
 Lord, make an end of my trouble." Stretching his 
 hands towards heaven, he said, " Lord, I commend my 
 spirit, soiil, and body, and all, into thy hands. Thou 
 knowest, O Lord, my troubles: I do not murmur 
 against thee." His pious ejaculations, were so nu- 
 merous, that those who waited on him could only 
 recollect a small portion of them ; for seldom was he 
 silent, when they were not employed in reading or in 
 prayer. — During the course of that night his sickuess 
 greatly increased. 
 
 Monday, the 24th of November, was the last day 
 that he spent on earth. That morning he could not 
 be persuaded to lie m bed, but, though unable to stand 
 alone, rose between nine and ten o'clock, and put on 
 his stockings and doublet. Being conducted to a 
 chair, he sat about half an hoar, and then was put in 
 bed again. In the progress of the day, it appeared 
 evident that his end drew near. Besides his wife and 
 Richard Bannatyne, Campbell of Kinyeancleugh, 
 Johnston of Elphingston, and Dr. Preston, three of 
 his most intimate acquaintaflces, sat by turns at his 
 bed-side. Kinyeancleugh asked him, if he had any 
 
 fain. " It is no painful pain, but such a pain as shall, 
 trust, put end to the battle. I must leave the 
 care of my wife and children to you (continued he,) 
 to whom you must be a husband in my room." About 
 three o'clock in the afternoon, one of his eyes failed, 
 and his speech was considerably affected. He desired 
 his wife to read the fifteenth chapter of the first epistle 
 to the Corinthians. " Is not that a comfortable chap- 
 ter ?" said he, when it was finished. " O what sweet 
 and salutary consolation the Lord hath afforded me 
 from that chapter !" A little after, he said, " Now, 
 for the last time, I commend my soul, spirit, and body 
 (touching three of his fingers) into thy hand, O Lord." 
 About five o'clock, he said to his wife, " Go, read 
 where I cast my first anchor;" upon which she read 
 the seventeenth chapter of John's Gospel, and after- 
 wards a part of Calvin's sermons on the Ephesians. 
 After this he appeared to fall into a slumber, inter- 
 rupted by heavy moans, during which the attendants 
 looked every moment for his dissolution. But at 
 length he awaked as if from sleep, and b«ing asked 
 the cause of his sighing so deeply, replied : " I have 
 formerly, during my frail life, sustained many con- 
 tests, and many assaults of Satan ; but at present that 
 roaring lion hath assailed me most furiously, and put 
 forth all his strength to devour, and make an end of 
 me at once. Often before has he placed my sins 
 before my eyes, often tempted me to despair, often 
 endeavoured to ensnare me by the allurements of the 
 world ; but these weapons being broken by the sword 
 of the Spirit, the word of God, he could not prevail. 
 Now he was attacked me in another way ; the cunning 
 serpent has laboured to persuade me that I have mer- 
 ited heaven and eternal blessedness, by the faithful 
 discharge of my ministry. But blessed be God who 
 has enabled me to beat down and quench this fiery dart, 
 by suggesting to me such passages of scripture as these, 
 JVfiai hast thou that thou hast nut received ? By the grace 
 of God I am what I am .• Not i, hut the grace of God in 
 me. Being thus vanquished, he left me. Wherefore 
 I give thanks to my God through Jesus Christ, who 
 
 was pleased to give me the victory ; and I am persuaded 
 that the tempter shall not again attack me, but, within 
 a short time, I shall, without any great bodily pain or 
 anguish of mind, exchange this mortal and miserable 
 life for a blessed immortality through Jesus Christ." 
 
 He then lay quiet for some hours, except that now 
 and then he desired them to wet his mouth with a little 
 weak ale. At ten o'clock, they read the evening- 
 prayer, which they had delayed beyond the usual hour, 
 from an apprehension that he was asleep. After the 
 exercise was concluded. Dr. Preston asked him, if he 
 had heard the prayers. " Would to God," said he, 
 " that you and ail men had heard them as I have heard 
 them : I praise God for that heavenly sound." The 
 doctor rose up, and Kinyeancleugh sat down before his 
 bed. About eleven o'clock, he gave a deep sigh, and 
 said. Now it is come. Richard Bannatyne immediately 
 drew near, and desired him to think upon those com- 
 fortable promises of our Saviour Jesus Christ, which 
 he had so often declared to others ; and, perceiving that 
 he was speechless, requested him to give them a sign 
 that he heard them, and that he died in peace. Upon 
 this he lifted up one of his hands, and, sighing twice, 
 expired without a struggle.* 
 
 He died in the sixty-seventh year of his age, not so 
 much oppressed with years, as worn out and exhausted 
 by his extraordinary labours of body and anxieties of 
 mind. Few men were ever exposed to more dangers, 
 or underwent such hardships. From the time that he 
 embraced the reformed religion, till he breathed his 
 last, seldom did he enjoy a respite from these, and he 
 emerged from one scene of difficulties, only to be in- 
 volved in another, and a more distressing one. Obli- 
 ged to flee from St. Andrews to escape the fury of 
 Cardinal Beatoun, he found a retreat in East Lothian, 
 from which he was hunted by Archbishop Hamilton. 
 He lived for several years as an outlaw, in daily ap- 
 prehension of falling a prey to those who eagerly 
 sought his life. The few months during which he 
 enjoyed protection in the castle of St. Andrews were 
 succeeded by a long and rigorous captivity. After 
 enjoying some repose in England, he was again driven 
 into banishment, and for five years wandered as an 
 exile on the continent. When he returned to his 
 native country, it was to engage in a struggle of the 
 most perilous and arduous kind. After the Reforma- 
 tion was established, and he was settled in the capital, 
 he was involved in a continual contest with the Court. 
 When he was relieved from this warfare, and thought 
 only of ending his days in peace, he was again called 
 into the field; and, although scarcely able to walk, 
 was obliged to remove from his flock, and to avoid the 
 fury of his enemies by submitting to a new banish- 
 ment. He was repeatedly condemned for heresy and 
 proclaimed an outlaw ; thrice he was accused of high 
 treason, and on two of these occasions he appeared and 
 underwent a trial. A price was publicly set on his 
 head ; assassins were employed to kill him ; and his 
 life was attempted both with the pistol and the dagger. 
 Yet he escaped all these perils, and finished his course 
 in peace and in honour. No wonder that he was 
 weary of the world, and anxious to depart ; and with 
 great propriety might it be said, at his decease, that 
 " he rested from his labours." 
 
 On Wednesday, the 2Gth of November, he was in- 
 terred in the church-yard of St. Giles. f His funeral 
 
 * " Manum itaque, quasi novas vires jainjatn nioriturus con- 
 cipiens, cceluni versus erigit, duobusque emissis suspiriis, e nior- 
 tali corpore eraigravit, citra ullum aut pedum aut aliaruin par- 
 tiuni corporis inotum, ut potius dormire quam occidisse videre- 
 tur." Smetoni Responsio, p. 123. 
 
 + Cald. MS. ad Ann. 1572. Bannatyne, 429. Spottiswood, 
 267. The area of the parliament square was fornierlv the 
 church-yard of St. Giles. Some think that he was burfed in 
 one of the aisles of his own church. The place where the Re- 
 former preached is that which it now called The Old Church. 
 It has, however, undergone a great change since hii time. 
 The space now occupied by the pu)pit and tnc greater part of 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 131 
 
 was attended by the newly elected regent, Morton, by 
 all the nobility who were in the city, and a great con- 
 course of people. When his body was laid in the 
 grave, the Regent emphatically pronounced his eulo- 
 gium, in the well known words. There lies He, who 
 never feared the face of man."* 
 
 The character of this extraordinary man has been 
 drawn in very opposite colours, by different writers, 
 and at different times. The changes which have taken 
 place in the public opinion about him, with the causes 
 which have produced them, form a subject not uncuri- 
 ous, nor unworthy of attention. 
 
 The interest excited by the ecclesiastical and poli- 
 tical revolutions of Scotland, in which he acted so 
 conspicuous a part, caused his name to be known 
 throughout Europe, more extensively than those of 
 most of the reformers. When we reflect that the Ro- 
 man Catholics looked upon him as the principal instru- 
 ment in overthrowing their religious establishment in 
 this country, we are prepared to expect that the writers 
 of that persuasion would represent his character in an 
 unfavourable light; and that, in addition to the com- 
 mon charges of heresy and apostacy, they would de- 
 scribe him as a man of a restless, turbulent spirit, and 
 of rebellious principles. We will not even be greatly 
 surprised though we find them charging him with 
 whoredom, because, being a priest, he entered into 
 wedlock, once and a second time ; and imputing his 
 change of religion to a desire of releasing himself from 
 the bonds by which the popish clergy were profession- 
 ally bound to chastity. But all this is nothing to the 
 portraits which they have drawn of him, in which, to 
 the violation of all credibility, he is unblushingly re- 
 presented as a man, or rather a monster, of the most 
 profligate character, who gloried in depravity, who 
 avowedly indulged in the most vicious practices, and 
 upon whom Providence fixed the most evident marks 
 of reprobation at his death, which was accompanied 
 with circumstances that excited the utmost horror in 
 the beholders. f This might astonish us, did we not 
 know, from undoubted documents, that there were at 
 that time a number of writers, who, by inventing or 
 retailing such malignant calumnies, attempted to blast 
 the fairest and most unblemished characters among 
 those who appeared in opposition to the church of 
 Rome, and that, absurd and outrageous as the accusa- 
 tions were, they were greedily swallowed by the 
 numerous slaves of prejudice and credulity. The 
 memory of no one was loaded with a greater share of 
 this obloquy than our Reformer's. But these accounts 
 have long ago lost every degree of credit; and they 
 now remain only as a proof of the spirit of lies or of 
 strong delusion, by which these writers were actuated, 
 and of the deep and deadly hatred which they had 
 conceived against Knox, on account of his strenuous 
 and successful exertions in overthrowing the fabric of 
 papal superstition and despotism. 
 
 Knox was known and esteemed by the principal 
 persons among the reformed in France, Switzerland, 
 and Germany. We have had occasion repeatedly to 
 mention his friendship with the Reformer of Geneva. 
 Beza, the successor of Calvin, was also personally 
 acquainted with him ; the letters which he wrote to 
 him abound with expressions of the warmest regard, 
 and highest esteerh ; and he afterwards raised an affec- 
 tionate tribute td our Reformer's memory, in his linages 
 
 the sf.ats, was then an aisle; and the church was considerably 
 more to the north of the building than at present. The small 
 church fitted up for him a few weeks before his death is called, 
 by Bannatyne, the Tolboofh. Whether it was exactly that 
 part of the building now called the Tolbooth church, I do not 
 know. 
 
 * Some verses written to the Reformer's memory may be 
 »een in Note LXI. f See Note LXll. 
 
 of Illustrious men. This was done, at a subsequent 
 period, by the German biographer, Melchior Adam, 
 the Dutch Verheiden, and the French La Roque. The 
 late historian of the literature of Geneva, (whose reli- 
 gious sentiments are very different from those of his 
 countrymen in the days of Calvin and Beza), although 
 he is displeased with the philippics which Knox some- 
 times pronounced from the pulpit, says, that he "im- 
 mortalized himself by his courage against popery, and 
 his firmness against the tyranny of Mary;" and that 
 though a violent, he was always an open and honour- 
 able enemy to the Catholics.* 
 
 The affectionate veneration in which his memory 
 continued to be held in Scotland after his death, 
 evinces that the influence which he possessed among 
 his countrymen during his life was not constrained, 
 but founded on the opinion which they entertained of 
 his virtues and talents. Bannatyne has drawn his 
 character in the most glowing colours ; and, although 
 allowances must he made for the enthusiasm with 
 which a favourite servant wrote of a beloved and re- 
 vered master, yet, as he lived long in the Reformer's 
 family, and was himself a man of respectability and 
 learning, his testimony is by no means to be disre- 
 garded. f "In this manner (says he) departed this 
 man of God : the light of Scotland, the comfort of the 
 church within the same, the mirror of godliness, and 
 pattern and example of all true ministers, in purity of 
 life, soundness in doctrine, and boldness in reproving 
 of wickedness; one that cared not the favour of men, 
 how great soever they were. W^hat dexterity in teach- 
 ing, boldness in reproving, and hatred of wickedness 
 was in him, my ignorant dulness is not able to declare, 
 which if I should preis:J; to set out, it were as one who 
 would light a candle to let men see the sun ; seeing all 
 his virtues are better known, and notified|| to the world 
 a thousand fold than I am able to express. "§ 
 
 Principal Smeton's character of him, while it is less 
 liable to the suspicion of partiality, is equally honour- 
 able and flattering. "I know not (says he) if ever so 
 much piety and genius were lodged in such a frail and 
 weak body. Certain I am, that it will be difficult to 
 find one in whom the gifts of the Holy Spirit shone so 
 bright, to the comfort of the church of Scotland. None 
 spared himself less in enduring fatigues of body and 
 mind : none was more intent on discharging the duties 
 of the province assigned to him." And again, address- 
 ing his calumniator Hamilton, he says, "This illus- 
 trious, I say illustrious servant of God, John Knox, I 
 will clear from your feigned accusations and slanders, 
 rather by the testimony of a venerable assembly than 
 by my own denial. This pious duty, this reward of a 
 well spent life, all of them most cheerfully discharge 
 to their excellent instructor in Christ Jesus. This 
 testimony of gratitude they all owe to him, who, they 
 know, ceased not to deserve well of all till he ceased 
 
 * Mons. Senebier, Hist. Lit. de Geneve, i. 377. 
 
 f The reader should observe, that the word servant, or ser- 
 vitor, was then used with greater latitude than it is now, and 
 in old writings often signifies the person whom we call by the 
 more honourable naiues of clerk, secretary, or man of business. 
 As the drawing of the principal ecclesiastical papers, and the 
 compiling of the history of public proceedings, was committed 
 to our Reformer, from the time of his last return to Scotland, 
 he kept a person of this description in his family, and Banna- 
 tyne held the situation. 
 
 In a speech which he made to the General Assembly, lOtk 
 March, 1571, Bannatyne says: "It has pleasit God to n)ak me 
 a servant to that man Johne Knox, whom I serve, as God beiris 
 me witnes, not so mekle in respect of my worldlie commoditie, 
 as for that integrity and vprytness which I have ever knowin, 
 and presentlie vnderstandis to be in him, especiallie in the 
 faythfull administratione of his office, in teaching of the word 
 of God; and gif I vnderstude, or knew that he ware a fals 
 teacher, a seducer, a rasere of schisme, or ane that makis divi- 
 sione in the kirk of God, as he is reported to be by the former 
 accusationes, I wald not serve him for all the substance in 
 Edinburgh." Journal, p. 104, 105. t '■ ^- labour. 
 
 II In the printed book it is "not hid." I suppose it should 
 be "notified." 5 Bannatyne, 427, 429. 
 
132 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 to breathe. Released from a body exhausted in Chris- 
 tiaa warfare, and translated to a blessed rest, where he 
 has obtained the sweet reward of his labours, he now 
 triumphs with Christ. But beware, sycophant, of in- 
 sulting him when dead ; for he has left behind him as 
 many defenders of his reputation, as there are persons 
 who were drawn, by his faithful preaching, from the 
 gulph of ignorance to the knowledge of the gospel."* 
 
 The divines of ihe church of England who were 
 contemporary with Knox, entertained a great respect 
 for his character, and ranked him along with the most 
 eminent of their own Reformers.")- I have already 
 produced the mark of esteem which bishop Bale con- 
 ferred on him.:): Aylmer, in a work written to confute 
 one of his opinions, bears a voluntary testimony to his 
 learning and integrity. || And Ridley, who stickled 
 more for the ceremonies of the church than any of his 
 brethren at that period, and who was displeased with 
 the opposition which Knox made to the introduction 
 of the English liturgy at Frankfort, expressed his high 
 opinion of him, as " a man of wit, much good learning, 
 and earnest zeal."§ Whatever dissatisfaction they 
 felt at his pointed reprehensions of several parts of 
 their ecclesiastical establishment, the English digni- 
 taries rejoiced at the success of his exertions, and with- 
 out scruple expressed their approbation of many of his 
 measures which were afterwards severely censured by 
 their successors.^ I need scarcely add, that his me- 
 mory was held in veneration by the English Puritans. 
 Some of the chief men among them were personally 
 acquainted with him during his residence in England 
 and on the continent ; others corresponded with him by 
 letters. They greatly esteemed his writings, sought 
 for his manuscripts with avidity, and published them 
 with testimonies of the warmest approbation.** 
 
 But towards the close of the sixteenth century, there 
 arose another race of prelates, of very different princi- 
 ples from the English reformers, who began to main- 
 tain the divine right of diocesan episcopacy, with the 
 intrinsic excellency of a ceremonious worship, and 
 to adopt a new language respecting other reformed 
 churches. Dr. Bancroft, afterwards archbishop of 
 Canterbury, was the first writer among them who 
 spoke disrespectfully of Knox,if after whom it became 
 a fashionable practice among the hierarchical party. 
 This was resented by the ministers of Scotland, who 
 warmly vindicated the character of their Reformer.:}::!: 
 
 * Smetoni Resp. ad Haniilt. Dial. p. 95, 115. 
 
 f Calfhill's Answere to the Treatise of the Crosse: Preface 
 to the Readers, fol. 18, a. Lond. 1565. This writer was cousin 
 to Toby Matthews, archbishop of York; and in the Convoca- 
 tion which met in 1562, sat as a representative of the clerg-y 
 of London, and the canons of Oxford. Strype, Annals, i. 289, 
 292—3. t See p;,ge 67. 
 
 II Harborowe for Faithful and Trewe Subjects, B. B 2. C. 
 C 2. Life of Ayhuer, p. 238. 
 
 6 Strype's Life of Grindal, p. 19, 20. 
 
 If Burnet, vol. ii. Appendix, part iii. B. vi. p. 351, 352. 
 
 ** In a dedication of Knox's Exposition of Ihe Temptalion 
 of Christ, John Field, the publisher, says: " If ever God shall 
 vouchsafe the church so great a benefite; when his inlinite 
 letters, and sundry other treatises shall be gathered together, 
 it shall appear what an excellent man he was, and what a won- 
 derfnll losse that church of Scotland susteined when that wor- 
 tliie man was taken from them. — If, byyourstlfe or others, 30U 
 can procure any other his writings or letters here at home, or 
 abroad in Scotland, be a meane that we may receive them. It 
 were great |)ittie that any the least of his writingcs should be 
 lost; for he evermore wrote both godly and diligently, in ques- 
 tions of divinitie, and also of church pollicie; and nis letters 
 being had togeather, would togeather set out an whole Listorie 
 of the churches where be lived." 
 
 ft In a sermon preached by him at Paul's Cross, before the 
 Parliament of England, Feb. 9, 1588, on 1 John iv. 1. and 
 which was afterwards published. He enlarged on the subject 
 in two posterior treatises, the one entitled, " Dangerous Posi- 
 tions; or Scottish Genevating, and F.nglish Scottizing :" The 
 other " A Survey of the Pretended Holy Discipline.' 
 
 }t John Daviclson, minister first at Libbrrton, and afterwards 
 at Prestonpaus, answered Bancroft in a book entitled, " Dr. 
 Bancroft's Rasbneti in Railing againtt the Kirk of Scotland." 
 
 In discharging this duty they incurred the frowns and 
 resentment of their sovereign. Though educated un- 
 der one of the greatest scholars of the age, and a 
 warm friend to popular liberty, James, in spite of the 
 instructions of Buchanan, turned out a pedant, and 
 cowardice alone prevented him from becoming a tyrant. 
 His early favourites flattered his vanity, fostered his 
 love of arbitrary power, and inspired him with the 
 strongest prejudices against the principles and con- 
 duct of those men who, during his early years, had 
 been the instrument of preserving his life and sup- 
 porting his authority. To secure his succession to the 
 English crown, he entered into a private correspon- 
 dence with Bancroft, and concerted with him the 
 scheme of introducing episcopacy inio the church of 
 Scotland. The presbyterian ministers incurred his 
 deep and lasting displeasure by their determined re- 
 sistance to this design, and by the united and firm 
 opposition which they made to the illegal and despotic 
 measures of his government. He was particularly 
 displeased at the testimony which they publicly bore 
 to the characters of Knox, Buchanan, and the regent 
 Murray, who " could not be defended (he said) but by 
 traitors and seditious theologues." Andrew Melville 
 told him that they were the men who had set the 
 crown on his head, and deserved better of him than 
 to be so traduced. James complained that Knox had 
 spoken disrespectful!)' of his mother ; to which Pat- 
 rick Galloway, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, 
 replied, " if a king or a queen be a murderer, why 
 should they not be called so]" Walter Balcanquhal, 
 another minister of the city, having, in one of his 
 sermons, rebuked those who disparaged the Reformer, 
 the King sent for him, and in a passion protested, that 
 " either he should lose his crown, or Mr. Walter 
 should recant his words." Balcanquhal " prayed God 
 to preserve his crown, but said, that if he had his 
 right wits, the King should have his head, before he 
 recanted any thing he spake."* 
 
 James carried his antipathies to the presbyterian 
 church and reformers along with him to England, and 
 he found it an easy matter to infuse them into the 
 minds of his new subjects. Incensed at the freedom 
 which Buchanan had used in his history of the Scot- 
 tish Reformation, and of the transactions during the 
 reign of Mary, he had formerly procured the condem- 
 nation of that work by an act of parliament. And 
 now he did not think it enough that he had got Camb- 
 den's history of that period manufactured to his mind, 
 but employed agents to induce the French historian, 
 De Thou, to adopt his representations; and because 
 that great man scrupled to receive the royal testimony 
 respecting events which happened before James was 
 born, or when he was a child, in opposition to the 
 most credible evidence, his Majesty was pleased to 
 complain that he had been treated disrespectfully. -J- 
 Charles I. carried these prejudices even farther than 
 his father had done. During his reign, passive obedi- 
 ence, arminianism, and semi-popery formed the court- 
 religion ; Calvinism and presbytery were held in the 
 greatest detestation, and proscribed both as political 
 and religious heresies. In the reign of the second 
 Charles, the court, the bench, the pulpit, the press, 
 and the stage, united in loading presbyterians with 
 every species of abuse, and in holding them forth as a 
 gloomy, unsocial, turbulent, and fanatical race. And 
 a large share of these contumelies uniformly fell on the 
 head of Knox, who, it was alleged, jjiad J) rough t the 
 obnoxious principles of the sect from Gen^yJ, and 
 planted them in his native country, from whicii they 
 had spread into England. The Revolution was effect- 
 ed in England by a coalition of parties of very different 
 
 * Cald. MS. ad an. 1590. Quarto copy in Adv. Lib. vol. ii. 
 p. 260, 261. 
 
 f De Thtiani Hislor. Successu apud Jacobum I. Mag. Brit. 
 Regem. Thuani Hist. Ton), vii. pars. r. Buckley 1733. La- 
 ing\ Hist, of Scotland, i. 228—241. 2nd edit. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 133 
 
 principles, some of which were not of the most liber- 
 al kind. Though this event abated the force of the 
 prejudices alluded to, it by no means removed them; 
 and a considerable time after it took place, the great, 
 the fashionable, and even the learned among the Eng- 
 lish regarded the Scots as only beginning to emerge 
 from that inelegance and barbarism which had been 
 produced among them by the peculiar sentiments of 
 Knox and his followers. 
 
 The great body of his countrymen, however, con- 
 tinued long to entertain a just sense of the great obli- 
 gations which they were under to Knox. After the 
 government of the church of Scotland was conformed 
 to the English model, the Scots prelates still professed 
 to look back to their national Reformer with gratitude 
 and veneration; and archbishop Spolliswood describes 
 him, in his History, as " a man endued with rare 
 gifts, and a chief instrument that God used for the 
 work of those times."* For a considerable time after 
 the Revolution, the Scottish Presbyterians treated with 
 deserved contempt the libels which English writers 
 had published against him ; and blushed not to avow 
 their admiration of a man to whose labours they were 
 indebted for an ecclesiastical establishment, more scrip- 
 tural and more liberal than that of which their neigh- 
 hours could boast. The union first produced a change 
 in our national feelings on this subject. The short- 
 lived jealousy of English predominance felt by many 
 of our countrymen on that occasion, was succeeded by 
 a passion for conformity to our southern neighbours ; 
 and so fond did we become of their good opinion, and 
 so eager to secure it, that we were disposed to sacrifice 
 to their taste and their prejudices, those sentiments 
 which truth as well as national honour required us to 
 retain. Our most popular writers are not exempt from 
 this charge ; and even in works professing to be execu- 
 ted by the united talents of our literati, the misrepre- 
 sentations and gross blunders of which English writers 
 had been guilty in their accounts of our Reformation, 
 and the false and scandalous accusations which they 
 had brought against our reformers, have been generally 
 adopted and widely circulated, instead of meeting 
 with the exposure and reprobation which they justly 
 deserved. 
 
 The prejudices entertained against our Reformer by 
 the friends of absolute monarchy were taken up in all 
 their force, subsequent to the Revolution, by the ad- 
 herents of the Stuart family, whose religious notions 
 approximating very nearly to the popish, joined with 
 their slavish principle respecting non-resistance to 
 kings, led them to disapprove of almost every measure 
 adopted at the time of the Reformation, and to condemn 
 the whole as a series of disorder, sedition, and rebell- 
 ion against lawful authority. The spirit by which the 
 Jacobitish faction was actuated, did not become extinct 
 with the family which was so long the object of their 
 devotion; and while they transferred their allegiance 
 to the house of Hanover, they retained those princi- 
 ples which had incited them repeatedly to attempt its 
 expulsion from the throne. The alarm produced by 
 that revolution which of late has shaken the thrones 
 of so many of the princes of Europe, has greatly 
 increased this party ; and with the view of preserving 
 the present constitution of Britain, principles have 
 been widely disseminated, which, if they had been 
 generally received in the sixteenth century, would 
 have perpetuated the reign of popery and arbitrary 
 power in Scotland. From persons of such principles, 
 nothing favourable to our Reformer can be expected. 
 But the greatest torrent of abuse, poured upon his 
 character, has proceeded from those literary champions 
 who have come forward to avenge the wrongs, and 
 vindicate the innocence of the peerless, and immaculate 
 Mary, Queen of Scots. Having conjured up in their 
 imagination the image of an ideal goddess, they have 
 
 * Spottiswood 261. 
 
 sacrificed, to the object of their adoration, all the char- 
 acters which, in that age, were most estimable for 
 learning, patriotism, integrity, and religion. As if the 
 quarrel which they had espoused exempted them from, 
 the ordinary laws of controversial warfare, and confer- 
 red on them the absolute and undefeasible privilege 
 of calumniating and defaming at pleasure, they have 
 pronounced every person who spoke, wrote, or acted 
 against that Queen, to be a hypocrite or a villain. In 
 the raving style of these writers, Knox was " a fanat- 
 ical incendiary — a holy savage — the son of violence 
 and barbarism — the religious Sachem of religious 
 Mohawks."* 
 
 I cannot do justice to the subject without adverting 
 here to the influence of the popular histories of those 
 transactions, which have been written by two of our 
 own countrymen. The political prejudices and scep- 
 tical opinions of Mr. Hume are well known, and ap- 
 pear prominently in every part of his History of 
 England. Regarding the various systems of religious 
 belief and worship as distinguished from one another 
 merely by different shades of falsehood and supersti- 
 tion, he has been led, by a strange but not inexplicable 
 bias, uniformly to shew the most marked partiality to 
 the grosser and more corrupt forms of religion; has 
 spoken with greater contempt of the Protestants than 
 of the Roman Catholics, and treated the Scottish with 
 greater severity than the English Reformers. Forget- 
 ting what was due to the character of a philosopher, 
 which he was so ambitious to maintain in his other 
 writings, he has acted as the partizan and advocate of 
 a particular family; and, in vindicating some of the 
 worst measures of the Stuarts, has done signal injus- 
 tice to the memory of the most illustrious patriots of 
 both kingdoms. Though convinced that the Queen of 
 Scotland was guilty of the crimes laid to her charge, 
 he has laboured to screen her from the infamy to 
 which a fair and unvarnished statement of facts must 
 have exposed her, by fixing the attention of his readers 
 on an untrue and exaggerated representation of the 
 rudeness of Knox and the other reformers by whom 
 she was surrounded, and by absurdly imputing to their 
 treatment of her the faults into which she was betrayed. 
 No person who is acquainted with the writings of 
 Dr. Robertson will accuse him of being actuated by 
 such improper motives. But the warmest admirers of 
 his History of Scotland cannot deny, that he has been 
 misled by the temptation of making Mary the heroine 
 of his story, and of thus interesting his readers deep- 
 ly in his narrative, by blending the tender and roman- 
 tic with the more dry and uninteresting detail of pub- 
 lic transactions. By a studious exhibition of the 
 personal charms and accomplishments of the Queen, 
 by representing her faults as arising from the unfor- 
 tunate circumstances in which she was placed, by 
 touching gently on the errors of her conduct, while he 
 dwells on the cruelty and the dissimulation of her 
 rival, and by describing her sufferings as exceeding 
 the tragical distresses which fancy has feigned to 
 excite sorrow and commiseration, he throws a veil over 
 those vices which he could not deny ; and by the 
 sympathy which his pathetic account of her death 
 naturally awakens in the minds of his readers, effaces 
 the impressions of her guilt which his preceding 
 narrative had produced. However amiable the feel- 
 ings of the author might be, the tendency of such a 
 representation is evident. " The Dissertation on the 
 murder of King Henry" has, no doubt, convinced 
 many of Mary's accession to the perpetration of that 
 deed ; but the History of Scotland has done more to 
 prepossess the public mind in favour of that princess 
 
 * Whitaker's vindicatioTi of Queen Mary, passim. The 
 same writer desie:ns Buchanan "a serpent — darings calumniator 
 — leviathan of slander — the second of all human forg'ers, and 
 the first of all human slanderers."' Dr. Robertson he calls " a 
 disciple of the old school of slander — a liar-— and one for whom 
 bedlam is no bedlam." 
 
134 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 than all the defences of her most zealous and ingen- 
 ious advocates, and consequently to excite prejudices 
 against those men, who, on the supposition of her guilt, 
 acted a most meritorious part, -and who, in other 
 respects, are entitled to the gratitude and veneration 
 of posterity. 
 
 The increase of infidelity and of indifference to re- 
 ligion in modern times, especially among the learned, 
 has contributed, in no small degree, to swell the tide 
 of prejudice against our Reformer. Whatever satis- 
 faction such persons may express or feel at the ref- 
 ormation from popery, as the means of emancipating 
 the world from superstition and priestcraft, they natu- 
 rally despise and dislike men who were inspired with 
 the love of religion, and in whose plans of reform the 
 acquisition of civil liberty, and the advancement of 
 literature, held a subordinate place to the revival of 
 primitive Christianity. 
 
 Nor can it escape observation, that prejudices against 
 the characters and proceedings of our reformers are 
 now far more general than they formerly were among 
 those who still profess to adhere to their doctrine and 
 system of church government. Impressed with the 
 idea of the high illumination of the present age, and 
 having formed a very low estimate of the attainments 
 of those which preceded it ; imperfectly acquainted 
 with the enormity and extent of the corrupt system of 
 religion which existed in this country at the era of the 
 Reformation ; inattentive to the spirit and principles 
 of the adversaries with whom our reformers were 
 obliged to contend, and to the dangers and difficulties 
 with which they had to struggle, — they have too easi- 
 ly received the calumnies which have been circulated 
 to their prejudice, and rashly condemned measures 
 which will be found, on examination, to have been 
 necessary to secure, and to transmit, the invaluable 
 blessings which we now enjoy. 
 
 Having given this account of the opinions enter- 
 tained respecting our Reformer, I shall endeavour to 
 sketch with as much truth as I can, the leading fea- 
 tures of his character. 
 
 That he possessed strong natural talents is unques- 
 tionable. Inquisitive, ardent, acute ; vigorous and 
 bold in his conceptions; he entered into all the sub- 
 tleties of the scholastic science then in vogue, yet, 
 disgusted with its barren results, sought out a new 
 course of study, which gradually led to a complete 
 revolution in his sentiments. In his early years he 
 had not access to that finished education which many 
 of his contemporaries obtained in foreign universities, 
 and he was afterwards prevented, by his unsettled and 
 active mode of life, from prosecuting his studies with 
 leisure; but his abilities and application enabled him 
 in a great measure to surmount these disadvantages, 
 and he remained a stranger to none of the branches of 
 learning cultivated in that age by persons of his pro- 
 fession. He united in a degree the love of study with 
 a disposition to active employment. The truths which 
 he discovered he felt an irresistible impulse to impart 
 to others, for which he was qualified by a bold, fervid, 
 and impetuous eloquence, singularly adapted to arrest 
 the attention, and govern the minds of a fierce and 
 unpolished people. 
 
 From the time that he embraced the reformed doc- 
 trines, the desire of propagating them, and of deliver- 
 ing his countrymen from the delusions and corruptions 
 of popery, became his ruling passion, to which he was 
 always ready to sacrifice his ease, his interest, his re- 
 
 fiutation, and his life. An ardent attachment to civil 
 iberty held the next place in his breast to love of the 
 reformed religion. That the zeal with which he 
 laboured to advance these was of the most disinterested 
 kind, no candid person who has paid attention to his 
 life can doubt for a moment, whatever opinion may be 
 entertained of some of the means which he employed 
 for thai purpose. " In fact, he thought only of ad- 
 vancing the glory of God, and promoting the welfare 
 
 of his country."* Intrepidity, independence and ele- 
 vation of mind, indefatigable activity, and constancy 
 which no disappointments could shake, eminently 
 qualified him for the hazardous and difficult post which 
 he occupied. His integrity was above the suspicion 
 of corruption : his firmness proof equally against the 
 solicitations of friends, and the threats of enemies. 
 Though his impetuosity and courage led him frequent- 
 ly to expose himself to danger, we never find him 
 neglecting to take prudent precautions for his safety. 
 The confidence reposed in him by his countrymen 
 shews the high opinion which they entertained of his 
 sagacity as well as of his honesty. The measures 
 taken for advancing the reformation were either adopt- 
 ed at his suggestion, or submitted to his advice ; and 
 we must pronounce them to have been as wisely 
 planned, as they were boldly executed. 
 
 His ministerial functions were discharged with the 
 greatest assiduity, fidelity, and fervour. No avocation 
 or infirmity prevented him from appearing in the pulpit^ 
 Preaching was an employment in which he delighted, 
 and for which he was qualified, by an extensive ac- 
 quaintance with the Scriptures, and by the happy art 
 of applying them, in the most striking manner, to the 
 existing circumstances of the church and of his hearers. 
 His powers of alarming the conscience, and arousing 
 the passions, have been frequently mentioned ; but he 
 also excelled in unfolding the consolations of the gos- 
 pel, and in calming the breasts of those who were 
 either agitated by a sense of guilt, or suffering under 
 the ordinary afflictions of life. When he discoursed 
 of the griefs and joys, the conflicts and triumphs of 
 genuine Christians, he declared what he himself had 
 known and experienced. The letters which he wrote 
 to his familiar acquaintances breathe the most ardent 
 piety. The religious meditations in which he spent 
 his last sickness were not confined to that period of 
 his life ; they had been his habitual employment from 
 the lime that he was brought to the knowledge of the 
 truth, and his solace amidst all the hardships and perils 
 through which he had passed. 
 
 With his brethren in the ministry he lived in the 
 most cordiality. We never read of the slightest vari- 
 ance between him and any of his colleagues. While 
 he was dreaded and hated by the licentious and pro- 
 fane, whose vices he never spared, the religious and 
 sober part of his countrymen felt a veneration for him, 
 which was founded on his unblemished reputation, as 
 well as his popular talents as a preacher. In private 
 life, he was both beloved and revered by his friends 
 and domestics. He was subject to the illapses of 
 melancholy and depression of spirits, arising partly 
 from natural constitution, and partly from the maladies 
 which had long preyed upon his health ; which made 
 him (to use his own expression) churlish, and less 
 capable of pleasing and gratifying his friends than he 
 was otherwise disposed to be. This he confessed, and 
 requested them to excuse ;f but his friendship was 
 sincere, affectionate, and steady. When free from this 
 morose affection, he relished the pleasures of society, 
 and, among his acquaintances, was accustomed to un- 
 bend his mind, by indulging in innocent recreation, 
 and in the sallies of wit and humour, to which he had 
 a strong propensity, notwithstanding the graveness of 
 his general deportment. Although in the course of his 
 public life, the severer virtues of his character were 
 more frequently called into action, yet have we met 
 with repeated instances of his acute sensibility ; and 
 the unaffected tenderness which occasionally breaks 
 forth in his private letters shews that he was no stran- 
 ger to *' all the charities" of human life, and that he 
 could " rejoice with them that rejoiced, and weep with 
 them that wept." 
 
 * Mons. Seoebier, ut supra. 
 
 + See ExtracU from his Letters to " Mrs. Locke, 6th April, 
 1559;" and to " A Friend in England, 19th August, 1569;" 
 published iu the Appendix, No. XTl. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 135 
 
 Most of his faults may be traced to his natural tem- 
 perament, and to the character of the age and coun- 
 try in which he lived. His passions were strong ; he 
 felt with the utmost keenness on every subject which 
 interested him; and as he felt he expressed himself, 
 without disguise and without affectation. The warmth 
 of his zeal was apt to betray him into intemperate lan- 
 guage ; his inflexible adherence to his opinions inclined 
 to obstinacy; and his independence of mind occasion- 
 ally assumed the appearance of haughtiness and dis- 
 dain. In one solitary instance, the anxiety which he 
 felt for the preservation of the great cause in which he 
 was so deeply interested, betrayed him into an advice 
 which was not more inconsistent with the laws of 
 strict morality, than it was contrary to the stern up- 
 rightness, and undisguised sincerity, which character- 
 i^d the rest of his conduct. A stranger to compli- 
 mentary or smooth language, little concerned about 
 the manner in which his reproofs were received pro- 
 vided they were merited, too much impressed with the 
 evil of the offence to think of the rank or character of 
 the offender, he often " uttered his admonitions with 
 an acrimony and vehemence more apt to irritate than 
 to reclaim.'' But he protested, at a time when per- 
 sons are least in danger of deception, and in a manner 
 which should banish every suspicion of the purity of 
 his motives, that, in his sharpest rebukes, he was in- 
 fluenced by hatred of vice, not of the vicious, that his 
 great aim was to reclaim the guilty, and that, in using 
 those means which were necessary for this end, he 
 frequently did violence to his own feelings. 
 
 Those who have charged him with insensibility and 
 inhumanity, have fallen into a mistake very common 
 with superficial thinkers, who, in judging of the cha- 
 racters of persons who lived in a state of society very 
 different from their own, have pronounced upon their 
 moral qualities from the mere aspect of their exterior 
 manners. He was austere, not unfeeling; stern, not 
 savage; vehement, not vindictive. There is not an 
 instance of his employing his influence to revenge any 
 persona] injury which he had received. Rigid as his 
 maxims respecting the execution of justice were, there 
 are numerous instances on record of his interceding for 
 the pardon of criminals ; and, unless when crimes were 
 atrocious, or when the welfare of the state was in the 
 most imminent danger, he never exhorted the execu- 
 tive government to the exercise of severity. The bold- 
 ness and ardour of his mind, called forth by the pecu- 
 liar circumstances of the times, led him to push his 
 sentiments on some subjects to an extreme, and no 
 consideration could induce him to retract an opinion 
 of which he continued to be persuaded; but his beha- 
 viour after his publication against female government 
 proves, that he was not disposed to employ them to 
 the disturbance of the public peace. His conduct at 
 Frankfort evinced his moderation in religious differ- 
 ences among brethren of the same faith, and his dispo- 
 sition to make all reasonable allowances for those who 
 could not go the same length with him in reformation, 
 provided they abstained from imposing upon the con- 
 sciences of others. The liberties which he took in 
 censuring from the pulpit the actions of individuals, 
 of the highest rank and station, appear the more strange 
 and intolerable to us, when contrasted with the timidity 
 of modern times; but we should recollect that they 
 were then common, and that they were not without 
 their utility, in an age when the licentiousness and op- 
 pression of the great and powerful often set at defiance 
 the ordinary restraints of law. 
 
 In contemplating such a character as that of Knox, 
 it is not the man, so much as the reformer, that ought 
 to engage our attention. The talents which are suited 
 to one age and station would be altogether unsuitable 
 to another; and the wisdom displayed by providence, 
 in raising up persons endowed with qualities singular- 
 ly adapted to the work which they have to perform for 
 the benefit of mankind, demands our particular consi- 
 
 deration. We must admire the austere and rough re- 
 former, whose voice once '' cried in the wilderness"' 
 of Judea, who was "clothed with camel's hair, and 
 girt about the loins with a leathern girdle," who " came 
 neither eating nor drinking," but "laying the axe to 
 the root of every tree, warned a generation of vipers to 
 flee from the wrath to come," saying even to the tyrant 
 upon the throne, " It is not lawful for thee." And 
 we must consider him as fitted tor serving the will of 
 God in his generation," according to his rank and 
 place, as well as his Divine Master, whose advent he 
 announced, who " did not strive, nor cry, nor cause 
 his voice to be heard in the streets, nor break the 
 bruised reed, nor quench the smoking flax." To those 
 who complain, that they are disappointed at not find- 
 ing, in our national Reformer, courteous manners, and 
 a winning address, we may say, in the language of mr 
 Lord to the .Tews concerning the Baptist; "What 
 went ye out into the wilderness for to see ? A reed 
 shaken with the wind % What went ye out for to see? 
 A man clothed in soft raiment? Behold, they which 
 are gorgeously apparelled, and live delicately, are in 
 kings' courts. But what went ye out for to see ? A 
 prophet? Yea, I say unto you, and more than a pro- 
 phet." To "the men of this generation," as well as 
 to the Jews of old, we may apply the parable of the 
 "children sitting in the market-place, and calling one 
 to another, and saying, We have piped unto you, and 
 ye have not danced ; we have mourned unto you, and 
 ye have not wept." Disaffection to the work often 
 lurks under cavils against the instruments by which it 
 is carried on ; and had Knox been soft and yielding in 
 his temper, he would have been pronounced unfit for 
 his ofl[ice by the very persons who now censure his 
 harshness and severity. " But Wisdom is justified 
 of all her children."* Before the Reformation, super- 
 stition, shielded by ignorance, and armed with power, 
 governed with gigantic sway. Men of mild spirits, 
 and of gentle manners, would have been as unfit for 
 taking the field against this enemy, as a dwarf or a 
 child for encountering a giant. " What did Erasmus 
 in the days of Luther? What would Lowth have done 
 in the days of Wicliffe, or Blair in those of Knox?" 
 It has been justly observed concerning our Reformer, 
 that "those very qualities which now render his cha- 
 racter less amiable, fitted him to be the instrument of 
 providence for advancing the Reformation among a 
 fierce people, and enabled him to face danger, and 
 surmount opposition, from which a person of a more 
 gentle spirit would have been apt to shrink back."f 
 Viewing his character in this light, if we cannot regard 
 him as an amiable man, we may, without hesitation, 
 pronounce him a Great Reformer. 
 
 The most disinterested of the nobility, who were 
 embarked with him in the same cause, sacrificed on 
 some occasions the public^good to their private inter- 
 ests, and disappointed the hopes which he had formed 
 of them. The most upright of his associates in the 
 ministry relaxed their exertions, or suffered themselves 
 at times to be drawn into measures that were unsuit- 
 able to their station, and hurtful to the reformed reli- 
 gion. Goodman, after being adopted by the church 
 of Scotland, and ranked among her reformers, yielded 
 so far to the love of his native country as to desert a 
 people who were warmly attached to him, and return 
 to the bosom of a less pure church which received him 
 with coldness and distrust. Willock, after acquitting 
 himself honourably from the commencement of the in- 
 teresting conflict, withdrew before the victory was 
 completely secured, and, wearied out with the succes- 
 sive troubles in which his country was involved, 
 sought a retreat for himself in England. Craig, being 
 left without the assistance of his colleague, and placed 
 between two conflicting parties, betrayed his fears by 
 having recourse to temporizing measures. Douglas, 
 
 * Luke vii. 35. 
 
 f Robertson, Hist, of Scotland. 
 
136 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 in his old age, became the dupe of persons whose rapa- 
 city had empoverished the protestant church. And 
 each of the superintendents was, at one time or another, 
 complained of for neglect or for partialit)', in the dis- 
 charge of his functions. But from llie time that the 
 standard of truth was first raised by Knox in his native 
 country, till it dropped from his hands at death, he 
 never shrunk from danger, never consulted his own 
 ease or advantage, never entered into any compromise 
 with the enemy, never was bribed or frightened into 
 cowardly silence; but keeping his eye singly and 
 steadily fixed on the advancement of religion and of 
 liberty, — supported throughout the character of the 
 Reformer of Scotland. 
 
 Knox bore a striking resemblance to Luther in per- 
 sonal intrepidity, and in popular eloquence. He ap- 
 proached nearest to Calvin in his religious sentiments, 
 in the severity of his manners, and in a certain impres- 
 sive air of melancholy which pervaded his character. 
 And he resembled Zuinglius in his ardent attachment 
 to the principles of civil liberty, and in combining his 
 exertions for the reformation of the church with uni- 
 form endeavours to improve the political state of the 
 people. Not that I would place our Reformer on a 
 level with this illustrious triumvirate. There is a 
 splendour which surrounds the great German Reformer, 
 partly arising from the intrinsic heroism of his charac- 
 ter, and partly reflected from the interesting situation 
 in which his long and doubtful struggle with the court 
 of Rome placed him in the eyes of Europe, which re- 
 moves him at a distance from all who started in the 
 same glorious career. The Genevan Reformer sur- 
 passed Knox in the extent of his theological learning, 
 and in the unrivalled solidity and clearness of his judg- 
 ment. And the Reformer of Switzerland, though infe- 
 rior to him in masculine elocution, and in daring cou- 
 rage, excelled him in self-command, in prudence, and 
 in that species of eloquence which steals into the heart, 
 which persuades without irritating, and governs with- 
 out assuming the tone of authority. But although "he 
 attained not to the first three," I know not, among all 
 the eminent men who appeared at that period, any 
 name which is so well entitled to be placed next to 
 theirs as that of Knox, whether we consider the talents 
 with which he was endowed, or the important services 
 which he performed. 
 
 There are perhaps few who have attended to the 
 active and laborious exertions of our Reformer, who 
 have not been insensibly led to form the opinion that 
 he was of a robust constitution. This is however a 
 mistake. He was of a small stature, and of a weakly 
 habit of body ;* a circumstance which serves to give 
 us a higher idea of the vigour of his mind. His por- 
 trait seems to have been taken more than once during 
 his life, and has been frequently engraved. f It con- 
 tinues still to frown in the anti-chamber of Queen Mary, 
 to whom he was often an ungracious visitor. We dis- 
 cern in it the traits of his characteristic intrepidity, 
 austerity, and keen penetration. Nor can we overlook 
 his beard, which, according to the custom of the times, 
 he wore long, and reaching to his middle; a circum- 
 stance which I mention the rather, because some writ- 
 ers have gravely assured us, that it was the chief thing 
 which procured him reverence among his countrymen. J 
 A popish author has informed us, that he was gratified 
 with having his picture drawn, and has expressed 
 much horror at this, seeing he had caused all the 
 images of the saints to be broken. || 
 
 * " (laud Kcio an unquani — ma^is ingenium injrugili et imhe- 
 cillo corpusculo collocarit." Siiiet. Resp. ad Dial. Hamilt. p. 1 15. 
 
 + A print of him, cut in wood, was inserted by Beza, iu his 
 Iconet. There is another in Verheideni Imagines. See also 
 Grain^r's Biopraphiral History of England, i 164. 
 
 \ Henry Fovvlis, apu<l Mackenzie's Lives of Scottish Writers, 
 ii. 132. The learned Fellow of Lincoln College had perhaps 
 discovered that the mag-ical virtue, which the popish writers 
 ascribed to Knox, resided in his beard. 
 
 |{" Audivi niente captos hereticos Scotos eo etiam insanise 
 
 There is one charge against him which I have not 
 yet noticed. He has been accused of setting up for a 
 prophet, of presuming to intrude into the secret coun- 
 sel of God, and of enthusiastically confounding the 
 suggestions of his own imagination, and the effusions 
 of his own spirit, with the dictates of inspiration, and 
 immediate communications from heaven. Let us exa- 
 mine this accusation a little. It is proper, in the first 
 place, to hear his own statement of the grounds on 
 which he proceeded in many of those warnings which 
 have been denominated predictions. Having, in one 
 of his treatises, denounced the judgments to which the 
 inhabitants of England exposed themselves, by re- 
 nouncing the gospel, and returning to idolatry, he 
 gives the following explication of the warrant which 
 he had for his threatenings. "Ye wald knaw the 
 groundis of my certitude. God grant that, hering 
 thame, ye may understand, and stedfastlie believe the 
 same. My assurances ar not the mervalles of Merlin, 
 nor yit the dark sentences of prophane prophesies; but 
 the plane treuth of Godis word, the invincibill justice 
 of the everlasting God, and the ordinarie coursofhis 
 punismentis and plagis frome the beginning, ar my 
 assurance and groundis. Godis word threalneth de- 
 structioun to all inobedient; his immutabill justice 
 man requyre the same; the ordinar punishments and 
 plaguis schawls exempillis. What man then can ceis 
 to prophesiel"* We find him expressing himself in 
 a similar way, in his defence of the threatenings which 
 he uttered against those who had been guilty of the 
 murder of king Henry, and the regent Murray. He 
 refused that he had spoken " as one that entered into 
 the secret counsel of God," and insisted that he had 
 merely declared the judgment which was pronounced 
 in the divine law against murderers, and which had 
 often been exemplified in the vengeance which over- 
 took them even in this life.f In so far then his threat- 
 enings, or prediction?, (for so he repeatedly calls them) 
 do not stand in need of an apology. 
 
 There are, however, several of his sayings that can- 
 not be vindicated upon these principles, and which he 
 himself rested upon different grounds. :J: Of this kind 
 were the assurance which he expressed, from the be- 
 ginning of the Scottish troubles, that the cause of the 
 Congregation would ultimately prevail ; his confident 
 hope of again preaching in his native country and at 
 St. Andrews, avowed by him during his imprisonment 
 on board the French galleys, and frequently repeated 
 during his exile ; with the intimations which he gave 
 respecting the death of Thomas Maitland, and Kircal- 
 dy of Grange. It cannot be denied that his contempo- 
 raries considered these as proceeding from a prophetic 
 spirit, and have attested that they received an exact 
 accomplishment. Without entering on a particular ex- 
 amination of these instances, or venturing to give a 
 decisive opinion repecting any of them, T shall con- 
 fine myself at present to a few general observations. 
 
 The most easy way of getting rid of this delicate 
 subject is to dismiss it at once, and summarily to pro- 
 nounce that all pretensions to extraordinary premoni- 
 tions, since the completing of the canon of inspiration, 
 ar^ unwarranted, and that they ought, without examin- 
 ation, to be discarded and treated as fanciful and vis- 
 
 aliquando veni$se,quod sceleratissiuii.atque omnium literarum 
 iuiperiti»slmi nebulonis Knox, pessinii haeretici, qui otuuei 
 imagines sanctorum frangi praeceperat, iniaginem suam noo 
 tarn fabricari passum fuisse, quani jam fabricatam non parum 
 probasse." Laingteus de Vita et Moribus Ha;retic. p. 65-6. 
 The same writer tells us, as a proof of Calvin's vain-glory, that 
 he allowed his picture to be carried about on the necks of the 
 men and women, like that of a god; and that, when reminded 
 that the picture of Christ was as precious as his, he returned a 
 profane "answer; " fertur cum hoc tantum respondisse, Qui 
 huic rei invidet crepet medius." Ibid. 
 
 » Letter to the Faithful in Londoun, Newcastell, and Bar 
 wick, apud MS. Letters, p. 113. 
 
 -f Bannatyne, 111, 112, 420, 421. 
 
 \ See the Epistle to the Reader, prefixed to bis Sermon, 
 Append, to History, p. 113. Edin. 1644, 4to. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 137 
 
 ionary. Nor would this fix any peculiar imputation 
 on the character or talents of our Reformer, when it 
 is considered that the most learned persons of that age 
 were under the influence of a still greater weakness, 
 and strongly addicted to the belief of judicial astrology. 
 But I doubt much if this method of determining the 
 question would be doing justice to the subject. Est 
 periculum, ne, aut negledis hts, impia fraude, aut sus- 
 ceptts, anili super stitione, obligemur.* On the one 
 hand, the disposition which mankind discover to pry 
 into the secrets of futurity, has been always accompa- 
 nied with much credulity and superstition ; and it can- 
 not be denied, that the age in which our Reformer 
 lived was prone to credit the marvellous, especially as 
 to the infliction of divine judgments on individuals. 
 A prudent enquirer who is aware of this, will not be 
 disposed to acknowledge as preternatural whatever 
 was formerly regarded in this light, and will be on 
 his guard against the illusions of imagination as to 
 impressions which may be made on his own mind. 
 But, on the other hand, there is danger of running into 
 scepticism, and of laying down general principles 
 which may lead us obstinately to contest the truth of 
 the best authenticated facts, and to limit the operations 
 of divine providence. This is the extreme to which 
 the present age inclines. That there have been in- 
 stances of persons having had presentiments as to 
 events which afterwards did happen to themselves 
 and others, there is, I think, the best reason to believe. 
 The esprits forts, who laugh at vulgar credulity, and 
 exert their ingenuity in accounting for such phenomena, 
 on ordinary principles, have been exceedingly puzzled 
 with some of these facts, a great deal more puzzled 
 than they have confessed ; and the solutions which 
 they have given are, in some instances, as mysterious 
 as any thing included in the intervention of superior 
 spirits, or in preternatural and divine intimations. f 
 The canon of our faith, as Christians, is contained in 
 the scriptures of the Old and New Testament ; we 
 must not look to impressions or new revelations as the 
 rule of our duty ; but that God may, on particular 
 occasions, forewarn persons of some things which 
 shall happen, to testify his approbation of them, to 
 encourage them to confide in him in circumstances of 
 peculiar difficulty, or to serve other important purposes, 
 is not, I think, inconsistent with the principles of 
 either natural or revealed religion. If to believe this 
 be enthusiasm, it is an enthusiasm into which some of 
 the most enlightened and sober men, in modern as well 
 as ancient times, have fallen. :j: Some of the reform- 
 ers were men of singular piety ; they were exposed to 
 uncommon opposition, and had uncommon services to 
 perform ; they were endued with extraordinary gifts, 
 and, I am inclined to believe, were occasionally fa- 
 voured with extraordinary premonitions, with respect 
 to certain events which concerned themselves, other 
 
 * Cicero de Divinat. lib. i. 4. 
 
 + This is acknowleclg-ed by one who had attempted this 
 more frequently, and with greater acuteness, than any of tlicni. 
 " De tels faits, dont I'univei's est tout plein, embarassent plus 
 leg esprits forts qu'ils ne le tenioignent." Bayle, Dictionnaire, 
 Art. Maldonat, Note G. What he saj's, elsewhere, of dreams 
 may be applied to this subject ; " they contain infinitely less 
 mystery than the multitude believe, and a little more than 
 sceptics believe; and those who reject them wholly give reason 
 either to suspect their sincerity, or to charge them with preju- 
 dice and incapacity to discern the force of evidence." Ibid. 
 Art. Majus. Note, D. 
 
 J " Setting aside these sorts of divination as extremely sus- 
 picious, (says a modern author, who was not addicted to en- 
 thusiastic notions) there remain predictions by dreams, and by 
 sudden impulses, upon persons who were not of the fraternity 
 of impostors ; these were allowed to be sometimes preter- 
 natural by many of the learned pagans, and cannot, I think, be 
 disproved, and should not 1)e totally rejected." Dr. Jortin's 
 Remarks on Ecclesinstical History, vol. i. p. 93. See also p. 45, 
 77. Lond. Iff05. The learned reader may also consult the 
 epicrisis of Witsius on this question; the whole dissertation, 
 intended chieflv to expose the opposite extreme, is well entitled 
 to a perusal. Miscellanea Sacra, torn. i. p. 391. 
 
 individuals, or the church in general. But whatever 
 intimations of this kind they received, they did not rest 
 the authority of their mission upon these, nor appeal 
 to them as constituting any part of the evidence of 
 those doctrines which they preached to the world. 
 
 Our Reformer left behind him a widow, and five 
 children. His two sons, Nathanael and Eleazar, were 
 born to him by his first wife, Mrs. Marjory Bowes. 
 We have already seen that, about the year 1566, they 
 went to England, where their mother's relations re- 
 sided. They received their education at St. John's 
 college, in the university of Cambridge ; their names 
 being enrolled in the matriculation-book only eight 
 days after the death of their father. Nathanael, the 
 eldest of them, after obtaining the degrees of Bachelor 
 and Master of Arts, and being admitted Fellow of the 
 College, died in 1580. Eleazar, the youngest son, in 
 addition to the honours attained by his brother, was 
 created Bachelor of Divinity, ordained one of the 
 preachers of the University, and admitted to the Vicar- 
 age of Clacton-Magna. He died in 1591, and was 
 buried in the chapel of St. John's College.* It ap- 
 pears that both of them died without issue, and the 
 family of the Reformer became extinct in the male 
 line. His other children were daughters by his second 
 wife. The General Assembly testified their respect 
 for his memory by allotting a pension to his widow 
 and three daughters ;| and the regent Morton, although 
 charged with great avarice during his administration, 
 treated them with uniform attention and kindness.:}: 
 Dame Margaret Stewart, his widow, afterwards mar- 
 ried Sir Andrew Ker of Fadounside, a strenuous sup- 
 porter of the Reformation. (I One of our Reformer's 
 daughters was married to Robert Pont, minister of St. 
 Cutberts ;§ another of them to James Flemming, 
 also a minister of the church of Scotland ;% Eliza- 
 beth, the third daughter, was married to John Welch, 
 minister of Ayr.** 
 
 Mrs. Welch seems to have inherited a considerable 
 portion of her father's spirit, and she had her share of 
 hardships similar to his. Her husband was one of 
 those patriotic ministers who resisted the arbitrary 
 measures pursued by James VI. for overturning the 
 government and liberties of the presbyterian church of 
 Scotland. Being determined to abolish the General 
 Assembly, James had, for a considerable time, prevent- 
 ed the meetings of that court by successive proroga- 
 tions. Perceiving the design of the court, a number 
 of the delegates from synods resolved to keep the diet 
 which had been appointed to be held at Aberdeen in 
 July 1605. They merely constituted the Assembly 
 and appointed a day for its next meeting, and being 
 charged by Laurieston, the King's Commissioner, to 
 
 * Newcourt's Repert. Londin. ii. 154. Communications 
 from I\lr. Thomas Baker, apud Life of Knox» prefixed to His- 
 toric of the Reformation, edit. 1732, p. xli. xlii. 
 
 f III the records of the General Assembly, March 1573, is 
 the following act. "The Assemblie, considering that the 
 travels of uniqll Johne Knox merits favourablie to be reniera- 
 brit in his posteritie, gives to Margaret Stewart, his relict, and 
 hir thrie daughters of the said umqll Johne, the pensione qlk 
 he himselfe had, in his tyme, of the kirk, and that for the year 
 aproachand, and following his deceis, of the year of God 1573, 
 to their education and support, extending to five hundreth 
 merks money, twa ch. qunait, sax ch. beir, four ch. aittes." 
 Bulk of the Universall Kirk, p. 56. 
 
 t Melville's MS. Diary, p. 39. 
 
 11 Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, p. 522. 
 
 I See Note LXIIl. 
 
 tT He was the grandfather of Mr. Robert Fleming, minister 
 in London, and author of the well known book, The Fulfilling 
 of the Scriptures. But Mr. Robert's father was of a diflerent 
 marriage. Fleming's Practical Discourse on the Death of King 
 Williani, preface, p. 14. Lond. 1702. 
 
 ** Life of Mr. John Welch, p. 9. printed at Edinburgh, 
 1703. He was the fatlier of Mr. Josias Welch, minister of 
 Templepatrick in Ireland, and grandfather of Mr. John Welch, 
 minister of Irongray, in Galloway, who lived during the Scots 
 episcopal persecution. [For some additional particulars, see 
 Note LXIY.— Ed.] 
 
138 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, 
 
 dissolve, immediately obeyed. But the Commissioner 
 having antedated the charge, several of the leading 
 members were thrown into prison. Welch and five 
 of his brethren, when called before the Privy Council, 
 declined that court as incompetent to judge the offence 
 of which they were accused, according to the laws of 
 the kingdom ; on which account they were indicted to 
 stand trial for treason at Linlithgow. Their trial was 
 conducted in the most illegal and unjust manner. 
 The King's Advocate told the jury that the only thing 
 which came under their cognizance was the fact of the 
 declinature, the judges having already found that it 
 was treasonable ; and threatened them with an azize 
 of error, if they did not proceed as he directed them. 
 After the jury were empannelled, the Justice-Clerk 
 went in and threatened them with his Majesty's dis- 
 pleasure, if they acquitted the prisoners. The greater 
 part of the jurors being still reluctant, the Chancellor 
 went out and consulted with the other judges, who 
 promised that no punishment should be inflicted on the 
 prisoners, provided the jury brought in a verdict agree- 
 ably to the court. By such disgraceful methods, they 
 were induced, at midnight, to find by a majority of 
 three that the prisoners were guilty, upon which they 
 were condemned to suffer the death of traitors.* 
 
 Leaving her children at Ayr, Mrs. Welch attended 
 her husband in prison, and was present at Linlithgow, 
 with the wives of the other prisoners, on the day of 
 trial. When informed of the sentence, these heroines, 
 instead of lamenting their fate, praised God who had 
 given their husbands courage to stand the cause of 
 their Master, adding, that, like Him, they had been 
 judged and condemned under the covert of night.f 
 
 The sentence of death having been changed into 
 banishment, she accompanied her husband to France, 
 where they remained for sixteen years. Mr. Welch 
 applied himself with such assiduity to the acquisition 
 of the language of the country, that he was able, in 
 the course of fourteen weeks, to preach in French, and 
 was chosen minister to a protestant congregation at 
 Nerac, from which he was translated to St. Jean 
 D'Angely, a fortified town in Lower Charente. War 
 having broken out between Lewis XHL and his pro- 
 testant subjects, St. Jean D'Angely was besieged by 
 the King in person. On this occasion, Welch not 
 only animated the inhabitants of the town to a vigor- 
 ous resistance by his exhortations, but he appeared 
 on the walls and gave his assistance to the garrison. 
 The king was at last admitted into the town in conse- 
 quence of a treaty, and being displeased that Welch 
 preached during his residence in it, sent the Duke 
 D'Espernon, with a company of soldiers, to take him 
 from the pulpit. When the preacher saw the Duke 
 enter the church, he ordered his hearers to make room 
 for the Marshal of France, and desired him to sit 
 down and hear the word of God. He spoke with such 
 an air of authority that the Duke involuntarily took a 
 seat, and listened to the sermon with great gravity and 
 attention. He then brought him to the King, who 
 asked him, how he durst preach there, since it was 
 contrary to the laws of the kingdom for any of the 
 pretended reformed to officiate in places where the 
 court resided. " Sir," replied Welch, "if your Ma- 
 jesty knew what I preached, you would not only come 
 and hear it yourself, but make all France hear it; for 
 I preach not as those men you use to hear. First, I 
 preach that you must he saved by the merits of Jesus 
 Christ, and not your own (and I am sure your con- 
 
 * Matthew Crawfurd's History of the church of Scotland, 
 MS. Tol. i. 258—283. The Reformation of Religion in Scot- 
 land, written by Mr. John Forbes. MS. p. 131—151. The 
 copy of this last history which is in my poMession was transcri- 
 bed "ex Authoris authographo," in the year 1726. The 
 author wa» one of the condemned ministers. His narrative 
 properly begins at the year 1580, but is chiefly occupied in 
 detailing the transactions which preceded and' followed the 
 Aatembly at Aberdeen. f Row s MS. Historie, p. Ill, 122. 
 
 science tells you that your good works will never merit 
 heaven :) Next, I preach, that, as you are a king of 
 France, there is no man on earth above you ; but these 
 men whom you hear, subject you to the Pope of 
 Rome, which I will never do." Pleased with this 
 reply, Lewis said to him, He bien, vous seriez mon 
 Ministre ,-* and addressing him by the title of Father, 
 assured him of his protection. And he was as good 
 as his word ; for St. Jean D'Angely being reduced by 
 the royal forces in 1621, the king gave directions to 
 De Vitry, one of his generals, to take care of his 
 Minister ; in consequence of which, Welch and his 
 family were conveyed at his Majesty's expense to 
 Rochelle.f 
 
 Having lost his health, and the physicians inform- 
 ing him that the only prospect which he had of re- 
 covering it was by returning to his native country, 
 Mr. Welch ventured, in the year 1622, to come to 
 London. But his own sovereign was incapable of 
 treating him with the generosity which he had experi- 
 enced from, the French monarch ; and, dreading the 
 influence of a man who was far gone with a consump- 
 tion, he absolutely refused to give him permission to 
 return to Scotland. Mrs. Welch, by means of some 
 of her mother's relations at court, obtained access to 
 James, and petitioned him to grant this liberty to her 
 husband. The following singular conversation took 
 place on that occasion. His Majesty asked her, who 
 was her father. She replied, " Mr. Knox." " Knox 
 and Welch !" exclaimed he, " the Devil never made 
 such a match as that." — " Its right like. Sir," said she, 
 " for we never speired:|: his advice." He asked her, 
 how many children her father had left, and if they 
 were lads or lasses. She said, three, and they were all 
 lasses. " God be thanked !" cried the king, lifting 
 up both his hands ; " for an they had been three lads, 
 I had never bruiked|| my three kingdoms in peace." 
 She again urged her request, that he would give her 
 husband his native air. " Give him his native air !" 
 replied the king, " Give him the devil !" a morsel 
 which James had often in his mouth. " Give that to 
 your hungry courtiers," said she, offended at his pro- 
 faneness. He told her at last, that, if she would per- 
 suade her husband to submit to the bishops, he would 
 allow him to return to Scotland. Mrs. Welch, lifting 
 up her apron, and holding it towards the King, replied, 
 in the true spirit of her rather, " Please your Majesty, 
 I'd rather kep§ his head there."!]' 
 
 * " Very well, you shall be my Minister." 
 
 t History of Mr. John Welch, p. 31—33. Edinburo-h. 1703. 
 Characteristics of Eminent ministers, subjoined to Livmgston's 
 Life. Art. John Welch. Mr. Livingston received his account 
 of the above, transactions in France, from Lord Kenniure, who 
 resided in Mr. Welch's house. It does not appear who was 
 the author of the History of Welch, but he says that he receiv- 
 ed his information from the personal acquaintances of that 
 minister. That tract contains an account of an extraordinarr 
 occurrence in the life of the first Lord Casflestewart, (ancestor 
 of Lord Castlereagh) who, when a young man, lodged with 
 Mr. Welch in France. 
 
 i 'Tis very likely — for we never asked, &c. 
 
 II If they had been three lads, I would never have en- 
 joyed, &c. 
 
 } " I would rather receive his head" in my apron, when 
 severed from his lx)dy by the executioner. 
 
 % I met with the account of this conversation in a MS. 
 written by Mr. Robert Traill, minister in London, entitled, 
 " An Accompt of Several Passages in the Lives of some Emi- 
 nent Men in the Nation, not recorded in any history." It is 
 inserted in the heart of a common-place book, containing notes 
 of sermons, &c. written by him when a student of divinity at St. 
 Andrews, between 1659 and 1663. He received the account 
 from aged persons, and says, that the conference between king 
 James and Mrs. Welch "is current to this day, in the mouths 
 of many." I have since seen the same story in Wodrow's MS. 
 Collections, vol. i. Life of Welch, n. 27. Bibl. Coll. Glas. 
 James stood much in awe of Mr. Welch, who often reproved 
 him for his habit of profane swearing. It is said, that if he 
 had, at any time, been swearing in a public place, he would 
 have turned round, and asked, if Welch was near. Traill's 
 MS. ut supra. 
 
LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 139 
 
 The account of our Reformer's publication has been 
 partly anticipated in the course of the preceding 
 narrative. Though his writings were of great utility, 
 it was not by them, but by his personal exertions, that 
 he chiefly advanced the Reformation, and transmitted 
 his name to posterity. He did not view this as the 
 field in which he was called to labour. " That I did 
 not in writing communicate my judgment upon the 
 scriptures (says he,) I have ever thought myself to 
 have most just reason. For, considering myself rath- 
 er called of my God to instruct the ignorant, comfort 
 the sorrowful, confirm the weak, and rebuke the proud, 
 by tongue and lively voice, in these most corrupt days, 
 than to compose books for the age to come (seeing that 
 so much is written, and by men of most singular eru- 
 dition, and yet so little well-observed ;) I decreed to 
 contain myself within the bounds of that vocation 
 whereunto I found myself especially called."* This 
 resolution was most judiciously formed. His situation 
 was very different from that of the first protestant re- 
 formers. They found the whole world in ignorance 
 of the doctrines of Christianity. Men were either 
 destitute of books, or such as they possessed were 
 calculated only to mislead. The oral instructions of a 
 few individuals could extend but a small way ; it was 
 principally by means of their writings, which circula- 
 ted with amazing rapidity, that they benefited man- 
 kind, and became not merely the instructors of the 
 particular cities and countries where they resided and 
 preached, but the reformers of Europe. By the time 
 that Knox appeared on the field, their translations of 
 Scripture, their judicious commentaries on its different 
 books, and their able defences of its doctrines, were 
 laid open to the English reader.f What was more 
 immediately required of him was to use the peculiar 
 talent in which he excelled, and, "by tongue and 
 lively voice," to imprint the doctrines of the Bible 
 upon the hearts of his countrymen. When he was 
 deprived of an opportunity of doing this during his 
 exile, there could not be a more proper substitute than 
 that which he adopted, by publishing familiar epistles, 
 exhortations, and admonitions, in which he briefly 
 reminded them of the truths which they had embraced, 
 and warned them to flee from the abominations of the 
 popish church. These could be circulated and read 
 with far more ease, and to a far greater extent, than 
 large treatises. 
 
 Of the many sermons preached by him during his 
 ministry, he published but one, which was extorted 
 from him by peculiar circumstances. It affords a very 
 favourable specimen of his talents ; and shews, that 
 if he had applied himself to writing, he was qualified 
 for excelling in that department. He had a ready 
 command of language, and expressed himself with 
 great perspicuity, animation, and force. Though he 
 despised the tinsel of rhetoric, he was acquainted with 
 the principles of that art, and when he had leisure and 
 inclination to polish his style, wrote with propriety 
 and even with elegance. Tfiose who have read his 
 Letter to the Queen Regent, his Answer to Tyrie, or 
 his papers in the account of the dispute with Kennedy, 
 will be satisfied of this. During his residence in 
 
 * Preface to his Sermon, apud History, p. 113. Edin. 1644. 
 
 f Those who have not directed their attention to this point 
 cannot easily conceive to what extent the translation of foreign 
 theological books into our language was carried at that time. 
 There was scarcely a book of any celebrity published in Latin 
 by the continental reformers, that did not appear in an English 
 version. Bibliographers, and the annalists of printing, are 
 very defective in the information vchich they communicate on 
 this branch. 
 
 England, he acquired the habit of writing the language 
 according to the manner of that country ; and in all his 
 publications which appeared during his life-time, the 
 English and not the Scottish orthography, and mode 
 of expression, are used.* In this respect, there is a 
 very evident difference between them and the vernacu- 
 lar writings of Buchanan. 
 
 The freedoms which have been used with his wri- 
 tings, in the editions commonly read, have greatly in- 
 jured them. They were translated into the language 
 which was used in the middle of the seventeenth cen- 
 tury, by which they were deprived of the antique cos- 
 tume which they formerly wore, and contracted an air 
 of vulgarity which did not originally belong to them. 
 Besides this, they have been reprinted with innumera- 
 ble omissions, interpolations, and alterations, which 
 frequently affect the sense, and always enfeeble the 
 language. Another circumstance which has impaired 
 his literary reputation is, that the two works which 
 have been most read, are the least accurate and polish- 
 ed, as to style, of all his writings. His tract against 
 female government was hastily published by him, 
 under great irritation of mind at the increasing cruelty 
 of Queen Mary of England. His History of the Re- 
 formation was undertaken during the confusions of the 
 civil war, and was afterwards continued by him at in- 
 tervals snatched from numerous avocations. The col- 
 lection of historical materials is a work of labour and 
 time ; the digesting and arranging of them into a regu- 
 lar narrative require much leisure and undivided atten- 
 tion. The want of these sufficiently accounts for the 
 confusion that is often observable in that work. But 
 notwithstanding this, and particular mistakes from 
 which no work of the kind can be free, it still continues 
 to be the principal source of information as to ecclesi- 
 astical proceedings in that period ; and although great 
 keenness has been shewn in attacking its authenticity 
 and accuracy, it has been confirmed, in all the leading 
 facts, by an examination of those ancient documents 
 which the industry of later times has brought to light.t 
 
 His defence of Predestination, the only theological 
 treatise of any size which was published by him, is 
 rare, and has been seen by few. It is written with 
 perspicuity, and discovers his controversial acuteness, 
 with becoming caution, in handling that delicate ques- 
 tion. A catalogue of his publications, as complete as 
 I have been able to draw up, shall be inserted in the 
 notes.ij: 
 
 I have thus attempted to give an account of our na- 
 tional Reformer, of the principal events of his life, of 
 his sentiments, his writings, and his exertions in the 
 cause of religion and liberty. If what I have done 
 shall contribute to set his character in a more just light 
 than that in which it has been generally represented, 
 and to correct the erroneous views of it which have long 
 been prevalent; if it shall tend to elucidate the eccle- 
 siastical history of that period, or be the means of illus- 
 trating the superintendence of a wise and merciful 
 Providence, in the accomplishment of a revolution of 
 all others the most interesting and beneficial to this 
 country, I shall not think any labour which I have be- 
 stowed on the subject to have been thrown away, or 
 unrewarded. 
 
 * It is to this that Ninian Winget refers, in one of his letters 
 addressed to Knox. "Gif ye, throw curiositie of novationis, 
 hes forzet our auld plane Scottis, quhilk zour mother lernit 
 zow, in tymes cuming I sail wrytt to zow my mynd in Latin, 
 for I am nocht acquyntit with zour Southeroun." Keith, 
 Append. 254. f See Note LXV. 
 
 X See Note LXVI. 
 
NOTES 
 
 TO THE 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 
 
 Note I. p. i-i. 
 
 Of the place of Knox^s birth, — Although this is not a ques- 
 tion of very great importance, I shall state the authorities for the 
 different opinions which are entertained on that subject. 
 
 Beza, who was contemporary, and personally acquauited with 
 our Reformer, designs him " Joannes Cnoxus, Scotus, Gifford- 
 iensis," evidently meaning that he was a native of the town of 
 Giffonl. Icones, seu Imagines lUustrium Virorum, Ee. iij. An. 
 1580. Spottiswood, who was born in 1565, and could receive 
 information from his father, and other persons intimately ac- 
 quainted with Knox, says that he was " boni in Gifford within 
 Lothian." History, p. 265, edit. 1677, David Buchanan, in 
 his Memoir of Knox prefixed to the edition of his History, which 
 he published in 1644, gives the same account ; which lias been 
 followed in the Life written by Matthew Crawfurd, and prefixed 
 to the edition of ihe History, 1732 ; and by Wodrow in his MS 
 Collections respecting the Scottish Reformers, in Bibl. Coll. 
 Glas. In a Genealogical Account of the Knoxes, wliich is in 
 the possession of the family of the late Mr, James Knox, minis- 
 ter of Scoon, the Reformer's father is said to have been a bro- 
 ther of the family of Ranferlie, and " proprietor of the estate of 
 Gifford." Scott's History of the Scottish Reformers, p. 94. 
 
 On the other hand, Archibald Hamilton, who was his coun- 
 tryman as well as his contemporary and acquaintance, says, that 
 iGiox was born in the town of Haddington : " Obscuris natus pa- 
 rentibus in Hadintona oppido in Laudonia," De Confusione 
 Calvinianae SectajapudScotosDialogus,fol. 64, a. Parisiis 1577, 
 Another Scotsman, who wrote in that age, says that he was born 
 near Haddington ; "prope Haddintonam." Laingseus De vita, 
 et moribus, atque rebus gestis Hsereticorum nostri temporis, fol. 
 113, b. Parisiis, 1581. Dr. Barclay, late minister erf Hadding- 
 ton, advanced an opinion which reconciles the two last authori- 
 ties (although it is probable tliat he never saw either of them), 
 by asserting that our Reformer was born in one of the suburbs of 
 Haddington, called the Giffordgaie. Transactions of the Society 
 of antiquaries in Scotland, p. 69, 70. 
 
 The testimony of Archibald Hamilton is not altogether with- 
 out weight ; for although he has retailed a number of gross false- 
 hoods in the work referred to, there does not seem to be any rea- 
 son for supposing that he would intentionally mislead his readers 
 in such a circumstance as the birth-place of the Reformer. But 
 I consider Spottiswood's statement as going far to set aside Ham- 
 ilton's ; for as the archbishop could scarcely be ignorant of his 
 work, and as he fixes Knox's birth at a different place, it is rea- 
 sonable to suppose that he had good reasons for varying from a 
 preceding authority. The grounds of Dr. Barclay's opinion are, 
 that according to the tradition of the place the Reformer was a 
 native of Haddington ; that tlie house in which he was born is 
 still pointed out in the Giffordgate ; and that this house, with 
 some adjoining acres of land, belonged for a number of genera- 
 tions to a &mily of the name of Knox, who claimed kindred with 
 the Reformer, and who lately sold the property to the Earl of 
 Wemyss. I acknowledge that popular tradition may be allowed 
 to determine a point of this nature, provided it is not contradicted 
 by other evidence. In the present case it is not altogether free 
 
 from this objection. As the sons of the Reformer died without 
 issue, there is no reason to think that the family which resided 
 in the Giffordgate was lineally descended from him. Still, 
 however, the property might have belonged to his elder brother, 
 which Is consistent with the supposition of his being bom in 
 the house which tradition has marked out But I have lately 
 been favoured, witli extracts from the title-deeds of that property, 
 now in the possession of the Earl of Wemyss, extending from 
 the year 1598 downwards, which are not favourable to that 
 supposition. On the 18th of February 1598, Wilham Knox 
 in Morehame, and Elizabeth Schortes his wife, were infeft in 
 subjects in Nungate (of Haddington), in virtue of a crown 
 charter. This charter contains no statement of the wanants on 
 which it proceeded, farther than that the lands formerly belonged 
 to the Abbey of Haddington, and were annexed to the crown. 
 Having commimicated to the Rev. Mr. Scott of Perth the names 
 of the persons mentioned in the first charter and subsequent 
 deeds, with a request to be informed, if any such names occur 
 in the genealogy of the Knox family which belonged to the late 
 Mr. Knox, minister of Scoon, I have been favoured with an 
 answer, saying, that neither the name of William Knox at 
 Morehame, nor that of any other person emswering to tlie de- 
 scription in my letter, is to be found in that genealogy. But 
 farther, the charter expressly states, that the lands in question 
 belonged to the Abbey of Haddington, and, as they must have 
 been annexed to the crown subsequent to the Reformation, they 
 could not be the property of the family at the time of our Re- 
 former's birth. The tradition of his having been bom in the 
 Giffordgate is tlierefore supported merely by the possibility, tliat 
 his parents might have resided in that house while it was the 
 property of the Abbey. In opposition to this, we have the 
 authorities mentioned above in support of the opinion that he 
 was bom in the village of Gifford. 
 
 Note IL p. 2L 
 
 Of Knoa^s parentage. — David Buchanan says, that our Re- 
 former's " father was a brother's son of the house of RanferUe." 
 Life prefixed to History of the Reformation, 1 644. In a con- 
 versation with the Earl of Bothwell, Knox gave the following 
 account of his ancestors : " My Lord, (says he) my great 
 grandfather, gudeschir, and father, have served your Lordchip's 
 predecessours, and some of them have dyed under their stand- 
 ards ; and this is a pairt of the obUgatioun of our Scottish kind- 
 nes." — Historie of the Reformatioun, p. 306. edit. 1732, Mat- 
 thew Crawfurd says, that " these words seem to import that 
 Mr. Knox's predecessors were in some honourable station under 
 the E^rls of Bothwell, at that time the most powerful family in 
 East Lothian." Life of the Author, p. ii. prefixed to Historie, 
 edit 1732. The only thing which I would infer from his 
 words is, that his ancestors had settled in Lothian as early as 
 the time of his great-grand-father. I do not wish to represent 
 the Reformer as either of noble or of gentle birth, and caimot 
 place much dependance on the assertion in the preceding MOte, 
 which makes his father " proprietor of the estate of Gifford." 
 John Davidson, in the poem written in his commendation, say% 
 
 141 
 
142 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 First, he descendit bot of linage small, 
 As commounly God usis for to call 
 The sempill sort his summoundis til expres. 
 At the same time, the statement given by some authors of the 
 meanness and poverty of his parents is not supported by goal 
 evidence, and can in part be disproved. Dr. Mackenzie says, the 
 Reformer was " the son of a poor coimttyman, as we are in- 
 formed by those who knew him very well : his parents, though 
 in a mean condition, put their son to the grammar-school of 
 Haddington ; where, after he had learned his grammar, he served 
 for some time the laird of Langniddrie's children, who being 
 sent by their parents to the university of St. A ndrews, he tliereby 
 had occasion of learning liis philosophy." JAxes of Scottish 
 Writers, vol. iii. p. 111. As his authorities for these assertions, 
 the Doctor has printed on the margin, " Dr. Hamilton, Dr. Baillie, 
 and many others ;" popish writers, who, regardless of their own 
 character, fabricated or retailed such tales as they thought most 
 discreditable to the Reformer, many of which Mackenzie himself 
 is obliged to pronounce " ridiculous stories that are altogether 
 improbable," p. 133. " Dr. Baillie" was Alexander Baillie, a 
 Benedictme monk in the Scottish monastery of Wirtsburgh ; 
 and, as he published the work to which Mackenzie refers in the 
 year 1628, it is ridiculous to talk of his being well acquainted 
 with either the Reformer or his father. Hamilton, (the earliest 
 authority) instead of supjxirting Mackenzie's assertions, informs 
 us, so far as his language is intelligible, that Knox was in priest's 
 orders before he undertook the care of children : " quo victmn 
 sibi pararet magis, quam ut deo serviret (Sunonis illius magi hue 
 usque sequutus vestigia) presbyter primvun fieri de more 
 quamvis illitcratus turn in privatis sedibuspuerorum in vulgaribus 
 Uteris formandonmi curam capere coactus est." De Confusione 
 Calv, p. 64. The fact is, that Knox entered into the family of 
 Langniddrie as tutor, after he had finished liis education at St 
 Andrews ; and as late as 1547, he was employed in teaching 
 the young men their grammar. Historic, p. 67. 
 
 NoteHI. p. 22. 
 
 Of the early state of Grecian literature in Scotland. — In this 
 note I shall Jthrow together such facts as I have met with relat- 
 ing to the introduction of the Greek language into Scotland, and 
 the progress wliich it made during the sixteenth century. They 
 are bare gleanings ; but such as they are, I trust they will not 
 be altogether unacceptable to those who take an interest in the 
 subject. Let not any who are proud of the present state of 
 literature in this country disdain ike poor appearance which it 
 made at its commencement. The com which covers the fields 
 of an extensive country, and which supphes millions with food, 
 might be traced back to a single grain throwTi into the earth. 
 
 In the year 1522, Boece mentions Geonre I^undas as a good 
 Greek scholar. He was master of the Knights of St John in 
 Scotland, and had, most probably, acquired the knowledge of 
 the lemguage on the continent. " Georgius Dundas grecas atq , 
 latinas literas apprime doctus, equitum Hierosolymitanorum intra 
 Scotorum regnum magistratum multo sudore (superatis emuUs) 
 postea adeptus." Boetii Vitse Episcop. Murth. et Alierdon. fol. 
 xxvii. b. It is reasonable to suppose that other indinduals in 
 the nation might acquire it in the same way ; but Boece makes 
 no mention of Greek among the branches taught at the univer- 
 sities in his time, although he is minute in liis details. Nor do 
 I find any other reference to die subject previous to the year 
 1534, when Erskine of Dun brought a learned man from France, 
 and employed him to teach Greek in Montrose, as mentioned in 
 tliat part of the Life, to which this note refers. At his school, 
 George Wishart, the martyr, must have obtained the knowledge 
 of the language, and he seems to have been successor to his 
 master. But the bishop of Brechin (William Chisholm), hear- 
 ing that Wishart taught the Greek New Testament, summoned 
 him to appear before him on a charge of heresy, upon which he 
 fled the kingdom, 'i'his was in 1538, Petrio, part ii. p. 182. 
 It is likely that Knox first derived his knowledge of Greek from 
 George Wishart after his return from England. Buchanan 
 seems to have acquired the language during his residence on the 
 continent, Buch. Ep. p. 25. dp«!r. edit. Rudd 
 
 Lesly says that when James V. during his progress through 
 the kingdom in 1 540, came to Aberdeen, among other entertain- 
 ments which were given to him, the students of the university 
 " recited orations in the Greek and Latin tongue, composed 
 with the greatest skill." " Orationes in Graec* Latinaque lingua, 
 «ummo artificio instructs." Leslteus de rebus gestis Scotorum, 
 lib. ii. 430. anno 1675. When we consider the state of learn- 
 ing at that period ia Scotland, tliere is strong reason to suspect 
 
 that the bishop's description is highly coloured, yet as he entered 
 that university a few years after, we may conclude from it that 
 some attention had been paid to the Greek language at that time 
 in Aberdeen. It had most probably been introduced by means 
 of Hector Boece, the learned principal of that university. If the 
 king was entertained with the great learning of the students of 
 Abenleen, the English ambassador was no less diverted, on the 
 very same year, with the ignorance which our bishops discovered 
 of the Greek tongue. The ambassador who was a scholar as 
 well as a statesman, had caused his men to wear on their sleeves 
 the following Greek motto, MON.O AN AKTI AOTAErn, I serve 
 the king only. This the Scottish bishops (whose knowledge 
 did not extend beyoml Latin) read Monaciiulus, a little monk, 
 and thereupon circulated the report that the ambassador's ser- 
 vants were monks, who had been taken out of the monasteries 
 lately suppressed in England. To counteract this report, Sadler 
 was obliged to furnish a translation of the inscription. " It ap- 
 peareth, (says he) they are no good Grecians. And now the 
 effect of my words is known, and they be well laughed at for 
 their learned interpretation." Sadler's letters, i. 48, 49. Edin- 
 burgh 1809, In the Parliament which met in 1543, individuals 
 among the nobility and other lay members discovered more 
 knowledge of Greek, in a debate which occurred, than all the 
 ecclesiastical bench. Knox, Historic, 34. Foreign writers have 
 been amused with the information, tliat many of the Scottish 
 clergy affirmed, " that Martin Luther had lately composed a 
 wicked book called the New Testament ,• but that they, for their 
 part, would adhere to the Old Testament." Perizonii Hist 
 Seculi xvi. p. 233. Gerdesii Histor. Reform. I'om. iv. p. 314. 
 Buchanani Oper. i. 29 1 . Ignorant however as our clergy were, 
 they were not more so than many on the continent. A foreign 
 monk, declaiming one day in the pulpit against Lutherans and 
 Zuinghans, said to his audience : " A new language was inven- 
 ted some years ago, called Greek, which has been the mother 
 of all heresies. A book is printed in this language, called the 
 New Testament, which contains many dangerous things. An- 
 other language is now forming, the Hebrew ; whoever learns it 
 immediately becomes a Jew ." No wonder, after this, that the 
 commissioners of the senate of Lucem should have confiscated 
 the works of Aristotle, Plato, and some of the Greek poets, 
 which they found in the library of a friend of Zuinglius, con- 
 cluding that every book printed in that language must be infected 
 with Lutheranism. J. von MuUers Schw. Gesch. apud. Hess, 
 Life of UWch Zuingle, p. 213. 
 
 To return to the seminary at Montrose : it was kept up, by the 
 public spirit of its patron, until the establishment of the Refor- 
 mation. Some years before that event, tlie celebrated linguis* 
 Andrew Melville, received his education at tliis school, under 
 Pierre de Marsiliers, a Frenchman. A nd he had made such pro- 
 ficiency in Greek, when he entered the imiversity of St Andrews, 
 about the year 1559, that he was able to read Aristotle in the 
 original language, " which even his masters themselves under- 
 stood not" Life of Andrew Melville, p. 2. in Wodrow's MSS, 
 in Bibl. Coll. Glas. vol. i. Mr. James Melville's Diary, p. 32. 
 For although the logics, ethics, &c. of Aristotle were then read 
 in the colleges, it was in a Latin translation. The regent of St 
 Leonard's (says James Mehdlle) '• tauld me of mj' uncle Mr. 
 Andro Mehill whom he knew in the tyme of his cours in the 
 new collag, to use the Greik logicks of Aristotle, quhilk was a 
 wounder to them, he was so fyne a scholar, and (Aac expecta- 
 tion." MS. Diaiy, p. 25. 
 
 By the First Book of Discipline, it was provided, that there 
 should " be a reader of Greek" in one of the colleges of each 
 university, who " shall compleat the grammar thereof in three 
 months," and " shall interpret some book of Plato, together with 
 some places of the New Testament, and shall compleat his course 
 the same year." Dunlop's confessions, ii. 553, The small 
 number of leametl men, deficiency of funds, and the confusions 
 in which the country was afterwards involved, prevented, in a 
 great degree, the execution of this wise measure. Owing to the 
 last of these circumstances, some learned Scotsmen devoted their 
 talents to the service of foreign seminaries, instead of retiuming 
 to their native country. Buchanani Epist p. 7, 9, 10, 33. One 
 of these was Henry Scrimger, a good Grecian. Some particulars 
 respecting him not commonly known, may be seen in Senebier, 
 Hist Litter, de Geneve, tom. i. art. Scrimger. See also Teis- 
 sier, Eloges. tom. iii. 383 — 385. Leidc, 1715. On accoimt 
 of the scarcity of preachers it was also found necessary to 
 settle several learned men in towns which were not the seat 
 of a university. Some of these undertook the instruction of youth, 
 along with the pastoral inspection of their parishes. John Row 
 taught the Greek tongue in Perth. Sec Note XXXIX. The 
 
NOTES. 
 
 143 
 
 venerable teacher, Andrew Simson, (See p. 22.) does not appear 
 to have been capable of this t;usk ; but he was careful that his son 
 Patrick should not labour under the same defect He was 
 sent to the university of Cambridge, in whidi he made great 
 proficiency, and after his return to Scotland, taught Greek at 
 Spot, a village in East Lothian, where he was minister for some 
 time. Row's MS. p. 96. of a copy in the Divinity Lib. Edin. 
 It is reasonable to suppose, that this branch of study would not 
 be neglected at St. Andrews during the time that Buchanan was 
 Principal of St. Leonard's College, from 15G5 to 1570. Patrick 
 Adamson, to whom he demitted his office, and whom he recom- 
 me?ided for his "literature and sufficiency," (Buch. Op. i. 10.) 
 was not then in the kingdom ; and the state of education lan- 
 guished for some time in that university. James Melville, who 
 entered it in 1570, gives the following account. "Our Re- 
 gent begoud, and teacheth us the a, b, c, of the Grcik, and the 
 simple declinationis, but went no fardcr." MS. Diary, p. 26. 
 GraBcum est, non kgitur, was at this time an adage, even with 
 persons who had received an university-education. Row's MS. 
 ut supra. 
 
 The return of Andrew Melville in 1573 gave a new impulse 
 to hterature in Scotland. That celebrated scholar had perfected 
 himself in the knowledge of the languages during the nine years 
 which he spent on the continent, and had astonished the learned 
 at Geneva by the fluency with which he read and spoke Greek. 
 MS. Diary, ut. sup. p. 33. He was first placed principal of the 
 university of Glasgow, and afterwards removed to the same situ- 
 ation in St. Andrews. Such was his celebrity, that he attracted 
 students from England and foreign countries, whereas formerly 
 it had been the custom for the Scottish youth to go abroad for 
 their education. Spottiswood, with whom he was no favourite, 
 and Calderwood, equally bear testimony to his profound know- 
 ledge of this language. Soon after Melville, Thomas Smeton, 
 another Greek scholar, returned to Scotland, and was principal 
 of the university of Glasgow. I may mention here, although it 
 belongs to the subject of typography, that there appear to have 
 been neither Greek nor Hebrew types in this country prmted ; 
 when Smeton's Answer to Archibald Hamilton was in 1579, 
 for blanks are left for all the phrases and quotations in these lan- 
 goages, which the author intended to introduce. In my copy 
 of the book a number of the blanks have been filled up with a pen. 
 
 Rome: I think it unquestionable. The fact is attested both by 
 Protestant and popish writers. Beza says, " Cnoxus, igitur, (ut 
 manifesto appareat totum hoc admirabile Domini opus esse) ad 
 Joannis illius Major is, celebenimi inter Sophistas nominis, veluti 
 pedes in Sanctandrece oppido educatus, atque adco Sacerhos 
 FACTcs, appcrtaque celebri schola, quum jam videretur illo suo 
 praeceptore nihil inferior Sophista futurus, lucem tamen in tene- 
 bris et sibi ct aliis accendit." Icones lUustr. Viror. Ee. iij. Comp. 
 Spottiswood's History, p. 265. I^ond. 1677. Ninian Wmget, in 
 certain letters sent by him to Knox in the year 1561, says, " Ye 
 renunce and estemis that ordination null or erar wikit, be the 
 quhilk sumtyme ye war callit Schir Johne." And again : " We 
 can persave, be your awin allegiance, na power that ever ye had, 
 except it quhilk was ge\-in to you in the sacrament of ordination, 
 be auctoritie of priesthed. Quhilk auctoritie give ye esteme as 
 nochtis, be reasoun it was gevin to you (as ye speik) by ane Pap- 
 ist Bishope," &c. Wenzet's Lctteris and Tractatis, apud Keith, 
 Append, p. 212, 213, Winget's drift was to prove, that Knox 
 had no lawful call to the ministry ; consequently, he would not 
 have mentioned his popish ordination, if the fact had not been 
 notour and undeniable. Nicol Bume, arguing on the same point, 
 allows that ho had received the order of priesthood from the 
 Romish church. Disputation concerning the Controversit Head- 
 dis of Religion, p. 128. Paris 1581, And irt a scurrilous poem 
 against the ministers of Scotland, printed at the end of that 
 book, he calls him, 
 
 Note IV. p, 22. 
 
 Of Major'' s political sentiments. — The following arc some of 
 the passages from which the account of these, given in the text 
 has been drawn. Similar sentiments occur in his Histozy of 
 Scotland ; but as it has been insinuated that he, in that work, 
 merely copied Boece, and as his otlicr writings are more rarely 
 consulted, I shall quote from them, 
 
 " Ad poUciam regalem non requiritur quod rex sit supra omnes 
 sui regni tam regulariter quam casualiter — sed sat est quod rex 
 sit supra unumquamlibet, et supra totum regnum regulariter, et 
 regnum sit supra eum casualiter et in aliquo eventu." Again, 
 " Similiter in regno : et in toto populo Ubero est suprcma fonta- 
 lis potestas inabrogabaUs ; in rege vero potestas mysteiialis [_rtiin- 
 isterialis .?] honesto ministerio. Et sic aliquo modo sunt duo po- 
 testates ; sed quia una ordinetur propter aliam, potest vocari una 
 effectualiter, et casu quo regnum rex in tyrannidcm convertat et 
 etiam incorrigibilis, potest a populo deponi, tanquam a superiore 
 potestate." Expos. Matth. fol. 71, a, c. Paris. 1518. To tlie 
 objection urged against this principle from tlae metaphorical de- 
 signation of Head given to a king, ho answers : " Non est omni- 
 no simile inter caput vcrum et corpus vcrum, et inter caput mys- 
 ticum et corpus mysticum. Caput vcrum est supra reliquam par- 
 tem sui corporis, et tamen nego regem esse majoris potestatis 
 quam reliquam partem sui regni," &c. Ibid. fol. C2, b, " Rex 
 utilitatem reipublicas dissipans et evertens incorrigibilis, est depo- 
 nendus a communitatc cui praeest. — Rex non habet robur et 
 auctoritatem nisi a regno cui libere praeest." Ibid. fol. 69. c. 
 Speaking of the excision of a corrupt member from the human 
 body, in illustration of the treatment of a tyrant, he says : " Cum 
 Ucentia totius corporis veri tollitur hoc membrum ; etiam facul- 
 tate totius corporis mystici, tu, tamque minister comitatis, potes 
 hunc tyrannum occidere, dum est licite condcmpnatus." Tert. 
 Sentent, fol, 139, c, d, Paris. I5I7. 
 
 Note V. p. 23. 
 
 that fals apostat jarj'es^, 
 
 Enemie to Christ, and mannis salvatioun. 
 Your Maister Knox. 
 
 The objection of the Roman Catholics to the legality of our 
 Reformer's vocation, was, that although he had received the 
 power of orcfer, he wanted that oi jurisdiction; these two behig 
 distinct, according to the canon-law. " The power of ordere is 
 not sufficient to anc man to preache, bot he man have also juris- 
 dictione over thame to whom he preaches. Johann Kmnox 
 resavit never sic jurisdictione fra the Roman kirk to preache in 
 the realme of Scotland : thairfoir suppoise he receavit from it the 
 ordere of pnestheade, yet he had na pouar to preache, nor to 
 lauchfuUie administrat the Sacramentes." Nicol Bume's Dis- 
 putation, ut supra, p. 128. 
 
 itatcd 
 
 Concerning the popish ordination of Knox. — Some have hea- 
 ted to admit that Kn( 
 
 uiox was in priests orders in the church of 
 
 Note VL p. 24. 
 
 Number of Scottish monks. — We have no good Monaatioon 
 of Scotland ; and it is now impossible to ascertain the exact num- 
 ber of regular clergy, or even religious houses that were in this 
 country. The best and most particular account of the introduc- 
 tion of tlie different monastic orders from England and the conti- 
 nent is contained in the first volume of Mr. Chalmers's Caledonia. 
 Dr. Jamieson, in his history of the ancient Culdees, lately pub- 
 lished, has traced, with much attention, the measures pursued 
 for suppressing the ancient monks, to make way for the new 
 orders wliich were immediately dependent upon Rome. In 
 Spottiswood's Account, published at the end of Keith's catalogue 
 of Bishops, 170 religious houses are enumerated; but his ac- 
 count is defective. Mr. Dalyell, upon the authority of a MS. 
 has stated the number of the monks in this country as amount- 
 ing only to 11 14, about the period of the reformation. Cursory 
 Remarks prefixed to Scottish poems of (he 16th century, vol. L 
 p. 38, 39. Edin. 1801. Taking the nmnber of monasteries ac- 
 cording to Spottiswood's account, this would allow only seven 
 persons to each house on an average, a number incredibly small. 
 It vsdll be still smaller, if we suppose that there were 260 relig- 
 ious houses, as stated by Mr. Dalyell in another publication. 
 Fragments of Scottish History, p. 11, 28, In the year 1542, 
 there were 200 monks in Melrose atone. Ibid. The number 
 in Dunfermline seems to have varied from 30 to 59. Dalyell's 
 Tract on Monastic Antiquities, p. 13. And Paisley, Elgin, and 
 Arbroath, were not inferior to it in their endowments. 
 
 In general it may be observed, that the passion for the mo- 
 nastic life appears not to have been on the increase even in the 
 early part of the 1 6th century. But if we would form an esti- 
 mate of the number of the monks, we must allow for a great 
 diminution of them from 1538 to 1559. During that period, 
 many of them, especially the yoimger ones, embraced the refor- 
 med opinions, and deserted the convents. Cald. MS. i. 97, 100, 
 151. When the monastery of the Greyfriars at Perth was 
 destroyed in 1559, only eight monks belonged to it. Knox, 
 Historic, p. 128. 
 
144 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Note Vn. p. 25. 
 
 Of the corps-present. — This was a forced benevolence, not 
 dne by any law, or canon of the church, at least in Scotland. 
 It was demanded by the vicar, and seems to have been distinct 
 from the ordinary dues exacted for the interment of the body, 
 and deUveremce of the soul from purgatory. This perquisite 
 consisted, in country parishes, of the best cow which belonged 
 to the deceased, and the uppennost cloth or covering of his bed, 
 or the finest of his body clotlies. It has been suggested, tliat it 
 was exacted on pretext of dues which the person might have 
 feiled to pay during his life-time. But whatever might after- 
 wards be made the pretext, I think it most probable that the 
 clergy bonowed the hint from the perquisites common ui feudal 
 times. The " cors-presant kow" answers to Ae " hereyield 
 horse," which was paid to a landlord on the death of his tenant. 
 The uppermost cloth seems to have been a perquisite belonging 
 to persons occupying different offices. When Bishop Lesly 
 was relieved from the Tower of London, a demsuid of tiiis kind 
 ■was made Upon him. " The gentleman-porter of the Tower 
 (says he) retained my satin gown as due to him, because it was 
 my uppermost-cloth when I entered in the Tower." Negoci- 
 ations, apud Anderson's Collections, iii. 247. 
 
 The corps-present was not confined to Scotland. We find 
 the English House of Commons complaining of it, anno 1530. 
 Fox, 907. edit. 1596. It was exacted with gresit rigour in 
 Scotland ; and if any vicar, more humane than the rest, passed 
 from the demand, he gave an unpardonable offence to his breth- 
 ren. Lindsay of Pitscottie's Hist. p. 151. fol. ed. Edin. 1728. 
 Fox, 1 153. It was felt as a vciy galling oppression, and is often 
 mentioned with indignation in the writings of Sir David Lindsay. 
 
 Schir, be quhat law, tell me quharefor, or why, 
 
 That ane vickar suld tak fra me three ky t 
 
 Ane for my father, and for my wyfe ane uther. 
 
 And the third cow he tuke for Maid my motlier. 
 
 Thay haif na law, cxceptand consuetude, 
 
 Quhilk law, t j thame, is sufficient and gude. 
 
 • •••»» 
 
 And als the ^^car, as I trow, 
 
 He wdll nocht faill to tak ane kow 
 
 And upmaist claith, thocht babis thame ban, 
 
 From ane puire selie husbandman ; 
 
 Quhen that he lyis for til de. 
 
 Having small baimis twa or thre. 
 
 And hes thre ky withoutin mo, 
 
 The vicar must have ane of tho. 
 
 With the gray cloke that happis the bed 
 
 Howbeit that he be purclye cled ; 
 
 And gif the wyfe de on the mome, 
 
 Thocht all the babis suld be forlorne, 
 
 The uther kow he cleikis away. 
 
 With liir pure cote of roplock gray ; 
 
 And gif, within twa days or thre, 
 
 The eldest chyld hapnis to de. 
 
 Of the thrid kow he will be sure. 
 
 Quhen he his all then under his cure, 
 
 And father and mother baith ar deid. 
 
 Beg mon the babis, without remeid. 
 
 Chalmers's Lindsay, ii. 7, 8. iii. 105. 
 
 When the alarming progress of the new opinions threatened 
 the overthrow of the whole establishment, the clergy professed 
 themselves willing to remit, or at least to moderate, this shame- 
 ful tribute. But they did not make this concession, until a 
 remonstrance on the subject was presented by a number of 
 persons who were attached to the Roman CatlioUc faitli. This 
 Remonstrance was laid before the Provincial Council in 1558-9, 
 and contains the following article, which serves to corroborate 
 tlie strong statement which the poet has given of the rigour of 
 the clergy in extorting these benevolences. " Item, Because 
 yat ye corps presentes, kow, and finest claith, and the silver 
 commonlie callit the kirk ritchts, and Pa.sch offrands, quhilk is 
 taldn at Pasch fra men and women for distribution of ye sacra- 
 ments of ye blessit l)ody and blud of .Tesus Christ, were at ye 
 beginning but as offmnds and gifts, at the discretion and bene- 
 volence of the givar only ; and now be distance of tym,ye kirk- 
 mcn usis to compell men to ye paying yarof be authoiity and 
 jurisdiction, sua that yai will not only fulminat yar sentence of 
 cursing, but als stop and debar men and women to cum to ye 
 reddy using of ye sacraments of haly kirk, quliile yai be satisfiet 
 yarof, with all rigour ; quhilk thing has na ground of ye law of 
 God, nor halie kirk, and als is veray sclandrous, and givis occasion, 
 
 to the puir to mturmur gretymly againes ye state ecclesiastick for 
 the doing of ye premissis ; and therefore it is thocht expedient 
 yat ane reformation be maid of ye premissis, and that sick things 
 be na mair usit in tymes to cum witliin this realm, at ye lest yat 
 na man be compelUt be authority of haly kirk t(? pay ye prem- 
 issis : but yat it shall only rcmane in the free will of the giver to 
 gif and offir sic things be way of ahnons, and for uphalding of 
 ye priests and ministers of Uie halie kirk, as his conscience and 
 charitie moves him to : and quhair ye curatis and ministers 
 forsaids, hes not eneuch of yar sustentation by the saids kirk 
 ritchts, that ye ordmares every man within his awm diocesie 
 take order, that the persons and uplifters of ye uther deutys 
 perteuiing to tlie kirk, contributs to yar sustentation effeirindhe." 
 Wilkins, Concilia Magnae BritamiisE, Tom. iv. p. 208. 
 
 Upon this, the council came to the following curious resolu- 
 tion on the subject : That, to "take away the murmurs of those 
 who spoke agamst mortuaries," when any person died, his goods, 
 after paying his debts, should be divided into due portions (debi- 
 tas partes), and if the deaiVspart, " defuncti pars," [See Note 23.] 
 did not exceed ten pounds Scots, the vicar should compound for 
 liis mortuary and uppermost cloth by taking forty shillings; if it 
 was under ten pounds, and not below twenty shilhngs, that he 
 should compound according to the above proportion, (pro rata 
 quadraginta solidorum de decern hbris) ; but if it was under 
 twenty shillings, that the vicar should make no demand. With 
 respect to barons and burgesses, and all persons whose portion 
 exceeded ten pounds ; the old custom was to remam in force ; 
 and tlie ordinary remedy was to be used against those who 
 should make wrong inventaries ; L e. they should be subject to 
 excommunication and its penalties. — With respect to the pasch- 
 offerings, and small tithes, the council decreed, that " for avoid- 
 ing popular murmur, especially at the time of Easter," the vicars 
 should a little before Lent, in the month of February, settle (or, 
 make an estimate, rationem ineant) with their parishioners for 
 their small tithes, both personal and mixed, and also for other 
 offerings due to the church, (aliis quoque oblationibus ecclesiffl 
 debitis), and that there should be no exactions dming Easter, 
 although spontaneous oblations might still be received at that 
 time. Can. Concil. 21. and 32. apud Wilkins, Concil. ut 
 supra, p. 214, 216. 
 
 It appears from tliis, how very cautious the clergy were in 
 their plans of reform, and how eagerly they clung to the most 
 illegal and invidious claims, even at the very time when they 
 were in the utmost danger of being deprived of all their usurped 
 prerogatives and possessions. Lord Hailes's words need ex- 
 plication, when he says that " the 32d canon (of this coiuicil) 
 abolishes oblations at Easter." Provincial Councils, p. 40. 
 
 I need scarcely add, that all these exactions were abolished at 
 the establishment of the reformation. " The uppermost claith, 
 corps-present, clerk-maile, the pasche-oflering, teind-aile, and all" 
 handlings upaland, can neither be required nor received of good 
 conscience." First book of Discipline, p. 48. printed Aimo 
 1621. Dimlop's Confessions, ii. 563. 
 
 Note Vm. p. 27. 
 
 Additional particulars concemine Scottish Martyrs. — We 
 are indebted to John Fox, the industrious English martyrologist, 
 for the greater part of the facts respecting our countrj-mcn who 
 suffered for the reformed doctrine. John Davidson, minister 
 of Prestonpans, composed, in Latin, an account of Scottish mar- 
 tyrs, which, if it had been preserved, would have furnished us 
 witli more full information respecting them. Calderwood, how- 
 ever, had the use of it when he compiled liis historj'. A late 
 author has said, that " most of those martyred seem to have 
 been weak illiterate men ; nay they appear even to have been 
 deficient in hitellect." Cursory Remarks, prefixed to Scottish 
 Poems of 16th century, i. 24. I must take it for granted, that 
 this author had not in liis eye Patrick Hamilton, whose vigor- 
 ous understanding discovered truth in tfie midst of darluiess 
 worse than Cimmerian, who obtained the praises of Luther, 
 Melancthon, and Lambert of Avignon, and of whom a modem 
 historian has said that he received " the eternal fame of being 
 tlie proto-martyr of the freedom of the human mind." Nor 
 George Wishart, whose learnhig, fortitude, and mild lienevo- 
 lence, have been celebrated by writers of every descrijition. 
 But even among those who suflered from Hamilton to Wishart, 
 there was scarcely one who was not abdve tlie ordinarj- class, 
 botli as to talents and learning. 
 
 Henry Forrest, who suffered at St Andrews in 1530, for 
 possessing a copy of the New Testament, and affirming tliat 
 Patrick Hamilton was a true martyr, had been, though a young 
 
N O T E S. 
 
 145 
 
 man, Invested with tlie orders of Bennet and Colct. Fox, 895. 
 Knox, 19. Spottis. 65. David Straiton was a gentleman, and 
 brother to the laird of Lauriston. He was instructed in the 
 Protestant principles by John Erskine of Dun, who had newly 
 arrived from his travels. In 1534, he was committed to the 
 flames at Greenside, in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh. His 
 fellow sufferer, Norman Gourlay, was in secular orders, and "a 
 man of reasonabell eruditioun." He had been abroad, and had 
 married upon his return, wliich was tlie chief olience for whicli 
 he suffered. " For (says Pitscottie) they would thole no priest 
 to marry, but they would punish, and bum him to the dead ; 
 but if he had used then ten thousand whores, he had not been 
 burnt." History, p. 150, 152. Fox, 896. Knox, 21, 22. 
 Spottiswood, 66, In 1538, two yovmg men of tlie most inter- 
 esimg characters suffered, with the greatest heroism, at Glasgow. 
 The one was Jerom Russel, a cordelier friar, " a young man of 
 a meek nature, quick spirit, and of good letteris ;" the other was 
 a young gentleman of the name of Kemiedy, only eighteen 
 years of age, and " of excellent ingyne for Scottische poctiy." 
 Knox, 22. Spottis. 67. Keith, 9. During the same year, 
 five persons were burned on the Castlehill of Edinburgh : 
 Robert Forrester was a gentleman ; Sir Duncan Simpson* was 
 a secular priest ; Bevcridge and Kyllor were friars. The last 
 of these had, (according to tlie custom of the times) composed 
 a tragedy on the ciiicifixion of Christ, in which he painted, in 
 a very hvely manner, the conduct of the popish clergy, under 
 that of the Jewish priests. Ut supra. 
 
 The other person who suffered at the same time was Thom- 
 as Forrest, commonly called the Vicar of Dollar. I shall add 
 some particulars respecting this excellent man, which are 
 not to be found in the common histories. He was of the 
 house of Forret, or Forest, in Fife, and liis father had been mas- 
 ter-stabler to James IV. After acquiring the rudiments of 
 grammar in Scotland, he was sent abroad by the kindness of a 
 rich lady, and prosecuted his education at Cologne. Return- 
 ing to his native country, he was admitted a canon regular in 
 the monastery of St. Cohn's Inch. It hapj^ened that a dispute 
 arose between the abbot and the Canons, respecting the allow- 
 ance due to them, and the latter got the book of foundation to 
 exarame into their rights. The abbot, with the view of mdu- 
 cing them to part with this, gave them a volume of Augustine's 
 works, wliich was in the monastery. " O happy and blessed 
 was that book to me (did Forrest often say afterwards) by which 
 I came to the knowledge of the truth !" He then applied him- 
 self to the reading of tlie scriptures. He converted a nnniber 
 of the young canons : "but the old bottles (he used to say), 
 would not receive the new wine." The abbot frequently ad- 
 vised him to keep his mind to himself, else he would incur 
 punishment. " I thank you, my lord, (was- his answer) ye are 
 a friend to my body, but not to my soul." He was afterwards 
 admitted to the vicarage of Dollar, in which situation he ren- 
 dered himself obnoxious to his brethren, by his diligence in 
 instructing liis parish, and his benevolence in frecuig them 
 from oppressive exactions. When the agents of the pope came 
 into his bounds to sell indulgences, he said, " Parishioners, I 
 am bound to speak the truth to you : this is but to deceive you. 
 There is no pardon for our sins that can come to us, cither 
 from pope or any other, but only by the blood of Christ." He 
 composed a short catechism. It was his custom to rise at six 
 o'clock in the morning, and study till mid-day. He committed 
 tluree chapters of the Bible to memory every day, and made his 
 servant hear him repeat them at night. He was often sum- 
 moned before the bishops of Dunkeld and St. Andrews. These 
 facts were communicated by his servant Andrew Kirkic, in a 
 lettei to John Davidson, who mst^rted them in his accoxmt of 
 Scottish martyrs. Cald. MS. L 99, 100, 151, 
 
 An amusing account of the vicar's examination before the 
 bishop of Dunkeld may be seen in Fox, 1153 ; and an inter- 
 esting account of his trial, hi Pitscottie, 150 — 152. But both 
 these authors are wrong as to the time of his martyrdom, the 
 latter placing it in 1530, and the former in 1.540, instead of 
 1538. Fox says, that three or four men of Sterling suffered 
 death at tlie same time, because they were present at the mar- 
 riage of " the vicar of Twybodye, (TuHybody) near Stirhng, 
 and did eat flesh in lent, at the said bridal," p. 1154. 
 
 Note IX. p. 27. 
 
 Exiles from Scotland. — I shall, in this note, mention a few 
 facts respecting those eminent men who were obhged to forsake 
 
 * &r, wai a title given to priests. Spottis. 95. 
 T 
 
 their native country, at an early period, in consequence of 
 having expressed sentiments favourable to the Reformation. 
 
 Gawin Louie, who, in his important station of rector of St. 
 Leonard's College, was so useful in spreading the reformed 
 doctrine, drew upon himself the jealousy of the clergy. More 
 decided in his sentiments, and more avowed in his censure of 
 the prevailing abuses, than the sub-prior of the abbey (who 
 maintained his situation mitil the establishment of the reforma- 
 tion), liOgie found it necessary to consult his safety by leaving 
 the country in 1533. Cald. MS. i. 82. I have not seen any 
 notice taken of him after this. Robert Logic, a kinsman of 
 his, was a canon regular of Cambuskenneth, and employed in 
 instructing the noviciates. Having embraced the reformed 
 sentiments, he, in 1538, fled into England, and became a 
 preacher there. Thomas Cockluw, parish priest of Tullibody, 
 seems to have accompanied him, and was also employed as a 
 preacher in England. Ibid. p. 97. 
 
 Akxander Seafoun was confessor to James V. The cause 
 of his flight from Scotland, his letter to the king, and his retir- 
 ing to England, are recorded in our common histories. Fox, 
 (p. 1000.) informs us that he was accused of heresy before Gar- 
 diner, bishop of Winchester, in 1541, and induced to recant 
 certain articles which he had preached. Spottiswood (p. 65.) 
 speiiks of " the treatises he left behind him," and among others 
 " his examination by Gardiner and Bonner," from which it 
 appears that "he never denied any point which formerly 
 he tiiught." Fox had not seen this. We learn from another 
 quarter, that after his trial he continued to preach the truths 
 ofwhichhehad been accused. Bale mentions " Processum 
 suffi exaniinationis" among his works, and says, that he died 
 in the family of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, who re- 
 tained him as his chaplain. He places his death in 1542. 
 Balei Script. Brjtan. post, pars, p. 224. 
 
 Alexandir Ak^s was a canon of the metropolitan church of 
 St, Andrews. His conversion to the protestant faith was very 
 singular. Being a young man of quick parts, and well versed 
 in scholastic theology, and having studied tlie Lutheran con- 
 troversy, he undertook to reclaim Patrick Hamilton from heresy, 
 and held several conferences with him for this purpose. But 
 instead of making a convert of Hamilton, he was himself stag- 
 gered by the reasoning of that gentleman. His doubts were 
 greatly strengthened by the constancy with which he saw the 
 martyr adhere to his sentiments to the last, amidst the scorn, 
 rage, and cruelty of his enemies. Alesii Proefat. Comment, in 
 Joannem, Jacobi Thomasii Oratio de Alex, Alesio, Lipsise, 
 1083, apud Bayle, Dictionnairc, Art, Ales. A short time after, 
 he delivered a Latin oration before an ecclesiastical synod, in 
 which he censured the vices of the clergy and exhorted them 
 to diligence and a godly life. This was enough to bring him 
 under the suspicion of heresy, and he was thrown into prison, 
 from which after a year's confinement, he made his escape, 
 and, getting into a vessel which lay on the coast, eluded his 
 persecutor*. He escaped in 1532. Cald. MS. i. 76. On leaving 
 ins native country, Aless went to Germany, where he was 
 virulently attacked by Cochteus, whom the Scots bishops hired 
 to abuse him. On the invitation of Jjord Cromwell and Arch- 
 bishop Cranrner, he came to England in 1535, and was ap- 
 pointed Professor of Theology in the university of Cambridge. 
 But he had scarcely commenced his lectures, when the patrons 
 of poperj' excited such opposition to him, that he resolved to 
 relinquish his situation. Having at a former period of his life 
 applied to medical studies, he went to Dr. Nicol, a celebrated 
 physician in London, and after remaining with him for some 
 years, commenced practice, not without success. In 1537 
 Lord Cromwell having met him one day accidentally on the 
 street, carried him along with him to the Convocation, and 
 persuaded him to engage, without any preparation, in a 
 Dispute with the Bishop of liOndon on the subject of the 
 sacraments ; of which Aless has given a particular accoujit in 
 one of his publications. De Authoriiaie Verbi Dei Liber 
 Alexandri Alesi, contra Episcopum Lundensem, p. 13 — 31. 
 Argentorati, apud Cratonem Myl'iiim An. M.D.XLIL Hen- 
 ry VIII. used to call Aless Ids scholar; and Archbishop Parker 
 calls him, vinim in theologia perductum. In 1540, he return- 
 ed to Germany, and was made professor of Divinity at Leipsic. 
 He assisted at a public conference between the Roman Catholics 
 and protestants ; wrote many books which were much esteem- 
 ed; and was alive in 1557. Strype's Cranrner, p. 402, 403. 
 Bayle, Diet, ut supra. Bishop Bale was personally acquainted 
 with him, and has enumerated his works, ut supra, p, 176, 
 
 John Fife also fled from St. Andrews, accompanied Aless to 
 Germany, and shared hi his honours at Ijeipsic, He returned 
 10 
 
146 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 to Scotland, acted as a minister, and died at St Leonards, soon 
 after the establishment of tlie Reformation, Cald. MS. i. 78. 
 Knox. 20. Strj-pe's Cranmer, 403. 
 
 John M'Bee, known on the continent by the name of Dr. 
 Macabxus, fled to England in 1532, and was entertained by 
 Bishop Shaxton. He afterwards retired to Denmai-k, and was 
 of great use to Christian III. in the settlement of the reformed 
 religion in his dominions. He was made a professor in the uni- 
 versity of Copenhagen. Gerdesii Histona Evang. Renovat iii. 
 417—425. The Danish monarch held him in great esteem, 
 and, at his request, wrote to queen Mary of England, in behalf 
 of his brother-in-law, Miles Coverdale, Bishop of Exeter, and 
 the venerable translator of the bible, who was released from 
 prison through his importvmity. Bale, ut supra, p. 226. Fox, 
 1390. Maccabaeus was acquainted with the Danish and Ger- 
 man languages, and assisted in the translation of tlie Bible into 
 Danish (according to Luther's first Gennan translation), which 
 was printed in folio at Copenhagen, in 1550, by Ludov. Diest, 
 accompanied with a marginal index, parallel places, and plates. 
 Maittaire, apud Chalmers's Lindsay, i. 82. Gerdes. Hist Tom. 
 iiL Pragfatio, * * 3. An edition of Lindsay's " Monarcliie" 
 bears on the title-page that it was " imprintit at tlie command 
 and expensis off Dr. Machabaeus, in Capmanhouin." But the 
 editor of Lindsay insists that this is " a deceptious title-page. 
 Ut supra. 80, 81. That Maccabaeus was alive in 1557 appears 
 from the following passage of a Danish literary work : " In 
 feicultate Theologica, Doctores creati sequentes in Academia 
 Hafniae A°. 1557, a D. Joh. Maccabeo, M. Nic. Hemmingius 
 Theolog. Professor," dtc. Albert Thura, Idea Histor. Literar. 
 Danorum, p. 333. Hamburgi, 1723. This writer (p. 274.) 
 mentions " Annot in Matthceum" as written by hiin, but does 
 not say whether it was a MS. or a printed book. Bale men- 
 tions another work of liis, entitled De vera et falsa Rciigimie. 
 Ut supra, p. 226. Those who have access to the Bibliotheca 
 Danica will find some of his writings inserted in that work. 
 Part V. and viii. Gerdes, iii. 417.^ 
 
 We learn from Bale, that Maccabaeus was well-bom (" prae- 
 clara familia,") and that, having discovered from his infancy a 
 strong propensity to learnijig, his parents provided him with 
 the best teachers. But I have an additionsd piece of informa- 
 tion to communicate wliich cannot fail to be gratifying to some 
 readers. The proper name of tliis divine was neither Macca- 
 baeus nor M'Bee, but Macalpine, and he belonged to the noble 
 and celebrated Clan Alpine \ In what degree of kindred he 
 stood to the noted " Roderigh Vich Alpine dhu," and whether 
 he was obliged to change his name on account of the outrage 
 which caused that chieftain and his whole clan to be proclaim- 
 ed rebels, I cannot determine, as I have met with no northern 
 Scald, or Gaelish bard, who has touched on these circumstances. 
 But the following are my authorities for the statement which 
 I have given. " Ad docendas sacras Uteras accersivit [Daniae 
 Rex) Johannem Maccabaeum, proprio nomine Macalpinum, 
 Scotum, virum doctrina et pietate gravem, Regique ac bonis 
 omnibus modestia longe carissimum." Vinding. Descript 
 Acad. Hafniae, p. 71 — 73. " Rcliquerat is, qui ex nubili anti- 
 qua Macalpinorum in Scotiajamilia ortvun trahebat, Religionis 
 ergo Scotiam, et migraverat Witebergam, atque ibi cum Luthe- 
 ro et Melanchthone, familiaritatem contraxerat, unde Hafhiam 
 vocatus Academiae praefuit per aimes sedecim, mortuus d. 6. 
 Decemb. 1557." Gerdes. iiL p. 417. See also Verses on 
 Maccabaeus in Supplement 
 
 Macdowal repaired to Holland, and was so much esteemed, 
 that he was raised, though a stranger, to the chief magistracy 
 in one of its boroughs. Knox, 20. 
 
 John Mackbray, or Mackbrair, a gentleman of Galloway, 
 fled to England about 1538, and at the death of Edward VI. 
 retired to Frankfort, where he preached to the EngUsh congre- 
 gation. Troubles at Frankfbrd, p.. 13, 20, 25. Spottiswood, 97. 
 He afterwards became pastor of a congregation in Lower Ger- 
 many, and wrote an accovmt of the formation and progress of 
 that church. Balei Scriptores M. Brytan. p. 229. On the 
 accession of Elizabeth, he returned to England, and officiated 
 as a preacher in that country. He is called " an eminent 
 exile," in Strjrpe's Annals, i. 130. Grindid. p. 26. On the 13th 
 of November 1568, he was inducted to the vicarage of St Ni- 
 cholas, in Newcastle, and was buried there on November 16. 
 1584. Dr. Jackson complains that " Mackbray, Knox, and 
 Udale had sown their tares in Newcastle." Hcylin speaks in 
 the same strain. Brand's Hist of Newcastle, p. 303. Bale, 
 (p. 229, ) mentions several works of Mackbray, and says that 
 he " wrote elegantly in Latin." Spottiswood also mentions 
 some of his works. Ut supra. 
 
 The causes o{ Buchanan^ s imprisonment and escape from 
 Scotland, and his reception and employments on the continent, 
 may be found in other publications which sire accessible to the 
 reader. See Irving's Alemoirs of Buchanan, and Chalmers's 
 Life of Ruddiman. Some facts ■which have not been fully 
 stated by his biographers will be found in a subsequent part 
 of this work. 
 
 James Harrison was a native of the south of Scotland, and 
 liberally educated, says Bale. He seems to have gone to Eng- 
 land at a period somewhat later than the others mentioned in 
 this note. He wrote a treatise De reg-norum ttnione, in which 
 he warmly recommended to his countrymen the advantages of 
 an union with England. It was dedicated to the Duke of 
 Somerset, in 1547. Bale (p. 225.) gives the first words of it, 
 Comminisceiis, ut soleo per odum ; and calls it "elegans ac 
 mellitum opus." 
 
 Robert Richardson was a canon of the monastery of Cam- 
 buskcnneth, and fled to England in 1538. Cald. MS. i. 97. 
 I suppose this to be the same person who is called " Sir Robert 
 Richardson, priest," in Sadler's Letters. He was sent into 
 Scotland in 1543, by Henry VIII. with a recommendation to 
 the regent Arran, who employed him in preaching through the 
 kingdom, along with Guillaume and Rough. When the re- 
 gent apostatized from the reformed cause, he withdrew his 
 protection from Richardson, who was obliged to flee a second 
 time into England, to escape the cardinal's persecution. Sad- 
 ler's State papers, L 210, 217, 344. 
 
 Note X. p. 27. 
 
 Influence of poetry inpromoting the Reformation. — As the 
 influence which the poets and satirists of the age had upon the 
 Reformation is a subject which is curious in itself, and to 
 which httle attention has been paid, the following illustrations 
 of what has been generally stated in the text may not be unac- 
 ceptable to some readers. Dante, Petrarch, Boccacio, and 
 other Italian writers, bj' descanting upon the ambition, luxury, 
 aind scandalous manners of the clergy, had contributed greatly 
 to lessen the veneration in which they had been long held, and 
 to produce in the minds of men a conviction of the necessity 
 of a reformation. " There was (says John Gerson, Chancellor 
 of the University of Paris) one called Johannes Meldinensis 
 who wrote a book called The Romaunt of the Rose, which 
 book, if I only had, and that there were no more in the world, 
 I would rather bum it than take five himdred pounds for tlie 
 same, and if I thought the author thereof did not repent of that 
 book before he died, I would no more pray for him, than I 
 would for Judas that betrayed Christ" Catal. MSS. in Adv. 
 Lib. The writings of Chaucer, and especially those of Lang- 
 land, had the same effect in England. When the reUgious 
 struggle had actually commenced, and became hot, a diversion, 
 by no means inconsiderable, was made in favour of the reform- 
 ers by the satirists and poets of the age. A pantomime, intended 
 to degrade the comt of Rome and the clergy, was acted before 
 Charles V. at the Augustan assembly. Lud. Fabricius de ludis 
 scenicis, p. 231. Gerdesii Historia Evangel. Renovat torn. ii. 
 Docum. No. 7. p. 48. In 1524, a tragedy was acted at Paris, 
 in the presence of Francis I. in which the success of I^uther 
 was represented, and the pope and cardinals were ridiculed, by 
 kindling a fire which all their effoi-ts could not extinguish. 
 Jacob. Burchard. de Vita Llrici Hutteni. Pars. ii. 293. pars 
 iii. p. 296. see also Gerdes. iv. 315. As late as 1561, the pope's 
 ambassador complained to the queen mother of France, that 
 the young king, Charles LX". had assisted at a shew, in which he 
 had coimterfeited a friar. Letters of the cardinal de St Croir, 
 prefixed to Aymons, Synodes Nationaux de France, tom. i. p. 
 7 — 11. In Switzerland, Nic. Manuel WTote certain comedies 
 of this description in the year 1522, which were published 
 under the title oi Fastnachts Spielcn, at Berne, in 1525. Ger- 
 des. ii. 451. There were similar compositions in Holland. 
 Brand's Hist of the Reformation, i. 127. 128. Lond. 1720. 
 And also in England. Burnet's Hist of the Reform, i. 318. 
 
 In Scotland, the same weapons were employed in attacking 
 the church. The first protestant books circulated in Scotland 
 came chiefly from England. Mr. Chalmers has mentioned 
 " the very first reforming treatise which was, probably, written 
 in Scotland," compiled by " Johne Gau," and printed at Mal- 
 moe in Sweden, anno 1533. We would have been still more 
 obliged to the learned author, if he had given us some idea of 
 its contents, instead of dismissing it with the flourish, " Had all 
 been like this !" wliich, whether he meant to apply to the ele- 
 gance of printing, or the orthodoxy of the sentiments, it is dif- 
 
NOTES. 
 
 t«7 
 
 ficult to say. Caledonia, ii. 616. Calderwood seems to say 
 that books against popery began to be printed in this country 
 in 1543. MS. atl h. ann. But previous to that period the re- 
 formed sentiments were diffused by metrical and dramatic 
 writings. The satire of Buchanan against the Franciscan friars 
 for which he was thrown into prison, was elegant and pungent, 
 but, being written in Latin, it could be felt only by the learned. 
 The same may be said as to his Baptistes. But a passion for 
 Scottish poetry had been lately produced in the nation by the 
 compositions of some of our ingenious countrymen, and this 
 now began to be improved by the friends of the Reformation. 
 Kennedy and Kyllor distinguished themselves in this line. See 
 above, p. 354. Kyllor's scripture-drama was exhibited before 
 James V. at Stirling, about the year 1535 ; and the most sim- 
 ple perceived the resemblance between the Jewish pri&sts and 
 the Scottish clergy, in opposing the truth, and persecuting its 
 friends. Knox, 22. Soon after this, Alexander, Lord Kil- 
 maurs, wrote his epistle from the Hermit of Lareit to the grey- 
 friars. Ibid. 24, 25. James Stewart, son of Lord Mcthven, 
 composed poems and ballads in a similar strain, after the death 
 of the vicar of Dollar ; and Robert Alexander, advocate, pub- 
 lished the Earl of Errol's Testament, in Scots metre, which 
 was printed at Edinburgh. Cald. MS. i. 103. James Wed- 
 derburn, son of a merchant in Dundee, converted the history 
 of the beheading of John the Baptist into a Dramatic form, and 
 also the history of the tyrant Dionysius, which were acted at 
 Dundee. In both of these, the popish religion was attacked. 
 Cald. MS. ad ann. 1540. Dalyell's Cursory Remarks, p. 31. 
 
 But the poet who had the greatest influence in promoting 
 the Reformation was Sir David Lindsay. His " Satyre on the 
 three Estates" and his " Monarchies" had this for their princi- 
 pal object. The former was acted at Cupar in Fife, in the year 
 1535 ; at Linlithgow, before the king and queen, the court, and 
 country, in 1540 ; and at Edinburgh, b fore the queen regent, 
 a great part of the nobility, and an exceeding great number of 
 people, in 1554. Chalmers's Lindsay, i. 60, 61. Row says, 
 that it was also acted " in the amphitheatre of St. Johstoun." 
 MS. history of the Kirk, p. 3. It exposed the avarice, luxury, 
 and profligacy of the religious orders ; the temporal power and 
 opulence of the bishops, with their total neglect of preaching ; 
 the prohibition of the reading of the scriptures in the vulgar 
 tongue, the extolling of pardons, relics, &c. In his " Monar- 
 chies," composed by him at a subsequent period, he traced the 
 rise and progress of the papacy, and has discovered a knowledge 
 of history, and of the causes that produced the corruption of 
 Christianity, which would not disgrace any modern author. 
 The poems of Ijindsay were read by " every man, woman, and 
 child." Row has preserved an anecdote which serves to illus- 
 trate their influence, and the manner in which the Reformed 
 sentiments were propagated at that period. Some time between 
 1550 and 1558, a friar was preaching at Perth in the church 
 where the scholars of Andrew Simson attended public worship. 
 In the course of his sermon, after relating some of the miracles 
 wrought at the shrines of the saints, he began to inveigh bitterly 
 against the Lutheran preachers who were going about the 
 country, and endeavouring to withdraw the people from the 
 CathoUc faith. When he was in the midst of his invective, a 
 loud hissing arose in that part of the church where the boys, 
 to the number of three hundred, were seated, so that the friar, 
 abashed and affrighted, broke off, and fled from the pulpit. A 
 complaint having been made to the master, he instituted an 
 inquiry into the cause of the disturbance, and to his astonish- 
 ment found, that it originated with the son of a craftsman in 
 the town, who had a copy of Lindsay's Monarchy, which he 
 had read at intervals to his school-fellows. When the master 
 was about to administer severe chastisement to him, both for 
 the tumult which he had occasioned, and also for retaining in 
 his possession such a heretical book, the boy very spiritedly 
 replied, that the book was not heretical, requested his master to 
 read it, and professed his readiness to submit to punishment, 
 provided any heresy was found in it. This proposal appeared 
 so reasonable to Simson that he perused the work, which he 
 had not formerly seen, and was convinced of the truth of the 
 boy's statement. He accordingly made the best excuse which 
 he could to the magistrates for the behaviour of his scholars, and 
 advised the friar to abstain in future from extolling miracles, 
 and from abusing the protestant preachers. From that time 
 Simson was friendly to the Reformation. MS, Historic of the 
 Kirk, p. 3, 4. 
 
 In every protestant country, a metrical version of the Psalms, 
 in the vernacular language, appeared at a very early period. 
 The French version begun by Clement Marot, and comple- 
 
 ted by Beza, contributed much to the sjiread of the Reforma- 
 tion in France. The Psalms were sung l)y Francis I. and 
 Henry II. and by their courtiers : even Catholics flocked for a 
 time to the assemblies of the protestants to listen to their psal- 
 mody. Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Marot, Notes N, O, P. At a 
 later period. Cardinal Chastillon proposed to the papal ambas- 
 sador, as the best method for checking the progress of heresy, 
 that his holiness should authorize some good and godly songs to 
 be sung by the French, " cantar alcune cose in lingua Francese, 
 le quali pero fossero parole buono et sante, et prima approvate 
 de sua Beatitudine." Lettres de St. Croix, chez Aymons, ut 
 supra, tom. i. 7, 9, 11. It has been said, that there was a Scots 
 version of the Psalms at a very early period. Dalyell's Cursory 
 Remarks, p. 35. It is more certain that before the year 1546, 
 a number of the Psalms were translated in metre ; for George 
 Wishart sung one of them in the house of Ormiston, on the 
 night in which he was apprehended. Knox, Historic, p. 49. 
 The two lines quoted by Knox answer to the beginning of the 
 second stanza of the 51st Psalm, inserted in Scottish poems of 
 the 16th century, p. 111. They were commonly sung in the 
 assemblies of the protestants, in the year 1556. Knox, 96. 
 John and Robert WedderbUrh, brothers to the poet mentioned 
 above, appear to have been the principal translators of them. 
 Cald. MS. i. 108, 109. The version was not completed ; and 
 at the establishment of the Reformation, it was supplanted in 
 the churches, by the version begun by Stemhold and Hopkins, 
 and finished by the English exiles at Geneva. 
 
 But the most singular measure adopted for circulating the 
 reformed opinions in Scotland was the composition of " Gude 
 and godly ballates, changed out of prophaine sanges, for avoy- 
 ding of sinne and harlotrie." John and Robert Wedderbum 
 were also the chief authors of this work. Cald. ut supra. Row's 
 Hist, of the Kirk, p. 4. The title suflficiently indicates their 
 nature and design. The air, the measure, the initial line, or 
 the chorus of the ballads most commonly sung by the people 
 at that time, were transferred to hymns of devotion. Uimatu- 
 ral, indelicate, and gross as these associations must appear 
 to us, these spiritual songs edified multitudes at that time. 
 We must not think that this originated in any peculiar depra- 
 vation of taste in our reforming coimtrymen. Spiritual songs 
 constructed upon the same principle obtained in Italy. Ros- 
 coe's Lorenzo de Medici, i. 309. 4to. At the beginning of the 
 Reformation in Holland the very same practice was adopted as 
 in Scotland. " 1'he protestants first sung in their families, and 
 private assemblies, the Psalms of the noble lord of Nievelte, 
 which he published in 1540, ut hominis ab amatoriis, baud rare 
 obscounis, aliisque vanis canticis, quibus omnia in urbibus et 
 vicis personabat, avocaret Sed quia modulationes vanarum 
 cautionum (alias enim homines non tenebant) adhibuerat," &c. 
 Gisberti Voetii Politica Ecclesiastica, tom. i. p. 534. Amsta-lod. 
 1663. 4to. Florimond de Remond objected to the psalms of 
 Marot, that the airs of some of them were borrowed from vul- 
 gar ballads. A Roman Catholic version of the Psalms in 
 Flemish verse, printed at Anvcrs, by Simon Cock, an. 1540, 
 has the first line of a ballad printed at the head of every psalm, 
 Bayle, Diet. art. Marot. Note N. The spiritual songs of 
 CoUetet, although composed a century after our Godly Bal- 
 lates, were constructed on still more exceptionable models. 
 " Et moy. Monsieur, je vous feray voir quand il vous plaira. les 
 cantiques spirituels de CoUetet imprimes a Paris, ches Antoine 
 de Rafle, avec privilege du Roy, de 1' an 1660. Livre curieux, 
 ou vous trouveres des Noels sur le chant de ce vaudeville 
 infame qui commence, Ilfaut chanter une histoire de la f(m- 
 me d'un manant, &c. le reste est un conte scandeleux autant 
 qu'il y en ait dans le Satyricon de Petrone. Vous en trouveres 
 un autre sin- I'air de ces paroles Ubertines d'une chanson de 
 I'opera : 
 
 A quay ban, tant de raison, dans un bel ange. 
 Un autre sur ce vaudeville impudent : 
 
 Alles vous 
 
 Un galant tout rwuveau, <^c. 
 Des le temps de Henri II. parce que toute la cour chantoit les 
 Pseaumes de Marot, le Cardinal de Lorraine jugea que pour ar- 
 rester un si grand desordre, il seroit tres edifiant de faire toumer 
 des odes d'Horace en rime Francoise, pour nourrir la piete de 
 cette cour si devote." Jurieu, Apologie pour les Reformateiurs, 
 &c, tom. i. 129, 4to. A Rotterdam, 1683. 
 
 Note XI. p. 29. 
 Of George Wishart. — ^The following graphic description of 
 this interesting martyr is contained in a letter written by a 
 
148 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 person who had been one of his pupils at Cambridge, and 
 transmitted by him to Fox, who inserted it in his work, p. 
 1155. edit. 1596. 
 
 " About the yeare of our Lord, a thousand, five hundreth, 
 fortie and three, there was, in the universitie of Cambridge, 
 one Maister George Wischart, commonly called Maister George 
 of Bennet's Colledge, who was a man of tall stature, polde 
 headed, and on the same a round French cap of the best. 
 Judged of melancholye complexion by his physiognomic, 
 blacke haired, long bearded, comely of personage, well spoken 
 after his country of Scotland, courteous, lowly, lovely, glad to 
 teach, desirous to leeime, and was well trauailed, hauing on 
 him for his habit or clothing, neuer but a mantell frise gowne 
 to the shoes, a blacke MilUan fustian dublet, and plaine blacke 
 hosen, course new canuasse for his shirtes, and white falling 
 bandes and cuifes at the hands. All the wliich apparell he 
 gaue to the poorc, some weekly, some monethly, some quarterly 
 as hee liked, sauing his Frenche cappe which hee kept the whole 
 yeare of my beeing with him. Hee was a man modest, tempe- 
 rate, fearing Grod, hating couetousnesse : for his charitie had 
 neuer ende, night, noon, nor daye, he forbare one meal in three, 
 one day in foure for the most part, except something to comfort 
 nature. [When accused, at his trial, of contemning fastuig, 
 he replied, " My Lordis, I find that fastuag is commendit in the 
 scriptur. — And not so only ; hot I have leirnit by experience, 
 that fasting is gude for tlie healthe and conservation of the 
 body." Knox, 60.] Hee lay hard upon a pouffe of straw ; 
 course new canuasse sheetes, wliich, when he changed, he 
 gaue away. He had commonly by his bedside a tubbe of 
 water, in the wliich (his people being in bed, the candle put 
 out, and all quiet) hee used to bathe liimselfe, as I being very 
 yong, being assured offen heard him, and in one light night 
 discerned him, he loved mee tenderly, and I liim, for my age 
 as effectually. He tauglit me with great modestie and gratu- 
 itie, so that some of liis people thought him seuere, and would 
 haue slaine him, but the Lord was Ms defence. And hee, after 
 due correction for their mahce, by good exhortation amended 
 them, and he went his way. O that tlie Lord had left him to 
 me his poore boy, that hee might haue finished that he had 
 begunne ! For m his ReUgion he was as you see heere in the 
 rest of his life, when he went into Scotland with diners of the 
 NobiUtie, that came for a treatie to king Henry the eight. 
 His learning was no less sufficient, then his desire, always 
 prest and readie to do good in that he was able both in 
 the house priuately, and in the schoole publikely, professmg 
 and reading divers authours. 
 
 If I should declare liis loue to me and all men, liis charitie 
 to the poore, in giuing, relieiung, caring, helping, prouiding, 
 yea infinitely studying how to do good mito all, and hurt to 
 none, I should sooner want words tlian just cause to com- 
 mend him. 
 
 All this I testifie with my whole heart and truetb of this 
 godly man. He that made all, gouemeth all, and shall iudge 
 all, knoweth I speake the troth, that the simple may be satis- 
 fied, the arrogant confounded, the hypocrite disclosed. 
 
 Emery Tylney." 
 A very particular account of Wishart's trial and execution 
 was published in England, apparently soon after the assassi- 
 nation of Beatoun. This very rare little book does not 
 appear to have been seen by any of the writers who have men- 
 tioned it. The following account is taken from a copy, belong- 
 ing to Richard Heber, Esq. which he commmiicated to me 
 with that Uberality for which he is so eminently distinguished. 
 The general title is : " The tragical death of Dauid Beato 
 Bishoppe of sainct Andrewes in Scotland: Whereunto is 
 ioyned the martyrdom of maister George Wyseharte gentle- 
 man, for whoee sake the aforesayed bishoppe was not longe 
 after slayne. Wherein thou maist leame what a buniynge 
 charitie they shewed not only towardes him : but vnto al suche 
 as. come to their hades for the blessed Gospels sake." On the 
 next leaf begins, " Roberte Burrant to the reader," being a 
 preface extending to 12 leaves, ending on B, iiiii. After this 
 is the following title of the Tragedy or poem : " Here foloweth 
 the Tragedy of the late moste reuerende father Dauid, by the 
 mercie of God Cardinall and archbishoppe of sainct Andrewes. 
 And of the whole rcalme of Scotland primate. Legate and 
 Chaunccler. And administrator of the bishoprich of Merapois 
 in Fraunce. And comendator perpetuall of the Abbay of 
 Aberbrothoke, compiled by Sir Dauid Lyndsayc ofthcmounte 
 knyghte. AUaa, I^ione, kyng of armes. Anno M.D.xlvi. 
 Ultimo MaiL The wordes of Dauid Beaton the Cardinall 
 
 aforesaied at his death. Alas alas, slaye me not, I am a 
 Priest." The poem begins on the reverse, and ends on the 
 first page of C. viL On the back of tliat leaf is, — " The accu- 
 sation of maister George W'ysehart gentlema, who suffered 
 martyrdome for the faith of Christ Jesu, at St. Andrewes in 
 Scotlad the first day of March. In the yere of our Lorde, M. 
 D.xlvi. wyth the articles, which he was accused of, and his 
 swete answeres to the same, wherunto are ioyned his godly 
 oratios and praiers. — With most tendre affection and unfeyned 
 herte, considere," &c. The narrative ends on the first page 
 of F, vi, with these words, " complayning of thys innocent 
 labes slaughter." — " Imprinted at London, by John Day, and 
 WiUiam Seres, dwellynge in Scpulclires parish, at the signe of 
 the Resurrection, a little aboue Holboume conduite. Cum 
 gratia et priuilegio ad imprimendum solum." The book is in 
 eights, and the Tragedy of Beatoun is printed in small, and 
 the account of Wishart's trial in large black letter. 
 
 The date of printing is not mentioned. Those who have 
 fixed on the year 1546 have been influenced by the occurring 
 of tliis date on the title to the Tragedy, which evidently refers 
 to the time of Bcatoun's death. It is probable, however, from 
 some expressions in the preface, as well as from other consid- 
 erations, that it was printed soon after that event. Fox has 
 embodied the whole account of Wishart's trial, word for word, 
 in his Acts and Monuments, p. 1154 — 1158, and he uiforms 
 his reader that he took it " Kx Hiffor. Impressa." Knox has 
 transcribed it I'rom Fox. Historic, p. 52. 
 
 Wishart travelled on the continent, but whether previous to 
 liis banishment, anno 1538, or after it, docs not appear. 
 Knox, 56. Buchanan calls him Sophocardius, supposing his 
 name to be Wischeart, a mistake which has been corrected by 
 an intelUgent foreign historian, who says that the original 
 name was Guiscard, a name common in France, from which 
 country the Wischards (for so Knox writes it) originally 
 came to Scotland. Gerdesii Hist Reformat, tom. iv. p. 314. 
 See also Ruddiman's Propriorum nominum Interpretatio, 
 subjoined to Buch. Hist. 
 
 Note Xn. p. 30. 
 
 Of Knox's laneuage respecting the assassination of Cardi- 
 nal Beatoun. — Mr. Hume has, not very philosophically, infer- 
 red the savageness of Knox's temper from the evident satisfac- 
 tion with which he wrote of Cardinal Beatoun's assassmation : 
 and in this judgment he has been followed by many. K to 
 express satisfaction at cutting off one who was regarded as a 
 public enemy be viewed as an infalUble mark of cruelty, we 
 must pronounce this verdict upon many who were never sus- 
 pected of such a disposition. The manner in which the 
 Christian fathers expressed thcmst^lves, respecting the deadi of 
 tlie persecutors of the church, is not unknovra. See Julian the 
 apostate, chap. vii. ^iii. m works of the Rev. Samuel Johnson, 
 p. 22 — 24. Bayle, Critique Generale de I'histoire du Calvinis- 
 me, p. 295. Even the mild and philosophical Erasmus could 
 not refrain from declaring his joy at the violent death of two of 
 the most learned and eminent reformers. Bene habet (says he) 
 quod duo Coriphrei jx^ricrunt, Zuinglius in acie, Oecolampadi- 
 us paulo j)Ost febri et apostcmate. tjuod si ilhs favisset Evt/a- 
 Ajoc, actum est de nobis." Epist. 1205, apud Jortin's Life of 
 Erasmus, ii. 28. Mr. Walter Scot, in his Cadyaw Cuaile 
 (See Lyrical Pieces) has lately exerted all liis poetic powers 
 to invest Hamilton of BothwclUiaugh with the character of a 
 hero, in assassinating the regent Murray, a person who is no 
 more to be compared to Cardmal Beatoun than " Hyperion to 
 a Satyr." I know die, apology tliat wUl be made for the poet 
 (although I think he might have found, in this, and in many 
 other instances, a subject infinitely more worthy of his muse) ; 
 but what shall we say of the historian, who narrates the action 
 of Bothwellhaugh approvingly, celebrates the " happy pt^ncil" 
 of the p)oet in describing it, and insidts over tlie fall of Murray, 
 by quoting a sarcastic fine from the poem, in the very act of 
 relating his death ! Chalmers's Caledonia, ii. 571. Yet this 
 same \m\je.r is highly displeased that Sir David Lindsay, in 
 his Tragedy of Beaton, has " no burst of indignation" at the 
 Cardinal's murder ; and twice over in die same work has 
 related with triumph, that on the margin of one etlition of 
 Knox's historj', the part which James Melvin acted in that 
 scene is called a "godly fact." He also pronounces the 
 assassination of Beatoun to l>e "the y«MZe*< crime which c\-er 
 stained a country, except perhaps the similar murder of Arclir 
 bishop Sliarpe, wiUiin tiic same sliire, in tlie subsequent cen- 
 
NOTES. 
 
 149 
 
 faiy, by similar miscreants." Chalmers's Works of Lindsay, 
 vol. i. 34, 35. ii. 23 1 . How marvellously does prejudice distort 
 the judgment even of learned men ! And how surprising to 
 find the assassination of two sanguinary persecutors represen- 
 ted as more crinrinal than the murder of the brave Admiral 
 Coligni, the generous Henry IV. and the patriotic prince of 
 Orange ! There are not a few persons who can read in cold 
 blood of thousands of innocent persons being murdered under 
 the consecrated cloak of authority, but who " burst into indig- 
 nation" at the mention of the rare fact (occurring once in a 
 century) of a person, who, goaded by oppression and reduced 
 to despair, has been driven to the extreme of taking vengeance 
 on the proud and tyrannical author of his wrongs. — I mention 
 tliese things to shew the need which certain writers have to 
 look at home, and to judge of characters and actions with a 
 little more impartiality, or at least consistency. 
 
 Honest Keith, whose personal feelings do not appear to 
 have been violent, has with much simplicity expressed the 
 feelings of his party, in the reflections which he makes 
 on the Cardinal's assassination. " What might have proved 
 (says he), to be the issue of such procedure [Beatoun's 
 severe measures against the Reformers], had he enjoyed 
 his life for any considerable time, I shall not pretend to judge : 
 Only this seems to be certahi, that by his death the reins of 
 the government were much loosned ; and some persons came 
 to be considerable soon after, who probably, if he had lived, 
 had never got the opportunity to perpetrate such Villanies, 
 under the cloak of religion, as 'tis certain they did ; he being 
 at least no less a Statesman than a Clergyman." History, 
 p. 45. Tliis language needs no commentary; and the cal- 
 lousness to the interests of (I say not the Reformation, for 
 that is entirely out of the question, but of) humanity, implied 
 in the prospect that Keith takes of the cruelties which the 
 protestants must have suffered from the Cardinal, if his life 
 had been spared, is far more reprehensible than any satisfac- 
 tion which Knox expressed at his death. 
 
 "It is very horrid (says Hume), but at the same time 
 somewhat amusing to consider the joy, alacrity, and pleasure 
 which that historian [Knox] discovers in his narrative of this 
 assassination." History of England, vol. vi. chap. iv. Mr. 
 Hume makes a partial apology for Knox by the description 
 which he gives of his own feelings; while he allows that 
 what, in the main, excites horror, may produce some amuse- 
 ment It is well known that there are writers who can treat 
 the most sacred subjects with a levity bordering upon profane- 
 ness. Must we at once pronounce them profane! and is 
 nothing to be set down to the score of natural temper in- 
 clinuig them to wit and humour 1 The Reformer rejoiced at 
 the death of Beatoun. And even those who could not ap- 
 prove of the act of the conspirators were happy tliat he was 
 taken away. 
 
 As for the Cardinal we grant, 
 
 He was a man we weell might want, 
 
 And we'll forget him sone : * 
 And yet I think the sooth to say, 
 Although the lown is weell away, 
 The deed was foully done. 
 
 The pleasantry which Knox has mingled with the narrative 
 of his death and burial is unseasonable and unbecoming. But 
 it is to be imputed, not to any pleasure which he took in 
 describing a bloody scene, but to the stiong propensity which 
 he had to indulge his vein of humour. Those who have read 
 his historj' with attention must have perceived that he is not 
 able to check this, even on very serious occasions. I shall at 
 present refer to one instance only. None will doubt that his 
 mind was deeply aifected in relating the trial and execution 
 of his esteemed friend, and revered instructor, George Wishart. 
 Yet, even in the midst of his narrative of this, he could not 
 abstain from inserting the truly ludicrous description of a quar- 
 rel which arose on that occasion between the Archbishops of 
 St. Andrews and Glasgow ; for which he apologizes thus : 
 " Gif we interlace merrines with emest matters, pardone us, 
 gude reidare ; for the fact is sa notable, that it deserves lang 
 memorie." See Historic, p. 51. ed. 1732. 
 
 Note Xm. p. 34. 
 
 I shall transcribe Knox's account of the exercise of his 
 mind, during his confinement in the galleys, from the MS, 
 
 copy of his Treatise on Prayer in my possession, preserving 
 the original orthography, which is altered in the printed 
 edition. Those who have access to the latter can compare 
 the two. 
 
 " I mene not (says he) that any man, in extreamitie of 
 trubill, can be vnthout a present dolour, and without a greater 
 feir of trubill to follow. Trubill and feir are the verie spurris 
 to prayer. For when man, compassit about with vehement 
 calamities, and vexit with continewall soUcitude, having by 
 help of man no hope of deliverance, with soir oppressit and 
 punisset hart, feinng also greater punishment to follow, from 
 the deip pit of tribulation, doith call to God for comfort and 
 support, such prayer ascendeth into Godis presence, and 
 retumeth not in vane." Having illustrated this from the 
 exercise of David, as described in the viith psalm, he proceeds. 
 " This is not written for David onlie, but for all such as sail 
 suffer tribulatioun to the end of the world. For I, the wrytei 
 hereof, (lat this be said to the laude and prais of God allone) 
 in anguschc of mynd, and vehement tribulatioun and afHic- 
 tioun, called to the Lord, when not only the ungodhe, but evin 
 my faithfuU brether, ye and my awn self (that is, all natural 
 understanding) judgeit my cause to be irremeadable ; and yit 
 in my greatest calamitie, and when my panis wer most cruell, 
 wold his etemall wisdome that my handis suld wrj't far con- 
 trarie to the judgement of camall reasone, whilk his mercie 
 hath pruved trew. Blessit be his halie name* And therefore 
 dar I be bold, in the veritie of Godis word, to promcis that, 
 notwithstanding the vehemencie of trubill, the long contin- 
 ewance thairof, the desperatioun of all men, the feirfulness, 
 danger, dolour, and angusche of oure awn hartis, yit, yf we call 
 constantlie to God, that, beyound expectatioun of all men, hie 
 sail delyver,'' p. 52 — 54. After shewing that prayers for tem- 
 poral deUverance ought always to be offered up with submis- 
 sion to the divine will, that God often delays the deliverance 
 of the body while he mitigates the distress of the spirit, and 
 sometimes permitteth his saints " to drink, before the maturity 
 of age, the bitter cupe of corporall death, that thairby they 
 may receive medicine, and cure from all infirmitie," he adds : 
 " Albeit we sie thairfoir no appeirand help to our selves, nor 
 yit to otheris afflictit, lat ws not ceis to call (thinking our 
 prayeris to be vane), for whatsoever cum of our bodeis, God 
 sail gif unspeakabill comfort to the spreit, and sail tume all to 
 our comodities beyound our awn expectatioun. The caus 
 that I am so long and tedious in this matter is, for that I knaw 
 how hard the batell is between the spreit and the fleschc, under 
 the heavie cros of afflictioun, whair no warldlie defence, but 
 present death dois appeir. I knaw the grudging and murmur- 
 ing complaints of the fleshe ; I knaw the anger, wrath, and 
 indignatioun, whilk it consaveth aganis God, calling all his 
 promissis in dout, and being readie everie hour utterlic to fall 
 from God : aganis whilk restis onlie faith provoking us to call 
 emistlie, and pray for assistance of Godis spreit, whairin if we 
 continew, our maist disperat calamiteis sail hie tume to gladnes, 
 and to a prosperous end.-j" To the, O Lord, allone be prais ; 
 for with experience I wryt this, and speak." MS. Letters, 
 p. 65, 66. 
 
 The edition was printed most probably in England {Rome 
 is on the title-page) during the persecution, from a MS. sent 
 by Knox from Dieppe, and so incorrectly that it is often im- 
 possible to make sense of it. The following are specimens. 
 " Diffysed," fol. 2. " diificil," MS, " A pure word of God," fol. 
 2. " a puritie allowit of God," MS. " Consent," fol. 3. " conceat,'' 
 MS. " May any other Jesus Christ, except t, in these wordes 
 make intercession for sinners'?'' fol. 11. "May any other 
 (Jesus Christ except) in these wordis mak intercession for 
 sinnerisi" MS. The transcriber having mistaken the conclu- 
 ding mark of parenthesis for the pronoun /. " Carkese slepe," 
 fol. 16. " careleslie slepeth," MS, In quoting Isa. Ixiv. 5, 
 the printed edition has employed a word which I have not 
 seen in any old version of the Bible. " Thou art crabbid, 
 O Lord, because we have sinned," fol. 4. and again verse 9, 
 "Be not crabbid, O Lord, remember not our iniquities for 
 ever." In the MS. it is angrie, in both instances. In 
 fol. xvi. is a greater variation. " For with such as do 
 aleage that God may not chaunge his sentence, and our 
 prayers therefore to be vayne, can I no wyse agree." Instead 
 of this the MS, has, "whilk thing if we do unfeanedUe, 
 he will revoke his wrath, and in the middis of his furie 
 think upon mercie," — There are similar variations between 
 
 • In some copies this line reads, Ood will forgive it sone. 
 
 * The words in italics are not in the printed copies, 
 t The P. C. instead of " end" have " fyne," a word lometiroei UMd 
 in the MS. Letters. 
 
15© 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 the MS. and the printed copies of most of his other tracts. 
 They show that the MS. which I possess has not lieen 
 transcribed from these copies, according to a custom pretty 
 common in that age. 
 
 Note XIV. p. 35. 
 
 Extracts from Balnare's Treatise on Justijicaiion. — In 
 reading the writings of the first reformers there are two things 
 which must strike our minds. The first is the exact conform- 
 ity between the doctrine maintained by them respecting the 
 justification of sinners, and that of the apostles. The second 
 is the surprising harmony wluch subsisted among the reform- 
 ers as to this doctrine. On some questions respecting the 
 sacraments, and the external govenmient and worship of the 
 church, they diflfered ; but upon tlie article of free justifica- 
 tion, Luther and Zuinglius, Melanchtlion and Calvin, Cranmer 
 and Knox, spoke the very same language. This was not 
 owing to their having read each others writings, but because 
 they copied from the same divine original. The cltiamess 
 with which they understood and explained this great truth is 
 also very observable. More learned and able defences of it have 
 since appeared ; but I question if it has ever been stated in 
 more scriptural, unequivocal, decided language, them it was in 
 the writings of the early reformers. Some of their successors, 
 by giving way to speculations, gradually lost sight of this 
 distinguishing badge of the Refonnation, and landed at last in 
 Anniuianism, which is nothing else but the popish doctrine in 
 a protestant dress. Knox has informed us, that his design, in 
 preparing for the press the Treatise written by Sir Henry 
 Balnaves, was to give, along with the author, his " confession 
 of the article of justification therein contained." I cannot, 
 therefore, lay before tlie reader a more correct view of our 
 Reformer's sentiments upon this fundamental article of faith, 
 than by quoting from a book which was revised and approved 
 by him. 
 
 Having given the philosophical definition of justice or 
 righteousness, and explained what is meant by civil and 
 ceremonial justice, the author proceeds as follows. " The 
 justice of the law morall or Moses's law, which is the law of 
 God, exceedeth and is far above the other two justices. It is 
 the perfite obedience required of man, according to all the 
 works and deeds of the same. Not only in extemall and 
 outward deeds, but also with the inward affections and mo- 
 tions of the hart, conforme to the commandment of the same 
 (saying), thou shalt love thy Lord God with all thy hart, with 
 aU thy mind, with all thy power, and strength, and thy neigh- 
 bour as thyselfe. This is no other thing but the law of 
 nature, prented in the hart of man, m the begimiing ; nowe 
 made patent by the mouth of God to man, to utter his sin, and 
 make his corrupted nature more patent to himselfe. And so 
 is the lawe of nature and the law of Moyses joyned together 
 in a knot ; which is a doctrine, teaching all men a perfite rule, 
 to know what he should do, and what he should leave undone, 
 both to God and his neighbour. The justice of the lawe, is 
 to fulfill the law ; that is, to doo the perfite workes of the law 
 as they arc required, from the bottome of the hart, and »s they 
 are declared and expounded by Christ ; and whosoever trans- 
 gpresseth the same, shall never be pronounced just of the law. 
 But there was never man that fulfilled this lawe to the utter- 
 most perfection thereof (except onely Jesus Christ). Therefore, 
 in the lawe can we not find our justice, because of the deedcs 
 of the lawe no flesh shall be made just before God." p. 
 57, 58. 
 
 " For transgression of the commandment of God, our fore- 
 father Adam was exiled and banished forth of paradise, and 
 spoiled of the integrity, perfection, and all the excellent qual- 
 ities, dignities, and godlie vertues, with which he was indued 
 by his creation, made rebell, and disobedient to God in his 
 ovvne default And therefore he might not fulfill the law to 
 the perfection as tlie same required. For the lawe remaining 
 in the owne perfection, just, holye, and good, requireth 
 and asketh the same of man, to be indeed fulfilled. But 
 all men proceeding from Adam, by natural propagation, 
 have the same imperfection that hce had ; the which corrup- 
 tion of nature resistcth the will and goodnes of the law, which 
 is the cause that wee fulfill not the same, nor may not of our 
 power and strength, through the infirmitie and weaknes of 
 our flesh, which is enemie to the spirit, as tlie apostle saith." 
 p. 79, 80. 
 
 " Notwithstanding, after the fall of man, remained with our 
 first parents some rest and footsteppes of tliis lawe, knowledge, 
 and vertues, in tlie which he was created, and of him descended j 
 
 in us ; by the which, of our free will and power, we may do the 
 outward deeds of the law, as is before written. This know- 
 ledge deceaved and beguiled the philosophers ; for they looke 
 but to the reason and judgement of man, and could not 
 perceave the inward corruption of nature, but ever supponed 
 man to bee clean and pure of nature, and might of his own 
 free wil and naturall reason, fulfill all perfection. And when 
 they perceaved the wickedness of man from his birth, they 
 judged that to be by reason of the planete under whome he 
 was borne, or through evill nourishing, upbringing, or otlier 
 accidents, and could never consider the corrupted nature of 
 man, which is the cause of all our wickedness ; and therefore 
 the}' erred, and were deceaved in their opinions and judge- 
 ments : but the perfite Christian man should looke first in his 
 corruption of nature, and consider what tlie law requireth of 
 him, in the which he finding his imperfection and sinnes 
 accused, (for that is the office of the law, to utter sinne to 
 man, and giveth him no remedy) then of necessitie is he com- 
 pelled either to despaire, or seek Christ, by whom he shall get 
 the justice that is of value before God, which can not be 
 gotten by any law or works, because by the deedes of the law 
 no fleshe shall be justified before God." p. 81 — 83. 
 
 " This proposition of the holy spirite is so perfite, that it ex- 
 cludeth (if ye will understande the same right) all the vaine 
 foolish arguments of sophistrie made by die justifiers of them 
 sehes, which perverte the words of S, Paule (as they doo the 
 other scriptures of God) to their perversed sence and mind ; 
 (saying), that the apostle excludeth by these wordes the 
 workes of the law ceremonial, and not the deeds of the Jaw of 
 nature, and morall law of Moyse-s. The which shameless 
 sayings are expressly evacuat by the wordes of the apostie, 
 insomuch that no man of righteous judgement can deny, but 
 shall feel the same as it were in their hands, by this probation. 
 The law speaketh to all, that is, accuseth all men that are mider 
 the law. All men are under the law of nature, or the law of 
 Moyses, therefore the apostle speaketh of the law of nature and 
 Moyses, and of all men which he comprehendeth under Jewe 
 and Gentill, as he proveth by his argumentes in the tirst and 
 second chap, to the Romans, and concludeth in the third chap, 
 all men are simiers. If all men bee simiers, none is just ; if 
 none bee just, none fulfill the lawe ; if none fulfill the lawe, the 
 lawe can pronounce none just ; therefore concludeth he, that 
 of the deedes of the lawe no fleshe shall be fonde just before 
 God. The same is proved by Da\id in the 13. Psalme, 
 Here ye see by the words of the apostle, he mtends to prove 
 and declare all men sinners ; that is, to stoppe all mens 
 mouths, and to dryve them to Christ by the accusation of tiie 
 law. No law may make or declare all men sinners, and sub- 
 due the whole world to God, but the law of nature and 
 Moyses ; therefore, under that word (law) tiie apostle compre- 
 hended the law morall, and not the law ceremonial only," 
 p. 84, 85. 
 
 " But think not that I intende through these assertions to 
 exclude good works ; no, God forbid, for good workes are the 
 gift of God, and his good creatures, and ought and should 
 be done of a Christian, as shalbe showen hereafter at length 
 in their place ; but in this article of justification, yee must 
 either exclude all workes, or els exclude Christ from you, and 
 make your selfes just, the which is impossible to do. Christ 
 is the end of the law (unto righteousnes) to all that beleeve, 
 that 18, Christ is the consummation and fulfilling of the lawe, 
 and that justice whiche the lawe requirctli ; and all they 
 which beleeve in him, are just by imputation through faith, 
 and for his sake are repute and accepted as just. This is the 
 justice of faith of the which the apostle spedteth, Rom. the 10. 
 chapter : therefore, if yee wilbee just, seeke Christ, and not 
 the law, nor your invented workes, which are lessc than the 
 law. Christ shall have no mixtion with the law, nor 
 works thereof, in this article of justification ; because the law 
 is as contrarie to the oftice of Christ, as darknes to light, and 
 is as farre different as heaven and earth ; for the office of the 
 law is to accuse the wicketl, feare them, and condemne them, 
 as transgressours of the same ; the office of Christ is to preache 
 mercy, remission of sinnes, freely in his bloude tiirough faith, 
 give consolation, and to save sinners ; for hee came not in to 
 this world to call them which ar just, or think themselves just, 
 but to call sinners to repentance." p. 100, 126, 127, 128. 
 
 " This faith which only justifieth and giveth life, is not idle 
 nor remaineth alone ; nevertheless, it alone justifieth, and then 
 it works by charitie ; for unfained faith may no more abyde 
 idle from working in love, than the good tree may from bring- 
 ing foOTth her ixmi in due time ; and yet the fruite is not tlie 
 
NOTES. 
 
 151 
 
 cause of the tree, nor maketh the tree good, but the tree is the 1 
 cause of the fruit : and the good tree bringeth forth good 1 
 fruite, by the which it is knowen goode ; even so it is of the 
 faithfull man, the workes make him not faithfull nor just, nor 
 yet are the cause thereof; but the faithfull and just man bring- 
 eth forth and maketh good works, to the honour and glorie of 
 God, and profit of his neighbour, which beare witnesse of his 
 inward faith, and testify him to be just before man," p. 131, 
 132. In the following part of the treatise, the author shews 
 at large, that the doctrine of gratuitous justification docs not 
 release Christians from obligation to perform good works, and 
 inculcates the duties incumbent upon them in the different 
 spheres of life in which they may be placed. Confession 
 of Faith ; conteining how the troiMed man should seeke 
 refuge at his God,- compiled bi/ M. Henry Balnaves of 
 Huihill, and one of the Lords of Session of Scotland, being a 
 
 Prisoner within the oldpallaice of Roane, in the year 1548. 
 : Vautrollier, Edin. 1548. -See above, p. 72. 
 
 Note XV. p. 37. 
 
 Extracts from Knox's Defence before the Bishop of Dur- 
 hatn. — Since the publication of the first edition of this Life, I 
 have seen a copy of this Defence in print. Its title will be 
 found in the catalogue of Knox's works, to be inserted in the 
 last note of volume second. The printed edition agrees more 
 exactly with the MS. in my possession than any of his other 
 works which I have had the opportunity of comparing. The 
 extracts given in this note are continued in their original form, 
 to preserve the orthography of the MS. which constitutes 
 almost the only difference between it and the printed edition. 
 
 "Thefourtof Apryle in the yeir 1550, was appoyntit to 
 Johne Knox, preacher of the halie evangel] of Jesus Chryst, 
 to gif his confessioun why hie affinned the mes idolatrie, 
 whilk day, in presence of the consale and congregatioun, 
 amangis whome was also present the bischope of Durani and 
 his doctors, on tliis manner hie beginneth. 
 
 " This day I do appeir in your presence, honourahill audi- 
 ence, to gif a reasone why so conatantlie I do alfinne the mes 
 to be, and at all tymes to haif bene, idolatrie and abominatioun 
 before God ; and becaus men of great eruditioun, in your 
 audience, affirmed the contrarie, most gladlie wold I that heir 
 thay wer present, either in proper persone, or els by thair 
 leamit men, to ponder and wey the causis moveing me thairto : 
 for unles I evidentUe prufe myne intent be Goddis halie scrip- 
 tures, I will recant it as wickit doctrine, and confes my self 
 maist worthie of grevous punisment How difficill it is to pull 
 furth of the hartis of the pepill the thing whairin opinioun of 
 holines standeth, declareth the great tunudt and uprore moveit 
 aganis Paule by Demetrius and his fellowis, who by idolatrie 
 gat great vantage, as oure priestis have done be the mase in 
 tymes past. The pepill, I say, heiring that the honor of thair 
 great goddes Diana stude in jeopardie, with furious voces cryit, 
 ' great is Diana of the Ephesians ;' — and heirunto wer thay 
 moveit be lang custome and fals opinioun. I knaw, that in 
 the mass hath not onlie bene estcmit great holines and honor- 
 ing of God, but also the ground and fundatioun of oure 
 religioun : so that, in opinioun of many, the mass taken away, 
 thair resteth no trew wirschipping nor honouring of God in 
 the erth. The deiper hath it persit the hartis of men yat it 
 occupyith the place of the last and misticaO supper of our 
 Lord Jesus. But yf I sal, be plane and evident scriptures, 
 prove the mess, in hir maist honest garment, to haif bene idol- 
 atrie befoir God, and blasphemous to the death and passioun 
 of Chryst, and contrarie to the supper of Jesus Chryst, than 
 gude hope have I, honorable audience and belovit brethrene, 
 that the feir, love, and obedience of God, who in his scriptures 
 hath spokin all veritie necessarie for oure salvatioun, sail move 
 yow to gif place to the same, O Lord eternal ! move and 
 governe my toung to speak the veritie, and the hartis of thir 
 pepill to understand and obey the same." p. 1,2. 
 
 In proof of his position, he laid down and defended two 
 syllogisms. The first is thus stated : " Ail wirschiping, hon- 
 oring, or service inventit by the brane of man in the religioun 
 of God, without his awn expres commandement, is idolatrie. 
 The mase is inventit by the brane of man without any com- 
 mandment of God. Thairfoir it is idolatrie." The second 
 syllogism is thus framed : " All honoring or service of God, 
 whairunto is addit a wickit opinioun, is abominatioun. Unto 
 the mes is addit a wickit opinioun. Thairfoir it is abomina- 
 tioun," p. 3, 21. In support of the major proposition of his 
 first syllogism, he argues from 1 Sam. xiii, 1 1 — 14. xv. 22, 23. 
 
 Deut. iv. 2. xii. 8, 32. 1 Cor. xi. 23. Take the following as 
 a specimen. " We may not think ws so frie nor wyse that 
 we may do unto God, and unto his honour, what we think 
 expedient. No : the contrarie is commandit by God, saying, 
 U7ito my word sail ye add nothing, nothing sail ye demin- 
 ische thairfrome, that ye might observe the precepits of your 
 Lord God. Whilk wordis ar not to be understand of the 
 decalogue and law moral onlie, but of statutis, rytes, and 
 ccremonyis ; for equall ol)edience of all his lawis requyreth 
 God. And in witnes thairof, Nadib and Abihu ofhring strange 
 fyre, whairof God had gevin unto thame na charge, wer in- 
 stanthe, as they ofhrit, punisset to death by fyre. — In the 
 punisment of theis two afoirsaid is to be observit, that Nadab 
 and Abihu wer the principal priestis nixt to Aron thair father, 
 and that thay wer comprehendit neither in adulterie, covetous- 
 nes, nor desyre of warldlie honor, but of a gud zeall and sim- 
 pill intent wer making sacrifice, desyreing no profit of the 
 pepill thairby, but to honor God, and to metigat his wraith. 
 And yit in the douig of this self same act and sacrifice wer 
 thay consumit away with fyre ; whairof it is plane, that nether 
 the preeminence of the persone or man that maketh or setteth 
 up any religioun without the express commandment of God, 
 nor yet the intent whairof hie doith the same, is acccptit befoir 
 God : for nothing in his religioun will hie admit without his 
 awn word, but all that is addit thairto doith hie abhor, and 
 punisscth the inventoris and doeris thairof, as ye haif hard in 
 Nadab and Aliihu." MS. Letters, p. 6, 7. 
 
 The following extracts will exemplify the irony with which 
 he treated the popish tenets. " Jesus Chrjst sayeth, I will 
 lay upon yow none other burdene than I haif alredic ,- and, 
 thai whilk ye haif observe diligentlie. O Goid etemall ! hast 
 thow laid none uther burdene upon our backis than Jesus 
 Chryst laid be his word ] Then who hath burdenit ws with 
 all theis ceremonyis ] presciybid fasting, compellit chastitie, un- 
 lawful] vowis, invocatioun of Sanctis, and with the idolatrie of 
 the mese 1 The divill, the divill, brethrene, inventit all theis 
 burdenis to depres imprudent men to perditioun," p. 10. 
 Speaking of the canon of the mass, he saith, " I will preve, 
 that thairin is indigest, barbarous, folische congestioun of 
 wordis, imperfectioun of sentences, ungodlie invocationis, and 
 diabolicall conjurationis. And this is that holie canon whois 
 autoritie preccUeth all scriptures. O ! it was so holie it might 
 not be spokin planelie as the rest, but secreitlie it behoved to 
 be whisperet ! That was not evil devysit ; for yf all men 
 had hard it, sum wold have espyit the vanitie thairof. — Thay 
 say, hoc est enim corpus meum. I pray thame schew whair 
 find thay enim ? ! heir mak thay a great matter ; and heir 
 lyeth a secreit misterie, and hid operatioun ! For in fyve. wordis 
 conceaved the virgin Marie, say thay, when sche conceavit 
 the Sone of God. What yf sche had spoken sevin, ten, or 
 twentie words 1 oi what yf sche had spoken thrie 1 Suld 
 thairby the dcterminat consalle bene impedit 1 O papists ! is 
 Godajuglar"? Useth he certane noumer of wordis in per- 
 forming his intent 1" p. 18, 19. 
 
 Quintin Kennedy, abbot of Crossraguel, in an Oration, 
 composed by him, in 1561, made some remarks on Knox's 
 book against the Mass. " Shortlie (says he) will we call to 
 remembrance ane notable syllogisme (or argument) sett furth 
 be ane famouss prechour, callit John Knox, in his sermon 
 aganis the mess, in maner as efter follows." And having 
 quoted the first syllogism as already expressed in his note, he 
 answers : " As to the first part of his syllogisme, quhar he dois 
 aflirme all worschipping of God inuentit be the brayne of 
 manne without express command of God to be ydolatrie, it is 
 als falss as Goddis wourd is trew ; for quhy did not Abel, 
 Abraham, Noe, and diuerse vtheris of the aulde fatheris, inuent 
 meanis and ways to the worschiping of God without expres 
 commande of God, and wes acceptable to the Lord God, as the 
 Aulde Testament techis vs 1 Did not Cornelius ccnturio in- 
 likewise invent meanis and ways to the worschipping of God, 
 without expres commande of God, quhilk wes acceptable to 
 God, as the New Testament plainly teachis ws 1 Thus ma 
 we cleirle persaue that this witkit syllogisme aboue rehersit is 
 expres aganis the scripture of Almychti God, bath Aulde 
 Testament and New. Secondlie, to preve his fals and wi( kit 
 syllogisme, inipropirlie callis he to remembrance the scripture 
 of Almychti God, quhar mentione is maid how king Saule 
 made sacrifice unto God of his owne brayne, and wes nocht 
 acceptable to the Lorde God. Mark this place of the scripture, 
 and it salbe easely pcrsavit that it is all wayis impropirlie 
 appUit ; for quhy, his syllogisme makis mentione of tne wors- 
 chipping of Gode inuentit be the brayne of mannc, without 
 
1S2 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 exj«es commande of God; and this place of scripture testifeis 
 plsiinly of the worschipping of God inuentit be the brayne of 
 marme, expres contrar to the commande of God. And sua 
 may we cleirUe vnderstand that tliis first part of his syllogisme 
 differis far fra the testimonie of scripture, adducit be him for 
 confirmatione of the samin ; bicaus thair is ane gretc diiference 
 betuix the worschipping of God inuentit be manne, x\ithout 
 expres commande of God, and the worschipping of God 
 inuentit be manne, expres contrar to the command of God ; 
 the ane may neuer stand with tlie scripture ; the vthcr aggreis 
 with the scripture, bayth Aulde Testament and New, as I 
 haif all reddy declarit" In fine, the abbot insists that Saul 
 " coramittit na ydolatrie," for " albeit tlie scripture dois afilrme 
 that stubbomes is as the wicketnes of ydolatrie, nochttheles 
 stubbomes is nocht ydolatrie." Ane Oratioune set furth be 
 Master Quintine Kennedy, Commendatour of Corsraguell, ye 
 zeir of Gode 1561, p. 5—^. Edinburgh, 1812. 
 
 Note XVI. p. 38. 
 
 Changes on the English Liturgy. — In the communion- 
 book, as set forth in 1548, tlie words pronounced by the min- 
 ister at delivering the bread were, " The body of our Lord 
 Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, presers'e thy body and 
 soul into everlasting hfe." And at the delivery of tlie cup, 
 " The blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was shed for tliee, 
 preserve," &c. As altered in the corrected Prayer-book of 
 Edward VI. the words pronounced were, '• Take and eat this 
 in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on him in 
 thy heart by fiiith. — Drink tliis in remembrance Christ's blood 
 was shed for tliee, and be thankful." A rubric was also added, 
 to be read at the celebration of the communion, declaring, that, 
 aldiough the posture of kneeling was retained to signify our 
 humble and grateftd acknowledgement of tlie benefits of 
 Christ, and to prevent profanation and disorder ; yet " no 
 adoration is intended or ought to be done, either to the sacr2imen- 
 tal bread and wine there bodily received, or unto any corporal 
 presence of Christ's natural flesh and blood ; for the bread and 
 wine retained their natural substances, and Christ's natural 
 body was in heaven, and could not be in more places than one 
 at the same time." Collier, ii. 310. Records, No. 70. 
 
 In the settlement of religion, at the commencement of 
 Elizabeth's reign, the old form of words at delivering the 
 elements was superuiduced upon the new, which, like the 
 patching of old suid new cloth in a garment, marred the whole, 
 and pleased neither protestants nor papists. And the rubric, 
 explanatory' of kneeling, was thrown out. At the restoration 
 of Charles II. " the church thought fit (says Collier) to conde- 
 scend so far as to restore the rubric of King Edward's reign," 
 to please " some people either of weak judgments or conten- 
 tious humours." A piece of condescension with which the 
 historian pretty plainly intimates Ids dissatis&ction.. — In the 
 liturgy which was attempted to be imposed upon the Scottish 
 church, in 1637, all the qualifications and explications in the 
 last prayer book of Edward VI. were completely excluded, and 
 various expressions, postures, and gestures, favourable to the 
 popish notions and superstition, were imblushingly borrowed 
 from the mass-book. But the rulers of the church in the three 
 kingdoms were then posting fast to Kome, when they were 
 overturned in their mad cai'cer. 
 
 Note XVU. p. 42. 
 
 Sentiments of English Reformers respecting the govem- 
 ment and worship of tJie church, — I shall endeavour to 
 compress the body of evidence which can be produced for the 
 conformity between tlie private sentiments of the English 
 reformers respecting worship and church-government, and 
 those of Knox along with the reformers of Switzerland and 
 Geneva. Hooper, in a letter dated Feb. 8, 1550, informs 
 BulUnger that " the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of 
 Rochester, Ely, St. David's, Lincoln, and Bath, were sincerely 
 bent on advancing the purity of doctrine, agreeing in all 
 THINGS with the Helvetic churches." Burnet, iiL 201. Park- 
 hurst, bishop of Norwich, in a letter to Gualter, Feb. 4, 1573, 
 fervently exclaims, " O ! would to God, would to God, onc« at 
 last, all the English people would in good earnest propound to 
 themselves to follow the church of Zurich as the most absolute 
 pattern." Strype's Annals, ii. 286, 342. 
 
 Cranmer expressed his opinion formally in writing, that 
 " the bishops and priests were at one time, and were no two 
 things, but both one orriC£ in the beginning of Christ's 
 
 religioa." — " The bishop of St David's, my lord elect ofWest- 
 minster. Dr. Cox, Dr. Redman, say that at the beginning they 
 were all onb." CoUier. ii. Records, No 49. Burnet, i. Append, 
 p. 223 — 225. Thirteen bishops, with a great number of other 
 ecclesiastics, subscribed this proposition, " that in the New 
 Testament there is no mention made of any degrees or distinc- 
 tions in orders, but only deacons or ministers, and of priests or 
 bishops." Burnet, ut supra, p. 324. Cranmer says, " In the 
 New Testament he that is appointed a bishop or a priest 
 necdeth not consecration by the scripture, for election or 
 appointment thereto is sufficient." And of the same judgment 
 was the bishop of St David's. Ibid. 228, 230. Latimer and 
 Hooper maintained the identity of bishops and presbyters, by 
 divme institution. Voetii Polit. Eccles. torn. ii. p. 837. "This 
 was also the opinion of Pilkington, bishop of Durham. Trea- 
 tise on the bummg of St Paul's, apud Cald. Altare Damas. p. 
 204, Bishop Jewel assents to it in his Answer to Harduig, j». 
 121. And on tlie accession of Elizabeth, he expressed his 
 hope, that " the bishops would become pastors, labourers, and 
 watchmen, and that the great riches of bishoprics would be 
 diminished and reduced to mediocrity, that, being delivered 
 from regal and courtly pomp, they might take care of the flock 
 of Christ" Burnet, iii. 288. In the same year, Dr. Aylmer 
 addressed the right reverend bench in these terms : " Come of, 
 you bishops, away with your superfluities, yield up your thou- 
 sands, be content with hundreds, as they be in other reformed 
 churches, where there be as great learned men as you are. 
 Let your portion be priesiJike, and not princelike. Let the 
 Queen have the rest of your temporahties and other lands to 
 maintain these warres which you procvired, and your mistressc 
 left her ; and with the reste builde and found scoales thorow outte 
 the realme : that every parishe church may have his preacher, 
 every city his superintendent, to live honesdy and not pomf>- 
 ously ; wliich wHl never be onles your landes be dispersed and 
 bestowed upon many which now feedeth and fatteUi but one. 
 — I would our countryman Wickliefe's boke which he wrote, 
 De Ecclesia, were in print, and there should you see that 
 your wrinches and cavillations be nothing worthie. It was 
 my chaunce to happen of it in ones hand that brought it 
 out of Bohemia." An Harborowe for faithful and trew sub- 
 jects, O, 4. Cranmer expressed himself in a similar strain 
 respecting the " glorious titles, styles and pomps" which were 
 come into the church through the working of the spirit of 
 Diotrephes, and professed Ids readiness to lay them aside. 
 Strype's Cranmer, Append, p. 20. Buniet iii. 105. Append- 
 p. 88. In fact, the title of bishop was very generally disused 
 in common speech, during tlie reign of Edward VI. and that 
 of superintendent substituted in its place. And this change 
 of language was vindicated by Ponet, bishop of Winchester, 
 in an answer which he published to a popish writer. Strype's 
 Memorials of the Reformation, ii. 444, 445. 
 
 It was proposed by Cranmer to erect courts similar to tlie 
 kirk-sessions and provincial synods afterwards introduced into 
 the Scottish church. Burnet, iii. 214. Reformatio Leg. 
 Eccles. cap. 8, 10. He ardently wished the suppression of 
 prebendaries, " an estate (he said) which St Paule, reckon- 
 ing up the degrees and estates allowed in his tirae, could not 
 find in the church of Christ" Burnet, iii. Append, p. 157, 
 158, All the protestant bishops and divines, in the reign of 
 Edward VI. were anxious for the introduction of ecclesiastical 
 discipline. Dr. Cox (Oct 5, 1552.) complains bitterly of 
 the opposition of the courtiers to this measure, and says, that, 
 if it was not adopted, tlie kingdom of God would be taken 
 away from them." Latimer's Sermons, fol. cix. b. Lond, 
 1570. Strype's Memor. of the Reform, ii, 366. Repository 
 of Orig. p,' 150. 
 
 Cranmer, with his colleagues, w^ere far from being satisfied 
 with the purity of the last common-prayer book of Edward, 
 and he had drawn up one which is said to have been " an 
 hundred times more perfect" Troubles at Frankfort p. 50. 
 He and Ridley intended to procure an act for aboUshuig tlie 
 sacerdotal habits ; " for they only defended their lawfulness, but 
 not their fitness," Burnet's Letters respecting Switzerland, 
 &c, p, 52. Rotterdam, 1686. When Grindal was appouited 
 to tlie bishoprick of London, he " remained under some scru- 
 ples of conscience alx>ut some tilings, especially tlie habits and 
 certain ceremonies required to be used of such as were 
 bishops. For the reformed in these times (says Stryf)e) geii 
 erally went upon the ground, tliat in order to the complete free- 
 ing of the church of Christ from the errors and corruptions of 
 Rome, every usage and custom practised by that ai>ostate and 
 idolatrous church should be abolished, — aiid that the service of 
 
N T p: s , 
 
 163 
 
 God should be most simple, stript of all that show, pomp, 
 and appearance that had been customarily used lieiore, esteem- 
 ing all that to be no better than superstitious and antichristian." 
 Life of Grindal, p. 28. Horn and others had the same views 
 and scruples. " By the letters (says bishop Burnet) of which 
 I read the originals, [in the archives of Zurich] it appears 
 that the bishops preserved the habits rather in compliance 
 with the Queen's incUnations than out of any liking they 
 had to them ; so far were they from liking, that they plainly 
 expressed their dislike of them." Burnet's I-etters, ut supra, 
 p. 51. Before they accepted the office they endeavoured to 
 obtiin the abrogation of the ceremonies , and when the act 
 enjoining them passed, they were induced to comply chiefly 
 by their fears that the Papists or Lutherans would occupy 
 their places. Strype's Armals, i. 175. Burnet, ii. 376. and 
 Ids Sermon on Psal. cxlv. 15. preached before the House of 
 Commons, Jan. 1688. Cox writes to BuUinger, 5th May 
 1551, " I think all things in the church ought to be pure 
 and simple, removed at the greatest distance from the pomps 
 and elements of the world. But in this our church what 
 can I do in so low a station." Strype's Memor. of the Re- 
 form, ii. 305. Burnet, iii. 202. Jewel, in a letter to Martyr, 
 Nov. 5, 1559, calls the clerical habits " a stage-dress" (testis 
 scenica), to which those alone were attached who " had no- 
 thing else to recommend them to tlie people, but a comical 
 dress, — stipites sine ingenio, suie doctrina, sine moribus, veste 
 saltern comica volebant populo commendari," He engages 
 that no exertions of his should be wanting to banish utterly 
 these ludicrous fooleries, '^ Indicris ineptiis, and relics of the 
 Amoriies, as his correspondent (he says) had well designed 
 them. And, at a period still later, (Feb. 8, 1566.) he writes 
 to Bullinger, that he " wished that the very slightest foot- 
 steps of popery might be removed out of the church and 
 minds of men ; but the queen would at that time suffer no 
 change in religion." Burnet, iii. Append, p. 291. ii. Append, 
 p. 351. Strype's Annals, i. 174. Grindal and Horn wrote 
 to Zurich, that they did not approve of, but merely suffered, 
 kneeling in the eucharist, and signing vnth the cross in bap- 
 tism, with some other ceremonies, hoping that they would 
 speedily obtain their abrogation. Burnet, ii. 310, 314. As 
 to Parkhurst bishop of Norwich, Pilkington of Durham, and 
 Sands of Worcester, the non-confonnists bear testimony, that 
 these prelates discovered the greatest zeal in endeavouring to 
 procure their abrogation. Ibid. iii. 316. The most respectable 
 of the clergy in Sie lower house were of the same sentiments 
 with the bishops on this subject. In the year 1562, the 
 abrogation of the most offensive ceremonies was, after long 
 reasoning, put to the vote in the convocation, and carried 
 by a majority of those present, but, when the proxies were 
 included, there was found a majority of one for retaining 
 them. The arguments used by arshbishop Parker's chaplains, 
 to prevail upon the house to agree to this, derived their chief 
 force from their being understood to be the sentiments of 
 the queen. Bumet, ii. Append, p. 319, 320. Strype's An- 
 nals, i. 298—300. 
 
 From these facts, (and a collection much more ample 
 could easily be made) the reader will see who were the 
 first puritans, and how very different the sentiments of 
 the English reformers were from those of their successors. 
 Those good men who had the direction of ecclesiastical affairs 
 in the reign of Edward VI. thought it most prudent to pro- 
 ceed gradually and slowly, in removing the abuses, and 
 correcting the evils, which had overspread the church: and 
 to indulge the people for a season with those external forms 
 to which they had been habituated, that they might draw 
 them more easily from their superstitious notions and prac- 
 tices, and in due time perfect the reformation to the satisfaction 
 of all. The plan was plausible ; but its issue was very dif- 
 ferent from what was intended by those who proposed it This 
 was not unforeseen by those who wished well to the church of 
 England. After the bishops had resolved to I'est satisfied with 
 the establishment which they had obtained, and felt themselves 
 disturbed by the complaints of the puritans (as they were af- 
 terwards csJled), they endeavoured to engage the foreign di- 
 vines on their side; and having, by partial representations, 
 and through the respect entertained for the government of Eng- 
 land, obtained letters from them somewhat favourable to their 
 views, they employed these to bear dowm such as pleaded for 
 a more pure reformation. Whitgift made great use of this 
 weapon in his controversy with Cartwright. Bishop Park- 
 hurst v?rote to Gualter, a celebrated Swiss divine, cautioning 
 him on this head, adding, that he had refused to communicate 
 U 
 
 some of Gualter's letters to Whitgift ; because, " if any thing 
 made for the ceremonies, he presently clapped it into his book, 
 and printed it." Strj'pe's Annals, ii, 286, 287. But these 
 di\'ines had fonnerly delivered their unbiassed judgment, dis- 
 approving of such temporizing measures. Cranmer having 
 signified to the Genevan Reformer, that he " could do nothing 
 more profitable to the church than to write often to the king," 
 Calvin wrote a letter to the archbishop in 1551, in which he 
 lamented the procrastination used, and expressed his fears, 
 that " a long winter would succeed to so many harvests spent 
 in deliberation." Epist. p. 62. Oper. tom. ix. Strype's Cran- 
 mer, p. 413. Peter Martyr, in June 1550, expressed it as his 
 opinion, that " the innumerable corruptions, infinite abuses, and 
 immense superstition, could be reformed only by a simple re- 
 currence to the pure fountain, and unadulterated original prin- 
 ciples." And the prudential advice, that as few changes as 
 possible should be made, he called " a device of Satan to ren- 
 der the regress to popery more easy." Bumet, iii. Append, p. 
 200. Gualter, in a letter dated Jan. 16, 1559, sa3's, that such 
 advices, though " according to a carnal judgment full of mo- 
 desty, and apparently conducive to the maintainance of con- 
 cord," were to be ascribed to " the pubUc enemy of man's sal- 
 vation," and prophetically warns those who suffered abuses to 
 remain and strengthen themselves in England, that " afterweu-ds 
 they would scarcely be able to eradicate them by all their ef- 
 forts and struggles." Ibid. iii. 273. Append, p. 265. 
 
 Fuller says, that the English Reformers "perrriitted igno- 
 rant people to retain some fond customs, that they might re- 
 move the most dangerous and destructive superstitions ; as 
 mothers, to get children to part with knives, are content to let 
 them j)lay with rattles." Very good : but if mothers suffer 
 their children to play too long with rattles, they are in great 
 danger of no* parting with them all their days. 
 
 Note XVm. p. 42. 
 
 Plan of Edward VI. for advancing the Reformation of 
 the church of England. — A plan of improvements in the 
 English church, which Edward VI. drew with his own hand, 
 may be seen in Strype's Memorials of the Reformation, ii. 341 
 — 343. He was desirous of the establishment of ecclesiastical 
 discipline, but sensible that the incumbent bishops were in ge- 
 neral of such a description as to be unfit for its exercise, " Some 
 for papistry (says he), some for ignorEmce, some for their ill- 
 name, some for all these, are men unable to execute discipline." 
 Accordingly, he adds, " as for discipline, I would wish no au- 
 thority given generally to all bishops ; but that commission be 
 given to those of the best sort of them to exercise it in their 
 dioceses."^ King Edward's Remains, apud Bumet, ii. Records, 
 p, 69. 
 
 Omitting other proofs of his intentions, I shall produce the 
 decisive one of liis conduct towards the foreign church settled 
 in London under the inspection of John A Lasco. A Lasco 
 was a Polish nobleman, who had forsaken his native country, 
 from love to the refomied religion. In his youth, he enjoyed 
 the friendship of Erasmus, who, in one of his letters, passes a 
 high encomium on him. " Senex, juvenis convictn, factassum 
 melior, ac sobrietatem, temperantiam, verecundmm, linguae 
 moderationem, modcstiam, prudentiam, integritatem, quam ju- 
 venis a sene discere debuerat, a juvene senex didici." Erasmi 
 Epist. lib. 28. ep. 3. He was offered two bishoprics, one in 
 his native country, and another in Hungary ; but he rejected 
 both, and retiring into Friesland, became pastor of a protes- 
 tant congregation at Embden. Gerdes, Hist. Reform, iii, 145— 
 160, The protestant churches in the Low Countries being 
 dissipated in consequence of the troubles produced by the In- 
 terim, he came to England at the pressing invitation of Cran- 
 mer, and was chosen superintendent of the German, French, 
 and Italian congregations erected in London, which consbted 
 of between 3000 and 4000 persons. Strype's Cranmer, p, 
 234—241. Gerdes. ut. sup. p. 150, 235. 
 
 A Lasco afterwards published an accoimt of the form of 
 government and worship used in these congregations, which 
 greatly resembled that which was introduced into Scotland at 
 the establishment of the Reformation. The affairs of each 
 congregation were managed by a minister, ruling elders, and 
 deacons ; and each of these offices was considered as of divine 
 institution. Ut infra, fol. i. 6, b. 11. A superintendent had 
 the inspection of the different congregations, " who was greater 
 only in respect of his greater trouble and care, not having more 
 authority than the other elders, either as to the ministry of the 
 
154 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 word and sacraments, or as to the exercise of ecclesiastical dis- 
 cipline, to which he was subject equally with the rest." — " Ces- 
 tuy est appelle au preuilege du Roy, Superintendant, lequelest 
 plus grand que les autres, seulement en ce qu'il a plus de peine 
 & de soing que tous les autres : non seulement au gouueme- 
 ment de toute I'Eglise, raais aussy a la defend re cotre les eflfortz 
 de tous ses aduersaircs, & a retenir vn consentement vnanime 
 de tous, aux differens de la doctrine. D'advantage il n'a point 
 plus d'autorite que les autres Ancies, au Ministere de la paroUe, 
 & des sacremens, & en I'usage de la discipline de I'Eglise, a la 
 quelle il est subject come tous les autres. Et comme il a seing 
 des autres a cause de son Ministere, pareillement il se soubmet 
 au soing des autres, en I'obeissance do la parolle de Dieu, & 
 obseruation de la discipline." Ut infra, fol. i. b. It is proper, 
 however, to mention that A Lasco, although he allows no su- 
 periority of office or authoritj' to superintendents, considereil 
 that they were of divine appointment, and that Peter held tliis 
 rank among the apostles. " Premierement que le Ministere 
 de Superintendant, ou Inspecteur, est vne ordomiance diuine 
 en I'Eglise de Cluist, instituee du Seigneur lesus Christ etre 
 les Apostres mesmes : quad il commanda a Pierre speciale- 
 ment, de confirmer ses autres frercs en la foy. Et non pas 
 qu'il luy ait donne autorite sus les autres Apostres : comme le 
 Pape de Rome songe : mais qu'il failloit retenir en I'Eglise 
 Tne puissance egalle de tous les Apostres, auec Pierre par vng 
 certain ordre d'une solicitude, des vns pour les autres : ainsy 
 que tres bien I'enseigne sainct Ciprian martjr. Et aussy nous 
 voyons manifestement, qu'un mesme Ministere est egalcment 
 attribue a tous les Anciens de I'Eglise, qui sont nommez In- 
 specteurs, et en Grec Eucsques. Nous entendons aussy lean 
 & laques auoir tel honneur que Pierre en I'Eglise de lenisa- 
 lem. Mais a fin qu'il y ait quelque ordre, en vn mesme gou- 
 uemement Ecclesiastique, entie tous les Anciens, & que tout 
 «oit faict par ordre & honncstement, il le faut commencer a vn. 
 Or pource qu'il ya bien a faire de quelz on doit comenecr le 
 gouuemement en toute I'Eglise : ores que tous les Anciens 
 ayent vne mesme puissance." Toute la forme & maniere du 
 Ministere Ecclesiastique en I'Eglise des estragers, dressee a 
 Londres en Angleterre. Par M. Jean a Lasco. Baron de 
 Polorue. Traduit de liatin en Francois, & imprime par Giles 
 Ctematius. 1556.fol. 8,ib. 9, a. Imposition of hands was used in 
 the ordination of sujicrintendents, ministers, ruling elders, and 
 deacons. Ibid. fol. 27, 31, 35. The communicants sat at the 
 Lord's table, and A Lasco spends, a number of pages in prov- 
 ing that tliis posture is preferable to kneehng. fol. 80 — 88. 
 In fine, he says, " Wc have laid aside all the relics of Popery, 
 with its mummeries,, and we have studied the greatest possible 
 amplicity in cercnwnies." Ibid, fol, 79, b. 
 
 Notwithstanding these sentiments, and these pieces of discon- 
 formity to the practice of the church of England, A Lasco was 
 held in the greatest esteem, and warmly patronized, not only 
 by Cramner, but also by the young king, who granted him IcU 
 ters patent, erecting him and the other ministers of the foreign 
 congregations into a body corporate. The patent runs in these 
 terms : "Edward, &c. — We being specially induced, by great 
 and weighty considerations, and particularly considering how 
 much it becomes Christian princes to be animated with love 
 and care of the sacred gospel of God, and apostolical religion, 
 begim, instituted, and delivered by Cluist himself, without 
 which policy and civil government can neither subsist long, 
 nor maintain their reputation, unless princes and illustrious 
 persons whom God hath appointed for die government of 
 kingdoms do first of edl take care, that pure and uncorruptcd 
 religion be diffused through tlie whole body of the conuuon- 
 wealth, and that a church instituted in truly Christian and 
 apostolical doctrines and rites — he preserved, &c with this in- 
 tent Eind purpose, tliat Uiere may be an uncorrupted interpre- 
 tation of the holy gospel, and adininistration of the sacraments, 
 according to the word of God, and apostolical observance, by 
 the ministers of the church of the Gennans, &c. we couunand 
 and strictly charge the mayor, &c. that they permit Uie said su- 
 perintendent and ministers, freely and quietly, to enjoy, use, 
 and exercise their own peculiar ecclesiastical discipline, not- 
 withstanding that they do not agree with Uie rites and ceremo- 
 nies used in our kingdom," &c. The patent may be seen at 
 large in Burnet, ii. Records, p. 202. 
 
 But the ulterior design wliich the King intended to accom- 
 pUsh by the incorporation of this church, is what I have par- 
 ticularly in view. This is exphcitly stated by A Lasco, in the 
 book which he published in 1555. In his dedication of it to 
 Sigismond, king of Poland, he says: " When I wa« called by 
 that king, [Edward VI.] and when certain laws of the countiy 
 
 stood in the way, so that the public rites of divine worship used 
 under popery could not immediately be purged out (which the 
 king himself desired) ; and when I was earnest for the foreign 
 churches, it was at length his pleasure, that the public rites of 
 the English churches should be reformed by degrees, as far as 
 could be got done by the laws of the country ; but that stran- 
 gers, who were not strictly bound to these laws in this matter, 
 should have churches granted unto them, in which they should 
 freely regulate all things wholly according to apostolical 
 doctrine and practice, without any regard to the rites of the 
 country ; thai by this means the English churches also might 
 be excited to embrace apostolical purify, by the unanimous 
 consent of all the estates of the kingdom. Of this project the 
 king himself, from his great piety, was both tlie chief author 
 and the defetider. For, although it was almost universally ac- 
 ceptable to the king's council, and the archbishop of Canter- 
 bury promoted it with all his might, there were not wanting 
 some who took it ill, and would have opposed it, had not his 
 Majesty checked them by his authority and the reasons which 
 he adduced for the design." Again, in the Appendix to the 
 same book, p. 649, he says; "The care of our church was 
 committed to us chiefly with this view, that in the ministration 
 thereof, we should follow the rule of the divine word and apos- 
 tolical observance, rather than any rites of other churches. In 
 fine, we were admonished both by the king himself, and his 
 chief nobiUty, to vise this great liberty granted to us in our 
 rainistrj', rightly and faithfully, not to please men but for 
 the glory of God, by promoting the reformation of his worship." 
 The following are the original words of the author. " Cum 
 ego quoque per Regem ilium vocatus essem ; et leges qusedam 
 patriffi obstarent, quominus publici potissimum cultus divini ri- 
 tus sub papismo usurpati (pro eo ac rex ipse cupiebat) repurgari 
 protinus possunt. Ego vero peregrinorum ecclcsiis sedulo in- 
 starem, ita demum placuit, ut rituspubUci in AngUcisEcclesiia 
 per gradus quosdam (quantum per leges patrias omnino Uceret) 
 repurgarentur: Peregrinis vero hominibus (qui patriis hac 
 aUoqui in parte legibus non usque adeo tenerentur) ecclesise 
 concederentur in quibus omnia libere,et nulla rituum patriorum 
 habita ratione ( juxta doctrinam duntaxit atque obscrvationem 
 apostolicam) instituerentiur, ita enim fore, ut Anglicse quoque 
 ecclesise ad puritatem af)Ostolicam amplectcndam unanimi om- 
 nium regni ordinum consensu excitarentur. Ejus vero consilii 
 rex ipscmet (pro sua pietate) praecipuus non autor tantum, sed 
 etiam propugnator fuit. Etsi enim id in senatu rcgio omnibus 
 propemodum placerit, ipseque Cantuariensis archiepiscopus 
 rem omnibus modis promoveret ; non deerant tamen qui id 
 moleste ferrent, adeoque et reluctatiui fuerint huic instituto re- 
 gio, nisi rex ipse, non tantum authoritate sua restitisset : sed 
 productus etiam instituti hujus rationibus conatus eorum re- 
 pressisset." De Ordinatione Ecclesiarum pcregrinarum in 
 AngUa. Dedic. et p. 649. Larger extracts from this work 
 may lie seen in Voetii Politic. Eccles. torn. i. 420 — 422. 
 
 Had Mr. Gilpin been acquainted with these facts, he would 
 have spoken with a little more moderation and respect con- 
 cemhig this accompUshed Reformer, than he has done in the 
 following passage. " By the favour of Edward VI. he was al- 
 lowed to open a church for the use of his own persuasion. 
 But he made only a bad use of this indulgence ; interfering 
 very impertinently in the controversies then on foot" Gilpm's 
 Lives of Latimer and Gilpin, p. 243. Lond. 1 780. Writers 
 who, like Gilpin, deal in abridgements should be very cautious 
 and sparing in Uie reflections which they make on characters, as 
 they are apt to mislead their readers, without furnishing them 
 with tlie facts which would enable lliem to correct their mistakes. 
 
 Note XIX. p. 42. 
 
 The following account of the freedom used by the chaplains 
 of Edward VI. in reproving the vices of the courtiers, is given 
 by Knox, in his " Letter to the Faitliful in London," &c. I 
 quote from the MS. 
 
 '• How boldlie thair synis wer rebukeit, evin in thair faces, 
 suche as wer present can witnes with me. Almost thair wes 
 none that occupyit the place [pulpit] but he did prophesie, and 
 planelie speake, the plaguis that ar l>egun, and assuredlie sail 
 end : Mr. Grindal planelie spak the detli of the kingis maicstc, 
 complaynying on his hoiishald servandis and officeris who 
 netlier eschameit nor feirit to raill aganis GodLs trew word, and 
 aganis the preacheris of the same. The godlic and fervent 
 man, maister Lever, planelie spak the desolatioun of the com- 
 moun Weill, and the plaguis whilk suld follow s^.Iionne. Mai.s- 
 ter Bradfurde (whome God, for Chrystis his Sonis sake, com- 
 
NOTES. 
 
 155^ 
 
 fort to the end} spared not the proudest ; but boldlie declareit 
 that Godis vengeance suld schortlie stryke thame that than 
 wer in autoritie, becaus thay abhorrit and lothed the trew word 
 of the everlasting God. And amangis many uther willct thame 
 to tak exempill be the lait duck of Somerset, who became so 
 cald in hering Godis word, that the ycir befoir his last appre- 
 hensioun, hie wald ga visit his masonis, and wald not dingyie* 
 himself to ga from his gallerie to his hall for hering of a ser- 
 monc. God punnissit him (said the godlie preacher) and that 
 suddanlie ; and sail hie spair yow that be dowbill mair wickit 1 
 No : hie sail not.f Will ye, or will ye not, ye sail drink the 
 cupe of the Lordis wraith. Judicium domini ! Judicium do- 
 mini ! the judgement of the Lord ! thejudgementof theLord! 
 lamentabiUic cryit hie, with wciping t^iris, Maister Iladden 
 most leamedlie opinnit the caussis of the bypast plagis, affirm- 
 yng that the wors were to follow, unles repentance suld schort- 
 lie be found. Thir things, and mekill mair I hard planelic 
 spokin, cfter that the haill consale had said, thay wald heir no 
 mo of thair semaonis ; thay wcr but indiifcrent fellowis ; ye, 
 and sum of thame eschameit not to call thame pratting knaves. 
 But now will I not speik all that I knaw, for yf God continew 
 my lyfe in tliis trubill, I intend to prepair ane dische for suche 
 as than led the ring in the gospcll : but now thay half bene at 
 the scule of Placebo, and amangis laddis [ladies] lies leamit to 
 dance, as the devill list to pype!" p. 120, 121. 
 
 With Knox's representation exactly agrees the affecting 
 " Lamentation for the change of religion ui England," compos- 
 ed in prison by bishop Ridley, in which he names our country- 
 man, along with Latimer, Lever, and Bradford, as distinguish- 
 ing themselves by the faithfulness and boldness with which 
 they censured the vices which reigned at court. I v^'ould will- 
 ingly make extracts from it, but must refer the reader to the 
 paper itself, which ho will find inserted at large in the acx;ount 
 of the bishop's trial and martyrdom, in Fox, p. 1614 — 1620. 
 Edit. Anno 1596. 
 
 Grindal was an exile during the reign of Mary, and, under 
 Elizabeth, was made successively bishop of London, archbish- 
 op of York, and archbishop of Canterbury. Thomas Lever 
 was a very learned man, and Master of St. John's college, 
 Cambridge. He was Knox's colleague at Frankfort Upon 
 the accession of Elizabeth, he was admitted to a prebend in 
 the cathedral of Durham, but was afterwards deprived of it on 
 account of non-conformity. He seems to have been allowed 
 to preach through the country, and, in 1677, died Master of 
 Sherburn Hospital. Some ofhis sermons are in print. Troubles 
 of Franckford, p. 13. 28. Strype's Parker, p. 212. App. 77. 
 Grindal, 170. Annals, iii. 512 — 514. Hutchinson's Durham, 
 iL 594. John Bradford, was in prison when Knox wrote the 
 above account of him, and was soon after committed to the 
 flames. James Haddon had been chaplain to the Duke of 
 Suffolk, and went to Strasburgh at the death of Edward VL 
 He was chosen, along with Knox, to be one of the ministers 
 of the English church at Frankfort, but declined accepting the 
 office. Troubles of Franckford, 13. 16. 23. Strype's Annals, 
 ii. App. p. 46. 
 
 Note XX. p. 43. 
 
 The Confession or Prayer, composed and used by Knox, 
 afler the death of Edward VL and the accession of Mary, shews 
 the state of his mind at that crisis, and refutes the unfounded 
 charges of the popish, and of some episcopal writers, that he 
 was guilty of stirring up rebellion against the Queen. I ex- 
 tract it from his Treatise on Prayer, printed in 1554, which is 
 now exceedingly Xdxc. 
 
 " Omnipotent and everlasting God, father of our Lord Jesus 
 Chryste, who, be thy eternal providence, disposeth kingdoms 
 as best seameth to thy wisdom, we acknowledge and confesse 
 thy judgmentis to be righteous, in that thou hast taken from 
 us, for our ingratitude, aiid for abusinge of thy most holy word, 
 our native king, and earthly comforter. Justly may thou poure 
 forth upon us the uttermoste of thy plagues ; for that we have 
 not knowen the dayes and tymcs of our merciful visitacion. 
 We have contempned thy worde, and despised thy mercies. 
 We have transgressed thy lawes : for deceitfully have we 
 wrought everie man with our neighbours ; oppression and vi- 
 olence we have not abhorred ; charitie hath not apeared among 
 us, as our profession requireth. We have little regarded the 
 voices of thy prophetcs ; thy threatnings we have esteemed 
 
 * deign : in the printed copies it is " disease himself.' 
 t The printed copica are unintelligible here. 
 
 vanitie and vfyn^ ; so that in us, as of ourselfis, restis nothing 
 worthy of thy mercies. For all are found frutless, even the 
 princes with the prophetcs as withered trees apt and mete too 
 be burnt m the fyre of thy eternal displeasure. But, O Lord, 
 behold thy own mercy and goodness, that thou may purdge 
 and remove the most filthy burden of oure most horrible offen- 
 ces. Let thy love overcome the severitie of thy judgementis, 
 even as it did in geving to the world tliy onely Sonne Jesus 
 when all mankynde was lost, and no obedience was lefte in 
 Adam nor in his sede. Regenerate our hartes, O Lord, by the 
 strength of the Holy Ghost. Convert thou us, and we shall 
 be converted. Work thou in us unfeigned repentance, and 
 move thou our hartes too obey thy holy lawes. Behold our 
 trebles and apparent destruction ; and stay the sword of thy 
 vengeance, before it dcvourc us. Place above us, O Lord, for 
 thy great mercies' sake, such a head, with such rulers and ma- 
 gistrates, as feareth thy name, and willeth the glory of Christ 
 Jesus to spred. Take not from us the light of thy evangely, 
 suffer thou no papistrie to prevail in this realme. lUumuiate 
 the harte of oure soveraigne lady, queue Marie, with prignant 
 gifts of thy Holy Guoste. And inflame the hartes of her coun- 
 sayl with thy trew fear and love. Represse thou the pryde of 
 those that wolde rebelle. And remove from all hartes the con- 
 tempte of the worde. Let not our enemies rejoyce at our de- 
 struction ; but lokc thou too the honor of thy owne name, O 
 Lordc, and h t tliy gospcll be preached with boldcnes, in this 
 realme. If thy justice must punish, then punish our bodies 
 with the rodde of thy mercy. But, O Lord, let us never rc- 
 volle nor turiie backe to idolatrie agayne. Mytigate the hartes 
 of those tliat persecute us, and lot us not faynte under the 
 crosse of our Sa\'iour ; but assist us with the Holy Ghoste, even 
 to the end." 
 
 Note XXL p. 48. 
 
 Letter of Invitailon to Knox from the English Coiigrega- 
 tion at Fr .nhfort. — "Wc haue receiued letters from oure 
 brethren off Stiausbrough, but not in sUche sorte and ample 
 wise as we looked for, wheruppon we assembled together in 
 the H. Goaste we hope, and have witli one voice and consent 
 chosen yow so particulerly to be one off the Ministers off our 
 congregation here, to proarhc vnto us the moste liuely worde off 
 God, accordinge to the gift that God bathe geuen yow for as 
 muche as we haue here through the merciful goodnes off God 
 a churche to l)c congregated together in the name off Christe, 
 and be all of one body, and also beinge of one natio, tonge and 
 countrie. And at this presente, hauing neede off such a one as 
 yow, we do dcsicr yow and also require yow in the name off 
 God not to deny vs, nor to refuse theis oure requests, but that 
 yow will aide, helpc and assiste vs with your presence in this 
 our Good and godlie enterprise, whiche we haue take in hand 
 to the glorie olVgod and the profit off his congregation and the 
 poore sheepe ofi" Christ dispersed abroad, who withe your and 
 like presences, woulde come hither and be of one folde where 
 as nowe they wander abroad as loste sheepe withowte anie 
 gide. we mistruste not but that yow will ioifully accepte this 
 callinge. Fare ye well from Franckford this 24. off September. 
 
 Your louinge brethren, 
 lohn Bale 
 Edmond Sutton 
 lohn Makebraie. 
 William VVhitingham Thomas wood Mighell GilL 
 
 Thomas Cole lohn Stanton lohn Samford 
 
 VVilKam Williams William Walton lohn Wood. 
 
 George Cliidley lasper swyft Thomas Sorby 
 
 William Hammon. lohn Geofrie. Anthony Cariar 
 
 Thomas Steward lohn Graie Hugh Alforde." 
 
 A Brieff Discours off the Troubles bcgoime at Franckford 
 in Germany Anno Domini 1554. Abowte the Booke off 
 Common prayer and Ceremonies. Pag. xix, xx. Printed 
 M:.T».r.xxv. 
 
 Note XXn. p. 50. 
 
 Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditinne querentes'? 
 Knox was accused by the English exiles of High Treason, 
 because he charged queen Mary with cruelty, and said that 
 the emperor was as great an enemy to Christ as Nero. But 
 his accusers, it might easily be shewn, used stronger language 
 on this subject than ever he did. Mr. Strype informs us that 
 the protestants who felt and outlived tlie persecution of Mary- 
 used the very worst epithets in speaking of her character. 
 
156 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Memorials of the Reform, iii. 472. We need no other proof 
 of this than the Oration composed by John Hales, and pro- 
 nounced by a nobleman before queen Elizabeth, at her entrance 
 upon the government. Speaking of the late persecution under 
 Mary, the orator exclaims, " O cruelty ! cruelty ! far exceed- 
 ing all crueltys committed by those ancient and famous tyrants, 
 and cruel murderers, Pharaoh, Herod, Caligida, Nero, Domi- 
 tian, Maximine, Dioclesian, Decius ; whose names, for their 
 cruel persecution of the people of God, and their own t^Tanny 
 practised on the people, have been, \x, and ever shall be in 
 perpt>tual hatred, and their souls in continual torments in hell." 
 The late queen he calls " Athalia, malidous Mary, unnatural 
 ivnman ,• no, no woman, but a monster, and the Devil of hell, 
 covered with the shape of a woman.'^ Sec Works of tlie Rev. 
 Samuel Johnston, p. 144. 
 
 Nor did they speak in more civil terms of foreign princes. 
 Take, for an example, the invective of Aylmer against the 
 French king, Henry II. " Is he a king or a devil, a Christian 
 or a lucifer, that bi his cursed confcderacie so encouragcth the 
 Turke 7 — Oh ! wicked catife and fierebrand of hell, which for 
 th' increasing of his pompe and vayn glory (which he shall not 
 long enjoy) wil betray Christ and his cross, to his mortal ene- 
 my. Oh foolish Germains ! which see not their ovm undo- 
 ing, which conspire not together with the rest of Christian 
 princes to pull such a traytour to God, and his kingdom, by 
 the eares out of Fraunce, and hang him against the sonne a 
 drying. The devill hath none other of his sede nowe but him, 
 to maintaine both the spiritual and the temporall antichryste, 
 the Pope and the Tiuke. Wherefore seeing he hath forsaken 
 God, lyke an apostata, and sold himself to the Devill, let us not 
 doubte but God will be with us against him, whensoever he shall 
 seek to wrong us ; and I trust he will now in the latter age of the 
 worlde shew his myght in cuitynge of this proude Holofernes* 
 head, by the handes of our Judith. Oh ! blessed is that man 
 that loseth his lyfe against such a Tennagaunt ! yea more 
 blessed shall they be that spend their lyves against him than 
 against his great maister the Turke : for the Turke never un- 
 derstode the crosse of Christ ; but this turkish apostata is nam- 
 ed a devellis name, Christianissimus, and is in the very heart 
 of Christendome, and lyke a traiterous Saracene is Christ's 
 enemy." Harborowe for Faithfull Subjects, Q, 1. Strasbor- 
 owe, 1559. 
 
 I do not find Collier, nor other high-church historians quotr 
 ing or commenting upon such language. On the contrary, 
 Aylmer is praised for nis handsome pen, while every opportu- 
 nity is taken to inveigh against the virulence of our Reformer. 
 We may safely challenge them to prove that he ever indulged 
 in language so intemperate, or so disrespectful to princes, as 
 that which I have just quoted. 
 
 Note XXni. p. 53. 
 
 Canons of Provincial Councils.-" When a house is in flames, 
 (says Lord Hailes) it is vain to draw up regulations for the 
 bridling of joists or the sweeping of chimnies," Such was the 
 situation of the popish church in Scotland, when the clergy be- 
 gan to speak of reforming abuses. The 21st canon of the 
 council which met in 1549, ordains that there should be a 
 reader of theology in each cathedral church, whose lectures 
 should be attended by the bishop and canons, " si voluntas fu- 
 erit ;" and also a lecturer on canon law. The 22d canon de- 
 crees that there should be a lecturer on theology in each mo- 
 nastery. Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 52. The 26th canon enjoins 
 the rectors of universities to see that the students arc well in- 
 structed in latin grammar and in logic. The 28th appoints 
 the ordinaries to call all the curates within their bounds before 
 them, to examine them anew, and to reject those who are found 
 insufficient for their office. The last eight canons were intend- 
 ed to regulate the consistorial courts. Ibid. p. 53, 58, 59. To 
 the 14th canon of the council which sat in 1551 — 2, we owe 
 the establishment of our parochial registers of proclamation of 
 banns and baptisms. After renewing former statutes against 
 clandestine marriages, and in favour of proclamation of banns 
 of marriage, the canon goes on to enact, " Ut singuli curati 
 deinceps habeant registrum, in quo nomina infantum baptiza- 
 torum inscribantur, una cum nominibus personarum, qua; tali- 
 um baptizatorum parentes com ;?/tm/7fr hthentur etrepuianttir, 
 nee non compatrum ct commatrum, cum die, anno, mense, ad- 
 scriptis etiam duobus testibus notent ; quod etiam iiwum in 
 bannorum proclamationibus servetur, quas pra^ens conventio 
 in ccclesiis parochialibus tam viri quam mulicris respective, si 
 diversarum fuerint parochiarum, fieri mandat ; qute quidem re- 
 
 gistra mtcr pretiosissima ecclesiie jocalia conservari vult et pne- 
 cipit, quodque decani in suis ^'isitationibus, desuper diligentem 
 indagincm faciant, ct defficicntes ad commissarios rcferant, ut 
 gra^iter in eosdem animadvertatur." Wilkins, ut supra, p. 
 71—2. 
 
 The 6th canon enacts regulations respecting testaments. 
 On this subject, the following quotation, from the proceedings of 
 a council in 1420, will serve to explain the canon which mod- 
 ified the exaction of mortuaries, mentioned in p. 351. The 
 clergy of each diocese reported on oath to the council, " that 
 the practice was, first to pay the debts of the deceased, and 
 then to divide his effects into three equal portions, whereof one 
 was given to his widow, and one to his children : That the ex- 
 ecutors bestowed the remaining third in payment of legacies, 
 and for the soul of the deceased (pro exequiis et anima defunc- 
 ti :) That of this tliird or dead's part (dcfuncti pars) the ex- 
 ecutors were wont to pay, or to compound with the ordinary, 
 at the rate of five per cent, for the expense of confirmation." 
 Chartulary of Moray, apud Lord Hailes's Prov. Councils, p. 
 23. Besides the five per cent, claimed by the bishop, we have 
 already seen that the vicar had twenty percent, even according 
 to the mitigated arrangement, before any legacy was paid. No 
 mention is made of the case of a person leaving neither wife 
 nor children ; and " there it was (says Lord Hailes) that the 
 clergy reaped their harvest" He might have added the case 
 of persons dying intestate, to whom the bishops liad the power 
 of naming executors. That was the golden age of the clergy, 
 when they were under no necessity of instituting processes for 
 augmentation from unexhausted tiends, or of count and reckon- 
 ing to recover the use of funds destined to their support ! 
 
 Note XXIV. p. 53. 
 
 Of the Catechism commonly called Archbishop HamiU 
 tool's. — Very different and discordant accounts have been given 
 of this book. My account is taken from the Catechism itself, 
 compared with the canon of the Council which authorised its 
 use. The title is as follows : 
 
 The Catechismf, That is to say, ane comone and catholik 
 instruetioun of the christin people in materis of our catholik 
 faith and religioun, quhilk na gud christin man or woman suld 
 misknaw : setfurth be ye maist reuerend father in God Johne 
 Archbischop of sanct Androus Legatnait and primat of ye kirk 
 of Scotland, in his prouincial counsale haldin at Edinburgh the 
 xx\i. day of Januarie, the zeir of our Lord 1551. with the 
 aduise and counsale of the bischoippis and other prejatis with 
 doctours of Theologie and Canon law of the said realme of 
 Scotland present for the tyme. — S. Aug. libro 4 de trinitate. 
 cap. 6. — Contra rationem nemo sobrius, contra scripturam ne- 
 mo christianus, contra ecclesiam nemo pacificus senserit. — 
 Agane reasone na sober man, agane scripture na christin man, 
 agane the kirk na peaceabil or quiet man will iudge, or halil 
 opinioun." On back of title are two copies of Latin verses, 
 " Ad. Pivm Lectorem." The title, preface by the Archbish- 
 op, and " table of materis," arc on 13 leaves. The catechism 
 begins on folio i. and ends on folio ccvi, after which there are 
 three pages of errata, on the last of which is the following colo- 
 plion. (Xj* " Prentit at Sanct Androus, be the command and 
 expesis of the maist reuerend father in God, Johne Archbischop 
 of sanct Androus, and primat of ye hail kirk of Scotland, the 
 xxix. day of August, the zeir of our Lord M.D.lii." 
 
 The archbishop's epistle addressed to " Personis, Vicars, and 
 Curattis," prefixed to the catechism, informs us of its design 
 and use. " First to your awin erudition. — Secundlj', Accord- 
 ing to the decreit maid in our prouincial counsale, our will is 
 that ye reid ye samyn catechisme diligently, distinctly, and 
 plainly ilk ane of yow to your awin parochianaris, for thair 
 comon instruetioun and spiritual cdificatioun in the word of 
 God, necessarie of thame to be knawin." The canon of the 
 council provides that it he read " omnibus dominicis et festivis," 
 which is thus explained in the close of the archbishop's epistle : 
 " Eucrilk sonday and principal halydaie, quhen yair cummis 
 na precheour to thame to schaw thame the word of God, to haue 
 yis catechisme usit and reid to yomc in steid of prcching, quhil 
 [until] God of his gudnes prouide ane sufficient nowmer of 
 catholyk and abil prechcouris, quhilk sal be within few yeiris 
 as we traist in God." 
 
 As it is entitled a Catechism, was printed in the vulgar lan- 
 guage, is said to l)e designed for the instruction of the people, 
 and no prohibition of its use is mentioned in the book itself, 
 we might be apt to conclude, that .t was intended to be circu- 
 lated among the people, and to be promiscuously read ; an4 
 
NOTES. 
 
 157 
 
 Accordingly several writers have represented the matter in this 
 light But that this was very far from being the design of 
 those who approved and set it forth, is placed beyond all doubt 
 by the directions which the Council gave respecting it both to 
 the archbishop and to the clergy. " Cujus quidem libri exem- 
 plaria omnia, ubi excussa fuerint, prsesentari ipsi reverendismo 
 mandat et ordinat praesens concilium, ut ipse singulas tarn suis 
 ecclesiasticis, quam aliis singulis locorum ordinariis, quot cui- 
 que diocesi prorectorum, vicariorum, ac curatorum numero et 
 multitudine sufficere videntur, eis tribuat ; reliqua vero apud 
 ipsum reverendissimum remaneant, et firma custodia serventur, 
 prout tempus et necessitas postulaverint, dispertienda. Caveant 
 vero ipsi rectores, vicarii, et curati, ne sua exemplaria seculari- 
 bus quibusque indiscrete communicent, nisi ex judicio, consilio, 
 et discretione sui ordinarii ; quibus ordinariis licebit nonnul- 
 lis probis, gravibus, bonse fidei, ac discretis viris laicis, ejusdem 
 catechismi exemplaria communicari, et iis potissimum, qui 
 videbuntur potius sua3 instructionis causa, quam curiositatis 
 cujuscunque eadem expetere." Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 72. 
 Lord Hailes had therefore reason for saying (in opposition to 
 Mackenzie's tale of the archbishop allowing " the pedlars to 
 take two pennies for their pains in hawking it abroad") that 
 the council " uses, as many precautions to prevent it from com- 
 ing into the hands of the laity, as if it had been a book replete 
 with the most pestilent heresy." Provincial Councils, p. 36. 
 It would have been imprudent to insert the prohibition in the 
 book itself, copies of which, notwitlistanding all their precau- 
 tions, would come into the hands of improper persons ; but the 
 canon of the council remained the rule for regulating the cler- 
 gy in the use of it. Nor is there any thing in the catechism 
 which is inconsistent with the canon, or which impUes that it 
 was to come into the hands of the people. It is all along sup- 
 posed that they were to be instructed by hearing, not by readr 
 ing it. This is particularly evident from the concluding ad- 
 dress. " O christin pepil we exhort yow with all diligence, 
 heir, understand, and keip in your remembrance, the haly 
 wordis of God, quhilk in this present catechisme ar trewly and 
 catholykly exponit to your spiritual edification." And again : 
 " Gif ye persaif be frequent heiring heirof your self spiritually 
 instruckit mair than ye haue bein in tymes bygane, geue the 
 thankis thairof only to God." 
 
 If any of the hearers presumed to move any controversy re- 
 specting the passage read from the Catechism, they were to 
 be delivered over to the Inquisitors, and no clergyman was al- 
 lowed to answer their questions, or to enter into any dispute 
 with them on the subject, unless he had a written license for 
 this from his bishop. " Hoc tamen proviso, ut non liceat cui- 
 quam auditorum super lectis, aut modo quo supra recitatis, con- 
 trovcrsiam ipsi rectori seu vicario seu curato movere, Et si 
 aliquis id attentare prajsumpserit deferatur inquisitoribus haere- 
 ticae pravitatis ; nee vicissim licebit uUi rectori, vicario, seu curato, 
 nisi ad hoc ipsum (speciahter habita consideratione ipsius qual- 
 ificationis) fuerit ab ordinario loci ci facultas concessa in scrip- 
 tis, ullis controversias et qusestiones hujusmodi movcntibus de- 
 super rcspondere. aut disputationes ingredi, sed mox rcspondea- 
 tur, se hujusmodi disputalionis resolutioncs ad ipsos ordinaries 
 remittere, et hoc sub poena privationis ab hujusmodi officio seu 
 beneficio." Wilkins, ut supra, p. 73. 
 
 The Catechism consists of an explication of the ten com- 
 mandments, the apostles creed, the seven sacraments, the Lord's 
 prayer, and the Ave Maria. Lord Hailes has animadverted 
 on Keith for saying that the author shews " his wisdom and 
 moderation in handsomely eviting to enter upon the contro- 
 verted points ;" and he has given extracts from it asserting the 
 doctrine of transubstantiation, the propriety of withholding 
 the cup from the laity, and of prayers to the saints. Prov. 
 Councils, p. 35, 36. I may add, that the use of images in 
 worship, purgatory, prayers for the dead, the removal of origi- 
 nal sin by baptism, the sinlessness of concupiscence after bap- 
 tism, the mystical signification of the ceremonies practised in 
 that ordinance,— the exorcism, or blowing upon the child at 
 the cliurch door, and making the sign of the cross on its brow 
 and breast, putting salt into its mouth, anointing its nostrils 
 and ears with spittle, and its breast and back with oil, with the 
 application of chrism to the forehead, the clothing of it with 
 the cude or white linen cloth, and putting a lighted torch or 
 candle into its hand ; these, with other doctrines and ceremo- 
 nies of the popish church, are all taught and vindicated. At 
 the same time, while the opinions peculiar to popery are stated 
 and defended, there is an evident design of turning away the 
 attention of the people from these controversies, by reminding 
 them of their duty to " beUef as the haly catholic kirk belicfis ;" 
 
 and a great part of the book is occupied in declaring duties 
 and general doctrines about which there was no dispute be- 
 tween papists and protestants. Considerable art is also used 
 in introducing some of the most exceptionable articles of po- 
 pery under the cover of unquestionable truths. Thus on the 
 question, " Qubat thing suld move us to belief the word of 
 God 1" The first reason which is given is, " Ye eternal and 
 infallible veritie of God, fra quhom na lesing may precede, na 
 mair than myrknes may cum fra the cleir schenand sonne." 
 But how gradually and artfully are the people led away from 
 the scriptures in what follows ! " The secund thing that suld 
 moue us to belief the word of God, and to knaw quhilk is the 
 worde of God, quhilk are the haly bukis quharin the word of 
 God is contenit, and quhat is the trew sense of the same bukis, 
 is ye consent and authorite of our mother the haly kirk, fra the 
 apostils tymc hitherto, and specially quhen it is lawfully gad- 
 derit be the haly spirit in ane general counsel, quharof sainct 
 Augustine sais thus : — ' I wald noct gif credence to the euan- 
 gel, except that the universal kirk warnis me sa to do." And 
 tharfor lair thir twa lessonis. The ane is, quhatsaeuir the haly 
 spirit reueUs and schawls to us, other in the bukis of haly 
 scripture, w in ye dderminatiouns and diffinitiouns of gene- 
 ral counsellis, lawfully gadderit for the corroboracion and 
 maintenans of our faith, we suld beleif ye same to be trew 
 wm-dof God; and thairto gyf ferme credence as to the veritie 
 that is infallible. The secund lesson, ye that ar simple and un- 
 leimit men and wemen suld expresly beleif al the artickils of 
 your Crede, as for all uthir hie misteries and matteris of the 
 scripture ye aucht to beUef generally as the kirk of God be- 
 leiffis. And this faith is suflTient to yow, for the perfectioun of 
 that faith quhilk ye ar bund to haif." Fol. xiiii, b. xv. a. A 
 specimen of the same kind occurs on the question. How is the 
 true sense of the scriptiue to be discerned ? where, after being 
 gravely taught the usefulness of collating one place with an- 
 other, and attending to the connection of the passage, the peo- 
 ple are told that this belongs to such as have the gift called in- 
 terpretatio sermmum and are then devoutly set down at the 
 feet of the doctors of the church, and taught implicitly to re- 
 ceive the decisions of councils. " Quharfor, he that will nocht 
 heir, resaif, and obey ye diffinitionis and dctemiinationis of 
 lauchful general counsellis concerning materis of our faith, he 
 is not to be accountit a trew christin man, according to tiie 
 wordis of our salviour, — ' Gif he will nocht heir tlie kirk, lat 
 him be to the as ane infidele. unchristinit, and ane publican.' 
 Thus ye haif quha is ane herityk, and how he brekis the first 
 command." Fol. xviii, b. xix, b. 
 
 As all who question the infallible decisions of the church 
 are pronounced guilty of a breach of the first commandment, 
 the Roman Catholics arc, with no less ease, exculpated from a 
 breach of the second, by the insertion of a convenient paren- 
 thesis. The reader will observe, that, according to a division 
 of the law first countenanced by Augustine, and of which the 
 popish church is extremely fond, the first and second com- 
 mandments are thrown into one, and, to make up the number, 
 the tenth is spht into two; although the compilers of the Cat- 
 echism found it impracticable to keep to this last division in 
 their explication. The following is their enunciation of the 
 first commandment, '• I am ye Lord thi God. quhilk hais brocht 
 ye fra the land of Egypt, fra the house of bondage. Thow 
 sail haif na other goddis but me, thou sal nocht mak to thee 
 (ffl? gnd,s) ony grauit ymage, nother ony similitude of ony thing 
 that is in the heuin abone, or in ye erd beneth, nor of ony thing 
 yat is in the watter under the erd. Thow sal nocht adorne 
 yame, nor worschip yame {as soddis)." Fol. xii, a. It is fair, 
 however, to hear the explication which the authors of the Cat- 
 echism give respecting images. " Ar ymages aganis the first 
 command 1 Na, sa thai be well usit. Quhat is the rycht use 
 of ymagis 1 Imagis to be made na haly writ forbiddis (sais 
 venerabil Bede) for the sycht of thame, specially of the cruci- 
 fixe giffis greit compunction to thame quhilk bchaldis it with 
 faith in Christ, and to thame yat are unlettcrat, it geffis a quik 
 remembrance of ye passion of Christ. Salomon in tyme of 
 his wisdome, nocht without tha inspiration of God, made ym- 
 agis in ye temple. Moyses the excellent prophet and trew ser- 
 uand of God, made and ereckit a brassin ymage of a serpent 
 (quhilk figurit the lyfting vp of our Salwiour Jesus Christ vp- 
 on the crosse) and als, be the comand of God, causit mak the 
 ymagis of twa angellis callit cherubinis, quhilk thing thir twa 
 sa excellet men in wisedome wald neuir haif done, gif the 
 makin of ymagis war aganis ye comand of God. — Bot utter- 
 ly yis command forbiddis to mak yniflgis to that effeck, that 
 thai suld be adomit and wirschippit as goddis, or with ony 
 
158 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 godly honour, ye qiihilk sintence is expremit be thir wordis : 
 Nonadorabisea neq; coles. Thow sail nocht adome yame nor 
 wirschip thame as goddis. Now we suld nocht gif goddis 
 honour, or Christis honour to ony ymage, bot to God allanerly, 
 representit be ane image." Fol. xxiii, b. 
 
 •In the explication of the fifth article of the Creed, is a parti- 
 cular account of the four places in hell ; infemus damnatorum, 
 puerorum, purgandorum, etpairum. The following proof 
 IS given of our Saviour's descent into hell, to deliver the saints 
 who had lieen confined in the last mentioned place until the 
 time of his death. " Also ye same deliuerace was prophesit be 
 the prophet Osee: Ero mors tua, o mors, eromorsus tuus o 
 inferne. dede (says our saluiour) I sal be tki dede — O hell 
 1 sal byte the. The man yat bytes ony thing, he takis part to 
 him, and lattis part remaine behind. Sa our saluiour pas- 
 sand doune to hell, he fulfyllit this prophesie, takand part of 
 saulis out fra hell with Mm, and leiifand part behind him. 
 Quhom tuk he with him 1 bot thame that was haly and gud, 
 quhilk was haldin thair as presonaris." Fol. cviii. 
 
 Upon the whole, tliis Catechism has been written with great 
 care, and the style is b/ no means bad. It is singular that it 
 should have been so little noticed by the writers of that age, 
 and that it does not appear who was its compiler. The pro- 
 vincial council desc/ ibe it merely as "a certain book written in the 
 vulgar and Scottish dialect, — librum quendam vulgari et Scot- 
 ico idiomate conscriptum ;" and having examined and approv- 
 ed of it, they commit to the archbishop, as primate, the care of 
 seeing it printed. As it was printed at his expence, and as his 
 name appears on the title-page and colophon, it has been usu- 
 ally called Archbishop Hamilton's Catechism. But there is 
 not the least reason for thinking that the primate would have 
 taken the trouble to compose a book consisting of 411 pages 
 quarto, even although he had been in other respects qualified 
 for the task. Bale, in his account of Scottish writers, mentions 
 " Joannes Wouram, vel Wi/rem" whom he calls " a canon 
 regular in St Andrews;" and he ascribes to him " a Catechism 
 in his vernacular language, — scripsit in vulgari sermone, Cat- 
 echismum fidei." Scriptores M. Brytaimise Post. Pars, p. 224. 
 I have little doubt that John Winram, sub-prior of the Abbey 
 of St. Andrews, and afterwards superintendent of Fife, is the 
 person to whom Bale refers. Could he be the author of the 
 Catechism under consideration 1 Though early regarded as fa- 
 vourable to the reformed opinions, Winram did not leave the 
 popish church until a very late period ; and his conduct, dur- 
 ing the intermediate struggle, was extremely ambiguous, and 
 often contradictory. The clergy frequently availed themselves 
 of his talents, and of his reputation with the people, to dimin- 
 ish the odium of their obnoxious measures, or to recommend 
 their partial and inefficient plans of reform. He was employ- 
 ed to preach at the trial of Wishart, and was present at the 
 trials of Wallace and Mill. Fox. 1 155, 11 58, 1161, edit. 1596. 
 He was a member of the provincial council which met in 1549, 
 and is styled, in the register, " ecclcsiaj metrop. primitialis S. 
 AndreoE canonlcus regularis, supprior, theologia; doctor." 
 Wilkins, ut supra, p. 46. That council employed him to draw 
 up the canon intended to settle the ridiculous dispute, whicli 
 had been warmly agitated among the clergy, whether the Pa- 
 ter Noster should be said to the saints, or to God alone. Comp. 
 Fox, 1161. with Wilkins, 57, 58. And in the council which 
 sat in 1559, he was nominated one of the six persons to whose 
 examination and admonition the archbishops of St Andrews and 
 Glasgow submitted their private conduct. Wilkins, p. 209. 
 The learned ro-xder may also consult the Verses on Winram 
 inserted ia the Supplement 
 
 /^pottiswood seems to have confounded tins Catechism with 
 a smaller treatise, calletl liy the people The twa-penny Faith. 
 History, p. 92. This last was set forth by the council which 
 met in 1.559. Knox, Historie, p. 109, 110. The following 
 extracts from the proceedings of that council may throw some 
 liglit on the lustory of this popish publication. The Roman 
 CathoUc Remonstrants, in their representation to the council, 
 required, " yat yar be an godlie and fruitfull declaration set 
 forth in Inglis toung, to l)e first shewin to the pepil at all times, 
 quhon the sacrament of the bUssit body and blud of Jesus 
 Christ is exliibit and dcstribut, and sicklyke, when baptism and 
 marriage are solemnizit, in face of halie kirk ; and yat it be dc- 
 clarit to yaim, yat assist at the sacraments, quhat is the effect 
 yarof, and yat it be spirit at yam be ye prist ministrant, gif jai 
 l>e reddy to resavc tlic samen ; with sick utheris interogatorins, 
 as ar necessar for instructing of the poynts of mens salvation, 
 and re<iuires to Iw answerit unto Ijc all yai, that wald be parti- 
 cipant, etc. and yir things to be don before ye using of ye cer- 
 
 emony of haly kirk, etc." Wilkins, ut supra, p, 207, 208. 
 The following canon of the council seems to contain the an- 
 swer to tliis petition, " Insuper ut populus Christianus sacra- 
 mentorum ecclesise verum cfTectum, vim, ac usum facilius ac 
 commodiusinteUigere valeat, sbituit hoc prajscns concilium quas- 
 dam catholicas exhortaiiones, easque succindas decluratimies sa- 
 cramentorum baptismi, sacrosanctse cucharistife, extremse unc- 
 tionis, matrimonii, auctoritate hujus concilii edendas, et inferi- 
 us inserendas, quas singuli parochi, vel alii presbyteri eorun- 
 dem sacramentorum legitimi ministri, ipsa sacramenta minis- 
 traturi, singuhs suam propriam et debitun exhortationem prsB- 
 mittant, et publico et distincte recitent, et Icgant singuli curati 
 et vicarii, dum sacra; missaB sacrificium diebus dominicis et aliis 
 majoribus festis sunt celebraturi, infra scriptam exhortationem ; 
 et ejusdem sacrificii declarationem publice in ecclesia simihter 
 legant, quo populus christianus majori pietatis effectu rebus di- 
 vinis assistat, et intcrsit," &c. Wilkins, ut supra, p. 213. 
 These Exhortations and Declarations were not mserted in the 
 MS. from which Wilkins copied. I am at present inclined to 
 tliink that they were pubUshed, and that they formed what 
 was called in derision, The two-penny faith. Comp. Buch- 
 anani Oper. L 312. 
 
 Note XXV. p, 58. 
 
 Knox's Letter of Instructions to the protestants of Scotland 
 during his absence. — In the first edition, I printed this letter 
 in the Appendix, as an unpublished paper. I have since had 
 an opportunity of seeing a printed copy ; but as it is exceed- 
 ingly rare, and as the letter itself is extremely valuable, I have 
 inserted it in this place. 
 
 " To his brethren in Scotland efter hie had bene quyet amang 
 thame. The comfort of the hahe Gaist for salutatioun. 
 
 Not sa mekill to instruct you as to leave with you, dearUe 
 belovit brethren, sum testimony of my love, I have tliought 
 gud to communicate with you, in theis few lynis, my weak 
 consall, how I wald ye suld behave yourselves in the middis of 
 this wickit generatioun, tuiching the exercis of Godis maist 
 halie and sacred word, without the whilk, nether sail knaw- 
 ledge incres, godlines apeir, nor fenencie continew amang 
 yow. For as the word of God is the begyning of lyfe spiritu- 
 al!, without whilk all flesche is deid in Godis presence, and the 
 lanteme to our feit, vrithout the bryghtnes whairof all the pos- 
 teritie of adame doith walk in darknes. And as it is the fun- 
 dament of faith without the whilk na man understandeth the 
 gud wall of God, sa is it also the onhe organe and instrument 
 whilk God useth to strengthin the weak, to comfort the afllictit, 
 to reduce to mercie be rej)entance sic as have sliddin, and final- 
 lie to preserve and keip the verie lyfe of the saule in all assaltis 
 and temptationis, and thairfoir yf that ye desyryourknawledge 
 to be incressit, your faith to be confirmit your conscicncis to 
 be quyetit and comfortit, or finallie your saule to he prcservit 
 in lyfe, lat your exercis be frequent in the law of your Lord 
 God. despys not that precept wliilk moses, (who, be his awn 
 experience had leamit what comfoit lyeth hid within the word 
 of God) gave to the isralitis in theis wordis : " Theis wordis 
 whilk I command the this day salbe in thi hart, and thou sal 
 exercis thi children in thame, thou sal talk of thame when 
 thou art at home in thi hous, and as thou walkest Ix^ the way, 
 and when thou lyis doun, and when thou rysis up, and thou 
 sail bind thame for a signe upon thi hand, and thay salbe pa- 
 peris of rememl)erance lietwcne thi cis, and thou sail WTy t 
 thame upon the postis of thi hous and upon thi gutis.' And 
 moses in another place commandis thame to ' remember the 
 law of the Lord God, to do it that it may be wcill unto thame 
 and with thair children in the land whilk the liOrd sail gtf 
 thame ;' meanyng that lyke as frequent memorie and repeti- 
 tioun of Godis preceptis is the middis whairby the fcir of (Jod, 
 whilk is the begynning of all wisdome and filicitie, is keipit 
 recent in mynd, sa is negligence and oblivioun of Godis licne- 
 fitis ressavit the first grie of defcctioun fra God. now yf tlie 
 law, whilk be reasone of our weakncs can wirk nathing but 
 wnuth and anger, was sa elTectuall that, remcmberit and rcher- 
 sit of purpois to do, it brought to the popill a corporall bcne- 
 dictioun, what sail we say that the glorious gospell of Chryst 
 Jesus doith wirk, so that it be with reverence intreatit St 
 paule calleth [it] the sueit odour of lyfe unto thois that suld 
 rcsaif lyfe, borrowing his similitude fra odoriferous herbis or 
 precious ungucmentis, whais nature is the msiir thay be toucliit 
 or moveit to send send furth thair odour mair pleasing and do- 
 lectabill : even sic, deir brethren, ia the blissit evangeU of oure 
 
NOTES. 
 
 159 
 
 Lorde Jesus ; for the mair that it be intreatit, the mair com- 
 fortable and mair plissant is it to sic as do heir, read, and excr- 
 cis the sam. I am not ignorant that, as the israUtis lothit 
 manna becaus that everie day thay saw and eat but ane thing, 
 sa sum thair be now a dayis (wha will not be haldin of the 
 worst sort) that eftcr anis reiding sum parcellis of the scrip- 
 tures do convert thamc selves altogether to prophane autors 
 and humane letteris becaus that the varietie of matteris thair- 
 in conteaynit doith bring with it a daylie delcctatioun, whair 
 contrairwys within the simpill scriptures of God the perpetuall 
 repititioun of a thing is fascheous and werisome. This temp- 
 tatioun I confes may enter in Godis verie elect for a tyme, but 
 impossibill is it that thairin thay continew to the end : for 
 Godis electioun, besydis othir evident signis, hath this ever 
 joynit with it that Godis elect ar caUit frome ignorance (I speik 
 of thois that ar cumin to the yeiris of knawledge) to sum taist 
 and feilling of Godis mercie, of whilk thay ar never satisfeit in 
 this lyfe, but fra tyme to tyme tivay hunger and thay thrist to 
 eat the breid that descendit fra the heavin, and to drink the 
 waiter that springeth into lyfe everlasting, whilk thay can not 
 do but be the meanis of faith, and faith luketh ever to the will 
 of God reveallit be his word, sa that faith hath baith her bc- 
 gynning and continewance be the word of God. and sa I say 
 that impossibill it is that Godis chosin children can despys or 
 reiect the word of thair salvatioun be any lang continewance, 
 nether yit loth of it to the end. Often it is that Godis elect ar 
 haldin in sic bondage and thraldome that they can not have 
 the bread of lyfe brokin unto thame, neither yit libertie to ex- 
 ercis thame selves in Godis halieword, but then doith not Godis 
 deir children loth hut maist gredilic do thay covet the fudc of 
 thair sauliis, then do thay accuse thair former negligence, then 
 lament and bewaill thay the miserable afflictioun of thair bre- 
 thren, and than cry and call thay in thair hartis (and opinlie 
 whair thay dar) for frie passage to the gospell. This hungir and 
 thrist doith argue and prufe the lyfe of thair sauliis. But gif 
 sic men as havmg libertie to reid and exercis thame selves in 
 Godis halie scripture, and yet do begin to wcarie becaus fra 
 tyme to tyme they reid but a thing, I ask why wearie thay not 
 also everie day to drink wyne, to eat bread, everie day to be- 
 hald the bryghtnes of the sone, and sa to us the rest of Godis 
 creatures whilk everie day do keip thair awn substance, cours, 
 and nature 1 thay sail anser, I trust, becaus sic creatures have a 
 strenth as oft as thay ar usit to expell hunger, and quenche 
 thrist, to restoir strenth, and to preserve the lyfe. O miserabill 
 WTeachis, wha dar attribut mair power and strenth to the cor- 
 ruptible creatures in nurisching and preserving the mortall 
 karcas, than to the eternall word of God in nurissment of the 
 saule whilk is iramortall ! To reasone with thair abominable 
 unthankfulnes at this present it is not my purpois. But to 
 yow, deir brethrene, I wrj't my knawledge, and do speik my 
 conscience, that sa necessarie as meit and drink is to the prc- 
 servatioun of lyfe corporall, and so necessarie as the heit and 
 bryghtnes of the sone is to the quicknyng of the herbis and to 
 expell darknes, sa necessarie is also to lyfe everlasting, and to 
 the illununatioun and lyght of the saule, the perpetuall medi- 
 tatioun, exercis, and use of Godis halie word. 
 
 And thairfoir, deir brethrene, yf that ye luke for a lyfe to 
 come, of necessiticit is that ye exercise yourselves in the bulte 
 of the Lord your God. Lat na day slip over without sum 
 comfort ressavit fra the mouth of God. opin your earis, and 
 hie will speik evin pleasing thingis to your hart. Clois not 
 your eis, but diUgentlie lat thame behald what portioun of sul> 
 stance is left to yow within your fatheris testament. I^et your 
 toungis learne to prais the gracious gudness of him wha of 
 his meir mercie hath callit you fra darknes to lyght and fra 
 deth to lyfe. nether yit may ye do this sa quyethe that ye will 
 admit na witnessis ; nay, brethren, ye are ordcynit of God to 
 reule and goveme your awn houssis in his trew feir, and ac- 
 cording to his halie word, within your awTi houssis, I say, in 
 sum cassis ye ar bishopis and kingis, your wyffis, children and 
 familie ar your bishoprik and charge ; of you it sal be requyrit 
 how cairfuUie and diligentlie ye have instructit thame in Godis 
 trew knawledge, how that ye have studeit in thame to plant 
 vertew and to repress vyce. And thairfoir, I say, ye must mak 
 diame partakeris in reading, exhortation, and in making com- 
 moun prayeris, whilk I wald in everie hous wer usit anis a day 
 at leist. But above all thingis, deir brethren, studie to practis 
 in lyfe that whilk the Lord commandis, and than be ye assurit 
 that ye sail never heir nor reid the same without frute : and 
 tills mekill for the exercises within your housis. 
 
 Considdering that St paul callis the congregatioun the bodie 
 of Chiyst, whairof everie ane of us is a memlxsr, teaching ws 
 
 tliairby that na member is of sufficience to susteane and feid 
 the self without the help and support of any uther, I think it 
 necessarie that for the conferrence of scriptures, assemblies of 
 brether be had. The order thairin to be obser\'it, is expressit 
 be sanct paule, and thairfoir I neid not to use many wordis in 
 that behalf: onlie willing that when ye convene, (whilk I wald 
 wer anis a weik) that your begyiming suld be fra confessing 
 of your offences, and invocatioun of the spreit of the Lord 
 Jesus to assist yow in all your godlie interprysis, and than lat 
 sum place of scripture be plainelie and distinctlie red, samekiU 
 as sal be thocht sufficient for a day or tyme, whilk endit, gif 
 any brother have exhortatioun, intcrpretatioun, or dout, lat him 
 not feir to speili and move the same, sa that he do it with mo- 
 deratioun, either to edifie or be edifcit. and heirof I dout not 
 but great profit sail schortlie ensew, for first be heiring, reiding, 
 and conferring the scriptures in the assemblie, the haill lx)die 
 of the scriptures of God salbecum familiar, the judgement and 
 spreitis of men salba tryit, thair pacence and modestie saibe 
 knawin, and finalhe their giftis and utterance sail appeir. Mul- 
 tipUcatioun of wordis, perplext intcrpretatioun, and wilfulnes 
 in reasonyng is to be avoydit at all tymes and in all places, but 
 chieflie in the congregatioun, whair nathing aucht to be respectit 
 except the glorie of God, and comfort or edificatioxm of our 
 brethrene. Yf any thing occur within the text, or yit arys in 
 reasonyng, whilk your judgementis can not resolve, or capaci- 
 ties aprehend, let the same be notit and put in wiyt befoir ye 
 depart the congregatioun, that when God sal! offir unto yow 
 any interpreter your doutis being notit and knawin may have 
 the mair expedit resolutioun, or els that when ye sail have oc- 
 casioun to wryt to sic as with wliome ye wald communicat 
 your judgementis, your letteris may signifie and declair your 
 unfeaned desyre that ye haue of God and of his trew knawl- 
 edge, and thay, I dout not, according to thair talentis, will en- 
 deuour and bestow thair faithfull labors, [to] satisfie your godlie 
 petitionis. of myself I will speak as I think, I will moir gladlie 
 spend XV houris in communicatting my judgment with yow, 
 in explanyng as God pleassis to oppin to me any place of 
 scripture, then half ane hour in any other matter besyd. 
 
 Farther, in reading the scripture I wald ye suld joyne sum 
 bukis of the aid, and sum of the new Testament together, as 
 genesis and ane of the evangeUstis, exodus with another, and 
 sa furth, euer ending sic bukis as ye beg3rn, (as the tyme will 
 suffer) for it sail greitly comfort yow to heir that harmony, and 
 weiltunit sang of the hahe spreit speiking in oure fatheris 
 frome the begyning. It sal confirme yow in theis dangerous 
 and perrellous dayis, to behald the face of Christ Jesus his 
 loving spous and kirk, from abell to him self, and frome him 
 self to this day, in all ageis to be ane. Be frequent in the pro- 
 phetis and in the epistillis of St paule, for the multitude of 
 matteris maist comfortable thairin conteanii requyreth exercis 
 and gud memorie. Lyke as your assemblis aucht to begyn 
 with confessioun and invocatioun of Godis halie spreit, sa wald 
 I that thay wer never finissit without thanksgiving and com- 
 moun prayeris for princes, ruleris, and maiestratis, for the Ub- 
 ertie and frie passage of Chrystis evangell, for the comfort and 
 delyverance of our aftlictit brethrene in all places now perse- 
 cutit, but maist cruellie now within the realme of franco and 
 Ingland, and for sic uther thingis as the spreit of the Lord Je- 
 sus sal teache unto yow to be profitable ether to your selues or 
 yit to your brethren whairsoever thay be. If this, or better, 
 deir brethrene, I sail heir that ye exercis your selues, than will 
 I prais God for your great obedience, as for thame that not 
 oidie haue ressavit the word of grace with gladnes, but that 
 also with cair and diligence do keip the same as a treasure and 
 Jewell maist precious. And becaus that I can not expect that 
 ye will do the contrarie, at this present I will vse na threaten- 
 yngis, for my gud hoip is, that ye sail walk as tlie sonis of 
 lyght in the middis of this wickit generatioun, that ye salbe as 
 starris in the nyght ceassone, wha yit ar not changeit into dark- 
 nes, that ye salbe as wheit amangis the kokill, and yit diat ye 
 sail not change your nature whilk ye haue ressavit be grace, 
 through the fellowschip and participatioun whilk we haue with 
 the Lord Jesus in his bodie and blud. And finalhe, that ye 
 salbe of the no'vinber of the prvdent virginis, dailie renewing 
 your lampis with oyle, as ye that pacientlie abyd the glorious 
 aparitioun and cuming of the Lord Jesus, whais omnipotent 
 spreit rule and instruct, illuminat and comfort your hartis and 
 myndis in all assaultis, now and euer. Amen. The grace of 
 the Lord Jesus rest with yow. Remember my weaknes in 
 your daylie prayeris, the 7 of July 1557. 
 
 your brother vnfeaned Johne Knox." 
 
 MS. Letters, p. 352—359. 
 
160 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Note XXVI. p. 59. 
 
 William Whiitingham, the successor of Knox at Geneva, 
 was the son of William Wliittingham, Esq. of Holmeside, in 
 the county of Chester. He was born anno 1524, and educa- 
 ted at Oxford, where he was held in great reputation for his 
 learning. On the accession of Queen Mary, he went first to 
 Frankfort, and afterwards to Geneva, where he married Cath- 
 erine, the sister of John Calvin. He was one of the transla- 
 tors of tlie Geneva Bible, and composed several of the metri- 
 cal psalms pubUshed at the same time, which have his initials 
 prefixed to tliem. He fell under the displeasure of Queen 
 Elizabeth, on account of a commendatory preface which he 
 wrote to Christopher Goodman's book on Obedience to Supe- 
 rior Powers, in wMch, aruong other free sentiments, the go- 
 vernment of women was condenuied. But he enjoyed the 
 protection of some of her principal courtiers. In 1560, he 
 accompanied the Earl of Bedford on an embassy to Franc«, 
 and, iji 1562 and 1563, acted as chaplain to the Earl of War- 
 wick, during the defence of Havre de Grace. That brave no- 
 bleman was at a loss for words to express his high esteem for 
 him. In a letter to Cecil, Nov. 20, 1562, Warwick writes: 
 " I assure yow, we may all here thinck our selves happy in 
 having sotch a man amongest us as Mr. Whjttingham is, not 
 only for the greate vertues is in him, but lykewise for the care 
 he hath to ser\'e our mystris bcsydcs : whcrfore, in my opyn- 
 ion, he dotli well deserve grete thankcs at her majesties handes." 
 And in a letter written by him, July 24, 1562, when he was 
 in daily expectation of the city being assaulted by the French, 
 he says to his brother Lord Robert Dudley, afterwards Earl of 
 Leicester : " My deare brother, for that I had, in my letter to 
 the Queue's Majesty, forgot my humblest thancks for the be- 
 halff of my deare frinde Mr. Whittingam, for the great favour 
 it hath pleased her to shew him for my sake : I besetch yow 
 therfore do not forget to render them unto her majesty. Fare- 
 well, my deare and loving brother, a thousand tymes, and the 
 Lord send yow well to do." Forbes, State Papers, ii. 207, 
 418, 487. 
 
 In 1563, Whittingham was made Dean of Durham, which 
 seems to have been the favour for which Warwick was so 
 grateful to Elizabeth. I have already mentioned (p. 56.) that 
 an unsuccessful attempt was made to invaUdate the ordination 
 which he had received at Geneva. On that occasion Dr. Hut- 
 ton, Dean of York, told Archbishop Sandys, that Whitting- 
 ham " was ordained in a better manner than even the archbish- 
 op himself;" and the Lord President said, he could not in con- 
 science agree to " allow of the popish massing priests in our 
 ministry, and to disallow of ministers made in a reformed 
 church." Whittingham never conformed fully to the English 
 church, and died in 1579. Hutchinson's History and Anti- 
 quities of the County Palatine of Durham, ii. 143 — 152, 378. 
 
 Note XXVn. p. 64. 
 
 Aylmer's sentiments re.ipccting the English Constitution. — 
 The view which Aylmer has given of the English constitution 
 is very diiferent from that which Mr. Hume has laboured to 
 establish, by dwelling upon some arbitrary measures of the 
 house of Tudor. As his work is seldom consulted, I may be 
 excused for inserting here a few extracts from it on this sub- 
 ject It wiU be seen that he carefully distinguishes between 
 tlie principles of the constitution, and tliose proceedings which 
 were at variance witli them. " But if this be utterly taken 
 from them [women] in this place, what maketli it agauist their 
 government in a politike wcale, where neither the woman nor 
 the man ruleth (if there be no tyrants) but the laws. For, as 
 Plato saith, Illi civitati paratuiu est ex'tium uhi magistrattis 
 Icgibus imperai, et non leges magistratui .■ Tliat city is at the 
 pit's brinke, wherein the magistrate ruletli the lawcs, and not 
 the lawes the magistrate." And a little afterwards: "Well; 
 a woman may not reignc in Englande. Better in Englande, 
 than any where, as it shall wel appere to him that, with out 
 affection, will consider the kind of regimen. Whyle I confer 
 ours with other (as it is in itselfe, and not maimed by usurpa- ] 
 cion) I can find none either so good or so indifferent. Tlie ! 
 regemente of Englande is not a mere monarchie, as some for , 
 lacke of considcracion thinkc, nor a mere Oligarchie nor Dc- ' 
 raocracie, but a rule mixetl of all these, wherein e<;h one of , 
 these have or should have like authoritie. The image where- ! 
 of, and not the image, but the tliinge in detle is to be sene in ' 
 the parUament hous, wherein you shall find these 3 estats : the ' 
 King or Quene which reprcscntcth the Monarche, the noble- 1 
 
 men which be the Aristocratie, and the Burgesses and Knights 
 the Democratcic. — If the parliament use their pri^•ileges, the 
 king can ordain notliing without them : If he do, it is his fault 
 in usurping it, and their fault in permitting it Wherefore, in 
 my judgment, those that in king Henry the VIII's dales would 
 not grant him that his proclamations should have the force of 
 a statute, were good fatliers of the countrie, and worthy com- 
 mcndacion in defending their hberty. Wold God that that 
 court of late dales had feared no more the farceness of a wo- 
 man, than they did the displeasure of such a man. Then 
 should tliey not have stoupcd, contrary to their othcs and al- 
 ledgeaunce to the crowne, against the privilege of that house, 
 upon their marye bones to receive the Devil's blessenge brought 
 unto them by Satan's apostle, the cardinal. God forgeve him 
 for tlie doing, and them for obejong ! But to what purpose is 
 all tills 1 To declare that it is not in England so daungerous 
 a matter to have a woman ruler, as men take it to be. — If on 
 thother part, the regement were such as all hanged upon the 
 king's or quene's wil, and not upon the lawes written ; if she 
 might decre and make lawes alone, without her senate ; if she 
 judged offences according to her wisdom, and not by limitation 
 of statutes and laws ; if she might dispose alone of war and 
 peace ; if, to be short, she wer a mer monarch, and not a mix- 
 ed ruler, you might peradventure make me to fear the matter 
 the more, and the less to defend the cause." Harborowe for 
 Faitlifull and Trew Subjects. H. 2 & 3. 
 
 Note XXVni. p. 64. 
 
 Female Supremacy. — " Our countryman, John Knox, has 
 been much censured for want of civility and pohteness to the 
 fair sex ; and particularly for sounding a first and second " blast 
 of the trumpet against the monstrous regiment of women." He 
 was indeed no milksop courtier, who can sacrifice the public 
 weal to the punctilios of pohteness, or consider the interests 
 of nations as a point of gidlantry. His reasons for the aboli- 
 tion of all female government, if they are not entirely con- 
 vincing, may be allowed at leeist to be specious; and might 
 well be indulged as a harmless speculative opinion in one who 
 was disposetl as he was to make no bad use of it in practice, 
 and to give all dutiful respect to whomsoever the will of God 
 and the commonwealth had assigned the sovereign power. 
 But though the point may be conceded in regard to secular go- 
 vernment, in ordering of which the constitutions and customs 
 and mere pleasure of communities may be allowed to establish 
 what is not morally evil : it will not follow that the es.sential 
 order and positive law of the spiritual kingdom may also be 
 sported with, and subverted. — Let the Enghsli, if they please, 
 admit a weak, fickle, freakish, bigotted, gallantish or imperious 
 woman, to sway the sceptre of political dominion over millions 
 of men, and even over her own husband in tlie crowd, to whom 
 at the altar she had preAiously vowed obedience, they shall 
 meet witli no opposition from the presbytcrians, provided, 
 they do "not also authorise her to lord it or lady it, over their 
 faith and consciences, as well as over their bodies, goods and 
 chattels. 
 
 " By the laws of the Romish church, no female^can be ad- 
 mitted to a participation of clerical power. Not so much as 
 the ancient order of deaconesses now remaui in her. Her 
 casuists have examined and debated this thesis. Whether a 
 woman may have the degree of Doctor of Divinity conferred 
 upon her ; and have detennined it in the negative.* But of 
 the philosopliical dignity tliey are not quite so jealous. Helen 
 Lucrecia Piscopia Comaca, of famous memory, once applied 
 for her degree in divinity in an Italian university ; but Cardinal 
 Barbarigo, bishop of Padua, was far from being disposed to 
 grant it ; so that this learned lady was obUged to content her- 
 self witli a doctorate in philosophy, which, with universal ap- 
 plause, was actually conferred upon her, June 25, 1678.f But 
 the English climate savours notliuig of this Italian jealousy 
 nor are the divines in it so niggardly of their honours. We 
 do not hear indeed that they have formally matriculated any 
 ladies, in the universities, or obliged them by canon, or act of 
 parliament, to take out degrees, either in law. in philosophy, or 
 divinity, to qualify them for ecclesiastical preferment (even tlic 
 highest pinnacle of it ;) though their laws hold males utterly 
 unqualified for holding any lucrative place in tlie church, or 
 in ecclesiastic courts, without these : Nor can a man be ad- 
 mitted to the lowest curacy, or be fellow or student m an uni- 
 
 * Carol. Rinuldinij. Matth. .^nalit. art. pars 3tia, 
 t XouicU. dcla Republ. de Lett. Iddi. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 161 
 
 vcrsity, until he have learned and digested all the articles, ho- 
 milies, canons, rubrics, modes and fignres of the church of 
 England, as he cannot even be serjeant or exciseman, till he 
 understand perfectly the superior devotion of kneeling above 
 sitting. But it is very possible, though they do not bear the 
 learned titles, the ladies may know as much of learning and 
 divinity, as those who do. And though they may not receive 
 ordination on Ember-week for the inferior orders, yet it is en- 
 acted and provided, that one of their number may be raised at 
 once per saltum not only above all the peers and peeresses, 
 but over all the graduates, reverend dignitaries, and mitred 
 heads in the kingdom. The solemn inaugurating unction 
 once applied, then Cedite"'Romani Doctores, ccdite Graij. 
 Hence forward, as the queen of Sheba came from the utter- 
 most end of the earth, to hear the wisdom of Solomon, and 
 to have every enigma and hard question solved, so must every 
 master, doctor, heads of universities, every diocesan and me- 
 tropoUtan, however wise, have recourse to their queen, by re- 
 ference or appeal, with every diillcult question, and every learn- 
 ed and deep controversy, and be responsible to her for their 
 every decision. How flattermg a constitution this to woman- 
 kind — if they be indeed so very fond of precedence and rule, 
 as is commonly said ! She must have an unreasonable and 
 unbounded ambition indeed whom this will not content ; 
 tliough she sliould not be also further told in plain terms, that 
 she is a goddess, and in her office superior to Christ ; as some 
 court-clergymen have ventured to affirm of their visable head." 
 A Historico-Politico-Ecclesiastical Dissertation on the Supre- 
 macy of Civil Powers m Matters of Religion, particularly the 
 Ecclesiastical Supremacy annexed to the English Crown; By 
 Archibald Bruce, Minister of the gospel, p. 46, 47, 49, 50, 
 Edinburgh, 1802. 
 
 Note XXIX. p. 65. 
 
 Of the form of Prayer used in Scotland at the beginning 
 of the Rtforination. — It is natural to inquire here what is 
 meant by the " bulk of comon prayeris " which tlie protestants 
 in 1557 agreed to use, or which was afterwards followed in 
 their public worship. Was it the common prayer book of 
 Edward VI. or was it a different one*? This question was 
 keenly canvassed, after the Revolution, by the Scots Episco- 
 pahans and Presbyterians. Mr. Sage, the most al)le champion 
 of the Episcopalians, insisted that it was the English liturgy, 
 and endeavoured to prove that this was during, " at least, seven 
 years in continued practice in Scotland," i. e. from 1557 to 
 1564. Fundamental Charter of Presbytery Examined, p. 
 95 — 101,349. 2d edit. Lond. 1697. Mr. Anderson, minister 
 of Dumbarton, who was the most acute advocate of Presbytery, 
 answered this part of the Fundamental Charter, and adduced 
 a number of arguments to prove that it was the liturgy not of 
 Edward VI. but of the English church at Geneva, of which 
 Knox was minister, which was used in Scotland from the time 
 that protestant congregations were formed in this country. 
 The Countrey-man's Letter to the Curat, p, 65 — 77. printed 
 in 1711. I shall state a few facts, without entering into rea- 
 soning. Mr. Anderson says, that he had in his possession a 
 copv. in Latin, of the liturgy used in the English church at 
 Frankfort, the preface of which bears date the 1st of Septem- 
 ber, 1554. He adds that this had been translated from Eng- 
 lish into Latin ; and that the prayers in it are exactly the same 
 with those which arc found in the Order of Geneva, after- 
 wards adopted by the Scottish church ; only there are some 
 additional prayers in the latter accommodated to the circum- 
 stances of Scotland. Ibid. p. 64. This must have been the 
 form of worship agreed on by the exiles immediately after their 
 arrival at Frankfort Troubles of Franckford, p. 7. Before 
 the end of that year, the form of worship observed by the Ge- 
 nevan church was printed in English. Ibid. p. 27. In the 
 begiiming of the following year, the form afterwards used by 
 the English church at Geneva was composed, which differed 
 very little from that wliich was first used at Frankfort. Ibid, 
 p. 37. This was printed in the lieginning of 1556. Dunlop's 
 Confessions, ii. 401. It is not unlikely that Knox, in his visit 
 to Scotland in 1555, would carry with him copies of the two 
 former liturgies, and that he would send copies of the latter, 
 on his return to Geneva. After all, I think it extremely pro- 
 bable, that copies of the liturgy of Edward VI. were still more 
 numerous in Scotland at that time, and that they were used 
 by some of the protestants at the beginning of the Reforma- 
 tion. This appears from a letter of Cecil to Throkmorton. 9th 
 July, 1559. " The protestants be at Edynborough. They 
 
 offer no violence, but dissolve rehgiose howsces ; directyng the 
 lands thereof to the crowne, and to ministcry in the chirch. 
 'I'he parish churchecs they delyver of altars and imagees, and 
 have receved the service of the church of England, accordyng 
 to King Edward's booke." Forbes's State Papers, i, 155. 
 Another thing which inclines me to think that the Enghsh 
 liturgy was in the eye of those who made the agreement in 
 Dec. 1557 is, that they mention the reading of "the lesLonis 
 of the New and Auld Testament, confvrme to the ordour of 
 the Bulk of Commoun-Prayeris." Anderson gives a quota- 
 tion from the preface to the Frankfort liturgy in which the 
 compilers vindicate themselves against the objection, that they 
 had omitted the reading of the Gospels and Epistles, by say- 
 ing that they read in order not only these, but all the books of 
 scripture. And he insists that by the " lessonis of the New 
 and Auld Testament," our reformers meant no more than the 
 reading of the scriptures in general. This reply does not ap- 
 pear to me satisfactory. 
 
 But though the Scottish protestants, at this time, agreed to 
 make use of the prayers and scripture-lessons contained in the 
 English liturgy, it cannot be inferred from this, that they ap- 
 proved of it without limitations, or that they meant to bind 
 themselves to all its forms and ceremonies. The contrary is 
 evident. It appoints lessons to be read from the apocrypha ; 
 but they expressly confined their readuig to " the lessons of 
 the New and Old Testament." A great part of the English 
 liturgy can be read by a priest only ; but all that they propos- 
 ed to use could be performed by " the most qualifeit in the pa- 
 rochin," provided the cimite refused or was unqualified. I 
 need scarcely add, that, if" they had adopted that liturgy, the 
 invitation which they gave to Knox must have come with a 
 very bad grace. It must have been to this purpose, (to use 
 Mr. Anderson's words,) " Pray, good Mr. Knox, come over and 
 help us ; and for your encouragement against you come, you 
 shall find the English liturgy, against which you preached in 
 Scotland, against which you declared before the councel of 
 England, for opposing which j'ou were brought in danger of 
 your neck at Francford ; this English liturgy you shall find 
 the authorized form of worship, and that by an ordinance of 
 our making." The Countreyman's Letter, ut supra, p. 69, 
 
 We can trace back the use of the Book of Common Order 
 (or, Order of Geneva) by the church of Scotland from the 
 year 1564. The General Assembly, Dec. 26, 1564, ordained 
 " that cverie Minister, Exhorter and Reader sail have one of 
 the Psalme Bookes latelie printed in Edinburgh, and use the 
 order contamed therein in prayers, marriage, and ministration 
 of (he sacraments." Keith, 538. This refers to the edition 
 of the Geneva Order and Psalms, which had been printed du- 
 ring that year by Lepreuik. " In the generall assemblie con- 
 vened at Edinr. in Decer. 1562, for pruiting of the psalmes, 
 the kirk lent Rob. I-icprivick, printer, tva hundreth pounds, to 
 help to buy Irons, ink and papper, and to fie craftesmen for 
 printing." Reasons for continuing the use of the old metrical 
 Version of the Psalms. (Written in 1632.) p. 232. of a MS, 
 belonging to Robert Grseme, Esq; Advocate. But although 
 this was the first edition of the book printed in this countiy, 
 it had been previously printed both at Geneva and in England ; 
 and was used in the church of Scotland. For in the Assem- 
 bly which met in Dec. 1562, " it was concluded, That an uni- 
 forme Order sould be kecped in ministration of the sacraments, 
 solemnization of mamages, and burial of tlie dead, according 
 to the Booke of Geneva." Keith, 519. Petrie, part ii. p. 233. 
 Nor was it then introduced for the first time ; for the Abbot of 
 Crossraguel, in a book set forth by him in 1561, mentions it 
 as the estabHshed fonn of prayers at the time he wrote. " I 
 will call to remembrance (says he) the sayings of quhilkis ar 
 viritten to the redar, in thair buke CB&it the forme of prayeris 
 as eftir foUowis, viz, ' As for the wourdis of the Lordis supper, 
 we rehcrs thaim nocht bicaus thai sulde change the substance 
 of the breid and wine, or that the repititione tharof, with the 
 entcnt of the sacrificear, sulde make the sacraments (as the 
 papistis falslie belevis.") Ane Oratioune be Master Quintine 
 Kennedy, p. 15. Edin. 1812. The passage queted by Ken- 
 nedy is in the Book of Common Order. Dunlop, ii. 454. 
 The First Book of Disciphne, framed in 1560, expressly ap- 
 proves of the Order of Geneva, which it calls " our Book of 
 Common Order," and mentions its being " used in some of 
 our churches," previous to that period. Danl«p's Confessions, 
 ii. 520, 548, 583. From these facts it is evident that, although 
 the scripture lessons and the prayers in the English hturgy 
 were at first used by some of the Scottish protestants, yet they 
 never received that book as a whole ; that the Order of Geneva 
 11 
 
162 
 
 NOTES* 
 
 was introduced among them before the establishment of the 
 reformation ; and that it became the universal form of worship 
 as soon as a sufficient number of copies of it could be procur- 
 ed. If any other evidence of this were necessary, I might 
 produce tlie testimony of Sir Francis KnoUys, tlie English 
 ambassador. When queen Mary fled into England in 1568, 
 she feigned her willingness to give up with the mass, and to 
 adopt the English common prayer book, provided Ehzabeth 
 would assist her in regaining her crown. Lord Herries hav- 
 ing made this proposal in her name. Sir Francis replied " that 
 yf he meant thereby to conderapne the form and order of 
 coimnon prayer now used m Skotland, agreeable with divers 
 well reformed churches,— or that he meant to expell all the 
 learned preachers of Skotland, yff they wold not return back 
 to receave and wayr cornered capes and typpets, with svtrpless 
 and coopes, which they have left by order contynually since 
 their first receav'ng cif the gospel into that realme ,- thcrt he 
 myght so fyght for the shadow and image of reUgion that he 
 myght bring the body and truth in danger." Anderson's Col- 
 lections, vol. iv. part i. p. 210, 111. 
 
 As this subject has been introduced, I may make an obser- 
 vation or two respecting the form of prayers used in the church 
 of Scotland at tlie beginning of the Reformation. What has 
 been called Knox's Liturgi/, was the Book of Common Order, 
 first used by the E)iglLsh church at Geneva. It contains forms 
 of prayers for the different parts of public worship ; and this 
 is the only resemblance which it bears to the English liturgy. 
 But there is tliis important difference betvreen the two ; in the 
 EngUsh, the minister is restricted to the repetition of the very 
 words of the prayers ; in the Scottish, he is left at liberty to 
 vary from them, and to substitute prayers of his own in their 
 room. The following quotations will exemplify the mode of 
 the latter. " When the congregation is assembled at the houre 
 appointed, the minister uscth one of these two confessions, or 
 like in effect." — "The minister after the sermon useth tliis 
 prayer following, or such like." Similar declarations are pre- 
 fixed to the prayers to be used at the celebration of baptism 
 and of the Lord's Supper. And at the end of the account of 
 title public service of the Sabbath is this intimation ; " It shall 
 not be necessarie for the minister dayhe to repeat all these 
 things before mentioned, but beginning with some manner of 
 confession to proceed to the sermon, which ended, he either 
 uscth the prayer for all estates before mentioned, or else pray- 
 eth as the Spirit of God shall move his heart, framing the 
 same according to the time and matter which he hath entreated 
 of." Knox's Liturgy, p. 74, 83, 86, 120. Edin. 1611. 
 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 417, 421,426,443.450. And at 
 the end of the Fwm of Excommunication, it is signified, 
 " This order may be enlarged or contracted as the wisdome of 
 the discreet minister shall think expedient; for we rather shew 
 the way to the ignorant, then prescribe order to tiie learned 
 that cannot be amended." Dunlop, ii. 746. The Scottish 
 prayers, therefore, were intended as a help to the ignorant, not 
 as a restraint upon those who could pray without a set form. 
 The readers and exhorters commonly used them ; but even 
 they were encouraged to p>erform the service in a different man- 
 ner. Knox's Liturgy, ut supra, p. 189. Dimlop, ii. 694. 
 
 Note XXX. p. 66. 
 
 Of tlie Petitions presented by the Protestants to the Qiieen 
 Regent. — The petition which Sir James Sandilands presented, 
 in uie name of his brethren, contained five requests. 1. That, 
 as by the laws of the land they had, after long debate, obtain- 
 ed hberty to read the scriptures in their native language, it 
 should aJso be lawful for them to use, pubUcly or privately, 
 " comoun prayaris in our vulgar tovmg." 2. That if, in the 
 course of reading the scriptures in their assemblies, any diffi- 
 culty occurred, it should Ije lawful for any " qualifeit persone 
 in knawledge " to explain it, subject to the judgement of " the 
 maist godUe and maist leamit within the realme." 3. "That 
 the holy sacrament of baptisme may be used in the vulgar 
 toung," accompanied with instruction to the parties and to the 
 church. 4. " That the sacrament of the Lordis supper or of 
 his most blessed body and blude may likewise be ministrate in 
 the vulgar toung, and in both kindis." And lastly, " That 
 the wicket, slanderous, and detestabill lyif of Prelattes, and of 
 the stait ecclesiastical, may be so reformed that the pepill by 
 thame have not occasioun, as of mony dayis they have had, to 
 contempe their ministrie and the preiching, whairof they sould 
 he messengers ;" and to remove suspicion of interested mo- 
 tives m making this request, they add, " we ar content that not 
 
 only the reulles and preceptis of the New Testament, but also 
 the wryttings of tlie ancient Fatheris, and the godly approved 
 lawis of Justiniane, decyde tlie controversie that is betwix us 
 and thame." Knox, Historic, p. 120,121. Spottiswood (p. 
 1 1 9.) omits the article respecting baptism, and introduces an- 
 other : " that the election of ministers should be according to ^jj 
 the manner used in the primitive church." See also Buchan- jJH 
 ani Oper. i. 311. ™ 
 
 This petition discovers great moderation on the part of tlie 
 protestants. Historians differ as to the precise time at which 
 it was presented, Spottiswood (p. 108.) places his account 
 of it after the martyrdom of Mill. And the writer of the His- 
 toric of the Estate of Scotland from 1559 to 1566 (p. 1.) 
 says that it was presented in July 1558. On the contrary 
 Knox (p. 120, 122.) places it before the death of Mill. It is 
 highly probable that tlie protestants petitioned the Regent both 
 before and after that event, and that on both occasions they 
 employed Sir James Sandilands as their representative. In 
 this light I have represented the matter in the text. But I am 
 inclined, upon the whole, to consider Knox's statement as the 
 most correct. He had the best opportunity of ascertaining the 
 fact This was the part of his History which was first writ- 
 ten by him, soon after his arrival in Scotland, when the trans- 
 action must have been fresh in the recollection of all his asso- 
 ciates. There is no reference in the petition to the illegal ex- 
 ecution of Mill, which could scarcely have been omitted if it 
 had previously taken place. The objection urged by Keith, 
 from the clause in the petition which supposes that the Queen 
 was married, does not appear to have great strength. The 
 parliament, in December 1557, had agreed to the solemniza- 
 tion of the marriage, their commissioners had sailed for France 
 in February to be present at the ceremony, which was appoint- 
 ed to take place on the 24tli of April. In these circumstances 
 the protestants might, without any impropriety, request that 
 they should be allowed liberty to use the common prayers ui 
 the vulgar tongue, to the end that they might " be induced in 
 fervent and oft prayers to comend unto God — the queen our 
 soverane, hir honorabill and gracious husband," &c. Keith is 
 verong when he says that Knox has fixed the execution of Mill 
 " to the 8th of April, which was above two weeks before the 
 Queen's marriage." History, p. 80, note. Knox says he was 
 put to death " the twentie aucht day of Apiylle," which was 
 four days after the marriage. Historic, p. 122. 
 
 After the martyrdom of Mill; the protestants renewed their 
 application to the Regent, with a warm remonstrance against 
 the cruelty of the clergy. Knox, Historic, p. 122. The par- 
 liament held in November 1558 approaching, they dehvered 
 another petition to her, desiring that it should be laid before 
 the meeting of the estates. In this they requested, tliat tlie 
 laws by which the clergy justified their severe and cruel pro- 
 ceedings against them should be abrogated, or suspended until 
 the present controversies in religion were regularly determined; 
 or, if this could not be granted, that the clergy should not act 
 as judges, but be obliged to sustain the character of accusers 
 before a temporal judge, and that the same mode of defence 
 should be granted to persons accused of heresy as in other 
 criminal processes. Bemg persuaded, by the promises of the 
 Regent, to desist from laying this petition before that meeting 
 of parliament, they substituted a protestation ; in which they 
 declared that, having waved urging their petitions from regard 
 to the state of public affairs, they should not be liable to any 
 penalties for using that liberty to %vhich they had a just title, 
 and for which they had frequently petitioned, and that, if any 
 tumult was excited by reUgious differences, or by violent at- 
 tempts to reform abuses in rehgion which were become intole- 
 rable, this should not be imputed to them who had always re- 
 quested an orderly reformation of these abuses, but unto the 
 persons who had resisted every attempt of this land. Ibid. p. 
 122—125. Spottiswood, 119, 120. 
 
 Note XXXI. p. 69. 
 
 Dissimulation of the Queen Regent. — I am sensible that 
 my account of the conduct of the queen regent to the protes- 
 tants differs from that which has been given by Dr. Rolx-rtson 
 in his history of this period. He imputes her change of mea- 
 sures entirely to the over-ruling influence of her brothers, and 
 seems to acquit her of insincerity in the countenance which 
 she had shewn, and the promises which she had repeatedly 
 made, to the protestant leaders. In any remarks which I shall 
 make upon tliis account, I wish to be understood as not de- 
 tracting in the slightest degree from the merit of his able, afl- 
 
NOTES. 
 
 163 
 
 curate, and luminous statement of the plans conceived by the 
 princes of Lorrain. Having mentioned the first symptoms of 
 the Regent's aUenation from the reformers, Dr. Robertson says: 
 " In order to account for this, our historians do httle more than 
 produce the trite observations concerning the influence of pros- 
 perity to alter the character and corrupt the heart." I do not 
 know the particular liistorians to whom he may refer, but those 
 of the protestant persuasion whom I have consulted, impute 
 her change of conduct not to the above cause, but to the cir- 
 cumstance of her having accomplished the gi'eat objects which 
 she had in view, upon which she no longer stood in need of 
 the assistance of the reformers. Accordingly, they charge her 
 with duplicity in her former proceedings with them. Knox, 
 96, 110, 122, 125. Buchanan, i. 312, Spottiswood, 117, 
 119, 120. I think they had good reasons for this charge. At 
 a very early period, she gave a striking proof of hor disposition 
 and talents for the most deep dissimulation. I refer to her 
 behaviour in the intercourse which she had with Sir Ralph 
 Sadler, in 1543, on which occasion she acted a part not less 
 important than Cardinal Beatoun himself, threw the ambassador 
 into the greatest perplexity, and completely duped the Eng- 
 hsh monarch. Sadler, i. 84—88, 100, 111—113, 249—253. 
 The Governor wanted not reason to say, " as she is both subtle 
 and wily, so she hatli a vengeablc engine and wit to work her 
 purpose." It is impossible to read the account of her smooth 
 conduct to the reformers, without perceiving the art with which 
 she acted. There is also reason for thinking that she was 
 privy to the execution of Walter Mill, and had encouraged 
 the archbishop of St. Andrews to take that step. Indeed, in 
 his letter to the earl of Argyle, written a few weeks before that 
 event, the archbishop expressly says, that she murmured heav- 
 ily against him, because he did not use severe measures to 
 check the progress of heresy, and Argyle, in his answer, does 
 not call this in question. Knox, 103, 108. 
 
 I do not doubt that the Regent was precipitated into the 
 most violent measures which she adopted by the counsels of her 
 brotliers ; and that she remonstrated against the impolicy of 
 these, is attested by Castclnau, to whom Dr. Robertson refers 
 as one of his authorities. But I think that she had altered her 
 conduct to the protestants, and declared her resolution to abet 
 the measures of the clergy against them, previous to the time 
 that she is said to have received these strong representations 
 from France. Tliis appears even from the narrative of Cas- 
 telnau, who has connected the advice given by the princes of 
 Lorrain with the mission of La Brosse and the bishop of 
 Amiens, who did not arrive in Scotland until September 1559, 
 after the civil war was kindled. Jebb. ii. 246. Keith, 102. 
 Sadler, i. 470. But it will be still more apparent from an ex- 
 amination of the testimony of Sir James Melvil, the other au- 
 thority to whom Dr. Robertson appeals. Melvil says that, af- 
 ter the treaty of Chatcau-Cambresis was concluded, Bettan- 
 court was sent into Scotland to procure the ratification of it 
 from the queen regent ; and that he was charged by the Car- 
 dinal of Lorrain to inform her, that the popish princes had 
 agreed to join in extirpating heresy, and to require that she 
 should immediately take steps for suppressing the protestants 
 in that country. Melvil adds, that tliese instructions, mixed 
 with some threatcnings, having been received, the queen regent 
 " determined to follow them. She therefore issued out a proc- 
 lamation a little beftre Eaiter, commanding every man great 
 and small, to observe the Roman Catholic religion." Melvil's 
 Memoirs, p. 23, 24. Lond. 1683. The proclamation to ob- 
 serve Easter in the Catholic manner is mentioned by all our 
 historians as the decisive declaration of the Queen's change 
 of measures. Now the treaty of Chateau-Cambresis was not 
 concluded until the 2d of April 1559. Forbes, i. 68. 81. 
 But Easter fell that year on the 29th of March, six days be- 
 fore Bettancourt could undertake his journey to Scotland. The 
 proclamation respecting the observance of that festival must 
 have been issued some weeks before Bettancourt's arrival. 
 Nay, we know from other evidence, that the breach between 
 the queen regent and the protestants had taken place on the 
 6th of March ; for this is the date from which the act of Ob- 
 livion afterwards granted is reckoned. Keith, 141, 151. 
 There is, therefore, a glaring anachronism in Melvil's narra- 
 tive ; and whatever influence Bettancourt's embassy had in in- 
 stigating the Regent to more violent measures, she had previ- 
 ously taken her side, and declared her determuiation to oppose 
 the progress of the Reformation. 
 
 There are several other mistakes which Sir James Melvil 
 has committed in his narrative of the transactions of this peri- 
 od. Even in his account of the important embassy into Scot- 
 
 land, committed to him by Henry II, and of the speech which 
 the constable Montmorency made to him on that occasion, he 
 has introduced the constable as mentioning, among his reasons, 
 the shipv^Teck of the Marquis D'Elbeuf, which did not happen 
 till some months after, when the French king was dead. Me- 
 moirs, ut supra, p, 31. Sadler, i. 417. In my humble opin- 
 ion, all our historians have given too easy credit to Melvil, both 
 in his statement of facts, and in his representation of charac- 
 ters. 
 
 Note XXXII. p. 73. 
 
 Lamentation over the demolition of the Religious houses. — 
 " Truely, among all their deeds and devises, the casting doune 
 of the churches was the most foolish and furious worke, the most 
 shreud and execrable turne that ever iiZbr/ioAhimself culdhave 
 done or de\ised. For out of al doubt that great grandfather 
 of Calvine, and old enemie of mankind, not only inspired ev- 
 ery one of those sacrelegious hellhounds with his flaming sprit 
 of malice and blasphemie, as he did their forefathers LutJier 
 and Calvine : hot also was then present as maibttr of ivorke, 
 busily beholding his servands and hirelings worldng his wil 
 and bringing to pass his long desired contentment. — They 
 changed the churches (which God himself called his house of 
 prayer^ into filthie and abominable houses of sensual men, 
 yea, and of unreasonable beasts: when as they made stables 
 in Halyrud-hous, sheep-houses of S. Antone, and S. Leonards 
 chapels, tolbooths of S. Gillis, &c, which this day may be scene, 
 to the great griefe and sorrow of al good Christians, to the 
 shame and confusion of Edinburg, and to the everlasting dam- 
 nation of the doers thereof, the sedicious ministers, Knox and 
 his complices." After weeping over the ruins of " Abbirbroth," 
 the WTitcr returns to St. Giles, and represents our Saviour as 
 lamenting its profanation by the setting up of " the abomina- 
 tion of desolation," the courts of justice, within that holy 
 ground. " How wold he say, if he were now entering in at 
 S. Giles, and looking to bare wals, and pillars al cled with dust, 
 sweepings and cobweljs, insted of pamting and tapcstrie ; and 
 on every side beholding the restlesse resorting of people treat- 
 ing of their worldly affaires, some writing and making of ob- 
 ligations, contracts and discharges, others laying countes or 
 telling over sowmes of money, and two and two walking and 
 talking to and fro, some about merchandise or the lawes, and 
 too many, alias ! about drinking and courting of woemen, yea 
 and perhaps about worse nor I can imagine, as is wont to be 
 done al the day long in the common Exchanges of London 
 and Amsterdam and other great cities. And turning him farther 
 towards the west end of the church, which is divided in a high 
 house for the CoUedge of Justice, called the Session or Senat- 
 hm/.se, and a lower house called the Irnv Tolbooth, where the 
 balives of the town use to sit and judge common actions and 
 pleas in the one end thereof, and a number of harlots and 
 scolds for flyting and whoredom, inclosed in the other : And 
 these, I mean, if our Saviour were present to behold such 
 abominable desolation, that where altars were erected, and sa- 
 crifices, with continual praises and praiers, were wont to be of- 
 fered up to the lord, in remembrance of that bloody sacrifice of 
 Christ on the crosse, there now are holes for whores, and cages 
 for scolds, where nothing is hard hot banning and swearing, 
 and every one upbraiding another : O what grieve and sorrow 
 wold our Lord tak at the beholding of such profanation and 
 sacrilege!" Father Alexander Baillie's True Information 
 of the unhallovxd offspring, progress and impoison'd fruits 
 of our Scottish-Calvinian Gospel and Gospellers, p. 24, 25, 
 27,28. Wulsburg, 1628. 
 
 Note XXXHL p, 74, 
 
 Alleged excesses of the Reformers. — It would be endless to 
 enter into an examination of'^ the exaggerated accounts which 
 have been given of the " pitiful devastation " committed by 
 the reformers, I shall content myself with stating a few facts 
 which may satisfy the candid and considerate that no such 
 great blame is imputable to them. The demolition of the 
 monasteries, with their dependencies, will be found to comprcf- 
 hend the sum of what they can be justly charged with. And 
 yet again I would ask those who are most disposed to blame 
 them for this, What purpose could the allovring of these build- 
 ings to stand have served, if not to cherish the hopes and ex- 
 cite the desires of the Catholics, to regain possession of them 1 
 To what use could the reformers possibly have converted 
 theml Is it to be supposed that they could form the idea of 
 
16i 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 preserving them for tlic gratification of a race of antiquaries, 
 who were to rise up in the eighteenth and nineteen tli centuries 1 
 Have these gentlemen, with all their zeal, ever testified tlieir re- 
 gard for these sacred monuments, by associations and subscri}> 
 tions to preserve the mouldering remains from going to tlieir 
 original dust ] The reformed ministers had enough to do, in 
 exciting the nobility and gentry to keep the parish churches 
 in decent repair, without undertaking the additional task of 
 supporting huge and useless fabrics. But enough of this. — 
 Let not any distress themselves by supposing that the costly 
 furniture of the monasteries and churches was all consumed 
 by the flames. Fanatical as the reformers were, they " reser- 
 vit the best part thairof mibumt," and converted it into money, 
 some of which went into the public purse, but the greater part 
 into the private pockets of the nobles. Winzet, apud Keith, 
 Append. 245. The idols and images were mdeed commit- 
 ted to the flames vnthout mercy ; but considering the example 
 that their adversaries had set them of consigning the living 
 images of God to this fate, the retaHation was certainly mode- 
 rate ; and that these were tlie only sacrifices which they ofier- 
 ed up, we have the testimony of a popish writer. Lesteus, 
 de reb. gest. Scotorum, lib. x. p. 537. edit. 1675. 
 
 The act of privy council for demolishing idolatrous houses 
 did not extend to cathedrals or to parish churches. Spottis- 
 wood, p. 174. 175. In the first Book of Discipline, indeed, 
 cathedral-churches, if not used as parish-churches, are men- 
 tioned among the places to be suppresseil ; but so far was this 
 case from occurring, that it was found necessary to employ 
 many of the chapels attached to monasteries, and collegiate 
 churches, as places for the protestant worship. That, in the 
 first effervescence of popular zeal, some of the cathedrals and 
 other churches should have suffered, is not much to be wonder- 
 ed at. " What you speak of Mr. Knox preaching for the pul- 
 ling down of churches (says Mr. Baillie in his answer to bish- 
 op Maxwell) is hke the rest of your lies. — I have not heard 
 that in all our land above three or foure churches were cast 
 down." Historical Vindication of the Government of the 
 Church of Scotland, p. 40. Lond. 1646. Mr. Baillie had 
 the historical collections of Calderwood in his possession when 
 he composed that work. This statement is confirmed by the 
 testimony of Cecil in the letter quoted above, (p. 424.) The 
 churches were merely to be stripped of monuments of idola- 
 try and instruments of superstition ; and in canying this into 
 effect, great care was ordered to be taken that the buildings 
 should not be injured. Lord James (afterwards Earl of Mur- 
 ray) was the person to whom the execution of the act in the 
 northern part of the kingdom was committed ; and we have 
 an authentic document of the manner in which he proceeded, 
 in an order issued by him, and written with his own hand, for 
 purging the cathedral church of Dimkeld. The following is 
 an exact copy of that order. 
 
 " To our Traist friendis, the Lairds of Amtilly and Kinvaid. 
 
 " Traist friendis, after raaist harty commendacion, we pray 
 « yow faill not to pass incontinent to the kyrk of Dunkeld, and 
 " tak doun the haill images thereof, and bring furth to the kyrk- 
 " zayrd, and bum thaym oppinly. And siclyk cast down the 
 "altaris, and purge the kyrk of allkynd of monuments ofidola- 
 '■ trye. And this ze faill not to do, as ze wiQ do us singular 
 " empleseur ; and so committis you to the protection of God. 
 "From Edinburgh, the xii. of August, 1560. 
 "Faill not, hot ze tak guid heyd (Signed) 
 "that neither the dasks, windocks, "Ar. EacxLi. 
 "nor durris, be ony ways hurt 
 « or broken eyther " Jaxks Stewaht. 
 
 « glassin wark or iron wark. 
 
 « RcTHTIJr."* 
 
 We may take it for granted that the same caution was used 
 in the rest of the commissions. If it be asked, how it hap- 
 pened ihat die cathedrals, and many other churches, fell into 
 such a ruined state, the following quotations may serve for an 
 answer. They are taken from a scarce work written by Rob- 
 ert Pont, Commissioner of Murray, and one of the I^ords of 
 Session. " Yet, a great many, not onely of the raskall sorte, 
 but sundry men of name and worldly reputation, joyncd them- 
 Belves with the congregation of the reformers, not so much for 
 zeale of religion, as to reape some earthly commoditie, and to 
 be enriched by spoyle of the kirkes and abbey places. And 
 when the preachers told them that such places of idolatrie 
 should be pulled downe, they accepted gladly the enterprise ; 
 and rudely passing to worke, pulled down all, both idoles and 
 
 * BtatUtical Accenot of Scotland, vol. zx. p. 423. 
 
 places where they were found. Not making difference be- 
 tweene these places of idolatrie, and many parish kirks, where 
 God's word shuld have bin preached in many parts where they 
 resorted, as in such tumultcs and suddainties useth to come to 
 passe ; namelye, among such a nation as we are. — 
 
 " Another thing fell out at that time, which may be excused 
 by reason of necessitie ; when as tlie lordcs, and some of the 
 nobilitie, principall enterprysers of the reformation, ha\Tng to 
 do with the Frenchmen, and many their assisters of our owne 
 nation enemies to these proceedings, were forced, not onely to 
 ingage their owne landes, and bestowe whatsoever they were 
 able to fumishe of their owne patrimonie, for maintenance of 
 men of warre, and other charges, but also to take the lead and 
 belles, with other jcwelles and ornaments of kirkes, abbayc s, 
 and other places of superstition, to employ the same, and the 
 parises thereof, to resist the enemies. The most parte of the 
 realme beand in their contrarie. This I say, cannot be alto- 
 getlier blamed." Against Sacrilege, Three sermons jireached 3 
 by Maisier Robert Pont, an aged Pustmr in the Kirk of 1 
 God. B.6, 7. Edinburgh, 1599. Comp. Keith, p. 468. ^ 
 
 But what shall we say of the immense loss which literature 
 sustained on that occasion 1 " Bibliothecks destroied, the 
 volumes of the fathers, councells, and other books of humane 
 learning, with the registers of the church, cast into the streets, 
 afterwards gathered in heapes, and consumed with fire." 
 Spottiswood's MS. apud Keith, Historic, p. 5C8. Does not 
 such conduct equal the fanaticism of the Mahometan chieftain 
 who deprived the world of the invaluable Alexandrine library ■?- 
 As every one is apt to deplore the loss of that commodity up- 
 on which he sets the greatest value, I might feel more inclined 
 to join in this lamentation, were I not fully convinced that the 
 real loss was extremely trifling, and that it has been compen- 
 sated ten thousand fold. Where, and of what kind were these 
 bibliothecks? Omn£ ignotttm magnifctim. The public was 
 long amused with the tale of a classic hbrary at lona, which 
 promised a complete copy of Li\-y's works, not to be found in 
 all the world beside; a miracle which Mr. Gibbon, in the 
 abundance of his literary faith, seems to have been incUned 
 to admit. Danes, and Reformers, and Republicans, were suc- 
 cessively anathematized, and consigned to the shades of bar- 
 barism, for the destruction of what (for aught that appears) 
 seems to have existed only in the brains of antiquarians. It 
 has been common to say, that all the learning of the times was 
 confined to monasteries. This was true at a certain period ; 
 but it had ceased to be the fact in the age in which the Refor- 
 mation took place. Low as literature was in Scotland at the 
 beginning of the 16th century, for the credit of my country I 
 trust, that it was not in so poor a state in the universities as it 
 was in the monast«ries. Take the account of one who has 
 bestowed much attention on the monastic antiquities of Scot- 
 land. "Monkish ambition terminated in acquiring skill in 
 scholastic disputation. If any tiling besides simple theology 
 was read " [I greatly doubt if there is any good evidence of 
 this being a practice at the period of which I speak] " it might 
 consist of the legends of saints, who were pictured converting 
 infidels, interceding for offenders, and over-reaching fiends ; or 
 of romances, recording the valour of some hardy adventurer, 
 continually occupied in wars with Pagans, or in vanquishing 
 gfiants, foiling necromancers, and combating dragons. Some 
 were chroniclers ; and books of the laws might be transcribed 
 or deposited with monks. Some might be conversant in me- 
 dicine and the occult sciences." Dalyell's Cursory Remarks, 
 prefixed to Scottish Poems, L 17, 18. 
 
 But we are not left to conjecture, or to general inferences, 
 concerning the state of the monastic libraries. We have the 
 catalogues of two libraries, the one of a monastery, the other 
 of a collegiate church ; which may be deemed fair specimens 
 of the condition of the remainder in tlie respective ages to 
 which they belonged. Tlie former is the catalogue of the li- 
 brary of the Culdean monastery at Lochlevin in the 12th cen- 
 tury. It consisted of seventeai books, all of them neceswuily 
 in manuscript Among these were a pastorale, graduale, and 
 missale, books common to all monasteries, and without which 
 tlieir religious services could not be performed ; the Text of 
 the Gospels, and the Acts of the Apostles ; an Exposition of 
 Genesis ; a Collection of Sentences ; and an Interpretation of 
 Sayings. The rest seem to have consisted of some of the 
 writings of Prosper, and perhaps of Origen and Jeroni. Ja- 
 mieson's Historical Account of the ancient Culdees, p. 376 — 8. 
 It may be granted that this collection of books was by no 
 means despicable in that age ; but certainly it contained noth- 
 ing, the loss of which has been injurious to literature, I have 
 
NOTES. 
 
 165 
 
 no doubt that, if a copy of the Gospels, with the Lochlevin 
 seal or superscription, (whether authentic or fictitious) were 
 to occur, with antiquarians it would give as high a price as a 
 Polyglot ; but there can be as Uttle question that one copy of the 
 Greek Testament is of more real value. From the 1 2th to the 1 6th 
 century, the monastic libraries did not unprove. The catalogue 
 of the library at Stirling exhibits the true state of learning at 
 the begirming of the last mentioned period. It contained, in- 
 deed, a copy of the gospels and epistles in manuscript, most 
 probably in Latin ; the remainder of its contents was purely 
 monkish. There were four missals, two psalters, four anti- 
 phonies, three breviaries, two legends, four graduak, and ten 
 processionals. Dalyell's Fragments of Scottish History, p. 77. 
 I have occasionally met, in the course of my reading, with 
 notices of volumes of the Fathers being in the possession of 
 the Scottish monasteries, but nothing from which I could con- 
 clude that they had complete copies of any of their writings. 
 The Abbot of Crossraguell, indeed, speaks of his being in 
 possession of a large stock of this kind, (Keith, Append. 193.) 
 which some writers have been pleased to calculate at " a cart- 
 load." It does not appear however that they belonged to the 
 monastery over which he presided. But whatever books of 
 this kind were to be foxmd in them the reformers would be 
 anxious to preserve, not to destroy. The c/iartularies were 
 the most valuable writings deposited in monasteries ; and many 
 of these have been transmitted to us. The reformers were 
 not disposed to consume these records, and we find them mak- 
 ing use of them in their writings. Knox, Historic, p. 1, 2, 3. 
 The mass-books were the most likely objects of their ven- 
 geance, and I have httle doubt that a number of them were 
 committed to the flames, in testimony of their abhorrence of 
 the popish worship. Yet they were careful to preserve copies 
 of them, which they produced in their disputes with the Ro- 
 man Catholics. Ibid. p. 261. 
 
 But whatever literary ravages were committed, let them not 
 be imputed exclusively to the tumultuary reformation of Scot- 
 land, to the fanaticism of our reformers, or the barbarous igno- 
 rance of our nobles. In England, the same proceedings took 
 place to a far greater extent, and the loss must have been far 
 greater. " Another misfortune (says Colher) consequent up- 
 on the suppression of the abbeys was an ignorant destruction 
 of a great many valuable books. — The books, instead of being 
 removed to royal hbraries,to those of cathedrals, or tlie universi- 
 ties, were frequently thrown in to the grantees, as things of 
 slender consideration. Their avarice was sometimes so mean, 
 and their ignorance so undistinguishing, that when the covers 
 were somewhat rich, and would yield a little, they pulled them 
 off, threw away the books, or turned them to waste paper." — 
 " A number of them which purchased these superstitious man- 
 sions (says bishop Bale) reserved of those library books, some 
 to serve their jakes, some to scour their candlesticks, and some 
 to rub their boots, and some they sold to the grocers and soap- 
 sellers, and some they sent over the sea to bookbinders, not in 
 small numbers, but at times whole ships full. Yea, the mii- 
 versities are not clear in this detestable fact ; but cursed is the 
 belly which seekcth to be fed with so ungodly gains, and so 
 deeply shameth his native country. I know a merchant man 
 (which shall at this time be nameless) that bought the contents 
 of two noble libraries for forty shillings price ; a shame it is to 
 be spoken. This stuff hath he occupied instead of gray paper 
 by die space of more than these ten years, and yet hath he 
 store enauglifor as many years to come" Bale's Declaration, 
 &c. apud CoUier's Eccles. Hist. ii. 166. 
 
 Note XXXIV. p. 77. 
 
 Aversion of Queen Elizabeth to the Scottish war.- — The 
 personal aversion of Elizabeth to engage in the war of the 
 Scottish Reformation has not, as far as I have observed, been 
 noticed by any of our historians. It is, however, a fact well 
 authenticated from state papers, whether it arose from extreme 
 caution at the commencement of her reign, from her known 
 parsimony, or from her high notions respecting royal preroga- 
 tive. Cecil mentions it repeatedly in his correspondence with 
 Throkmorton. " God trieth us (says he) with many difficul- 
 ties. The Queen's majestic never liketh this matter of Scot- 
 land ; you knowe what hangeth thereuppon : weak-hearted men 
 and flatterers will follow that way. — I have had such a tor- 
 ment lierin with the queen's majestic, as an ague hath not in 
 five fitts so much abated. Forbes, i. 454, 455. In smother 
 letter he says ; " What will follow of my going towardes Scot- 
 lande, I know not; but I feare tlie success, quia, the queen's 
 
 majestic is so evil disposed to the matter, which troubleth us 
 
 formal petition to her, that she gave her consent. Ibid. 390. 
 Even after she had agreed to hostilities, she began to waver, 
 and listened to the artful proposals of the French court, who 
 endeavoured to amuse her until such time as they were able 
 to convey more effectual aid to the queen regent of Scotland. 
 Killigrew, in a letter to Throkmorton, after mentioning the re- 
 pulse of the EngUsh army in an assault on the fortifications of 
 Leith, says : " This, together with the bischope's [of Valence] 
 relation unto the queen's majestic, caused her to renew the 
 opinion of Cassandra." Ibid. 456. This was the principal 
 cause of the suspension of hostilities, and tlie premature at- 
 tempt to negociate, in April 1560, which so justly alarmed the 
 lords of the Congregation ; an occurrence not adverted to in 
 our coimnon histories. Sadler, State Papers, i. 719, 721. 
 The Scotch protestants were much indebted to Cecil and 
 Throkmorton, for the assistance wliich they obtained from 
 England. A number of the counsellors, who had been in tlie 
 cabinet of queen Mary, did all in their power to foster the 
 disinclination of Elizabeth. Lord Grey in one of his des- 
 patches, complains of tlie influence of these ministers, whom 
 he calls Phillipians, from their attachment to the interest of 
 the king of Spain. Haynes, p. 295. 
 
 Note XXXV. p. 78. 
 
 Loyalty of the Scottish Protestants. — The hostile advance 
 of the Regent against Perth first drove the lords of the Con- 
 gregation to take arms in their own defence. Her reiterated 
 infraction of treaties, and the gradual developement of her 
 designs, by the introduction of French troops into the king- 
 dom rendered the prospect of an amicable and permanent ad- 
 justment of differences very improbable, and dictated the pro- 
 priety of strengthening their confederation, that they might be 
 prepared for a sudden and more formidable attack. These 
 considerations are sufficient to justify the posture of defence 
 in which they kept themselves during the summer of 1559, 
 and the steps which they took to secure assistance from Eng- 
 land. If their exact situation is not kept in view, an accurate 
 judgment of their conduct cannot be formed, and their partial 
 and temporary resistance to the measures of the Regent will 
 be represented as an avowed rebellion against her authority. 
 But whatever be the modem ideas on this subject, they did 
 not consider the former as necessarily implying the latter, and 
 they continued to profess not only their allegiance to their 
 sovereign, but also dieir readiness to obey the queen regent in 
 every thing not inconsistent with their security, and the liber- 
 ties of the naticn ; nay, they actually yielded obedience to 
 her, by paying taxes to the officers whom she appointed to re- 
 cei'C them. Knox, p. 176. Private and confidential letters 
 are justly considered as the most satisfactory evidence as to 
 the intentions of men. Our Reformer, in a letter written to 
 Mrs. Locke, on the 25th of June 1559, says ; " The queen is 
 retired unto Dunbar. The fine [end] is known unto God. We 
 mean no tumult, no alteration of authority, but only the re- 
 formation of reUgion, and suppressing of idolatry." Cald. 
 MS. i. 429. At an early period, indeed, she accused them of 
 a design to throw ofi" their allegiance. When the Prior of 
 St Andrews joined their party, she industriously circulated 
 the report that he ambitiously aimed at the sovereignty, and 
 that they intended to confer it upon him. Knox, 149. Forbes, 
 i. 180, It was one of the special instructions given to Sir 
 Ralph Sadler, when he was sent down to Berwick, that he 
 should " explore the very trueth" as to this report. Sadler, i. 
 731. In all his confidential correspondence with his court, 
 there is not the slightest insinuation that Sadler had discovered 
 any evidence to induce him to credit that charge. This is a 
 strong proof of the Prior's innocence, if it be taken in connec- 
 tion with what I shall immediately state ; not to mention the 
 testimony of Melvil. Memoirs, p. 27. 
 
 When the Earl of Arran joined the Congregation, the 
 Queen Regent circulated the same report respecting him. 
 Knox, p. 1 74, As far as the Congregation were concerned, 
 this accusation was equally unfounded as the former. Ibid. p. 
 176. But there are some circumstances coimected with it 
 which deserve attention, as they set the loyalty of the Scottish 
 protestants in a very clear light. The earl of Arran, and not 
 the prior of St. Andrews, was the favourite of the English 
 court. Messengers were appointed by Uiem to bring him over 
 from the continent, and he was conducted through England 
 into Scotland, to be placed at the head of the Congregation. 
 
166 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Forbes, i. 164, 166, 171, 216. Sadler, i, 417, 421, 437, 439. 
 There is also good evidence that the ministers of Elizabeth 
 wished him to be raised to the throne of Scotland, if not also 
 that they had projected the uniting of the two cro-wns by a 
 marriage between him and Elizabeth. " The way to perfeit 
 this assuredly (says Throkmorton to Cecil) is, that the erle of 
 Arrainc do as Edward the IV. did, when he landed at Ravens- 
 purg : (he pretended to the dutchy of York ; and having that, 
 he would not leaA'e till he had the diademe) for then of ne- 
 cessitie th' erle of Arran must depend upon the devotion of 
 England, to maintein and defend himself. I fcare all other 
 devises and handeUngs will prove like an apotecary his shop ; 
 and therefore I leave to your discretion to provjde by all 
 meanes for this matter, lioth there and in Scotland." And 
 again : " Methinks, the lord of Grange, Ledington, Balnaves, 
 and the chief doers of tlie Congregation (which I wold wish 
 specially to be done and procured by the prior of St An- 
 drewes) should be persuaded to set forward these purposes 
 before : for there is no way for them to have any safety or 
 surety, onelcs thei make the earl of Arran king ; and as it is 
 their surety, so it is also ours. In this matter there must be 
 used both wisdome, courage, and spede." Forbes, i. 435, 436. 
 Throkmorton, it is to be observed, was at tliis time the most 
 confidential friend of Cecil, and, in his despatches from 
 France, pressed the adoption of those measures which the 
 secretary had recommended to the Queen and council. Had 
 not the Congregation been decidedly averse to any change of 
 the government which would have set aside their queen, it 
 seems highly probable that this plan would have been carried 
 into execution. The report of an intended marriage between 
 Elizabeth and Arran was general at that time ; and whatever 
 were the Queen's own intentions, it seems to have been seri- 
 ously contemplated by her ministers. Ibid. 214, 215, 282, 
 238. Tliis accounts for the recommendation of this measure 
 by the Scottish Estates, after the conclusion of the civil war. 
 Keith, 154. 
 
 Note XXXVI. p. 80. 
 
 Authorities for the statement of Knooc's political princi- 
 ples. — The following extracts from Knox's writings relate to 
 the principal points touched in the statement of his political 
 sentiments. " In few wordis to speik my conscience ; the 
 regiment of princes is this day cum to that heap of iniquitie, 
 that no godlie man can bruke office or autoritie under thame, 
 but in so doing hie salbe compellit not onlie aganis equitie and 
 justice to oppress the pure, but also expressedlie to fycht 
 aganis God and his ordinance, either in maintenance of idolatrie, 
 or elUs in persecuting Godis chosin childrene. And what 
 must follow heirof, but that ether princeis be reformit and be 
 compellit also to reform their wickit laws, or els all gud men 
 depart fra thair service and companie?" Additions to the 
 Apology of the Parisian Protestants, apud MS. Letters, p. 
 477. Dr. Robertson has ascribed to Knox and Buchanan an 
 " excessive admiration of ancient pohcy ;" and he says, their 
 " principles, authorities, and examples were all drawn from 
 ancient writers," and their political system founded " not on 
 the maxims of feudal, hut of ancient repubhcan government." 
 History of Scotland, vol. i. b. ii. p. 391. Lond. 1809. These 
 assertions need some qualification. If republican govern- 
 ment he opp)osed to absolute monarchy, the principles of Knox 
 and Buchanan may be denominated republican; but if the 
 term (as now commonly understood) be used in contradis- 
 tinction to monarchy itself, it cannot be shewn that they ad- 
 mired or recommended republicanism. They were tlie friends 
 of limited monarchy. It is the excellence of the government 
 of Britain, that the feudal maxims which once prtxlominated 
 in it have been corrected, or their influence counteracted, by 
 others borrowed from republican constitutions. And it is not 
 a little to the credit of the moderation and good sense of these 
 writ.;rs, that, notvsdthstanding all their admiration of ancient 
 models of legislation, in comparison with the existing 
 feudal monuments, they contented themselves with recom- 
 mending such principles as were requisite for restraining the 
 arbitrary power of kings, and securing the rights of the peo- 
 ple. Nor were cdl their authorities and examples drawn from 
 ancient writers, as may be seen in Buchanan's Dialogue, De 
 jure regni apud Scoios. 
 
 In a letter written by him to the Queen Dowager, a few 
 day!^ after her suspension from the regency, Knox says ; " My 
 tiung did hothe jXTswade and obtein, that your authoritie and 
 regiment suld l>e obeyed of us in all things lawful!, till ye de- 
 
 clair yourself opin enemie to this comoun welthe ; as now, 
 allace! ye have done." Historic, p. 180. This declaration 
 is justified by the letters which he \vrote to his brethren before 
 his arrival in Scotland. The following extract from a letter 
 addressed to the protestant nobility, December 17, 1557, is a 
 specimen. " But now no farder to trubill you at the present, 
 I will onlie advertis you of sic brut as I heir in thir partis un- 
 certanlie noysit, whiUc is this, that contradictioun and rebel- 
 Uoun is maid to the autoritie be sum in that realme. In whilk 
 poynt my conscience will not suffer me to keip back from you 
 my consall, ye, my judgment and commandement, whilk I 
 communicat with yow in Godis feir, and by the assurance of 
 his trueth, whilk is this, that nane of you that seik to promot 
 the glorie of Chryst do suddanUe disobey or displeas the estab- 
 lissit autoritie in things lawful, neither yit that ye assist or for- 
 tifie such as, for thair awn particular cans and warldlie pro- 
 motioun, wald trubill the same. But, in the bowalhs of Chryst 
 Jesus, I exhort yow, that with all simplicitie and lawfull obe- 
 dience, with boldness in God, and with opin confessioun of 
 your faith, ye seek the favour of the autoritie, that by it (yf 
 possible be) the caus in whilk ye labour may be promotit, or, 
 at the leist, not persecutit : Whilk thing, efter all humill re- 
 quist, yf ye can not atteane, then with oppin and solemp pro- 
 testation of your obedience to be given to the autoritie in 
 all thingis not plaineUe repugnyng to God, ye lawfullie may 
 attemp the extreamitie, wliilk is, to provyd (whidder the auto- 
 ritie will consent or no) that Chrystis evangell may be tiewlie 
 preachit, and his halie saeramentis rychtlie ministerit unto yow 
 and to your brethren, the subjectis of that realme. And farder 
 ye lawfully may, ye, and thairto is boimd, to defend your 
 brethrene frome persecutioun and tiranny, be it aganis princes 
 or emprioris, to the uttermost of your power ; provyding alwayis 
 (as I have said) that nether your self deny lawfull obedience, 
 nether yit that ye assist nor promot tliois that seik autoritie 
 and pre-eminence of warldlie glorie." MS. Letters, p. 434, 
 435. 
 
 In a conversation with queen Mary at Lochlevin, we find 
 him inculcating the doctrine of a mutual compact between 
 rulers and subjects. " It sail be profitabill to your majesty to 
 consider quhat is the thing your grace's subjects luiks to rc- 
 «eave of your majesty, and quhat it is that ye aucht to do im- 
 to thame by mutual contract. They ai- bound to obey you, 
 and that not bot in God ; ye are bound to keip lawes unto 
 thame. Ye crave of thame service ; they crave of you pro- 
 tectioun and defence against wicked doars. Now, madam, if 
 you sail deny your dewty imto thame (qukilk especialy craves 
 that ye punish malefactors) think ye to receave full obedience 
 of thame 1" Historic, p. 327. This sentiment was adopted 
 by his countrymen. The committee appointed by the regent 
 Murray, to prepare overtures for the parUament which met in 
 December 1567, (of which committee our Reformer was a 
 member) agreed to this proposition ; " The band and contract 
 to be mutuale and reciprous in all tymes cuming betwixt the 
 prince and God, and his faithful people, according to the word 
 of God." Robertson's Records of Parliament, p. 796. This 
 was also one of the articles subscribed at the General Assem- 
 bly in July preceding ; and the language of this is still more 
 clear and express, — " mutual and reciproque in all tymes com- 
 ing betwixt the prince and God, and also betwixt the prince 
 and faithful people." Bulk of the Universall Kirk, p. 34. 
 Advoc. Lib. Keith, 582. See also the proclamation of the 
 king's authority. Anderson's Collections, vol. ii. p. 205. 
 Keith, 441. The right of resistance was formally recognised 
 in the inscription on a coin stamped soon after the coronation 
 of James VI. On one of the sides is the figure of a sword 
 witti a crown upon it, and the words of Trajan circumscribed, 
 Pro me ,- si mercor, in me ,• i. e. Use this sword for me ; if 1 
 deserve it, against me. Cardonell's Numismata Scotiae, }>late 
 ix. p. 101. Our Reformer's Appellation may be consulted for 
 the proof of what has been asserted, (307, 308.) as to his en- 
 deavours to repress aristocratical tjrranny, and to awaken the 
 mass of the people to a due sense of their rights. See also 
 Historic, p. 100. The effect of the Reformation in extending 
 popular liberty was very visible in the parliament which met 
 in August 1560, in which there were representatives from all 
 the boroughs, and a hundred lesser barons, " with mony 
 otheris baronis, fre halderis, and landit men." Keith informs 
 us that, during a space of no less than seventy-seven years 
 preceding, " scarcely had one of the inferior gentry appeared 
 in parliament. And therefore (adds he) I know not but it 
 may be deemed somewhat unusual, for a hundred of them to 
 jump all at once into the parliament, especially in such a 
 
NOTES. 
 
 167 
 
 juncture as the present was. History, p. 147, 148. The 
 petition presented by the lesser barons, for liberty to sit and 
 vote in the parliament, has this remarkable clause in it ; " other- 
 wise we think that whatsomever ordinances and statutes be 
 made concerning us and our estate, we not being required and 
 suffered to reason and vote at the making thereof, that the 
 same should not obhge us to stand thereto." Robertson's 
 History of Scotland, Append. No. 4. 
 
 Liberal principles respecting civil government accompanied 
 the progress of the Reformation. Knox had the concurrence 
 of English bishops in his doctrine concerning the limited 
 authority of kings, and the lawfulness of resisting them. See 
 above, Note BB. and vol. ii. Note U. He had the express 
 approbation of the principal divines in the foreign churches. 
 Historic, 363, 3G6. In the 17th century, some of the French 
 reformed divines, in tlu'ir great loyalty to the Grand Mon- 
 arque, disclauncd our Reformer's political sentiments, and re- 
 presented them as proceeding from the fervid and daring spirit 
 of the Scots nation, or adapted to the peculiar constitution of 
 their government. Riveti Castig. m Balzacum, cap. xiii. § 14. 
 apud Opcr. torn. iii. p. 539. Rotterd. 1660. See also quota- 
 tions from other French authors in Bayle, Diet. Art. Knox, 
 Note E. In the controversy occasioned by the execution of 
 Charles I. our Reformer's name and principles were introduc- 
 ed. Milton appealed to him, and quoted his writings, in de- 
 fence of that deed. One of Milton's opponents told him that 
 he could protluce in his support only a single Scot, " whom 
 his own age could not suffer, and whom all the reformers, 
 especially the French, condemned in this point." Regii San- 
 guinis Clamor ad Coilum, p. 129. Hagae-Comit. 1652, 
 written by Peter du Moulin, the son. Milton, in his Rejoinder, 
 urges with truth, that Knox had asserted, that his opinions 
 were approved by Calvin, and other eminent divines of the re- 
 formed churches. Miltoni Defensio secunda pro Pop. Anglic. 
 p. 101. Hagse-Comit. 1654. See also Milton's Prose Works, 
 by Symmons, vol. ii. p. 291—2, 307, 378. Lond. 1806. 
 
 But long before the controversy respecting the execution of 
 Charles, Milton had expressed himself in terms of high praise 
 concerning our Reformer. Arguing against the abuses com- 
 mitted by Licensers of the press, he says : " Nay, which is 
 more lamentable, if the work of any deceased author, though 
 never so famous in his hfe-time and even to this day, come to 
 their hands for license to be printed or reprinted, if there be 
 found in his book one sentence of a venturous edge, uttered 
 in the height of zeal, (and who knows whether it might not 
 be the dictate of a divine spirit 1) Yet not suiting with every 
 low decrepit humour of their own, though it were Kxox him- 
 self, the reformer of a kingdom, that spake it, they will not 
 pardon him their dash : the sense of that great man shall to 
 all posterity be lost for the fearfulness, or the presumptuous 
 rashnesse of a perfunctory licenser. And to what an 
 author this violence hath bin lately done, and in what book of 
 great consequence to be faithfully publisht, I could now in- 
 stance, but shall forbear till a more convenient season." Mil- 
 ton's Prose Works, ut supra, vol. i. p. 311. The tract from 
 which this quotation is made was first published in 1644, the 
 year in which David Buchanan's edition of Knox's History 
 appeared. Milton evidently refers to that work, and his words 
 seem to imply that an attempt had recently been made to pre- 
 vent its pubUcation, or at least to mutilate and deprave it. 
 But from the incidental and cursory manner in which he 
 touches on the subject, we cannot infer with any certainty 
 from what quarter this attempt was made. 
 
 Note XXXVII. page 86. 
 
 I shall, in tlds note, add some particulars respecting the 
 early practice of the reformed church of Scotland, under the 
 following heads. 
 
 Of Doctors. — The doctrine of the church of Scotland, and 
 indeed of other reformed churches, on this head, has not been 
 very uniform and decided. The first Book of Discipline 
 does not mention doctors, but it seems to take for granted 
 what had been stated respecting the officers of the church in 
 the Book of Common order, wliere they are declared to be " a 
 fourth kind of ministers left to the church of Christ," although 
 the English church at Geneva could not attain them. Knox's 
 Liturgy, p. 14. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 409, 410. In the 
 second Book of Discipline they are expressly mentioned as 
 " ane of the twa ordinar and perpetual functions that travel 
 in the word," and " different from the pastor, not only in 
 name, but in diversity of gifts." The doctor is to " assist the 
 
 pastor in the government of the kirk, and concur with the 
 elders his brethren in all assemblies," but not " to minister the 
 sacraments or celebrate marriage." Dunlop, ii. 773, 774. 
 The Book of Common Order and second Book of Discipline 
 agree in comprehending, under the name and office of a doc- 
 tor, " the order in schooles, colledges, and universities." Ut 
 supra. The fact seems to be, that there never were any doc- 
 tors in the church of Scotland, except the teachers of divinity 
 in the universities. " Quamvis ecclesia nostra (says Calder- 
 wood) post primam rcformationem quatuor agnoscat minis- 
 trorum genera, pastorum, doctorum, presbytorum, et diacon- 
 OTum : tamen doctores aUos nondum habuit quam schol- 
 archas." De Regimine Ecclesiae Scoticanae Brevis Relutio, 
 p. 1, 2. Anno 1618. Some writers have asserted, that it 
 was as doctors tliat both Buchanan and Andrew Melville sat, 
 and sometimes presided, in the church courts. The episco- 
 palians having objected, that the church of Scotland admitted 
 persons to act as moderators in her assembUes who were in 
 no ecclesiastical office, and having instanced in the two per- 
 sons above mentioned, Mr. Baillie gives this answer : " Mr. 
 Melvil was a doctor of divinity, and so long as episcopal per- 
 secution permitted, did sit with great renowne in the prime 
 chair we had of that faculty : George Buchanan had some- 
 times, as I have heard, been a preacher at St. Andrews ; after 
 his long travells he was employed by our church and state to 
 be a teacher to king James and his family : of his faithfulnesse 
 in this charge he left, I believe, to the world good and satis- 
 factory tokens ; the eminency of tliis person was so great, 
 that no society of men need be ashamed to have been moder- 
 ated by his wisdome." Historical Vindication, p. 21, 22. 
 The report that Mr. Baillie had heard of Buchanan having 
 been a preacher probably originated from the divinity lectures 
 which Calderwood informs us he read with great applause in 
 the university of St. Andrews. " Buchanan, and Mr. Mel- 
 vin were doctors in divinity," says Rutherfurd, Lex Rex, pref. 
 p. 5. Lond. 1644. 
 
 Of Readers. — Those employed as readers appear to have 
 often transgressed the bounds prescribed to them, and to have 
 both solenmized marriage, and administered the sacraments. 
 Different acts of Assembly were made to restrain these ex- 
 cesses. The General Assembly, October 1576, prohibited aU 
 readers from ministering " the holie sacrament of the Lord, 
 except such as hes the word of exhortation." The Assembly 
 which met in July 1579 inhibited them from celebrating mar- 
 riage, unless they were found meet by " the commission, or 
 synodal assembly." At length, in April 1581, the order was 
 suppressed. " Anent readers : Forsamekle as in assemblies 
 preceding, the office thereof was concludit to be no ordinar 
 office in the kirk of God, and the admission of them suspendit 
 to the present assemblie ; the kirk in ane voyce hes votit and 
 concludit farder, that in na tymes coming any reider be ad- 
 mitted to the office of reider, be any having power witliin the 
 kirk." Buik of the Universall Kirk, in loc. 
 
 Of Superintendents. — The church of Scotland did not con- 
 sider superintendents as ordinary or permanent office-bearers 
 in the chvu"ch. They are not mentioned m the Book of Com- 
 mon Order. The first Book of Discipline explicitly declares, 
 that their appointment was a matter of tcmporarj' expedience, 
 for the plantation of the church, and on accmnt of the pau- 
 city of ministers. Its words are: " Because ve have appointed 
 a larger stipend to them that shall be superintendents than to 
 the rest of the ministers, we have thought good to signifie to 
 your honours such reasons as moved us to make difference be- 
 twixt teachers at this time." And again : " We consider 
 that if the ministers whom God hath endowed with his sin- 
 gular graces amongst us should be appointed to several places, 
 there to make their continual residence^ that then the greatest 
 part of the realme should be destitute of all doctrine : which 
 should not oncly be the occasion of great murmur, but also be 
 dangerous to the salvation of many. And therefore we have 
 tliought it a thing most expedient at this time, that from the 
 whole number of godly and learned men, now presently in this 
 realm, be selected ten or twelve (for in so many provmces we 
 have divided the whole) to whom charge and commandment 
 should be given, to plant and erect kirkcs, to set, order, and 
 appoint ministers, as the former order prescribes, to the coun- 
 tries that shall be appointed to their care where none are now." 
 First and Second Books of Discipline, p. 35. printed anno 
 1621. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 538, 539. Archbishop 
 Spottiswood has not acted faithfully, if his History has been 
 printed, in tliis place, exactly accorduig to his manuscript. He 
 has omitted the passages above quoted, and has comprehended 
 
168 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 tlie whole of the two paragraphs from which they are extract- ! 
 ed m a short sentence of his own, which is far from being a j 
 full expression of the meaning of the compilers. History, p. 
 158. Lond. 1677, This is the more inexcusable as he says, that 
 for " the clearing of many questions which were afterwards agi- 
 tated in the church," he " thought meet word hy word to in- 
 sert the same [the First Book of Discipline] tliat the reader 
 may see what were the grounds laid down at first for the 
 government of the church." Ibid. p. 152, He could not be 
 ignorant that the grounds of the appointment of superinten- 
 dents formed one of the principal questions agitated between 
 him and his anti-episcopal opponents. I have examined the 
 copy of the First Book of Discipline, inserted in an old MS. 
 copy of Knox's Historic, and find that it exactly agrees with 
 tlie quotations wliich I have made from tlie editions published 
 in 1621, and by Dunlop. Dr. Robertson has been misled by 
 the archbishop. " On the first introduction of this system, 
 (says he) Knox did not deem it expedient to depart 
 altogether from the ancient form. Instead of bishops, he pro- 
 posed to establish ten or twelve superintendents in different 
 parts of the kingdom." As his authority for this statement, 
 he refers solely to the mutilated account in Spottiswood. Hist, 
 of Scotland, ii. 42, 43. Limd, 1809. Mr. Laing, from an ex- 
 amination of the original documents, has given a more ac- 
 curate account, and pronounced the appointment of superin- 
 tendents a " temporary expedient" History of Scotland, vol. 
 iii, p. 17, 18. Lond. 1804. 
 
 The superintendents were elected and admitted in the same 
 manner as other pastors. Knox, 263. They were equally 
 subject to rebuke, suspension, and deposition, as the rest of the 
 ministers of the church. In the exeimination of those who 
 were admitted by them to the ministry, they were bound to 
 associate with them the ministers of the neighbouring parishes. 
 They could not exercise any spiritual jurisdiction without 
 the consent of the provincial synods, over which they had no 
 negative voice. I'hey were accountable to the General As- 
 sembly for the whole of their conduct The laborious task 
 imposed upon them is what few bishops have ever submitted 
 to. " They must be preachers themselves ;" they are charged 
 to " remain in no place above twenty dales in their visitation, 
 till they have passed through their whole bounds." They 
 " must thrice everie week preach at the least" When they 
 return to their principal town of residence, " they must like- 
 wise be exercised in preaching ;" and having remained in it 
 " three or foure monthes at most, they shall be compelled 
 (unless by sicknesse they be retained) to re-enter in visita- 
 tion." Dunlop, ii. 542. De Regimine Eccles. Scotican. 
 Brevis Relatio, p. 5, 6. Anno 1618, Epistolae Philadelphi 
 Vindiciae contra calumnias Spotswodi, apud Altare Damascen- 
 um, p. 724—727. edit 2 da. Ludg. Batav. 1708. In the last 
 mentioned tract (of which Calderwood was the author) the 
 difference between the Scottish superintendents and Anglican 
 bishops is drawn out under thirteen heads. Spottiswood's 
 treatise is entitled, Refutatio Libelli de Regimine Ecclesiae 
 ScoticanaB, Lond. 1620. 
 
 In the text (p. 7.) I have said that six superintendents were 
 appointed. The names of five, with their districts, may be 
 seen in the common histories, Knox, 236, Spottis, 149. 
 The sixth was John Row, minister of Perth, who was made 
 superintendent of Galloway by appointment of the General 
 Assembly. Row's MS. Historic of die Kirk, p. 358. of a 
 copy transcribed in 1726. The visitors or commissioners of 
 provinces exercised the same power as the superintendents ; 
 the only difference between them was that the former received 
 their commission from one assembly to another, Altare 
 Damascenum, ut supra, p, 727, But these commissions ap- 
 pear sometimes to have been granted for a longer period ; for 
 one of Robert Font's titles was Commissioner of Murray, 
 Perhaps, in this case, a commissioner differed from a superin- 
 tendent, merely in not being obliged to have his stated resi- 
 dence within the bounds of the province committed to his 
 inspection. 
 
 Of the weekly Exercise, or Prophesying. — Tins was an 
 exercise on the scriptures, intended for the improvement of 
 ministers, the trial of the gifts of those who might be em- 
 ployed in the service of the church, and the general instruc- 
 tion of the people. It was to be held in every town " where 
 schools and repaire of learned men are." For conducting the 
 exercise, there was an association of the ministers, and other 
 learned men, in the town and vicinity, called " the company 
 of interpreters." They alternately expounded a passage of 
 scripture ; and others who were present were encouraged to 
 
 deliver their sentiments. After the exercise was finished, the 
 constituent members of the association retired, and delivered 
 their judgment on the discourses which had been delivered. 
 Books of Discipline, ut supra, p. 60 — 62. Dunlop, ii, 587 — 
 591, After the erection of regular presbyteries, tliis exercise 
 formed an important part of their employment ; and at every 
 meeting, two of the members by turns were accustomed to 
 expound the scriptures. De Regimine Eccl. Scot. Brevis 
 Relatio, p. 3. Until lately some traces of this ancient practice 
 remained, and tliere is reason to regret that it has generally 
 gone into desuetude among presbyterian bodies. — Associations 
 of the same kind were formed in England. From 1571 to 
 1576, they spread through that kingdom, and were patronized 
 by the bishops of London, Winton, Bath and Wells, Litch- 
 field, Gloucester, Lincoln, Chichester, Exon, St. David's, by 
 Sandys archbishop of York, and by Grindall archbishop of 
 Canterbury. Several of the courtiers, as Sir Walter Mild- 
 may, Sir Francis Knollys, and Sir Thomas Smith, greatly 
 approved of them ; and at a future period, they were recom- 
 mended to king James by lord Bacon. But they were sup- 
 pressed by an imperious mandate from Elizabeth. Some in- 
 teresting particulars respecting their number, regulations, and 
 suppression, may be seen in Strype's Annals, ii. 90 — 95, 219, 
 220, 318—324, 486, Li<e of Grindall. p, 219—227, 230, 
 299, 300. Life of Parker, 460—462. They were formed oa 
 the model of the Scottish Exercises, and, in their regulations, 
 the very words of the First Book of Discipline are sometimes 
 used. A species of ecclesiastical discipline was joined with 
 them in some dioceses. I also observe a striking resemblance 
 between the directions given by bishop Scambler for the cele- 
 bration of the Lord's supper, and the mode which was then 
 used in Scotland, particularly as to the circumstances of two 
 commmiions or ministrations on the same day, and the early 
 hour of the service. Strype's Annals, ii. 91. compared with 
 Scott's History of the Scottish Reformers, p. 192. 
 
 Keith has given a quotation from the MS. copy of Spottis- 
 wood's History, in which the archbishop signifies, that at the 
 time of the compilation of the First Book of Disciphne, several 
 of the reformed ministers wished to retain the ancient polity, 
 after removing the more gross corruptions and abuses, but that 
 Knox over-ruled this motion. Keith, 492, But there is no trace, 
 in the authentic documents of that period, of any diversity of 
 opinion among the Scottish reformers on this head. Indeed 
 the supposition is contradicted by Row, (see above, p. 4, 5.) 
 and by their ovm language, Dunlop, ii. 518. Knox, His- 
 toric, 282. It is probable that the archbishop's story had its 
 origin at a later period, when the design of conforming the 
 church of Scotland to the English model began to be enter- 
 tained. I confess, I am not inclined to give much more credit 
 to another of the archbishop's tales as to a message which 
 archbishop Hamilton is said to have sent to Knox by John 
 Brand, History, 174, Keith, 495, 
 
 Note XXXVIII, p. 88. 
 
 Sentiments of the Reformed Ministers respecting tithes, 
 and the property of the church. — ^These are laid down in the 
 First Book of Discipline, chap. v. and viii. Dunlop, ii, 533 
 — 538, 562 — 568. Considerable light is also thrown upon 
 them by the private writings of that period. The reformed 
 ministers did not regard tithes as of divine right, nor think 
 that it was sacrilegious in every case to apply to secular pur- 
 poses those funds which had been originally set apart to a 
 religious use. But they held that, by the Christian as well as 
 the Jewish law, a competent subsistence was appointed to 
 be made for the ministers of religion ; that it was mcumbent 
 on a nation which had received the true religion to make pub- 
 lic provision for the outward maintenance of its ordinances ; 
 that the appropriation of the tenth part of property for this 
 purpose was at least recommended by primeval usage, by the 
 sanction of divine v»Tsdom in the Jewish constitution, and by 
 tlie laws and practice of Christian empires and kingtloms ; 
 that property which had been set apart and given for religious 
 ends could not justly, or without sacrilege, be alienated, as 
 long as it was needed for these purposes ,- and that though 
 many of the donors might have had the support of supersti- 
 tious observances immediately in their eye, still it was witli a 
 view to religion that they made such gifts. In as far as it 
 should appear that the ecclesiastical revenues were super- 
 abundant and unnecessary, they were willing that this should 
 be applied to the common service of the state. To illustrate 
 tlieir sentiments on this subject and the manner in which 
 
NOTES 
 
 169 
 
 they complained of the alienation of church-property, I shall 
 add a few extracts from some of their writings which are not 
 commonly consulted. 
 
 My first extracts shall be from Ferguson's sermon, to which 
 our Keformer set his hand a little before his death. Having 
 given an account of the law of Moses, the ordinance of the 
 New Testament, and tiie practice of the primitive church, he 
 adds : " Ye se, then, that the ministers of the primitive kirk, 
 (that levit befoir princes wer Christianes and nurishers of the 
 kirk, as it was propheseit) wer na beggaris, suppois thay wer 
 no lordis that aboundit in superfluous welth, as the papis 
 bischoppis did ; hot had sufficient aswcill for the neccssitie of 
 thair owin families, as for the help of uther Christianes that 
 now and then, as occasiounes servit, repairit to thair housis. 
 — Quhen the tj-me come foirspokin bi David (Psal. Ixviii. 
 and cii.) that kingis and empereouris, and thair kingdomes, 
 suld serve the Lord, and bring giftes unto him," they, " fol- 
 lowing his exampil that only is wyse, ordainit be thair autlior- 
 itie, that tlie ticndis suld serve the same use in the tynie of the 
 gospell." — " Our youth also aucht to be nurischit and main- 
 tenit at the schuilis, and thairoutof efterward micht spring 
 preicheris, counsellouris, physiciounis, and all other kinds of 
 learnit men that we have ncid of. For the schculis are the 
 seid of the kirk and commoun welth, and our childrcne are 
 the hope of the postcritic, quhilk being neglcctit, thair can 
 nathing be luikit for hot that barbarous ignorance sail over- 
 flow all. For suppois God has wonderfuUie, at this tyme, 
 sterit up priecheris amang us, even quhen darkncs and igno- 
 rance had the upperhand, he will not do sa heirefter, seeing 
 we have the ordinarie meane to pro\'ide them, quhilk gif we 
 contempne, in vane sail we loke for extraordinary proviscioun. 
 Israel was miraculusslie fed in the wiklemes with manna, hot 
 how soon thay did eit of the come of the land of Canaan, the 
 manna ceissit, nouther had they it ony moir, hot levit efter- 
 ward on the frute of the grouud, ordinarilie labourit with 
 thair handis. I speik to prudent men that may understand 
 and judge quhat I say." After deploring the docayetl state 
 of the churches and schools, and the poverty of the ministers, 
 he adds : " I am compelHt to speik this, thocht I be als plane 
 as pleasant, and appeir to yow as the greatest fule of the rest 
 to stand up heir to utter that quhilk other men thinkis. Weill ; 
 let me be countit a fule for speiking the tructh. I regard not ; 
 nouther may I spair to speik it, thocht I suld be judgeit in our 
 awin cause to be carryit away with a particular affectioxm ; 
 following heirin the exampil of our prophet Malachie." — " Ye 
 marvel, I doubt not, quhy ye have not prevailit aganis yone 
 throtcutteris and unnaturall murtherers within the tovvne and 
 castell of Edinburgh, specially ye heving a maist just actioun, 
 being ma in number, and mair vailyeant men, and nathing 
 inferiour to thame in wisdome, circumspectioun, or ony gude 
 quaUteis, outher of body or mynd. Bot ceis to marvel : for 
 the caus quhy that ye have not prevailit aganis thame long or 
 now, amang mony uther your sinnis quhairwith ye are defj-lt, 
 is this, that the spuilyie of the pure is in your housis ; ye in- 
 vaid that quhilk our forbearis gave of gude zeill to Goddis 
 honour, and the commoun welth of the kirk ; j'e spuilye 
 to your awn private usis, without outher ryme or rcsoun, 
 nouther will ye be controllit. This, this, I say, is the chief 
 raus that nathing prosperis in your handis. I grant that our 
 fatheris of immoderate zeill (besyde the teindis and necessarie 
 rentis of the kirk), gave thairunto superfluously, and mair nor 
 aneuch. Quhat then is to be done, but tliat the preicheris of 
 God's word be rcasonablic sustenit, scing their is eneuch and 
 over mekle to do it, the schuilis and the pure be weill pro^ 
 vydit, as thay aucht, and the tempillis honestly and reverently 
 repairit, that the pepill without injurie of wynd or wedder, 
 may sit and heir Goddis word, and participat of his haly sac- 
 ramentis. And gif thair rcstis ony thing unspendit quhen 
 this is done (as na doubt thair wil). in the name of God, let 
 it be bestowit on the nixt necessarie affairis of the commoun 
 welth, and not to any mannis private commoditie." Ane se)-~ 
 mon preachit befoir tlie regent and nobilitie — be David Fer- 
 gussone. B, iv. v. C. Leprenik, 1572. 
 
 The following extracts are taken from Sermons against 
 Sacrilege by Robert Pont, a son-in-law of our Reformer. 
 "From the yeare of our Lorde L560, unto this present time, 
 the greatest study of all men of power of this land, hes bene 
 by all kinde of inventions, to spoyle the kirk of Christ of her 
 patrimonie, by chopping and changing, diminishing of rentals, 
 converting of victual in small sumes of money : setting of 
 fewes within the availe, long tackes uppon tackes, with two 
 or three life-rentes, with many twentie yeares in an tack, an- 
 W 
 
 ' nexationes, erectiones of kirk-rents in tcmporall livings and 
 heritage, pcnsiones, simple donationes, erecting of new pat- 
 ronages, union of teindes, making of new abattes, commenda- 
 fcjries, priors, with other papistical titles, which ought to have 
 no place in a reformed kirk and countric ; with an infinite of 
 other corrupt and fraudfuU waies, to the detriment and hurt 
 of the kirke, the schoolcs, and the poore, without any stay OT 
 gaine-calling. 
 
 " Tructh it is, parUamentes have been conveened, and actiS 
 have bene made, for providing ministers of competent livinges; 
 for reparaling of parish kirkes, for trayning up the youth in 
 schoolcs of theologie. It hath bene also promised, and sub- 
 scribed in writte, by a great part of the nobilitie, that the 
 poore labourers of the grounde, should have an ease and re- 
 hefe of the rigorous exacting of their teindes : and many 
 other good thinges have been devised, tending to the advance- 
 ment of the gloric of God, and establishing of Christ his 
 kingdome. Amongst us, namely, in time of the govememcnte 
 of that good regente (whome for honoures cause I name) who 
 although he could not doe all that hee would have done, 
 (having so manie hinderanccs and enemies) ; yet his dooings 
 might have bin a perfite patterne of godlinesse to the reste of 
 the nobilitie, to make theme bene content to live uppon their 
 ovvne rentes, and to cease from robbing and spoyling the pat- 
 rimonie of the kirke." Having proposed the objection, that 
 the liCvitical law of Moses is abrogated, and that therefore 
 his authorities from the Old Testament had no force under 
 the gospel, he adds : " I aunswcre concerning those landes or 
 annuall rentes, out of landes delated and given to the kirke, 
 that although the licviticall lawe, with the ceremonies there- 
 of, concerning the outwarde observation hath taken an ende, 
 and is fulfilled in Christ , yet the substance of the policie, con- 
 cerning interteinment of the service of God, and up-hold of 
 religion still rcmaincs. And it is no lesse necessarie, that the 
 ministerie of God amongst us be mainteined ; and that suffi- 
 cient provision be made to serve other godlie uses, whereunto 
 the kirk-rcntes ought to be applyed, nor it was that the priestes 
 and levitcs shoulde bene upholden in the time of the olde law. 
 And as to the holinesse or unholines of thes landes and re- 
 venues : albeit in their owne nature (as I said in the former 
 sermon) they be like other earthly possessiones ; yet in so far 
 as they were applyed to an holy use, they may wel be called 
 holy possessions and rents, as the kirk is holy, to whose use 
 they arc appointed. — I will not deny but the teindes might be 
 possibly changed, in other mcanes of sufficient provision for 
 the kirke, if such godly zeale were now amongst men, as was- 
 of olde time. But in so farre as we see the plane contrarie, 
 that men are now readier to take away, than ever our prede- 
 cessors were to give ; it were a foolish thing to loose the cer- 
 tainc for the imcertaine, and that which is never likely to come 
 to passe." Font's Sermons, against Sacrilege. B, 8. C, 2. 
 C, 8. E, 6. Waldcgravc, 1599. 
 
 It appears from the following extract, that Pont undertook 
 this work at the desire of the General Assend^ly. — ■" July 3. 
 1591. Mr. Robert Pont is ordained to writ against sacrilege, 
 and shew his travells to the next Assembly." Matthew Craw- 
 furd's MS. History of the church of Scotland, vol. j. p. 161. 
 
 Note XXXIX. p. 88. 
 
 In this note I shall give some view of the progress of He- 
 brew literature in Scotland, after adding a few minute par- 
 ticulars respecting John Row to the account of him given in 
 the text. 
 
 Row was bom at a place which bore the name of the fami- 
 ly, and of which his father was proprietor, situated between 
 Stirling and Dunblane. He left Rome on the 20th of May, 
 and arrived in Scotland on the 29th of September, 1 558. The 
 following is the account of his conversion from popeiy given 
 liy his son. Being in the house of Cleish, the gentleman in 
 Fife who had detected the imposture at Musselburgh, (see 
 page 83.) the young man who was said to have been cured 
 of blindness was brought into his presence, where he " played 
 his pavie," by " flyping up the lid of his eyes and casting up 
 the white," While Row was confounded at this discovery, 
 the gentleman addressed him very seriously. " Weill, Mr. 
 John Row, ye are a great clergyman, and a great linguist and 
 lawyer, but I charge you, as you must answer to the great 
 God at the last day, that ye do not now hold out any light that 
 God offers you, but that ye will, as soon as ye come to 
 your study, close the door upon you, and take your Bible, and 
 seriously pray to God that ye may understand the .scriptures. 
 
170 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 —Read the 2d ch. of the 2d epistle to the Thessalonians ; 
 and if ye do not see your master, the pope, to be the great 
 antichrLst who comes with lying wonders to deceive the people 
 of God (as now he and his deceiving rabhle of clergy in Scot- 
 land have done lately at Musselburgh), ye shall say Squire 
 Meldrum has no skill. Row, Historic of the Kirk, p. 356. 
 copy of the MS. transcribed in 1726. By conference with 
 several of the reformed ministers, and particularly Knox, he 
 was brought to an abjuration of popery. " Ipse Nuncius. 
 (says his grandson) nassa evangelii irretitus, ejus pura, pia, 
 pathetica praedictione inescatus, pontiliciis syrtibus, famigerati 
 Knoxi opera, extractus est." Hebrea; linguae Institutiones, a 
 M. Joa. Row, epist. dedic. A 3, b. GlasgufB 1644. In the be- 
 ginning of the year 1560 he was admitted minister of Kin- 
 neuchar in Fife, where he married Margaret Beatoun, a 
 daughter of the laird of Balfour. Row's Historic, ut supra. 
 Before the end of that year he was translated to Perth. Knox, 
 236. Keith, 498. 
 
 During his residence in Italy he had made great proficiency 
 in the knowledge of the Greek and Hebrew languages. The 
 latter was at this time almost entirely unknown in Scotland, 
 and he immediately began, at the recommendation of his 
 brethren, to teach it. The grammar-school of Perth was the 
 most celebrated in the kingdom, and the noblemen and gentle- 
 men were accustomed to send their children thither for their 
 education. Many of these were now boarded with Mr. Row, 
 who instructed them in Greek and Hebrew. As nothing but 
 Latin was spoken by the boys in the school and in the fields, 
 so nothing was spoken in Mr. Row's house but French. 
 The passages of scripture read in the family before and after 
 meals, if in the Old Testament, were read in Hebrew, Greek, 
 Latin, French, and English ; if in the New Testament, they 
 were read in Greek, &c. His son, John, when he was be- 
 tween four and five years old, was taught the Hebrew charac- 
 ters, before he knew the English letters : and at eight years 
 of age he read the Hebrew chapter in the family. When he 
 went to the newly -er<;cted university of Edinburgh, his un- 
 common acquaintance with the Hebrew language attracted the 
 TOirticular notice of the learned and amiable principal Rollock. 
 Row's Historic, 372 — 375. Hebreae Ling. Institut. ut supra. 
 Mr. Row instructed the master of the grammar school in the 
 Greek tongue, by which means it came to be taught afterwards 
 in Perth. And in 1 637 his own grandson (of the same name) 
 was Rector of tliat school, in which he taught Latin, Greek, 
 and Hebrew. This produced the following encomiastic verses 
 by principal Adanison of Edinburgh. 
 
 Perthana quondam Latialis lingusc schola 
 Laude cluebat, fueratq ; unius labri, 
 Nunc est trilinguis, Latio jungens Grseciam, 
 Et huic Palasstinam : omnium linguis loquens. 
 O ter beatara te nunc Perthanam scholam ! 
 O ter beatum RoUum rectorem tuum ! 
 Per quem juventus, barbarise procul habitu, 
 Rudis et tenella primulis labellulis 
 Sotymas, Athenas, et Romam scite sonat. 
 
 About the year 1567, James La««,son, (afterwards Knox's 
 successor at Edinburgh), returned from the continent, where 
 he had studied Hebrew. The professors of St. Andrews 
 prevailed on him to give lessons on that language in their 
 university. Life of Lawson, p. 2. in Wodrow's MS. Collec- 
 tions, vol. i. Bibl. Coll. Glas. As he was made sub-principal 
 in the university of Aberdeen, anno 1569, it is to be presumed 
 that he would also teach the language there. Lawson, after 
 his settlement in Edinburgh, patronized the interests of litera- 
 ture in this city. It was chiefly by his exertions that the 
 buildings of the High-School were completed in 1578. His in- 
 tentions were to have it erected into an university, or at least 
 to make it ScJiolam Illus/7-etn, with classes of logic and philo- 
 sophy. The books destined for the library were kept in his 
 house, previous to the foundation of the college. Crawfurd's 
 History of the University of Edinburgh, p. 19,20. I have 
 already (Note I.) noticed the arrival of Andrew Melville in 
 1573, and the situation which he held botli at Glasgow and 
 St Andrews. After prosecuting his studies at Paris, under 
 the celebrated masters Tuniebus, Mercerus, and Ramus, and 
 professing pliilosophy at Poitiers, he had, during the five years 
 that he spent at Geneva, learned the Hebrew, Chaldaic, and 
 Sjriac tongues, from Cornelius Bertram. The regent Morton 
 offered him the archbishoprick of St Andrews, but he refused 
 it, and chose an academical life. Life of Andrew Melville, 
 apud Wodrow's MSS. ut ffupra. Calderwoo<], Epistola? Phil- 
 
 adelphi Vindicise, apud Altare Damascenum, p. 731. Spottis- 
 wood, to whom he was a keen antagonist, allows that he was 
 a great proficient in the three learned languages. " Andreas 
 Melvinus bonis Uteris excultus, et trium linguarum, quorum eo 
 seculo ignorantia ilU famam et tantum non admirationem apud 
 omnes peperit, calentissimus." Refutatio Libelli de Regim. 
 Eccles. Scotic. p. 31. Thomas Snieton, who succeeded Mel- 
 ville at Glasgow, was also a good Hebrician, as appears from 
 his answer to Hamilton's Dialogue. Those who held the 
 situation of principal in the universities at that time were ac- 
 customed to teach tliose branches which were most neglected. 
 
 Note XL. p. 89. 
 
 Of Buchanan^ s imprisonment in Portugal. — Every thing 
 which relates to this scholar must be interesting to the learned. 
 As his imprisonment in Portugal, and his release from con- 
 finement have been imperfectly related, I shall here insert two 
 accounts of them, which have escaped the notice of his bio- 
 graphers. Principal Smeton's account, which was most pro- 
 bably derived from Buchanan himself, is the following. " Vivit 
 adhuc, (says he in his answer to Hamilton), et utinam diu 
 vivat, orbis terrarum, non Scotia; tantum decus Gkohgics 
 BucHAKANL s ; quem inepte facerem, si a rabidi caiiis latratu 
 defcndere conarer, extra omnem ingenii aleam omnium judicio 
 constitutum. Quod de abjurata ab co haeresi adscribis, im- 
 pudentissimum est mendaciimi, Hamiltoni. Duplici quidem 
 de causa in veraj religionis suspicionem in Lusitania venit ; 
 tum quod Seraphici ordinis mysteria in Franciscano suo aper- 
 tius reuclasset : tum quod in pruato colloquio discipulis qm- 
 busdam dixissct, videri sibi Augustinum transubstantiationis 
 figmento non prorsus fauere. In carcerem coniectus causam 
 capitis perorauit. Franciscanum se regis sui iussu scripsisse ; 
 nee quicquam in co esse quod vllum fidei Christianse dogma 
 conuellat. Versus quosdam memoriter pronuntiare iussus 
 (nam nemo ibi libellum habebat) memorise iacturam causatus 
 est. De transubstantione respondit; non alia se quam Au- 
 gustini verba recitasse, ex Cap. 16. lib. 3. de doctrina Chris- 
 tiana. Quae sic habent. ' Si prseccptiua locutio est a^t fla- 
 gitium aut facinus vetans, aut vtilitatem aut beneficentiam 
 iubens, non est figurata ; Si autem flagitium aut facinus vide- 
 tur iuberc, aut vtilitatem aut beneficentiam vetare, figurata est, 
 Nisi manducaueritis, inquit, carnem filij hominis & sanguincm 
 biberitis, non habebitis vitam in vobis: fecinus vel flagitium 
 videtur iubere. Figura est ergo, pra3cipiens passioni Dosuni 
 esse communicandum, & suauiter atque vtiliter recondendum 
 in memoria, quod pro nobis caro eius crucifixa & vulncrata sit.' 
 Haec, inquit, si hsresim sapiunt, prius Augustinum diiumate ; 
 quod vt feceritis, baud sequum tamen erit, vt ego alicnffi culpae 
 poenas luam. Ergo cum nee ratione, nee tcstimonio cuius- 
 quam conuinci posset, iudicum calculis absolutus in Galliam 
 redijt ; tanto bonarum literarum damno, vt ipsemet postca I^us- 
 itanise Rex amantissimis cum scriptis reuocarit. Sed frustra. 
 Summo enim Dki beneficio ex crudclissimis inquisitorum 
 manibus liberatus, in discrinien se iterum coijcere nolluit : cum 
 in Gallia prsesertim, omnium quse sub sole sunt regionum 
 humanitate, optimanmi artium studijs & doctorum numero 
 prima, opimae illi, & admodum honortficse conditiones defer- 
 rentur. Sed Bichaxaxum singularis animi candor, et in 
 omni genere perspecta virtus satis per se dcfcndet." Smetoni 
 Responsio ad Yirulentum Arch. Hamiltonii Dialogum, Edin- 
 burgi 1579. p. 89, 90. 
 
 I shall add the account which Archibald Hamilton gives of 
 this afl'air, in his reply to Smeton, although the judicious 
 reader will be of opinion that little credit is due to such a 
 writer, especially when his testimony is flatly contradicted by 
 tliat of Smeton and of Buchanan himself. " Tarn illud qui- 
 dem contra regis Scotorum integritateni, quam hoc contra 
 Hyspanorum nunquam satis laudaiam in exannnandis 
 haercticis severitatem, malitiose confictum, et utrumque lonpo 
 falsissimura est Nequc enim Jacobus Quintus, in tenenda 
 atque asserenda fide Catholica princcps nulli omnium secun- 
 dus, tam impuro et procaci pasquillo, auctorem sc unquum de- 
 dissct: neq; theologonim gravissima ccnsura, t:im impiam 
 athei pocta; dicacitatcm impune abire f>ermisis6et : et ut prioris 
 mendacii falsitas illustrium doniinorum Askcin et Levmgston 
 publico testimonio evicta tunc fuit : quando legationc apud 
 Gallos functi, regis nomine horcseos convictum Buchananuni 
 Hyspanonim legato detulerunt : Ita ducentorum qiii non dis- 
 putationem sed supplicem lachrymantis deprecationcm audi- 
 verunt, sentcntiis, altcrius illius figmcnti vanitas coargui pot- 
 est, sin ilia; non satis fortitcr promunt, quod longe a nobis al>- 
 
NOTES. 
 
 171 
 
 sint, et nostroram hominum, quod rei geste non interfuerunt 
 narratio digna fide minus videatur : Publice tamen urbis com- 
 mentarii, in quos res gestas referri solent, auctoritate vacare non 
 debent, [Were the registers of Coimbra nearer or more ac- 
 cessible to Scotsmen than those witnesses formerly referred 
 to 1 or had Hamilton inspected those registers from which he 
 pretends to quote ?] qui aperte adhuc testabuntur non Augus- 
 tini testimonio. cap. 17. libri tertii de doctrina Christiana, sed 
 Psalmographi versum, psalmo vigesimo quarto, subsidio ei 
 tunc fuisse : dum ad Cardinalis pedes provolutus, flebili voce, 
 verba ista proferebat (delicta juventutis meiE et ignorantias ne 
 memineris Domine) earn recantationis formulam, ab eo tunc 
 temporis usurpatum, ad eum sane finem obiter attigi, ut tan- 
 dem Scotia intelligeret, quam gravcm et constantem nunc 
 patriarcham in religione sequitur : dum levis poetaj et abjur- 
 ati haerctici paradoxa omnia pro certissimis spiritus sancti ora- 
 culis habet." Calvinianae Confusionis Demonstratio — per 
 Archibaldum Hamiltonium, p. 252 b. 253 a. Parisiis, 1581. 
 
 NotcXLI. p. 89. 
 
 Of David Ferguson, and the cultivation of tlie Scottish 
 language. — I have said in the text, that the reformers, while 
 they exerted themselves to revive the knowledge of the learned 
 languages, did not neglect the improvement of their native 
 tongue. Among others, David Ferguson, minister of Dun- 
 fermline, distinguished himself in this department. Though 
 " not graduated in a college," he was very far from being illit- 
 erate, and was much admired for the quickness of his wit and 
 his good taste, as well as for his piety ; " elegantis ingenii et 
 magnae pietatis ^'irum," says Smeton, Responsio ad Hamilt. 
 Dialog, p. 92. Row's Coronis to his Historic, p. 314. of copy 
 in Divinity liib. Edin. The sermon which he preached at 
 Leith before the regent and nobility, and afterwards published, 
 (see above, p. 126.) is a proof of this, and had it not been a 
 sermon, would most probably have been republished before 
 this time as a specimen of good Scottish composition. Ex- 
 tracts from it may be seen in Note 38. John Davidson, then 
 one of the regents at St. Andrews, celebrated the success of the 
 author in refining his vernacular language, in the following 
 Latin lines which are prefixed to the sermon. 
 
 Gnecia melifluo quantum det nestoris ori, 
 
 Aut demostheneo debeat eloquio ; 
 
 Ipsi facundo quantum (mihi crede) parent! 
 
 Attribuat linguse turba togata suse ; 
 
 Nos tibi, Fergusi, tantum debere fatemur, 
 
 Scotanam linguam qui reparare studes. 
 
 Sermonem patriam ditas ; inculta vetustas 
 
 Horret qua longe barbariemque fugas ; 
 
 Adde etiam, neque abest facundis gratia dictis, 
 
 Respondet verbis materia apta tuis. 
 
 Quod satis ostendit nobis tua concio praesens, 
 
 Qua nihil in lucem doctus ire potest. 
 
 Besides this sermon, Ferguson was the author of a collec- 
 tion of Scottish proverbs, and of an Answer to the Rejoinder 
 which the Jesuit Tyrie made to Knox. That abusive writer, 
 James Laing, calls his last work " a barbarous, and Scotican 
 epistle," and rails against its author as an ignorant sutor and 
 glover, who knew neither Hebrew, nor Greek, nor Latin. As 
 for himself although a Scotsman, Laing tells us, that he thought 
 it beneath him to wTJte in a language which wns fit only for 
 barbarians and heretics. " Tres sunt lingua; elegantes et in- 
 g^nuse, Hebraica, Graeca, et Latina, quae nobilibus principibus — 
 sunt dign«e : cateras linguas, cum sint barbarae, barharis et 
 haereticls tanquam propriis relinquo." De vita Haereticorum, 
 Didic. p. ult. et p. 31. Paris. 1581. Notwithstanding this 
 writer's boasts concerning his literature, and the opportunities 
 which he takes to display it, he did not know the top from the 
 bottom of a Hebrew letter, if we may judge from his book, p. 
 94, b. Laing's objection to the literature of Ferguson may, 
 however, be thouglit as solid as that which another popish 
 writer has brought against his morals, by accusing him of ms- 
 ing pepper instead of salt to his beef . "At hi quibus camera 
 accendant irritentq. novas artes quotidie excogitant." And on 
 the margin, " Exemplo est David Ferguson ad maccrandas 
 carnes Bubulas pipere pro sale utens." Hamilton, De Confus. 
 Calvinianae SectfE, p. 76. But to do justice to Hamilton, it is 
 proper to mention that pepper was at that time so high priced 
 as to be a morsel only for a Pope, or a Cardinal, and very un- 
 fit for the mouths of barbers, cobblers, &c. of which rank he 
 tells us the reformed preachers generally were. Principal 
 
 Smeton, after saying that Ferguson had reared a numerous fa- 
 mily on a very moderate stipend, adds : " Undcnam ergo illi, 
 amabo te, tantum piperis ad carnes quotannis macerandas 
 quantum sexcentis apud nos aureis numniis nemo unquam 
 compararitl" Smetoni Responsio ad Hamil. p. 95. The truth 
 is, there was rather too much salt and pepper in the writings 
 of Ferguson for the papists. 
 
 A number of Ferguson's witty sayings are recorded by his 
 son-in-law, John Row. James VI. who resided fretiuently at 
 Dunfermline, used to take great delight in his conversation. 
 " David, (said James to him one day) why may not I have 
 Bishops in Scotland as well as they have in England 1" " Yea, 
 Sir," replied Ferguson, " ye may have bishops here ; but re- 
 member ye must make us all bishops, else will ye never con- 
 tent us. For if ye set up ten or twelve lowns over honest 
 men's heads (honest men will not have your antichristian pre- 
 lacies,) and give them more thousands to debauch and mispend 
 than honest men have hundreds or scores, we will never al be 
 content. We ar Paul's bishopis. Sir, Christ's bishopis ; ha'd 
 us as we are." — " The d — 1 haid aills you," replied James, 
 " but that ye would all be alike ; ye cannot abide ony to be 
 abonc you." — " Sir !" said the minister, " do not ban." Row's 
 Coronis to his Historic of the Kirk, p. 314. Ferguson seems 
 to have amused himself with some of those incidents wluch 
 were generally reckoned ominous. The king having once 
 asked him very seriously, what he thought was the reason that 
 the Master of Gray's house shook during the night, he answer- 
 ed, " Why should not the devil rock his awin bairns V — Hav- 
 ing met at St. Andrews along with otiier commissioners of 
 the church, to protest against the inauguration of Patrick Ad- 
 anison as archbishop of that see, one came in and told them, 
 that there was a crow croiiping on the church. " That's a 
 bad omen," said he, shaking his head," for inauguration is from 
 avium garritu, the raven is omnimodo a black bird, and it 
 cries corrupt, corrupt, cmi-upt." Rovv's Historic, p. 40. 
 
 I cannot refrain from inserting the inscription on the tomb 
 of John Row, the historian to whom I have so often been in- 
 debted, who was third son of the learned minister of Perth, 
 and married to Grizz.el, daughter to David Ferguson of Dun- 
 fermline. The inscription was copied from his monument in 
 the church-yard of Carnock. 
 
 " Hie Jacet M. Jo. Row, Pastor hujus Ecclcsiae fidelcssimus. 
 Vixit acccrimus veritatis et foederis Scoticani assertor, Hier- 
 archias pseudo-episcopalis, et Romanorum rituum, cordicitus 
 osor, in frequent! Symmystarum apostasia cubi instar constan- 
 tissimus. Duxit Gricellidam Fergusonam, cum qua annos 51 
 conjunctissime vixit. Huic ecclesise annos 54 praefuit. Obiit 
 Junij. 26to anno Domini 1646. .^tatis 78. — Obiit et ilia 
 .Tanuarij 30mo, 1659." 
 
 Note XLH. p. 89. 
 
 Order ofprocedure at the first meetings of the General As^ 
 sembly. — ^The first appointment of a moderator was in Dec. 
 1563. "It wasproponit be the haill assembhe yat anc mode- 
 rator sidd be appointit for avoyding confusioun in reasoning." 
 Bulk of the Universal Kirk, p. 8. Adv. Libr. The assembly 
 which met at Perth, August 1572, " ordained, as a perpetual 
 law, tliat no person of whatever estate take in hand to speak 
 without license asked and given by the moderator, that mode- 
 ration should be kept in reasoning, and silence when com- 
 manded by the moderator, under pain of removal from the as- 
 sembly, and not to re-enter during that convention." Ibid. p. 
 55. In July 1568, to correct evils, "be reason of the plurali- 
 tie and confusion of voces," it was enacted tliat none should 
 have power to vote but superintendents, commissioners ap- 
 pointed to visit kirko, ministers " brought with yame, present- 
 ed as habile to reasone, and having knowledge to judge," com- 
 missioners of burghs, shires, and universities. The ministers 
 were to be chosen at the synodal convention of the diocese by 
 consent of the rest of the ministry and gentlemen that shall 
 convene at the said synodal convention; commissioners of 
 burghs by " the counsell and kirk of their awn townes." — 
 " None to be admitted without sufficient commission or wreit." 
 And to prevent a monopoly of power, they were to be changed 
 from assembly to asscuihl}'. Ibid. p. 38. The assembly, 
 March, 1569 — 70, settled the following order of procedure. 
 After sermon and prayer by former moderator, 1. A new mo- 
 derator to be chosen. 2. Superintendents, commissioners, &c. 
 to be tried. This trial was very regular. First the superin- 
 tendents being removed, inquiry was made of the ministers 
 and commissioners of their bounds if they had any charges to 
 
172 
 
 NOTE S. 
 
 lay against them as to neglect of duty, &c. If any charge 
 was brought, it was examined and sentence passed. The same 
 order was observed with tlie other members of assembly. 3. 
 The case of penitents and persons under censure to be consid- 
 ered. Lastly, The business left undecided by last assembly, 
 or brought before the present, was to be taken up. Ibid. p. 47. 
 
 Note XLIII. p. 89. 
 
 Epistolary correspondence, helween Knox and Calvin. — 
 In a letter, dated 28th August 1559, Knox requests Calvin's 
 opinion on the two following questions. 1. Whether bastards, 
 the cliildren of idolatei-s and excommunicated persons, should 
 be admitted to baptism, before their parents gave satisfaction to 
 the church, or they themselves were able to require it "? 2. 
 Whether monies and popish priests, who neither serve the 
 church, nor are capable of serving it, although they have re- 
 nounced their errors, ought to have the annual rents of the 
 church paid to themi Knox had maintained the negative on 
 the last question. The letter is said to be written raptim. 
 " Plura scril)cre vetat febris qua crucior, laborum moles qua 
 premor, et Gallorum bombard®, qui, ut nos opprimant, appule- 
 runt." (Comp. Historic, p. 161.) Calvin, in a letter, dated 
 Nov. 8, 1559, answers, that it was his opinion and that of his 
 colleagues, on the first question. That the sacrament of bap- 
 tism was not to be administered to those who were without the 
 church, nor to any without proper sponsors ; but the promise 
 (upon which the right was founded) was not confined to the 
 posterity in the first degree : and therefore those who were de- 
 scended from godly parents were to be viewed as belonging to 
 the church, although their parents or even grand-parents had 
 become apostates, and such children were not to be refused 
 baptism, provided persons appeared as sponsors, engaging for 
 their religious education. " Adde quod alia est nunc renas- 
 centis ecclesiaj ratio, quamrite fonnatajctcompositae." (Comp. 
 Dunlop, ii. 573.) On the second question, he says that al- 
 though those who performed no service in the church had not 
 a just claim to be supported by its funds, still as the popish 
 clergy had brought themselves under bonds in times of igno- 
 rance, and had consumed a part of their lives in idleness, it 
 seemed harsh to deprive them of all support. He therefore 
 advises a middle course to be adopted. Calvini Epistolae ct 
 Kesponsa, p. 516—520. Hanovi3% 1597. Ibid. p. 201,202. 
 apud Open tom. ix. Amstajlod. 1667. 
 
 From another letter of Calvin to Knox, dated April 23, 
 1561, it appears that the Genevan reformer had been consulted 
 by our countrymen on some other points on which they were 
 difficulted ; most probably those questions on which the nobil- 
 ity and the ministers differed. He wrote them accordingly, 
 but soon after was applied to a second time for his ojiinion on 
 the same subject, as his first letter had miscarried. Knowing 
 that his judgment was not altogether agreeable to some of them, 
 he suspected that they wished to draw from him an ajisvver 
 more favourable to their own sentiments, and expressed his dis- 
 satisfaction at such conduct. Knox, who appears to have been 
 employed in the correspondence, was grieved at this suspicion, 
 and had vindicated himself froin the imputation. Calvin ui 
 this letter apologizes for his severit.y, and assures him that he 
 never entertained any suspicion of his integrity. " Te vcre 
 dolose quicquam cgisse, neque dixi, neque suspicatus sum. — 
 Ac mihi dolet, quod exciderat ex ore meo, sic in animum tuum 
 penetrasse, ut putares mate fidei axit astutisB, a qua te remotum 
 esse judico, fuisse insimulatam. Facessat igitur metus ille vel 
 cura." In both letters, Cahan signifies his high satisfaction at 
 the wonderful success of the reformation in Scotland. The 
 conclusion of the last is expressive of the unaffected piety of 
 the writer, and his warm regard for his correspondent. " Hie 
 vcrsamur inter multa discrimina. Una tantum welestis praj- 
 sidii fiducia nos a trepidatione cximit: quanvis non simus 
 metu vacui. Vale, exiniie vir, et ex animo colendc frater. 
 Dominus tibi semper adsit, te giiliernet, tueatur, ac sustentet 
 sua virtute." Ut supra, p. 564 — 566. et in alter, edit. p. 150. 
 These are the only parts of the correspondence Ijctween 
 Calvin and the Reformer which have l)een published; but 
 Mons. Senebier, the librarian of Geneva, has informed us that 
 there are a number of Knox's letters to Calvin preserved in 
 the public library of that city. Historic Litteraire de Gcoeve. 
 Tom. i. p. 380. 
 
 During his residence at Geneva, Knox became acquainted 
 with Reza, who then acted as professor of Greek in the neigh- 
 bouring city of Lau.sanne, from which he was translated to 
 Geneva, upon the erection of the university there, tlic same 
 
 year in which our Reformer returned to Scotland. An epis- 
 tolar}' correspondence was afterwards maintained between 
 them. Two letters of Bcza to Knox, the one dated June 3, 
 1569, the other April 12, 1572, are inserted in Ephlul. Theo- 
 hg. Bezse, p. 333 — 336. 344 — 346. of the first edition ; and 
 p. 304 — 307. 314 — 316. of the second edition, Genevse 1575. 
 Both of them evince the writer's ardent regard for our re- 
 former, and his high opinion of our reformation. The first 
 letter is inscribed "To John Knox, the Restorer of the Gospel 
 of God in Scollmd," and begins with these words : " Gratiam 
 et pacem tibi, mi frater, omnibusque vestris Sanctis ccclesiis 
 opto a Deo et Patre Domini nostri Jesu Christi, cui ctiam 
 gratias ago assidue, turn de tanta ipsius in nos beneficentia, 
 tum dc vestra singulari in asserendo ipsius cultu constantia 
 et animi fortitudine. — Euge mi frater, quam recte illud quod 
 disciplinam simul cum doctrina conjungitis? obsecro et ob- 
 testor ut ita pergatis, ne vobis idem quod tam multis evcniat, ut 
 quia in Umine impegerint, progredi non possint, imo etiam in- 
 terdum ne velint quidcm, quod longe misenimum est" The 
 second letter which behoved to be received I>y Knox only a 
 few months before his death, could not fail to be gratifying to 
 him, even although he had taken a formal farewell of the 
 world. It is addressed "To his dearest Brother and Col- 
 league," and begins in the following lofty strain of affection : 
 " Etsi tanto terrarum et maris ipsius intcrvallo disjuncti cor- 
 poribus sumus, mi Cnoxc, tamen minirne dubito quin inter 
 nos semper viguerit, et ad extremum vigcat, summa ilia ani- 
 morum conjimctio, unius ejusdemq. spiritns fideique vinculo 
 sancita." 
 
 Note XLTV. 
 
 90. 
 
 Evidence of Queen Mari/s design to restore the Roman 
 Catholic religion in Scotland. — The reader who doubts that 
 tills was her imiform object from the time that she left 
 France, may consult the following authorities. Throk- 
 morton's Conference with Mary, apud Knox, Historic, 275 — 
 277. Keith, History, 164—167. Life of bishop Lesley, 
 apud Anderson's Collections, i. 4. iii. 9. The letters of the 
 Cardinal de St. Croix (ambassador from the Pope to the court 
 of France), extracted from the Vatican Ubrary, afford a striking 
 demonstration of the intentions of the queen. St. Croix 
 writes to Cardinal Borromeo, tliat the grand Prior of Franco 
 (one of Mar5''s uncles) and Mons. Danville had arrived from 
 Scotland on the 17th November (1561), and had brought in- 
 formation, that the queen was going on successfully in sur- 
 mounting all opposition to her in that kingdom. Being in- 
 formed one day that some heretics had extinguished the can- 
 dles on her altar, she repaired to the chapel, and having as- 
 certained the fact, commanded a baron, one of the most pow- 
 erful and most addicted to Lutlicranism, to re-light the candles, 
 and place tlicm on the altar : in wliich she was instantly 
 obeyed. After relating another instance of her spirited con- 
 duct against the magistrates of a certain borough, who had 
 banished the popish priests, tlie Cardinal adds : " by these 
 means she has acquired greater authority and power, for en- 
 abling her to restore the ancient rel.'gion," "con che ac- 
 questa tutta via maggior autorita et forze, per posser restituer 
 en quel regno I'antica religione." Aymon, Synodes Nation- 
 aux dcs Egliscs Reformees de France, tom. i. p. 17, 18. 
 
 Note XLV. p. 90. 
 
 Sanguinary spirit and principles of Roman Catholics. 
 — Bayle, Commentaire Philosophique, tome i. pref. xiv. 
 part ii. chap. V. p. 343, 347. Anno 1686, and his Critique 
 Generale de I'histoire du Calvinisme, p. 485, 501 — 519. 
 Hume's Hist, of England, vol. vii. chap. i. p. 24. Lond. 1793, 
 12mo. Robertson's Histoiy of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 62, 143, 
 352. Lond. 1809. 
 
 " Les Papistes" (says Bayle, in a treatise in which he pleads 
 for toleration on a very extensive basis) " Les Papistes eux 
 memes sont les premiers en ce pais-ci a crier qu'il n'y a rien 
 de plus in juste que de vexer la conscience. Pensee ridicule 
 en leur bouche I et non sculement ridicule, mais traitresse, 
 &c. i. e. The Papists themselves are tlie first in this country 
 [Britain], to exclaim that there is nothing more unjust tlian to 
 distress conscience. A sentiment ridiculous in their mouth ! 
 and not only ridiculous, but treacherous, and marked with 
 that dishonesty which they have unifomdy discovcroxl for so 
 many ages. For they would not fail, in tliree years, to bum 
 and butcher all who rofu.scd to go to mass, if tliey acquired tlie 
 
NOTES. 
 
 173 
 
 power, and could avail themselves of the baseness of a sufB- 
 cient number of court parasites, men of venal souls and un- 
 worthy of the protestant name which they bear, to overturn 
 the fundamental barriers which so salutarily restrain the royal 
 power." Commentaire Philosophique, Pref. p, xiii. xiv. 
 Anno 1686. 
 
 The sentiments contained in the following passage are now 
 become so antiquated and unintelUgible, that I shall not risk 
 my credit by venturing to translate it. " Les malheurs qui 
 sont arrivez a nos freres de France tourneront, comme il y a 
 apparence, a notre profit. II nous ont remis dans la neces- 
 saiire defiance du Papisme, ils nous ont fait voir que cette 
 fausse religion ne s'amende pas par le long age, qu'elle est 
 toujours, comme au tems jadis, animee de I'esprit de fourbe et 
 de cruaute, et que malgre la politesse, I'honnetete, la civilite, 
 qui regno dans les manieres de ce siecle plus qu'en aucun 
 autre, elle est toujours brutale et farouche. Chose etrange ! 
 tout ce qu'il y avoit de grossier dans les moeurs de nos ances- 
 tres s'est evanouit ; a cet air rustique et sauvage des vieux tems 
 ft succede par toute I'Europe Chreticnne une douceur et une 
 civilite extreme. II n'y a que le Papisme qui ne se sent point 
 du changement, et qui retient toujours son anciene et habitu- 
 elle ferocite. Nous nous imaginions nous autres Anglois, que 
 c'etoit une bete aprivoisse, un loup et un tigre qui avoit oublie 
 son naturel sauvage ; mads Dieu merci aux Convertisseurs de 
 France, nous nous sommes desabusez, et nous savons a qui 
 nous aurions a faire si notre sort etoit entre leurs mains. Pe- 
 sans bien cela et considerons quel malheur nous pendroit sur 
 la tete, si nous laissions croitre le Papisme dans ce bien hciu- 
 eux climats. Je ne veux pas que cela nous porte a faire au- 
 cunes represaillcs svir les papistes ; non, je deteste ces imita- 
 tions ; je souhaite seulement qu'ils n'aquierent pas la force 
 d'executer sur nous ce qu'ils savent faire." Ut supra, xv. 
 xviii. xix. 
 
 Note XL VI. p. 94. 
 
 The following extracts from the Records of the Town 
 Council of Edinburgh, shew the attention which they paid to 
 the support and accommodation of their minister. 
 
 May 8, 1560. The provost, baillies, and council ordain the 
 treasurer to pay the sum of 40/. Scots for furnishing of the 
 minister, John Knox, in his household, and because he had 
 been furnished on David Forrester's expences since his coming 
 to this town, for the space of 15 days, ordains to receive Da- 
 vid's accompts, and make payment. — " Penultimo Octobris 
 1560. The quhilk day, the provost, baillies, and counsaill 
 ordainis James Barroun to pay to John Knox the soulme of 
 sax scoir pounds of the reddicst money of the solmcs being in 
 his hands, and sicklyk the soulme of 20/." This last sum 
 seems to have been allotted for repairs on his house. — " 12th 
 Dec. 1560. The provost, baillies, and counsill ordanis James 
 Barroun (Dean of Guild of last year) to pay and deUver to 
 Johne Knox, minister, the soume of uftie pound for suppor- 
 ting of his charges, and that incontinent after the sight heirof, 
 and gif it beis funden that the said James be superexpendlt, 
 after the making of his accompt, precepts shall be given in 
 maist strait forme, commanding the treasurer to mak him 
 gud and thankfull payment of the haill of his superexpensis, 
 within aught days nixt thairafter." From the minutes of Dec. 
 22, 1560, April 5, and May 28, 1561, it appears that his fixed 
 stipend was 200/. a-year; for 50/. is ordered, each time, "for 
 his quarter payment" or "dues." On Dec. 14. 1560, it was 
 agreed that his house rent should afterwards be paid " at the 
 rate of 1 5 merks a-year." 
 
 " Penultimo Octobris (1561). The samine day the provost, 
 baillies, and counsad ordanis the Dene of Gyld, with all dili- 
 gence, to make ane warme stuydye of dailies to the minister, 
 Johne Knox, within his hous, abone the hall of the same, with 
 lyht and wyndokis thereunto, and all uthcr nccessaris : and 
 the expcnciss dls!)ursit be him salbe allowit to him in his ac- 
 
 comptis." "January 1561. (i. e. 1562.) the provost, baillies, 
 
 and counsalo, understanding that the minister, Jhone Knox, is 
 requyrit be the hale kirk to passe in the partis of Anguss and 
 Meamys, for electing of ane superintendent thare, to the quhilk 
 they themselfs hes grantit, thairfoir ordains Alexander Guthrie, 
 Dene of Gild, to pass in companie with him, for furnishing of 
 the said niinistcris charges, and to debursc and pay the same 
 of the readeast of the townis gudis in his handis, quhilk salbe 
 allowit in his accomptis : And further haist the said minister 
 hame, that tlie kirk hear be not desolait." 
 
 To these extracts respecting Knox, I may add one from the 
 
 same records respefeting Willock, who officiated in his place 
 
 as minister of Edinburgh during the civil war. " 29 August 
 1560. The counsail ordains their treasurer to deliver to John 
 Willock 22 crownes of the sone for recompense of the great 
 traveill sustenit be him this haill yiere bygane, in preching and 
 administring the sacramentis within this burgh, and ordanis 
 ane member of the counsail to thank him for his greit bene- 
 volence, and for the greit Iravaill forsaid." Previous to this, 
 they had remunerated John Cairns, with whom Willock had 
 lodged. 
 
 In the text I have mentioned, that, after the arrangement 
 made by the privy council respecting the thirds of benefices, 
 Knox seems to have received part of his stipend from the com- 
 mon fund. The extracts which Keith has given from the 
 books of assignation mention only two allowances made to 
 him. " To John Knox minister. Wheat 2 c[halders], bear 6 
 c. meal o. oats 4 c." Whether this was for the year 1563, or 
 not, Keith does not say. He adds in a note, " For the year 
 1568, 1 see 333/. 6s. 8d. given to Mr. Knox." History, App. 
 
 188. His stipend at the time of his death has been mentioned 
 above, p. 268, 269. Keith has inserted from the same books, 
 the price of the principal articles of living at that time, from 
 which an idea of the value of money may be formed. Ibid. 
 
 189. The following are a specimen. In Fyfe, Lothian, 
 Merse and Teviotdale, for 1573, wheat, 26/. 13s. 4c?. the chal- 
 dcr; bear, 21/. 6s. 8d.; meal, 16/. oats, 20 marks. Or, ac- 
 cording to another account, without expressing any county, 
 wheat, 1/. the boll; bear, 1/. 13s. 4c?.; meal the same; oats 
 10s. ; malt, 2/.; rye, and pease and beans, the same; mairts 
 of Aberdeen 2/. 13s. 4c?. the piece ; sheep, 9s. ; poultry, 4s. the 
 dozen ; geese. Is. the piece ; cheese 6s. 8c?. the stone. 
 
 Note XL VII. p. 96. 
 
 Minutes of (he Town Council of Edinburgh respecting a 
 second Minister. — " 10 April 1562^ — The same day the coun- 
 sale understanding the tedious and havie labours sufferit be 
 the minister, Jhone Knox, in preiching thrise in the oulk, 
 and twise on the Sounday, ordains with ane consent to solist 
 and persuade Maister Jhone Craig, prescntlie minister of the 
 Canongait, to accept upoun him the half chargis of the preach- 
 ing of the said kirk of Edinburgh for sic gud deid as thai can 
 aggre on." — That this measure was not carried into effect for 
 some time after, appears from the following act of counciL 
 " 18th June 1563. — After lang reasoning upon the necessities 
 of ministers, finds that there salbe ane uther minister elected 
 be the provost, bailhes, and counsale, dekynes and elderis of 
 this burgh, and addit to Johne Knox, minister." From the 
 same act and subsequent measures, it is evident that the want 
 of necessary funds was the cause of the delay. For the coun- 
 cil resolved, that " for susteaning of thame baith, togidder with 
 Johne Cairns reider," the deacons should meet with the trades 
 and the merchants, to see what they would be willing to give. 
 The reports made to the council did bear, that if they would 
 fix a particular stipend, the trades were wdlling to pay a Jifth 
 of it, according to old custom. But although Craig had not 
 been translated from the Canongate, he seems to have per- 
 formed a part of the duty in Edinburgh ; for, in the same 
 month, I find the council appointing a number of persons " to 
 go amang the faithfull who had communicate," and make a 
 collection for " Johne Craig and Johne Cairns, who had re- 
 ceived nothing for a lang time." This expedient they were 
 obliged afterwards to repeat. On the 26 September 1561, the 
 council had agreed to give " to John Cairns, lector of morning 
 pray oris, 100 merks a year in tyme to cum." Records of Town 
 Council. 
 
 Note XLVIIL p. 96, 
 
 It is well known that literature flourished in Italy during 
 the early part of the sixteenth century, but few comparatively 
 are acquainted with the facts respecting the progress of the 
 Reformation in that country. Soon after Luther and Zuing- 
 lius began their opposition to the corruptions of the church, 
 the doctrines which they taught spread into Italy. They 
 were preached under the very walls of Rome, and embraced 
 by many of the nobility and of the learned among the Ital- 
 ians. Protestant churches were formed in Naples, in Ferrera, 
 in Modena, in Mantua, in Venica And when they were 
 crushed by persecution, numbers suffered death for the cause, 
 and still greater numbers forsook their native land, and took 
 refuge in protestant countries. 
 
174 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 It is foreign to die design of the present work to enter on 
 this subject, and my object in introducing it here is to express 
 a regret that no account of the progress and suppression of 
 the Reformation in Italy has been given in our language. 
 Many facts relating to it are to be found scattered through the 
 letters of Luther, Cahin, and Peter Martyr; in the Lives of 
 the last mentioned dixine, of Bemardin Ochin, Jerom Zan- 
 chy, Emanuel Tremellius, Galleazzo Caraccioli, Marquis of 
 Vico, and of other eminent Italian exiles, either published 
 apart, or in foreign biographical collections. The most im- 
 portant of these facts were collected by the very learned and 
 laborious Gerdes, and published, after his death, under the 
 title of " Specimen Italise Reformatae." I had once intended 
 drawing up an accoimt from these authorities, but laid aside 
 tlie design, owing to other engagements, and not being able 
 to procure all the information I could have wished ; and it will 
 give me great pleasure if these hints shall excite some person 
 to undertake the task, who has more leisure, and better access 
 to materials. 
 
 Note XLIX. page 97. 
 
 Writings of Quintin Kennedy. — Keith has inserted a let- 
 ter which the Abbot wrote to the Archbishop of Glasgow, and 
 the correspondence between him and Willock in 1559. He 
 has also given large extracts from his Compendious Tractive. 
 History, Append, p. 193 — 203. The following quotations 
 may be added for verifying the statement which I have made 
 in the text Having quoted John v. 39, he says, " Marke 
 (gude redare) the Scripture to occupy the place of ane wytnes, 
 and not the place of ane juge." A, iiij. In a posterior part 
 of the work, he endeavours to quahfy what he had stated re- 
 specting the church being judge of all matters in religion, 
 " We never say in all our lytic tractive, that the kirk is juge to 
 the Scripture, hot yat the kirk is juge to discern quhilk is the 
 trew Scripture of God, and to mak manifest to the congrega- 
 tion the trew understandyng of the samyn." Ibid. H, v. 
 This explication does not mend the matter : for certainly he 
 who has the power of calling what witnesses he pleases, and 
 of putting what sense he pleases upon their testimony, is to all 
 intents and purposes the judge of the witnesses, and of their 
 evidence. Having mentioned that there were persons " swa 
 reUgious and clean fyngerit, that thair wil na thyng perswade 
 thaim without testimony of Scripture," he adds : " All Chris- 
 tin men havand ane generale understanding of the articles of 
 our faith (conforme to the understanding that the kirk hes 
 teacheit ws) ; the ten commandments, the prayer of the Lord 
 callit the Pater noster. It suffices to thame to quhame it does 
 not appertene of thair office nor vocatioun, to occupy the 
 place of the prechairis or techearis in the congregatioun. As 
 to the sacramentis, and all uther secretis of tiie Scripture, 
 stand to the jugement of thy pasture, without curious resson- 
 ing or cersing of the secretis of Godis word, quha beiris thy 
 burding in all materis doutsum abone thy knawledge, con- 
 forme to the saying of the apostle, ' Obey unto your superioris,' 
 &c. And in cais they be negligent, ressave doctryne of the 
 kuk, as the tyme teichcis ws. Be this way (quhilk is con- 
 forme to Godis word and al veritie) it sal be asie to all men, 
 quhat place or estait in the congregatioim that ever he occupy, 
 to beir his awin burding." Ibid. D, vii. 
 
 In his dispute with Knox, the abbot mentions his " books," 
 and he refers particularly to a book which he had published in 
 1561, on the sacrament of the mass. There is in the library 
 of Alexander Boswell, Esq. of Auchinleck, a MS. by the ab- 
 bot, entitled, " Ane familiar commune and rassoning anent the 
 misterie of the sacrifice of the mess, betwix twa brether, 
 master Quintin Kennedy, Coinendator of Corsraguell, and 
 
 James Kenedy of . In the yeir of God ane thousand, 
 
 five hundred, three scoir ane yeir." Whether this is the 
 same with the printed book on that subject, or not, I cannot 
 say, as I have never seen the abbot's book on the mass, which 
 indeed is very rare. It was answered by George Hay, in a 
 work intitled, " The Confutation of the Abbote of Crosraguels 
 Masse, set furtli by Maister George Hay. Imprinted at Edin- 
 burgh by Robert lickpreuik, 1 563." This is dedicated " To 
 the most noble, potent and godlie Lord James Earle of Mur- 
 ray." It is tiie book to which Winzct alludes on the margin 
 of his Buke of Qucrtionis, where he says, " Mr George Hay, 
 fjr haist zow to recant" Keith, Append, p. 236. see also p. 246. 
 Lepreuik, in an advertisement to the reader, apologizes for his 
 wajit of Greek characters, which he was forced to have sup- 
 plied by manuscript Herbert's edit of Ames, p. 1487. This 
 
 last fact illustrates what I have mentioned in page 143. Her- 
 bert questions Ames's statement that they had no Hebrew or 
 Greek types in Scotland in 1579, and he appeals to a book 
 printed ' at Edinburgh, — be Leighe Mannenby, Anno Domini 
 1578,' in which Greek characters are found." Ut Supra, p. 
 1499, 1500. But this cannot overthrow Ames's statement, 
 which is correct ; for the imprint of that book is undoubtedly 
 fictitious, as no such Scottish printer as " Leighe Mannenby" 
 seems to have ever existed. 
 
 Another work of Kennedy has lately been printed, from a 
 MS. in the Auchinleck library, under the following titie: 
 " Ane Oratioune in fauouris of all thais of the Congregatione, 
 exhortand thaim to aspy how wonderfuUie thai ar abusit be 
 thair dissaitfull prechouris, set furth be master Quintine Ken- 
 nedy, Commendatour of Corsraguell, ye zeir of Gode 1561." 
 Pages 20. Edinburgh 1812. It is highly probable that this 
 was printed in the year mentioned in the titie, although no 
 copy is now to be found, and that it is one of " his books," 
 referred to by the Abbot in his dispute with Knox. I have al- 
 ready given extracts from this tract See pages 151, 161. 
 It concludes in the following manner : " Quharfor, with all my 
 hart exhortis, prays, and but mercie appellis thar pestilent 
 prerheouris, [On the margin: Knox, Willock, Winrame, 
 Gudmane, Dowglase, Heriot, Spottiswoode, and all ye rest] 
 puffit vp with vane glore, quhilkis rackinnis thaimselfis of 
 gretar knawlege nor Christis haill kirk, cumand but authorite, 
 subuertand, subomande, and circumuenande the simple peple, 
 cersande thair pray like the deuillis rachis, barkcand bauldly 
 like bardis, aganis the blissit sacrament of tiie altare, the sacri- 
 fice of the mess, and all vther godlie ordinance of Jhesus 
 Christ and his kirk, to preiss thair wittis and inginis, and to 
 streik all thair pennis in my contrar, makande the congrega- 
 tioun and all vtiieris to vnderstande, gif I do propirly, treuly, 
 and godly, or nocht, invey aganis thair deuillische doctrine 
 and doyingis. Failyeande thairof, recant for schame, recant 
 (ye famouse precheouris) and cum in obedience to the kirk of 
 God, quhilk ye have stubbornlie misknawin this lang time by- 
 past (and that nocht without grete dangere to your avne sauUs 
 and mony vtheris,) thairfor recant, in tyme recant, as ye lufe your 
 saluation, and crj' God mercie : To quham, with the Sone and 
 Haly Gaist, be prayse, honour, and glore, for ever ande ever. 
 Amen. Progenies viperarum fugite a ventura ira, nam securis 
 ad radicem arboris posita est, penitentiam agite. Matth. iii." 
 
 It is to be hoped that Mr. Boswell will give to the public 
 any other of the Abbot's tracts which the Auchinleck Library 
 may contain ; as they form the surest criterion of the talents 
 of the author, and the most trivial writings often contain 
 incidental notices which serve to illustrate the history of the 
 period. 
 
 Since the above was printed, I have been favoured with the 
 sight of a copy of this rare tract, belonging to Richard Heber, 
 Esq. From an inspection of it, I perceive that the abbot's 
 book, to which it is an answer, is the same with the MS. in 
 Mr. Boswell's possession, entitled, " Ane familiar commmie 
 and ressoning," &c. See preceding note. It would also seem 
 that the Abbot's treatise had not been printed, but that copies 
 of it had been transcribed, and industriously circulated through 
 the country in manuscript. For Hay repeatedly makes the 
 supposition that there might be variations in the different 
 copies, and on one occasion confesses that he could not read a 
 passage in the copy wliich he used. " Followeth, another ob- 
 jection made by James. Alwayes (sayes he) all ze wha vses 
 the Masse, dois not (this {^iiot) is not in the Text, that is 
 come to my handcs, but because the sentence requireth it, I 
 haue added it) as Christe did in the latter Supper,'" &c. He 
 gives another quotation from the Abbot in the following man- 
 ner, "Trewly, brot/ier, and ze be sa scrupulus Scripturares, 
 that ze wiU do nothing but {hut) is not in my text) as 
 Christe did, towardes the vse of the Sacramentes, ze will 
 subuert our futile Faith, and cmnmend our (twin doinges* 
 (so I ride it) (our owen doinges or commonly I can not tell 
 which should be red, or if tiiere be any oUier tiling yet,) for 
 quhair finde ze thai Chri.ste euer appointed one num to be 
 Baptised," &c. Fol. 36, b. 37, a, b. 
 
 The following account of the Abbot's talents and acquain- 
 tance with the Fathers may serve as a specimen of Hay's 
 style. " Trew it is, that before this lx)ke of tiie Abbote of Cro&- 
 
 * It is probable that the words which puzzled Hay should be read, 
 and condemn y<mr avin doinget. 
 
NOTE S. 
 
 175 
 
 raguel's wes set furth and published, sindrie and diuers were 
 the opinions of men concerning it. For the sorte of them 
 that be comonly tearmed Papistes, aduersaries to all trew 
 Religion, thoght in verie deid that they should receaue such a 
 confort, yea, such a Gun, as no munition myght withstand, 
 na strengthe resiste, nether yet any maner of force repel. 
 They were encuraged by the brute and fame of the man, who 
 onely wolde appeare in these tymes to haue dexteritie of in- 
 gyne, helped and auanced by long progres of tyme spent in 
 good letters, yea, ad besydes the Scriptures of God, will also 
 appeare to haue the conference, judgement, and authoritie of 
 the ancient Fathers and councils, which it may seme to the 
 Reader that he feadeth (not unlyke the nyne Muses) in his 
 bosome. I my self hauing hade some tymes credit and ac- 
 quentence of the man, loked for some what that might haue 
 troubleil the cosciences of waiklinges, and of such as stayed 
 them selues vpon a glistering and scmely ymagination of 
 mans heart, rather then upon the written and reueiled treuth, 
 by the spirite of God. For it wes not vnknawcn to me how 
 familiare he hath bene with the scolastike Sophisters, their 
 thornie questions, and scabrus conclusions, yea, and some of 
 the ancient Doctors, whose writinges, what by ignorance of 
 tyme seduced, what by affection caryed away, I thoght wel he 
 should wreist to his vngodly opinion." Fol. 3, a. Having 
 pointed out a false quotation, which the Abbot had made from 
 Chrysostom, Hay adds, " Hereby it is easy to perccaue how 
 vainely ye ascribe such reading of the Ancicntes vnto your 
 self, as in your writinges ye take vpon you, that ye will seme 
 in the eyes of the people, to be the oncly he in this Realme 
 versed in antiquitie. And now to say my judgment freely, I 
 truste ye haue no workes of such men as ye draw jour 
 authorities out of, but onely hath, I can not tell what lytle 
 scabbed treaties of Eccius, Cochleus, Hosius Stanislaus youre 
 new start up Campion, and of such others of your factio, and 
 tiiketh out of them, such thinges as ye think may seruc to 
 your wicked and blasphemus purpose. What crcdite now, or 
 what authoritie oght to be giuen to such places, as thou draw- 
 eth out of the Doctors, who belyke neuer hath sene there 
 workes, nether yet knoweth to what purpose they speak, if 
 they speak of their owne mynde, or of their aduersaries, whither 
 they speak by an interrogation or conclusiuely, and determin- 
 atly, whither they speak vTrifj^oKumi-,* that is excessiuely, to 
 extoll the dignitie of the mater they haue in hand (which is 
 not Rare in this Author) or simplie. Thus the Text it self is 
 to be considered, that it that preceadeth, being conferred with 
 it that followeth, the mynde and sentence of the Author, may 
 be knowen perfytlie. Not that I will hereby damne yong 
 men, who ether excluded by tyme, or els lacking bookes,muste 
 giue credite to good authorities, but in this man who will 
 seme to be an other Anacharses inter Sordidos Scythas, it is 
 intollerable, who is sequestrate frome the common societie of 
 men, and trauell in the common wealth, hauing not els to do, 
 but that he hath inioyned to him self, that is to ly by a pleasing 
 bray, and cast in stones to trouble the faire and cleare rinnino- 
 waiter." Fol. 18, b. 19, a. 
 
 Note L. p. 100. 
 
 Ordination of reformed Ministers.- In the prologue to the 
 Reasoning betwixt Jo. Knox and the abbot of Crossraguell, 
 Knox adverts to the cavils of the papists against the validity 
 of the call of the reformed ministers, and intimates his in- 
 tention of returning an answer to the questions on this head 
 which had been proposed to him by Ninian Wingct, the Pro- 
 cutour for the Papists. There are some general remarks on 
 this subject in his answer to Tyrie's Letter, but I do not think 
 that he ever pubhshed any thing professedly on the point. 
 There is a ridiculous tale told by a popish writer concerning 
 a pretended convention among the reformed ministers in Scot- 
 land to determine in what manner they should proceed in 
 the admission of ministers. Willock proposed as a weighty 
 difficulty, that if they used imposition of hands, or any other 
 ceremony usually practised in the church, they would be asked 
 to shew, that they themselves had been admitted by the same 
 ceremonies, and thus the lawfulness of their vocation would 
 be called in question. " Johann kmnox ansuerit maist re- 
 solutlie, Buf, huf man, we or anes etitered, let se quha dar 
 put us Old agane ,- meaning that thair was not sa monie 
 gnnnis and pistolKs in the countiie to put him out as was to 
 intrud him with violence. Sua Johann kmnox, to his awin 
 
 * The Greek word is inserted with a pen. See preceding page. 
 
 confusion, entered not in the kirk be ordinar vocatione or im- 
 position of handis, but be imposition of bullatis and pouldir 
 in culringis and lang gunnis ,- sua ye mister not to trubiD 
 you farder in seiking out of Johann kmnox vocatione." — This 
 story " I understude (says the author) of ane nobill and hon- 
 ourabil man, quha can yit beir witnes gif I lea or not." He 
 took care, however, not to give the name of the nobleman. 
 Nicol Bume's Disputation, p. 129. Parise 1581. 
 
 Note LI. p. 100. 
 
 Strictness and impartiality of Discipline. — The form of 
 satisfaction enjoined in the case of Methven, was appointed 
 for all who had been excommunicated for murder, adultery, 
 incest, or other aggravated crimes. The murderer was to 
 bear in his hand " the same or lyke weapoun whairwith the 
 murther was committit." Buik of the Univ. Kirk, p. 38. 
 Other rules observed in cases of discipUne may be seen in 
 Knox's Liturgy, p. 55 — 67. edition, 1611. and in Dunlop's 
 Confessions, ii. 704 — 756. Impartiality as well as severity, 
 distinguished the discipline of those times. " Gryt men of- 
 fending in sick crymes as deserves seckclaith, they suld ro- 
 ceave the same als weill as the pure. — Na superintendant nor 
 commissioner, with advyce of any particular kirk of yair juris- 
 diction, may dispense with the extreamitie of sackcloth, pre- 
 scrivit be tlie actes of the generall discipline, for any pecuniall 
 sum or paine ad pios usus." Ibid, ad August. 1573. Dun- 
 lop, ii. 753. This was not a mere theoretic proposition. For 
 in 1563, we find the lord Treasurer making public satisfaction 
 (Keith 245,529) ; in 1567, the countes»of Argyle, (Buik of 
 the Univ. Kirk, p, 37.); and in 1568, the bishop of Orkney 
 (Anderson's Collections, ii. 284.). Let not our modem 
 fofhionables and great ones be alarmed at hearing of such 
 things. These days are gone, and will not, it is likely, soon 
 return. 
 
 It is a mistake, however, to represent the ecclesiastical 
 covuts as inflicting corporal punishments upon offenders. The 
 parliament, or the magistracy of particular burghs, enacted 
 punishments of this kind against certam crimes which were 
 ordinarily tried in the church courts. Some of these existed 
 before the Reformation, and some of them were posterior to 
 it ; but the infliction, as well as the enacting of them, pertain- 
 ed to the civil magistrate. Knox, p. 269. The following ex- 
 tract will explain the occasion of the mistake, and the true 
 state of the case. " What you bring (says Mr. Baillie in his 
 answer to bishop Maxwell) of pecuniary mulcts, imprison- 
 ments, banishments, jogges, cutting of haire, and such like, 
 it becomes neither you to charge, nor us to be charged with 
 any such matters : No church-assembly in Scotland assumes 
 the least degree of power, to inflict the smallest civill pun- 
 ishment upon any person ; tlie Generall Assembly it selfe hath 
 no power to fine any creature so much as in one groat : It is 
 true, the lawes of the land, appoint pecuniary mulcts, impris- 
 onment, joggs, pillories, and banishment for some odious 
 crimes, and the power of putting these lawes in execution is 
 placed by tne parliament in the hands of the inferior magis- 
 trates in buiToughs or shires, or of others to whom the coun- 
 sel table gives a speciall commission for that end ; ordinarily 
 some of these civill persons are ruling elders, and sit with the 
 eldership : So when tlie eldership have cognosced upon the 
 scandal! alone of crimiiiali persons, and have used their spirit- 
 uall censures only to bring the party to repentance, some of 
 the ruling elders, by virtue of their civill office or commission, 
 will impose a mulct, or send to prison or stocks, or banish out 
 of the bounds of some Uttle circuit, according as the act of 
 pariiament or counsell do appoint it. But that the eldership 
 should employ its ecclesiastical and spirituall power for any 
 such end, none of us doe defend. That either in Scotland or 
 any where else in the world the haire of any person is com- 
 manded to be cut by any church judicatory for disgrace and 
 punishment, is (as I take it) but a foolish fable. That any 
 person truely penitent is threatened in Scotland, with church 
 censures, for non-payment of monies, is in the former category 
 of calumnies." Historical Vindication of the government of 
 the Church of Scotland, p. 17, 18. Lond. 1646. I have in 
 my possession (extracted from the records of a kirk-session) 
 a commission, granted in 1701, by the sheriff-depute of Ber- 
 wickshire, constituting one of the elders session-baillie, for 
 executing the laws against prophaneness, agreeably to an act 
 of parliament authorizing the appointment of such an oflScer 
 in parishes within which no ordinary magistrate resided. 
 
 I may add the following quotation from another able and 
 
176 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 strenuous asscrtcr of tlie prcsbyterian discipline and govern- 
 ment " Ilbi originalis causa excommuuicationis est delictum 
 violans jura et iibertates ecclesice, &c. When the original cause 
 if excommunication is an otienee violating the rights and 
 liberties of the church, either in the way of loss being sustain- 
 sd or injury being do7!e, I confess that the assistance of tlie 
 secular arm may be implore<l, and tlie guilty person may be 
 forced to repair the loss and to give civil satisfaction ; or even 
 if the person already excommunicated shall testify a disposi- 
 tion to disturb the religious service, or to violate the rights and 
 liberties of the church. But where no loss or injury to the 
 rights and liberties of the church arises from the offence or 
 from the contumacy, but scandal alone is given, I know not 
 whether any person is to be forced to what is called penitential 
 satisfaction, by implorhig the assistance of tlie secular arm. 
 For as the church has no coactive power in herself, so neither 
 :iught she to use it indirectly to extort confessions which are 
 Mnstraineil, and consequently counterfeit." Caldcrwood, Al- 
 iare Damascenum, p. 312 — 3. edit. Lugd. Bat. 1708, 
 
 Note 52. p. 103. 
 
 Mr. Hunters misrepresentations nf the conduct of the Re- 
 formers towards Queen Mary. — The whole account which 
 this historian has given of the conduct of the protestant clergy 
 towards Mar\', from her arrival in Scotland until her marriage 
 with Damly, is very remote from sober and genuine history. 
 It is rather a satire against the Reformation, which he charges 
 with rebellion ; against the presby terian church, whose genius 
 he describes as essentially productive of fanaticism and vul- 
 garity ; and against his native country, the inhabitants of 
 which, without exception, he represents as over-run with rus- 
 ticity, strangers to the arts, to civility, and the pleasures of 
 conversation. History, Reign of Eliz. chap. i. near the close. 
 " II n'est rien. de plus facile quand on a beaucoup d'esprit, et 
 beaucoup d'experience dans I'art de faire des livres, que de 
 composer une Histoirc satyrique, des nieme fails qui ont serd 
 a faire une Eloge. Deux lignes supprimee, ou pour ou contre, 
 dans I'exposition d'un fait, sont capable de faire paroistre un 
 homme ou fort innocent, ou fort coupable : et comme par la 
 eeule transposition de quelques mots on pent faire d'un dis- 
 cours fort saint un discours impie ; de meme par la seule trans- 
 position de quelques circonstances, Ton pent faire de Taction 
 la plus criminelle, Taction la plus vertueuse." Bayle, Critique 
 Generale de THistoire du Calvinisme, p. 13. 2de edition, 1683. 
 This is a charge to which the historian of England has ex- 
 posed himself on more occasions than one. 
 
 I cannot here -expose all his mis-statements in the passage 
 to which I have referred. He keeps out of view the fixed re- 
 solution of the queen to re-establish the Romish religion, with 
 all the perils to which the Protestants were exposed. He art- 
 fully introduces his narrative, by placing her proclamation 
 against altering the Protestant religion before the symptoms 
 of popular discontent at her setting up mass ; whereas the 
 proclamation was issued after these, and most probably would 
 never have appeared, had it not been found necessary to allay 
 the apprehensions of the people. Knox, 285. Keith, 504, 505. 
 As a proof that the preachers " took a pride ui vilifying, even 
 to her face, this amiable princess," he gives extracts from an 
 address to her by the general assembly, without ever hinting 
 that this was merely a draught or overture ; that every offen- 
 sive expression was erased from it before it was adopted by the 
 assembly ; and that, when it was presented by the superinten- 
 dents of JiOthian and Fife, the queen said, " Here are many 
 fair words; I cannot tell what the hearts are." Knox, 315. 
 Mr. H. goes on to say : " The ringleader in all these insults on 
 Majesty, was John Knox. — His usual appellation for the queen, 
 was Jezebel." This is a mistake. Neither in his sermons, 
 nor in his prayers, nor in conversation, did he give this appel- 
 lation to Mary, as long as she was queen ; but always honour- 
 ed her before the people, as well as in her own presence, even 
 when he lamented and condemnetl her errors. Afterwards, 
 indeed, when for her crimes (of which no man was more con- 
 vinced than Mr. H.) she was removed from the government 
 and he no longer acknowledged her as his sovereign, he did 
 apply this name to her. It is so far from being true, that " the 
 whole life of Mary was, from the demeanour of these men, 
 fdled with bitterness and sorrow," or that she " was curbed in 
 all amusements by the absurd severity of these reformers," 
 that she retained her " gaiety and ease," until, by her impru- 
 dent marriage with Darnly, she with her own hand planted 
 thorns under her pillow ; while the preachers were most free 
 
 in their sermons, she enjoyed all manner of hlwrty ; her mass 
 was never taken from her ; she was allowed to indulge her 
 " feasting, finerj', dancing, balls, and whoredom, their necessa- 
 ry attendant ;" nor was she ever interrupted in these amuse- 
 ments, except when her own husband deprived her of her fa- 
 vourite Italian fidler, a loss for wliich she afterwards took am- 
 ple vengeance. It is difficult to conceive how one acquainted 
 with the history of that period, and the character of the queen, 
 could impute the " errors of her subsequent conduct " to the 
 " harsh and preposterous usage which she met with " from the 
 reformers. Nor can can there be a greater satire upon the ge- 
 neral character of Mary, (previous to her first marriage) than 
 to say, that " she found every moment reason to regret her 
 leaving that country, from whose manners she had, in her ear- 
 ly youth, received the first impressions." It is well known 
 that the court at which she received her education was most 
 dissolute ; and the supposition that she carried away the inno- 
 cent polish and refinement of their manners, without contract- 
 ing their criminal contagion, is not only incredible, but contra- 
 dicted by the confessions of her friends. Memoires de Cas- 
 telnau, augmentez par J. le Laboureur, Prieur de Juvigne, torn, 
 i. p. 528, A BruxcUes, 1731, I have no desire however to 
 dip into this subject, or to draw forth to light facts unfavourable 
 to that princess : although the unwarranted and persevering 
 attacks which have been made upon worthy men, in order to 
 reconcile the " future conduct " of Mary, with " the general 
 tenor of her character," would justify greater freedoms than 
 have been lately used in this way, 
 
 " We arc too apt to figure to ourselves the reformers of that 
 age, as persons of impolitic and inflexible austerity." This is 
 the remark of one who was much better acquainted with their 
 history than Mr. Hume, Lord Hailes, Historical Mem, of the 
 Provincial Councils of the Scottish Clergy, p. 41, Comp. 
 Knox, Historic, p. 310. See also, in addition to the facts al- 
 ready produced in this work, what is contained in Note xxiv. 
 
 Mr, Hume's object, in the passage on which I have animad- 
 verted, was to blacken the reformers, rather than to exalt the 
 queen, of whose character he had at bottom no great opinion, 
 "Tell Goodall (says he, in a letter to Dr. Robertson) that if he 
 can but give up queen Mary, I hope to satisfy him in every 
 thing else ; and he will have the pleasure of seeing John Knox, 
 and the reformers, made very ridiculous." Indeed, he confes- 
 sed to his confidential friends, that he had, in his history, drawn 
 the character of that princess in too favourable colours, " I 
 am afredd, (saj's he to the same correspondent) that you, as 
 well as myself, have drawn Mary's character with too great 
 softenings. She was undoubtedly a violent woman at all times." 
 Stewart's Life of Robertson, p. 37, 38. of the separate edition ; 
 or as reprinted with the History of Scotland, vol. L p. 25. 
 Lond, 1809, 
 
 Note LIII, p. 104, 
 
 Proceedings of Town Council in a slander agaitist Knox.— 
 " ISmo Junii, 1563, — The samyn day, in presence of the bail- 
 lies and counsale, compcrit Jhone Gray, scribe to the kirk, and 
 presentit the supplicatione following, in name of the haill kirk, 
 bering that it was laitlie cummen to thair knavvledge bi the re- 
 port of faythfuU bretherins, that within thir few dayis Eufame 
 Dundas, in the presence of ane multitude, had spokin divers 
 injurious and sclandarous wordis baith of the doctrine and min- 
 isteris. And in especial of Jhonne Knox, minister, sayand, 
 that within few dayis past, the said Jhonne Knox was appre- 
 hendit and tane furth of ane killogye with ane commoun hure; 
 and that he had bene ane commone harlot all his dayis. 
 Quhairfore it was maist humblie desyrit tliat the said Eufame myt 
 lie callit and examinat upone the said supplicatione, and ^ 
 the wordis alione writtin, spokin bi hir, myt be knawin or trj'it 
 to be of veritie, that the said Jhonne Knox myt lie punist with 
 all rigour without favour : otherwyse to tak sic ordour with 
 hir as myt stand with the glory of God, and that sclander myt 
 be takin from the kirk. As at mair length is contenit in the 
 said supplication, Quhilk beand red to the said Eufame, per- 
 sonallie present in judgement, scho dent/it the samyn, and Fry- 
 day the 25 day of Junii instant assignit to hir to here and see 
 witnes producit for preving of the allegiance alwne expremit, 
 and Rcho is wamyt apud acta," Records of Town Council of 
 Edinburgh, of the aljove date. 
 
 The minute of the 2,'ith contains the account of the proof 
 which Knox's procurator led to shew that Eufame Dundas had 
 uttered the scandal which she now denied, and tlie appoint- 
 ment that the parties should be " warnit literaiorie to hear sen- 
 
NOTE S. 
 
 177 
 
 tence given in the said action," I have not observed anything 
 more respecting the eause in the minutes, and it is probable, 
 that the Reformer, having obtained the vindication of his cha- 
 racter, prevailed on the ji'.dges not to inflict punishment on the 
 accuser. 
 
 Note LIV. p. 104. 
 
 Calumnies of the Popish writers against Knox a^id oilier 
 Reformers. — " C'est rendre sans doute (says Bayle) quclque 
 service a la memoire de Jean Knox, que de fair voir les extra- 
 vagances de ceux qui ont dechire sa reputation.'' And, having 
 referred to the " gross and extravagant slanders " of one writer, 
 he adds, " tliis alone is a sufficient prejudice against all which 
 the Roman Catholic writers have published concerning the 
 great Refonner of Scotland." Diet. art. Knox. If Mens. 
 Bayle could speak in tliis manner upon a quotation from one 
 author, what conclusion shall we draw from the following quo- 
 tations 1 
 
 The fu'st writer who attacked Knox's character after his 
 death, was Archibald Hamilton, whose hostility against him 
 ■was inflamed by a personal quarrel, as well as by political and 
 religious considerations; (See above, p. 123.) His book 
 shews how much he was disposed to recommend himself to 
 tlie papists, by throwing out whatever was most injurious to 
 his former connexions. But there were too many alive at that 
 time to refute any charge which might be brought against the 
 Reformer's moral character. Accordingly, when he aimed the 
 most envenomed thrust at his reputation, Hamilton masked it 
 under the name of an apprehension or surmise. Having said, 
 that, on the death of Edward VI. " he fled to Geneva witli a 
 noble and rich lady " (which by the bye is also a falsehood) 
 he adds in a parenthesis " qua simul et filia matris pellicc fa- 
 miUariter usus fuisse piiiabaiur," De Confusionc Cahinianse 
 SeetfB, p. 65, a, Parisiis 1577. 
 
 In 1579, Principal Smeton published his answer to Hamil- 
 ton's book, in \\hich he repelled the charges which he had 
 brought against ICnox, and pronounced the above mentioned 
 surmise a malicious calumny, for which the accuser could not 
 adduce the slightest proof, and which was refuted by the spot- 
 less character which our Reformer had maintained before the 
 whole world. Smetoni Responsio ad Virulentum Dialogum 
 • Hamiltonii, p. 95. It now behoved Hamilton either to retract 
 or to prove his injurious insinuation. But how did he act in 
 his reply to Smeton 1 I'nder the pretence of repeating what 
 he had said in his former book, he introduces a number of oth- 
 er slanders against Knox's character, of which he had not 
 given the most distant hint before; and (Lncredible to be told !) 
 he absolutely avers, that be had formerly asserted and specified 
 all these, and condescended upon the places, times, and other 
 circumstances ; — although in his former publication ho had 
 not said one word on the subject except the general surmise 
 which I have quoted al:ove ! ! ! " I'ueritiam prematura venere 
 et pollute insuper patris thoro infamem noiavi. Inde adolc- 
 scentiam pcrpetuis assuetam adulteriis dei-ignavi. Post banc 
 maturioris a3tatis apostasin, &c. descripsi : res ipsas ut gestse 
 erunt retuli : lo;a, tempora, et reliquas omnes circumstantias 
 notavi." CalviniauEE C'onfusionis Demonstrat io, contra male- 
 dicjim ministrorum Scotiae responsionem ; per Archibaldum 
 Hamiltonium, in Sancta Christi Ecclesla Presbjterum. p. 253. 
 Parisiis, 1581. Than this what can be a stronger mark of 
 one who has " made shipwreck of faith and a good conscience," 
 who " is subverted and sinnetli, being condemned of himself." 
 After this we cannot wonder at his casting off all shame, and 
 asserting : " Itane vero m maledictis du<^itis, quse impurus ho- 
 mucio non vno, aut paucis, sed multis, et fere dicam ornnUnis ai' 
 testantibus, designavit 1 patris tliorum infami incestu poUutum, 
 et tot eommissa adulteria, quot in fcdibus, intra quas admitte- 
 hatur, relicta vestigia etiamnu reclfant Lmidonierues omnes 
 nobilcSjjuxta et igmibllevy Ut supra, p. 253, b. 
 
 We are not left to impute these slanders to personal malice, 
 or to the miserable shifts of an unprincipled individual, who, 
 having rashly committed himself by advancing a falsehood, at- 
 tempts to maintain his credit by bold assertions and fresh ca- 
 lumnies. For, in the very same year in which Hamilton's last 
 work appeared, we find another popish author writing in the 
 following terms : " Johne Kmnox your first apostel, quha caus- 
 ed ane young woman in my lord Ochiltreis place fal almaist 
 dead, because sche saw his maister Satthan in anc black man- 
 nis likenese with him, throuche ane bore of the dure : quha 
 was also ane manifest adulterare bringand furtli of Ingland 
 bailh the mother and the dochter whom he persuadit that it 
 X 
 
 was lesum to Icve her housband, [See pages 57, 75,] and 
 adhere unto him, making ane fleshe of hunself, the mother, 
 and the dochter, as if he wald conjoyne in ane religione, the 
 auld synagogue of the Jeuis witli the new fundat kiik of the 
 Gentiles." In another place he introduces the account of his 
 second marriage with these words : " That rcnegat and perjurit 
 priest schir Johane Kmnox, quha cftcr the death of his first 
 harlot, quhilk he mareit incurring eternal damnation be breking 
 his vou and promise of chastitie, quhcn his age requyrit rather 
 that with tearis and lamentations he sould have chastised his 
 flesh and bewailit the breaking of his vou, as also the horril il 
 incest with his gudmother in ane killogie of Haddiiietoi.ii." 
 Burne's Disputation concerning the Controversif Heaiidis of 
 Religion, p. 1G3, 143. Parise, 1581. But Bume, and even 
 Hamilton were outstripped in calunmy by that most im,puc'tnt 
 of all hars, James Laing, who published in Latin an account 
 of the lives and manners of the heretics of his time. There 
 are few pages of his book in which he does not abuse our Re- 
 former; but in (v\hat he calls) his Life, he has exceeded any 
 thing which was ever dictated either by personal malice, or by 
 religious rancour. " Statim (says he) ab initio sua3 pueritia 
 omni genere turpissimi facinoris infectus fuit. Vix exccsse- 
 rat jam ex ephebis, cum patris sui uxorem violarat, suam no- 
 vercam vitiarat, et cum ca, cui revcrentia potissimum adhibenda 
 fuerat, nrfarium stuprum fccerat." His bishop having, for- 
 sooth, called him to account for these crimes, he straightway 
 became mflamcd with the utmost hatred to the Catliolic reli- 
 gion. " Delude non modo cum profanis, sed etiam cum qui- 
 buscunque sceleratissimis, perditissimis, et potissimum omnium 
 hajrclicis est vcrsatus, et quo quisque erat immanior, scelevatior, 
 crudelior, co ci carior et gTatior fuit. — Ne unum quidem diem 
 sccleratissimus hcereticus sine una et item altera meretrice tradu- 
 ccrcjx>tuit. — Continuo cum tribus meretricibus, quae videbantur 
 posse sufFicere uni sacerdoti, in Scotia convolat. — Ceterum liic 
 lascivus caper, qucm assidue sequcbatur lasciva f apella, partim 
 perpetuis crapulis, partim vino, lustrisque ita confcctus fuit, ut 
 quotiescunq. consccndcre suggestum ad malediccndum, velim 
 precandum [vel imprecandum] suis, opus erat ilh duobus aut 
 ti'ibus viris, a quibus elevandus atq. sustendandus erat." De 
 Vita d Moribus atque litlnis Gestis Hsej-eiicorum nostri tern- 
 poris. Auilwre Jucubo Laingxo Scoto Dociore Sorbonico, fbl. 
 113, b. 114, a, b. 115, a. Parisiis, 1581. Cum Privilegio. 
 Nor were such accounts confined to that age. In the begin- 
 ning of the follow ing century, they were repeated by John 
 Hamilton. Facile Traictise, contenand ane infallible reul to 
 discern trew from fals religion, p. 60. Louvain, 1600. In 
 1623, an English writer refers to James Laing's work for an: 
 authentic account of Knox's private life. The Image of bothe 
 Churches, JheruSalcm and Babell.hy P. D. M. p. 134. Tor- 
 nay, 1623. And as late as 1628, wc find Father Alcxa7ider 
 i/a?7/?e retailing, in the English language, all the gross tales 
 of "his predecessors, with additions of his own, in which he 
 shews a total disregard to the best known facts in the Reformer's 
 life. " Jhon Knox (says he) being chaplane to the luird of 
 Bulvurie, and accused for his vices and leecherie, was found so 
 guiltie and culpable that to eschevie the just punishment prepar- 
 ed for him he presently fled away into Ingland." He after- 
 weirds says, that Knox, after the death of his second w'ife [that 
 is, twenty years at least after his own death,] " shamefully fell 
 in the abominable vice of incestuous adultery, as Archb. Ham- 
 ilton and others doe witnesse ;" and as a proof that Knox 
 reckoned this vice no blot. Bailhe puts into his mouth a gross 
 defence of it, in the very words which Sanders, in his book 
 against the Anglican Schism, had represented Sir Francis 
 Brian as using in a conversation vnth Henry VHI. Baillie's 
 True Information of the Unhallowed Offspring, Progress, and 
 Impoison'd Fruits of our Scottish-Calvinian Gospel and Gos- 
 pellers, p. 14, 41. Wirtsburgh, 1628. 
 
 It is evident that these outrageous and contradictory calum- 
 nies have been all grafted upon the convicted lie mentioned in 
 the preceding note, and on the malignant insinuation of Arch- 
 ibald Hamilton. The characters of the foreign reformers were 
 traduced in the very same manner by the popish writers. Iliose 
 who have seen Bolsec's Lives of Calvin and Beza, or others 
 written in the same spirit, must be sufficiently convinced of 
 this. Will it be believed that, in the middle of the seventeenth 
 centurj', a book should have been published under the name of 
 the Cardinal de Ricldieu, in which it is asserted that " Calvin 
 being condemned for acts of incontinency, which he had car- 
 ried to the utmost extremity of vice, (scs incontinences qui le 
 porterent jusqucs aux demieres extremitcz du vice) retired 
 from Noyon (his native citv) and from the Roman church, at 
 12 
 
178 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 the same time"!" And that this should have been published 
 after the cardinal himself had examined the registers of Noyon, 
 which stated facts totally inconsistent with the supposition of 
 such a thing having ever been imputed to him 1 La Defence 
 de Calvin, par Charles Drehncourt, p. 10, 11,33. Geneve, 
 1667. Our countrymen of the popish persuasion were careful 
 to retail all the calumnies against the foreign reformers, and 
 they do so in a manner almost peculiar to themselves. Nicol 
 Bume most seriously asserts tliat Luther was begotten of the 
 Devil, as to his carnal as well as his spiritual generation ; and 
 in order to prove that tliis was not impossible, he advances the 
 most profane argument that ever proceeded from the mouth or 
 pen of a Christian. Disputation, ut supra, p. 141. The same 
 thing is asserted by James Laing. De Vita Heretic, ut supra, 
 fol. 1, b. In a pretended translation into Scots of a poem 
 written by Beza in his youth (which the Roman Catholics, 
 after he left their communion, were careful to preserve from 
 oblivion) Bume has unblusliingly inserted some scandalous 
 and disgraceful line^, for which he had not the slightest war- 
 rant from the original. Disputation, p. 103, 104. John Ham- 
 ilton says, that " Calvin did ane miracle to mak ane quik man 
 ane deid, quhilk miracle was done m Geneve to ane Brulffius 
 of Ostune, with whomc he contractit for a piece of money to 
 fenzie himself deid, and to rysc to lyf at his prayers when he 
 sulde chope thryse upon his biere : bot the compagnion forget 
 to ryse again, whilk come to Calvin's schame." Facile 
 Traictise, ut supra, p. 412. But the following narrative is still 
 more marvellous, and lest his readers should doubt its truth, 
 the author prays them to " suspend thair judgement, quhill 
 they spcre [until they enquire at] the maist affectionat Protes- 
 tantis of Scotland quha lias bene in Geneve. Surelic I ressavit 
 the treuth of this be honorable gentilmen of our countrie, quha 
 confessit to me before gud vitnes, that the devil gangis familiar- 
 lie up and down the town, and speciallie cumis to pure and in- 
 digent men quha sellis thair saullis to him for ten sous, sum 
 for mair or less. The money is very pleasant quhen they res- 
 save it ; bot putting hand to thair purse, quhen they vald by 
 thair denner, thay find nathing bot uther stane or stick." 
 Hamilton's Cathohk and facile traictise, fol. 50, b. Paris, 1581. 
 Laing, in his Life of Calvin (of which Senebier has justly 
 said " that it would be impossible to believe that such a libel had 
 been written, if it were not to be seen in print,") has raked to- 
 gether all the base aspersions which had been cast upon that 
 reformer, and has spent a number of pages in endeavouring to 
 shew that he was guilty of stealing; a sum of money. De 
 Vita, ut supra, fol. 76, b. — 79, b. Of Buchanan, whom he 
 calls " homo sacrarum literarum imperitissimus, simulque im- 
 pudentissimus," he relates a number of unpieties, of which 
 this is the last, " plurimi etiam narrant ilium miserrimum ho- 
 rainem quandam in sacro fonte, quo infantes aqua benedicta 
 ablui Solent, adsit reverentia dictis, oletum fecisse." Ibid. fol. 
 40, a. One example more, and I have done. " Te admone- 
 rem de quodam impio hieretico sacerdote Davidson, quem au- 
 divi his jam multis annis publice cum quadam meretrice scor- 
 tatum esse, quam fertur pepcrisse prima nocte, qua cum ilia 
 dormivit, quod hie doctores medicipro magno miraculo habent ; 
 cum vix muliercs ante nonum mensem, vel octavum parere sO' 
 leant" Ibid. fol. 36, b. 37, a. 
 
 Persons must have had their foreheads, as well as their con^ 
 sciences, " seared with a hot iron," before they could publish 
 such things to the world as facts. Yet Laing's book was ap- 
 proved, and declared worthy of publication, by two doctors of 
 the University of Paris. Its grossest slanders against the Scot- 
 tish reformers were literally copied, and circulated through the 
 continent as undoubted truths, by Reginaldus, Spondanus, Ju- 
 lius Breigerus, and many other foreign popish authors. Each 
 of these added some fabrication of his own ; and one of them 
 is so ridiculously ignorant, as to rail against our reformer by 
 the name of Noptz. Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Knox, Note G. 
 Archibald Hamilton's two works had the same rcspectabk re- 
 commendations with Laing's book, and one of them is declar- 
 ed to be " very orthodox, and worthy of being ushered into the 
 light for the profit of the church." And John Hamilton was 
 chosen tutor to two cardinals, appointed Professor of Philoso- 
 phy in the Royal College of Navarre, elected, by the students 
 of the German nation in Paris, to the cure of the parish of 
 St. Cosmus and Damian, presented to it by the University, and 
 confirmed in it by the parliament ; and, in fine, was chosen 
 Rector of the University of Paris ! ! ! So eager were foreign- 
 ers to load T\ ith honours the most bigoted and fanatical of 
 our popish refugees. Sketch of the Life of John Hamilton, 
 p. 2, 3. written by Lord Hailes. 
 
 I know that it was common in that age for controversial wri- 
 ters of all descriptions to indulge themselves in a coarseness 
 of invective against their antagonists which would not be tole- 
 rated at present : but this is a quite different thing from what 
 I have given examples of in this note. With respect to the 
 complaints which protestant writers made of the profligacy of 
 the popish clergy, the truth of these is incontestably establish- 
 ed by the testimony of their ovm authors, and by the pubUc 
 acts and documents of their own church. Nor do I wish to 
 insinuate that all the popish writers were of the same descrip- 
 tion with those whom I have quoted, or that there were not 
 many Roman Catholics, even at that time, who disapproved 
 of the use of these dishonourable and empoisoned weapons; 
 but the great number of such pubUcations, the circulation 
 which they obtained, emd the length of time during which 
 they continued to issue from the popish presses, demonstrate 
 the extent to which a spirit of Ijung and defamation was car- 
 ried in the Romish church. Petty dabblers in antiquity, and. 
 flippant orators, who have read a General History of those 
 times, and a modem Roman Cathohc pamphlet, must he al- 
 lowed to repeat the trite maxim, of faults on both sides, and to 
 conceal their ignorance under the veil of moderation, by re- 
 presenting these faults as equal ; but I aver, that no candid 
 person, who is duly acquainted with the writings of that peri- 
 od, will pretend to account for the above-mentioned calumnies, 
 by imputing them to a spirit of asperity and prejudice common 
 to both parties. 
 
 Note LV. p. 107. 
 
 Popish accounts of Knox's second marriage. — " Heaving 
 laid aside al feir of the panis of hel, and regarding na thing 
 the honestie of the warld, as ane bund sklave of the Devil, be- 
 ing kendillit with an unquenshible lust and ambition, he durst 
 be sua bauld to enterpryse tlie sute of marriage with the maist 
 honorabil ladie, my ladie Fleming, my lord Duke's eldest 
 dochtcr, to the end that his seid being of the blude royal, and 
 gydit be thair father's spirit, might have aspyrit to the croun. 
 And because he reeeavit ane refusal, it is notoriouslie knawin 
 how deidlie he halted the hail hous of the Hamiltonis. — And 
 this maist honest refusal would nather stench his lust nor am- 
 bition ; bot a lytel efter he did perscw to have allyance with 
 the honorabili hous of Ochiltrie of the Kyng's M. awin 
 blude ; Rydand thair with ane gret court, on ane trim gelding, 
 nocht lyk ane prophet or ane auld decrepit priest, as he was, 
 bot lyk as he had bene ane of the blude royal, with his bendes 
 of talfetie feschnit with golden ringis, and precious stanes: 
 And as is planelie reportit in the countrey, be sorccric and 
 witchcraft did sua allure that puir gentil woman, that scho 
 could not leve without him : whilk appeiris to be of gret prob- 
 abUitie scho being ane damssel of nobel blud, and he ane auld 
 decrepit creatur of maist hais degrie of onie that could be found 
 in the countrey : Sua that sik ane nobil hous could not have 
 degenerat sua far, except Johann kmnox had interposed the 
 powar of his maister the Devil, quha as he transfiguris him 
 self sumtymes in an angel of licht : sua he causit Johann 
 kmnox appeir ane of the maist nobil and lustie men that could 
 be found in the warld." Nicol Bume's Disputation, ut supra, 
 p. 143, 144. But the Devil outwitted himself in his design of 
 raising the progeny of the Reformer to the throne of Scotland, 
 if we may believe another popish writer. " For as the common 
 and constant brute of the people reported, as writeth Regin- 
 aldus [a most competent witness !] and others, it chanced not 
 long after the marriage, that she [Knox's wife] lying in her 
 bed, and perceiving a blak, uglie, il favoiu-ed man busily talk- 
 ing with him in the same chamber, was sodainely amazed, 
 that she took scikncss and dyed" [nor does the author want 
 honourable witnesses to support tliis fact, for he immediately 
 adds] : " as she revealed to two of her friends, being ladyes, 
 come thither to visite her a little before her decease." Father 
 A. Baillie's True Information, ut supra, p. 41. It is unfor- 
 tunate, however, for the credit of this " True Information," that 
 the Reformer's wife not only lived to bear him several children, 
 but survived him many years. James owed the safety of his 
 crown to another cause. See page 138. 
 
 NoteLVI. page 112. 
 
 Of Christopher Goodman. — From the intimate and long 
 friendship which subsisted between him and our Reformer, 
 this divine deserves more particular notice in this work. He 
 had been a fellow student witli Cranmer at Cambridge, and 
 
NOTES. 
 
 179 
 
 was one of those learned men who, about 1523, were chosen 
 from that university to be removed to the new college erected 
 by Cardinal Wolsey at Oxford. He was soon after thrown 
 into prison for heresy. During the reign of Edward VI. he 
 read lectures on Divinity in Oxford. Strype's Cranmer, p. 3. 
 Strype's Annals, i. 124. At the accession of Queen Mary, 
 he retired first to Strasburgh, and afterwards to Frankfort. 
 When he was at Strasburgh, he joined in a common letter, 
 advising the exiles of Frankfort to alter as little as possible in 
 the English service ; but he became afterwards so convinced 
 of the propriety of alterations, and was so much offended at 
 the conduct of the Coxian party, that he removed from Frank- 
 fort to Geneva, along with those who were of the same senti- 
 ments with him, and was chosen by them joint minister with 
 Knox. Troubles at Franckford, p. 22, 23, 54, 55, 59. 
 
 In 1558, he published the book which afterwards created him 
 a great deal of trouble. Its title is: " How superior powers oght 
 to be obeyd : of their subjects and wherin they may lawfully 
 by God's worde be disobeyed and resisted. Wherin also is 
 declared the cause of all this present miserie in England, and 
 the onely way to remedy the same. By Christopher Good- 
 man. Printed at Geneva by John Crispin, MDLVIII." In 
 this book he subscribed to the opinion respecting female gov- 
 ernment, which his colleague had published a few months be- 
 fore. He maintained that the power of kings and magistrates 
 was hmited, and that they might lawfully he resisted, deposed, 
 and punished by their subjects, if they became tyrannical and 
 wicked. These principles he applied particularly to the govern- 
 ment of the English Mary. A copy of verses by William 
 Kethe (who translated some of the Psalms into English' 
 metre) is added to the work, of which the following is a 
 specimen. 
 
 Whom fury long fostered by suffrance and awe. 
 Have right rule subverted, and made will their law. 
 Whose pride how to temper, this truth will thee tell : 
 So as thou resist may'st, and yet not rebel. 
 
 Goodman came to England in 1559, but he found queen 
 Elizabeth so much displeased at his publication, that he kept 
 himself private. Burnet, iii. Append. 274. On this account, 
 and in compliance with the urgent request of our Reformer, 
 he came to Scotland. When the lords of the congregation 
 chose him one of the council for matters of religion, the earl 
 of Arran endeavoured to appease the resentment which the 
 English queen still entertained against him. Sadler, i. 510, 
 611, 532. In 1562, tlie Earl of Warwick repeatedly inter- 
 ceded for him, and for his being recalled from Scotland : " of 
 whom (says he) I have heard suche good commendation both 
 of the lord James of Scotland and others, that it seemeth great 
 pitie, that our countrye suld want so worthie and learned an 
 instrument" Forbes's State Papers, ii. 235. Calvin urged 
 Goodman not to leave Scotland until the Reformation was 
 completely established. Epistola, p. 566. Hannovim, 1597. 
 When he did return to liis native country in 1565, it was 
 with some difficulty that he was received into favour, notwith- 
 standing the friends he had at court. He was obliged to make 
 a recantation of the offensive doctrines in his publication. He 
 protested and confessed that " good and godly women may 
 lawfully govern whole realms and nations ;" but he qualified 
 and explained, rather than recanted, what he had taught res- 
 pecting the punishment of tyrants. Strype has inserted the 
 document, in his Annals, i. 126 ; but he has certainly placed it 
 under the wrong year. Collier calls it " a lame recantation." 
 Eccl. Hist ii. 440. In 1571 Goodman subscribed, in the 
 presence of the queen's ecclesiastical commissioners, a more 
 ample protestation of his obedience to Elizabeth. Strype's 
 Annals, ii. 95, 96. He was also harassed on account of his 
 non-confonnity to the English ceremonies. Life of Grindal, 
 170. Life of Parker, 325, 326. Knox corresponded with 
 him after he left Scotland, and Calderwood has preserved a 
 letter which he wrote to him in 1571, iia which he alludes to 
 the troubles which he understood his friend was exposed to. 
 MS. ii. 270. Goodman accompanied Sir Henry Sidney to 
 Ireland when he was sent to subdue the popish rebels in that 
 country. Troubles in Franckford, p. 196. He was alive in 
 1580, and resided in Chester, from which he sent his saluta- 
 tions to Buchanan. Buchanan! Epistola;, 30, 31. Open edit. 
 Rud. And he died at Chester in 1601. See verses to his 
 memory in Supplement. Goodman's book was quoted, but for 
 very different purposes, by Bancroft, (Dangerous Positions, 
 B. ii. chap, i.) and by Milton, (Tenure of Magistrates, in his 
 Prose Works by Symmoiis, vol. iii. p. 196.) 
 
 Goodman was not the only person belonging to the English 
 church who published free sentiments respecting civil govern- 
 ment. About the same time with his book, there appeared 
 another on the same subject, entitled, " A Short Treatise of 
 Politique Pouuer, and of the true Obedience which Subjectes 
 owe to Kynges." Its author was Dr. John Ponet, bishop, 
 first of Rochester, and afterwards of Winchester, under Ed- 
 ward VI. Ames, iii. 1594. He discusses the questions res- 
 pecting the origin of political authority, its absolute or limited 
 nature, the limits of obedience, and the deposition and punish- 
 ment of tyrants. " This book (says Strype) was not over 
 favourable to princes. Their rigors and persecutions, and the 
 arbitrary proceedings witli their peaceable subjects in those 
 times, put them upon examining the extent of their power, 
 which some were willing to curtail and straiten as much as 
 they could. — This book was printed again in the year 1642, 
 to serve the turn of those times." Memorials of the Reforma- 
 tion, iii. 328, 329. Collier (who was a keen Tory) calls it 
 "a most pestilent discourse." He wished to believe that 
 bishop Ponet was not the author, but it is evident from what 
 he says, that he could see no reason for departing from the 
 common opinion. History, ii. 363. Ponet was a superior 
 scholar. He read the Greek lecture in the University of Cam- 
 bridge about 1535, and was among tlie first who adopted the 
 new method of pronouncing that language introduced by Sir 
 Thomas Smith. He wrote several books on mathematics and 
 other subjects, which were greatly esteemed. Strype's Life of 
 Sir Thomas Smith, p. 26, 27. Ames, Typ. Antiq. i. 599. ii. 
 753, 1146. iii. 1587. 
 
 NoteLVn. p. 116. 
 
 The proceedings of the committee appointed to prepare 
 overtures to the parliament, Dec. 1567, are to be found in 
 Robertson's Records of the Parliament of Scotland. Almost 
 the only ecclesiastical propositions of the committee which 
 were not adopted by the parliament were such as respected the 
 patrimony of tlie church. I shall extract one or two respect- 
 ing the commonwealth which did not obtain a parliamentary 
 sanction. " Als it is thocht expedient that in na tymes cum- 
 ing ony women salbe admittit to the publict autoritic of the 
 realme, or function in publict government within ye same." 
 On the margin, opposite to this, is written, " Fund gude ;" 
 which is expressive, as I understand it of the committee's ap- 
 probation of the motion. Ut supra, p. 795. As Knox, at a 
 period subsequent to tliis, declared from the pulpit that he had 
 never " entreated that argument in publict or in prevat" since 
 his last arrival in Scotland, (Bannatyne's Journal, p. 117.) it 
 appears that this motion had been made by some other mem- 
 ber of the committee. The late misconduct of queen Mary 
 must have had a great effect in inclining them to give this ad- 
 vice. The 23d article does great honour to the enlightened 
 views of the movers. It proposes that all hereditary jurisdic- 
 tions throughout the kingdom should be abolished. On the 
 margin is written, " Apprevit," and farther down, " Super- 
 cedis." Ibid. A long time elapsed before this measure, so 
 necessary to the wise administration of justice, was adopted 
 in Scotland. The following was a proposed sumptuary law ; 
 " Item, that it be lauchfull to na wemen to weir abone yair 
 estait except howris." On the margin of this is written: 
 " This act is verray gude." lit supra, p. 798. 
 
 The ministers appointed on this committee were "Mi.ister 
 Johne Spottiswood, Maister Johne Craig, Johne Knox, Mais- 
 ter Johne Row, and Maister David Lindesay.'' It will be 
 observed that our Reformer is the only one who has not 
 " Maister" prefixed to his name. This title was expressive of 
 some academical degree. It was commonly given in that age 
 to Doctors of Law, and in their subscriptions they pu; the 
 letter M. or the word " Maister," before their names. 
 
 Note LVIIL p. 119, 
 
 Remarks on Dr. Robertson^s cliarader of the Regent 
 Murray. — I am not moved with the unfavourable representa- 
 tions which the partizans of Mary have given of Murray, nor 
 am I surprized at the cold manner in which Mr. Hume has 
 spoken of him ; but I confess that it pains me to tliink of the 
 manner in which Dr. Robertson has drawn his character. The 
 faint praise which he has bestowed on him, the doubt which 
 he has thrown over his moral qualities, and the unqualified 
 censures which he has pronounced upon some parts of his 
 conduct, have, I am afraid, done more injury to the regent's 
 
180 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 memory, than the exaggerated accounts of his adversaries. 
 History of Scotland, vol. ii. 315, 316. T,ond. 1809. Having 
 said this much, it will be expected that T shall be more parti- 
 cular. In addition to those qualities v^^hich " even his ene- 
 mies allow him to have possessed in an eminent degree," Dr. 
 R. mentions his humanity, his distinguished patronage of 
 learning, and impartial administration of justice. " Zealous 
 for religion (he adds) to a degree which distinguished him 
 even at a time when professions of that kind were not un- 
 common." This is what every writer must have allowed, but 
 it certainly is far from doing justice to this part of the regent's 
 character. His professions of religion were uniformly sup- 
 ported, in all the different situations in which he was placed ; 
 his strict regard to divine institutions was accompanied with 
 the most corrgct and exemplary morals ; his religious principle 
 triumphed over a temptation which proved too powerful for 
 almost all the protestant nobility. (Sec above, p. 1G9.) When 
 there exist such proofs of sincerity, to withhold the tribute due 
 to it is injurious not only to the individual, but to the general 
 interests of religion. After bearing a decided tcstimon}- to the 
 " disinterested passion for the liberty of his country" which 
 prompted Murray to oppose the pernicious system of the 
 princes of Lorrain, and the "zeal and affection" with Tvhich 
 he served ]\Iary on her return into Scotland, the historian 
 adds : " But, on the other hand, his ambition was immoderate ; 
 and events hapjxjned that opened to him vast projects, which 
 allured his enterprizing genius, and led him to actions incon- 
 sistent with the duty of a subject." That his ambition was 
 " immoderate" does not, I think, appear from any evidence 
 which has been produced. Dr. R. has defended him from the 
 charge as brought against him at an earher period of his life, 
 and we have met with facts that serve to corroborate the de- 
 fence. (See page 165.) The " vast projects" that opened to 
 him must be limited to the attainment of the regency ; for I 
 do not think that Dr. R. ever for a moment gave credit to the 
 ridiculous tale, that he designed to set aside the young king,- 
 and seat himself upon the tlirone. His acceptance of the 
 regency cannot be pronounced " iuconsistent with the duty of 
 a subject," without determining the question. Whether the 
 nation was warranted, by the misconduct and crimes of Mary, 
 to remove her from the government, and to crown her son. 
 " Her boldest advocates (says Mr. Laing) will not venture to 
 assert, that, on the supposition of the fact being fully proved, 
 that she was notoriously guilty of her husband's murder, she 
 was entitled to be restored." History of Scotland, i. 137. 
 second edition. Murray was fully satisfied of her guilt before 
 he accepted the regency. Never was any person raised to 
 such a high station with less evidence of his having ambitious- 
 ly courted the prefennent. Instead of remaining in the 
 country to turn the embroiled state of affairs to his personal 
 advantage, he, within two months after the murder of the 
 king, left Scotland, not clandestinely, but after having asked 
 and obtained leave. And whither did he retire ? Not into 
 England, to concert measures with that court, or the more 
 easily to carry on a correspondence with the friends whom 
 he had left behind him ; but into France, where his motions 
 could be watched by the friends of Mary. Ibid. p. 59 — 61. 
 The association for revenging the king's murder, and for pre- 
 serving the young prince, the surrender of Mary, and her im- 
 prisonment at Lochleun, followed so unexpectedly and rapid- 
 ly, that they could not proceed from his direction. Nay, there 
 is positive evidence that tlie Lords who had imprisoned Mary, 
 so far from having acted in concert with Murray, were sus- 
 picious that he would counteract their designs " As yet theys 
 Lordes wyll not suffer Mr. Nycholas Elveston, sent from the 
 L. of Murrey, to have access to the Quene, nor to send my L. 
 of Murrey's letter unto her." Throkmorton's Letters to 
 Cecil, and to Elizabeth, 16th July, 1567, api;d Laing's His- 
 tory of Scotland, ii. Append. No. 13. p. 121, 126. 2nd edition. 
 When he returned to Scotland, he found thai the queen had 
 executed formal deeds resigning the' government, and appoint- 
 ing him regent during the minority of her son, and that the 
 young prince was already crowned. Hume, vol. v. Note K. 
 
 " His treatment of the queen, to whose bounty he was so 
 much ind(!l)ted, was unbrotherly and ungrateful." To the 
 charge of ingratitude, I can only reply, by repeating what I 
 have said in the text, that all the honours which she conferred 
 on him were not too great a reward for the imiKjrtant services 
 which he had rendered to her. How many persons have been 
 celebrat<>d for sacrificing parental as well as brotherly affection 
 to the public good ! The probable reasons for Murray's inter- 
 riew with the queen in Lochlcvinhavc been stated by Mr. Laing. 
 
 I History, i. 119 — 121. Were I to speak of what was incumbent 
 i on him as aChrisiian brother with the view of bringing her to a 
 j just sense of the iniquity of her conduct, I would use hmgiiage 
 which, I am afraid, would not Ix; understood by many readers, 
 and which many professetl Christians seem to forget, when 
 ! they talk on this subject Any exertions which were necessary 
 j to save his sister's life were not wanting on the part of Mur- 
 j ray. To restore her to the government, or even, as matters 
 I then stood, to restore her to liberty, he was not bound by any 
 I ties either of a public or private kind. Had he amused her 
 with the hopes of this, he might have escaped the charge of 
 harshness, but his conduct would have been more unbrotherly. 
 " But he deceived and betrayed Norfolk with a baseness 
 unworthy of a man of honour." To this harsh censure I 
 may oppose the opinion of Mr. Hume, who will not be sus- 
 pected of partiality to the regent. " Particularly (says he, in 
 a letter to Dr. Robertson, written after the pubhcation of his 
 History of Scotland) I could almost undertake to convince 
 you that the Earl of Murray's conduct with the duke of Nor- 
 follv was 710 way dishonourable." Stewart's Life of Rolx^rtson, 
 apud History, ut supra, i. 158. See also "Part of a Letter 
 from the Earl of Murray to L. B." inserted in vol. ii. Append. 
 No. xxxiii. 
 
 " His elevation to such unexpected dignity [the reader will 
 observe that it was unexpected] inspired him with new pas- 
 sions, with haughtiness and reserve ; and instead of his natu- 
 ral manner, which was blunt and open, he aifected the arts of 
 dissimulation and refinement. Fond, towards the end of his 
 life, of flattery, and impatient of advice, his creatures, by 
 soothing his vanity, led him astray, wliile his ancient friends 
 stood at a distance, and predicted his approaching fall." Cer- 
 tainly the facts stated by Dr. R. in the preceding part of his 
 narrative, do not prepare the tnind of his reader for these 
 charges. The se veri ty of the regent's virtues had, bideed, 
 been mentioned, afffit had been asserted that his deportment 
 had become distant and haughty. The authority of Sir James 
 Melvil was referred to in su])port of this statement ; and I am 
 satisfied that it was upon Ids testimony chiefly that the histo- 
 rian proceeded, when he gave the above account of Murray's 
 conduct during the latter part of his life. I submit to the 
 reader the following remarks on the degree of credit which is 
 due to the authority of Melvil. 
 
 In the Jirst place, there is every reason to think, either that 
 Melvil's Memoirs have been unfaithfully published by the 
 editor, or that the author acted unfaithfully, in the narrative 
 which he has given of affairs from the queen's marriage with 
 Bothwell to the death of the Earl of MuiTay. I shall not 
 take upon me to determine which of these is the most probable 
 supposition, but am of opinion that cither the one or the other 
 must be admitted. The charge which was brought against 
 queen Mary of participation in the murder of her husband, 
 with all the proofs produced in support of it, is suppressed, 
 and studiously kept out of view, in the Memoirs. I'herc is 
 not one word in them respecting the celebrated letters to Both- 
 well, although they formed the grand vindication of the regent 
 and his friends. — ^The same inference must be drawn from the 
 ridiculous account given of the appearance made by the regent 
 before the commissioners at York, when he presented the 
 nameless accusation against Mary (Memoirs, 96, 97. Lond. 
 1683); an account which is completely discredited by the 
 journals of both parties, and which neither Hume nor Robert- 
 son thought wordiy of the slightest regard. It is observable, 
 that Melvil could not be ignorant of tlie real transtxction, as he 
 was present at York ; and that the design of this, as well as of 
 the subsequent part of his narrative, is to represent the Regent 
 as weakly suffering himself to be duped and misled, by de- 
 signing and violent counsellors. Mr. Laing has adverted to 
 both of these things as discreditable to tlie Memoirs. History, 
 ut supra, i. 1 18. — I shall produce only one otlier instance of 
 the same kind. Speaking of the Queen's marriage with 
 Bothwell, Melvil says : " I cannot tell how nor by w/tut law 
 he parted with his own wife, sister to the earl of Huntly." 
 Mem. 80. Is it credible, that one who was in the midst of 
 the scene, and acquiiintcd even with the secrets of state at that 
 time, could be ignorant of that which was proclaimed to all 
 the world ? If it should be alleged that Melvil, wriring in his 
 old age, might have forgotten this glaring fact, (the excuse 
 commonly made for his inaccuracies) I am afraid that the 
 apology will detract as much from the crcxlibility of his Me- 
 moirs as the charge which it is brought to repel. 
 
 2. In estimating the degree of regard duo to the censures 
 which Melvil h:is passed on the Regent's conduct, we must 
 
NOTES. 
 
 181 
 
 keep in view the political course which he himself steered. 
 Sir James appears to have been a man of amiable dispositions, 
 whose mind was cultivated by the study of letters ; but tliose 
 who have carefully read his Memoirs must, I think, be con- 
 vinced that his penetration was not great, and that his politics 
 were undecided, temporizing, and inconsistent. He was al- 
 ways at court, and always tampering with those who were out 
 of court. We find him exposing liimself to danger by dis- 
 suading his mistress from marrying BothwcU, and yet coun- 
 tenancing the marriage by his presence ; acting as an agent 
 for those who imprisoned tlic Queen, and yet intriguing with 
 those who wished to set her at liberty ; carrying a common 
 message from the king's lords to the Earl of Murray upon his 
 return out of France, and yet secretly conveying another 
 message tending to counteract the design of the former ; sup- 
 porting Murray in the regency, and yet trafficking with those 
 who wished to undermine lus authority. I do not call in 
 question the goodness of his intentions in all this ; I am will- 
 ing to beUeve that a desire for the peace of the country, or 
 attachment to the Queen, induced him to go between, and 
 labour to reconcile, the contending parties ; but when parties 
 are discordant, when their interests, or the objects at which 
 they shoot, are diametrically opposite, to persevere in such at- 
 tempts is preposterous, and cannot fail to foster and increase 
 confusions. Who believes that the Hamiltons were disposed 
 to join with the king's party "? or that the latter, when un- 
 assured of the assistance of England, were averse to a junc- 
 tion with theml Yet Melvil asserts both of these things. 
 Mem. 85, 86, 90. Who thinks that there was the smallest 
 feasibility in what he proposed to the Regent as " a present re- 
 medy for his preservation ]" or believes that Maitland would 
 have consented to go into France, and ICircaldy to deliver up 
 the castle of Edinburgh 1 The Regent hoard hun patiently, 
 he respected the goodness of the man ; but he saw that he 
 was the dupe of Maitland's artifices, and he followed his own 
 superior judgment. For rejecting such advices as this (and 
 not the religious proverbs, and political aphorisms, wliich he 
 quoted to him from Solomon, Augustine, Isocrates, Plutarch, 
 and Theopompus) has Melvil charged him vsdth refusing the 
 counsel of his oldest and wisest friends. Mem. 102 — 104. 
 
 3. What were the errors committed by the Regent which 
 precipitated his fall 1 There are two referred to by Melvil ; 
 the imprisonment of the Duke and Lord Herries, and the ac- 
 cusation of Maitland and Balfour. Mem. 100, 101. In vin- 
 dication of the former step, I have only to appeal to the nar- 
 rative which Dr. Robertson has given of that affair. Vol. ii. 
 266 — 299. With respect to the latter. Sir James Balfour was 
 " the most corrupt man of that age," (Ibid. p. 367.) and Mait- 
 land was at that time deeply engaged in intrigues against the 
 Regent. Ibid. p. 307. There is not a doubt that both of them 
 were accfessory to the murder of Damly, (Laing, i. 28, 135. 
 ii. 22.) ; drey were arrested and accused at this time at the in- 
 stance of Lennox, and in consequence of the recent confession 
 of one of Bothwell's servants ; and Maitland was preserved 
 by the Queen's friends assembling in arms for his rescue, 
 which compelled the Regent to adjourn his trial. Ibid. ii. 37. 
 Appendk, No. 28. p. 298—9. 
 
 4. Who were the unworthy favourites by whose flattery, 
 and evil counsel, the Regent was led astray 1 Dr. Robertson 
 mentions " Captain Crawford, one of his creatures.^^ This is 
 the same person whom he afterwards calls " Captain Crawford 
 of JorJanhill, a gallant and enterprising officer," who distin- 
 guished himself so much by the surprize of the castle of Dun- 
 barton. History, ii. 307, 331. comp. Lamg, ii. 297, 298. and 
 Douglas's Baronage of Scotland, 429. Morton, Lindsay, 
 Wiahart of Pittarow, Macgill of Rankeiller, Pitcaim abbot of 
 Dunfermline, Balnaves of Hallhill, and Wood of Tilliedavy, 
 were among the Regent's counsellors. 
 
 5. Who were his old friends who lost his favour 1 The)-^ 
 could be no other than Balfour, Maitland, Kircaldy, and Mel- 
 vil himself. Of the two former I need not say a word. Kir- 
 caldy of Grange was a brave man, and had long been the inti- 
 mate friend of the Regent ; but he was already corrupted by 
 Maitland, and had secretly entered into his schemes for restor- 
 ing the Queen. Robertson, ii. 307. Of Melvil I have already 
 spoken ; nay, he himself testifies that the Regent continued to 
 the last to Usten to his good advices. " The most part of these 
 sentences (says he) drawm out of the Bible, I used to rehearse 
 to him at several occasions, and he t(X)k better with these at my 
 hands, who he knew luid iw by-end, than if they had pro- 
 ceeded from the most learned philosopher. Therefore at his 
 desire I promised tt pu\ them m writing, to give him them to 1 
 
 keep in his pocket ; but he was slain before I could meet with 
 him." Mem. 104. How this is to be reconciled with other 
 assertions in the Memoirs I leave others to determine. It re- 
 quired no great sagacity in the ancient friends of the Regent 
 to " predict his approaching fall," when repeated attempts had 
 already been made to assassinate him, and when some of them 
 were privy to the conspiracy tlren formed against his life ; and 
 it says little for their ancient friendship, that they " stood at a 
 distance," and allowed it to be carried into execution. 
 
 There are three honourable testimonies to the excellence of 
 the Regent's character which must have weight with all can- 
 did persons. The first is that of the great historian Thuanus. 
 He not only examined the histories which both parties had 
 published of the transactions in Scotland wliich made so much 
 noise through Europe, but he carefully conversed with the 
 most intelligent and candid Scotsmen, papists and protestants, 
 whom he had the opportunity of seeing in France. When 
 iliis part of his history was in the press, he applied to his friend 
 Cambden for advice, acquainting him that he was greatly em- 
 barrassed, and apprehensive of displeasing king James, who, 
 he understood, was incensed against Buchanan's History. " I 
 do not wish (says he) to incur the charge of imprudence or 
 malignity from a certain personage who has honoured me with 
 his letters, and encouraged me to publish the rest of my histo- 
 ry with the same candour, and regard for truth." Cambden, 
 in reply, exhorted him to study m.oderation, and told him the 
 story which he had received from his master, imputing tlie 
 disturbance in Scotland chiefly to the amlition of Murray. 
 Durand, Historic du XVI. Siecle, torn. vii. contenant la Vie 
 de Monsieur De Thou, p. 226 — 231. But notwithstanding 
 the respect which he entertained for Cambden, and the desire 
 which he felt to please James, Thuanus found himself obliged, 
 by a sacred regard to truth, to reject the above imputation, and 
 to adopt in the main the narrative of Buchanan. I shall mere- 
 ly quote, from his answer to Cambden, the character which 
 he draws of Murray. Having mentioned the accusation brought 
 against him, of ambitiously and wickedly aiming at the crown, 
 he says : " This is constantly denied by all the credible Scots- 
 men with whom I have had opportunity to converse, not even 
 excepting tlwse who otherwise were greid eiumies to Murray 
 on a religious account ; for they afiirm, that, religion apart, 
 
 HE WAS A MAX WITHOUT AMBITIOX, WITHOUT AVARICE, IN- 
 CAPABLE OF DOIXO AN INJURY TO ANT ONE, DISTINGUISHED 
 BT HIS VIRTUE, AFFABII.1TT, BENEFICENCE, AND INNOCENCE 
 
 OF LIFE ; and that, had it not been for him, those who tear his 
 memory since his death would never have attained that au- 
 thority which they now enjoy." — " Res ipsa loquitur : neim 
 demus, quod ab diversa tradentibus jactatur, Mora\ium ambi- 
 tione ardentem scelerate regnum appetiissc, quod tamen con- 
 stanter ncgant omnes fide digni Scoti, quoscunque mihi allo- 
 qui contigit, etiam ii quibus alioqui Moravius ob religionia 
 causam summe invisus erat ; nam virum fuisse diebant, extra 
 religionis causam, ab omni ambitione, avaritia, et in quenquam 
 injuria alienum, virtute, comitate, beneficentia, vitae innocentia, 
 prsestantem ; et qui nisi fuisset, eos, qui tantopere mortuum 
 exagitant, hodie minime rerum potiturus fuisse." Epistolse de 
 Nova Thuani Histor. Editione paranda, p. 40. in Tom. i. 
 Thuani Histor. et Tom. vii. cap. v. p. 5. Buckley, 1733. 
 
 A second testimony of a very strong kind in favour of the 
 Regent is that of archbishop Spottiswood. He must have 
 conversed with many who were personally acquainted with 
 Murray ; he knew the unfavourable sentiments which James 
 entertained respecting him, which had been pubUshed in 
 Cambden's Annals, and he had long enjoyed the favour of 
 that monarch ; yet, in his history, he has drawn the character 
 of the Regent in as flattering colours as Buchanan himself 
 has done. The last testimony to which I shall appeal is the 
 Vox Populi, strongly expressed by the title of The Good Re- 
 gent, which it imposed on him, £ind by which his memory was 
 handed down to posterity. Had he, elated by prosperity, be- 
 come haughty and reserved, or, intoxicated with flattery, yield- 
 ed himself up to unprincipled and avaricious favourites, the 
 people must soon have felt the effects of the change, and would 
 never have cherished his name with such enthusiastic grati- 
 tude and unmingled admiration. 
 
 Note LIX. p. 120. 
 
 Inscription to the Regenfs memory. — The Regent's monu- 
 ment is yet entire and m good order. It stands in that part 
 of St. Giles now called the Old Church, (the former aisle 
 having been taken into the body of the church when it was 
 
182 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 lately fitted up,) at the back of the pulpit, on the east side. 
 At the top is the figure of an eagle, and below it " 1570," the 
 date of the erection of the monument In the middle is a 
 brass plate, on which the following ornaments and inscriptions 
 are engraved : The family arms, with the motto " Salus per 
 Christum" (Salvation through Christ) : On one side of the 
 arms, a female figure with a cross and Bible, the word " Eeligio" 
 above, and below " Pietas sine vindice luget" (Piety mourns 
 without a defender) ; on the other side, another female figure, 
 in a mourning posture, with the head reclining on the hand, 
 the word " Justitia " above, and below " Jus exarmatum est " 
 (Justice is disarmed.) Underneath is the following inscrip- 
 tion or epitaph : 
 
 23 Januarh 1569. 
 
 jacobo . stovarto . moravle . cgmtti . scotts; . 
 proregi . vmo . ^tatis . sv^ . longe . oftimo . 
 
 AB . INIMICIS . OMNIS . MEMORLffi . DETERRIMIS . 
 EX.INSIDIIS.EXTINCTO.CEV.PATRI. 
 COMMVNI.PATRIA .MOERENS.POSVIT. 
 
 To James Stuart, Earl of Murray, Resent of Scotland, 
 by far the best man of his age, treacherously cut off by ene- 
 mies of most detestable memory, his grieving country hath 
 erected this monumait, as to a common father. 
 
 The verses in which Buchanan celebrated the Regent are 
 accessible to every scholar. The following lines are less known. 
 
 Jacobus Stuabtus. 
 
 Moraviae Comes, Prorex pro Jacobo vi. rem Scoticam felici- 
 ter gessit, purse Religionis assertor acerrimus. Ab aemulis 
 Limnuchi ex insidiis glande trajectus, magno omnium deside- 
 lio moretur ad d. xxiii. Januarii, Anno Christi 1570. 
 
 Ter tua dicturus cum dicere singula conor, 
 
 Ter numeri, et numeros destituere soni. 
 Nobilitas, animus, probitas, sapientia, virtus. 
 
 Consilium, imperium, pectora sancta, fides, 
 Cuncta mihi simul htec instant certamine magno : 
 
 Ut sibi, sic certant viribus ista meis, 
 Ipsi adeo Aonides cum vellent dicere, cedunt 
 
 Sponte sua numeris, haec, Buchanane, tuis. 
 
 Johannis Jonstoni Heroes, p. 31, 32. 
 Lugdimi Batavorum, 1603. 
 
 Knox, among others, warned the Regent of the designs 
 which his enemies had formed against his life. " When the 
 Mr. of Grahame (says Bannatyne) come and drew him to 
 Dumbartane, he [Knox] plainlie said to the Regent then, that 
 it was onlie done for a trane be that meanis to cut him off, as 
 it came to pas ; also when he was in Stirveling, being return- 
 ed from Dumbartane, he sent me to my ladie the regentis wyfe, 
 tuo sundrie tymes, and desyrit her to signifie my lord her hus- 
 band, that he suld not come to Lynlythgow. So that gif his 
 counsall had bene followed, he had not died at that tyme. And 
 my ladie the last tyme sent Mr. Jhone Wood, to desyre him to 
 avoid Lynlythgow. But God thought vs not worthy of sic a 
 rewlare above vs, and also he wald thereby have the wdckitnes 
 of vtheris knawin, whilk then was hid ; and therefore did God 
 then tak him fra us. But lat the Hamiltonis, the lard of 
 Grange, with the rest of that factione, lay thair compt and 
 recken thair advantage and wining since," Bannatyne's Jour- 
 nal, p. 428, 429. The intrepidity of Murray prompted him 
 to despise these prudential admonitions, and defeated the pre- 
 caution of his friends. 
 
 Mr. Scot has, by a poetical license, introduced the Reformer 
 as present at Linlithgow, to grace the Regent's fall. 
 
 From the wild border's humbled side, 
 In haughty triumph marched he, 
 While Knox relaxed his bigot pride, 
 And smil'd the traitorous pomp to see. 
 Ballads and Lyrical Pieces, p. 52. 
 
 Note LX. p. 125. 
 
 Particulars respecting Ktiox's residence at St. Andrews. — 
 The following particulars are extracted from the MS. Diary of 
 Mr. James Melville. " Ther wer twa in St. Androis wha war 
 his aydant heirars, and wrait his sermons, an my condiscipule, 
 Mr. Andro V oung, minister of Dumblane, who translated sum 
 
 Edin. 1810. 
 
 of them into Latin, and read thame in the hall of the collage 
 insteid of his orations." The other was a servant of Mr. 
 Robert Hamilton, but with what view he took notes Melville 
 could not say. Diary, p. 28. — " Mr. Knox wald sum tymes 
 cum in, and repast him in our collage yeard, and call ws schol- 
 lars unto him and blis ws, and exhort ws to knaw God, and 
 his wark in our countrey, and stand be the guid cans, to use 
 our tyme weill, and learn the guid instructiones and follow the 
 guid example of our maisters. Our haill coUag [St. Leonard's] 
 maisters and schollars war sound and zelus for the guid cans, 
 the uther twa collages not sa." p. 23. " This yeir in the 
 moneth of July, Mr. Jhone Davidsone, an of our regents, maid 
 a pley at the marriage of Mr. Jhone Colvin, quhilk I sawplayit 
 in Mr. Knox presence, wharin, according to Mr, Knox doc- 
 trine, the castle of Edinburgh was besieged, takin, and the 
 captin, with ane or twa with him, hangit in effigie," p. 24. 
 This seems to have been an exercise among the students at the 
 university. The following extract shews that the fine arts 
 were not then imcultivated, and that the professors and stu- 
 dents attended to them in their recreations. " I lemit singing 
 and pleying on instrumentis passing weill, and wald gladlie 
 spend tyme, whar the exercise thairof was within the collag ; 
 for twa or thrie of our condisciples pleyed fellin weill on the 
 virginals, and another on the lut and githom. Our regent had 
 also the pinalds in his chalmer, and lernit sum thing, and I ef- 
 ter him." Melville adds, that his fondness for music was, at 
 one period, in danger of drawing away his attention from 
 more important studies, but that he overcame the temptation, 
 p. 25. 
 
 I may add an extract from the same Diary, relating an inci- 
 dent in the life of one who entertained a high respect for Knox, 
 and afterwards became a distinguished minister in the church. 
 " The ordor of four kirks to a minister, then maid be the erle 
 of Morton, now maid regent, against the quilk Mr. Jhone Da- 
 vidsone, an of the regents of our collag, maid a bulk called 
 The Confere7ice betwix the Clark and the Courtier ,- for the 
 quhilk he was summoned befor the Justice Air at Haddington 
 this winter [1573] the lest of our course, and banished the 
 countrey," p. 24. The General Assembly, in October 1577, 
 presented a supplication to the regent Morton, requesting him 
 to allow Mr. Davidson to return home from England. Bulk 
 of the Universall Kirk, p. 70. 
 
 Note LXI. p. 131. 
 
 Verses to the memory of Knox. — Beza has inserted no ver- 
 ses to the memory of our Reformer, in his Icones, id est, Verse 
 Imagines Vinrrum Doctrina simul et Pictate Illustrium, 
 published by hifc »;: Latin, Anno 1580. E e, iij. But " of 
 this work, a French \>?«ion was published under the title of 
 Les Vrais Pourtraits de^ * t???i;»'« Illustres en Piete et Doc- 
 trine. Geneve, 1581, Ato. \n this translation arc inserted 
 original verses on Knox," &c. Irving's Memoirs of Buchan- 
 an, p. 234. Having never seen this translation, I cannot say 
 whether the verses which it contains coincide with those which 
 I am about to quote, or not. 
 
 Jacobus Verheiden published " Prsestantium aliquot Theolo- 
 gorum, qui Romse Antichristum oppugnarant Efiigies, quibus 
 addita eorum Elogia, librorumque Catalogi. Hag. Comit. 1602. 
 A new edition of this was published by Fredericus Roth- 
 Scholtz, under the title Of " Jacobi Verheidenii Haga-Comitis 
 Imagines et Elogia, &c. Hagse-Comitum, A". 1725." In 
 this work the following hues are placed under the portrait of 
 Knox. 
 
 Scottorum primum te Ecclesia, Cnoxe, docentem, 
 Audiit, auspiciis estque redacta tuis. 
 Nam te cselestis pietas super omnia traxit, 
 Atque Reformatae Religionis amor. 
 
 To thee, Knox, the Scottish church listened a-s her first in- 
 structor, and under thy auspices was she restored. For celes- 
 tial piety, and love of the reformed religion, attracted thee 
 above all things. 
 
 To the account of his life and writings, in the same work, is 
 added an epigram in Greek and in Latin, which, according to 
 a common custom in such compositions, consists of a play up- 
 on the sound of his name, and that of his country, in the way 
 of contrast; representing Cnox as driving the noc/Mrna/' crows, 
 or scotican sophists from Scotiand. As the autiior informs us 
 that the Batavian youth amused themselves in making these 
 epigrams, and thinks that some of them will amuse the reader, 
 I shall not witlihold this specimen in botli languages. 
 
N OTE S. 
 
 183 
 
 I 
 
 0"uTa)( /uiv KN0H02 iTKortKvi Svcifi^ou; ti (Tocfio'Tac 
 Ev [Ex] SxaT/y srargi) tx-Q^Kt K-xfjimfAtiai. 
 
 Noctumos corvos, noctem obscuramque, volantes 
 
 Mures Aurora ut cetera (lira fugat : 
 Sic CjfoxA's Scoticos simul obscurosque Sophistas 
 Ex Scotica lucens ejicit hie patria. 
 
 Verheidenii Imagines et Elogia, p. 69, 70. 
 Hagse-Comitum, 1725. 
 
 Davidson's Poem, and Johnston's Verses, to the memoiy of 
 Knox, will be found in the Supplement. 
 
 Note LXII. p. 131. 
 
 Popish account of Knox's death. — The slanders propagated 
 by the popish writers against our Reformer's character have 
 been stated in Note XVIII. After the specimen there given, it 
 will not be expected that I shall dwell upon the equally extra- 
 vagant and incredible narratives which they circulated concern- 
 ing the manner of his death. I shall, however, translate the 
 substance of Archibald Hamilton's account, the original pic- 
 ture from which so many copies were afterwards taken. ' The 
 opening of his mouth (he says) was drawn out to such a 
 length of deformity, that his face resembled that of a dog, as 
 nis voice also did the barking of that animal. The voice fail- 
 ed from that tongue, which had been the cause of so much 
 mischief, and his death, most grateful to his country, soon fol- 
 lowed. In his last sickness, he was occcupied not so much in 
 meditating upon death, as in thinking upon civil and worldly 
 affairs. When a immber of his friends, who held him in the 
 greatest veneration, were assembled in his chamber, and anx- 
 ious to hear from him something tending to the confirmation 
 of his former doctrine, and to their comfort, he, perceiving that 
 his death approached, and that he could gain no more advan- 
 tage by the pretext of religion, disclosed to them the mysteries 
 of that Savoy an art (Sabaudicae discipUnse, magic,) which he 
 had hitherto kept secret ; confessed the injustice of that au- 
 thority which was then defended by arms against the exiled 
 Queen ; and declared many things concerning her return, and 
 the restoration of religion after his death. One of the compa- 
 ny who had taken the pen to record his dying sayings, think- 
 ing that he was in a deUrium, desisted from writing, upon 
 which Knox, with a stem countenance, and great asperity of 
 language, began to upbraid him. Thou good-for-nothhig 
 man ! why dost thou leave off writing what my presaging 
 mind foresees as about to happen in this kingdom ? Dost 
 thou, distrust me ? Dost thou not believe thai all which I say 
 shall most certainly happen ? But that I may attest to thee 
 and others how undoubted these things which I have just spo- 
 ken are. Go out all of you from me, and I will in a moment 
 confirm them all by a new and unheard of proof . They 
 withdrew at length, though reluctantly, leaving only the light- 
 ed candles in the chamber, and soon returned, expecting to 
 witness some prodigy: When they found the lights extin- 
 guished, and his dead body lying prostrate on the ground.' 
 Hamilton adds, that the spectators, after recovering from their 
 astonishment, replaced the dead body in the bed, and entered 
 into an agreement to conceal what they had witnessed ; but 
 God, unwilling that such a document should be unknown, dis- 
 closed it, " both by the amanuensis himself [Robertus Kambel 
 a Pinkincleugh,] soon after taken off by a similar death, and 
 by others who, although unwillingly, made clear confessions." 
 De Confusione Calvin. Sectse apud Scotos, fol. 66, 67. Those 
 who have not access to the work itself, will find the original 
 words extracted, although vsdth some slight inaccuracies, by 
 Mackenzie. Lives of Scottish writers, iii. 131, 132. "All 
 the rest of the Romish writers (says Mackenzie) insist upon 
 such like ridiculous stories that are altogether improbable." 
 Hamilton's fabrications gave occasion, however, to the publica- 
 tion of that minute and satisfactory narrative of the last illness 
 and death of Knox, dravm up by one who waited on him all 
 the time, and added by Principal Smeton to the answer which 
 he made to that virulent writer. See above p. 128. Yet the 
 popish waiters continued to retail Hamilton's story until a late 
 period. It was published by Knot in his Protestancy Con- 
 demned, Doway 1654; and in The Politician's Catechism, 
 printed at Antwerp, 1658. Permissu superiorum. Those 
 <yho wish to see the variations which it had undergone by that 
 time, and who have not met with these writings, may be satis- 
 fied by looking into Strype's Life of Archbishop Parker, p. 367. 
 
 " The miserable, horrible, detestable, and execrable deaths " 
 of Luther, Calvin, and other heretics of that time, are particu- 
 larly recorded by James Laing, in the work to which I have 
 repeatedly refeiTed. 
 
 Note LXm. p. 137. 
 
 Of Robert Pont, and the sentiments of the Reformers con- 
 cerning the distinction of civil and ecckmisiical authority. — 
 Mr. Matthew Crawfurd, in his Life of Knox, prefixed to the 
 edition of his Historie printed in 1732, thinks it improbable 
 that Mrs. Pont was a daughter of Knox by his second mar- 
 riage ; " for no doubt (says he) Mr. Pont was an old man, be- 
 fore any of that marriage could be of age." p. xlii. But if 
 ever Knox had any daughters by his first wife, they were not 
 alive when he composed the Prayer which he published along 
 with his Answer to Tyrie. The following is the clause in it 
 respecting his family ; " Let thy mercyfull providence luke up- 
 on my desolate bed fellow, the frute of hir bosome, and my 
 two deir children, Nathanael and Eleezer." From this it ap- 
 pears, that the two sons mentioned were the only children 
 which he had, besides those who were bom to him by his se- 
 cond -wife. At the end of the volume of MS. Letters, in my 
 possession, this prayer is inserted (but evidently by a different 
 hand) under the title of " The last will and Words of John 
 Knox, at St. Androis May 13, 1572." But in the preface to 
 the publication above mentioned, he himself says: "I have 
 added unto this preface a meditatioun or prayer thrawin furth 
 of my sorrowful heart, and pronounced be my half dead toung, 
 befoir I was compelled to leave my flocke of Edinburgh, who 
 now ar dispersed suffering lytill les calamitie tlien did the faith- 
 full efter the persecution of Stephen." After the prayer is this 
 date, "At Edinburgh the 12 of March 1565," i. e. 1566, ac- 
 cording to the modem reckoning ; from which it appears tliat 
 this prayer was composed by him when he left Echnburgh as 
 related in p. 114. 
 
 To return to Mr. Pont : although he was not a young man 
 when Knox's oldest daughter by the second marriage came of 
 age, there have been often instances of greater disparity of 
 years in matrimonial connections. The name of Pont often 
 occurs in the account of ecclesiastical transactions during the 
 remainder of the sixteenth century. The writer of Additional 
 Notes to Lord Hailes's Catalogue of the Lords of Sessio)i, 
 calls him by mistake, " the first prcsbyterian minister of the 
 West Kirk," p. 8. Edinburgh, 1798. William Hariaw pre 
 ceded him in that situation, (Keith 498.) and continued to 
 hold it in August 1571. See Letter to him from the Duke 
 and Huntly, in Bannatyne's Journal, 217. Pont was also 
 Commissioner of Munay, and Provost of Trinity College, 
 Edinburgh. Upon the death of the Earl of March, James VI 
 offered him the bishoprick of Caithness, but he dechned accept- 
 ing it. Keith's Scottish Bishops, 129. He was the author 
 of several publications, besides the Sermon " against Sacrilege," 
 repeatedly mentioned. 
 
 The time of his death, and his age, appear from the follow- 
 ing inscription on his tomb-stone, in St. Cuthbert's Church- 
 yard. Part of the inscription is now illegible, which I have 
 supplied from Maitland's History of Edinburgh, p. 178, 179 
 John Johnston, who was alive at the time, places his death, not 
 in 1608, but in 1600, in the Verses which he wrote to his 
 memory. MS. in Advocates' Library. 
 
 Xlle ego Robertus Pontanus, in hoc prope sacro 
 Christi qui fueram pastor gregis, auspice Christo, 
 ^ternse hie recubans expecto resurgere vitae. 
 
 Obiit octavo die mensis Maii, Anno D. 1608. uEtatis 81. 
 At the request of the Regent Mar, the assembly, or conven- 
 tion, which met at Leith in January 1571-2 allowed Mr. Ro- 
 bert Pont, on account of his great knowledge of the laws, to 
 act as a Lord of Session. Bulk of the Universall Kirk, p. 54. 
 But in March 1572-3, the Regent Morton having laid before 
 them a proposal for appointmg some ministers Lords of Ses- 
 sion, the Assembly " votit throughout tliat naine was able nor 
 apt to bear the saides twa charges." They therefore prohibi- 
 ted any rninister from accepting tlie place of a Senator ; from 
 this inhibition they, however, excepted Mr. Pont. Ibid. p. 5fi. 
 Pont resigned his place as a Lord of Session in 1584, in con- 
 sequence of the act of parliament passed that year, declaring 
 that none of the ministers of God''s word and sacraments — 
 " in time cuming sail in ony waies accept use or administrat 
 ony place of judicature, in quhatsumever civil or criminal 
 causes, nocht to be of the Colledge of justice, Comissioners, 
 
184 
 
 NOTES, 
 
 Advocates, court Clerkes or Notaris in cm' matcris (the mak- 
 ing of Testamentcs onely excepted)." Skene's Acts, fol. 59. b. 
 Edinburgh, 1597. Lord Hailes's Catalogue of the Lords of 
 Session, p. 5. and Note 34. It has ahvays been a principle 
 of ths presbyterian church of Scotland that the ministers of re- 
 ligion ought not to be distracted from the duties of their office 
 by holding 01%!! places. The first General Assembly, (Dec. 
 1560) resolved to petition the Estates, to " remove ministers 
 from ci\il offices according to the canon law." Buik of the 
 Universall Kirk, p. 2. 
 
 I may subjoin a few facts which establish the opinion of our 
 Reformers on the subject of the difference between civil and 
 ecclesiastical jurisdiction. In common with other reformed 
 churches, they allowed that civil nilers had a right to employ 
 their authoritj- for the reformation of religion within their do- 
 minions, espiecialiy when, as was universally the case under the 
 papacy, abuses and corruptions immediately affected the state 
 as well as the church, and were interwoven with the civil con- 
 stitution and administration ; they allowed them a power of 
 making laws for the support and advancement of religion ; and 
 they held that, where a reformed church existed, there might 
 be a co-operation between the civil and ecclesiastical authori- 
 ties about certain objects which came under the cognizance of 
 both, each of them acting within its own line, and with a view 
 to the ends of its institution. But on the other hand, they 
 held that civil and ecclesiastical authority were essentially dis- 
 tinct, and they refused that civil rulers had a supremacy over 
 the church as such, or a right to model her government and 
 worship, and to assume to themselves the internal management 
 of her affairs. 
 
 The Scottish reformers never ascribed or allowed to civil 
 rulers the same authority in esslesiastical matters which the 
 English did. In particular, they resisted from the beginning 
 the claim of ecclesiastical supremacy granted to the English 
 monarchs. On the 7th July 1568, "It was delatit and fund 
 that Thomas Bassinden, printer in Edinburgh, imprintit an 
 buik, intitulat The Fall of the Roman Kirk, naming our 
 King and Soverane Supreme Head of the primitive Kirk. — 
 The haill assemblie ordaint the said Thomas to call in agane 
 all the foirsaidis bulks yat he hes sauld, and keip the rest un- 
 sauld, until he alter the forsaid title. Attour, the assemblie 
 appoynit Mr. Alex. Arbuthnot to revise the rest of the forsaid 
 tractat and report to the kirk quhat doctrine he findis thairin." 
 Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 38, 39. The General Assem- 
 bly were frequently occupied in settling the bounds between 
 civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and in March 1570 arrang- 
 ed the objects wliich pertained to the latter imder six heads ; in- 
 cluding, among other things, the judgment of doctrine, admin- 
 istration of divine ordinances, the election, examination, ad- 
 mission, suspension, &x;. of ministers, and all cases of disci- 
 pline. The following is the concluding article : " And because 
 the conjunctioun of marriages pertaineth to the ministrie, the 
 causis of adherents and divorcements audit also to perteine to 
 thame, as naturallie annexit thairto." Buik of the Universall 
 Kirk, p. 51. Actes of the General Assemblies, prefixed to the 
 First and Second Booke of Discipline, printed in 1621, p. 
 3,4. 
 
 On occasion of some encroachments made on the liberties 
 of the church in 1571, John Erskine of Dim, superintendent 
 of Angus and Meams, addressed two letters to the regent Mar. 
 They are written in a clear, spirited, and forcible style, contain 
 an accurate stiUcment of the essential distinction between civil 
 and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and should be road by all who 
 wish to know the early sentiments of the church of Scotland 
 on this subject See Bannatyne's Journal, p. 279 — 290. 
 
 Note LXIV. p. 137. 
 
 Of Knox's Descendants. — I have been lately favoured witli 
 a communication from Alexander Thomson, Esq. of Ban^ 
 chory, in Aberdeenshire, contauiing the following statement of 
 his descent from our Reformer which I insert with pleasure. 
 " John Knox, the celebrated Reformer, left three daughters, 
 one of whom was married to a Mr. Baillie of the Jerviswood 
 family, and by him had a daughter who was married to a Mr. 
 Kirkton of Edinburgh. By this marriage Mr. Kirkton had a 
 daughter, Margaret, who was married to Dr. Andrew Skene 
 in Abcrdeeru Dr. A. Skene left several children, the eldest of 
 whom. Dr. Andrew Skene, had by his wife. Miss Lurns- 
 dcn of Cushnie, several sons and daughters. One of these, 
 Mary, was married to Andrew Thomson of Banchory, who 
 
 had issue by her Margaret, Andrew, and Alexander. Andrew 
 married Miss Hamilton, daughter of Dr. Hamilton, of Maris- 
 L^hall College, Aberdeen, and by her had issue Alexander, bom 
 June 21. 1798, and present proprietor of Banchory." 
 
 I see no reason to doubt the genuineness and accuracy of 
 this pedigree. It is not uncommon, indeed, for persons who 
 happen to be of the same name with an individual who had 
 attained celebrity, to claim a family relation to him upon veiy 
 slender grounds. But in the present mstance, not to mention 
 the particularity of detail in the genealogical table, there is no 
 reason to suspect that the tradition could have such an origin ; 
 as the name of Knox does not occur in the family after its 
 connection by marriage -with the Reformers daughter. Any 
 appearance of inconsistency between this pedigree and what I 
 have stated in p. 137, is completely removed by a supposition, 
 not at all improbable, that one of the Reformer's daughters 
 was twice married, and that on one of these occasions she 
 married a Mr. BailUe of Jerviswood. I have not had an op- 
 portunity of examining the pedigree of Baillie of Jerviswood, 
 now of Mellerstain, but I have little doubt that the result of 
 such an examination would be a confirmation of Mr. Thom- 
 son's statement. For among the family pictures at Meller- 
 stean is a portrait of Captain Kirkton, an Oificer of the Royal 
 Navy, which affords a strong presumption that there must 
 have been an alliance between the Kirktons and the family 
 of Jerviswood. 
 
 Mr. Thomson of Banchorj' possesses from his ancestors an 
 antique watch ; and the tradition in the family is that this 
 watch belonged to the Reformer, and was presented to him by 
 Queen Mary at the time when she was anxious to cajole him 
 into an approbation of her measures. Of the structure of this 
 family relic, my ingenious friend, Mr. William Knight in 
 Aberdeen, has transmitted to me a minute description, from 
 which the fonowing particulars are extracted. " It is of an 
 octagonal oblong shape, an inch an a half in length, and one 
 and two-tenths in breadth. It has two cases or hds, which 
 are concave silver plates, each opening by itself on a brass 
 hinge. Under the upper lid is tlie brass front of the watch, 
 with a small silver dial plate in the middle. The dial plate is 
 only nine-tenths of an inch in diameter, and circular. The 
 hours are in Roman numerals around its edge, and there is a 
 great deal of minute car\"ing, both within and without the 
 dial plate. Under the other case, or back of the watch, are 
 carved on the brass plate these words, NForfaict a Paris. 
 The interior appears to be disposed nearly in the same mode 
 as in modem watches. It has a crown escapement. Instead 
 of the chain of the fusee, there is a fine therm band. The 
 balance wheel has no spring." 
 
 Instead of interposing my own opinion on the claim which 
 this watch has to be considered as the workmanship of the 
 middle of the sixteenth century, I beg leave to refer to the 
 following letter fiom Mr. Professor Leslie, whose extensive 
 acquaintance with the progress of the arts, and the history of 
 inventions, is well known. 
 
 EDiifBunGii, 15th Dec. 1S13. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 From the minute and accurate account which 
 your correspondent has sent you of tlie watch said to have 
 once belonged to our celebrated reformer, tliere can be little 
 doubt that it had been constructed at least before the year 
 1657, or the time when the celebrated Huyghens first appHed 
 his capital discovery of the pendulum, or balance spring, to re- 
 gulate the action of those machines. I believe too (diough I 
 cannot now speak positively on the subject) that the fine steel 
 chain coiled about the fusee had been introduced anterior to 
 that period. The clumsy expedient of attaching catgut instead 
 of the chain, occurs only in watches of the very oldest fonn. 
 The elaborate carving bestowed on this piece of mechanism 
 seems likewise to ijidicate a considerable antiquity. That the 
 watch in question might have been the property of John Knox 
 is tlierefore possible, and the tradition is in tliis case not un- 
 worthy of credit. At the same time it must be admitted, that 
 pocket watches were extremely rare at that period, and pro- 
 bably confined for the most part to pruices and the more opu- 
 lent nobility. The Fellows of colleges and other learned men 
 in the age of Elizabeth, contented dicmsclves with carrying 
 sand-glasses in their hand. This appears from Aubrey's 
 amusing Memoirs ; ajid a singular, though rather tragical, 
 misadventure, in which a portable sand-glass makes a very 
 prominent figure, is related in the manuscript hfc of the Rev. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 185 
 
 James Melvil, to have happened at St Andrews several years 
 after the death of ICnox. I am, 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 With true regard ever yours, 
 
 John Leslie. 
 To the Rev. Dr. M'Crie. 
 
 P. S. Since writhig the above, I have had the opportunity 
 of inspecting an antique watch, through the politeness of Mr. 
 J. Scott, late Chemist in Edinburgh, the lineal descendant of 
 a Frenchman of the name of Massie, who, having attended 
 Queen Mary into Scotland, had received the relic from his 
 mistress. It is a small round gold watch, scarcely exceeding 
 an inch in diameter, and made by Hubert in Eoucn. It is 
 precisely of the same structure, but without carving or other 
 ornament, as the one with which that artful princess is said 
 to have endeavoured to bribe our stern reformer. J. L. 
 
 The occurrence at St. Andrews to which Mr. Leslie refers 
 was an assault made, by one of the partizans of archbishop 
 Adamson, on Mr. William Wallv.ood, professor of Laws, 
 who, " going from his house in the Town to the Colledge, his 
 gown on, his book in the one hand, and smid-glass in the 
 other, meditating on his lesson, Jlcnerj- Hamilton issues out 
 of a house where he lay in wait for blood, and onbesetting 
 Mr. William, with the first stroke wounds him in the hand 
 and mutilats him." This occasioned a riot, in which one per- 
 son lost his life. It happened in 1589. Melville's Diary, 
 p. 194. 
 
 Note LXV. p. 139. 
 
 Of Knox's History of the Reform aticn. — When they first 
 formed themselves into an association to advance the reforma- 
 tion of religion, the protestants of Scotland, av.are that their 
 conduct would be misrepresented, appointed some of their 
 number to commit their proceedings to writing. This laud- 
 able practice was continued by them, and the most important 
 events connected with the progress of the Reformation were 
 registered along with the resolutions adopted at their meetings. 
 After they came to an open breach with the queen regent, 
 and she had accused them of rebellious intentions both to their 
 countrymen and to foreign nations, they resolved that a nar- 
 rative of their proceedings should be drawn up from these 
 records, and that it should be published to the world for their 
 vindication. Preface "to the Gentill Reidare," prefixed to 
 Knox's Historic ; and " Prsefatio" to " the Secunde Booke of 
 the Historic," p. 115. edit, 1733. The confusions produced 
 by the civil war prevented them from executing this resolu- 
 tion at the time intended, and the object originally in view 
 was in part answered by occasional proclamations which they 
 had been obliged to make, and by answers which they had 
 published to jiroclamations issued by the regent. The design 
 was not, however, laid aside, and the person to whom the 
 compilation was committed continued the narrative. The 
 Book which is placed second in the printed History was first 
 composed. The third Book was next composed, and contains 
 a circumstantial account of the steps taken by the Congrega- 
 tion to obtain assistance from England, which it was judged 
 imprudent to disclose when the former book wasdrawji up. It 
 brings down the history to Queen Mary's arrival in Scoiland. 
 The book which occupies the first place in the printed history 
 was composed after these, and intended as an introduction to 
 them, bringing down the history from the first dawn of the 
 Reformation in Scotland to 1558. See Preface to the Gentill 
 Reidare, ut supra. The publication being still delayed, the 
 fourth Book was added, which contains the history of ecclesi- 
 astical transactions from the arrival of Mary to the end of 
 1564. The first and fourth Books were composed during the 
 years 1566, 1567, and 1568. Historic, p. 86, 108, 282. 
 Some additions were made to the fourth Book as late as 1571. 
 Ibid. p. 338. The fifth Book in the printed History is not 
 tbund in any of the ancient MSS. It was added by David 
 Buchanan, but whether he published it from an old MS. or 
 compiled it himself, cannot now be ascertained. 
 
 The History was composed by one person, (Preface, ut 
 supra.) and there is no reason for doubting that Knox was the 
 author. In a letter which he wrote on the 23d of October 
 1559, he mentions the design of publishing it. Keith, A{>- 
 pend. p. 30. The English Ambassador, Randolph, says, in 
 a letter to Cecil, dated Edinburgh 23d September, 1560, " I 
 have tawlked at large with Mr. Knox concernynge hys Hys- 
 
 tore. As mykle as ys wrytten thereof shall be sent to your 
 Honour, at the comynge of the Lords Embassadors by Mr. 
 John Woode: He hath wrytten only one Booke. If you lyke 
 that, he shall contynue the same, or adde onie more. He 
 sayethe. That he must have farther Hel})o, then is to be had 
 in thys Countrie for more assured Knouledge of Thyngs 
 passed, than he hath hymself, or can com by here : yt is a 
 Worke not to be neglected, and gs-eatly to be wyshed tliat yt 
 sholde be well handled." Life of the Author, p. xliii. prefixed 
 to Knox's Historic, edit. 1732. From a letter written by 
 Knox to Mr. John Wood, and dated Feb. 14, 1568, it ap- 
 pears that he had come to the resolution of withholding the 
 History from the public during his life. See Appendix, The 
 important light in which he considered the work apptars from 
 the way in which he expressed himself in April 1571, when 
 he found that the state of his health would not permit him to 
 finish it, " liOrd provyde for thy flocks trew pastouris ; rease 
 thou up the spreitis of some to observe thy notable workis, 
 faythfullie to comit the same to writ, that the prosperities 
 [posterities] to come may praise thy holie name, for the great 
 graces plentyfullie powrd foorth upon this vnthankfull genera- 
 tione, Jhone Knox trusting end of trawell," Bannatyne's 
 Journal, p. 129, He did not however desist altogether from 
 the prosecution of the work. It appears from two letters of 
 Alexander Hay, Clerk to the Privy Council, written in De- 
 cember 1571, that the Reformer had applied to him for papers 
 to assist him in the continuation of his History, The papers 
 which Hay proposed to send him relate to the years 1567 — 
 1571, a period which the printed History does not reach. 
 Bannatyne, p, 294—302. 
 
 The following petition presented by Bannatyne to the first 
 General Assembly which met after our Reformer's death, with 
 the Act of Assembly relating to it, gives the most satisfactory 
 information respectuig the History. " Unto your Wisdoms 
 humbly means and shows, I your Servitor Richard Banna- 
 tjTie, Servant to your Unquhill most dearest Brother John 
 Knox of worthy Memory ; That where it is not unknown to 
 your Wisdoms, tliat he left to the Kirk and Town of Edin- 
 burgh his History, containing in effect the Beginning and 
 Progress of Christ's true Religion, now of God's great Mercy 
 established in this Realm ; wherein he hath continued and 
 perfectly ended at the Year of God 1564. So that of Things 
 done sinsyne, nothing be him is put in that Form and Or- 
 dour, that he has put the former. Yet not the less there are 
 certain Scrolls and Papers, and Minuts of Things left to me 
 by him, to use at my Pleasure, whereof a Part were written 
 and subscribed by his own Hand, and another be mine at his 
 Command, which, if they were collected and gathered together, 
 would make a sufficient Declaration of the principal Things, 
 that have occurred since the ending of his former History, at 
 the Year foresaid ; and so should serve for stuff and Matter, to 
 any of Understanding and Ability in that Kmde of Exercise, that 
 would apply themselves to make a History even unto the Day 
 of his Death. But for so meikle as the said Scrolls are so in- 
 tacked and mixed together, that if they should come in any 
 Hands not used nor accustomed with the same, as I have been, 
 they should altogether lose and perish : And seeing also I am 
 not able on my own Costs and Expences, to apply myself 
 and spend my Time, to put them in Order, which would con- 
 sume a very long Time ; much less am I able to write them, 
 and put them in Register, as they require to be, without your 
 Wisdoms make some Provision for the same : Wherefore I 
 most humbly request your Wisdoms, That I may have some 
 reasonable Pension, appointed to me by yoiir Wisdoms Dis- 
 cretion, that thereby I may be more able to await and attend 
 upon the samine ; lest these Things, done by that Servant of 
 God dear to you all, should perish and decay, which they 
 shall do indeed, if they be not put in Register, which I will 
 do willinglie, if your Wisdoms would provide as said is. 
 And your Wisdoms Answer &c" To this Supplica- 
 tion, the Assembly gave the following Answer. " The As- 
 sembly accepted the said Richard's Ofler, and request the 
 Kirk of Edinburgh, to provide and appomt some learned Men, 
 to support Richard Bannatyne, to put the said History, that 
 is now in Scrolls and Papers in good Form, with Aid of the 
 said Richard. And because he is not able to await thereon, 
 upon his own Expences, appoints to him the Sum of Fourty 
 Pounds, to be payed of the 1572 Years Crope, be the Collec- 
 tors under-written, viz. the Collector of Lothian, Fife, Angus, 
 and tlie West, Galloway, and Murray, every one of them to 
 pay six Pounds thirteen Shillings four Pennies of the said 
 Crope; and it shall be allowed to them in Count, they 
 
188 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 bringing the said Richard's Acquittance thereupon." Life of 
 the Author, p. xliv. xlv. prefixed to Historie, edit. 1732. 
 
 It is probable that the deficiency of the funds of the church 
 prevented the publication of the History during Morton's re- 
 gency : and the change of politics after James assumed the 
 reins of government into his own hands, precluded all hope 
 of its being allowed to be printed in Scotland. An attempt 
 was made to have it printed in England ; but after the work 
 had proceeded so far, the press was stopped. This appears 
 from the following extract from Calderwood's MS. " February 
 1586, Vaultrollier the printer took with him a copy of Mr. 
 Knox's History to England, and printed twelve hundred of 
 them ; the stationers, at the archbishop's command, seized 
 them, the 18 of February ; it was thought that he would get 
 leave to proceed again, because the council perceived that it 
 would bring the Queen of Scots in detestation." Calder- 
 wood's MS. apud Life of Knox, p. 45, prefixed to edition of 
 Hist. Edin. 1732. Bishop Bancroft also mentions it, in the 
 following terms, " If you ever meet with the History of the 
 Church of Scotland penned by Mr. Knox, and printed by 
 VautroUier, read the pages quoted here in the margent." Ban- 
 croft's Survey, (originally printed in 1593), republished in 
 1663, p. 37. Copies of this imperfect edition were allowed 
 to go abroad, and are still to be met with. In 1644, David 
 Buchanan published his edition of Knox's History at London 
 in Folio, which was reprinted the same year at Edinburg in 
 Quarto. The editor prefixed a Preface concerning the anti- 
 quity of the Scots, and a Life of Knox, both of which were 
 written by himself. He modernized the language of the His- 
 tory ; but not satisfied with this, he also altered the narrative 
 by excluding some parts of it, and by making numerous in- 
 terpolations. It appears from the passage formerly quoted 
 from Milton (seepage 167.) that attempts were made to sup- 
 press, or at least to mutilate this edition ; but the passage is so 
 obscure that we cannot learn from what quarter these attempts 
 were made. At last, a genuine and complete edition of the 
 History was printed in 1732, from a Manuscript belonging to 
 the University of Glasgow, compared with several other 
 manuscripts of undoubted antiquity. Those who wish to 
 know the great difference between this edition and that of 
 David Buchanan may consult Mr. Wodrow's letter, inserted 
 at large in the Life of the Author, p. xlvi — li. prefixed to the 
 Historie, edit 1732, and partially inserted in Nicolson's Scot- 
 tish Historical Library, p. 132—141. Lond. 1736. All the 
 editions of the History lately published are mere copies of 
 Buchanan's spurious and interpolated one. 
 
 This deduction of facts may serve to clear the subject of the 
 History from the difficulties in which it has been involved. 
 That Knox was the author of the first four Books, as they are 
 printed in the edition 1732, is beyond all reasonable doubt. 
 After the publication of that edition, it is mere pervcrseness to 
 endeavour to discredit the authenticity or genuineness of the 
 History, by harping on the alterations and interpolations of 
 David Buchanan. To infer that he was not the author of 
 tiie History from the difference between its style and that of 
 his undoubted works, is quite conjectural. The historical 
 and the didactic styles are different in themselves ; and when we 
 consider the inter\'als at which the history was composed, the 
 numerous avocations which distracted the author's attention, 
 and the multiplicity of facts which it was requisite for him to 
 collect and investigate, we will not be surprised to find this 
 work inferior, in point of language and arrangement, to those 
 tracts which he composed on single topics, and which, having 
 the sentiments at liis command, he was left at liberty to ar- 
 range and to adorn. The facts which I have produced tend 
 also to corroborate the credibility of the History, as they evince 
 that, however negligent as. to points of inferior consideration, 
 the author was most active and laborious in searching for 
 materials, and in procuring, when it was at all possible, ori- 
 ginal and authentic documents. And such was his character 
 for integrity, that I am persuaded there are very few who be- 
 lieve that he would insert as a fact any thing of whose truth 
 he was not fully convinced. 
 
 NotB LXVI. p. 139, 
 
 Catalogue of Knox's writings. — The following Catalogue 
 of the Reformer's Works will, 1 trust, be found more correct 
 and complete than any one which has hitherto appeared. The 
 titles have been accurately copied from the books themselves, 
 when I could possibly procure them, and at the end of each I 
 have mentioned where a copy may be seen. For the titles of 
 
 such as I have not seen, I have had recourse to the best 
 authorities, as marked after each article. I have also noticed 
 those of which there are copies in the MS. volume in my 
 possession. 
 
 1. " An admonition, or warning, that the faithful Christians 
 in London, Newcastel, Berwycke any others, may avoide 
 God's vengeance both in thys fife and in the life to come. 
 Compyled by the servaunt of God, John Knokes." A cut of 
 truth, poor woman, handcuffed and fastened in the stocks with 
 a halter about her neck, held by Tyrannye, on the one hand ; 
 while Crueltye, with a cornered cap, is threatening her with a 
 rod on the other. Beneath the cut, " The persecuted speaketh, 
 
 I fear not death, nor passe not for bands : 
 
 Only in God put I my whole trust, 
 
 For God will requyre my blod at your hands, 
 
 And this J know that once dye I must, 
 
 Only for Chryst, my lyfe if I give ; 
 
 Death is no death, but a meane for to leyve." 
 
 Under these verses in ancient writing " John Fry the boke Red 
 and send yt agayne." E. in eights. " From Wittonburge 
 by Nicholas Dorcastor. Anno m.i).t.itii. the viii of May. 
 Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum." W. H. (Ames by 
 Herbert, p. 1576.) sixteens. Comp. Tanneri Bibliotheca 
 Britannico-Hibernica, p. 460. See above, page 47, note. 
 
 2. " A faythfuU admonition made by John Knox, unto the 
 profrssours of God's trulhe in England, whereby thou mayest 
 learne howe God wyll have his churche exercised with 
 troubles, and how he defendeth it in the same. Esaie ix. 
 " After all this shall not the Lordcs wrath ceasse, but yet 
 shall hys hande be stretched out styll. Ibidem. Take hedc 
 that the Lorde roote thee not out both heade and tayle in 
 one daye." 
 
 On the back of title : " The epistle of a banyshed manne 
 out of Leycestershire sometime one of the preachers of Goddes 
 worde there, to the Christen reader wysheth health, deliver- 
 aunce, and felicitie." 
 
 " Imprynted at Kalykow the 20 daye of Julii 1 554. Cum 
 gratia et privilegio ad Imprimendum solum." French black 
 letter, extends to I. and makes 63 leaves. Advocates Library. 
 A copy of this in MS. Vol. 
 
 3. " A godly letter sent too the faythefull in London, Ncw- 
 castell, Barwyke, and to all other within the realme of Eng- 
 lande, that love the coming of our Lorde Jesus by Jhon knox. 
 Matth. X. He that continueth unto the ende shall be saved. 
 Imprinted in Rome, before the Castel of S. Aungel, at the 
 signe of Sainct Peter. In the moneth of July, in the yeare 
 of our Lord 1554." D. 28 leaves, Fr. black letter. Advocates 
 Library. A copy in MS. Vol. 
 
 4. " A confession and declaratio of praiers added thereunto, 
 by Jhon Knox, minister of christes most sacred Evangely, up- 
 on the death of that moste famous king Edwanl the VI. kynge 
 of Englande, Fraunce, and Ireland, in which confession, the 
 sayde Jhon doth accuse no lesse hys owne offences, than the 
 offences of others, to be the cause of the awaye takinge, of 
 that most godlie prince, now raininge with Christ whyle we 
 abyde plagues for our authafulncsse. Imprinted in Rome, be- 
 fore the Castel of S. Aungel, at the signe of Sainct Peter, 
 In the moneth of July, in the yeare of our Lorde, 1554." C. 
 19 leaves. Fr. black letter. Advocates Librar)'. 
 
 The " Confession" is inserted in Note XX. The " Decla- 
 ration of Praiers" is in MS. Vol. See Note XIII, Another 
 edition was licensed 1580, see Ames, p. 1146. 
 
 5. " The copie of a letter sent to the ladye Mary dowagire, 
 Regent of Scotland, by John Knox in the yeare 1556. Here 
 is also a notable sermon, made by the sayde John Knox, 
 wherin is evydentlye proved that the masse is and alwaycs 
 hath ben abhominable before God, and Idolatryc. Scrufaniiiii 
 Scripturas." H. extends to 64 leaves, 16mo. Black letter. 
 A copy of this rare book, which Iwlonged to the late Duke of 
 Roxburg, is now in the Advocates Library. 
 
 Ames (p. 1587.) introduces tiiis book as printed in 1556, 
 but without alleging any authority ; and (p. 1834.) he speaks 
 of the Sermon against the Mass as printed in 1550, for which 
 he quotes T. Baker's Maunsell, p. 101. Both the tracts con- 
 tained in this book are in MS. Vol. 
 
 6. " Ane Exposition upon the syxt Psalme of Dauid, where- 
 in is declared hys crosse, complayntes and prayers, moste ne- 
 cessarie too be red of all them, for their singular comforte, that 
 vnder the banner of Christe are by Satan assaulted, and feele 
 the heauyc burthen of synne, with which they are oppressed. 
 Q^The paciente abydinge of the sore afflicted was neuer yet 
 
NOTES. 
 
 187 
 
 confounded." Ends on the reverse of the last leaf of F. On 
 G, 1. begins, "A comfortable Epistell sen tc to the afflicted 
 church of Chryst, exhortynge th6 to beare hys crosse with 
 paciece, lokyng euery houre for hys commyngc agayne to the 
 greate comfort and consolacion of hys chosen, with a prophecy 
 of ye destruction of the wycked. Whereunto is joyned a most 
 wholesome counsel!, howe to behaue oureselues in the myddes 
 of thys wycked gcneracion touching the daily exercise of Gods 
 most holy and sacred worde. Wrytten by the man of God. 
 J. K." 
 
 A copy of this very rare collection, which also belonged to 
 the late Duke of Roxburgh, is now in the Advocates Library. 
 It wants two or tliree leaves at the close, — ending with I, 5. 
 Black leticr, 16mo. (All of these are in MS. Volume. The 
 " wholesome counsell " is inserted in Note XXV.) In the 
 same volume, and printed with the same type, are two tracts 
 by " Gracious Menewe," the first on " Auricular Confession," 
 and the second, " Of the Communion in both kyndes." It 
 has been conjectured that Knox wrote these under a ficti- 
 tious name. 
 
 7. " The copie of a lettre delivered to the ladie Marie, Re- 
 gent of Scotland, from Johne Knox minister of Goddes worde, 
 in the yeare of our Lord 1556, and nowe augmented and ex- 
 planed by the author in the yeare of our Lord 1558." De- 
 vice : two arches, one narrow, the other broad ; over the nar- 
 row one is a crown of laurel, over the broad one flames of fire, 
 with this motto about them, " Enter in at the streit gate : for 
 wide is the gate, and brode is the waye, that leadeth to destruc- 
 tion, Matth. vii." Printed at Geneva, by James Poullain, and 
 Antonie Rebul. m.p.lviii. D, extends to 28 leaves. Rom. Let- 
 ter, 16mo. Advocates I^ibrary. 
 
 8. " The First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstru- 
 ous Regement of Wemen. Veritas tcmporis filia. nr.D.LViii." 
 56 leaves, Rom. Letter. Advocates Library. 
 
 9. " The Appellation of John Knoxc from the cruell and 
 most unjust sentence pronounced against him by the false bish- 
 oppes and clergie of Scotland, with his supplication and exhor- 
 tation to the nobilitie, estates, and comunalitie of the same 
 realme. Printed at Geneva m.d.lviii." The appellation is 
 addressed " To the nobilitie and estates of Scotlad" only ; the 
 epistle, " To his beloued brethren the comunalitie of Scotlad," 
 annexed, begins at folio 47, and concludes at foUo 59, " Be 
 witnesse to my appellation. — From Geneva, the 14 of July, 
 1558. Your brother to commaunde in godlines John Knoxe." 
 On the back of which leaf begins : " An admonition to Eng- 
 land and Scotland to call them to repentance, written by An- 
 toni Gilby." On the back of leaf 78, " Psalme of David 
 xciiii turned into metre by W. Kethe," ends on first page of 
 folio 80 — Rom. Letter, l6mo. Advocates Library. 
 
 It is a mistake to suppose that " Antoni Gilby" was a ficti- 
 tious name assumed by Knox. Gilby was a member of the 
 English church at Geneva. (See page 57.) Ames men- 
 tions several publications by him. See also Tanneri Biblio- 
 Iheca, p. 318. 
 
 10. ''The copie of his (John Knooc's) epistle, sent unto 
 Newcastle, and Barwick. (This was, perhaps, another edition 
 of No. 3.) Also a brief exhortation to Englandc for the 
 speedy embraring of Christes gospel), heretofore by the tyran- 
 ny of Mary suppressed. Prin. at Geneva, 1559." MaunsoU, 
 p. 65. With a catalogue of Martyrs, 16mo. Ames, p. 1600. 
 Comp. T;inner, p. 460. 
 
 11. " An Anser to a great nomber of blasphemous cauilla- 
 tions written by an Anaba])list, and Adversarie to Gods eternal 
 Prednstin ition ; and confuted by lohn Knox, minister of Gods 
 worde in Scotlmd : Wherein the Author so discouereth the 
 craft and f dshocle of that sect, that the godly knowing that er- 
 ror, may be confirm'^d in tlie treuth by the euident worde of 
 God. Prov. XXX. There is a generatio that are pure in their 
 owne c6?.cit, and yet are not washed from their filthines. 
 Printed by lohn Crespin, m.d.lx." Rom. Letter, 454 pages. 
 Advocates Library. 
 
 Another edition was licensed 1580 ; and it was again print- 
 ed in 1591. See Ames, p. 1196, 1254, 1263. 
 
 12. " Heir foUoweth the coppie of the ressoning which was 
 betuix the Abbote of Crosraguell and John Knox in Mayboill 
 concerning the Masse, in the yeare of God, a thousand five 
 hundreth thre scoir and two yeares. Apocalips xxii. For I 
 protest, &c. Imprinted at Edinburgh by Robert Lekpreuik, 
 and are to be solde at his hous, at the nether bow. Cum 
 privilegio, 1563." The running title is "The ressoning be- 
 twixt Jo, Knox and the abbote of Crossraguell." In the 
 
 library of Alexander Boswell, Esq. of Auchinleck. See 
 above, p. 99. 
 
 13. "A sermon preached by John Knox, minister of Christ 
 Jesus, in the publique audience of the church of Edenbrough, 
 within the realme of Scotland, upon Sonday the 19 of August, 
 1565. For the which the said John Knoxe was in hibite preach- 
 ing for a season, 1 Tim. iv. The tyme is come that men can- 
 not abyde the sermon of veritie nor holsome doctrine. To 
 this is adjoyned an exortation unto all the faithfull within the 
 sayde realme, for the reliefe of such as faythfully trauayle in 
 the preaching of Gods word. Written by the same John 
 Knoxe, at the commandment of the ministrie aforesaid." 49 
 leaves ; and 1 1 more, " Of the superintendents to the faith- 
 full." No name of place, nor printer. Sixteens, Ames, p. 
 1488—9. Tanner, p. 460. 
 
 14. " To his loving brethren whome God ones gloriously 
 gathered in the church of Edinburgh, and now are dispersed 
 for tryall of our faith, &c. Johne Knox. Imprentcd at 
 Striviling be Robert Lekpreuik. AnnoDo. m.d.lxxi." Rom. 
 Letter, 4 leaves, 18mo. Advocates Library. 
 
 15. "An Answer to a Letter of a Jesuit named Tyrie, be 
 Johne Knox. Proverbs xxvi. Answer not a foole according 
 to his foolishnes, least thou be lyke him : answer a foole ac- 
 cording to his foolishness least he be wise in his owe coseat. 
 
 " The contrarietie appearing at the first sight betwix thir 
 twa sentecis, stayit for a tyme, bjiith heart to meditate and 
 hand to wryte any thing, cotrair that blasphemous letter. But 
 when with better mynd, God gave me to considder, that who- 
 soever opponis not him self bouldly to blasphemy and manifest 
 leis, differis lytill fra tratouris: dokingand fostering, so far as in 
 them ly, the treasoun of tratouris, and dampnable impietie of 
 those, against whome Gods just vengeance mon burne without 
 end, unless spedie repentace follow : To quyet therefore my owne 
 conscience, I put hande to the pen as foUoweth : — Imprcnt- 
 it at Sanctandrois be Robert Lekpruik Anno Do. 1572." 
 
 " Johne Knox the servand of Jesus Christ, now wearie of 
 the world, and daylie luiking for the resolution of this my 
 earthly tabemakle, to the faithful" <fec. 3 pages. Then a Prayer 
 on 3 pages, which concludes, " Now Lord put an end to my 
 miserie. At Edinburgh the 12 day of Marche 1565." — On 
 next page begins " An Answer" &c. At the end " Of Edin- 
 burgh the 10 day of August, Anno Do. 1568." Next "To 
 the Faithfull Reader" — ends "For the worlde is wearie of me: 
 so am I of it. Of Sanctandrois the 12 of Julii 1572. Johne 
 Knox. FoUoweth the letter as it past from my hand at Deip 
 the 20 Julii 1554. To his loving Mother &c." (This letter 
 is in MS. Vol.) In all 45 leaves. Rom. letter. Advocates 
 Library. 
 
 16. "A Fort for the Afflicted. Wherein are ministred 
 many notable and excellent remedies against the stormes of 
 tribulation : Written chiefly for the comforte of Christes little 
 flocke, which is the smal number of the faithfull, by John 
 Knoxe. John xvi. 23." This is an exposition upon the 6th 
 Psalme. It has prefixed, an epistle " To the Religious Read- 
 er hi/ Abr. Flcmming." — "To his beloved niother J.K.scndeth 
 greeting in the I^orde." At the end is a conifortalile epistle 
 sent to the afflicted churche of Christ, exhorting them to bear 
 his crosse with patience, &c. Written at Deepe 31 May 
 1554." F 4 in eights. W. H. (Ames, p. 1 1 18.) Tanner 
 (p. 460.) says it was printed " Lond. 1680." This is another 
 edition of the two first tracts described in No. 6, 
 
 17. Sermon on Ezekiid ix. 4. printed Anno 1680. See a 
 Catalogue of Writers on O. and N. Test. p. 107. Lond. 1663. 
 
 18. '■ A Notable and Comfortable exposition of M. John 
 Knoxes upon the fourtli of Mattliew, concerning the tentations 
 of Christ. First had in the public church, and afterwards 
 written for the comfort of certaine private friends and now 
 published in print for the benefit of all t'lat fear God. At 
 London printed by Robert Vvaldegrave for Thomas Man, 
 dwelling in Paternoster Row, at the signe of the Talbot." 
 
 'Advocates Library. In MS. Vol. 
 
 The words in Italics are supplied, the copy being torn in 
 these places. The book is dedicated by " Johne Fieldte," ftie 
 publisher, to " the vertuous and my very godly friend Mres 
 Anne Provze of Exeter," who was the wi(!ow of"M. E<1- 
 ward Dering," a celebrated non-conformist. Field was also a 
 noted puritan. See Bancroft's Dangerous Positions, B. iii, , 
 chap. 1 — 5. Field had received the MS. from Mrs. Frouze. 
 At the end of the dedication is " London the first day of the 
 first moneth in the year 1583." The book consists of 24 
 leaves. 
 
188 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 19. « The Historie of the Church of Scotland." Imperfect, 
 beginning with p. 17. "Bx these articles which God of 
 his merciful providence causeth the enemies of his truth to 
 keep in their registers &c." and ending with M m p. 560. 
 " For we judge it a thing most contrarious to reason, godlynes, 
 and equitie, that the widow and the children of him who in ;" 
 being part of " the fift head" of the First Book of Discipline. 
 8vo. Advocates Library. This edition is very rare, and none 
 of the copies which have been seen are more complete than 
 that which has been just described. See above, p. 186. 
 
 It is unnecessary to give tlie title of David Buchanan's 
 edition, printed in 1 644, at London, in Folio, and reprinted 
 the same year at Edinburgh in Quarto. — The genuine and 
 complete edition of the History, was pubUshed in folio, under 
 the following title : 
 
 " The Historie of the Reformatioun of Religioun within 
 the Realm of Scotland, conteining the Manner and be quhat 
 Persons the Lycht of Chrystis Evangell has bein manifested 
 unto this Realme, after that horribill and universal Defectioun 
 from the Treuth, whiche has come by the Means of that Ro- 
 mane Antichryst. Together with the liife of Johne Knoxe 
 the author, and several curious pieces wrote by him ; particu- 
 larly that most rare and scarce one entitled. The First Bla&t 
 of the Trumpet against the Monstruous Regiment of Wo- 
 men, and a large Index and Glossary. Taken from the Origin- 
 al Manuscript in the University Library of Glasgow, and 
 compared with other ancient Copies. Edinburgh : Printed bv 
 Robert Fleming and Company, 1732." The Life was writ- 
 ten by Mr. Matthew Crawfurd. See above Note XXVIII. 
 
 Besides the above publications, which were all undoubtedly 
 composed by our Reformer, there are others ascribed to him 
 upon more dubious grounds. Bale, in his Scrip. Maj. Brit, 
 post. pars. art. Knoxus, and Verheiden and Melchior Adam, 
 upon his authority, appear, in several instances, to have given 
 different names to the same tract They mention among his 
 printed works " In Genesin Conciones." We know that he 
 preached sermons on Genesis at Franckfort, (See page 49.) 
 and it is not unlikely that he continued to do so at Geneva. 
 Perhaps Bale, hearing of these, might think that they were 
 pubUshed. Bishop Tanner has enumerated among his works, 
 " Exposition on Daniel, Malburg. m.b.xxtx. 8vo." Biblio- 
 theca, p. 460. As he mentions the place and year of printing, 
 more credit is due to his account ; but there is evidently a 
 mistake in the year, for Knox had not at that time begun to 
 write. It may however be an error of the press for a later 
 year. We have seen (page 122.) that he preached on Daniel, 
 at Sl Andrews. 
 
 During the reign of Queen Mary of England, a book was 
 published entitled, " The Huntyng of the Romysh Vuolfe" 
 &c. Of this tract a new edition was published in the begin- 
 ning of EUzabeth's reign, under the title of" The Hunting of 
 the Fox and the Wolfe, because they make hauocke of the 
 sheepe of Christ Jesus." This edition is introduced with a 
 preface by an anonymous author, " To al my faithful Brethren 
 in Christ Jesu, and to all other that labour to weede out the 
 weedes of poperie," &c. The writer of the preface is very 
 severe against the reUcs of popery retained in the worship of 
 the Church of England by the Act of Unifonnity. " My good 
 fathers and deare Brethren who are first called to ye battel to 
 strive for Gods glory and the edificatio of his people, againste 
 the Romish reliques and rags of Antichriste, J doubt not but 
 that you will courageouslye and constiltly in Christ, rap at 
 these rages of Gods enemies, and that you will by this oc- 
 casio race vp many as great enormities, that we al know and 
 labour to race out al the dregs and remnats of transformed 
 poperie, that are crept into England, by too much lenitie of 
 the that wilbe named the Lords of the clergie," &c. This pre- 
 face has been ascribed to our Reformer. " So far (says Her- 
 bert) as one may be allowed to guess at the author by the 
 etyle, &c. i am inclined to believe this address was written by 
 John Knox, who for magnanimity, courage and zeal for God's 
 
 glorj' was at least equal to any of our reformers. This sin 
 mise is in some measure supported by the cut of Truth, &c. 
 at the end of this tract; the same as prefixed to that author's 
 " Admonition or warning" &c. as p. 1 57 G, except only the 
 name of Sulleli being here given to the figure there inscrilied 
 Criteliye" Herbert's edition of Ames, p. 1605, 1606. 
 
 I have not introduced into this catalogue the Form of Ex- 
 communication which was wholly, nor the Treatise of Fast- 
 ing, which was chiefly composed by Knox, nor any other of 
 the public papers in which he had a hand, but which were 
 published in the name of the General Assembly. 
 
 In an epistle to the Reader contained in his answer to Tyrie, 
 Knox mentions that he had beside him a collection of letters 
 which he had written to Mrs. Bowes, and which tlie state of 
 his health alone prevented him from publishing. It also ap- 
 pears from Field's Dedication prefixed to Knox's Exposition 
 of the fourth of Matthew, (see p. 13"2.) that a number of our 
 Reformer's manuscripts were in circulation both in England 
 and Scotland. I have in my possession a manuscript volume, 
 containing tracts and letters written by him between 1550 and 
 1558. "This is unquestionably the identical volume which 
 formerly belonged to the Rev. Mr. Wodrow, (Author of the 
 History of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland) and de- 
 scribee! under the name of the Quarto volume of MSS. in 
 Crawfurd's Life of Knox, p. 53, 54. prefixed to the edition of 
 his Historie published in 1732. It consists of 518 pages, in- 
 cluding the contents. On the leaf at the beginning of the 
 volume is this title : '• The Epistles of Mr. John Knox, worthy 
 to be read because of the authority of the wryter, the soUdity 
 of the matter, and the comfortable Christian experience to he 
 found therein. Edr. 22. feb. 1683. H. T. m. p." Below, in 
 a hand considerably older, are these words : " This booke be- 
 long'd somtyme to Margaret Stewart, widow to Mr. Knox, 
 afterwards married to the knight of fawdonesyde. Sister shee 
 was to James Earl of Arran." Then follow the six tracts de- 
 scribed by Mr. Crawfurd, in the place above referred to. At 
 the beginning of the Letters, in a hand older than the former, 
 and the same with that in which the Letters themselves are 
 written, is this title : " Certane epistillis and letters of ye ser- 
 vand of God, Johne Knox, send from dyvers places to his 
 friendis and familiaris in Jesus Chrjst" On the margin of 
 the tracts are several short notes by the transcriber, referring 
 to his own times, such as this, " our case at tliis day in Scot- 
 land 1603." This ascertains the date of their transcription; 
 and I think it highly probable that they were copied by Mr. 
 John Welsh, a son-in-law of the Reformer, one of whose let- 
 ters is inserted on some blank leaves in the middle of the 
 volume. The letters have evidently been written by the same 
 person (although the hand appears older) ; and on the mar- 
 gin of a treatise at the end of them, " 1 603" occurs. Margaret 
 Stewart, the Reformer's relict, was alive alx)Ut the end of the 
 16th century ; but whctlier tlie manuscript in my possession 
 belonged to her, or be considered as a transcript from hers, 
 there can be no doubt of its antiquity and genuineness. I have 
 found, upon examination, diat all the six tracts in the begin- 
 ning of the volume have been published ; but as the manu- 
 script is more correct than any of the printed editions which I 
 have seen, I have generally followed it in the extracts which I 
 have given from these tracts. The letters are forty-three in 
 number, besides the letter to the queen regent, the Discourse 
 on the Temptation of Christ, and the Additions to the Apol- 
 ogy of the Parisian Protestants, which are inserted among 
 them. Three of the letters also have been published, and are 
 noticed in Nos. 6 and 1 5 of this Catalogue : the remainder as 
 far as I can learn, never appeared in print. They consist chiefly 
 of reUgious advices to the friends with whom he corresponded, 
 but a number of facts, and allusions to his external circum- 
 stances are interspersed. Mr. Wodrow possessed another 
 volume of Knox's MSS. in folio, which is described by 
 Crawfurd, Life p. 53, ut supra. It contains nothing additional 
 to what I have mentioned in this Note. 
 
APPENDIX, 
 
 CONSISTING OF LETTERS WRITTEN BY KNOX, AND OTHER PAPERS, HITHERTO 
 
 UNPUBLISHED. 
 
 » No. I. [From MS. Letters, p. 243.] 
 1 The firste letter to his mothir in law, mestres Bowis. 
 
 Rtcht deirlibelovit mother in oure saviour Jesus Chryst, 
 when I call to mynd and revolve with myself the trubillis and 
 afflictionis of Godis elect frome the begyning (in whiche I do 
 not forget yow) thair is within my hart tuo extreme contra- 
 reis ; a dolour almaist unspeakabill, and a joy and comfort 
 whilk, be mannis senccs, can not be comprehendit nor under- 
 stand. The chcif causis of dolour be two ; the ane is the re- 
 mcmberance of syn, whilk I daylie feill remanyng in this cor- 
 rupt nature, whilk was and is sa odius and detestabill in the 
 presence of oure hevinlie father that by na uther sacrifice culd 
 or myght the same be purgeit, except by the blude and deth of 
 the onlie innocent sone of God. When I deiplie do considder the 
 cans of Chrystis deth to haif bene syn, and syn yit to dwell in all 
 flcsche, with paule I am compellit to sob and grone as ane 
 man under ane heavie burdene, ye, and sumtymes to cry, O 
 wreachit and miserabill man that I am, wha sail delyver me fra 
 this bodie of syn ! The uther cans of my dolour is that sic 
 as maist gladlie wald remane togiddcr for mutual comfort ane 
 of another can not be suffcrit sa to do. Since the first day 
 that it pleasit the providence of God to bring yow and me in 
 familiaritie, I have alwayis delytit in your company, and when 
 labours wald permit, ye knaw I have not spairit houris to tilk 
 and commoun with yow, the frute whairof I did not than fullie 
 understand nor perceave. But now absent, and so absent that 
 by corporal presence nather of ws can rcsave comfort of uther, 
 I call to mynd how that oftymes when with dolorous hartis we 
 haif begun our talking, God hath send greit comfort unto 
 baithe, whilk now for my awn part I commounlie want. The 
 exposicioun of your trubillis and acknawlcdging of your in- 
 firmitie war first unto me a verie mirrour and glass whairin I 
 beheld myself sa rychtlie payntit furth that nathing culd be 
 mair evident to my awn eis. ' And than, the searching of the 
 scriptures for Godis sueit promissis, and for his mercies frelie 
 givin unto miserable offenderis (for his nature delyteth to 
 schcw mercie whair maist miscrie ringeth), the coilertioun 
 and applying of Godis mercies, I say, wer unto me as the 
 breaking and handilling with my awn haiulis of the maist 
 sweit and delectabill ungumentis, whairof I ruld not but re- 
 c^ave sum comfort be thair naturall sweit odouris. But now, 
 albeit I never lack the presence and plane image of my awn 
 wreachit infirmitie, yit seing syn sa manifestly abound in al 
 estaitis, I am compellit to thounder out the threattnyngis of 
 God aganis the obstinat rebellaris, in doing whairof (albeit as 
 God kuaweth I am no malicious nor obstinat synner) I sum- 
 tymes am woundit, knawing my self criminall and giltie in 
 many, ye in all (malicious obstinacie laid asyd) thingis that 
 inutheris I reprehend. Judge not mother that I wrait theis 
 thingis debassing my self uthcris wayis than I am : na ; I am 
 wors than my pen can cxpres. In bodie ye think I am no 
 adulterer ; lat sa be, but the hart is infectit with foull lustis, 
 and will lust albeit I lament never samekill. Externallie I 
 commit na idolatrie ; but my wickit hart luffeth the self and 
 cannot be refranit fra vane imaginationis, ye, not fra sic as 
 wer the f^untane of all idolatrie. I am na mankillcr with my 
 handis ; but I help not my ncdie brother sa libcrallie as I may 
 and aucht. I steill not hors, money, nor claithis fra my 
 nychbour ; but that small portioun of warldlie substance I be- 
 stow not sa rychtlie as his halie law requyreth. I bear na fals 
 witnes aganis my nychbor in judgment or utherwayis befor 
 
 * The first five Nos. are religious letters ; the rest contam histori- 
 cal matter. 
 
 men ; but I speik not the treuth of God sa boldlie as it becum- 
 eth his trew messinger to do. And thus in conclusioun thair 
 is na vyce repugnyng to Godis halie will expressit in his law 
 whairwith my hart is not infectit. 
 
 This mekill writtin and dytit befoir the resait of yourletteris, 
 whilk I resavit the 2 1 st of June. Thay war unto my heart sura 
 comfort for dyvers causis not necessar to be rehersit, but maist 
 (as knaweth God) for that I find ane congruence betwix ws 
 in spreit being sa fer distant in bodie. flfor when that digeslie 
 I did avys with your letter, I did considder that I my self was 
 complenyng evin the self sam thingis at that verie instant 
 moment that I rcssavit your letter. Be my pen ffrome a 
 sorrowfull hart I culd not brust furth and say, ' O Lord, how 
 wonderfull ar thi workis ! how dois thou try and prufe tlii 
 chosin children as gold by the fire ! how canest thou in maner 
 hyd thi face fra thy awn spous, that thi presence efter may be 
 mair delectabill ! how canest thou bring thi sainctis lowe, 
 that thou may carie thame to glorie everlasting ! how canest 
 thou suffer thi Strang faithful messingeris in many thingis yit 
 to wressill with wreachit infirmitie and febill weaknes, ye and 
 sumtymes permittis thou thame horribillie to fall, partlie that 
 na flesche sail have whairof it may glorie befoir the, and part- 
 lie that utheris of smaller estait and meaner giftis in thi kyrk 
 myght resave sum consolatioun, albeit thay find in xhame 
 selves wickit motions whilk they are not abill to expell !' My 
 purpois was, befoir I ressavit your letter, to have exhortit you 
 to patience and to fast adhering to Godis promisis, albeit that 
 your flesche, the devill, and utlier your enemyis, wald persuad 
 you to the contrare, for, by the artis and subteliteis that the ad- 
 versarie useth aganis me, I not onlie do conjecture, but also 
 planelie dois sie your assaltis and trubill. And sa lykwys in 
 the bowellis of Chrystis mercie maist emistlie I beseik you by 
 that infirmitie that ye knaw remaneth in me, (wars I am than 
 I can wryt) pacientlie to heir, albeit that ye haif not sic per- 
 fectioun as ye wald, and albeit also your motionis be sic as be 
 maist vyle and abominabill, yet not to sorrow abuf measure. 
 Gif I to whom God hes gevin greatter giftis (I wryt to his 
 prais) be yit so wrappit into miserie, that what I wald I can 
 not do, and what I wald not that with sainct paule, I say, 
 daylie ye everie hour and moment I devys to do, and in my 
 hart, ficht I never sa fast in the contrarie, I perform and do : 
 gif sic wreachit wickitnes remane in Godis cheif ministeris, 
 what wonder albeit the same remane in yow 1 Gif Godis 
 strangest men of war, be beattin bak in thair face, that what 
 thay wald thay can not destroy nor kill, is it any sic offence to 
 yow to be tossit as ye compleane, that thairfoir ye suld distrust 
 Goddis frie promissis 1 God forbid, deir mother ! the power 
 of God is knawin be oure weaknes, and theis doloris and 
 infirmiteis be maist profitabill to ws, for by the same is our 
 pryde beattin doun, whilk is not easie utherwayis to be done. 
 By thame ar oure misereis knawin, sa tiiat we acknawledging 
 oure selves misterfull seikis the phesitioun. By thame cum 
 we, be the operatioun of the halie spreit, to the hatred of 
 syn, and be thame cum we to the hunger and thrist of 
 justice, and to desyre to be desolved and sa to ring with oure 
 Chryst Jesus, whilk without this battell and sorrow tliis flesche 
 culd never do. And as fra the doloris I proceit to the comfort. 
 
 As the caussis of dolour be tuo, whilk ar present syn, and 
 the lack of sic company as in whome we maist culd delyt, sa 
 is the caussis of my comfort not ymaginit of my brane, but 
 pronuncit first be God, and efter graftit in the hartis of Godis 
 children by his halie spreit. Thay ar lykwys tuo ; whilk is a 
 justice inviolable offerit be our flesche befoir the trone of our 
 heavinlie father, and ane assureit hoip of that generall assem- 
 blie and gathering togither of Godis dispersit flok in that day 
 
 189 
 
190 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 irhen all teairs salbe wipit fra oure eis, when deth salbe vin- 
 cuisit, and may na mair dissever sic as feiring God this day in 
 the flesche mumis under the burdene of syn. Off oure 
 present justice, notwithstanding syn remane in oure mortall 
 bodeis, ar we assureit by the faithfull witnes of Jesus Christ, 
 Johne the apostill, saying, " gif we confes oure synnis, faith- 
 full and just is God to remit and forgive oure synnis." Mark 
 the wordis of the apostill, gif we confess oure synnis God man 
 forgive thame, becaus hie is faithfull and just To con- 
 fessioun of synnis ar theis thingis requisit, ffirst we man 
 acknawledge the syn, and it is to be notit that sumtymes Godis 
 verie elect, albeit they have synnit niaist haynouslie, dois not 
 acknawledge syn and thairfoir can not at all tymes confes the 
 same, for syn is not knawin unto sictyme as the vale be takin 
 fra the conscience of the offender, that he may sie and behald 
 the filthines of syn, what punisment be Godis just jugenentis 
 is dew for the sam. And then (whilk is the 2 thing requisit 
 to confessioun) begynnis the haitred of syn and of oure selves for 
 contempnying of God and of his halie law; whairof last 
 springis tiiat whilk we call hoip of mercie, whilk is nathing 
 els but a sob fra a trubil'it hart confoundit and aschamit for 
 syn, thristing remissioun and Gods frie mercie, whairupon of 
 necessitie man follow this conclusioun, God hes remittit and 
 frelie forgevin the syn ; and why 1 for " hie is faithfull and 
 just" sayeth the apostill. Comfortabill and mervelous caussis ! 
 first, God is faithfull, ergo : hie man forgive syn, A comfort- 
 able consequent upon a maist sure ground ! for Godis fideUtie, 
 can na mair faill nor can him self. Then lat this argument 
 be gatherit for oure comfort, the office of the faithfull is to 
 keip promeis; but God is faithfull, ergo: he man keip 
 promeis. That God hes promissit remissioun of synis to sic as 
 be repentant I neid not now to recit the places. But let this 
 coUectioun of the promissis be maid, God promissis remissioun 
 of synis to all that confessis the same ; but I confes my synnis, 
 for I sie the filthines thairof, and how justlie God may con- 
 demp me for my iniquities. I sob and I lament for that I can 
 not be quyt and red of syn, I desyre to leif a mair perfyt lyfe. 
 Thir ar infallilile signis, seillis. and takinis that God hes re- 
 mittit the syn, for God is faithfull that sa hes promissit, and 
 can na mair deccave nor hie can ceis to be God. But what 
 reasone is this, God is just, thairfoir hie man forgive syn 1 
 A wonderous cans and reasone in deid ! ffor the flesche and 
 naturall man can understand nathing but the contrar, for 
 this man it reasone : th"^ justic* of God is offendit be my 
 synnis, as God man neidis have a satisfactioun, and requyre 
 ane punissment Gif we understand of whome God requyris 
 satisfactioun, whether of ws, or of the handis of his onlie sone, 
 and whais punisment is abill to recompens oure synnis, than 
 sail we haif greit cans to rejose, remembering that God is a 
 just God. For the office of the just man is to stand content 
 when hie hes ressavit his dewtic. But God hes ressavit al- 
 redie at the handis of his onlie sone all that is dew for our 
 synnis, and sa can not his justice requyre nor craif any mair 
 of ws ather satisfactioun or recompensatioun for our synnis. 
 Advert mother, the sure pilleris and fundation of oure salva- 
 tian to he Gotlis faithfulncs and justice. Hie that is faithful 
 has proiuiisit frie reniissinun to all penitent sjmneris, and hie 
 that is just, hes ressavit alretlic a full satisfactioun for the 
 synis of all thais that imbrac^ Chryst Jesus to be the onlie 
 saviour of the warld. ^V'hat restis than to us to be done ? 
 nathing but to acknawledge our miserie and wrechednes, 
 whilk na flesche can do sa nnfenidlie as they that daylie 
 feillis the wecht of syn. And uther, mother, caus haif we 
 nane of desperatioun, albeit the divill rage never sa cruellie, 
 and al!)eit the flesche be never sa fraill, daylie and hourlie 
 lusting aganis GodLs halie commandementis, ye, stryving 
 aganls the same. This is not the tyme of justice l)efoir 
 our awn ets, we luke for that whilk is promissit the king- 
 dome everlasting, preparit to ws fra the begynning, whairof we 
 ar maid airis be Godis apoyntment reabilUt [L c. legitimated 
 or reatored] thairto be Christis death, to whome we sail be 
 gatherit, when efter we sail never depart whilk to rememlier is 
 my singular comfort, but thairof now I can not wryte. My 
 commendationis to all whome ctfeiris. I commit you to the 
 protectioun of the Omnipotent 
 
 At Londoun the 23d of June, 1553, your sone unfcaned, 
 
 Johne Knox. 
 
 No. II. [MS, Letters, p. 333.] 
 To mariorie bowis wha was his first wife. 
 Deirlibelovit sister in the commoun faith of Jesus our saviour. 
 The place of Johne forbidding ws to salut sic as biingeth not 
 
 the hailsome doctrine, admonisseth ws what danger cumeth be 
 fals teacheris, evin the destructioun of bodie and saule ; whair- 
 foir the spreit of God willcth ws to be sa cairfuU to avoyd 
 the company of all that teachis doctrine contrarie to the treuth 
 of Chryst, that we communicat with thame in nathing that 
 may appeir to manteane or defend thame in thair corrupt 
 opinioun, for hie that biddis thame Godspeid, communicatis 
 with thair syn, that is, hie that apeiris, be keiping thame com- 
 pany, or assisting unto thame in thair proceidingis, to favour 
 thair doctrine, is giltie befoir God of thair iniquitie, baith be- 
 caus hie doith confirme thame in thair error be his silence, and 
 also confirmes utheris to credit thair doctrine, becaus hie op- 
 ponis not himself thairto : and sa to bid thame Godspeid is 
 not to speik unto thame commounlie as we for civill honestie 
 to men unknawn, but it is efter we have hard of their fals 
 doctrine to be conversant with thame, and sa intreat thame as 
 thay had not offendit in thair doctrine. The place of Jamis 
 teachis ws, belovit sister, that in Jesus Chryst all that unfean- 
 edlie profes him ar equal befoir him, and that ryches nor warld- 
 lie honouris ar nathing regairdit in his syght and thairfoir 
 wald the spreit of God speiking in the apostill that sic as ar 
 trew christianis suld have mair respect to the spirituall giftis 
 whairwith God had doteth his messingeris nor to extemall 
 ryches whilk oftymes the wicket possessis, the having whairof 
 makis man nether nobill nor godlie, albeit sa judge the blind 
 affectionis of men. The apostill dampneth sic as preferis a 
 man with a goldin chayne to the pure, but heirof will I speik 
 no more. The spreit of God sail instruct your hart what in 
 maist comfortable to the trubillit conscience of your mother, 
 and pray ernistlie that sa may be. Whair the adversarie 
 objectis, 'sche aucht not think v^-icket thoughts,' answer thairto 
 that is trew, but seing this oure nature corruptit with syn 
 whilk entirrit be his suggestioun, it must think and wirk 
 wickitlie be his assaltis, but hie sal beir the condigne punis- 
 ment thairof, becaus be him syn first entirit and also be him 
 it doith continew whillis this karkais be resolved. And whair 
 hie inquyris whit Chryst is, answer hie is the seid of the 
 woman promissit be God to break down the serpentis held, 
 whilk hie hath done alreadie in him self appeiring in this oure 
 flesche, subject to all passionis that may fall in this oure nature 
 onlie syn exceptit and efter the death sufferit hie heth, be 
 power of his godheid, rissin agane triumphant victour over 
 deth, hell and syn, not to him self, for thairto was hie na det- 
 tour, but for sic as thristis salvatioun be him onlie, whom he 
 may na mair los, nor he may ceas to be the sone of God and 
 the savoiour of the warld. And whair hie wald perswade 
 that sche is contrarie the word thairinto, hie leis according to 
 his nature, whairin thairin is na treuth, for gif sche were con- 
 trarie the word, or denyit it to what effect sa ernistlie suld 
 sche desyre the company of sic as teacheth and professeth it 
 Thair is na dout hut hie. as hie is the accusatour of all Godis 
 elect, studieth to trubill her conscience, that according to hir 
 desyre, sche may not rest in Jesus our Lord. Be vigilant 
 in prayer. I think this be the first letter that ever I wrait 
 to yon. 
 
 In great haist your brother, 
 
 Johne Knox. 
 
 No. in. [MS. Letters, p. 283.] 
 
 To his Mother in law, and his Wife. 
 
 ffrome the eis of his Sanctis sal the Lord wype away all teiris 
 and mumying. (See page 44.) 
 
 Deir mother and spous unfeadnedUe belovit in the bowells 
 of our Saviour Chryst Jesus, with my verie hartlic commenda- 
 tionis. I peruisit baith your Ictteris, not only directit to me, 
 but also it that sorrowfullie compleanis upon the unthankful- 
 nes of your brother as also of myne, tliat ye suld not have 
 bene equalUe maid privie to my coming in the countrie with 
 utheris, whairof the enemy wald persuad yow (ane argument 
 maist fals and unfrew) that we judge you not to be of our 
 noumber. Deir mother, be not sa suddanUe moveit hie is 
 your enemy that sa wald persuad you. God I tak to recorde 
 in my conscience that nane is this day within the realme of 
 Ingland, with whome I wald mair gladlie speik (onlie sche 
 whome God hath offirit unto me, and commandit me to lufe 
 as my awn flesche, excrptit) than with you. For your causis 
 principallie enterprysit I this jumey, for hering my ser^and 
 to be stayit and his letteris to be taken, I culd na vsys be paci- 
 feit (for the maist part of my letteris was for your instructioun 
 and comfort) till farther knawledge of your estait, and that ye 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 191 
 
 wet na soner advertisit onlie want of a faithfull messinger 
 was the caus ; for my coming to the countrey, was sa sone 
 noysit abrod that with greit difficultie culd I be convoyit fra a 
 place to another. I knew na sic danger as was suspectit be 
 my brethrene ; ffor as for my lettcris in them is nathing con- 
 teaned, except exhortation to constancie in that treuth whilk 
 God hes opinlie laid bcfoir our cis, whilk I am not myndit to 
 deny whenever sic questioun sal be demandit of me. But 
 the caus moveing me that ffor a tyme I wald have bene clos, 
 was, that I purposit (gif sa had bene possible) to have spokin 
 with my wyfe, whilk now I persave is nathing apeirand, whill 
 God offer sum better occasioun. My brethren partlie be ad- 
 rnonitioun, and partlie by teiris, compellis me to obey sumvvhat 
 contrair to my awn mynd. for never can I die in amair honest 
 quarrell, nor to suffer as a witnes of that treuth whairof God 
 hes maid me a messinger, whilk with hart I believe maist as- 
 surcdlie, (the halie Gaist beiring witnes to my conscience) 
 and with mouth I trust to God to confes, in presence of the 
 warld, the onlie doctrine of lyfe. Notwithstanding this my 
 mynd, gif God sail prepair the way, I will obey the voces of 
 my brethrene, and will gif place to the furie and rage of Sathan 
 for a tyme. And sa can I not espy how that ether of yow 
 baith I can speik at this tyme. But gif God pleis preserve 
 nie at this tyme, whairof I am not yet resolved, then sal thair 
 lak in me na gud will, that ye may knaw the place of my re- 
 sidence, and farthir of my mynd. But now deir mother haif 
 we caus to rejos, for oure heavinlie Father, wha callit us be 
 grace to wryt in our hartis the signis and seallis of our 
 electioun in Christ Jesus his sone, begynnis now to correct 
 our crukedness, and to mak us lyke in suffering afHictionis, 
 scheme and rebuke of the warld, to the greit bischope of our 
 saullis, wha by mekill tribulatioun did enter in his glorie, as 
 of necessitie man everie ane to whome that kingidome is 
 apoyntit. And thairfor, mother, be nathing abasched of 
 theis maist dolorous dayis, whilk schortlie sal have end to 
 oure everlasting comfort. Thay ar not cropin upon ws with- 
 out knawledgp and foirsight, how oft have ye hard theis dayis 
 foirspokin, thairfoir, now grudge not, but pacientlie abyd the 
 Lords delyverance. Hie that foirspak the trubill, promissis 
 everlasting pleasure by the same word, all)eit the flesche com- 
 plene, dispair nathing, for it must follow the awn nature, and 
 it is not dampnabill in the syght of oure Father, albeit the 
 corrupt fraill flesche draw bak and refuse the croce, ffor that is 
 as naturall to the flesche, as in hunger and thirst to covet rea- 
 sonable sustenance. Onlie follow not the affectionis of the 
 flesche to comit iniquytie, nether for feir of deth, nor for love 
 of lyf, comit ye idolatrie, nether yit gif your presence whair 
 the same is committit, but hait it, avoid it, and flie frome it. 
 But your leter maks mention that ye haif pleasure and dely t 
 in it : na mather I espy the contrarie, for ye compleane and 
 lament that sic motionis ar within you ; this is na sing that ye 
 delyt in thame, for na man compleanis of that whairin hie 
 delytis. Ye ar in na wors cas, tuiching that poynt, nor yet 
 tuiching any uther whairof ye dosyre to be red than was the 
 apostill, when with gronying and angusche of hart he did 
 cry, 'O unhappie man that I am, wha sal delyver me fra this 
 bodie of syn :' reid the hail! chapter, and gif glorie to God 
 that lattis you knaw your awn infirmitie, that from Chryst 
 allone ye may be content to ressave that whilk never remanit 
 in corruptibill flesche, that is, the justice whilk is acceptabill be- 
 foirGod, the justice by faith and not by workis, that ye may 
 glorie in him wha frelie gives that whilk we deserve not. And 
 thus nether feir that, nor uther assaltis of the divill, sa lang as 
 in bodie ye obey not his pcrsuationis. Schortnes of tyme, 
 and multitude of cairis will not lat me wryt at this present 
 sa plentifullie as I wald : ye will me to charge you in suche 
 thingis as I mister, God grant that ye may be abill to relief 
 the nedie. Ye may be sure that I wald be bold upon you, 
 for of your gude hart I am persuadit, but of your power 
 and abilitie I greitlie dout. I will not mak you privie how 
 ryche I am, but off Loundoun I departit with les money then 
 ten grottis, but God hes sence provydit, and will provyd I 
 dout not heirefter aboundantlie for this lyfe. Ather the 
 quonis majestic, or sum thesaurer will be XL pounds rycher 
 by me for samekill lack I of dewtie of my patentis. But that 
 litill trubillis me. Rest in Chryst Jesus, your sone, 
 
 1553. Johne Knox. 
 
 No. IV. [MS. Letters, p. 303.] 
 To his mother in law, Mrs. Bowis. 
 Blissit be thais that mourne for ryghteousnes sake, &c. 
 Belovit mother with my hartlie commendatioun in the 
 
 Lord. Let not your present dulnes discorage yow above 
 measure : the wisdome of our God knawis what is maist ex- 
 pedient for our fraill nature, gif the bodie suld alwayis be in 
 travell it suld faynt and be unabill to continew in labour, the 
 spreit hes his travell whilk is a sobbing and murnyng for syn, 
 fra whilk unles it sumtymes suld rest, it suddanlie suld be con- 
 sumit. It doith na mair offend Godis maiestie that the spreit 
 sumtyme lye as it were asleip, nether having sence of greit do- 
 lour nor greit comfort, mair than it doith offend him that the 
 bodie us the naturall rest ceassing fra all extemall exercis. 
 Ye sail consider, mother, that the eis of God dois pers mair 
 deiplie than we be war of, we according to the blind ignorance 
 whilk lurketh within ws, do judge but as we do feil for the 
 present, but hie according to his etemall wisdome dois judge 
 thingis lang befoir thay cum to pas. We judge that caldnes 
 and angusche of spreit ar hurtfull becaus we sie not the end 
 whairfoir God dois suffer ws to be trubillit with sic tempta- 
 tionis, but his maiestie wha onlie knawis the mass whairof 
 man is maid, and causeth all thingis to work to the profit of 
 his elect, knawis also how necessarie sic trubillis ar to dan- 
 toun the pryd of oure corrupt nature, Thair is a spirituall 
 pryd whilk is not haistelie suppressit in Godis verie elect child- 
 ren, as witnesses sanct paule. God hath wroth great thingis 
 be yow in the syght of uthir men. With whilk (unles the mell 
 of inward angusche did beat them doun) ye myght be steirit 
 up to sum vane glorie whilk is a vennoume mair subtill than 
 ony man do espy. I can wryt to yow be my awn experience. 
 I have sumtymes bene in that securitie that I felt not dolour 
 for syn, nether yit displeasure aganis myself for anj' iniquitie 
 in whilk I did offend, but rather my vane hart did this flatter 
 myself, (I wryt the treuth to my awn confusioun and to the 
 glorie of my heavenlie father through Jesus Christ) " Thon 
 hes sufferit great trubill for professing of Chrystis treuth, God 
 hes done great thingis for ihe, delyvering the fra that maist 
 cruell bondage, [' galleis' on the margin'], hie has placeit the 
 in a maist honourabill vocatioun and thy labours ar not with- 
 out frute, thairfoir thow aucht rejos and gif prais unto God." 
 O mother this was a suptill serpent wha this culd pour in 
 vennoume, I not perceaving it; but blissit be my God wha 
 permitteth me not to sleip lang in that estait. I drank schort- 
 lie efter this flatterie of myself a cup of contra poysone, the 
 bittemes whairof doith yit sa remane in my breist, that what- 
 ever I have sufferit or presentlie dois, I reput as doung, yea 
 and my self worthie of dampnation for my ingratitude towardis 
 my God. The lyke, mother, may have cumin to yow, gif the 
 secret brydall of afflictioun did not refrane vane cogitationis, 
 but of this I have written to yow mair planelie in my other 
 letteris. And this I commit you to the protectioun of the 
 Omnipotent for ever. 
 
 Yours at his power, 
 
 Johne Knox. 
 
 No. V. 
 
 [M8. Letters, p. 335-6.] 
 To his Sister. 
 
 The spreit of God the father, be Jesus Chryst, comfort and 
 assist yow to the end. Amen. 
 
 Touching the sonis of Jacob, who cruellie contrar to thair 
 solempned promeis and othe.did murther and slay the citisens 
 of Sicheni ; whasa ryghtlie marketh the scriptures of God, sal 
 easelie espy thame maist grevouslie to have offendit. Ffor 
 albeit the transgression of the young man was haynous befoir 
 God, yit wer thay na civill magistratis, and thairfoir had na 
 autoritie to punis. And farther thay committit treasone, and 
 in sa fer as ui thame was blasphemit Gotl and his halie name, 
 making it odius to the nationis about, seing thay under the 
 pretence of religioun, and of ressaving them in leage with 
 God and with the pepill, did disceatfullie as also cruellie de- 
 stroy the haill citie suspecting na danger. Albeit sum labour- 
 eth to excus thair syn be the zeall thay had that thay myght 
 not suffer thair sister to be abusit lyke ane harlot, yit the spreit 
 of God speiking in thair awn father efter lang advysement in 
 the extreamitie of his deth, utterlie dampneth thair wickit act, 
 saying, " Semioun and Levi, brethren, «&c. lat not my saule 
 entir in thair consall, nor yit my glorie into thair company, 
 for in thair fur'e thay killit a man, and for thair lust destroyit 
 the citie, cursit is thair heit or rage for it is vehement, and 
 thair indignatioun for it is intractable, I sail dispers thame in 
 Jacob and scatter thame abrod in Israeli." Heir may ye espy, 
 sistf r, that God dampneth tliair het displeasure and cruell act 
 as maist wickit and worthie of punisment. But perchance it 
 may be inquj-rit^ why did God suffer the men that had pro 
 
192 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 fessit his name be ressaving the sing of circumsitioun sa un- 
 mercifullie to be entreatit, I niyght answer, God siiffcris his 
 awn in all ageis be the ungodlie to be cruellie tormentit. But 
 sic was not the cas of thir men whom na doubt the justice of 
 God faund cryminal and worthic the deth. Ffor thay did 
 abus his sacramental! signe, receaving it nether ai Gods com- 
 mandement nor having any respect to his honour nor to the 
 advancement of his name, nor yit trusting in his promissis nor 
 desyreing the incres or multiplicatioun of Grodis pepill, but 
 onlie for a warldlie purpois, thinking thairby to have attaynit 
 ryches and ease, be joynyng thameselves to Godis pepill. 
 And sa the justice of God faund thame worthie of punisnient, 
 and sa permittit thame justlie on his part to be ajfflictit and 
 destroyit be the ungodlie, whilk is a terribill exampill to sic as 
 in caus of religioun mair seikis the profit of the warld nor 
 etemall salvatioun. But heirofna mair. Thus brieflie and 
 rudlie have I writtin unto yow becaus I remember myself anis 
 to have maid yow a promeis sa to do, and everie word of 
 the mouth of the faithfull (yf so impeid not God) aught to 
 be keipit And now rest in Christ. After this I think ye 
 Ball rasave na mair of my handis. In haist with sair trubillit 
 nart. 
 
 Yours as ever in godlines, 
 [Anno 1553.] Johne Knox, 
 
 No. VI. [Cald. MS. Vol. I. p. 427.]* 
 
 Extract of a Letter from John Knox to Mrs. Anne Locke. 
 (See page 73.) 
 
 The Queen and her counsell made promise that no 
 
 person within Sanct Johnston, neither yet of these that assist- 
 ed them, should be troubled for any thing done cither in re- 
 Kgion, either yet in down casting of places, till the sentence 
 of the estates in Parliament had decided the controversie, 
 and that no bands of French souldiers should be left behind 
 the Queen and counsell in the town, and that no idolatrie 
 should be erected nor alteration made within the town. But 
 after she had obtained her desire, all godlie promises were 
 forgotten, for the Sunday next after her entering, mess were 
 said upon a dyeing table (for ye shall understand all the alters 
 were prophaned) ; the jwor professors were oppressed ; when 
 children were slain, she did but smile, excusing the fact be 
 the chance of fortune; and at her deperture she left 400 soul- 
 diers, Scottismen, but paid by France, to dantoun the town. 
 She changed the provist and exiled all godlie men. This 
 crueltie and deceit displeased many that before assisted her 
 with their presence and counsell, and among others the earl 
 of Argyle and the prior of Sanct Andrews left [her], and 
 joyned themselves to the congregation openly, whilk as it 
 was displeasing to her and to the shavellings, so it was most 
 comfortable and joyfull to us, for by their presence were the 
 hearts of many erected from desperation. At their com- 
 mandment I repaired to them at St. Andrewis, wher con- 
 sultation being had, it was concluded that Christ Jesus should 
 there be openhe preached, that the places and monuments of 
 idolatrie- should be removed, and superstitious habits changed. 
 This reformation was begun the 14th of June. In the 
 meantime came the bishop of St. Andrewis to the towne 
 accompanied with a great band of warriours, and gave a 
 strate commandment that no preaching should be made by 
 me who was both brunt in figure and homed, assuring the 
 lords that if they suffered me to preach that twelve haque- 
 buts should lyght upon my nose at once. O burning charitie 
 of a bloodie bishop ! But as that boast did litle affray me 
 so did it more incense and inflamme with courage the harts 
 of the godlie, who with one voyce proclaimed that Christ 
 Jesus should be preached in despite of Sathan, and so that 
 Sabbath and three dayes after I did occupy the publike place 
 in the midst of the doctors who this day are even as dumbe 
 as their idols which wer brunt in their presence. The bishop 
 departed to the Quecne, frustrat of his intent, for he had 
 promised to bring me to her either alyvc or dead : and in- 
 continent was a new army assembled, and forward they 
 marched against St Andrews. It was not thought expedient 
 that we should abide them lurking in a town, and so we 
 past to the fields and met them at Coupcr, where lodging 
 was appointed for the camp, but we prevented them : where 
 we remained upon their coming till the nixt day, when l)oth 
 armies were in sight of other within shot of cannon, and 
 
 • The following lettera from Calderwuod have been Ciirrected by 
 •omp&rin^ diflerent copiei. Tbe ityle it evidently modernized. 
 
 we looked for nothing but the extremitie of batle : not thai 
 we intended to pursue, but ordy to stand in camp where 
 oure field was pitched for defence of ourselves. There came 
 from our adversaries ane amhassadour desiring speech and 
 communing of the lords, which gladlie of us being granted, 
 after long reasoning the queene offered a free remission of 
 all crimes bypast, sua thot they would no finder proceed 
 against friars and abbayes, and that no more preaching should 
 be used pubUcklie. But the lords and the brethren refused 
 such appointment, declaring that the fear of no mortal crea- 
 ture should cause them betray the veritie known and pro- 
 fessed, neither yet to suffer idolatrie to be maintained in the 
 bounds committed to their charge. The adversaries perceiving 
 that neither threatening, flatterie, nor deceit, could break the 
 bold constancie and godlie purpose of the lords, barons, gentle- 
 men, and commons, who were there assembled to the number 
 of 3000 in on days warning, they were content to tak assurance 
 for 8 days, permitting unto us freedom of religion in the 
 mean time. In the whilk the abbay of Lindores, a place 
 of black monkcs, distant from St Andrewis twelve myles we 
 refomied, their altars overtlirew we, their idols, vestments of 
 idolatrie, and mass books we burnt in their presence, and 
 commanded them to cast away their monkish habits. Divers 
 chanons of St Andrewis have given notable confessions and 
 have declared themselves manifest enemies to the pope, to 
 the mass, and to all superstition. [Then fi.llows what is in- 
 serted in page 75.] We fear that the tyrannic of France 
 shall, under the cloak of religion, seek a plain conquest of 
 us ; but potent is God to confound their counsell and to 
 break their force. God move the hearts of such as profess 
 Christ Jesus with us, to have respect to our infancie, and 
 open their eyes to see that our ruin shall be their destruc- 
 tion. Communicat the contents herof (which I write to you, 
 least by divers rumours ye should be troubled and wee slan- 
 dered) with all faithfull, but especiallie with the afflicted of 
 that little flock, now dispersed and destitute of these pleasant 
 pastures, in which some tyme they fed aburuianthe. If any 
 remain at Geneva let either this same or the double of it be 
 sent unto them, and likeways unto my dear brother Mr Good- 
 man, whose presence I more thirst for than she that is my own 
 flesh. Will him therefor in the name of the Lord Jesus (all 
 delay and excuse set apart) to visit me ; for the necessity 
 is great here. If he come be sea, let him be addressed unto 
 Dundie, and let him ask for George Levell, for George Rollock, 
 or for Wm. Carmichael. If he come to Leith, let him repair 
 to Edinburgh, and enquire for James Baron, Edvsard Hope, 
 Adam FuUertoun, or for John Johnston writer, be whom he 
 will get knowledge of me. If my mother and my wife come 
 be you, will them to make the expedition that goodly they 
 can to visit me, or at least to come to the north parts, where 
 they shall know my mind, which now I can not write, teing 
 oppressed with hourly cares. This bearer is a poor man un- 
 known in the country, to whom I beseech you shew reason- 
 able favour and tenderness, touching his merchandise and the 
 just selling thereof. Thus, with hearty commendatiouns to 
 all faithfull I heartily commit you to the protection of the 
 Omnipotent. From Sanct Andrewes the 23d of June 1559. 
 
 No. Vn. [Cald. I. 522.] 
 
 To Mrs Anne Locke. (See page 82.) 
 
 Lest that the rumors of our troubles trooble you above mea- 
 sure, dear sister, I thought good in these few words to signifie 
 unto you that our espcrance isyct good in our God, that he 
 for his great names sake will give such success to this enter- 
 prise as nether shall these whom he hath appointed to sigh in 
 this be utteriie confounded, neither yet that our enemies shall 
 have occasion to blaspheme the verity, nor yet triumph over 
 us in the end. We trusted too much, dear sister, in our owne 
 strenth, and speciallie since the erle of Arran and his friends 
 wi^re joyned to our numlier. Amongst us also were such as 
 more sought the purse than Christ's glory. Wee by this 
 overthrow are brought to acknowledce. what is a multitude 
 without the present help of God ! and the hollov/ hearts of 
 many are now revealled. God make us humble in his eyes, 
 and then I fear not the furie of the adversaries, who, be ye 
 assured, doe sore rage, so as yet their crueltie must neids crave 
 vengeance from him whose members they persecute. Our 
 dear brethren and sisters in Edinburgh and Lothian who lay 
 nearest these blootle thirsty tyrants, are so troubled and vexed 
 that it is a pity to remember their estate. Our God comfort 
 them. We stand universally in great fear, and yet we hop? 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 193 
 
 deliverance. I wrote to you before to be suitor to some faith- 
 full, that they would move such as have abundance to consider 
 our estate, and to make for us some provision of money to 
 keep soldiers and our company together. And herein yet again 
 I cannot cease to move you. I can not well write to any other, 
 because the action may seem to appertaine to my own country 
 onlie. But because I trust ye suspect me not of avarice, I 
 am bold to say to you that if we perish in this our enterprise, 
 the limits of London will be straiter than they are now within 
 few years. Many things I have which I would have required 
 for myself, namely Calvin on Isaiah, and his Institutions re- 
 vised. But common troubles cause me to neglect all private 
 business. If ye can find the means to send me the books be- 
 fore written, or any other that be new and profitable, I will 
 provide that ye shall receive the prices upon your advertise- 
 ment. My wife saluteth you. Salute all faithfull heartilie in 
 my name, especially those of familiar acquaintance, of whom 
 I crave pardon that I write not, being not so quiet as ye would 
 wish. My onlie comfort is that our troubles shall pass sooner, 
 peradventure than our enemies look. Grace be with you. 
 From St Andrews in haste the 18th November 1559. Yours 
 known. 
 
 John Knox. 
 
 Mr Gudeman is in the west country in Ayr who willed me 
 to salute you in his name as oft as I wrote you. 
 
 No. VIII. [Cald. I. 524.] 
 To the same. (See page 82.) 
 We shall meet when death shall not dissever. 
 Two letters I have received from you, dear sister, both al- 
 most at one time, the one is dated at London the 28th of 
 November, the other of the same place the 2nd of December. 
 The letter of the last date I first read, which made mention of 
 your trouble be reason of a suddan fire in a lodging near to 
 you ; that you had sought all means for our support as well 
 of those of high as of low degree ; but that it was not needful 
 that any thing should be sent unto us because it was supposed 
 that the highest would support us ; and last that ye had not 
 received the answer of your doubts. In your other letters, 
 after your most comfortable discourse of God's providence for 
 his people in their greatest necessitie, ye godlie and trulie con- 
 clude that neither could their unworthiness, neither yet their 
 want of things judged nccessarie for their preservation, stop 
 his majestie's mercie from them. Thereafter ye will me to 
 avoid danger and rather to fight by prayer in some place re- 
 moved from danger than expose my self to the hazard of 
 battell, and so ye conclude liy praising God's mercie as did 
 Jeremy in his greatest anguish, &c. 
 
 What support should come to us be consent of counscll 
 and authoritie I am uncertain. But suppose it shall he greater 
 than yet is bruted, that ought not to stay the liberall hands of 
 the godlie to support us privatelie. For the publick support 
 of an army shall not make such as now be superexpended 
 able to serve without private support. I will make the matter 
 more plain be one example. I know one man that since the 
 flth of May hath spent in this action thirteen thousand 
 crowns of the summe [sonne], besydes his victuals and other 
 fruits of the ground. His treasure being now consumed he 
 cannot without support susteane the number which before he 
 brought to the field. If he and such others that are in lyke 
 condition with him shall be absent, or yet if numbers shall 
 decay, our enemies shall seem to prevaill in the field, and there- 
 for desired I some collection to be made, to the end that the 
 present nei^essitie of some might have been relieved. If the 
 matter pertained not to my native countrie I would be more 
 vehement in persuasion, but God shall support even how, 
 when, and by whom it shall please his blessed majestic. 
 Sorry I am that ye have not received my answer unto your 
 doubts, not so much that I think that ye greatlie need them, 
 as that I would not put you in suspicion that I contemned 
 your requests. The rest of my wife hath been so unrestful 
 since her arrival here, that scarceUe could she tell upon the 
 morrow what she wrote at night. She cannot find my first 
 extract. And therfor if any scruple remainc in your con- 
 science, put pen again to paper, and look for ane answer as 
 God shall give opportunitie. God make yourself participant 
 of the same comfort which you wrote unto me : and in very 
 deed, dear sister, I have no less need of comfort, notwithstand- 
 ing that I am not altogether ignorant, than hath the bound 
 man to be fed, albeit in store he hath great substance. I 
 
 have read the cares and tentations of Moses, and sometymes 
 I have supposed myself to be well practised in such dangerous 
 battells. But, alace ! I now perceive that all my practice be- 
 fore was but mere speculation, for one day of troubles since 
 my last arrival in Scotland hath more pierced my heart than 
 all the torments of the galleys did the space of 19 months. 
 For that torment for the most part did touch the bodie, but 
 this pierceth the soul and inward affections. Then was I 
 assuredUe persuaded that I should not die untill I had preach- 
 ed Christ Jesus even where I now am, and yet having now 
 my heart's desyre, I am nothing satisfied, nether yet rejoice. 
 My God remove my unthankfulness. From Sanct Andrews 
 the last of December 1559. 
 
 Yours known in Christ 
 
 John Knox. 
 
 No.IX. [Cald.I.p.533,] 
 
 To the same. (See page 000.) 
 
 The eternal our God shall shortly put an end to all our 
 troubles. 
 
 Lest that sinister rumours should trouble you above mea- 
 sure, dear sister, I can not but certify you of our estate as 
 often as convenient messengers occur. The French, as before 
 I wrote unto you, have pursued us with great furie, but God 
 hath so bridled them, that since the 5th day when they put to 
 flight the men of Kinghom, Kircaldy, and Dysart, they have 
 had of us (all praise be to our God) no advantage. They lost 
 in a morning a Ueutenant, the boldest of their company, and 
 fourty of their bravest soldiers, diverse of them having been 
 taken and diverse slain in skirmishing. They have done 
 greatest harm to such as did best entertain them ; for from 
 them they have taken sheep, horse, and plenishing. Our 
 friends, and foes to them, did continually remove from their 
 way all moveables that to them appertained. They have 
 castcn down to the ground the laird of Grange's principal 
 house, called the Grange, and have spoiled his other places, 
 God will recompense him, I doubt not, for in this cause, and 
 since the beginning of this last trouble especially, he hath be- 
 haved himself so boldly as never man of our realm hath de- 
 served more praise. He hath been in many dangers, and yet 
 God hath delivered him above mens expectation. He was 
 shot at liundie right under the left pape, thorrow the jacket, 
 doublet, and shirt, and the bullet did stick in one of his ribs. 
 Mr Whitelaw hath gotten a fall, by which he is unable to bear 
 arms. But God be praised both their lives be saved'. I re-- 
 mained all this time in St Andrews with sorrowful heart, and yet 
 as God did minister his spirit comforting the afflicted, who, albeit 
 they quaked for a thne, yet do now praise God' who suddenly 
 averted from them that terrible plague devised for them by the 
 ungodly. The French men approached within 6 miles, yet at 
 the sight of certain of your ships, they retired more in one day 
 than they advanced in ten. We have had wonderful experience 
 of God's merciful providence, and for my own part I were more 
 than unthankful if I should rot confess that God hath heard the 
 sobs of my wretched heart, and hath not deceived me of that 
 little spark of hope which his holy spirit did kindle and foster in 
 my heart. God give me grace to acknowledge his benefit re- 
 ceived, and to make such fruit of it as becometh his sei-vant. 
 If ye can find a messenger, I heartily pray you to send me the 
 books for which I wrote before. I must be bold over your 
 liberality not only in that, but in greater things as I shall need. 
 Please you cause this other letter inclosed be surely conveyed 
 to Miles Coverdale. Salute all faithful acouahitance, Mr Hick- 
 man and his bedfellow, your husband, Mr Michael and his 
 spouse as unacquainted, especially remembered. I know not 
 what of our brethren at Geneva be with you. But to such as 
 be there I beseech you to say, that I think that I myself do how 
 find the truth of that which oft I have said in their audience, 
 to wit that after our departure from Geneva should our dolour 
 beginne. But my good hope is in God that it shall end to his 
 glory and our comfort. Rest in Christ Jesus. From Sanct 
 Andrews the 4th of February 1559. 
 
 Your brother. 
 
 John Knox, 
 
 No. X. [Cald. n. p. 89.] 
 
 John Knox to Mr. John Wood, Secretary to the Regent. 
 14th Feb. 1568. 
 
 My purpose, beloved in the Lord, concerning that which oft, 
 and now last ye crave, I wrote to you before, from which 1 
 13 
 
104 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 can not be moved, and therefore, of my friends I will ask par- 
 don, howbeit on that one head I play the churle, retaining to 
 myself that which will rather hurt me than profit them, during 
 my days, which I hope in God shall not be long, and then it 
 shall be in the opinion of others whether it shall be suppres- 
 sed, or come to light* God for his great mercies sake put such 
 end to the troubles of France, as the purity of his evangell 
 may have free passage within that realme ; and idolatry with 
 the maintainers of the same may once be overthrown be order 
 of justice, or otherways as his godly wisdom hath appointed. 
 In my opinion England and Scotland have both no less cause 
 to fear than the faithful in France, for what they suffer in 
 present action is laid up in store, let us be assured, for botli 
 countries. The ground of my assurance is not the determina- 
 tion of the council of Trent, for that decree is but the utterance 
 of their own malice ; but the justice of God is my assurance, 
 for it cannot spare to punish all realmes and nations that is or 
 shall be like to Jerusalem, against whose iniquity God long 
 cried be his servants the prophets, but found no repentance. 
 The truth of God hath been now of some years manifested to 
 both, but what obedience, the words, works and behaviour of 
 men give sufficient testimony. God grant Mr Gudman a 
 prosperous and happy success in the acceptation of his charge, 
 and in all his other enter|)rises to God's glory and the com- 
 fort of his kirk ; and so will I tlie more patiently bear his ab- 
 sence, weaning myself from all comfort that I looked to have 
 received be his presence and familiarity. Because I have the 
 testimony of a good conscience, that in writing of that 
 treatise against which so many worldly men have stormed, 
 and yet storm, I neither sought myself nor worldly promotion, 
 and because as yet I have neither heard nor seen law nor 
 scripture to overthrow my ground, f I may appeal to a more 
 indifferent judge than Dr. Jewell. I would most gladly pass 
 through the course that God hath appointed to my labours, in 
 meditation with my God arui giving thanks to his holy name, 
 for that it hath pleased his mercy to make me not a lord 
 bishop, but a painful preacher of his blessed evangell, in the 
 function whereof it hath pleased his majesty for Christ his 
 son's sake to deUver me from the contradiction of moe enemies 
 than one or two, which maketh me the more slow and less 
 careful to revenge he word or writ whatever injury hath been 
 done against me in my own particular. But if that men will 
 not cease to impugne the truth, the faithfuU will pardon me if 
 I offend such as for pleasure of flesh fear not to offend God. 
 The defence and maintenance of superstitious trifles produced 
 never better fruit in the end than I perceive is budding amongst 
 you, schisme, which no doubt is a forerunner of greater deso- 
 lation unless there be speedy repentance. [ The reader will 
 find what fulkivos already (juoled in page 117.] The faith- 
 full of your acquaintance here salute you. The grace of 
 the Lord rest with you. 
 
 No. XI. [Cald. n. 107.] 
 
 The same to the same. (See page 117.) 
 
 I thank you heartily, dearly beloved in the Lord Jesus, ttiat 
 ye had such rememberance of me as to certify of that part 
 which not a little troubled and yet troubleth me. What I 
 have done or am able to do in that behalf I will not trouble 
 you at this present, this only excepted, that it will please you 
 to travel as in the end of your letter ye write ye would do, to 
 wit, that my sons might be Denezans there. I am informed 
 both be letter and be tongue, besides conjectures that probably 
 may be gathered, that the Duke and his friends are inflamed 
 against me. Ofter than once I have called to mind your 
 words to me that day that I had been more than vehement, as 
 
 some men thought, in the end of the chapter of John's 
 
 Evangell concerning the treasonable departure of Judas from 
 Christ, and of the causes thereof. Before that I came forth 
 of the preaching place ye said, Before my God I think your 
 eyes shall see performed that which your mouth hath pro- 
 nounced. My words were these, I fear that such as have en- 
 tered with us in profeasing of the Evangell, as Judas did with 
 Christ, shall depart and follow Judas, how soon the expectation 
 of gain and worldly promotion feileth them. Time will try 
 farther, and we shall see overmuch. We look daily for the 
 arrival of the duke and his Frenchmen, sent to restore Satan 
 to his kingdome, in the person of his dearest lieutenant, sent, 
 
 * He leemi to refer here to hi* History of the Reforination. 
 t Referring, most probably, to hit Treatiw against Female Govern- 
 roeot. 
 
 j I say, to repress religion, not from the king of France, but 
 
 I from the Cardinall of Lorrane in favour of his dearest nice. 
 
 i Lett England take heed, for surely their neighbours houses are 
 on fire. I would, dear brother, that ye should travell with 
 zealous men, that they may consider our estate. What I 
 would say, ye may easily conjecture. Without support we 
 
 j are not able to resist the force of the domesticall enemies (un- 
 less God work miraculously) much less are we able to stand 
 against the puissance of France, the substance of the Pope, 
 and the malice of the house of Guise, unless we be comforted 
 be others than by ourselves. Ye know our estate, and there- 
 fore I will not insist to deplore our poverty. The whole com- 
 fort of the enemies is this, that be treason or other means 
 they may cutt off the Regent, and then cutt the throat of the 
 innocent king. How narrowly hath the regent escaped once, 
 I suppose ye have heard. As their malice is not quenched, so 
 ceaseth not the practice of the wicked, to put in execution the 
 cruelty devised. I live as a man already dead from all aifairs 
 civil, and therefore I praise my God ; for so I have some quiet- 
 ness HI spirit, and time to meditate on death, and upon the 
 troubles I have long feared and foreseeth. 'Phe Lord assist 
 you with his holy spirit, and put an end to my travells, to his 
 own glory, and to the comfort of his kirk; for assuredly, 
 brother, this miserable life is bitter unto me. Salute your bed- 
 fellow in my name, and the rest in Christ Jesus. The faith- 
 full here salute you. The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ rest 
 with you for ever. 
 
 Of Edinbvngh the 10 of September 1568. 
 
 No. XIL [Cald. MS. I. 380.] 
 
 Extract of a Letter from John Knox to Mrs. Anne Locke, 
 dated 6th of April 1559. (See page 134.) 
 
 Your letters, dear sister, dated at Geneva the 17th of 
 
 February, received I in Deepe the 17th of March. Touching 
 my negligence in writing to you, at other times I fear it shall 
 be httle amended, except that better occasions than yet I know 
 be oflered. For oft to write when few messingers can be 
 found is but foolishness. My rememberance of you is not yet 
 so dead, but I trust it shall be fresh enough, albeit it be re- 
 newed be no outward tokin for one year. Of nature I am 
 churlish, and in conditions different from many. Yet one 
 thing I ashame not to alfirme that familiarity once thoroughly 
 contracted was never yet broken be my default. The cause 
 may be that I have rather need of all than that any have need 
 of me. — 
 
 Extract of a Letter from John Knox " To a friend in England." 
 [Cald. n. p. 144.] 
 Of Edinburgh, 19th August, 1569. 
 
 If from day to day thir seven years bypast, I had not 
 
 looked for ane end of my travells, I could have no excuse of 
 my obstinate fault toward you, beloved in the Lord, be whom 
 I have received, beside commendations and letters, divers tokens 
 of your unfained friendship, yet have I negligently pretermit- 
 ted all office of humanity toward you, whereinto I acknowledge 
 my offence, for albeit I have been tossed with many storms all 
 the time before expressed, yet might I have gratified you and 
 others faithful!, with some rememberance of my estate, if that 
 this my churlish nature, for the most part oppressed with 
 melancholy, had not stayed tongue and pen from doing of their 
 duty. Yea, even now, when that I could somewhat satisfy 
 your desire, I find within myself no small repugnance, for 
 this I find objected to my wretched heart, "Foolish man! 
 what seeks thou in writing of missives in this corruptible age? 
 Hath thou not a full satiety of all the vanities under the sun 1 
 Hath not thy eldest and stoutest acquaintance buried thee in 
 obUvion, and are not thou in that estate be age, that nature 
 itself calleth thee from the pleasures of things temporall T la 
 it not then more than foolishness unto thee to hunt for ac- 
 quaintance on the earth, of what estate or condition whatsomever 
 the person be? To these objections I could answer nothing, 
 (much more I think than is written) but that I would write 
 with what imperfections I little regard. — 
 
 NcXin. [Cald. n. p. 269.] 
 
 John Knox to the Laird of Pittarrow. 
 
 The end of all worldly trouble and pleasure both approachrtb. 
 Blessed are they that patiently abide in the truth, not jouiing 
 hands nor heart with impiety, how that ever it triumph. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 105 
 
 Right worshipful!, after heartly commendations, your letter, 
 dated atPittarrow the 14th of July, received I in Sanct Andrews, 
 the 15th of the same. The brute and rumour of Adam Gordon 
 and his doings, and preparations made to resist him was diverse, 
 but nothing that I heard moved me, for I perceive the cup of 
 iniquity is not yet full. Of one thing I am assured, that God 
 of his mercy will not suffer his own to be tempted above mea- 
 sure, neither will he suffer iniquity to be ever unpunished. 
 From me can come no other counsel theui ye have heard ft«m 
 the beginning of our acquaintance, to wit, that not only action 
 defileth and maketh guilty before God, but also consent of 
 heart, and all paction with the wicked. Out of bed, and from 
 my book, I come not but once in the week, and so few tidings 
 come to me. What order God shall put into tlie mind of the 
 authority to take for staying of thir present troubles, I know 
 not, but ever still my dull heart feareth the worst, and that 
 because no appearance of right conversion unto God, but both 
 the parties stands as it were fighting against God himself in 
 justification of their wickedness. The murderers assembled 
 in the castle of Edinburgh, and their assisters, justify all 
 that they have done to be well and rightly done ; and 
 the contrar party as little repenteth the troubling and op- 
 pressing of tlie poor kirk of God as ever they did ; for if tliey 
 can have the kirk-lands to be annexed to tlieir houses, they 
 appear to take no more care of the instruction of the ignorant, 
 and of the feedijig of the flock of Jesus Christ, than even did 
 the Papists whom we have condemned, and yet are worse 
 ourselves in that behalf: for they according to their blind zeal 
 spared nothing that either might have maintained or holden 
 up that which they took for God's service ; but we, alace ! in 
 the midds of the light forgctt the heaven and draw to the 
 earth. Dayly looking for an end of my battel, I have set 
 forth ane answer to a Jesuit who long hath railed against our 
 religion, as the reading of this tractat will more plainly let you 
 understand. The letter in the end of it, if it serve not for the 
 estate of Scotland, yet it will serve a troubled conscience, so 
 long as the kirk of God remaineth in either realm. With my 
 hearty commendations to your bedfellow, and to my Lord 
 Marshall, the Mixster, and to the faithful in your company. 
 Deliver to them the book according to their directions, and 
 pray the faithful in my name to recommend me to God in 
 their prayers, for my battel is strong, and yet without great 
 corporal pain. The Lord Jesus who hath once redeemed us, 
 who hath also of his mercy given unto us the light of his 
 blessed countenance, continue us in that light that once we 
 have received externally, and at his good pleasure putt an end 
 to all the troubles of his own spouse, the kirk, which now 
 sobbeth and crieth, Come Lord Jesus, come Lord Jesus; 
 whose omnipotent Spirit conduct you to the end. Amen. 
 At Sanct Andrews, 1 9th of July, [1572.] 
 
 No. XIV. [Cald. n. 270.] 
 
 John Knox to Mr. Goodman. 
 
 Written about the same time with the preceding. 
 
 Beloved brother, I am not praise God of your trouble; 
 but that of his mercie he hath made you one against whom 
 Satan bendeth all his engines, therof unfainedlie I praise my 
 God, l)eseeching liim to strengthen you to fight your battell 
 lawfully to the end. That we shall meet in this life there is 
 no hope ; for to my bodie it is impossible to be carried from 
 countrie to countrie, and of your comfortable presence where 
 I am I have small, yea no esperancc. The name of God be 
 praised, who of his mercie hath left me so great comfort of 
 you in tliis life. That ye may understand that my heart is 
 pierced with the present troubles : from the castle of Edin- 
 burgh hath sprung all the murthers first and last committed in 
 this realme, yea, and all the troubles and treasons conspired in 
 England. God confound the wicked devisers with their wicked 
 devises. So long as it pleased God to continue unto me any 
 strength, I ceased not to forewarn these dayes publickly, as 
 Edinburgh can witness, and secretlie, as Mr Randolph and 
 others of that nation with whom I secretlie conferred can 
 testifie. Remedy now on earth resteth none, but onlie that 
 both England and Scotland humbly submit themselves to 
 the correcting hand of God, vrith humble confession of their 
 former inobedience, that blood was not punished, when he 
 be his servants publickly craved justice according to his law ; 
 in which head yoiu ralme is no less guilty than we, who 
 now drink the bitter part of the cup, which God of his 
 mercie avert from you. And thus weary of the world, witli 
 
 my hearty commendations to all faithful! acquaintance, Mr 
 Bodlih and his bedfellow especially remembered, I commit 
 you to the protection of the ommpotent. Ofl' Sanct Andrews. 
 
 No. XV. [Calderwood's MS. ad an. 1570. Advocates 
 
 liibrarj'.] 
 
 Prayer used by Jolui Knox, after the Regent's death. 
 
 Lord, what shall we add to the former petitions we know 
 not ; yea, alace, O Lord, our owne consciences tear us record 
 that we are imworthie that thou should either encreass or vet 
 continue thy graces with us, be reason of our horrible "in- 
 gratitude. In our extreame miseries we called, and thou in 
 the multitude of thy mercies heard us ; and first thou deliver- 
 ed us from the tyrannic of merciless strangers, next from the 
 bondage of idolatry, and last from the yoak of that wretched 
 woman, the mother of all mischife, and in her place thou didst 
 erect her sonne, and to supply his infancie thou didst appoynt 
 a Regent endued with such graces as the divell himself cannot 
 accuse or justly convict him, this only excepted that foolish 
 pity did so farre prevail in him, concerning execution and 
 punishment which thou commanded to have been execute 
 upon her, and upon her complices, the murtherers of her 
 husband. O Lord, in what miserie and confusion found he 
 this realme ! To what rest and quietnesse now be his labours 
 suddanlie he brought the same, all estates, but speciallie 
 the poor commons, can witness. Thy image, Lord, did so 
 clearlie shyne in that personage, that the divell, and the wicked 
 to whom he is prince, could not abyde it. And so to punish 
 our sinnes and ingratitude, who did not ryghtlie esteem so 
 pretious a gift, thou hes permitted him to fall, to our great 
 griefe, in the hands of cruel! and traterous murtherers. He is 
 at rest, Lord, and we are left in extreame miserie ! Be 
 merciful! to us, and suffer not Satan to prevail against thy little 
 flocke within this Realme, neither yet, O Lord, let bloode 
 thirsty men come to the end of their wicked enterprises. 
 Preserve, O Lord, our young king, although he be ane infant; 
 give unto him the spirit of sanctification, with encrease of the 
 same as he groweth in yeares. Let his raigne, O Lord, be 
 such as thou may be glorified, and thy little flock comforted by 
 it. Seeing that we are now left as a flock without a pastor, in 
 civil! policie, and as a shippe without a rudder in the midst of 
 the storm, let thy providence watch. Lord, and defend us in 
 these dangerous dayes, that the wicked of the world may see 
 that as Weill without the help of man, as with it, thou art able 
 to rule, maintain and defend the little flock that dependeth 
 upon thee. And because, Lord, the shedding of innocent 
 bloode hes ever been, and yet is odious in thy presence, yea, 
 that it defyleth the whole land where it is shed and not 
 punished, we crave of thee, for Christ thy sonnes sake, that 
 thou wilt so try and punish the two treasonable and cruell 
 murthers latelic committed, that the inventars, devy sers, authors, 
 and maintainers of treasonable crueltie, may be either thorough- 
 lie converted or confounded. O Lord, if thy mercy prevent 
 us not, we cannot escape just condemnation, for that Scotland 
 hath spared, and England hath maintained the lyfe of that 
 most wicked woman. Oppose thy power, O Lord, to the 
 pryde of that cruell murtherer of her owne husband ; con- 
 found her faction and their subtile enterprises of what estate and 
 condition soever they be ; and let them and the world know, 
 that thou art a Go<1 that can deprehend the wise in their own 
 wisdome, and the proude in the imagination of their wicked 
 hearts, to their everlasting confusioun. Lord, retain us that 
 call upon the in thy true fear. Let us grow in the same. 
 Give thou strength to us to fight our battell, yea, I^ord, to 
 fight it lawfullie, and to end our lifes in the sanctificatiQn 
 of thy holie name, 
 
 No.XVL [Cald. MS. ad an. 1572. Advocates Library.] 
 
 The last will and words of John Knox, minister of the Evangell 
 of Jesus Christ, put in order at St Andrews, the 13th May, 
 
 1572. 
 
 Lord Jesus, I commend my troubled spirit in thy protection 
 and defence, and thy troubled kirk to thy mercie. 
 
 Because I have had to doe with diverse personages of the 
 ministrie whereunto God of his mercie directit me within this 
 Realme, my duty craveth that I shall leave imto them now 
 a testimonie of my mynd. 
 
 And first to the Papists, and to the unthanldul world : I say, 
 that although my lyfe liath beene unto them odious, and that 
 
J9ft 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 often they have sought my destruction, and the destruction of 
 the kjrk which God of his great mercie planted within this 
 Realme, and hath alwise preserved and keeped the same from 
 their cruell interpiyses, yet to them I am compelled to say. 
 that unless they sjjeedilic repent, my departing of tliis Ufe shall 
 be to them the greatest calamitie that ever yet hatli apprehend- 
 ed them. Some small appearance they may have yet in my 
 life, if they had grace to see. A dead man I have beene now 
 almost these two years bypast, and yet I would that they 
 should rypelie consider in what better estate they and their 
 maters stand than they have done before, and they have he^rd 
 of long tyme before threatned. But, because they will not 
 admit me for admonisher, I give them over to the judgment 
 of him who knoweth the hearts of all, and will discJose the 
 secrects thereof in due time. And this farre to the papists. 
 
 To the faithful!. Before God, before his sone Jesus Christ, 
 and before his holie angels, I protest that God be my mouth (be 
 I ever so abject) hath shewed to you his truth in all simplicitic. 
 None I have corrupted, none I have defrauded, merchandise I 
 have not made (to God's glorie I write) of the glorious evangell 
 of Jesus Christ, but according to the measure of grace granted 
 unto me, I have devyded the sermon of truth in just parts, 
 beating down the rebellion of the proud in all who did declare 
 their rebellion against God, according as God in his law giveth 
 to me yet testimonie, and raising up the consciences troubled 
 with the knowledge of their sinne, be declaring of Jesus 
 Christ, the strenth of his death, and mighty operation of his 
 resurrection, in the hearts of the faithfull. Of this, I say, I 
 have a testimonie tliis day in my conscience before God, how- 
 ever the world rage. Be constant therefor in the doctrine 
 which once publicklie you have professed. Let not thir 
 scandalous dayes draw you away from Jesus Christ, neither 
 let the prosperitie of the wicked move you to follow it or them. 
 For however that God appeareth to neglect his owne for a 
 season, yet his majestic remaineth a just God who neither can 
 nor will justifie the vricked. I am not ignorant that manv 
 would that I should enter in particular determination of thir 
 present troubles, to whom I planelje and simplie answer, that, 
 as I never exceeded the bounds of God's scriptures, so will I 
 not doe in this part be God's grace. But hereof I am assured, 
 by him who neither can deceave nor be deceaved, that the cas- 
 tell of Edinburgh, in which all the murther, all the trouble, and 
 the whole destruction of tliis poore commonwealth was invent- 
 ed, and, as our owne eyes may witnesse, be them and their 
 maintainers were put in execution, shall come to destruction, 
 maintain it whosoever, the destruction I say of bodie and 
 soule, except they repent I looke not to the momentarie 
 prosperitie of the wicked, yea, although they should remaine 
 conquerours to the coming of our Lord Jesus, but I look to 
 this sentence, that whosoever sheddeth innocent bloode de- 
 fyleth the land, and provoketh Gk)ds WTaith against liimself 
 and the land, till his bloode be shedd againe be order of law 
 to satisfie God's anger. This is not the first tyme that ye have 
 heard this sentence ; although many at all tymes have sturred 
 at such severitie, I yet affirme the same, being readie to enter 
 to give an account before his majestic of the stewardship that 
 he committed to me. I know in my death, the rumours shall 
 be strange. But, beloved in the Lord Jesus, be yee not 
 troubled above measure, but remaine constant in the truth, 
 and he who of his mercie sent me, conducted me, and prosper- 
 ed the worke in my hand against Satan, will provyde for you 
 abundantlie, when either my bloode shall water the doctrine 
 taught by me, or he of his mercie otherwise provide to put an 
 end to this my battell. 
 
 No. XVIL [Buik of the Universal] KiA, p. 58. Advocates 
 Library.] 
 
 My Lord Regent's Letter to the Assembly. 
 
 After our maist hearty commendationis, seing we are not 
 able to [be] present [at] the Assembly now approachand, as 
 our intention was, we thocht it convenient, brieflie to give 
 you significationLs of our meining in wreit, of the whilk we 
 pray you to take good consideration, and accordingly to give 
 your advertisement. Ye are not ignorant, as we suppose, 
 what hes bene the estate of the kirk of God within this realme, 
 baith before we accepted the burding of Regment, and sensyne. 
 How first the thrids of benefices war grantit to the ministrie, 
 hereby partly relievit and sustainit in sic sort, that nothing in- 
 laikit that our travells could procure. The first order indeed 
 was diverse ways interruptit and broken in, but chiefly in that 
 year when we were exylcd in England, quherthrough that 
 
 year the haill ministers war frustrat in their li^nngs ; short- 
 lie the estate of government altering at Gods pleasure, and 
 the King our soveraisne being inaugurate with the crown 
 of this kingdom, tlie first thing we war careful of was, that 
 the trew religion might be established, and the ministers of 
 the evangell made certain of their living and sustentation in 
 tyme comeing. Ye knaw, at the Parliumcnt we war maist 
 willing that the kirk should have been put in full possession 
 of the proper patrimonie. And toward the thrids, we cxpedit 
 in our travells, and inlaikit only a consent of the dissolution 
 of the prelacies, whereunto although we were earnestly bent, 
 yet the estates delayit and wald not agree thereunto. And 
 sen that tyme to this houre, we trust ye will aflirme, that 
 we have pretermittit nothing that may advance the religior.e, 
 and put the professors thereof hi surtie. whercanent the haill 
 and only inlaik hes been in the civil] troubles that God hes 
 suffered the cuntrie to be plagued with : now the matter 
 being after so gi-eat rage brought to some stay and quietness, 
 it was convenient that we return where matters left, and 
 prease to reduce them to the estate tliey stand in. Ane thing 
 we must call to remembrance, tliat at sic time as we travellit in 
 the Parliament to cause the estates to giio that the thrids 
 should be disccrnit to appertaine to the ministrie, they plainly 
 opponit them to us in respect of the first act, alleadgeand that 
 with the sustentation of the niinisterie, there was also regard 
 to be had to the support of the prince, in sustaining of die 
 publick chairges, quhilies if they had not some reliefe be that 
 meine, the revenue of tlie crown being so diminished, and the 
 ordinarie chairges cume to sic grytnes, on force they wold be 
 burdenit with exaction, and so this dangerous argument com- 
 pellit us to promitt to the estates, That we wald take upon us, 
 the act being grantit to the kirk, they should satisfy and agrie 
 to any thing suld be thocht reasonable for supporting the 
 publick chairges of the prince, and according to this the Comis- 
 sion deput for the affaires of the kirk agreit to certain assigna- 
 tions of the thrids for supporting of the king and us bearing 
 authoritie. Quhilk order had been sufficient for the haill, 
 give the civill trouble had not occurit, yet the disobedience 
 growand so universallie, we ar content to sustain ane part of 
 the inlaik and loss for the tyme past, but because there hes 
 lieen murmure and grudge for that thing assignit to the kings 
 houss and ours, and some other needful things in the state, as 
 that thereby the ministers were frustrate of their appointit 
 stipendis, some communication was had at St Androis, and 
 nothing yet concludit, quliill the general assembly of the kirk ; 
 quilk now moves us [to] wreit to you in this forme, prayand 
 you rychtly to consider the necessity of the cause, and hov7 
 the same hes proceeded frae the beginning, haveing respect 
 that the kirk will not be very well obeyit without the kings 
 authoriticand power,and thatnosvthepropertieof thecrowneis 
 not able to sustaine the ordinarie chairges. How in the be- 
 ginning the thrids had not been grantit, give the neccssitie of 
 the prince had not been ane of the chief caussis, and at tlie 
 parhament the estates, as we have before written, stak to con- 
 sent that the haill thrids sould be dcclareit to pertaine to the 
 ministrie, whill first we tike in hand, that they being made 
 without conditione in favours of the kirk, the same w aid againe 
 couvlescend to so meikle as wold be sufficient to the support 
 of the publick aflfaires, in supporting of the kings authoritie, 
 and that therefore ye will now agrie, and condeeend to ane 
 certaine and speciall assignatione of it that sail be employit in 
 this use. The quantity whereof diverse of yourselves, and 
 the bearer hereof Mr John Wood our servant, can informc 
 you, that after ye may distribute to every ane having chairge 
 in the kirk of God, his stipend according to the conditione 
 of the place he senes in, according to your wise dis- 
 cretione. Hereby all confusione that lang has troullit the 
 estate of the kirk toward the stipend shall lie avoydit, and 
 some special pro%-isione being made for sustaining of their 
 publick chairges, we may the better hald hand to sie the kirk 
 obeyit of that whereon the ministers shculd live, as they shall 
 report, that dureing our travells in the north countrey, they have 
 found our effectuous good will, and travellis in their further- 
 ance. Ifarder, we man put you in mind lirieflie, of ane matter 
 that occnrrit at our late being ui Elgine. Ane Nicoll Sudder- 
 land in fibres, was put to the knawledge of ane assyze for in- 
 cest, and with him the woman ; the assyze hes convict him 
 of the fault, but the question is, whetlier the same be incest 
 or not, so that we behovit to delay the executione wliill we 
 micht have your resolutions at this assembhe. The case is, 
 that the woman was harlot of before to the said NicoU'a 
 mother brother, herein Mr Robert Pont can infonnc you mak 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 197 
 
 "miplie, to whais sufficiencie we remitt the rest. Mairover, at 
 ur coming at Aberdeen, there came ane named Portcrfield, 
 jiinister provydit of before to the viccarage of Ardrossane, 
 and required also of us, that he micht have the viccarage of 
 Steinsone, sieing both was ane matter meine aneuch to sus- 
 tain him, and because the kirks war neir, he micht discharge 
 the cure of Iwth. We haveing him commendit be diverse 
 great men to the same, but thocht guid to advertise you, that 
 ♦his preparatione induce not cvill example and corruption ; al- 
 ways in caise sic things occur hereafter, let us understand 
 what ye would have us to doe, as in like manner towards the 
 chaiplanries shall happen to vaike, whereanent because there 
 is no certain order, and some confusion stands, some desyrand 
 them for lyfetyme, some for infl'ants that are not of the schools, 
 and some for seven years, we are sometymes preasit to receave 
 or confirme assignations or demissions of benefices, the pre- 
 parature whereof appears to bring with it corruptione, and so 
 we would be resolvit how to proceed, before our coming from 
 fFyfe, and sensyne we have been very willing to doe justice on 
 all suspect persons of witchcraft, as also upon adulterers, in- 
 cestuous persons, abusers of sacraments, quherein wc could 
 not have sic expeditione as we could have wisched, because 
 we have no uther probabilitie whereby to try and convict 
 them, but ane general delatione of names, the persons sus- 
 pect not being for the maist part tryit and convict be order 
 of the kirk of before. This henderit many things that uther- 
 wayes micht have been done, and therefore we pray you 
 appoint and prescryve how the judgement of the kirk may 
 proceed and be execute against all sic trespassers, before com- 
 plaint be made to us, that when we come to the cuntrie, we 
 may cause execute the law, and be relievit of the triall of in- 
 quisitione heiranent. We thocht expedient to give you this 
 for advertisement, and so remitts the haill to your care and 
 diligence, committis you in the protectione of Eternall God, 
 Your assurit friend, 
 
 Aberdeene, Junii Ultimo, 1.569. 
 
 James Regent. 
 
 No. XVIII. 
 
 Extracts from " A Historie of the Estate of Scotland from the 
 year 1559 to the year 1566." — MS. belonging to Thomas 
 Thomson, Esq ; Advocate. 
 
 [This is the MS. to which I have frequently referred in the 
 account which I have given of the differences between the 
 Queen Regent and the Protestants, in the years 1 558 and 1 559. 
 At the beginning of it is the date "7th January, 1663," most 
 probably the day on which the writing was begun. It is un- 
 doubtedly a transcript from a more ancient MS. and the 
 transcriber has not been well acquainted witli the old hand. 
 Accordingly he has sometimes left blanks, and at other times 
 has evidently given a false reading. Only a small part of the 
 original MS, seems to have been transcribed by him. In 
 making the following extracts from it I have endeavoured to 
 select such passages as contain facts or circumstances not 
 mentioned in other histories; and I am not without hopes that 
 the publication of these may contribute to the discovery of 
 the original MS. which may be hid in some public library or 
 private repository.] 
 
 In the moneth of Julij anno 1558. conveened in Edenburgh 
 a certen number of the professours of Christ's Evangell. The 
 cause of their meeting wes partly to assist certen brethren of 
 Dundie who wcr summoned to vnderly the law by instigation 
 of the Bishops. And after consultation ad advice taken, the 
 presented a Suplication in the palace of Halyrud house to the 
 Queene Regent, conteining in effect thes articles ffoUowing. 
 In the first desyring that it might be lawfuU to all such as 
 pleased to meete publiquely that in any part within this Realme 
 of Scotland to read Comon prayers in the mother tongue. 
 Secondly, that it should be lawfull to all persons haveing 
 knowledge to preach the word of God without the leaven 
 of mens Traditions. Thirdly, that it should be lawfull for 
 the sayd persons, ministers of God's word, to minister the 
 Sacraments, to witt, of baptisme and the lords supper, accord- 
 ing to the true institution commanded by Christ and his 
 Apostels, and to the faithfull to receave the same. The which 
 Supplication the said Queene Regent receaved with a joyfuU 
 countenance forth of the hands of the Laird of Cadder in the 
 presence of a great part of the nobilitie, the Papist Bishops 
 also being present. And at that tyme shee gave ane indifferent 
 
 Answere, saying alwayes shoe would advise in the matter. 
 But soone after shoe delivered the sayd supplication to the Bpp 
 of St Andrewcs to be advised with him that wes to be done, 
 as the yssue of the said matter did declare. Alwayes the 
 faithfull reioiced and gave condigne thanks to the eternall our 
 God, f^r that it had pleased him to give them the boldness to 
 vtter themselves to be such as desyred the advancement of his 
 glory notwithstanding the multitude of their enemies. At the 
 same meeting ther wer certen brethren of Dundie, who were 
 summoned to vnderly the law for the cause of religion. They 
 were releived vpon securitie to enter vpon eight days warning. 
 Finally departing from Edenbrugh, everie man in their owne 
 shyrs and Townes they beganne to proceed according to the 
 effect of the said articles privatly and publickly where they 
 might without occasion of sedition or greate trouble : the 
 greatest fervencie apeared in the Meams and Angus, and 
 Kyle and Fyfe or Lothian ; but cheifly the faithfull in Dundie 
 exceeded all the rest in zeall and boldnes, preferring the true 
 religion to all things temporall. But in Edenburgh their meet- 
 ing wes but in private houses. 
 
 In October the Tninister of Gods word John Willok came 
 into this countrie, by whose godly sermons the brethren were 
 strengthened in all places where the faithfull came, and the 
 numljer increased dayly ; hot Sathan never ceases to suppress 
 by all meanes the truth where he perceaves the same truely to 
 increase. In the end of September following the Bpp of St 
 Andrewes caused summone the preachers, viz. John Willok, 
 John Douglas, William Harlaw, Paul Meffan, and John 
 to appeare before him at St Andrews the second of February 
 following; wherof the brethren being advertised advised what 
 wes to be done, and after consultation taken in the matter 
 caused informe the Queene Regent that the said preachers 
 would appear with such multitude of men professing their 
 doctrine as wes never seen befor in such like cases in this 
 countrie. Then the Queene fearing some vproare or sedition 
 desyred the Bishopp to continue the matter, and declared that 
 shee would send for the nobilitie and Estates of the Realme 
 to advise for some reformation in rehgion, and for the same 
 purpose assigned the seventh of March following for a conven- 
 tion to be holden at Edenburgh. hot the Bpp of St Andrewes 
 caused wame all the sects of the Papists to the said day to 
 hold a Provincial Counsell at Edenburgh, wher they being 
 mett after some commoneing by the principall Bpps with the 
 nobles, whereof nothing in effect followed ; then the sayd Bpps 
 after their old manner offered themselves to the Queene, to 
 doe all that shee would command them proveiding that they 
 might be maintined in their dignitie for the suppressing of the 
 truth, and after they wer aggreed with her vpon the summe 
 which wes within 15000/. they sate them downe in the 
 Blackfryers of Edenburgh in their vsuall councell. Where 
 the 7th day wes devised, and the next Sunday the 15th of 
 March the said Bpp sang a Magnifick mass of the holy Spirit, 
 as they tearmed it, for a beginning of the deformation. On 
 the other part the Comissioners of the faithfull mett by them- 
 selves at the same tyme in Edenburgh, and everie day con- 
 sulted for the furtherance of the gospell ; and finally perceav- 
 ing that the Queene Regent and the Papists were agreed by 
 reasone of the said summe promised by them to her, they de- 
 pmrted leaving the Papists stUl at their provincial Councell ; 
 Where, amongst others of the statutes, the •23th of March the 
 Queene Regent caused proclame this at the Markett crosses at 
 Edr. and other places, conteining in effect, that no manner of 
 persone should take vpon hands to preach or minister the 
 Sacraments, except they were therto admitted by the ordinarie 
 or Bishopp vnder no lesse paine then death. And because 
 they vnderstood perfectly of the afore said Proclamation that 
 it wes disobeyed and contemned by the Preachers, in Aprill 
 following,* for contravening of the said acts and proclamations 
 vnder the paine of Rebellion and putting to the home, which 
 thing was done express agt. the lawes and practise of the 
 Countrie. In the end of this moneth of Aprill the minister 
 of Gods word John Knox arrived at Leith,f and on the 
 next day after his commeing which was called PhilUpp and 
 Jacobs day, the Papists meeting at the Councell being well 
 sett downe in the Blackfryers of Edenbrugh, one came in and 
 assurred them that John Knox wes now come out of ffrance, 
 [and] had beine all that night in the Towne: at the wch 
 
 * "They were summoned," or some such words must be supplied 
 here. 
 
 t There is a mistake hero as to the date. Knox arrived on the 
 2d of May. See page 68, 70. 
 
198 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 newes they being all astonished leaving the councell rose sud- 
 denly from the board where they satt, and passing forth to the 
 yeard altogether abashed fearing the tiling which came sud- 
 denly to pass. In the mean tyme that court wes cast so that 
 they never mett there again to this day. Nevertheless they 
 sent incontinent a post to Glasgow to the Queene, acquainting 
 her of the matter, who caused him to be blowne loud to the 
 home the third day after, Bot in the mean tyme the faithfull 
 being informed of his commeing and therwith encouraged 
 ceased not to give praise to God, and finally he being convoyed 
 to Dundie incontinent preached the word publicquely. 
 
 Alwayes when they [the Lords of the Congregation] had 
 purged the kirks in Sterling, and ordered the Friers as they 
 had done with them in St Johnstone and St Andrewes, des- 
 troying the Altars and Idolis, caused the Evangell to be pub- 
 licquely preached in the Parish Kirk, then they came to Eden- 
 brugh the penult day of June not above 1000 horse in com- 
 panie, at the first commeing, with some men of warr about 300 
 men. But before their commeing to Edenbrugh, the Friers 
 takeing the fray, for their master the Lord Seyton then Provost 
 who hes appointed them, wes wearie of his office, the ffriers 
 then begane to dispos'e amongst their acquaintance the best of 
 their goods which were left at that tyme, which thing the 
 Rascall people perceaving went in, finding the yates open, and 
 suddenly fell to work and saked all. So that before the arriv- 
 ing of the Congregation neither Altars, nor Idolis, nor any 
 thing pertaining to Idolatrie in the friers, wes left standing : soe 
 that the whole Churches about Edenburgli, as well as within 
 the Towne being purged, the faithfull reioiced giving condigne 
 thanks to the Etemall God who of his mercie had wrought so 
 great things without the expectation of all men. The minister 
 of Gods word John Knox the same day that the Congregation 
 came to Edenbrugh, made a Sermone in St Giles Church, and 
 the next day in the Abbay, soe that the dumbe Idolis and all 
 darknes being taken away, the clear Ligh-shineing of Gods 
 word was truely preached. The third day after the arriveing 
 of the Congregation at Edenburgh, My Lord of Glenkame 
 with the Gent of the west covmtrie came 1o her [there 1] after 
 that they had purchased [purged] the churches in Glasgow of 
 Idolatrie. The names of the Lords of the Congregation wes 
 the Earle of Argyle, the Lord James, the Earle of Glencame, 
 the Earle of Mentecth, the Earle Rothes. The same day after 
 their comeing to Edr. the Lords and Principalis of the Congre- 
 gation send to the Queene Regent, being at Dumbarr, my 
 Lord of Glencame, the lairds of Cunninghamhead and Pittaro, 
 declaring to her that the whole praetence wes for the suppress- 
 ing of Idolatrie and advancement of the glory of God, desyring 
 her to release the Preachers from the home, so that they might 
 pubUcquely preach the word of God. The Lords in that cause 
 offered to doe obedience and service, protesting that they meant 
 nothing but the setting furth of trae religion, and suppressing 
 Idolatrie and superstition, and advanceing the glory of God by 
 preaching of the word. Att that tyme thev obtined of the 
 Queene that the Preachers should be released from the home 
 so that they might preach freely to all such as pleased to 
 hcare them, which wes put in execution the nixt day after 
 when they were released.* After this there were divers com- 
 meing [cummunings] for appointment in Haddington and 
 other places, the Earle of Huntley being present for the Queene 
 and others such as shee pleased to appoint The things that 
 the Lords demanded consisted only of these two heads, that 
 the word of Go<l might be publiquely preached, and the french- 
 men sent forth of the countrie ; bot her mind wes to drive 
 tyme with them as well appeared. For shee had sent allreadie 
 to franco for more men of warr. During this tyme the Con- 
 gregation of Edenbmgh elected and chose John Knox pubUque- 
 ly in the Tolbooth of Edr. for their minister the 7th of 
 July. 
 
 At lenght shee [the Queen Regent] took purpose at Dum- 
 barr, by conclusion of the Councell, the 22th of Julij, being 
 assuredly informed that the number of the Congregation wes 
 verie small, should come to Edr. and compell the Congrega- 
 tion to dislodge. And for this purpose they made all readie 
 that night to depart in the morning following. The Lords of 
 the Congregation being advertised hereof (not withstanding 
 theire small number) resolved constantly to resist their [the] 
 violence of their adversaries putting their tmst in God whose 
 
 * Are WB to infer from thin that the protaatant minintfirs had dcsiglud 
 from preaching while they were outlawed ? I do not, indeed, recoller.t 
 of an instaiKM- of any of them, except Knox, preaching during that 
 time. 
 
 cause they meantyned, preferring the equitie of theu cause bo- 
 fore the power and strenght of men. In the mean tyme there 
 wes greate feare in the Towne everie man wundring what end 
 and successe the matter should take. Shortly so shoone as the 
 Lords were advertised that the men of warr commeing from 
 Dumbarr drew neere the Towne, the 25th of June airly in the 
 morning at the sound of the Commoon Bell where 
 forth of Edr, with soe money as God had moved their herts to 
 assist them. The whole number of the Congregation exceed- 
 ed not 1500 men. Which small number being putt in order 
 in the East side of Graigingate, incontinent the horse men be- 
 ing with my Lord Duke and Monsieur D'ossell appeared to 
 them vpon the sands of Leith north west from Lestellrigg 
 moveing towards Leith. And as soone as they come neere 
 the East part of Goubumes house that wes, they shott from 
 the said place a peece of ordinance which dispersed the said 
 horsemen, but soone after they yielded [i. e. the Lords of the 
 Congregation retired] themselves, perceaving the whole num- 
 ber approaching, which were about 5000 men, horse and foote. 
 The Congregation stood still in order on the East side of the 
 Craig, and perceaving the adversaries within halfe a mile they 
 prepared themselvis to battell, not mynding [i. e. meaning] to 
 remove out of that place. And albeit the Lords had desyrcd 
 the Captaine of the Castell, the Lord Erskin, to be on their 
 side, nevertheless they could not persuade him to shew them 
 any favour, yet after the Principall Lords had spoken with 
 him, they sent from the Craigs desyring him that in respect in 
 his conscience he favored die Evangell, and that the matter 
 depended fully here vpon, that he would assist them with such 
 help as he might, which thing he refused vtterly, assuring 
 them that, if they would now [not?] take such appointment 
 as they might have, he would declare himselve their enemie, 
 as he had promised to the Queene in Dumbarr, In the meau 
 tyme rideing on either side, they began to sjjeake to appoint 
 
 the matter which wes agreed vpon. 
 
 [Anno 1560.] It wes printed that the English men would 
 be In Scottland the 25th of March by land. After my liOrd 
 James had finally agreed with the Duke of Norfolke vpon all 
 things, he arrived againe at Pettenweeme the 9th day after his 
 departing. In tlie meane tyme the Princippalls of the ffrench- 
 men being informed that the Queenes Annie wes not in readi- 
 ness to come in before the said day, they tooke a high enter- 
 price. For the 7th of March, they departed forth of Leith and 
 other places where they had beh»e in garrisone to the greate 
 destruction and loss of the Coimtrie, the number of 2000 
 soiddiers of the most able and best equipeit, beside 300 Horse- 
 men, and marched towards Lithgow, where they remained the 
 first night All the Countrie wes in a fray, not knowing their pur- 
 pose vniill the nixt day at night they came to Monebeth, and some 
 of them lodged in Kirk in Tillock. The Didce being surely ad- 
 vertised that their purpose wes to come to Glasgow, he depart- 
 ed with small company the night before their arriving. There 
 wes in my Lord Dukes Company, the Earles of Arrane, Argyle 
 and Glencame, with their howsholds only, ffor they suspected 
 not nor would not have thought that the ffrenchmen durst at 
 that tyme have taken such an enterprice. Imediately there wes 
 proclamation made through Cliddesdale and other shires, and 
 likewise privie writings sent by my liord Duke and tlie other 
 Lords to their friends and servants. That they should inconti- 
 nently come to him in Hamilton for their defence, and resis- 
 tance of the ffrenchmen, and because warr [beacons of war?] 
 brunt vpon the highest hills for the same effect. But indeed 
 they gathered slowly, so that it appeared planly, if God would 
 have suffered it, the ffrenchmen might easily and without any 
 resistance have come vp Clyde, and had done whatever it had 
 pleased them throughout all that Countrie. Not with standing 
 after that they had taken by force the Bpps Castle, and had 
 cruelly hanged a part of the souldiers, (Scotts men) that were 
 therein, and had chased the rest that made resistance in the 
 Towne, the second day after ther comeing to Glasgow there 
 came a writing to him [them] from tlie Queene, containing 
 in effect that shee wes surely informed that the EngHsh armie 
 was alreadie come from Barwick and within Scotland ; wherefore 
 shee willed them with all possible expedition to retume againe, 
 which they did imediately. The damage which they did wes 
 not so greate as men supposed, for they had no tyme sufficient 
 When the Lords that were at Hamilton wore advertised of 
 their departing, my Lord of An-ane with soe many horsemen 
 as were readie, past fordward to follow the ffrenchmen, pre- 
 tending that if they had seen sufficient occasione to have inidled 
 with them. The next day they shewed themselves as the 
 ffiienchmen past by the Callender, but there wes no appear- 
 
SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 199 
 
 ance, ffor their wes no partie. Alwayes they kept them closs 
 together, for they exceeded not 800 men. Soe the ffrench- 
 men came to Lithgow, where they lay the space of 8 dayes, 
 and made continuall spoile in all the Countrie about within 
 the space of viii miles. The damage which they did of all 
 especially of cattle, sheepe and horse wes exceeding 
 great, and likewise killed and tooke diverse men prisoners. 
 
 Dureing this fyme the Congregation prepared themselves to 
 meet the English armie, and for the same purpose there wes 
 proclamation made in Cliddesdall, ffyfe, Angus, Memes, and 
 Stratheame. The ffrenchmen being surely advertised tliat the 
 English armie wes in readinesse they came to Leith the 29 of 
 March, where all things were prepared that were necessare for 
 their defence, and every day they made spoil in the Countrie. 
 
 SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 The first Poem mserted in the Supplement is so- exceeding- 
 ly rare, that the copy from which I have printed is supposed 
 to be unique. It is valuable, as the principal events in our Re- 
 former's life are commemorated in it, and the leading features 
 of his character delineated, by the pen of one who wets person- 
 ally acquainted with him. As a curious specimen of the 
 Scottish language and versification at the period in which it 
 was composed, the old orthography has been carefully retain- 
 ed. The serious reader will be pleased in tracing the vein of 
 piety which runs through rhymes which must appear to him 
 rude, and sometimes almost unintelligible. — Its author, John 
 Davidson, was a regent in the University of St Andrews, and 
 afterwards minister, first of Libberton, and then of Salt-Preston, 
 now called Prcstonpans. I have already referred to several of 
 his other writings. (Page 144, 182.) In 1602 he pub- 
 lished a Catechism, entitled " Some Helpes for Young Schol- 
 lers in Christianity," printed at Edinburgh by Robert Walde- 
 grave in 1602. And he died about 1608. Note subjoined 
 to Jameson's edition of his Catechism, 1708. Life of David- 
 son, in Wodrow's MSS. vol. i. Bibl. Coll. Glas. 
 
 The Latin Poems which follow are taken from a MS. in the 
 Advocates Library. They exhibit traits in the characters of the 
 principal Scottish Martyrs and Reformers, and contain allu- 
 sions to several events in their lives which I have not met with 
 elsewhere. On this account, and also as a specimen of Scot- 
 tish literature, I have published a selection from the MS. which 
 appears to have been written about the beginning of the seven- 
 teenth century. From the corrections with which it abounds 
 there is reason to think that the copy in the Library had be- 
 longed to the author. It likewise contains Latin Poems, en- 
 titled " Icones Regum Judae et Israehs." — The author, John 
 Johnston, was a professor of the New College in the Univer- 
 sity of St Andrews, at the close of the sixteenth and com- 
 mencement of the seventeenth century. He was the intimate 
 friend and associate of Andrew Melville, the learned principal 
 of that College. He published, " Heroes ex omni Historia 
 Scotica lectissimi. Lugduni Batavorum, 1603." 4to. And 
 also " Inscriptiones Heroicae Regum Scotorum," which were 
 reprinted in " Deliciae Poetarum Scotorum." His Verses on 
 Buchanan are inserted in " Poetarum Scotorum Musse Sacrse," 
 Tom. ii. p. 500. It is said that he also published a book on 
 the government of the church by Bishops ; but this I have not 
 seen. There is a I>ife of Johnston, in Wodrow's MSS. vol. 
 ii. Bibl. Coll. Glas, 
 
 ANE BREIF COM- 
 
 MENDATIOVN OFVPRICHT 
 
 lies, in respect of the surenes of the same, to all that 
 walk in it, amplifyit chiefly be that notabill docu- 
 ment of Goddis michtie protectioun, in preser- 
 uing his maist vpricht seruand, and feruent 
 Messinger of Christis Enangell, lohne 
 Knox. Set furth in Inglis meter be 
 M. lohne Dauidsone, Regent 
 in S. Leonards College. 
 
 ^ Quhairunto is addit in the end ane schort discnrs of the 
 Estaitis quha hes caus to deploir the deith of this Excellent 
 seruand of God. 
 
 1 PSALME. XXXVn. 
 1 Mark the vpricht man, and behauld the lust, for the end 
 of that man is peace. 
 
 IIMPRENTIT AT SANCTAN- 
 drois be Robert Lekpreuik. Aimo. 1573. 
 
 TO THE MAIST GODLIE, ANCIENT, AND WOR- 
 thie Schir lohne Wischart of Pittarrow Knicht, M. Johne 
 Dauidsone wissis the continuall assistance of the 
 Spreit of God, to the end, and in the end. 
 CoNsiDDERiNG with my self (maist worthie Knicht) the greit 
 frailtie and vnsureness of all strenthis eirthly quhatsueuer, 
 quhar in ma lefing god, vsis to put his traist on the ane part, and 
 the sure fortres and saifgaird of vprichtnes, howbeit destitute 
 of all aide warklly on the vther part : I culd not withhald my 
 pen fro vttering of that praise and commendatioun of vprichtnes, 
 quhilk in my mynde I had consauit of the same. Being chief- 
 ly mouit heirunto be the Miraculous (as I may weill call it) 
 and maist wonderfuU preseruatioun of that maist notabill ser- 
 uand of God, and sinceir Preicheour of Christis Euangell, 
 lohne Knox. Quha being hot of small estimatioun befoir the 
 eyis of the warld (zit greit befoir God) was hatit vnto the deith. 
 
2100 
 
 SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 And that euin be Kingis, Queenis, Princes, and greit men of 
 the warld, and finalty be all the rabill of Sathanis suddartis (a), 
 in Scotland, Ingland and France. Zea, not only was he hatit, 
 and raillit on, bot also persecutit maist scharply, and huntit 
 from place to place as ane vnworthie of ony societie with 
 man. And althocht thay wer michtie and potent zea, and 
 wantet na euill will, and he on the vther syde ane pure man, 
 alane, and oft tymes without help, or assistance of ye warld, 
 zit was he michtely prescruit, and as in a maist sure saifgard 
 (all the wickits attentis quha thristit nathing mair nor liis blude 
 being frustrat) conducted to ane maist quyet, peaciabill and 
 happy end, to the greit aduancement of Goddis glorie, aud 
 singulare comfort of his Kirk, and to the confusioun of Sathan 
 and discofort of all his wickit instrumetis. Thairfoir that this 
 sa notabil and euidet ane documet of the louing cair of our god 
 towardis his seruads suld not with him be burj'it bot abyde 
 recent in memorie till all the inhabitantis of this Realme in all 
 ages to cum. I haue preissit (b) schortly in this lytill paper 
 to mak, as it wer, ane memoriall of the same, and yat in that 
 laguage quhilk is maist comoun to this hail Realme, to the in- 
 tent that asweill vnleimit as leirnit may be partakeirs of the 
 same. Not that I think my self abill to handill sa worthie ane 
 mater vorthelie in ony toung, bot that partly I may schaw my 
 gude will in this mater, and partly to gif occasioun to vthens, 
 that baith hes mair dexteritie in sic thingis, and greiter oppor- 
 tunitie of tyme, to intreit the same at greiter lenth. That be 
 calling to mynd this notabill exepill of Godis louing cair to- 
 wardis vs, we in all thir feirfull dayis (quhairin he that seis not 
 tryall approching neir is destitute of ludgement) may be 
 strenthnit and encourageit to ga fordwart vprichtly, euerie ane 
 in our awin vocatioun, without declyning outher to the richt 
 hand or to the left And principally that our watche men faint 
 not nor begin to iouk (c), or flatter with the world for feir of 
 Tyranis, bot that thay may haue brasin faces, and foirheidis of 
 Iron aganis the threitnings of the wickit codempning impietie 
 of all persounis in plane termis, following the ensapill of this 
 maist zelous seruad of God, of quhoe heirtofoir we haue maid 
 mentioun, and that being assurit gif sa thay walk vprichtly in 
 dischargeing of thair office, that thay ar in ye protectioun of 
 tlie Almichtie. 
 
 T And this small frute of my sober trauellis, I haue thocht 
 gude to oiler and present to zow (maist worthie Knicht) not sa 
 mekill for that that I thocht it worthie to be presentit til ony ; 
 as that I wald let my gude will and grate (d) mynd, be the 
 same appeir towardis zow, throw quhais procurement I obtenit 
 the benefite of that godly and faithfull (thocht mockit and 
 falsely traducit of the warld) societie, quhairof presently I am 
 participant For the quliilk I acknawledge me, and my hum- 
 bill seruice alwayis addettit to zour honour. And howbeit (as 
 I mon confes) nathing can proceid of me that may in ony 
 wayis correspond to zour meritis towardis me : zit sal the 
 thankfulnes of mynd at na tyme (God willing) be deficient. 
 Quhilk is to be acceptit quhair uther thingis are lacking, in 
 place of greit rewaird. And the rather haue I takin bauldness 
 to dedicat this lytill Treateis vnto zour honour, baith becaus 
 I vnderstude, zow euer to haue bene sen zour Chyldheid, ane 
 vnfenzeit fauourar, and mantenar to zour power of vprichtnes, 
 quhais praise in this lytill Volume is uitreatit And also, that 
 this notabill seruand of God (quhais michtie preseruation, not- 
 withstanding the wickitis rage, to ane quyet end, chiefly mufit 
 me to this busines) was maist belufit of zow quhile he leuit 
 and yat for yat greit vprichtnes quhilk ze saw from tyme to 
 tyme maist viuely expres the self in him. And finally, tliat 
 your honour may be mufit heirby, as ze haue l)egunne and 
 cjntinewit to tliis day ane zelous professour of Goddis word, 
 mantenar of the samin, and Infer of his seruandis : sa ze may 
 perseueir to the end of zour lyfe, without sclander to zour pro- 
 fessioun, euer approuing the treuth, and haitting impietie in all 
 persounis, not leaning to warldly wisdome, nor louking for the 
 pleasure of greit men in the warld : Sen nane of thir thingis, 
 but only vprichtnes can outher mak ane pkasand ta God, or 
 zit sure in this warld. And sa traisting that zour honour will 
 accept this my sober offer (till God graut better occasioun of 
 
 greter) intil gude part I commit zow to the protectioun 
 
 of the Almichtie, that quhen it sail pleis God to tak 
 
 zow furth of this miserie, ze may end zour life 
 
 in the sanctificatioun of his haly name. 
 
 To quhom be praise and Gloria, for 
 
 euer. Amen. From Sanctandrois 
 
 the XVIII. of February. 
 
 (a) loldiert. (fr) preised, endeavoured, (c) shift, (il) gratei\i). 
 
 ANE BREIF COMMENDATIOVN OF VPRICHTNES 
 
 SEN that we se men till haue studyit ay. 
 
 Into this eirth sic strenthis to prepair 
 
 As micht be saifgairJ to thame nicht and day, 
 
 Quhen ony danger dang thame in dispair. 
 
 Wald thow gude Reider huue ane strenth preclair (e), Prouer. 10. 
 
 Maist Strang and stark to rin to in distres 12, 13, 18. 
 
 This lytill schedull schortly sail declair EcclesL 9. 
 
 How that the surest Towre is vprichtnes. Ps. 25, 27, 91. 
 
 Quhilk vprichtnes we may descriue to be : 
 Ane traid of lyfe conforme to Godds command, 
 Without all poysoun of Hypocrisie 
 Or turning to or fra, from hand to hand. 
 Bot stoutly at the word of God to stand, 
 Eschewing alwayis it for to transgres 
 Not bowing back for thame that contramand. 
 This wayis we may descriue this vprichtnes. 
 
 lob. 31. 
 
 Prouer. 5. 
 Psalm 18. 
 
 For first thare is na Castell, Towre, nor Toun, 
 Nor naturall strenth, as Alexander sayis, Q. Curt li. 7. 
 
 Bot manis Ingyne may vincous and dmg doun, 
 As that he had experience in his dayis, 
 Na strenth was sure to thame that was his fais : 
 The Craig in Asia did beir witnes, Q. Curt. K. 5. 
 
 Howbeit in hicht vnto the sky it rais, 
 It was ouercum for laik of vprichtnes. 
 
 Euin sa that bailfull Bour of Babilone, Q. Curt li. 5. 
 
 Na saifgaird was to Darius we reid, leremi. 51. 
 
 Suppois it was ane maist Strang Dongeone, 
 And mony ma I micht declair in deid, 
 Bot sic exempelhs Foraine nane we neid, 
 Quhat surenes fand the Bischopis halynes, 
 Into Dumbartane quhair he pat his Creid. 
 It was not half sa sure as vprichtnes. 
 
 The force of men gif ony will obtend, Ps. 33. 40. 60. 
 
 Kinred, or friends to be ane gaird maist Strang, Esai. 31. 
 All is bot vane, thay can not man defend, Jeremi. 17. 
 
 For quha mair surely into Royat (/) rang. 
 Nor the greit Conquerour his friendis amang, Q. Curt. Ub. 10. 
 Zit was he poysonit as sura dois express, 
 Intill his Camp quhilk he had led sa lang, 
 Than quhat is force of man till vprichtnes. 
 
 Riches and rent we ken dois not abyde, Prouer. 1 1 
 
 Bot flitts and fochis (g) euer to and fra, Eccles. 5. 
 
 Than vane it is in thame for to confyde, Job. 1 1. 
 
 Sen that we se thame as weill cum as ga, Psalm. 49. 
 
 Thairfoir my friendis sen that the cace is sa, - 1, Timot. 6. 
 That warldly strenth can haue na sickemes, Zephan. 1. 
 
 Sum vther saiigaird surely we mon ha, Ecclesi. 2. 
 Quhilk is nocht ellia bot only vprichtnes. Nahinn. 3. 
 
 Bot sum perchance that winks mair wylelie. 
 Will say thay wait ane wyle (A) that I na wist 
 Withiouking thay will langil (t) craftelie, ^i.^wr f/-. 
 
 And on thair feit will ay licht quhen thay list : IISiiiiKt 
 
 Thinking all surenes thairin to consist : ."Tt^ji 
 
 Hypocrisie is quent (k) with quyetnes, 
 Bot all begylit thay ar into tlie mist 
 For nathuig can be sure but vprichtnes. 
 
 For quhat become of fals Achitophell, 
 For als far as he saw befoir his ncis. 2. Sam. IV. 
 
 The Scripture schawis I neid not heir to tell. 
 The lyke of this in mony Historeis, 
 I micht bring furth that to my purpois grcis, Psalm. 7. 
 How Hypocrites into tliair craftynes. Ester. 7. 
 
 Thame selfis hes trappit witli greit misereis, 
 Becaus thay did eschew all vprichtnes. 
 
 Bot quha sa euer on the vther syde, 
 Hes preissit peirtly to leif v-prightlie, 
 And be the treuth bound bauldly till abyde: 
 Hes eueriiad the maist securitie. 
 
 Ester 6. 
 Banl 6. 
 
 (a) excellent. 
 (A) know a trick. 
 
 (0 roydty. Of)r.hanpei situation, 
 
 (i) juggle, (t) acquainted, or (perhaps) crafty. 
 
SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 201 
 
 For thay had God thair buckler for to be, 
 Quhome we mon grant to be anc Strang fortres, Psalm. 76. 
 Of quhome the Deuill can not get victorie Psalm. 89. 
 
 Nor all the enemies of vprichtnes. 
 
 Think weill my friendis this is na fenzeit fair (Z) , I Sam. 1 7. 1 8. 
 
 For quha sa list of Dauid for to reid, 19.20.21.22. 
 
 May se quhat enemies he had ahjuhair, 29. 33. 
 
 And zit how surely he did ay proceid. 2 Sam. 2. 3. 5. 
 
 Becaus he walkit vprichtly in deid. 8. 1.5. 16. 18. 
 
 He was mair sure from Saulis cruelnes, 20. 
 
 Nor gif ten thousand men intill his neid, 1 Sam. 23. 
 Had with him bene syne lackit vprichtnes. 
 
 Of sic exempills we micht bring anew, 
 Bot ane thair is that preifis our purpois plane 
 Of Daniell that Propheit wyse and trew, Dani. 6. 
 
 How oft was he in danger to be slane. 
 Into the Lyonis Den he fand na pane. 
 The three Children the fyre did not oppres. Dani. 3. 
 
 I think this only Historic micht gane. 
 To preif how sure ane Towre is vprichtnes. 
 
 Bot zit becaus exempills fetchit far, 
 Mulis not so muche as thay thingis quhilk we se, 
 I purpois schortly now for to cum nar, 
 Vnto the but (m) quhair chiefly I wald be : 
 That is to schaw the prufe befoir zour Ee. 
 Of thir premissis, as all mon confes 
 That hes sene God wirking in this countrie, 
 How ane hes bene preseruit in vprichtnes. 
 
 It is lohne Knox in deid quhome of I mene, 
 That feruent faithfull seruand of the Lord, 
 Quhome I dar bauldly byde at till haue bene, 
 Ane maist trew Preicheour of the Lordis word. 
 I rak nathing quhat Rebalds (n) heir record, 
 Quhaneuer culd speik gude of godly nes. 
 This man I say eschaipit fyre and sword, 
 And deit in peace, in praise of vprichtnes. 
 
 Bot that this may be maid mair manifest : 
 I will discurs sum thing in speciall, 
 Tuiching tliis Lamp, on lyfe quhill he did lest, 
 First he descendit bot of linage smaH. 
 
 As commounly God vsis for to call, Amos. L 7. 
 
 The sempill sort his summoundis til cxpres. Mark 1. 
 
 Sa calling him, he gaue him giftis with all 1. Cor. 1. 
 
 Maist excellent besyde his vprichtnes. laco. 3. 
 
 For Weill I wait that Scotland neuer bure. 
 In Scottis leid (o) ane man mair Eloquent. 
 Into perswading also I am sure, 
 Was nane in Europe that was mair potent. 
 In Greik and Hebrew he was excellent, 
 And als in Latine toung his propemes. 
 Was tryit trym quhen scollers wer present. 
 Bot thir wer nathing till his vprichtnes. 
 
 For fra the tyme that God anis did him call. 
 To bring thay joyfull newis vnto this land, 
 Quhilk hes illuminat baith greit and small. 
 He maid na stop but passit to fra hand, 
 Idolatrie maist stoutly to ganestand : 
 And chiefly that great Idoll of the Mes. 
 Howbeit maist michtie enemies he fand, 
 Zit schrinkit he na quhit from vprichtnes. 
 
 The greuous Galayis maid him not agast, 
 Althocht the Prelats gold in greit did geif, 
 Ouir schipburd in the sey him for to cast. 
 He fand sic grace they sulfcrit him to leif. 
 Zea mairatour thay did him not mischeif. 
 As thay did his Companzeounis mair and les, 
 With pynefull panis quhen thay thair pythis did preif, 
 God sa prouydit for his vprichtnes. 
 
 In Ingland syne he did eschaip the Ire, 
 Of lesabell, that Monstour of Mahoun, (^) 
 
 (I) feigned affair, 
 worthless fellows, Sec, 
 
 (m) butt, or mark, 
 (o) language. 
 2 A 
 
 (n) I regard nothing what 
 (p) the devil. 
 
 In Scotland nixt with terrour him to tyre, 
 Thay brint his picture in Edinburgh Toun. 
 Bot sen to Scotland last he maid him boun, (q) 
 Quhat battell he hes bidden ze may ges. 
 Sen Dagon and thay Deuillis he gart ding doun, 
 In spy te of thame that hatit vprichtnes. 
 
 Thay that hes bene cheif in Authoritie, 
 For the maist part had him at deidly feid, 
 Zit he eschaipit all their crueltie, 
 Howbeit oftymes thay did deuyse hes deid, 
 Zea, sum wer knawin perfitely be the held, 
 Quha vndertuke his Dirige for to dres, 
 Zit bauldly be his baner he abaid. 
 And did not iouk ane ioit from vprichtnes. 
 
 Bot cheifly anis he was put to ane preace, (r) 
 Quhen that the Quene of tressoun did accuse mm 
 Befoir hir Lords in haly Rudehous place. 
 Quhair clawbacks of the Court thocht till abuse him 
 Sa prudetly this Propheit yair did vse him, 
 Into refuting of thair fulischenes. 
 That all the haill NobiUtie did ruse (s) him 
 And praisit God for his greit vprichtnes. 
 
 Quhen Quene and Court could not get him couict, 
 Bot sa wer disappointit of thair pray, 
 Thay fryit in furie that he schaipit quick, 
 Zit at the leist to get thair wills sum way, 
 Thay wald haue had him wardit for ane day, 
 In Dauois Towre, zea, for ane hour or les, 
 It was denyit for ocht the Quene culd say. 
 Thair micht be sene how sure was vprichtnes. 
 
 Bot in quhat perrell trow ze he was last, 
 Quhen Edinburgh he loft with hart full sair, 
 Doubtles na les nor ony that hes past. 
 In spyte thay spak that him thay suld not spair 
 Thay suld him schuit into the Pulpet thair 
 Becaus he did rebuke thair fyltlienes. 
 And mischant (/) murther that infects the air, 
 Zit God preseruit him in vprichtnes. 
 
 Mony may dangers nor I can declair. 
 Be sey and land this Propheit did sustene, 
 In France and Ingland, Scotland, heir and thair, 
 Quhilk I refer to thame that mair hes bene, 
 Intill his company and sic things sene. 
 Bot this far schortly I haue maid progress, 
 To preif how God maist surely dois mantene, 
 Sic as continew intil vprichtnes. 
 
 For this Excellent seruand of the Lord, 
 Vnto the deith was hatit as we knaw. 
 For sinceir preiching of the Lordis word 
 With Kingis, Princes, hie estait and law, 
 Zit in thair Ire him micht thay not ouirthraw. 
 He did depart in peace and plesandnes : 
 For all the troublis that ze hard vs schaw 
 That he sustenit for lufe of vprichtnes. 
 
 And this is merwell gif we will considder, 
 Ane sempill man but (m) warldly force or aide, 
 Againis quhome Kingis and Princes did confidder (v), 
 How he suld fend (w) from furie and thair fead (x), 
 Syne leaue this lyfe with Usl for all thair plaid (y). 
 He had ane surer gaird we mon confes, 
 Nor ony warldly strenth that can be maid. 
 Quhilk was nathing but only vprichtnes. 
 
 Bot sum may say quhairto suld thow prefer 
 This vprichtnes quhilk thow extolls sa hie 
 Vntill all warldly strenthis that euer werT 
 Sen that the contrair daylie we may se. 
 How upricht men ar murtherit mischantlie, Gene. 4. 
 
 As first was Abell with greit cruelnes, Matth. 1 4. 
 
 Gude lohne the Baptist, and als Zacharie, 2. Chro. 24. 
 
 Zea, Christ him self for all his vprichtnes. Matth. 27. 
 
 (j) ready. (r) pregg, difficulty. (s) extol. (t) wicked. 
 
 («1 without. (c) confederate. (to) defend. (x) enmity. 
 
 (y) plea, controversy. 
 
202 
 
 SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 Peter and Paul! with mony ma sensyne. Euseb. To. 4. 
 
 Andof lat zeiris in Ingland as we knaw, fol. 7. 
 
 How mony piteously was put to pyne. Vide Slei- 
 
 And now in France that schame is for to schaw. danum. 
 lames our gude Regent rakkin in that raw (z), 
 Quha had rung zit wer not his richteousnes. 
 Sa, I can se nathing sa sone ovurthraw, 
 Man in this eirth as dois this vprichtaes. 
 
 To this I answer into termis schort, 
 Quhen warldly strenthis vincust and maid waist, Prouer. 11. 
 With it man tynis baith courage and comfort, 
 Quhen it is tynt quhairin he pat his traist : 
 Bot quha that deith in vprichtnes dois taist, Prouer. 11. 
 
 Sail haue the lyfe that lests with joyfulnes, Matth. 16. 
 
 Sa thay are sure, becaus thay ar imbraist 
 Be the Etemall for thair vprichtnes. 
 
 But this sa lichtly we may not pass by : 
 I grant indeed quha preissis vprichtlie 
 
 To serue the Lord mon first them selfis deny, Matth. 16. 
 And na wayis dres to daut («) thame daintelie 
 Bot thame prepair for troublis Identlie (b), 2. Timo. 3. 
 
 For troublis ar the bage thay mon posses. Psalm. 34. 
 
 Sen Sathan ceisis not continuallie. 1. Pet 5. 
 
 To troubill thame that followis vprichtnes. lob. 1. 
 
 Quhy lis harling (c) thame befoir Princes and Kings, Luc. 2 1 . 
 As rauing Rebalds rudelie to be rent, 1. Reg. 10. 
 
 Accusing thame of troubling of all things, 1. Reg. 17. 
 
 As caiikerit CarUs that can not be content, 
 Except all things be done be thair consent : 
 Now scomit, nowscurgeit,now bad with bittemes, Matth. 27. 
 Imprissonit, and sindrie fassiounis schent (d), leremi. 38. 
 And sum tymes dreuin to deith for vprichtnes. Acfc, 12. 
 
 This is thair lote oftymes T will not lane (e) 
 Into this eirth that vse to be vpricht, 
 Bot quhat of this 1 my piupois zit is plane : 
 That is, that thay ar surer day, and nicht, Psalm. 91. 
 
 For all this wo, not only warldly wicht Psalm. 118. 
 
 For in thair conscience is mair quyetnes 
 In greitest troublis, nor the men of micht 
 Hes in thair Castells, without vprichtnes. 
 
 For quhen Belshazzer greit King of the Eist, Dani. 5. 
 Ane thousand of his Princes had gart call, 
 Drinkand the wyne befoir thame at the Feist, 
 Intill his piydefull Pomp Imperiall : 
 Euin in the middis of this his mirrie hall 
 He saw ane sicht that sank him in sadnes, 
 Quhen he persauit the finger on the wall, 
 Wryting his wrak for his vnvprichtii«s> 
 
 Quhat sail I say I neid not till iiisist, 
 To schaw how thay to God that dois Rebell. 
 In thair maist micht can not be haldin blist, 
 For in this warld thay do begin thair hell. 
 As Cain did that slew the iust Abell, 
 Within thair breist thay beir sic bailfulnes, 
 That toimg of men can not the teynd part tell, 
 Of inward torments for vnvprichtnes. 
 
 Bot thay that walks vprichtly with the Lord, 
 
 In greitest troublis wantis not inwart rest. 
 
 As the Apostiliis doung (/) for Goddis word. Acts. 5. 
 
 Reioysit that for Christ sa thay wer drest 
 
 Peter in prisone sleipil but molest Act 12. 
 
 Paull in the stocks and Sylas with glaidnes. Act 16. 
 
 Did sing ane Psalme at midnicht sa the b^ 
 
 Surenes that man can haue, is vprichtnes. 
 
 Sa be this surenes now I do not mene. 
 That Godds seruands ar neuer take away-, 
 Be cruell men, for the contrair is senc, 
 For God oftymes of his ludgements I say, 
 Letts thame so fall, as thocht befoir the day : 
 To plague the warld for thair vnthankfuhies. 
 
 Gene. 4. 
 Esai. 66. 
 Prouer. 15. 
 
 Prouer. 14. 
 
 (z) reckon in that rank. (a) cheriih. (J) diligently. 
 
 (e) dragging. (it) maimtd, or disgraced. (•) conceal. 
 
 (/) beat, or scourged. 
 
 Quhilk is not worthie of sic men as thay. Esai. 3. 
 
 Bot I mene this be strenth of v-prichtnes, Heb. 11. 
 
 Tliat quhen it plesis God to let thame fall, 
 Thay haue sic inwart comfort without cair, Acts 7. 
 
 That thay depart with ioy Angelicall, 2 Timot 4. 
 
 Of lyfe assurit that lestis for euer mair. 
 And zit sum tyme he dois his seruands spair, Esai. 41. 
 To let the Tyrannis se his raichtines, lerem. 1. 4. 5. 
 
 In spyte of thame, that he can his alquhair, 
 Preserue maist surely intill vprichtnes. 
 
 Quhilk we haue sene as we can not deny, 
 Into lohne Knoxis michtie preseruatibn, 
 Quhilk till our comfort we suld all apply, 
 I mene that ar the FaitlifuU Congregatioun. 
 Sen he departit with sic consolatiorm 
 Euen as he leuit, he deit in Faithfulnes, 
 Being assurit in Christ of his Saluatioiui, 
 As in the end he schew with vprichtnes. 
 
 Sa is he past from pane to plesure ay. 
 And till greit eis doutles \-ntill him sell, 
 Bot for ane plague till vs I dair weill say. 
 As sair I feir we sail heir schortly tell, 
 Schir wink at vice (g) beginnis to tune his bell. 
 Bot on this heid na mair I will digres, 
 That gude men hes mair rest in all perrell 
 Nor wickit in thair welth but vprichtnes. 
 
 Then sen alwayis we se that men ar sure 
 Throw vprichtnes quhidder tliay line or die. Psalm. 37. 
 
 Let all gude Cristianes Imploy thair cure. 
 In thair vocatioun to leif vprichtlie ; 
 And cheifly let all preicheouris wamit be, 
 That this day God and the gude caus profes, 
 Na wayis to wink at sic Impietie Tit 1. 
 
 And cheifly dois withstand all ^'prichtnes. 
 
 Taking exempill of this Propheit plane, 
 Quhome heir befoir we breuit in this bill (A), 
 Quha Godds reuelit will wald neuer lane, 
 Quhen men begouth for to delyte in ill. 
 He wald not wane ane wy (i) for na manis will 
 For to rebuke Erie, Barrone, or Burges, 
 Quhen in thair wickit wayis thay walkit still. 
 Follow this Lamp I say of vprichtnes. 
 
 Let notifher hife of friend, nor feir of fais, 
 Mufe zow to mank (k) zour Message, or hald bak 
 Ane iot of zour Commissioun ony wayis Psalm. 40, 
 
 Call ay quhite, quhite, and blak, that quhilk is blak, Esai. 5. 
 Ane Gallimafray (/) neuer of thame mak : 
 Bot ane gude caus distingue from wickitnes, 2. Timoth. 2. 
 
 This kynd of phrais sumtymes this Propheit spak 
 Quhen he saw simi not vsing vprichtnes. 
 
 In generall do not all things inuolue, 
 Thinking zour selfis dischargeit than to be, 2 Timot 2. 
 
 Thocht na manis mynd in maters ze rcsolue : 
 For (zit till vse this same manis Elogie) 
 To speik the treuth, and speik the treuth trewlie, Num. 23. 24. 
 Is not a thing (m) (said he) brethren doutles. 
 Thairfoir speik trewly but Hypocrisie, 
 Gif ze wald haue the praise of vprichtnes. 
 
 Let vice ay in the awin cullouris be kend. 2 Timot 4 
 
 But beiring with, ox zit extenuatioim 
 Schawing how heichly God it dois offend, Act 17. 
 
 Spairing na stait that maks preuaricatioun, Esai. 58. 
 
 Let it be sene till all the Congregatioxm, 1 Timot 5. 
 
 That ze sic haitrent haue at wicketnes 
 That ze mon dampne their greit abhominatioun, 
 Quha planely fechtis aganis all vprichtnes. 
 
 Quhilk tred of doctrine gif ze anis begin Psalm. 38. 
 
 I grant the Deuill and warld will be agane zow Psalm. 41. 
 
 (^) Sir Winkat-Tice, an allegorical character. (A) dcacribcd in this 
 work. (i) probably teafnd ane vsee, i. o. iwerre a little. (Jt) curtail. 
 (Q ahotcfi potch. (m) one thing. 
 
SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 30t 
 
 The feid of fremmlt, and craibing of zour kin (n) 
 
 First ze sail find, syne tcrrour to constraine zow 
 
 To syle the siiith (o), and sunze (p), I will plane (y) zow. 
 
 The Zock is not sa licht as sum dois gea. Nahum. 1. 
 
 Bot zit haue ze na dreid quha do disdane zow, Psalm. 31. 
 
 Sen that zour forties sure is vprichtnes. Psalm. 34. 
 
 For pleis it God zour lyfe to lenthen heir, 
 Thocht all the warld aganis zow wald conspyre, 
 Thay sail not haue the power zow to deir, (r) 
 Albeit thay rage and rin wod (s) in thair Ire, 
 And gif that God thinks gude be sword or fyre, 
 To let zow fall be ay in reddynes : 
 
 Being assurit that heuin salbe zour hyre 2 Tunot. 4. 
 
 Because ze endit sa in vprichtnes. 
 
 Let not the lufe of this lyfe temporall, 
 Quhilk ze mon lose, but let quhen ze leist wene (^) 
 Stay zow to cois (m) with lyfe Celestiall, 
 Quhen euer thar the chols cumis thame betwene. 
 Christis sentence in zour garden kelp ay grene, 
 Quha sauis his lyfe shall lois it not the les. Math, 16. 
 
 Quhilk euin into this warld hes oft bene senc, 
 Quhat gaine is than to deny vprichtnes 1 
 
 Than to conclude, sen in tliir dangerous dayis 
 Sa mony terrours Tyranis casts befoir zow 
 Call vpon God to strenthen zow alwayis 
 That with his haly Spreit he will decoir zow 
 As he hes done his seruands ay befoir zow 
 That ze may neuer wink at wickitnes Esai. 51, 
 
 With Gun & Gainze (v) thocht thay boist to gor zow 
 Sen that zour Towre sa sure is vprichtnes. 
 
 f FINIS. M. L D. 
 
 ANE SCHORT 
 
 DISCVRS OF THE ESTAITIS 
 
 quha hes cans to deploir the deith of this 
 
 Excellent seruand of God. 
 
 THOW pure contempnit Kirk of God, 
 In Scotland scatterit far abrod, 
 Quhat leid (a) may let the to lament : 
 Sen baith the Tyger and the Tod, 
 Maist cruellie cummis the to rent. 
 Thow wants ane watcheman that tuke tent, 
 Baith nicht and day that nocht suld noy the, 
 Allace thow wants the Instrument, 
 That was thy Lanterne to conuoy the. 
 
 Thy lemand (6) Lamp that schew sic Ucht, 
 Was gude lohne Knox, ane man vpricht, 
 Quhais deith thow daylie may deploir, 
 His presence maid thy bewtie bricht, 
 And all thy doings did decoir. 
 He did him haillie indeuoir. 
 Thy richteous actioun to mantene. 
 And libertie to the restoir, 
 Pleading thy caus with King and Quenc. 
 
 He neuer huntit benefice, 
 Nor catchit was with Couatice, 
 Thocht he had offers mony one : 
 And was als meit for sic Office 
 As outlier gellie (c) lok or lohne. 
 His mynd was ay sa the vpon. 
 Thy only weilfair was his welth, 
 Thairfoir lament sen he is gone, 
 Thathuikit nathing (d) for thy helth: 
 
 Lament Assemblie Generall. 
 At thy Conuentiounis ane, and all. 
 
 (») the hostility of strangers, and an£rer of relations, 
 (o) conpeal the truth. (p) anxiety. (q) plainly tell, 
 
 (r) injure. (s) mad. (t) without hindrance, when yo least think. 
 (m) barter. (v) gaime seems to signify sometimes •' an engine 
 
 for throwing weapons," and sometimes "the weapon thrown." 
 (o^ lay or song. (6) shining. Mazing. (c) good fellow, Jon vivant, 
 {a) thought nothing too much. 
 
 For thow will mis ane Moderatour, 
 Quhais presence mufit greit, and small, 
 And terrifeit baith theif and traitour. 
 With all vnrewlie Rubiatour (e), 
 Thair ionkers durst not kyith thair cinre. 
 For feir of fasting in the Fratour (/), 
 And tynsall of the charge thay bare. 
 
 But now I feir that thow sail se, 
 Greit missing of that man to be, 
 Quhen craftie heidis sail na mair hyde, 
 The hurde {g) of thair Hypocrisie, 
 Bot all sinceimes set asyde, 
 With policie will all things gyde, 
 Thir Balamis birds sair may Uiow feir : 
 Thairfor be Godds buke abyde, 
 And to sic Bablers giue na eir. 
 
 Giue strange opinioimis enteris in, 
 Tak tent quha sic thingis dois begin. 
 And with sic matteris mynts to mell, (Ji) 
 For Sathan ceisis not fra sin. 
 The Kirk of Christ seiking to quell. 
 Sic foly faill not to refell : 
 For quhen the reik (t) beginnis to ryse, 
 The fyre will follow as thay tell, 
 Be it not quencheit be the wyse. 
 
 Bot cheifly mume and mak thy mane, 
 Thow Kirk of Edenburgh allane. 
 For thow may rew by (k) all the rest, 
 That this day thow wants sickin ane, 
 Thy Special! Pastour : and the best 
 That ony Kirk had Eist, or west. 
 He did comfort the in all cair. 
 And the foirwaimd oi thy molest, 
 Quhairby thow micht thyself prepair. 
 
 There was na troubill come to the, 
 Bot he foirspak it oppinUe, 
 Thocht sum the mater than did mock, 
 Gif he spak suith now thow may se, 
 This day thy held is in the zock, 
 God send the blyitnes of this block, 
 And freith the from thy fais aboue the. 
 For thow art the maist feruent flock 
 That Scotland beiris, as deid dois proue the. 
 
 And giue God sa handills the best, 
 Allace quhat sail cum of the rest. 
 Except repentance rin and red : 
 It is ane Mirrour manifest. 
 Of dule and dolour to be dred. 
 To fall on thame this barret (Z) bred, 
 Bot tiU our purpois to returne, 
 Thocht of this feir thow salbe fred, 
 Zit hes thow mater for to murne. 
 
 Becaus that watcheman thow dois want, 
 That the in puritie did plant. 
 And comfortit thy Congregatioun : 
 Bot zit thocht he be gane I grant 
 The Lord can send the consolatioim, 
 Gif thow giue him dew adoratioun. 
 He will not leaue the comfortles. 
 As alreddy thow hes probatioun, 
 God grant thy Preicheours vprichtnes. 
 
 t Ze Lords also that dois frequent, 
 The Loft in Sanct Geills Kirk lament. 
 That Bogill (m) thair that ze hardblaw, 
 With quhome quhyles ze wer small content, 
 For the schairp threitnings he did schaw : 
 Zit thay maid zow sumquhat stand aw, 
 Thocht not so muche as neid requyrit : 
 This day in graue he lyis full law, 
 Quhilk langtyme was of him desyrit. 
 
 (e) ragamuffin, vagabond. (/) fraternity, alluding to tho 
 
 fastings of the friars. {g) treasure. (A) attempts to meddle. 
 
 (t) smoke. (i) above. (I) trouble, contention, 
 
 (m) bugle-horn. 
 
304 
 
 SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 For seing all things not go weill, 
 He said thair suld not mis ane reill. 
 That suld the cheifest walkin vp. 
 Gif he said suith this day ze feill, 
 Luke gif God hes begun to quhup, 
 Bot thair byds zit ane sowrer Cup, 
 Except zour maners ze amend, 
 The dreggs but dout als ze sail sup, 
 From whilk danger God zow defend. 
 
 SanctandroLs als not to leif out. 
 His deith thou may deploir but dout, 
 Thow knawis he lude the by the laue (n) 
 For 5rst in the he gaue the rout, 
 Till Antechrist that Romische slaue, 
 Preicheing that Christ did only saue. 
 Bot last, of Edinburgh exprest, 
 Quhen he was not far fra his graue, 
 He come to the by all the rest. 
 
 God grant that thow may thankfull be, 
 For his greit graces schawin to the, 
 In sending the his seruands trew. 
 Amen. Thow heiris na mair of me. 
 Bot Kyle, and Cuninghame may rew, 
 Als sair as ony that I schew. 
 To quhome this darUng was maist deir 
 And vther gentill men anew, 
 Quhome I haue not reheirsit heir. 
 
 Than last of air to tume to zow. 
 That wer our brethren, but not now : 
 God grant agane ze may cum hame, 
 For we suld wis zour weill I vow, 
 As also did this man be Name, 
 Thocht sum said he did zow defame. 
 He prayit to God that ze micht tume. 
 That ze micht schaip Etemall schame, 
 Thairfoir zour part is als to mume. 
 
 For doutles he was mair zour friend, 
 Nor thay that winkit, or manteind 
 Zour fulische factioun and vnfair 
 In deid that ze suld not susteind, 
 He thunderit threitnings to the air, 
 To terrifie zow mair and mair, 
 And rug (o) zow back that ze micht rew, (p) 
 For he knew perseueird ze thair, 
 Ze wer bot schipwrak but reskew.(9) 
 
 Than all this land thow may lament. 
 That thow lacks sic ane Instrument, 
 Till sum not ploasand, zit, sa plane, 
 That all the godly was content 
 Allace his lyke he left not ane. 
 Nor I feir sail not se agane : 
 Bot zit let vs nawayis dispair. 
 For quhy our God dois zit remane, 
 Quha can and will for his prepair. 
 
 For thocht his deith we do deploir, 
 Zit is he not our God thairfoir : 
 As wickit warldlings wald obtend. 
 Gone is zour God quhairin ze gloir. 
 The leuing God we mak it kend, 
 Is he, on quhome we do depend, 
 Quha will not leaue ts in distrcs, 
 Bot will his seruands till us send. 
 Till gyde vs throw this wildemes. 
 
 Thairfoir letting thir Bablers be, 
 Qtihais cheif Religioun is to lie. 
 And all Godds seruands to backbyte, 
 Traducing this man principallie : 
 Let thame spew out in thair dispyte, 
 All that thay will be word or wryte. 
 Lyke as him self is into gloir, 
 Sa sail all ages ay recyte, 
 Johne KnoxLs Name, with greit decoir. 
 
 1 FINIS. 
 
 («/ Thoa knowMt he loved thno above the reit. (») pall. 
 
 ip) rapaot. (q) bnt ibipMrrecked witboat rMCM 
 
 QVAM TVTYM 
 
 SIT PROPVGNACVLVM, DEO 
 sine fuco inseruire, ex mirifica eximii Dei serui 
 lOANjris Kxoxii, in tranquillum vitse exi- 
 timi, iUusis omnibus impiorum conatibus, con- 
 seruatione, & eius exemplum sequi, monemur. 
 
 QVEM petiere diu crudeles igne tyranni, 
 Ssepius & ferro quem petiere duces. 
 Occubuit (mirum) nullo violatus ah hoste, 
 
 Eximius Christi KNOXIVS ille sator. 
 Nam pater ^thereus Regimi moderatur habenas, 
 
 Electosque potens protegit vsque suos. 
 Muniat hinc igitur nostras fiduria nientes, 
 
 Ne mors nos tetricis terreat vlla minis. 
 Qnoq ; minus trepidi sistamus tramite recto, y, 
 
 Huius ne pigeat viuere more viri. 
 
 1 FINIS. Quod M. I. D. 
 
 EXCERPTA E POEMATIS 
 
 JOHANNIS JONSTONI : 
 
 Qmsirs TITTTLI 
 
 nE PI S TE* ANn N , 
 SIVE 
 
 CORONIS MARTYRUM IN SCOTIA; 
 
 NECNON 
 PECVT.IVM ECCLESIJE SCOTICAN^. 
 
 MS. IN BIBL. FACULT. JtlRID. EDIN. A. 6. 42. 
 
 Patritius Hamiltonvs,* 
 Martyr Andreapoli xxviii Febr. An. Christi 1527 
 E Ca;lo alluxit primam Germania lucem, 
 
 Qua Lanus, et vitreis qua fluit Albis aquis. 
 Intulit hinc lucem nostrse Dux pnevius one. 
 
 O felix terra ! hoc si foret usa dure • 
 Dira superstitio grassata tyrannidc in omnes, 
 
 Omniaque involvens Cimmeriis tenebris, 
 nie ncquit lucem banc sufferre. Ergo omnis in unam, 
 
 Fraude, odiis, funis, turba cruenta coit. 
 Igne cremant Vivus lucis qui fulscrat igne. 
 
 Par erat, ut moriens limiina ab igne daret. 
 
 Joannes Machabjevs.-j- 
 
 AI{Hnus, Christianismi in Dania Instanrator, Hafniis TheoL 
 Professor; floruit 1550, test Balaeo. 
 
 L 
 
 Qvte tulit in lucem me Scotia, luce frui me 
 
 Non tulit Hand mirum : sprevit ct ipsa Deum. 
 Anglia vix ccpit Subetmtem Teutonis ora 
 
 Suscipiens fovit Ij . . . onis in gremio. 
 Lvtheri hie tetigisse datum dextramque Philippi : 
 
 Cemere et hie Christ\Tn lucidiore die. 
 Me doctore dchinc amplexa est Dania Christvm. 
 
 Hafnia dat patriam, datque eadem tumulum. 
 Hue vitsB cursus: suprcmi hie mcta laboris. 
 
 Hinc vehor cxilii lil>er in astra metu. 
 Havd jactura gravis, patria tellure carere : 
 
 In patria gravior posse carere Deo. 
 
 * 0M !«(• 36. 
 
 t See pag« 146. 
 
SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 205 
 
 n. 
 
 De Joh. Machabffio Patre, et Christiano, 
 Filio Patris simillimo. 
 
 Excedens terns Machabaevs liquerat vno 
 
 Unius in Natio pectoris effigiem, 
 Filius banc solam potuit tibi promere : at illvm 
 
 Mors babet. Ecquis earn reddere nunc valeat 1 
 
 Alex. Alesivs,* 
 
 (Obiit Lipsiae xx Junij 1565.) 
 
 Lipsiffi Theo. Professor, de se et Joh. Machabso. 
 
 Sors eadem exilii nobis, vitffique laborumque 
 
 Ex quo nos Christi conciliavit amor. 
 Una salus amborum, unum et commune periclum. 
 
 Pertulimus pariter prsestite cuncta Deo. 
 Dania te coluit. Me liipsia culta docentem 
 
 Audiit, et sacros hausit ab ore sonvs. 
 Qui mea scripta legit, Machabsevm cemat in illis. 
 
 Alterutrum noscis, noscis utrumque simuL 
 
 Johannes RocHivsf et Thomas Guliklmivs,:}: 
 
 Uterque a sacris Jac. Hamiltono Scotie Gubematori, uterqne 
 Christi nomine Exul ; et illc postea Martyr in Anglia, 22 
 deoemb. 1557. Londinj. 
 
 Postquam iterum premitur redivivi gloria Christi, 
 
 Et crudelis adhuc omnia Presul agit. 
 Cessimus inviti Invidise, et crudeiibus iris. 
 
 Ah ! facilis nocuit Principis ingenium. 
 Doctores nuper quae nos adscripserat Aula 
 
 Deficit : et nostrae spes cecidere simul. 
 Redditur exUium Christi pro munere. Christvs 
 
 Exul erat : nobis sitne probro exilium 1 
 Quid si mors adeunda sit 1 O mors ilia beata ! 
 
 Qua vitae melior parta corona foret 
 
 n. 
 
 De Johanne, Jacobo, et Roberto Wedderbvrno, Fra- 
 
 TRIBUS. 
 
 Divisvm imperium, per tres, tria Numina, Fratres, 
 
 Infera quaeque vides, quseque supema, canunt. 
 Vos miror potius tres vero nomine fratres, 
 
 Vosque supra veneror, Niunina vana, Deos ; 
 Concordes arumas, clarissima lumina gentis, 
 
 Tres paribus studiis, tres pietate pares. 
 Felices qui vos tales genuere parentes, 
 
 Quaeque orbi tellus pignora rara dedit. 
 Progenitos Caelo Alectum dedit incly ta terns : 
 
 Inde Dei-Donum nomen habere putem. 
 
 ia>*ri-.!«0l 
 
 -.^i. 
 
 Johannes Knoxvs, 
 
 ■«ac&»>««A; 
 
 Georgiys SophocardivSjII 
 Sive Wys-hartus, Martyr Andreapoli Kal. Martiian. 1546. 
 Quam bene conveniunt divinia nomina rebus ! 
 
 Divinse hie Sophiae corque oculusque viget. 
 Qui Patris arcanam Sophiam, cselique recessus 
 
 Corde fovens, terris iS'^umine tanta aperit 
 Vnvs amor Christvs. Pro Christo concitus ardor 
 
 Altius humanis Enthea corda rapit. 
 Pra3teritis aptans prsesentia, judicat omnia : 
 
 Et Ventura dehinc ordine quaeque docet 
 Ipse suam mortem, tempusque modumque profatur, 
 
 Fataque Camifici tristia Sacrilego. 
 Terrificam ad flammam stetit imperterritus. Ipsa 
 
 Quin stupet invictos sic pavefacta animos : 
 Vt vix ausa dehinc sit paucos carpere. Tota 
 
 Ilicet innocui victa cruore viri est. 
 
 Johannes Wedderbvrnvs,§ 
 
 Pulsus in exilium, an. 1546. Exid in Anglia moritur 1556. 
 
 I. 
 
 Non meriti est nostri, meritas tibi dicere grates, 
 
 Aut paria, aut aliqua parte referre vicem. 
 Quae meruisse alii vellent, nee posse mereri est : 
 
 ^ Haec velle, haec posse, haec te meruisse tuum est. 
 Sic facis atque canis sacra : sic agis omnia, nil ut 
 
 Sanctius, et nusquam purior ulla fides. 
 Hinc nullum magis invisum caput hostibus : hinc et 
 
 Nemo umquam meruit charior esse l)onis. 
 Grandius hoc meritum, nil te meruisse fateris, 
 
 Humanis meritis nee superesse locum. 
 
 * Sje page 145. 
 1 Soe page 29. 
 
 t See page 31, 34. 
 § See page 147. 
 
 X See page 20. 
 
 Primus Evangelii Instaurator in Scotia, post superiors omenta 
 ilia tempora. obiit placide Edinburgi xiiy. ixbris. Hora 
 noctis undecima. 1572. 
 
 Hie ille est Scotorum Knoxus Apostolus olim, 
 
 Cui prior hos ingens Beza dedit titulos : 
 Interpres caeli, vero qui Numine plenus, 
 
 Plurima venturi prsescia signa dedit. 
 Faecundum pectus. Libortas maxima fandi. 
 
 Totus inexhausto flagrat amore Dei. 
 Quam pia cura Poli, tarn humani meta furoris : 
 
 Tanto plus victor, quo furit iste magis. 
 Post varios hostes aggressa Calumnia tandem, 
 
 Hoc didicit, nuUi nee sibi habere fidem. 
 Herovra Pietas odio est mortalibus. Uniun hoc 
 
 Arguat Heroem hunc caelitus esse datum. 
 
 n. 
 
 Cvra Dei : Romae pestis : Mun di horror : et Orci 
 Pemicies : caeli fulmen ab arce tonans. 
 
 Limite in hoc modico tanti jacet hospitis imibra. 
 Vmbra sdlet : tamen est hoe tibus horror adhuc. 
 
 ^/iVi-Wf^M <:f-^/, I.- 
 
 Johannes WlLLOCVS.* 
 Obiit in Anglia. 
 
 Cum Patriae implessem donis caelestibus urbes, 
 
 Mille olim obiiciens raortibus banc animam. 
 Ipsa adeo exultat caeli sic luce sereni, 
 
 Pene sibi ut caelum, et lux queat esse aliis : 
 Excessi patria laetus tellure, libensque : 
 
 Vt vicina istis cresceret aucta opibus. 
 Hie etiam sevi caelestia semina verbi ; 
 
 Gensque pia hie nostram plurima sensit opem. 
 Haec et opes mihi, cumqne opibus cumulavit honorea. 
 
 Nee secus ac Patria me Anglia civem hahuit. 
 Bis civis gemina in patria : mihi tertia rcstat. 
 
 Possidet haeredem tertia sola suum. 
 
 ChrISTOPHORTS GvDMANNVS,f 
 
 Anglus, Ecclesiastes Andreapolitanus : moritur in Cestroisi 
 provincia Angliae an. 1601. 
 
 Non Ego, ceu credis, Scotis peregrinus in oris : 
 
 Publica nee rerum curaaliena mihi. 
 Hie geniti Christo, hie geritur Respublica Christi: 
 
 Christi Ego sum. In Christo his sumque ego congenitus ; 
 Quin genui his partem Christo. Patremque Ducemque 
 
 Et licet, et gaudent me vocitare suum. 
 Queis patriam peperi : non banc : sed quse altera calo est, 
 
 Hac prior ; his dicar qui peregrinus ego : 
 Alterutra jactent se alii regione profectos. 
 
 Nomine se jactat utraque terra meo. 
 
 * See page 54, 120. 
 
 T See page 178. 
 
SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 Johannes Areskinvs,* 
 Dunius, Equestri familia ortus, Religionis gravis et constans 
 assertor, concionator nobilis, natufi annos Ixxx, moritur xii 
 Martij 1590. 
 
 Post tot avos veteres, et tot decora inclyta rerum, 
 
 Surgit Areskino gloria major adhuc : 
 Scilicet ilia Crucis Christi, qute sola perennis : 
 
 Qnse regit una homines, quae facit ima deos. 
 Robora consUiis, pietatem miscet utrisque ; 
 
 Et faciendo docet, atque docendo facit 
 Heroem nullum huic sequarint secula. Nullus 
 
 Inter avos veteres fama et honore prior. 
 
 Johannes BRABNERTs,t 
 
 Abredonensis, Ecclesiastes Celurcanus^: et Duneneds, moritur 
 an. 1564. postr. Kal. Novembris. 
 
 Nascendi primam dedit Aberdonialuoem: 
 
 Hie renascendi munera retribuit. 
 Vtrum ergo debet Patrise plus, an Patria illi 1 
 
 Mutua sic rerum gratia rite coit 
 
 Johannes Vin-ramvs,|| 
 
 Cenobii Augustinianorum olim Prafectus apud Andreanos, 
 postea inter Christi Ministros : obiit senex xxiii. Sept 1 582. 
 
 Quo te censu hominum, uno te, Vin-Rame, reponam 
 
 In nuniero 1 hie niultum est anxia mens animi. 
 Se prodit Pietas, neque turbida lucis imago est *. 
 
 Spargit enim de se lumina clara sui. 
 Quin te aperi tandem manifesto in lumine. Pelle 
 
 Turbidulos sensus, cumque pudore metus. 
 Cum pietate etenim postquam se nubila miscet 
 
 Mens hominxim, lucis deperit ille vigor. 
 Gaudet agens Pietas manifesta in luce. Nee ilia 
 
 Sit Pietas, quae baud scit pro Pietate mori 
 
 Johannes Rowiys,^ 
 
 Ecclesiastes Perthensis, obiit xvi. yiiibris an. 1580. 
 Consilio pnestans, rebus gravis auctor agendis, 
 
 Prsecipuos inter, Lmnina prima, Patres. 
 Cognitio varia : immensa experientia rerum, 
 Omnigenam linguam mens pneit ingenii : 
 
 • See page 54. t I have not met elsewhere witli any notice of 
 
 Brtbntr or Bremner. J Montrose. || See page 87, 158. 
 
 § See jMge 83. 
 
 Exactor disciplina, vindexque severus, 
 
 Ipse sibi censor, seque ad amussim hab\iit : 
 Sancta domus, casdquc lares, frons Iteta, severa : 
 
 Larga manus miseris, mcnsa benig^a bonis. 
 Vrbis deUcium : sancti pia copula amoris : 
 
 Una fides, fidei publica cura simul. 
 Clara viris, cultuque decens, pulcherrima Pertha : 
 
 Rowivs at Perths haud ultima &ma fuit 
 
 Jacobvs Lacsonivs,* 
 Ecclesiastes Edimburgensis, obiit xii. Octobris an. 1584. 
 
 Ingenio felix Lausonivs, ore diserto, 
 
 Acer judicio, consiliisque gravis. 
 Corpore non magno, mens ingens : Spiritus ardens, 
 
 Invictumque decus pectoris atque animi. 
 Non tulit Impietas. Patria migrare necesse est 
 
 Mitior in profugum terra aliena fuit 
 Hospitii cui jura volens vivo ista dedisset, 
 
 Muka gemens tristi in funere dat tumulunu 
 
 David FERGVsivs,t 
 Pastor ad Fermilo-dunum, obiit xxiij Augosti an. 1598. 
 
 Qvem non erudiit solers Academia, quem non 
 
 Finxit Stagira nobilis : 
 Nesciit ille tamen nescire ilia omnia solers, 
 
 QusB et ista et ilia prodidit 
 Quin Doctore Deo scivit meliora sequutus, 
 
 Quae et ista et ilia nesciit 
 Disce hinc quae melius doceas Academia. Tuqoe 
 
 Disce hinc Stagira nobilis. 
 
 Georgivs Haivs. 
 
 Postqvam animum primis patriae effinxere Camenae 
 
 Artibus, excepit culta Lvteta sinu. 
 Cecropiis opibus, spolusque orientis onustus, 
 
 Intulit in patriam munera opima suam. 
 Ingeniima vegetum comitatur gratia Linguae : 
 
 Lactea Nectareo verba lepore fluunt 
 Dum parat excedens locupletes linqucre natos, 
 
 PubUca privatis posthabuisse ferunt 
 Optima sed Pietais patrimoni portio. Privia 
 
 Si nimium indulges, pubUca rapta munt 
 
 • See page 127. 
 
 t See page I 
 
/ 
 
LIFE 
 
 ANDREW MELVILLE: 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL AND LITERARY 
 
 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 
 
 DURTNO THE 
 
 LATTER PART OF THE SIXTEENTH AND BEGINNING OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 WITH AN APPENDIX, CONSISTING OP ORIGINAL PAPERS. 
 
 2B H 
 

 t ^J « .S 
 
 >e" %o 
 
 ^Q 
 
 f y- »»> 
 
 ii 
 
■j i•,t,■'?■»■i»■vl^?l•: 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. *^ 
 
 The following work may be viewed as a continuation of the account of ecclesiastical transactions 
 in Scotland, which I some years ago laid before the public in the Life of John Knox. 
 
 The period which it embraces, though not distinguished by any event so splendid as the Reforma- 
 tion, is by no means destitute of interest. It produced men who, in point of natural abilities, were 
 scarcely inferior, and in respect of acquired talents were decidedly superior, to those who had been 
 instrumental in bringing about the great religious revolution. The dangers to which the reformed 
 religion and the liberties of the nation were exposed during the early administration of a youthful 
 prince — the contests which the church maintained with the court in behalf of her rights — the estab- 
 lishment of the presbyterian polity — and its overthrow after a long and eager struggle — are events 
 important in themselves, and in the influences which they had on the future affairs of Scotland and 
 of Britain. 
 
 In one respect the present work will be found to differ considerably from that which I formerly 
 published. As Andrew Melville, besides the active part which he took in the ecclesiastical transac- 
 tions of his time, was successively at the head of two of our principal colleges, I have entered much 
 more fully into the state of education, and the progress of literature, than I felt myself warranted to 
 do in writing the Life of the Reformer. 
 
 James Melville, a nephew of the subject of this memoir, left behind him a Diary, or history of 
 his own life and times, extending from 1555 to 1600, in which he has embodied much interesting 
 information concerning his uncle. Several copies of this work are extant in manuscript. I quote 
 the original copy, which is preserved in the Advocate's Library, fairly written with the author's own 
 hand. In the same library is another manuscript, entitled, History of the Declining Age of the 
 Church of Scotland, which I am satisfied was also composed by James Melville, and brings down 
 the history of his times from 1600 to 1610. This, with the Apologetical Narration, written by 
 William Scot, minister of Cupar, furnishes ample information respecting the conduct of Melville 
 when called up to London, along with some of his brethren, before the introduction of episcopacy 
 into Scotland. 
 
 The greater part of James Melville's Diary has been engrossed by Calderwood in his MS. History, 
 and by Woodrow in his Lives. I have seldom, if ever, referred to the two last of these writers as 
 authorities when it appeared to me that they merely quoted from the first. It may be proper to 
 mention, that, in the first part of this Life, the references are to the copy of Calderwood's MS. 
 belonging to the church of Scotland ; but from page seventy-sixth of the second volume I refer to the 
 copy in the Advocates Library, which it was more convenient for me to consult at the time. 
 
 The epistolary correspondence which passed between Melville and his nephew from 1608 to 1613, 
 has been preserved in the Library of the College of Edinburgh. And in the Advocates Library is a 
 series of letters written by Melville, to a friend at Leyden, from 1612 to 1616. Both these collec- 
 tions are of great value, as throwing light on his character, and on some of the most interesting 
 events of his life. 
 
 In giving an account of ecclesiastical transactions, I have, in addition to other sources of intelli- 
 gence, availed myself of various registers of provincial synods, presbyteries, and kirk-sessions, 
 which contain many facts curious in themselves, and illustrative of the internal history of the church. 
 Several of these ancient records have been deposited in our public libraries ; and I was allowed the 
 readiest access to such of them as are in the possession of the courts to which they originally 
 belonged. 
 
212 PREFACE. 
 
 My best ackowledgments are due to Thomas Thomson, Esq. for the facilities which he politely- 
 afforded me in consulting the public records ; and to Sir William Hamilton, Bart, for pointing out to 
 me various documents of great utility. 
 
 My inquiries relative to the state of education have, in every instance, been met with the utmost 
 liberality by the Learned Bodies to which I applied. The account which I have given of the Uni- 
 versity of St. Andrews is chiefly taken from copies of papers and notes kindly furnished me by Dr. Lee, 
 Professor of Church History and Divinity in the College of which Melville was formerly Principal. 
 In acknowledging the great obligations I am under to Dr. Lee, I cannot refrain from expressing my 
 earnest wish that he would favour the public with a history of the literature of Scotland, or at least of 
 the university to which he belongs, for either of which tasks he is eminently qualified by his exten- 
 sive acquaintance with the subject, and his habits of patient and discriminating research. Could I 
 have obtained assurance of his engaging in such a work, I would have felt little difficulty in resisting 
 a temptation which has proved too powerful for me, and has led me into literary details, particularly 
 in the first volume, which may appear but remotely connected with the immediate object of my 
 undertaking. 
 
 To make room for more important matter, I have been obliged to omit one or two papers referred 
 to in the course of the work as to be inserted in the Appendix. For the same reason, several letters 
 and unpublished poems of Melville, which I intended to add, have been kept back. 
 
 Edinbttroh, 
 November 2, 1819. 
 
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 In preparing this work for a second edition, I have corrected such inaccuracies in the language 
 and in the statement of facts as occurred to me. But the chief alteration which has been made is on 
 the arrangement. The accounts of the state of literature in Scotland, which were formerly inter- 
 spersed through the work, are now collected and placed in two chapters at the close, with the 
 exception of those facts which could not well be separated from the narrative of Melville's studies 
 and academical employments. This, it is hoped, will be found an improvement, by enabling the 
 reader to peruse the Life without interruption. 
 
 Edinburgh, 
 December 29, 1823. 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 CHAP. I. 1545—1574. 
 
 Origin of the Family of Melville — Parentage and Birth of 
 A-ndrew Melville — Death of his Parents — Dutiful conduct of 
 his Eldest Brother — His Education at Montrose — Mode of 
 Instruction in Grammar Schools — Remarks on the Progress 
 of the Reformation — Early attachment of the Melvilles to it 
 —Andrew Melville acquires the Greek language — His acad- 
 emical Education at St. Andrew's — His connection with 
 Buchanan — Compliment paid him by an Italian Poet — He 
 goes to the University of Paris — State of that University — 
 Royal Trilingual College — Mercerus — Ramus — Jesuits' Col- 
 lege — Edmund Hay — Melville distinguishes himself in the 
 Public Exhibitions — His Employment in the University of 
 Poictiers — Incidents there — He goes to Geneva — Teaches in 
 the Academy there — Prosecutes Oriental Studies under Ber- 
 tramus — Learned Men with whom he became acquainted at 
 Geneva; Franciscus Portus, Beza, Henry Scrimger, Joseph 
 Scaliger-, Hottoman — Connection between the Studies of 
 Law and Theology— Writings in favour of Civil Liberty — 
 Influence which Melville's residence at Geneva had upon his 
 Political Sentiments — He resolves to return to his Native 
 Country — His Testimonials from the Academy of Geneva — 
 His Poetical Encomium upon that City — Occurrences in his 
 Journey to Scotland. 
 
 Melville or Maleville was the name of a family, 
 which is said to have come ori^nally from Normandy, 
 and had settled in Scotland as early as the twelfth 
 century. It spread into numerous branches, which, at 
 the beginning of the sixteenth century, flourished in 
 the shires of Kincardine, Angus, Fife, and the Lo- 
 thians. The principal of these were the Melvilles of 
 Melville, in Mid-Lothian ; the Melvilles of Carnbee ; 
 and the Melvilles of Glenbervie, hereditary sheriffs of 
 Kincardine.* Though none of them were raised to 
 the peerage until a late period, they had long held a 
 distinguished place among the gentlemen or lesser 
 barons ; they were allied by intermarriages to the 
 principal families in the kingdom, and accustomed to 
 claim affinity to the royal house. 
 
 Richard Melville, the father of the subject of this 
 memoir, was brother-german to John Melville of 
 Dysart, a cadet of the house of Glenbervie.f He was 
 proprietor of Baldovy, an estate pleasantly situated on 
 the banks of the South Eske, about a mile to the 
 south-west of the town of Montrose, and which con- 
 tinued in the possession of his descendants until the 
 beginning of the eighteenth century.:}: By his wife, 
 Giles Abercrombie, daughter of Thomas Abercrombie, 
 a burgess of Montrose, and descendant of the house of 
 Murthlie, he had nine sons. Richard, the eldest, suc- 
 ceeded to the family estate, and, after the establish- 
 ment of the Reformation, officiated as minister of the 
 
 » See Note A. 
 t See Note B. 
 
 t James Melville's Diary, MS. p. 26. 
 
 neighbouring parish of Maritoun:* Thomas, an ac- 
 complished scholar, and improved by travelling, rose 
 to be Secretary-depute of Scotland : Walter settled in 
 Montrose, and frequently discharged the office of a 
 magistrate in that town : Roger, a man of great natu- 
 ral talents, became a burgess of Dundee, where he 
 was held in great respect by his fellow-citizens : f 
 James and John devoted themselves to the ministry 
 in the reformed church ; the former in Arbroath,:}: and 
 the latter at Crail :|1 Robert and David, after being 
 kept for some time at school, chose mechanical pro- 
 fessions. § 
 
 Andrew, the youngest of the family, was born at 
 Baldovy on the 1st of August, 1545. When only two 
 years old he was bereaved of his father, who fell in 
 the battle of Pinkie, along with the principal gentle- 
 men of Angus and Mearns, fighting in the van-guard 
 of the Scottish army, under their chief the Earl of 
 Angus. The death of his mother, which followed 
 soon after, left him an orphan.^ 
 
 The disaster at Pinkie, with the events that follow- 
 ed upon it, proved ruinous to many families of rank 
 and opulence. And as the estate of Baldovy was 
 small, as the family was numerous, and several of the 
 sons were yet unprovided for, the sudden and prema- 
 ture death of his parents threatened to be an irrepar- 
 able loss to young Melville. It was, however, great- 
 ly alleviated by the dutiful conduct of his oldest bro- 
 
 * " Richard Melvill" was declared " apt and able to niinys- 
 ter by the first General Assembly, 1560. Keith, 498 — 9. 
 " Richard Melvill, Minister of Inchbraock and Maritoun," wag 
 a Member of the General Assembly which met in June, 1562. 
 Bulk of Universall Kirk, p. 4. 
 
 t William Christison. minister of Dundee, and Robert Bruce 
 of Edinburgh, were among his intimate acquaintances; and the 
 latter used to say, that if Roger Melville had enjoyed the edu- 
 cation of his brother Andrew, " he would have been the most 
 singular man in Europe." Melville's Diarj% p. 27. 
 
 t He was made Bachelor of Arts at St. Andrew's in the year 
 1555. (Records of the University.) — April 27, 1591, Thomas 
 Ramsay in Kirkton bound himself " to pay to the richt wor- 
 chipfufl Mr. James Melvill, minister of Aberbrothock, 4 bolU 
 beir w'. ane peck to the boll and twa bolls ait maill w'. the 
 cheritie, guid and sufficient stuff" — the maill to be for the s"i Mr. 
 James awm aeting, all guid and lyne as ony gentill man sail eat 
 in the countrie adjacent about nim — or failzeing deliverie to 
 pay for every boll 4 lib. of money." (Register of Contracts of 
 the Commissariot of St. Andrew's.) He was alive in March, 
 1596, when he obtained decreet against John Richardson " for 
 the few farme of the kirk lands of Aberbrothock, assigned to 
 him by the Lords of Counsel ; viz. 2 bolls wheat, 28 bolls bear, 
 and twenty bolls ait meal." 
 
 II " Johanne Malwyll, minister of Crystis kirk in Crayll " is 
 mentioned in the Register of the Kirk Session of St. Andrew's, 
 October 8. 1561. Comp. Keith, Hist. p. 553. 
 
 § Melville's Diary, p. 27. IT Ibid. p. 26, 27. 
 
 21S 
 
214 
 
 LfFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 ther, who kept him in his house, and acted in every 
 respect the part of a father to him. The kind inten- 
 tions of Richard Melville might have been of little 
 benefit, had they not been zealously seconded by the 
 exertions of the excellent woman whom he had mar- 
 ried, and who took as great an interest in her you'ng 
 relation as in her own children. This kindness was 
 not thrown away ; for Andrew continued always to 
 cherish the memory of his sister-in-law with the 
 warmest gratitude, and after he came to manhood, 
 took pleasure in mentioning the endearing marks of 
 affection which he recollected to have received from 
 her when he was a boy.* 
 
 There is something peculiarly interesting, though 
 it does not always meet with the attention which it 
 merits, in the reciprocations of duty and affection be- 
 tween persons placed in the relation and circum- 
 stances now described. By means of instinct, and by 
 identifying the interests of parent and child, Provi- 
 dence has wisely secured the performance of duties 
 which are equally necessary to the happiness of the 
 individual and of the species. But, without wishing 
 to detract from the amiable virtue of parental attach- 
 ment, we may say, that the kind offices which it dic- 
 tates, vifhen performed by those who stand in a remo- 
 ter degree of relationship, may be presumed to partake 
 less of the character of selfishness. And they are 
 calculated to excite in the generous breast of the 
 cherished orphan, a feeling which may be viewed as 
 purer, and more enthusiastic, than that which is merely 
 filial — a feeling of a mixed kind, in which the affec- 
 tion borne to a parent is combined with the adiniration 
 and the gratitude due to a disinterested benefactor. 
 
 Perceiving that his youngest brother was of a weak- 
 ly habit of body, and that he evinced at an early age 
 a capacity and a taste for learning, Richard Melville 
 resolved to gratify his inclinations, by giving him the 
 best education that the country afforded. He accord- 
 ingly placed him at the grammar school of Montrose, 
 then taught by Thomas Anderson, who, at a subse- 
 quent period, became minister of that parish. Though 
 his learning was slender, Anderson was esteemed one 
 of the best teachers of his time ; and under his tuition 
 young Melville acquired the principles of the Latin 
 language, in which he afterwards became so great a 
 proficient.")" It was the custom in the schools of that 
 period to combine bodily exercises with the improve- 
 ment of the mind. By means of these, joined to the 
 attention paid to him at home, Andrew recovered from 
 his early debility, and gradually attained that sound 
 health which he enjoyed with little interruptiou to an 
 advanced age. 
 
 The slightest hints respecting the state of education 
 in Scotland, during the infancy of learning, are inter- 
 esting. In this view the curious reader may wish to 
 peruse the particulars inserted in the notes.:}: They 
 relate to the plan of instruction pursued in the schools 
 of Logie and Montrose, when James Melville, a ne- 
 phew of Andrew, attended them. This was ten years 
 posterior to the time of which we are now writing. 
 But, with the exception of what regarded religion, it 
 is probable that very little change took place in the 
 management of schools during that interval ; and we 
 will not materially err in supposing, that the educa- 
 tion of the uncle and the nephew was conducted in the 
 
 * I have often heard Mr. Andrew say, that he, being a 
 bairn very sickly, was most lovingly and tenderly treated and 
 cared for by her; embracing hiin, and kissing him oftcntinies, 
 with these words, 'God give nie another lad like thee, and 
 syne take me to his rest.' Now she had two lads before me, 
 whereof the eldest was dead, and between him and the second 
 she bare three lasses; so in the end, (Jod pave her one, wlio, 
 would to God he were as like Mr. Andrew in gifts of mind, as 
 he is thought to be in proportion of body and lineaments of 
 face; for there is none that is not otherwise particularly in- 
 formed but takes rae for Mr. Andrew's brother. James JVIel- 
 rille'g Diary, p. 4, 
 
 + Melville's Diary, p. 27. Comp. p. 10. J See Note C. 
 
 same manner, at least as to the elementary books 
 which they used, and the exercises to which they were 
 trained in the house and in the fields. 
 
 Some of the most distinguished masters of schools 
 were at this time secretly attached to the doctrines 
 of the Reformation, and upon its establishment became 
 ministers of the church. As Anderson was one of 
 these, it may be presumed that Melville was indebted 
 to him for instruction in the principles of religion, as 
 well as of secular learning. But he had a more able 
 instructor in his pious and intelligent brother, who for 
 many years had been a convert to the protestant 
 faith. 
 
 We have been accustomed to suppose that Patrick 
 Hamilton was the first who introduced the reformed 
 opinions into Scotland, that he acquired them abroad, 
 and that they were embraced by very few of his coun- 
 trymen previously to his martyrdom. This opinion 
 requires to be corrected. Before that youthful and 
 zealous reformer made his appearance, the errors and 
 corruptions of Popery had been detected by others, 
 who were ready toco-operate with him in his measures 
 of reform. The more the subject is investigated, the 
 more clearly, I am persuaded, it will appear that the 
 opinions of Wlckliffe had a powerful and extensive in- 
 fluence upon the Reformation. Even in Scotland they 
 contributed greatly to predispose the minds of men to 
 the Protestant doctrine. We can trace the existence 
 of the Lollards in Ayrshire from the time of Wickliffe 
 to the days of George Wishart ; and in Fife they were 
 so numerous as to have formed the design of rescuing 
 Patrick Hamilton by force on the day of his execu- 
 tion.* 
 
 It has been observed by a celebrated historian, and 
 the observation is commonly received as correct, that 
 the reformed preachers in Scotland " gained credit, 
 as happens generally on the promulgation of every 
 new religion, chiefly among persons in the lower and 
 middle ranks of life.""|" This sentiment does not ap- 
 pear to be well-founded. It rests not upon proper 
 evidence, but on inferences from what happened at 
 the first promulgation of Christianity, and from the 
 manner in which certain sects have arisen in modern 
 times. The fact of the first preachers of the Chris- 
 tian religion, and the early converts to their doctrine, 
 being found chiefly among the lower and middle ranks 
 of society, is connected with its miraculous propa- 
 gation. And we are not entitled to infer from this, 
 either that it would have spread in this way if it had 
 been left to the operation of natural causes, or that 
 providence would always follow the same plan in its 
 subsequent extension. The divine authority and 
 truth of Christianity having been once completely es- 
 tablished, it was fit that external means of a more or- 
 dinary kind should be employed to facilitate its future 
 diffusion, and that these should be varied according 
 to the circumstances of the people among whom it was 
 to be introduced or restored. Accordingly, the refor- 
 mation of religion was preceded by the revival of let- 
 ters throughout Europe : the principal reformers were 
 men of superior talents and education : and their cause 
 was espoused and essentially promoted by persons 
 who possessed secular authority and influence. We 
 are extremely apt, if not on our guard against the bias 
 of our thoughts, to form an opinion of a former period 
 according to ideas borrowed from our own, without 
 adverting duly to the points of difference between 
 them. If we attend to the state of society in Scotland 
 at that time — to the almost unbounded power of the 
 barons, — the vassalage of the people, — the ignorance 
 which reigned among the lower, and the rarity of 
 education among the middle ranks, with other pecu- 
 liar hindrances to the communication of knowledge, 
 we shall be convinced that the Reformation, humanly 
 speaking, and without a miracle, could not have spread 
 
 • See Note D. 
 
 f Robertson's History of Scotland. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 215 
 
 t Ibid. p. 3. 
 
 jl Ibid. vol. i. p. 6. 
 
 f Ibid. p. 5. 
 
 * Melville's Diary, p. 2, 3. 
 
 } Life of Knox, vol. i.p. 177— 180. 
 
 } Melville's Diary, p. 27. 
 
 ** See Note E. 
 
 ++ '• Our Regent (says James Melville) told me of my uncle 
 Mr. Andrew Melville, whom he knew in the time of his course 
 in the New College to use the Greek logicks of Aristotle, 
 which was a wonder to them, that he was so fine a scholar, and 
 of such expectation." — " All that was taught of Aristotle he 
 learned and studyed it out of the Greek text, which his was- 
 ters understood not. " Melville's Diary, p. 18. 28. 
 
 William Colless, or Collace, was James Melville's Regent. 
 
 as it did — the truth could not have obtained a fair 
 hearing, nor have come to the knowledge of the com- 
 mon people, if it had not been embraced and patron- 
 ized by persons of superior rank and means of infor- 
 mation. The fact exactly corresponds to this view. 
 The opinions of Wickliffe were preserved in some of 
 the most respectable families both in the western and 
 eastern corners of the kingdom ; Hamilton and Wis- 
 hart were of honourable descent ; and the sermons of 
 the latter were attended by the principal persons in 
 Ayrshire, the Lothians, Fife, and Angus. 
 
 The Melvilles of Fife were among the early adher- 
 ents of the Protestant doctrine ; and the family of 
 Baldovy had embraced it before the birth of Andrew 
 Melville. His eldest brother, Richard, having re- 
 ceived a learned education, and being trained by his 
 father to the knowledge of country affairs, was chosen 
 to accompany John Erskine of Dun, on his travels to 
 the Continent. It is probable that the young baron 
 and his tutor had been initiated into the Protestant 
 doctrine before leaving home. For they repaired to 
 Wittemberg, and prosecuted their studies during two 
 years under that distinguished reformer and scholar, 
 Philip Melanchthon. They also visited Denmark, and 
 attended the lectures of their countryman John Mac- 
 cabeus, who had been recently admitted Professor of 
 Divinity in the university of Copenhagen.* On their 
 return to Scotland, they exerted themseives in diffus- 
 ing the knowledge which they had acquired. With 
 George Wishart they cultivated the most intimate ac- 
 quaintance ; and the houses of Dun and Baldovy be- 
 came the resort of the friends of religion and letters. f 
 Andrew Melville was eleven years old in 1556, when 
 Knox paid a visit to Dun, and when the sermons 
 which he preached there were attended by most of 
 the gentlemen in the neighbourhood.:^: 
 
 I have elsewhere mentioned the important service 
 which John Erskine of Dun rendered to the literature 
 of Scotland by establishing a Greek school in Mon- 
 trose.|| Pierre de Marsilliers, a native of France, 
 taught in it, when Melville had finished his course of 
 Latin at the grammar school. This was an opportun- 
 ity not to be neglected by one who was passionately 
 fond of knowledge. Instead of going to the university, 
 as was usual for young men of his age and progress, 
 he put himself under the care of this learned French- 
 man ; and prosecuted the study of Greek during two 
 years with great avidity. § From Marsilliers he had 
 also the opportunity of acquiring a more perfect ac- 
 quaintance with the French language, the first prin- 
 ciples of which were at that time commonly taught 
 to young men along with Latin grammar.^f 
 
 In the year 1559 he went to the university of St. 
 Andrew's, and entered the college of St. Mary, or, as 
 it was sometimes called, the New College.** The 
 writings of Aristotle were then the only text book, in 
 all the sciences taught in our colleges ; and the lec- 
 tures given w:ere properly comments on his several 
 treatises of logic, rhetoric, ethics, and physics. But 
 the professors were unacquainted with the original 
 language of their oracle, and read and commented up- 
 on his works in a Latin translation. Melville, how- 
 ever, made use of the Greek text in his studies ; a cir- 
 cumstance which excited astonishment in the univer- 
 sity.ff But it should be recorded to the praise of his 
 
 [ teachers, that, though they could not fail to be morti- 
 fied under a sense of their own inferiority to their pu- 
 pil, they indulged no mean jealousy of his superior 
 acquirements, testified no desire to eclipse his repu- 
 tation; threw no obstacles in the way of his advance- 
 ment; but, on the contrary, loaded him with commen- 
 dations, and did every thing in their power to encour- 
 age a youth, who, they fondly hoped, would prove a 
 credit and an ornament to his country. When he first 
 came to St. Andrew's, the admiration at his proficiency 
 in learning was increased by his small stature and 
 slender frame of body, which gave him a very boyish 
 appearance. John Douglas, who was provost of St. 
 Mary's college and rector of the university, distin- 
 guished him by marks of the kindest and most condes- 
 cending approbation. He used to invite him to his 
 chamber, take him between his knees, propose ques- 
 tions to him on the subject of his studies, and, delight- 
 ed with his replies, to exclaim, " My silly, fatherless, 
 and motherless boy, its ill to witt what God may 
 make of thee yet !"* 
 
 In the College of St. Mary, Melville had for his 
 class-fellows, two persons of excellent talents; 
 Thomas Maitland, the brother of the celebrated secre- 
 tary of Queen Mary, and James Lawson, the colleague 
 and successor of Knox, with whom he continued 
 afterwards to maintain an intimate friendship. It does 
 not appear who was the tutor, or regent, as he was 
 called, that carried them through their course of phi- 
 losophy.f A view of the state of education at St. 
 Andrew's will be given in a subsequent part of this 
 work. .It may be sufficient at present to notice, that 
 the means of instruction in St. Mary's were more 
 ample than in either of the two other colleges. It had 
 separate classes for grammar and rhetoric ; and, be- 
 sides, a teacher of law, to whose lectures the students 
 of philosophy had access before they commenced mas- 
 ters of arts.:t: 
 
 Having finished the usual course of study, Melville 
 left the University of St. Andrew's with the character 
 of " the best philosopher, poet, and Grecian of any 
 young master in the land."|| 
 
 While Melville was engaged in his academical 
 education, Buchanan returned to his native country. 
 It is much to be regretted, that we have such scanty 
 information respecting the manner in which that great 
 scholar was employed from 1561 to 1567, when he be- 
 came principal of St. Leonard's college. As it is, we 
 are left to suppose that he spent the time in teaching 
 the queen Latin, and in preparing his poems for the 
 press. In a copy of verses addressed to him on his 
 recovery from a dangerous illness, Melville calls him 
 his Master.^ In the absence of all other information, 
 
 He was of St. Leonard's College, and was incorporated inta 
 the university at the same time with Andrew Melville. 
 
 * Melville's Diary, p. 28. 
 
 t Dempster mentions Alexander Ramsay as the preceptor 
 of Melville. " Alexander Ramsayus vir doctissimus m patria 
 Sanctandreano Gymnasio praeclarani famam ab eruditione ac- 
 cepit, Andrew Melvini praceptor. Scripsit Panegyricos La- 
 tinos: Castigationem Veterum Dionysii Halicarnassaei Inter- 
 pretum Latmorum: Notas in D. Paulini Opera," (Hist. 
 Eccles. Scot. lib. 16. p. 563.) I have not met with the name 
 of Alexander Ramsay as a teacher at St. Andrew's; perhaps 
 he taught at Paris while Melville was there. 
 
 t Fundatio et Erectio NoviiCollegii, Anno 1553. Melville's- 
 Diary, p. 16. 
 
 I) Melville's Diary, p. 28. See also Note E. 
 
 5 "Andreas Melvinus Geo. Buchanano Praeceptori suo et 
 Musarum parenti." (Testimonia prefix. Oper. Buchanani, 
 p. 21. Edit. Ruddim.) It may be remarked, that Sir Thomas 
 Randolph, thewell known ambassador from Elizabeth to Scot- 
 land, when he mentions Buchanan, uses the expression "my 
 Master," both in letters to him and to others. (Buchanani 
 Epistolae, p. 18, 19.) Ruddiman, in his Notes on Buchanan's 
 Life, says, that Randolph was taught humanity by Buchanan, — 
 " a Buchanano humanioribus Uteris eruditus." The writer of 
 Randolph's Life in the Biographia Britannica (vol. v. p. 3490.) 
 understands this as meaning that he had Buchanan for " his 
 schoolmaster," before he entered the university of Oxford. 
 
216 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 we are not perhaps warranted to take this expression 
 literally as implying that he had been under his tuition. 
 But considering the zeal with which Buchanan patron- 
 ized literature, and the affability with which he re- 
 ceived young men of promising talents, it is highly 
 probable that Melville was at this early period ad- 
 mitted to his society, and profited at least by his pri- 
 vate instructions, during the visits which he appears 
 to have paid to St. Andrew's.* The fame which his 
 illustrious countryman had acquired, and the perusal 
 of his poems, must have roused the youthful fancy of 
 Melville, and led him to devote himself to a species 
 of composition in which he afterwards attained to 
 great excellence. To this, however, his mind had 
 been attracted at a still earlier period. His brother 
 was an admirer of the Latin poetry of the Italians, 
 who had recently cultivated the ancient language of 
 their country with uncommon ardour and the most 
 wonderful success. Palingenius, in particular, was a 
 favourite with Richard Melville on account of the pu- 
 rity of his moral sentiments, as well as the elegant 
 dress in which they were clothed ; and he was wont 
 to repeat passages from his Zodtacus Vitae to the 
 youth of his family, and to make them commit the 
 poem to memory. t 
 
 While Melville was yet at the university of St. 
 Andrew's, his talents had attracted the notice of learn- 
 ed foreigners who visited Scotland. Among these was 
 Petrus Bizzarus, a poet of Italy, who had left his na- 
 tive country from attachment to the reformed religion. 
 After spending some time at the court of London, he 
 came to Scotland, where he was honourably received 
 by Queen Mary, and by the Earl of Murray, who had 
 then the chief direction of the government.:^ Melville 
 was introduced to Bizzari, who expressed his warm 
 regard for him in a copy of verses inserted in a work 
 which was soon after published. || This was a flatter- 
 ing compliment to so young a man, especially as he 
 was the only scholar in his native country who shared 
 this honour with Buchanan. 
 
 Having acquired all the branches of learning which 
 
 This is a mistake; and I have no doubt that Randolph studied 
 under Buchanan in the University of Paris, when he fled from 
 England into France to escape the persecution of Queen Mary. 
 This was in 1553. (Biogr. Brit, ut supra. Wood's Athenae 
 Oxoniensis, by Bliss, vol. i. p. 567.) In the course of that year 
 Buchanan taught at Paris, as a regent in the College of Bon- 
 court. Irving's Memoirs of Buchanan, p. 90. 2d Edit. 
 
 * Epist. Dedic. in Franciscanos. t Melville's Diary, p. 8. 
 t Bizzarus informs us that Mary presented him with a cnain 
 of gold, and he has addressed one of his treatises to that prin- 
 cess. (Varia Opuscula, f. 28, a.) lu a poem inscribed " Ad 
 Jacobum Stuardum Scotura," he celebrates the victory which 
 that nobleman gained over the Earl of Huntty, in sucn terms 
 as to warrant the conclusion, that he was then in Scotland. 
 (Ibid. f. 93, a.) The battle of Corrichie, in which Huntly fell, 
 was fought in October, 1562. 
 
 II The following are the lines referred to: — 
 Ad Andream Melvinum Scotum. 
 NvUa apis Hyblajis legit de floribus unquam, 
 
 Deq; vllis herbis dulcia mella magis; 
 Dulcia vina magis nunquani de dulcibug vuig 
 
 Vila dedit vitis qnohbet axe poli: 
 Qu^m mihi dulcis ades, duici sermone, tuisq; 
 
 Mellitis verbis, moribus, ingenio. 
 Sincerum pectus, fidei constantia vere, 
 
 Verajq ; sincera cum pietate, fides ; 
 Me tibi sic vinclo dudum obstrinxere tenaci, 
 
 Meluine, vt possit soluere nulla dies. 
 Nulla dies soluet, distaatia nulla locorum. 
 Imminuet, firmum sed mihi semper erit. 
 Petri Bizzari Varia Opvscvla^ f. 109, b. Venetiis, 1565, 12mo. 
 For pointing out to rae this rare book, and for other valuable 
 notices, I am indebted to Dr. Irving, the learned biographer of 
 Buchanan.— Some of Bizzari's poems were afterwards reprint- 
 ed in DeliticB Poetarum Italorum. The one just quoted is 
 there inscribed " Ad Andream Miluinura," (torn. i. p. 437.) 
 Bizzari is also the author of a history of the war in Hungary, 
 from 1564 to 1568, written in Italian, and a history of Persia, 
 in Latin. A letter from him to Lord Burleigh, written from 
 the Turkish dominions, Aug. 18, 1575, is inserted in Murden's 
 State Papers, p. 287. 
 
 his native country afforded, Andrew Melville resolved 
 to complete his education on the Continent. In 
 autumn, 1564, being nineteen years of age, he set out 
 for France, having previously obtained the consent of 
 his brothers to the journey. His voyage was both 
 tedious and dangerous. Through stress of weather 
 he was obliged to land in England, and afterwards to 
 go to Bourdeaux, from which he returned by sea to 
 Dieppe. Having reached Paris, he immediately com- 
 menced his studies in the renowned university of that 
 city._ 
 
 We may in general form a correct estimate of the 
 progress which a young man of talents and thirst for 
 knowledge will make, from the state of education, and 
 the character of the teachers, in the seminary which 
 he attends. The university of Paris had long enjoyed 
 a pre-eminent reputation among the great schools of 
 Europe, founded on its antiquity, the number of its 
 colleges, the extent of its revenues, and the venerated 
 names which stood enrolled in its registers as profes- 
 sors and graduates. Attracted by these considerations, 
 a multitude of young men from all the surrounding 
 countries flocked to it annually, and were admitted 
 citizens of one or other of the four nations into which 
 that learned corporation was divided.* 
 
 But whatever was its popular celebrity, the univei- 
 sity of Paris was indebted for its real eminence to the 
 Royal Trilijigual College, founded in 1529 by Francis 
 I. at the recommendation of Budaeus. That great 
 scholarf had long lamented the inefficiency of the 
 university for promoting the interests of literature, and 
 despaired of introducing a tolerable reform into col- 
 leges founded in unenlightened times, and governed 
 by laws and usages which were as deeply rooted in 
 inveterate prejudice as they were irreconcileable to the 
 principles of liberal science. The new institution 
 was formed on the model of the Busilidian College at 
 Louvain, which had been so zealously patronized by 
 Erasmus.:}: It was the intention of Budaeus to have had 
 that distinguished scholar placed at its head ; but he 
 declined an honour which he foresaw would involve 
 him in those troublesome and unsafe disputes from 
 which it was his uniform object to escape. The Royal 
 Trilingual College was originally intended, as its 
 name imports, for teaching the three learned languages, 
 Latin, Greek, and Hebrew ; although it was for some 
 time before a teacher of Latin was appointed, owing 
 to the opposition made by the members of the univer- 
 sity which led Erasmus, in one of his letters, to call 
 them bilingual pedants. The friends of learning ob- 
 tained from Francis I. and his successors, the endow- 
 ment of additional classes in the new establishment; 
 and when Melville came to Paris, there were royal 
 professors in all the branches of science, except Civil 
 Law and Divinity. Previous to the erection of the 
 Royal College, there was no provision in the university 
 for instructing young men in the learned languages ; 
 the professors, in the different faculties, fsccupied them- 
 selves in commenting on barbarous and monkish 
 
 * The four nations were those of France, Picardy, Nor- 
 mandy, and Germany or England, in which last Scotland and 
 Ireland were included. In 1513, there were 90 Regents be- 
 longing to the nation of France alone. (Bulsei Hist. Univer- 
 sitatis Parisiensis, toni. vi. p. 59.) In the 12th century, the 
 number of members of the university neai-Iy equalled that of 
 the citizens of Paris, and included students from every part of 
 Christendom. (Epist. Dioeiilensis ad Abaelardum, apud Bu- 
 laei Hist. torn. ii. p. 663.) Aoout the beginning of the 16th cen- 
 tury, there were 10,000 persons in it engaged in different 
 branches of study. (Pontanus de Ot>edientia, lib. 5. can. 6. apud 
 Gratiarum Act. pro Instaurata Parisiensi Aradtmia. p. 14. 
 Paris. 1601.) Joseph Scaliger says, that when he attended the 
 university, (which was only a few years before Melville enter- 
 ed it,) there were thirty thousand students. Des Maizeaux, 
 Scaligerana, &c. tom. ii. p. 490. 
 
 f " Nunquam erit in Gallia alter Budseus." Scaligerana 
 Secunda. 
 
 I J. Frid. Barscher, Spicilcgia Antogr. Epist. ad Erasmum, 
 Spicileg. IT. p. 6, 7. Lips. 1802. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 217 
 
 authors, and in the discussion of frivolous and intri- 
 cate questions; the exercises of the students consisted 
 of noisy and captious disputations; and degrees were 
 conferred in a manner which would be reckoned dis- 
 graceful by those universities which are at present 
 most lavish in the distribution of their nominal hon- 
 ours.* But a change to the bettor might now be ob- 
 served in every branch of education. The court had 
 the right of presentation to the chairs in the new col- 
 lege, and as it was become fashionable for the kings 
 of France to act as the patrons of learning, men of 
 talents and erudition were usually appointed to fill 
 them. In addition to the direct influence of their in- 
 structions, they contributed indirectly but powerfully 
 to reform the university. They excited strong hos- 
 tility indeed, but they at the same time produced emu- 
 lation. They occasioned fierce disputes by provok- 
 ing the resentment of illiterate sophists and bigoted 
 theologues, but they also broke the slumber which 
 these literary drones had hitherto indulged in their 
 cells, and roused them to exertions which ollierwise 
 they never would have made. The professors in the 
 old colleges perceived that they were in danger of be- 
 ingeclipsed by their more learned and active rivals, and 
 ■were reduced to the alternative of exerting themselves, 
 and adopting the new improvements, if they did not 
 wish to see their lessons contemned, their classes de- 
 serted, and tlieir emoluments alarmingly reduced. 
 
 When Melville entered the nuiversity of Paris, it 
 was in its most prosperous state. 'I'he late improve- 
 ments had produced their salutary fruit, and they had 
 not yet felt the blasting influence of the spirit of faction 
 and fanaticism engendered by the infamous League, 
 which, within a short time, destroyed the labours 
 of many years, and reduced that flourishing seminary to 
 its original barbarism. f The nation was enjoying a 
 respite during the interval between the first civil war 
 which ended in 1563, and the second which broke out 
 in 1567; and several of the professors, who as well 
 as the students, had been involved in the public con- 
 fusions, had returned to Paris, and were restored to 
 the charges which they had left, or from which they 
 had been driven b}' the violence of the times.:}: 
 
 Among the professors whose lectures were attended 
 by Melville, we find the names of those who held a 
 distinguished rank in their several professions, and to 
 whom letters and philosophy are under the greatest 
 obligations. The Greek chair in the Royal College 
 was still filled by Turnebus, who had formerly been 
 the colleague of Buchanan in that university, and who 
 united an elegant taste with the highest critical attain- 
 ments. Melville had the happiness to attend the last 
 course of lectures delivered by that learned man in the 
 year in which he died.|| Mercerus and Quinquarbo- 
 reus were conjunct royal Professors of Hebrew and 
 Chaldee. By his oral instructions, the elementary 
 treatises which he published, and his translations 
 from Hebrew and Chaldee, the former contributed 
 more than any individual of that age to the advance- 
 ment of eastern learning. His commentaries on the 
 Old Testament still deserve the attention of the bibli- 
 cal student; and Father Simon, whose judgment was 
 sufficiently fastidious, has pronounced the highest 
 
 * Bulaei Hist. torn. vi. p. ii. 915. Gratiarum Actio, ut supra, 
 p. 14. 
 
 f 1-ibelIus Supplex ad August. Senatvm pro Academia Par- 
 isicnsi, p. 14. Paris 1601. Gfatiarvm Actio pro Instaurata Par- 
 isiensi Academia, p. 14, 26- -20. Paris, 1601. 
 
 t Bulaei Hist. Univ. Paris, t. vi. p. 650, 551. Bayle, Diet. art. 
 Ramie. 
 
 II He died prematurely in June 1565. (Hist. Typographo- 
 rum Paris, p. 47 — 78. BuIkus, vi. 918.) It has been supposed 
 that he was of Scots extraction, and that his proper name was 
 Tournebeuf or Turnbull. Dempster says that he was of the 
 same family as William Turnbull, bishop of Glasg-ow. (Hist. 
 Eccl. Scot. p. 623.) Another writer says, " Ex familia Turn- 
 bnUorum in Lisdalia Scotiae provincia oriundus." (D. Buch- 
 ananus de Script. Scot. MS. in Bibl. Coll. Edin.) And again, 
 in the Appendix, "Hadrianus Turnebus Scoto avo natus." 
 2C 
 
 eulogium on him, when he says, that Merrier posses- 
 sed all the qnalifications of an interpreter of Scripture, 
 and that the only thing to be regretted in him is, that 
 he suffered himself to be carried away by the novel 
 opinions of the reformers.* Cinq Arbres, though des- 
 titute of the critical acumen and extensive knowledge 
 of his colleague, has shown that he was well acquainted 
 with the Hebrew grammar.f Under such able mas- 
 ters, Melville applied himself with great assiduity to 
 the study of oriental languages, which he could not 
 acquire in his native country. 
 
 We must not omit to mention here the celebrated 
 Petrus Ramus, who excited so much notice by his 
 bold and persevering attacks on the Aristotelian Phi- 
 losophy, and became the founder of a new sect which 
 made no inconsiderable progress in the schools of 
 Europe. Whatever opinion may be entertained on the 
 merits of his system of logic, or its tendency to ad- 
 vance real science, it does not admit of a doubt that a 
 young man of talents must have derived the greatest 
 benefit from a teacher of such ardour and indepen- 
 dence, if not originality of mind, and of so much 
 eloquence, as Ramus possessed. The greatest men 
 of that age were trained up under him ;^ and several 
 of those who, like Scaliger, have spoken disrespect- 
 fully of his merits, were indebted to him for that 
 acuteness and classical taste which enabled them to 
 detect the blunders which he committed, and into 
 which he was betrayed by precipitation and a fond- 
 ness for distinguishing himself in every department of 
 knowledge. He was at this time Royal Professor of 
 Roman Eloquence, as well as Principal of the Col- 
 lege de Presle. Melville attended his lectures, and 
 we shall afterwards have occasion to shew that he 
 introduced the plan of teaching, and the mode of phi- 
 losophizing, followed by his master, into the univer- 
 sities of Scotland. 1^ 
 
 * Simon, Histoire Critique de V. Testament, liv. iii. chap. 
 14. Beza; Icones, Y. j. et Prefat. ejus in Merceri Comment, m 
 Ecclesiasten. The first separate and formal treatise on Chal- 
 daic grammar was " Tabulas in Grammaticen linguae Chaldaese, 
 quas et Syriaca dicitur — Johanne Mercero Hebraicarum Liter- 
 arum Professore Regio. Paris. 1560." 4to. Beautifully 
 printed at the royal press by William Morell. 
 
 f "De Re Grammatica Hebrajorum Opus, in gratia Studio- 
 soruni lingufe Sancta», methodo facillinis conscriptum, Authore 
 Johanne Quinquarboreo Aurilacensi, linguarum Hebraicas et 
 Caldaicae Regio Professore. Tertia ct Postrenia editio. Par- 
 isiis apud Martinum Juvenem. 1556." Wolfius says that this 
 work was printed at Paris in 1549. 1556. and 1582. Bibl. Hebr. 
 torn. ii. p. 615. But it appears from the above title thatthei-e 
 were two editions of it before 1556. 
 
 J Nicolaus Nancelius, referring to his having taught in 1553 
 under Ramus in the College de Presle, says, in a letter to 
 Buchanan, " ubi Regii tum juvenes Stuarti vestrates disce- 
 bant." (Buchanani Epistola?, p. 35.) One of these was the 
 Prior of St. Andrew's, afterwards the Regent Murray. It ap- 
 pears, from a Visitation of St. Leonard's college, that he was 
 on the Continent in 1551 ; for a cause is delayed •' usque ad 
 redditum [redituni] Dni Coramendatarii Prioratus S. Andres 
 — ex partibus transniarinis." (Papers of St. Leonard's Col- 
 lege.) And a Conmiission by William, bishop of Aberdeen, 
 is signed by the Prior, as a witness, at Paris, September 13,. 
 1552. (Keith's Scottish Bishops, p. 74.) 
 
 |] Melville's Diary, p. 33. Besides the lectures of these pro- 
 fessors, he attended also those of Duretus, Paschasius, Forca- 
 tellus, Carpentarius, and Salignacus. Louis Durat was the fa- 
 vourite physician of Charles IX. and Henry Ilf. (Teissier, 
 Eloges, t. ii. p. 320, 2d. Edit.) — Paschasius Hanielius succeed- 
 ed Orontius Fiucgus, the first royal Professor of Mathematics, 
 and died in 1565. Bulaeus, vi. 651. 915. 966. — Forcatellus was 
 the author of two works on the science which he taught: " Le 
 Troisieme Livre de Arithmetique, par Pierre de Forcadel." 
 Paris, 1557, 4to; and " Les Six Premieres Livres des Ele- 
 ments d'Evclide trad, et commentez par Pierre Forcadel de 
 Bezies." Paris, 1564. 4to. — Jacobus Carpentarius (Charpen- 
 tier) the great opponent of Ramus, was chosen royal Professor 
 of Mathematics in 1565. Ramus opposed his admission on the 
 ground of his ignorance of that science, and urged that, as he 
 had taken the title of Professor of Philosophy and Mathema- 
 tics, there was reason to fear he intended to confine himself to 
 the former branch, and to neglect the latter. (Bulaeus, tom. vi. 
 p. 550 — 652) James Melville mentions Salinacus among the 
 professors of Mathematics. But this is a mistake. Joannes 
 
218 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 While he listened to the instructions of the Roj^al 
 Professors, Melville took his share in the usual aca- 
 demical exercises. And, during the second j'ear of 
 bis abode in the university, he excited preat admira- 
 tion by the ease and fluency with which he declaimed 
 in Greek.* 
 
 Two circumstances rehitinor to the university of 
 Paris, during the time that Melville attended it, are 
 deserving of notice. The first relates to the religious 
 liberty that was enjoyed, and the rapid progress which 
 the protestant opinions were consequently making in 
 it. A number of the professors, including several 
 heads of colleges, avowed their attachment to these, 
 and others were strongly suspected of the same reli- 
 gious bias.f But a few years after Melville left Paris, 
 all those who refused to subscribe the Roman Catholic 
 faith, including the students, were driven from the 
 tmiversitj'.:}: The other circumstance alluded to is the 
 opening of the College of Clermont at Paris by the 
 Jesuits, wi4h the exertions made by that intriguing 
 order to gain admission into the university, and to in- 
 sinuate themselves into the chief management of the 
 education of youth. At the head of this new establish- 
 ment was a countryman of Melville's, Edmund Hay, 
 who had been a regent in the university of St. An- 
 drew's, and left Scotland at the establishment of the 
 Reformation, to which he was hostile.!) The greater 
 part of the Scots who retired to the Continent from 
 attachment to the old religion, entered into the society 
 of the Jesuits, in which they were sure to obtain pro- 
 motion ; owing to the ardour of their zeal, and a de- 
 sire to allure converts from a kingdom that had made 
 so sudden and general a defection from the Catholic 
 Church. Hay was entitled to these honours by the 
 respectability of his character no less than the sacri- 
 fices which he had made for the ancient faith.. He 
 afterwards became rector of the Academy which the 
 Jesuits erected at Port-a-Mousson, Provincial of the 
 Brethren in France, and Assistant to Claudius Aqua- 
 viva, the General of the whole order.§ 
 
 SaliCTiacus was the favourite scholar of Vatablus, and distin- 
 guished for his acquaintance with Jewish and Rabinical learn- 
 ing. He appears to have been one of the royal Professors 
 of Hebrew when Melville was at Paris. (Coloniesii Gallia 
 Orientalis, p. 33—35. Calvini EpisL ef Resp. p. 163. Oper. 
 toni. in.) 
 
 * Melville's Diary, p. 33. 
 
 + Nicholas Charton, Principal of the College of Beauvais, 
 Jean Dahin, Principal of Chenai, and Pierre Ramee, Principal 
 of Presle, with others of inferior note, were, in 1568, ejected 
 from their situations, as Hugonots. (Bulteus, torn. vi. p. 657 
 — 660.) The other universities of France were, in proportion 
 to their extent, still more generally infected with heresy. In 
 Bourges eight professors were suspected of Lutheranism. 
 (Bayle, Diet. art. Dauren.) The magistrates of Paris, in 1568, 
 enforced their petition for the opening of a class of Civil I^aw 
 in the capital, by urging the danger to which their sons were 
 exposed of being infected with heresy at other universities. 
 (Balaeus, vi. 668.) 
 
 t Bulaeus, vi. 562. 583. 
 
 II Records of University of St. Andrew's. Crawfurd sars he 
 was the son of Peter Hay of Meggins,. ancestor of the i^arls 
 of Kinnoul. (Officers of State, p. 157.) But he seems to have 
 confounded the Jesuit with a person of the same name, who 
 was an Advocate. There is no evidence that the former ever 
 followed the profession of Law; as Crawfurd asserts. He had 
 left Scotland in 1560, or at any rate was in France in 1564, and 
 continued, till his death, to hold a distinguished place among 
 the Jesuits in that country. Mr. Edmund Hay, advocate, was 
 one of the Counsel for the Earl of Bothwell, on his trial for the 
 murder of Darnley, and in the process of his divorce. (Buch- 
 anan's Detection, sig. k, 2. GoodalTs Examination, i. 368.) And 
 he signs a Contract as a procurator, Jaff. 2. 1572. (Register- 
 Book of Contracts of the Comniissariot of St. Andrew's.) — 
 Dempster has stated with more probability, that father Edmund 
 Hay was descended from the family of'^Dalgaty, in Buchan. 
 (Hist. Eccles. Scot. lib. 8. p. 301.) 
 
 } Ribadeneira, Ulustr. Script. Societ. Jas. Catal. p. 49. Lugd. 
 1609. Dempst. ut supra. A letter from Edmuna Hay, (" ex 
 Paris, idib. Feb. ir)64,") in which he gives an account of the 
 snccestful commencement of the college of Clermont, and the 
 opposition it had met with, is Initerted by Bulaeus. Histor. 
 Uuivers. Paris, torn. vi. p. 588. 
 
 The knowledge which Melville at this time obtain- 
 ed of liie designs of the Jesuits, prompted him to ex- 
 ert himself afterwards in putting the universities of 
 Scotland on such a footing as to render it unnecessary 
 for young men to seek education abroad, where they 
 were in the utmost danger of being seduced by these 
 active and artful zealots of Rome.* 
 
 Melville also heard Francis Baldwin, the lawyer, 
 who was allowed to read occasional or extraordinary 
 lectures on Civil Law at Paris. | There was not then, 
 nor for a considerable time after, a regular class for 
 this science in the university of Paris, and it was not 
 without strenuous opposition from the other learned 
 corporations in France that its erection was obtained.:}: 
 Melville had no intention of practising law, but he was 
 anxious to avail himself of the opportunity which he 
 enjoyed of going through a complete course of educa- 
 tion. With this view he left Paris in 1566, and went 
 to the imiversity of Poictiers. 
 
 Such was the reputation which he had gained, that, 
 though a stranger, and only twenty-one years of age, 
 he was, on his arrival at Poictiers, made a regent in 
 the college of St. Marceon. There was great rival- 
 ship between it and the college of St. Pivareau, the 
 students of each endeavouring to excel those of the other 
 in the composition of verses, and in the delivery of 
 orations. In these literary contests the college of St 
 Marceon carried away the palm while Melville was 
 connected with it. In this situation he remained for 
 three years, prosecuting at the same time the study of 
 jurisprudence.jj Meanwhile, the civil war between 
 the Catholics and Protestants, which was renewed in 
 1567, spread through the kingdom, and extended its 
 baleful influence to the seats of learning. In 1568, 
 Admiral Coligni, at the head of the Protestant army, 
 laid siege to the city of Poictiers, which was vigor- 
 ously defended by the young Duke of Guise. The 
 classes in the university being broken up, Melville 
 entered into the family of a Counsellor of Parliament 
 as tutor to his only son. When he was making rapid 
 improvement in his education, this promising hoy was 
 prematurely cut off. Coming into his room one day, 
 Melville found his little pupil bathed in blood, and 
 mortally wounded by a cannon ball from the camp of 
 the besiegers which had pierced the house. He lin- 
 gered for a short time, during which he employed the 
 religious instructions which he had received in com- 
 forting his afllicted parent ; and expired in his tutor's 
 arms, pronouncing these words in Greek, Ai<fairjcaA.i, «» 
 cTjpe/^ov jun Ttrojix* — Master, I have finished my course. 
 Melville continued to retain a lively recollection of 
 this affecting scene, to which he never could allude 
 without tears.§ 
 
 During the siege Melville found himself exposed to 
 danger from another cause. He had taken no part in 
 the political dissensions of the countfy, and prudent- 
 ly avoided giving offence to the Roman Catholics with 
 whom he was obliged to associate. But his inclina- 
 tions as to religion were not altogether unknown,ir 
 and any mercenary or officious informer might have 
 deprived him of his liberty, or even his life, in a place 
 which was under martial law. There was a small 
 company of soldiers stationed as a guard to the Coun- 
 sellor's house, and Melville had raised the suspicions 
 
 * In 1594, the Jesuit's Seminary bad nearly depopulated the 
 colleges in the university of Paris. , (Bulaeus, ut supra, p. 847.) 
 
 f Melville's Diary, p. 33. Bayle states that Baldwin, about 
 the period here referre^yi^, read lectures upon parts of the 
 Pandects, at Paris, to a lai^e audience, and with great applause. 
 (Diet. art. Bavdouin.) And it would appear that, as early ai 
 1546, he and Hottoman prelected on Civil Law in the Ecolet 
 du Decret. Ibid. art. Hoiman, (Francois) note M. 
 
 i See Note F. I| Melville's Diary, ut suprai 
 
 b Melville's Diary, p. 33, 34. 
 
 f There had been a reformed church in Poictiers for several 
 years, and its minister sat in the first National Synod of the 
 Protestants of France. In 1560 the second National Synod wa< 
 held in that city. (Quick, Synodicon, i. 2, 12.) 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 319 
 
 of the subaltern oflicer who commanded them, by 
 reading the Bible, and similar acts of devotion, which 
 were usually regarded by the French soldiery as the 
 discriminating marks of the Hugonots or Christaud- 
 ins.* An alarm being one day given that the enemy 
 intended an assault, the officer, with a stern voice, 
 challenged him as a Hugonot, who would betray the 
 city to the enemy, and whom he durst not trust at lib- 
 erty. Melville repelled this charge with warmth, 
 armed himself with the utmost expedition, and taking 
 a horse from the stable, prepared to mount it, and re- 
 pair to the breach. His stout averments, and the al- 
 acrity which he displayed, staggered the suspicions 
 of the soldier, who now requested him to desist from 
 his preparations. "No, no; (answered Melville) I 
 will shew myself this day to be as honest and as brave 
 a man as you." Upon this the poor fellow had re- 
 course to entreaties, begging him not to inform the 
 master of the house of what he had done ; for if the 
 matter came to the ears of his superior officer he would 
 lose his place for molesting so loyal and good a sub- 
 ject. And he ever after treated Melville with the 
 most profound respect. 
 
 The siege being raised, Melville resolved to quit 
 France, and repair to Geneva for the prosecution of 
 theological studies. Great caution was necessary in 
 carrying this purpose into execution ; for it was re- 
 ported that foreign troops were coming to the assis- 
 tance of the Admiral, and the governors of the pro- 
 vinces bordering on Switzerland and Germany had 
 received strict orders from the court to suffer none to 
 leave the kingdom without passports. Having con- 
 certed his journey with a young Frenchman who 
 wished to accompany him, he left his books and other 
 effects behind him, and set out on foot with a small 
 Hebrew Bible slung from his belt. This was a mode 
 of travelling to which he was partial, and the usual 
 way in which he equipped himself for it. Being light 
 in body, and full of spirits, he performed the journey 
 with great ease ; and when his fellow-traveller, ex- 
 hausted with fatigue, had thrown himself on bed, he 
 sallied forth, and examined whatever was worthy of 
 being seen in the places at which he stopped. By 
 avoiding the public roads and fortified towns, they 
 passed the frontiers of France without meeting with 
 any interruption. Night had set in when they reached 
 Geneva, and the city was strictly guarded on account 
 ot the confusions of France, and the multitude of 
 strangers who came from it. When questioned by the 
 guard, the Frenchman replied that they were poor 
 scholars from France. The countenance of the soldier 
 expressed his thoughts as significantly as if he had 
 said aloud, " We have got too many persons of your 
 description here already." Melville, perceiving this, 
 assured him that they had enough of money to pay 
 for all they required, and shewing him the letters 
 which they had for Monsieur Beza, begged to know 
 where they would find that minister : upon which the 
 gates were opened to them. 
 
 At their first interview Bpza was highly pleased 
 with Melville, of whom he talked to his colleagues as 
 a person who appeared well qualified to fill the chair 
 of Humanity which happened to be then vacant in their 
 Academy. Accordingly he was put on trials within a 
 few days after his arrival, and, being examined on Vir- 
 gil and Homer, acquitted himself so much to the satis- 
 faction of his judges, that he was immediately admit- 
 ted. A quarter of a year's salary was paid him at his 
 admission, which proved a very seasonable relief; for, 
 notwithstanding his courageous larignaje to the guard, 
 the joint funds of the two travellers did not exceed a 
 crown when they entered Geneva. He was now able to 
 support himself creditably, and also to maintain his 
 
 * The Catholics of France were accustomed at this time 
 to apply hoih these names to the Protestants. (Bulaeus, vi. 
 483.^ 
 
 desponding companion until such time as he obtained 
 a situation. 
 
 During the ten years which had elapsed since its 
 erection, the University, or as it is commonly called, 
 the Academy of Geneva,* had flourished under the 
 fostering care of the magistrates and ministers of that 
 energetic republic. It was at this time furnished with 
 teachers who were inferior to those of no titled uni- 
 versity in Europe, and had attracted students from 
 every protestant country. The professorship which 
 Melville had obtained was chiefly valued by him as it 
 put it in his power to avail himself of the talents of these 
 excellent men in the prosecution of his studies. With 
 true literary ardour he waited on their public instruc- 
 tions as a scholar, at the same time that he was hon- 
 oured with their friendship and admitted to their pri- 
 vate society as a colleague. 
 
 It was at this period that he made that progress in 
 oriental literature for which he was afterwards distin- 
 guished. Rodolph Chevalier,! ^^^ ^^^^ professor of 
 Hebrew in the academy, had lately left Geneva, and 
 was succeeded by Cornelius Bertramus. The talents 
 and erudition of Bertram were superior to those of his 
 predecessor. His work on the Jewish Polity is still 
 a standard work; and his Comparison of the Hebrew 
 and Aramean languages discovers an acquaintance with 
 grammatical analogy very uncommon at that period.:}: 
 Melville acquired from him the knowledge of Syriac, 
 which had but recently become a subject of study 
 among Europeans, and which is so useful to a divine 
 from its near affinity to the original of the Old Testa- 
 ment, and from the ancient and valuable version of the 
 New Testament which exists in it. 
 
 The Greek chair in the academy was then filled by 
 Franciscus Portus, a native of the island of Candia.|| 
 Portus is well known to the learned by his commen- 
 taries on ancient authors. He had resided at the court 
 of Renee, the accomplished Dutchess of Ferrara, and 
 retired to Geneva for the sake of enjoying the free 
 exercise of the reformed religion. Enthusiastically 
 attached to Grecian literature from patriotism as well 
 as profession, Portus was charmed with the progress 
 which Melville had made in it, and took great plea- 
 sure in pointing out to him the beauties of his native 
 tongue, and in discussing with him those nicer ques- 
 tions in its philology about which critics were then 
 divided. On these occasions Melville sometimes ven- 
 tured to oppose the favourite opinions of his master, 
 either from conviction, or with the view of eliciting 
 fuller information on the subject. In a dispute as to 
 the proper pronunciation of the language, and the 
 power of the accents, he happened one day to push 
 his objections rather too freely, upon which the jealous 
 
 * The magistrates of Geneva having applied to the King of 
 France to obtain the privilep^es of a university to their acade- 
 my, his majesty, after consultation, refused the request, upon 
 this grouncf, that " Universities were found to be the nurseries 
 of heresy." (Senebier, Histoire Litteraire de Geneve, i. 35.) 
 
 T Antoine-Rodolphe Chevalier (Cevalerius) vpas Queen 
 Elizabeth's tutor in the French language; and at a late period 
 of his life he appears to have taught Hebrew in England. 
 Among the Baker MSS. vol. xiii. 36. is " Account of Cevaler- 
 ius, Hebrew reader, and his issue." (Biogr. Britan, vol. i. p, 
 524. 2d edit. Teissier, Eloges, torn, ii, p. 438.) 
 
 \ Four recommendatory poems by Melville are prefixed to 
 this work. Its title is: " Coniparatio Granimaticae Hebraicae 
 et Aramicse. Auctore Bonaventura Cornelio Bertramo. vtrius- 
 que linguas Professore. Apud Evstathivm Vignon. 1574." 4to, 
 Bertram was the editor of the Polyglot Bible, published by 
 Commelin in 3 vols. fol. 1586. (Le t.ong. Bibliotheca Sacra, 
 tom. i. part i. p. 384 — 5. edit. Masch.) For his other works, 
 Bayle, Teissier, and Colomesius (Gallia Orientalis, p. 68.) 
 may be consulted. 
 
 |[ Isaac Casaubon.the first Greek scholar of the age in which 
 he lived, was a pupil of Portus. nn'' has pronounced t!ie iiigh- 
 est culogium on his master. " Sincera pit tas, viptu? exccUens, 
 et singularis doctrina, bonis omnibus veneiabilem reddebant." 
 (Exercitationes ad Apparat. Annal. Baronii, p. 37. edit. 1663. 
 See also Vita Casauboni, p. 4, 5. edit. AInieloveen/) Several' 
 Greek poems by Portus are in the edition Beza Poematnnu 
 printed anno 1569. 
 
220 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 Candian grew warm, and testily exclaimed, Vos Scoti, 
 vos harbari, docebitis nos Grxcos pronuncialionem nostras 
 linguse, scilicet ! — You Scots, you barbarians, will teach 
 us Greeks how to pronounce our own language, for- 
 sooth .'* 
 
 But the person to whom Melville felt the strongest 
 attraction at Geneva, was the celebrated Theodore 
 Beza, who performed the duty of professor of divinity 
 in the academy, along with that of a minister of the 
 city. At'ter the death of Calvin, Beza was unques- 
 tionably the brightest ornament, and the most power- 
 ful champion, of the Reformation. Equally distin- 
 guished as a divine, a poet, an orator, and a critic, no 
 individual contributed more to enlighten and adorn the 
 age in which he lived.f His editions of the Greek 
 New Testament, accompanied with a Latin translation 
 and notes, whatever defects may now be discovered 
 in them, were by far the most valuable works which 
 had then appeared in that department of literature ; 
 and no person who is well acquainted with the his- 
 tory of sacred criticism and interpretation, will allow 
 himself to speak of them with disparagement.:}: Of 
 his poetical productions it is sufficient to say, that they 
 were admired by the best judges among his contem- 
 poraries, and met with the applause of two eminent 
 individuals, who, like himself, had courted the muse 
 by " Siloa's brook, and Jordan's hallow'd tide." On 
 reading his poems, Flaminio exclaimed, " I see that the 
 Muses have at length crossed the Alps,"|| and Buchan- 
 an hesitated not to pronounce him " one of the most sin- 
 gular poets that have been of a long time."§ When we 
 consider these unequivocal testimonies of approbation, 
 we will not feel disposed to pay implicit regard to the 
 caustic remark of the critic, that Beza by printing his 
 version of the Psalms along with Buchanan's, " led 
 to a comparison which he ought not rashly to have 
 hazarded."^ The magnanimity which prompts a 
 man of genius to enter into competition with his illus- 
 trious contemporaries, prevents him from being mean- 
 ly mortified when he is excelled by them ; and he 
 ma}', at the same time, be conscious, and gratified 
 with the consciousness, that his productions are not 
 unworthy of being associated with those to which he 
 willingly yields the palm of superiority. The history 
 of letters, during the period of which we speak, af- 
 fords many pleasing examples of this species of noble 
 strife and amicable rivalship, to which honourable 
 fame incites her votaries. 
 
 Her Temple's everlasting doors unbarr'd. 
 Desert is various, various the reward. 
 No little jealousy, no ilUtiuied sneer, 
 No envy there is found, or rival fear. 
 
 To these talents and acquirements, and to the most 
 unquestionable piety, Beza added great politeness and 
 affability of manners. He was well born and well 
 educated ; and having enjoyed the society of the great, 
 as well as the learned, his conversation was both 
 pleasing and instructive. By the inhabitants of the 
 city to which he had devoted his services he was held 
 
 » Melville's Diary, p. 35. 
 
 f Casaubon, in one of his letters, calls Beza, Scaliger, and 
 De Thou," the three suns of the learned world." (Epist. p. 68. 
 edit. Almeloveen.) 
 
 t " Quod vero ante eum (Bezam) nemo instituit, ut codices 
 consuleret et crisin Novi Testamenti tractaret, id et ipsum 
 praestitit ille, nactus quosdam codices. Sic parva quidem et 
 tenuia, taiuen initia sunt facta Critices N. T. caque valde laud- 
 abilia." ( Sam. Frid. N. Mori Hcrnieneutica Novi Test, cura 
 H. C. A. Eichstadt, torn. ii. p. 392, Lijw. 1802.) 
 
 y Theodori Bezae Foeniata: Item ex Georgio Buchanano 
 alhsque poetis Excerpta. Epist. Dedic. p. 7. Henr. Stcph.1569. 
 
 ^ See the letter of Buchanan to Sir Thomas Randolph; 
 printed in the Appendix. 
 
 IT Le Clerc, Hibliotheque Choisie, torn. v\\\. p. 128. He 
 should have said that Beza permitted this; for it was Henry 
 Stephens who first published them in the same volume. " Vides, 
 lector, Henr. Stepnanum non sine causa Beue Poematibus 
 Buchaiiani et Flaminii ejus familiariuni poemata sociavisse." 
 (Maittalre, Stephanorum Historia, p. 315.) 
 
 "in veneration ; and the manner in which he uniformly 
 received the public and flattering expressions of this 
 feeling, contributed to set the purity of his character, 
 and the generosity of his dispositions, in the most 
 striking light.* 
 
 Besides attending the sermons and the academical 
 prelections of this eminent individual, Melville had 
 the happiness of being admitted at all times to his 
 private society. The learning, wit, vivacity, and can- 
 dour, which Melville possessed, would of themselves 
 have recommended him to the notice of one who was 
 so susceptible of impressions from these qualities; 
 but there were other circumstances which contributed 
 to facilitate his access to the good graces of Beza. 
 That reformer was uniformly partial to Scotsmen. He 
 admired the ecclesiastical constitution of Scotland. 
 He had long maintained an intimate friendship with 
 two of the most illustrious individuals in that nation, 
 Knox and Buchanan. And there was at that time in 
 Geneva another Scotsman, a relation of Melville, with 
 whom he had lived for many years as a colleague, and 
 whom he revered for his talents and virtues. 
 
 This was Henry Scrimger, whose exertions for the 
 revival of letters reflected great honour on Scotland, 
 although his name is now known to few of his coun- 
 trymen. He was the son of Walter Scrimger of 
 Glasswell, a branch of the honourable family of Did- 
 dup, in which the offices of royal standard-bearer and 
 of constable of Dundee had long been hereditary. 
 Having finished his course of education with applause 
 at St. Andrew's, I he went to the university of Paris, 
 from which he removed to Bourges, to prosecute the 
 study of Civil Law under Baro and Duaren. By the 
 recommendation of the celebrated Amiot, then profes- 
 sor of Greek at Bourges and afterwards raised to the 
 highest offices, he became tutor to the children of 
 Secretary Boucherel. In this situation he gave such 
 satisfaction that he was chosen private secretary to the 
 bishop of Rennes, upon his appointment as ambassa- 
 dor from the court of France to diflerent states of Italy. 
 During a visit to Padua, he saw the noted Francis 
 Spira, who died under great horror of mind in conse- 
 quence of his recantation of the Protestant religion. 
 This scene produced the same effect upon Scrimger's 
 mind which it did on Vergerio, bishop of Capo d'ls- 
 tria, and Gribaldi, a lawyer of Padua ; and he deter- 
 mined to sacrifice the prospects which his present 
 situation held out to him, and to return to Switzer- 
 land where he might profess the reformed sentiments 
 with safety. Being invited to Augsbourg by the 
 Fuggers, a family who had raised from the mines of 
 Tyrol a princely fortune, which they expended in the 
 advancement of literature,:): Scrimger furnished the 
 library of Ulrich Fugger with the rarest books and 
 manuscripts. During his travels in Italy, he had col- 
 lected ample materials for correcting the works of the 
 ancients, and particularly those of Greece.|| He pub- 
 lished an edition of the Novelise Constitutiones of Justin- 
 ian in Greek, which was prized by the first lawyers 
 
 * Anton. Fayus, Vita Theod. Beza:. Bayle, Diet. art. Beze. 
 Teissier, Eloges, iv. 484 — 506. In 1570 the plague raged at 
 Geneva, and one was chosen by lot from tlie company of min- 
 isters to visit those who were infected with that dreadful mal- 
 ady. The Council issued an order that Beza should be ex- 
 empted from the lot, upon which he appeared before them, 
 and begged that they would recal their order, as he looked up- 
 on the service as a part of his ministerial function. According- 
 ly his name was included among those of his brethren. In 
 1572, the Churches of France requested his assistance at the 
 National Synod of Nismes. The magistrates of Geneva did 
 not think it safe for him to undertake the journey, and proposed 
 that be should send them his advice iii writing. Beza con- 
 vinced them that this would not answer the purpose, and after 
 a long debate they consented that he should go. (Recueil de 
 diverses particulnritez concernant Geneve: 20 Feb. 1570; and 
 21 Apr. 1572. MS.) f See Note G. 
 
 } Shelhorn, Amoenitates Hist. Ecclesiasticae, i. 719. Th« 
 tame author has collected various facts respecting this family 
 in his Amamitatct Literaria. \\ See under Note G. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 221 
 
 of the time ; and the editions of several of the classics 
 published by Henry Stephens were enriched with the 
 various readings and remarks which he liberally com- 
 municated to that learned printer. In 1563, Calvin 
 persuaded him to come to Geneva, The magistrates 
 conferred on him the freedom of the city; and, after 
 he had taught for two years as professor of philo- 
 sophy, they appointed him to the newly erected chair 
 of Civil Law, which he filled to his death.* 
 
 As Melville's elder brother had been married to a 
 sister of Scrimger, he had the readiest access to the 
 conversation of his venerable countryman, which was 
 highly valuable from the knowledge which he had 
 acquired during his travels, and to his library, which 
 was stored with the best and rarest books, both print- 
 ed and in manuscript. He was a frequent visitor at 
 his lodgings in town, and also at the Violet, a neat 
 villa which Scrimger had built within a league of 
 Geneva, and where he chiefly resided during the last 
 years of his life, with his wife and an only daughter.f 
 
 At Geneva Melville had the happiness to become 
 personally acquainted with several other individuals 
 well known in the learned world, some of whom after- 
 wards corresponded with him. Among these was 
 Lambert Danasus, who was at that time associated 
 with Beza in teaching theology, and afterwards dis- 
 charged the same office in the university of Leyden.:J: 
 The learned printer, Henry Stephens, took particular 
 notice of our young countryman, and spoke of him in 
 the most flattering terms.|| He also obtained the 
 friendship of Paulus Melissus, celebrated for his La- 
 tin odes, and translation of the Psalms into German 
 verse. § James Lectius, equally distinguished as a 
 politician and a scholar, whose name is associated 
 with those of Bonnivard, Roset, and other patriots, in 
 the history of his country, and who was permitted, by 
 way of singular honour, to occupy at the same time a 
 chair in the academy and the highest office in the re- 
 public, was the pupil of Melville, for whom he con- 
 tinued ever after to cherish the highest esteem.^ 
 
 The massacre of the Protestants, which commen- 
 ced at Paris on St. Bartholomew's day, 1572, and 
 whicli wrought such woe to France, was the occasion 
 of extending Melville's acquaintance with the learned 
 men of the age. Those who escaped the dagger of 
 the murderer, took refuge in Geneva, whose gates 
 were thrown open to receive them. One hundred and 
 twenty French ministers were at one time in the city. 
 The academy overflowed with students, and the mag- 
 istrates were unable to provide salaries for the learn- 
 
 * Maittaire, Hist. Stepban. passim. Senebier, Catalogue 
 Raisonne ties Manuscrits de Geneve, p. 285. From Calvin's 
 letter, dated 27th October, 1562, it appears that Scrimger was 
 not then at Geneva. But in another work Senebier states (ap- 
 parently from the public records) that he was admitted pro- 
 fessor of philosophy at Geneva, in 1561, and that the freedom 
 of the city was conferred on him in the course of the same year. 
 (Histoire Litteraire i. 497.) Among- the witnesses to Calvin's 
 Testament, made 26th April, 1564, we find "spectatum virum 
 Henricum Scrimgerum professorem artium," and he is included 
 among those called " cives Gencvenses." (Beza, VitaCalvini.) 
 " Henri Scrin^er, professeur de droit," was elected a member 
 of the Council of LX. " 3 Janvier, 1570. a I'age de 64." (Frag- 
 mens Biograph. et Hist, extraitsde Registres de Geneve, p. 16. 
 Gen. 1315.) 
 
 t Melville's Diary, p. 35. James Melville mentions only his 
 daughter; but it appears from a letter of Scrimger to Buchanan, 
 that his wife was alive in April, 1572, (Bucnan. Epist. p. 9.) 
 From Buchanan's letter to him, it would seem that he had late- 
 ly been bereaved of some of his children. (Ibid. p. 8.) 
 
 I Recueil de diverses particularitezconcernant Geneve. MS. 
 p. 118. Senebier, Hist, l.itt. i. 312. 
 
 II Casauboni Epist. p. 129. edit. Almeloveen. 
 
 § Adami Vitie Germanorum Philosophorum, p. 448. Among 
 the poems of Melissus is one inscribea " Ad Andr. Melvinum 
 Celurcanum." (Melissi Schediasmatvm Poeticorvra Pars Ter- 
 tia, p. 226. Lvtetiaa Parisiorum, 1586.) 
 
 IT Epistola J. Lectii, MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. Num. 
 31. Casauboni Epistols, p. 129. Senebier, Hist. Litt. ii. 54 — 
 61. A great manj' letters which passed between him and Cas- 
 aubon are in the collection of Almeloveen. 
 
 ed men whom they were desirous to employ, or to 
 find situations for such as were willing to teach with- 
 out receiving any remuneration.* Among those who 
 obtained public appointments was Joseph Scaliger, 
 the first scholar of the age, and a man of real genius, 
 although he devoted his talents chiefly to the dry study 
 of criticism and illustration of ancient authors.^ Mel- 
 ville's acquaintance with Scaliger had commenced two 
 years before this period, during a visit which that 
 learned man paid to Geneva.:^: All the recommendatory 
 verses prefixed to a collection of his father's poems, 
 which he published during his exile, proceeded from 
 Melville's pen.|| Among the refugees there were also 
 two civilians, distinguished for their talents and eru- 
 dition : Francis Hottoman, who had taught with high 
 reputaio n at Bourges and Valence ; and Edmond 
 Bonnefoy, the colleague of the great Cujacius. The 
 latter had run the highest risk in the massacres, and 
 was protected from the fanatical fury of the people by 
 Cujacius, who esteemed him so highly as to declare, 
 that if he were dying, and desired, like Aristotle, to 
 choose his successor, he would name Bonnefoy. § A 
 compliment not less flattering is paid him by the en- 
 lightened De Thou, who has recorded, in his history, 
 that he was the scholar of Bonnefoy, and owed more 
 to him than to any other man.^f So zealous were the 
 magistrates of Geneva to encourage science, that, in 
 the midst of their poverty, they allotted handsome 
 salaries to these two civilians, only requiring that the 
 citizens should be admitted gratis to their lectures. 
 Hottoman lectured twice a-week on Roman Law, and 
 Bonnefoy thrice a-week on Oriental Jurisprudence, a 
 science of which he may be regarded as the founder, 
 and for which he was eminently qualified by hia 
 knowledge of the languages of the East.** 
 
 We are expressly informed that Melville heard the 
 lectures of Hottoman ; \\ and there can be little doubt 
 that he also availed himself of the opportunity of at- 
 tending those of Bonnefoy, which were still more in- 
 
 * See two letters of Beza to Thomas Von Til, in Illustr. et 
 Clar. Viror. Epistolae Selectiores, p. 615 — 620. Scaligerana, 
 Thuana, &c. torn. ii. p. 344. Scaliger has preserved the curi- 
 ous fact, that the Dutchess of Savoy sent 4000 florins annually 
 for the relief of the French refugees at Geneva. Beza was the 
 only minister acquainted with this charitable deed during the 
 life of the Dutchess. In one of Beza's letters above referred 
 to we find another singular fact. The city of Geneva had been 
 grievously afflicted with the plague during the greater part of 
 two years, but this dreadful meuady disappeared upon the ar- 
 rival of the persecuted fugitives. 
 
 t He was admitted Professor of Philosophy, in October, 
 1572, and continued to read lectures in the academy during 
 two years. (Senebier, Hist. Litter, ii. 10. and Scaligerana 
 Secunda, art. Geneve.) Chauffepie and Burman, who have re- 
 ferred his residence at Geneva to another period, have suffered 
 themselves to be misled by trusting to inferences from letters 
 without dates. 
 
 X Scaliger has mentioned his being at Geneva in 1570. 
 (Scaligerana, Thuana, &c. toiu ii. p. 344. 
 
 11 Jvlii Caesaris Scaligeri Poemata — Genevae, 1575, 8vo. Th*! 
 epigrams are inscribed "Andr. Melvinvs Celurcanus." In the 
 College Library of Edinburgh there is a copy of that work 
 vvhich had belonged to Melville, and has his autograph on the 
 title page. He has transcribed some poems on the blank leaves 
 at the beginning of the book, and written notes on the margin, 
 consisting partly of emendations of the text, and partly of 
 references to ancient authors whom Scaliger had imitated. To 
 the subscription of the epigrams he has added with his pen " ad 
 Lemannum, to intimate that he was then resident at Geneva. 
 " Celurcanus" means a native of Montrose. 
 
 Nobilis urbs rosei jam gaudet nomine montis. 
 
 Quae prius a coelo dicta Celurca fuit. 
 Ar. Jonstoni Poemata Omnia, p. 439. Middelb. 1642. 
 
 Two of these epigrams by Melville are republished in De- 
 litice Poetarum Scotorum, tom. ii. p. 344. 
 
 { Cujacii Observationes, cap. vi. Bonnefoy died at Geneva 
 in the year 1574. Hotomanorum Epistolas, p. 45. 
 
 TT Thuani Hist, ad ann. 1574. Teissier, iii. 33—4. 
 
 ** Hottoman's salary was 800 florins, and Bonnefoy's 700 
 a-year. Recueil de diverses particularitez cone. Geneve, p. 118. 
 Hottomanorum Epistolae, p. 45. Senebier, i. 327. ii. 7, 8. 
 
 tt Me Iville's Diary, p. 35. Colomesii Gallia Orientalis. p. 58. 
 
222 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 timately connected with those studies to which he had 
 now devoted his chief attention. 
 
 I have gone into these details, not merely as illus- 
 trative of the literary history of the period, but also 
 as serving to throw light on the future conduct of Mel- 
 •ville. We shall find him taking a deep interest in the 
 political transactions of his native country ; and the 
 facts which we have produced tend to show that he 
 was not unqualified by his education for judging on 
 this subject. The studies of the learned in that age 
 were more universal, and the common ground on 
 which men of different professions met, was more ex- 
 tended than at present. Every person versant in its 
 literary history must have been particularly struck 
 with the union of the study of theology and law. 
 Law, when properly viewed, is a noble, and in some 
 sense a divine science. When, instead of being made 
 to rest on the arbitrary dictates of mere will, whether 
 exerted by individuals or communities, on the pre- 
 scriptions of custom, or on the uncertain deductions 
 of indeterminable expediency, the Law of Nations is 
 founded, as it always ought to be, on the Law of Na- 
 ture, and the eternal principles of equity and justice 
 sanctioned by the supreme Legislator, the study of 
 it is closely allied to that of theology. And to repre- 
 sent them as discordant, or as incapable of affording 
 aid to each other, is to injure both, and is as absurd 
 as it would be to divorce and dissever the great ends 
 which they respectively aim at, — the promoting of the 
 temporal and spiritual welfare of mankind. We meet 
 with few of the writers of this period who excelled in 
 one of these branches without being also well ac- 
 quainted with the other. As religion is the common 
 concern of all men, and as the public mind was then 
 deeply interested in the controversies relating to it, 
 we are not greatly surprised at the accounts which are 
 given of the extensive acquaintance with the Scrip- 
 tures, and with Ecclesiastical History, which was 
 possessed by many distinguished civilians and states- 
 men — by such men as Hottoman, and Godefroy, and 
 Grotius, Languet, and Mornay, and St. Aldegonde. 
 But we are not equally prepared to admit the state- 
 ment, although well authenticated, that the chief 
 divines of the reformed church were intimately ac- 
 quainted with the principles of jurisprudence, and 
 qualified, by the course of study which they had pur- 
 sued, to give their advice on questions relating to 
 government and the administration of laws. Not to 
 mention Calvin, Beza, and other foreign theologians, 
 it would be easy to establish the fact by referring to 
 not a few in our own country, as Row, Craig, Pont, 
 Arbuthnot, and Adamson. This may be ascribed 
 partly to the passion which those who addicted them- 
 selves to learning at that period felt to " intermeddle 
 with all knowledge;" and partly to the superior grati- 
 fication which this manly study yielded, in comparison 
 with the dry and disgusting logic which had so long 
 been exclusively cultivated in the schools. But it is 
 chiefly to be traced to a new feeling, which recent 
 events had produced, and which had for its object the 
 promotion of the public good. This was the efiect of 
 the late reformation of religion ; and at the same time 
 one of the moral forces by which that mighty revolu- 
 tion exerted its influence upon the sentiments of man- 
 kind in favour of civil liberty and the amelioration of 
 government. It is a favourite maxim with many in 
 the present day, that the benefits which we owe to the 
 Reformation, are to be regarded as the ulterior and re- 
 mote results of tliat event, rather than effects contem- 
 plated and intended by the Reformers. It would be 
 absurd to give an absolute negative to this proposi- 
 tion ; hut there is much less truth in it than those who 
 announce it with such oracular importance imagine. 
 Many of those actions which we are apt to impute to 
 turbulence, or to clerical ambition and officiousness, 
 and which we are prone to stigmatize as the offspring 
 of bigotry and intolerance, we vrould, if better ac- 
 
 quainted with the principles of the actors, and more 
 attentive to the circumstances in which they were 
 placed, see reason to ascribe to more enlightened and 
 patriotic views. 
 
 It was at Geneva that Knox first felt the hallowed 
 flame of liberty kindle in his breast; and while he 
 breathed the free air of that republic, he conceived 
 the enterprise of breaking the fetters of religious and 
 political bondage by which his native country was en- 
 thralled. Since his leaving it, the spirit of freedom 
 had expanded itself, and during the two last years 
 that Melville resided there, an event occurred which 
 enables us to ascertain its force. To assert, as some 
 have done, that the violent and sanguinary measures 
 to which tyrants have recourse always defeat them- 
 selves, would be only to foster delusion ; for history 
 demonstrates that they have, on the contrary, very 
 often proved but too successful. At the same time, it 
 is true, that, under the direction of a merciful Provi- 
 dence, they have sometimes led to happier results. 
 This was particularly the case as to the horrid scenes 
 which disgraced France in the year 1572. The sen- 
 sation produced by them was simultaneously felt at 
 the most distant extremities of Europe. In Poland it 
 excited alarm and disgust at the idea of receiving a 
 king from a court polluted with blood and perfidy.* 
 In Scotland it crushed the hopes of a party which 
 laboured to restore popery and arbitrary power. In 
 the Low countries it confirmed the inhabitants in their 
 resolution to release themselves from the tyrannical 
 yoke of Spain. And it disposed the court of England 
 to afford the assistance necessary for enabling these 
 patriots to achieve their emancipation. 
 
 But it was at Geneva that this feeling operated with 
 full force. In a city composed of freemerv and Pro- 
 testants, the conduct of the French court excited the 
 strongest indignation, and was universally execrated. 
 Smarting under the injuries which they had suffered, 
 the refugees denounced the tyranny of the rulers who 
 had inflicted them, and pointed to the only remedy by 
 which the evil could be effectually corrected. Those 
 who had afforded them an asylum were prepared to 
 sympathize with their feelings and sentiments. The 
 most important and delicate questions respecting gov- 
 ernment — the origin of power, the best mode of con- 
 veying it, its just limits, and the right of subjects to 
 resist its abuse — became the topics of common dis- 
 course, and were discussed with a freedom and bold- 
 ness which could have been tolerated only in a repub- 
 lican state, and exemplified only at a period when the 
 public mind was in a state of high excitement. It 
 was at this time that Hottoman composed his Franco- 
 Gallia, a work which resembles the political treatises 
 of Buchanan f and of Languet, X in the questions 
 which it agitates, and the principles of freedom which 
 it lays down and defends. At the same time, and in 
 the same strain, did Beza compose a tract, which the 
 magistrates of Geneva suppressed from prudential 
 considerations, while they prontunced an approbation 
 of the principles which it contained. || Peter Char- 
 pentier, a mercenary renegado, insulted the city which 
 
 • I allude particularly to a fact which apptars to have been 
 hitherto concealed in the registers of Gf neva. The Duke of 
 Anjou, brother of Charles IX. and afterwards Henry III. of 
 France, having offered himself as a candidate for the vacant 
 throne of Poland, the Polish Protestants wrote, in April. 1573, 
 to the ministers of Geneva, requesting to be fully informed 
 respecting the massacres in France, and the real authors of 
 them, that they might take their measures accordingly in the 
 approaching election of a new king. The ministers laid the 
 letters before the council, who did not judge it prudent 
 to return an answer in writing, but sent a person qualified 
 for giving them the information which they required. (Re- 
 cueil de diverseg particularitei concernant Geneve, p. 119. 
 MS.) 
 
 + De Jure regni apud Scotos. 
 
 f Findicia contra T\/ranno3 ; published by Hubert Lan- 
 guet under the name of Junius Brutus. 
 
 11 See N— " 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 223 
 
 had formeTly ho.toured him with an academical chair,* 
 by addressing to Portus, the professor of Greek at 
 Geneva, an apology for the massacre of St. Bartholo- 
 mew, in which he insidiously attempted to shew, that 
 there were two classes of Protestants in France, a re- 
 ligious and a political, and that the late ebullition of 
 public vengeance was directed solely against those 
 who had made religion a cloak to their treasonable 
 designs. Though foreign to his profession and studies, 
 Portus took up the pen, and in a reply, breathing keen 
 but virtuous indignation, defended the innocence of 
 the sufferers, and exposed the malignant falsehoods 
 and stale sophistry of their base and unprincipled 
 calumniator.t 
 
 How deeply Melville's mind was imbued with these 
 sentiments, appears from the uniform zeal which he 
 afterwards shewed for the liberties of his country, and 
 the firm resistance which he opposed to popery and 
 arbitrary power. It was also displayed in the poems 
 which he composed at this time ; in which he em- 
 balmed the memory of the late martyrs, and bitterly 
 execrated the cruelty of their persecutors.:!^ 
 
 In the year 1572, Alexander Young came to Geneva 
 with letters, from the Regent Mar and Buchanan, to 
 his uncle, Henry Scrimger,|| requesting his return to 
 Scotland, and promising him the most honourable and 
 liberal encouragement. Buchanan had before repeat- 
 edly written him to the same purpose, and the manner 
 in which he urged his request evinced, at the same 
 time, his own patriotism and his high esteem for 
 Scrimger. But that venerable scholar continued to 
 excuse himself, by pleading the confusions of his 
 native country and his own advanced age.§ For sev- 
 eral years Melville had almost forgotten Scotland, in 
 the ardour with which he applied to his studies and 
 the discharge of his academical duty. The memo- 
 ry of it, and of the friends whom he had not seen 
 for many years, was revived by the conversation of 
 Young; and when the latter returned to Scotland, he 
 sent letters by him to his brothers, acquainting them 
 with his situation. As they had not heard of him for 
 a long time, and feared he had lost his life in the 
 troubles of France, they were overjoyed to learn that 
 he was alive, and in great estimation at Geneva. Up- 
 on Young's paying a second visit to that city, Mel- 
 ville received a most affectionate letter from them, and 
 pressing invitations to return home. Among the rest 
 was a letter from one of his nephews, then a student 
 at St. Andrew's ; and the ingenuous manner in which 
 the young man described the low state of education in 
 Scotland, and spoke of the benefit which it would de- 
 rive from a person of such learning as he was told his 
 uncle possessed, had no small influence in disposing 
 him to think seriously of returning to Scotland. 
 
 About the same time, Alexander Campbell, a cadet 
 
 * Charpentier was for some time the colleague of Henry 
 Scrimger, in the profession of Civil Law, at Geneva. (Sene- 
 bier, Hist. Litter, i. 51, 326.) He was the son of James Char- 
 pentier, who is charged with having revenged his literarv 
 quarrels with Ramus, by instigating his scholars to murder that 
 philosopher during the cannibal-scenes exhibited in Paris. 
 (Bayle, art. Ramie and Charpentier.) 
 
 + Franc. Porti. Cretensis, Responsio ad Epistolam Petri Car- 
 pentarii. Genev. 1572. 
 
 I The two following epigrams may serve as a specimen of 
 his cordial detestation of tyranny : 
 
 Classicum. 
 Ad libertatem quid obest tibi, Gallia ? Vis, fraus, 
 
 Et lupus, et lupa, cum sanguineis catulis. 
 Ad libertatem quid adest tibi, Gallia ? Jus, fas, 
 
 Mensque manusque vinim. Nunc quid abest? Animug. 
 Tyrannis. 
 Tarqumii de stirpe truces cum terra tyrannos 
 Tot ferat ; acn unus pectore Brutus ubi est '.' 
 
 II Alexander Youn^, was the brother of Peter Young, Bu- 
 chanan's colleague in the education of James VI. Their 
 mother was Margaret Scrimger, sister ti Henry Scricager. 
 (Smith, Vita Petri Junii, pp. 3, 4.) 
 
 } Buchanani Epist. p. 7—10. 
 
 of the house of Argyle, who, though a youth, had 
 been presented to the bishopric of Brechen,* visited 
 Geneva in his travels, accompanied by his tutor, An- 
 drew Polwart. The solicitations of Polwart, with 
 whom Melville had been acquainted at the University 
 of St. Andrews, joined to the urgent request of his 
 own friends, determined him to return to Scotland, and 
 to devote the knowledge which he had acquired abroad 
 to the service of his country. This resolution he 
 respectfully intimated to liis colleagues, and to the 
 magistrates, as patrons of the academy ; requesting 
 their permission to demit the office with which they 
 had honoured him. His request was reluctantly grant- 
 ed, with expressions of their sorrow at losing him, 
 and ample testimonials of their approbation and es- 
 teem. In a letter addressed to the General Assem- 
 bly in their name, Beza, among other expressions of 
 the same tenor, testified, that Andrew Melville was 
 "equally distinguished by his piety and his erudition ; 
 and that the church of Geneva could not give a stronger 
 proof of her affection to her sister church of Scotland, 
 than by suffering herself to be bereaved of him, that 
 his native country might be enriched with his gifts. "-j- 
 
 It was not without feelings of regret that Melville 
 parted from Geneva, and the friends whom he had 
 gained during his residence in that city. In the sub- 
 sequent period of his life, he frequently retraced the 
 scene in his imagination, and relieved his mind, amidst 
 his labours and anxieties, by recollecting the happy 
 years which he had spent there, in the peaceful pur- 
 suits of literature, and in the society of some of the 
 greatest and best men of the age. The subject is 
 more than once introduced in his poetical pieces, and 
 always with tenderness and enthusiasm. In a poem 
 to the memory of John Lyndsay, one of his country- 
 men who died at Geneva, he pays an affectionate 
 tribute to the most distinguished individuals whom 
 he had known in that city. This is introduced by a 
 deploration of the massacres so disgraceful to the 
 neighbouring kingdom of France, which were pain- 
 fully associated with the delightful recollections which 
 the thoughts of Geneva excited in his breast. In the 
 same poem he commemorates several of his country- 
 men, who, like Lyndsay, had finished their days at 
 Geneva. f 
 
 Melville left Geneva in spring, 1574, along with 
 Polwart, and his pupil the Bishop of Brechin. They 
 took the way of Lyons ; and, traversing Franche- 
 compte, descended the Loire to Orleans. During a 
 part of their journey they were accompanied by three 
 Frenchmen — a priest, a physician, and an officer of 
 the army, all zealous Roman Catholics. Before they 
 parted, Melville had made the military gentleman al- 
 most a Protestant; and, partly by argument, and part- 
 ly by good humoured raillery, he prevailed so far over 
 the prejudices of the others, as that they had no ob- 
 jection to eat flesh on Friday, a practice which they 
 at first regarded with much horror. 
 
 As the civil war was still raging in many parts of 
 France, a vigilant eye was kept on such strangers as 
 came to Orleans. When our travellers approached 
 that city, the soldier on guard allowed the Bishop and 
 Polwart, who were on foot, to pass without interrup- 
 tion, but stopped Melville, who, having sprained his 
 foot, was on horseback. To the question "Whence 
 are you ?" Melville replied, " From Scotland." — " O ! 
 you Scots are all Hugonots." — " Hugonots ! What's 
 that? We do not know such people in Scotland." — 
 " You have no mass," said the soldier — " Vous vous 
 ri^avez pas la Messe.^^ — " No mess, man !" replied Mel- 
 ville merrily ; " why, our children in Scotland go to 
 
 * " Alexander Campbell of Carco, sumetirae biscbop of 
 Brichen — deceisit in his place of carco w' in the parish of 
 Kincl'evin in the moneth of Febr, 1608." (Testament Testa- 
 mentar, in Records of Commissary Court of Edinburgh, 23 
 Junii. 1608.) 
 
 t Melville's Diary, p. 35. J See Note 1. 
 
224 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE, 
 
 mess every day." — " Bon compagnon, allez vous ,-" 
 said the soldier, smiling and beckoning him to pro- 
 ceed. When he reached the house at which they had 
 previously agreed to lodge, he found his two country- 
 men in great trepidation lest their papers should have 
 been examined, and disposed to laugh heartily at the 
 equivoque by which they had escaped detection. — 
 They had reason to congratulate themselves, if the 
 report of their landlord was to be credited ; for he 
 assured them that several persons had of late lost 
 their lives for as small an offence as that of having 
 come from Geneva. On leaving Orleans next day, 
 they were thrown anew into consternation, by unex- 
 pectedly falling in with a procession of the host, when 
 they were again relieved from their embarrassment by 
 the promptitude and address of Melville.* 
 
 At Paris they met with a great many of their coun- 
 trymen, and resolved to spend some time in the French 
 capital. At the desire of Lord Ogilvy, Melville went 
 to the Jesuit's College, and, meeting with Father 
 Tyrie, was involved in a public dispute with that 
 eager polemic. The dispute was continued during 
 several days, but the Archbishop of Glasgow, being 
 informed of it, let fall some threatening expressions, 
 which coming to the ears of Melville's friends, they 
 persuaded him to leave the place as quickly as possible. 
 Accordingly, he left Paris on the 30th of May, and 
 proceeding with his former companions to Dieppe, 
 sailed to Ry, and arrived safely in London. On the 
 day that they quitted Paris, the French king, Charles 
 IX., who had rendered himself so odious by his tyran- 
 ny and cruelty, died of an issue of blood which burst 
 from all the apertures of his body. 
 
 After remaining a short time in London, our travel- 
 lers purchased horses, and took their journey by Ber- 
 wick to Edinburgh ; where Melville arrived in the be- 
 ginning of July, 1574, after an absence of ten years 
 from his native country.f 
 
 • • ' CHAP. IL 1574—1580. 
 
 Melville declines an offer from the Regent Morton— Retires to 
 Baldovy — Superintends the Studies of his Nephew — James 
 Melville — Applications to the General Assembly for Mel- 
 ville's services — He visits Glasgow — Is introduced to the 
 young King — is admitted Principal of the University of 
 Glasgow— Ruinous State of that University— His Plan for 
 recovering it — New Mode of Instruction introduced by him 
 — Eflfects of it — Individuals educated under him at Glasgow 
 — Nova Erectio— Literary Conversation — Peter Blackburn 
 — John Colville— College discipline — Mark Alexander Boyd 
 — Instance of Melville's intrepidity in maintaining the author- 
 ity of the University — Charged with advising the demolition 
 of the Cathedral of Glasgow— Receives his Library from 
 Geneva — His first Poetical Work. 
 
 Melville had scarcely arrived at Edinburgh, when 
 he was waited on by George Buchanan, Alexander 
 Hay, clerk to the Privy Council, and Colonel James 
 Halyburton, a favourite of the Regent Morton. They 
 proposed that he should act as domestic instructor to 
 the Regent, promising that he should be advanced to 
 a situation more suited to his merits, on the first va- 
 cancy which occurred. Morton had himself no taste 
 for letters, and was not disposed, as his predecessors 
 were, to be liberal to learned men. But his sagacity 
 convinced him of the influence which they exerted 
 over the minds of others, and of the importance of at- 
 taching them to his interests. When individuals dis- 
 tinguished for their literary acquirements came into 
 the kingdom, it was therefore his policy to draw them 
 to court, to ascertain their dispositions, and on finding 
 them pliable to his wishes, to advance them to bene- 
 fices in the church. Melville was at that time a stran- 
 ger to the Regent's plans, but he was decidedly 
 averse to a residence at court. He preferred an aca- 
 
 » MelTille'f Diary, p. 35, 36. 
 
 t Ibid. p. 36. 
 
 demical life; one principal object which he had in 
 view in returning to his native conntry, was to assist 
 in the revival of its literature ; and his highest ambi- 
 tion was to obtain, in one of the universities, a situa- 
 tion similar to that of Royal Professor at Paris. He 
 therefore respectfully declined the proposal made to 
 him in the name of the Regent, and requested permis- 
 sion to spend some time with his relations, from whom 
 he had been so long absent, 'before he accepted of any 
 public employment. 
 
 He went accordingly to Angus, and took up his re- 
 sidence with his elder brother at Baldovy, where he 
 had spent his early years. During the following 
 three months he amused himself with superintending 
 the studies of one of his nephews, whom Richard 
 Melville resigned to him as a pledge of fraternal love, 
 and charged to " wait upon him as a son and ser- 
 vant." This was the young man whose letter had 
 such influence in inducing his uncle to quit Geneva, 
 who afterwards became his academical assistant, and 
 his faithful adherent in all the hardships which he suf- 
 fered, and to whose zealous and grateful affection we 
 are indebted for the knowledge of the most important 
 incidents in his life, and the most interesting traits of 
 his character. As we shall frequently have occasion 
 to speak of this amiable individual, it is proper to in- 
 troduce him to the acquaintance of the reader. 
 
 James Melville was the son of Richard Melville 
 and Isabel Scrimger, and was born at Baldovy on the 
 25th of July, 1556. His early education* was marred 
 by the change of his teachers, and on entering the 
 College of St. Leonard's in 1571, he was so much 
 mortified at finding that he was incapable of under- 
 standing the lectnres which were delivered in Lat- 
 in, that he burst into tears before the whole class. 
 This attracted the notice of his regent, William Col- 
 lace, who, pleased with this trait of youthful sensi- 
 bility, kindly condescended to give him instructions, 
 and to provide him with a private assistant, until he 
 had surmounted the difficulties under which he la- 
 boured. f His mind was early impressed with a deep 
 sense of religion, and a trong desire to devote him- 
 self to the preaching of the gospel. This desire was 
 in a great measure the effect of the sermons which he 
 heard from John Knox at St. Andrew's; and it re- 
 mained unabated notwithstanding all that he witnessed 
 of the poverty and hardships of the Protestant minis- 
 ters. His father, however, intended him for the more 
 lucrative profession of law, and had fixed on a man 
 of business in Edinburgh with whom he should serve 
 as an apprentice. Richard Melville was an excellent 
 man, and an affectionate father, but he had higher 
 notions of parental authority, and kept his children in 
 greater subjection, than are altogether consistent with 
 the liberal notions of the age we live in. Being re- 
 strained by bashfulness, and the deference he had al- 
 ways been accustomed to pay to his father's will, 
 James had recourse to an innocent stratagem to in- 
 timate his predilection for a different line of employ- 
 ment. He composed a sermon on a passage of Scrip- 
 ture, in the best manner of which he was capable, and 
 put it carefully into one of the Commentaries which 
 he knew his father was in the habit of consulting in 
 his weekly preparations for the pulpit. The expedient 
 succeeded according to his wish. For Richard Melville, 
 having once ascertained the decided inclinations of 
 his son, and being pleased with the juvenile specimen 
 of his gifts, was too wise and good to persist in car- 
 rying his own plans into execution. The apprentice- 
 ship was no more talked of; but still a due regard was 
 paid to parental dignity and the good of the young man, 
 by keeping him for sometime in suspense as to his fa- 
 ther's intentions. The arrival of Andrew Melville put 
 an end to this reserve. James was now told, that he was 
 at full liberty to follow his own inclinations ; and, to 
 
 • Se« above p. 7. 
 
 t Melville's Diary, p. 22. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 225 
 
 his great joy, was delivered over to his uncle, in the 
 manner we have already stated, instead of being 
 bound to the barrister.* 
 
 Notwithstanding the striking resemblance between 
 the uncle and nephew in stature and physiognomy, 
 they differed in mental temperament, perhaps as 
 widely as ever two individuals did who were united 
 by the closest and most inviolable friendship. The 
 talents of James Melville were respectable, without 
 being of the same superior order as those of his uncle. 
 Though not endowed with great liveliness or force of 
 imagination, he possessed a sound judgment, and a 
 heart tenderly susceptible of all the benevolent and 
 social affections. Mild in his temper, and courteous 
 in his manners, he was capable of exerting great 
 authority over others, because he had the complete 
 command of himself. To these amiable qualities were 
 united a guileless uprightness, and an unshaken con- 
 stancy in maintaining the friendships which he con- 
 tracted, and adhering to the cause which his convic- 
 tions led him to espouse. He was accordingly fitted 
 for becoming a most useful companion to his uncle, 
 who did not uniformly study the molliter in verbis, and 
 was apt to be involved in difhculties by an impetuos- 
 ity of temper which he was not always able to com- 
 mand, and was sometimes unwilling to restrain. 
 
 James Melville had lately finished his course of 
 philosophy at the university of St. Andrew's, and, 
 though a modest youth, flattered himself that he was 
 capable of professing those liberal arts of which he 
 had been declared a master by the first literary author- 
 ity in the land. But a few hours' conversation with 
 his new instructor dispelled this pleasing dream, and 
 convinced him that he needed yet to begin his studies. 
 There is something interesting in the artless manner 
 in which he relates what he felt on making this dis- 
 covery, and describes, from his first impressions, the 
 eminent qualifications which his uncle possessed for 
 a task in which he spent the greater part of his life.f 
 
 Melville was not permitted long to enjoy his retire- 
 ment at Baldovy. Beza's letter to the General As- 
 sembly, and the report of his countrymen who had 
 come from Geneva, spread the fame of his erudition 
 through Scotland. At the Assembly which met in 
 August he was much talked of, and applications for 
 his services were made from different quarters. The 
 commissioners of the Synod of Fife were instructed 
 to request that he might be granted to them, with the 
 view of his being appointed Provost of St. Mary's 
 College, St. Andrew's, in the room of Archbishop 
 Douglas, who had just died.:j: A similar application 
 was made in behalf of the University of Glasgow ; 
 and Archbishop Boyd, and Andrew Hay, commis- 
 sioner of the west, urged so strongly the ruined state 
 into which that seminary had fallen, that it was pre- 
 ferred to St. Andrew's, and the Assembly recommend- 
 ed it to Melville to yield to its claims. To secure 
 their object, they prevailed upon such of his relations 
 as were present to use their influence, on their return, 
 to induce him to comply with this recommendation. || 
 Though he had not yet been introduced to them, the 
 Assembly conferred a mark of their approbation on 
 him, by inserting his name in a committee appointed 
 to examine a poetical work previous to its publica- 
 tion.§ It deserves notice, that this Assembly recog- 
 
 * Melville's Diary, p. 21—31. + See Note K. 
 
 \ Doug-las died on the last day of July, 1574, (Act Buik of 
 the Comniissariot of St. Andrew's, 19th feb. 1574.) When ad- 
 mitted to the bishopbric, Doug:las promised to resign the offices 
 of rector of the university, and provost of St. Mary's College; 
 and complaints were at different times made against him at the 
 General Assembly for continuing to retain them. Calderwood, 
 MS. Hist, vol.ii.'p. 344—428. 
 
 II Melville's Diary, p. 29. 30. 
 
 \ " For revewing and sighting of the history of Job, com- 
 piled be Mr. Patrick Adamsone in Latine verse, the present As- 
 sembly hath willed their loved brethren and the right honour- 
 able Mr. George Buchanan, keeper of the privy seal, Mr. Peter 
 3 D 
 
 nized the doctor, or interpreter of Scripture, as a dis- 
 tinct functionary of the church, and petitioned the 
 Regent to appoint competent salaries for such learned 
 men as -were willing to discharge this office in the 
 universities.* 
 
 In consequence of a pressing invitation from the 
 patrons of the university, Melville paid a visit to 
 Glasgow ; and, after making the necessary inquiries 
 and arranging certain alterations, he agreed to return, 
 and undertake the office of Principal. Accordingly, 
 in the end of October, he took leave of his affectionate 
 brother (who died soon after)f and set out for Glas- 
 gow attended by James Melville. By the way he 
 stopped two days at Stirling, where he was introduced 
 to the young king, who had entered the ninth year of 
 his age, — "theswitest sight in Europe that day for 
 strange and extraordinar gifts of ingyne, judgment, 
 memorie, and language !" says James Melville, who 
 was admitted to see him along with his uncle : " I 
 hard him discourse, (continues he) walking up and 
 down in the auld Lady Marr's hand, of knawledge 
 and ignorance, to my graitmarvell and astonishment." 
 No doubt this astonishment was heightened by the 
 reflection that the young philosopher was a king ; but 
 the truth is, that James did at this time exhibit symp- 
 toms of more than ordinary talents, and his teachers 
 were highly gratified at the proficiency which he 
 made under their tuition. At Stirling, Melville found 
 Buchanan engaged, at leisure liours, in writing his 
 History of Scotland ; and, having taken his advice 
 on the plan of education which he intended to follow, 
 proceeded to Glasgow. Thomas Buchanan, the nephew 
 of the pnet, went along with him, to be present at his 
 installation.:}: 
 
 The literary history of the University of Glasgow 
 properly commences with Melville, though the semi- 
 nary had subsisted for upwards of a century before he 
 was connected with it. From its first erection it was 
 provided with professors in all the liberal arts and 
 sciences then taught: but those of the higher faculties 
 — theology, and law, civil and canon, lectured merely 
 pro forma, or occasionally as it suited their own con- 
 veniency and the caprice of their beneficed auditors. |[ 
 The num.ber of regular students who attended it ap- 
 pears never to have been great, and among these are 
 to be found few names of eminence.^ Its funds, ori- 
 ginally small, were wasted and reduced by alienations 
 during the confusions which attended the great change 
 of religion. Through the zealous exertions of in- 
 dividuals friendly to the interests of literature, gifts in 
 its favour were procured from the crown and from the 
 magistrates of the city.^f But with the help of these 
 only two regents could be maintained. The conse- 
 quence was, that it languished for a few years, until, 
 on the death of John Davidson, who held the situation 
 of Principal, the students dispersed, and the college 
 was literally shut up.** 
 
 The prospect was sufficiently discouraging, and an 
 ordinary person would have despaired of being able 
 to restore the suspended animation of the university. 
 But such was Melville's zeal for the advancement of 
 letters, and the confidence which he felt in his own 
 resources, that he entered on the task he had un- 
 dertaken without hesitation, and with the confident 
 hope of raising the seminary over which he presided 
 
 Young, Pedagogue to our Soveraign Lord, Mr. Andrew Mel- 
 vill, Mr. James Lawson, minister of Edinburgh, to take travell 
 in perusing of the said book, and if the same he found be thame 
 agreeable to the truth of Gods word to authorize the samine 
 with testimony of their hand writ and subscription." Cald. 
 MS. vol. i). p. 465. 
 
 * Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 60, b. 
 
 + Richard Melville died in June, 1575. Diary, p. 14. 41. 
 
 \ Melville's Diary, p. 39. J See Note L. 
 
 } See Note M. If See Note N. 
 
 ** Records of the University of Glasgow; Memorial for Dr. 
 Trail and Answers for Dr. Leechnian, in 1771; and Statist. 
 Ace. of Scotland, vol.xxi. 
 
 15 
 
226 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 to a rank which no university in his native coiuitry 
 had yet attained. His reputation secured the atten- 
 dance of as many young men as were necessary for 
 the opening of the classes. It would have been easy 
 for him to have discharged the duties which were con- 
 sidered as belonging to the office of Principal, and to 
 have left the education of the students to be conducted 
 in the ordinary way, by such regents as should be 
 placed under him. The patrons of the university had 
 already procured a person of this description from St. 
 Andrew's. Allowing him to proceed in the manner 
 to which he had been trained, and devolving on him 
 the management of the slender revenues of the college, 
 Melville set himself, with incredible labour, to the ex- 
 ecution of a plan, in the formation of which he had 
 availed himself of the most approved practices which 
 he had witnessed in foreign academies. One great 
 object which he had in view, was to train up a num- 
 ber of individuals who should be qualified for acting 
 as assistants to him, and for following out his mode 
 of instruction. For this purpose he comnienced with 
 a select class of young men well grounded in the La- 
 tin language, and determined to conduct them himself 
 through a regular and complete course of study. 
 
 He began by initiatiug them into the principles of 
 Greek grammar. He then introduced them to the 
 study of Logic and Rhetoric ; using, as his text-books, 
 the Dialectics of his Parisian master. Ramus, and the 
 Rhetoric of Talaeus.* While they were engaged in 
 these studies, he read with them the best classical 
 authors, as Virgil and Horace among the Latins, and 
 Homer, Hesiod, Theocritus, Pindar, and Isocrates, 
 among the Greeks; pointing out, as he went along, 
 their beauties, and illustrating by them the principles 
 of logic and rhetoric. Proceeding to Mathematics 
 and Geography, he taught the elements of Euclid, 
 with the Arithmetic and Geometry of Ramus, and the 
 Geography of Dionysius. And agreeably to his plan 
 of uniting elegant literature with philosophy, he made 
 the students use tlie Phaenomena of Aratus, and the 
 Cosmographia of Honter.f Moral Philosophy form- 
 ed the next branch of study; and on this he read 
 Cicero's Offices, Paradoxes, and Tusculan Questions, 
 the Ethics and Politics of Aristotle, and certain Dia- 
 logues of Plato. In Natural Philosophy, he made 
 use of Fernelius, and commented on parts of the writ- 
 ings of Aristotle and Plato. To these he added a 
 view of Universal History, with Chronology, and the 
 progress of the Art of Writing. Entering upon the 
 duties of his own immediate profession, he taught the 
 Hebrew language, first more cursorily, by going over 
 the elementary work of Martinius, and afterwards by 
 a more accurate examination of its principles, accom- 
 
 * Audoniaru* Talseus, or Talon, was the scholar, and after- 
 wards the colleague and warm defender of Ramus. (Bulaeus, 
 Hist. Univ. Paris, vi. 389.) His Rhetorica was approved of and 
 used by many who were strongly prejudiced against the Ra- 
 mean school of philosophy. 
 
 t Aj«Tov Zoxiw; 4>aivo/KivK ; first printed in the collection of 
 Ancient Geographers bjr Aldus, at Venice, in 1499, and fre- 
 quently republished. This pioeui was greatly esteemed by the 
 ancients, it is said to have been translated into Latin verse by 
 Cicero, and is quoted by the apostle Paul (who was a country- 
 man of the author) in Acts xvii. 28. Aratus, who was both a 
 poet and an astronomer, flourished about the year 270 A. C. 
 
 The Cosmographia of John Honter was written in Latin 
 verse, and accompanied with maps. He was a celebrated 
 teacher in Transylvania, his native countir^. David Chytrseus 
 visited his academy during his travels in 1569, and speaks in 
 terms of high commendation of his talents, and the utility of 
 his writings. (Chytroei Orationes, p. 411. Hanov. 1614.) 
 
 The attempts to facilitate the study of the sciences by the aid 
 of poetry have been numerous. There is a curious specimen 
 of this kind in a Greek poem on Law, written in the middle 
 ages: r«»o)J/<f tc. >oit.i>; seu Micliaelis Pselli Compendium Le- 
 gum, versibus lambis et Politicis; published by Francis Bos- 
 quet, in 1632, with a Latin translation.— With the same view, 
 Francesco Berlinghieri composed his Gtografia, published 
 with maps at Florence, in 1480. (Roscoe's Lorenzo de Medici, 
 vol. ii. p. 112.) 
 
 panied wi^h a praxis upon the Psalter and books of 
 Solomon. He then initiated the students into Chal- 
 dee and Syriac ; reading those parts of the books of 
 Ezra and Daniel that are written in Chaldee, and the 
 epistle to the Galatians in the Syriac version. He al- 
 so went through all the common heads of Divini- 
 ty according to the order of Calvin's Institutions, 
 and gave lectures on the different books of Scrip- 
 ture.* 
 
 This course of study was completed in six years. 
 From the variety of subjects which it embraced, 
 and the number of books read and commented on, 
 some idea may be formed of the extent of his erudi- 
 tion, and the greatness of his labours. On the second 
 year, his nephew, James Melville, began a class, 
 which he instructed in Greek, logic, and rhetoric; 
 and on the following year taught them mathematics 
 and moral philosophy. He was the first regent in 
 Scotland who read the Greek authors with his class 
 in the original language. A sufficient number of re- 
 gents being obtained, Melville introduced a new regu- 
 lation as to their mode of teaching. It was the estab- 
 lished and invariable practice, in all the universities 
 at that time, for the regent who began a class to con- 
 tinue with it, and to conduct his students through the 
 whole course of studies, until he had prepared them 
 for laureation at the end of four years. Melville was 
 under the necessity of adhering to this practice at his 
 first coming to Glasgow, but he was fully convinced 
 of its tendency to obstruct the advancement of learn- 
 ing, and embraced the first opportunity of abolishing 
 it. Accordingly, in the year 1577, Blaise Laurie was 
 established permanent teacher of Greek and of Ro- 
 man Eloquence : James Melville of Mathematics, 
 Logic, and Moral Philosophy; and Peter Blackburn 
 of Physics and Astronomy ; w bile the Principal con- 
 fined himself to Divinity and the Oriental Languages. 
 About tiie time that MekiUe left Glasgow, the Princi- 
 pal was relieved from a part of his extensive duty by 
 the appointment of a separate teacher of Hebrew. f 
 The advantages arising from tlie introduction of the 
 division of laboui into the teaching of the sciences 
 are so apparent, and are now so generally recognized, 
 that it is quite unnecessary to state them. 
 
 Enthusiastically attached to the profession which he 
 had chosen, and eager to raise the literary character of 
 his native country to the same rank with that of other 
 nations, Melville soon infused a portion of his ardour 
 into the breasts of his scholars. By the time that he fin- 
 ished his second session, bis fame had spread through 
 the kingdom, students came from all quarters to hear 
 his lectures, and numbers who had taken their degrees 
 at St. Andrews matriculated at Glasgow ; so that the 
 class-rooms, wliich had so lately been empty, could not 
 contain those who sought for admission. " I dare say 
 there was no place in Europe (says James Melville) 
 comparable to Glasgow for good letters, during these 
 years — for a plentiful and good cheap market of all 
 kinds of languages, arts, and sciences." X 
 
 A number of individuals who afterwards distin- 
 
 fuished themselves, were educated under Melville 
 uring the short period of his residence at Glasgow. 
 Among these were Patrick Melville, one of his ne- 
 phews, who became professor of Hebrew, first at Glas- 
 gow, and afterwards at St. Andrews ; Andrew Knox, 
 who was successively Bishop of the Isles, and of 
 Raphoe in Ireland ; Duncan Nairn, who was selected 
 as the best qualified for being the first professor in the 
 College of Edinburgh under Principal Rollock ; Arch- 
 bishop Spotswood ; Sir Edward Druramond, Sir Gid- 
 eon Murray, and Sir James Fullerton, who became 
 courtiers to James VI. ; and Sir Adam Newton, who, 
 after teaching in his native country and abroad, was 
 
 * Melville's Diary, p. 39, 40. 
 
 \ Annalcs Fac. Art. Glas. Melville's Diary, p. 44. 
 
 i Melville's Diary, p. 39. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 227 
 
 appointed tutor and afterwards secretary to Henry, 
 Prince of Wales.* 
 
 In the year 1577, Melville obtained from the Re- 
 gent a valuable benefaction to the university. This 
 was the living of Govan, in the vicinity of Glasgow, 
 valued at twenty-four chalders of victual annually, 
 although only a small portion of this could be realized 
 for a number of years. Along with this donation, a 
 new foundation, commonly called the Nova Ereciio, 
 was given to the college by royal charter. It is un- 
 necessary to specify its enactments, as it sanctioned 
 all the arrangements which Melville had already in- 
 troduced, as to the branches of learning to be taught, 
 and the division of them among the several professors. 
 The number of persons now entitled to maintenance 
 from the funds was twelve, including masters and bur- 
 sars. The other students either paid for their board 
 at the college-table, or lodged at their own expense in 
 the town. In consequence of the new foundation, it 
 became the duty of the Principal to preach on Sab- 
 bath at the Church of Govan. f 
 
 It was not by his public instructions only that Mel- 
 ville promoted the cause of literature. He was of a 
 communicative disposition, and equally qualified and 
 disposed for imparting knowledge by private conver- 
 sation. This appeared in his intercourse with his 
 colleagues, and at the college table, to which such 
 individuals of education as resided in Glasgow and 
 its neighbourhood frequently resorted to partake of a 
 frugal meal, that they might share in the literary 
 dessert which was always served up along with it. His 
 conversation was enlivened with amusing anecdotes, 
 smart apophthegms, and classical quotations and allu- 
 sions. He was fond of discussing literary questions, 
 and had a singular faculty of throwing light on them 
 ill the easy and unceremonious form of table talk. 
 This made the master of the grammar school, who 
 was afterwards Principal of the college, to say of 
 these literary conversations, " that he learned more 
 of Mr. Andrew Melville, cracking and playing, for 
 understanding of the authors which he taught in the 
 school, than by all the commentators. :|:" In these 
 academical recreations, philosophical were mixed with 
 literary topics. Blackburn, the regent who taught the 
 first class at Melville's coming to Glasgow, was a 
 good man, and far from being unlearned, according to 
 the means of instruction then enjoyed in Scotland, 
 but unacquainted with the world, and consequently 
 dogmatical, and rude in his manners. He was a great 
 stickler for the infallibility of Aristotle as a philoso- 
 pher, and adhered rigidly to the maxim, Jbsurdum est 
 dicere Aristotehm errasse, which nobody had yet ventur- 
 ed to contradict at St. Andrew's, where he had taken 
 his degrees.jl When the subject was started at the 
 college table, Melville vigorously opposed this senti- 
 ment, and produced from the writings of the Stagy- 
 rite examples of error that were quite incontrover- 
 tible. Being incapable of maintaining his ground 
 by argument, Blackburn was apt to grow angry, and 
 to have recourse to personal reflections, alleging that 
 the Principal was proud, arrogant, full of his own 
 opinions, and disposed to set himself up against all 
 the world. Whenever Melville perceived this, he 
 dropt the dispute, without making any reply. By this 
 means he gained upon his colleague, who, feeling him- 
 self reproved and overcome, gradually corrected his 
 
 * " Patricias Melvin," and " Edward' Dromond" were lanre- 
 ated in 1578 ; " Andraeas Knox" in 1579 ; "Duncanus Nairn" 
 in 1580 ; Gedeon Murray. Johannes Spotswood, Jacobus Ful- 
 lertoun" in 1581 ; and "Adam" Newtoun" in 1582. (Annales 
 Fac. Art. Glasj?.) 
 
 t Melville's Diary, p. 43, 44. The JVova Ereciio is printed 
 in Memorial for Dr. Trail, anno 1771. 
 
 \ Melville's Diary, p. 40. 
 
 |! Peter Blackburn afterwards became minister of Aberdeen, 
 and was made bishop of that diocese in the beginning of the 
 17th century. 
 
 rude behaviour, and at last became as forward as any 
 in acknowledging the obligations he owed to the Prin- 
 cipal.* 
 
 We are not however to conclude from this, that 
 Melville was disposed to sacrifice his sentiments to 
 courtesy and the mere love of peace, or to yield them 
 up in silence to any who chose to oppose them from 
 humour or prejudice. He had higher notions of the 
 rights of truth ; and when called upon to act in de- 
 fence of these, and especially when convinced that 
 they were inseparably connected with the public good, 
 he was ever ready to exert in their maintenance all 
 the energy of his talents, and all the fervour of his 
 feelings. On controverted subjects he was patient in 
 his inquiries after the truth ; and until his judgment 
 was satisfied, he reasoned with great coolness, and 
 listened with the utmost attention to whatever could 
 be urged against the side to which he might incline. 
 But when he had examined his ground, and was fully 
 convinced of any truth and of its importance, he was 
 accustomed to maintain it tenaciously and boldly ; 
 would suffer no man, whatever his rank or authority 
 might be, to bear away the point in dispute; but de- 
 fended his opinions with an overwhelming force and 
 fluency of language, accompanied with uncommon en- 
 ergy of voice and vehemence of gesture. Nor was 
 he a less persevering than ardent advocate of the 
 cause which he espoused. He was not discouraged by 
 ill success, but returned to the charge with unabated 
 ardour; and wherever an opportunity presented itself, 
 in private or in public, he plied his opponents with 
 arguments, until he either made converts of them, or 
 judged them to be obstinately wedded to their own 
 opinions. It was in this way that he gained over so 
 many of his countrymen to his views, on the questions 
 which were agitated respecting the government and 
 liberties of the church. " But for his own particular, 
 (says his nephew,) in person, geir, or fame, I knew 
 him never heard in publick with any man to this 
 hour."t In this light is his character presented to 
 us, by one who had at least every advantage for ob- 
 serving it narrowly. We shall have various opportu- 
 nities of ascertaining how far it is correct, and in 
 what degree that temper and behaviour, which a warm 
 friend may be supposed to have regarded with a par- 
 tial eye, calls for our censure or merits our applause. 
 
 According to his nephew's statement, Melville was 
 a believer in Oneirology, and expert in the interpreta- 
 tion of dreams. Some of the examples adduced in 
 proof of this, however, would rather incline us to 
 think that he amused himself by a playful exercise of 
 ingenuity instead of pretending to skill in this occult 
 science.j[: James Melville does more honour to him 
 when he praises his sagacity in discerning the char- 
 acters of men ; and he has certainly produced instances 
 in which the opinion which he pronounced on in- 
 dividuals of his acquaintance was strikingly verified 
 by their subsequent behaviour. One of these occurred 
 at this period, and relates to a person of considerable 
 notoriety in the history of these times. John Colville, 
 being called before the synod of Glasgow for desert- 
 ing his ministry at Kilbride, made such a plausible 
 apology for his conduct as imposed on all the mem- 
 bers. Melville alone suspected his sincerity, and in- 
 terrogating him closely, received such answers as in- 
 duced him to tell his brethren, that he would not be 
 surprised to see that man renounce the profpssion of 
 the ministry, and of Christianity itself.|| Colville soon 
 after exchanged the character of the preacher for that 
 of the courtier. Disappointed of his expectations at 
 court, he joined in the insurrections of the turbulent Earl 
 of Bothwell. Being driven out of the kingdom along 
 with that nobleman, he professed himself a Roman 
 Catholic, and became a keen writer against the Pro- 
 
 * Melville's Diary, p. 40, 51. \lh\A. p. 52. 
 
 \ See Note O. || Melville's Diary, p. 50. 
 
228 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 testant religion.* And all his tergiversations, poli- 
 tical and religious, were marked by uncommon want 
 of principle."!" I mention this trait in MelvilJe'e char- 
 acter the rather, because there is nothing which men 
 bred in colleges, and devoted to literary pursuits, are 
 more deficient in than the knowledge of character ; 
 in consequence of which they are ordinarily disquali- 
 fied for the management of public business, and apt 
 to become the dupes of deceitful friends or artful 
 opponents. 
 
 As Principal, it was Melville's duty to take an ac- 
 tive part in the government of the college. Discipline 
 weis then exercised with a great deal more strictness 
 in colleges than it is now. This necessarily arose 
 from the peculiar constitution of such societies, com- 
 posed of young men, chiefly boys, who did not, as at 
 present, assemble for a few hours every day to receive 
 instruction, but lived constantly together in the same 
 house. While questions of a civil or criminal nature 
 which arose in the college were decided by the rector 
 and his council, it belonged to the principal to pre- 
 serve common order among the students, and to keep 
 them in due subjection to their respective regents. 
 At his installation he received " power to use schol- 
 astical correction and discipline," and as the badge 
 of this, he had delivered to him " the belt of correc- 
 tion, with the keys of the college.":|: Accordingly, it 
 was the custom for the Principal to inflict corporal 
 chastisement, propria nutnu, upon delinquents, in the 
 presence of the masters and students assembled in the 
 common hall. Melville devolved this disagreeable 
 task on the regents ;|| but it was still an indispensable 
 part of his duly to give judgment in cases which came 
 before him by complaint or reference, 
 
 John Maxwell, son to Lord Herreis, was drawn 
 away from his studies, and involved in disorderly 
 practices, in consequence of a connection he had 
 formed with Andrew "Heriot, the dissolute heir of an 
 opulent citizen. His regent having reported his mis- 
 behaviour and disobedience, the Principal rebuked 
 the young nobleman sharply, before the whole college, 
 for misspending his time, and disgracing his birth, by 
 associating with idle and debauched company. Irri- 
 tated by this public censure. Maxwell retired into the 
 town, and, along with Heriot, gave himself up to the 
 management of certain individuals who were hostile 
 to the college, and anxious to involve it in a quarrel 
 with the inhabitants. Having collected a number of 
 lewd and disorderly persons, Heriot threw himself in 
 
 • The Paranese, or Admonition to his Countrymen when 
 he returned to the Catholic Religion, by Mr. John Colville, 
 Paris, 1602. He had published this work in Latin in the pre- 
 ceding year. 
 
 f He gave a most singular proof of this, in a work entitled 
 The Palinode, (Edinb. 1600.) which he represents as a refuta- 
 tion of a treatise of his own against James's title to the crown 
 of England, which, " in malice, in time of his exile, he had 
 penned." Yet he had penned no such treatise, but merely 
 pretended this to ingratiate himself with James by a feigned 
 recantation. (Spotsw. 457.) Charters mentions another work 
 by Colville: "Oratio Funebris Exsequiis Elizabethffi destinata. 
 Paris, 1604." (Lives of Scotish Writers, MS. in Advocates' 
 Library.) 
 
 } Presentation of Mr. James Wilkie to be principal of St. 
 Leonard's College, St. Andrews, in the room of Mr. George 
 Buchanan, April 15, 1670; and" Admission of Mr. Andrew 
 Bruce to the »ame office in 1630: Papers of St. Leonard's Col- 
 lege. 
 
 II Robert Boyd ofTrochrig, when admitted Principal of the 
 college of Edinburgh in 1622, protested before the Town 
 Council that he should not be bound to administer corporal 
 correction, which he considered as unbecoming the dignity of 
 the station. He had declined it (he said) when Principal of the 
 College of Montauban in France, and of Glasgow, altliough be 
 acknowledges it was the accustomed duty of the Principal. 
 His predecessor at Glasgow (Patrick Sharp) had performed it; 
 but ne alleges that this was owing to its having been " his 
 wonted custome, whereunto he was inured in the grammar 
 school, wherefra he was taken to be Principal of the College." 
 (Life of Robert Boyd, p. 84—100. WodrowMSS. vol. v. Bibl. 
 Col. Glas.) 
 
 the way of the masters and students, as they were re- 
 turning one day from church, and followed them until 
 they entered the college, brandishing a drawn sword 
 in the Principal's face, and making use of the most 
 opprobrious and provoking language. Melville bore 
 this insult with the utmost patience, and exerted his 
 authority in restraining the students, who burned with 
 desire to revenge the afi'ront offered to their master.* 
 Lord Herreis, iiaving heard of his son's misconduct, 
 came to Glasgow, and obliged him, on his knees and 
 in the open court of the college, to beg pardon of the 
 Principal, whose forbearance he highly commended. 
 Heriot was soon after seized with a dangerous illness ; 
 during which Melville, at his desire, waited on him, 
 assured him that he had forgotten the late injury, and 
 did every thing in his power to sooth the last moments 
 of the unhappy young man."}" 
 
 But though he was disposed to overlook personal 
 injuries, and shewed a due regard to public peace, he 
 knew how to support the authority of his office ; and 
 when he perceived that the credit of the University 
 was at stake, or that it was intended to intimidate 
 him from executing the laws, he discovered the native 
 resolution and intrepidity of his character. I shall 
 give an instance of this, which throws light on the 
 manners of the age, and derives interest from the re- 
 lation it bears to a young gentleman who afterwards 
 attracted considerable notice both as a military and a 
 literary adventurer. Mark Alexander Boyd, was the 
 younger son of Robert Boyd of Pinkhill, and a near 
 relation of Lord Boyd, the favourite of the Regent 
 Morton. :t: Having lost his father at an early period 
 of his life, he was placed under the care of his uncle, 
 the archbishop of Glasgow, for the sake of his educa- 
 tion. Young Boyd evinced spirit and genius, but ac- 
 companied with a headstrong and ungovernable tem- 
 per. He had created much vexation, to the master of 
 the grammar-school, and to the first regent under whom 
 he studied at college. When he entered the second 
 class, James Melville, who taught it, told him that 
 such practices as he understood him to have indulged 
 in would not be tolerated. The admonition had the 
 desired effect for some time, but at length the impres- 
 sion of it wore off, and Boyd received the castigation 
 of which he had been forwarned, and which his be- 
 haviour merited. Upon this the affronted stripling 
 resolved to be revenged. Having pricked his face 
 with his writing instruments, and besmeared it 
 with the blood which he drew, he presented himself 
 before his friends in this guise, with loud complaints 
 of the cruel treatment which he had received from his 
 regent. The Principal and Professors investigated 
 the affair, and easily detected the trick which had been 
 played. But the relations of the young man having 
 foolishly taken his part, he not only absented himself 
 from the college, but determined to have still ampler 
 revenge. In concert with his cousin, Alexander 
 Cunninghame, a near relation of the Earl of Glen- 
 cairn, he way-laid the regent in the church-yard as he 
 was returning one evening to the college. Boyd came 
 behind him with a baton, but retreated when the re- 
 gent, who had perceived his tread, turned round. 
 Cunninghame then rushed forward with a drawn 
 sword ; but the regent, though unarmed, being an ex- 
 pert fencer, declined the thrust aimed at him, seized 
 
 * " The schoUars warout of thair wittes, and fain wald haiff 
 put hands on him (Heriot); but he (the Principal) rebuiked 
 tham in sic sort that they durst not steir. As for myself, for als 
 patient as I am called, I doucht not suffer it, bot withdrew my- 
 self from him." James Melville relates the story as one proof, 
 among many others, that although his uncle was " verie not in 
 all (public) questions, yet when it twitched his particular, no 
 man could crab him, conti-ar to the common custom." (Diary, 
 p. 50.) + Ibid. 
 
 \ Life of Mark Alexander Boyd, by Lord Hailes. Sibbaldi 
 Prodromus Nat. Hist. Scotise, P. ii. lib. 3. p. 2—4. Sibbald 
 had heard in general of the incident related in the text, but 
 was unacquainted with the particulars. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 229 
 
 the sword-arm of his assailant, and wresting the wea- 
 pon from his hand, detained him a prisoner. The 
 rector and the magistrates of the city were of opinion 
 that this outrage could not be passed over without in- 
 juring the peace and credit of the College, and de- 
 creed that Alexander Cunninghame should come to 
 the place where he had committed the offence, bare- 
 headed and bare-footed, and there crave pardon of the 
 University and of the regent whom he had assaulted. 
 Encouraged by his friends he refused to submit to 
 this sentence ; and nothing was to be heard in the 
 town and country but loud Ihreatenings that the Boyds 
 and Cunninghames would burn the college and kill 
 the professors. Disregarding these threats, Melville 
 summoned the offender before the Privy Council, went 
 himself to St. Andrews to prosecute the cause, and, 
 notwithstanding the powerful interest with which he 
 had to contend, obtained a decree, ordaining Alexan- 
 der Cunninghame to obey the sentence of the Univer- 
 sity and Town Council against a certain day, or else 
 enter as a prisoner into the castle of Blackness.* 
 Andrew Hay, the rector, a man of great prudence and 
 knowledge of the country, was of opinion that the col- 
 lege should not insist on the execution of this de- 
 cree; as the pride of the families concerned would not 
 suffer them quietly to see their relation make such a 
 humiliating acknowledgment, and it was to be feared 
 that the affair would not terminate without bloodshed. 
 To this advice the Principal peremptorily refused to 
 yield. "If they would have forgiveness (said he) let 
 them crave it humbly, and they shall have it ; but ere 
 this preparative pass, that we dare not correct our 
 scholars for fear of bangsters and clanned gentlemen, 
 they shall have all the blood of my body first." 
 
 On the day appointed for making the submission, 
 Lord Boyd came to Glasgow accompanied by his 
 friends, and the Earl of Glencairn by his, to the num- 
 ber of between four and five hundred gentlemen. The 
 members of the University being assembled in the 
 College-hall, attempts were made to deter them from 
 appearing at the appointed place, by persons who pro- 
 fessed to act as mediators. " They that will go with 
 me (exclaimed Melville) let them go ; and they that 
 are afraid, let them tarry." And setting out instantly, 
 ho was followed by the rector, regents, and students, 
 in their gowns. The church-yard was filled with 
 gentlemen in armour, who, however, gave way, and 
 allowed the procession from the college to advance to 
 the spot where the assault was made. Alexander 
 Cunninghame, with his head uncovered, but in other 
 respects richly dressed, now came forward supported 
 by two of his friends, and, with an air and tone very 
 different from those of a penitent, said he was ready 
 to make his submission, provided there were any pre- 
 sent who were ready to accept it. " Doubt not of that ; 
 we are ready," replied Melville. This bold reply com- 
 pletely deranged the plans of the cabal, whose object 
 it was to make a show of willingness to obey the or- 
 der of the Privy Council, but at the same time to in- 
 timidate the College from requiring it. Accordingly, 
 after a short pause, the culprit found himself obliged 
 to begin his confession, which he went through in 
 every article, conformably to the original sentence, in 
 the presence of his friends convened from all parts of 
 the country. When the ceremony was over, the Prin- 
 cipal and his company left the church-yard in the 
 same manner as they had entered it, without meeting 
 with the slightest insult or interruption. And the 
 gentlemen, after spending a considerable sum of 
 money in the town, returned home, as some of them 
 expressed themselves, " greater fools than they 
 came."f 
 
 We must not omit to notice a charge brought 
 against Melville, which relates to the period of which 
 we are now writing. It is said that he was accessory to 
 
 » See Note P. 
 
 t Melville's Diary, p. 52 — 55. 
 
 " a little disturbance" which took place in Glasgow. 
 " By the earnest dealing of Mr. Andrew Melville and 
 other ministers," the magistrates agreed to demolish 
 the Cathedral, as a monument of idolatry, and to build 
 a number of small churches with its materials. But 
 the trades of the city, resenting this, rose in a tumult, 
 and forcibly prevented the workmen from proceeding. 
 The ringleaders of the riot were summoned before the 
 Privy Council, when the king, not then thirteen years 
 of age, took their part, and told the ministers engaged 
 in the prosecution, " that too many churches had 
 already been destroyed, and that he would not tolerate 
 more abuses in that kind."* This statement rests 
 solely upon the authority of Bishop Spotswood. I 
 never met with any thing in the public or private 
 writings of Melville, or of any minister contemporary 
 with him, that gives the smallest ground for the con- 
 clusion, that they looked upon cathedral churches as 
 monuments of idolatry, or that they would have ad- 
 vised their demolition on this ground. The records 
 of the Town Council of Glasgow and of the Privy 
 Council are totally silent as to the alleged order and 
 riot ; a silence which it is extremely diflScult to ac- 
 count for, on the supposition that the bishop has given 
 a correct report of the affair. It appears from the 
 most satisfactory documents, that the magistrates and 
 ministers of Glasgow, so far from wishing to pull down 
 the cathedral, were anxious to uphold and repair it, 
 that they made repeated representations to the King and 
 Privy Council on this head, and that, though the burden 
 of the work did not legally fall on them, they volun- 
 tarily and zealously contributed for carrying it into ex- 
 ecution. f I think it highly probable, that any dis- 
 turbance which may have furnished the ground-work 
 of the statement under examination, was occasioned 
 by an order, not for demolishing, but for repairing the 
 Cathedral ; and that the craftsmen were aggrieved at 
 some encroachment upon their rights, real or supposed, 
 in the mode of reparation. 
 
 During the second year of his residence at Glasgow, 
 Melville received from Geneva his library, consisting 
 of an ample collection of books in various languages 
 and on all sciences, which he had purchased while he 
 remained on the Continent.:!: This was the treasure 
 on which he set the highest value. Though the re- 
 verse of parsimonious in every other article, he does 
 not appear to have been fond of making presents of 
 his books; II he was even cautious in lending them; 
 and when forced to fly from home, one of the first ob- 
 jects of his solicitude, and of his strict injunctions, 
 was the securing of his library, § Before its arrival 
 at this time he must have felt severely the want of 
 books. For this commodity was then exceedingly 
 rare in Scotland ; nor was there any thing in which 
 our universities were more poorly provided.^ 
 
 About this lime, Melville's first publication, which 
 was printed abroad, made its appearance in Scotland. 
 It consisted of a poetical paraphrase of the Song of 
 Moses, and of a part of the Book of Job, with several 
 smaller poems; all in Latin.** This publication gained 
 
 * Spotswood, Hist. p. 304. f See Note Q. 
 
 t Melville's Diary, p. 36. 41. 
 
 II I have not found his name among those of his learned con- 
 temporaries who made donations of this kind to the Universities 
 of Glasgow and St. Andrews. 
 
 5 Melvini Epistola;, p. 89, 295, 306. t See Note R. 
 
 ** James Melville speaks of this work as if it had been first 
 published in 1578. Diary, p. 49. But I have now before me 
 a copy of the very rare original edition, communicated by Mr. 
 David Laing, whose extensive acquaintance with Scottish 
 bibliography has often been of great service to me. The fol- 
 lowing is the title of the work: 
 
 "CarmenMosis, Ex Deuteron. Cap. XXXIT. quod ipse mo- 
 riens Israeli tradidit ediscendum et cantanduni perpetub, latina 
 paraphrasi illustratum. Cui addita sunt nonnulla Epigram- 
 mata, et lobi Cap. ill. latino carmine redditum. Andrea Mel- 
 vino Scoto Avctore. Basileae M. D. LXXIIII." 8vo. p. 16. 
 
 The manuscript of this work was, it is probable, left on the 
 Continent by the author, when he returned to Scotland. But 
 
230 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 bim great reputation among the learned, who eagerly 
 expected that he would undertake a work of greater 
 extent, which might prove a durable monument of his 
 talents. He excused himself for declining this, by 
 pleading that there were already too many writers who 
 courted the public favour, and that it was his duty to 
 devote his attention to the task of education, which he 
 regarded as the great business of his life. According- 
 ly, he checked instead of encouraging the inclination 
 to write for the press, confining himself to occasional 
 pieces, epigrams, and other light effusions of the muse, 
 in which he indulged for his own amusement and the 
 gratification of his private friends.* 
 
 The Carmen Mosis is unquestionably the finest poem 
 in the collection, or perhaps of any that Melville 
 wrote. It is worthy of the scholar of Buchanan, and 
 deserves a place among the productions of those mod- 
 dern writers who have attained great excellence in 
 Latin poetry. The author did not propose to transfuse 
 the peculiar beauties of the original into his para- 
 phrase. The different genius of the two species of 
 poetry rendered this impracticable. Its merits must 
 therefore be estimated according to the principles of 
 Latin and not of Hebrew poetry. The language is 
 classically pure, and at the same time not unsuited to 
 the sacredness of the theme ; the versification is cor- 
 rect and smooth ; and the imagery is managed with 
 boldness and delicacy. The exordium, though it does 
 not express the inimitable simplicity and majesty of 
 the original, is lofty and beautiful. 
 
 Vos aeterni igues, et conscia lumiaa niundi, 
 Palantesque polo flammae ; vos huniida regna 
 Aeriiqne super tractus, campique jacentes, 
 Et coelum et tellus (ego vos nunc alloquor) aures 
 Arrigite : et celsas dicenti advertite nientes. 
 
 Qualis rore fluens genimanti argenteus imber 
 Pluriinus, arentes maturis solibus agros 
 Temperat undanti rivo ; glebasque subactas 
 Evocat in florem, et viridantes elicit herbas; 
 Instauratque novos opulenti ruris honores. 
 Talis ab ore fluit sacro vis lactea fandi : 
 Tale polo veniens numeris liquentibus aureum 
 Divitis eloquii flumen manabit in artus, 
 Ossaque, perque imos sensus, perque alta pererrans 
 Pectora, nectareos Iseto feret ubere fractus, 
 Et gazam aetherea cumulabit messe perennem. 
 
 Quippe Dei pango nomen : coelique verendum 
 Concelebro nunien : vos ergo Dei venerandum 
 Et nonien celebrate, et numen pangite nostri. 
 
 The description of the eagle's teaching her young 
 to fly, by which the divine care exercised about Israel 
 is illustrated, is also extremely beautiful. 
 
 Ac velut alituuni princeps, fulvusque Tonantis 
 Armiger, iniplunies et adhuc sine robore nidos 
 Sollicita refovet cura, pinguisque ferinae 
 Indulget pastus, mox ut cum viribus alae 
 Vesticipes crevere, vocat si bland ior aura, 
 Expansa inritat pluma : dorsoque niorantes 
 Excipit, attoUitque hunieris : plausuque secundo 
 Fertur in arva, tioiens oneri natat irapete presso. 
 Reinigiuni lentans alarum : incurvaque pinnis 
 Vela iegens, huniilesque tranat sub nubibus eras. 
 Hinc sensim supera alta petit : jam jaroque sub astra 
 Erigitur : cursusque leves citus Brget in auras, 
 Omnia pervolitans late loca : et agniine foetus 
 Fertque refertque suos vario : moremque volandi 
 Addocet. Illi autem longa assuetudine docti 
 Paulatini innipiunt pennis se credere roelo 
 Impavidi. Tnntuni a teneris valet addere curam. 
 
 The smaller poems consist of commendatory verses 
 to the memory of Admiral Coligni and other Protes- 
 tants who perished in the massacres of France, and 
 of satirical invectives against the tyrannical and cruel 
 
 one, at least, of the epigram* (that on the death of Charles IX.) 
 must have been transmitted to the printer by Melville, after bis 
 arrival in Britain. (Soe above, p. 56.) — In the inventory of 
 books belonging to Thomas Bassinden, printer in Edinburgh, 
 inserted in his Testament Testamentar, is the following article; 
 " Ite xlviii carmen nioyses.ye dosane xviii''. suroma vis." There 
 can be no doubt that this is Melville's work. Bassinden died 
 18th October, 1577. (Commissary Records of Edinburgh.) 
 » MelTille*iDiary,p.49. 
 
 policy of the individuals who planned these detestable 
 scenes.* The dedication of the work to the young 
 king is happily conceived and expressed. 
 Extremse spes sera plagae, lux aarea gcntis 
 
 Arctoae, et secli solque jubarque tui. 
 Tot sceptris atavorum ingens, mgentior alta 
 
 Indole, quam toUit relligionis nonos, 
 Sancte pucr, sacra nieaj primordia musse, 
 
 Non secus ac grati prima elementa animi. 
 Parva quidem tanto, fateor, munuscula Regi : 
 
 Parva, sed immensi munere magna Dei. 
 Ipse tibi majora dabis nostro auspice Pfaoebo : 
 Forsau et auspiciis nos meliora tuis. f 
 
 The whole of this work was deemed worthy of a 
 place in the selection of Latin poetry by Scotsmen, 
 published at a subsequent period under the direction 
 of Arthur Johnston.:]: 
 
 CHAPTER III.— 1574— 1580. 
 
 Interest which Melville took in Public Affairs — His connection 
 with the Church — Character of the Regent Morton — State 
 of Ecclesiastical Affairs at bis return to Scotland — Conven- 
 tion at Leith — Tulchan Episcopacy — Not Approved by the 
 General Assembly — Consequences of its Obtrusion — Melville 
 sits in the General Assembly — Episcopacy Attacked — Speech 
 of Melville on that Occasion — Discussions on this Subject — 
 Episcopacy Condemned — Proceedings with the Bishops — 
 Preparation of the Second Book of Discipline — Grounds of 
 Opposition to it on the part of the Court and Nobility — 
 Approved by the General Assembly — Outline of it — Mel- 
 ville charged with bringing the Geneva Discipline into Scot- 
 laud — Degree in which the Overthrow of Episcopacy was 
 owing to him — Remarks on his conduct in that A&air — 
 His Behaviour to Archbishop Boyd — Conduct of Adamson 
 — the Regent endeavours to gain Melville — Proposes send- 
 ing him to a General Council in Germany — Interview be- 
 tween them— Changes in the Political Administration— Death 
 of the Chancellor Glaramis — The Young King shows him- 
 self favourable to the Proceedings-of the Church — Measures 
 of the General Assembly for Promoting learning — Proposal 
 to bring learned Printers into the Country — Scottish Edition 
 of the Bible — Proposed Reformation of the Universities — 
 Melville's Translation from Glasgow to St. Andrews. 
 
 Hitherto we have considered Melville chiefly as a 
 literary character : we must now contemplate him in a 
 different light. His immediate object in returning to 
 Scotland was to assist in the revival of its literature, 
 and not to take part in the management of its public 
 affairs. But he did not think that the attention which 
 he was called on to give to the former necessarily re- 
 quired that he should be altogether indifferent to the 
 latter. He had embraced an academical life from 
 choice ; and the situation in which he was placed af- 
 forded sufficient gratification to his taste, and ample 
 employment to his time and talents. But partial as 
 he was to literary pursuits, he was not not a mere 
 academic, whose ideas are all confined within the 
 cloistered walls of his college. He was a citizen as 
 well as a man of letters. From constitution and from 
 education he felt a lively interest in the welfare of his 
 native country, and of his native church, to whose 
 bosom he had returned after a long absence, and to 
 
 * Two of these have already been given. See above, p, 51. 
 Some of them are introduced into a valuable work, entitled, 
 " Menioires de I'Estat de France sous Charles IX." Tom. i. p. 
 571, b. 574. A Meidelborg, 1578. 
 
 f Below the dedication, in the copy of the book which I 
 have used, a few lines in praise of Buchanan have been written 
 with a pen. Thev are not in Melville's hand-writing, but, 
 from their having be«n introduced here, it is probable tnat he 
 was considered as the author of them. I have not observed 
 that they have been printed. 
 
 Geo. Buchan, Scotus, 
 Vir Excellentiss. 
 Clarus in Historiae campo, clarusque Poesi, 
 Nomen ad seternos fers, Buchanane, diem. 
 Scotia luce tua perfusa celebrior audet. 
 
 Rex disciplinae gaudet honore tuae. 
 Maximus ei meritis. Quid Patria Rexvc rependet, 
 Quando tuis meritis hie sit et ilia minor ? 
 I Delitise Poetanim Scotorum, torn. ii. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILfci^ 
 
 231 
 
 whose benefit he had consecrated his gifts and his 
 labours. 
 
 His right to take a share in ecclesiastical manage- 
 ments did not rest merely on his personal gifts, or on 
 the common interest which all the members of a soci- 
 ety have in its welfare. He was officially connected 
 with the Church of Scotland. During the three last 
 years of his residence in Glasgow he officiated as 
 minister of the church of Govan.* But although this 
 was the only period of his life in which he acted as 
 the pastor of a particular congregation, yet he all 
 along held a public situation in the church as a pro- 
 fessor of divinity. Those who taught theology in 
 colleges, were considered as belonging to the order of 
 doctors, and under this name were recognized as eccle- 
 siastical office-bearers from the beginning of the Re- 
 formation in Scotland. Besides the general superin- 
 tendence which the church-courts exercised over ail 
 the seminaries of instruction, founded on the connec- 
 tion between religion and education, they took a spe- 
 cial cognizance of the divinity classes, as the imme- 
 diate nurseries of the ministry ; and the teachers of 
 these, if not formally installed by their authority, 
 were at least admitted with their approbation and con- 
 sent. The professors of divinity had not the power 
 of dispensing the sacraments, unless they were also 
 pastors; but they were entitled to perform all the 
 other parts of the pastoral function. Besides preach- 
 ing in public, they sat in the church courts, and took 
 part in the determination of religious controversies 
 and the exercise of ecclesiastical discipline. And this 
 they had a right to do in respect of their office as in- 
 terpreters of Scripture, and their having the oversight 
 of seminaries which formed an integral and important 
 part of the general church. At first, when there was 
 no fixed rule as to the constituent members of the Gen- 
 eral Assembly, they attended the meetings of that 
 judiciary as they found opportunity ; but afterwards, 
 when a regular plan of delegation was organized, they 
 were chosen and sat as commissioners, either from the 
 universities in which they taught, or from the provin- 
 cial synods or presbyteries within whose bounds they 
 resided, and of which they were ordinary members. f 
 
 It was necessary to make this statement of Mel- 
 ville's right to act in the affairs of the church because, 
 at a subsequent period, when the Court wished to get 
 rid of his powerful opposition to its measures, his right 
 was called in question, and it was alleged that he had 
 been admitted to a seat in the church-courts through 
 oversight, or at best, from indulgence or courtesy. 
 Nor is there any ground for the insinuation, that by 
 moving out of his place, and intruding into one for- 
 eign to his calling, he excited prejudices against his 
 professorial character and marred his literary useful- 
 ness. To such a charge he is not obnoxious, unless it 
 can be shown that he neglected his duties in the col- 
 lege, or conducted himself improperly in the ecclesi- 
 astical assemblies ; — faults which the lay delegates 
 from universities were equally liable to commit. 
 
 To enable the reader to judge of the public transac- 
 tions in which Melville took such an active part, it 
 will be necessary to give a short view of the state of 
 the country and of the affairs of the church when he 
 returned to Scotland. 
 
 The young king was still a minor ; and James, Earl 
 of Morton, exercised the suprentve authority, to which 
 he had been raised on the death of the former regent, 
 the Earl of Mar. By his vigorous measures, Morton 
 had suppressed the party attached to Queen Mary; 
 and, having put an end to the fivil war which continu- 
 ed during the government of his predecessors, he ex- 
 erted himself in curbing the lawlessness of the nobles, 
 and in settling a regular administration of justice 
 
 * See above, p. 71. 
 
 •f Bulk of the Universal Kirk, f, 60, b. Dunlop's Collect. 
 of Confessions, vol ii. p. 409, 773. Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 432, 
 464 
 
 through the kingdom. Unhappily, the success of this 
 wise and salutary policy was counteracted, partly by 
 the vices of the regent's character, and partly by the 
 circumstances in which he found himself placed. His 
 ambition was equalled by his avarice, and to gratify 
 these passions, he did not scruple on some occasions 
 to trample both on law and humanity. The revenues 
 of the church tempted his cupidity, and as the sacred- 
 ness of that fund had been already violated, he looked 
 to it as the most convenient source of enriching him- 
 self and increasing the number of his dependants. 
 The irregularities of his private life made him dread 
 the reproofs and censures of the preachers. And the 
 dependance which he had on Elizabeth conspired with 
 his love of power in inducing him to seek the sup- 
 pression of the liberties of the church, and to bring it 
 as nearly as possible to a conformity, in point of gov- 
 ernment, with the church of England. 
 
 It has been shown elsewhere, that the church of 
 Scotland, from the beginning of the Reformation, did 
 not acknowledge any permanent ecclesiastical office 
 superior to that of the pastor; that the employment of 
 superintendents was a provisional and temporary ex- 
 pedient, adopted to supply the deficiency of ministers; 
 that the superintendents possessed no episcopal au- 
 thority, in the common acceptation of that terra ; that 
 they were ordained in the same manner as other pas- 
 tors, and derived the special powers with which they 
 were invested from the general assemblies of the 
 church, to which they were made accountable at every 
 meeting for all their managements.* At the establish- 
 ment of the Reformation, the popish prelates, secular 
 and regular, were allowed to retain the greater part of 
 their revenues ; and they continued to occupy their 
 seats in parliament, to which they were entitled, in the 
 eye of the law, equally as other lords, as long as their 
 baronial benefices were not taken from them by the 
 state. Some of them embraced the reformed doctrines, 
 but even these did not represent the Protestant church 
 in parliament; and if they exercised any ecclesiastical 
 authority, it was not in the character of bishops, but 
 in consequence of their having been admitted into the 
 ministry, or of their having received a specific com- 
 mission to that purpose from the General Assembly.]" 
 This observation may be applied to Deaneries, Rec- 
 tories, and inferior livings. With the exception of 
 the third part, the incumbents enjoyed their benefices; 
 and, upon joining the Protestant church, they were ad- 
 mitted ministers, if found qualified, according to the 
 ordinary forms. In this case, the rank which they had 
 held in the popish church, and the benefices which 
 they continued to enjoy, gave them no precedence or 
 superiority to their brethren ; altiiough they might still 
 be called by their old titles in the way of courtesy, or 
 from the power of custom.:}: 
 
 * Life of John Knox, vol. ii. p. 283—285. 
 
 t In 1562, Alexander Gordon, bishop of Galloway, wished 
 to be made superintendent of the province in which hisdiocese 
 lay; but was refused by the General Assemblj'. (Knox, His- 
 toric, p. 327. Keith's Scottish Bishops, p. 166.) He was after- 
 wards employed as a visitor. 
 
 I In the General .Assembly held December, 1562, the Bishop 
 of Galloway was enrolled after the superintendents, under this 
 desif^nation, "Mr. Alexander Gordon, entituled Bishop of 
 Galloway." (Crawford's MS. History of the church, vol. i. p. 
 88.) — "30 Dec. 1567. Anent the niarriage of the Queine with 
 the Erie of Bothwell be Adam callit Bishop of Orknay, the 
 hailj kirk finds that he transgrest the act of the kirk in marieing 
 the divorcit adulterer. And therfor depryvis hirii fra all func- 
 tioun of the ministrie," &c. (Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 
 36.) In the A.ssembly, March 1570, the same bishop (after his 
 restoration) was accused that he " left the ofBce of preaching-, 
 g;iving himself daily to the exercise of the office of a temporal 
 judge, as a Lord of Session, which requireth the whole man, 
 and so rightly no wise can exercise both; and stileth himself 
 with Roman titles, as Reverend Father in God, which pertain- 
 eth to no ministers of Christ Jesus, nor is given them in Scrip- 
 tures." To this last charge, the bishop answered, " With par- 
 don and reverence of the Assembly, I may declare, I nevei de- 
 lighted in such a stile, nor desired any such arrogant title; 
 
232 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 In this state matters continued until the year 1571, 
 whea it became necessary to fill several prelacies be- 
 come vacant by the death or the forfeiture of the in- 
 cumbents. The church had already expressed her 
 judgment on the subject, both in the Book of Disci- 
 pline, and in representations repeatedly made to the 
 Parliament and Privy Council, in which she craved 
 that the bishoprics should be dissolved, and their reve- 
 nues applied to the support of superintendents and min- 
 isters. But to this measure the regent and the greater 
 part of the nobility were decidedly averse. Accord- 
 ingly, the vacant bishoprics, and other great benefices, 
 were bestowed on noblemen, who presented preachers 
 to them, after they had taken care to secure to them- 
 selves a certain portion of their revenues. 
 
 These proceedings, as soon as they transpired, were 
 protested against by the commissioners of the church, 
 and they every where excited the greatest dissatisfac- 
 tion.* Had the church steadily resisted this scheme, 
 and refused to admit the presentees, the patrons would 
 have found themselves placed in a very awkward pre- 
 dicament ; for the benefices could be held only by ec- 
 clesiastics, and the whole power of admission legally 
 belonged to the superintendents and other ministers. 
 
 To prevent them from adopting this course, measures 
 of intimidation were first tried. The most resolute of 
 their number were threatened with punishment ; and 
 an order was issued discharging the payment of the 
 thirds of benefices to the collectors of the church, + in 
 consequence of which all the ministers were left at 
 the mercy of the court for their stipends. But this 
 harsh proceeding having increased instead of allaying 
 the heats, recourse was next had to the arts of persua- 
 sion and address. The regent convened the superin- 
 tendents and certain ministers at Leilh, in January, 
 1572, to consult on the best method of composing the 
 dissension which had arisen. This convention, after 
 assuming to itself the powers of a general assembly, 
 was prevailed on hastily to devolve the whole business 
 on a few of its members, authorising them to meet with 
 such persons as should be appointed by the Privy 
 Council, and ratifying whatever they might determine 
 agreeably to their instructions. 
 
 The joint committee, which met in the course of the 
 same month, came to a speedy agreement on the mat- 
 ters referred to them. They agreed that, " in consid- 
 eration of the present time," the titles of archbishops 
 and bishops, and the bounds of dioceses, should re- 
 main as heretofore, at least until the King's majority 
 or until the Parliament should make a different ar- 
 rangement; that such as were admitted to bishoprics 
 should be of due age and scriptural qualifications; that 
 they should be chosen by a chapter or assembly of 
 learned ministers; and that they should have no great- 
 er jurisdiction than was already possessed by superin- 
 tendents, but should be subject to the General Assem- 
 blies of the church in spiritual as they were to the 
 King in temporal matters. They agreed that abbacies 
 and priories should continue in like manner ; that pro- 
 vision should be made for the support of ministers in 
 the churches attached to them; and that as abbots, 
 priors, and commendators formed, along with bishops, 
 the ecclesiastical estate in Parliament and in the Col- 
 lege of Justice, their learning and ability should, be- 
 fore their election, be tried by the bishops of the re- 
 spective provinces within which the monasteries were 
 situated. They farther agreed, that inferior benefices 
 should be conferred only on persons duly qualified and 
 regularly admitted to the ministry ; that the churches 
 
 for I acknowledge myself to be a worm of the earth, not wor- 
 thy any revertn'-p, giving and attributing to my God only all 
 honour, glory, and reverence with all numble nubmission." 
 (Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 163, 166.) 
 
 • Bannatyne'g Journal, p. 254. 259. 285. Knox's Letter to 
 the AMembly at Stirling, in Kuik of Universall Kirk, p. 53. 
 Hume of Godscroft, Hist, of Doug-las and Aiig^us, vol. ii. p. 217. 
 
 t Bannatyne, p. 278. Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 284. 295. 
 
 through the kingdom should be planted, residence se- 
 cured, and pluralities prevented ; and that the revenues 
 of provostries, prebendaries, and chaplainries should 
 be appropriated to the maintenance of bursars at gram- 
 mar schools and universities. This agreement was 
 immediately confirmed by the Regent and council, who 
 engaged to persuade the lay patrons of churches to 
 conform to such of its regulations as concerned them.* 
 Such was the new ecclesiastical constitution framed 
 by the famous convention at Leith. It was a consti- 
 tution of the most motley and heterogeneous kind ; 
 being made up of presbytery, episcopacy, and papal 
 monkery. Viewed in one light, indeed, it might be 
 deemed harmless. It made little or no alteration on 
 the established discipline of the church. The bishops 
 were invested with no episcopal authority; and if un- 
 fit persons were admitted to the oflice, the General As- 
 sembly to whose jurisdiction they were subjected, 
 might suspend or depose them, and call the chapters 
 to account for their irregular conduct. Nor were the 
 monastic prelates, as such, entitled to a place in the 
 church-courts. But, in another point of view, the in- 
 novations were real ; and, had they been acquiesced in 
 and ratified by the proper authority, they would have 
 eventually overthrown the liberties of the church of 
 Scotland. Even names and titles, empty as they are in 
 themselves, have often great influence from the ideas 
 which have been imraemorially combined and associat- 
 ed with them. Limited as the power granted to bishops 
 was, there was every reason to fear that, once admitted, 
 they would make continual efforts to extend it, until 
 they regained the original prerogatives of their order ; 
 and that the authority of the church-courts would 
 prove too feeble for removing them, however unwor 
 thy, from their places, or for checking their encroach- 
 ments, when abetted by nobles who were so deeply in- 
 terested in their support. The neglect of discipline, 
 or endless jarring in the exercise of it, was the inevit- 
 able consequence of the establishment of bishops and 
 superintendents within the same provinces, who were 
 clothed with co-ordinate and equal authority, but 
 guided in their proceedings by distinct advisers and 
 different precedents. f By the regulations relating to 
 abbots and priors, titles and dignities generated by the 
 grossest superstition, and rendered odious by the sup- 
 port which they had uniformly given to papal corrup- 
 tion and tyranny, were recognized as in some sort per- 
 taining to a church which boasted of having removed 
 the slightest vestiges of popery. ij: The civil places 
 
 * The act of the Privy Council appointing commissioners to 
 meet with those of the Kirk, is dated January 16, 1571. (Re- 
 cords of Privy Council.) The act of the Convention of the 
 Kirk, (Jan. 15, 1571,) appointing their committee, and the 
 whole of the articles agreed on bv the joint connuittee, arc 
 inserted in Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 310-^325. 
 
 + " In Marche immediatilie following (the convention at 
 Leith,) the Assembliecontinuit still the superintendents, so that 
 there was in on diocese anc Bishop and 3 Superintendents, quhillc 
 he maketh Bishops." (The Replve of ane Dotatist (sic) to Mr. 
 Cowper his Dicaiologie, p. 27. IVIS. in Advocates Librarv. 
 Comp. Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 344.) — Soon after John Douglas 
 was made bishop of St. Andrews. JohnWinram came to be de- 
 signed Superintendent of Strathearn, instead of Fife. 
 
 \ The framers of the articles of Leith appear to have been 
 aware of this incongruity, and accordingly take care to expres* 
 themselves in very general and guarded terms as to the qualifi- 
 cations of the candidate for this religious office. — They merely 
 say that the bishop of the province where the abbey or priory 
 lies, shall "try and examinat his learning and abilitie." For 
 the same reason they excluded entirely from theirconsidcratioo 
 the case of Nunneries, not knowing what place in the church 
 to assign to the right reverend Abbesses and Prioresses, or 
 how to examinat their learning and abilitie. But they were 
 not overlooked by the Regent. There is a curious document 
 with relation to them, after the death of Danie Christiane Bal- 
 lenden, " Prioress of the Priorissieof the Senis besyde the bur- 
 rowmure of Edinr." " James eril of Mortone &c. understand- 
 ing that in the convention of the Statis of yis reaime considem- 
 tioun being had that the nunreis ar nocht ineit to be conferrit 
 and geven to wemen according to the first foundatioun in tyme 
 of Ignorance," &c. appoints " capitanf JVinian cockburne hit 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 233 
 
 of churchmen, which had always been condemned by 
 our reformers, were sanctioned ; and the church was 
 to be represented in parliament and in the courts of 
 justice, not only by bishops, but also by monkish pre- 
 lates, over whom she had no direct control, and whose 
 official names it would have been reckoned profane to 
 introduce into the roll of her General Assembly. The 
 design of securing the richest portion of the benefices 
 to the court and its dependents, which gave rise to the 
 whole scheme, and which is the only thing that can 
 account for its strange incongruities, did not appear in 
 any part of the details. This was tacitly understood, 
 and left to be provided for by secret treaty between in- 
 dividual patrons and presentees. The calf's skin alone 
 appeared : the straw with which the tulchan was 
 stuffed was carefully concealed, lest the cow should 
 have refused to give her milk.* 
 
 This mongrel species of prelacy cannot meet the ap- 
 probation of any true episcopalian. Certain eager ad- 
 vocates of primitive order and the uninterrupted suc- 
 cession of the hierarchy, have indeed persisted in 
 maintaining that episcopacy always existed in Scot- 
 land, and in support of their plea have appealed to the 
 settlement made at Leith ; but they have generally 
 shewn themselves reluctant and shy in claiming kin- 
 dred with the tulchan prelates, whenever their true 
 original and real condition have been fairly exposed. 
 And, indeed, how could they acknowledge as legiti- 
 mate bishops men who possessed as little of the 
 episcopal power as they did of the episcopal revenues 
 who were subject to the authority of an assembly com- 
 posed of pretended presbyters and mere laics, by whom 
 they were liable to be tried, censured, suspended, and 
 deposed, and who, in one word, were utterly destitute 
 of canonical consecration ^f 
 
 The articles agreed on at Leith were laid before the 
 General Assembly which met at St. Andrews in March, 
 and at Perth in August, 1572. At the last of these 
 meetings, the Assembly, after hearing the report of a 
 committee appointed to examine the subject, came to 
 the following resolution : That the articles recognized 
 certain names, such as archbishop, dean, archdean, 
 chancellor, and chapter, which were thought slander- 
 ous and offensive to the ears of many of the brethren ; 
 
 heines chalinerlan and factor to the said priorissie of the Se- 
 nis," &c. May 31, 1575. (Register of Privy Seal, vol. xliii, 
 fol. iO.) 
 
 * In allusion to the custom in the Highlands of Scotland of 
 placin<^ a calf's skin stuffed with straw, called a Tulchan, be- 
 fore cows, to induce them to give their milk, those who occu- 
 pied the episcopal office at this time were called Tulchan Bish- 
 ops. (Cald. MS. ii. 340.) 
 
 t It IS proper, however, that facts should be stated ; and there 
 are two which may be weighed by those who are disposed to 
 lay stress on such things. 1. .John Winrara took part m the in- 
 auguration of John Douglas, as bishop of St. Andrews, Now 
 Winram was^opj'sWj/, and in consequence episcopally and can- 
 onically ordamed. He was also Sub-prior of the Abbey of St. 
 Andrews, and, as such, Vicar-General during the vacancy of 
 the see. Will not these two circumstances, jomed to the terfi- 
 titn ^iiid of his being a superintendent, make him. if not Jbr- 
 maliter, at least virfualiter, a Bishop? 2. Robert Stewart, 
 Bishop of Caithness, was present, and actually laid his hands 
 on Douglas's head. (Bannatyne's Journal, p. 324.) Now, the 
 most rigid canonists allow that the legal quorum of three may 
 be dispensed with in a case of necessity. But there is one flaw 
 remaining which cannot be so easily removed — The Bishop of 
 Caithness himself, it seems, wag never consecrated, nay, " he 
 never was in priest's orders!'^ (K'eith's Catalogue of Scot- 
 tish Bishops, p, 128.) The (ruth appears to be, that the Scots 
 have always snown a peculiar and constitutional incapacity for 
 the difficult task of making bisho])S. and the work has never 
 succeeded in their hands without assistance from York, Lam- 
 beth, or Rome. It is long since venerable Bede apologized for 
 this by observing, that we drd such things " more iniisifato." 
 A presbyterian may be allowed to smile on this subject, when 
 even Keith, a bishop of the true stamp, and not over-given to 
 be witty, could not help reraarking,that " itis a little diverting" 
 to observe a commission given to one who was not " vested 
 with any sacred character at all, to assist in the consecration of 
 other men to the sacred office of Bishops." (Catalogue, ut 
 supra.) 
 
 3 E 
 
 therefore, the whole Assembly, as well those that were 
 in commission at Leith as others, protest that they 
 meant not, by using such names, to ratify, consent, and 
 agree to, any kind of papistry or superstition, and wish 
 rather the said names to be changed into others that 
 are not slanderous and offensive ; and in like manner 
 protest, that the said heads and articles agreed on be 
 received only as an Interim, till farther order may be 
 obtained at the hands of the king's majesty, regent, 
 and nobility, for which they will press as occasion 
 shall serve. This declaration and protest the Assem- 
 bly extended to the titles and functions of abbots and 
 priors.* 
 
 The evils which this new and inauspicious settle- 
 ment was calculated to produce, were soon apparent 
 to the most simple and unsuspecting. The sees were 
 generally filled, as might have been anticipated, by 
 persons who were unqualified, some by youth and 
 others by extreme age, some by want of talent and 
 others by want of character.^ They incurred public 
 odium by consenting to become the tools of the court, 
 and by the simoniacal pactions which they were 
 known or suspected to have made with those to whom 
 they were indebted for their presentations. At every 
 meeting of the General Assembly, complaints were 
 made against them, or censures inflicted on them, for 
 neglect of duty, transgression of the laws in the ad- 
 mission of ministers, interference with superintendents 
 in fhe exercise of discipline, simony, or the alienation 
 of the property of the church. Those who had agreed 
 to the proposal of the court at Leith, in the hopes that 
 churches would be planted and stipends appointed, 
 were mortifyingly disappointed. The patrons of ben- 
 efices not being bound by any law, refused to comply 
 with the regulations. And the Regent, instead of 
 using his influence, as he had promised, to procure 
 their compliance, encouraged them by his conduct to 
 persevere in their refusal. Having, under a deceitful 
 pretext, got the management of the thirds of the ben- 
 efices out of the hands of the collectors appointed by 
 the church, he united a number of parishes under the 
 care of one minister, assisted by readers to whom a 
 trifling salary was allotted. The ministers complain- 
 ed loudly of these abuses, and consulted on the most 
 proper means of checking them. Upon which Morton 
 accused them of seditious and treasonable speeches, 
 withdrew his countenance from their assemblies, be- 
 gan to call in question their right to meet and transact 
 business without his express allowance, and advanced 
 a claim to the same supremacy over the church in 
 Scotland, which had been declared to belong to the 
 inherent prerogative of the sovereign in England. ± 
 
 In this confused and unsettled state were the affairs 
 of the church when Melville revisited his native coun- 
 try. Two years before that period, the individual 
 whom Providence raised up to enlighten and reform 
 Scotland had rested from his labours. The " dead 
 hand" and dying voice of Knox were employed in 
 protesting against a system which, as he foresaw, 
 would debase the purity and endanger the existence 
 of that ecclesiastical establishment which he had 
 reared with unwearied exertion, and whose safety he 
 
 * Buik of the Universall Kirk, f. 55. Cald. MS. vol. ii. 
 
 t Douglas, Archbishop of St. Andrews, was superannuated. 
 Campbell, Bishop of Brechin, was a youth, and needed to be 
 put under the tuition of the superintendent of Ang^us. (Cald. 
 MS. vol. ii. p. 471.) George Douglas, Bishop of Murray, was 
 under process for immorality, and continued under trials for 
 years without giving satisfaction as to his gift«. (lb. ib. p. 
 473,478.) "The yeir efter, was maid bischope Geordie of 
 Murro, whom I saw a haill wintar mumling on his prttching 
 of his peapers everie day at our morning prayers, and haid it 
 not weill parceur when all was done." (Melville's Diary, p. 
 27.) Alexander Hepburn, bishop-elect of Ross, delivered his 
 trials before the General Assembly, and gave good satisfaction. 
 (Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 4,'')8.) 
 
 t Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 58. Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 
 393—403, 413—423, 454. 
 
234 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 had watched over with the most uncorrupted fidelity. 
 The loss sustained by his removal was soon severely 
 felt. There still remained a number of excellent men, 
 sincerely attached to the principles upon which the 
 Reformation had been established in Scotland, and not 
 incapable of defending them. But there was wanting 
 an individual inheriting the ardent and intrepid spirit 
 of the Reformer, capable of giving an impulse and a 
 voice to public sentiment, and possessing decision of 
 mind to execute, as well as sagacity to discern, those 
 measures which were requisite to restore the church to 
 her liberties, and to fix her authority on a proper and 
 solid basis. 
 
 All were convinced that things ought not to remain 
 on their present footing, but it was not so easy to come 
 to an agreement respecting the change which was 
 needed, and the best way of effecting it. Three ques- 
 tions rose out of the present conjuncture of affairs. 
 The first related to the superiority of bishops above 
 other ministers ; the second, to invasions on the pro- 
 perty of the church; and the third, to the encroach- 
 ments made on her authority. But although these 
 questions are distinct, yet the two last were in reality 
 involved in the first, or, at least, were inseparably con- 
 nected with it on the present occasion. It was by 
 setting up bishops, and by the share which they con- 
 sequently had in the admission of ministers, that the 
 court expected chiefly to succeed in their designs on 
 the patrimony of the ehurch. And whatever they may 
 have found it prudent to give out, or whatever a few 
 individuals may have really felt, the great reason 
 which has induced rulers to prefer episcopacy, is the 
 superior facility with which it enables them to exert an 
 unlimited sway over the clergy, and, through them, 
 over the sentiments and feelings of the people. It 
 was in this light that Melville appears to have viewed 
 the subject. By conversation he ascertained that a 
 number of the ministers coincided with him in these 
 views; and he considered that he was at liberty, and 
 that it was his duty, to embrace every proper opportu- 
 nity of inculcating and enforcing them upon such as 
 doubted of their truth, or scrupled the propriety of 
 reducing them to practice. 
 
 Melville sat as a member of the General Assembly 
 which was held at Edinburgh in March, 1575, being 
 the first meeting of that judicatory after his admission 
 to the College of Glasgow. This Assembly resumed 
 the subject of ecclesiastical polity, which had former- 
 ly been under its consideration.* The conviction that 
 something behoved to be done in this matter was now 
 become so general and strong, that a Convention of 
 Estates, held a few days before, had voted ' that great 
 inconveniences had arisen, and were likely to increase, 
 from the want of a decent and comely government in 
 the church ;' and had appointed a committee, consist- 
 ing of laymen and ministers, to draw up a form of 
 ecclesiastical polity agreeable to the word of God and 
 adapted to the state of the country. f The General 
 Assembly appointed a committee of their number to 
 meet with the parliamentary commissioners, enjoining 
 them to wait on the business, and to transmit to the 
 ministers of the different provinces any overtures that 
 might be made. But though they had no objection to 
 
   Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 436, 437. 
 
 + Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iii. p. 89. In the writ of Privy Seal 
 respecting the Chalraerlanrie of the Senig, formerly referred 
 to, after quoting from the act of the convention, it is added : 
 " In consideratioun of tlie guid intentionn to constitute and es- 
 tablish a godiie and decent ecclesiasticall poleey for ordering 
 and governing of the kirk within this realm, and that na thing 
 quhilk might hinder the samin wald be done in the meyn 
 tyme It was concludit that the saidis nunries and vtheris 
 abbayis or prioreis now vacand or that heirefter happenis to 
 raik sail nocht be disponit nor geven in titell to ony maner 
 of persoun or personis but remane vacand quhill the constitu- 
 tioun and establising of the said ecclesiasticall polery. As the 
 Act maid heirvpoun purportis," &c. (Register of Privy Seal. 
 Comp. Act. Pari. Scot. iii. 90.) 
 
 concur with the government, they considered the subject 
 as one that properly belonged to themselves, and there- 
 fore appointed such brethren as had studied the ques- 
 tion most accurately to meet and prepare a draught to 
 be laid before the Assembly. Melville was a member 
 of this committee, which was renewed from time to 
 time, and whose labours at last produced the second 
 Book of Discipline.* 
 
 At the next Assembly, in August, 1575, when it was 
 proposed to proceed, as usual, to the trial of the bish- 
 ops, John Dury, one of tlic ministers of Edinburgh, 
 rose and protested, that the examination of the conduct 
 of the bishops should not prejudge what he and other 
 brethren had to object against the lawfulness of their 
 office. f On this occasion, Melville rose and addressed 
 the Assembly in a speecii of considerable length, in 
 which he supported Dury's proposition, and stated his 
 own sentiments respecting episcopacy. ' He was sat- 
 isfied,' he said, ' that prelacy had no foundation in the 
 Scriptures, and that, viewed as a human expedient, 
 its tendency was extremely doubtful, if not necessa- 
 rily hurtful to the interests of religion. The words 
 bishop and presbyter are interchangeably used in the 
 New Testament ; and the most popular arguments for 
 the divine origin of episcopacy are founded on igno- 
 rance of the original language of Scripture. :|; It was 
 the opinion of Jerom and other Christian Fathers, 
 that all ministers of the Gospel were at first equal ;|| 
 and that the superiority of bishops originated in cus- 
 tom, and not in divine appointment. A certain degree 
 of pre-eminence was, at an early period, given to one 
 of the college of presbyters over the rest, with the 
 view, or under the pretext of preserving unity ; but 
 this device had oftener bred dissension, while it fos- 
 tered a spirit of ambition and avarice among the cler- 
 gy. From ecclesiastical history it is evident, that, for 
 a considerable time after this change took place, bish- 
 ops were parochial and not diocesan. The same prin- 
 ciples which justify, and the same measures which 
 led to the extension of the bishop's power over all the 
 pastors of a diocese, will justify and lead to the estab- 
 lishment of an archbishop, metropolitan, or patriarch 
 over a province or kingdom, and of a universal bishop, 
 or pope, over the whole Christian world. He had wit- 
 nessed the good effects of Presbyterian parity at Ge- 
 neva and in France. The maintenance of the hierarchy 
 in England, he could not but consider as one cause of 
 the rarity of preaching, the poverty of the lower orders 
 of the clergy, pluralities, want of discipline, and other 
 abuses, which had produced dissensions and heart- 
 burnings in that flourishing kingdom. And he was 
 convinced that the best and the only effectual way of 
 redressing the grievances which at present afilicted the 
 church of Scotland, and of preventing their return, 
 was to strike at the root of the evil, by abolishing pre- 
 lacy, and restoring that parity of rank and authority 
 which existed at the beginning among all the pastors 
 of the church.' 
 
 This speech was listened to with the utmost atten- 
 tion, and made a deep impression.^ The question 
 was immediately proposed, ' Have bishops, as they 
 are now in Scotland, their function from the word of 
 God, or not 1 and ought the chapters appointed for 
 electing them to be tolerated in a reformed church V 
 For the better resolution of this question, the Assembly 
 agreed that it should be debated by a select number 
 
   Melville's Diary, p. 42. Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 457. 
 
 + Bulk of the Universall Kirk, p. 62. 
 
 t Acts XX. 17, 28 ; 1 Pet. v. 1, 2. In the venerable Syriac 
 version called the Peshito, •"■itxoto. is translated " the elders," 
 and DTXTKOim, •< the office of an elder." Philip, i. 1 ; 1 Tim. 
 iii. 1. "This proves," says Dr. Marsh, " that the Syriac trans- 
 lator understood his original, and that he made a proper dis- 
 tinction between the lang^iog'e of the primitive atid that of the 
 hierarchical church." Mirhaelis, Introduction to the New 
 Testament, vol. ii. p. 32, 553. Lond. 1802. 
 
 II See Note S. { SpoUwood.Hist. p. 275. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 235 
 
 on each side. John Craig, who had been Knox's 
 colleague, but was at this time minister of Aberdeen, 
 James Lawson, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, 
 and Andrew Melville, were nominated to argue on the 
 negative ; and George Hay, commissioner of Caith- 
 ness, John Row, minister of Perth, and David Lind- 
 say, of Leith, on the affirmative side of the question. 
 After two days' reasoning and conference on the sub- 
 ject, the committee presented their report. They did 
 not think it expedient, for the present, to give a di- 
 rect answer to the first part of the question, but were 
 unanimously of opinion, that if unfit persons were 
 chosen as bishops by the chapters, they ought to be 
 tried anew and deposed by the General Assembly.* 
 They reported farther, that they had agreed on the 
 following points respecting the office of a bishop, or 
 superintendent : First, that the name of bishop is 
 common to all who are appointed to take charge of a 
 particular flock, in preaching the word, administering 
 the sacraments, and exercising discipline with the 
 consent of their elders ; and that this is the chief 
 function of bishops according to the word of God. 
 And, secondly, that out of this number some may be 
 chosen to visit such reasonable bounds, besides their 
 own flock, as the General Assembly shall allot to 
 them ; to admit ministers, with the consent of the 
 ministers in their respective bounds and of the parti- 
 cular congregations concerned ; to admit elders and 
 deacons where there were none, with the consent of 
 the people ; and to suspend ministers, for just causes, 
 with the consent of their brethren in the district. The 
 Consideration of this report was deferred until the next 
 meeting of Assembly. There were six bishops pre- 
 sent, none of whom off"ered any defence of the episco- 
 pal office.f In April 1576, the Assembly, after delib- 
 eration, approved of and adopted the report of the com- 
 mittee in all its parts; and for carrying it into effect, 
 ordained that such of the bishops as had not taken the 
 charge of a single congregation, should now make 
 choice of one. From this time the Assembly followed 
 up their decision, until they formally abolished the 
 episcopal office. In April 1578, they agreed that the 
 bishops should, for the future, be addressed in the 
 same style as other ministers, and, in case of a vacancy 
 occurring in any bishopric, they discharged the chap- 
 ters from proceeding to a new election before next 
 meeting of Assembly. At last the General Assembly 
 which met at Dundee in July 1580, found and de- 
 clared the office of a bishop, as then used and com- 
 monly understood, to be destitute of warrant from the 
 word of God, and a human invention tending to the 
 great injury of the church; ordained the bishops to 
 demit their pretended office simpUdter, and to receive 
 admission de novo to the ministerial office, under the 
 pain of excommunication after due admonition; and 
 appointed the places and times at which they should 
 appear before the provincial synods, and signify their 
 submission to this act. The minutes bear, that this 
 famous act was agreed to by " the whole assembly in 
 one voice, after liberty given to all men to reason in 
 the matter, none opposing himself in defending the 
 said pretended office." The King's Commissioner 
 was present in the Assembly, and made not the small- 
 est opposition to the procedure.:}: 
 
 • In Spotswood's printed History, p. 176, it runs, " if any 
 bishop was chosen that had not qualities renuircd by the word 
 of God, he should he tried by the General Assembly." But in 
 the archbishop's MS. it stands thus; "he should be tried de 
 
 novo by the Assembly, and deposed from his place.'" (Wod- 
 row's Life o" " " "' ' '" " ■'-r^r^   t%   • ^ .■ 
 
 Glas.) 
 
 3f Andrew Melville, p. 9, MSS. vol. i. Bibl. Coll. 
 
 t Buik of Univ. Kirk, p. 64. Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 470. 472. 
 Spotswood, p. 276. 
 
 t Buik of the Univ. Kirk. p. 95. Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 620, 
 621. Melville's Diary, p. 62. Spotswood, Hist. p. 311. In 
 consequence of a difficulty expressed by some individuals as to 
 the exact import of the act condemning- episcopacy, the Gener- 
 al Assembly which met at Glasgow in April, 1581, (consisting, 
 
 It was of great importance to the success of this 
 measure, that the Assembly should procure the sub- 
 mission of the individuals who filled the different sees. 
 This was no easy task, as, in addition to the reluc- 
 tance which all men feel to relinquish power, the bish- 
 ops were, on the present occasion, encouraged to re- 
 sistance by the court and nobility. Notwithstanding 
 this, such was the authority of the Assembly, and 
 the activity of their agents, that the submission of 
 the whole order, with the exception of five, was ob- 
 tained in the course of the year in which the act 
 abolishing episcopacy passed.* 
 
 While they were taking these decisive steps in 
 abolishing episcopacy, the Assembly were actively 
 employed in maturing their plan of church government. 
 In April 1576, the committee entrusted with this busi- 
 ness was enlarged. It was divided into four sub- 
 committees, to meet in Glasgow, Edinburgh, St. An- 
 drews, and Montrose ; which, after preparing mate- 
 rials, were to send delegates to a general meeting 
 at Stirling, where the whole was to be examined, re- 
 vised, and put into proper form. The result of their 
 labours was laid before the General Assembly, who 
 spent the greater part of several meetings in examin- 
 ing and correcting the draught, discussing those points 
 which were doubtful or disputed,! listening to objec- 
 tions, receiving hints from whatever quarter they came, 
 and, in short, adopting every means for rendering the 
 platform as perfect and unexceptionable as possible. 
 During these deliberations, Morton, with the view of 
 embarrassing their proceedings, gave in a paper con- 
 taining forty-two questions relating to the govern- 
 ment of the church, to which he required answers. 
 Although the greater part of these questions were evi- 
 dently captious and frivolous,:|: the Assembly, to shew 
 their respect for the Regent, appointed a committee to 
 answer them ; but they did not suffer themselves to be 
 diverted by them from their main business. Perceiv- 
 ing their determination, Morton altered his conduct, 
 or at least his language, signified that he " liked well 
 of their travels and labour in that matter," and re- 
 quired them to use all expedition to complete the 
 work which they had begun. The work was com- 
 pleted accordingly, and received the sanction of the 
 General Assembly, at their meeting held in the Mag- 
 dalene Chapel of Edinburgh in April 1578, and of 
 which Melville was Moderator.|| From this time, the 
 Book of Policy, as it was then styled, or Second 
 Book of Discipline, although not ratified by the Privy 
 Council or Parliament, was regarded by the Church 
 
 " for the most part," of the same individuals who had been 
 present in the Assembly at Dundee,) declared, " that they meant 
 haillelie to condemne the estate of bischops as they are now in 
 Scotland, and that the same was the determination of the kirk 
 at that time." (Buik of Univ. Kirk, f. 101, a. Spotswood has 
 given a partial account of this explanation. Hist. p. 316.) 
 
 * Bulk of Univ. Kirk, f. 100. b. Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 636. 
 
 •f The heads of patronage, divorce, and the office of deacons, 
 were the most offensive to the court, and consequently were 
 made the subject of longest discussion. The ground of objec- 
 tion to the last of these heads was, that it gave the manage- 
 ment of the patrimony of the church to the deacons. 
 
 I The following is a specimen of the Regent's questions, 
 which were understood to have been drawn up by Archbishop 
 Adamson: "Ought there to be any degrees of dignity and or- 
 der among ministers, in respect of learning, age, or places 
 where they make residence? How far may the ministers, elders, 
 and deacons, of every particular kirk or paroch proceed, and 
 in what causes? How many G. Assemblies ought there to be 
 within a kingdom? by whom should they be convocate? for 
 what cause? What form of summoning and proceeding? &c. 
 What is the proper patrimony of the kirk? Shall ministers' 
 stipends be alike in quantity, because they are thought to be 
 alike in dignity? What is symony? Whether may a man be 
 both a minister and a reader, or ane officer at arms, or a Lord 
 or Laird's steward, Griefe, pantryman, or porter? Whether 
 has the city of Geneva committed sacrilege or not, in appoint- 
 ing the rents or teinds of their Bishoprick to their common 
 theasury, paying but a certain portion tnereofto the stipend of 
 their ministers? (Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 503—507.) 
 
 II Buik of Univ. Kirk, p. 73, 74. Cald. MS. ii. 529 
 
236 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 as exhibiting her authorized form of government ; and 
 steps were immediately taken for carrying its arrange- 
 ments into effect, by erecting Presbyteries throughout 
 the kingdom, and committing to them the oversight 
 of all ecclesiastical affairs within their bounds, to the 
 exclusion of bishops, superintendents, and visitors.* 
 
 The First Book of Discipline, though an admirable 
 production for the time, was hastily compiled, to 
 meet the emergency caused by the sudden triumph of 
 the Protestant interest over the Popish hierarchy. f 
 Several arrangements of a provisional description 
 were necessarily introduced into it, while others, 
 which subsequent experience shewed to be of great 
 importance, were unavoidably omitted.^ The Second 
 Book of Discipline was drawn up with greater care 
 and deliberation, by persons who had studied the sub- 
 ject with much attention, and had leisure to compare 
 and digest their views. It is methodically arranged, 
 and the propositions under each head are expressed 
 with perspicuity, conciseness, and precision. 
 
 It begins by laying down the essential line of dis- 
 tinction between civil and ecclesiastical power. Jesus 
 Christ, it declares, has appointed a government in his 
 church, distinct from civil government, which is to be 
 exercised in his name by such office-bearers as he has 
 authorized, and not by civil magistrates or under their 
 direction. Civil authority has for'its direct and pro- 
 per object the promoting of external peace and quiet- 
 ness among the subjects, ecclesiastical authority, the 
 directing of men in matters of religion and which per- 
 tain to conscience; the former enforces obedience by 
 external means, the latter by spiritual means; yet as 
 they " be both of God, and tend to oise end, if they be 
 rightly used, to wit, to advance the glory of God, and 
 to have good and godly subjects," they ought to co- 
 operate within their respective spheres and fortify 
 each other. " As ministers are subject to the judg- 
 ment and punishment of the magistrate in external 
 things, if they offend, so ought the magistrates to 
 submit themselves to the discipline of the kirk, if 
 they transgress in matters of conscience and religion." 
 — The government of the church consists in three 
 things; doctrine, (to which is annexed the adminis- 
 tration of the sacraments,) discipline, and distribution. 
 Corresponding to this division, there are three kinds 
 of church officers ; ministers, who are preachers as 
 well as rulers, elders, who are merely rulers, and 
 deacons, who act as distributers of alms and managers 
 
 * Among the overtures made by the Synod of Lothian to the 
 General Assembly in July 1579, was the following: " A general 
 order to be taken for erecting of Presbyteries in places where 
 Publick Exercise is used, until the tynie the Policie of the 
 Kirk be established be law." To this the Assembly answered : 
 "The Exercise may be judged a Presbyterie." (Cald. MS. vol. 
 ii. p. 501. Bulk of Univ. Kirk, p. T4.) In October 1579, the 
 Assembly requested the Clerk Register to assist their Commis- 
 sioners " to lay down and devise a plan of the Presbyteries and 
 constitution thereof," (Cald. ii. 641.) In April 1581, the laird 
 of Caprington, the King's Commissioner, presented to the As- 
 sembly, " certane rolls concerning the planting of the Kirks, 
 and the number of the Presbiteries;" and the same Assembly 
 ordained, that "the booke of policie aggreit to befor in divers 
 assemblies sould be registrat in acts of the kirk, and to rcmane 
 therein ad perpetuara rei mcmoriam, and the copies thereof to 
 be takin be every Presbyterie, of the qlk bouke the tenour fol- 
 lovves," &c. (Buik of Univ. Kirk, f. 101, b. 104, b. Melville's 
 Diary, p. 67.) i 
 
 t The order of the Privy Council, directing the ministers to 
 draw it up, was issued April 26, 1560, and the work was finished 
 on the 20th of May following. (The First and Second Book 
 of Discipline, p. 23, 70. Printed anno 1621.) 
 
 I Its compilers were fully sensible of this defect, and ac- 
 cordingly at almost every Assembly, from 1563 to 1575, when 
 the Second Book of Discipline beg^n to be prepared, resolu- 
 tions were made as to the necessity of defining the jurisdiction 
 and settling the polity of the church after a more perfect form. 
 See the acts of Assembly prefixed to the First and Second 
 Booke of Disciulinc, printed anno 1621. The reader will also 
 find in that work ample information as to the proceedings of the 
 Assembly, and of its committees, in compiling the Second Book 
 of Diacipline. 
 
 of the funds of the church. The name hishup is of the 
 same import as that of pastor or mtmster ; it is not ex- 
 pressive of superiority or lordship; and the Scriptures 
 do not allow of a pastor of pastors or a pastor of many 
 flocks. Connected with the pastor, who dispenses 
 the word and sacraments, is the doctor or teacher, 
 whose function lies in expounding the Scriptures, de- 
 fending the truth against erroneous teachers, and in- 
 structing the youth, in schools, colleges, and univer- 
 sities. There should be elders who do not labour in 
 word and doctrine : they ought to assist the pastor in 
 examining those who come to the Lord's table, and in 
 visiting the sick; but " their principal office is to hold 
 assemblies with the pastors, and doctors, who are 
 also of their number, for establishing good order and 
 execution of discipline." — ^The office-bearers of the 
 church are to be admitted by election and ordination. 
 None are to be intruded into any ecclesiastical office, 
 " contrary to the will of the congregation to which 
 they are appointed." "The ceremonies of ordination 
 are fasting, earnest prayer, and the imposition of the 
 hands of the eldership," or presbytery. — Ecclesias- 
 tical assemblies are either particular, (consisting of 
 the office-bearers of one congregation or of a number 
 of neighbouring congregations,) provincial, national, 
 or ecumenical and general. It is not thought abso- 
 lutely necessary, that there should be a stated assem- 
 bly or session in country congregations ; but each 
 ought to have its own elders.* The Presbytery, or 
 Eldership, as it is called, has the inspection of a num- 
 ber of adjoining congregations in every thing relating 
 to religion and manners, and has the power of ordain- 
 ing and deposing ministers, and of exercising disci- 
 pline within its bounds. The Provincial Synod pos- 
 sesses the collective power of all the presbyteries with- 
 in a province, and consequently may handle and re- 
 dress whatever has been done amiss by any of them. 
 The General Assembly, or " general eldership of the 
 whole churches in the realm," takes cognizance of 
 what has been done amiss by the provincial assemblies, 
 and in general of every thing connected with the wel- 
 fare of the national church. " None are subject to re- 
 pair to this assembly to vote but ecclesiastical persons 
 only,| to such a number as shall be thought good by 
 the same assembly ;" but none are excluded from be- 
 ing present in it " to propone, hear, and reason." All 
 the ecclesiastical assemblies have lawful power to 
 convene for transacting business, and to appoint the 
 times and places of their meeting. In each of them a 
 Moderator is to be chosen by common consent of the 
 brethren, to propose the causes, gather the votes, and 
 cause good order to be kept. — The patrimony of the 
 church includes whatever has been appropriated to 
 her use, whether by donations from individuals, or by 
 laws and usage. To take any part of this by unlaw- 
 ful means, and apply it to the particular and profane 
 use of individuals, is simony. It belongs to the dea- 
 cons to receive the ecclesiastical goods, and to dis- 
 tribute them according to the appointment of pres- 
 byteries. The purposes to which they are to be 
 applied are the four following: the support of minis- 
 ters ; the support of elders and other church-officers, 
 as far as this may be found necessary, and of teachers 
 of theology and schoolmasters, provided the ancient 
 foundations for education are insufficient ; the main- 
 
 * " When we speak of the Elders of the particular congre- 
 gations, we mean not that every particular parish kirk can or 
 may have their own particular Elderships, especially in Land- 
 ward; but wee think three, foure, moe or fewer, particular 
 kirks, may have one Eldership common to them all, to judre 
 their Ecciesiasticall causes. Yet this is meet, that some of the 
 Elders be chosen out of every particular congregation, to con- 
 curre with the rest of their brethren in the common assembly, 
 and to take up the delations of ofl'cnces within their owne 
 kirks, and bring them to the assembly. This we gather of the 
 practice of the primitive kirk, where Elders or colledges of 
 Seniors were constitute in cities and famous places." Chap. 7. 
 
 f The cidei-ship is a spirituall function as is the ministrie." 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 237 
 
 tenance of the poor and of hospitals ; and lastly, the 
 Teparation of places of worship, and other extraordin- 
 ary charges of the church or commonwealth. — Among 
 the abuses which ought to be removed the following 
 are specified, the titles of abbots and others connected 
 with monastic institutions, with the places which 
 they held, as churchmen, in the courts of legislature 
 and judicature; deans and others attached to cathedral 
 and collegiate churches ; the usurped superiority of 
 bishops, and their acting in parliament and council in 
 the name of the church, without her commission ;* 
 the exercise of criminal justice and the pastoral office 
 by the same individuals; the mixed jurisdiction of 
 commissaries ; pluralities ; and patronages and pre- 
 sentations to benefices whether by the prince or any in- 
 ferior person, which lead to intrusion, and are incon- 
 sistent with " lawful election and the assent of the 
 people over whom the person is placed, as the prac- 
 tice of the apostolical and primitive kirk and good 
 order crave." 
 
 Such is the outline of the Presbyterian plan of 
 church-government, as delineated in the Second Book 
 of Discipline. Its leading principles rest upon the 
 express authority of the word of God. Its subordinate 
 arrangements are supported by the general rules of 
 Scripture — they are simple, calculated to preserve or- 
 der and promote edification, and adapted to the circum- 
 stances of the church for which they were intended. 
 It is equally opposed to arbitrary and lordly domina- 
 tion on the part of the clergy, and to popular confusion 
 and misrule. It secures the liberty of the people in 
 one of their most important privileges, the choosing 
 of those who shall watch for their souls, without 
 making them the final judges of the qualifications of 
 those who shall be invested with this office. While 
 it establishes an efficient discipline in every congrega- 
 tion, it also preserves that unity which ought to sub- 
 sist among the different branches of the church of 
 Christ; secures attention to those numerous cases 
 which are of common concern and general utility ; 
 and provides a remedy against particular acts of 
 injustice and maladministration arising from local 
 partialities and limited information, by the institution 
 of larger assemblies acting as courts of appeal and 
 review, in which the interests of all are equally rep- 
 resented and each enjoys the benefit resulting from 
 the collective wisdom of the whole body. It en- 
 courages a friendly co-operation between the civil 
 and ecclesiastical authorities; but it, at the same 
 time, avoids the confounding of their limits — prohibits 
 church-courts from " meddling with any thing pertain- 
 ing to the civil jurisdiction," — establishes their inde- 
 pendence in all matters which belong to their cogni- 
 zance — and guards against, what is tlie greatest bane 
 of religion and curse of the church, a priesthood which 
 is merely the organized puppet of the state, and moves 
 and acts only as it is directed by a political adminis- 
 tration. It is a form of ecclesiastical polity whose 
 practical utility has been proportionate to the purity in 
 which its principles have been maintained. Accord- 
 ingly, it has secured the cordial and lasting attach- 
 ment of the people of Scotland ; whenever it has been 
 wrested from them by arbitrary violence, they have 
 uniformly embraced the first favourable opportunity 
 of demanding its restoration ; and the principal seces- 
 sions which have been made from the national church 
 in this part of the kingdom have been stated, not in 
 the way of dissent from its constitution, as in Eng- 
 land, but in opposition to departures, real or alleged, 
 from its original and genuine principles. 
 
 Hierarchical writers do more honour to Melville 
 
 * " We denie not in the raeane time, but Ministers may and 
 should assist their Princes when they are required, in all things 
 agreeable to the Word, whether it be in Councell or Parlia- 
 ment, or otherwayes, providing alwayes they neither neglect 
 their owne charges, nor through flattery of Princes, hurt the 
 publick estate of the Kirk." Chap. ii. 
 
 than he is fairly entitled to, when they ascribe the 
 overthrow of episcopacy, and the erection of presby- 
 tery, solely to his authority and exertions. Yet the 
 leading part which he took in the work, and the high 
 degree in which its success was owing to his zeal and 
 ability, will justify the details into which we have 
 thought it proper to enter. He was on all the commit- 
 tees employed in collecting materials for the Book of 
 Polity, and in reducing them into form. He was 
 present at most of the conferences held on the subject 
 with committees of the Privy Council and Parliament. 
 He had a principal share in all the discussions and de- 
 bates that occurred, both in private and in public, on 
 the articles which were most keenly disputed and op- 
 posed. And he subjected himself to great personal 
 fatigue and expense and odium, during a series of 
 years which were spent in completing the work and 
 in procuring its reception.* Indeed, he regarded his 
 exertions in this cause as the greatest service which 
 he could perform for his country ; and for the sake of 
 advancing it, he cheerfully sacrificed the gratification 
 which he felt in prosecuting his studies, and the pros- 
 pects of personal fame which he might have acquired 
 by engaging in literary undertakings. 
 
 The eagerness and success with which Melville 
 laboured in the erection of the presbyterian system 
 naturally rendered him obnoxious in the eyes of the 
 adherents of episcopac}'. Accordingly, writers of 
 that persuasion have endeavoured, by the representa- 
 tions which they have given of his conduct on this 
 occasion, to excite prejudices against his character and 
 the cause which he promoted. Archbishop Spots- 
 wood, whose ambitious views he long crossed, and 
 who has never mentioned his name with temper in the 
 course of his history, set an example of this treat- 
 ment; and we shall quote his words, which subse- 
 quent writers of the same description have done little 
 more than repeated. " In the church this year be- 
 gan the innovations to break forth that to this day 
 have kept it in a continual unquictness. Mr. An- 
 drew Melville, who was lately come from Geneva, 
 a man learned (chiefly in the tongues) but hot and 
 eager upon any thing he went about, labouring with a 
 burning desire to bring into this church the presbyte- 
 rian discipline of Geneva ; and having insinuated him- 
 self into the favour of divers preachers, he stirred up 
 John Dury, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, in an 
 Assembly which was then convened, to propound a 
 question touching the lawfulness of the episcopal 
 function, and the authority of chapters in their elec- 
 tion. He himself, as though he had not been ac- 
 quainted with the motion, after he had commended 
 the speaker's zeal, and seconded the purpose with a 
 long discourse of the flourishing estate of the church 
 of Geneva, and the opinions of Calvin and Theodore 
 Beza concerning church-government — in end he said, 
 that the corruptions crept into the estate of bishops 
 were so great, as, unless the same were removed, it 
 could not go well with the church. "f 
 
 A few remarks on the several articles of this libel 
 will be sufficient. It is insinuated that the church 
 was in a tranquil state when Melville arrived in the 
 country; and, indeed, if we had no other source of 
 information as to these times than the archbishop's 
 history, we might be ready to conclude that this was 
 really the case. But we have already seen, from the 
 most undoubted of all authorities, from acts of assem- 
 bly and acts of parliament as well as from private 
 
 * " And in deid that niater cost him exceeding greit peans, 
 bathe in niynd, body, and gear, during the space of five or sax 
 yair, with the gean of the Regent ErI of Morton and his 
 bischopes vtter indignation. Yit with the wonderful assistance 
 of God he bure it out till the abolishing of bischopes and es- 
 tablissing of the Presbyteries according to the word of God. 
 Wharby he gatt the name of •'rio-xoa-o^Mo-Tif, episcoporum ex- 
 actor, the sling-er out of bishops." (Melville's Diary, p. 42.) 
 
 f Spotswood, Hi-st. p. 275. 
 
238 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 writings, that the state of matters was quite the re- 
 verse, and that great dissatisfactions prevailed in the 
 church previous to and at his arrival in Scotland. Was 
 it Melville who instigated those who protested against 
 the consecration of Douglas at St. Andrews'?* or the 
 whole Assembly, which at Perth protested against the 
 titles of archbishops, deans, and chapters? Was it 
 Melville who struck the blow at the civil power and 
 places of bishops, which they have always regarded 
 as among their dearest privileges 1 Was it not the 
 archbishop's own father who moved and carried in the 
 General Assembly, August 1573, (when there was 
 no emissary from Geneva to incite him,) " that it 
 was neither agreeable to the word of God, nor to the 
 practice of the primitive church, for one man to occu- 
 py the charges of a minister of the Gospel and of a 
 civil or criminal judge f " — a sentiment of which it 
 was the great ambition of his son to afford a practical 
 and glaring contradiction. 
 
 But Melville laboured " to bring into this church 
 the presbyterian discipline of Geneva." Or, as the 
 archbishop expresses it in another publication, " His 
 mind being imbued with the institutions of that city 
 to which he had been long accustomed, he strained 
 every nerve to bring our church to the nearest possible 
 conformity with Geneva in point of discipline, not ad- 
 verting to the difference between a kingdom and a 
 republic.":|: This is the same allegation which has 
 been made with respect to the first settlement of our 
 Reformation by Knox. It was first brought forward 
 by Hooker, in his controversy with the English Pres- 
 byterians, but with great modesty, and many expres- 
 sions of high respect for the Genevan Reformer.|| It 
 was afterwards urged, but in a very different spirit, 
 by Bancroft; and it has been retailed with unvarying 
 and monotonous uniformity by Episcopalian writers 
 down to the present day. They would have gained 
 more credit to their cause among the judicious, if they 
 had rested its defence upon the authority of Scripture 
 and reason, and left the use of such prejugez legitimes 
 wholly to Roman Catholics, from whom they borrow- 
 ed them, and whose cause would have been early 
 ruined but for the magic influence of the question, 
 " Where was your church before Luther ?" But if it 
 is necessary to bring the controversy to this test, Pres- 
 byterians have surely no reason to blush, or to be 
 ashamed of their descent. Where was the bishop in 
 Scotland or in England, during the sixteenth century, 
 that could be compared with Calvin or with Beza, 
 either in point of talents or of learning, of skill in the 
 Scriptures or of acquaintance with ecclesiastical his- 
 tory and the writings of the fathers'? If the Reform- 
 ers of Scotland were so unfortunate as to imbibe erro- 
 neous sentiments at Geneva, what was the enlightened 
 school, and where the pure fountain, to which the 
 English Reformers had access, and at which they 
 were so happv as to drink the unpolluted doctrines of 
 revelation '? That Knox and Melville were greatly in- 
 debted to Calvin and Beza, and that they admired the 
 religious order and discipline established in Geneva, 
 I do not wish to deny; but that they implicitly adopt- 
 ed and slavishly imitated the institutions which they 
 had seen in that city, is an assertion which argues 
 
 » Bannatynp, p. 323, 331 . + Petrie, part iii. p. 380. 
 
 t Refiitatio Libelli de Repimine Ecclesiae Scoticanae, p. 31. 
 Calderwoofl, in his reply to this tract, remarks dryly, " If Mel- 
 ville, by the force of custom during^ five years residence at 
 Geneva, became so enamoured with its discipline, is it not 
 Rtranofe that John Spotswood should have beon so easily in- 
 duced to desert the Scots discipline, to which he had been 
 habituated for more than ten years ? The reason is to be 
 Sought for in the different dispositions of the men, not in their 
 education — Discrimen in ingeniis, non in disciplina, fuit." 
 (Epistolae Philadelphi Vind. apud Allare Damasc. p. 731, 
 edit 2.) 
 
 II Preface to Ecclesiastical Polity, sect. 2 ; a section which 
 those who are accustomed to disparage Calvin, and eulogize 
 Hooker, with equal ignorance of both would do well to read. 
 
 great ignorance both of the men and the subject. If 
 Melville had laboured merely to introduce a foreign 
 institute, why did he bestow so much pains in study- 
 ing the subject, or how came it about that he was 
 always so ready and so able to maintain what he re- 
 commended upon higher and more sacred grounds ■? 
 The ecclesiastical polity of Geneva and of Scotland 
 agreed in their radical principles. But those who are 
 accurately acquainted with both, know that they dif- 
 fered in some points in which they might have been 
 made accordant ; and that, owing to the great diversity 
 of their circumstances, the one could not be an exact 
 and fit model for the other. Within the small territo- 
 ry of Geneva there was no room and no occasion for 
 the parochial sessions, presbyteries, synods, and gen- 
 eral assembly, which were erected in Scotland. Pres- 
 bytery can accommodate itself to any extent of coun- 
 try; and its genius, and the exercise of its powers, 
 are not incompatible with any reasonable form of civil 
 government, monarchical or republican. 
 
 Melville, it is allowed, was "learned," but then it 
 was " chiefly in the tongues." Of the truth of this 
 qualifying clause, the reader shall be left to judge, 
 from the evidence which has been already laid before 
 him. With respect to the disparaging style in which 
 skill in languages is here mentioned, it might be suffi- 
 cient to remark, that the archbishop, though a man of 
 talents, was no great scholar, and it is very natural 
 for us to depreciate what we do not possess or under- 
 stand.* But the truth is, that, in speaking after this 
 manner, he only imitated the language of his prede- 
 cessors, Montgomery and Adamson.f I mention this 
 chiefly because it affords a curious illustration of the 
 fact, that adventitious recommendations of this kind 
 may be possessed by different parties at different 
 periods. Superior skill in ancient languages, upon 
 which the members of the Church of England in the 
 present day plume themselves, and which I have no 
 desire to deny them, was in the sixteenth century 
 so unquestionably due to presbyterians in Scotland, 
 that their opponents thought it necessary to depreciate 
 it as a minor acquisition, and as calculated to do more 
 hurt than good. 
 
 The charge that Melville " insinuated himself into 
 the favour of diverse preachers," is absurd. His 
 talents and character were such as to secure him easy 
 access to the company and favour of any preacher in 
 Scotland ; and the most learned men in the country 
 were proud of his friendship. He communicated his 
 sentiments respecting episcopacy and church-govern- 
 ment in the most unreserved manner to Adamson and 
 Cunninghame, who afterwards became bishops. It is 
 true, that he lived on terms of the greatest intimacy 
 with Lawson, Dury, and Balcanquhall, the ministers 
 of Edinburgh ; and there is no reason to doubt that 
 he had confidential conversations with them on those 
 measures which at that time engaged universal atten- 
 
 * Calderwopd mentions that Spotswood was ignorant of 
 Greek, and says, it was suspected (probably without good rea- 
 son) that he had got a certain physician to translate his book 
 into Latin. " Dedicavit Principi Carolo Libellum istuni de 
 rebus EcclesiiB Scoticanae Latinum, et Graecis quasi stellis dis- 
 tinctum, quern omnes scinius Graecc nescire, Latine vix scire, 
 nedum posse tani Latine scribere. Scd non est mirum, menti- 
 tis (Medici cujusdam ut audio) pennis niti mendaciorum con- 
 sarcinatorem." (Prefat. Epist. Philadelph. Vind.) 
 
 f One of the articles of the libel raised in 1581 against 
 Montgomery, archbishop of Glasgow, was, " that, so farre as he 
 could, he travellit to bring the original languages, Greik and 
 Hebrew, into contempt; abusing thereunto the words of the 
 apostle 1 Cor. xiv. and tauntingly asking, ' In what SchooU 
 were Peter and Pavl gradual?" (Buik of the Universal Kirk, 
 f. 114. b.) The following is one of the assertions collected 
 from the lectures which archbishop Adamson delivered at St. 
 Andrews: " GrsBcae, Hebraicse et Chaldaicte et ceterarum eius- 
 modi doctarum et sanctaruni lingtiarum cognitio, non solum 
 otiosa et invtilis, sed ctiam perniciosa et exitialis est Rcip. et 
 ecclesiae Dei." (Floretum Archiepiscopale, MS. in Bibl. Jurid. 
 Edin. M.6,9. Nam. 47.) 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 239 
 
 tion. It may even be true, that he was previously ac- 
 quainted with Dury's intention to object against the 
 episcopal office ; for what is more customary than for 
 a person to consult with his friends before he submits 
 a motion on any important subject to a court 1 But 
 that Melville conducted the business in an insidious or 
 dishonourable way, by pushing forward another to do 
 what he was afraid to do himself, and then affecting 
 ignorance of the design; or that John Dury would 
 have consented to become a tool in any such disgrace- 
 ful management, — no one who is acquainted with the 
 characters and tempers of the two men will ever for a 
 moment believe.* Such arts were reserved to be em- 
 ployed in the advancement of a different cause, and by 
 a very different set of men. 
 
 There is no evidence that Melville conducted him- 
 self in a violent and overbearing manner in the pro- 
 secution of this business. He had no means of ef- 
 fecting an alteration on the government of the church 
 but argument and persuasion ; and had he pushed 
 matters with the intemperance which some have as- 
 cribed to him, he must have defeated his own designs, 
 and raised insurmountable difficulties in the way of 
 their accomplishment. No dissension was produced 
 in the church. There was a general and harmonious 
 concurrence of sentiment in favour of the measures 
 which were adopted ; and aware of this the bishops 
 themselves, who were present in the Assembly, made 
 no formal or public opposition.! During the earlier 
 and most important part of the proceedings, the reins 
 of civil government were in the hands of one who 
 could hold them with sufficient firmness, and who 
 possessed the address to avail himself of any act of 
 imprudence or violence on the part of the ecclesias- 
 tical courts, as a pretext for putting a stop to those 
 measures to which he was known to be decidedly 
 averse. But no occasion of this kind was given. 
 Every thing was conducted with firmness, indeed, and 
 perseverance, but at the same time, with a temper, 
 deliberation, and unanimity rarely exhibited by a 
 popular assembly, and which reflect the highest honour 
 on its members. 
 
 Nor was this harmony purchased at the expense of 
 that freedom which belongs to a popular and deliber- 
 ative assembly. There was at that period no party- 
 management — nothing similar to the practice afterwards 
 introduced, when a cabal or set of leaders settled 
 every thing in private, and having previously decided 
 on their measures, and calculated their strength, gran- 
 ted to the court the semblance of liberty by a mock 
 debate and the formality of a vote.:|: One who was 
 
 * Durj was at first an exhorterin Leith. Though not learn- 
 ed, he possessed great spirit, and had distinguished himself by 
 his zeal and courage during the civil war. "About the same 
 tyme(1571) cam to St. Andrews, to visite Mr. Knox,Mr.Jhone 
 Durie, fellow minister at Leith with Mr. David Lindsay, who 
 was then for stoutnes and zeal in the guid cause niickle re- 
 nowned <fe talked off'. F"or the gown was na sooner of, and the 
 Byble out of hands fra the kirk, when on ged the corslet, and 
 fangit was the hacbet, and to the fields." (Melville's Diary, p. 
 28. Comp. Bannatyne's Journal, p. 359, 360.) 
 
 As Dury commenced the attack on episcopacy, Spotswood 
 was eager to represent him as having retracted his sentiments 
 on this subject in his latter days. (History, p. 458.) But the 
 archbishop's story is contradicted by Dury's son-in-law, who 
 declares that he retained his sentiments concerning episco- 
 pacy unaltered to the last. (Melville's Diary, p. 345.) 
 
 f Spotswood acknowledges this fact, and mentions it with 
 much surprise and disapprobation. "What respect soever it 
 was that made them keep so quiet, whether, as I have heard, 
 that they expected those motions should have been dashed by 
 the Regent, or otherwise that they affected the praise of hu- 
 mility, !t was no vfisdom in them to have given way to such 
 novelties, & have suffered the lawfulness of their vocation to be 
 thus drawn in question," (Hist. p. 276.) 
 
 t The appointment of assessors or assistants to the modera- 
 tor, has been urged in opposition to the statement given in the 
 text. That practice was introduced in the following way. In 
 April, 1577, Alexander Arbuthnot, Principal of the University 
 of Aberdeen, was chosen moderator. It was the moderator's 
 business to fix the order in which the causes should come be- 
 
 present at most if not all of the Assemblies occupied 
 in framing the Book of Discipline, gives the follow- 
 ing account of their manner of proceeding. " It was 
 a most pleasand and comfortable thing to be present 
 at these assemblies, there was sic frequencie and re- 
 verence, with holiness and zeall. Maters were gravlie 
 ,and cleirlie proponit; overtures maid by the wysest, 
 douttes reassonit and discussit by the learnedest and 
 maistquik; and, finallie, all with ane voice conclud- 
 ing upon matters resolvit and cleirit, and referring 
 thingis intritit and uncleirid to farder advysment. 
 Namely, this is to be noted, that, in all these assem- 
 blies anent the policie, ther was not sic a thing as a 
 carieing away of anie poinct with a number of vottes, 
 ane or ma, as by a preoccupied purpose or led course ; 
 hot maters were indifferentlie proponit, and, efter 
 beging light of God and sersing the scriptures, by 
 conference and reasoning discussit, with large and 
 sufficient tyme taken and diligentlie employit for that 
 effect, all with ane voice in ane consent and unitie of 
 mynd determined and concluded."* 
 
 Some authors are of opinion, that there was no dif- 
 ference of sentiment among the ministers on the head 
 of episcopacy, and that the reasoning between certain 
 members of Assembly, when the question was first 
 agitated, was merely a disputation, according to the 
 manner of the schools, with the view of throwing 
 greater light on the subject. This opinion is, I think, 
 erroneous. There were none in Scotland at that time, 
 so far as I have been able to learn, who regarded the 
 episcopal office as of divine institution ; but I have no 
 doubt that there were ministers, besides the bishops, 
 who did not esteem it to be positively unlawful or 
 necessarily injurious to the interests of the church, 
 and who thought that it ought to be retained, or at 
 least tolerated, in the state in which affairs were in 
 Scotland at that period. It is reasonable to suppose 
 that these were the sentiments of Row, Lindsay, and 
 George Hay, who were nominated by the assembly to 
 reason in defence of episcopacy. That they were 
 Row's sentiments we know from the testimony of his 
 son, who informs us that his father at first thought 
 episcopacy lawful, but was constrained, along with 
 those who reasoned on the same side with him, to 
 yield lo the force of the arguments brought forward 
 by their opponents, and from that time took a decided 
 part in removing bishops and establishing the presby- 
 terian polity. f Among those who held the lawfulness 
 of episcopacy, archbishop Spotswood also includes 
 the names of his own father, of Erskine of Dun, John 
 Winram, Alexander Arbuthnot, Robert Pont, Thomas 
 Smeton, and Andrew Polwart.:|: ?meton, Polwart, 
 and Pont, afterwards distinguished themselves by 
 their opposition to bishops. || Arbuthnot and Melville 
 
 fore the court. But as Arbuthnot had not been present at the 
 preceding Assembly, and consequently was unacquainted with 
 the business which remained undecided, he requested that cer- 
 tain members should be appointed to assist him. This was com- 
 plied with, and the advantages of the appointment in expedi-: 
 ting business led to its repetition at subsequent meetings. 
 Some members were jealous of its tendency, and objected 
 against the precedent, and there is no doubt that it was after- 
 wards abused in prejudice of the liberties of the Assembly. 
 (Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 508, 616. Petrie, P. iii. p. 391.) The wri- 
 ter of Arbuthnofs Life in the Biographia Britannica, absurdly 
 says: " This committee had the name of the Congregation, and 
 in a short time all matters of importance came to be treated 
 there, and the Assembly had little to do but f o approve their 
 resolutions." (Biogr. "Brit. vol. i. p. 236, edit. 2.) 
 
 * Melville's Diary, p. 59, 60. Comp. Row, Hist. p. 22. 
 
 t Row of Carnock, MS. Historic of the Kirk, p. 289. Comp. 
 Melville's Diary, p. 64. 
 
 \ De Regimine Ecclesiae Scotianae, p. 42. 
 
 11 Melville, in a letter " Johanni Rowio Ecclesiastas Perth- 
 ensi," dated " 15. Cal. Feb. 1578," says " Smetonius acerrimus 
 bonas causae propugnator.'' (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin.M. 6,9.) 
 Smeton and Polwart protested against the election of Mont- 
 gomery as bishop of Glasgow. (Records of Privy Council, 
 April 12, 1582.) Erskine^ Lindsay, and Pont, presented to the 
 Privy Council the remonstrance of the General Assembly 
 
240 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 were closely united in their views and public con- 
 duct.* And if the others were at first of episcopal 
 sentiments, they must have changed their views, as 
 they co-operated in the establishment of presbytery, 
 and as there was not a single contradictory or dissen- 
 ting voice at the abolition of episcopacy. f 
 
 It is agreed, on all hands, that this change of sen- 
 timent was brought about chiefly by the influence of 
 Melville. That in exerting this influence he never 
 overstepped the bounds of moderation, and that, in the 
 fervour of his zeal for what he considered as the cause 
 of God and truth, lie never infringed the rights, nor 
 unnecessarily wounded the feelings of good men who 
 might conscientiously diflTer from him, I am far from 
 wishing to assert. But there is one instance, in which 
 I am satisfied that this charge has been brought 
 against him ground lessly, if not wantonly. I refer to 
 the case of James Boyd, archbishop of Glasgow. 
 Spotswood says that Boyd was so much vexed with 
 the proceedings of the Assembly in urging him to re- 
 move the corruptions of the episcopal office, and with 
 certain injuries which he received from one of his 
 own relations, that he " contracted a melancholy 
 whereof he died not long after at Glasgow." He 
 adds, "Nothing did more grieve him than the in- 
 gratitude of Mr. Andrew Melvil and his uncourteous 
 forms. He had brought the man to Glasgow, placed 
 him Principal in the Colledge, bestowed otherwise 
 liberally upon him, and was paid for this his kindness 
 with most disgraceful contempt. In private, and at 
 the Bishop's table (to which he was ever welcome) 
 no man did use him with greater respect, giving him 
 his titles of dignity and honour; but in the publick 
 meetings, where he owed him greatest reverence, 
 he would call him by his proper name, and use him 
 most uncivilly. The commission of the Assembly 
 he exercised with all rigour, and by threatening the 
 Bishop with the censures of the Church, induced him 
 to set his hand to certain articles, which, as he pro- 
 fessed in his sickness, did sore vex his mind ; yet, 
 being comforted by Mr. Andrew Polwart, Subdean of 
 Glasgow, he departed this life in great quietness.":}: 
 Some of these charges are ridiculous and childish, 
 and the rest are unfounded and calumnious. The whole 
 procedure of the Assembly in this case, as detailed in 
 the public records, is marked with tenderness to Boyd, 
 and regard to the delicate circumstances in which he 
 was placed with his relations. It is false that the 
 commission to procure his subscription was entrusted 
 to Melville, or to a committee of which he was one. 
 David Weemes, minister of Glasgow, was the only 
 individual employed in this business.|| And two 
 years elapsed between that transaction and the death 
 of the bishop. § The story of his being grieved on his 
 death-bed at his renunciation of episcopacy is contra- 
 dicted by what is immediately added ; for Polwart, 
 who is represented as his comforter, was a decided 
 anti-episcopalian.lf The allusion to Melville's par- 
 taking of the arch-bishop's hospitality is utterly un- 
 worthy of a reply. What is said as to the episcopal 
 titles is worse than puerile. There was an act of 
 Assembly directing that the bishops should be ad- 
 
 dressed by the same titles as other ministers. In 
 obedience to this act, and in common with all his 
 brethren, Melville observed this rule in the public 
 meetings of the church ; but he did not think that the 
 Assembly intended to interdict or interfere with the 
 ordinary civilities of life, and accordingly made no 
 .scruple of giving the bishop his usual titles in pri- 
 vate intercourse. And this compliance with the rules 
 of courtesy must be produced and published as a proof 
 of his " uncourteous forms," and bring the blood of a 
 bishop on his head, too ! He came to Glasgow at the 
 urgent solicitation of the archbishop, when he had the 
 offer of a preferable and more lucrative situation. The 
 active part which Boyd took in bringing him there 
 was with the view, not of conferring a favour on an 
 individual, but of benefiting a literary institution ; and 
 if he was actuated by regard to the public good, as I 
 have no doubt he was, he must have considered his 
 exertions and benefactions as amply rewarded by the 
 flourishing condition into which Melville brought that 
 decayed university, and must have derived far higher 
 gratification from this than from having his ears 
 tickled with vain-glorious and high-sounding titles, 
 for which he never shewed that doting fondness 
 which his successor must have felt when he advanced 
 so heavy a charge on such weak and miserable 
 grounds. It is scarcely necessary to add, that the 
 whole accusation of disrespect and ingratitude is re- 
 futed by the bishop's own son, the learned and excel- 
 lent Robert Boyd of Trochrig, who, in his family- 
 memoirs, mentions the inviolable friendship that sub- 
 sisted between his father and Melville, and records 
 with filial satisfaction and pride the high commenda- 
 tions which he heard the latter bestow on the former.* 
 
 There are too good grounds for retorting on Spots- 
 wood the charges which he has so groundlessly aimed 
 at another. He received his education at tie Univer- 
 sity of Glasgow, while Melville was Principal there, 
 and .Tames Melville was his teacher.f Yet, in his 
 history, he has embraced every opportunity of tar- 
 nishing the reputation of the former, and has injured 
 the character of the latter by retailing, as true, a slan- 
 der of the most improbable kind, and which, if he did 
 not know, he might easily have ascertained, to be 
 false.:}: 
 
 From the frequent occasion that we shall have in 
 the sequel to speak of Patrick Adamson, it is neces- 
 sary to give a short account of his conduct at this 
 period. He was minister of Paisley when the ques- 
 tions respecting the government of the church began 
 to be publicly agitated, and professed a hearty con- 
 currence with the views of Melville, whose society he 
 courted. The latter, however, always suspected his 
 sincerity, or at least his steadiness, and remarked to 
 his confidential friends, that Adamson, as well as Cun- 
 inghame,|| was too courtly to remain attached to the 
 cause.§ In the course of the year 1575, he left his 
 
 against the suspension of Montgomery's excommunication. 
 (Bulk of Univ. Kirk, f. 126, b.) 
 
 « Letter of Melville to .\rbuthuot, Sept. 4. 1579. MS. in Bib. 
 Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. 
 
 f The reason wliich Spotswood gives for their consent is not 
 much to their honour: '•Tandem, ne frustra contranili vide- 
 rcntur, in iuiperitsc inultitudinis sententiam concesserint." (De 
 Reginiine Ecrles. Scot. p. 45.) 
 
 t Spotswood's Hist. p. 303. || Cald. MS. vol. ii. d. 586. 
 
 { His subscription, " where he willingly agreed to the act of 
 the Assembly made at Stirling, 1578," was dated "the 8th day 
 of June, 1579." (Cold, ut supra.) And he died in June, 1581. 
 (Keith's Scottish Bishops, p. 155.) During the interval he was 
 employed by the Assembly as Commissioner of Carrict, and 
 •ppoioted on a comuiittec to present articles to the King. 
 (Cald. ii. 587, 642.) T Sec preceding page. 
 
 • After mentioning the 'friendship between his father and 
 John Davidson, minister of Frestonjians, he proceeds to speak 
 of Melville: "Die quadam hunc ipsuin in fmem convcnissem, 
 ut ejus de Patre meo sententiam percontarer, qucm is inter 
 omnes turn viventcs optime perspectum habebat, quippe a quo 
 olim ipse, Geneva rediens, ODviis ulnis cxccptus fueraf, et Aca- 
 demice Glasguensis prefectura meritissinie uonatus in quo per 
 annos aliquot substitit, cum Patre meo stinclissimam cokna 
 amiciliam, post cujus demum e vivis excessura in Acadeniiani 
 Andreanam translutus est: Respondit, ex veto meo, et rei ip- 
 sius veritate, pectus illud candidissiinum, illius integritate vir- 
 tutique luculentumperhibens testimonium lubentissinie." (Ro- 
 berti Bodii a Trochorrgia Philotheca: Wodrow's Life of 
 Archbishop Boyd, p. 3, 4. MSS. vol. iv. Bibl. Coil. Glas.) 
 
 The account which James Melville has given of (he Arch- 
 bishop, and of his uncle's uninterrupted intimacy with him, 
 exactly accords with the above. Diary, p. 39. 
 
 f It appears from his graduation that Spolswootl attended 
 
 the University of Glasgow at the |)eriod referred to; and .MeU 
 
 ille, in speaking of him in his letters to his nephew, mcntioos 
 
 ini by tne designation "your scholar." (Melvini Epistoltc. 
 
 p. 29.) 
 II See above, p. 246 
 
 t Hist. p. 40.1. 
 
 { Melville's Diary, j). 13, 45. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 241 
 
 charge at Paisley, and became chaplain to the Regent ; 
 in the expectation, and indeed with the assurance, that 
 he would obtain preferment in the church, as soon 
 as a fit opportunity presented itself.* The see of 
 of St. Andrews was at that time vacant, but it was 
 necessary to proceed with caution in filling it, as 
 the church had declared against the corruptions of 
 the episcopal function. In October, 1576, the General 
 Assembly was informed that Adamson was presented 
 to that bishopric, upon which occasion he came for- 
 ward and declared that he did not intend to make use 
 of his presentation. f But before the next meeting of 
 Assembly he had procured his election, and was ad- 
 mitted Archbishop of St. Andrews and Primate of all 
 Scotland. The craft with which he accomplished his 
 ambitious views excited the indignation of his breth- 
 ren and the raillery of the courtiers. He had a favour- 
 ite phrase, which he often used in his sermons. The 
 prophet would mean here. When the fact of his being 
 made Primate first transpired, Montgomery the court- 
 poet, exclaimed : " For as often as I have been told 
 what the prophet would mean, I never knew what he 
 really meant till now.":]: After much shifting and ter- 
 giversation, which we cannot here stop to relate, 
 Adamson submitted to the determinations of the Gen- 
 eral Assembly, and subscribed to all the leading 
 articles in the Book of Discipline concerning episco- 
 pacy and ecclesiastical government ; but it was too 
 apparent from the whole of his conduct that his pro- 
 fessions were illusory and hypocritical. |f Cunning- 
 hame, who succeeded him as chaplain to the Regent, 
 was soon after advanced to the bishopric of Aber- 
 deen. § 
 
 The same arts of corruption, by which the court de- 
 tached Adamson and Cunninghame from the cause of 
 Presbytery, were tried on Melville. We have already 
 seen the advances made and the prospects held out to 
 him on the part of the Regent, at his arrival in Scot- 
 land.^ Upon the death of Douglas, the archbishopric 
 of St. Andrews was intended for him, and it was not 
 until all hopes of his complying with the court-mea- 
 sures had failed, that it was bestowed on Adamson.** 
 He was next offered the rich benefice of Govan, on 
 
 * " Ane letter maid to iiiaister Patrick Adamsone, minister 
 of Goddis word in ye lord Regentis house, of ane gift of an 
 ieirlie pensioun of ye sownie of thre handreth pundis money 
 of yis realme a furttof ye superplus of benefices and ye thrid- 
 dis thairof not assignit to tiie sustentatioun of vtheris ministers 
 during all the dayis of his lyfe, at leist ay and quhil he be 
 provydit sufficientlie of benefice, pensioun truth of benefice, or 
 vtherways to the yeirlie rait and availl of ye said pensioun and 
 sowme thairoff, &c. At Dalkeith, Jun. 15, 1575." (Register 
 of Privie Seal, vol. xlii. fol. 7.) 
 
 + Buik of the Univ. Kirk, p. 66. Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 494. 
 " Nevertheless," says James Melville, " er the nixt asserablie 
 he was seisit hard and fast on the bischoprik) wharby all gosso- 
 prie ged upe betwin him and my uncle Mr. Andro." (Diary, p. 
 46.) Spotswood says, that Adamson answered, " that he was dis- 
 charged by the Regent to accept the office otherwise than was 
 appointed by mutual consent of tne Church and Estate." (Hist. p. 
 277.) But he appears to have confounded the answers returned 
 at two different times by Adamson. (Buik of Universal Kirk, 
 p. 66. comp. p. 68.) In the MS. copy of Spotswood's History, 
 inmiediately after the above quotation, it is added, — '* in the 
 bishoprick, wherein if it should please the King and Estates 
 to make any reformation, he should consent with the first 
 thereunto." (Wodrow's Life of Archbishop Adamson, p. 15. 
 MSS. Bibl. Coll.Glas. vol. iv.) This refers to the .subsequent 
 dealings of the Church with Adamson; as to which James 
 Melville says: "Ashe was wonderful craftie he oflerit to laj' 
 down all at the feit of the brethering, and be ordourit at the 
 pleasure of the asserablie, whowsone the sam was throuche 
 and at a point with the mater of the policie, and sa with fear 
 promises drifted and pat off till he gat his tynie." (Diary, p. 
 47.) I Melviile'sDiary, p. 46- 
 
 II Buik of the Univ. Kirk. p. 69. 90. 100. Cald. MS. vol. ii. 
 p. 510. 565. 585. 636. Melville's Diary, p. 49. A great part of 
 the procedure of the Assembly respecting the bishops is want- 
 ing iQ the records, in consequence of the leaves having been 
 torn out by Arran and Adamson during their administration. 
 (Cald. ii. 540. 566. 630. 636.) { Melville's Diary, p. 46. 
 
 f See above, p. 232. «• Melville's Diarv, p. 38. 
 
 2F 
 
 the condition of his desisting from opposition to the 
 bishops. This offer he at once rejected ; but as the 
 parish lay in the vicinity of Glasgow, and could be 
 served by the professors, he used all his influence to 
 have the living annexed to the University. The Re- 
 gent kept it in his own hands for two years, giving 
 out that the Principal, " by his new opinions and over- 
 sea dreams," defrauded the College of this valuable 
 addition to its slender revenues. Nor were there 
 wanting some individuals connected with the Univer- 
 sity who murmured against him on this account, and 
 wounded his feelings by reflections equally illiberal 
 and unjust. But as his independence of mind had 
 prompted him to reject personal favours, so his firm- 
 ness and conscious integrity enabled him to disregard 
 such unmerited imputations, and he continued steadily 
 to pursue what he conceived to be the line of his 
 duty.* 
 
 In October, 1577, the Regent sent a message to the 
 General Assembly, informing them that the Protes- 
 tants of Germany intended to hold a General Council 
 at Magdeburgh for establishing the Augsburg Con- 
 fession, at which they wished deputies from the differ- 
 ent Protestant countries to be present; desiring the 
 Assembly to name such individuals as they judged 
 most proper for that employment; and promising that 
 he would defray the expenses of their journey. The 
 Assembly nominated eight of their number, and left it 
 to the Regent to select from them such as he thought 
 most fit for the embassy. He accordingly fixed on 
 Melville, Arbuthnot, and George Hay.f But whether 
 he grudged the expenses which would have been in- 
 curred, or had, from the first, intended merely to pay 
 a compliment to the church and the individuals se- 
 lected, it is certain that Morton, although urged by 
 the Assembly, took no farther step in that affair.:]: 
 
 When he saw that Melville could not be bribed or 
 flattered, the Regent next attempted to overawe him 
 by authority, and to work on his fears by threatening 
 to proceed against him for treason. While the As- 
 sembly were taking some measures that were disagree- 
 able to him, he one day sent for Melville to his cham- 
 ber. After discoursing for some time on the impor- 
 tance of preserving the peace of the church and king- 
 dom, he began to complain that the public tranquillity 
 was in danger from certain persons, who sought to in- 
 troduce their own private conceits and foreign laws on 
 points of ecclesiastical government. Melville ex- 
 plained, by telling his Grace, that he and his brethren 
 took the Scriptures, and not their own fancies or the 
 model of any foreign church, for the rule and standard 
 of the discipline which they defended. Morton said, 
 that the General Assembly was a convocation of the 
 King's lieges, and tliat it was treasonable for them to 
 meet without his allowance. To this Melville an- 
 swered, that, if it were so, then Christ and his apos- 
 tles must have been guilty of treason, for they convo- 
 cated hundreds and thousands, and taught and govern- 
 ed them, without asking the permission of magis- 
 trates ; and yet they were obedient subjects, and com- 
 manded the people to give what was due unto Cassar. 
 Having appealed in proof of this assertion to the Acta 
 of the Apostles, the Regent replied scornfully, " Read 
 ye ever such an Jet as we did at St. Johnston?" re- 
 ferring to the armed resistance which the Lords of the 
 Congregation made to the Queen Regent at Perth in 
 the beginning of the Reformation. " My Lord," an- 
 swered Melville, "if ye be ashamed of that act, 
 Christ will be ashamed of you." He added, ' that in 
 a great crisis the conduct of men was not to be rigidly 
 scanned by common rules, and actions which in other 
 
 * Melville's Diary, p. 43,44. 
 
 T The other individuals named by the Assembly, and who on 
 this account may be considered as the ablest among the minis- 
 ters, were Adamson, Cunninghame, Pont, Christison, and David 
 Lindsay. 
 
 \ Buik of the Univ. Kirk, p. 72. Melville's Diary, p. 46. 
 16 
 
u% 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 circumstances would be highly censurable, may be 
 excused and even approved ; as our Saviour virtually 
 justified those who introduced to him a palsied invalid 
 by the roof of a house, without waiting the permis- 
 sion of the proprietor. At that time the kingdom of 
 heaven suffered violence, and all men pressed into it, 
 without asking the leave of prince or emperor.' The 
 Regent, biting the head of his staff, exclaimed in a 
 tone of half-suppressed indignation, which few who 
 were acquainted with his manner and temper could 
 hear without alarm : " There will never be quietness 
 in this country till half a dozen of you be hanged or 
 banished the country." — "Tush, Sir," replied Mel- 
 ville, " threaten your courtiers after that manner. It 
 is the same to me whether I rot in the air or on the 
 ground. The earth is the Lord's. Fatria est ubicun- 
 queest bene. I have been ready to give my life where 
 it would not have been half so well wared,* at the 
 pleasure of my God. I have lived out of your coun- 
 try ten years as well as in it. Let God be glorified : 
 it will not be in your power to hang or exile his 
 truth."t 
 
 The wisest of men are apt to become intoxicated 
 with power. Morton possessed great political sagacity ; 
 yet he overlooked the critical situation in which he 
 stood as entrusted with delegated and temporary au- 
 thority. The nobles envied his greatness, and were 
 irritated by the severe impartiality with which he re- 
 pressed their turbulence ; the commons felt oppressed 
 by the monopolies in trade which he had granted in 
 order to avoid the necessity of having recourse to 
 direct taxation ; his austere and supercilious treatment 
 of the ministers of the church cooled their attachment 
 to his administration ; and he had neglected to secure 
 the fidelity of those who were placed about the person 
 of the young king. In these circumstances a party of 
 discontented nobles having gained access to the prince, 
 persuaded him, although only in the twelfth year of 
 his age, to assume the government; and so strongly 
 did public opinion incline to the change, that Morton 
 judged it prudent to give way to it, and formally re- 
 signed the regency. :{: It was not long till the new 
 counsellors became unpopular ; and Morton taking ad- 
 vantage of this sudden turn of public feeling, re- 
 appeared at court, and, without the invidious title of 
 regent, regained his former influence. But, after what 
 had happened, it could not be stable or permanent, and 
 his adversaries, by insinuating themselves into the 
 royal favour, undermined his authority and precipi- 
 tated his fall. 
 
 These revolutions in the political administration of 
 the kingdom were so far favourable to the church. 
 Had Morton's authority remained undisturbed, or had 
 the adverse faction not felt the necessity of strengthen- 
 ing themselves against him, it is not improbable that 
 force would have been employed to stop those eccle- 
 siastical proceedings to which both parties were equal- 
 ly averse. The King, by the advice of his counsel- 
 lors, returned a very gracious answer to the General 
 Assembly, when they presented, the Book of Disci- 
 pline to him upon his assumption of the government ; 
 and at a conference held at Edinburgh between com- 
 missioners from the privy council and the church, all 
 the heads of that book were agreed to, with the ex- 
 
 * Expended. 
 
 + Melville's Diary, p. 52. Referring to Morton's threats 
 against him, his nephew says — " Manie siclyk hes he hard, and 
 far ma reported in mair ferfull form, hot for ail never jarged a 
 jot ather from the substance of the cause, or forme of proceid- 
 ingtharin." lb. 
 
 I He resigned the regency on the 6th of March 167 J ; " he 
 beinfrwearte ofyt hxiraing (hairqf, and be his earnest cair and 
 traveil lakin thairin. As also be ressoun of his great age, be- 
 ing now past threscoir ane zciris. And yrwith being in his 
 persoun seiklie and vnhabill," &c. (Record of Privy Seal, 
 vol. 45. fol- 56.) In Sept. 11, 1578, he obtained a licence to 
 seek "in foreign countries" a remedy for bii "infirmities and 
 diseases." (Ibid. fol. 79.) 
 
 ception of four which were subsequently explained by 
 the Assembly.* But when laid before the ensuing 
 meeting of parliament, its ratification was evaded, and 
 a committee appointed to re-examine it, by whose pro- 
 ceedings the whole subject was thrown loose, and 
 points formerly conceded were again brought into de- 
 bate. f The reconciliation of the two political parties 
 was chiefly effected by the influence of the church, 
 which was treated as mediators have often been ;^ 
 and the General Assembly soon after received a letter 
 from the king couched in language very different from 
 the reply which he had at first returned to their depu- 
 ties. II 
 
 In the midst of these changes of men and measures, 
 the country suffered a severe loss by the death of the 
 chancellor Glammis, who was casually slain in one of 
 those affrays which were then so frequent among the 
 retainers of the nobility. He was a nobleman of great 
 wisdom and integrity, a patron of learning, and a sin- 
 cere friend to the reformed religion. § With the view 
 of bringing the disputes on church-government to an 
 amicable adjustment, he had carried on an epistolary 
 correspondence with Beza, who composed a short 
 treatise in answer to the queries which the Chancellor 
 proposed to him on that subject. These queries form 
 a very important document. They shew that the op- 
 posers of the Presbyterian polity did not merely object 
 to some of the distinguishing features and subordinate 
 parts of the system, but that they were in reality 
 averse to the whole discipline and jurisdiction of the 
 church, and aimed at subjecting the freedom of her 
 assemblies, and the validity of her sentences, to the 
 arbitrary will and determination of the court. Beza 
 proved himself a true friend to the church of Scotland 
 on this occasion. His judgment on all the questions 
 submitted to him was decidedly in favour of the prin- 
 ciples laid down in the Book of Discipline; and as 
 his treatise was printed and soon after translated into 
 English, the authority of his name and the force 
 of his arguments had great influence on the public 
 mind.^ 
 
 " During these contentions in the state, (says Spots- 
 wood) Mr. Andrew Melville held the church busied 
 with the matter of policy." The letters which he 
 wrote about this time certainly shew that he was 
 neither idle nor indifferent in this business. In a let- 
 ter addressed to John Row he expressed great anxiety 
 to learn the particulars of the conference, or "archi- 
 episcopal skirmishing," as he calls it, at Stirling.** 
 In another letter, addressed to Alexander Arbuthnot, 
 he adverts, in his lively manner, to the continual bus- 
 tle in which he and his brethren had been kept by 
 attending to this affair. " What shall I say on the sub- 
 ject of the ecclesiastical discipline, in which we have 
 laboured so sedulously but with so little success "i 
 Shall I tell you what we have done during this and the 
 preceding year, when called sometimes to Sterling and 
 sometimes to Edinburgh, now by letters from the King 
 and then by letters from the Council, atone time by 
 an order from the Estates and at another by appoint- 
 ment of the Assemblies of the church? shall I write 
 
   Buik of the Univ. Kirk, p. 76. 77. Melville's Diary, p. 49. 
 The minutes of the conference was held at Edinburgh, June 
 23, 1578, were torn out of the register of the General Assem- 
 bly. (CM. MS. vol. ii. p. 539—541 .) 
 
 •j-Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 545-6. The whole proceedings of thi» 
 committee, which met at Sterling, Dec. 22—29, 1578, are in- 
 serted Cald. ut sup. p. 569 — •'^77. In Spotswood's History, 
 (p. 289 — 301.) their opinion of the several propositions in the 
 Book of Discipline is printed on the margin, but inaccurately 
 in several instances. J Cald. ii. 549. 
 
 II Ibid. p. 579. Spotsw. 308. 
 
 {The following epitaph was composed by Melville on the 
 Chancellor, whose name was Lyon : 
 
 Tu, Leo magne, jaccs inglorius : ergo manebunt 
 Qualia fata canes 1 quaiia fata sues 7 
 
 (Melville's Diary, p. 47.) 
 
 U See Note T. 
 
 •* 15 Cal. Feb. 1578. MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 243 
 
 of our doings in August last, during the whole of 
 October, and in the course of the present month ?"* 
 To his friend Bezaf he gives a more precise account 
 of the sentiments of their opponents, and the true 
 causes which hindered the establishment of the disci- 
 pline. " Those who have grown rich by sacrilege, 
 and loaded themselves with the spoils of Christ, deny 
 that ecclesiastical discipline is to be derived from the 
 word of God and to be executed by the interpreters of 
 Scripture. They wish to have it moulded entirely ac- 
 cording to the dictates of human reason, and transfer- 
 red to the cognizance of the civil magistrate. They 
 insist that the work of framing an ecclesiastical polity 
 shall be committed to wrangling lawyers, and to per- 
 sons that are illiterate, or at least unskilled in divine 
 things. And merely because they belong to the church, 
 they maintain that such persons have authority and 
 power, not only to give their approbation to what has 
 been rightly done by presbyteries constituted accor- 
 ding to the word of God, but also to sit themselves 
 as judges in sacred causes, and to rescind at their 
 pleasure the sentences and constitutions of the doctors 
 and pastors." In another letter to the same individual, 
 he says : " We have now for five years maintained a 
 warfare against pseudo-episcopacy, and have not ceas- 
 ed to urge the adoption of a strict discipline. We 
 have presented to his Majesty, and the three Estates 
 of the kingdom, at different times, and recently to the 
 Parliament which is now sitting, a form of discipline 
 to be enacted and confirmed by public authority. The 
 king is favourably inclined to us ; almost all the no- 
 bility are averse. They complain that if pseudo-epis- 
 copacy be abolished, the state of the kingdom will be 
 overturned ; if presbyteries be established, the royal 
 authority will be diminished ; if the ecclesiastical 
 goods are restored to their legitimate use, the royal 
 treasury will be exhausted. They plead that bishops, 
 with abbots and priors, form the third estate in parlia- 
 ment, that all jurisdiction, ecclesiastical as well as 
 civil, pertains solely to the king and his council, and 
 that the whole of the ecclesiastical property should 
 go into the exchequer. In many this way of speaking 
 and thinking may be traced to ignorance; in more to 
 a flagitious life and bad morals ; in almost all to a de- 
 sire of seizing such of the church property as yet re- 
 mains, and the dread of losing what they have already 
 got into their possession. They also insist that the sen- 
 tence of excommunication shall not be held valid until 
 it has been approved by the king's council after taking 
 cognizance of the cause. For, being conscious of their 
 own vices, they are afraid of the sentence of the pres- 
 bytery, not so much from the awe in which they stand 
 of the divine judgment, as from terror of the civil 
 penalties, which, according to the laws and custom of 
 our country, accompan}^ the sentence of excommunica- 
 tion. In fine, while they judge according to the 
 dictates of the carnal mind instead of the revealed will 
 of God, they desire to have every thing done by the 
 authority of a single bishop and perpetual overseer of 
 the churches, rather than by the common, sentence of 
 presbyters possessing equal autliority. May God shew 
 mercy to his church, and remove these evils.":): 
 
 From the manner in which Melville mentions the 
 civil penalties that accompanied excommunication, it 
 is evident that he did not look upon them as forming 
 any part of the ecclesiastical discipline, or even as a 
 necessary appendage to it. The laws enacting them 
 were allowed to remain in force at the time of the 
 Reformation, and they afforded the most plausible pre- 
 text for the control which the court claimed over the 
 sentences of the church. It was, however, only a 
 
 * 4 Sept. 1579. MS. ut supra. 
 
 + Melville received letters from Beza about this time, though 
 I have not met vcith any of them. (Diary, p. 42.) 
 
 tA. M. Th. Bezx, Cal. Octob. 1578 ; and Id. Novemb. 
 1679. MS. ut 8upra. 
 
 pretext ; for the government suspended the execution 
 of these laws whenever they pleased, and the legis- 
 lature had it in their power at any time to abrogate 
 them entirely. Some of the ministers would have 
 been pleased with their abrogation.* Such of them 
 as wished for their continuance were chiefly influenced 
 by two reasons ; first, the government was extremely 
 remiss and partial in proceeding against certain vices 
 and crimes which merited civil punishment, and of 
 which the church-courts took regular cognizance as 
 scandals ; and, secondly, they reckoned the penal 
 laws necessary as a protection against the attempts of 
 the papists, whom the court was too irequently dis- 
 posed to favour. There can be no doubt that they 
 were one means of saving the country from the popish 
 conspiracies about the time of the Spanish Armada ; 
 but still they were radically wrong, capable of being 
 made an engine of the grossest persecution, and con- 
 sequently were wisely and happily abolished at a sub- 
 sequent period. 
 
 Amidst these important occupations, the General 
 Assembly found leisure to attend to the interests of 
 learning. In March, 1573, they enacted that no per- 
 son unacquainted with the Latin language, should 
 afterwards be admitted to the ministry, unless he was 
 distinguished by a more than ordinary degree of na- 
 tural gifts and of piety. At their subsequent meeting 
 they petitioned the Regent in behalf of schools and 
 colleges, and requested him to make provision for 
 such young men of talents as the church should think 
 proper to send to foreign universities to complete their 
 education. Being informed by Melville, that a learn- 
 ed printer, who had been obliged to leave France for 
 the sake of religion, was willing to settle in Scotland, 
 and promised to procure a regular supply of all books 
 printed in France and Germany, they warmly recom- 
 mended it to the Regent to grant him the pension 
 which he demanded. It is probable that the indi- 
 vidual referred to was Andrew Wechel, whose estab- 
 lishment in this country would have been highly fa- 
 vourable to its literature. There is reason to think 
 that the parsimony of Morton defeated the enlightened 
 plan of the Assembly. Some years after we find 
 them applying to the King to procure Vaultrollier, an- 
 other printer, who accordingly came and remained for 
 a short time in the country. It was also under their 
 patronage and and special direction, that the first edi- 
 tion of the Bible printed in Scotland was undertaken, 
 and make its appearance in the year 1579. f 
 
 Another important object which engaged the As- 
 sembly's attention at this time was the reformation 
 and new-modelling of the universities. Melville had 
 contemplated this measure ever since his settlement 
 at Glasgow. In the year 1575, he had a meeting with 
 Alexander Arbuthnot, the learned and amiable Princi- 
 pal of King's College, Aberdeen, at which they agreed 
 on a new constitution for the seminaries over which 
 they respectively presided.:^: But he was still more 
 impressed with the importance of improving the uni- 
 versity of St. Andrews, which surpassed the other 
 two in revenue and in the number of students. The 
 most eligible plan for attaining this object formed the 
 topic of serious inquiry in consultations held between 
 him and Thomas Smeton, minister of Paisley. j| Mel- 
 ville used all his influence with the leading persons in 
 church and state to accomplish this favourite design ; 
 and he had at length the satisfaction to see the new 
 
 * Calderwood, Altare Damage, p. 312—13. Edit. 2. 
 
 ■f See Note U. 
 
 \ " Efter the Assemblie we past to Anguss in companie wt 
 Mr. Alex'. Arbuthnot, a man of singular gifts of lerning, wis- 
 dome, godliness and sweitnes of nature, then principal) of the 
 college of Aberdin, whom with Mr. Andro communicat anent 
 ye ordorof his college in doctrine and discipline; and aggreit 
 as yfefter was sett down in the new reformation of the said 
 College of Glasgow and Aberdein." Melville's Diary, p, 43. 
 
 II Melville's Diary, p. 58. 
 
244 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 constitution of the University of St. Andrews approv- 
 ed of by the General Assembly and ratified by Parlia- 
 ment. A more particular account of it will be after- 
 wards given : at present I shall merely advert to one 
 part of the plan. St. Mary's or the New College was 
 converted entirely into a school of divinity, in which 
 provision was made for a complete course of theolo- 
 gical instruction. Five professorships were instituted 
 in it ; one for oriental languages, three for the critical 
 interpretation of the Old and New Testaments, and 
 one for systematic theology.* 
 
 There was but one opinion as to the person who was 
 best qualified for being placed at the head of the new 
 theological college. In October, 1580, the King direc- 
 ted a letter to the General Assembly, requesting them 
 to concur with him in translating Melville to St. An- 
 drews, and appointing Smeton to fill his place at Glas- 
 gow. Considerable opposition was at first made to 
 this proposal. The translation of Melville was warm- 
 ly opposed by the University of Glasgow. He was 
 himself averse to leave a seminary which had flourish- 
 ed so greatly under his care, and to disoblige its pa- 
 trons, who had treated him with the utmost kindness 
 and were willing to do every thing in their power to 
 make his situation more easy and comfortable. Nor 
 could he be altogether indifferent to the difficulties 
 which he might expect to meet with at St. Andrews. | 
 Smeton's appointment to be his successor was also 
 opposed by several members, who scrupled at the 
 idea of taking a minister from a congregation and ap- 
 pointing him to exercise the doctoral instead of the 
 pastoral office. The Assembly first resolved, that they 
 might concur with his Majesty in translating teachers 
 of divinity from one university to another. At a sub- 
 sequent session they agreed, that it was lawful in cer- 
 tain circumstances to require a pastor, to desist from 
 his office, at least for a time, and to devote himself to 
 the teaching of divinity. Upon this the Assembly, 
 " for the weal and universal profit of the church of 
 God within this realm," ordained, that, agreeably to 
 the King's letter, Melville should be translated to the 
 new College of St. Andrews, and that Smeton should 
 succeed to his present situation. From this deed, An- 
 drew Hay, as rector of the University of Glasgow, 
 dissented, as he had done at the previous stages of 
 procedure in this affair. His dissent was dictated by 
 zeal for the prosperity of the institution which he gov- 
 erned, and by attachment to Melville, and did not 
 argue the slightest disrespect to the individual ap- 
 pointed to succeed him.:}: 
 
 Legal measures were immediately taken to secure a 
 compliance with this decision, and Melville prepared 
 to remove from Glasgow. This he did with less 
 reluctance, as he devolved his charge upon his most 
 intimate friend, of whose learning and sound principles 
 ho entertained the highest opinion. Having formally 
 resigned his office,|| he left Glasgow, in the end of 
 November, 1580, " with infinite tears on both sides ;" 
 those individuals who had at first disliked and op- 
 
 • Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 178 — 182. 
 
 + Melvini Epistolae, p. 70. 
 
 t Bulk of Univ. Kirk. p. 99—101. Cald. MS. vol. ii.p. 637. 
 640. 643. 
 
 II Smeton's appointment to be Principal passed the privy 
 seal on the 3d of January 1580-1 . " Ane letter maid Makaiid 
 raentioun that our Soverane Lord vnderstanding that the place 
 of the principal maister within the College of Glasgow now 
 vaikis be the transporting of maister andro Mailuile principall 
 thairof for the, tyme to the new college of Sanctandrois and 
 that necessar it is to haif ane Idoneus and qualifiit persoun 
 electit in that place and office that wiibe able to discharge his 
 cure 6i dewtie thairin in tymecuming. And his heines being in. 
 formit of the literature and qualificatioun within the College 
 of his louit clerk Mr. Thomas Smetoun for using of the office 
 of principall maister within the college foirsaid. Thairfor hes 
 noniinat and presentit him to the place and office foirsaid with 
 all privileges and dewtics perteniner thairto. At Halyrudhous 
 Jan. 3, 1580." (Register of Privy Seal, vol. xl?ii. foL 61.) 
 
 posed him being among the most forward to testify 
 their regret at his departure.* 
 
 Melville was at his time deprived of a highly re- 
 spected friend, and the church of a valuable pastor, 
 by the death of John Row, who had officiated as min- 
 ister of Perth since the establishment of the Reforma- 
 tion. Row is entitled to notice as one of the revivers 
 of the literature, as well as a reformer of the religion, 
 of his native country. His literary attainments were 
 very considerable for the time at which he received his 
 education ; and they were combined with much piety, 
 candour, disinterestedness, and courage, in the cause 
 of truth. f He departed this life a few days before the 
 meeting of the General Assembly which decided on 
 Melville's translation to St. Andrews ;:J: and the town 
 of Perth instantly petitioned to have his room filled by 
 Smeton, a circumstance which increased the opposition 
 made in the Assembly to the settlement of the latter 
 in the University of Glasgow. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Melville installed Principal of the New College. St. An- 
 drews — His Colleagues — Character of his Theolo^'ical Lec- 
 tures — Meets with Opposition from the Ejected Teachers — Of- 
 fence taken at his Censures of Aristotle — Favourable Change 
 on the University — State of politics — Dangerous Schemes 
 of Lennox and Arran — National Covenant — Episcopacy re- 
 vived — Montgomery made Archbishop of Glasgow — Prose- 
 cuted by Melville — Excomnmnicated — Resentment of the 
 Court — Melville's Sermon before the General Assembly — 
 His Intrepid Conduct at Perth — The Raid of Ruthven — 
 Melville employed in Preaching at St. Andrews — Arran re- 
 covers his Interest at Court — Death of Winram — Of Buch- 
 anan — Of Arbuthnot — Of Smeton — Melville Summoned be- 
 fore the Privy Council — His Trial — His flight into England — 
 Remarks upon his Declinature — Conduct of Archbishop Ad- 
 amson in England — Overthrow of Presbyterj- — Persecution 
 of Ministers — State of the University after the flight of Mel- 
 ville — He visits the English Universities — Death oiLawson — 
 Tyranny of the Scottish Court — Melville returns to Scotland 
 with the Banished Lords. 
 
 In the month of December 1580, Melville went to 
 St. Andrews, accompanied by Sir Andrew Ker of 
 Fadounside, the Lairds of Braid and Lundie, and 
 James Lawson and John Dury, ministers of Edin- 
 burgh, as commissioners from the Parliament and Ge- 
 neral Assembly. II Being formally installed as Prin- 
 cipal of the New College, he pronounced his inaugu- 
 ral oration, and proceeded to give lectures on the sys- 
 tem of theology. 
 
 He had obtained liberty to select from (he universi- 
 ty of Glasgow such as he thought best qualified for 
 teaching the sacred languages under him ; but he was 
 averse to hurt that rising institution and to weaken the 
 hands of his successor, he contented himself with 
 taking along with him his nephew, James Melville, 
 who, being admitted professor of the oriental tongues, 
 began to give lessons on Hebrew. At the same time, 
 John Robertson commenced teaching in the Greek New 
 Testament. The talents and literature of Robertson 
 were not of a superior order ;§ but as he was unexcep- 
 tionable in other respects, and had long been a regent 
 
 * Melville's Diary, p. 64. 
 
 + Bannatyne's Journal, p. 257. Melville's Diary, p. 64. 
 Spotswood, Hist.Sll. Life of John Knox, vol. ii. )). 18. 
 
 It appears from the following article in the Inventory of goods 
 belonguig to Thomas Bassenden, printer in Edinburgh, that 
 Row was an author : " Item, ane Mr. Johne rowes signes of ye 
 sacrametes, price, xiid." f Commissary Records of Edmburgh.J 
 
 t Row died on the 16th of October 1580. (Scott's Hist, of 
 the Scottish Reformers, p. 194. And Extracts from Registers 
 among Mr. Scotts' MSS. now in the Advocates' Library.) 
 
 II According to Calderwood, the persons nominated by the 
 General Assembly to attend him, were " the Lairds of Lundie, 
 of Segy, and Colluthie, with Mr. Robert Pont, Mr. James 
 Lawson, and William Christieson." (MS. Hist. vol. iii. p, 642.) 
 
 } Dr. Lee is of opinion that, if a judgment may be formed 
 from the books on which his name still appears, Robertson was 
 not devoid of taste for polite letters. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 245 
 
 in that college, it was not judged proper to displace 
 him, and the Principal exerted himself in supplying 
 his deficiencies.* These were all the professors ap- 
 pointed at this time ; the commissioners having resolv- 
 ed that the two other places should not be filled until 
 those who held bursaries of philosophy in the college 
 had finished their period of study. f 
 
 The ability with which Melville went through his 
 first course of lectures at St. Andrews is acknowledg- 
 ed by his greatest enemies. Of this the testimony of 
 the biographer and son-in-law of Adamson may be re- 
 garded as a satisfactory proof. " To confess the truth 
 (says he) candidly and ingenuously, Melville was a 
 learned man ; though more qualified for ruling in the 
 schools than in the church or commonwealth. Of his 
 first course, extending to four or five years, I can speak 
 from personal knowledge, having been one of his eager 
 and constant hearers. He taught learnedly and per- 
 fectly the knowledge and practice of the Hebrew, 
 Chaldee, Syriac, and Rabbinical languages. At the 
 same time, he elucidated with much erudition and ac- 
 curacy the heads of theology, as laid down in the in- 
 stitutions of John Calvin and other writings of ap- 
 proved divines, together with the principal books of 
 both Testaments and the most difficult and abstruse 
 mysteries of revealed religion.:!: 
 
 His lectures excited a new interest in the university, 
 and were attended by several of the masters in the 
 other colleges, who were conscious of their deficiency 
 in those branches of learning in which he excelled, 
 and not ashamed to be taught after they had become 
 the teachers of others. Among these was the amiable 
 Robert Rollock, at that time a regent in St. Salvator's 
 College, and soon after chosen to be the first Professor 
 and principal in the newly erected university of E din- 
 fa urgh.|| 
 
 Notwithstanding these gratifying testimonies of ap- 
 probation, Melville was not disappointed in his antici- 
 pation of the difficulties which he would meet with in 
 his new situation. It was not to be expected that the 
 extensive changes prescribed by the late act of Parlia- 
 ment could be carried into effect without causing um- 
 brage and dissatisfactions in the university. To intro- 
 duce a reform into old corporations has always been 
 found a difficult task ; and self-interest has a powerful 
 influence on learned bodies, as well as on those which 
 are constituted for purposes of a more worldly na- 
 ture. Some of the teachers were offended at losing 
 their places, and others at finding their salaries reduc- 
 ed ; the new regulations respecting the mode of teach- 
 ing were alarming to the indolence of some, and tc- 
 volting to the prejudices of others. All of them were 
 disposed, however unreasonably, to impute their suf- 
 ferings to Melville. Skene and Wei wood, the profes- 
 sors of law and mathematics, had been removed from 
 the New College to that of St. Salvator. Their ad- 
 mission was opposed by the masters of the latter, who 
 alleged that its funds were inadequate for such an ad- 
 ditional burden, and that the new professorships were 
 quite superfluous. § 
 
 » Melville's Diarv, p. 65. + Act. Pail. Scot. iii. 181, 
 
 I Vita Patricii Adamsoni : Opera Tho. Voluseni J.C. p. 4. 
 Loncl. 1619. 12nio. Thomas Wilson, "in coll. novo," was made 
 A. M. in 1577; but he probably remained in itafterthat period 
 as a bursar or student of theology. For, Mr. Thomas Vilsonus 
 is among those vpho subscribed the articles of religion " in Col- 
 legio Mariano," from 1580 to 1587. His name occurs in a list 
 of advocates for the year 1585. (Records of the Hospital of 
 Perth.) II Melville's Diary, p. 66. 
 
 5 In a supplication to the Privy Council, by the Chancellor, 
 &c. of the University, against Mr. William Welwood, professor 
 of mathematics, dated 25th July, 1583, the petitioners say, that 
 Welwood " ties employed no diligence in that profession of 
 niathematiic this yeir," — that the " college is superexpendit, 
 and that the smalness of the rent is not able to susteane pik ex- 
 traordinar professors," — and they offer to prove "the said ex- 
 traordinar professors to be superfluous and unprofitable in the 
 universitie — becaus no ordinar auditour can be found to resort 
 fruitfuUie to the said estraordinar professouris." The presen- 
 
 Robert Hamilton, who had been deprived of the 
 provostship of the New College, vented his chagrin 
 by commencing a process against his successor for 
 arrears which he alleged to be due him. Melville, 
 when he accepted the office, had insisted that all ac- 
 counts should be settled before he entered on its du- 
 ties ; and he not unreasonably looked to the parlia- 
 mentary commissioners for relief from the trouble 
 and expense of litigation. He found himself, however, 
 involved in both. The death of Hamilton* suspend- 
 ed the process ; but it was revived by the person who 
 married his widow. This was Thomas Buchanan, 
 master of the grammar-school of Stirling, who had 
 lately been appointed provost of the collegiate church 
 of Kirkheugh, and minister of Ceres, in the neigh- 
 bourhood of St. Andrews."!" He was an intimate 
 friend of Melville, who felt hurt at being harassed by 
 an individual to whose sympathy and help he trusted 
 when he undertook his present difficult charge.:}: 
 
 John Caldcleugh, one of the outed regents, was ex- 
 tremely noisy with his complaints, and boasted in all 
 companies that he would ^'^ hough the new-made Prin- 
 cipal," whenever he met him. He one day burst into 
 Melville's chamber, and demanded rudely, if he knew 
 him. Melville said, he did not. "I should be known 
 as a master of this college : my name is Mr. John 
 Caldcleugh." — "Ho! is this you that will hough 
 mel" replied Melville; and, l)arring the door, told 
 him that they were now alone, and he had a fair op- 
 portunity of carrying his threats into execution. Cald- 
 cleugh's choler and courage immediately fell ; upon 
 which Melville gave him such a severe and at the 
 same time friendly lecture on the impropriety of his 
 conduct, that he went away quite mortified and hum- 
 bled, accepted of a bursary in the college, and lived 
 in it quietly as a student until he was called to act as 
 a professor.jl 
 
 The discontents of the excluded masters were 
 scarcely allayed, when a greater storm arose from 
 the other colleges. In the course of his lectures on 
 the system of theology, Melville took occasion, when 
 
 talion of Mr. Robert Wilifie, to be chaplain of the altar of St. 
 John the Evangelist and Mary Magdalene, "ult. Mart. 1578," 
 was subscribed before "Mag. W™° Walwod tertio Mag™ Novi 
 Collegii." (Papers of the University.) 
 
 * He died April 16, 1581. (Register of Commissary De- 
 creets, Nov. 13, 1596.) 
 
 f The Church of Kirkheuch, Kirkhill, or our Lady of the 
 Rock, was situated beside the harbour of St. Andrews. The 
 parish of Ceres was attached to it, as a prebend or provision 
 for the provost. "Jacobus Allerdeis" was " Praepositus Eccle- 
 siae Collegiatae Beata; Mariee Virginis, in rupe prope civitatem 
 S. Andreas," before the Reformation. "Mr. James Lermonth, 
 provost of Kirkhill, besyde the citie of St. And'." lets lands 
 in parochin of Seres, Dec. 7, 1565 ; and Sept. 16, 1570. (Com- 
 missary Records of St. Andrews.) "Mr. Thomas buchan- 
 naine" presented to "the prouestrie of Kirkhill," April 1, 
 1578, in the room of uniqll Mr. James Lermonth. (Reg. of 
 Presentations to Benefices, vol. ii. f. 1.) 
 
 I The dispute was finally settled, by allotting a glebe be- 
 longing to the college to Hamilton's relict during life. (Mel- 
 ville's Diary, p. 91.) "Elspet Traill ane of the dochteris and 
 airis of umqll Jhone Traill younger of Magask my fader, and 
 ane of the oyis and appearand airis of umqll Jhone Traill of 
 Blebowmy guds''with spetiall advys consent and assent of Mr. 
 Robert Hamiltown now my spous," &c. (Commissar}- Record 
 of St. And. A" 1567.) In a process before the Magistrates of St. 
 Andrews, in which Thomas Buchanan and f^lizabeth Traill his 
 spouse were defenders, it was pleaded, that " Mr. Thomas Buch- 
 quhauan is suppost of the universitie of St. And' and ane ac- 
 tuall student of theologie, and y'bye the said cause should be 
 remittit to the rector of his ofl" (assessors) as only juges com- 
 petent yi'to,and the provest and baillies aucht to declair them- 
 selffis incompetent in the said caus." The pursuer pleaded that 
 "the former allegiance aucht and sowld be repellit, in respect 
 of his bill conceavit upon ane deid don betwix Helene Hunter, 
 spouse to the said persewar, and the said Elizabeth Traill quha 
 is na suppost of the universitie, and the said Mr. Thomas onlie 
 convenit for his enteris, qlk can na wayis stay this actioun, bot 
 the bailleis in respect yrof aucht to proceed heiruntill." ("Bur- 
 row Court of St. Andrews, Dec. 14, 1591.) 
 
 II " I was in the chalmer abon (says James Melville) and hard 
 all, and cam down at last to the ending of it." (Diary, p. 91, 92.) 
 
246 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 treating of the Being and Attributes of God, Creation, 
 and Providence, to expose the errors contained in the 
 •writings of Aristotle, and to shew that they were in- 
 consistent with the principles of both natural and re- 
 vealed religion. No sooner was this known, than the 
 professors of philosophy raised an outcry against him, 
 almost as violent as that of the craftsmen of Ephesus, 
 when the Apostle preached against idolatry, and from 
 motives not essentially different from theirs.* They 
 complained that their character was attacked, and 
 their credit undermined; and that a philosopher who 
 had been held immemorially in veneration in all the 
 schools of the world, was falsely accused and inde- 
 cently traduced. So zealous were the members of St. 
 Leonard's College, that they delivered solemn orations 
 in defence of Aristotle, containing invectives against 
 the individual who had been so presumptuous as to 
 condemn their oracle ; by which means the minds of 
 the students were inflamed, and Melville was exposed 
 to personal danger. 
 
 Tu ne cede malts, sed contra audentior ito, was Mel- 
 ville's motto, and the principle by which he was 
 guided on all such occasions.f Disregarding the igno- 
 rant clamour and interested alarm which had been ex- 
 cited, he persisted in the course which he had taken; 
 and, when the subject was introduced in the public 
 meetings of the university at vacations and promo- 
 tions, he refuted the arguments of his opponents with 
 such readiness, force of reasoning, and overpowering 
 eloquence, as reduced them to silence. Before he had 
 been two years at St. Andrews, a favourable change 
 was visible on the university. Many of those who 
 had been most strongly prejudiced against the new 
 learning, as they called it, were induced to apply to 
 the acquisition of ancient languages. Instead of boast- 
 ing perpetually of the authority of Aristotle, and quo- 
 ting him ignorantly at second-hand, they perused his 
 writings in the original ; studied the arts for purposes 
 of utility, and not for shew and verbal contention ; 
 and, becoming real philosophers and theologians, ac- 
 knowledged that they had undergone " a wonderful 
 transportation out of darkness into light." Among 
 these were John Malcolm and Andrew Duncan, then 
 regents of St. Leonard's, and afterwards ministers of 
 Perth and Crail, who from being among the keenest 
 opponents, were converted into warm admirers and 
 steady friends of Melville. :t^ 
 
 From his academical labours, Melville was sum- 
 moned to the defence of the liberties of the church, 
 and the ecclesiastical polity which he had been so 
 active in establishing. Soon after James had taken 
 the reins of government into his own hands, Esrae 
 Stewart, Lord d'Aubigne, a cousin of his father's, 
 arrived from France. He gave out that he came to 
 pay a short visit to his royal relative, and to claim cer- 
 tain lands which had descended to him from his an- 
 cestors ; but excuses were found for prolonging his 
 stay, and it soon appeared, that his journey had been 
 undertaken with the view of advancing more serious 
 and extensive designs. Since the coronation of James, 
 all intercourse between the courts of Scotland and 
 France had been broken off, and those who were suc- 
 cessively entrusted with the regency had cultivated an 
 exclusive connection with England. The present was 
 deemed, by the king of France and house of Guise, 
 a favourable opportunity for recovering their influence 
 over the counsels of this country, and d'Aubigne was 
 
 • "Thair breadwinner, Ihair honor, thair estimation, all was 
 f^oain, giff Aristotle «houl(l be so owirharled in the heiring' of 
 thair gchollars." (Diary, p. 92.) f Melvini Kpist. p. 70. 
 
 } Melville's Diary, p. 92. John Malcolm was the son of An- 
 drew Malcolm, who (in instrument of sasine to Monedv Roger, 
 Oct. 29, 1577,) is called " Providug vir Andreas Malcolme, 
 pistor burgen, burgi de I'erlh."' — I have a copy of the history 
 of Polybius (BasileJB 1549. Folio. Gr. & I^t.) which has the 
 following inscription on the title-page in Melville's hand- 
 writing : " Andreas Melvinus me jure possidet, ex done Joan- 
 nis Malcolnii. Tki •» ©»» ^^Klx< ivitv fit^tturifir.'^ 
 
 judged a fit instrument for accomplishing this object 
 by insinuating himself into the favour of the young 
 monarch. His prepossessing person and engaging 
 manners inade an easy conquest of the royal affections ; 
 and he quickly rose, through a gradation of honours, 
 to be Duke of Lennox, and Lord High Chamberlain. 
 Under his influence the court underwent a complete 
 change, and was filled with persons who were addict- 
 ed to popery, or who had uniformly opposed the king's 
 authority, or whose private characters rendered them 
 totally unworthy of access to the royal ear. Among 
 these was Captain James Stewart, a son of Lord Ochil- 
 tree, and a man of the most profligate manners and 
 unprincipled ambition. By these upstarts the design 
 was undertaken of exchanging the friendship of Eng- 
 land for that of France, and of associating the name 
 of Queen Mary with that of her son in the govern- 
 ment of the kingdom ; a design which could not be 
 carried into execution without overturning all that had 
 been done during fourteen years, and exposing the na- 
 tional liberties and the Protestant establishment to the 
 utmost peril.* 
 
 This change on the court could not fail to alarm the 
 ministers of the church, who had received satisfactory 
 information of the project that was on foot. Their 
 fears were confirmed by the arrival of Jesuits and 
 seminary priests from abroad, and by the open revolt 
 of several persons of great influence at home who had 
 hitherto professed the Protestant faith. They accord- 
 ingly warned their hearers of the danger which they 
 apprehended, and pointed at the favourite as an emis- 
 sary of the house of Guise and of Rome. Lennox, 
 after holding a conference with some of the ministers, 
 declared himself a convert to the Protestant doctrine, 
 and publicly renounced the popish religion. f This 
 recantation allayed the jealousy of the nation. But it 
 was soon after revived and kindled into a flame by the 
 interception of letters from Rome, granting a dispen- 
 sation to the Roman Catholics to profess the Protes- 
 tant tenets for a time, provided they preserved an in- 
 ward attachment to the ancient faith, and embraced 
 every opportunity of advancing it in secret.:|; This 
 discovery was the immediate occasion of that memo- 
 rable transaction, the swearing of the National Cove- 
 nant. It was drawn up by John Craig, and consisted 
 of an abjuration, in the most solemn and explicit terms, 
 of the various articles of the popish system, and an 
 engagement to adhere to and defend the doctrine and 
 discipline of the reformed church in Scotland. As the 
 stability of the Protestant religion depended " upon 
 the safety and good behaviour of the King's Majesty, 
 as upon a comfortable instrument of God's mercy 
 granted to this country," the covenanters pledged 
 themselves farther, "under the same oath, hand-writ, 
 and pains, that we shall defend his person and author- 
 ity with our goods, bodies, and lives, in the defence 
 of Christ's evangel, liberties of our country, ministra- 
 tion of justice, and punishment of iniquity, against all 
 enemies within this realm or without." Tiiis bond 
 was sworn and subscribed by the King and his house- 
 hold, and afterwards, in consequence of an order of 
 the Privy Council and an act of the General Assem- 
 bly, by all ranks of persons through the kingdom; 
 the ministers zealously promoting the subscription of 
 it in their respective parishes. || 
 
 This solemn transaction had a powerful influence in 
 riveting the attachment of the nation to the Protestant 
 religion, but it did not prevent those who had engross- 
 ed the royal favour from prosecuting the designs which 
 
 • See Note V. 
 
 + Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 96—99. 
 
 X Spotswood, p. 308. Strype's Annals, vol. ii. p. 6.*30, 631. 
 
 |l The subscriptions to the National Covenant in the united 
 parishes of An.«truther, Pittenween, and Abercroniby, amount- 
 ed to 743 ; and are still preserved with the attestation of Mr. 
 William Clark, the minister, and two witnesses. (Register of 
 the Kirk Session of Anstruther.) 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 247 
 
 they had formed. The uncomplying spirit of presby- 
 tery has always rendered it odious to despotical rulers. 
 But in addition to this feeling, Lennox and his asso- 
 ciates were actuated by the desire of revenging the 
 affronts which they thought had been put on them by 
 the preachers, and of gratifying their rapacity by 
 seizing on the ecclesiastical livings. They accord- 
 ingly resolved on restoring episcopacy, and filling the 
 bishoprics with creatures of their own. 
 
 The death of Archbishop Boyd afforded them an 
 opportunity of commencing their scheme. Though 
 the regulations recognizing episcopacy, which were 
 made at Leith in 1572, had been formally abrogated 
 by the General Assembly, and abandoned and virtually 
 annulled by the court,* yet were they now revived by 
 an act of Privy Council. f The disposal of the see 
 of Glasgow was given to Lennox, who offered it to 
 different ministers, upon the condition of their making 
 over to him its revenues and contenting themselves 
 with an annual pension. The offer was at last accept- 
 ed by Robert Montgomery, minister of Stirling, " a 
 man vain, feeble, presumptuous, and more apt, by the 
 blemishes of his character, to have alienated the peo- 
 ple from an order already beloved, than to reconcile 
 them to one which was the object of their hatred.":^ 
 This "vile bargain, "|| made at a time when the epis- 
 copal office stood condemned by the General Assem- 
 bly, and tending directly to place the church at issue 
 with the government, excited universal indignation. 
 At the Assembly which met in October 1581, the affair 
 was warmly taken up, and Montgomery put to the 
 bar. The royal authority was interposed in his de- 
 fence, and a message from his majesty signified, that 
 he could not permit Montgomery to he prosecuted for 
 accepting the bishopric, but that the Assembly might 
 proceed against him for any thing that was faulty in 
 his life or doctrine. Upon this Melville stood forward 
 as his accuser, and presented a libel against him, con- 
 sisting of fifteen articles. Montgomery having with- 
 drawn while the proof was taking, the Assembly re- 
 mitted the process to the Presbytery of Stirling, ap- 
 pointing them to report their decision on it to the Pro- 
 vincial Synod of Lothian, who were empowered to 
 pronounce sentence against him, if found guilty, ac- 
 cording to the laws of the church. And in the mean 
 time, they prohibited him from leaving his ministry at 
 Stirling and intruding into the bishopric of Glas w. 
 This injunction he disobeyed. The ministers who 
 composed the chapter of Glasgow were charged to 
 elect him as their bishop ; and upon their refusal, the 
 Privy Council decided, that the bishopric had devolv- 
 ed into the hands of the king, and might be disposed 
 of by his sole authority .§ For entering on Montgom- 
 
 * In consequence of a supph'cation from the church— " The 
 Lords of Secret Counsell thinkis nieit and advyses the Kings 
 Matie to suspend his hienis handis on making any gift grant or 
 promeis of the prelacies abonewritten (Aberbrothock and Pais- 
 ley) or any part yrof, qlk may hinder and prejudge the disso- 
 lution of the same according to the forme els intendit and 
 thocht meit to be done. And ordainis this pnt act to be maide 
 heirupone ad futuram rei memoriam," (Record of Privy 
 Council, June 2, 1579.) On the 9th of May, 1581, "the 
 King's Matie with advys of the Lords of Secret Counsall." 
 finding that the constitution of the ecclesiastical policy would 
 not be permanent, " qiihill the auncient boundis of the diocies 
 be dissolved, quhair the parochines ar thick togidderand small 
 to be vneitted, and quhair they ar of over great and lairge 
 boundis to be devydit, that thairefter presbyteries or elder- 
 ships may be constitut," &c. appoints commissioners to attend 
 to this business, (Collection of Acts of Secret Council by Sir 
 John Hay, Clerk Register.) 
 
 t Record of Privy Council, Octob. 28, 1581. 
 
 JDr. Robertson. 
 
 ]] So Spotsveood, in respect of the simoniacal nature of the 
 paction, designs it. 
 
 5 Bishoprick of Glasgow devolvit in the King's hands : Re- 
 cord of Privy Council, April 12, 1582. — When the royal gift, 
 bestowing the h'lshopr'ic pteno jure, was presented to the Lords 
 of Session for confirmation, the King discharged them, by let- 
 ter, from admitting the commissioners of the church as a party. 
 
 ery's cause according to the appointment of the As- 
 sembly, the members of the synod of Lothian were 
 summoned before the Privy Council, They appeared ; 
 and Pont, in their name, after protestation of their 
 readiness to yield all lawful obedience, declined the 
 judgment of the council, as incompetent, according to 
 the laws of the country, to take cognizance of a cause 
 which was purely ecclesiastical.* This was done 
 amidst the menaces and taunts of Captain Stewart, 
 now created Earl of Arran, who was exceedingly ex- 
 asperated at seeing the King shed tears, while one of 
 the ministers affectionately warned him to be on his 
 guard against wicked counsellors. 
 
 Melville was chosen moderator of the General As- 
 sembly which met at St. Andrews in April 1582. 
 Upon their taking up Montgomery's cause, as referred 
 to them by the presbytery of Stirling, the Master of 
 Requests presented a letter from his Majesty, desiring 
 the Assembly not to proceed against him for any thing 
 connected with the bishopric of Glasgow. Soon after 
 a messenger-at-arms entered the house, and charged 
 the moderator and members of Assembly, on the pain 
 of rebellion, to desist entirely from the prosecution. 
 After serious deliberation, they agreed to address a 
 respectful letter to his Majesty ; resolved that it was 
 their duty to proceed with the trial ; summoned Mont- 
 gomery, who appealed to the Privy Council ; ratified 
 the sentence of the Presbytery of Stirling, suspending 
 him from the exercise of the ministry ; and, having 
 found eight articles of the charge against him proved, 
 declared that he had incurred the censures of deposi- 
 tion and excommunication. The pronouncing of the 
 sentence was prevented by the submission of the cul- 
 prit, who appeared before the Assembly, withdrew 
 his appeal, and solemnly promised to interfere no far- 
 ther with the bishopric. Though gratified with this 
 act of submission, the Assembly dreaded his tergiver- 
 sation, and therefore gave instructions to the Presby- 
 tery of Glasgow to watch his conduct and, provided 
 he violated his engagement, to convey information in- 
 stantly to the Presbytery of Edinburgh, who were au- 
 thorized to appoint one of their number to pronounce 
 the sentence of excommunication against him. The 
 event shewed that these precautions were not un- 
 necessary. Urged on by his own avarice, and by the 
 importunities of Lennox, who was incensed at his 
 designs being thwarted, the Assembly was scarcely 
 broken up when Montgomery began to preach at court 
 and revived his claims to the bishopric. The Presby- 
 tery of Glasgow having met in consequence of this, 
 he entered the house in which they were assembled, 
 accompanied by the magistrates of the city and an 
 armed force, and presented an order from the king to 
 stop their procedure. Upon their refusal, the modera- 
 tor, John Howieson, minister of Cambuslang, was 
 pulled out of the chair by the provost, and after being 
 struck several times with great brutality, was convey- 
 ed to prison. For testifying their indignation at such 
 conduct, the students of the university were dispersed 
 by the guard and several of them wounded. But, in 
 spite of the confusion produced by this disgraceful in- 
 trusion, the presbytery continued sitting until they 
 finished their deed, finding, that Montgomery had vio- 
 lated his promise and contravened the act of the Gen- 
 eral Assembly. This was transmitted to the Presby- 
 tery of Edinburgh, who appointed John Davidson, 
 minister of Libberton, to excommunicate Montgomery. 
 Davidson pronounced the sentence accordingly ; and, 
 
 But the Lords passed an interlocutor (May 25,) sustaining 
 their right to be heard. On this occasion the ministers had 
 the support of all the advocates, except David Macgill, who 
 was King's advocate and Montgomery's procurator. When 
 the cause came to be called, the Presiclent was sent for to Dal- 
 keith by the King, and a stop put to the process. (Cald. iii. 
 
 * Dischairge proceiding contra Mr. Ro* Montgomerie : Rec. 
 of Privy Council, die ut supra. 
 
248 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 although the court threatened and stormed, it was in- 
 timated on the succeeding Sabbath from the pulpits 
 of Edinburgh and Glasgow, and all the surrounding 
 churches.* 
 
 Lennox and Arran were enraged beyond measure at 
 this resolute behaviour of the church courts. A pro- 
 clamation was issued by the Privy Council, declaring 
 the excommunication of Montgomery to be null and 
 void. Such as refused him payment of the episcopal 
 rents were ordered to be imprisoned in the castle of 
 Inverness.! The College of Glasgow was laid under 
 a temporary interdict on account of the opposition 
 made by its members to their new bishop. The min- 
 isters of Edinburgh, on account of their freedom in 
 condemning the late measures of the court and point- 
 ing out the favourites as the guilty advisers of them, 
 were repeatedly called before the council and insulted ; 
 and John Dury was banished from the capital and dis- 
 charged from preaching.:}: 
 
 Melville preached the sermon || at the opening of a 
 meeting of the General Assembly, extraordinarily con- 
 vened at this critical juncture of affairs. He inveigh- 
 ed against those who had introduced the hludie gullie § 
 (as he termed it) of absolute power into the country, 
 and who sought to erect a new popedom in the person 
 of the prince. The Pope, he said, was the first who 
 united the ecclesiastical supremacy to the civil, which 
 he had wrested from the emperor. Since the Refor- 
 mation, he had, with the view of suppressing the Gos- 
 pel, delegated his absolute power to the emperor and 
 the kings of Spain and France ; and from France, 
 where it had produced the horrors of St. Bartholomew, 
 it was brought into this country. He mentioned the 
 design, then on foot, of resigning the King's authority 
 into the hands of the Queen, which had been devised 
 eight years ago, when he was in France, and was ex- 
 pressed in prints containing the figure of a queen with 
 a child kneeling at her feet and craving her blessing. 
 And he named Bishops Beaton and Leslie as the chief 
 managers of that affair. " This will be called med- 
 dling with civil affairs," exclaimed he ; " but these 
 things tend to the wreck of religion, and therefore I 
 rehearse them."^ 
 
 This meeting being considered as a continuation of 
 the preceding Assembly, Melville was appointed to 
 retain the chair. The Assembly drew up a spirited 
 remonstrance to the King and council, complaining of 
 the late proceedings and craving a redress of griev- 
 ances. They complained that the authority of the 
 church had been abrogated, her censures condemned 
 and disannulled, and her ministers obstructed and 
 shamefully abused in the discharge of their official 
 duties ; that his Majesty had been persuaded by some 
 of his counsellors to lay claim to a spiritual power, as 
 if he could not be a complete king and head of the 
 commonwealth unless he was also head of the church; 
 and that the two jurisdictions, which God had divided, 
 were thus confounded, benefices conferred by absolute 
 authority, and unworthy persons intruded into the 
 ministerial office to gratify the will of men and advance 
 their worldly interest to the great hurt of religion and 
 in direct opposition to the standing laws of the land. 
 These complaints were arranged under fourteen heads, 
 and the assembly concluded by " beseeching his Ma- 
 jesty most humbly, for the love of God who had 
 placed his Grace on the royal throne, and had hitherto 
 wondrously maintained and defended his authority," 
 to redress their grievances, with " the advice of men 
 
 » Bulk of the Univ. Kirk, ff. 114. 117—123. Cakl. MS. vol. 
 iii. p. 68. 74—77. 83. 91—112. Melville's Diary, p. 95. Spots- 
 wood, p. 316—320. 
 
 When informed that Davidson had ventured to preach in 
 his own church on the Sabbath subsequent to the excommuni- 
 cation, Lennox exclaimed, C'est un petit Diahle ! 
 
 + Record of Privy Council, Julv 20, 1582. 
 
 t Cald. iii. 108. 114. || His textwas 1 Tim. iv. 10. 
 
 ( Bloody knife or sword. T Cald. iii. 113, 114. 
 
 that fear God and do tender his Grace's estate and 
 quietness of this commonwealth." Melville was ap- 
 pointed, along with a number of other members, to go 
 to Perth, where the king was then residing, and to 
 present this remonstrance. 
 
 The favourites expressed high displeasure on hear- 
 ing of this deputation, and the rumour ran that the 
 commissioners would be massacred if they ventured 
 to approach the court. When they reached Perth, Sir 
 James Melville of Halhill waited on James Melville, 
 and besought him to persuade his uncle not to appear, 
 as Lennox and Arran were particularly incensed 
 against him for the active part which he had taken in 
 defeating their measures. When this advice was com- 
 municated to him, and his nephew began to urge him 
 not to despise the friendly warning of their kinsman, 
 Melville replied, " I am not afraid, thank God ! nor 
 feeble-spirited in the cause and message of Christ : 
 come what God pleases to send, our commission shall 
 be executed." Having next day obtained access to 
 the king in council, he presented the remonstrance. 
 When it had been read, Arran, looking round the as- 
 sembly with a threatening countenance, exclaimed, 
 " Who dares subscribe these treasonable articles ?" 
 "We d.\re," replied Melville; and advancing to the 
 table, he took the pen from the clerk and subscribed. 
 The other commissioners immediately followed his 
 example. Presumptuous and daring as Arran was, 
 he felt awed and abashed for the moment ; Lennox 
 addressed the commissioners in a conciliatory tone; 
 and they were peaceably dismissed. Certain English- 
 men, who happened to be present, expressed their as- 
 tonishment at the bold carriage of the minister.^, and 
 could scarcely be persuaded that they had not an armed 
 force at hand to support them. Well might they be 
 surprised ; for more than forty years elapsed after that 
 period, before any of their countrymen were able to 
 meet the frown of an arbitrary court with such firm- 
 ness and intrepidity.* 
 
 In all these contendings, the ministers of the church 
 had no countenance or support from the nobility. 
 They acted solely upon their own convictions of duty, 
 and were not animated by any assurances of protection 
 from the rage of those whom they offended. There 
 is no evidence of their having been concerned in the 
 confederacy which subsequently produced a change 
 in the administration of the country. But, on the other 
 hand, it is evident that their resistance contributed 
 greatly to check the career of the favourites, and 
 roused the nation to assert their liberties, so ignomini- 
 ously trampled on by unworthy minions and insolent 
 strangers. Had they acted in as passive a manner as 
 the nobility had hitherto done, a despotism might have 
 been established in the country, which nothing short 
 of a national convulsion could have overturned. The 
 resistance which they made to the arbitrary measures 
 of the court was perfectly defensible and legal. While 
 they kept within the strict line of ecclesiastical busi- 
 ness, their procedure was authorized by law. They 
 were entitled to disregard the prohibitory mandates 
 which were issued, and to hold them as forged, as 
 surreptitiously obtained, cr as illegally granted by 
 corrupt courtiers, who attempted to supersede the 
 statutes of the realm and to stop the established course 
 of justice. And they had a right to employ, in de- 
 fence of their liberties, those censures which were 
 competent to them, and which in this light had been 
 solemnly sanctioned and repeatedly recognized by acts 
 of the legislature. At the same time their resistance 
 was tempered by a becoming respect for authority and 
 a due regard to public peace. They supplicated, re- 
 presented, remonstrated. No tumult was excited by 
 them. And although pulpits were forced, and church- 
 courts violated, and ministers assaulted, they never at- 
 
 • Bulk of the Univ. Kirk, ff. 125—127. Melville's Diary 
 p. 96, Cald. MS. vol. iii. p. 123—129. Petric, part iii. p. 431. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 249 
 
 tempted to raise the populace, nor, according to a 
 practice common at that time, to arm their friends in 
 their defence. 
 
 The haughtiness, rapacity, and arbitrary procedure 
 of the favourites at length exhausted the patience of 
 the nobles, who resolved to free themselves and their 
 country from a disgraceful servitude. The course 
 which they took to accomplish this was very different 
 from the open and regular resistance maintained by 
 the assemblies of the church. A combination having 
 been secretly formed among the principal barons, they 
 got possession of the king's person by surprise, and 
 having compelled Lennox to leave the kingdom, and 
 Arran to confine himself to one of his own houses, 
 took upon themselves the direction of public affairs. 
 By this enterprise, known by the name of the Raid 
 of Ruthven, the church was restored to her liberty, and 
 enjoyed a temporary calm. Nothing can be a clearer 
 proof of the haughtiness with which Lennox had used 
 his power, and the dangerous influence which he was 
 understood to possess over the roj'^al mind, than the 
 inexorable manner in which the confederated lords in- 
 sisted on his quitting the country, contrasted with their 
 conduct to Arran, whose personal character and pri- 
 vate manners were incomparably more hateful and de- 
 tested. If they were really actuated by any favour 
 for the latter, or, which-is the more probable supposi- 
 tion, if they imagined that the detestation felt at his 
 vices would prevent him from ever regaining his for- 
 mer influence, they were soon undeceived and smarted 
 severely for their criminal partiality or impolitic for- 
 bearance. 
 
 While Melville was engaged in this contest in be- 
 half of the liberties of the church, he found himself 
 involved in the performance of extraordinary duty at 
 St. Andrews. On the abolition of episcopacy, when 
 the General Assembly required the bishops to under- 
 take individually the charge of a particular congrega- 
 tion. Archbishop Adamson commenced preaching as 
 colleague to Robert Hamilton, the minister of St. An- 
 drews. But, as the archbishop had frequently occasion 
 to be absent, and did not always feel himself disposed, 
 when he was at home, to appear in the pulpit, Melville 
 was often prevailed on, at his request, to occupy his 
 place. On the death of Hamilton the kirk-session 
 petitioned for his services regularly, and during the 
 vacancy of the parish, the public duties of the Sab- 
 bath were divided between him and his nephew, James 
 Melville.* He was extremely anxious that they 
 should fix on a person properly qualified for discharg- 
 ing the pastoral duties among them, and one who 
 might be useful in that station to the university. His 
 exertions in forwarding this object were not sponta- 
 neous on his part, but made at the express appoint- 
 ment of the General Assembly and at the particular 
 request of the kirk-session of St. Andrews.")" The in- 
 dividual first chosen was the celebrated Robert Pont. 
 He had held the office of a ruling elder in that city for 
 some time after the Reformation, but was at present 
 minister of St. Cuthbert's church, and provost of 
 Trinity College, Edinburgh.:^: In compliance with the 
 
 * Melville's Diary, p. 66. 
 
 f Register of Kiik-ses^ion of St. Andrews, Dec. 6. and 20, 
 1581, and May 9, 1582. Bulk of Univ. Kirk, f. 134, a. 
 
 I Pont was a native of Culross, (Dav. Buchanan, MS. De 
 Script. Scot.) and was incorporated into St. Leonard's College 
 in the year 1554, (Re^. Univ.) " Mr. Robert Pont" signs, 
 among the elders, a deed of the session, March 20, 1560, and 
 another May 14, 1561. (Record of Kirk-session of St. An- 
 drews.) I understand him to be the person called " Mr. Robert 
 Kynpont," who was one of the commissioners from St. Andrews 
 to the General Assembly 1560, and whom the Assembly declared 
 qualified " for ministring and teaching." (Keith, Hist. 498.) 
 " Maister Robert Pontt commissioner of the superintendentrie 
 of Murray," was presented "to the personage and vicarage of 
 the parish kirk of Birnie, in the diocie of Murray," Jan. 13, 
 1567, (Reg. of Present, to Benefices, vol. i. f 2.) He was pre- 
 sented to " the vicarage of St. Cuthbert's kirk, vaicand be the 
 deceise of W" Hairlaw," Dec. 29, 1578, (Reg. -of Privy Seal, 
 2 G 
 
 invitation now given him, Pont came to St. Andrews, 
 and officiated as minister to the congregation for near- 
 ly twelve months, but being unable to procure a 
 stipend, left it with the consent of the General Assem- 
 bly.* This occurrence, with the causes in which it 
 originated, was the occasion of much uneasiness to 
 Melville. The late minister of the town had, during 
 the latter part of his life, grown remiss in the dis- 
 charge of his pastoral functions, and allowed the ec- 
 clesiastical discipline to fall in a great measure into 
 disuse. The consequence was, that many of the 
 principal inhabitants had no desire to obtain an ac- 
 tive and conscientious minister, and would have been 
 much better pleased with a person of mean gifts, pro- 
 vided only he would allow them to live at peace, as 
 they termed it, and not disturb them with reproofs 
 from the pulpit, or with sessional prosecutions. The 
 prior and pensioners of the abbey, availing themselves 
 of this feeling, threw obstacles in the way of the set- 
 tlement of a regular pastor, and, with the connivance 
 of the magistrates of the city, retained the funds des- 
 tined for his support in their own hands. Finding 
 that their services were made an excuse for delaying 
 the settlement, Melville and his nephew resolved to 
 discontinue them. On being informed of this, the 
 presbytery issued orders for the speedy filling up of 
 the vacant charge. This injunction, with the repri- 
 mand with which it was accompanied, gave great of- 
 fence ; and two of the bailies caused the precentor to 
 read to the congregation a paper, drawn up in the 
 name of the prior, and containing the most disrespect- 
 ful reflections on the presbytery ; for which they 
 were brought before the General Assembly and en- 
 joined to make public satisfaction. f Smeton and Ar- 
 buthnot, the Principals of the Universities of Glasgow 
 and Aberdeen, were afterwards successively chosen 
 ministers of St. Andrews ; and so sensible were the 
 General Assembly of the importance of having that 
 town provided with an able and zealous pastor, that 
 they agreed to their translation. But the King, in- 
 fluenced, as was supposed, by the prior, prohibited it 
 in both instances, on the ground of its being injurious 
 to the universities.:}: By these means, that extensive 
 parish was kept vacant during upwards of three 
 years. |j • 
 
 The services which Melville had performed gratui- 
 tously, though acceptable to the body of the people, 
 exposed him to ill-will and abuse on the part of not a 
 few. As long as he continued to preach, it was im- 
 possible for him to refrain from condemning the con- 
 duct of those who obstructed the settlement of the 
 parish. The umbrage taken at this was increased by 
 the plainness with which he rebuked the more fla- 
 grant vices which prevailed among the inhabitants and 
 were overlooked by those in authority. Galled by 
 his reproofs, the provost one day rose from his seat 
 in the middle of the sermon, and left the church, 
 muttering his dissatisfaction with the preacher. Pla- 
 cards were affixed to the gate of the new college^ 
 threatening to set fire to the Principal's lodging, to 
 bastinade him, and to chase him out of the town. 
 His friends became alarmed for his safety, but he re- 
 mained unintimidated, and refused to give place to 
 the violence of his adversaries. He summoned the 
 provost before the presbytery for contempt of divine 
 ordinances. He persevered in his public censures of 
 vice. One of the placards was known, by the French 
 and Italian phrases in it, to be the production of James 
 Learmont younger of Balcomy, This Melville pro- 
 duced to the congregation, at the end of a sermon in 
 which he had been uncommonly free and vehement. 
 
 vol. xlv. f. 97.) He was made provost of Trinity College, Jan 
 27, 1571, and resigned that place, June 23, 1585, (Reg. of Pre- 
 sent, vols. i. and ii.) 
 
 * Buik of the Univ. Kirk, f. 134, a. f lb. ff. 132, b. 134, a. 
 
 } See Note W. || Records of Kirk-session of St. Andrews 
 
250 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 and described the author of it, who was sitting before 
 him, as " a Frenchified, Italianized, joly gentleman, 
 who had polluted many marriage-beds, and now boas- 
 ted that he would pollute the church of God by bas- 
 tinading his servants." He silenced his adversaries 
 at this time, but they soon found an opportunity of re- 
 venging themselves for the freedoms which he had 
 taken with them.* 
 
 During these transactions several distinguished men 
 were removed by death. In the year 1582, John Win- 
 ram, sub-prior of the abbey of St. Andrews, and super- 
 intendent of Fife, died at an advanced ago. j" Though 
 inclined to the reformed sentiments at an early period, 
 he retained his situation in the popish church until its 
 overthrow. His timidity and temporizing conduct 
 were often blamed by the Protestants, and aiforded a 
 topic of invective against him to the Roman Catholics, 
 when he at last deserted their communion. He ap- 
 pears to have been a man of mild dispositions, con- 
 siderable learning, and great influence. :|: 
 
 In the same year, the country was deprived of its 
 greatest literary ornament by the death of Buchanan. 
 The splendour of his talents is universally acknow- 
 ledged, and his political sentiments and moral charac- 
 ter have found able advocates. But he deserves also 
 to live in the memory of his countrymen as a sincere 
 and zealous friend to the principles of the Reforma- 
 tion. He had not concealed his partiality to this cause 
 when he was abroad, || and after his return to his na- 
 tive country, he gave it his uniform and most decided 
 support. § The sincerity of his religious profession 
 was proved by the consistency with which it was 
 maintained, and by the correctness of his moral con- 
 duct. In courts and in the palaces of the great, he 
 preserved that independence of mind and simplicity of 
 manners which shewed him to be a philosopher as 
 well as a scholar. Tyranny, in all the forms which it 
 assumed and with all the vices of which it was the 
 offspring or the parent, uniformly found in him a de- 
 termined and powerful foe. Like most men of genius, 
 he possessed a lively vein of wit, exerting itself some- 
 times in the keenest satire»but more frequently in the 
 
 » Melville's Diary, p. 93. 
 
 f John Johnston, in his verses to the memory of Winram, 
 says, that he died on the 28th September, 1581, (Life of 
 John Knox, ii. 443.) But the true date appears from a decreet 
 of the Lords of Session against the tenants of Portmoak, Nov. 
 24, 1582,—" The Priory of St. Servan be within the Loch of 
 Levin, otherwise called Portmoak — vacand be demission of the 
 same be umqll Mr. John Wynrani, last Prior — and albeit it be of 
 veritie that the said Mr. John departit this mortal lite upon the 
 xviii of Sepf last," &c. The Priory of Portmoak having been 
 resigned by him, was given to the College of St. Leonard's in 
 1580, (Register of Presentations to Benefices, vol. ii. f. 37.) 
 
 \ Life of John Knox, i. 31; ii. 443. JVicol Burne's Disputa- 
 tion: Admonition to the Ministers. — In the Records of the 
 University of St. Andrews, Winram isdesigned " Sacrarum lit- 
 eraruro professor eximius." I was formerly disposed to suspect, 
 that the Catechism which Bale ascribes to Winram, under the 
 name of Wouram or Wyrem, was the same with Archbishop 
 Hamilton's, (Life of Knox, i. 411.^ But in a list of books be- 
 longing to the University of St. Andrews, taken in the year 
 1599, ihave since found the two following separate entries: 
 " Catechismus D. J. Winram Supprior. 
 Catechismus Jo. Hamilton Epi. ' 
 
 The superintendent was of the family of Rathow, and mar- 
 ried Margaret Stewart, Lady Kinawdy, (relict of Ajton 
 
 of Kinawdy) who died March, 1573, (Act Buik of the Com- 
 missariot of St. Andrews; May 1, and Oct. 18,1574.) 
 
 II Langueti Epistolae, lib. ii. ep. 37. 
 
 } Dr. Irving says " The extravagances of John Knox have 
 received no splendid eucomiaras from the historical pen of 
 Buchanan. He was too enhghtened to applaud the fierce spirit 
 of intolcration in men who had themselves tasted the bitter- 
 ness of persecution," (Memoirs of Buchanan, p. 316, second 
 edit.) The Doctor appears to have overlooked the fact, that 
 some of the strongest measures to which he affixes the char- 
 acter of '■ intolcration," were approved by an Assembly of 
 which Buchanan was not only a member, but also the moder- 
 ator. Buchanan's usual way is to pronounce his encomiums on 
 individuals when he records their death, and his history docs 
 not reach the death of Knox. 
 
 sallies of sportive humour and good-natured railleryt 
 which he delighted to indulge in with his friends even 
 to the latest period of his life.* Melville appears to 
 have enjoyed a large share of his confidence ; and the 
 last interview between them presents ns with some of 
 the most interesting traits in the character of one of 
 the most original writers that Scotland has produced. t 
 
 la October 1583, Alexander Arbuthnot, Principal 
 of the University of Aberdeen, departed this life.:J: 
 He was followed, in the course of two months, by 
 Thomas Smeton, Principal of the University of Glas^ 
 gow.jj I shall afterwards have occasion to speak of 
 both in reviewing the literature of the period. Mel- 
 ville deplorerl their premature death in strains honour- 
 able to him as a friend and a patriot.^ The removal 
 of two men so much revered, and occupying such im- 
 portant stations, was universally bewailed as an irre- 
 parable loss, and, occurring at a critical period, was 
 looked on as a prognostication of approaching ca- 
 lamities. 
 
 Notwithstanding what his Majesty thought proper 
 to profess to the commissioners of the church and to 
 foreign ambassadors, it soon appeared that he cherish- 
 ed a rooted aversion to the Ruthven Lords. In the 
 end of June 1583, he suddenly withdrew from them, 
 and having shut himself up in the castle of St. An- 
 drews, issued a proclamation condemning the enter- 
 prise of Ruthven, and declaring that, since that period, 
 he had been kept in a state of restraint and captivity. 
 At first he promised to pardon the offence which he 
 
 * Perhaps the most genuine specimen which has been pre- 
 served of Buchanan's humour, is to be found in nn original let- 
 ter from him to Sir Thon)as Randolph, published in the Ap- 
 pendix. 
 
 t "That September, in tyme of vacan?,my vncle Mr. Andro, 
 Mr. Thomas Buchanan, and I, heiring y' Mr. George Buchana 
 was weak and his historie under the press, past ower to Edin'. 
 annes earend to visit him and sie the wark. When we cam to 
 his chafmer we fand him sittfng in his rhaire teatching his 
 young man v' servit him in his cnalnier to spelt a,b, ab; e. b, 
 eb, &c. Efter salutation Mr. Andro saves, I sie, sir, yie ar nof 
 ydle. better this quoth he nor steiling sheipe, or sitting ydle 
 quhilk is als ill. yefter he shew ws the epistle dedicatorie to 
 tnc king; the quhilk when Mr. Andro bad read, he tauld him 
 y< it was obscure in sum places and wanted ccrtean words to 
 perfyt the sentence. Sayes he, I may do na mair for thinking 
 on another mater. What is that, sayes Mi-. Andro. To die 
 quoth he; bot I leave y* and manie nia things to you to helpe. 
 He was telling him also of Blakwoods answer to bis buike de 
 iure regni. We went from him to the printers wark bous, 
 whom we fand at the end of the 17 buik of his Chronicle, at a 
 place qhuilk we thought very hard for the tyme, qhuilk might 
 be an occasion of steying the haill work,anent the burial of 
 Davie. Therfor steying the printer from proceiding we cam 
 to Mr. George again and fand nim bedfast by [contrary to] hi« 
 custome, and askmg him whow ht- did. Even going the way 
 of weilfare sayes he. Mr. Thomas his cusing scnawes him of 
 the hardnes of that part of his storie, yi the king wald be of- 
 fendit w' it and it might stey all the wark. tdl me man sayes 
 he giif I have timid the treufbe. yis sayes Mr. Thomas sir 
 I think sa. I will byd bis fead and all his kin's then qU>he; 
 pray, pray to God for me and let him direct all. Sa be the 
 printing of his Cronicle was endit y' maist lerned wyse and 
 godlie man endit this mortal lyff." (Melville's Diary, p. 90.) 
 
 i He died, unmarried, on the I6th of October, 1583, in the 
 45th year of his age. (Cald. iii,282. Sootswood, 335. Ken- 
 nedy*^8 Annals of Aberdeen, ii. 372, 373.; On the 15th of July, 
 1568, he received a presentation to " the personage and vicar- 
 age of logy callit logy-buchane — ane of the comonn kirks of 
 the cathearal kirk of Aberdeen." His presentation to the 
 oflSce of Principal of the Kihg's College, is dated July 3, 1569. 
 (Reg. of Present, to Benefices, vol. i. ft". 14. 28.) On the 25lh 
 July, 1.569, he was presented to "the personage and vicarage 
 of Arbuthnot callit ane prebendarie of the kirk of heuch of 
 sanctandrois &c Provydinghe — administrat the sacramentis of 
 Jesus Chr}st. Or ellis travell in sum vther aU necessar voca- 
 toun to the utilitie of the kirk and approvit be the samyn," &c. 
 (lb. f. 27.) Dec. 3, 1583, Mr. Robt Arbuthnett was presented 
 to " the personage, &c. of Arbiithnct — vaikand be deceis of 
 vmqil Mr. Alexr Arbuthnett." (lb. vol. ii. f. 93.) 
 
 II He died on the 13th of December, 1583. in the 47th year 
 of his age. (Cald. iii. 299. Spctswood, 336.) Smeton was 
 married, (Melville's Diary, 53,) and Thomas Smeton, made 
 A. M. at Glasgow in 1604, was probably his son. 
 
 } Delitiae Poet. Scot. ii. 120, 121. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 251 
 
 had received, and to govern by the common advice of 
 his nobility. But the mask of moderation was soon 
 thrown off. Arran was again received at court, re- 
 covered his former influence, and renewed his tyran- 
 nical career with a fury increased by the recollection 
 of his recent disgrace. This change portended a 
 storm to the church, and it was not long before it 
 burst on the heads of her principal ministers. 
 
 In the mean time, all those who were concerned in 
 seizing the King's person at Ruthven were declared 
 traitors, and having refused to deliver themselves up, 
 were ordered to be pursued as fugitives from justice. 
 After making some shew of an intention to assemble 
 in their own defence, the greater part escaped into 
 England; but the Earl of Gowrie lingering impru- 
 dently in Dundee, fell into the toils of Arran, and was 
 tried and beheaded. The cautious manner in which 
 the ministers of the church had approved of the for- 
 mer conduct of these noblemen, and their peaceable 
 conduct on the present occasion, prevented the court 
 from taking any hasty measures against them as a 
 body.* But Arran placed spies about the principal 
 persons among them, with instructions to inform him 
 if they uttered any thing from the pulpit derogatory to 
 his proceedings. f 
 
 Soon after the King had come to St. Andrews, and 
 before Arran was re-admitted to his presence, Melville 
 received a visit from Sir Robert Melville, one of the 
 new courtiers. Sir Robert informed him that some of 
 his ill-wishers had been busy in possessing the royal 
 mind against him, and advised him as a kinsman, to 
 embrace the first opportunity of waiting on his Ma- 
 jesty and clearing himself from calumny. Melville 
 thanked his friend for this mark of kindness, but ex- 
 cused himself from complying with his advice. If his 
 Majesty wished his opinion on any thing relating to 
 the church or commonwealth, or if he required his 
 attendance to explain or answer for any part of his 
 conduct, he was ready, he said, to obey the royal 
 commands with all humility and reverence. But he 
 was certain that no man could justly charge him with 
 having failed in the duty of a subject; and he would 
 not take a step which implied a consciousness of 
 guilt, and would make him an indirect accuser of him- 
 self to his sovereign. :{: 
 
 On Saturday the 15th of February, 1584, Melville 
 received a charge to appear before the Privy Council 
 at Edinburgh on the Monday following, to answer for 
 seditious and treasonable speeches uttered by him in 
 his sermon and prayers on a fast which he had kept 
 during the preceding month. Conscious of his inno- 
 cence, he felt no hesitation on his own account in re- 
 solving at once to appear. His only concern was to 
 know how he should conduct himself, so as not to 
 prejudice the rights of the church and the liberty of 
 
 * The approbation which the General Assembly gave to the 
 Raid of Ruthven, or rather to what was done in consequence 
 of it, was very guarded. They consulted with his majesty be- 
 fore they took that step, and it required all James's king-craft 
 to gloss over this fact, when it was afterwards appealed to by 
 the English ambassador. (Buik of Univ. Kirk, ff. 128, b. 129. 
 Cald. iii. 261.) 
 
 In a petition presented by that Assembly are the following 
 articles: "That his Maitie and Lords will wey quhat great 
 iDConvenients and absurdities falls furth vpon the act of 
 counsell made concerning absolute power, and for removing 
 y'of to delate ye same nevir to be remeniberit heirafter." — 
 " That it will please your Ma. and Lo. to have pitie and com- 
 passion on y* noble and godlv man, James Hamilton, Erie of 
 Arran, soraetyme a noble and comfortable instrument in re- 
 forming ye kirk of God, and now visit be ye hand of God, and 
 under pretense of law bereft.'" (Buik of Univ. Kirk, f. 131, 
 b.) The Earl had laboured under mental derangement for 
 many years. Captain Stewart was appointed tutor to him, and 
 afterwards obtained his title and estates. It is much to the 
 honour of the Assembly that they had presented a similar pe- 
 tition in behalf of that unfortunate nobleman during the ad- 
 ministration of Lennox. (Ibid. f. 98.) 
 
 f Wodrow's Life of Galloway, p. 6. MSS. vol. ii. 
 
 j Melville's Diary, p. 10. 
 
 the pulpit, which the court sought to infringe by its 
 present mode of procedure. On this important point 
 he had little time to deliberate, or to take the advice 
 of his brethren. The University gave him an ample 
 attestation, in which they declared their conviction 
 that the accusation was false and calumnious ; that 
 they had been constant attendants on his public teach- 
 ing, and had never heard any thing proceed from his 
 mouth that was derogatory to bis majesty's govern- 
 ment ; and that, whenever he had occasion to touch on 
 that subject, in doctrine, in application, or in prayers, 
 he had always spoken reverently of his majesty, and 
 exhorted his hearers to yield obedience to him and to 
 the meanest magistrate who possessed authority under 
 him.* Similar testimonials were given him by the 
 town-council, the kirk-session, and the presbytery of 
 St. Andrews. 
 
 When he appeared before the Privy Co«ncil, he, 
 with the utmost readiness, gave an account of the ser- 
 mon on which he was accused, for the satisfaction of 
 his Majesty and his counsellors. He had preached, 
 he said, on the words with which Daniel reminded 
 Belshazzar of the history of his father Nebuchadnez- 
 zar; and he deduced from them this general doctrine, 
 " That it is the duty of ministers to apply examples 
 of divine mercy and judgment in all ages, to kings, 
 princes, and people ; and that the nearer the persons 
 are to us the more applicable is the example." On 
 that part of his subject he had said, " But if, now a 
 dayes, a minister should rehearse the example that fell 
 out in king James the third's dayes, who was abused 
 by the flattery of his courtiers, he would be said to 
 vaigef from his text, and perchance be accused of 
 treason." He denied that he had said, as he was 
 accused, "that our Nebuchadnezzar, (meaning the 
 king's mother,) was twice seven years banished, and 
 would be restored again ;" and affirmed that such a 
 thought never came into his mind. He solemnly pro- 
 tested that neither in that sermon, nor in any other, 
 had he used the words falsely imputed to him, " The 
 king is unlawfully promoted to the crown," nor any 
 expression capable of being interpreted as conveying 
 such a sentiment. Indeed, it was notorious, that the 
 lawfulness of his Majesty's authority had all along 
 been strenuously maintained by the church ; and he 
 could appeal to all who had heard him or with whom 
 he had ever conversed, if he had not exerted himself 
 to establish it in all his discourses and reasonings, 
 both publicly and privately. What he had laid down, 
 as founded upon his text, was, that whether kings 
 are raised to their thrones by election, by succession, 
 or by any other ordinary means, they owe their ex- 
 altation to God; and that, from the infirmity of human 
 nature, they are extremely apt to forget this truth. 
 Having confirmed the last part of this remark by a 
 reference to the history of the good kings mentioned 
 in Scripture, instead of making any application of it 
 to the present time, he offered up a prayer, (as he was 
 accustomed to do whenever he spoke of his Majesty,) 
 beseeching God of his grace not to suffer our king to 
 forget the divine goodness displayed in raising him 
 extraordinarily to the throne of his country, when he 
 was a child in the cradle, his mother yet alive, and a 
 great part of the nobility his enemies, and in preserv- 
 ing him since the burden of government was laid on 
 his own shoulders. Melville concluded his statement 
 by assuring the council that he had given, as nearly 
 as he could recollect, the very words which he had 
 spoken from the pulpit, and by entreating his Majesty 
 and their lordships not to listen to the misinformations 
 of those who wrested his words from malice, or who 
 were so grossly ignorant as not be able to distinguish 
 between an extraordinary and an unlawful calling. 
 He at the same time produced the public attestations 
 of his innocence which he had brought along with him. 
 
 «See Note X. 
 
 f wander. 
 
252 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 Instead of resting satisfied with the explanation and 
 testimonials, the council resolved to proceed with the 
 trial, upon which he stated the followinff objections, 
 in the form of requests. He requested, first, that as 
 he was accused upon certain expressions alleged to 
 have been used by him in preaching and prayer, his 
 trial should be remitted, in the first instance, to the 
 ecclesiastical courts, as the ordinary judges of his 
 ministerial conduct, according to Scripture, the laws 
 of the kingdom, and an agreement lately made be- 
 tween certain commissioners of the Privy Council and 
 of the Church. Secondly, that he should be tried at 
 St. Andrews, where the alleged offence was commit- 
 ted. Thirdly, that if his first request was not granted, 
 he should at least enjoy the privilege of the university 
 of which he was a member, by having his cause sub- 
 mitted, in the first instance, to the judgment of the 
 Rector and his assessors. Fourthly, that he should 
 enjoy the benefit of the apostolical canon, " Against an 
 elder receive not an accusation but before two or tliree 
 witnesses." Fifthly, that he should have the benefit 
 of a free subject by being made acquainted with his 
 accuser, and that the individual who appeared in that 
 character should, if the charge turned out to be false 
 and calumnious, be liable to the punishment pre- 
 scribed by tlie statutes against those who seek to 
 alienate the king from his faithful subjects. In fine, 
 he protested that if William Stewart* was the in- 
 former, he had just ground to except against him, 
 both as an accuser and as a witness, inasmuch as he 
 entertained a deadly malice against him, and had 
 frequently threatened to do him bodily harm if it was 
 in his power. When he had stated these objections, 
 the council adjourned the farther consideration of the 
 cause to the following day. 
 
 In the interval, Melville, after consulting with his 
 brethren, drew up in the form of a protest the objec- 
 tions which he had stated verbally to the council. 
 Next day commissioners from the presbytery and from 
 the university of St. Andrews attended ; the former 
 to protest for the liberty of the church, and the latter 
 to re-pledge Melville to the court of the rector. But 
 they were refused admission ; and Melville, finding 
 that the Council were determined to proceed with the 
 trial, gave in his protest.f The reading of this paper, 
 though couched in the most temperate and respectful 
 language, threw the King and Arran into so violent a 
 rage, that their threatenings disturbed the Privy Coun- 
 cil, and spread an alarm among those who were with- 
 out, and anxiously waited the issue of the trial. Their 
 violence roused Melville's spirit. He resolutely defend- 
 ed the step which he had taken, and told the counsel- 
 lors, that as there was a constituted church in the coun- 
 try, they shewed themselves too bold in passing by its 
 teachers, and assuming a right to pronounce sentence on 
 the doctrine and control the administrations of the ser- 
 vants of a king and council greater than themselves : 
 " And that ye may see your rashness in taking upon 
 you what ye neither can nor eught to do (unclasping 
 his Hebrew Bible from his girdle, and throwing it on 
 the table, he said,) These are my instructions : see if 
 any of you can judge of them, or show that I have 
 passed my injunctions." Arran took up the book, 
 and perceiving it to be written in a strange language, 
 handed it to the king, saying, " Sir, he scorns your 
 Majesty and the Council." — "No, my lords; (replied 
 Melville,) I scorn not ; but with all earnestness and 
 gravity, I stand for the cause of Jesus Christ and his 
 
 » Stewart was one of the pensioners of the Abbey of St. 
 Andrews, and had conceived hatred a^inst Melville on ac- 
 count of his activity in procuring a minister for that town, (p. 
 188.) His conduct on the present occasion procured him the 
 common name of the Accuser. 
 
 f This protest, or declinature, as it is usually called, may be 
 seen at laije in the printed Calderwood, p. 144 — 146. Conip. 
 Hume of Godscroft, Hist, of the House of Douglas and An- 
 (pis, ii. 309—313. 
 
 church." He was several times removed, but not 
 allowed to have any intercourse with his brethren. 
 Entreaties and menaces were alternately used to in- 
 duce him to withdraw his protest, but this he refused 
 unless his cause were remitted to the proper judges. 
 At last Stewart was brought forward as accuser, and 
 the deposition of a number of witnesses taken. But 
 although most of them were his known enemies, no- 
 thing could be extracted from their evidence that tend- 
 ed in the slightest degree to criminate him. Notwith- 
 standing this, he was found guilty of declining the 
 judgment of the Council and behaving irreverently 
 before them ; and was condemned to be imprisoned in 
 the Castle of Edinburgh, and to be further punished 
 in his person and goods at his Majesty's pleasure.* 
 
 His friends were greatly perplexed as to the course 
 which they should now advise him to take. On the 
 one hand, they were averse to deprive the church and 
 university of his services by advising him to leave the 
 kingdom, and they were not without hopes that they 
 would be able to procure his liberation after a short 
 imprisonment. On the other hand, a temporary inter- 
 mission of his labours was not to be put in balance 
 with the risk of his life ; and the fury with which Ar- 
 ran conducted himself justified the strongest appre- 
 hensions. It was judged proper that he should keep 
 himself concealed in the capital, while his nephew 
 sounded the courtiers and tried to ascertain the treat- 
 ntient which he was likely to receive. From some of 
 them, James Melville received favourable assurances, 
 but those on whom he could place more dependence 
 repeated the proverb of the house of Angus, " loose 
 and living,''^ and signified, that if his uncle surrender- 
 ed his liberty he would come out of prison to the 
 scaffold. This was corroborated by information that 
 the place of his confinement was changed from the 
 Castle of Edinburgh to that of Blackness, a solitary 
 and unwholesome dungeon kept by a creature of Ar- 
 ran's.j" As soon as he heard this circumstance, Mel- 
 ville decided upon the course which he would take, 
 but without imparting his resolution to his brethren. 
 He came from his concealment, and made as if he in- 
 tended to obey the sentence of the Privy Council. 
 He dined in Lawson's house with the ministers who 
 were in town, and was the most cheerful person in the 
 company ; mingling more than his usual portion of 
 hilarity with the graver conversation of the table, 
 drinking the health of his captain, as he called the 
 keeper of Blackness, and desiring his brethren to pre- 
 pare to follow him. The macer being announced, he 
 requested that he should be brought in ; and received 
 with all respect the charge to enter himself a prisoner 
 within ten hours. A little after this he left the com- 
 pany, and being joined by his brother Roger, retired 
 from Edinburgh, passed the night in tlie neighbour- 
 hood, and next day reached Berwick in safety ; to the 
 mortification of Arran, who had a company of horse- 
 men prepared to conduct him to Blackness.:^: 
 
 The court incurred great odium by its severe treat- 
 ment of Melville. The ministers of Edinburgh pray- 
 ed for him in public, and the universal lament was, 
 that the king, under the influence of evil counsel, had 
 driven into exile the most learned man in the king- 
 dom, and the ablest champion of religion and the lib- 
 erties of the church. To counteract this impression 
 the Privy Council issued a proclamation, declaring 
 that his exile was voluntary, and disclaiming any in- 
 
 * See Note Y. 
 
 t John Davidson, in his answer to Allain, says that several 
 of the lords, when requested to subscribe the sentence as alter- 
 ed by Arran, refused, and said, that, to please bis majesty, 
 they had already yielded too far in ngreTeing to it in its original 
 form. (Cald. ii. 348.) 
 
 jCald. iii. 304— 314. Melville's Diary, p. 102—104. Spots- 
 wood, 330. Hume, Hist, of the House of Douelas and Angus, 
 ii.308. — Hume says that Melville published his Apology, or 
 the Declinature which he had given in to the Pi-ivy Council. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 253 
 
 tention of using him rigorously.* Little credit was 
 given to this representation, which was contradicted 
 by an act of council made upon Melville's flight, and 
 ordaining that such preachers as were accused should 
 henceforth be apprehended without the formality of a 
 legal charge.f 
 
 Had the aflfair which we have now related been a 
 detached and isolated occurrence, it might have been 
 passed over without inquiring narrowly, whether the 
 issue to which it was brought was more owing to the 
 imprudence of the person accused, or to the violent 
 and arbitrary procedure of his judges. But, it is only 
 one of many cases which occurred, and involves the 
 great question which was so keenly agitated between 
 the court and the church during the whole of this 
 reign. On this account, and to prevent future repeti- 
 tion, I shall here make a few observations on a sub- 
 ject which has been much misunderstood and misrep- 
 resented. 
 
 It is needless to contend about words. I shall there- 
 fore allow that the instrument which Melville gave 
 in to the Privy Council on his trial was a material 
 declitiature ; although he did not make use of that 
 term, and, it is probable, avoided it intentionally, that 
 he might not give unnecessary umbrage, or afford a 
 handle to those who sought advantage against him 
 and the cause which he maintained. But it would ar- 
 gue a very slender degree of acquaintance with the 
 subject to infer from this circumstance, that he dis- 
 owned the authority or called in question the jurisdic- 
 tion of the king and his council. The most that it 
 could imply was, that the Privy Council was not the 
 proper court for trying the accusation brought against 
 him ; and we shall afterwards shew that it did not im- 
 ply so much. Every lawful judicature is not entitled 
 to judge in every cause, and a party has a right to 
 take legal steps for having his cause brought before 
 the competent judges. Even in that age, when the 
 boundaries of the different jurisdictions were far from 
 being accurately traced, it was not uncommon for per- 
 sons to decline the judgment of the Privy Council, 
 and to bring their cause before the Lords of Session. :t 
 They were not on that account thought to be guilty of 
 treason, nor charged with impeaching the royal au- 
 thority; and the assemblies of the church were judi- 
 catories acknowledged by law as much as any civil 
 or criminal court in the country. 
 
 It is equally unreasonable to identify the plea ad- 
 vanced by Melville with the claim which the popish 
 clergy made to immunity from the civil jurisdiction. || 
 Not to mention that, in the latter case, the ultimate 
 decision might be given by a foreign power in conse- 
 quence of a reference or appeal to tlie court of Rome, 
 the popish clergy claimed, and actually obtained, an 
 exemption from civil jurisdiction as to all crimes, of 
 whatever kind they might be, and on whatever occa- 
 sion they might be committed — murders, adulteries, 
 ihefts, secret conspiracies, and open appearances in 
 arms against the state. The plea of the Presbyterian 
 ministers was limited entirely to the exercise of their 
 pastoral functions. To represent these claims as the 
 same, is as absurd as it would be to confound the pro- 
 tection granted to worshipping assemblies by every 
 
 * A Declaration to sum reportis maid anent Mr, Andro 
 Mcluile. Record of Privy Council, ult. Febr. 1583. 
 
 t Galloway's Apology for his Flight, in Wodrow's Life of 
 Mr. Patrick Galloway, p. 6. MSS. in Bibl. Coll. Glas. vol. ii. 
 
 |"T. Esteem ye that light for a subject to decline his 
 prince's judgment ? Z. Is that any new thing? Falls not 
 that forth allmost every day before the Secret Counsel 1 De- 
 clined not Mr. John Cramound, within 20 days after Mr. An- 
 drew's dyet, the King and Counsel as judges competent for 
 the exhibition of the heretrix of Badraville, and he was never 
 quarraled as a declyner of the King's M. authority. This is a 
 form common enough before any judges." Dialogue between 
 Zelator, Temporizor, and Palasmon. (Cald. iii. 678.) 
 
 jlThis has been done, in very unqualified terms, by Dr. 
 Robertson. (Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 425. Lond. 1809.) 
 
 civilized nation, with that privilege which formerly 
 rendered religious houses and their consecrated appen- 
 dages so many sanctuaries for all kinds of malefac- 
 tors. Nor did Presbyterians plead that the ecclesias- 
 tical courts were the sole judges of doctrine delivered 
 from the pulpit, or that it belonged to them to judge 
 of treason.* If they had done so, and if they had at 
 the same time contended that the mere acquittal of a 
 preacher by the church-courts barred the civil magis- 
 trate from proceeding against him for the crime of 
 sedition or treason, then I acknowledge that the charge 
 brought against them would to a certain extent be 
 well founded, and that their claims deserved to have 
 been resisted and reprobated. But such was not the 
 nature of their plea. All that they insisted for was, 
 that when a minister was accused of having exceeded 
 the proper bounds of his office, and of having taught 
 from the pulpit what tended to the hurt of the state or 
 the dishonour of magistrates, instead of being imme- 
 diately dragged before a civil tribunal, the accusation 
 against him should be brought, in thefirst instance, be- 
 fore those courts which had the direct oversight of his 
 pastoral conduct. If they should find the accusation 
 well founded, it was incumbent on them to censure 
 him for a violation of his ministerial duty, and to 
 leave him to the judgment of the proper court for the 
 civil offence of which he had been guilty. Qr if they, 
 through the influence of undue partiality, should jus- 
 tify him erroneously, it was still competent for the civil 
 magistrate to proceed against him in the exercise of 
 that authority which the antecedent judgment of the 
 church could neither supersede nor invalidate. j" 
 
 Such was the full amount of the claim made by the 
 church at this time, and if candidly examined it will 
 be found neither so extravagant nor so unreasonable 
 as has been alleged. When accused of uttering 
 seditious or treasonable language from the pulpit, a 
 preacher was charged with a double offence, which 
 rendered him amenable to a double jurisdiction. He 
 was amenable to the church for the transgression of his 
 official duty, and to the state for violating his duty as a 
 subject. The only question was as to the order'in which 
 the cause should come to be tried, and tlie tribunal be- 
 fore which he should be primarily called to appear. 
 Some arrangement behoved to be made as to this ; and 
 where there was a constituted church, whose judica- 
 tories were recognized by the state, it seems, on se- 
 veral grounds, the most proper and expedient course 
 that the individual accused should in the first instance 
 be made accountable to them. Though a subject, it 
 was when acting in the character of a public minister 
 of the church that he incurred the charge brought 
 against him. And he could not offend against the 
 state, or against any individual, without first trans- 
 gressing his duty as a preacher of the Gospel. By 
 this arrangement the state might have been saved from 
 much disagreeable and unnecessary business, either 
 in the way of its appearing, from the investigation 
 before the ecclesiastical courts, that the charge was 
 
 * Dr. Robertson represents Melville as contending that " the 
 Presbytery of which he was a member had the sole right to 
 call hira to account for words spoken in the pulpit ;" and yet 
 he allows, in the same sentence, that his plea amounted only 
 to this, that "neither the King nor council could Judge, in 
 thefirst instance, of the doctrine delivered by preacners." If 
 this plea had been admitted, he says, " the Protestant clergy 
 would have become independent on the civil magistrate," and 
 might have taught, " without fear or control, the most dan- 
 gerous principles," &o. (History, ut supra.) 
 
 f " The question was not," says Principal Baillie, " Whether 
 ministers be exempt from the magistrates' jurisdiction, nor, 
 Whether the pulpit puts men in a liberty to teach treason 
 without any civill cognizance and punishment. Since the Re- 
 formation of Religion no man in Scotland did ever assert such 
 things. Rut the question was, as Spotswood himselfe states 
 it. Whether the Counsell was a competent judge to Master 
 Melville's doctrine in prima ins lantia : these were the ex- 
 presse termes." (Answer to the Declaration, p. 12, subjoined 
 to Historical Vindication, Lond. 1646.) 
 
254 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 completely groundless ; or, if it turned out otherwise, 
 in the way of their sentence leading to what might 
 be justly regarded as a sufficient reparation of the of- 
 fence and a prevention of its recurrence ; in both 
 which cases, the necessity of a legal prosecution 
 would have been happily superseded. This arrange- 
 ment would also have had the effect of preventing 
 ministers from being harassed by espionage on the part 
 of the government, or by the malicious informations 
 of individuals offended at their faithfulness in the re- 
 proof of sin or in the exercise of discipline. All 
 these objects would have been gained, while at the 
 same time the civil courts retained their authority en- 
 tire and unimpaired. I need scarcely add, that the 
 regulation in question was never intended to apply to 
 extraordinary cases ; and that no such immunity was 
 pleaded as would have prevented the executive gov- 
 ernment from immediate procedure against any one 
 who should be notoriously guilty of exciting sedition 
 or treason by his preaching, or who should even be 
 suspected of this in a time of public commotion or 
 national alarm. 
 
 It may be alleged, that this arrangement would 
 have produced collision between the two authorities. 
 But how could this have been prevented altogether, 
 in the supposed case, without abolishing the jurisdic- 
 tion and discipline of the church ] If it should be 
 said, that the previous judgment of the ecclesiastical 
 court would have imposed a certain kind of restraint 
 on the proceedings of the civil, I grant that it would 
 indirectly. But then I maintain that this would have 
 proved upon the whole a salutary check, and that its 
 tendency would have been to discourage the court 
 from indulging in arbitrary and vindictive prosecu- 
 tions. What is it but the restraint of opinion on co- 
 ercive authority — the great safeguard of the weak 
 against the oppressions of the powerful 1 It is proper 
 to guard against the license of the pulpit; but it is 
 equally proper to provide against encroachments on its 
 due liberty. This is an object of great importance, 
 whether it be viewed in relation to the nature and im- 
 mediate ends of the pastoral office, or to the indirect 
 influence which it is calculated to have upon public 
 opinion and the national weal. Those who speak in 
 Heaven's name to men, and whose duty it is to de- 
 clare the whole counsel of God — to inculcate the ob- 
 servance of the divine law in all its extent — to reprove 
 irreligion and vice, injustice and oppression, wherever 
 they appear and by whomsoever committed — to warn 
 of approaching judgments and impending dangers — 
 to call all to repentance and reformation of life — and 
 to watch for souls as those who must give an account 
 — are entitled to use, and ought to be protected in 
 using, a more than ordinary liberty of speech. If 
 they are fettered by injunctions, and awed by prosecu- 
 tions and penalties — if they dare select no subject, ad- 
 vance no sentiment, employ no expression, but what 
 is agreeable to men in power, and smoothed down so 
 as not to grate the delicate ears of courtiers — if they 
 are prohibited from applying the examples of Scrip- 
 ture, and improving the events of Providence, to the 
 instruction and admonition of their hearers — and, in 
 fine, if they are not allowed to exhort, reprove, rebuke, 
 with all authority, they cease to be the servants of 
 Christ, and become faithless and unprofitable to the 
 
 fieople of their charge. Is not this to chain them up 
 ike the animal employed to keep sentry when the 
 family are asleep, which alarms passengers by its 
 noise, licks tlie hand that feeds it, and is let loose at 
 its master's pleasure 1 Who would undertake such a 
 degrading office, but hirelings, parasites, or dastardly, 
 grovelling, and slavish souls? Nor is the conserva- 
 tion of this privilege (and why should not the pulpit 
 have its privileges as well as the senate, the bench, 
 the bar, or the academical chair ?) of less importance 
 in a national and political point of view. The bene- 
 ficial influence which religion exerts over the minds of 
 
 an intelligent people, politically considered, depends 
 in a high degree on the proof which its teachers give 
 of their honesty and independence. This is the sa- 
 vour of their salt, without which they are good for 
 nothing, and soon become worse than nothing, cor- 
 rupting and being corrupted. Despotism has rarely 
 been established in any nation without the subser- 
 viency of the ministers of religion. And it nearly 
 concerns the cause of public liberty, that those who 
 ought to be the common instructors and the faithful 
 and fearless monitors of all classes, should not be 
 converted into the trained sycophants of a corrupt or 
 the trembling slaves of a tyrannical administration. 
 
 At the period of which we speak, the pulpit was, 
 in fact, the only organ by which public opinion was 
 or could be expressed ; and the ecclesiastical courts 
 were the only assemblies in the nation which pos- 
 sessed any thing that was entitled to the name of li- 
 berty or independence. Parliament had its business 
 prepared to its hand, and laid before it in the shape 
 of acts which required only its assent. Discussion 
 and freedom of speech were unknown in its meetings. 
 The courts of justice were dependent on the will of 
 the sovereign, and frequently had their proceedings 
 regulated and their decisions dictated by letters and 
 messages from the throne. It was the preachers who 
 first taught the people to express an opinion on pub- 
 lic affairs and the conduct of their rulers; and the 
 assemblies of the church set the earliest example of 
 a regular and firm opposition to the arbitrary and un- 
 constitutional measures of the court. This is a fact 
 which has been strangely overlooked by most modern 
 writers, who, instead of presenting accurate and liberal 
 views of the state of society at that period, have too 
 often amused their readers by pointing sarcasms, or 
 turning elegant periods, on the arrogant pretensions 
 and dangerous encroachments of apresbyterian hier- 
 archy. 
 
 The truth is, that the nation at large was interested 
 in the question respecting the independence of the 
 ecclesiastical courts; and every enlightened friend of 
 justice and freedom at that time must have wished 
 success to the struggle which the preachers were 
 making in defence of their privileges. The powers 
 of the Privy Council of Scotland appear to have been 
 vague and undefined, their mode of procedure sum- 
 mary, and their decisions frequently of the most ar- 
 bitrary, oppressive, and despotical kind. It would 
 not be a difficult task, in my opinion, to extract from 
 their records a series of proceedings, in which they 
 not only interfered with causes which properly belong- 
 ed to the civil and criminal courts, but also decided 
 them in a way contrary to the most essential principles 
 of justice and the most explicit statutes of the realm. It 
 will scarcely admit of a doubt, that, in the prosecu- 
 tion of Melville, the court had more in view than 
 checking the liberties used by preachers, or resisting 
 the alleged claim of church-courts to judge in cases 
 of treason. Their grand object was to render the 
 authority of the sovereign absolute by bringing every 
 cause before the council-table for decision. A right 
 had already been claimed on behalf of the Privy Coun- 
 cil to judge in all causes of a civil nature, and the 
 claim was afterwards confirmed by a slavish parlia- 
 ment.* But the royal power was regarded as limited 
 
 * In the cause, James Menzics afirninsl Earl of A thole, be- 
 fore the Privy Council, April 3, 1576, it was pleaded by the 
 defender that, by the institution of the College of Justice, all 
 causes should be tried bv them. It was answered by the pur- 
 suer, and " by Mr. David Borthwick. advocate to his Matie in 
 his hienes name, that be act maid be Kin": James the Third, 
 it is declared that it shall be lesuni to his Matie or his succes- 
 sourcs to decydc in whntsiimever causes at y' pleasour notwith- 
 Rtandinc ony priviledpe granted to ony vther Juges." The 
 lords ofsecret council found that they were " Juges competent." 
 (Lord Haddington's MS. Collections from Minutes of Secret 
 Council, &c.) The parliament 1584 ordained that the king's 
 majesty, bit ne>«^. &c. shall be " Jnges c<>petent to all persons 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 255 
 
 and incomplete so lon^ as ecclesiastical causes were 
 exempted from its jurisdiction. Tlie right whicli the 
 church-courts exorcised of appointing their own diets, 
 the freedom of discussion allowed in their meetings, 
 and the jealousy with which they resisted every at- 
 tempt to encroach on their rights, were disliked by the 
 courtiers as tending to abridge the prerogative of the 
 crown, and dreaded by ihem as holding out a tempta- 
 tion to the civil courts to lay claim to similar privi- 
 leges. It was the suppression of these that was aim- 
 ed at in the present prosecution and in the late affair 
 of Montgomery. 
 
 On his trial, Melville pleaded not only the acts of 
 Parliament and Privy Council ratifying the jurisdic- 
 tion of the church, but also an agreement which had 
 been entered into with the view of avoiding dissension 
 on this very subject. In consequence of the oiTence 
 which was taken at the court's having imprisoned 
 Dury for expressions used in the pulpit, a conference 
 was held between commissioners of the Privy Council 
 and certain ministers, who agreed that, in future, if 
 the King was offended at the doctrine of any preacher, 
 he should cause a complaint to be given in against 
 him to the ecclesiastical court, instead of summoning 
 him to appear before the Privy Council.* Accord- 
 ingly this was done in the instance of Balcanquhall. 
 Melville had, therefore, reason to complain that this 
 agreement was violated in his case. It is a very in- 
 sufficient and weak apology for such bad faith, that, 
 in Balcanquhall's process, the General Assembly did 
 not give the King satisfaction, and did " force him to 
 take other courses than he desired to follow ;"f as if 
 the agreement had been, that the Assembly should 
 have the power to judge the doctrine of preachers 
 provided they humoured his majesty by always con- 
 demning it. 
 
 Independently of these considerations, the proceed- 
 ings against Melville were grossly unjust and illegal. 
 His sentence rested not on the proof of the articles 
 libelled, but entirely on the mode of his defence. 
 Granting that the council had the fullest right to judge 
 in the cause and at first instance, and consequently 
 that his requisition, protest, or declinature was invalid 
 and inadmissible, all that remained for the court to 
 do, was to repel his defences, to find itself competetit, 
 and to proceed with the trial. He was before them, 
 and the only opposition which he made was by words 
 and a written instrument. Of the same complexion, 
 and still worse, was the conduct of the council in in- 
 troducing, among the grounds of his sentence, his be- 
 haviour and the expressions used by him on his de- 
 fence. Although these had been as offensive and 
 disrespectful as they were alleged to he,X still it was 
 
 — in all matteris quharin thay or ony of thanie salbe appre- 
 hendit, suminound or char^eit to ansuer to sic thingis as salhe 
 inquirit of them be our said souerane lord and his counsell." 
 (Act. Pari. Scot. ili. 293.) 
 
 * " In respect that at the last calling of Jo" Durie befor the 
 privie counsell vpon ane cornpt of certaine words alleclgit 
 spokin in his sermon, ordour was takin be certaine commission- 
 ers of counsell and brether of the kirk, that in cace such accu- 
 sationes afterward sould fall out, the kirk sould have the 
 judgment yrof : And if the kings Ma, please to send any 
 commissioners at tryall they sould see the proceidings of the 
 kirk." (Buik of Universal! Kirk, f. 114. b.) 
 
 t Spotswood, p. 317, 318. Those who consult the expres- 
 sions charged on Balcanquhall, as givea by the archbishop, 
 will probably be of opinion, that if there was any thing offen- 
 sive in them it lay in the preacher's playing on words in the 
 pulpit. And surely his majesty, at least, had no right to be 
 offended at a speaker's being acquitted for punning unseason- 
 ably. 
 
 I According to Spotswood's account, " He burst forth in un- 
 dutiful speeches against the king, saj'ing, Tie perverted the laws 
 both of God and man." (Hist. p. 330.) But this statement is 
 refuted by the act of Privy Council, which makes no mention 
 of a personal charge against the king, but merely says that he 
 alleged, "that the laws of God and practices observed within 
 this countrv, were perverted, and not observed in his case." 
 (Record of'Privy Council, Feb. 17, 1583.) 
 
 in the highest degree unjust to convert them into mat- 
 ter of crimination and ground of punishment, in the 
 absence and complete failure of all proof of the charge 
 exhibited against him. Even in the case of those 
 who are charged with the most flagrant crimes, great 
 liberality is allowed to them, or to their counsel, to 
 avail themselves of every legal plea, and to urge every 
 plausible objection, whether it respects the competen- 
 cy of the judges, the relevancy of the libel, the char- 
 acter of the witnesses, or the mode of conducting the 
 prosecution. And it is only where tyranny and blind 
 passion have usurped the seat of justice, that the 
 strong, and, it may be, intemperate language that has 
 escaped a prisoner in the heat and agitation of his de- 
 fence, is charged against him or recorded upon his 
 conviction as even an aggravation of his crime. Such 
 procedure, while it demonstrates the iniquity of the 
 judges, affords a strong presumption of the innocence 
 of the accused individual. 
 
 Melville's flight to England turned out to be of 
 great advantage to his native country, by enabling him 
 to discover and counteract the insidious schemes of 
 Adamson. During the late changes the archbishop 
 had acted with his usual craftiness and inconstancy. 
 In the affair of Montgomerjs he appeared to co-operate 
 with the churcli, while, in reality, he was secretly 
 encouraging the court to persevere in the support of 
 episcopacy. At the same time that he was giving the 
 strongest assurances of his attachment to the presby- 
 terian discipline, he was, as he afterwards confessed, 
 plotting its overthrow.* The General Assembly ap- 
 pointed the Presbytery of Glasgow to try certain 
 charges brought against him ; but Melville, who was 
 empowered to summon him to appear, excused him- 
 self from executing the summons on account of the 
 sickness under which the bishop laboured. No soon- 
 er, however, had the king withdrawn from the con- 
 federated lords, than Adamson left his castle, to which 
 he had confined himself for a whole year, appeared in 
 the pulpit, and although he had himself approved of 
 the enterprise at Rutliven,f inveighed against the 
 nobility who were concerned in it and such of his 
 brethren as had supported their administration. To 
 avoid the prosecution pending against him he left the 
 kingdom in the end of the year 1583, under the pre- 
 text of going to vSpa for the recovery of his health. 
 But he proceeded no farther than London, and having 
 obtained a public commission, became an active agent 
 for Arran, by endeavouring to prepossess the court of 
 Elizabeth against the Scottish noblemen who had fled 
 into England. He consulted with the archbishop of 
 Canterbury and bishop of London as to the overthrow 
 of presbytery in his native country. He represented 
 
 * " Efter y' general! assemblie in October [1581] Mr. Patrik 
 Adamsone aggreit to all the poiiitts in the buik of Polecie and 
 concerning the office of a Bischope^and calling to dinner Mr. 
 Andro Meluill my uncle Mr. Alex"" Arbuthnot and ythers diuers, 
 he subscryvit yUo, quhilk his subscription is yet in my uncles 
 custodie. Item y* winter he passed ower to a convention of 
 the esteates, and effer he fand no' curt as he luiked for he drest 
 him to the ministers of Edr, shawing thani how that he cam 
 ower to court w*^ Balams hart of purpose to curse the kirk and 
 do euill, bot God haid wrought sa w' him, y' he had turned 
 his hart to the contrare and maid him bathe in reasoning and 
 votting to stand for the kirk, promising to schaw fordar and for- 
 dar fruitts of his conversion and guid miening. Wharat 
 Jhone dury was sa reioysit y' he treated him in hous and wrote 
 ower at lainthe to me in his fawour. Wherevpon I past down 
 to his caste!! at his hamcoming, and schew liim what informa- 
 tion concerning hini I haid gottin from the breithring of Ed', 
 thanking God y'for and offering him in caiss of continuance 
 the right hand of societie, whereat reioysing he tauld me the 
 maiter at lainthe, and namlie concerning the grait motiones and 
 working of the spreit. Weill said I y' spreit is an vpright hailie 
 and constant spreit, and will mairand mair kythe in effects; bot 
 it is a fearful thing to lie against him." — (Melville's Diary, 
 p. 89—91. 95.) The papers which Adamson subscribed at thi» 
 time may be seen in the printed Calderwood, p. 93 — 96. Comp. 
 Cald. MS. vol. iii. p. 350—364. 
 
 t Act. Pari. Scot. iii. 326, 
 
256 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 the principles and conduct of his brethren in an 
 odious light to the ministers of the French church in 
 London, and wrote letters to the same purpose to the 
 churches of Geneva and Zurich. Melville having ob- 
 tained intelligence of this lost no time in despatching 
 letters to the foreign churches, in which he conveyed 
 a very different account of the late proceedings in 
 Scotland, and painted Adarason's conduct in no fa- 
 vourable or flattering colours. As he was well known 
 in the places to which he wrote, his representations 
 were successful in defeating the scheme of the arch- 
 bishop, who hoped to have drawn from the continen- 
 tal divines such replies as would be helpful to him in 
 the execution of his plans.* The same success at- 
 tended the letters which Melville sent from Berwick 
 to the French church at London.f Whatever en- 
 couragement Adamson might receive from the bishops 
 in England,:^: his embassy did not succeed at court, 
 aud his residence at ijondon injured the cause which 
 he was employed to promote. This was owing in no 
 small degree to his private conduct, which was un- 
 becoming the clerical character and disgraceful to the 
 sovereign whom he represented. || 
 
 Upon Adamson's return to Scotland a Parliament 
 was held, by which presb^'tery was overthrown, and 
 the liberties of the church and nation laid at the feet 
 of the king and of those by whom he was guided. 
 To decline the judgment of his Majesty or of the 
 Privy Council in any matter was declared to be trea- 
 son. Those were declared guilty of the same crime 
 who should impugn or seek the diminution of the 
 power and authority of any of the three estates of 
 parliament; by which all that the church had done 
 for a series of years in the abolition of episcopacy was 
 pronounced treasonable. All judgments and juris- 
 dictions, spiritual or temporal, which had hitherto 
 been exercised, but which were not ratified by parlia- 
 ment, were discharged, and the subjects prohibited, 
 under high pains, from convening in any assembly, 
 except the ordinary courts, to treat, consult, or deter- 
 mine on any matter of state, civil or ecclesiastical, 
 without the special commandment and license of his 
 majesty. This act was intended for the suppression 
 of the General Assembly as well as of Presbyteries ; 
 or rather, it put the whole government of the church 
 into the hands of the king, without whose express 
 consent no ecclesiastical assembly could be held.§ 
 
 * Melvinus Pastoribus Genev. et Tigur. (Wodrow MSS. 
 in Bibl. Jurid. Ediii. ccc. 2. 12, vol. xx. no. 17.) Adamson's 
 papers, and a Iraoslation of Melville's letter, are preserved in 
 James Melville's Diary, p. 107 — 118. The answer from Geneva, 
 addressed to the exiled lords, is inserted in Cald.iii. 735. 
 
 t Letter to Castol: Cotton MSS. Calig. C. ix. 59. 
 
 I Mr. Beale, Clerk of the Queen's Closet, in a letter publish- 
 ed by Strype, charges Archbishop Whitgift with speakmg in a 
 degrading style of the ministers of Scotland and of other re- 
 formed churches, and says that he was suspected of having 
 given his approbation to Adamson's design of overturning the 
 order of the church of Scotland. Whitgift, in an apologetical 
 letter, says, that he had not given his subscription to Adam- 
 son's plan, but does not deny having conferred with him on 
 the subject. (Life of Whitgift, p. 149, 150. Append, p. 57.) 
 
 II This statement does not rest on the authority of satirical 
 poems, (See Dalyell's Scottish Poems of the 16th Century, p. 
 309.) nor even of Calderwood, who might be sufpectej of 
 giving too easy faith to reports unfavourable to the bishop. But 
 it is confirmed by Sir .James Melville, who was of the same 
 political party with Adamson, and succeeded him as ambassa- 
 dor at London. " The said Bishop — was disdained in England, 
 and dishonoured his country by borrowing gold and pretious 
 furniture from the Bishop of London and others, which was 
 never restored nor paid for." (Menioires. p. ISO. folio edit.) 
 Adamsom in a letter to Whitgift, promises to send his Grace 
 "a galloway naig." in return for his hospitality ; but that the 
 " opportnnit comniodite" of conveying it ever presented itself, 
 or that the nag ever filled a stall at Lambeth, is more than 
 dubious. (Harl. MSS. num. 7004. 2.) 
 
 } " The vther forme of Jugcment quhilk hes Majesty hes 
 dischargit, is the generall assemblic of the haill Clcrgie in the 
 Realme: under pretence quhairof ane number of Ministeris 
 from sundry presbyteries did assemble, with sum gentlemen of 
 the country," Ac. — " His Maiestie rpoun necessario occasions 
 
 Accordingly, it was ordained, by another act, that 
 commissions should be given to the bishops, along 
 with such others as might be constituted King's com- 
 missioners in ecclesiastical causes, to put order to all 
 ecclesiastical matters in their dioceses. In fine, it 
 was ordained that none should presume, privately or 
 publicly, in sermons, declamations, or familiar confer- 
 ences, to utter any false, untrue, or slanderous speeches, 
 to the disdain, reproach, and contempt of his majesty, 
 his council, or proceedings, or to the dishonour, hurt 
 or prejudice of his highness, his parents, and progen- 
 itors, or to meddle in the affairs of his highness and 
 his estate, present, bygane, or in time coming, under 
 the pains contained in the acts of parliament against 
 the making and telling of lesings, to be executed with 
 all rigour, even upon those who heard such speeches 
 and did not reveal them.* 
 
 These are the hlack acts (as they were called) of 
 this servile parliament. Though eversive of all liberty, 
 civil and natural as well as ecclesiastical, not a noble- 
 man, baron, or burgess ventured to o|)en his mouth 
 against them. Some of the ministers having received 
 secret information of what was going on, repaired to 
 the parliament-house with the design of protesting for 
 the rights of the church ; but the doors were shut 
 against them. The magistrates of Edinburgh receiv- 
 ed orders to drag from the pulpit any individual who 
 presumed to censure what the parliament had done. 
 But this did not deter them from exonerating their 
 conscience ; and when the acts were proclaimed at 
 the market-cross of Edinburgh, Lawson, Balcanquhall, 
 and Pont, " taking their lives in their hands, went 
 boldly and made public protestation" against them, 
 with all the ceremonies usual on such occasions. f 
 
 Orders were immediately issued to apprehend the 
 protesters, who saved themselves by a timely flight. 
 Upwards of twenty ministers soon alter followed their 
 example, and took refuge in England. Arran threat- 
 ened, with his usual brutal coarseness, " that he would 
 make Lawson's head to leap from his liaise,:}: though 
 it was as big as a hay-stack." David Lindsay, the 
 minister of Leith, was imprisoned in Blackness, and 
 John Howieson in Spey Tower. For praying for his 
 distressed brethren, Nicol Dalgleish, minister of St. 
 
 — vpoune humble supplicatioun made vnto hig Hienes will not 
 refuse to grant them licence to convene, to wit, the Bishoppes, 
 Commissioners, and sume of the maist verteous, Iearnit& godly 
 of their dioceis," &c. (Declaratioun of the Kings Majesties 
 intentioun and meaning toward the lait Acts of Parliament, p. 
 17. 19. Edin. 1585.) Even the meetings of kirk-sessions were 
 considered as discharged by this act. On the 28th May, 1584, 
 a special license was granted by his Majesty, in virtue of his 
 dispensing power, for nolding the weekly exercise, and tlie 
 meetings of kirk-session in Edinburgh, " notwithstanding our 
 late act of parliament or any pains contained therein, anen< the 
 which wee dispense be thir presents." (Cald. iii. 376^ An 
 intimation of a similar kind was made to the elders of St. An- 
 drews by Adamson. (Record of Kirk Session of St. And. June 17, 
 1584.) But where the ministers or elders were unconformable 
 to the will of the court, they were prevented from assembling. 
 The kirk-session of Glasgow, which used to meet every week, 
 did not assemble from July 18, 1584, to March 31, 1585. 
 (Wodrow's Life of Mr. David Weems. p, 33. MSS. vol. 3.) 
 
 » Act. Pari. Scot. iii. 293, 296, 303.— As a fit supplement to 
 the last mentioned act, Buchanan's Historj' and Dialogue De 
 Jure Regiii are condemned. Tempora mulantur. Not many 
 years before, a pension of L. 20. yearly had been assigned, 
 " for the guid, true and thankfull service done to oor so. lord 
 be his louit Mr. John Geddy, seruitour to Mr. George Buch- 
 quhannan, preceptour to his liienes and kepar of his privie sejil, 
 in writingof the Chronicles of this realme and vtheris lovable 
 werkis oT the said Mr. Georges editioun." May 8, 1577. 
 (Reg. of Privy Seal, vol. xliii. f. 81.) 
 
 To be consistent the Parliament ought also to have condemn- 
 ed Buchanan's Baptistes, or at any rate to have expunged the 
 following sentence in the dedication of it to James: " Volo 
 etiam hunc libellumapud posteros tcstem fore, si quid aliquan- 
 do pravis consultoribus impulsus, vel regni licentia rectam 
 educationem superante, secus conniiittas, non pneceptoribus, 
 sed tibi, qui eis rectc moraentibu; non sis obsecutus, id vitio 
 vertendum esse." 
 
 t Hume of Godscroft's History, ii. 335, 336. Cald. iii. 366 
 368. Spote. 333. { neck. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 257 
 
 * Nicol Dalgleish had been for many years a Regent in St. 
 Leonard's College, St. Andrews, which'he left in the year 1577. 
 (Papers of the University.) He went to France, and remained 
 for some time at Bourges. (Cald. ii. 606.) After his return to 
 Scotland he was nominated by the General Assembly, in 1581, 
 as a fit person for being made Principal of King's College, 
 when it was proposed to remove Arbuthnot to the ministry of 
 New Aberdeen. (Buik of Univ. Kirk, f. 102.) 
 
 + Act Pari. Scot. iii. 347. 
 
 j They promised " to obey, — according to the word of God" 
 James Melville, who wrote a long letter intended to expose the 
 the evil of the bond, characterizes this qualifying clause as 
 " manifesiam repng-nnntiam in adjecto; as if one should say, 
 he would obey the Pope and his prelates accordingto the word 
 of God." (Diary, p. 144.) 
 
 H Cald. iii. 529, 641—643. Hume of Godscroft'sHist. p. 337. 
 Wodrow's Life of Mr. .Tames Melville, p. 161, MSS. vol. xri. 
 
 } Cald. iii. 742, 743. 
 
 2 H 
 
 Cuthbert's church, was tried for his life. The jury 
 acquitted him ; but he was instantly served with a 
 new indictnnent for holding correspondence with re- 
 bels, merely because he had read a letter which one of 
 the ministers of Edinburgh had sent to his wife. Be- 
 ing persuaded to come in the King's will for this 
 fault, sentence of death was passed on him, and, 
 though it was not executed, yet by a refinement in 
 cruelty, the scaffold was erected and kept standing for 
 several weeks before the window of his prison.* 
 All ministers and masters of colleges and schools were 
 required to subscribe a bond, in which they engaged 
 to obey the late acts of Parliament and to acknow- 
 ledge the bishops as their ecclesiastical superiors, un- 
 der the pain of being for ever deprived of their bene- 
 fices and salaries. f The most of the ministers re- 
 fused subscription. Having convened the principal 
 recusants, Arran asked them, how they durst be so 
 bold as to find fault with the late acts of Parliament. 
 John Craig told him, that they durst find fault with 
 any thing repugnant to the word of God ; upon which 
 Arran started to his feet, and threatened that he would 
 shave their heads, pare their nails, cut their toes, and 
 make them an example to all rebels. Craig having 
 admonished him that persons who were raised as high 
 as he was had been humbled, he replied,"! will 
 make you of a false friar a true prophet :" and falling 
 on his knees, exclaimed, " Now I am humbled." Per- 
 ceiving that the greater part of the ministers were not 
 to be terrified into compliance, Adamson artfully di- 
 vided them by introducing into the bond one of those 
 ambiguous and unmeaning clauses whicli serve only 
 to blind the simple, and to salve the consciences of 
 such as are anxious to escape from trouble.:^ After 
 havingmadea manful resistance, CraigsufFered himself 
 to be caught in this snare, and drew into it the greater 
 part of his brethren. Even the honest and intrepid 
 Dury is said to have become a subscriber, and thus 
 to have lent his hand to build again the things which 
 he was among the foremost to destroy. And Erskine 
 of Dun, whose character stood so high, and who had 
 formerly made so honourable a stand for the liberties 
 of the church, not only became a conformist himself, 
 but was extremely active in persuading others to con- 
 form. So diflicult is it for good men to preserve a 
 strict and inflexible integrity in the hour of tempta- 
 tion ! II But there is no end to the impositions of 
 despotical authority, and to the humiliations of those 
 who have once bowed their necks to its yoke. Sub- 
 scription was not reckoned a suificient bond of fidelity, 
 and written injunctions were sent to all the conform- 
 ing ministers, by which they were obliged to frame 
 every sentiment and expression in such a manner as 
 to please the court.§ 
 
 The privileges of the universities were violated. 
 At Glasgow, Hay, the Rector, was banished to the 
 north of Scotland ; all the Professors were thrown in- 
 to jail ; the students dismissed, and commanded by 
 public proclamation to leave the city ; and the col- 
 lege shut up. Nor did the remote situation of the 
 
 university of Aberdeen save it from similar treat- 
 ment.* 
 
 As soon as he recovered from the depression of 
 mind into which he had sunk upon the flight of his 
 uncle, James Melville returned to St. Andrews, and 
 exerted himself in preserving the college from the 
 ruin with which it was threatened. His first care was 
 to secure his uncle's library, which was in danger of 
 confiscation ; after which he endeavoured to supply 
 his place by reading lectures on the system of divin- 
 ity. In addition to his double task as Professor of Di- 
 vinity and of Hebrew, he found himself obliged to un- 
 dertake the management of the revenues of the college 
 and the board of the students ; the persons entrusted 
 with these duties having refused to act, as soon as 
 they learned that the court looked on the establish- 
 ment with an evil eye. In these circumstances he was 
 encouraged by the sympathy of the masters of the 
 university, who attended his lectures and did every 
 thing in their power to promote the interests of the 
 New College. On this occasion, too, Thomas Buch- 
 anan testified his regard to his exiled friend at the risk 
 of displeasing the court, by coming forward and ta- 
 king a share of the burden of theological instruction, 
 to which he had formerly been appointed by the Gen- 
 eral Assembly.f They were not interrupted until the 
 meeting of Parliament, but no sooner were the laws 
 overthrowing the presbyterian discipline passed, than 
 Adamson came to St. Andrews for the purpose of im- 
 posing them on the university. He had procured an 
 order for apprehending James Melville ; who being 
 apprized of the fact, escaped, not without great haz- 
 ard, by crossing the sea in an open boat to Berwick. 
 Robertson was the only professor who remained in 
 the college, and the bishop soon after suppressed the 
 teaching of theology. :j: 
 
 A few days before his nephew arrived at Berwick, 
 Melville had left it for London, accompanied by his 
 relation and pupil, Patrick Forbes, younger of Corse.|| 
 He had obtained liberty from the English court to 
 repair to the capital, and was furnished with instruc- 
 tions from the exiled noblemen, who still remained 
 at Berwick. Along with James Carmichael, minis- 
 ter of Haddington, who added to his learning a talent 
 for public business, he had several interviews with 
 Walsingham, Bowes, and Sydney, and found hese 
 statesmen cordially inclined to befriend them.§ But 
 there were counsellors, particularly among the bish- 
 ops, who were unfriendly to their cause and did every 
 thing in their power to injure it. Adamson conveyed 
 his representations through the Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury ;^ and the agents of Arran spared no professions 
 or promises to induce Elizabeth to drive the exiles 
 from her dominions, or at least to refuse a hearing 
 to their complaints. Melville was at this time em- 
 ployed in writing a reply to a vindication of the Scot- 
 tish court, published under the title of a Declaration 
 of the King's Majesty's intention in the late acts of 
 Parliament. It was artfully drawn up by Archbishop 
 Adamson, and contained vile and unfounded aspersions 
 
 * Cotton MSS. Calig. C. viii. 78. 
 
 t October 1582. "It is leisum for a minister for a season to 
 superseid y^ rainistrie and vse ye office of a doctor, y'for ye 
 asserablie hes concludit and ordanit Mr. Tho. Buchannan to 
 enter in y* new CoUedge and vse and exercise y* office of a 
 doctour y'', for ye support of ye samein, his kirk fCeres] being 
 alwayes provydit of a sufficient pastour and ye said Mr. Thom- 
 as sufficientlie satisfied anent ye promise maide for expeditioun 
 of his pleyis." (Buik of Universal! Kirk, f. 129, b.) 
 
 t Melville's Diary, p. 105, 118—123. Cald. iii. 422. 
 
 II Afterwards bishop of Aberdeen. 
 
 5 A great number of letters written by Carmichael, Gallo- 
 way, and Hume of Godscroft, which contain minute informa- 
 tion of transactions at this period, are preserved among the 
 Wodrow MSS. in the Advocates' Library. A great part of 
 them is transcribed into the third volume of Calderwood's 
 MS. and Wodrow's Lives of Carmichael and Hume. 
 
 IT Letter from Patrick archb. of St. Andrews to his Grace 
 of Canterbury, June 16, 1584. Harl. MSS. num. 7004. 2. 
 17 
 
258 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 on the banished lords and on the proceedings of the 
 church. Melville, of course, came in for a large share 
 of the abuse. This declaration deserves particular 
 notice as the original of those misrepresentations of 
 of Scots affairs, which prevailed so long in England 
 and are not completely removed at this day. The 
 answers given to it by Melville and others exposed its 
 falsehoods ; but they shared the fate of all fugitive 
 pieces in being soon lost and forgotten.* The De- 
 claration, on the contrary, was carefully preserved. 
 By means of some of Arran's agents it was reprinted 
 at London, with a preface more odious than itself. Be- 
 ing published in the King's name, it was embodied, 
 as an authentic and official document, in Hollinshed's 
 Chronicle, from whieh it contiuued to be quoted, and 
 copied, and reprinted, after James had disowned it, 
 and Adamson had retracted it as a false and slauderous 
 libel.f 
 
 In the month of July 1584, the Earls of Angus and 
 Mar, and the Master of Glammis, wrote to Melville, 
 requesting him to repair to them immediately at 
 Newcastle, along with Lawson, " on matters of great- 
 er importance" than they could judge of alone.:^: With 
 this request he was prevented from complying, as he 
 was then absent from London on a visit to the Univer- 
 sities of Oxford and Cambridge. j| He was received 
 at these ancient seats of literature in a manner be- 
 coming his profession and merits, and expressed him- 
 self much delighted with the magnificence of the 
 colleges, the gravity of the professors, and the cour- 
 teous manners of the students. On this occasion he 
 formed an intimacy, which was afterwards kept up by 
 letters, with two very promising young men, George 
 Carleton, who became bishop of Chichester, and 
 Thomas Savile, whose early erudition was not less 
 admired than his premature death was deplored by the 
 learned on the Continent and in his native country .§ 
 Melville afterwards paid a fine compliment to two of 
 the theological masters, and to the young men whom 
 he found at this time prosecuting their studies und-er 
 them ; 
 
 Non ita teterni Whittakerus IT acer 
 Luminis vindex, patrisque lumen. 
 
 * Melville's reply (inserted in Cald. MS. iii. 714—734.) is 
 entitled, " Answer to the Declaration of certain Intentions set 
 out in the King's name, &c. 7th of Feb. 1585." James Melville 
 is supposed to be the author of another reply, in the form of a 
 Dialogue between Zelator,Temporizor, and Palaemon, which is 
 dated Newcastle, Feb. 10, 1585, (Cald. iii. 672—714.) It is 
 probable that both were printed. (lb. 423. 428. 753.) The 
 former reply passes over what relates to Melville; but the lat- 
 ter vindicates him strenuously, and its style is sharper and 
 more acrimonious than that of the other. Extracts from both 
 may be seen in the printed Calderwood, p. 174 — 184. 
 
 f This was strange, considering that the Declaration was the 
 Manifesto of an arbitrary administration, and an abusive at- 
 tack on the men who had uniformly shown themselves the most 
 steady friends of England. " Our kirk deserved no such in- 
 dignity at the hands of that estate as to be so highly prejudged 
 by the publick records of the realme; for our kirk was ever 
 carefull, and at that time specially, to entertain amitie betwixt 
 the two countries. But let such a lying libell lay there as a 
 blurr to blot the Chronicles of England.'*^ (Cald. iii. 650.) But 
 this was not all. In 1646, the Declaration was reprinted, in 
 Scots and in English, not by the Cavaliers at Oxford, (tliat 
 would not have been strange J but by the friends of the parlia- 
 ment at London, who had so lately loaded the Scots with 
 thanks for their " brotherly assistance," and solemnly vowed 
 " the preservation of the reformed religion in the cnurch of 
 Scotland, — in discipline and government!" (Baillie's Histori- 
 cal Vindication, Epist. Dedic. A. 4.) 
 
 t Cald. iii. 432. |I Melville's Diary, p. 159. 
 
 } See Melville's letter "D. Th. Saville et G. Carletono," in 
 the Appendix. Wood's Athenae Oxon. by Bliss, vol. i. col. 
 159; vol. ii. 312, 422. Fasti, coll. 212. 227. Thomas Savile 
 was a younger brother of Sir Henn- Savile, Provost of Eton 
 College, and editor of the works of Chrysostom. His letters 
 in Cambdeni Kpislola shew the progress which he had made 
 in recondite literature before Melville became acquainted with 
 him. 
 
 t Dr. William Whittaker, Regius Professor and Master of 
 St John'* College, Cambridge. 
 
 Dixit ant sensit: neque celsa summi 
 
 Peiina Renoldi,* 
 Certa sublimes aperire calles, 
 Sueta calcstes iterare cursus, 
 Laeta misceri niveis beatae 
 
 Civibus aute. 
 Nee Tami aut Canii accola saniore 
 Mente, qui ca?lura sapit in frequent! 
 Hermathenaeo, et celebri Lycaso 
 
 Culta juventus; 
 Cujus afl'ulget ^enio Jovas lux : 
 Cui nitens Sol justitiae reoidet: 
 Queni jubar Christi radiantis alto 
 
 Spectat olympo.f 
 
 On his return to London, he had to perform the 
 painful duty of attending the death-bed of his early 
 friend, and highly esteemed brother, James Lawson. 
 The air of England disagreed with his constitution, 
 and brought on a disorder, which was aggravated by 
 grief at the unhappy state of his native country and 
 the undutiful behaviour of his flock. He had joined 
 with his colleague in addressing a letter to the inhab- 
 itants of Edinburgh, in which they stated the rea- 
 sons of their flight. Adamson drew up a reply in the 
 name of the congregation, couched in the harshest 
 and most contumelious language, denominating their 
 ministers fugitives, rebels, and wolves, and renoun- 
 cing all communion with them. This the King sent 
 to the town-council, accompanied with an injunction 
 that it should be subscribed by them and the princi- 
 pal inhabitants ; and by the threats and importunities 
 of the court, a number of persons were induced to set 
 their names to this disgraceful paper.:|: Their con- 
 duct made a deeper impression on the delicate spirits 
 of Lawson than it ought to have done, considering 
 all the circumstances of the case. He died piously 
 and comfortably, bearing an honourable testimony to 
 the cause in which he had spent his life, and exhort- 
 ing his brethren, who surrounded his bed and sought 
 to alleviate his sufferings by the most sympathizing 
 attentions, to persevere in their attachment to it, what- 
 ever it might cost them. Such was the respect in 
 which he was held, that, though a stranger, his body 
 was accompanied to the grave by above five hundred 
 persons of respectability. Lawson had been selected 
 from all his brethren by Knox, to whom " he owed 
 even his own self besides," as the individual best 
 qualified for succeeding him in the charge of the 
 church of Edinburgh ; and his conduct in that impor- 
 tant station, and during the most difficult times, 
 proved that the choice had been made with our Re- 
 former's usual sagacity. He was pious, learned, elo- 
 quent; modest, zealous, prudpnt.|| He had been ori- 
 ginally in a humble situation, and displayed the orna- 
 ment of a humble spirit after he rose to distinction. 
 His capacity and avidity for learning when a young 
 man had attracted the attention of Andrew Simeon, 
 the celebrated master of the school of Perth, who 
 took him into his own house, bestowed upon him a 
 gratuitous education, and recommended him first to 
 the University of St. Andrews, and afterwards to the 
 
 • Dr. John Rainolds, Divinity Reader, and successively Mas- 
 ter of Queen's College and President of Corpus Christi, Oxford. 
 
 + Anti-tami-cami Categoria, Aulhore A. Melvino, 1604. 
 
 t Cald. iii. 377—383, 436. Hunie of Godscroffs Hist. ii. 
 361. — On the 11th June, 1584, a commissioner from his Majesty 
 presented to the town-council an answer to a letter of their 
 ministers, with a charge to subscribe it; because it appeared 
 to be "consMvif in scharp and ruch tearnies," the council ap- 
 pointed another form to be drawn up. On the afternoon of 
 the same day, they appointed some of their number to go to 
 Falkland to entreat his Majesty, that they should " nocht be 
 burthenit w' any thing hurtfull to yair consciences, and to la- 
 bour that his Mailie may be content with the secund form y'of 
 pennit be the town." (Records of the Town-Council of Edin- 
 burgh, vol. vii. 91, b. 92, a.) This request was peremptorily 
 refused. (See the letter from William Davison to Secretary 
 Walsingham, June IS, 1584, in the Appendix.) 
 
 P David Buchanan De Script. Scot, lllustr. num. 53. MS, 
 Adv. Lib. W. 6. 34. The works which this author ascribes to 
 Lawson appear to have been all in manuscript. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 259 
 
 Countess of Crawfurd, whose son he accompanied as 
 tutor to the Continent.* After his return to his na- 
 tive country, he testified his gratitude by the zeal with 
 which he uniformly promoted public education; and 
 his exertions in restoring^ the High School, and erect- 
 ing the University of Edinburgh, entitle his name to 
 a distinguished place among the benefactors of our 
 national literature.| 
 
 Balcanquhall and Davidson preached once or twice 
 in London, but received an order from the bishop to 
 desist.:j: When the banished noblemen came to the 
 English capital, they applied for the use of a separate 
 place of worship : but this liberty, which had been 
 granted to the French and Dutch, was refused to them. 
 The Lieutenant of the Tower, however, invited the 
 Scots ministers to preach in his Chapel, which was 
 exempted from the jurisdiction of the bishop of Lon- 
 don. Among other exercises performed there, Mel«- 
 ville read a Latin lecture on Genesis, which was well 
 attended, and much admired, particularly by the Earl 
 of Angus, who possessed a more cultivated mind than 
 any of the Scottish peerage. |j It is somewhat sin- 
 gular that Melville should, on this occasion, have 
 officiated as a lecturer in the place where he was 
 afterwards confined as a prisoner of state. 
 
 Scotland was in the mean time suffering from the 
 ravages of the plague, by wiiich its principal towns 
 were depopulated, and from the scourge of the worst of 
 all plagues, an insensate and despotical government. 
 The following anecdotes, which are less generally 
 known, will perhaps convey a livelier idea of the po- 
 licy with which it was aflfiicted, than the more glaring 
 acts of tyranny which have been often brought forward 
 in histories. In the year 1584, Robert Brown, the 
 founder of the sect of Brownists in England, came 
 out of the Low Countries into Scotland, accompanied 
 by some of his followers. Having taking up his re- 
 sidence in the Canongate of Edinburgh, he began to 
 disseminate his peculiar opinions, and to circulate 
 writings in which all the reformed churches were 
 stigmatized as unscriptural and antichristian societies. 
 The court took this rigid sectary under their protec- 
 tion, and encouraged him, for no other conceivable 
 reason than his exclaiming against the ministers and 
 calling in question their authority, § At the same 
 time Papists were openly favoured, and arrangements 
 made with James Skeen, one of their emissaries, for 
 having a colony of Jesuits quietly admitted into the 
 
 * Wodrow's Life of James Lawson, p. 1, 2,30. Cald. iii. 535. 
 
 t Crawfurd's Hist, of University, p. 19, 26. Feb. 3, 1568, 
 he was presented to " the secund place w'in the new roliege 
 or pedagog w'in the universitie of Sanctandrois," or, if it was 
 already provided, to " the third place in the said new college." 
 (Reg. of Present, vol. i. f. 23.) January 8, 1569, he was pre- 
 sented to the place of Sub-principal in the university of Aber- 
 deen, (lb. vol. i. f. 26, b.) He died on the 12th o'f October 
 1584, and was buried "in the new church-yaird at Bedleni." 
 His testament was subscribed bv him " at London in Honielane 
 of Cheapside, in Mr. Antony Martine's house upon Wednes- 
 day the 7 of October 1584." On hearing of his death. Arch- 
 bishop Adamson wrote a testament in his name, containing a 
 recantation of his principles, and a variety of letters to his 
 brethren, in which he is made to reflect on their conduct and 
 motives in opposing the King and the bishops. These, as well 
 as the real testament, are inserted in Cald. lii. 537 — 584. His 
 testament informs us, that he left three children. Among the 
 alumni of the New College of St. Andrews, A. 1601 , was " M. 
 Jacobus Lowson, M. .Tac. f. Edinburg.;" of whom the record 
 says, "paulo post obiit." Elizabeth Lawsoun was his only sur- 
 viving child in Aug. 23, 1603. (Inquisitiones Retorn. Gener. 
 num.142.) She married Mr. George Greir, minister of Had- 
 dington. (Commissary Records of Edinburgh, April 5, 1615.) 
 
 t'Cald. iii. 649. || Hume of Godscroft's Hist. ii. 361. 
 
 5 Cald. iii. 302 — 304. On his return to England. Brown 
 published a book into which he introduced various invectives 
 against the ministers and government of the church of Scot- 
 land. Dr. Bancroft did not scruple to appeal to his inflamed 
 statements, as one of the two authorities on which he rested 
 his attack on the Presbyterian discipline. (Sermon preached 
 at St. Paul'is Cross, 9 Feb. 1588, p. 63. Reprinted Lend. 
 1636. 
 
 country.* — The wives of the exiled ministers of Edin- 
 burgh, indignant at an abusive letter which Adamson 
 had addressed to their husbands, wrote a reply to it, 
 in which they expressed themselves with great 
 warmth and treated his Grace very unceremoniously. f 
 Instead of overlooking this very excusable, if not 
 amiable, display of conjugal affection, or defending 
 himself by the weapons with which he was assailed, 
 the affronted primate, in a way rather unmanly, re- 
 treated behind the throne, and directed its thunder 
 against the spirited females whose wrath he had pro- 
 voked and whose charges he was unable to repel. A 
 royal proclamation was issued, charging them and 
 their families instantly, linder the pain of rebellion, to 
 leave their manses ; and also commanding and charg- 
 ing, under the same pains, certain other matrons, 
 " worse affected to the obedience of our late acts of 
 parliament, to remove beyond the capital, and retire 
 beyond the Water of Tay, till they give farther de- 
 claration of their disposition. ":|: — The treatment of the 
 Countess of Gowrie, whose husband had been lately 
 executed, was marked with the most savage inhu- 
 manity. She had come to Edinburgh to present a 
 petition in behalf of her children, whose property was 
 confiscated. After being different times repulsed, she 
 one day met the King on the street, and "reaching at 
 his cloak to stay his majesty, Arran, putting her from 
 him, did not only overthrow her, which was easy to 
 do in respect of the poor lady's weakness, but march- 
 ed over her, who partly with extreme grief, and part- 
 ly with weakness, swooned presently in the open 
 street, and was fain to be conveyed into one of the 
 next houses, where with much ado they recovered 
 life of her."|| — The last fact which I shall mention is, 
 if possible, a proof of still deeper depravity, whether 
 it be viewed in a political, moral, or religious light. 
 William, Prince of Orange, the patriotic asserter of 
 the liberties of the Low Countries, fell at this time by 
 the hands of a hired assassin. When the news of his 
 death came to Scotland, the King said openly, that 
 the Prince had met with such an end as he deserved, 
 and the greater part of the court rejoiced at the event.§ 
 An administration so much at variance with the 
 sentiments of the nation, and which trampled so out- 
 rageously on its teriderest and most sacred feelings, 
 could not maintain itself long. The people groaned 
 for deliverance from a tyranny of which they durst 
 not complain. The principal courtiers whom Arran 
 had attached to him by his favours, disgusted at his 
 arrogance, or anticipating the fall of his fortunes, con- 
 sulted their own security by entering into a corres- 
 pondence with those who were likely soon to supplant 
 him. His power rested wholly on the dread he in- 
 spired and the ascendancy which he had gained over 
 the royal mind. James himself began to feel unhappy, 
 though he still continued to be the slave of an ignoble 
 and vicious favouritism.^ In these circumstances, 
 the exiled noblemen, having obtained the permission 
 of Elizabeth, appeared on the borders. They had 
 scarcely entered Scotland when the inhabitants began 
 to flock to their standard, and by the time that they 
 reached Stirling, to which the court retreated on their 
 approach, they found themselves surrounded with a 
 
 * W. Davison to Sec. Walsingham. Cotton MSS. Calig. 
 C. viii. 63. 
 
 + Harl. MSS. num. 291. 68. Cald. iii. 437. 
 
 J Harl. MSS. num. 291. 66. Cald. iii. 531. Janet Adamson, 
 relict of Sir James Macgill of Rankeillor, Clerk Register, was 
 among those "worse affected" ladies. 
 
 II Davison to Walsingham, Cotton MSS. Calig. C. viii. 84. 
 
 I Cotton MSS. Calig. C. viii. 63. Cald. iii. 435, 528. 
 
 II " The king is become very ill : I will say no worse. For, 
 being at the hunting, when he came home, he drank to all his 
 dogs. Among the rest he had one called Tell-true, to whom 
 he spake thir words: Tell-true, I drink to thee above all the 
 rest of my hounds; for Twill give thee more credence nor 
 either the Bishop or Craig." (David Hume of Godscroft to 
 Mr. James Carmichae], March 20, 1584. Cald. iii. 750.) 
 
260 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 numerous army. After meeting with a slight resist- 
 ance, they entered the town, and Arraa consulted his 
 safety by flight. A short negociation followed ; and 
 the king having come from the castle, the nobles laid 
 down their arms, and were admitted to favour and 
 power. 
 
 Melville accompanied the banished noblemen from 
 London, and returned to Scotland in the beginning of 
 November 1585, after an absence of twenty months.* 
 
 CHAPTER v.— 1585— 1592. 
 
 Melville exerts himself in recovering the liberties of the 
 Church — Difficulties in the Way of this — Selfishness of the 
 Restored Noblemen — Threatened Dissension among- the 
 Ministers of the church — Education and character of the 
 King — Examples of his Dogmatism — Restoration of the The- 
 ological College of St. Andrews — Melville invited back to 
 the College of Glasgow — Returns to his Place at St. An- 
 drews — His Share in the Process against Adamson — He is 
 Confined beyond the Tay — Is Restored — Disputes on the 
 Execution ot Queen Mary — The French Poet, Du Bartas, 
 Visits the University of St. Andrews — Annexation of the 
 Temporalities of Bishoprics to the Crown — Exertions of 
 Melville at the time of the Spanish Armada — Inten lew be- 
 tween James Melville and a Spanish Admiral — The Court 
 Favourable to the Church — Robert Bruce — Melville's Ste- 
 phaniskion Pronounced at the Coronation of the Queen — 
 Royal Encomium on the Church of Scotland — Bancroft's 
 Attack on it — Disgrace, Recantation, and Death of Adamson 
 — Civil Establishment of Presbytery — Remarks upon it. 
 
 The first object that engaged Melville's attention, 
 after his return to Scotland, was the restoration of the 
 liberties of the church, which lay buried under the 
 late parliamentary laws. Considering the corrupt in- 
 fluence by which they had been procured, the irregular 
 manner in which they were enacted, and the baleful 
 effects which they had produced, the abrogation of 
 these laws might have been expected, almost as a mat- 
 ter of course, at the first meeting of the estates of 
 the kingdom. But it soon appeared that this meas- 
 ure would have to encounter the most strenuous op- 
 position, and that it would find weak and treacherous 
 friends in those who were under the greatest obliga- 
 tions to support it. 
 
 The removal of the corruptions which had been 
 introduced into the church during the late maladmin- 
 istration, was at first craved by the nobility, and ac- 
 ceded to by the King in general terms. f But, in the 
 course of the conferences, the sagacity of Secretary 
 Maitland soon discovered, that, provided they obtain- 
 ed satisfaction in what regarded themselves, the most 
 of the nobles would be easily induced to pass from 
 their demands respecting the church. Emboldened 
 by this information, the King opposed any alteration 
 of the existing ecclesiastical law, as touching on his 
 prerogative which he was determined to maintain. 
 And the nobility consented to gratify him in this, at 
 the expense of their honour and good faith. In all 
 the manifestoes which they had published to the world, 
 they professed that one of their primary objects was 
 the redress of the grievances under which the church 
 laboured. They had repeatedly and solemnly pledg- 
 ed themselves to the same cause during their exile ;:t: 
 and by this means had secured the good wishes 
 and cordial support of the nation in their recent at- 
 tempt. The hardships and sufferings which the min- 
 isters of the church had endured, were owing in no 
 small degree, to the inviolable attachment which they 
 had shewn to the liberties of the nation and the inter- 
 ests of the nobility. Had they refused to approve 
 of the Raid of Ruthven, or had they afterwards con- 
 sented to retract the approbation which they had given 
 it, and yielded their support to the administration of 
 Arran, they might have secured to themselves favour- 
 
 • Melville's Diarv, p. 162—164. + lb. p. 164. 
 
 t Cald. iii. 328, ^9, 800. MelvlUe't Diary, p. 133. 
 
 able terms, or at least have escaped persecuiion; — 
 they might have escaped imprisonment, and tlie loss 
 of goods, and exile, and this last wrong and insult, 
 for which they were altogether unprepared, and which 
 was, in some respects, more galling and intolerable 
 than all the former. The nobility did not pretend to 
 deny the truth of these allegations. But they plead- 
 ed that the King was inflexibly bent on tiie mainten- 
 ance of episcopacy ; that he felt his honour implicated 
 in the support of the late statutes ; that it was neces- 
 sary to humour him and to gain his affections ; that as 
 soon as their power was firmly established they would 
 obtain for the church all that she required; and that 
 in the meantime, if any altercation arose, they would 
 interpose their influence between her ministers and the 
 resentment of the sovereign. All this was only an 
 excuse for bad faith ; and it was, moreover, bad policy. 
 The King could not, and he would not, have refused 
 the joint demands of the nobility and the church; his 
 honour could not suffer so much from giving up the 
 bishops as it had done from declaring good subjects 
 and admitting into his secret councils men whom he 
 had so lately proclaimed traitors and rebels ; they could 
 urge their sense of duty and the public pledges which 
 they had given, with more propriety, and with less risk 
 of giving offence, than their own personal claims ; 
 by humouring his Majesty in the manner proposed, 
 they would foster the prejudices which he had unfor- 
 tunately conceived, infuse jealousies of him into the 
 minds of his best subjects, and give occasion to dis- 
 cord and dissension between him and the ministers of 
 the church ; and, in fine, the boon which, if now con- 
 ferred, would allay all animosities, diffuse joy and 
 gratitude among all his majesty's subjects, and estab- 
 lish the authority of his present counsellors on a solid 
 and permanent basis, would, if withheld till a future 
 and distant period, produce none of these salutary ef- 
 fects — ^be conferred without cordiality, and accepted 
 without confidence.* 
 
 From the charge of selfishness and ingratitude to 
 which the nobility of Scotland subjected themselves 
 on the present occasion, justice requires that we should 
 except the Earl of Angus, who remained faithful to 
 his promises, and deeply lamented the defection of 
 his peers. This is but a small part of the tribute due 
 to the memory of the most patriotic, pious, and intelli- 
 gent of the Scottish nobility, whose modest and un- 
 assuming disposition, and retired habits, prevented 
 him from taking that lead in public affairs to which he 
 was entitled by his rank, and which those who best 
 knew his worth and talents were most anxious that he 
 should not have declined. f It has been one of the 
 great misfortunes of princes and commonwealths, that 
 men of integrity and real patriotism have shrunk from 
 the contest necessary to obtain and keep possession of 
 high ofl^cial stations, and have given way to the am- 
 bitious, the daring, and the unprincipled, who deemed 
 no sacrifices too dear for the enjoyment of power, 
 and scrupled not to set a whole nation or even the 
 world on fire, that they might rescue their own names 
 from obscurity. This will continue to be the case 
 until the period when a change shall take place which 
 it will require something more to bring about than a 
 mere reform of constitutional laws, when it shall be 
 believed that the affairs of a nation can be managed 
 on the same principles as other affairs, and when 
 sound sense and sterling principle shall be more ad- 
 mired by the public, than a talent, not for great things 
 — ^fbr that has always been very rare — but for intrigue 
 and bustle and shew ; a period, as to the near approach 
 of which the wisest will not be the most sanguine 
 in their expectations. 
 
 * Hume of Godscroft's Hist. ii. 375—381, 402 — 407. Cald. 
 iii. 853. Sir Janie* Melville's Mem. 171. 
 
 f Hume of Godscroft, ii. 289. 293, 344, 375. Meiville'a 
 Diary, p. 134, 164, 230. Spot*. 372. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 361 
 
 One of the first acts of the new counsellors was to 
 advise the King to summon a parliament to be held at 
 Linlithgow in the month, of December. Tiiis was 
 necessary to rescind the forfeitures under which they 
 were still lying, and to legalize the step which they 
 had lately taken. It had been the almost uniform 
 practice since the Reformation, for the General As- 
 sembly to convene before the meeting of Parliament, 
 that they might have an opportunity of preparing 
 petitions to lay before that high court. Accordingly 
 it was judged proper that the moderator of last Assem- 
 bly should call an extraordinary meeting to be held at 
 Dunfermline in the end of November. But when the 
 members assembled, the provost, alleging an express 
 command from his Majesty, refused them admission 
 into the town ; upon which they met in the fields, and 
 adjourned to meet again at Linlithgow some days be- 
 fore the opening of Parliament.* 
 
 In the interval Melville was busily employed in re- 
 pressing a dissension which threatened to break out 
 among his brethren respecfinof subscription to the late 
 bond. Travelling through different parts of the coun- 
 try, he urged the necessity of union on the present oc- 
 casion, and prevailed on the subscribers to co-operate 
 with their brethren in petitioning for the repeal of the 
 offensive laws.f The success which attended his 
 labours was nearly blasted after they assembled at 
 Linlithgow. A preacher introduced the subject im- 
 prudently into the pulpit, and condemned the conduct 
 of the subscribers. Craig considered his honour as 
 affected by this, and in a sermon preached before the 
 members of Parliament, not only vindicated what he 
 had done, and blamed the peregrine ministers^ (as he 
 called those who had fled to England,) but, contrary to 
 the doctrine which he had himself formerly maintained, 
 he extended the royal prerogative beyond all reasonable 
 bounds, and exhorted the noblemen, instead of stand- 
 ing upon their innocence, to crave pardon of his Ma- 
 jesty. :{: This incident would have led to consequences 
 fatal to the church, had not the flame been allayed by 
 the interposition of the wiser and more moderate, who 
 persuaded the parties to postpone the adjustment of 
 their differences to a future period. This affair having 
 been accommodated, a deputation of ministers was ap- 
 pointed to wait on the nobility, and again to urge the 
 fulfilment of their promises. They intreated, reason- 
 ed, expostulated, threatened ; but all to no purpose. 
 The only answer which they could obtain was, that 
 an insuperable obstacle had presented itself in the re- 
 pugnance of the royal mind to their requests. They 
 were thus reduced to the necessity of having recourse 
 to the King, and this led to a personal altercation with 
 him, which they were most anxious to avoid. He re- 
 ceived them very ungraciously, repeated all the 
 charges against them which they had been accustomed 
 to hear from Lennox and Arran, and made use of ex- 
 pressions which were not more disrespectful to them 
 than they were indecorous from the lips of a king. 
 The consequence was, that he was obliged to hear 
 some things in reply which were not the most grateful 
 to his royal ears. Melville defended himself and his 
 brethren with spirit, and hot speeches passed be- 
 tween his Majesty and him at several interviews. 
 
 At the King's desire the ministers -drew up their 
 animadversions on those laws of which they craved 
 the repeal. When these were presented to his Ma- 
 jesty he shut himself up in his chamber and spent a 
 whole day in penning a reply to them with his own 
 hand. This he delivered to the ministers as his de- 
 claration and -interpretation of the statutes, telling 
 them that it should be as valid and authentic as an 
 act of Parliament.|| It differed considerably from the 
 
 » Melville's Diary, p. 164, 165. + Cald. iii. 810. 
 
 \ Life of Knox, ii. 127 ; compare Hume of Godscroft, ii. 333 
 —399. 
 
 II Printed Calderwood, p. 193—196. James prefixed to his 
 
 declaration lately published by authority, and which 
 James now thought proper to disavow under the 
 name of " the bishop of St. Andrews' own declara- 
 tion."* But still it defended, and indicated a dispo- 
 sition to support, the main encroachments which had 
 been made on the jurisdiction and liberties of the 
 church. Notwithstanding the challenge with which 
 it concluded, the ministers declined engaging in a con- 
 test in which authority would have supplied the lack 
 of argument. As Parliament was in haste to conclude 
 its business, they contented themselves with present- 
 ing a supplication to the King, in which, after expres- 
 sing their satisfaction at the display which he had 
 given of his "knowledge and judgment," they 
 craved that the subject should be submitted to grave 
 consultation ; that the execution of the objectionable 
 acts should be suspended until the next meeting of 
 Parliament ; that they should have liberty to hold 
 their ecclesiastical assemblies as heretofore; that the 
 bishops should assume no more power than they ex- 
 ercised before the late enactments ; and that all minis- 
 ters and masters of colleges should be restored to 
 their places and possessions. The last article of 
 their request was the only one which was ratified by 
 Parliament.! 
 
 This Parliament dissolved without fulfilling any 
 of the expectations which had been raised by the cir- 
 cumstances in which it met. In the long list of its 
 acts, consisting of so many ratifications to noblemen 
 and gentlemen who had been lately outlawed, and in- 
 cluding the names of hundreds of their retainers, we 
 look in vain for one statute calculated to secure per- 
 sonal or public liberty against the invasions of arbi- 
 trary power.:}: On the other hand it decreed the pun- 
 ishment of death, " to be executed with all rigour," 
 against such as should publicly or privately speak to 
 the reproach of his Majesty's person or government, 
 or should misconstrue his proceedings ; and it pro- 
 hibited, under the pains of sedition, all leagues or 
 bands among the subjects without his Majesty's pri- 
 vity and consent, under whatever pretext they should 
 be made ; || although the principal members owed 
 their seats in that parliament to a league of this de- 
 scription, and had recently been charged by open pro- 
 clamation with using those very freedoms against 
 which they now denounced so exemplary a punish- 
 ment. The despotical acts of Arran's parliament were 
 left untouched; and although some of them were in 
 
 Declaration the words, F.jus est eoqplicare ciijus est condere; a 
 legal maxim of which he was extremely fond, and which he 
 often used in this application. (King James's Works, p. 520. 
 Lord Hailes, Memorials, i. 52.) 
 
 * The following is a specimen of his Majesty's explications, 
 and of his egotistic dialect: "My bishops, which are one of the 
 three estates, shall have power, as far as God's word and ex- 
 ample of the primitive kirk will permit, and not according to 
 that man of sin his abominable abuses and corruptions. — In the 
 fourth act. /discharge all jurisdictions not approved in parlia- 
 ment and conventions without my special license. — /acclaime 
 not to myself to be judge of doctrine in religion, salvation, 
 heresies, or true interpretation of Scripture. / allow not a 
 bishop according to the traditions of men or inventions of the 
 pope, but only according to God's word. — Finally I say his 
 office is solum •^ic-xomv ad vitam, having therefore some pre- 
 lation and dignity among his brethren, as was in the primitive 
 kirk. — To conclude, I confess and acknowledge Chri.st Jesus 
 to be head and lawgiver to the same, and whatsomever person 
 doth arrogate to himself as head of the kirk, and not as mem- 
 ber, to suspend or alter any thing that the word of God hnth 
 only remitted unto them, that man, I say, conmiitteth manifest 
 idotatrj-, and sinneth against the Father, in not trusting the 
 word of the Son; against the Son, in not obeying him, and 
 taking his place; against the Holy Ghost, the said Holy Spirit 
 bearing contrary record to his conscience." 
 
 f Cald. iii. 210— 2fi8, 253. Melville's Diary, p. 175— 179. 
 Act. Pari. Scot. iii. 395. 
 
 t The only act which has the semblance of this is that which 
 relates to charges super inqidrendis ; and all the provision 
 which it makes is, that the charge shall be subscribed by four 
 of the chief officer? of state. (Act. Pari. Scot. iii. 377.) 
 
 11 Act. Pari. Scot. iii. 375, 376. 
 
262 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 whole or in part rescinded or disabled by subsequent 
 statutes, yet others continue to this day to disgrace 
 our legal code ; and recourse has been had to them, 
 even in modern times, by high-flying statesmen and 
 court-lawyers, to crush opposition to unpopular mea- 
 sures or to inflict vengeance on those who had incur- 
 red their political resentment. It has been remarked, 
 that the lords, after the enterprise of Ruthven, " im- 
 proved the opportunity of insinuating themselves into" 
 the King's " favour with little dexterity."* It ap- 
 pears that they were now convinced of their error ; 
 and as they were men by no means destitute of sa- 
 gacity, their conduct shews what was the most likely 
 way of securing the royal favour. 
 
 As the personal conduct of his Majesty had from 
 this period great influence on transactions in church 
 and state, and as his name will often occur in the fol- 
 lowing pages, it may be proper here to give some ac- 
 count of his education and character. 
 
 James, after he grew up, was accustomed to com- 
 plain of the treatment he had received from those who 
 governed the kingdom during his minority. In these 
 complaints there was much ingratitude mixed with the 
 political prejudices which he unhappily imbibed. No 
 monarch of that age had such attention paid to him 
 in his early years. Every provision was made, by the 
 Estates of the kingdom, for his personal safety and 
 comfort, and for his being educated in a manner be- 
 coming his rank as king of Scotland, and his pros- 
 pects as presumptive heir to the throne of England. 
 The command of the Castle of Stirling,*chosen as the 
 place of his residence, was entrusted, upon the death 
 of the Regent Mar, to his brother. Sir Alexander 
 Erskine of Gogar, a gentleman of approved courage, 
 and of the strictest honour and integrity. The imme- 
 diate care of James's person, during his youth, was 
 committed to Annabella, Countess of Mar, the widow 
 of the deceased regent, who discharged the duties of 
 her place with the most unexceptionable propriety 
 and delicacy. f David and Adam Erskine, commen- 
 dators of Dryburgh and Cambuskenneth, both gentle- 
 men of excellent character, superintended the bodily 
 exercises and sports proper for a young prince. Gil- 
 bert Moncrieff, a learned man who had studied in 
 foreign universities, and sustained the fairest reputa- 
 tion both abroad and at home, held the place of physi- 
 cian in the royal household.:^: The superintendence 
 of the Prince's studies, and of whatever related to the 
 improvement of his mind, was devolved on Buchanan, 
 who was qualified for this important task not less by 
 his unbending integrity and the soundness of his 
 judgment, than by the splendour of his genius and the 
 extent of his erudition. 
 
 The plan on which the education of James was 
 conducted is a proof of the enlightened views of his 
 preceptor. It included the learned languages, arith- 
 metic, geography, astronomy, rhetoric, logic, and his- 
 tory. || In the exercises in composition prescribed to 
 the royal pupil, more attention appears to have been 
 paid to improvement in the vernacular language than 
 was common at that period. § Great care was taken to 
 instruct him in modern history, and especially the his- 
 tory of the nation over which he was to rule.^ And 
 
 • Robertson's Hist, of Srot. ii. 419. 
 
 + " Sed hoc est niemorabile quod Coniitissae Mariae, Proregis 
 uxori, coniissus fuerft enutricndus, quae, profecto, gravitate, 
 honitate, oinnes nobiiesexsuperavit.quae, quantum prae loci ejus 
 dio^itate potuit, Regeni sicut ejus nlium aluit, fovit, et, Zoilo 
 Ftiani contratestantp, nutrivit. Sic Rex puer omnimodo felix, 
 si fortuiiam stiam non hesisset." (Arch. Simson, Annales Eccl. 
 Scot. MS. p. 158. See also Art. Pari. Scot. vol. iii. p. 158.) 
 
 1 Buchanan) Epist. p. 27. Melville's Diary, p. 39, 56. 
 
 ij Irvine's Memoirs of Burtianan, p, 160, second edit. 
 
 { It is highly probable, that " The Essayes of a Prentice in 
 the Divine Art of Poe»ie," the earliest publication of James, 
 consisted chiefly of exercises performed by him under the 
 dirertion of Buchanan. 
 
 % Sibbaldi ConiBient. in Vitam G. Buchanani, p. 20. 
 
 next to the imbuing of his mind with the principles 
 of religion and virtue, it was Buchanan's great con- 
 cern to give him just views of the nature of govern- 
 ment, and what was incumbent on the king of a free 
 people.* 
 
 James enjoyed the advantages of a private and pub- 
 lic education combined. Several young men of rank 
 were allowed to reside in the castle, and to carry on 
 their studies along with him; as the young Earl of 
 Mar, Sir William Murray of Abercairny, a nephew of 
 the Countess of Mar, who spent his future life at 
 court, Walter Stewart, afterwards Lord Blantyre and 
 Lord High Treasurer, and the Lord Invertyle.t To 
 these may be added Jerom Groslot, a Frenchman, 
 afterwards known by the name of the Sieur de I'lsle,:^ 
 who lived in habits of friendship with the greatest 
 men of his age, and by his attachment to letters and 
 his exertions in behalf of religious liberty, proved 
 himself worthy of the master under whom he was 
 educated, and of the high commendations which he 
 received from him.|| 
 
 When the education of a young man is entrusted to 
 more than one tutor, it is of the utmost consequence 
 that they harmonize in their views and mode of man- 
 agement. To the want of this is to be ascribed in no 
 small degree the disappointment of the hopes formed 
 from the education of James. Peter Young acted as 
 Buchanan's assistant, and was sufficiently qualified 
 for attending to the more trivial parts of instruction. § 
 Young was destitute of Buchanan's genius, and every 
 way his inferior in literature ; but he possessed one 
 talent to which his colleague was an utter stranger, 
 that of knowing how to improve the situation which 
 he held to his own advantage. He did not indeed fail 
 in outward respect for Buchanan, nor did he resist his 
 authority, but he injured him more deeply than if he 
 had been guilty of both these offences. Buchanan 
 had undertaken the delicate task of directing the 
 young king's education from the most disinterested 
 motives, and he never suffered himself to be diverted 
 from his duty by the slightest regard to his own emol- 
 ument. He did not forget that he was training up 
 one who was destined to reign, but he knew that the 
 best way for fitting him to sway the sceptre, when it 
 
 • See his Dedication to the kiiig of his Bapiistes, De Jure 
 Regni, and Histor. Rer. Scot. Translations of these may be 
 seen in Dr. Irving's Memoirs. 
 
 + Crawfurd's Officers of State, p. 393, 402. Douglas's Bar- 
 onage, p. 102. Mackenzie's Lives, iii. 172. 
 
 \ " Coniite itineris Hieronymo Groslotio Lislaeo, nobili Gal- 
 lo, cuius niaiores ex Francia Germanise oriundi erant, nni cum 
 adolescentulo Jacobo vi. Scotiaerege, sub Georgio Bucnanano, 
 educatus fuerat, Academias Oxoniensera et Cantabrigienseni, 
 bibliothecasque libris veteribus refertissimas, perlustrasset." 
 (Vita Pauli Melissi. in Adanii Vit. German. Philosoph. p. 450.) 
 
 His father, a respectable magistrate of Orleans, lost nis life 
 in the massacre of St. Bartholomew. Buchanan repaid the 
 civilities which he had formerly received from the father, by 
 the kind reception which he gave to the son, when he took 
 refuge in Scotland. It was doubtless by his influence that the 
 young exile was received at court, and permitted to prosecute 
 his studies along with the prince. In consequence of the con- 
 nexions which he at this time formed with the court of Scot- 
 land, the Sieur de I'Isle was afterwards employed in certain 
 confidential communications between .fames and Henry IV. 
 of France, while the latter was king of Navarre. They related 
 chiefly to a proposal of marriage between King James and 
 Henry's sister. Bayle is incorrect in his statement of this af- 
 fair. (Diet. art. Navarre, Jeanne d'Albret Reine de. Note 
 Z.) The true state of facts mav be learned from Memoires de 
 M. du Plessis, tom. i. p. 125— f27, 624, 648, 656; and Vie dc 
 M. Plessis, p. 122. 
 
 II Lipsii Opera, tom. ii. p. 139, 144. Teissier, Eloe-es, tom. 
 iii. p. 314. Buchanani Epist. p. 33, 34; and Irving's Memoirs 
 of Buchanan, p. 279—282. In 1612, he sat in the National 
 Synod of Privas, as an elder of the church of Orleans, and was 
 one of the deputies appointed to reconcile the Marshal Duke 
 of Bouillon to the Dukes of Sully and Rohan. (Quick, Syno- 
 dicon Galliae RcformataB, vol. i. p. 347, 368.) 
 
 } Young was for some time on the Continent with his uncle, 
 Henry Scrimger, and attended the University of Lausanne. 
 (Smith, Vita Petri Junii, p. 4. Adami Vit. German. Theolog. 
 p. 766,) 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 263 
 
 should be placed in his hands, was to treat him as a boy 
 as long as he was such ; and he guarded against foster- 
 ing those premature and extravagant ideas of superiority 
 which are but too ready to rise in the breast of a royal 
 youth in spite of the utmost care and vigilance on the 
 part of his tutors. At an early period James discover- 
 ed symptoms of those vices which afterwards degrad- 
 ed his character, and rendered his administration a 
 source of uneasiness to himself and oppression to his 
 people. Buchanan treated these with a whol(;some 
 severity, and accordingly kept the King in great awe.* 
 It was Young's duty to have avoided every thing 
 which tended, even indirectly, to counteract the in- 
 fluence of such measures ; and provided he had used 
 his endeavours to reconcile the mind of James to the 
 restraints imposed on him by representing them as 
 proceeding from the regard which his preceptor felt 
 for his welfare, the superior mildness of his own man- 
 ners might have proved highly beneficial. But he 
 was in the prime of life ; he had the prospect of a 
 family ; he saw the advantages to be derived from in- 
 gratiating himself with the young king; and with a 
 cool and calculating prudence, which men of ordinary 
 minds often possess in a liigh degree, he pursued the 
 course which tended to advance his worldly interests, 
 by flattering the vanity of his pupil, humouring his 
 follies, and conniving at those faults which he ought 
 to have corrected. f The consequences were such as 
 might have been expected. The youthful vices of 
 James were confirmed ; Buchanan incurred the rooted 
 aversion of his pupil ; and Young had his reward in 
 the honours and gifts that were lavished on himself 
 and his family.:}: 
 
 At the most critical period of his life .Tames fell 
 into the hands of Lennox and Arran. The great ob- 
 ject of those by whom he was now surrounded, was 
 to eradicate any good principles which his instructors 
 had sown in his mind, and to give him habits opposite 
 to those which they had laboured to form. The great- 
 er part of his time was spent in pastime. The con- 
 versation to which he was accustomed was profane, 
 loose, and mixed with low buffoonery. Monberneau, 
 a French gentleman who had accompanied Lennox to 
 Scotland, and who was equally distinguished by his 
 facetious talents and his licentious manners, was the 
 manager of these scenes, and accompanied the King 
 wherever he went.|| The odious and abandoned Arran 
 initiated him into youthful debauchery, and with the 
 view of inflaming his passions, scrupled not to trample 
 on those ties which natural aff"ection and a sense of 
 honour have induced the most profligate to Tespect.§ 
 At the same time, the doctrine of absohite power, so 
 flattering and grateful to princes, was poured into his 
 
 * Irvine's Memoirs of Buchanan, p. 159. D'Israeli's Inquirj* 
 into the Cnaractpr of James I. p. 61. 
 
 f Sir James Melvil (Memoirs, p. 125.) has insinuated all 
 that is oontained in the text. The charge has been direct!}' 
 brought against Young bj- Archibald Simson, who had p-ood 
 opportunities of information, as his brother Patrick was minis- 
 ter of Stirling, and lived on an intimate footing with the family 
 of Mar. His words are: " Educationis ejus cura Georgio 
 Buchanano comissa est et Pctro Junio, qui impares omnimodo 
 erant; quod ille inter literatos fuit literatissimus, iste medio- 
 critcr elementa vix gustaverit. Sed in hoc differebant: Bu- 
 chananus animi candore juvenis Regis naturam praesagiens 
 satis acriter monendo cnnipescebat; alter adulando fovebat. 
 Sed quid eruditionis in Rege erat, hoc Georgio Buchanano 
 debebat." (Annales Ecclesige ScoticanpCvMS. p. 158.) 
 
 i See the places in the Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland 
 referred to in the Index under the articles, Young (Peter,) 
 and his children. Scaliger has remarked, that princes of some 
 learning dislike men of great learning, and delight only in pe- 
 dantic pedagogues. " Principes docti oderunt doctissimos 
 homines, amant tantuni pedantes raagisterulos." (Scaligerana, 
 Thuana, f.x. torn. ii. p. 473.) 
 
 H Strype's Annals of the Reformation, ii. 622. Melville's 
 Diary, p. 59, 60. See also the facts and authorities stated in 
 Note V. 
 
 § Cald. MS. apud Adamson's Muse's Threnodie, vol. ii. p. 
 86. Perth, 1774. 
 
 ear. His mind was filled with prejudices against 
 those who had preserved his life and crown during 
 his minority. He was told, that all that had been 
 done during that period, and ever since the Reforma- 
 tion, was obnoxious to the charge of faction and usur- 
 pation and rebellion. And he was taught, that the 
 only way to legitimate his authority, and procure the 
 acknowledgment of it by foreign princes, was either 
 to admit his mother to a share with him in the gov- 
 vernment, or else by renouncing his crown, to receive 
 it again with her voluntary consent and parental bene- 
 diction. Strong prejudices were instilled into his 
 mind against the government and ministers of the 
 church. The former was represented as utterly irre- 
 concilable with a pure and absolute monarchy. And 
 if the latter were suffered to retain their liberties, he 
 was taught to believe tliat he would be liable to be 
 continually checked and controlled in the execution of 
 his will.* Historians have dwelt on the arbitrary 
 administration of the favourites ; but pernicious as 
 this was, it appears harmless when compared with 
 their malignant and too successful efi"orts to poison the 
 principles and corrupt the morals of the prince who 
 had unhappily lallen under their influence. To the 
 impressions which he received at this time we must 
 trace, as their principal cause, the troubles which dis- 
 tracted his administration in Scotland, as well as his 
 arbitrary and disreputable reign in England, which 
 prepared the revolution by which his successor was 
 overwhelmed, and led to the ultimate expulsion of the 
 Stuarts from the throne of their ancestors. 
 
 When the banished lords returned from England, 
 James was in the twentieth year of his age; and as 
 he early arrived at maturity, his character had already 
 unfolded itself, and his capacity appeared to greater 
 advantage, and perhaps was really greater, than at any 
 future period of his life.f He possessed a natural 
 quickness of apprehension and fluency of speech, 
 which had an imposing efl"ect, and impressed strangers 
 with an idea of his talents which subsequent acquain- 
 tance invariably tended to diminish. He was not de- 
 ficient in learning, but his knowledge was of that 
 kind which is often attained by persons of high rank 
 but slender intellect, who have received a good edu- 
 cation. The soil being thin but well improved, the 
 abundance of the first crops excited hopes which were 
 not afterwards gratified. The taste which he had con- 
 tracted for study, and which to a vigorous and sound 
 mind would have afl'orded an innocent and agreeable 
 relaxation, only served to minister to his vanity, and 
 to create a feverish thirst for literary fame which noth- 
 ing but courtly adulation could gratify. His studies 
 never interfered with his amusements ; but they di- 
 verted him from the duties of his office, and confirmed 
 and agrgravated the errors of his administration. When 
 he should have been learning the art of government 
 he was serving an apprenticeship to the muses; and 
 while his ministers were perverting all the principles 
 of justice, and grinding the faces of his subjects with 
 oppression, he was busied in composing and publish- 
 ing " rules and cautelis for Scottish poesy .":}: Having 
 
 * Melville's Diary, p. 89. " At that time it was a pitie to sie 
 sa weill a brought vp prince, till his bernhead was past, to be 
 sa miserablie corrupted in the entress of his springall age; 
 baith with sinistrous and fals information of all proceidings in 
 his niinoritie, and with euitt and niaist dangerous grundes and 
 principalles in government of kirk and common welth," &c. 
 
 + " Encore (says the French ambassador in a letter to the 
 Marquis de Sillerj', October 31, 1606.) qu'un Gentilhomnie 
 d'honneur ni'ait dit, que tous ceux de cette niaison promettent 
 m'erveille jusqu'a Page de 20 ans, niais que de-la en avant ils 
 diminuent'bien; m'alleguant a ce propos I'example du jRoi pre- 
 sent." He adds, speaking of Prince Henry: '• Toutefois ce qui 
 fait centre cela, c'est que celui-ci tient beaucoup de sa mere." 
 (Ambassades de M. de la Boderie, torn. i. p. 402.) 
 
 I James's first publication, which made its appearance during 
 the reign of Arran, is entitled, •' The Essayes of a Prentise in 
 the Divine art of Poesie. Imprinted at Edinburgh, by Thomas 
 
264 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 little mind of his own, he was moulded by those who 
 were near him, and whom vanity or affection induced 
 him to imitate. Hence the motley and heterogeneous 
 composition of his character — that love of letters 
 which was combined with a passion for low sports 
 and buffoonery ; those pretensions to religion which 
 were discredited by vulgar profaneness and the coarsest 
 blasphemy; and those maxims of political wisdom which 
 w^ere mixed up in his speeches and writings with the 
 most undisguised avowal of the principles of absolute 
 authority. The former were instilled into his mind by 
 his early instructors : the latter he drank in from his 
 corrupt favourites and the base companions whom they 
 placed around him. Other princes were in love with 
 despotic power : James thought that he could demon- 
 strate its reasonableness, and was not satisfied unless 
 he could produce the same conviction in the breasts 
 of others. He employed both the sceptre and the pen 
 in its defence, and those who ventured to oppose his 
 measures, had to encounter the dogmatism of the dis- 
 putant as well as the wrath of the despot. 
 
 Poetry, politics, and divinity, vi'ere the three sub- 
 jects on which his Majesty was fond of displaying 
 his talents. The poets were more disposed to pay 
 their court to him than to contest his merits ; there 
 were few politicians at that time who were so bold as 
 to lay down rules to kings, or to question the wisdom 
 of their actions ; so that the chief opposition which 
 James met with was from divines, who wanted taste 
 to perceive or politeness to applaud the beauties of his 
 sonnets, insinuated their doubts of the political apho- 
 risms which he gave out, and flatly contradicted his 
 theological dogmas. James, on the contrary, plumed 
 himself greatly on his skill in divinity, and verily 
 thought that he could settle a theological question, or 
 make a commentary, or handle a text, better than all 
 the divines of his kingdom. This appeared very con- 
 spicuously in the late conferences at Linlithgow. In 
 the same paper in which he disclaimed the right of 
 judging in doctrine, interpretation of Scripture, or 
 heresies, he dogmatized, and interpreted, and created 
 heresies, with the utmost freedom and confidence. 
 And he concluded with throwing down the gauntlet to 
 the whole clerical corps : " Whatsoever I have aflSrm- 
 ed, I will offer me to prove by the word of God, pur- 
 est ancients, and modern neotericks, and by the ex- 
 ample of the best reformed kirks." He gave another 
 display of his passion for polemics soon after the dis- 
 solution of the Parliam>ent. Having gone to Edin- 
 
 Vautrouliier, 1584. Cum Privilegio Regali." Small 4to. P in 
 fours. It consisted of sonnet* and other poems, partly original 
 and partly translated; and of" Ane schort treatise ronteining 
 •ome revlis & cautelis to be obseruit & eschewit in Scottis 
 Poesie." This last is in prose. The " Metaphoricall invention 
 of a Tragedie called Phoenix" was intended to commemorate 
 his late favourite, the Duke of Lennox. The paraphrase of a 
 part of Lucan was evidently chosen to convey James's high 
 notions of royal power, and to reflect on his nobility who were 
 then living in England. Having said that all the rivers are 
 supplied from the ocean, which could suffer no diminution by 
 their conspiring to withhold their waters, he goes on to say: 
 
 So even siclike: Though subjects do conjure 
 For to rebell again.at their prince and king; 
 By leuing him, although they hope to smjjre 
 That grace wherewith God maks him for to ring. 
 Though by his gifts he shew himself bening 
 To help their need and make them thereby gaine. 
 Yet lacke of them no harm to him doth bring. 
 When they to rue their folic shall be fain. 
 
 The best way of making the royal pedant to " rue hia folly* 
 would have been to have left him to live by his sonnets, in 
 which case he would soon have felt that dependence from 
 which many better poets have not been able to save themselves. 
 
 James Carmichael, in a letter written from London to the 
 
 Earl of Angus, Feb. 27, 1585, mentions that " the King's Po- 
 esies" had just arrived, and " some sentences and verses are 
 not well liked of, as he being a king of great expectation, to 
 whom his birth-right hath aeitinat and provided great king- 
 doms. And the verses which are a commentarie to the prose. 
 Quo duce," &c. (Cald. ii. p. 745.) 
 
 burgh, he attended worship in the Iligli Church. Bal- 
 canquhall, in the course of his sermon, advanced some- 
 thing which was derogatory to the authority of bishops ; 
 upon which James rose from his seat, and, interrup- 
 ting the preacher, asked him what Scripture he had 
 for that assertion. Balcanquhall said that he could 
 bring sufficient proof from Scripture for all that he 
 had asserted. '^I'he King denied this, and pledged his 
 kingdom that he would prove the contrary ; adding, 
 " I know it is the practice of you preaciiers to busy 
 yourselves about such causes in the pulpit, but I am 
 aware of your intentions and will look after you." 
 This interlude continued upwards of a quarter of an 
 hour, to the great edification of the audience; after 
 which James resumed his seat, and heard the sermon 
 to the end. But he was not satisfied with this skir- 
 mish. The preacher was sent for to the palace, where 
 his Majesty had the satisfaction of engawing him in 
 close combat for more than an hour.* Not long after 
 this, he signalized himself in a contest with an ad- 
 versary of a different description. A great number 
 of ministers and oilier spectators being assembled in 
 Holyroodhouse, James Gordon, a Jesuit, was produc- 
 ed ; his Majesty singly entered the lists with him, 
 beat that practised disputant from all his defences, and 
 was saluted victor by acclamation.f James has often 
 been accused of cowardice; but, at least, he discover- 
 ed no lack of courage or keenness in fightin? for his 
 civil supremacy against popish priests, and for his 
 ecclesiastical supremacy against presbyterian par- 
 sons.:}; 
 
 The conduct of the nobilit)', in referring the minis- 
 ters to the King for an answer to their petitions, in- 
 stead of transacting the business themselves, produced 
 another evil beside that of fostering the unhappy dis- 
 position which James had contracted for controversy. 
 In their censures of public measures, the preachers 
 had hitherto said nothing which implied a reflection 
 upon the King personally, but had uniformly imputed 
 the faults which they condemned, and the grievances 
 of which they complained, to the advice and influ- 
 ence of his counsellors. What had taken place at 
 Linlithgow, joined to the galling disappointment 
 which they had met with, drove some of them to a 
 different course. In particular, James Gibson, minis- 
 ter of Pencaitland, in a sermon which he preached 
 in Edinburgh, made use of the following indiscreet 
 language: "I thought that Captain James Stewart, 
 Lady Jesabel his wife, and William Stewart, had 
 persecuted the church, but now I have found the truth, 
 that it was the King himself: As Jeroboam and his 
 posterity were rooted out for staying of the true wor- 
 
 * Hent-y Widdriiigton toS<cietaiy ^^'al!!ingham, January 7, 
 1585. (Cotton MSS. Calig. C. viii. 237.) 
 
 ■)• Moyse's Mem. p. 132. Johnsloni Hist. Rer. Brit. n. 125. 
 The Jesuit here referred to was uncle to the Farl of Hunfly; 
 and is commonly designed "Jacobus Gordonus HimlltBvs," to 
 distinguish him fron) "Jacobu.s Gordonus Lesmorans," who was 
 also a Scotchman and a controversial writer among the Roman 
 Catholics. Spotswood calls him "a simple man, and not deoplv 
 learned." (Hist. p. 306.) But this is a mistake. Gordon was well 
 versed in the controversies of the age. and some of the most 
 distinguished Protestant divines did not look on him as a dtspi- 
 cable adversary. (Glassii Philol. Sacra Acronmiod. a J. Aug. 
 Dathio, torn. ii. par. i. p. 48.) Charters says, " Pelcr Black- 
 burn wrote a book against James Gordon the Jesuit." (Short 
 Account of Scotch Divines, p- 4. MS. in Adv. Lib.) The fol- 
 lowing extract from the proceedings of the General Assembly. 
 February 1587, relates to it. " Anent the dieput l)ad betwixt 
 Mrs James Gordoun and Peeter blackburne commitlit to the 
 revieu of Mr Andro Melvill and ctrtaine brether, the said Mr 
 Andro reportit that on the pairt of the said Mr James and the 
 enemies they fand great diligence and sopliistrie: nlwnyesthey 
 praised god for the knowledge gevin to thair brother, in whose 
 answer they had found solid judgment and great licht to the 
 praise of god and overthrow of the enemie.'' (Buik of the 
 Universair Kirk, f. 152, a.) 
 
 \ In the language of his ancestor, 
 
 " He turned and p^ave them baith their paikis, "* 
 
 F'or he (lurst ding na udir. 
 
 Men (aid." 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 265 
 
 shipping of God, so I fear that if our King continue 
 in his present course he shall be the last of his race." 
 He was immediately brought before the Privy Coun- 
 cil, and having acknowledged the expressions which 
 he had employed, was declared to have incurred the 
 penalty of treason, and imprisoned until further steps 
 were taken against him.* He was afterwards liberated 
 from prison, and suspended from the exercise of the 
 ministry by the General Assembly ; but as the King 
 was uncommonly sensitive as to personal affronts, 
 and pardoned them with greater difficulty than an at- 
 tempt upon his crown,-)- he continued long after to 
 resent the liberty which Gibson had taken with his 
 name.:}: 
 
 Though the Parliament had passed an act restoring 
 the ejected professors to their places, Melville found 
 it impossible to resume his academical employment. 
 The plague had dispersed the students, and the New 
 College had been completely disorganized during his 
 absence. When James Melville fled into England, 
 Adamson assumed the superintendence of its affairs. 
 At first he attempted to ingratiate himself with the 
 young men by professions of great respect for their 
 Principal ; but not succeeding in this he altered his 
 course. He questioned them in private on the lec- 
 tures which they had been accustomed to hear, and 
 the doctrine which they had been taught on particular 
 topics; and the information which he acquired in this 
 clandestine way he used to inflame his Majesty against 
 Melville. II The supremacy of kings and the pre- 
 eminence of bishops formed the leading features of 
 his own discourses from the chair and the pulpit; a 
 mode of teaching which was extremely acceptable to 
 the King and his courtiers : For, though rulers have 
 often complained loudly of clergymen for introducing 
 affairs of state into their sermons, they have never had 
 any objection to the practice when it was employed to 
 exalt the prerogative or to eulogize their own adminis- 
 tration. But the students, who were not altogether 
 strangers to such controversies, and moreover had not 
 the greatest confidence in the bishop's honesty, ex- 
 amined the quotations which he made, and the author- 
 ities to which he referred in support of his opinions, 
 and triumphantly exposed such infidelities and inac- 
 curacies as they detected. § Other acts of annoyance, 
 such as young men are extremely apt to use against 
 those who have incurred their dislike, were employed 
 by them ;1[ so that Adamson was glad to give up his 
 prelections, and to avail himself of an order of court 
 to leave St. Andrews, and supply the place of the 
 ministers who had forsaken the capital.** Irritated by 
 
 * Record of Privy Council, 21st and 23d Dec. 1585. An ac- 
 count of a very curious conversation between tlie King and the 
 prisoner, before the Council, is inserted in Wodrow's Life of 
 Gibson, p. 2, 3. 
 
 f Ambassades de M. de la Boderie, torn. v. p. 437, 489. 
 
 i Record of Privy Council, Sept. 24, 1586. Bulk of the Univ. 
 Kirk, tT. 150, 153. Records of Presbytery of Haddington, July 
 15, 1590. Gibson being apprehended a second time in Novem- 
 ber, 1590, for resuming the exercise of his office, Duncanson, 
 one of the King's chaplains, said that the people were offended 
 that he was so hardly used, while Jesuits were overlooked. 
 James replied that " no Jesuit had wronged his person so much 
 as James Gibson." (Cald. iv. 211, 212. Wodrow's Life of 
 Gibson, p. 6.) 
 
 II Discoursing one day on this subject, he exclaimed, " By 
 the Lord God, Sir," (for the bishop cfid not scruple to encour- 
 age his Majesty in his habit of profane swearing,) " had that 
 enemy to lawful authority remained another half year, he had 
 pulled the crown off vour head by his seditious doctrine: For 
 he taught that kings should come by election, as the multitude 
 pleased to put them up or down." (Cald. iii. 530.) 
 
 5 Cald. iii. 530. 
 
 % Davison to Wulsingham, Cotton MSS. Calig. C. vii. 78. 
 
 ** Adamson felt himself exposed to similar affronts at Edin- 
 burgh. The council ordered a proclamation, " that nane mak 
 prouocation to the archiebischop of Sanctand." He had been 
 called over " to use the pastoral office within the said burgh," 
 and certain of the inhabitants had employed " their wives and 
 bairns" to insult him in various ways, pretending ignorance, 
 &c. (Record of Privy Council, Sept. 26, 1584.) 
 2 I 
 
 the opposition he had met with, and averse to the 
 system of theological instruction, he procured a war- 
 rant to convert the college into a school of philosophy, 
 to invest Robertson, who had become subservient to 
 his purposes, with the office of Principal, and to make 
 such other arrangements in it as he should think pro- 
 per.* 
 
 During the early part of the year 1586, James Mel- 
 ville was employed before the Privy Council and 
 Court of Session in getting these deeds reduced, and 
 in taking such other steps as were necessary to restore 
 the college to its former state. -f- His uncle in the 
 mean time, took up his residence at Glasgow with his 
 old friend the Rector, who had requested his assis- 
 tance in reorganizing the university in that city. Hay 
 and the other patrons of the institution urged him to 
 remain with them, and to resume his former situation, 
 which, owing to the public confusions, had continued 
 vacant since the death of Smeton.:}: The most hand- 
 some and liberal offers were made to induce him to 
 comply with this request. But though he retained a 
 great affection for that college, which he used to call 
 his eldest bairn, and though he was sensible that he 
 had the prospect of enjoying far more personal com- 
 fort there than in any other place, yet such were his 
 convictions of the national utility of the new college 
 of St. Andrews, as a theological and literary estab- 
 lishment, that he could not think of deserting it, and 
 determined to force himself a second time from Glas- 
 gow, against his own inclination and the solicita- 
 tions of his best friends. || He accordingly returned 
 to St. Andrews in the month of March, and recom- 
 menced his lectures after an intermission of two 
 years. § 
 
 Next to Arran, no individual in the nation was so 
 universally disliked as Archbishop Adamson. He 
 had been the chief adviser of the laws which over- 
 turned the ecclesiastical discipline. He had lent all 
 the influence of his clerical character and episcopal 
 power to the support of the late detested adminis- 
 tration ; and he had employed his pen in arraigning 
 the exiled noblemen and ministers as traitors, traduc- 
 ing their characters before the world, and attempting 
 to drive them from the asylum which they had found 
 in England. His disgrace ought to have accompanied 
 the fall of the administration with which he had 
 chosen to connect his fortunes. It does not appear 
 that the King ever felt for Adamson that personal 
 favour which he still retained for Arran ;^ but having 
 resolved to maintain episcopacy, he judged it neces- 
 sary to protect the individual who was its ablest and 
 most devoted champion. 
 
 James Melville preached at the opening of the pro- 
 vincial synod of Fife which met at vSt. Andrews in 
 April 1586. In the course of his sermon, the preach- 
 er turned to the archbishop, who was sitting with great 
 dignity in the assembly, and charged him with over- 
 throwing, in violation of his promises, the scriptural 
 government and discipline of the church of Scotland ; 
 and then, addressing himself to the members of the 
 synod, exhorted them to act the part of bold chirur- 
 
 * See Note AA. t Melville's Diary, p, 180. 
 
 I On the 10th day of January, 1585, (i. e. 1586, according 
 to modern computation,) Mr. Patrick Sharp was nominated ana 
 presented to the place of Principal of the College of Glasgow, 
 vacant by the decease of Mr. Thomas Sraeton. (Register of 
 Presentation to Benefices, &c. voL ii. f 140.) 
 
 II Meivini Epistolse, p. 70, 71. J Melville's Diary, p. 180. 
 IT The continuance of James's attachment to that worthless 
 
 favourite after his removal from court, is mentioned by H, 
 Widdryngton in a letter to Secretary Walsingham,. dated Jan. 
 7, 1585—6. (Cotton MSS. Calig. C. v44i. 237.) And by the 
 French ambassador in a letter to D'Esneval, Oct. 31, 1586. 
 (Extract of the Dispatches of Courcelles.) It appears also 
 from the circumstance of his not filling up the office of Chan- 
 cellor, on the flight of Arran, but committing the discharge of 
 its duties to Secretary Maitland, as Vice-Chancellor, which 
 seems to have been an office created for (he occasion. (Craw- 
 furd's Officers of State, p. 140, 143, 146.) 
 
266 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 geons by cutting off such a corrupt member. Adam- 
 son complained of lliis injury ; but the synod instant- 
 ly converted the admonitions of the preacher into for- 
 mal charges, and put the bishop on his trial. He at 
 first refused to answer, and asserted that it was his 
 prerogative to judge the synod instead of their sitting 
 in judgment upon his conduct. But after being repeat- 
 edly summoned, he attended, and gave in objections 
 to their procedure, accompanied with answers to the 
 charges brought against him. To the charge of having 
 assumed the exercise of an unlawful office, he replied 
 that he was ready to maintain the lawfulness of epis- 
 copacy before the General Assembly ; and he defend- 
 ed his conduct in overthrowing the presbyteries, by 
 pleading the acts of Parliament, which he dared the 
 synod to impeach. He objected, among other things,* 
 that the two Melvilles, and the Master of Lindsay, as 
 his declared enemies, ought not to be permitted to sit 
 as judges in his cause ; but the synod allowed them to 
 retain their seats after they had cleared themselves of 
 malice in the usual way. On this ground Adamson 
 protested and appealed to the General Assembly. 
 Notwithstanding this, the synod proceeded with the 
 cause, found Adamson guilty, and ordered him to be 
 excommunicated, which was immediately done at their 
 appointment by Andrew Hunter, minister of Carnbee. 
 As soon as the synod was dissolved, the archbishop 
 drew up an excommunication of Melville and some 
 other ministers, which he caused to be read in the 
 church by one of his servants ; and then addressed a 
 complaint and appeal to the King, the Privy Council, 
 and the E states. f 
 
 Without denying that Adamson merited the censure 
 inflicted on him, I cannot help thinking that the pro- 
 cedure of the synod was precipitant and irregular. The 
 manner in which James Melville introdnced the affair 
 was certainly a material prejudging of the cause ; and 
 there is reason to think that his uncle was not a stran- 
 ger beforehand to his intentions. At any rate, both 
 had suffered severely from the bishop ; and although 
 this does not prove that they had conceived malice 
 against him, and might not have warranted the synod 
 to exclude them judicially from a voice in the trial, 
 yet their voluntarily declining to act as judges would 
 have given to the process an appearance of greater 
 decorum and impartiality. In fine, to gain in any due 
 measure the end proposed, it was fit that the sentence 
 Bhould have had higher authority than that of a pro- 
 vincial synod, and that the cause should have been re- 
 ferred to the General Assembly, especially as the 
 bishop had appealed to that judicature. But the truth 
 seems to be, that the ministers were afraid that the 
 ensuing meeting of Assembly would be overawed by 
 
 * The bishop objected to ruling elders and professors of uni- 
 versities, who had not received imposition of hands, having a 
 voice in the synod; and in particular to Robert Wilkie, who 
 was chosen moderator. In hi<! answer to the bishop's reasons 
 of appeal, James Melville says: " He distinguishes the clergy 
 from the laicks. This smelleth of the pride of papistry and 
 arrogancy of the shavelings. — Mr. Ro' Wilkie was appointed 
 be tlie act of the reformation of the colleges to teach tlieology, 
 and to expone the Scriptures, as Origcn in Alexandrina Ec- 
 cleitia, being but Lztdimngisfer, and yet approved by the best 
 bishops of Palrstina before whom he teached in divinity. Mr. 
 Robert Wilkie Lad been upon the exercise sixteen 3'ears before, 
 and at the first erection of the presbyterie of St. Andrews be 
 common vote of the brethren elected and ordained an elder 
 of the samen, and hath from that time still laboured in the 
 word and doctrine." (Cald. iii. 869.) Wilkie was at this 
 time a professor in St. Leonard's College, and in the month of 
 June following was elected minister and pastor of the congre- 
 
 fation of St. Andrews. (Record of Kirk Session, penult. Junii, 
 sse.) ^ ' 
 
 + CaJd. iii. 858—865. Melville's Diary, p. 180—182. Spots. 
 345, 346. "April 26, 1586, Bishop of St. And* excommuni- 
 cation, qlk was acted in fyft', to be intimat and registrat." (Ab- 
 stract o? Records of IVesbytery of Edinburgh. Wodrow, MSS. 
 Advoc. Lib. vol. xxi. 4to.) Adamson him.setf appears to say 
 that the sentence against him was intimated through the king- 
 dom, (Kpist. ad Jac. Reg. ante Paraph. Jobi.) 
 
 the King who had summoned it and in whose pre- 
 sence it was to be held. It is probable, too, that the 
 general odium under which Adamson lay at this time 
 among the principal gentlemen of Fife, pushed on the 
 synod to the adoption of such hasty and decisive 
 measures.* 
 
 It has been said, that " the personal emulation be- 
 tween Melville and Adamson mingled with the dis- 
 putes of the church, and heightened them." I con- 
 fess I have not met with any thing, either in the con- 
 duct of Melville or the bishop, which directly warrants 
 this conclusion. But it is not unreasonable to suppose 
 that personal offences had arisen from their having 
 been so often opposed to one another on public ques- 
 tions, and that their mutual alienation was greatly in- 
 creased by what happened during Melville's banish- 
 ment. If we are to believe Adamson, the Melvilles, 
 not contented with directing the highest censures of 
 the church against him, were concerned in a conspi- 
 racy against his life.f He wrote to the King, that 
 James Melville had travelled through the country to 
 excite the gentlemen against him, and that his uncle 
 had convened them in the college, and instigated them 
 by a violent harangue to assault his person. James 
 Melville, on the other hand, informs us, that, at the 
 time referred to, he was confined to his bed with a 
 fever; and he gives the following account of what re- 
 lates to his luicle. The bishop, to testify his contempt 
 for the sentence of the synod, determined to preach in 
 the parish church on the Sabbath after it was pro- 
 nounced. Such of the people as scrupled to hear an 
 excommunicated person repaired to public worship in 
 the New College. It happened that the laird of Lun- 
 die had come to St, Andrews on business, and he went 
 also to hear Melville, accompanied by his friends and 
 retinue. An individual who observed the crowd 
 thronging into the college, told Adamson, as he was 
 entering the parish church, that a number of gentlemen 
 were assembled from all parts of the country, and in- 
 tended to take him out of the pulpit and hang him. 
 The bishop, whose courage was not equal to his am- 
 bition, was struck with a sudden panic, collected his 
 servants around him, and not thinking himself safe 
 in the church took refuge in the belfry, from which 
 the magistrates with great difficulty persuaded him to 
 descend, by promising to escort him home in safety, 
 and assuring him that there was not the slightest ap- 
 pearance of tumult in the city.:J: 
 
 * "The bishop is marvileuslie hated of all the protestaiits, 
 his life very slanderous and shamfull that its feared that yf the 
 k. stand in his defence, as hitherto he doth, that that will ali- 
 enate many mens harts or make thcni judge I'.ardly of hiuj. 
 ffuU resoluconys taken by all the gentlemen of the flife and 
 the borough townes about them to stand with their ministers 
 and other that have deaft in this cause agajnst the I!i?hop, — 
 At a word I never harde man worce sfrokrn of Ther is a 
 legend wryten of his life, the nearest to that of the abbot of 
 Cfunye that was wryten of the death of the Cardiuall of Lor- 
 rayne, that may be. (Randolph to Walsingham, April 22, 
 1586. Cotton MSS. Calig. C. ix. iii.) 
 
 The following notice appears to be taken from a diary 
 written at the time: "Upon the 16 o( Aprile, Patrick, arch- 
 bishop of Sanct Andrews, was stricken be the Master of Lind- 
 say and Thomas Scott of Abbotshall.and was excommunicated 
 be the ministers. Whereupon both the strickers &excomniuii- 
 icaters were summoned." (Cald. iii. 873.) 
 
 •)• To this the bishop refers in the following rhetorical pas- 
 sage, quoted by his btographer: " Adjuro te, Mrlvine, per bi- 
 furcata tuani frontem, per tumentes venas, perardentes oculos, 
 Ac. quo die Barrimoniium conscendisti; Quee tua mensl qui* 
 ille animus? quis ardor oculi? quae tune nefarias atque impiae 
 conjurationes cu sceleratis tuis & perditis latronibus undiqueq. 
 coactis, & in scelus omne propensis, in caput nostrum conjur- 
 antibus? Ecce duo gladii hic, unus ad excommunicandnni, alter 
 ad interficiendum." (Tho. Volueenus, Vita Patricii Adam- 
 soni, p. 6.) 
 
 'ByBarrimontium we are probably to understand Eali-umont, 
 a place in the neighbourhooil of St. Andrews, where, it wa» 
 alleged, the conspiracy against the bishop was formed. 
 
 \ Adamson, De Pastoris Munrre, p. 68, 69, et Vila ejus ad- 
 ject, p. 6. Lond. 1619, 12nio. Melville's Diarj-, p. 182, 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 267 
 
 When Adamson's cause came before the General 
 Assembly, which met at Edinburgh on the 10th of 
 May,* it was agreed to wave the formal consideration 
 both of the sentence of the Synod of Fife, and of the 
 appeal from it, and to remove the excommunication, 
 upon condition that the bishop subscribed a form of 
 submission which was prescribed to him. By this 
 deed he disclaimed all supremacy over the synod, and 
 all right to judge other pastors or ministers, and de- 
 clared, that if he had claimed this power, he had done 
 wrong, and craved pardon for his oversight and impe- 
 rious behaviour; and he promised to conduct himself 
 for the future as a moderate pastor, and to submit his 
 life and doctrine to the trial and censure of the General 
 Assembly, without appealing in any way from its de- 
 terminations. This declaration having been subscribed 
 by Adamson, the Assembly, •' to give testimony with 
 what good will they would obey his highness so far as 
 they might and ought," declared, that, without judging 
 of the appeal or condemning the synod, " ihey held tlie 
 said process and sentence as unled, undeduced, or un- 
 pronounced, and restored the said bishop to the state 
 he was in immediately before, provided always he ob- 
 served his promises and behaved himself dutifully. f 
 Archbishop Spotswood expresses his surprise that Ad- 
 amson should have submitted to terms so derogatory 
 to his episcopal authority ; and he insinuates that the 
 King temporized with the church, in the hopes that he 
 would be able at a future period to restore the bishops 
 to their legitimate power. The conduct of James gives 
 too much ground for suspecting him of such views. 
 But so far were the court from thinking that they had 
 pledged themselves too far, that they regarded what 
 they had accomplished as a victory ; and the act of As- 
 sembly restoring Adamson, in which his submission 
 was embodied, was triumphantly proclaimed at the 
 market-cross of Edinburgh by sound of trumpet. ij: 
 
 In the month of February preceding, the Kintj had 
 called together certain ministers, whom he judged more 
 moderate than the rest, to confer with a deputation from 
 the Privy Council on the subject of the ecclesiastical 
 polity. Their consent was obtained to a species of 
 episcopacy, although of a very limited kind. The re- 
 sult of this conference was now laid before the General 
 Assembly, and all the influence of the court was em- 
 ployed to procure its ratification. § The King's com- 
 missioners protested that if it was not simply adopted, 
 his Majesty would retract the concessions which he 
 had made, and leave the late acts of Parliament to be 
 carried into execution. Notwithstanding this threat, 
 the assembly entered upon the examination of the ar- 
 ticles laid before them. They declared that bishops 
 were not superior to other pastors ; and being asked, if 
 they would not allow them a pre-eminence in respect 
 of order, though not of jurisdiction, they answered, 
 
 * This meeting of the General Assembly was called by a 
 royal proclamation, which declared that the members should 
 incur no danger, " notwithslanuinj^ any laws &c. maid in the 
 contrair." (Record of Privy Council, April 5, 1586.) Before 
 proceeding to choose their moderator, the members received a 
 niessa<je to come down to the Royai Chapel, with which they 
 complied after protesting that this should not prejudge their 
 liberties. James having taken his place at the head of a table 
 around which the members were seated, entertained them with 
 a harangue, and then dismissed them to their ordinary house. 
 (Cald. iii. 881.) 
 
 + Bulk of Univ. Kirk, f. 141. Cald. 899, 900. Against this 
 decision Hunter, who had pronounced the sentence of excom- 
 munication, protested. Spotswood represents Melville and 
 Thomas Buchanan as adhering to Hunter's protest. (Hist. p. 
 347.) This is a mistake. The fact is correctly stated, from the 
 minutes, in Printed Calderwood, p. 210, 211. The bishop, in 
 his history, passes over one circumstance which he could scarcely 
 have forgotten, vit. that in the list of those who opposed the 
 absolution of Adamson, is the name of John Spotswood. (Cald. 
 iii. 916.) 
 
 t Melville's Diary, p. 183. 
 
 q It appears from Cotton MSS. Calig. C. ix. 60, and Cald. iii. 
 055, 857, that the resolutions of this conference are correctly 
 given in the Printed Calderwood, p. 197, 199. 
 
 that " it could not stand with the word of God, only 
 they must tolerate it in case it be forced upon them." 
 After several conferences with the court, it was at last 
 agreed, that until presbyteries were better constituted, 
 and the General Assembly should take further order in 
 the matter, bishops should admit ministers with the 
 consent of the majority of the members of the presby- 
 tery or of assessors to be given them ; that they should 
 preside in the presbyteries within which they officia- 
 ted ;* and be subject to be tried and censured by the 
 General Assembly only, or by commissioners whom it 
 should appoint for that purpose. At the same time 
 presbyteries were ordered to be re-established, and 
 some of the leading articles in the Second Book of Dis- 
 cipline, concerning ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and the 
 powers of general, provincial, presbyterial, and ses- 
 sional assemblies, were agreed to with the consent of 
 his Majesty. f Upon the whole, though the proceed- 
 ings of this assembly were somewhat at variance with 
 former acts of the church, yet the approbation given to 
 them by the court unquestionably paved the way for 
 the downfall of the bishops, and the establishment of 
 presbytery. 
 
 Melville was employed by this assembly to write in 
 their name to the French Protestant ministers, who 
 had obtained his Majesty's license to reside in Scot- 
 land during the persecution which raged in their native 
 country, and to assure them that the assembly would 
 do every thing in their power to render their exile 
 agreeable. The letter was delivered to Monsieur du 
 Moulin, who had already arrived and remained for 
 some years in Scotland.^ 
 
 The relaxation of Adamson from ecclesiastical cen- 
 sure was followed by Melville's being laid under civil 
 restraint. That the archbishop might return to St. An- 
 drews with suitable eclat, and recover his lost reputa- 
 tion, it was judged necessary that his rival should be 
 removed for some time with as little noise as possible. 
 On the dissolution of the General Assembly, Melville 
 was sent for to the palace, and after being graciously 
 received and allowed to kiss the King's hand, was told 
 that his services in the university would be dispensed 
 with for a season, and he might spend his time in his 
 native place until his Majesty was pleased to recall 
 him. Lest he should refuse compliance with this inti- 
 mation, he was served, on quitting the palace, with a 
 written charge to confine himself beyond the Water of 
 Tay.§ The bishop was appointed, besides preaching, 
 to read a Latin lecture in St. Salvador's College, which 
 all the members of the university were enjoined to grace 
 with their presence. In consequence of this the prin- 
 
 * Robert Wilkie, however, was appointed Moderator of the 
 Presbytery of St. Andrews instead of Bishop Adamson. 
 
 + Buik of Univ. Kirk, f. 143. Harl. MSS. num. 7004, 6. Cald. 
 iii. 902 — 905. Spotswood says, " In the mean time was the or- 
 der of presbyteries set down, and their power defined, the King 
 taking no notice of their doings in that kind." (Hist. p. 348.) 
 So far was this from being the case, that the platform of pres- 
 byteries entered into the register of this assembly is expressly 
 said to have been " presentit be my Lord Clerk of Register, and 
 sett (lowne be his Lordship's travells," And with respect to 
 their power, the commissioners deputied to wait on the King, 
 reported that " in the haill heads fund, little difficulty except 
 [a little difficulty excepted, Cald.'j quhilk is noted with his Ma. 
 hand, his Grace aggried." (Bulk of Univ. Kirk, ff. 143, a. 
 144, a.) 
 
 I Buik of the Universall Kirk, ff. 140, b. 141, a. Joachim du 
 Moulin, minister of Orleans, and father of the celebrated Pierre 
 du Moulin, minister of Paris, appears to be the individual re- 
 ferred to. The Magistrates of Edinburgh not only allowed the 
 French refugees to meet for worship in the common-hall of the 
 college, but allotted stipends to their ministers. (Reg. of Town 
 Council, May 11, 1586.) Collections for them and their breth- 
 ren in England were made in the different parishes. (Rec. of 
 Kirk Session of St. And. Dec. 20. 1587; and Extracts from 
 Records of Kirk Session of Glasgow, May 23, 1588: in Wod- 
 row's Life of David Weenies, p. 26.)—" Also the said Jame« 
 (Lamb) dely verit the warrand from the Synodall for the ingad- 
 dering of the support to Mr. Mwling banest out of France " 
 (Record of Presbytery of Haddington, Oct. 18, 158S.) 
 
 } See Note BE. 
 
268 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 cipal duties of the New College were a second time 
 devolved on James Melville. The University sent a 
 deputation to the King, consisting of the Dean of Fac- 
 ulty and a Professor from each college, to solicit Mel- 
 ville's restoration, as a measure necessary to the pros- 
 perity of the academy and conducive to the honour of 
 his Majesty and the nation. James testified his wil- 
 lingness to gratify them, provided the bishop was 
 treated with due respect. But although all the secu- 
 rity for this that could be required was given, the an- 
 swer of the request was delayed ; and Melville owed 
 his liberty at last to that secret influence which is often 
 exerted by the meanest persons about weak and arbi- 
 trary princes. The King spent the summer at Falk- 
 land in his favourite employment of hunting and hawk- 
 ing. He sent several times for James Melville, who 
 was surprised to find that his Majesty, after conversing 
 ■with him on ordinary topics, always left him in com- 
 pany with the master of his hawks. It turned out that 
 this important personage had a friend who was a ten- 
 ant of the New College, and who wished to have his 
 lease renewed at a low rent; and James Melville was 
 given to understand that, provided this boon was grant- 
 ed, his uncle would immediately be set at liberty. 
 The professors were extremely averse to injure the 
 revenues of the college to gratify such a minion ; but 
 there was no remedy, and the King having pledged his 
 word that he would compensate the loss doubly,* the 
 lease was subscribed and put into the hands of the 
 hawk-master. Upon this, orders were issued for the 
 liberation of Melville, who, coming to Falkland, was 
 introduced by the Master of Gray, and after a free con- 
 versation with his Majesty, was restored to favour and 
 sent home to his college.f 
 
 Melville resumed his academical labours, which had 
 been so long interrupted, with fresh ardour, and the 
 consequence was, that the bishop's prelections fell into 
 disesteem and neglect. Adamson was still more mor- 
 tified b)' the desertion of his pulpit-discourses, in con- 
 sequence of numbers leaving the parish church when 
 he officiated, and attending sermon in the chapel of the 
 Theological College. To prevent this he had recourse 
 to a measure which was a sure proof of his declining 
 fame. A mandate came from court, prohibiting the 
 masters of the New College from preaching in Eng- 
 lish, and ordering them to confine their instructions on 
 Sabbath as well as on other days to the Latin tongue.:}^ 
 
 Great occasion has been taken to asperse the Church 
 of Scotland from the circumstance of some of her min- 
 isters having refused to obey the King's order to pray 
 for his mother, when she was under sentence of death. 
 They might be too squeamish ; but had James been 
 less imperious, and more mindful of his disclaimer of 
 all interference with the immediate acts of worship, he 
 might have obtained ample satisfaction on this head. 
 Instead of this, an act of council was made prescribing 
 the form of prayer ; all ministers were ciiarged by pub- 
 lic proclamation to use it on pain of incurring his Ma- 
 jesty's displeasure; and commissioners and superin- 
 tendents were commanded to suspend from preaching 
 such as refused. II None of the ministers refused to 
 pray for the Queen. The scruples of those who hesi- 
 tated to comply with the order of the court rested upon 
 the manner in which it was issued, and its implying, 
 in their opinion, that Mary was innocent of the crime 
 for which she was condemned to die.§ They had not 
 
 * A gift of certain prebendaries, &c. to the New Col lege of 
 St. Andrews passed tne Great Seal, on the last day of January 
 1586. It was confirmed in the subsequent Parliament. (Act. 
 Pari. Scot. iii. 488.) 
 
 + Melville's Diary, p. 183—185. 
 
 i Sec Note BB. 
 
 IJ Record of Priv;y Council, Feb. 1, 1586. 
 
 5 Cald. iv. 9. The only recusant specified by Spotswood 
 (Hist. p. 354.) is Mr. John Cowper, "a young man not entered 
 at yet in the function." It is evident, from his narrative of that 
 ca«e, that the archbishop had the Record of Privy Council be- 
 
 been accustomed, like the English clergy, to pray by 
 book, or to frame their addresses to the Almighty i.i 
 words which courtiers might be pleased to dictate to 
 them, or to offer them up, like criminals at the foot of 
 the gallows, under the terrors of suspension. They 
 had long entertained an unfavourable opinion of Mary ; 
 they had at different times been alarmed for the secu- 
 rity of their religion by plans laid for her restoration ; 
 and many of them were convinced of her accession to 
 the conspiracy of Babington ag-ainst Elizabeth. But 
 the truth is, that few if any of them refused to pray for 
 the preservation of her life.* The order for this was 
 not made known to the ministers of St. Andrews until 
 the very day of her execution, and it was immediately 
 complied with.f But the worst feature in the affair is, 
 that there is reason to suspect that James wished the 
 ministers to act a part in the solemn farce along with 
 himself and Elizabeth. While he was issuing orders 
 to offer up prayers for his mother's preservation, and 
 summoning, imprisoning, and silencing ministers for 
 alleged disobedience to these, |: strong presumptions 
 are not wanting-, that his grief for her fate, and his in- 
 dignation at Elizabeth's conduct, were in a great de- 
 gree affected and hypocritical. || It is certain, at least, 
 tliat they were neither de<5p nor lasting. One proof 
 of this, among many others, may be mentioned. Soon 
 after the execution of -Mary, Melville happened to be 
 introduced to his Majesty. James appeared to be in 
 great spirits ; laughed, and frisked, and danced about 
 the room, in the boyish manner which he retained long 
 after he came to man's years. The contrast between 
 this levity and the Kable attire of the company and 
 apartment struck Melville's fancy, and brought to his 
 recollection the way in which Mary was said to have 
 mourned for the murder of her husband. He express- 
 ed his feelings, in an improtnplu, to a gentleman of his 
 acquaintance who stood beside him. The King seeing 
 them smile, came forward and eagerly inquired the 
 cause of their mirth. The gentleman excused himself 
 by saying, that it was merely a sally of the Principal's 
 
 fore him. But he has introduced circumstances not warranted 
 by tliat record, and which, if true, it would scarcely have failed 
 to mention. It says nothing of the King's giving the preacher 
 liberty to proceed with the service provided he would obey the 
 charge ana remember the Queen in his prayers; nor of Cow- 
 per's replying, that he would do as the Spirit of God should 
 direct hini. Cowper was not imprisoned for refusing or decli- 
 ning to pray for the Queen, but (as the minute expresses it) " be- 
 caus his Matie desyrit him to stay cfter he had begwn his prayer 
 in the pulpit within sanct geills kirk in Edinburgh, declanng 
 that thair was anc vther appoyntit to occupy that rtwme, that 
 he vtterit thir words following, (hay ar to say. That this day 
 suld bcrewitnes agaiits his Matie in the grelt day of the Lord;" 
 and because he denounced a woe against the inhabitants of Ed- 
 inburgh. (Record of Privy Council, Ecb. 3, 1586.) 
 
 * Spotswood says, " Of all the number, Mr. David Lyndesay 
 at Leilh and the King's own miniiiters gave obedience. (Hist. 
 }). 354.) The native inference from this is that .Spotswood him- 
 self did not "give obedience;" for he was then one of "the 
 number." But Courcelles, the F'rench ambassador, who was in 
 Scotland and took n particular interest in the afl'air, informs ug, 
 that even those who at first refused, yielded. (Letter to Henry 
 HI. Feb. 28,1587.) 
 
 X "Die mercurii viii. ft"' anno Ixxx. sexto, Tliequhilk day 
 comperit M. Patrick Adamsoun, bishop of St Ands allegeand 
 him to hnifan verbal direction of the i^ingis maiestie to desyre 
 the minister and redar to pray publiclie for his hicnes mother 
 for hir conversioun and amendment of lyfe, and if it be godis 
 plcsor to preserve hir from this present danger quhairin ache it 
 now, that sche may heir efter be ane profitabill member in 
 chrystis kirk. The session presentlie asscmblit being sufH- 
 cientlie resoluit heirwith hes concludic that the minister at ilk 
 sermone and the redar at ilk time quhen he sayis prayers, pray 
 publiclie for the kingis g. mother as is desyrit." (Record of 
 Kirk Session of St. Andrews.) 
 
 X The two ministers of Aberdeen were brought twice all the 
 way to Edinburgh, on a charge of disobeving the King's ortler. 
 When the)' app«'ared before the Privy Council, it turned out 
 that they were innocent; but, to save James's honour, one of 
 them was obliged to make a declaration from the ])ulpi(, on hit 
 return. (Rccoixl of Privy Council, March 25, and May 19, 
 1587.) 
 
 II See Note CCT. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 269 
 
 humour which had extorted a smile from him. His 
 Majesty then applied to Melville, who felt averse to 
 gratify the royal curiosity ; but James, insisting on his 
 demand, and promising not to resent any freedom that 
 might have been used, he repeated the lines : 
 
 Quid sibi vu!t tantus lugubri sub veste cachinnus ? 
 Scilicet hie matrem detlet, ut ilia patreni * 
 
 In the course of this year, Guillaume de Salluste, 
 Sieur du Bartas, the celebrated French Poet, visited 
 Scotland. The King, in a work lately published by 
 him, had given a translation of the Uranie of Du Bar- 
 tas, whom he had invited to his dominions, with the 
 view of engaging him to return the compliment by 
 translating his°Majesty's Scoltis poesie into the French 
 language. f Henry IV. then King of Navarre, availed 
 himself of this opportunity to secure the friendship of 
 the King of Scots, by giving the poet a letter of cre- 
 dence to'^him, and secret instructions to propose a mar- 
 riage between him and his sister, the Princess of Na- 
 Tarre. A wiser choice of an ambassador could not 
 have been made; for James was flattered by the visit 
 of a man of genius, and felt disposed to concede to his 
 representations what he might have denied to a profes- 
 sional though more dignified negocialor.:}: 
 
 In the end of .Tune his Majesty accompanied Du Bar- 
 tas to St. Andrews. On his arrival he came to the 
 New College, and intimated that he would return in 
 the course of an hour, along with his learned French 
 friend, to hear a lecture. Melville had already read 
 his ordinary lecture, and was quite unprepared for en- 
 tertaining such illustrious auditors ; but the King would 
 take no excuse. Accordingly the university was as- 
 sembled, and Melville delivered an extemporary dis- 
 course, which gave satisfaction to all the hearers, ex- 
 cept his Majesty, who considered some parts of it as 
 levelled against his favourite notions of church-govern- 
 inent. Next day the bishop feasted the King and Du 
 Bartas. Previous to this he pronounced an elaborate 
 discourse, containing the substance of his late lectures 
 in support of prelacy and the ecclesiastical supremacy 
 of princes. Melville attended on the occasion, and was 
 
 * Woilrow's Life of Andrew Melville, p. 52. MSS. vol. i.— 
 Two copies of verses on Queen Marv, by Melville, are inserted 
 in Jonstoni Inscriptiones Historicae Reevui Scotorvm, p. 58. 
 Amstel. 1602. The following lines, which he comiwsed on her 
 execution, have not been printed. 
 
 Si Scotani Angla ferit, Mariani si mactat Eliza, 
 Reginani Regina necat, cognata propinquani; 
 Ecquid agas Mariaeque hffires, h;cres et Elizae ? 
 Non abeunt, non adveniunt sine sanguine regua. 
 
 Archib. Simsoni Annal. Eccl. Scotic. 
 MS. p. 47. 
 
 t Courcelles's tenth dispatch to the French king, June 24, 
 1587. fMS. referred to in Note CC.) Du Hartas did translate 
 one of James's poems into French heroics, and added very grate- 
 ful encomiums on the " Scots Phosnix:" so be calls liiin. "La 
 Lepanthe de Jaques vi. Roy D'Ecosse, Faicte Francoise par le 
 Sieur du Bartas. Impriuie a Edinbvrg par Robert Walde- 
 grave, Imprimeur du Roy. Anno Dom. 1591. Auec Priuel6ge 
 de sa Majeste." 4to. 14 leaves. It was printed, along with the 
 original, in His Majesties Pocticall Exercises. 
 
 \ James denied to Courcelles that the King of Navarre had 
 requested military aid. " He (James) will not assist rebellious 
 subjects against their Soveraigne,a thing commendable neither 
 before God nor man, and of evil example to all the world." 
 The Lord of Weimcs (he added) " was going with 10 or 12 
 gentlemen to accompany the king of Navarre in hunting, but 
 to have nothing to do with war." But the ambassador did not 
 feel disposed to place implicit confidence in his Majesty's word, 
 which he had already found reason to suspect. (Courcelles's 
 11th Dispatch, compared with his 6th.) 
 
 "The kinge, besides all his costes which he defraied, grate- 
 fyed Dubartas at his departure with a Chaine of 1000 li. and as 
 much in redic money, made him knight, and accompanied him 
 to the sea side, wher he made him promise to retourn againe." 
 (13th Dispatch, Sept. 28, 1587.) Lord Tun^land accompanied 
 him to France, to bring James a report of the Princess of Na- 
 varre. (Ibid, and Sir James Melville's Mem. p. 177^ The 
 Princess rejected the match in consequence of ner ardent at- 
 tachment to the Conite de Soissons. (Memoires de M. du 
 Plessis, torn. i. p. 656. Vie dc M. du Plessis, p. 122.) 
 
 observed to take notes during the delivery of the dis- 
 course. When it was over, he sent information to the 
 royal party, and to the members of the university, that 
 he intended to prelect in the afternoon. Suspecting 
 his intention to answer the bishop's oration, James 
 sent one of his attendants to warn him, that if he did 
 not keep within the bounds of moderation, and of the 
 respect due to his presence, he would again lay him 
 under restraint. Melville replied, that he was bound 
 to counteract the effect of poisonous doctrine at the 
 risk of his life, but, so far as was consistent with what 
 he owed to truth, he would be most tender of his Ma- 
 jesty's honour. James sent a second messenger to 
 say, that he depended on his prudence, and meant to 
 take a repast with him in the college. At the hour ap- 
 pointed, the hall was crowded with auditors, among 
 whom were the King, Du Bartas, and Adamson, who, 
 expecting to be attacked, had obtained liberty from his 
 Majesty to defend himself. Melville took no notice 
 of the discourse which had been delivered in the morn- 
 ing, but quoted from certain popish books, which he 
 brought along with him, the leading positions and ar- 
 guiTients which the bishop had advanced ; and then, as 
 if he had to do only with Roman Catholics, proceeded 
 to overthrow them " with such inimitable force of rea- 
 son and flood of eloquence, that the bishop was dashed 
 and stricken as dumb as the stock he sat upon." His 
 Majesty afterwards made a speech in English, inter- 
 posed some scholastic distinguos, and concluded by en- 
 joining the members of the university to respect and 
 obey the bishop. He then partook of an entertainment 
 in the college and retired.* Du Bartas remained be- 
 hind to converse with Melville. In the evening James 
 asked his visitor's opinion of the two discourses. Du 
 Bartas said, they were both learned, hut the bishop's 
 was prepared for the occasion, whereas the Principal 
 had shewn that he had a vast stare of various learning 
 at command ; "besides," added he, " he has far more 
 spirit and courage than the other." In this judgment 
 his Majesty professed to acquiesce. f 
 
 Melville was chosen moderator of the General As- 
 sembly held in June 1587, and appointed one of their 
 commissioners to the ensuing meeting of Parliament.:^: 
 At this Parliament the temporal lands of bishoprics, 
 abbacies, and priories, were annexed to the crown ; a 
 measure which paved the way for the abolition of epis- 
 copacy'. || It virtually divested the bishops of their 
 right to sit in the national judicature, which was found- 
 ed on their baronial possessions ; and, consequently, 
 removed the principal plea upon which the court had 
 hitherto upheld them in opposition to the unequivocal 
 and decided sentiments of the church. This consider- 
 ation induced the presbyterian ministers to wink at the 
 alienation of the ecclesiastical property. Nor do the 
 bishops appear to have made any formal opposition to 
 this sweeping statute. Existing solely by the favour 
 of the prince, and dreading the entire suppression of 
 their order, they silently acquiesced in a measure which 
 stripped them of such valuable possessions, and left 
 them exposed to the persevering attacks of their adver- 
 saries. 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1588, Melville took an 
 active part in arousing the nation to a sense of its dan- 
 
 * The king with Monsieur du Bartas cam to the collage hall, 
 wher I causit prepear and haif in readiness a banquet of wat 
 and dry confecliones with all sorts of wyne; wherat his Matie 
 camped verie mirrilie a guid whill." (Melville's Diary, p. 188.) 
 
 t Melville's Diary, p. 188, 189. Wodrow's Life of Andrew 
 Melville, p. 52, 53. Adanison's son-in-law says that his dis- 
 course before the King and Du Bartas was extempore. (Vita 
 Patr. Adamsoni, p. 9.) 
 
 t By this assembly "Mr. Andro Mevill was ordainit to pen a 
 favourable wryting to the ministrie in Danskine [Dantzic] con- 
 gratulating their embracing of the treuth in the matter of the 
 sacrament." (Bulk of Univ. Kirk, f. 148, b.) They had reject- 
 ed the Lutheran doctrine of consubstantiation. (Bibliotheca 
 
 Bremensis, Class, vi. p. 1142.) 
 II Act. Pari. Scot. iii. 431—437. 
 
270 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 ger from the threatened Spanish Armada. James had 
 received timely warning of the hostile intentions of the 
 King of Spain, and of the correspondence which he 
 maintained with Scotland ; but he testified no disposi- 
 tion to adopt the precautions necessary to avert the dan- 
 ger which menaced his dominions.* While Jesuits 
 and seminary priests were seducing his subjects from 
 their allegiance, and preparing them for revolt on the 
 first appearance of a foreign force, he was busy com- 
 menting on the Apocalypse, and demonstrating by ar- 
 guments drawn from that book that the Pope was An- 
 ti-christ.f So bold was the faction devoted to Spain 
 and Rome, and so great its influence at court, that it 
 obtained a protection for these dangerous emissaries to 
 remain in the country ; a liberty which they improved 
 in maturing a plot to banish or massacre the Protestant 
 statesmen.:!: In these circumstances, Melville, in vir- 
 tue of the powers vested in him as moderator, called 
 an extraordinary meeting of the General Assembly. 
 He opened the deliberations with an animated address, 
 in which he acquainted the members with his reasons 
 for convening them. The alarming crisis had drawn 
 an unusual concourse of the subjects to the capital, and 
 all were actuated with the same spirit. It was agreed 
 that the barons, burgesses, and ministers, should meet 
 apart, to consult on the dangers which hung over the 
 church and commonwealth, and on the best means of 
 providing against them. A deputation was appointed 
 to lay the result of their consultations before the King, 
 and to make him an offer of their lives and fortunes. 
 James interpreted this as an interference with his ad- 
 ministration, and an implicit censure upon his past con- 
 duct ; but the deputies having.remonstrated with him 
 freely on the dangers of the times, he, after consulting 
 with his advisers, returned them thanks for their zeal, 
 and nominated a committee of Privy Council to meet 
 with them and concext common measures for the pub- 
 lic safety. The consequences of this co-operation were 
 of the happiest kind. Among other steps that were 
 taken, a solemn bond of allegiance and mutual defence, 
 approved by his Majesty and zealously promoted by 
 the ministers of the church, was sworn by all ranks. 
 In this they protested that the reformed religion and 
 his Majesty's estate had the same friends and foes, and 
 engaged that they would defend and maintain them 
 against all plots and preparations, foreign or domestic, 
 and particularly against the threatened invasion from 
 Spain ; that they would assist in the discovery and ap- 
 prehension of Jesuits and other vassals of Rome; that 
 they would assemble at his Majesty's command, and 
 hazard their lives, lands, and goods, in resisting the 
 common enemy ; and that they would lay aside ali pri- 
 vate feuds, and submit every difference that might 
 arise among them in the mean time to the judgment of 
 arbiters to he chosen by the King.|| By these means 
 Scotland was put in a state of defence, and in concert 
 with England waited the result of the formidable pre- 
 parations of Spain. 
 
 James Melville had, some time before this, left the 
 university of St. Andrews, and was now minister of 
 Anstruther, a maritime town on the southeast coast of 
 Fife. Early one morning, when the fate of the Arma- 
 da was yet unknown in Scotland, one of the bailies of 
 the town appeared at his bedside, and informed him 
 that a ship filled with Spaniards was off their harbour ; 
 adding, that he needed be under no alarm, as they 
 were come " not to give mercy but to ask it," and that 
 
 * Courccllet'g Eighth Dispatch to the French king, May 12, 
 1587. 
 
 f Melville's Diarv', p. 191. 
 
 i Cotton MSS. Cal. D. i. 98. Gordon's Hist, of the Earldom 
 of Sutherland, p. 210—212. Moyse's Mem. p. 130, 134. 
 
 II Buik of Univ. Kirk, ff. 149—152. Printed Calderwood, p. 
 223 — 225. Spotswood pa»<>es over this transaction entirely. 
 Dr. Robertson has confounded this Band with the J^ationnl 
 Covenant which was sworn seven years before. (Hist, of Scot- 
 land, vol. iii. b. vii. p. 83.) 
 
 the magistrates desired his advice how to act towards 
 them. The principal inhabitants having convened, it 
 was agreed to give audience to the commander, and 
 that their minister, who had some acquaintance with 
 the Spanish language, should convey to him the senti- 
 ments of the town. Intimation of this having been 
 sent to the vessel, a venerable old man of large stature 
 and martial countenance entered the town-hall, and 
 making a profound bow and touching the minister's 
 shoe with his hand, addressed him in Spanish. " His 
 name was Don Jan Gomes de Medina; he was com- 
 mander of twenty ships, being part of the grand fleet 
 which his master, Philip King of Spain, had fitted out 
 to revenge the insufferable insults which he had re- 
 ceived from the English nation; but God, on account 
 of their sins, had fought against them, and dispersed 
 them by a storm ; the vessels under his command had 
 been separated from the main fleet, driven on the north 
 coast of Scotland, and shipwrecked on the Fair Isle; 
 and, after escaping the merciless waves and rocks, and 
 enduring great hardships from hunger and cold, he and 
 such of his men as were preserved had made their way, 
 in their only remaining bark, to this place, intending 
 to seek assistance from their good friends and confed- 
 erates, the Scots, and to kiss his Majesty's hand, (ma- 
 king another profound bow,) from whom he expected 
 relief and comfort to himself, his oflicers, and poor 
 men, who were in a most pitiable condition." When 
 James Melville was about to reply in Latin, a young 
 man, who acted as interpreter, repeated his master's 
 speech in English. The minister then addressed the 
 admiral. "On the score of friendship, or of the cause 
 in which they were embarked, the Spaniards," he said, 
 " had no claims on them ; the king of Spain was a 
 sworn vassal to the bishop of Rome, and on that ground 
 they and their King defied him ; and with respect to 
 England the Scots were indissolubly leagued with that 
 kingdom, and regarded an attack upon it as the same 
 with an attack on themselves : But although this was 
 the case, they looked upon them, in their present situ- 
 ation, as men and fellow-creatures labouring under pri- 
 vations and sufferings to which they themselves were 
 liable ; and they rejoiced at an opportunity of testifying 
 how superior their religion was to that of their ene- 
 mies : Many Scotsmen who had resorted to Spain for 
 the purpose of trade and commerce had been thrown 
 into prison as heretics, their property, confiscated, and 
 their bodies committed to the flames ; but so far from 
 retaliating such cruelties on them, they would give 
 them every kind of relief and comfort which was in 
 their power, leaving it to God to work such a change 
 on their hearts respecting religion as he pleased." 
 This answer being reported by the interpreter to the 
 Spanish admiral, he returned most humble thanks; 
 adding, that he could not answer for the laws and prac- 
 tices of the church to which he belonged, but as for 
 himself there were many in Scotland, and perhaps 
 some in that very town, who could attest that he had 
 treated them with favour and courtesy. After this, the 
 admiral and his officers were conveyed to lodgings 
 which had been provided for them, and were hospita- 
 bly entertained by the magistrates and neighbouring 
 gentlemen, until they obtained a protection and licence 
 from his Majesty to return home.* Before their de- 
 parture James Melville received a printed account of 
 the complete destruction of the Armada, with the names 
 of the principal persons who had perished in the wreck 
 of the galleots on the coasts of Wale.s, Ireland, and 
 Scotland. On this news being imparted to Jan Gomes, 
 the tears flowed down the furrowed cheeks of the hardy 
 veteran. 
 
 • The names of the oflScers were "Capitan Patricio, Capitan 
 de Legaretlo, Capitan de SufTera, Capitan Mauritio, and Seig-n- 
 our Serrano." The privates "to the number of threttin score, 
 for the maist part young berdlfs men, sillie, trauchled, and 
 hungred," were supplied with " keall, pottage, and fishe." (Mel- 
 ville%Diary,p. 193.) 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 271 
 
 The sequel of the story must not be suppressed. 
 Some time after this, a trading vessel belonging to An- 
 struther was arrested in a Spanish port. Don Jan 
 Gomes was no sooner informed of this than he posted 
 to court, and obtained her release from the King, to 
 whom he spoke in the highest terms of the humanity 
 and hospitality of the Scots. He invited the ship's 
 company to his house, inquired kindly after individ- 
 uals of his acquaintance in the good town of Anstruther, 
 and sent his warmest commendations to their minister, 
 to whom he considered himself as particularly indebt- 
 ed.* The mind feels relieved in turning from "the 
 battle of the warrior, with its confused noise, and gar- 
 ments rolled in blood," to contemplate the image of 
 him who is " a strength to the needy in his distress, 
 and a refuge from the tempest, when the blast of the 
 terrible is as a storm against the wall." It is pleasing 
 to perceive the ardent zeal of our ancestors against 
 popery not interfering with the calls of humanity and 
 charity ; and it is consolatory to find that there have al- 
 ways been examples of generosity and gratitude in a 
 country which superstition has chosen for her favourite 
 abode, and where bigotry has so long maintained her 
 intolerant, degrading, and most frightful reign. 
 
 The signal overthrow of the Spanish Armament did 
 not repress the fiery zeal of the Papists in Scotland. 
 During the year 1589 they were indefatigable in ex- 
 tending their conspiracy among the nobility ; and their 
 agents urged Philip, and the Duke of Parma, his gen- 
 eral in the Low Countries, to send an army directly to 
 Scotland, as the best method of invading the dominions 
 of the English Queen. An assembly of the chief min- 
 isters was again called ; Thomas Craig and other em- 
 inent lawyers assisted at their deliberations ; and the 
 wise and vigorous measures which they recommended, 
 enabled the government to suppress the insurrection 
 made by the popish lords on the discovery of their 
 traitorous correspondence. Melville took the lead in 
 this aflfair ; and was chosen Moderator of the Assem- 
 bly, to which his nephew acted as clerk.f 
 
 It was at this time that the variance which had long 
 subsisted between the court and the church began to 
 be removed. This was chiefly owing to the prudence 
 of the Chancellor Maitland. That able statesman had 
 commenced his political career unhappily under the ad- 
 ministration of Arran, and had taken an active part in 
 promoting some of the most obnoxious measures re- 
 specting the government of the church. But he was 
 soon convinced of the folly and mischief of that course, 
 and embraced the first opportunity of cautiously retra- 
 cing his steps. He perceived the danger to which the 
 nation was exposed from the popish faction, and the 
 policy of cultivating a close connexion with England. 
 He saw that the peace of the church was necessary to 
 the strength of the kingdom, and that this could not be 
 established so long as the court supported the bishops, 
 who were odious to their brethren and destitute of all 
 influence over the people. And he was convinced that 
 it was a gross anomaly in politics, for the civil author- 
 ity to uphold one form of ecclesiastical polity, while 
 the church established by law continued to act upon 
 another which was diametrically opposite to it. These 
 views he took every opportunity of inculcating upon 
 the King ; and although he was thwarted by those who 
 envied his power, and felt it no easy task to counteract 
 prejudices which he had contributed to infuse into the 
 royal breast, yet as James entertained a high opinion 
 of his talents, and was very dependent on those to 
 whom he entrusted his affairs, the Chancellor was ulti- 
 mately able to execute his plans. :|: 
 
 Another individual who had great influence in bring- 
 ing matters to this desirable issue was Robert Bruce. 
 He was the second son of the laird of Airth, and after 
 
 * Melville'sDiary, p. 192— 194. 
 
 + Melville's Diary, p. 195—198. Printed Calderwood, p. 227 
 —229, 230—244. 
 
 t Melville's Diary, p. 200. 
 
 completing the study of the laws abroad, had practised 
 for some years at the Scottish bar with the most flat- 
 tering prospects of advancement. But after a severe 
 struggle of mind between secular motives and convic- 
 tions of a higher kind, he abandoned that profession 
 and entered as a student of divinity at St. Andrews. 
 In the year 1587 he was introduced to the General As- 
 sembly by Melville, who recommended him as every 
 way qualified for filling the pulpit that had been occu- 
 pied by Knox and Lawson. It was not without great 
 reluctance, and after a considerable trial, that Bruce 
 complied with the joint entreaties of his brethren and 
 of the inhabitants of the capital.* The nobility res- 
 pected him for his birth and connexions ; his eminent 
 gifts as a preacher gained him the aflection of the com- 
 mon people ; and those who could not love him stood 
 in awe of his commanding talents, and his severe and 
 incorruptible virtue. He acted in full concert with 
 Melville ; and his station at Edinburgh, and his influ- 
 ence with the Chancellor, who paid much deference to 
 his opinions, enabled him to be of greater service to 
 the church than any other individual. f 
 
 The happy effects of this change of policy appeared 
 convincingly while his Majesty was in Denmark, on 
 the occasion of his marriage. In the instructions which 
 he left behind him, he nominated Bruce an extraordi- 
 nary member of the Privy Council, and declared that 
 he reposed more confidence in him and his brethren, 
 for preserving the country in peace, than he did in all 
 his nobility. Nor was he disappointed. Bothwell 
 was made to give public satisfaction in the church of 
 Edinburgh for his turbulent conduct. The popish 
 lords attempted to excite disturbance ; but, finding the 
 council prepared to resist them, they desisted from 
 their practices and remained quiet. During the six 
 months that the King and Chancellor were absent, the 
 kingdom exhibited a scene of unwonted tranquillity : 
 scarcely one affray happened in which blood was shed ; 
 although formerly a week seldom elapsed without in- 
 stances of such violations of the peace and insults on 
 legal authority.:^: The letters which Bruce received 
 at this time from James remain as proofs of his meri- 
 torious services, and of the ingratitude of the monarch 
 by whom he was afterwards treated with the most un- 
 merited and unrelenting severity.|| 
 
 Melville was invited to be present at the ceremony 
 of the Queen's coronation, which was performed with 
 great solemnity in the Chapel of Holyroodhouse, on 
 the 17th of May, 1590, in the presence of the ambassa- 
 dors of Denmark and other foreign states, and of a 
 great concourse of Scottish nobility and gentry. On 
 that occasion three sermons were preached ; one in 
 Latin, another in French, and a third in English. § 
 After an interval, during which the royal party retired 
 
 * Maitlanri, after mentioning that Bruce " threatened to leave 
 the town" of Edinburgh in 1589, says the reason " may be easily 
 guesseJ at," as he agreed (o stay upon " the increase of his sti- 
 pend to a thousand merks." (Hist, of Edinburgh, p. 45.) If in- 
 stead of guessing-, the vpriter had made hiniselt acquainted with 
 facts, he wotdd have known, that Bruce, at the period referred 
 to, had not yet consented to settle at Edinburgh, and had a call 
 to St. Andrews which he preferred; (Record of Kirk Session of 
 St. Andrews, May 21, 1589, Wodrow's Life of Bruce, p. 4.) that 
 the minister who held the first charge in the metropolis requi- 
 red a stipend much greater than that of his colleagues, in as 
 much as the task of keeping up an extensive correspondence on 
 the afTairs of the national cnurch was devolved on him ; and that 
 the independent spirit,, and scrupulous honour, which Bruce 
 evinced through the whole of his life, raised him above the sus- 
 picion of being actuated by such mean and mercenary motives. 
 
 t Cald. iii. 320. Melville's Diary, p. 106, 200. 
 
 t Melville's Diary, p. 204, 205. 
 
 I] Calderwood (iv.l78 — 194, 445.) has preserved three letters 
 written from Denmark by the Chancellor, and four by the King, 
 to Bruce. His Majesty addresses hini as his "trusty and well- 
 beloved counsellor;" and says that he was "worth the quarter 
 of his kingdom," that he would reckon himself" beholden while 
 he lived" for the services he had done him, and that he would 
 " never forget tlie same." 
 
 { The coronation was on a Sabbath. 
 
272 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 for a little from the assembly, Robert Bruce performed 
 the ceremony of anoinlinsf the Queen, and, assisted by 
 the Chancellor and David Lindsay, placed the crown 
 on her Majesty's head. Melville then rose, and recited 
 a Latin poem in celebration of the joyful event. The 
 solemnity continued from ten in the morning till five at 
 night.* 
 
 Melville had no information that he was expected to 
 take part in tlie coronation until two days before it hap- 
 pened. He had therefore little time for preparation. 
 But, although hastily composed, his poem was greatly 
 admired, as well as the spirited and graceful manner in 
 which it was pronounced. In returning him thanks, 
 his Majesty said. That he had that day done him and 
 the country such honour as he could never requite. He 
 enjoined him to give the poem immediately into the 
 hands of the printer, adding, that all the ambassadors 
 joined with him in soliciting its publication. It was 
 accordingly printed next day, under the title of Stephan- 
 iskion;f and being circulated through Europe, added 
 to the reputation which the author had already gained. 
 Lipsius and Scaliger, who then divided between them 
 the dictatorship in the republic of letters, bestowed on 
 it their warmest commendations.:^ A general regret 
 was expressed that the author of such a poem did not 
 favour the public with larger and more frequent pro- 
 ductions of his muse. When this was signified to him 
 by his friends, he repeated the excuse which he had 
 formerly made,|| but at the same time gave them ground 
 to hope that their wishes would be gratified, if he should 
 find leisure from his more important and pressing avo- 
 cations. § 
 
 On the first Sabbath after the coronation of the 
 Queen, the King attended sermon in St. Giles's church, 
 and made a harangue to the people, in which he thank- 
 ed them and the ministers for their conduct during his 
 absence, confessed that the affairs of the kingdom had 
 hitherto been ill administered, and promised to exert 
 himself in the correction of all abuses. At the ensuing 
 meeting of the General Assembly he repeated these 
 professions, lamented the bloody feuds which disgra- 
 ced the country, and exhorted the ministers to embrace 
 every opportunity of impressing their hearers with the 
 enormity of such crimes. It was on this occasion that 
 he pronounced his celebrated panegyric on the purity 
 of the Church of Scotland. He praised God that he 
 was born in such a time, as in the time of the light of 
 the Gospel, and in such a place, as to be King in such 
 a kirk, the purest kirk in the world. "The kirk of 
 Geneva (continued his Majesty) keepeth Pasch and 
 Yule. What have they for them 1 they have no insti- 
 
 » Cald. iv. 196— 198. Moyse's Memoirs, p. 170. .Srhedias- 
 niata Hadr. Datnmanis. Edta. 1590. Spotswood hurries over 
 the affair of the coronation. " The King (says he) determining- 
 to have it done in most solemn manner, because none of the 
 bishops were present, nor could conveniently be brought against 
 the day, made choice of Mr. Robert Bruce to perform the cer- 
 emony." (Hist. p. 381.) The bishops, forsooth, good meu ! 
 were all so conscientiously employed in watching their flocks, 
 that not one of them could spare time to wait on the court, but 
 left this business to "idle" ministers. To make amends for the 
 brevity of his description, the archbishop introduces, by way 
 of episode or diversion, an account of a dispute among the min- 
 isters respecting the lawfulness of unction< which his Majesty 
 put an end to, by threatening that he would " stay till one of 
 the bishops came." Jan)es knew very well, that half a dozen 
 of them would have started up at a single blast of his hunting 
 horn. 
 
 + See Note DD. 
 
 j On reading it, Lipsius exclaimed, Revera Andreas J^felvi- 
 nus est serio doctus. And Scaliger, who was not usually lavish 
 in his praises of others, and did not entertain the lowest opinion 
 of his own abilities, among other complimentary expressions, 
 said in his letter to the author, .A'tij talia nan possumus. (Mel- 
 ville's Diary, p. 206.) 
 
 |l See above, p. 87. 
 
 Melville's Diary, ut supra. Calderwood represents Mel- 
 ville's Stephaniskion as delivered in the presence of the ambas- 
 sadors on the day of the Queen's public entrance into the city 
 of Exiinburgh, which was two daj's after the Coronation. (Cain. 
 iv. 198.) This is incorrect. (Dclitiae Poet. Scot. ii. 71.) 
 
 tution. As for cur neighbour kirk in England, their 
 service is an evil-said mass in English : they want no- 
 thing of the mass but the liftings. I charge you, my 
 good people, ministers, doctors, elders, nobles, gentle- 
 men, and barons, to stand to your purity ; and I for- 
 sooth, so long as I brrok my life and crown, shall 
 maintain the same against all deadly."* Whether 
 James was seized on this occasion with a sudden fit of 
 devotion and of affection for his mother-church, or 
 whether he merely adopted this language to gain the 
 favour of the ministers, may admit of some doubt. 
 But it is certain, that the speech was received by the 
 assembly with a transport of joy : " there was nothing 
 heard for a quarter of an hour, but praising God and 
 praying for the King." 
 
 When the church was enjoying internal peace, and 
 had the prospect of obtaining from the government a 
 redress of her grievances, she met with an unexpected 
 attack from a foreign quarter. Notwithstanding the 
 difference between the churches of England and Scot- 
 land, in their external form of worship and discipline, 
 they had hitherto continued on friendly terms. The 
 latter rested satisfied with acting for herself in remo- 
 ving various corruptions which were retained by the 
 former, and did not interfere with the internal affairs 
 of her neighbour; except by interceding, in one or two 
 instances, in behalf of those who were suffering for 
 non-conformity to the ceremonies. Even when en- 
 gaged in contending against, episcopacy, which the 
 court and a few ambitious churchmen obtruded on them, 
 contrary to the original constitution of their church, the 
 ministers of Scotland had avoided, as far as possible, 
 reflections on the ecclesiastical establishment of Eng- 
 land. The English bishops, who were in general men 
 respectable for their piety and talents, had used the 
 same reserve with respect to Scotland, and endeavour- 
 ed to preserve that union between the two nations which 
 was of the greatest consequence to both, while they 
 were exposed to the restless attacks of a common and 
 dangerous enemy. Of late years, symptoms of an op- 
 posite spirit had manifested themselves, in the counte- 
 nance given to Adarason, and in the industry with 
 which his calumnious libel had been circulated, in 
 England. But open hostilities were at this time pro- 
 claimed by Doctor Bancroft, an aspiring ecclesiastic, 
 in a sermon which he preached before the Parliament, 
 and which was immediately published. It is scarcely 
 possible to conceive a more perfect specimen of the 
 argument ad invidiam, than this oration exhibits. All 
 the topics of declamation calculated to excite prejudice 
 are carefully collected, and emploj-ed with no small 
 art. Puritanism is the offspring of a spirit of pride, 
 ambition, covetousncss, and insubordination. Puri- 
 tans are coupled with the worst heretics who had in- 
 fested the church in ancient or modern times. All 
 those writings which contained sentiments less favour- 
 able to monarchical government, whether published in 
 Britain or on the Continriit, are imputed to them. The 
 jealousy of the Queen is aroused by representing them 
 as enemies to her supremacy; the nobility are alarmed 
 by being told that the recovery of abbey-lands was 
 what they aimed at; and the gentry and commons are 
 frightened with the inquisitorial powers of the presby- 
 terian discipline. All are warned to avoid such pests 
 to society; and magistrates are called on to use their 
 authority to restrain and punish thom.f Not contented 
 with exposing the evils of prcsbyterianism in the way 
 
 » Cald. iv. 198, 204. When Spotswood has occasion to men- 
 tion any thing said or done by his Majesty in favour of presby- 
 tery, he usually adds, that the King tcmporiied with the minis- 
 ters. But sucn an apology on the present occasion would have 
 been rather too gross; anu, accordingly, he omits entirely that 
 part of the speech which was in commendation of the church 
 of Scotland. (Hist. p. 382.) 
 
 t " If they (the puritanical "geese and dogs") will gaggle 
 and make a noise in the day time without any cause, opinor iis 
 crura svffringantur : I think it very fit they be rapt in the 
 shinncs. (Haiicrcfl'.-* Sermon, p. 7."?, edit. 1636.) 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 273 
 
 of general argument, and with confuting such as main- 
 tained it in England, the author of the sermon makes a 
 direct and wilful attack on the government and disci- 
 pline of the church of Scotland. The Reformer whom 
 the Scots held in veneration is stigmatized as a man of 
 contentious humour and perverse behaviour. And an 
 odious picture, borrowed from the distorted represen- 
 tations of Adamson and Brown, is given of the proceed- 
 ings of the ministers and church-courts in Scotland 
 during their late dissensions with the court. They 
 took it upon them to alter the laws of the land without 
 the consent of the King and Estates — threatened them 
 with excommunication — filled the pulpit with seditious 
 and treasonable doctrine — utterly disclaimed the King's 
 authority — trode upon his sceptre — laboured to estab- 
 lish an ecclesiastical tyranny of an infinite jurisdiction, 
 such as neither the law of God nor of man could tol- 
 erate, which was the mother of all faction, confusion, 
 sedition and rebellion, and an introduction to anabap- 
 tism and popularity — instead of one pope and some 
 lord bishops in name, they had setup a thousand lordly 
 tyrants who disclaimed the name: On these accounts 
 the King had overthrown the presbyteries ; and al- 
 though it miglit seem from his recent conduct that he 
 had altered his views of them, yet this could not be 
 the case, and he was to be considered as merely ac- 
 commodating himself for a time to circumstances.* 
 Such was the way in which the chaplain of the Lord 
 Chancellor of England excited the members of the high 
 court of Parliament to express their gratitude to Prov- 
 idence, for the deliverance which they had just experi- 
 enced from the Spanish Armada ! And such was the 
 reward which the preachers of Scotland received, for 
 their unwearied efforts to preserve amity between the 
 two kingdoms, and for the zeal with which they had 
 aroused and persuaded their countrymen to make a 
 common cause with England, during the most alarm- 
 ing danger with which she was ever threatened !f 
 
 It is easy to conceive how the ministers of the church 
 of Scotland must have felt at this unprovoked attack. 
 They viewed it, not as an attempt to bring the merits 
 of the two forms of ecclesiastical polity to a fair and 
 dispassionate discussion, but as a vile libel, intended 
 to hold them up to detestation before a neighbouring 
 nation ; as the work of an interested alarmist, who was 
 regardless of the means which he employed to please 
 his patrons and to protect lucrative alwuses ; and as an 
 attempt to throw a firebrand into a peaceable commu- 
 nity, to rekindle the flame of dissension which was 
 nearly quenched in Scotland, and to revive in the breast 
 of his Majesty those prejudices and enmities which 
 had already been productive of so much evil. Under 
 these impressions they appointed a committee to write 
 a letter to Elizabeth, complaining of the indignity 
 which they had suffered ;:J; and to draw up an answer 
 to the railing accusations which had been brought 
 against them.|| The letter and the answer were pre- 
 pared ; but on a calmer consideration of all circum- 
 stances, it was judged proper to suppress them, and to 
 rest satisfied with a small publication by an individual. 
 
 * " A sermon preached at Pauls Crosse the 9th of February ; 
 being the first Sunday in the Parliament Anno 1588 by Richard 
 Bancroft — Chaplaine to the L. Chancellor of England." Print- 
 ed in 1588, and reprinted in 1636. 
 
 •) The only excuse that can be made for such conduct is, that 
 the bishops were at this time greatly alarmed at the increase of 
 the non conformists, and at the resolutions of the House of 
 Commons against ecclesiastical abuses. Bancroft gives an ex- 
 tract from " a Letter of P. A." (Patrick Adamson) which throws 
 light on these fears. " Certain of the chiefe Noblemen of Eng- 
 land dealt with me to persuade the king of Scotland my mas- 
 tei to overthrow all the Bishopricks in his country, that his 
 proceedings therein might be an example for England adjoin- 
 ing." (Dangerous Positions, p. 5, 2nd edit.) 
 
 t Records of the Presbytery of Edinburgh, Dec. 9, 1589. A 
 copy of the intended letter to Elizabeth is inserted in Cald. iv. 
 171—175. 
 
 II Records of the Presbytery of Edinburgh, April 29, and June 
 
 3K 
 
 containing a protest against the rashness of the calum- 
 niator, and the reasons of their declining to enter upon 
 a defence of their conduct.|| They were averse to en- 
 gage in open hostilities against the church of England. 
 The falsehood of the charges brouoht against them 
 was known to several individuals of the English court, 
 who promised to see justice done them. They were 
 loath to offend Elizabeth, whose patronage they had 
 experienced, and of whose aversion to all innovations on 
 the ecclesiastical constitution of her kingdom they 
 were fully aware. And they knew that James, though 
 disposed to consent to the abolition of episcopacy in 
 Scotland, was anxious to avoid giving offtnce to the 
 English bishops, who might be provoked to lay obsta- 
 cles in the way of his succession. A generous adver- 
 sary would have scorned to avail himself of the advan- 
 tage which these circumstances gave him, and would 
 have desisted from assailing persons whom he knew 
 to be restrained from self-defence. Bancroft was of a 
 different disposition. Besides corresponding witli Ad- 
 amson, he employed an English bookseller at Edin- 
 burgh as a spy on the ministers, transmitted to him a 
 string of officious queries respecting the conduct of the 
 preachers and the procedure of the church-courts, and 
 continued, from time to time, to publish the informa- 
 tion which he catered by such means, in books still 
 more inflamed and abusive than his first production.-]" 
 Sutcliff, Saravia, and other English divines carried on 
 the same mode of warfare in various publications. By 
 remaining silent under these attacks, the ministers of 
 Scotland certainly displayed their moderation :j' the 
 wisdom of their conduct may be questioned by some 
 who respect the motives from which it proceeded. 
 The fact is mentioned here, as it throws light on the 
 state of parties, and helps to account for events which 
 will afterwards come under our notice. 
 
 .Tames took an opportunity of contradicting the in- 
 sinuation of Bancroft, that he dissembled in the con- 
 cessions which he had lately made in favour of pres- 
 bytery. || But various parts of his conduct gave too 
 much reason for concluding that he still retained the 
 anti-reformation principles which he had imbibed from 
 his early favourites. Desirous as the ministers were 
 at this period to cultivate his good graces, it was impos- 
 sible for them to refrain from censuring the glaring in- 
 stances in which justice was diverted from its course, 
 and convicted or notorious murderers screened from 
 punishment, by his culpable negligence and favourit- 
 ism. No instance of this kind raised the indignation 
 of the people to such a pitch, or sunk the character of 
 the King so low, as the murder of the Earl of Mur- 
 ray, the heir of the first Regent, by the Earl of 
 Huntley, and the indifference, or rather aversion, 
 which the court testified to avenge the crime. Mel- 
 ville, along with some other ministers, was deputed 
 
 * This WHS published by John Davidson under the following 
 title: "D. Bancrofts Rashness in rayling against the Chvrch oi 
 Scotland, noted in Answere to a letter of a worthy person of 
 England, and some reasons rendred, why the answere thereunto 
 hath not hitherto come foorth. By J. D. a brother of the sayd 
 Church of Scotland. Ex Mvltis Pnvca. At Edinbvrgh printed 
 by Robert Walde-grave. Anno. 1590." Bin eights. The run- 
 ning title is: " A proofe of D. Bancrofts rashness against the 
 Church of Scotland." It concludes: " Farewell, from- F.din. the 
 18. of September. 1590. Yours in the Lord. J. D." The only 
 copy of this rare tract which I have seen or heard of is in the 
 possession of Mr. David Laing. 
 
 f Cald. iv. 175. Bancroft's publications are entitled: " A Sur- 
 vey of the Pretended Holy Discipline;" and "Dangerous Posi- 
 tions, or Scottish Genevatin^ and English Scottizing for Disci- 
 pline:" printed in 1593, and reprinted in 1662. In the last 
 mentioned work, (p. .30, 2d edit.) Bancroft disingenuously com- 
 plains of the Scottish ministers as attempting to " cast some 
 of their contentious and disloyal seeds into England." The 
 only proof of this which he is able to produce is Davidson's 
 book, consisting of sixteen small leaves, and extorted by his own 
 virulent invective. 
 
 J Calderwood quotes from an answer made by John David- 
 son to Sutcliff, but I do not know that it was ever printed. 
 
 II Bancroft's Rashnes, sig. A 5. 
 18 
 
274 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 by the General Assembly, to wait on the King, and to 
 stimulate h'm to the vigorous discharge of his duty in 
 this affair. As was natural, the preachers, in taking 
 notice of the death of the son, had alluded to the fa- 
 ther, and mentioned the name of the Good Regent 
 with that regard and veneration with which they con- 
 tinued to cherish his memory. In the course of the 
 present conference James testified his dissatisfaction at 
 such speeches. Melville defended them, and express- 
 ed his surprise and sorrow at learning, that there were 
 persons about the court who spoke disrespectfully of 
 those to whom Scotland was under the highest obliga- 
 tions. The conversation growing warm, the Chancel- 
 lor, who did not feel quite at ease on this topic, inter- 
 rupted Melville, and told him that that was not the 
 errand on which he came. He answered, that on such 
 a theme he would not be silenced by any individual be- 
 neath his Majesty, The King said, that none but 
 seditious and traitorous theologues would defend Mur- 
 ray, Knox, and Buchanan. Melville replied, that they 
 were the men who set the crown upon his head, and 
 deserved better treatment. His Majesty said, that his 
 crown came to him by succession, and was not given 
 him by any man. " But they were the instruments," 
 replied Melville ; " and whoever informs your Majes- 
 ty sinistrouoly of these men neither loves you nor the 
 commonwealth."* 
 
 Adamson was the only one of the bishops who per- 
 sisted in opposing the church after the annexation of 
 their temporalities to the crown. f In August 1588, a 
 variety of accusations were in against him to the Gen- 
 eral Assembly. His extravagance and imprudence 
 had involved him in great pecuniary embarrassments, 
 and his person was liable to be seized by his creditors. 
 He was charged with having abstracted, secreted and 
 mutilated the registers of the assembly, and with hav- 
 ing celebrated the marriage of the Earl of Huntly, 
 contrary to an express inhibition of the commissioners 
 of the church.:}: The assembly remitted hijs trial to 
 the presbytery of Edinburgh, giving them full power 
 to pass a final sentence in the process according to the 
 laws of the church. Having proceeded on a libel given 
 in against him by Robert Pont and Adam Johnston, the 
 presbytery found the bishop guilty of falsehood and 
 
 « Cald. iv.250. 
 
 + Montgomery having submitted to the church, the trial of 
 his repentance was referred to the Presbytery of Edinburgh, 
 who, upon receiving satisfaction from him, removed the excom- 
 munication. (Record of Presb. of Edin. June 7, 1586; and 
 Aug. 29, 1586.) " Anent the suppHcatioun of Mr. Ro« Mont- 
 gomerie," the General Assembly (February 158g.) found that 
 *' be may be admittit pastour over a flock quhair he hes not 
 been slanderous, provyding he be found qualified in lyfe and 
 doctrine." (Buik of Univ. Kirk, f. 150, a.) 
 
 \ The writer of the life of Archbishop Adamson, in the Bi- 
 ographia Britannica, speaking of the marriage of the Earl of 
 Huntly, says: "The not permitting a man to marry without 
 his having first subscribed a confession of faith is one of the 
 Completest instances of ecclesiastical folly and bigotry re- 
 corded in history." (Biog. Brit. vol. i. p. 41, 2nd edit.) The 
 reader may pronounce on the wisdom and liberality of this 
 censure, after considering the following circumstances of the 
 case. Huntly was the chief of the Popish party in Scotland, 
 and deeply engaged in a treasonable correspondence with 
 Spain. His proposed marriage with a ward of the crown, the 
 daughter of the Duke of Lennox, his majesty's favourite, was, 
 for obvious reasons, dreaded by all the Protestants. To ac- 
 complish this object the more easily, Huntly feigned (as he 
 afterwards acknowledged) a disposition to renounce the Cath- 
 olic faith, but aflected to stickle at some of the Protestant doc- 
 trines. The Presbytery of Edinburgh, believing that his ob- 
 ject was to drive time, prohibited any of the ministers to cele- 
 Drate the marriage until he had subscribed the confession. 
 Notwithstanding this, Adamson performed the ceremony, at 
 the very time that the Spanish Armada was expected to appear 
 on the coast of England. (Record of the Presbytery of Edin- 
 burgh, July 3, 1588. Buik of Univ. Kirk. f. 152, b.)— The 
 Life of Adamson in the Biograjthin is extremely incorrect. In 
 the second edition, the liberal ideas of the editor, Dr. Kippis, 
 joined to the old prejudices of the original author, fonn a 
 
 f>iece of literary patchwork, which is curious, but not singu- 
 ar in such coiupnationi. 
 
 double-dealing, erroneous doctrine, opposition to the 
 discipline of the church, and contempt of the late pub- 
 lic thanksgiving ; and therefore deposed him from all 
 function in the ministry, and debarred him from pri- 
 vileges in the church, until he should give satisfaction 
 for his offensive conduct,* 
 
 What happened on the King's return from Den- 
 mark should have convinced Adamson, that he could 
 no longer depend on the royal favour. But he contin- 
 ued to deceive himself with vain hopes; and, being 
 flattered by letters from Bancroft, persevered in his 
 opposition to presbytery, and in his attacks on Mel- 
 ville.f Nor was he undeceived until his annuity 
 was sequestered and given to the Duke of Lennox. 
 In vain did he remonstrate against this deed ; in vain 
 did he address elegant and plaintive verses to his Ma- 
 jesty, in which he reminded him of the zeal with 
 which he had served him from his birth, and was ready 
 still to serve him.:}: James remained insensible to his 
 entreaties, and withheld from him even that assistance 
 which was necessary to preserve him from want. The 
 unhappy bishop, deprived of his only support, sunk 
 into deep dejection of mind, aggravated by poverty 
 and sickness. So little reliance was placed on his sin- 
 cerity, that few would believe that he was really in 
 such a miserable situation ; and he was reduced to the 
 humiliating step of writing a letter to Melville, in 
 which, after professing sorrow for his former conduct, 
 he disclosed to him his destitute circumstances. Mel- 
 ville immediately visited him, supported his family 
 out of his. own purse for some months, and afterwards 
 procured a contribution for him from his friends in St. 
 Andrews. When the provincial synod of Fife met, 
 Adamson applied to them to be released from the sen- 
 tence of excommunication which they had formerly 
 pronounced against him. His petition was granted ; 
 and he subscribed several papers, in which he recant- 
 ed his episcopal sentiments, retracted the famous dec- 
 laration which he had published in defence of the acts 
 of Arran's parliament, and professed his deep sorrow 
 for the opposition which he had made to the judicato- 
 ries and discipline of the chuich. He died on the 
 19th of February, 1592. 
 
 The circumstances in which the archbishop sub- 
 scribed his recantation necessarily throw a degree of sus- 
 picion over the sincerity with which it was made, and 
 detract from its value as a testimony in favour of pres- 
 bytery. But there is not the least reason to doubt the 
 genuineness of the document itself,!] The presbyterian 
 
 » Buik of Univ. Kirk. f. 153. Cald. iv. 71. Record of the 
 Presbytery of Edinburgh, Oct. 15, and Dec. 17, 1588; and 
 June 5, 1589-. 
 
 t In his Dedication of his Paraphrase of the Revelation in 
 Latin verse, (" Sanctiandreas, Cal. Maijs, 1590.") he informs 
 the King that he had prepared a work, entitled Psillus, in 
 in which he had "sucked out the seditious poison infused by 
 the Jilelvinian faction, defended the episcopal authority and 
 the royal supremacy, and warned the neighbouring kingdom 
 of England of the rocks on which the church of Scotland had 
 struck." (Opera Adamsoni.) 
 
 J Auspiciia i rausa bonis, pete limina Regis, 
 DifTiciles aditus non habet ille locus. 
 Invenies illic castas, tua vota, sorores; 
 Musarura Princeps praesidet ipse choro. 
 After mentioning the various services which he had rendered 
 to the King, in France, in England, and in Scotland, he con- 
 cludes.: 
 
 His dictis.postquam surgentes ordine musas 
 
 Viderit ad lacrymas ingemuisse tuas, 
 Et tristi aspiciens Bartassia Numina vult 
 
 Haud dubie votis annuel ille tuis. 
 Tu voti compos, caveas ne decide penna 
 Segnior in laudes repperiare suas. 
 
 (Epigrammata, T. 4. Oper. Adamsoni, 4to.) 
 II Wilson passes it over, and says that the ministers took ad- 
 vantage of an ambiguous expression of his father-in-law, to cir- 
 culate the report that he had renounced cpiscopac)-. (Vita Patr. 
 Adamsoni, p. 16, 17.) Spotswood allows that he subscribed 
 the articles " which were afterwards imprinted undrr the name 
 of Mr. Patrick Adamson's Recantation;" but he alleges that 
 '' wh«a it was told him that such a recantation was published in 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 275 
 
 writers have done ample -justice to Adamson's talents, 
 but it has been alleged that their prejudices induced 
 them to injure his character. If they did so, they act- 
 ed not merely an unjustifiable, but also a tbolish and 
 preposterous part ; for in proportion as they detracted 
 from his reputation, they diminished the honour of the 
 victory which they had gained over the chief of their 
 antagonists.* Nothing can be more absurd, although 
 nothing is more common, than to identify the merits 
 of a public cause, good, or bad, with the private 
 qualities of individuals by whom it may happen to be 
 supported. There have been learned and pious bish- 
 ops ; and there have been illiterate and worthless pres- 
 byters. That the opponents of Adamson exaggerat- 
 ed his faults, and accused him of some things which 
 were not criminal, I allow ; but, on the other hand, I 
 am satisfied that those who feel most respect for his 
 talents and station will be pained to find, on examin- 
 ation, that the leading charges brought against him 
 are supported by evidence too strong to admit of being 
 controverted. In his works is a beautiful little poem, 
 breathing a spirit of warm piety, which his son-in-law 
 informs us was composed by him a short lime before 
 his death. f 
 
 The death of Adamson was followed by the legal es- 
 tablishment of presbytery. In June 1592, the Par- 
 liament passed an act, ratifying the general assemblies, 
 provincial synods, presbyteries, and particular sessions 
 of the church; and declaring thein, with the jurisdic- 
 tion and discipline belonging to them, to be in all time 
 coming most just, good, and godly, notwithstanding 
 whatsoever statutes, acts, and laws, canon, civil, or 
 municipal, made to the contrary. This act ratified and 
 embodied some of the leading propositions in the Se- 
 cond Book of Discipline, relating to the power of 
 these judicatories. It appointed General Assemblies 
 to be held once every year, or oftener pro re ivita, as oc- 
 casion should require ; the time and place of next 
 meeting to be appointed by his Majesty or his commis- 
 sioner, or, provided neither of them should be pre- 
 sent, by the Assembly itself. And it appointed pro- 
 vincial synods to be held twice a-year. It rescinded 
 an act authorising the observance of Christmas and 
 Easter, and some other acts favourable to popery, 
 which had hitherto been allowed to remain in the 
 statute-book. It declared that the act of the parlia- 
 ment 1584, respecting the royal supremacy, should be 
 in no wise prejudicial to the privileges of the office- 
 bearers of the church, concerning heads of religion, 
 matters of heresy, excommunication, the appointment 
 or deprivation of ministers, or any such essential cen- 
 
 his name he complained heavily of the wrong that was done 
 him, and committing his cause to God, ended his days in the 
 end of this year. (Hist. p. 385.) The recantation was sub- 
 scribed April 8, 1591. (Cald. iv. 214.) It was sent to the Pres- 
 bytery of Edinburgh in the course of that month, that they 
 might " give thair advysgif they vald the said patrick suld add 
 ony thing thairto — as also gif they sail think it expedient to be 
 prentit." (Record of Presbytery of Edinburgh, April 20, 
 1591.) Adamson survived this ten months. (Th. Volusenus, 
 Vita P. Adamsoni, p. 23.) By its being "■ published," Spots- 
 wood must mean its being made publicly known: and surely 
 Adamson knew, when he subscribed the paper, that this was 
 the use to be made of it. It does not appear to have been 
 printed until the year 1598. (Ames by Herbert, p. 1519.) At 
 that time several, if not all, of the witnesses in whose presence 
 it was subscribed, were alive; and among them were the most 
 respectable gentlemen of the county. 
 
 * This is allowed by James Melville. '* The man haid ma- 
 nie grait giftes, bat speciallie excellit in the toung and pen. — If 
 he haid bein endowitbot withe a commoun civill piece of hon- 
 estye in his delling and conversation, he haid ma nieanes to 
 naiff wrought mischieff in a kirk or countrey nor anie I haiff 
 knawin or hard of in our yland." (Diary p. 215.) 
 
 + Adamsoni Opera, 4to. Vita Adamsoni, p. 16, 12mo. James 
 was the eldest, and Patrick the second, son of Patrick arch- 
 bishop oi St. Andrews. (Act. Pari. Scot. iii. 355, 480.) His 
 daughter was married to Thomas W^ilson, an advocate, who 
 wrote a life of his father-in-law, and published a collection of 
 his works in 1619. The bishop married Elizabeth, daughter of 
 William Arthour and Margaret Martine. (Inventory of goods 
 
 sures warranted by the word of God. And it declar- 
 ed the act of the same Parliament, granting commis- 
 sion to bishops and other judges appointed by his 
 Majesty in ecclesiastical causes, to be null, and of no 
 avail, force or eflTect in time coming ; and ordered pre- 
 sentations to be directed to presbyteries, who should 
 have full power to give collation to benefices, and to 
 manage all ecclesiastical causes within their bounds, 
 provided they admitted such qualified ministers as 
 were presented by his Majesty or other lay patrons.* 
 
 This settlement was not without its defects. Not 
 to mention some important pieces of reformation, 
 craved in the Second Book of Discipline, which were 
 entirely left out, the supreme court was deprived 
 of the right which it had hitherto possessed of ap- 
 pointing its own meetings ; and the power of presby- 
 teries and the liberties of the people were fettered by 
 the continuance of lay patronage. At a posterior pe- 
 riod, when the reformation of the church was carried 
 to a higher degree of perfection, and a settlement 
 made upon more liberal principles, these restrictions 
 were abolished. But at present this could not be ob- 
 tained ; and the church waved her demand in consid- 
 eration of the advantages which the act conferred on 
 her. Nor were these restrictions found to be so hurt- 
 ful in eifect as might have been imagined. So long as 
 the court was disposed to respect the law, and to al- 
 low the church to meet annually in General Assembly, 
 the settling of the particular time and place of meeting 
 was of minor importance ; and the arrangement made 
 respecting this might be viewed as an accommodation 
 to the ideas that then generally prevailed as to all pub- 
 lic conventions. Nor was the law of patronage at- 
 tended with very serious evils at a period when the 
 church courts held, that the consent of the people was 
 to be obtained previously to the settlement of a minister 
 among them, and when, actuated by this principle, they 
 were studious, by the influence which they used with pa- 
 trons, and by the regulations which they made as to pre- 
 sentees, to lighten, instead of aggravating, a yoke which 
 has alwajrs been felt to be oppressive and degrading.f 
 
 The Act of Parliament 1592, which still continues 
 to be the charter of the Church of Scotland's liberties, 
 has always been regarded by Presbyterians in an 
 important light, and as a great step in national re- 
 formation. It repealed several statutes which were 
 favourable to superstition, and hostile to the inde- 
 pendence of the kingdom. It reduced the prerogative 
 of the crown, which had lately been raised to an ex- 
 orbitant height ; and, by legally securing the religious 
 privileges of the nation against arbitrary encroach- 
 ments, it pointed out the propriety and practicability 
 of providing similar securities in behalf of political 
 rights. It gave the friends of the Presbyterian con- 
 stitution the advantage of occupying legal ground, 
 and enabled them, during a series of years, to oppose 
 a succes.sful resistance to' the efforts of the court to ob- 
 trude on them an opposite system. And as often as 
 the nation felt disposed to throw off the imposed yoke 
 of episcopacy, they appealed to this charter, and 
 founded upon it a " claim of right" to the recovery of 
 their ancient liberties. 
 
 The Church of Scotland did not regard the present 
 or any other parliamentary grant, as the basis of her 
 religious constitution. This had been already laid 
 down from Scripture in her Books of Discipline. For 
 all her internal administration, she pleaded and rested 
 upon higher grounds than either regal or parliamentary 
 
 and books belonging to Mr. William Skene.) Margaret Mar- 
 tine, after the death of "Mr. Williarae Arthor of Kernis her 
 first husband," married "Mr. William Skene commissar of 
 Sanctandrois." (Record of Privy Council, January 17, 1582. 
 Commissary Rec. of St. Andrews, Jan. 2, 1572; May 8, and 
 and 24, 1594.) 
 
 * Act. Pari. Scot. iii. 541. This statute has the vague and 
 undescriptive title of " Act for abolishing of the actis contrair 
 the true religioun." 
 
 + See Note EE. 
 
•276;^ 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 authority. What she now obtained was a legal recog- 
 nition of those powers which she had long claimed as 
 belonging to her by scriptural institution and the gift 
 of her Divine Head. She had now a right in foro 
 poli et soli, by human as well as by divine law, to hold 
 her assemblies for worship and discipline, and to trans- 
 act all the business competent to her as an ecclesias- 
 tical society, without being liable to any challenge for 
 this, and without being exposed to any external inter- 
 ruption or hindrance whatever, either from individuals 
 or from the executive government. Without entering 
 on the question of civil establishments of religion, 
 which might be shewn to be consonant with the sound- 
 est principles of policy and Christianity, I sliall only 
 remark that when the sanction of civil authority is 
 given to a church properly organized and duly reform- 
 ed, it may prove one of the greatest national blessings, 
 and be no less beneficial to the power which confers it 
 than to the society on which it is conferred. Had the 
 Church of Scotland been remiss in her exertions to ob- 
 tain this sanction, or had she declined to accept it 
 ■when offered, she would have acted an unwise and 
 criminal part. Had the statutes which w'ere directly 
 opposed to her discipline been simply abrogated, with- 
 out its receiving a positive and legal ratification, it 
 would have been still liable to be interrupted and hin- 
 dered, whenever the court chose to take offence at any 
 part of ecclesiastical management, or to advance the 
 plea that it fell under the civil jurisdiction. And if 
 the system of some modern theorists hadnbeen adopted 
 — if all laws relating to the church had at once been 
 swept away, the ecclesiastical property totally secu- 
 larized, and a universal freedom in matters of religion 
 proclaimed-^the consequences would have been, that 
 many parts of the country would have been thrown 
 destitute of religious instruction and worship ; ignor- 
 ance, and crime, and atheism, would have spread 
 through the land; and, wdthin a short time, popish 
 superstition and tyranny would have regained that 
 power which had been wrested from them with such 
 difficulty, and at the expense of so much toil nnd 
 blood. The folly of such a course would scarcely 
 have been less than that of abolishing all public insti- 
 tutions for education and the promotion of learning 
 through the kingdom, and of leaving the object of these 
 to be gained entirely by individual exertion or volunta- 
 ry association ; a measure which would be preposter- 
 ous and hurtful at any time, but which, at the period 
 under consideration, would have been productive of 
 ruinous and irremediable mischief. 
 
 This important act was not obtained without a final 
 struggle. It was keenly opposed by some of the nobil- 
 ity from motives which had long been no secret, and 
 they suffered it at last to pass in the hopes that it would 
 be suppressed by the King. There is little reason to 
 doubt that this would have been its fate, had it not 
 been for the peculiar situation in which the court was 
 then placed. The murder of the Earl of Murray, and 
 the impunity extended to the murderer, had excited 
 universal indignation among the people. Ballads and 
 placards were published, accusing the principal court- 
 iers, and even James himself, as accessory to that foul 
 deed ; and Bothwell was in arms to revenge it. In 
 these circumstances, the Chancellor, who had incurred 
 a great share of the popular odium, prevailed on the 
 King to assent to the act' ratifying Presbytery, as a 
 deed which more than any other would conciliate the 
 public favour to his administration. The royal assent 
 vras accordingly given to it, to the great joy of the 
 commissioners of the General Assembly, who had been 
 in constant and active attendance, but despaired of be- 
 ing able to carry the measure until the Parliament 
 was on the eve of dissolution, and were not fully reliev- 
 ed from their fears until they heard the act proclaim- 
 ed among others at the market-cross of Edinburgh.* 
 
 Melville must have been highly gratified with this 
 act of the legislature. He had now procured the sanc- 
 tion of the state as well as of the church, to a form of 
 ecclesiastical polity which he regarded as agreeable 
 to the Scripture pattern, and eminently conducive to 
 the spiritual and temporal welfare of the nation. Prin- 
 ciples, for the maintenance of which he had often been 
 branded as seditious and a traitor, were now not mere- 
 ly recognized as innocent and lawful, but pronounced 
 " most just, good, and godly," by the highest author- 
 ity in the land. It was the triumph of the cause which 
 had cost him so much labour and anxiety during 
 eighteen years. He could now cherish the hope of be- 
 ing permitted to apply himself with less interruption 
 to his studies and academical duty; although he must 
 have been aware, that it would be necessary for him to 
 watch, with the utmost vigilance, over the safety of an 
 establishment which still had many enemies, by whose 
 efforts it might be secretly undermined or violently 
 overthrown. 
 
 • Melville's Diary, p. 216, 219. CaW. iv. 252. 
 
 CHAPTER VI.— 1592— 159G. 
 
 Change of Professors in the New College — James Melville 
 becomes Minister at Anstruther and Kilrmnj* — His disinter- 
 ested conduct — John Jonston — Learned Englishmen invited 
 to Scotland — Melville elected Rector of tlie University — 
 Firmness displayed by him in that Office — He sits as an Elder 
 in the Kirli-session of St. Andrews — Peculiar practices in 
 Sessions and Presbyteries — David Black — Dissension in the 
 Presbytery of St. Andrews — Death of Erskine of Dun — Pub- 
 lic Afi'airs — Arran's return to Court Frustrated by the Firm- 
 ness of the Ministers — Conspiracy of the Popish Lords — Their 
 Excommunication and Cruuinal Process — Reasons of the 
 Kinij's partiality to them — Melville calumniated as a favourer 
 of Bothwell — -Loyal dispositions of the Ministers of the 
 Church — Melville's reasoning before the Lords of Articles — 
 He accompanies the Expedition against the Popish Lords — 
 Who leave the Kingdom — Melville's Poem on the Birth of 
 Prince Henry — His broil with Balfour of Burley — Death of 
 Chancellor Mailland — Renovation of the Covenant— Return 
 of the Po})ish Lords — Singular interview between the King 
 and Melville — The Court renew their Designs against the 
 Liberties of the Church — Black's Declinature — Tumult in 
 Kdinburgh. 
 
 Since the j'ear 1586, Melville had met with no in- 
 terruption in the performance of his academical duties. 
 Nor did any thing deserving of particular notice occur 
 in the college until the year 1597, except the changes 
 of the professors who taught under him. 
 
 .Tames Melville had all along intended to devote him- 
 self to the service of the church as a parochial minis- 
 ter ; and the only thing which prevented him from grat- 
 ifying his predilection for this employment, was a con- 
 viction that his assistance was necessary to his uncle 
 at the commencement of his literary operations. In 
 the end of the year 1586, the affairs of the theological 
 seminary at St. Andrews were brought to such a set- 
 tled state, that, with the consent of all parties, he ac- 
 cepted of a call from the parish of Anstruther, to which 
 he was soon after admitted by the presbytery.* His 
 predecessor, William Clark, a pious and laborious min- 
 ister, had been burdened with the care of the neigh- 
 bouring parishes of Kilrinny, Pittenweem, and Aber- 
 cromby ; according to a vicious arrangement which the 
 court, in concert with the spoilers of the ecclesiastical 
 
 * "1586. 22. day Oct. being Sonday, Mr. James Melvill our 
 ministair now began and ministered the sacrament of Bantisnie 
 as aftir follows in Anstruther." (Register of Births, 4c. in An- 
 struther.) In the records of that session the name of Andrew 
 Melville, an elder, frequently occurs; and as the witnesses nt 
 ba])tisms were generally the relations of the parents, it is proba- 
 ble, from the following minute, that he was allied to the Prin- 
 cipal. " 1588. 25 Junii. Andro Melvill, a rhyld baptisit called 
 Andro. Witncs Mr Andro Melvill." (Ibid.")— "3 November 
 1590. Androu Melvill, anc child baptizit, railed Robert. Wit- 
 nesses thomas Morton of Cambo and S' Jo" Melvill of carnbie." 
 (Record of Kirk Session of Anstruther.) 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 277 
 
 revenues, had sanctioned.* James Melville entered 
 on the same extensive charge, but it w^as with views 
 very remote from those of a necessitous and mercenary 
 pluralist. By his exertions with the parishioners, and 
 with the proper courts, separate ministers were settled 
 at Pittenweem and Abercromby, in whose favour he 
 relinquished the proportions of stipend due to him from 
 these places. He had brought with him Robert Dury 
 as an assistant."}" To him lie demitted the charge of 
 Anstruther with all its emoluments, while he himself 
 removed to Kilrinny. Thus, in the course of three 
 years, he provided a minister for each of these four par- 
 ishes, which had been long deprived of the dispensa- 
 tion of divine ordinances or had enjoyed that benefit 
 but partially and occasionally. :{: On his settlement in 
 Kilrinny he built a manse almost entirely at his own 
 expense. The legal funds for supporting the minister 
 having been alienated, the parish voluntarily bound 
 themselves to pay him an annual stipend. Tliis he re- 
 linquished for a sum of money ; with which, added to 
 what he could borrow from his friends, he purchased 
 from the family of Anstruther the right to the tithes of 
 the vicarage. Instead of taking his title to these from 
 the laird of Anstruther as tacksman, in which case he 
 would have secured the repayment of what he had ex- 
 pended, he entered to the benefice, by presentation and 
 institution, as actual minister ; thus securing it to his 
 successors in office, and leaving his family to Provi- 
 dence, and to the sentiments of justice and gratitude 
 by which the future incumbent might be actuated. He 
 paid the salary of the schoolmaster out of his own 
 purse ; and as the parish was populous, and he was 
 often called away on the common affairs of the church, 
 he constantly maintained an assistant. His whole 
 conduct in this aflfair exhibits a rare example of minis- 
 terial disinterestedness, which, in this calculating age, 
 will be in danger of passing for simplicity, not only 
 with the secular clergy, but with those whose spiritu- 
 ality is so exquisitely sensitive as to shrink from the 
 very idea of a legal or fixed provision for ministers of 
 the Gospel. II 
 
 » Melville's Diary, p. 1, 101. "Mr W? Clerk minf of the 
 kirkis of Kylraarynnie and anstruther deceissand in the month 
 of feb'' 1583." No person was placed in his room on the 8th 
 of June, 1585. (Reg. of Present, of Benef. vol. ii . f. 133.) 
 
 f James Melville had married Elizabeth the daughter of John 
 Dury minister, first of Edinburg-h, and afterwards of Montrose. 
 Robert Dury appears to have been a relation of that minister. 
 He married Elizabeth Ramsay, and one of his children was pre- 
 sented to baptism by George Ramsay of Langraw. (Session 
 Rec. of Anstruther, May 18, 1605, and March 8, 1607.) " Mr 
 Andre Meluill" was a witness to the baptism of a son of Robert 
 Dury's, named Andrew, and a daughter, named Margaret. (Ibid. 
 March 18, 1592.) 
 
 I The town of Anstruther-Easter belonged to the parish of 
 Kilrinny. The minutes of the kirk-session of Anstruther- 
 Wester, contain the following most natural expression of disap- 
 pointed love, on their minister's leaving them. " Mr. James 
 Meluill touk his guid nyght from this cogregation the said mo- 
 net of October 1590 years and touk him to kylrynnie to be thair 
 minister. God forgif him that did sa, for I know and saw him 
 promes that he suld never laif ws for any vardlie respect salang 
 as he ly vit except he var forssit be the kiVk and his Majestie, bot 
 nevir being forsit aither be kirk or his Majestie, leift ws." (lb. 
 October 6, 1590.) Had the minister taken that step " for any 
 worldy respect," could he have read this extra-judicial minute 
 of the honest session-clerk without a pang of remorse 1 
 
 II Melville's Diary, p. 2—9. After stating that he had ex- 
 pended 3,500 merks on the manse, and 2,400 merks on the 
 teinds, he says: "My frind wald ask. What I haiif for my re- 
 lieft" of sic sounies. In answer, the fawour and prouidence of 
 ray guid God. For giff he spear my dayes, with rest in his 
 jcirk, I hope he sail utreade all mv dettes. — Gif not, and the In- 
 trant he vvorthie of the roum of this rainistrie,God and his con- 
 science will moue him to pay the deat resting; giff he will not, 
 the grieff and los will be graitter to haiff sic a man in the roura, 
 nor of myne to pay my deattes whowbeit they sell the books 
 and plenessing for that effect. — As for the Town and paroche 
 the benefit indeed is thairs: let them thairfor, as I hope they 
 will, consider thair dewtie. — I man crnestlie admonische the 
 hous of Anstruther nevir to inein to acclauie againe the tytle 
 and possessioun of thay teinds — for I promise heir a curse and 
 malediction from God upon whosoever sail intromet and draw 
 
 James Melville was succeeded, as professor of He- 
 brew, by his cousin Patrick Melville, who had held 
 the same situation at Glasgow.* About the same time 
 John Caldcleugh was employed to teach as a fourth 
 professor.f Robertson continued in the college until 
 the year 1593, when, on occasion of his death or resig- 
 nation, he was succeeded by John Jonston, a native of 
 Aberdeenshire, and of the family of Creimond.:^: Af- 
 ter finishing the ordinary course of study at King's 
 College, Jonston went abroad, and continued during 
 eight years to cultivate polite and sacred letters at the 
 most celebrated universities on the continent. || Hav- 
 ing gained the friendship of the chief literati in France 
 and Germany, and spent some time in England, he re- 
 turned to his native country. Jonston was a poet and 
 divine as well as a scholar. Melville had heard of the 
 reputation which he had gained abroad, and was so 
 much pleased with him on a personal interview, that 
 he never ceased until he procured him as a colleague 
 in the work of theological instruction. § His admis- 
 sion was opposed by Caldcleugh, who thought himself 
 entitled to Robertson's place, and had recourse to legal 
 measures to enforce his claim ; but he not only lost his 
 cause, but was also deprived of the situation which he 
 already held in the college.^ 
 
 About this time the King invited Hugh Broughton, 
 the celebrated Hebrew scholar, to Scotland.** I should 
 have mentioned before, that Melville joined in an in- 
 vitation to Cartwright and Travers, the two well- 
 known English nonconformists, to come to St. An- 
 drews, on the erection of the Theological college in 
 that city."|"t None of these invitations was accepted. 
 
 away the commoditie thairof from the right vse of sustening 
 of the ministrie of God» worschipe and of the saluation of Gods 
 peiple." 
 
 * " M. Patricius Melvin" signs the Articles of Religion in the 
 University of St. Andrews in 1587, and in the following year 
 he was chosen one of the Rector's assessors. (Papers of Univ.) 
 
 T Grant by James to Mr. John Caldcleu^i, anno 1588. (MS. 
 in Bibl. Fac. Jurid. Edin. Jac. v. i. 12.) This ratifies and dis- 
 pones to him " the 3d place of the Lectors and professors of the 
 said new CoUedge," and assigns to him " for his stipend yearly- 
 Three chalders of victuall together with a hundred pounds nao- 
 ney." It states that he had been chosen by the Commissioners 
 for the reformation of the University, and had taught within the 
 said college continually since that time. But it appears from 
 the Commissary Records that Andrew Melville, James Melville, 
 and John Robertson were the only professors between 1580 and 
 1584. 
 
 I John Jonston calls himself " Aberdonensis" in the title- 
 page of his Heroes; but this does not necessarily imply that he 
 was horn in the town of Aberdeen. In his Last Will he con- 
 stitutes Robert Johnston of Creimond one of his executors, and 
 bequeathes a small legacy to the laird ofCaskiben. "Item I 
 leave to Mr. Rob* Merser persoun of Banquhorie, my auld 
 kynd maister, in taiken of my thankeful dewtie, my quhyit cope 
 w' the silver fit." 
 
 II Consolatio Christiana, per Joan. Jonstonum, p, 4. In 1587, 
 he was at the University of Helmstadt, whence he sent a MS, 
 copy of Buchanan's Sphatra, to Pincier, who published a second 
 edition of that poem, with two epigrams by Jonston. (Sphaera. 
 a Georgio Bvchanano Scoto. A 5, 6. Herbornas, 1587.) In 
 1588, he was in the University of Rostock, whither Lipsius 
 wrote to him in very flattering terms, acknowledging the re- 
 ceipt of a letter and a poem from him. (Lipsii. Opera, torn. ii. 
 p. 49, 50.) In 1591, he was studying at Geneva. (Hovaeus 
 De Rcconciliatione: Epist. Ded. ad Joan. Jonstonum. Basil. 
 1591.) 
 
 \ Consolatio Christiana, ut supra, p. 4, 5. In the Dedication 
 of that work (4. eid. Feb. 1609.) Jonston says he had then been 
 only fourtefen years in the University of St. Andrews — " binas 
 annorum hebdoraadas." But " Mr. Jhone Jhonesoun maister 
 in ye new college" was elected one of the elders of St. Andrews 
 "Die xxviii" raensis Novembris 1593." (Record of Kirk-seg- 
 gion of St. Andrews.) 
 
 T Melville's Diary, p. 226. 
 
 ** Strype's Life of Whitgift, (anno 1595) p. 432. 
 
 \\ Fuller's Church History, vol. ii. p. 215. That historian 
 has inserted the letter, of which he possessed the original, un- 
 der the year 159-; but it bears internal marks of having been 
 written in 1580, before Melville left Glasgow. It was subscrib- 
 ed, according to Fuller, by " Ja» Glasgney (Glasguen.) Acad- 
 emia; Cancellarius. Alaynus (A. Hayius) Rector. Thonias 
 Smetonius Decanus. Andreas Melvinus Collegij prKfectus. 
 Mr. David Wems minister Glascovicnsis." 
 
278 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 In the year 1590, the venerable James Wilkie, prin- 
 cipal of St, Leonard's College, and rector of the Uni- 
 versity, died. Robert Wilkie succeeded to the former 
 of these places. Melville was elected Rector ; and 
 continued to hold the office, by re-election, for a num- 
 ber of years.* He had more than one opportunity of 
 shewing his resolution and prudence as chief magis- 
 trate of the university. In these times, when the 
 students formed a separate community under a juris- 
 diction independent of the town in which they resided, 
 frequent feuds occurred between them and the inhab- 
 itants. The students of divinity at St. Andrews had 
 fitted up a place in the garden of their college, in 
 which they might enjoy the favourite amusement of 
 shooting with the bow. Caldcleugh, " one of the 
 masters of theology, but scarce yet a scholar in ar- 
 chery," amusing himself one day with this exercise, 
 overshot the mark so far, that his arrow, flying over 
 several houses, lighted in the neck of one Turnbull, a 
 maltman, who happened to be passing through an ad- 
 joining lane. The wound was neither mortal nor 
 dangerous ; but some individuals who were inimical to 
 the New College laid hold on this incident to inflame 
 the minds of the inhabitants. A mob, collected by 
 the ringing cf the town-bell, forced the gate of the 
 college, and finding Melville's chamber secured, call- 
 ed for fire, and threatened to burn the house, with all 
 that were in it, unless Caldcleugh was instantly deliv- 
 ered up to them. By addressing them from a window, 
 and flattering some and threatening others, Melville 
 succeeded in gaining time till his friends assembled 
 and rescued him from his perilous situation. The 
 town-council, yielding to the popular clamour, took up 
 the cause, and insisted that the rector should renounce 
 all right to judge in the affair, and find security to 
 produce the aggressor before them or the lord of regal- 
 ity, provided Turnbull's wound proved mortal. f Some 
 of his friends, alarmed at the storm raised against the 
 university, went and gave the security which was de- 
 manded ; but he refused to compromise his authority or 
 allow the outrage to pass unpunished. The magistrates 
 were accordingly called to account, and obliged to de- 
 lete the obligation from their records. The ringlead- 
 ers of the riot were brought to trial, and would have 
 been severely punished, had not Melville put a stop to 
 the prosecution, upon their submission and giving 
 bond for their peaceful conduct for the future.:}: 
 
 He was no less ready to support the authority of 
 the magistrates of the town, when assailed by the tur- 
 bulent and ambitious, than he was to assert the rights 
 of the university. The affairs of the borough had 
 been grossly mismanaged under the direction of Lear- 
 mont of Dairsie, a neighbouring gentleman, who had 
 for many years held the oflice of provost. In the year 
 1592, the burgesses, availing themselves of their right, 
 elected another individual as chief magistrate. In- 
 censed at being excluded from an office which he con- 
 sidered as hereditary in his family, Dairsie sought to 
 revenge himself in a way which was then too com- 
 mon ; and Balfour of Burley, one of his friends, re- 
 peatedly entered St. Andrews during the night at the 
 head of an armed force, and committed depredations 
 upon the inhabitants. On one occasion, Dairsie hav- 
 ing approached the town at the head of a strong band 
 of his retainers, the magistrates, despairing oi being 
 able to oppose him, proposed to capitulate. But Mel- 
 ville encouraged them to stand out for their independ- 
 ence. Having assembled the members of the univer- 
 sity, he persuaded them to take arms in defence of 
 their brethren, put himself at their head, with a white 
 spear, the badge of his rectorial office, in his hand, 
 and joined the forces of the town and of some neigh- 
 bouring gentlemen who went out to meet Dairsie, and 
 
 • Paper* of the Unireraitj. 
 
 + Seo Note FF. 
 
 X Melville's Diary, p. 225, 226. 
 
 gave him such a reception as discouraged him from re- 
 pealing his turbulent and illegal aggressions.* 
 
 Among his other employments, Melville acted for 
 several years as a ruling elder in the congregation of 
 St. Andrews. It was a matter of importance, at that 
 early period, that kirk-sessions should contain such in- 
 dividuals within their bounds, as, in addition to reli- 
 gious qualifications, possessed superior knowledge and 
 influence. In boroughs, it was the almost invariable 
 custom to have some of the elders chosen from among 
 the magistrates. This circumstance, connected with the 
 nature of the offences usually tried and the punish- 
 ments decreed against them by the legislature, led to 
 that apparent confounding of the two Jurisdictions, 
 which is apt to strike those who happen to look into the 
 ancient records of kirk-sessions as an anomaly, and a 
 contradiction to the principles of the Presbyterian 
 church. At the beginning of the Reformation, the 
 kirk-session of St. Andrews were in the habit of calling 
 in the principal professors of the colleges, and taking 
 their advice, in the decision of the most difficult causes 
 which came before them.t From experience of the 
 benefit derived from their advice, it came to be the com- 
 mon practice to choose a certain number of elders 
 from the university every year.:}: Upon the same prin- 
 ciple ministers or preachers who happened to reside in 
 the town were taken into the session ; and it may startle 
 our southern neighbours to learn, that even archbish- 
 ops were chosen to be ruling elders, and did not think 
 themselves degraded by occupying an inferior form in 
 the lowest court of the Presbyterian church.:}: The 
 general law of the church was, that the elders and 
 deacons should be chosen by the voice of the congre- 
 gation over whom they were placed. But deviations 
 were made from this law at an early period, and in 
 some congregations the formal election was assumed 
 by the session ; although the people still retained a 
 right to add to the leet or list of nominees, as well as 
 to object to those who were chosen upon " the serving 
 of their edict." The office of an elder in those times 
 was far from being merely nominal. Those who accept- 
 ed it were bound to give regular attendance on the meet- 
 ings of session, which were held at least once a-week. 
 The town and parish of St. Andrews was divided into 
 districts, and over each of these a certain number of el- 
 ders and deacons were appointed as inspectors and visit- 
 ors, whose duty it was to report to the session on the 
 state of morals and the necessities of the poor. Such 
 elders as were professors appear to have been exempted 
 from this part of duty, in consideration of their academ- 
 ical charge; but they were required to assist the pastors 
 in-the examination of the congregation before the com- 
 munion. § The session took cognizance of all open vio- 
 
 « Melville's Diary, p. 226. 
 
 f Causes of divorce were tried before the reformed church- 
 courts, previously to the erection of the commissury court*. 
 In the cause Rantoun against Gedde, the sentence runs in the 
 following terms: "We the minister and seniors of this our 
 Christian cogregation within the parochin of Sanctandrois 
 Judges in the actioun and caus moved — In pns [presencel of 
 Mr. Johne Dowglass rectour of the vniversitie of Sanctandrois 
 Johne Wynrame Supprior men of singular erviditioun and 
 vnderstanding in the Scriptures and word of God, with Mrs. 
 Williame Skene and Johne Rutherfurdc men of cunning in 
 sundry sciences, with quhorae we comunicatet the secretes of 
 the merits of the said actioun and caus being be ws and them 
 hard and seane," &c. (Record of Kirk Session of St. An- 
 drews, March 21, 1559.) 
 
 \ The same practice was observed at Glasgow. (Extracts 
 from Records of Kirk Session of Glasgow. Wodrow's Life of 
 David Weemcs, p. 28, MSS. vol. iii.) 
 
 II " The names of Eldars and Deaconis chosin vpon ye xii 
 daye of October 1571. Eldars. Mr. John Douglas archbishop 
 & rector of Sanctnndr. Mr. Thomas Balfour. Mr. John Ruth- 
 erfurd, Mr. W" Cok, Mr. James Wylkie," &c. (Record of 
 Kirk Session of St. Andrews.) Mr. Robert Wilkie was chosen 
 an elder immediately after he resigned the pastoral inspection 
 of the congregation. (lb. Jan. 20, 1590.) 
 
 { Record oi the Kirk Session of St. Andrews, April 16, 
 1584, and April 9, 1589, compared with the minute of Decem- 
 ber 5, 1593. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 279 
 
 lations of the moral law, not only unchastity, but also 
 non-attendance on religious ordinances, profane swear- 
 ing, sabbath-breaking, undutifulness to parents and 
 other relations, neglect of the education of children, 
 drunkenness, slander, backbiting, and even scolding. 
 In some sessions it was the custom, as a preparation 
 for the communion, to nominate a certain number of 
 elders as arbiters ; and such members of the congrega- 
 tion as were at variance with one another, were pub- 
 licly warned to attend on a particular day, and submit 
 their differences to an extra-judicial decision. And 
 there are examples of their proceeding in certain causes 
 by way of inquest and the nomination of a jury. The 
 session was no less strict in the inspection which it 
 exercised over its own members. At their entrance 
 to office they were sworn to observe the sessional sta- 
 tutes, and a day was annually fixed for administering 
 the privy censures, which, at that period, were some- 
 thing more than a form. On that occasion, the min- 
 isters, elders, and deacons were removed, one after 
 another; their conduct, both in and out of court, was 
 judged of by the remainder; and each was commend- 
 ed, admonished or rebuked, as his behaviour was 
 thought to liave merited.* 
 
 Melville had been instrumental in procuring for St. 
 Andrews two faithful and laborious ministers, David 
 Black and Robert Wallace. The former of these, in 
 particular, was most indefatigable in the discharge of 
 his pastoral functions, and exerted himself in reviving 
 the ecclesiastical discipline, and in taking care that 
 the different members of his session performed their 
 respective duties in the most efficient manner. By 
 these means he produced, during the short period of his 
 incumbency, a striking reformation on his people, by 
 checking vice, promoting religious knowledge, and di- 
 minishing pauperism. To strengthen the hands of this 
 zealous minister, was one great object which Melville 
 had in view in undertaking the office of an elder, which 
 he accepted in 1591, and continued to hold until Black 
 was forced from St. Andrews. f 
 
 As a member of presbytery, Melville attended and 
 took part in the weekly exercise. Two members, ac- 
 cording to the order of the roll, delivered each a dis- 
 course at the weekly meeting of presbytery. The one 
 explained a passage of Scripture, and the other stated 
 and briefly illustrated the doctrines which it contained ; 
 after which the presbytery gave their opinion of the 
 performances. In their form these discourses bore a 
 resemblance to the Exercise and Addition in our divin- 
 ity-halls, and on trials for license and ordination. Such 
 students of divinity as were recommended by their pro- 
 fessors were allowed to take part in them, after they 
 had given a satisfactory specimen of their gifts before 
 the presbytery in (what was called) the private exercise. 
 A contrii)ution was sometimes levied from the mem- 
 bers to purchase commentaries on those parts of Scrip- 
 ture which were thus explained, for the use of such as 
 were deficient in books ; and this laid the foundation, 
 in several instances, of presbytery libraries. In the 
 year 1597, the General Assembly enjoined an additional 
 exercise to presbyteries. Once every month a question 
 relating to some point in divinity controverted by the 
 adversaries of the truth, was substituted for the ordi- 
 nary subject of presbyterial exercitation. One of the 
 members in his turn discussed the question ; after 
 which, he defended his thesis against the objections 
 started by his brethren. The discourse was delivered 
 before the people and in English r the disputation was 
 
 » See Note GG. " 
 
 t Melville's Diary, p. 215, 237. Bulk of the Univ. Kirk, f. 
 167, a. Record of Kirk Session of St. Andrews, Nov. 11, 1590 
 — Dec. 1596, ^aiiim. '• Erat hie Blackius," (says Calderwood) 
 " et vitae et sinceri aniini laude omni raemoria dignus. Delec- 
 tus ad Fanum Andrese Minister, ita Ecclesiam illain adniinis- 
 travit, ut in tanto populo (sunt enim plures quani 3000 qui Sa- 
 cram Cosnam percipiunt) nemo menaicus conspiceretiir, nemo 
 Sabbatum auderet violare." (Altare Damasc. p. 751.) 
 
 held in private and in the Latin language. In point 
 of form, our modern Exegesis corresponds to this per- 
 formance. The Presbytery of Aberdeen were consid- 
 erably later than their brethren of the south in opening 
 this theological palestra, but they appear to have en- 
 tered very much mto the spirit of the exercise ; for they 
 agreed that " the head of controversy should be handled 
 every fourteen days," and their minutes inform us, that 
 the brother who took the lead in it " did marvellous." 
 This fact may perhaps help to account for the superior 
 dexterity which the Doctors of Aberdeen afterwards at- 
 tained in the use of controversial weapons, and which 
 they displayed so conspicuously in their celebrated 
 contest with the champions of the covenant. What- 
 ever may be in this, it cannot be doubted that the pres- 
 byterial exercises were useful in sharpening the judg- 
 ment, and stimulating the ardour of the ministers, and 
 particularly the younger part of them, in their private 
 studies.* 
 
 The exertions made at this time shew, that the 
 fathers of our church, in seeking to substitute presby- 
 tery in the room of prelacy, stretched their views be- 
 yond the establishment of a mere form of ecclesiastical 
 polity, and that it was their grand object to provide an 
 evangelical ministry which should be efficient for the 
 purposes of diffusing the knowledge and promoting the 
 power of religion. During the period of the Tulchan 
 Episcopacy, a number of persons had been inducted 
 into parishes who were destitute of gifts, or who la- 
 boured under other disqualifications. Presbyteries, for 
 some years after their erection, were employed in rem- 
 edying this evil. The General Assembly repeatedly 
 appointed commissioners to assist in the work ; giving 
 them power, along with the respective presbyteries 
 which they visited, to try all actual ministers, and to 
 suspend or deprive those whom they found unqualified. 
 In consequence of this, several individuals, in different 
 parts of the country, were deposed from the ministerial 
 office ; some were suspended for a time, or translated 
 to more obscure corners ; and others were admonished 
 of their deficiencies and exhorted to give themselves to 
 reading and study. The measure was unquestionably 
 an extraordinary one, and may be blamed by some as 
 an undue and unwarrantable stretch of authority. But 
 it shews the zeal for the credit and usefulness of their 
 order with which the ministers were at that time ani- 
 mated ; and it will be difficult to prove that the essen- 
 tial end of the pastoral function — the instruction and 
 edification of the people — ought to be sacrificed to 
 forms, or that it should be indefinitely postponed from 
 respect to personal claims which had been irregularly 
 and unjustly acquired during a corrupt administration. f 
 So far as a judgment can be formed from the records 
 which remain, this delicate trial appears to have been 
 conducted with impartiality, and with all that tender- 
 ness to individuals which was consistent with jnstice to 
 the public. 
 
 Melville exerted himself with much success in the 
 plantation of vacant parishes within the bounds of the 
 presbytery of which he was a member. When he first 
 came to St, Andrews there were not above five parishes 
 provided with ministers ; but in the course of a few 
 years the number had increased to sixteen. This ob- 
 ject was effected chiefly by his exertions, joined to 
 those of his nephew and Black.:|: Spotswood takes no 
 notice of this meritorious service ; but he details with 
 great minuteness the particulars of a dissension which 
 arose in that presbytery on occasion of the settlement 
 of the parish of Leuchars. The presbytery (he says) 
 was divided in opinion as to the candidate most fit for 
 the charge ; Melville being at the head of the one par- 
 ty ,^ and Thomas Buchanan of the other. Impatient of 
 
 * See Note HH. 
 
 t See the authorities brought forward in the last mentioned 
 Note. 
 t Melville's Diary, p. 237, 243. 
 
280 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 contradiction, and irritated at being left in the minor- 
 ity, Melville made a secession from the majority, and, 
 along uith those who supported him, constituted an- 
 other preshytery in the New College. At the desire 
 of the provincial synod of Fife, the synod of Lothian 
 sent three of their members to compose this disgrace- 
 ful strife. Melville defended himself by pleading, that 
 the candidate preferred by his opponents was not to be 
 compared with the individual whom he supported, and 
 that votes ought to be weighed and not numbered. And 
 the umpires could find no other way of restoring peace 
 than that of dividing the presbytery into two, and ap- 
 pointing the one to meet at St. Andrews and the other 
 at Cupar.* It has been shewn by a contemporary wri- 
 ter that the archbishop has misrepresented and grossly 
 exaggerated this afFair.| To gain the greater credit to 
 his narrative, after it was contradicted, Spofswood 
 states in his history, that he was himself one of the 
 delegates appointed by the synod of Lothian to recon- 
 cile the parties. The minute of that appointment is 
 now before me. It mentions that " a little dissension" 
 had fallen out among the members of the presbytery 
 of St. Andrews, who had agreed to submit the matter 
 in dispute to certain brethren belonging to other pres- 
 byteries ; it specifies the four ministers whom the 
 synod " licentiated" to go to Fife on this business, and 
 also those who were appointed to supply their place 
 during their absence ; but Spotswood was none of 
 them, nor does his name occur in the minute. :^: It is 
 possible that the archbishop might be present at St. 
 Andrews on the occasion referred to ; but it is also pos- 
 sible, that, owing to the multiplicity of secular employ- 
 ments in which he was afterwards involved, his mem- 
 ory deceived him, and that he imagined he had been a 
 witness of what he had only heard by report. 
 
 The archbishop does not conceal that he introduced 
 this story, to shew that Melville was incapable of 
 brooking submission to the parity which he had estab- 
 lished, and that presbyterian government natively tends 
 to produce discord and division. But who does not 
 perceive that such a mode of reasoning is inconclusive 
 and weak? Did the archbishop forget the "conten- 
 tion," not unlike that which he describes, between 
 Paul and Barnabas about the choice of a minister, 
 which was " so sharp that they departed asunder the 
 one from the other ?" or, would he have pronounced it 
 also " to be ominous, and that the government, which 
 in the beginning did break forth into such schisms, 
 could not long continue 1" Wherever affairs are deci- 
 ded by a plurality of voices, a diiference of opinion, 
 and consequently opposition, may be expected to arise. 
 In supporting measures which they believe to be con- 
 ducive to public good, men of honest and independent 
 minds will display a warmth and an earnestness which 
 will appear excessive and intemperate to the lukewarm 
 and temporizing. And as they are men of like pas- 
 sions with others, their zeal will occasionally hurry 
 them beyond the bounds of reason and moderation. 
 But the enlightened friend of a free government will 
 not be moved by objections founded on the partial in- 
 conveniences or incidental evils to which it may lead. 
 Though not more in love with discord and contention 
 than other men, he knows that ebullitions of this kind 
 are inseparable from the spirit of liberty, and that they 
 are often productive of good. He is convinced that 
 there is a necessary and honourable, as well as a hate- 
 ful and ungodly, strife. He is aware, that where all 
 things are decided by the arbitrary will of an individ- 
 ual, dissension and dissent are alike precluded. But 
 
 • Spotswood's History, p. 386. 
 
 ■f- Calderwood, F.pist. Philadelphi Vindiciae: Altare Damasc. 
 p. 722. The tract referred to is an answer to Refutatio Libelli 
 de Re.gimine Ecclesice Scolicance, which Spotswood published 
 in 1620, and in which he first brought forward this accusation 
 Hg^inst Melville. 
 
 } Record of the Provincial Synod of Lothian and Tweeddalc, 
 October 3, 1692. 
 
 he knows also, that this is the harmony and peace 
 which is to be found in the prison and the grave ; and 
 he would prefer the disunion and even uproar by which 
 a deliberative assembly is sometimes shaken and con- 
 vulsed, to the appalling tranquillity and death-like 
 stillness which reigns in the courts of despotism. 
 
 Before resuming the narrative of public transactions, 
 it is proper to notice the death of John Erskine, the 
 venerable superintendent of Angus. This enlightened 
 and public-spirited baron will be remembered as one 
 of the early and most distinguished patrons of litera- 
 ture in Scotland. In the wars against the English, he 
 had displayed his courage and love to the indepen- 
 dence of his native country.* He embarked with great 
 zeal in the struggle for the Reformation ; and after the 
 triumph of that cause, served the church first as a 
 superintendent and afterwards as a parochial minister.! 
 If at a later period he suffered himself to be entangled 
 by the politics of the court, and lent the influence of 
 his name to the support of measures injurious to the 
 church, his advanced age and the difficulty of the times 
 may be pleaded as an extenuation of his fault. When 
 incapacitated for active employment, he retained his 
 literary habits, and continued in his closet to pursue 
 the studies connected with the sacred profession to 
 which he had devoted himself.:}: His death took place 
 on the 16th of October, 1592, and in the eighty-second 
 year of his age.|| 
 
 The afltairs of the kingdom were still in a very un- 
 
 * Beague's History of the Canipagnes 1548 and 1549, p. 10, 
 
 + On the 24th of March, 1574, "Thomas Erskine lauchful! 
 Sonne to Johne Erskine of Dwn" was presented to "the per- 
 sonage and vicarage of Dwn." — On the 6th of August, 1575, 
 " Our soureine lord being informed — of his weilbelouit Johne 
 erskine and of his lang travellis in the niinisterie w*in the kirk 
 of God," presents him to "the personage and vicarage of Dwn 
 — vacand oe deceis of M. James Erskine;" and requires the su- 
 perintendent of Fife to admit him, "seeing it is knawin he is 
 qualifeit." (Register of Present, to Benefices.) 
 
 I Dedicatory verses to The Winter JVtght, a poem. The 
 dedication is inscribed, "To the right godly worshipfvll and 
 vigilant pastor in Christs kirke, Johne Erskin of Dun, — James 
 Anderson Minister of CoUace, wisheth grace," &c. The ex- 
 cellence of this small work certainly does not lie in the poetry; 
 but it went through several editions. That of 1599, mentioned 
 by Herbert, 1 do not consider as the earliest one. I quote from 
 Andro Hart's printed about 1614. The following is the con- 
 cluding stanza in the address to Erskine: 
 
 I can not dite as thou hast done deserue, 
 
 In Kirk and court, countrey and commonweaie 
 
 Carefull the kirk in peace for to preserue: 
 
 In court thy counsel! was stout, and true as Steele, 
 
 Thy policie decores the country well. 
 
 In planting trees, and building places faire. 
 
 With costly brigs ouer waters plaine repaire 
 
 The poem itself begins thus: 
 
 The winter night I think it long. 
 
 Full long and teugh, while it ouergang 
 
 The winters night I think so long 
 
 Both long and dreigh till day. 
 Full long think I the winters night. 
 While daye breake up with beams so bright 
 And banish darknesse out of sight 
 
 And works of darknesse, Aa. 
 
 The winter night that I of meane 
 Is not this natural! night I weine. 
 That lakes the light of the sunneshine 
 
 And differs froir Ihe day. 
 But darknesse of our roinde it is 
 Which hides from us the heavens blisse 
 Since Adam first did make the luisse 
 
 In paradise that day. 
 
 |l Act Buik of the Commissariat of St. And* Oct. 25, 1593, 
 and Apr. 19, 1594. — Spotswood fixes hh death, by mistake, on 
 the 12th of March, 1591. He also represents him as " leaving 
 behind him a numerous posterity. (Hist. 384.) But Ills Will 
 mentions only " his son and air and Margaret Erskine his doch- 
 ter" who were minors, and whose " tuitioun gyding & keeping" 
 he left to " his weilbelovit spous Margaret Kaith thair mother." 
 — " The noble and potent Lord Robert Lord Altrie" (probably 
 Mrs. Erskine's brother) was one of their " tutouris testament- 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 281 
 
 settled state. His Majesty, after his return from Den- 
 mark, had promised to reform his administration, and 
 having assembled the chief barons, exacted from them 
 a pledge that they would lay aside their deadly feuds ; 
 but he held the reins of government with such a weak 
 and unsteady hand, that these scenes of lawless dis- 
 order were renewed, and murders, accompanied with 
 circumstances of shocking atrocity, were perpetrated 
 with impunity in the very heart of the kingdom.* He 
 had pledged himself to his Parliament to rule by the 
 advice of his counsellors, and " to suffer none to inter- 
 vene betwixt his Highness and them in the credit of 
 their offices."f But the spirit of favouritism was too 
 strong in his breast to suffer him to adhere long to this 
 course, and his ablest statesmen found their measures 
 defeated by the secret influence of the companions of 
 his amusements, and of such as had otherwise insinu- 
 ated themselves into his good graces. Captain James 
 Stewart, who had formerly rendered himself so hateful 
 to the nation under the name of Earl of Arran, pre- 
 sumed at this time to present himself in the palace ; 
 and the reception he met with shewed that he still re- 
 tained a place in his Majesty's affections. With the 
 view of establishing himself at court, and in the hopes 
 of regaining his former station, he applied to the pres- 
 bytery of Edinburgh, professed great regard for the 
 church, and offered to give satisfaction for any offences 
 which he might formerly have committed. But the 
 presbytery met his advances with the most discoura- 
 ging coldness, declined receiving his suspicious sub- 
 missions, and told him that the sincerity of his repent- 
 ance behoved to be demonstrated by more visible to- 
 kens of reformation, and a longer course of trial, be- 
 fore they could indulge a good opinion of his charac- 
 ter.:); They at the same time appointed a deputation 
 to wait upon his Majesty, and to warn him against ad- 
 mitting such a dangerous person into his counsels. In 
 consequence of this, Stewart retired in despair of being 
 able to accomplish his purpose. This firmness on the 
 part of the ministers was highly applauded by all who 
 
 * Richard Preston of Craigmillar, a gentleman of excellent 
 character, was basely stabbed to death, when hfe was in the act 
 of giving alms to his murderer, David Edmonston, who had ac- 
 costed him under the disguise of a j)auper. (Simsoni Annales, 
 p. 62.) The Records of the Presbytery of Edinburgh at this 
 period furnish examples of a similar kind. 
 
 + Act. Pari. Scot.iii. 562. 
 
 \ The presbytery refused, oil the request of his nephew. 
 Lord Ochiltree, to appoint a committee to converse with him in 
 private; upon which he appeared before them. Alter hearing 
 what he had to say, and informing him that it belonged to the 
 General Assembly to judge of his conduct, " the brether assurit 
 him that they culd haifna opinion boteuill of him for ocht that 
 zit they saw; and schew thot it wald not be woordis hot gude 
 deidis that wald chang thair myndis, and thairfor as they judgit 
 euill of the things that ar past, sua they culd not judg weill of 
 him for the tyme to cum, till they saw alsmekle of his gud eas 
 they [had] sene of bis euill. And thairfore was exhovtit that 
 gif thair was ony kind of pieti, ony godlines or religion into him 
 that he suld schaw the fruict thairof be a better repentance nor 
 they had sene, and wtter the effect in gude deidis, quhilk gif he 
 suld doe, as thair is mercie with the Lord, sua the brether wald 
 judg of him according to his warkis, hot in cais he had cum thair 
 tor the fassones sake to insinuatt him self into the bosome of the 
 kirk that thairby he myght creip in the fauour of the prince, and 
 sua mak a couUour of all to the end that he my accomplische 
 the rest of the mistereis of his iniquities & euill warkis, Tlien 
 he was scharpely aduertisit that that God whom he had hitherto 
 mockit, and for that caus had hitherto dejectit him with schame, 
 sua gif he continewit in his mocking that sani God sail deiect 
 him and cast him down agane with greiter schame & confusioun 
 nor of before." Lest a false report of their proceedings should 
 be given, the presbyteiy appointed certain of their number to 
 go to the palace, " to inform his nia'ie of the things that wer 
 done, and to schaw that they as zit culd persaif na appearance 
 of gude in that man, bot rather that he continewit still in his 
 former prvde, and thairfore desyrit thanie to exhort his maU" that 
 as he luitfit the weill of the kirk, the weill of countrey, and re- 
 spectit his awin honour that he suld geive na countenance nor 
 place to that man to be about him, or haif ony publict charg in 
 this countrey, quhilk gif he did, to protest that the kirk was in- 
 nocent of all the euill that was able to ensew thairupon." (Re- 
 cord of Presbytery of Edinburgh, December 5, 1592.) 
 2L 
 
 understood the true interests of the nation ; but it expo- 
 sed them to the undisguised resentment of the King.* 
 
 In the latter part of the year 1592, the uncommon 
 activity of trafficking priests within the kingdom, join- 
 ed to obscure intelligence received from abroad, excit- 
 ed strong suspicions that the popish party were about 
 to renew their treasonable attempts against the public 
 peace. In these circumstances Melville came over to 
 Edinburgh to attend an extraordinary meeting of his 
 brethren. The precautionary measures suggested by 
 him were unanimously agreed to by this meeting, and 
 carried into effect with the consent of the King. It 
 was agreed to advertise presbyteries of the apparent dan- 
 ger, and to desire them to prepare the well-affected 
 gentlemen within their bounds for resisting it; and 
 with this view to endeavour to compose any feuds or 
 quarrels which might subsist among them. An indi- 
 vidual in each presbytery was nominated to collect in- 
 formation from his brethren respecting the secret or 
 open practices of the papists, and to transmit this 
 with the utmost dispatch to a committee which was 
 appointed to sit in Edinburgh during the present emer- 
 gency, and which was charged to watch ne quid Ec- 
 cksia detrimenti capcret. The information thus procur- 
 ed was immediately to be communicated to his Majesty 
 and the Privy Council, who were requested to adopt 
 such other measures as were necessary for detecting 
 the conspiracy, and providing for the public safety. f 
 
 The wisdom of these precautions, and the justice 
 of the suspicions which had dictated them, were soon 
 made apparent to all. On the 27th of December, in 
 consequence of secret intelligence which he had re- 
 ceived, Andrew Knox, minister of Paisley, accom- 
 panied by a number of students from the college of 
 Glasgow, and neighbouring gentlemen, seized George 
 Ker, a doctor of laws and brother of Lord Newbattle, 
 in the island of Cumray, as he was about to take ship 
 for Spain. On searching him there were found in his 
 possession letters from certain priests in Scotland, and 
 blanks subscribed and sealed by the Earls of Huntly, 
 Angus, and Errol, with a commission to William 
 Crighton, a Jesuit, to fill up the blanks and address 
 them to the persons for whom they were intended. 
 Graham of Fintry, an associate of Ker, was soon af- 
 ter apprehended; and being both examined before the 
 Privy Council, they testified that the signatures to the 
 blanks were genuine, and laid open the nature and ex- 
 tent of the conspiracy. The King of Spain was to have 
 landed thirty thousand men on the west coast of Scot- 
 land, part of whom were to invade England, and the re- 
 mainder, in concert with the forces which the three 
 earls promised to have in readiness, were to suppress 
 the Protestants, and procure the re-establishment, or 
 at least the full toleration, of the Roman Catholic re- 
 ligion in Scotland.:): 
 
 James was absent from the capital when this con- 
 spiracy was discovered. Having arrived at the urgent 
 entreaties of his Privy Council and the ministers of 
 Edinburgh, he betrayed his characteristic weakness 
 and obliquity of mind. Instead of sympathising with 
 his people, whose feelings had been wound up to a 
 high pitch of alarm and indignation by the recent dis- 
 covery, and thanking them with frankness for the 
 vigilance and zeal which they had shown in his ser- 
 vice, he renewed his petty and provoking complaints as 
 to the encroachments which they had made on his prerog- 
 
 « Cald. iv. 269— 271. 
 
 + Melville's Diary, p. 219—224. Cald. iv. 262—268. 
 
 \ Melville's Diary, p. 219 — 225. A discoverie of the un- 
 natural and traiterous Conspiracy of Scotish Papists. Edin- 
 burgh, 1593. This book, which contains the intercepted let- 
 ters and the confessions of Ker and Graham of Fintry, was 
 published under the direction of the ministers of Edinburgh. 
 (Record of Presb. of Edin. May li, 1593.) John Davidson, 
 who wrote the preface to it, recorded, in his Diary, that one 
 of the intercepted letters was suppressed, because it " touched 
 the King with knowledge and approbation of the traffiquing, 
 and promise of assistance." (Cald. iv. 322.) 
 
282 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 ative by their precipitate measures ; as if they had 
 been bound to sit still and suffer themselves to be 
 spoiled of their lives, liberties, and religion, merely 
 because he thoug^ht that these were in no danger, or 
 because he chose to neglect his duty and give him- 
 self up to idle and frivolous amusements. He found 
 fault with the magistrates of Edinburgh for apprehend- 
 ing the Earl of Angus, who had entered the town 
 without knowing that his treasonable correspondence 
 was discovered. A deputation from the barons and 
 ministers of the church having been sent to congratu- 
 late him on his escape from the conspiracy, and to of- 
 fer him their advice and assistance in bringing the 
 conspirators to justice, he, in a tedious and formal 
 harangue, blamed them for assembling without wait- 
 ing for his call ; pointed out the difference between the 
 times of the Queen Regent, when the country was 
 under a sovereign addicted to popery, and the present, 
 when they had a protestant king ; and upbraided the 
 ministers, in particular, by saying, that they were 
 not wont to assemble with such alacrity, or in such 
 great numbers, at his call. They replied, that they 
 had the authority of the Privy Council for their meet- 
 ing, and that it was not a fit time to stand upon forms, 
 when they saw his-person, the church, and common- 
 wealth, brought into extreme jeopardy. Upon being 
 made more fully acquainted with the nature of the plot, 
 however, he professed himself convinced of the mag- 
 nitude of the danger, promised to pursue the conspir- 
 ators with all severity, and requested the barons and 
 ministers who were assembled to favour him with 
 their best advice. A proclamation was issued, declar- 
 ing that Providence had mercifully discovered a dan- 
 gerous conspiracy, contrived by the crafty practices of 
 pernicious trafficking papists, seminary priests and Je- 
 suits, who had seduced a number of his Majesty's 
 subjects to apostatize from their religion, and to sub- 
 ject their native country to " the slavery and tyranny 
 of that proud nation, which hath made such unlawful 
 and cruel conquests in diverse parts of the world, as 
 well upon christians as infidels;" and commanding all 
 who loved God, wished well to their Prince, and did 
 not desire to see " their wives, children, and posteri- 
 ty made slaves in souls and bodies to merciless stran- 
 gers," to abstain from all intercourse with popish 
 priests under the pain of treason, and to " put them- 
 selves in arms by all good means they can, remaining 
 in full readiness to pursue or defend, as they shall be 
 certified by his Majesty or otherwise find the occa- 
 sion urgent."* To remove the suspicions of the na- 
 tion, which had been raised by the conduct of James, 
 an act of council was made, prohibiting all from at- 
 tempting to procure indemnity to the conspirators, and 
 authorizing the King's chaplains to exact an oath from 
 his domestics that they should not intercede in their 
 behalf, t 
 
 Confiding in the faith of the court, all classes now 
 vied in demonstrations of loyalty and patriotism. The 
 gentlemen voluntarily agreed to form themselves into 
 a guard to defend the King's person and preserve 
 the public peace. And a sacred bond, in defence of 
 religion and the government, was everywhere subscrib- 
 ed with the utmost zeal and unanimity. But the hopes 
 of the nation were soon disappointed. Graham of 
 Fintry, the least guilty of the conspirators, was, in- 
 deed, executed ; but the Earl of Angus and Ker were 
 allowed to escape from prison. James having advanc- 
 ed to Aberdeen, attended by a large body of his faith- 
 ful subjects, the conspirators concealed themselves, 
 and those whom they sent to intercede for them were 
 received. The parliament which met in July 1593, 
 listened to their offers of submission, and rejected the 
 bill of attainder against them, on the pretext of its in- 
 
 • Bulk of Unir. Kirk, f. 169. 
 
 + "Quhilk WM done;" says the Buikof the Univeruall Kirk, 
 1. 168, a. 
 
 formality.* They were suffered to repossess their 
 castles, and enjoyed every degree of liberty except 
 that of appearing in some of the principal towns of 
 the kingdom. This injudicious lenity to persons who 
 had repeatedly conspired against their native country, 
 accompanied, as it was, with a breach of the royal 
 faith, gave universal dissatisfaction, and excited strong 
 suspicions in the breasts of not a few as to the sound- 
 ness of his Majesty's attachment to the protestant re- 
 ligion. f 
 
 Alarmed at the tendency of this policy, the provin- 
 cial synod of Fife, which met in September 1593, 
 came to the resolution of excommunicating the four 
 popish noblemen, Huntly, Angus, Errol, and Hume, 
 with their two principal adherents, Sir Patrick Gordon 
 of Auchindown, and Sir James Chisholm of Dun- 
 durn.:j: This sentence was communicated to the other 
 synods, and being unanimously approved and intima- 
 ted in all the pulpits, contributed to repress the bold- 
 ness of the conspirators, who, confiding in the royal 
 favour, had begun to behave themselves with extreme 
 audacity. Melville was appointed by his synod to at- 
 tend a meeting of the gentlemen and burgesses of the 
 county at Cupar; and measures were taken to have a 
 general meeting held at Edinburgh on the 17th of Oc- 
 tober, consisting of commissioners from the different 
 counties. If 
 
 James was highly dissatisfied with the excommuni- 
 cation of the popish lords, as tending to counteract his 
 intentions of pardoning them, and he dealt importunate- 
 ly with Robert Bruce to prevent tiie intimation of the 
 sentence in Edinburgh. Unable to succeed with the 
 ministers, he had recourse to the most popular of the 
 barons, and endeavoured to gain them over to an ap- 
 probation of his scheme. In dealing with some of 
 them he urged the necessity of the case, and with 
 others the claims of humanity. Among other argu- 
 ments, he availed himself of the specious plea of lib- 
 erty of conscience ; a plea which, as applied, was a 
 felo de se, and, had it been then acted upon, would have 
 led to the overthrow of liberty, both civil and religious. 
 A curious conversation between him and Lord Ham- 
 ilton on this subject has been preserved. James paid 
 a visit to Hamilton House, for the purpose of sound- 
 ing that nobleman's views. He introduced the con- 
 versation by saying, that he was confident that he en- 
 joyed the friendship of his lordship, notwithstanding 
 some reports which had been circulated to the contrary. 
 " Ye see, my lord, (continued he) how I am used, and 
 have no man in whom I may trust more than in Huntly. 
 If I receive him, the ministers will cry out that I am 
 an apostate from the religion; if not, I am left deso- 
 late." " If he and his associates be not enemies to 
 the religion, (said his lordship) ye may receiv*^ them; 
 otherwise, not." " I cannot tell (replied his Majesty) 
 what to make of that, but the ministers hold them for 
 enemies. Always, I would think it good, that they 
 enjoyed liberty of conscience." Upon this Lord 
 Hamilton exclaimed with great fervour, "Sir, then 
 we are all gone ! then we are all gone! If there is not 
 another to withstand them, I will." Alarmed at his 
 earnestness, and perceiving the servants at hand, the 
 King put an end to the conversation by saying with a 
 
 * The act of Parliament makes no mention of informality; 
 (Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iv. p. 15.) but a reference is made to it 
 in the proceedings of the subsequent convention. (lb. p. 44.) 
 Spotsvirood says, tlieir process was remitted to the King and 
 Privy Council, (Hist. p. 397.) but tlie record is silent on this 
 lieacf. 
 
 ■}• MS. Historie of Scotland from 1566 to 1594 under the 
 year 1592. (This is a copy of the work, a jjart of wliicli »va« 
 published by Mr. Laine, under the title of Hinlory <>f King 
 James the Sexl.) Melville's Diarj-, p. 225. Cald. iv. 291 — 
 293. Bulk of Univ. Kirk, f. 168. 
 
 } The grounds upon which this synod considered it as com- 
 petent for them to proceed to this censure, may be seen in th« 
 printed Culderwood, p. 290, 291 
 
 II See Note II. 
 
LIFE OP ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 283 
 
 forced smile, " My lord, I did this to try your mind."* 
 The dissimulation of James was so gross, and so 
 frequently practised, as at last to forfeit him the confi- 
 dence of the most credulous. Before setting out on a 
 journey to the borders, he renewed his promise to the 
 ministers of Edinburgh not to shew favour to the con- 
 spirators. Yet, on the very day on which he gave this 
 pledge, they were admitted to his presence at Fala, 
 and made arrangements with him respecting their trial. 
 A convention held at Edinburgh a few days after this, 
 appointed commissioners to go to Jedburgh, and lay 
 their representations before his Majesty.-)" They were 
 instructed to complain of his having admitted the 
 popish lords into his presence, to request that the ar- 
 rangements made respecting their trial, so far as they 
 were calculated to defeat the ends of justice, should 
 be altered ; and to inform him that all his faithful 
 subjects were aggrieved at the favour shewn to traitors, 
 and determined to sacrifice their lives sooner than al- 
 low the land to be overrun with idolatrous and bloody 
 papists. James gave them a very different reception 
 from that which he had lately vouchsafed to the rebels. 
 He challenged the meeting from which they were de- 
 puted as unlawful. He inveighed against the synod 
 of Fife for excommunicating the popish lords. He 
 expressed great displeasure at Melville for the active 
 part which he had taken in that affair, at different 
 meetings held in the county of Fife. He alleged that 
 the persons assembled at one of these meetings had 
 entered into a protestation, in which they declared that 
 they would not acknowledge him as their lawful King, 
 unless he adhered to the religion presently professed 
 and punished such as sought to overthrow it; and 
 that they had endeavoured to bring their brethren in 
 the southern part of the kingdom under the same trea- 
 sonable engagement. And he concluded with threat- 
 ening that he would call a meeting of Parliament, to 
 chastise the insolence of the ministers and restore the 
 estate of bishops. James Melville, in the name of 
 the commissioners, replied to this royal philippic, and 
 defended his constituents ; after which his Majesty 
 grew calmer, returned a fair answer to their petition, 
 and dismissed them with promises that were never to 
 be performed.:^ 
 
 It is unnecessary to detail all the deceptions methods 
 taken by the court in the course of this pretend- 
 ed judicial process. The Convention of Estates 
 held at Linlithgow in October 1593, after preparing 
 matters for the acquittal of the conspirators, referred 
 their trial to certain individuals named by them, along 
 with the officers of state, whom they appointed to 
 meet in the following month at Holy rood-house. Mel- 
 yille attended on this occasion as one of the commis- 
 sioners of the church, II and used his wonted freedom 
 
 » Cald. iv. 338. 
 
 t The commissioners were Jaiiits Melville, Patrick Galloway. 
 Napier of Merchiston, the laird of Calderwood, and three bnr- 
 
 \ Cald. iv. 338—342. Melville's Diary, p. 227, 228. Spots- 
 wood's History, p. 398, 399. MS. Historie, ut supra. Gor- 
 don's Geneal. History of the Earldom of Sutherland, p. 222, 
 223. The last mentioned writer says that it was resolved by 
 the court, in the year 1593, to re-establish episcopac)'. Spots- 
 wood, in his account of the interview at Jedburgh, says that 
 the commissioners "humbly besought his Majesty to vouch- 
 safe the Assembly some answer in writing, but he absolutely 
 refused, and so thev took their leave." (Hist. p. 399.) On the 
 contrary, James Melville, who was present as one of the com- 
 missioners, expressly says, " Sa that night delyvering our pe- 
 titiones in wryt, be tynies on the morn we gat our answers in 
 wrait fear aneuche, and returned on the thride day." (Mel- 
 ville's Diary, p. 227.) 
 
 II Six ministers were nominated by the Convention of Estates, 
 and allowed to be present at the trial. (Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iv. 
 p. 44.) Gordon states that this nomination was opposed by the 
 church as an encroachment upon her libTties: upon which the 
 King caused their names to be deleted, and ordered that in 
 future the ministers should have no place on such occasions 
 but as suppliants. (Geneal. Hist, of the Earldom of Suther- 
 land, p. 223.) 
 
 in uttering his sentiments. He reproved the King for 
 the manner in which he allowed himself to speak 
 of those who had been the chief instruments of the 
 Reformation and the best friends of his throne, and for 
 the uniform partiality which he had shown to the avow- 
 ed enemies of both, and particularly to the house of 
 Huntly. He challenged those who advised his Majes- 
 ty to favour the popish noblemen to come forward and 
 avow themselves before the Estates; pledging him- 
 self to prove them traitors to the crown and kingdom 
 of Scotland, provided they were made liable to pun- 
 ishment if found guilty, and engaging that, if he fail- 
 ed in his proof, he would himself go to the gibbet. 
 The King and courtiers smiled at his offer, and said 
 that he was more zealous than wise. After his Ma- 
 jesty had made a speech, in which he urged the dan- 
 ger which might arise to the country from proceeding 
 to extremities against the powerful individuals who 
 were accused, the assembly agreed to " the act of ab- 
 olition" which had been previously drawn up by the 
 counsellors. By this act the popish lords were or- 
 dained, according to the offer which they had made, 
 to give satisfaction to the church and embrace the pro- 
 testant religion, or else to leave the kingdom within a 
 limited time; the process against them was dropped; 
 and they were declared " free and unaccusable in all 
 time coming" of the crimes laid to their charge, pro- 
 vided they did not for the future enter into any trea- 
 sonable correspondence with foreigners.* 
 
 This mode of issuing the process was a gross impo- 
 sition on the nation. No intelligent person believed 
 that the popish earls were sincere in their offers, or that 
 they would comply with the terms prescribed to them. 
 The plain tendency of the measure, and their evident 
 object in agreeing to it, was to obtain for them an inter- 
 val of repose to strengthen their party, and to establish 
 their influence at court, that they might renew their in- 
 trigues and embroil the country on the first favourable 
 opportunity that occurred. Various reasons may be 
 assigned for James's adopting this line of policy, with- 
 out having recourse to the supposition that he was se- 
 cretly inclined to popery. Huntly, the head of the po- 
 pish party, had great interest at court in consequence 
 of his family alliance with Lennox, the King's favour- 
 ite, which was increased by the recent marriage of his 
 sister-in-law to the Earl of Mar.f James was now 
 looking eagerly forward to the English succession, and 
 was desirous of gaining the Roman Catholics, who 
 formed a considerable party in that kingdom, and had 
 conceived a rooted antipathy against Elizabeth. His 
 timidity made him averse to vigorous measures ; and 
 he piqued himself on his superior skill in that secret 
 of the art of government which lies in balancing the 
 different parties in the state so as to render them all 
 dependent on the sovereign ; although he was destitute 
 of the talents requisite for this delicate task, and could 
 neither poize the scales with judgment nor hold them 
 with a steady and impartial hand. The political prin- 
 ciples of the papists were agreeable to James ; and the 
 chiefs of the party paid assiduous court to him by flat- 
 tering his love of power, and inveighing against the 
 levelling doctrines and republican spirit of the reform- 
 ing ministers. But from whatever causes it proceeded, 
 it is clear that he had adopted a line of policy which 
 led him to protect and favour a foreign faction, addict- 
 ed to popery and arbitrary power ; while the best friends 
 of the Reformation, who were at the same time the 
 natural and surest friends of a protestant government, 
 became the objects of his jealousy and aversion. This 
 absurd and criminal course he pursued throughout his 
 reign, in spite of all the admonitions which he receiv- 
 
 * Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iv. p. 46—48. Cald. iv. 351—357. 
 Melville's Diary p. 229. Spotswood, p. 400, 401. 
 
 t Jameg was feasting at the marriage of the Earl of Mar when 
 he received information of the discovery of the late conspiracy, 
 (Spotswood, p. 391.) 
 
284 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 ed ; and it was persisted in, with hereditary fatuity, by 
 his successors, who carried on a secret and illicit in- 
 tercourse with the church of Rome, which issued at 
 length in their laying their triple crown ingloriously 
 and irrecoverably at her feet : an example to all Brit- 
 ish sovereigns who may be tempted to form such an 
 unnatural and unhallowed attachment! 
 
 While the country was agitated by this affair, the 
 court was kept in a state of continued and disgraceful 
 alarm by the attempts of the Earl of Bothwell, who re- 
 peatedly besieged the palace, and on one occasion, 
 forced his way into the royal presence, and extorted a 
 pardon for his rebellious practices. Inflamed with per- 
 sonal resentment against the Chancellor, he had for- 
 merly associated with the popish lords ; and availing 
 himself of the odium which the court had incurred by 
 favouring them, he changed sides, and now affected 
 great concern for the preservation of the protestant reli- 
 gion. He was unable, however, to make a dupe of 
 more than one of the ministers of the church. The 
 vices of his private character, his known selfishness, 
 versatility, and turbulence, were sufficient to put them 
 on their guard against his loud but hollow professions, 
 even although they had been disposed to abet any hos- 
 tile attempt against the government.* But this did 
 not prevent them from being aspersed as favourable to 
 him. With the view of gaining partisans among the 
 people, Bothwell circulated the report, that he acted 
 in concert with the principal preachers ; and those who 
 were about the King were either so jealous as to credit 
 the slander, or so politic as to employ it by way of re- 
 tort to the charge brought against them of countenan- 
 cing the popish conspirators. In a conference with 
 the magistrates and ministers of Edinburgh, the King 
 complained that Bothwell had been suffered to remain 
 in the capital, and upbraided the ministers for main- 
 taining silence respecting his treasonable conduct, 
 while they were loud in their invectives against Cap- 
 tain Stewart and the popish earls. He charged Bruce 
 in particular with having conspired, along with some 
 of his brethren, to place the crown on Bothwell's head, 
 and with having harboured a traitor who sought the 
 life of his sovereign. The rest of the ministers con- 
 tented themselves with denying the charge, and appeal- 
 ing to their hearers as to their innocence ; but as the 
 accusation against Bruce was specific and more serious, 
 he insisted that he was entitled to know the individ- 
 uals who had slandered him to his Majesty, and de- 
 clared that he would not again enter the pulpit until he 
 was legally cleared of the crime imputed to him. Af- 
 ter some shifting, James named the Master of Gray 
 and one Tyrie a papist, as his informers. But on the 
 day fixed for investigating the affair, no person appear- 
 ed to make good the charge ; and Gray, having left the 
 court, sent word that he had given no such information 
 against Bruce, and offered to fight any individual, his 
 Majesty excepted, who should aflfirm that he had de- 
 famed that minister.f 
 
 The activity of the Melvilles in thwarting the wishes 
 of the court respecting the popish lords, subjected them 
 to the same odious imputation. It had been the laud- 
 able custom of the church of Scotland to make contri- 
 butions in their different parishes for the relief of their 
 brethren in foreign countries who were persecuted for 
 religion. Since the year 1589, the city of Geneva had 
 been involved in a dangerous war with the Duke of 
 Savoy, which reduced it to the necessity of applying 
 for foreign aid.rf: Liberal collections were accordingly 
 made for this purpose throughout Scotland. James 
 Melville was collector for the province of Fife, and it 
 was surmised at court, that he had, with the concur- 
 rence of his uncle and some other ministers, given the 
 money, intended for Geneva, to Bothwell, to enable 
 
 • Calrl. \v. 241-246, 271,305. 
 
 t Cald. iv. 269—272. 
 
 t Spon, Histoire de Geneve, toin. i. p. 334 — 393, edit. 1730. 
 
 him to raise troops to harass the King. Setting aside 
 the acknowledged probity of the individuals accused, 
 the- supposition of their having committed such an act 
 of sacrilegious fraud involves the highest improbabil- 
 ities. Who can believe that Melville, who felt so en- 
 thusiastically attached to Geneva, who regarded that 
 city as one of the bulwarks of the Reformation, and 
 who, at the solicitation of his most revered friends in 
 it, had exerted himself to obtain collections for its re- 
 lief, would have given his consent to rob it of those 
 very succours which were so urgently required to pre- 
 serve its independence, nay, its very existence as a pro- 
 testant state ] W'ho can believe that he or his nephew, 
 who was as his own soul, would have done this in be- 
 half of a nobleman of irregular habits and of no princi- 
 ples, with whom, although he courted the friendship 
 of both, their keenest adversaries could not prove that 
 either of them had ever had the slightest political con- 
 nexion, even for a single day 1 * But James Melville, 
 whose character was immediately attacked, had direct 
 evidence to produce in defence of his honour, and of 
 the strict fidelity with which he had acted in this busi- 
 ness. He had in his possession the receipts granted 
 by those for whom the money with which he had been 
 entrusted was contributed ;t and during his lifetime no 
 individual durst convert the calumnious surmises cir- 
 culated to his prejudice into a direct and manly charge. 
 In the General Assembly held in May 1594, some 
 members objected to his being nominated as one of the 
 commissioners to the King, on the ground that he had 
 incurred the suspicions of the court as a favourer of 
 Bothwell. His conduct on that occasion was such as 
 became a man who was conscious of innocence, and 
 who felt what was due to his reputation. He told the 
 Assembly, that so far from having courted appoint- 
 ments of that kind, he had often, as they knew, en- 
 treated to be excused from them ; but, at present, he 
 thought it incumbent upon him to insist that his name 
 should be put on the list, that he might have an oppor- 
 tunity of clearing himself from the slander ; and if they 
 declined doing this, he was determined to repair to the 
 palace of his own accord, and to demand an investiga- 
 tion of his conduct. He was accordingly included in 
 the commission. :t: After the commissioners had trans- 
 acted their business with the King, and were about to 
 retire, James Melville rose, and requested to be inform- 
 ed if his Majesty had any thing to lay to his charge, 
 or if he harboured suspicions of his fidelity. The 
 King replied, that he had nothing to say against him 
 more than against the rest, except that he found his 
 name on every commission. James Melville thanked 
 God that this was the case ; for in all his public em- 
 
 * " About the spring tynie in thej'eir following 1594 the out- 
 law Boducll kythe openfie with forces at Leithe and at Preist- 
 field bot with lyk success as oftentynies befor, he tuk vpe men 
 of war in secret vpe and down the countrey and gaifl" out that 
 it was at the kirks employment against the papists, whilk maid 
 me being then mickle occupied in publict about the kirks effeares 
 to be greatly suspected be the king and bak speirit be all mcanes, 
 bot it was hard to find quhilk was neuer thought, for I never 
 lyket the man nor haid to do with him directlie or indirectlie. 
 yea efter guid Archbald Erie of Angus whom God called to his 
 rest a yeir or twa befor this, 1 kend him not of the nobilitie in 
 Scotland that 1 could communicate my niynd with anet publict 
 afl'ears, let be to haift' a delling with in action." (Melville's Di- 
 ary, p. 230.) . 
 
 f After mentioning the liberality with which the people un- 
 der his charge contributed for the relief of their bretnren in 
 France, he says, "The scum of the haill collection quilk the 
 frenche kirks gat (from Scotland) extendit bot till about x thow- 
 sand mcrks, as their acquittances and Letters of thanksgiffing 
 beares, quhilk I haiffin custodie delyverit to me be thcgenprall 
 assemblie to translet in Scottes and sett furthe to close the 
 mouthes of invyfull sclanderers wha gaifl' out that the collec- 
 tion was maid for an vther purpose; as also the Collection maid 
 for Geneva, whar for we gat mair thankes by a letter of Theo- 
 dore du Bez in the name of the Senat and kirk thairof nor it 
 was all worthe, readie to be producit." (Melville's Diary, p. 
 194.) 
 
 ( Buik of the Univ. Kirk, f. 171, a. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 285 
 
 ployments he had studied the good of the King as well 
 as that of the church ; and if there were any that tra- 
 duced him to his Majesty as having engaged in secret, 
 unlawful, or undutiful practices, he desired that they 
 would now come forward and shew their faces, when 
 he was present to answer for himself. No reply was 
 made to this challenge. After this the King took him 
 into his cabinet, and, having dismissed his attendants, 
 conversed with him on a variety of topics with the 
 greatest familiarity, sent his special commendations to 
 his uncle, the principal, and declared that he looked 
 upon both of them as faithful and trusty subjects. 
 " So," (says James Melville) " of the strange working 
 of God, I that came to Stirling the traitor, returned to 
 Edinburgh a great courtier, yea a cabinet councellor."* 
 Spotswood had good opportunities of becoming ac- 
 quainted with this honourable exculpation, and yet af- 
 ter the death of the individual whom he was bound to 
 revere, he embodied, in his History, this slander on his 
 master's memory, not as a report, but as if it had been 
 a well-authenticated fact.f And it has been retailed 
 from his time down to the present, as scandal is usually 
 propagated, by the prejudiced, the gossiping, and those 
 who have neither patience to examine the grounds of a 
 report, nor sagacity to perceive the most palpable marks 
 of its improbability. 
 
 The General Assembly, which was held in May 
 1594, testified its sense of the important public servi- 
 ces which Melville had lately performed, by placing 
 him again in the moderator's chair. Lord Hume, one 
 of the popish noblemen, presented himself at the bar 
 of this Assembly, and made such professions of sor- 
 row for his past conduct as induced the members to 
 agree to his being absolved from the sentence of ex- 
 communication which the synod of Fife had passed 
 against him. From suspicions of the sincerity of these 
 professions, and from the consideration that his former 
 adherents were still in arms, the moderator hesitated to 
 absolve Hume ; and the Assembly, after hearing his rea- 
 sons, excused him, and appointed David Lindsay to sup- 
 ply his place in pronouncing the act of absolution. :{: This 
 is not the only instance in which we find the ecclesi- 
 astical courts at this period paying such deference to 
 the private convictions of their members, and even of 
 those whose province it was to carry their sentences 
 into execution. II Nor does it appear that the practice 
 led to any decidedly bad consequences. Even in the 
 ordinary management of affairs in the best regulated 
 churches, instances will occur in which conscientious 
 individuals may entertain serious scruples as to the 
 lawfulness of particular decisions, and may decline to 
 take an active part in executing them, without being 
 guilty of a contempt of the court, or maintaining a fac- 
 tious opposition to the measures which they condemn. 
 By giving place to such scruples, at the expense of de- 
 viating a little from the strict line of ordinary proce- 
 dure, a court neither testifies its weakness nor com- 
 promises its authority: it merely evinces that modera- 
 tion which becomes a tribunal confessedly subordinate 
 and fallible, and does homage to the sacred rights of 
 conscience and private judgment. Obstinacy and pride 
 will screen themselves under this plea; but it is better 
 that these evils should be overlooked and tolerated, 
 than that the spirit of independence should be crushed, 
 that there should be no medium left between absolute 
 submission and endless separation, and that a despoti- 
 cal administration should be grafted on an authority 
 which is immediately conversant about the aifairs of 
 the mind and conscience. 
 
 » Melville's Diary, p. 231, 232. Cald. iv. 371, 389, 390. 
 
 t Spotswood's Hist. p. 430. See above, p. 142. 
 
 j Melville's Diary, p. 230. 
 
 II In 1586, Robert Wilkie, the moderator of the provincial 
 synod of Fife, having declined pronouncing the sentence of ex- 
 lommunication against Archbishop Adamson, the synod appoint- 
 ed one of the members to act for him in that instance. (Print- 
 ed Calderwood, p. 201, 203. 
 
 The Assembly unanimously ratified the sentence 
 which the synod of Fife had pronounced against the 
 other popish lords. These noblemen had refused to 
 take the benefit of the act of abolition, continued in 
 arms, and persevered in their treasonable correspon- 
 dence with Spain. To a faithful and spirited exposi- 
 tion of the state of the country which the assembly laid 
 before him, the King returned a very favourable an- 
 swer. He acknowledged the dangers which they had 
 pointed out, and declared his resolution to adopt the 
 most prompt and decisive measures against the com- 
 mon enemies of the religion and peace of the kingdom. 
 All his desires were most cordially granted by this as- 
 sembly. They renewed an act of a former assembly, 
 enjoining ministers, under the pain of deposition, not 
 to utter from the pulpit any rash or irreverent speeches 
 against the Kiug or his council.* They censured a 
 preacher of the name of Ross who had been guilty of 
 this offence. They pronounced the sentence of depo- 
 sition against the minister of Carnbee, who had taken 
 part with Bothwell.f And they enjoined all ministers 
 to warn the people under their charge not to concur 
 with that turbulent nobleman, or others who might en- 
 gage in treasonable practices against his Majesty, and 
 not to receive military pay, without the royal warrant, 
 from any individual under the pretext of defending the 
 cause of religion.:^ 
 
 Indeed, there is not the slightest ground for calling 
 in question the loyalty of the ministers of the church, 
 or their decided and steady attachment to the person 
 and government of James. Had he ceased from fa- 
 vouring a faction equally hostile to his crown and the 
 established religion ; had he exerted a reasonable su- 
 perintendence over the administration of the state, and 
 abstained from encroachments on the jurisdiction of the 
 church ; and above all, had he maintained his word and 
 promises inviolate, he would have found the ministers 
 disposed to give him all due satisfaction, and might 
 have derived from them the most essential and efficient 
 support. The submission which the nobility yielded 
 to him was always partial and precarious. In the dis- 
 pute which soon after arose between him and the 
 Queen, as to the disposal of the person of the young 
 Prince, he was deserted by some of his principal 
 courtiers. His favourites engaged in cabals against 
 him, and Lennox, for whom he had done so much, re- 
 peatedly connived at the audacious attempts of Both- 
 well. The preachers were inclined to favour no fac- 
 tion in the state. The selfishness and avarice of the 
 barons had weaned them from any dependence which 
 they might once have been disposed to place on that 
 order; and there was not at that time a single noble- 
 man to whom they looked up as a protector, or who 
 possessed any considerable share of their confidence. 
 Had their jealousies not been awakened and kept alive 
 by the misconduct of the King, the leading men among 
 them possessed too much sense, and were too well 
 aware that the safety of the church, including their 
 own, depended on the stability of his government, to 
 indulge in or countenance any freedoms from the pul- 
 pit that tended to embarrass his administration, or to 
 bring his person into contempt.|| The joint influence 
 
 * Some judicious and pertinent remarks on this act, and on 
 the subject to which it relates — the freedom used by the minis- 
 ters in their sermons, may be seen in Dr. Cook's History of the 
 Church of Scotland, vol. ii.18— 20. 
 
 f The language employed by James in requesting this may 
 be referred to as an exculpation of the ministers from the chai"ge 
 often brought against them: "3. that they will exconimunicat 
 Mr. Andro hunter for bringing in ane scandall upon thair pro- 
 fessioun, as the^r*< opin traitour of thair functioun agains ane 
 christian king of thair religioun and thair naturall soveraigne." 
 (Bulk of Univ. Kirk, f. 174, a.) James Melville says that the 
 Presbytery of St. Andrews had previously deposed Hunter. 
 (Diary, p. 231.) 
 
 t Buik of the Univ. Kirk, ff. 167—174. Melville's Diary, p. 
 230—232. Spotswood, 406. 
 
 II Bruce, at the time he was using the greatest freedom in re- 
 buking the court, said: " It is our parts to crave it (wisdom to 
 
286 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 of their doctrine and discipline presented to James a 
 powerful instrument, not possessed by any of his pre- 
 decessors, for suppressing the feuds of the nobility, 
 purifyinop the administration of justice, and civilizing 
 and reforming the morals of the people. Had he known 
 how to avail himself of thi^, his reign in Scotland 
 might have been tranquil and happy. 
 
 Although the popish noblemen were now in a state 
 of open rebellion, they found advocates in the Parlia- 
 ment which was held in the month of June. Melville 
 was present, and appeared for the church before the 
 Lords of Articles. He urged the adopting of deci- 
 sive measures against the delinquents as necessa- 
 ry to the security of religion and the peace of the 
 kingdom. " Sir, (said he, addressing the King,) 
 many think it a matter of great weight to overthrow 
 the estate of three so great men. I grant it is so : 
 but yet it is a weightier matter to overthrow, and 
 expel out of the country, three far greater; to wit, 
 true religion, the quietness of the commonwealth, and 
 the prosperous estate of the King. If ye can get us 
 a better commonwealth than our own, (continued he, 
 directing his speech to the lords,) and a better King, 
 we are content that the traitorous lords be spared ; 
 otherwise, we desire you to do your duty." He ob- 
 jected, that some who were present and prepared to 
 vote, were excluded by law, and particularly the Prior 
 of Pluscarden. One of the lords said, that the Prior was 
 a man of honourable place, being President of the Court 
 of Session. " More honourable men than he are de- 
 barred from a place among the Lords of Articles," re- 
 plied Melville. The King acknowledged that this was 
 true, and promised to attend to the matter. Melville 
 went on to say, that there were other individuals on 
 the Articles who were strongly suspected of partiality 
 in this cause, and of being almost as guilty as those 
 who were under process. The abbots of Kinloss and 
 Inchaffray smiled to each other. " Whom do you 
 mean V said the King, " One who laughs across the 
 table," replied Melville. " Do you mean me V said 
 Kinloss. " If you confess yourself guilty, I will not 
 clear you ; but I meant Inchaffray." "Mr. Edward, 
 (said his Majesty to Kinloss) that is Judas's question. 
 Is it J, Master?" a remark which excited laughter. 
 The majority of the Lords of Articles voted for the 
 forfeiture of the three earls, and the judgment was rat- 
 ified by Parliament.* 
 
 On the defeat of the Earl of Argyle by the popish 
 lords at Glenlivet, the King set out for the north, at 
 the head of some troops to oppose the rebels. At his 
 express request, he was accompanied by Melville, 
 his nephew, and two other ministers. Had it not 
 been for their presence, the expedition must have end- 
 ed disgracefully. The popish chiefs retired into their 
 fastnesses, and the royal forces were ready to disband 
 for want of pay. So great was the distrust of his 
 Majesty's professions, that the nation testified no dis- 
 position to raise the supplies necessary to insure the 
 success of an expedition of which they highly approv- 
 ed. In this emergency, James Melville was despatch- 
 ed to the south with recommendatory letters from 
 his brethren, to procure contributions in the principal 
 towns. He had scarcely left the camp when meas- 
 ures were proposed which would have disgraced his 
 mission, and contradicted the assurances which he 
 was authorized to give in the name of the King. But, 
 after the greater part of the Privy Counsellors had 
 given their opinion that it was not fit to proceed to ex- 
 
 the King:) becaug for as iouss as he is, he is the greatest bias- 
 sing that ever we shall see." And in another sermon : " Surely 
 the only band teniporall that holds up the comnioiiweill here, 
 quhillc is ruinousc on all sides, and is like to fall down, stands 
 upon that prince. Suppose he be many wayes abused, out of 
 question an he war removed — I look to see confusion multiplied 
 on confusion." (MS. Notes of Sermons by Robert Bruce: 
 Wodrow's Life of Bruce, p. 14, 15.) 
 
 » Cald. iv. 392, 393. The Form and Probation of the sum- 
 oondt of treason, p. 398. Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 56 — 61. 
 
 tremities against the insurgents, Melville reasoned so 
 forcibly against the proposal, and his arguments made 
 such an impression upon the minds of the officers of 
 the army who were present, that his Majesty deemed 
 it prudent to dissent from the majority of his council, 
 and issued immediate orders for throwing down Strath- 
 bogie, a castle belonging to the Earl of Huntly. 
 This decisive measure produced the expected effect 
 upon the popish earls, who soon after quitted the king- 
 dom.* 
 
 In the midst of the confusions caused by the re- 
 bellion of the popish lords, great joy was diffused 
 through the nation by the birth of an heir to the crown. 
 Melville celebrated that event in an elegant little poem, 
 in which he predicted that the infant prince would 
 unite the crowns of Britain, and humble the pride of 
 Spain and Rome: 
 
 Fastu donee Iberico 
 Late subacto, sub pedibus premas 
 
 Clarus triumpho delibuti 
 
 Geryonis triplicera tiaram. 
 Qua nunc revinctus tempora Cerbems 
 Romanus atra conduplicat face 
 
 De rupe Tarpeja fragores 
 
 Tartareos tonitru tremendo. 
 Quo terrani inertem, quo mare barbarum, 
 Orcumque, et oras territat igneas 
 
 Septem, potitus verna scentris, 
 
 Et solio, gemini draconis-x 
 
 The poet, however, lived to see his prediction contra- 
 dicted, and to sing in other strains the premature death 
 of a prince whose rare virtues and talents had excited 
 universal expectation. David Cunninghame, bishop 
 of Aberdeen, was employed to celebrate the baptism of 
 Prince Henry; a circumstance which, when compar- 
 ed with what took plaee at the Coronation of the 
 Queen, may be viewed as indicating that the court had 
 altered its intentions as to the government of the 
 church, and already meditated the gradual restoration 
 of the episcopal order.:}: 
 
 In the course of the year 1595, Melville was in- 
 volved in trouble through his friendship for David 
 Black. Black had commenced a process against Bal- 
 four of Burley, who retained possession of a house in 
 the Abbey which had been assigned as a manse to the 
 minister of St. Andrews. || Fearing that he would lose 
 his cause, Burley stirred up the court against his 
 prosecutor, whom he accused of reviling the late 
 Queen, in his sermons. Melville was charged with 
 abetting him in his seditious harangues, and both were 
 summoned before the King at Falkland. At their 
 arrival Black was brought before an assembly consist- 
 ing partly of members of the Privy Council, and partly 
 of ministers called together from the neighbouring par- 
 
 * Record of Privy Council, Oct 19, and 28. 1594. Melville's 
 Diary, p. 232—236. Cald. iv. 402, 407—418. 
 
 + This poem was published under the following title: " Prin- 
 cipis Scoti-Brittanorvm Natalia. Kdinbvrgi F.xcudcbat Ro- 
 bertus Waidegraue, Serenissimae Regiae Majestatis Typogra- 
 phus. Anno 1594." 4to. four leaves. A poem entitled "Anivle- 
 tum" is subjoined to it. 
 
 X The Account of the Baptism of Henry Prince of Scotland, 
 has been frequently printed. I do not know that the conclud- 
 ing orations of the Bishop were ever published, but they are 
 preserved in MS. in the British Museum: " Frcderici Henrici 
 Principis Scotorum Sacra Lustralia, actore atque auctore 
 Dauide Cuninghamo, Episcopo Aberdonensi, celebrata Niueo- 
 duni Sterlingorum Septembris 1594." (Harl. MSS. 4043, 4044.) 
 They consist of a " Votum" in verse, and " Eucharisteria," 
 addressed to the ambassadors, in prose. The former contains 
 the following encomium upon the royal parents: 
 
 Sin te exempla sequi juvat aut vestigia reguni, 
 Nequicquam antiquata petas, quae occlusa vetustas 
 Occulit, ast unum patrcm mireris, et ununi 
 Patrem qui reges tantum super altior ornnes, 
 Astraeos quantum Phiebus super eniicat ignes. 
 Nee parum matre est, tantaque viragine nasci 
 Filia quae regis conjunxque sororque parensque, 
 Sed superans meritis sortem sexumque genusque. 
 II Buik of Univ. Kirk, f. 176, b. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 287 
 
 ishes. He expressed his willingness to give an ac- 
 count of his doctrine for the satisfaction of his Majes- 
 ty and the individuals present, but objected to being 
 put on his trial before an assembly which was neither 
 civil nor ecclesiastical. His objections were, how- 
 ever, summarily overruled, and the examination of wit- 
 nesses was already begun, when Melville, suspecting 
 the irregular proceedings which were going on, knocked 
 at the door and was admitted. Having obtained permis- 
 sion to speak on a mode of proceedure which tended 
 to prejudge the rights of the church and his own cause, 
 he told his Majesty, what he had often rung in his ears, 
 that though he was the King of Scotland, he was not 
 the King of the church in Scotland ; and that there was 
 no court assembled there which had a right to try the 
 cause which he had brought before them. " But," 
 continued he, " if King James the Sixth has any judi- 
 cature or cause here, it should be to judge, not the 
 faithful servants of Jesus Christ, but (turning to Bur- 
 ley) this traitor, who has committed diverse points of 
 high treason against his Majesty's civil laws, by tak- 
 ing his peaceable subjects in the night out of their 
 houses, and resetting in his own house the King's 
 rebels and forfeited enemies." Burley fell on his 
 knees before his Majesty, and craved justice. " Jus- 
 tice!" exclaimed Melville, "would to God you had 
 it! You would not then be here to bring a judgment 
 from Christ upon the King, and thus falsely and un- 
 justly to vex and accuse the faithful servants of God." 
 James attempted to silence him by assuming an air 
 and tone of authority, but the feelings of Melville 
 were wrought up to too high a pitch to suffer him to 
 pay regard to frowns or threats ; and his Majesty was 
 fain to allay the heat by addressing the parties in a 
 jocular strain, and telling them, " that they were both 
 little men, and their heart was at their mouth." By 
 this affray the trial was suddenly broken off as it had 
 been irregularly begun. The affair was at last brought 
 to a happy termination by the wisdom of James Mel- 
 ville, who had been sent for by his uncle to be present 
 on the occasion. He acquainted the Earl of Mar, with 
 the real circumstances of the case ; set before him the 
 injurious consequences which would arise from a breach 
 between the church and the King, at a time when the 
 court was divided and the country far from being in a 
 settled state; and persuaded him to mitigate his Ma- 
 jesty's resentment, and bring about an accommodation 
 on reasonable terms. The consequence was, that 
 Black, bring admitted to a private interview, satisfied 
 the king that he had spoken with great respect of his 
 mother, and touched very gently on the errors of her 
 administration ; professed that he had no design of in- 
 sinuating that the extraordinary measures taken by the 
 nation during her reign should be adopted in the pres- 
 ent ; and, as his Majesty was afraid that the seditious 
 would put such a construction on his words, promised 
 to abstain for the future from such forms of speech as 
 he had used. Melville too was admitted to an audi- 
 ence, and after free but amicable reasoning with James, 
 was graciously dismissed. 
 
 All parties professed to be satisfied with the con- 
 duct of James Melville in this affair, but he observed 
 thit from this time his credit with the King declined. 
 His object in cultivating the interest which he had at 
 court was to persuade his Majesty that the ministers 
 loved him, and were disposed to please him as far as was 
 consistent with their sense of duty ; that so the affairs 
 of church and state might be conducted harmoniously, 
 or with as little jarring as possible. His Majesty, on 
 the other hand, was anxious to gain him over to an 
 approbation of court-measures; but finding, after an 
 experiment of two years, that he could not detach him 
 from his brethren, he withdrew the remarks of regard 
 and confidence with which he had hitherto honoured 
 him. Among those who are to be found in kings' 
 courts few are like-minded with James Melville. He 
 annually expended the half of his stipend on the public 
 
 service : and as for gifts from the crown, I sought 
 none, (says he) and I got none unsought."* 
 
 In the end of this year, Melville, along with his 
 nephew and Bruce, visited Lord Thirlstane, the Chan- 
 cellor, in his castle beside Lauder. His lordship was 
 then on his death-bed, and the conversation which he 
 held with them was highly satisfactory to his visitors. 
 The loss of this able statesman was quickly felt by 
 the nation, and must be viewed as a principal means 
 of bringing on those evils with which the church was 
 soon after assailed. f 
 
 The year 1596 is memorable in the history of the 
 church of Scotland. " It had," says James Melville, 
 " a strange variety and mixture; the beginning thereof 
 with a shew of profit in planting the churches with 
 perpetual local stipends; the midst of it very comfort- 
 able for the exercise of reformation and renewing the 
 covenant; but the end of it tragical in wasting the 
 Zion of our Jerusalem, the church of Edinburgh, and 
 threatening no less to many of the rest." The first of 
 these measures was defeated by the same cause which 
 had opposed its adoption in every shape since the Re- 
 formation.^ The second measure commenced under 
 more favourable auspices, and, though interrupted by 
 the confusions which ensued, was productive of good 
 and lasting effects. It originated with that pious and 
 honest minister of the Gospel, John Davidson. || His 
 mind had for a considerable time been deeply affected 
 with various corruptions in the church. He lamented 
 the inefficacy of the means which had hitherto been 
 used to correct them. He was apprehensive of the 
 consequences which might ensue, if the constancy of 
 ministers and people, in adhering to their religious pro- 
 fession, should be subjected to any severe trial. And 
 he was anxious that a great and general effort should 
 be made to bring about such a reformation as all good 
 men wished to see accomplished. Accordingly, he 
 laid a proposal to this purpose before the presbytery 
 of Haddington, who transmitted it, in the form of an 
 overture, to the General Assembly which met at Edin- 
 burgh in the month of March. The overture was 
 unanimously approved of by the Assembly ; and a 
 writing was immediately drawn up, containing an enu- 
 meration of the evils to be reformed, under the four 
 following heads : Corruptions in the persons and lives 
 of ministers of the Gospel ; offences in his Majesty's 
 house ; the common corruptions of all estates ; and of- 
 fences in the courts of justice. Great moderation was 
 used in specifying the offences of the royal household, 
 and of the civil courts. The ministers did not spare 
 their own order, and that part of the statement which 
 related to them was larger than all the rest taken tc- 
 gether.§ On the motion of Melville, the means to be 
 employed for reforming ministers, and the censures to 
 be inflicted on them for particular acts of delinquency, 
 were condescended on. As a primary step to reforma- 
 tion, and according to an approved practice in the best 
 times of the church, the members of Assembly agreed 
 
 « Melville's Diary, p. 237—242. 
 
 f Ibid. p. 242. Siinsoni Annales, p. 73. Spotswood, p. 411. 
 Melville testified his respect for the memory of the Chancellor, 
 in an epjtaph. Deliti* Poet. Scot. ii. 116. 
 
 \ The plan of providing fixed stipends here referred to was 
 drawn up by Secretary Lindsay, and has been preserved at 
 length by James Melville. (Melville's Diary, p. 244—2.54.) 
 Those who wish to be acquainted with its provisions may con- 
 sult Printed Calderwood, (p. 325 — 328.) or the more abridged 
 account of it given by Dr. Cook. (Hist, of the Church of Scot- 
 land, ii. 55 — 59.) The constant plat, as it was called, became 
 a convenient engine in the hands of the court, who set it in mo- 
 tion whenever they wished the concurrence of the ministers in 
 any of their measures. 
 
 Il He was admitted minister of Prestonpans on the 7th of Jan- 
 uary, 1595-6. (Rec. of the Presb. of Haddington.) 
 
 { Buik of the Univ. Kirk, ff. 178, 179. This record contains 
 the offences of the ministers only; but the entire paper may be 
 seen in Printed Calderwood, p. 314 — 320. The fotlowing is the 
 only specification of personal vice in the King: " His Maj. it 
 blotted with banning and swearing, which is common to court- 
 iers also." 
 
288 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 to meet by themselves for the purpose of jointly con- 
 fessingr their sins, and "making promise before the 
 Majesty of God" to amend their conduct. This meet- 
 ing was accordingly held in the Little Church, on Tues- 
 day the 30th of March, 1596. John Davidson, who 
 was chosen to preside on the occasion, preached so 
 much to the conviction of his hearers, and made confes- 
 sion of their sins to Heaven with such devout fervour, 
 that the whole Assembly melted into tears before him ; 
 and rising from their seats at his desire, and lifting up 
 their right hands, they renewed their covenant with 
 God, " protesting to walk more warily in their ways, 
 and to be more diligent in their charges." The scene, 
 which continued during three hours, was solemn and 
 affecting beyond any thing that the oldest person pre- 
 sent had witnessed.* 
 
 As the greater part of the ministers were not present 
 to join in this sacred action, the General Assembly or- 
 dained that it should be repeated in the several provin- 
 cial synods and presbyteries, and that it should after- 
 wards be extended to congregations. Tills ordinance 
 was obeyed with an alacrity and ardour which spread 
 from synod to synod, from presbytery to presbytery, 
 and from parish to parish ; " the inhabitants of one city 
 saying to another. Come and let us join ourselves to 
 the Lord in a perpetual covenant that shall not be for- 
 gotten," until all Scotland, like Judahofold, "rejoiced 
 at the oath."f Nowhere was the service performed 
 with more affecting solemnity than at Dunfermline by 
 the members of the synod of Fife. After they had 
 plighted their failh to God and to one another, James 
 Melville, who had the direction of the exercise, called 
 up some of the most judicious members to address the 
 assembly. David Ferguson, the oldest minister of the 
 church, rose and gave an account of the first planting 
 of the reformed church in Scotland. He was one of 
 six individuals, (he said) who engaged in that work, 
 when the name of stipend was unknown, when they 
 had to encounter the united opposition of the civil and 
 ecclesiastical authorities, and could scarcely reckon on 
 the countenance and support of a single person of rank 
 and worldly estimation : yet they firmly and fearlessly 
 persevered, and Providence crowned their labours with 
 success. Davidson, who was present by appointment 
 of the General Assembly, said that the opposite emo- 
 tions by which the Jewish convocation was agitated at 
 the founding of the second temple, were at that mo- 
 ment blended in his soul : he rejoiced at what he saw 
 that day, but he was at the same time filled with sad- 
 ness when he reflected how far he and his brethren had 
 degenerated from the godliness, zeal, gravity, love, 
 courage, and painfulness, which shone in the first re- 
 formers, and which he had witnessed in his youth. 
 Melville, at the moderator's desire, delivered the con- 
 cluding address. In warning his brethren against de- 
 fection and breach of covenant, he put them in mind of 
 the humbling example of human frailty which had 
 been given in the year 1584, when the greater part of 
 the ministers, after swearing the national covenant, 
 were induced, by the mere dread of losing their sti- 
 pends, to ratify by their subscription those acts which 
 subverted the liberties and whole discipline of the 
 
 • Bulk of the Univ. Kirk, ff. 178, 179. Melville's Diary, p. 
 261. Cald. V. 47— 49. 
 
 + Ibid. Row's Historie, p. 61. The covenant was renewed 
 by the Synod of Fife on the 13th of May (Melville's Diary, p. 
 262.;) by the Presbytery of St. Andrews " upon the penult furis- 
 day of the iiionethe of July" (ib. 268;) by the congregation of 
 Kilrinny on the 5th of September (ib. p. 271.;) and by the con- 
 g^regation of Anstruther soon after: " We tho* meet to enter in 
 trj'ell of ourselfes for the better preparation to the covenant and 
 Lordes 8up|)er." (Rec. of Kirk Session of Anstruther, Sept. 5, 
 1596.) James Melville laments that the ministers of Edinburgh 
 omitted this exercise in their congregations. (Diary, p. 274.) 
 If they did so, the presbytery cannot be blamed for the omis- 
 kion: " It is coiicluditt, according to the act of the Generall As- 
 semblie, a covenant salbe reneivitt in all the boundis of this 
 presbitrie, and that upon the vii of October next." (Rec. of 
 Presbytery of Edinburg^i, Sept. 21, 1596.) 
 
 church. " What should be looked for, then, (said he) 
 if the Spaniards, who have lately taken Calais, from 
 which in a few hours they might easily transport them- 
 selves to this island, yea, into our own frith, should 
 essay our constancy with the fine and exquisite tor- 
 ments of their Inquisition ; a piece of service upon 
 which our excommunicated and forfeited earls are at- 
 tending?"* 
 
 The satisfaction felt in this exercise was like a gleam 
 of sunshine before a storm ; and the principal persons 
 engaged in it were soon after involved in a severe con- 
 flict, attended with a train of consequences distressing 
 to them and disastrous to the church. The ministers 
 were informed, by letters from their friends abroad, of 
 the active exertions which the Scottish priests were 
 making on the Continent against their native country.f 
 The King of Spain again threatened the invasion of 
 Britain. Elizabeth had put her kingdom in a posture 
 of defence to meet the meditated attack.:^: James was 
 fully apprized, by intercepted letters, of the treasona- 
 ble correspondence which the popish lords continued 
 to hold with Spain, and of the plans which they had 
 suggested for getting possession of the principal ports 
 in Scotland.!) He had made this information public by 
 repeated proclamations ; had given orders for military 
 musters and reviews in the several counties ; and had 
 urged the ministers to exhort their people to take arms, 
 and to assist him in raising supplies, to repel the in- 
 tended invasion. § In these circumstances the nation 
 was thrown into a state of alarm and confusion by the 
 news that the popish lords had secretly entered the 
 kingdom. James protested that they had come with- 
 out his consent or knowledge ; but this, instead of re- 
 lieving men's minds, placed them in the most distress- 
 ing dilemma. If they disbelieved his Majesty's assev- 
 eration, what confidence could they have in any thing 
 that he said or did ? If they gave credit to it, what 
 could they think but that the noblemen, in coming 
 home, must have received assurances of aid, both do- 
 mestic and foreign, to enable them to set at defiance 
 the royal authority 1 The state of matters was now 
 much altered from what it had formerly been, when 
 the prime minister was decidedly favourable to the in- 
 terests of religion and the church. Since the death of 
 the Chancellor, the administration of affairs had been 
 entrusted to eight individuals, commonly called Octavi- 
 ana ; the greater part of whom, including the Lord 
 President and the King's Advocate, were either known 
 or suspected Papists. That they were privy to the re- 
 turn of the forfeited noblemen, could scarce admit of a 
 doubt ; that their interest would be used to procure for 
 them an indemnity and admittance to his Majesty's 
 counsels, there was the strongest reason to suspect. 
 In that case, the days of Lennox and Arran would re- 
 turn ; and the religion and lives of the Protestants 
 would be exposed to the most imminent hazard. Such 
 were the apprehensions entertained by the nation. 
 Their fears might be too highly raised ; but none who 
 attends to all the circumstances will pronounce them 
 groundless, or wonder that the preachers should have 
 
 * Melville's Diarj-, p. 261—267. 
 
 f Letter from Augaburgh, April 27, 1596, by Mr. D. Ander- 
 son; in the Appendix. 
 
 X Cali.iv. 443. 
 
 II Printed Calderwood, p. 353, 372. 
 
 \ " Being surlie informit that the forainc preparatiouns 
 threatnit oi lang tyme for prosequtioun of that detestable con- 
 spiracie ag^nis christ and his evangill ar presentlic in readinet 
 and intendis to arryve in this Hand — Qnairfoir his Maiestie 
 with aduise of the lordis of his secreit counsall ordains and 
 romraandis as aUua effectuouslie requiris all ministers of Godis 
 worde and presbitcries w'in this realm Kirnestlie to travaill 
 w* all his hienes subiectis of all estatis — to convene in armes 
 with hu Maiestie his lieutenantis or conimissionaris," &c. (Re- 
 cord of Privy Council, Nov. 4, 1595.) Proclamations for arm- 
 ing and weaponshawing, in which langiiage equally strong, and 
 even more alarming, is used, are contained in the fcourcil ."Vlin- 
 uteii of 2d of December, the 5th of February, and the 11th of 
 March. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 289 
 
 exerted their utmost influence to avert the dangers 
 with which they saw themselves and the country 
 threatened. 
 
 Soon after his arrival in the country, Huntly sent an 
 offer of sub mission for himself and his associates ; and an 
 extraordinary meeting of the Privy Council was sum- 
 moned at Falkland to take his proposals into consider- 
 ation.* Certain ministers whom the court judged more 
 complying than the rest were desired to be present at 
 this meeting to give their advice. Though not invited, 
 Melville judged it his duty to attend as one of the 
 Commissioners of the General Assembly. On hear- 
 ing of his arrival the king sent a messenger to know 
 his errand, and to charge him to depart; but he ex- 
 cused himself from complying with this private man- 
 date, by pleading the public commission which he 
 had received. When he made his appearance along 
 with his brethren, the King asked him, what call he 
 had to be there. "Sir," replied he, "I have a call 
 from Christ and his church, who have a special inter- 
 est in this convention ; and I charge you and your 
 estates in their name, that you favour not their enemies, 
 nor go about to make citizens of those who have traitor- 
 ously sought to betray their country to the cruel Span- 
 iard, to the overthrow of Christ's kingdom." Being in- 
 terrupted by his Majesty, and ordered to remove, he re- 
 tired, thanking God that he had enjoyed an opportunity 
 of exonerating his conscience. Encouraged by his bold- 
 ness, the other ministers resisted the proposals of the 
 court ; but, in the end, as James Melville acknowl- 
 edges, they were induced to relax in their opposition. 
 The President made a plausible speech, in which he 
 defended the policy of calling home the exiled noble- 
 men, lest, like Coriolanus and Themistocles, they 
 should join the enemies of their country. And the 
 council agreed, that although the propositions made 
 by Huntly were too general, yet he might be restored 
 upon his acceding to such conditions as the King and 
 Privy Council should prescribe.f This agreement 
 having given general offence, his Majesty took an 
 early opportunity of declaring that he did not mean to 
 act upon it. The presbytery of Edinburgh voted him 
 an address of thanks for this declaration, and the 
 persons who presented it received from his own mouth 
 the strongest assurances that he would adhere to the 
 determination which he had avowed. :|: Understanding 
 that a Convention of Estates was to be held at Dun- 
 fermline to deliberate on the affair, the presbytery sent 
 two of their members to request that the royal promise 
 made to them should be kept ; but their petition was 
 disregarded, and the resolution taken at Falkland was 
 approved of and ratified. || 
 
 In consequence of this the commissioners of the 
 General Assembly, assisted by some public spirited 
 gentlemen, met at Cupar in Fife; and being assured 
 by the royal chaplains that his Majesty was not privy 
 to the return of the popish lords, they appointed a 
 deputation to go to Falkland, and exhort him to pre- 
 vent the evil consequences which would ensue from 
 the measures which his council were pursuing. The 
 deputies were admitted to a private audience of the 
 King. They had agreed that James Melville should 
 be their spokesman on account of the courteousness 
 of his address, and the superior degree of respect 
 which his Majesty had uniformly expressed for him. 
 But he had scarcely begun to speak, when the King 
 interrupted him, and in a tone of irritation challenged 
 the meeting held at Cnpar as illegal and seditious, 
 and accused them of infusing unreasonable and un- 
 founded fears into the minds of the people. James 
 Melville was preparing to reply in his mild manner, 
 
 * Errol did not return till September. 
 
 f Record of Privy Council, August 12, 1596. Melville's 
 Diaiy, p. 275. 
 
 t Records of the Presbytery of Edinburgh, vltimo Aug'' 1596. 
 II Ibid. 28 Sept. 1596. Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 101. 
 
 3 M 
 
 when his uncle, unable to restrain himself, or judging 
 that the occasion called for a different style, stepped 
 forward and addressed the King. His Majesty tes- 
 tified the strongest reluctance to listen to his discourse, 
 and summoned up all his authority to silence him ; but 
 Melville persevered, and taking hold of the King's 
 gown in his fervour, and calling him Godh silly vassal, 
 he proceeded to address him in the folioAving strain, 
 perhaps the most singular, in point of freedom, that 
 ever saluted royal ears, or that ever proceeded from the 
 mouth of a loyal subject, who would have spilt the 
 last drop of his blood in defence of the person and 
 honour of his prince. " Sir, we will always humbly 
 reverence your Majesty in public; but since we have 
 this occasion to be with your majesty in private, and 
 since you are brought in extreme danger both of your 
 life and your crown, and along with you the country 
 and the church of God are like to go to wreck, for not 
 telling you the truth and giving you faithful counsel, 
 we must discharge our duty, or else be traitors both to 
 Christ and you. Therefore, Sir, as diverse times be- 
 fore I have told you, so now again I must tell you, 
 tliere are two kings arrd two kingdoms in Scotland : 
 there is King James the head of this commonwealth, 
 and there is Christ Jesus the King of the church, 
 whose subject James the Sixth is, and of whose king- 
 dom he is not a king, nor a lord, nor a head, but a 
 member. Sir, those whom Christ has called and com- 
 manded to watch over his church, have power and au- 
 thority from him to govern his spiritual kingdom both 
 jointly and severally; the which no Christian king 
 or prince should control and discharge, but fortify and 
 assist; otherwise they are not faithful servants of 
 Christ and members of his church. We will yield to 
 you your place, and give you all due obedience ; but 
 again I say, yow are not the head of the church : you 
 cannot give us that eternal life which we seek for even 
 in this world, and you cannot deprive us of it. Per- 
 mit us then freely to meet in the name of Christ, and 
 to attend to the interests of that church of which you 
 are the chief member. Sir, when you were in your 
 swaddling-clothes, Christ Jesus reigned freely in this 
 land in spite of all his enemies : his officers and minis- 
 ters convened and assembled for the ruling and weir 
 fare of his church, which was ever for youf welfare, 
 defence, and preservation, when these same enemies 
 were seeking your destruction and cutting off. Their 
 assemblies since that time continually have been terri- 
 ble to these enemies and most steadable to you. And 
 now, when there is more than extreme necessity for 
 the continuance and discharge of that duty, will you 
 (drawn to your own destruction by a devilish and most 
 pernicious counsel) begin to hinder and dishearten 
 Christ's servants and your most faithful subjects, quar- 
 relling them for their convening and the care they have 
 of their duty to Christ and you, when you should 
 rather commend and csuntenance them, as the godly 
 kings and emperors did ? The wisdom of your coun- 
 sel, which I call devilish, is this, that ye must be 
 served by all sorts of men, to come to your purpose 
 and grandeur, Jew and Gentile, Papist and Protestant ; 
 and because the Protestants and ministers of Scotland 
 are over strong and control the King, they must be 
 weakened and brought low by stirring up a party 
 against them, and, the King being equal and indifferent, 
 both shall be fain to flee to him. But, Sir, if God's 
 wisdom be the only true wisdom, this will prove mere 
 and mad folly; his curse cannot but light upon it; in 
 seeking both ye shall lose both ; whereas in cleaving 
 uprightly to God, his true servants would be your sure 
 friends, and he would compel the rest counterfeitly 
 and lyingly to give over themselves and serve you." 
 During the delivery of tliis confounding speech his 
 Majesty's passion subsided. On recovering from the 
 surprise into which he was thrown, along with all who 
 I were present, he repeated his asseverations, that he 
 t had no previous knowledge of the return of the popish 
 19 
 
290 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 lords, and pledged his word, that the proposals which 
 they had been allowed to make should not be received 
 till they left the kingdom, and that, even then, he 
 would shew them no favour before they satisfied the 
 church.* • 
 
 But " the church got only words and promises ; her 
 enemies got the deed and effect. "t The design of re- 
 storing the popish noblemen was persevered in ; the 
 Countess of Huntly was invited by the King to the 
 baptism of his daughter Elizabeth ; and Lady Living- 
 ston, an adherent to the Roman Catholic religion, was 
 appointed to have the care of the person of the young 
 princess. Upon this the presbytery of Edinburgh, at 
 the desire of their brethren in Fife, called together the 
 commissioners of the General Assembly.:}: They, with 
 the advice of deputies from the different synods, drew 
 up a representation of the dangers of the country, and 
 of the measures best calculated for averting them. 
 This was transmitted to every presbytery. It propo- 
 sed that the sentence of excommunication against the 
 popish lords should be intimated anew; and that a cer- 
 tain number of ministers from the different quarters of 
 the kingdom, should sit at Edinburgh, during the pre- 
 sent crisis, as an ordinary council of the church, to re- 
 ceive information, and to convoke, if they should see 
 cause, a meeting of the General Assembly. 
 
 Despairing of being able to overcome the resistance 
 of the ministers of the church to the scheme which it 
 was bent on accomplishing, the court resolved to put 
 them on their own defence, by attacking their privi- 
 leges. This was first ascertained by the commission- 
 ers on the 9th of November, at an interview which they 
 had requested with the King for the purpose of remo- 
 ving the jealousies which had arisen between them. 
 On that occasion, his Majesty told them that there 
 could be no agreement between him and them, till the 
 marches of their jurisdiction were rid, and unless the 
 following points were conceded to him : That the 
 preachers should not introduce matters of state into 
 their sermons; that the General Assembly should not 
 be convened without his authority and special com- 
 mand ; that nothing done in it should be held valid un- 
 til ratified by him in the same manner as acts of Par- 
 liament ; and that none of the church-courts should take 
 cognizance of any offence which was punishable by the 
 criminal law of the country. If, after this declaration, 
 any doubt as to the intentions of the court still remain- 
 ed on the minds of the ministers, it was removed by 
 the information, that David Black had been served with 
 a summons to answer before the Privy Council for cer- 
 tain expressions used by him in his sermons. Satis- 
 fied that the overthrow of their liberties was aimed at, 
 the commissioners resolved on making a firm and 
 united resistance to this premeditated attack. They 
 wrote to the several presbyteries to put them on their 
 guard against any attempts that might be made to dis- 
 unite them ; they exhorted them to turn their attention 
 particularly to those points which were likely to be- 
 come the subjects of controversy ; and they appointed 
 certain individuals to make a collection of all the acts 
 of Privy Council and Parliament which had been made 
 in favour of the liberties and discipline of the church. 
 Having in vain used means to prevail on the King to 
 desist from the prosecution of Black, the commission- 
 ers, after deliberation, agreed that the rights of the 
 church were inseparably connected with his cause, and 
 advised him to decline the judgment of the Privy 
 Council as incompetent to decide at first instance on 
 the accusation brought against him. A declinature 
 having been drawn up in this form, it was sent through 
 
 » Melville's Diary, p. 276—278. Epist. Philadelphi Vin- 
 diciae: Altare Daniasc. p. 754, 755. 
 
 + This was the saying of Patrick Galloway, one of the min- 
 i.'ters of the King's house; at which James was so much offend- 
 ed, that he refused for a considerable time to admit him into 
 bi« presence. (Printed Calderwood, p. 336.) 
 
 ) Record of the Presbytery of Edinourgh, 5th October, 1596. 
 
 the presbyteries, and subscribed in a very short time 
 by upwards of three hundred ministers. The contest 
 between the civil and ecclesiastic authorities now be- 
 came open ; each had recourse to its own weapons in 
 defence of its claims ; and high and strong measures 
 were taken on both sides. 
 
 According to Spotswood's representation, it was 
 chiefly through the persuasions of Melville that the 
 commissioners of the church were induced to make a 
 common cause with Black. He adds, that, when it 
 was proposed to give in a declinature, " this was held 
 a dangerous course, and earnestly dissuaded by some 
 few, but they were cried down by the greater num- 
 ber."* I have no doubt that Melville joined in advi- 
 sing this step. His friendship for Black, his convic- 
 tion of the innocence of his friend, and his having for- 
 merly adopted the same course when a similar charge 
 was brought against himself, put this beyond all rea- 
 sonable doubt. But that there was any thing like an 
 opposition among the ministers to the course which 
 was taken, I have seen no good reason to believe. The 
 fact is, that there never was more unanimity in the 
 church than was displayed in this cause. All seemed 
 to be animated with the same sentiment as to the dan- 
 gerous tendency of the encroachments of the court, and 
 the necessity of resisting them. Rollock, Lindsay, 
 and Buchanan, who were most distinguished for mod 
 oration, and Gladstanes, Nicolson, and Galloway, who 
 were afterwards most active in advancing the views of 
 the King, testified the greatest zeal and forwardness in 
 defence of the rights of the church on the present occa- 
 sion.! 
 
 It is commonly taken for granted, even by those who 
 are favourable to the cause of the ministers, that during 
 the disputes between the King and the church respect- 
 ing the popish noblemen, Black preached a sermon in 
 which he used a number of freedoms with the royal 
 family, the counsellors, and judges, which, to say the 
 least, were very unseasonable, and afforded the court a 
 handle against him and his brethren.:}: But this is not 
 a correct view of the case. Black was summoned ««- 
 per inquircndh ; and when, at his appearance before 
 the Privy Council on the 10th of November, he object- 
 ed to this mode of procedure as inquisitorial and ille- 
 gal, he was told, and told for the first time, that the 
 general charge was restricted to the particular one con- 
 tained in a letter from the English ambassador, com- 
 plaining of liberties which had been taken with the 
 character of his mistress. || His summons bore that he 
 was to be examined, not concerning alleged treasona- 
 ble or seditious language, but "touching certain unde- 
 cent and uncomely speeches uttered by him in diverse 
 his sermons made in St. Andrews. "§ So trivial were 
 the delations, or so suspicious the channels througrh 
 which they came, that his Majesty professed to the 
 commissioners, that " he did not think much of that 
 matter; only they should cause him appear and take 
 some course for pacifying the English ambassador: 
 but take heed (said he) that you do not decline the ju- 
 dicatory; for if you do, it will be worse than anything 
 that has yet fallen out."<[ Black gave an explanation 
 vvhich satisfied Bowes, the English ambassador, who 
 had been pushed on to complain of him.** But, instead 
 of dropping the process, the court served Black with a 
 
 • Spotswood's History, p. 420, 421. 
 T Ibid. p. 423— 430. Printed Cald. p. 333— 336. 
 \ Spotswood says, " Whilst things thus past betwixt the 
 King and the church, a new occasion of trouble was presented 
 by Mr. David Blake, one of the ministers of St. Andrews, who 
 had in one of his sermons cast forth diverse speeches full of 
 spight against the King, the Queen, the Ix)rds of Council and 
 Session, and amongst the rest had called the Queen of England 
 an Atheist, a Woman of no religion." (Hist. p. 420.) The 
 minutes of the Privy Council, to which the archbishop had ac- 
 cess, do not warrant this statement. 
 
 See the minute of the Privy Council, in Note KK. 
 Ibid. t Spotswood, p. 421. 
 
 » Moyse's Memoirs, p. 246. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 291 
 
 new libel, containing articles of charge which had been 
 collected since his former appearance, and which re- 
 lated to his sermons and conduct during the three pre- 
 ceding years. In short, it appears from the whole pro- 
 ceedings, that the offence was not offered, but eagerly 
 sought ; and that " the process against Mr. Black was 
 but a policy to divert the ministers from prosecuting 
 their suit against the popish earls."* The accusations 
 in the second libel were odious ; but, although it is 
 probable that he had used expressions which gave some 
 occasion for them, there can be little doubt that his 
 language was wrested and his meaning misrepresented. 
 At his appearance, he protested that the cliarges were 
 utterly false and calumnious, and had been devised by 
 informers who were filled with resentment against him 
 for bringing them under church censure for their 
 faults.j He produced, in support of his innocence, the 
 testimonials of the provost,:): bailies, and council of St. 
 Andrews, and of the rector, dean of faculty, professors, 
 and regents of the university. He declared his readi- 
 ness to submit immediately to the trial of the Privy 
 Council on that article of the libel which charged bim 
 with having raised companies of armed men in June 
 1594. And he requested that the other articles should 
 be remitted to the presbytery of his bounds, to which, 
 and not to the Privy Council, it belonged to judge, in 
 the first instance, of the doctrines which he had deliv- 
 ered from the pulpit. On the 30th of November, the 
 day fixed for hearing his cause. Black was assisted in 
 his defence by Pont and Bruce. The council rejected 
 the declinature, and, disregarding the testimonials 
 which he produced in his favour, proceeded to sustain 
 themselves judges of the whole libel ; upon which 
 Black refused to plead. At a subsequent diet they 
 found all the charges against him proved, and senten- 
 ced him to be confined beyond the North Water, until 
 his Majesty resolved what farther punishment should 
 be inflicted on him.|| 
 
 I have already inquired at some length into the 
 merits of this question, which had formerly been the 
 subject of litigation between the church and the court.§ 
 It is common to censure the ministers for imprudence 
 in entering with so much warmth into Black's defence, 
 when they were involved in another dispute with the 
 King. But from the preceding statement it appears 
 that they were forced into it. Besides, the question 
 respecting the liberty of the pulpit, considered in all 
 its bearings, was of more importance than that which 
 related to the popish lords. These noblemen, if restor- 
 ed, might have distracted the country, but they would 
 not have been permitted to ruin it, so long as the preach- 
 ers were allowed to retain their wonted freedom of 
 speech. A law which would have had the effect of 
 restraining the ministers of Edinburgh alone from ex- 
 pressing any opinion on matters of state, was more to 
 be dreaded at that time than the presence of ten thou- 
 sand armed Spaniards in the heart of Scotland. The 
 question was important in another point of view. The 
 indefinite restraint of public rebukes and censures of 
 immorality, at least so far as concerned all who had 
 any connexion with the court, was ultimately aimed 
 at.^ Persons may declaim at their pleasure on the 
 
 * Spotswood, p. 421. 
 
 + The principal informer was John Rutherfurd, minister of 
 Kilconquhar, whom Blaclc had prosecuted before the presby- 
 tery for non-residence. (Altare Damage, p. 425. Crawfurd's 
 MS. History of the Church of Scotland, vol. i. p. 193.) 
 
 f The laird of Dairsie, who could not be suspected of parti- 
 ality for Black, was at that time provost. 
 
 II See Note KK. Cotton MSS. Cal. D. ii. 96. Spotswood, 
 424 — 427. A full account of the proceedings in this affair is 
 given in Printed Calderwood, p. 345 — 356. 
 
 6 See above, p. 260, 263. 
 
 IT " Because impiety dare not be yet so impudent to crave in 
 expresse terms that sinne be not rebuked, (say the commission- 
 era of the church,) it is sought only that his ivfajesty and Coun- 
 cil be acknowledged judges in matters civil and criminal, trea- 
 sonable and seditious, which shall be found uttered by any min- 
 ister in his doctrine; thinking to draw the rebuke of sinnc, in 
 
 insufferable license in which the preachers indulged ; 
 but it will be found on examination, that the discour- 
 agement of vice and impiety, the checking of the 
 most crying abuses in the administration of justice, 
 and the preserving of common peace and order in the 
 country, depended upon the freedom of the pulpit, to 
 a degree which no one who is not intimately acquaint- 
 ed with the state of things can conceive.* 
 
 I cannot refrain from quoting here the following en- 
 ergetic, and, I must say, affecting passage, which no 
 person can read without feeling that he reads the heart 
 of the writers. It is taken from an address which the 
 commissioners of the church presented to the King 
 and council on the morning of Black's trial. " We 
 are compelled, for clearing of our ministry from all sus- 
 picion of such unnatural affection and offices towards 
 your Majesty and the state of your Majesty's country, 
 to call that great Judge who searcheth the hearts, and 
 shall give recompense to every one conform to the se- 
 cret thought thereof, to be judge betwixt us and the 
 authors of all these malisious calumnies. Before his 
 tribunal we protest, that we always bare, now bear, 
 and shall bear, God willing, to our life's end, as loyal 
 affection to your Majesty as any of your Majesty's 
 best subjects within your Majesty's realm, of what- 
 somever degree ; and according to our power and call- 
 ing shall be, by the grace of God, as ready to procure 
 and maintain your Majesty's welfare, peace, and ad- 
 vancement, as any of the best affectioned whatsomever. 
 We call your Majesty's own heart to record, whether 
 you have not found it so in effect in your Majesty's 
 straits, and if your Majesty be not persuaded to find 
 the like of us all, if it fall out that your Majesty have 
 occasion in these difficulties to have the trial of the af- 
 fection of your subjects again. Whatsoever we have 
 uttered, either in our doctrine or in other actions to- 
 ward your Majesty, it hath proceeded of a zealous af- 
 fection toward your Majesty's welfare above all things 
 next to the honour of God, as we protest ; choosing 
 rather by the liberty of our admonitions to hazard our- 
 selves, than by our silence to suffer your Majesty to draw 
 on the guiltiness of any sin that might involve your Ma- 
 jesty in the wrath and judgment of God. In respect 
 whereof we most humbly beseech your Majesty so to 
 esteem of us and our proceedings as tending always, 
 in great sincerity of our hearts, to the establishing 
 of religion, the surety of your Majesty's estate and 
 crown, (which we acknowledge to be inseparably join- 
 ed therewith) and to the common peace and welfare 
 of the whole country. We persuade ourselves that 
 howsoever the first motion of this action might have 
 proceeded upon a purpose of your Majesty to have 
 the limits of the spiritual jurisdiction distinguished 
 from the civil, yet the same is entertained and blown 
 up by the favourers of those that are and shall prove 
 in the end the greatest enemies that either your Majes- 
 ty or the cause of God can have in this country ; think- 
 ing thereby to engender such a misliking betwixt your 
 Majesty and the ministry as shall by time take away 
 all farther trust, and in end work a division irreconcil- 
 able, wherethrough your Majesty might be brought to 
 think your greatest friends to be your enemies, and 
 your greatest enemies to be your friends. There is no 
 
 in the King, councell, or their proceedings, under the name of 
 one of these crimes." (Printed Calderwood, p. 362.) 
 
 t The author of a letter, which was given in to the palace 
 under the fictitious name of the Minister of Kilconquhar, and 
 which fretted James exceedingly, says, "Had not the disci- 
 pline of the kirk been more reverently and better executed than 
 the civill policy was these years bygane, the country had been 
 cast in a barbarous confusion. Sir, wise men would have your 
 Majesty to ponder that saying, 1 Tim. iii. 5. " If anie man 
 cannot rule his own house, how .sail he care for the Kirk of 
 God"?" And wise men think and say, that had the ministers 
 winked and been silent att mens proceedings, and suffered you 
 to runne from tyme to tyme your intended course, the crowne 
 long er now had not been on your head." (Cald. v. 167, 161, 
 165.) 
 
"92 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 necessity at this time, nor occasion offered on our part, 
 to insist on the decision of intricate and unprofitable 
 questions and processes ; albeit, by the subtile craft of 
 adversaries of your Majesty's quietness, some absurd 
 and almost incredible suppositions (which the Lord 
 forbid should enter into the hearts of Christians, let 
 be in the hearts of the Lord's messengers) be drawn 
 in and urged importunately at this time, as if the surety 
 and privilege of your Majesty's crown and authority 
 royal depended on the present decision thereof. We 
 most humbly beseech your Majesty to remit the decis- 
 ion thereof to our lawful assembly that might deter- 
 mine thereupon according to the word of God. For, 
 this we protest in the sight of God, according to the 
 light that he hath given us in his truth, that the spe- 
 cial cause of the blessing that remaineth and hath re- 
 mained upon your Majesty and your Majesty's country, 
 since your coronation, hath been and is the liberty 
 which the Gospel hath had within your realm ; and if 
 your Majesty, under whatsoever colour, abridge the 
 same directly or indirectly, the wrath of the Lord shall 
 be kindled against your Majesty and the kingdom which 
 "we in the name of the Lord Jesus, forwarn you of, 
 that your Majesty's and your council's blood lie not 
 upon us."* Had James possessed half the wisdom 
 which he laid claim to, he would have perceived that 
 the rights of his crown could be in no danger from the 
 attempts, or from the faithful and affectionate though 
 sometimes officious and rough reproofs, of such men 
 as these : he would have revered their integrity, and 
 been proud of their spirit. 
 
 During the process of Black, and after it was brought 
 to a termination, daily communings were held between 
 the court and the ministers, and various proposals were 
 made for removing the variance which had unhappily 
 arisen. f Different accounts are given of the causes 
 which defeated the success of these proposals ; but 
 from what the King had already avowed, and from the 
 whole tenor of his proceedings, there is reason to con- 
 clude, that, if the ministers had yielded the point in 
 dispute, the concession would have been followed by 
 additional encroachments on their rights. As it was, 
 the court was determined against any reconciliation 
 which did not imply an absolute submission to its 
 claims on the part of the church. The preposals made 
 by the commissioners were listened to, and hopes of 
 conciliation were held out to them; but when they 
 were flattering themselves that they were on the eve 
 of an amicable arrangement, some new difficulty was 
 started, or some new symptom of hostility manifested. | 
 Finding that they had been anatused and deceived, the 
 ministers expressed their dissatisfaction from the pul- 
 pit ; upon which the court had recourse to the most irri- 
 tating measures. An act of council was passed, or- 
 daining the ministers, before receiving payment of their 
 stipends, to subscribe a bond, in which they promised to 
 submit to the judgment of the King and Privy Council 
 as often as they were accused of seditious or treasona- 
 ble doctrine. An old act of council was renewed, pro- 
 hibiting all from uttering, privately or publicly, in ser- 
 mons or in familiar coniferences, any false or slander- 
 ous speeches to the reproach or contempt of his Maj- 
 esty, his council, proceedings, or progenitors, and from 
 meddling with affairs of state, " present, bygane, or to 
 coine, under the pain of death ;" commanding all mag- 
 
 • Printed Calderwood, p. 344,345. 
 
 + Calderwood, p. 348 — 356; compare Spotswood, p. 423 — 
 427. 
 
 t " In those treatyis with the King (gays the English anibas- 
 •ador) the coramissioners alwayes returned satisfyed, reporting 
 to the rest that the K. was pleased to enter in calme [confer- 
 encel and sundry particular overtures were layde forth and 
 lyked therin, and as it [seemed] that the same should have been 
 allowed and authorized perfectly by the K. the next day: so 
 tliat every night a fall end ana conclusion was looked to." 
 (Despatches by Robert Bowes. Edinb. Dec. 14, 1596. Cotton 
 MSS. Calig. D. II. 96.) 
 
 istrales in burghs, and noblemen and gentlemen in 
 country parishes, to interrupt and imprison any preach- 
 ers wliom they should hear uttering such speeches 
 from pulpits; and threatening with the highest pains 
 all those who should hear offences of this kind com- 
 mitted without revealing them.* At the same time, a 
 proclamation was issued, ordering the commissioners 
 of the General Assembly to leave the capital, and de- 
 claring the powers which they claimed to be unwar- 
 ranted and illegal.! 
 
 Melville left Edinburgh, along with the rest of the 
 commissioners, on the 15th of December ; but as the 
 events which followed made great noise, and had an 
 important influence on the affairs of the church, it 
 would he improper to pass them over. 
 
 The Octavians^X by the rigid economy which they 
 had introduced into the management of the finances, 
 restricted his Majesty from lavishing money upon his 
 private favourites. Irritated at this, the latter, known 
 at that time by the name of Cubiculars, or gentlemen of 
 the bed-chamber, were desirous of driving these states- 
 men from their places, and to accomplish this object 
 they industriously fomented the dissension between 
 the King and the church. They insinuated to the Oc- 
 tavians, that the friends of the ministers were engaged 
 in a plot against their lives. They, at the same time, 
 privately assured the ministers, that the Octavians 
 were the advisers of the return of the popish lords and 
 of the prosecution of Black; that it was through their 
 influence that the mind of the King was alienated from 
 the church ; and that they intended nothing less than 
 the overthrow of the protestant religion. || 
 
 On the morning of the 17th of December, 1596, in- 
 formation was conveyed to Bruce, that the Earl of 
 Huntly had been all night in the palace, and that his 
 friends and retainers were at hand, waiting for orders 
 to enter the capital. This communication, which was 
 partly true, excited the more alarm, as a charge had 
 just been given to twenty-four of the most zealous cit- 
 izens to remove from Edinburgh. It being the day of 
 the weekly sermon, the ministers agreed that the barons 
 and burgesses who were present should be desired to 
 meet in the Little Church, after public worship, to ad- 
 vise on what ought to be done.§ They met accord- 
 ingly, and deputed two persons from each of the es- 
 tates to wait on the King, who happened to be then in 
 the Tolbooth with the Lords of Session. Having ob- 
 tained an audience, Bruce told his Majesty that they 
 were sent to lay before him the dangers which threat- 
 ened religion. " What dangers see you ?" said the 
 King. Bruce mentioned what they had been told as to 
 Huntly. " What have you to do with that 1" said his 
 Majesty; "and how durst you convene against my 
 proclamation V " We dare do more than that," said 
 Lord Lindsay; " and will not suffer religion to be over- 
 thrown." Upon this the King retired into an inner 
 apartment, and shut the door upon them. The depu- 
 ties returned, and made their report to the assembly. 
 During their absence, Cranston, a forward minister, 
 had been reading to the people in the chnrcli certain 
 passages from the Bible, and among the rest the story 
 of Haman and Mordecai. Perceiving that their minds 
 were somewhat moved, Bruce proposed that they 
 should defer the consideration of their grievances, and 
 merely pledge themselves at present to be constant in 
 the profession and defence of their religion. This pro- 
 
 « Record of Privy Council, Dec. 13, 1596. Act. Pari. Scot, 
 iv. 101, 102. 
 
 t Record of Privy Council, Dec. 9, 1596. 
 
 i See above, p. 296. 
 
 II Caldci-wood, v. 127. Spotswood, p. 428. 
 
 } It is not commonly adverted to, that, besides long usage, 
 the ministers had the authority of an express act of Privy Coun- 
 cil for calling meetings of this kind. The King was aware of 
 this, and accordinely procured the repeal of that act. But thi« 
 was not done until the 5th of March, 1597. (Act. Pari. Scot, 
 vol. iv. p. 116; compare Bruce'i Apology, iu Printed Calder* 
 wood, p. 272.) 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 ^93 
 
 posal having been received with acclamation, he be- 
 sought them, as they regarded the credit of the cause, 
 to be silent and quiet. At this time, an unknown per- 
 son (supposed to have been an emissary of the Cubicu- 
 lars) hastily entered the church, exclaiming, Fy, fy, 
 save yourselves ! the Papists are coming to massacre you ! 
 At the same time a cry was raised in the street. To 
 arms! to arms ! Some one exclaimed in the church. 
 The sword of the Lord and Gideon ! " These are not 
 our weapons," cried Bruce, who attempted to calm the 
 assembly; but the panic had seized them, and they 
 rushed into the street, where they found a crowd al- 
 ready collected. For a time all was confusion. Some, 
 hearing that their ministers were slain, ran to the 
 church ; others, being told that the King was in dan- 
 
 fer, flocked to the tolbooth. One or two called for the 
 'resident and Lord Advocate, that they might take or- 
 der with them for abusing the King. All accounts that 
 are entitled to any credit agree in stating, that this was 
 the greatest offence that was committed during the up- 
 roar. The ministers immediately called in the aid of 
 the magistrates, and, by their joint persuasion, the tu- 
 mult was speedily quelled. Within less than an hour, 
 not an offensive weapon, nor the least symptom of a 
 disposition to riot, was to be seen on the streets. The 
 barons and ministers resumed their deliberations in the 
 church, and sent Lord Forbes, the laird of Bargeny, 
 and Principal RoUock, to lay their requests before the 
 King, who continued to transact business with the 
 Lords of Session. His Majesty directed them to come 
 to him in the afternoon, when they would have an op- 
 portunity of laying their petition before the council ; 
 after which he walked down the public street to the 
 palace, attended by his courtiers, with as much quiet- 
 ness and security as he had ever experienced on any 
 former occasion.* 
 
 Such are the facts connected with the tumult of the 
 seventeenth of December, which has been related in so 
 many histories and magnified into a daring and horrid 
 rebellion. Had it not been laid hold of by designing 
 politicians as a handle for accomplishing their mea- 
 sures, it would not now have been known that such an 
 event had ever occurred ; and were it not that it has 
 been so much misrepresented to the disparagement of 
 the ministers and ecclesiastical polity of Scotland, it 
 would be a waste of time and labour to institute an in- 
 quiry into the real state of the facts.f " No tumult in 
 the world was ever more harmless in the effects, nor 
 more innocent in the causes, if ynu consider all those 
 who did openly act therein. "|| It never was seriously 
 alleged that there was the most distant idea of touch- 
 ing the person of the King. Had there been any inten- 
 tion of laying violent hands on the unpopular states- 
 
 * Cald. V. 128, 176. Spotswood, p. 428, 429. James Mel- 
 ville's History of the declining Age of the Church of Scotland, 
 p. 4, 5. (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Rob. iii. 2, 12.) Row's 
 Hist. p. 64—66. Baillie's Historical Vindication, p. 68—71. 
 Bishop Guthrie represents the tumult as suppressed by a com- 
 pany of musketeers sent from the castle by tne Earl of Mar, and 
 he oescriljes their circuitous march with as much minuteness as 
 if he had accompanied them. (Memoirs, p. 6.) If there was 
 any foundation for this story, it is strange that Spotswood, who 
 was present, should have passed it over. But the blunders 
 which Guthrie has committed in his narrative of this atiair are 
 sufficient to discredit his statement, so far as it differs from those 
 of other writers. Calderwood and Spotswood agree in all the 
 material circumstances. Compare Simsoni Annal. p. 76. 
 
 t Adrian Damman, the Resident of the States General at the 
 court of Scotland, transmitted a false and exaggerated account 
 of the affair to his constituents. He was not in Scotland when 
 the tumult happened, and it is evident that his information was 
 derived from James and his courtiers, or rather that his letter 
 was written at their desire and dictation. Damman's letter was 
 published in Epist. Eccles. et Theologicct, (p. 35 — 37, edit. 
 S'ia) and the substance of it was afterwards adopted by Brandt. 
 (History of the Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. i. p. 
 457.) Among the writers of this country who were most indus- 
 trious in circulating calumnies on this head was Bishop Max- 
 well inhis Isachar's Burden, reprinted in Phoenix, vol. 1. p. 307 
 —309. 
 
 t Baillie's Hist. Vindication, p. 71. 
 
 men, there was nothing to have prevented the popu- 
 lace, at the commencement of the tumult, from forcing 
 the house in which they were assembled. No assault 
 was made upon the meanest creature belonging to the 
 court: no violence was offered to the person or the pro- 
 perty of a single individual. So far from partaking of 
 the nature of a rebellion, the affair scarcely deserves 
 the name of a riot. Nor did it assume the appearance 
 of one of those dangerous commotions by which the 
 public peace is liable to be disturbed in large towns, 
 and to which a wise government seldom thinks of giv- 
 ing importance, by inquiring narrowly into their origin, 
 or punishing those who, through thoughtlessness or 
 imprudence, may have been led to take part in their 
 excesses. 
 
 CHAPTER VII 159G— 1603. 
 
 The Tumult in Edinburgh made a pretext for overthrowing 
 the Liberties of the Church — Violent Proceedings against 
 the Ca{)ital — and its Ministers — The King's Questions re- 
 specting the Government of the Church — Caution of the 
 Synod of Fife — Ecclesiastical Convention at Perth — Policy 
 of the Court in gaining over Ministers to its Measures — New 
 Ecclesiastical Commission — Royal Visitation of the Univer- 
 sity of St. Andrews — Melville restricted from attending 
 Church Courts — Rights of Theological Professors — Removal 
 of the Ministers of St. Andrews — Parliamentary Restoration 
 of Bishops — Ministers' Vote in Parliament — Opposition to it 
 — Cautions under which it was agreed to — Bishops nominat- 
 ed — Death of distinguished Ministers — Archbishop Beaton 
 restored to the Temporalities of the See of Glasgow — Law 
 of Free Monarchies — Basilicon Doron — Gowrie's Conspii-acy 
 — Sufferings of Bruce on Account of it — Anniversary of the 
 King's Deliverance from it — The King renews his Vows — 
 New Translation of the Bible proposed — Measures for pro- 
 pagating the Gospel in the Highlands and Islands — Melville 
 confined within the Precincts of his College — Accession of 
 James to the Throne of England. 
 
 Unpremeditated in its origin, and harmless in its 
 effects, as the uproar in Edinburgh was, it offered a 
 pretext, which was eagerly laid hold of by the court, 
 for commencing an attack on the government of the 
 church. A tumult had taken place in the capital, 
 which would necessarily make a noise through the 
 kingdom. It would not be difficult to magnify it into 
 a dangerous and designed rebellion, and to involve the 
 ministers who were present on the occasion in the 
 odium attached to that crime. This would enable the 
 court to get rid of men who proved a disagreeable 
 check on its proceedings; the severities used against 
 them would strike terror into the minds of their breth- 
 ren ; and thus measures might be carried which other- 
 wise would have met with a determined and successful 
 resistance. Nothing could be more congenial to the 
 character of James than this piece of Machiavelian 
 policy, which had a shew of deep wisdom in the de- 
 vice, and required a very slender portion of courage in 
 the execution. 
 
 To secure the success of his plan, he began by pro- 
 moting a reconciliation between the two parties at court. 
 He induced the Octavians to resign the invidious office 
 of managing the revenue, and the gentlemen of the 
 Bed-chamber to join in punishing a riot which they 
 had raised for the express purpose of driving their 
 rivals from their places.* Having accomplished this 
 object, the King hastily quitted the palace of Holy- 
 roodhouse. As soon as he was gone, a proclamation 
 was issued, requiring all in public office to repair to 
 him at Linlithgow, and commanding every person who 
 had not his ordinary residence in the capital to leave 
 it instantly. This was followed by severer proclama- 
 tions. The ministers of Edinburgh, with a certain num- 
 ber of the citizens, were commanded to enter into ward 
 in the castle ; they were summoned before the Privy 
 Council at Linlithgow to answer super inquirendis; dLnA 
 
 * Act. Pari. Scot. ir. 107. 
 
294 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 the magistrates were ordered to seize their persons. 
 The tumult was declared to be "a cruel and barbarous 
 attempt against his Majesty's royal person, his nobil- 
 ity, and council, at the instigation of certain seditious 
 ministers and barons ;" and all who had been accesso- 
 ry to it, or who should assist them, were declared to 
 be liable to the penalties of treason. In the beginning 
 of January, his Majesty, with great pomp and in a 
 warlike attitude, returned to Edinburgh, where he held 
 a convention at which these proclamations were rati- 
 fied, and measures of a still stronger kind were taken. 
 It was ordained, that the courts of justice should be 
 removed to Perth ; and that no meeting of general as- 
 sembly, provincial synod, or presbytery, should hence- 
 forth be held within the capital.* 
 
 A deputation from the town council had waited on his 
 Majesty at Linlithgow, to protest their innocence, and 
 to implore forgiveness to the city for a tumult which 
 had ended without bloodshed, and which they had 
 done every thing in their power to suppress. Their 
 supplication was rejected, and the}' heard nothing, 
 while they remained at court bat denunciations of 
 vengeance. They were told that the borderers would 
 be brought in upon them — that their city would be 
 razed to the ground and sowed with salt — and that a 
 monument would be erected on the place where it stood 
 to perpetuate the memory of such an execrable treason. 
 Intimidated by these menaces, and distressed at the 
 loss of the courts of justice, they came to the resolu- 
 tion of surrendering their political and religious rights. 
 The magistrates, in the name of the community sub- 
 scribed a bond in which they engaged not to receive 
 back their ministers without the express consent of his 
 Majesty, and to give him for the future an absolute nega- 
 tive over the electiou of both magistrates and ministers. 
 This pusillanimous and abject submission encouraged 
 the court to treat them with still greater indignity. 
 " The magistrates and body of the town" were de- 
 clared to be " universally guilty of the odious and trea- 
 sonable uproar committed against his Majesty." And 
 thirteen individuals, as representatives of the burgh, 
 were ordered to enter into prison at Perth, and stand 
 trial before the Court of Justiciary. One of the num- 
 ber, who had obtained a dispensation from his Majes- 
 ty, being absent on the day appointed, a sentence of 
 non-compearance was pronounced against the whole, 
 the citizens were declared rebels, and the property of 
 the town was confiscated. Being thus entirely at the 
 royal mercy, the members of the town council receiv- 
 ed his majesty's gracious pardon on their knees, after 
 paying a fine, and giving a new bond, containing arti- 
 cles of submission still more humiliating than those 
 
 * " Coraperit Georg Todrik one of the baillieg of Edinr with 
 comissioners from the kinges Ma''« and chargit the presbyte- 
 rie in hig Ma"* name to depart outwith the boundis of the ju- 
 risdiction of Ed'. The presbyterie for obedience to his Ma"" 
 lawis concludit to depart and to keip the presbyterie at Leyth." 
 (Record of Presbytery of Edinburgh, ll«>o Ja"' 1596.) "Mr. 
 JUichatl Cranstone" was moderator of this meeting of presbj'- 
 tery, in the absence of Robert Bruce, the ordinary moderator, 
 who had been obliged to abscond. This circumstance throws 
 no small light on the motives of the King's behavior on the 
 present occasion. Cranston was the minister who had read the 
 story of Haman on the day of the tumult, and the only one 
 whose behaviour had any tendency to inflame the minds of the 
 people. He had been summoned, but was alreadv received in- 
 to favour; for if this had not b«en the case, the presbyteiT 
 would not have thought of putting him into the chair at this 
 time. It was not the conduct of the ministers on the 17th of 
 December, it was the resistance which they had previously 
 ma^e to his measures, at which James was so much oirended. 
 Caldcrwood, in his account of what preceded the tumult, says, 
 "Mr. Michael Cranston, then a very forward minister, but now 
 key-cold, readeth the history of Hainan and Mordecai." (MS. 
 vol. v. p. 129.) 
 
 The minutes of presbytery are dated " Apud Leyth" from 
 Jan. 11, to the 8th of Feb. 1596: i. e. 1597, according to mod- 
 ern computation. After that they are dated " At the Quenis- 
 colledp.'* On the 9th of August, 1597, they begin to be dated 
 " Apud Edr." 
 
 which they had already subscribed.* In the mean 
 time, the court was unable, after the most rigid inves- 
 tigation, to discover a single respectable citizen who 
 had taken part in the riot, or the slightest trace of a 
 premeditated insurrection. When we consider the 
 mixture of hypocrisy and tyranny which runs through 
 these proceedings, it is impossible to read the remark 
 with which Spotswood closes his account of the affair 
 without derision. " Never," says the sycophantish 
 prelate, "did any king, considering the offence, tem- 
 per his authority with more grace and clemency than 
 did his majesty at this time ; which the people did all 
 acknowledge, ascryving their life and safety onely to 
 his favour."f 
 
 While the court was breathing out threatenings 
 against the inhabitants of Edinburgh, and particularly 
 against its ministers, the latter were advised by their 
 friends to withdraw and conceal themselves for a 
 time.:^: As soon as it was known that they had taken 
 this step, they were publicly denounced rebels. Great 
 keenness was shown to find some evidence of their 
 accession to the tumult; and when this failed, recourse 
 was had to fabrication in order to criminate them. On 
 the day that the King left Edinburgh with such marks 
 of displeasure, the barons who remained behind met, 
 and agreed to " take upon them the patrociny and 
 mediation of the church and its cause ;" and at their de- 
 sire Bruce wrote a letter to Lord Hamilton, asking him 
 to come and " countenance them in this matter against 
 those councillors" who had inflamed his Majesty against 
 them. II Hamilton having conveyed a copy of this let- 
 ter to the King, some person about the court (for I do 
 not believe that his lordship was capable of such a dis- 
 honourable act) altered it in such a manner as to make 
 it express an approbation of the late tumult, and con- 
 sequently an intention of embodying an armed resist- 
 ance to the measures of government.§ Conscious of 
 
 * Register of Town Council of Edinburgh, vol. x. f. 104 — 
 117. Record of Privy Council from December 18, to March 
 21, 1596. Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iv. p. 103—109, 114. Cald. v. 
 131, 137, 147, 151, 238. Spotswood, p. 431—434, 444. Mel- 
 ville's Diary, p. 288, 289. 
 
 t Spotswood's Hist. p. 444. 
 
 I Bruce and Balcanquhal went into England, Balfour and 
 Watson concealed themselves in Fife. They wrote apologies 
 for their conduct, in which they vindicated themselves from 
 the aspersions thrown on them, and assigned reasons for their 
 flight. The apology of the two former is inserted in Cald. v. 
 168 — 191. That of the two latter is inserted in Melville's 
 Diary, p. 280—288. 
 
 II According to Spotswood (Hist. p. 432.) the letter was 
 signed by Bruce and Balcanquhal only; but the copy of it in- 
 serted by Calderwood has also the subscriptions of Rollock and 
 Watson. (Vol. v. p. 132.~) 
 
 } Both the genuine ana the falsified copies of the letter are in- 
 serted by Calderwood. (MS. vol. v. p. 132, 133.) Speaking 
 of the tumult, the former says, " The people animated, as ef- 
 faires, partly be the word ana violence of the course, took armes, 
 and made some commotion, fearing the invasion of us y' min- 
 isters; but, be the grace of God, we repressed and pacified 
 the motions incontinent." In the vitiated copy this is altered 
 in the following manner: " The people animated, no doubt, be 
 the word and motion of God's spirit, took arms;" and what 
 was said of the ministers repressing the commotion is omitted. 
 Spotswood, in his account of the letter, has followed the falsi- 
 fied copy, without so much as hinting that its genuineness was 
 ever called in question; and at the same time that he quotes 
 from a letter to Lord Hamilton, in which Bruce complains of 
 the vitiation. (History, p. 432, compared with Calrt. v. 150.) 
 It is impossible to reprobate such conduct too severely, espe- 
 cially wnen it is considered that Spotswood had hitherto co-op- 
 erated with his brethren. According to the accounts of differ- 
 ent writers, he had evinced a more than ordinary leal in for- 
 warding their meajoires: he subscribed and promoted the sub- 
 scription of Black's declinature; he called out his patron, 
 Torphichen, to defend the ministers on the day of the tumult; 
 and he transcribed Bruce's apology with his own hand, and had 
 even given it a sharper edge. (Cald. MS. vol. v. p. 175. 
 Printed History, p. 339. Epist. Philadelphi Vindiciae: Altare 
 Damasc. p. 753.) Archibald Sinison (Annales MSS. p. 76.) 
 agrees with Calderwood, and charges Spotswood with acting 
 treacherously previously to the 17tn of December, by inform- 
 ing the court of all that passed in the private nicetinp of the 
 ministers. This last charge however might proceed Irom nn- 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 295 
 
 ihe fraud which had been committed, the court did not 
 dare to make any public use of the vitiated document; 
 but it was circulated with great industry in private, 
 with the view of blasting the reputation of Bruce and 
 his friends. 
 
 Matters being thus prepared, a publication appeared in 
 the name of the King, consisting of fifty-five questions. 
 They were drawn up by Secretary Lindsay, after the 
 model of the questions which Archbishop Adamson had 
 framed when the Second Book of Discipline was com- 
 posed ; and were intended, by bringing into dispute 
 the principal heads of the established government of 
 the church, to pave the way for the innovations which 
 the court intended to introduce.* A Convention of 
 Estates and a meeting of the General Assembly were 
 called by royal authority, to be held at Perth in the 
 end of February, to consider these questions. This 
 measure had been previously resolved on, and the ques- 
 tions were prepared before the 17th of December; al- 
 though the publication of them was deferred to this 
 time.f 
 
 The leading ministers throughout the kingdom pre- 
 pared for a vigorous defence of the established disci- 
 pline. Though grieved at the advantage which the 
 court had gained by the late occurrence in the capital, 
 the}' did not suffer themselves to fall under an unmanly 
 dread of its menaces. The presbytery of Haddington 
 suspended one of their members for agreeing, without 
 their consent, to an arrangement of the Privy Council 
 for supplying the pulpits of Ed in burgh. :J: The synod 
 of Lothian virtually approved of the conduct of that 
 presbytery, and testified their dissatisfaction at his 
 Majesty's proposing that they should advise the inflic- 
 tion of censure on their brethren who had fled.|) Not- 
 withstanding the royal threat, that those ministers who 
 refused subscription to the lately-imposed bond should 
 not have their pensions, (as James insultingly called 
 
 due suspicion. Hut he appears to have declared for the court- 
 measures soon after the tumult. I find the following references 
 to him in the record of the presbytery of Edinburgh: " Maij 
 iij 1596. Anent the desyre of M. Johnn Spottiswood craving- 
 that seing he was resident within the burgh, and was admitted 
 to the ministerj, that thairfoire he ni3'ght be licentiat to exer- 
 cise in this presbyterie. Quhais desyre being considerit, it is 
 grantit."— " Apud Leyth xxv" Ja"J 1596. The exerceis made 
 be M. William Birni, and additioun be M. Johnn Spottiswood. 
 The text Exod. 16. beginnand at the 1 v». to the 4. The 
 doctrine judged, the haill brether were ofi'ended with the 
 doctrine delivered be the said M. Johnn, refussit to let him 
 mak the nixt day, and appointit M. Henrie Blyth to mak the 
 exhortatioun the first of fe^nixt." It is highly probable that 
 Spotswood had given offence to the presbytery, by some allu- 
 bions to the difl'erences between the court and the church. 
 
 * " The Questions to be resolvit at the Convention of the 
 Estaits and Generall Assemblie, appointed to be at the Burt'-h 
 of Perth the last day of Februarie next to come. Edinbvrgh 
 Printed be Robert Waldegraue, Printer to the Kings Majestie. 
 Anno Dom. 1597." 4to. Subscribed at the close "James R." 
 In the College Library at Glasgow is a copy of this book, which 
 appears to have belonged to Melville, and has on the n)argin, 
 in his handwriting, short answers to some of the questions. 
 They agree in general with the answers of the synod of Fife. 
 Spotswood has inserted all the questions in his History (p. 435 
 — 438.) Two slight inaccuracies in the 13th and 53d questions 
 may be corrected by Printed Calderwood, (p. 381—389,) where 
 the address To ihe iJeader, prefixed to the publication, will also 
 be found. 
 
 f Calderwood has shown this from the minutes of the com- 
 missionei-s of the General Assembly, which he had in his pos- 
 session. After referring to various minutes between the llth 
 of November and the llth of December, he adds, "So that it 
 is clear that the king intended before the 17th of December to 
 work ane alteration in discipline, and to sett the ministers on 
 work to defend themselves that they might be diverted from 
 persueing the excommunicated Earls, which was also the ground 
 of calling Mr. David Black before the Counsell for speeclies ut- 
 tered three years before." (MS. Hist. v. 193 — 4.) 
 
 t Record of Presb. of Haddington, Dec. 29, Jan. 12, and Feb. 
 9, 1596. 
 
 II Instructions to Mr. John Preston, Mr. Edw. Bruce, and Mr. 
 Wm. Oliphant, commissioners for the K. of Sc. to the Synod 
 of Lothian, to be convened at Leith, Feb. 1, 1596. (Cotton 
 MSS. Calig-. D. ii. 97.) This paper contains also the answers 
 which the synod returned to his Majesfy'.s propositions. 
 
 their stipends,) not an individual of any note could be 
 induced to subscribe; and papers were circulated, in 
 which the bond was commented on with becoming 
 freedom, and shown to be ambiguous and ensnaring.* 
 One of these papers, which is written with much abil- 
 ity and temper, concludes with these words : " How- 
 soever it shall please God to dispose of his (Majesty's) 
 heart, the ministry, I dowte not, will keepe themselves 
 within the boundis of their callinge, and neither directly 
 nor indirectly attempte any thing that shall not be law- 
 full and seeming for them, but with patience committe 
 all the successe unto the Lorde; remembringe the say- 
 inge of Ambrose, that, when they have done their du- 
 ties, preces et lachrimse arma nostra sunt, and we have 
 no warrant to proceede farther." f 
 
 The synod of Fife set an example to their brethren 
 in the other provinces on this interesting occasion. 
 Having met joro re nata, they appointed a committee to 
 draw up answers to the King's questions. :|: They sent 
 a deputation to request his Majesty to refer the deci- 
 sion of them to the regular meeting of the General As- 
 sembly, and to prorogue the extraordinary meeting 
 which he had called. In case he should not comply 
 with this request, they advised the presbyteries under 
 their inspection to send commissioners to Perth, in tes- 
 timony of their obedience to the royal authority : but 
 they at the same time drew up instructions for the reg- 
 ulation of their conduct. The commissioners were in- 
 structed to declare, that they could not acknowledge 
 that meeting as a lawful General Assembly, nor con- 
 sent that it should call in question the established pol- 
 ity of the church. If this point should be decided 
 against them, they were to protest for the liberties of 
 the church, and keep themselves free from all approba- 
 tion of the subsequent proceedings. In any extra-judi- 
 cial discussion of the questions that might take place, 
 they were instructed to adhere to the following general 
 principles: that the external government of the church 
 is laid down in the word of God ; that it belongs to the 
 pastors and doctors of the church to declare what the 
 Scriptures have taught on this head ; and, as a scriptu- 
 ral form of government and discipline had after long 
 and grave deliberation been regularly settled in Scot- 
 land, as the church had for many years been happily 
 preserved by means of it from heresy and schism, and 
 as none of the ecclesiastical office-bearers moved any 
 doubts about it, that his Majesty should be requested 
 not to disturb such a rare, peaceable, and decent con- 
 stitution by the agitation of fruitless and unnecessary 
 questions. [| The presbytery of Edinburgh limited and 
 instructed their representatives in the same manner.§ 
 These instructions display much wisdom, and point 
 out the true way of resisting innovations which were 
 sought to be introduced, not by reason and argument, 
 but by the combined influence of fraud and force. 
 
 His Majesty was convinced by these proceedings, 
 that, in order to carry his measures, it behoved him to 
 employ other arts besides those of intimidation. The 
 
 * In one of the papers it is objected, that the bond was so 
 expressed as to imply, that the King by himseW, and indepen- 
 dently of the courts of justice, might decide on all civil and 
 criminal causes; and that he had a right not only to inflict civil 
 punishment on ministers, but also to deprive them of their of- 
 fice. And it is pleaded that, as the word of God declares the 
 duties of all civil relations, and as idolatry, adultery, murder, 
 &c. are criminal offences, so ministers, for inculcating the for- 
 mer and rebuking the latter, migtht be charged with a violation 
 of the bond. (Cald. v. 139 — 145.) It would be easy to justify 
 these interpretations. For example, the late Convention de- 
 clared, that his Majesty had "power upon any necessitie to 
 command any minister — to preiche or to desist— from preiching 
 in particular placeis." (Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 107.) 
 
 f Objections to the subscription that is obtruded upon the 
 ministers of Scotland. (Cotton MSS. Calig. D. ii. 100.) 
 
 I Their answers may be seen in Printed Calderwood, p. 382 
 —390. 
 
 II Melville's Diary, p. 290—292. 
 
 { Rec. of the Presb. of Edin. Feb. 22, 1596. Cald. v. 197-t 
 199. 
 
296 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 ministers in the northern parts of the kingdom had 
 rarely attended the General Assembly, owinor to their 
 distance from the places of its meeting, and the defi- 
 ciency of their incomes. They were comparatively 
 unacquainted with its modes of procedure, and strar«- 
 gers to the designs of the court; not to mention their 
 general inferiority in point of gifts to their brethren of 
 the south. Sir Patrick Murray, one of the gentlemen 
 of the Bed-chamber, was now despatched on a mission 
 to them. He was instructed to visit the presbyteries 
 in Angus and Aberdeenshire ; to acquaint them with 
 the late dangerous tumult, and the undutiful and trea- 
 sonable conduct of the ministers, in Edinburgh ; to 
 procure, if possible, their subscription to the bond, and 
 their consent to receive the popish lords into the com- 
 munion of the church ; and to desire them to send some 
 of their members to the ensuing assembly to resolve 
 his Majesty's questions, which had already been ap- 
 proved by the discreetest of the ministers.* In his 
 private conversations, Murray laboured to inspire them 
 with jealousies of the southern ministers, as wishing 
 to engross the whole management of ecclesiastical af- 
 fairs, to the exclusion of those who had an equal right 
 and more discretion to use it; and he assured them, 
 that, if they were once acquainted with his Majesty, 
 any suspicions which they might have conceived of 
 him, and which had been fostered by the representa- 
 tions of their ambitious brethren, would be speedily 
 and completely dissipated. f 
 
 Melville was prevented from being present at Perth, 
 in consequence of his being obliged, in his capacity of 
 rector, to attend a public meeting of the university. 
 But he had done his duty in procuring the instructions 
 by which the conduct of the commissioners from Fife 
 was regulated ; and his nephew was prepared to ex- 
 press his sentiments on the different points that were 
 likely to be brought forward. After a contest of three 
 days, during which all the arts of court-intrigue were 
 employed in influencing the minds of the voters, it was 
 decided by a majority of voices that the meeting should 
 be held to be a lawful General Assembly extraordina- 
 rily convened ; upon which the commissioners from 
 Fife, agreeably to their instructions, protested that no- 
 thing which might be done should be held valid, or 
 improved to the prejudice of the liberties of the church 
 of Scotland. Disgusted at the influence which he saw 
 exerted, deserted by some of the friends in whom he 
 most confided, deprived of the assistance of his uncle, 
 and distrusting his own ability and firmness, James 
 Melville hastily quitted Perth. His colleagues re- 
 solved to remain, and, under the protection of their 
 protest, to prevent, as far as possible, the assembly 
 from sacrificing the rights of the church. But in spite 
 of all their exertions, his Majesty succeeded in obtain- 
 ing such answers to his leading questions, as gave him 
 the greatest advantage in carrying on his future opera- 
 tions against the ecclesiastical constitution. The an- 
 swer to the very first question, simple and harmless as 
 it may appear in terms, was really, in the circum- 
 stances of the case, pregnant with danger; and the as- 
 sembly, in agreeing to it, acted like a garrison, which, 
 on the first parley, should throw open its gates, and 
 allow the enemy to make a lodgement within the 
 wall.^ The King had published a long list of ques- 
 
 * Instractions to Patrick Murray. (Cotton MSS. Calig. D. 
 ii. 98.) The following extracts from his instructions will shew 
 the kiad of arguments which Murray was directed to employ. 
 " We will not believe that the presbyterie of Aberdene will ac- 
 knawledge any gupremacie of the presbyterie and ministers of 
 Edinburge above them. — As to the pretended commissioners of 
 the generall asseinblie their commission is found and decernit 
 be us and our counsell to be unlawful!. — So ther is no present 
 power above the said presbyterie of Aberdene to stay tDem to 
 accept the Earles reasonable satisfaction, in case the same be 
 oflierit, sen we and the counsell hes commanded tbem to accept 
 the tame." (Instructions, at supra.) 
 
 + Spotswood, 438, 439. 
 
 j Tnat the assembly, wheo unbiassed, viewed the matter in 
 this light, may be inferred from the manner in which the answer 
 
 tions which went to produce a total alteration of the 
 existing church-goverument. By declarino-, in these 
 circumstances, "that it is lawful to his Majesty or to 
 the ]>astors to propose in a General Assembly whatso- 
 ever point they desired to be resolved or reformed in 
 matters of external government," the assembly virtu- 
 ally and constructively sanctioned the project of the 
 court, although they might reserve to themselves a 
 right to deliberate upon its details. The qualifications 
 added to their resolution, " providing it be done de- 
 cenier, in right time and place, and animo xdijicandi 
 non ientandi" were mere words of course, and could 
 be no safeguard against any proposals of royal innova- 
 tion. If it behoved them to speak Latin, the answer 
 which they ought to have returned, (and it would have 
 served as an answer to all the questions,) was, Nolu- 
 mus leges Eccksix Scoticanx mufari. The other an- 
 swers which the assembly gave related chiefly to the 
 liberty of the pulpit, upon which they imposed restric- 
 tions, which were doubly dangerous at a time when the 
 court had not only discovered its hostile intentions 
 against the polity of the church, but had procured the 
 assistance of some of its official guardians to carry 
 tliem into execution. Having succeeded thus far to 
 his wish, the King signified his willingness to refer 
 the decision of the remaining questions to another 
 General Assembly to be held at Dundee on the 10th 
 of May following; and, in the mean time, the articles 
 agreed to were ratified by the Convention of Estates 
 which was then sitting at Perth.* 
 
 This assembly is chiefly remarkable, as being the 
 first meeting of the ministers of Scotland which yield- 
 ed to that secret and corrupt influence, which the King 
 continued afterwards to use, until the General Assem- 
 bly was at last converted into a mere organ of the 
 court, employed for registering and giving out royal 
 edicts in ecclesiastical matters. " Coming to Perth 
 (says James Melville) we found the ministers of the 
 north convened in such number as was not wont to be 
 seen at any assemblies, and every one a greater courtier 
 nor another : So that my ears heard new votes, and my 
 eyes saw a new sight, to wit, flocks of ministers going 
 in and out at the king's palace, late at night and be- 
 times in the morning. Sir Patrick Murray, the dili- 
 gent Apostle of the North, had made all the northland 
 ministers acquainted with the King. They began then 
 to look big in the matter, and find fault with the minis- 
 ters of the south and the popes of Edinburgh, who had 
 not handled matters well, but had almost lost the 
 King."| James afterwards depended chiefly upon the 
 votes of the northern ministers for carrying his meas- 
 ures. The General Assembly was appointed to meet 
 at such places as were most convenient for their attend- 
 ance ; and if at any time it was found necessary to con- 
 vene it at a greater distance from them, ways and 
 means were fallen upon to provide them with a viati- 
 cum.^ 
 
 was expressed^ before it was altered to please the King: "The 
 breither convened give their advys in the first article, that it is 
 not expedient to niak a law or act twiching this, leisl a durre 
 should be opened to curious and turbulent sprits, otherwise 
 they think it lawfull," &c. (Melville's Diary, p. 305. Spots- 
 wood, 440.) 
 
   Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 110—112. Bulk of Univ. Kirk, ff. 131 
 —134. Cald. v. 222— 236. Spotswood, 439— 443. Melville's 
 Diary, 303 — 309. James Melville enumerates thirteen reasons 
 for maintaining the nullity of this assembly. The ctiief of these 
 are: that it was not appointed by the last assembly, nor called 
 by its commissioners, but by the sole authority of the King; that 
 it was not opened by sernion; and that there was no choice of 
 a moderator or clerk. The Buik of the Universal Kirk says: 
 " Exhortatioun y was none;" and it mentions no moderator. 
 It says that Mr. Thomas Nicholson was chosen clerk ; but states, 
 on the margin, that some thought his election did not take 
 place till the subsequent assembW. 
 
 f Diary, p. 303. comp. his History of the Declining Age of 
 the Church, p 7. 
 
 t " I am bold humbly to advise your Majesty, (says Arch- 
 bishop Gladstanes,) that, in the Jeiiiirnation of the place of the 
 ensuing G. Assembly, your Majisty make choice either of th* 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 297 
 
 But to secure credit to his cause it was necessary 
 for his Majesty to gain over some individuals who pos- 
 sessed greater respectability, and who were able to 
 plead as well as to vote for his plans. James Nicol- 
 son, minister of Meigle,* was highly esteemed among 
 his brethren. He was the intimate acquaintance and 
 bosom friend of James Melville. At assemblies they 
 always lodged in the same apartment, and slept in the 
 same bed ; and harmonized as much in their sentiments 
 about publie affairs as they did in their private dispo- 
 sitions. On the evening before the question respecting 
 the constitution of the assembly was determined, Nic- 
 olson was amissing ; and in the morning James Mel- 
 ville learned, to his astonishment and grief, that the 
 mind of his friend had undergone a sudden revolution. 
 He had been sent for to the palace, where he was de- 
 tained till a late hour ; and the King, partly by threats 
 that if his will was not complied with he would ruin 
 the church, and partly by promises and flatteries, had 
 engaged his vote. The two friends went together to 
 the meeting of ministers ; and after James Melville 
 had reasoned at great length against the proposal of 
 the court, Nicolson rose and replied to his arguments 
 in a plausible speech, which had the greatest influence 
 in persuading the members to come to the resolution 
 which was adopted. — Thomas Buchanan distinguished 
 himself during this assembly by the boldness and abil- 
 ity with which he asserted the liberties of the church. 
 Having summoned the ministers into the hall where 
 the Convention of Estates was met, the King pro- 
 voked the friends of the established discipline to a dis- 
 pute on the subject of his queries, by insinuating 
 broadly that their silence proceeded from fear and dis- 
 trust of their cause. " We are not afraid," replied 
 Buchanan, " nor do we distrust the justice of our cause; 
 but we perceive a design to canvass and toss our mat- 
 ters, that they may be thrown loose, and then left to 
 the decision of men of little skill and less conscience." 
 Having protested that nothing which he might say 
 should invalidate the authority of the received disci- 
 pline, he proceeded to examine the doubts started by 
 the royal queries, and exposed their weakness in a 
 style not greatly to his Majesty's satisfaction. But, 
 alas ! this was the expiring blaze of Buchanan's zeal. 
 Before he left Perth he was " sprinkled with the holy 
 water of the court ;" and at the next assembly, he ap- 
 peared as an advocate for those very measures which 
 he had so eagerly and so ably opposed. f It may be 
 observed, however, that Buchanan, and some others 
 who acted along with him, seem to have intended 
 merely to concede some points which they deemed of 
 less importance, with the view of pleasing the King. 
 They were kept in ignorance of the ulterior designs of 
 James, which were imparted to such men as Glad- 
 stanes, Spotswood, and Law, who had been corrupted 
 by the promise of bishopricks. But the latter had at 
 that time so little influence in the church, that they 
 could have carried no measure without the assistance 
 of the former, whose facility and want of foresight we 
 cannot help blaming, while we acquit them of having 
 been actuated by mercenary motives. 
 
 Melville learned the proceedings at Perth with deep 
 concern, but without feelings of surprise or despond- 
 ency. He perceived the course which the court was 
 driving, and that nothing would satisfy the King but 
 the overthrow of the presbyterian constitution. At- 
 
 place appointed by the last Assembly, whilk will help the for- 
 mality of it, or then of Dundee, where your Majesty knows 
 your own northern men may have commodity to repair. And 
 albeit your Majesty's princely liberality may supply distance of 
 place by furniture to those thai travel, 3'et," &c. (Letter of 
 Archbishop of St. Andrews to the King: April 18, 1610. MS. 
 in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Fac. V. 1. 12. N" 50.) 
 
 * Mr. James Nicolson was presented to the parsonage and 
 vicarage of Cortoquhay, on the 7th of May, 1580: and to the 
 parsonage and vicarage of Meigle, "penult febr. 1583." (Reg- 
 ister of Present, to Benefices, vol. ii. ff. 34, 97.) 
 
 + Melville's Diary, p. 303, 308, 311. 
 2 N 
 
 tached to this from conviction as well as from the share 
 he had had in its erection, satisfied of its intrinsic 
 excellence and its practical utility, and believing it to 
 be the cause of Christ, of freedom, and of his coun- 
 try, he resolved to defend it with intrepidity and per- 
 severance, to yield up none of its outworks, to fight 
 every inch of ground, and to sacrifice his liberty, and, 
 if necessary, his life, in the contest. With this view 
 he joined with some of his brethren in keeping the 
 day fixed for holding the ordinary meeting of the Gen- 
 eral Assembly. This meeting was constituted by 
 Pont, the last moderator, after which the members 
 present agreed to dismiss, and to refer all business to 
 the assembly which the King and Convention at Perth, 
 had appointed to be held in Dundee. By this step 
 they asserted the right of the church as to the holding 
 of her assemblies, which it was one great object of the 
 court to infringe.* 
 
 The King was sensible that the advantages which 
 he had gained at Perth were in no small degree owing 
 to the absence of Melville, and he dreaded his oppo- 
 sition in the assembly at Dundee. Before it proceed- 
 ed to business. Sir Patrick Murray, who was now beJ- 
 come his Majesty's Vicar-general, sent for James Mel- 
 ville, and dealt with him to persuade his uncle to re- 
 turn home, otherwise the King would take forcible 
 measures to remove him. James Melville replied, 
 that it would be to no purpose for him to make the at- 
 tempt. If his Majesty should use his authority in the 
 way of commanding him to leave the town, he had no 
 doubt, he said, that his uncle would submit, but death 
 would not deter him from acting according to his con- 
 science. " Truly, I fear he shall suffer the dint of the 
 King's wrath," said Sir Patrick. " And truly," re- 
 plied the other, " I am not afraid but he will bide all." 
 James Melville reported the conversation to his uncle, 
 " whose answer," says he, "I need not write." Next 
 morning they were both sent for to the royal apart- 
 ments. The interview was at first amicable and calm ; 
 but entering on the subject of variance, Melville deliv- 
 ered his opinion with his wonted freedom, and the al- 
 tercation betweeu him and the King soon became warm 
 and boisterous. f 
 
 Notwithstanding all the arts of management em- 
 ployed, it was with difficulty that the court carried its 
 measures, even in a very modified form, in this as- 
 sembly. The assembly at Perth was declared lawful, 
 but not without an explanation ; its acts were approv- 
 ed, but with certain qualifications ; and the additional 
 answers now given to the King's questions were guard- 
 edly expressed. Through the influence of the northern 
 ministers an act passed in favour of the popish lords, 
 authorizing certain ministers to receive them into the 
 bosom of the church, upon their complying with the 
 conditions prescribed to them. They were received 
 accordingly ; although it was evident that they were 
 induced to submit, in consequence of the failure of an 
 attempt which some of their adherents had made on 
 the peace of the kingdom : and it was soon after found ne- 
 cessary, with the consent of government, to bring them 
 again under the sentence of excommunication. The 
 design of altering tlie government of the church was 
 carefully concealed from this assembly; but the King, 
 under a specious pretext, obtained their consent to a 
 measure by which he intended to accomplish it clan- 
 destinely. He requested them to appoint a committee 
 of their number with whom he might advise respect- 
 ing certain important affairs which they could not at 
 present find leisure to determine ; such as, the ar- 
 rangements to be made respecting the ministers of 
 Edinburgh and St. Andrews, the planting of vacant 
 churches in general, and the providing of local and 
 fixed stipends for the ministers through the kingdom. 
 
 » Melville's Diary, p. 309. Cald. v. 240. 
 
 t " And ther they heeled on, till all the hous and clos bathe 
 hard, mikle of a large houre. In end the King takes upe, and 
 dismissis him favourablie." (Melville's Diary, p. 312.) 
 
298 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 To this the assembly agreed, and nominated fourteen 
 ministers, to whom or any seven of them, they granted 
 power to convene with his Majesty for the above pur- 
 poses, and to give him advice " in all affairs concern- 
 ing the weed of the church, and entertainment of peace 
 and obedience to his Majesty within his realm." 
 This was a rash and danaerous appointment. The 
 General Assembly had been in the habit of appointing 
 commissioners to execute particular measures, or to 
 watch over the safety of the church until their next 
 meeting. But the present commission was entirely of 
 a different kind. Tiie persons nominated on it were 
 appointed formally as advisers or assessors to his Ma- 
 jesty. They were in fact his ecclesiastical council ; 
 and as, with the exception of an individual or two 
 named to save appearances, they were devoted to the 
 court, he was enabled, by their means, to exercise as 
 much power in the church as he did by his privy coun- 
 cil in the state. "A wedge taken out of the church 
 to rend her with her own forces!" says Calderwood: 
 "the very needle (says James Melville) which drew 
 in the episcopal thread !"* 
 
 James was too fond of the ecclesiastical branch of 
 his prerogative, and too eager for the accomplishment 
 of his favourite plans, to suffer the new powers which he 
 had acquired to remain long unemployed. Repairing 
 to Falkland on the rising of the assembly, he called 
 the presbytery of St. Andrews before him, reversed 
 a sentence which they had pronounced against a worth- 
 less minister, and restored him to the exercise of his 
 office. Accompanied by his privy counsellors, laical 
 and clerical, he next repaired to the town of St. An- 
 drews, for the double purpose of expelling its minis- 
 ters, and imposing such restrictions on the university 
 as would facilitate his future operations. He attended 
 public worship on the day of his arrival ; and when 
 Wallace was about to proceed to the application of his 
 discourse, James, either afraid of the freedom which 
 he might use, or wishing to gratify his own dictato- 
 rial humour, interrupted the preacher and ordered 
 him to stop. Melville (although aware that one ob- 
 ject of the royal visit was to find some ground of ac- 
 cusation against himself) could not refrain from pub- 
 licly expressing his displeasure at this royal interfer- 
 ence, and at the silence which the commissioners of 
 the church preserved on the occasion. f 
 
 At the RoyalVisitation of the university,:^ great ea- 
 gerness was testified to find matter of censure against 
 Melville. All those individuals, in the university or in 
 the town, whose envy or ill-will he had incurred, 
 were encouraged to come forward with complaints 
 against him ; and a large roll, consisting of informa- 
 tions to his prejudice was put into the hands of the 
 King. He underwent several strict examinations be- 
 fore the visitors. But the explanations which he gave 
 of his conduct were so satisfactory, and his defence 
 of himself against the slanders of his detractors so 
 powerful that the visitors could find no ground or pre- 
 text for proceeding against him, either as the head of 
 his own college, or as the chief magistrate of the uni- 
 versity. || Spotswood has preserved some of the ac- 
 cusations brought against him, and disingenuously 
 represents them as having been proved before the 
 visitors. " In the New College, (says he) whereof 
 the said Mr. Andrew had the charge, all things were 
 found out of order ; the rents ill husbanded, the pro- 
 
 * Buik of the Univ. Kirk, ff, 184—188. Melville's Diary, p. 
 311,312. Hist, of Dec. Age of the Church, p. 10. Cald. v. 
 243—261. Spotswood, p. 445—447. 
 
 + Melville's Diary, p. 313. 
 
 \ In this visitation six of the commissioner* of the cliurch 
 were associated with certain members of the privy council, the 
 provost of St. Andrews, &c. The founded persons in the sev- 
 eral coIleRes were required to give in to the visitors, "yair 
 grciffis & disorders and contraversies gif they ony haif, togid- 
 uer with the abuses and enormlteis committit wtin ye samm," 
 &c. (Sumnionds to appear before the Visitors: July 7, 1597.) 
 
 II Melville's Diary, p. 313. 
 
 fessions neglected, and in place of divinity lectures, 
 politick questions oftentimes agitated : as. Whether 
 the election or succession of Kings were the better 
 form of government; How far the royal power extend- 
 ed ; and. If Kings might be censured for abusing 
 the same, and deposed by the Estates of the King- 
 dom. The King to correct these abuses did prescribe 
 to every professor his subject of teaching, appointing 
 the first master to read the Common Places to the 
 students, with the Law and History of the Bible ; the 
 second to read the New Testament; the third, the 
 Prophets, with the Books of Ecclesiastes and Canti- 
 cles; and the fourth, the Hebrew Grammar, with the 
 Psalms, the Proverbs, and the Book of Job."* The 
 Jlcfs of the Visitation, which were in the archbishop's 
 possession, are still in existence, and disprove every 
 one of these allegations. They do not contain one 
 word which insinuates that the affairs of the New Col- 
 lege were out of order ;| and the regulations made re- 
 specting the future management of the academical 
 revenues apply equally to all the colleges. Nor do 
 they contain one syllable on the subject of abuses in 
 the mode of teaching. It is true that they prescribe 
 the branches to be taught in the different classes ; but 
 this was not intended to " correct abuses." It was an 
 arrangement made in the prospect of an additional pro- 
 fessor being established in the college, according to a 
 recommendation of the visitors ; a fact which Spots- 
 wood has suppressed. While I am obliged to expose 
 these unpardonable perversions of a public document, 
 I am quite ready to admit that something of the kind 
 mentioned by the archbishop might be included among 
 the accusations presented against the Principal of the 
 New College. The head de Magistratu is to be found 
 in every System of Divinity, and falls to be treated 
 by every theological professor in the course of his lec- 
 tures. I have little doubt, that Melville, when he 
 came to that part of his course, laid down the radical 
 principles on which a free government and a limited 
 monarchy rest; and it is not improbable that the young 
 men under his charge would take the liberty of occa- 
 sionally discussing questions connected with this sub- 
 ject in their private meetings.:^: This will not now be 
 considered as reflecting any dishonour, either on the 
 master or his scholars. On the contrary, Melville's 
 countrymen will listen with pride and gratitude to the 
 information, that, in an age when the principles of lib- 
 erty were but partially diffused, and under an admin- 
 istration fast tending to despotism, there was at least 
 one man, holding an important public situation, who 
 
 » History, p. 449. 
 
 f One would almost suppose that Spotswood had confound- 
 ed the Visitation of 1597 with another which took place after 
 he had been many years Chancellor of the university, when it 
 was stated by authority, " that of late years some abuses, cor- 
 ruptions, and disorders have arisen, and are still yet fostered 
 and entertained within the JVew College of St. Andrews, part- 
 ly upon the occetsion of sloth, neglig-ence and connivance of the 
 persons — to whose credit and care the redress and reformation 
 of these abuses properly appertained — whereupon has follow- 
 ed the dilapidation, &c. of the patrimonie — the neglect of the 
 ordinar teaching — the professours are become careless and 
 negligent," &c. &c. (Commission for Visitation, Nov. 29, 
 1621.) 
 
 X Speaking of this subject in another work, Spotswood says. 
 " Hffic erat aiscip<ilornm," he. " This was the theology of the 
 students of the New College, who at that time were more con- 
 versant with Buchanan's book, Z>e Jure Rtgni, than with Cal- 
 vin's Institutions." (Refutatio l/ibelli, p. 67.) To this Calder- 
 wood replies: " Neminem novi Theologi," ifec. " I know none 
 among us entitled to the name of a Divine, who has not read 
 Calvin's Institutions more diligently than Spotswood, who, I 
 suspect, is scarcely capable of understanding tnem, although he 
 should read them. Must a Divine spend all his days in study- 
 ing nothing but Calvin's Institutions? Why should not a 
 Scottish theologian read the Dialogue of a learned Scotsman 
 concerning the Law of Government among the Scots?"' (Kpist. 
 Philad. Vind. Altare Damasc. p. 753.) Whatever the archbishop 
 might do, the King, at least, could not blaiue those who neg- 
 lected Calvin. It was one of the wise sayings of Jnnies, 
 " That Calvin's Institutions is a childish work I" (Cald. iv. 213.) 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 299 
 
 dared to avow such principles, and who imhued the 
 minds of his pupils with those liberal views of civil 
 government by which the presbyterian ministers were 
 distinguished, and which all the efforts of a servile 
 band of prelates, in concert with an arbitrary court 
 and a selfish nobility, were afterwards unable to ex- 
 tinguish. 
 
 Not being able to find any thing in his conduct 
 which was censurable, the visitors deprived Melville 
 of his rectorship. This was easily accomplished ; for, 
 disapproving of the union of that office with the pro- 
 fessorship of theology, he had accepted it at first with 
 reluctance, and acquiesced conditionally in his last re- 
 election. Of this circumstance the visitors availed 
 themselves to prevent the odium which they must have 
 incurred by ejecting him.* — Under the pretext of pro- 
 viding for the better management of the revenues of 
 the colleges, a council, nominated by the King, was 
 appointed, with such powers as gave it a control over 
 all academical proceedings. Thus his Majesty was 
 furnished with a commission to rule the church, and a 
 council to rule the university, until he should be able 
 to place bishops over both, and become supreme Dicta- 
 tor in religion and literature, as well as in law. 
 
 But the regulation which was intended chiefly to af- 
 fect Melville remains to be mentioned. All doctors 
 and regents who taught theology or philosophy, not 
 being pastors in the church, were discharged, under 
 the pain of deprivation and of rebellion at the instance 
 of the Conservator, from sitting in sessions, presby- 
 teries, provincial synods, or general assembly, and 
 from all teaching in congregations, except in the weekly 
 exercise and censuring of doctrine. To reconcile them 
 in some degree to this invasion on their rights, the ac- 
 tual masters were allowed annually to nominate three 
 persons, from whom the council appointed by the vis- 
 itors should choose one to represent the university in 
 the General Assembly ; provided the same individual 
 should not be re-elected for three years. The pretext 
 of concern for the interests of learning, by preventing 
 the teachers from being distracted from their duties, 
 was too flimsy to impose upon a single individual. 
 The court was anxious to get rid of Melville's opposi- 
 tion to its measures in the church judicatories; and 
 this was deemed the safest way of accomplishing that 
 object, according to the creeping, tortuous, and timid 
 policy of .Tames. In imposing this restriction on the 
 professors, the visitors acted entirely by regal author- 
 ity ; for no such powers were conveyed to them by the 
 act of Parliament under which they sat.f They were 
 guilty of an infringement of the rights of the church : 
 for by law and by invariable practice, doctors or theo- 
 logical professors were constituent members of her ju- 
 dicatories. A greater insult was otfered to the mem- 
 bers of the university by the reservation made in this 
 case, than if the privilege had been altogether taken 
 from them. They were not deemed fit to be entrusted 
 with the power of choosing their own representative to 
 the General Assembly. This was given to a council, 
 composed of individuals who did not belong to their 
 body, and who were the creatures of the King. No 
 wonder that RoUock sunk in the estimation of his 
 
 * " In respect the present Re(-tor alled^es he never accepted 
 the said office but conditionally, against the form of such elec- 
 tions, therefore the office is found vacant." (Acts of Visitation. 
 Melville's Diary, p. 313.) Spotswood says that the King, un- 
 derstanding that iVIelville had continued Rector for a number 
 of years together " against the accustomed form," commanded 
 a new election; " and for preventing the like disorders a statute 
 was made that none should be continued Rector above a year." 
 (Hist. p. 448.) But how do the facts stand ? John Douglas 
 was Rector from 1550 to 1572; Robert Hamilton from 1572 to 
 1576; James Wilkie from 1576 to 1590; Andrew Melville from 
 1590 to 1597; and Robert Wilkie from 1597 to 1608. The re- 
 election of Robert Wilkie was sanctioned by the King. (The 
 King's Majesties Second Visitation.) 
 
 f In the year 1599, the ratification of a Convention of Estates 
 was procured to this and other regulations of the Visitors. (Act. 
 P«rl. Scot. iv. 189.) 
 
 friends, by suffering himself, as one of the visitors, to 
 be made a tool to enslave the university in which he 
 was educated, and to establish a precedent for ensla- 
 ving the learned institution over which he himself pre- 
 sided. Indeed, by one of the regulations to which he 
 gave his sanction on the present occasion, he virtually 
 stripped himself of the right to sit in ecclesiastical ju- 
 dicatories ; and in order to escape from the operation 
 of his own law, he found it necessary to take a step 
 which violated its ostensible principle, by undertaking 
 the additional duty of a fixed pastor of a particular 
 congregation.* The record hears, that all the masters 
 willingly submitted to the regulations made by the 
 visitors, and gave their oath to observe them under the 
 pain of deprivation. As far as Melville was concern- 
 ed, this promise could mean no more than that he 
 would run his risk of the penalty ; for he was deter- 
 mined not to relinquish his right to sit in the church 
 courts. 
 
 There is another act of the visitors which illustrates 
 the malignant influence of arbitrary power on the in- 
 terests of learning. William Welwood, Professor of 
 Laws in St. Salvator's College, f being called before 
 them, was declared to have transgressed the founda- 
 tion in sundry points, and was deprived of his situa- 
 tion. Welwood was the friend of Melville and of the 
 ministers of St, Andrews.:): Whether, in his lectures, 
 he had touched these delicate questions respecting the 
 origin and limits of kingly power which the Principal 
 of the New College was accused of discussing, I have 
 no means of ascertaining. But his profession, as a 
 teacher of jurisprudence, was obnoxious in the eyes of 
 .Tames. Accordingly, the visitors declared, in their 
 wisdom, " that the profession of the Laws is no ways 
 necessary at this time in this university ;" and the 
 class was suppressed. Another set of visitors, two 
 years after, ventured to recommend the seeking out of 
 " a sufficient learned person in the Laws, able to dis- 
 charge him both in the ordinary teaching of that pro- 
 fession in the said college, and of the place and juris- 
 diction of commissary within the diocese;" but the re- 
 commendation was " delete by his Majesty's special 
 command. "II James considered himself as Teacher of 
 Laws to his whole kingdom; and, unquestionably, 
 royal proclamations were the proper commentaries on 
 statutes which derived their sole authority from the 
 royal sanction, according to his favourite device, Ejus 
 est expHcare cujus est condere. — Melville might have 
 shared the same fate as Welwood, had it not been for 
 circumstances which pressed the fear of disgrace into 
 the service of a sense of justice. There was at that 
 time in the university a number of young men from 
 Denmark, Poland, France, and the Low Countries, 
 who had been attracted to Scotland by the fame of 
 Melville's talents. James was afraid to take a step 
 which would have had the eflFect of lowering his repu- 
 
 * See Note A. 
 
 t John .Arthour (a brother-in-law of Archbishop Adamson) 
 succeeded William Skene as Professor of Laws. (Carta Reces- 
 sus pro Reformatione, Junij 21, 1586.) On his removal Wel- 
 wood exchanged the Mathematical for the Juridical Chair, about 
 the year 1587. (Melville's Diary, p. 200—203.) 
 
 I Ad Expediendos Processvs in Jvdiciis Ecclesiastic!?. Ap- 
 pendix Parallelorum Juris diuini humanique. Lvgd. Bat. 1594. 
 4to. Pp. 12. The epistle dedicatory is inscribed : " Fidis Christi 
 seruis, Davidi Blakkio et Roberto Wall^, Ecclesia; An- 
 dreapolitanie pastoribus vigilantissimis fratribusque plurinium 
 dilectis, G. Velvod." Scaliger's epitaph on Buchanan was 
 published for the first time at the end of this work, and is intro- 
 duced with the following note: " Ne reliqua esset pagina vacua, 
 placuit subiicere Carmen hoc ab authore ipso etiam assentiente, 
 dum ista cuderentur, oblatum." 
 
 II The Actis and Recesse of the King's two Visitations of the 
 Univ. of St. And'. In the year 1600, the King, out of " his frie 
 favour and clemency decerned Mr Wm Walwood to be re-pos- 
 sessed in the lawyers piece and professioun in the auld college 
 of Sanctandrous— upon his giving sufficient bond and security 
 for his dutiful behaviour to his Mai«e." But his restitution did 
 not take place, at least not at that time. (His Majesty's Order 
 and Letters, June 6, and Nov. 3, 1600, and March 9, 1611.) 
 
300 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 tation in the eyes of the foreign literati, whose good 
 opinion he was fond of cultivating.* 
 
 While the visitors were busy in imposing on the 
 university such regulations as were dictated by his 
 Majesty, the commissioners of the General Assembly 
 had gratified him by their proceedings against the min- 
 isters of St. Andrews. Wallace was accused of hav- 
 ing charged Secretary Lindsay with partiality and in- 
 justice in the examination of the witnesses on Black's 
 process. This might surely have been excused, as 
 proceeding from the amiable feeling of sympathy with 
 his colleague; and the secretary was willing, for bis 
 part, to pass over the offence. But he was instigated 
 to prosecute; and Wallace, having declined the judg- 
 ment of the commissioners, was removed from St. 
 Andrews. f Black was removed without any form of 
 process •,% and George Gladstanes, minister of Arbir- 
 lot in Angus, was nominated as his successor.|| Glad- 
 stanes was a man entirely to his Majesty's mind. He 
 had a competent portion of pedantry, was abundantly 
 vainglorious, and at the same time possessed all the 
 obsequiousness which is necessary in one who is to 
 be raised to the primacy. As the session and better 
 part of the congregation were warmly attached to 
 their ministers, the admission of Gladstanes would 
 have met with great opposition had not .Tames Mel- 
 ville, from amiable motives, taken an active part in 
 persuading the parties aggrieved to submit, and make 
 a virtue of necessity.§ In consequence of this, the 
 King was so far reconciled to Black, as to allow his 
 admission to the vacant parish of Arbirlot, During 
 the six years that he survived this event, he gained 
 universal esteem by his private conduct, and by the 
 affectionate and condescending manner in which he 
 discharged his pastoral duties among a simple people. 
 He died of an apoplectic stroke, when he was in the 
 act of dispensing the communion-elements to his con- 
 gregation. The circumstances of his death are beau- 
 tifully described in a poem which Melville dedicated 
 to his memory.^ 
 
 Having taken these precautions to prevent opposi- 
 tion in the quarters from which it was most to be dread- 
 ed, the court thought that it might now safely com- 
 mence its operations. In the month of December, 
 1597, the commissioners of the General Assembly, 
 who are henceforward to be considered as moving at 
 the direction of the King, gave in a petition to Par- 
 liament, requesting that the church should be admit- 
 ted to a vote in the supreme council of the nation. 
 The royal influence was exerted in overcoming any 
 
 * Melville's Diary, p. 313. It may be mentioned here, that 
 there was another royal visitation of the university in the j-ear 
 1599. On that occasion it was agreed that the faculty of the- 
 ologry should be restored, but the designations to be given to 
 the graduates was left to subsequent arrangement. Melville 
 was chosen Dean of the theological faculty. JVo provision was 
 made for carrying into effect the recommendation of the former 
 visitors, by the settlement of a fourth professor in the Kew Col- 
 lege. (Acts of Visit, and Diary, ut supra.) 
 
 ^ Mr. Ro. Wallace reasons of his Declinature. (MS. in 
 Bibl. Jurid. Rob. III. 5. 1.) Melville's Diary, p. 313, 314. 
 SpoUwood,448.— On the 10th of December, 1602, Mr. Robert 
 Wallace w:..s admitted minister of Tranent. (Record of Presb. 
 of Haddington, Dec. 8, 1602.) James Gibson was translated 
 from Pencaltland to Tranent on the 9th of May, 1598. On the 
 6th of October, 1602, a report was made of " the dereis of our 
 loving brother James Gibsone, of gud memorie." (Ibid.) 
 
 t Snotswood's misrepresentations of Ibis affair are consider- 
 ed in Note B. 
 
 II He v/as at first a schoolmaster in Montrose, and had been 
 minister in several parishes before his settlement in Arbirlot. 
 (Wodrow's Life of Gladstanes, p. 1. MSS. Bibl. Col. Glasg. 
 vol. iv.) It would seem, from a letter of Melville, that Glad- 
 stanes married a daughter of John Dury, and consetjucntly was 
 brother-m-law to Ja». Melville. For, writing of the arc hbisliop's 
 death, he says: •' I have pitie on his wyfe and children, if it 
 were but for good Johnne Duries memory, whose simplicity 
 and sincerity in his lyfe tyme condemned the worldy wisdom 
 In all without exception." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9.) 
 
 6 Melville's Diary, p. 316. 
 
 T Sfe under Note B. 
 
 objections which were entertained against this meas- 
 ure on the part of the nobility, who humoured his 
 Majesty by granting more than was asked by the pe- 
 titioners. It was declared that prelacy was the third 
 estate of the kingdom ; that such ministers as his Ma- 
 jesty should please to raise to the dignity of bishop, 
 abbot, or other prelate, should have as complete a 
 right to sit and vote in Parliament as those of the ec- 
 clesiastical estate had enjoyed at any former period ; 
 and that bishoprics, as they became vacant, should be 
 conferred on none but such as were qualified and dis- 
 posed to act as ministers or preachers. The spiritual 
 power to be exercised by bishops in the government 
 of the church, was left by the Parliament to be set- 
 tled between his Majesty and the General Assembly, 
 without prejudice, in the mean time, to the authority 
 possessed by the several ecclesiastical judicatories.* 
 The last clause has been ascribed to the respect which 
 the estates felt for the presbyterian discipline, and 
 their fears that "this beginning would tend to the 
 overthrow of the established order of the church, 
 which they had sworn to defend. "f Such might be 
 the views entertained by some members of parliament, 
 and they might be professed by others ; but it is 
 probable that the form of the act was agreeable to the 
 King, who was aware of the opposition which it 
 would meet with from the ministers, and knew that it 
 was only in a gradual manner, and by great art and 
 management, that episcopacy could be introduced into 
 the church. 
 
 The commissioners of the church were anxious to 
 represent what they had done in the most favourable 
 light. In a circular letter which they addressed to 
 presbyteries, desiring them to send their representa- 
 I tives to the General Assembly at Dundee in the month 
 of March following, they took credit to themselves 
 for having procured a meeting of that court at an 
 earlier day than had been appointed. They spoke of 
 the petition which they had given in to the late Parlia- 
 ment as merely a prosecution of similar petitions pre- 
 sented by the church; and they connected it with the 
 providing of fixed stipends for ministers, and rescuing 
 them from the poverty and contempt under which they 
 had so long suffered. They dwelt on the difficulty 
 which they, in concert with his Majesty, had felt in 
 procuring this boon for the church ; mentioned the care 
 which they had taken that it should be granted with- 
 out prejudice to the established discipline; and signi- 
 fied that it was the advice and earnest wish of their 
 best friends that they should not hesitate to accept it, 
 although the grant was not made altogether in the 
 form which they could have desired.:^ This is the 
 language of men who either wished to deceive, or 
 who had suffered themselves to be grossly deceived. 
 The commissioners had no instructions from their con- 
 stituents to take any stop in this important affair. It 
 is true that the General Assembly had often complain- 
 ed that persons who had no authority or commission 
 from the church took it upon them to sit and vote in 
 Parliament in her name ; and in some instances a wish 
 had been expressed that individuals appointed by the 
 church should be admitted to a voice in such parlia- 
 mentary causes as involved her interest. But this 
 was not her deliberate and unanimous opinion, at 
 least it had not been so for a considerable time back; 
 and far less had she agreed that the.se voters should be 
 ministers of the gospel. On the contrary, it was the 
 decided opinion of the principal ministers, that if 
 the church should send representatives to Parliament, 
 they ought to be ruling elders, or such laymen as she 
 might think proper to choose. H In fine, whatever 
 
 » Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iv. p. 130, 131. 
 
 T Historr of the Refonnation, by Mr. John Forbes, minister 
 of Alford, MS. penes me, p. 19. 
 
 t Printed Cald. 413, 414. 
 
 II The only evidence (to far as I can recollect) of the minis- 
 ters having proposed that some of their number should have 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 301 
 
 might be the views of the Estates, the evident object 
 of the King was, by means of the ministers' vote in 
 Parliament, to introduce episcopacy into the church ; 
 and it requires the utmost stretch of charity to believe 
 that the commissioners were ignorant of his intentions. 
 
 The provincial synod of Fife met soon after the dis- 
 solution of Parliament. Sir Patrick Murray was sent 
 to it with a letter from the King, in which all the argu- 
 ments which the commissioners had used in favour of 
 the vote in Parliament were repeated and enforced. 
 The impression at first made by their joint representa- 
 tions was speedily effaced by the speeches of the more 
 judicious members of synod. The subject was dis- 
 cussed with that unshackled and bold spirit which be- 
 comes the deliberations of a presbyterian judicatory. 
 In the course of the debate which ensued, James Mel- 
 ville, to the great displeasure of the King's commis- 
 sioner, exposed the real nature of the proposed mea- 
 sure, and warned his brethren of the snare which was 
 laid for them. They could not, he contended, accept 
 the proffered grant without giving their sanction to 
 episcopacy : for the ministers whom they sent to Par- 
 liament could be admitted to sit and vote there in no 
 other character than that of bishops, according to the 
 very terms of the late act ; and what was this but to 
 rebuild what they had taken so much pains and time 
 to pull down? His uncle followed on the same side. 
 As he was proceeding in his usual style of vehement 
 oratory, he was interrupted by Thomas Buchanan, who 
 told him, that he was prohibited from attending church 
 courts, and had no right to take part in the discussion. 
 " It was my province (replied Melville) to resolve 
 questions from the word of God, and to reason, vote, 
 and moderate in the assemblies of the church, when 
 yours was to teach grammar rules ;" a retort which 
 was much relished by the members of synod, who 
 were offended at the late tergiversation of Buchanan, 
 and at his rude interruption on the present occasion. 
 A disposition to defend their constitution against the 
 danger to which it was exposed now pervaded the 
 whole assembly. The venerable Ferguson adverted 
 to the early period at which the evils of episcopacy 
 had been discovered in Scotland ; he narrated the means 
 which had been used, from pulpits and in assemblies, 
 to expel it completely from the church ; and compa- 
 ring the project now on foot to the artifice by which 
 the Greeks, after a fruitless siege of many years, suc- 
 ceeded in at last taking Troy, he concluded with the 
 warning words of the Dardan prophetess, " Equo ne 
 eredite, Teucri.'''' Davidson, whose zeal had prompted 
 him to attend the meeting, shewed that the parliamen- 
 tary voter was a bishop in disguise, and catching en- 
 thusiasm from the speech of his aged brother, exclaim- 
 ed, " Busk,* busk, busk him as bonnilie as ye can, and 
 fetch him in asfairlie as ye will, we see him weill eneuch, 
 we see the horns of his mitre." f 
 
 I should not give a faithful picture of the sentiments 
 of the age and of the state of public feeling, if I passed 
 over altogether the impression made on the public 
 mind by two extraordinary phenomena which occurred 
 
 votes in Parliament, is to be found in the Remarks which they 
 made at Linlithg-ow on the acts of the Parliament 1584. But there 
 was no ineetin^ of the General Assembly at that time; and the 
 clause in question was inserted at the instance of Pont, who 
 had been a Lord of Session, in opposition to the opinion of 
 other ministers, and particularly of Melville and his nephew. 
 Even in that document an alternative is proposed: "Discreet 
 conmiissioners of the most learned both in the law of God and 
 of the country, being of ike function of the minisirie or el- 
 ders of the kirk, are to represent that estate, at whose mouth 
 the law ought to be required, namely, in ecclesiastical mat- 
 ters." (Melville's Diary, p. 171.) Previously to this, in Octo- 
 ber, 1581, the assembly agreed "that tuiching voting in par- 
 liament [and] assisting in counsell, commissioners ftom the 
 generall kirk sould supplie the place of bishops. And as to 
 the exercising of the civill or criminall jurisdiction anent thu 
 office of Bishops, the heretabill baillies sould vse the same." 
 (Bulk of Univ. Kirk. f. 113, b.) 
 
 * Dress. f Melville's Diary, p. 326, 327. 
 
 at this time. In the month of July, 1597, a smart 
 shock of an earthquake was felt in the north of Scot- 
 land, which extended through the shires of Perth, In- 
 verness, and Ross ; and in February following there 
 was a great eclipse of the sun. Both of these occur- 
 rences were deemed portentous, and viewed as prog- 
 nosticating a disastrous revolution which should shake 
 the constitution of the church and obscure her glory. 
 James Melville gives the following account of the last 
 of these appearances : *' In the month of February 
 (1598,) upon the 25th day, being the Saturday, betwixt 
 nine and ten hours before noon, a most fearful and con- 
 spicuous eclipse of the sun began, which continued 
 about two hours space. The whole face of the sun 
 seemed to be darkness and covered about half a quar- 
 ter of an hour, so that none could see to read upon a 
 book ; the stars appeared in the firmament ; and the 
 sea, land, and air, were so stilled and stricken dead, as 
 it were, that, through astonishment, herds, families, 
 men and women, were prostrate to the ground. My- 
 self knew, out of the Ephemerides and Almanack, the 
 day and hour thereof, and also, by natural philosophy, 
 the cause, and set myself to note the proceedings 
 thereof in a bason of water mixed with ink, thinking 
 the matter but comiuon. But when it came to the ex- 
 tremity of darkness, and my sight lost all the sun, I 
 was stricken with such heaviness and fear that I had 
 no refuge, but, prostrate on my knees, commended my- 
 self to God and cried, mercy. This was thought by 
 all the wise and godly very prodigious ; so that from 
 pulpits and by writings both in prose and verse, ad- 
 monitions were given to the ministers to beware that 
 the changeable glistering shew of the world should 
 not get in betwixt them and Christ."* 
 
 In the prospect of the ensuing General Assembly, 
 Melville could not help feeling the awkward situation 
 in which he was placed by the restriction imposed on 
 him at the late visitation of the university. He did 
 not, however, hesitate in resolving to make his appear- 
 ance at Dundee, whatever it might cost him. Had he 
 acted otherwise at such a crisis, he would have betray- 
 ed the rights of the church, and forfeited the honour 
 which he had acquired by his exertions in the estab- 
 lishment of presbytery. When his name was men- 
 tioned, at the calling of the roll in the beginning of the 
 assembly, his Majesty challenged it, and said that he 
 could not agree to the admission of one whom he had 
 prohibited from attending on church courts. Melville 
 defended his right. His Majesty's prohibition, he 
 said, might extend to his place and emoluments in the 
 university, but could not affect his doctoral office, which 
 was purely ecclesiastical : he had a commission from 
 his presbytery, and was resolved, for his part, not to 
 betray it. Davidson spoke to the same purpose, and 
 reminded the King that he was present as a Christian, 
 and not as president of the assembly. .Tames attempt- 
 ed a reply to this distinction, but had recourse to the 
 ultimate reason of Kings, by declaring that he would 
 allow no business to be transacted until his will was 
 complied with. Melville accordingly retired ; but not 
 until he had delivered his sentiments, briefly and ner- 
 vously, on the leading business which was to engage 
 the attention of the assembly. He was commanded at 
 first to confine himself to his lodgings ; but no sooner 
 was it understood that his brethren repaired to him, 
 than he and his colleague, Jonston, were charged to 
 quit Dundee instantly, under the pain of rebellion. 
 
 * History of the Declining Age of the Church, p. 8. In his 
 Diary he has given a similar account of the eclipse; and this 
 coincidence forms one of the internal marks of the two histories 
 having been written by the same author. " I was not ignorant," 
 says he, "of the natural cause thairof, and yet when It cam to 
 the amazfull uglie alriche darknes, I was cast on my knies, and 
 my hart almaist fealled." The verses which he composed on 
 this occasion are recorded in his Diary, p. 320. The more po- 
 etical description of his uncle may be seen in Delitiae Poetarum 
 Scotorum, ii. 120. 
 
302 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 Davidson complained of this next day in the assembly ; 
 and another member* boldly asserted that the restric- 
 tion laid on the university, and the interdiction now 
 given, proceeded from the dread which the court had 
 of Melville's learning. " I will not hear one word on 
 that head," said his Majesty twice or thrice. "Then 
 we must crave help of him that will hear us," replied 
 Davidson. I The highest eulogium from the mouth of 
 James could not have done half so much honour to 
 Melville as his present treatment of him did. He had 
 procured a parliamentary statute in favour of the mea- 
 sure which he wished to carry ; he knew that a great 
 part of the elders stood pledged to support it by the 
 vote which they had given in Parliament ; he had the 
 commissioners of the church at his beck ; and he had 
 brought up a trained band of trusty voters from the ex- 
 tremities of the north. And yet, with all these advan- 
 tages on his side, he dreaded to bring forward his mo- 
 tion, or to submit it to discussion, so long as Melville 
 remained in the house, or even within the precincts of 
 the town, in which the assembly was held. 
 
 After a week spent in secret and public management, 
 during which the complaints given in from different 
 quarters against the commissioners were got quashed, 
 the main business was at last introduced by a speech 
 from the throne. His Majesty dwelt on the important 
 services which he had done for the church, by estab- 
 lishing her discipline, watching over her peace, and 
 endeavouring to recover her patrimony, which would 
 never be fully effected unless the measure which he 
 was about to propose was adopted. He solemnly and 
 repeatedly protested, (with what truth it is now un- 
 necessary to say,) that he had no intention to introduce 
 either Popish or Anglican bishops, but that his sole 
 object was that some of the best and wisest of the min- 
 istry, chosen by the General Assembly, should have a 
 place in the Privy Council and Parliament, to sit in 
 judgment on their own affairs, and not to stand, as they 
 had too long stood, at the door, like poor suppliants, 
 disregarded and despised. Bruce, Davidson, Aird, 
 James Melville, and John Carmichael, were the chief 
 speakers against the vote in Parliament; Pont, Bu- 
 chanan, and Gladstanes, in support of it. The latter 
 had a powerful auxiliary in the King, who was always 
 ready to interfere in the debate. Gladstanes having 
 pleaded the power which the priests had among the an- 
 cient Romans " in rogandis etferendis legibus," David- 
 son replied, that at Rome the priests were consulted, 
 but had no vote in making laws : " praesenlibus sacerdo- 
 tibus et divina exponeniibus, sed non suffragia habenii- 
 bus." " Where have ye that ?" asked the King. " In 
 Titus Livius," said Davidson. " Oh ! are you going 
 then from the Scriptures to Titus Livius ?" exclaimed 
 his Majesty. There were flatterers present who ap- 
 plauded this wretched witticism ; and they were en- 
 couraged to laugh at the old man, who pursued his 
 argument with equal disregard of the puerilities of 
 James, and the rudeness of his minions. The ques- 
 tion being called for, it was decided by a majority of 
 ten votes,:j: " that it was necessary and expedient for 
 the weal of the church, that the ministry, as the third 
 estate of this realm, should in the name of the church 
 have a vote in Parliament." The measure was carried 
 chiefly by the votes of the elders, and it was urged by 
 the minority that a number of them had no commis- 
 sion ; but the demand of a scrutiny was resisted. Da- 
 vidson, who had refused to take part in the vote, gave 
 in a protest against this decision, and against the pro- 
 ceedings of this and the two preceding assemblies, so 
 
 * This wag John Knox, minister of Melrose, who was a son 
 of William Knox minister of CocJtpen, the brother of the Re- 
 former. 
 
 + Melville's Diary, p. 329. Cald. v. 302, 303. Wodrow's 
 Life of Andrew Melville, p. 73 MSS. vol. i. in Bibl.Col. Glagg. 
 
 \ " Mr. Gilbert Body led the rin?, a drunken Orknay ass, 
 and the graittest number foliuwit, all for the bodie bnt [with- 
 out] respect of the spreit." (Melville's Diary, p. 329.) 
 
 far as they derogated from the rights of the church ; 
 upon the ground of their not being free assemblies, but 
 overawed by the King, and restricted in their due and 
 wonted privileges. His protest was refused, and he 
 was prosecuted for it before his presbytery at the 
 King's instance.* 
 
 The Assembly farther agreed that fifty-one ministers 
 should be chosen to represent the church, according to 
 the ancient number of bishops, abbots, and priors; and 
 that their election should belong partly to the King and 
 partly to the church. The court presented a series of 
 resolutions respecting the manner of electing the vo- 
 ters, the duration of their cojnmission, their name, their 
 revenues, and the restrictions necessary to prevent them 
 from abusing their powers. But the proposal of them 
 excited so much dissatisfaction, that the King, dread- 
 ing, from the feeling that began to be displayed, that » 
 he would lose the ground which he had already gain- 
 ed, deemed it prudent to put off the discussion. It was 
 therefore appointed that the presbyteries should imme- 
 diately take the subject under consideration ; that they 
 should report their opinions to the respective provincial 
 synods; and that each synod should nominate three 
 delegates, who, along with the theological professors, 
 should hold a conference, in the presence of his Majes- 
 ty, on the points which the Assembly had left undeter- 
 mined. If they were unanimous, the resolutions to 
 which they came were to be final ; if not, the whole 
 matter was to be referred to the next General Assem- 
 bly.f 
 
 The resolutions in all the southern presbyteries and 
 synods evinced the greatest jealousy of episcopacy, and 
 a disposition to confine the powers of the voter in par- 
 liament within the narrowest possible bounds. Yet 
 matters were so craftily conducted by the agents of the 
 court, in concert with such of the ministers as were 
 secretly in their interest, that the delegates chosen for 
 the conference were, in several instances, of opposite 
 views to those of their constituents.:}: Perceiving this, 
 disapproving of the whole scheme, and convinced that 
 no restrictions would prevent it from issuing in the es- 
 tablishment of episcopacy, there were individuals who 
 thought it safest to stand aloof, and to take no part in 
 the subordinate arrangements. Among these was James 
 Melville. But his uncle was of a different mind. He 
 was quite aware of the policy which permitted him to 
 take part in private and extrajudicial conferences, while 
 he was excluded from the public assemblies in which 
 the points in debate were to be ultimately and authori- 
 tatively determined. But he deemed it of consequence 
 to encourage his brethren by his presence, and to inter- 
 
 * Spotswood, who embraces every opportunity of speaking 
 disrespectfully of Davidson, has advanced a number of asser- 
 tions respecting his conduct on the present occasion, all of 
 which it would be easy to refute. Among other things, he 
 says: " He himself, as his custom was whfn he made any such 
 trouble, fled away, and lurked a while, till his peace was again 
 made." (Hist. p. 452.) It is very easy for a time-serving 
 priest, who, by his tame compliances, can always secure him- 
 self against falling into danger, to talk thus of a man, from whose 
 rebuke he more than once shrunk, and to accuse him of cow- 
 ardice merely because he fled from the lawless rage of a despot. 
 But it is not true that Davidson either fled or concealed him- 
 self at this time. On the22d of March, 1597, immediately after 
 the rising of the General Assembly, Lord Tungland and David 
 Macgill of Cranston Riddell appeared before the presbytery of 
 Haddington, and, in his Majesty's name, gave in a complaint 
 against him. Being summoned to attend next meeting, David- 
 son appeared before the presbytery at Haddington, on the 29th 
 of March. On the 5th of April, it was attested to the presby- 
 tery, that he was "stayit be ane heavie fever," and on the 12th 
 of that month, "the presbyterie wt con.scnt of his Mat'" com- 
 missioner continewit all farder dealing in this mater till y* said 
 Mr. Johne at the pleaso' of God suld be restorit to his health." 
 (Record of Presbytery of Haddington.) 
 
 + Buik of the Univ. Kirk, ff. 188—192. Cald. v. 301—325. 
 Melville's Diary, p. 329, 330. And his History of the Decli- 
 ning Age, p. 13—18. Spotswood, p. 450 — 452. 
 
 \ Record of the Presbytery of Edinburgh, May 30, 1598. 
 Rec. of Provincial Synod of Lothian, June, 1598. Melville's 
 Diary, p. 330, 331. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 303 
 
 pose every obstacle in the way of the accomplishment 
 of a measure so injurious to the interests of the church. 
 Accordingly, he gave faithful attendance on all the 
 meetings of the conference.* 
 
 The result of the first meeting, held at Falkland, 
 was so dissatisfactory to the King, that he prorogued 
 the General Assembly which had been appointed to 
 meet at Aberdeen in July, 1599. Other meetings were 
 held ; but they were chiefly occupied in desultory con- 
 versation, or in attempts to lull asleep the most vigilant 
 of the church's guardians by artful professions, and 
 proposals for removing, what were called, unreasona- 
 ble and unfounded jealousies. -j- Melville took a lead- 
 ing part in an interesting debate which occurred in No- 
 vember, 1599, at a meeting of the conference, assisted 
 by ministers from the different quarters of the country, 
 convened by royal missives in the palace of Holyrood- 
 house. One design of calling this meeting appears to 
 have been, to ascertain the arguments which were to 
 be used in opposition to the vote in parliament, that so 
 the court party might be prepared to meet them in the 
 next General Assembly. In opening the conference 
 the King signified, that all were at liberty to reason on 
 the subject at large, including the points which had 
 been determined, as well as those which had been left 
 undecided, at last assembly ; but that such as refused 
 to state their objections at present should forfeit their 
 right to bring them forward at a subsequent period. 
 Accordingly, the lawfulness of ministers sitting in par- 
 liament came first under discussion. And here the de- 
 bate turned chiefly on the following question — "Is it 
 consistent with the nature of their office, its duties, and 
 the directions of Scripture about it, for ministers of the 
 gospel to undertake a civil function?" 
 
 By those who maintained the affirmative it was ar- 
 gued, That, as the gospel does not destroy civil pol- 
 icy, so it does not hinder any of those who profess it 
 from discharging political duties : That when ministers 
 are enjoined " not to entangle themselves with the af- 
 fairs of this life," they are not prohibited from dis- 
 charging civil offices any more than the duties of natu- 
 ral economy and domestic life : That there are appro- 
 ved examples in scripture of sacred and civil offices 
 being united in the same person : That ministers were 
 as much distracted from the duties of their office by the 
 visitation of churches and waiting on meetings for fix- 
 ing stipends, as they would be by sitting in parlia- 
 ments and conventions of estates: That it was allowed 
 by all that ministers might wait on his Majesty and 
 give him their advice in matters of state : That as free 
 men and citizens, ministers were entitled to be repre- 
 sented as well as the other orders in the state : That 
 the General Assembly had often craved a vote in Par- 
 liament : And that ecclesiastical persons had sitten in 
 that court ever since the Reformation. 
 
 In the negative it was argued. That, though the 
 gospel by no means destroys civil policy, yet all po- 
 litical laws which are inconsistent with it, or which 
 interfere with any of its institutions, are unlawful : 
 That the duties of natural and domestic economy are 
 altogether different from those which belong to public 
 offices in society : That when the apostle prohibits 
 ministers from "entangling themselves with the af- 
 fairs of this life," he puts his meaning out of doubt, 
 by referring, as an illustration, to the case of a sol- 
 dier, who must renounce and avoid all worldly occu- 
 fiations, that he may devote himself to the military 
 ife and entirely please and obey his commander : That 
 the duties of the ministerial office are so great and 
 manifold, and the injunctions to constant and unre- 
 mitting diligence in discharging them so numerous, 
 so solemn, and so urgent, that no minister who is du- 
 ly impressed with these considerations will accept of 
 another function which must engross much of his tims 
 
 * Melville's Diary, p. 331. 
 
 t Cald. V. 371. Melville^ Witt, of the Declining Age, p. 91. 
 
 and attention ; and that it is criminal to throw tempta- 
 tions to this in his way : That the union of sacred and 
 civil offices in certain individuals mentioned in scripture 
 was extraordinary and typical ; and when the Jewish 
 polity was established, these offices were separated, 
 and could not be lawfully held by the same persons : 
 That the occasional visitation of churches is a part of 
 the ministerial function : That if ministers are diverted 
 from their pastoral duty by commissions for fixing sti- 
 pends, this is owing to a defect in the establishment 
 which they had long complained of, and for which the 
 magistrates and their flocks must answer : That minis- 
 ters, as such, do not form an order in the state, and 
 that as citizens they are represented along with others 
 by the commissioners of shires and burghs : That if 
 the King and estates entrust ministers with the care 
 of their souls, the latter may surely give credit to the 
 former in what relates to their bodies : That no Gen- 
 eral Assembly before the last one had ever craved a 
 vote for ministers in parliament : And that ever since 
 the church had condemned episcopacy, she had ob- 
 jected to bishops and other persons called ecclesias- 
 tical, sitting in the supreme court of the nation. 
 
 On this part of the debate, Melville deduced the 
 history of the gradual blending of ecclesiastical and 
 civil jurisdiction under the papacy, by means of which 
 the Roman Pontiff became at last so formidable, arm- 
 ed himself with the two swords, trampled on princes, 
 and transferred crowns and kingdoms at his pleasure. 
 " Take heed," said he, addressing James, " that yoa 
 do not set up those who shall cast you or your succes- 
 sors down." 
 
 The second question which was brought forward re- 
 lated to the duration of the office. The court party 
 were anxious that the clerical voter should hold his 
 place ad vitam aid culpam .• their opponents insisted 
 that the place should be filled by annual election. 
 The former argued, that no man would submit to the 
 trouble and expense that must be incurred, if his con- 
 tinuance in office was precarious, or limited to a single 
 year or single parliament ; and that within so short a 
 period persons could neither acquire the knowledge of 
 law, nor bring any business which the church might 
 entrust to them to a termination. It was replied by 
 the latter, that they were at present deliberating on 
 what was for the good of the church and common- 
 wealth, and not on what might be agreeable or profit- 
 able to individuals ; that by continuing in the employ- 
 ment ministers would acquire more knowledge of the 
 laws of men, but less of those of God, more acquain- 
 tance with the wiles of worldly policy, and less with 
 the sincerity of the wisdom which is from above; and 
 that the General Assembly was more capable of attend- 
 ing to the real interests of the church than a ksn men, 
 who, if a judgment might be formed from experience, 
 would be chiefly occupied in securing their own wealth 
 and aggrandizement. The hurtful consequences of their 
 continuing in office during life or good behaviour were 
 insisted on at great length. It would secularize their 
 minds ; it would induce a habitual neglect of the du- 
 ties of their spiritual function ; it would, in spito of all 
 checks which might be imposed, gradually raise them 
 to superiority over their brethren, and make them in- 
 dependent of the ecclesiastical courts; although the 
 church should depose them for improper conduct, yet 
 if they happened to please his Majesty, he would main- 
 tain them in their place by his royal authority or by 
 his influence in the General Assembly; and being se- 
 cured in their lordships end livings they would seek 
 to revenge their quarrel, by injuring the church, or 
 such of their brethren as curbed their ambition and 
 complained of their misconduct. " There is no fear," 
 said the King, "but you will all prove true enough to 
 your craft." " God make us all true enough to Christ," 
 replied Melville. " There is nothing so good but it 
 may be suspected, and thus you will be content with 
 nothing." "We doubt the goodness of the thing. 
 
304 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 and have but too much reason to suspect its evil." 
 " His Majesty and the parliament will not admit the 
 voters otherwise than for life; and if j'ou do not agree 
 to this, yoQ will lose the benefit." "The loss will 
 be small." "Ministers then will lie in contempt and 
 poverty." " It was their Master's case before them : 
 better poverty with sincerity, than promotion with cor- 
 ruption." " Others will be promoted to the place who 
 •will oppress and ruin the church ; for his Majesty will 
 not want his third estate." "Then let Christ, the 
 King of the church, avenge her wrongs : he has done 
 so before." 
 
 The title to be given to the voter in Parliament form- 
 ed the next topic of debate. Those who spoke the 
 language of the court insisted that he should have the 
 name of bishop. " If we are agreed in the substance," 
 said they, " the name is of little consequence ; and as 
 the parliament has restored the title of bishop, and 
 may refuse to admit the representative of the church 
 under any other designation, it would be a pity to lose 
 a privilege which his Majesty has procured with such 
 great pains and difficulty, through scrupulosity about 
 a name, which, after all, is scriptural."' To this 
 Melville replied ironically : "No doubt the name epis- 
 copos or bishop is scriptural ; and why should it not be 
 given ? But as something additional to the office of 
 the scripture-bishop is to be allotted to our new parlia- 
 ment-men, I would propose to eke a little to the name, 
 and this shall be scriptural also. Let us baptize them 
 by the name which the apostle Peter gives to such of- 
 ficers, and call them allotrio-episcopoi, busy-bishops, 
 who meddle with matters foreign to their calling." 
 In earnest he replied, that the word bishop was ap- 
 plied in the scriptures indiscriminately to all ministers 
 of the gospel ; that in common speech it was now un- 
 derstood as the discriminative appellation of those who 
 claimed a superiority of office and power, as in the 
 churches of Rome and England ; that for good reasons 
 the use of it had been laid aside and prohibited in the 
 church of Scotland ; that those to whom it was now 
 proposed to give it were to occupy the places to which 
 ecclesiastical pre-eminence had been attached ; the title 
 was calculated to feed their vanity and lust of power ; 
 and being accustomed to be saluted as lords at court 
 and in parliament, they would soon begin to look sour 
 on such as refused to give them their honorary titles in 
 the church. 
 
 Night put an end to the debate. Next morning 
 Lindsay, who acted as moderator, recapitulated what 
 had been done on the preceding day in such a way as 
 to insinuate that the heads which had been under con- 
 sideration were settled agreeably to the wishes of 
 the court. A murmur of disapprobation spread through 
 the assembly ; and several members rose and declared 
 that their scruples against the main proposal, so far 
 from being weakened, were greatly strengthened by 
 the discussion of j'esterday. Melville make an ear- 
 nest and solemn appeal to the moderator. He remind- 
 ed him, that he was one of the oldest ministers of the 
 church, and had been present at many assemblies in 
 which these very points had, after the most grave and 
 deliberate discussion, been unanimously decided. And 
 he asked him, how he could for a moment imagine, 
 that any one who was settled in his judgment could be 
 moved to alter it by so slight a conference as the pres- 
 ent, in which scripture might be said to have been pro- 
 faned rather than solidly and reverently handled. His 
 Majesty took offence at this last expression, and court- 
 eously gave tlie speaker the lie. Melville replied, 
 that he had included himself in the censure, and did 
 not mean to confine it to one side of the house. Pind- 
 ing that he had gained nothing, James broke off the 
 conference in a fret. In dismissing the members, he 
 said he had bean induced by the commissioners of the 
 church to call this meeting for the satisfaction of such 
 as had scruples, in the hopes that matters would pro- 
 ceed peaceably and harmoniously; but he perceived 
 
 men to he so full of their own conceits, and so pre-oc- 
 cupied in their judgments, as not to yield to reason, 
 and would therefore leave the matter to be determined 
 by the General Assembly. If they received the favour 
 offered them, he would ratify their conclusions with 
 his civil sanction, and none should be allowed to 
 speak against them : if they refused it, they W'ould 
 have themselves to blame lor sinking still deeper and 
 deeper into poverty. As for himself, he could not 
 want one of his estates, but would use his authority 
 in putting into the vacant bishoprics persons who 
 would accept of them, and who would do their duty 
 to him and to his kingdom.* 
 
 The General Assembly which met at Montrose on 
 the 28th of March, 1600, excited greater interest than 
 had been felt at any meeting of the supreme ecclesi- 
 astical judicatory for man}' years.f All were convinc- 
 ed that upon its decision it depended whether the pres- 
 byterian constitution should stand, or should yield to 
 the gradual encroachments of prelacy under the pro- 
 tection of the royal supremacy. The attendance of 
 members was full, and sanguine hopes of success were 
 entertained by both parties. The defenders of the es- 
 tablishment confided in the goodness of their cause, 
 and in the evident superiority in point of argument 
 which they had maintained at the last conference. 
 Their opponents were equally confident that they 
 would prevail by address and the powerful interest of 
 the crown. 
 
 The pn^sbytery of St. Andrews having chosen him 
 as one of their representatives, Melville determined 
 again to assert his right to a seat in the General As- 
 sembly. It was no sooner known that he had come 
 to Montrose than he was sent for by the King. His 
 Majesty asked him why he was so troublesome, by 
 persisting to attend on assemblies after he had prohib- 
 ited him. He replied, that he had a commission from 
 the church, and behoved to discharge it under the pain 
 of incurring the displeasure of one who was greater 
 than any earthly monarch. Recourse was then had to 
 menaces, but they served only to rouse Melville's 
 spirit. On quitting the royal apartment, he put his 
 hand to his throat, and said, " Sir, is it this you 
 would have? You shall have it before I betray 
 the cause of Christ." He was not allowed to take 
 his seat in the judicatory ; but it was judged unadvis- 
 able to order him out of the town, as had been done 
 on a former occasion. He accordingly remained, and 
 assisted his brethren with his advice during the sitting 
 of the assembly.:}: 
 
 The debate on the propriety of ministers voting in 
 Parliament was resumed ; and a formidable train of 
 arguments including those which had been used in the 
 conference at Holyroodhouse, was brought forward 
 against the measure. In support of these a paper was 
 given in, consisting of extracts from the writings of 
 reformed divines and of the fathers, with the decis- 
 ions of the most ancient and renowned General Coun- 
 cils. Unable to reply to these arguments and author- 
 ities, the advocates of the measure were forced to 
 abandon the ground which they had taken up during 
 the late conferences. They granted the force of the 
 general reasoning used by their opponents, but in- 
 sisted that it was not applicable to the case. They 
 
 * Melville's Diary, p. 333 — 344. James Melville ronioiitted 
 the reasoning? at this conference to writing while bis recollec- 
 tion of them was fresh. The whole of his account is copied 
 into Calderwood's MSi and large extracts iroin it may be seen 
 in Printed Calderwood, p. 428 — 434. 
 
 t Row mentions, that this assembly was " notified only be 
 sound of trumpet att the crosse of Ed' and other neidful places 
 whereat many good Christians wondered att, seing y' was 
 never the lyke before." (Hist. p. 78.) — It was appointed at 
 this time that the beginning of the year should henceforth 
 be reckoned from the Isl of January, instead of the 25th of 
 March. (Reconl of Privy Council, Dec. 17, 1599.]) 
 
 { Malville's Diarj-, p. 362. Hist, of the Declining State of 
 the charch, p. 24, 25. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 305 
 
 affected now to condemn the union of sacred and civil 
 offices ; and pleaded that the ministers who were to 
 sit in Parliament would have no civil charge, but were 
 merely to be present in that high court to watch over 
 the interests of the church, and give their advice in 
 matters of importance. When it was urged by their 
 opponents that the ecclesiastical voter must be em- 
 ployed in making laws for the whole kingdom, they 
 took refuge under one of the weakest and worst of 
 James's political maxims, that it is the King alone 
 who makes laws, and the estates merely give him 
 their advice. In answer to the appeal which the de- 
 fenders of Presbytery made to the words of the act of 
 parliament restoring the " office, estate, and dignity of 
 bishops," they asserted that the objectionable lan- 
 guage had been purposely introduced into the act by 
 those who wished to keep the church in poverty, in 
 the hopes that it would induce the ministers to reject 
 the favour which his Majesty had procured for them. 
 This plea could not bear examination ; and therefore 
 a stop was put to the dangerous discussion by a mes- 
 sage from the king, stating that the last General As- 
 sembly had already decided this point, and its decis- 
 ion behoved to stand. Had it been allowed to put the 
 general question to the vote, there is reason to think 
 that the whole scheme would have been negatived. 
 For on the question, whether the parliamentary voters 
 should retain their place for life or be annually elected, 
 it was carried, in spite of all the influence of the court, 
 by a majority of three in favour of annual election. 
 Yet, by collusion between the clerk and the King, the 
 minute was so drawn up as to express a resolution ma- 
 terially eversive of that which had passed, and in this 
 altered form an approbation of it was procured at the 
 close of the assembly. 
 
 To induce the members to acquiesce in the unpopu- 
 lar measure, the court party agreed to the ratification 
 of all the articles and cautions which had been pro- 
 posed in conference at Falkland, with the view of pro- 
 tecting the liberties of the church, and guarding against 
 the introduction of episcopacy. They did not even 
 object to the addition of others still more strict. The 
 voters were to have the name, not of Bishops, but 
 Commissioners of the church in Parliament. As to 
 their election, it was agreed, that the General Assem- 
 bly, with the advice of synods and presbyteries, should 
 nominate six individuals in each province, from which 
 number his Majesty should choose one as the eccle- 
 siastical representative of that province. For his 
 emoluments he was to be allowed the rents of the ben- 
 efice to which he should be presented, after the church- 
 es, colleges, and schools, had been provided for out of 
 them. The following cautions, or " caveats," as they 
 were called, m ere enacted to prevent him from abusing 
 his power : That he should not presume to propose 
 any thing to parliament, convention, or council, in the 
 name of the church, without her express warrant and 
 .direction ; nor consent to the passing of any act preju- 
 dicial to tire church, under the pain of deposition from 
 his office : That, at each General Asseml)ly he should 
 give an account of the manner in which he had dis- 
 charged his commission, and submit, without appeal, 
 to the censure of the assembly, under the pain of in- 
 famy and excommunication : That he should rest sat- 
 isfied with the part of the benefice allotted to him, 
 without encroaching upon what was assigned to other 
 ministers vv^ithin his province : That he should not di- 
 lapidate his benefice, nor dispose of any part of its 
 rents without the consent of the General Assembly : 
 That he should perform all the duties of the pastoral 
 office within his own particular congregation, subject to 
 the censure of the presbytery and provincial synod to 
 whicii he belonged : That in the exercise of discipline, 
 the collation of benefices, the visitation of churches, and 
 all other parts of ecclesiastical government, he should 
 claim no more power or jurisdiction than what belonged 
 to other ministers, under the pain of deprivation : That 
 2 O 
 
 in meetings of presbytery and of other church courts, 
 he should behave himself in all things, and be sub- 
 ject to censure, in the same manner as his brethren : 
 That he should have no right to sit in the General As- 
 sembly without a commission from his presbytery : 
 That, if deposed from the office of the ministry, he 
 should lose his vote in parliament, and his benefice 
 should become vacant : And that he should incur the 
 same loss upon being convicted of having solicited 
 the office. It was ordained, that these "caveats" 
 should be inserted, " as most necessary and substan- 
 tial points," in the body of an act of parliament to be 
 made for confirming the church's vote; and that every 
 commissioner should subscribe and swear to observe 
 them when he was admitted to his function.* 
 
 It is scarcely possible to conceive regulations better 
 adapted to prevent the evils which were dreaded. 
 But the strictest cautions, sanctioned by the most sa- 
 cred promises, were feeble ties on an unprincipled 
 court, and perfidious churchmen, who were ready to 
 sacrifice both honour and conscience to the gratification 
 of their avarice and ambition. 
 
 Mille adde catenas, 
 Effugiet tamen haec sceleratus vincula Proteus. 
 
 An early proof of this was given. A meeting of the 
 commissioners of the General Assembly, and delegates 
 from synods, was lield in the month of October follow- 
 ing, in consequence of a letter from the King desiring 
 their advice respecting the settlement of ministers in 
 Edinburgh, and " such other things as shall bethought 
 good to be proposed in the name of the church for the 
 weal of our and their estate at our first parliament." 
 Dreading the opposition of James Melville and two 
 other ministers, his Majesty got them appointed on a 
 committee to transact some business; and during their 
 absence, he, with the consent of those present, summa- 
 rily nominated David Lindsay, Peter Blackburn, and 
 George Gladstanes, to the vacant bishoprics of Ross, 
 Aberdeen, and Caithness. This transaction was care- 
 fully concealed from the absent members until the 
 meeting was dissolved. And the bishops appointed in 
 this clandestine manner sat and voted in the ensuing 
 parliament, in direct violation of the cautions to which 
 they had so lately given their consent.| 
 
 Archbishop Spotswood was under the necessity of 
 inserting the cautions in his History, and he was forced 
 to acknowledge, what was then notorious to all the 
 world, that "it was neither the King's intention, nor 
 the mind of the wiser sort, to have these cautions stand 
 in force; hut to have matters peaceably ended, and the 
 reformation of the policy" (that is, the introduction of 
 episcopacy) " made without any noise, the King gave 
 way to these conceits.":^ The archbishop calls the 
 ministers who acted this part " the wiser sort ;" forget- 
 ting, perhaps, that this species of wisdom, however 
 much it may be "esteemed among men, is abomina- 
 tion with God." They were suffered to triumph for a 
 while in the success of their knavery ; but he who 
 " taketh the wise in their own craftiness," visited them 
 at length with merited retribution ; and the violation of 
 these very cautions, which had been ratified by the 
 King, sworn to by the bishops,|| and never repealed by 
 
 * Bulk of the Universal! Kirk, ff. 193, 194. Cald. v. 414— 
 440. Melville's Diary, p. 349—362. Hist, of the Decl. Age, 
 p. 19—25. Forbes's History, p. 23—26. Spotswood, 453, 
 457, 458. 
 
 f Their presentations were dated the 5th Nov. 1600. (Reg. 
 of Present, to Benef. vol. iii. f. 30.) On the 30th Dec. 1600, 
 David Lindsay, bishop of Ross, was admitted to be "ane of the 
 counsail;" and on the 24th Nov. 1602, Mr. George Gladstanes, 
 bishop of Caithness, was adntiitted, " be his Maiestie's direction 
 and command." (Record of Privy Council.) 
 
 X Hist. p. 454. 
 
 11 " It Was layed to the charge of Mr. Joha Spottiswood, ap- 
 ponited Bishop of Glasgow thcrea-fter irn Anno 1605, before his 
 Maj. be the lord Balmerinocb, President, that he had sworn to 
 observe the Gaveats, and had obliged himself to subscryve them. 
 Neither eonid his Maj. be well satisfied with him in that matter 
 20 
 
306 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 any ecclesiastical authority, formed one of the chief 
 grounds upon which the archbishop and his colleagues 
 were afterwards deposed and excommunicated by the 
 General Assembly.* 
 
 His Majesty was present at all the assemblies in 
 which this affair was discussed, and g^ave the most re- 
 ligious attendance on every session. He did not even 
 miss a single meeting of the privy conference. During 
 the sitting of the General Assembly, affairs of state 
 were entirely neglected, and the court was converted 
 into a clerical levee. The privy counsellors complain- 
 ed, that they could not have access to their master on 
 account of the crowd of preachers which continually 
 thronged his cabinet. In the public deliberations and 
 debates he directed and decided every thing in his dou- 
 ble capacity of disputant and umpire. Those who 
 wish to perceive the glory of James's reign must care- 
 fully attend to this part of its history. It was at this 
 time that he found a stage on which he could exert his 
 distinguishing talent, and "stick the doctor's chair 
 into the tlirone." It was at this time that he acquired 
 that skill in points of diviuity, and in the management 
 of ecclesiastical meetings, which afterwards filled the 
 English bishops with both " admiration and shame," 
 and made them cry out that they verily thought he was 
 " inspired." Never did this wise monarch appear to 
 such great advantage, as when, surrounded with " his 
 own northern men," he canvassed for votes with all 
 the ardour and address of a candidate for a borough ; or 
 when, presiding in the debates of the General Assem- 
 bly, he kept the members to the question, regaled them 
 with royal wit, calling one "a seditious knave," and 
 another, " a liar ;" saying to one speaker, "that's witch- 
 like," and to another, " that's anabaptistical," instruct- 
 ed the clerk in the true geographical mode of calling 
 the roll, or taking him home to his closet, helped him 
 to correct the minutes. f 
 
 Daring these transactions several occurrences of a 
 subordinate kind took place, to which it may be proper 
 to advert. The church suffered a severe loss by the 
 death of a number of her distinguished ministers. The 
 end of the year 1598 proved fatal to David Ferguson, 
 minister of Dunfermline, whose integrity, united with 
 an uncommon vein of good-humoured wit, made him a 
 favourite with all classes.:|: Thomas Buchanan, Pro- 
 
 untill he had procured an Act of the Presbyterie of Glasgow 
 testifj-ing that he had not subscryved them, vvhilk he presented 
 to his Maj. for his defence; as though his oath had been nothing 
 as long aa he did not subscryve." (Forbes's History, p. 27.) 
 
 * Acts of the General Assembly, Anno 1638, Sess. 20. 
 
 t Cald. V. 320, 399, 571. At the General Assembly in May, 
 1597, an ordinance was made, (says James Melville) "that at 
 the penning of everie act thcr sould be certean brether w^ the 
 dark, whereof I was an and Mr. James Nicolsone an uther. 
 But wbill as I cam till attend, thay war comniandit to com to 
 the king with the minutes: and sa I gat na access." (Diary, 
 312.) James Melville (lb. p. 362.) subjoins the following verse, 
 probably from an old poem, to his account of the proceedings 
 at this time: 
 
 The Dron, the Doungeoun and the Draught 
 
 Did mak their cannon of the King: 
 Syn feirfully with ws they faught^ 
 And doun to dirt they did ws ding. 
 
 I He died at •' the age of 65." (Spotswood, p. 455.) John 
 Jonston fixes his death on the 23d oi August, 1598. (Life of 
 Knox, p. 206.) To his works mentioned in the Life of Knox 
 (oote sli.) may be added the following: "An Ansuer to 
 ane Epistle written by Renat Benedict, the French Doctor Pro- 
 fessor of Gods word (as the Translator of the Epistle calleth 
 him) to John Knox & the rest of his brethren ministers of the 
 word of God made by David Feargussonc raiaistep of the snuie 
 word at this present in Dunferniling — Imprinted at Edinburgh 
 by Robert Ix:kprev|k, 1563." Black letter, 12rao. 43 leaves. 
 The running title is: " Ane answer to Renat Be. Epistle." In 
 reply to the accusation that the object of the reforming minis- 
 ters was to "get anil gather ricnes," Ferguson says: "the 
 greatest nomber of vs baue liued in great penurie, without all 
 stiped some tuelf moneth, some eight, ana some half a year, 
 hauing nothing in the mean time to sustcane our selues and our 
 familicH, but hat which we haue borrowed of charitable prr- 
 sones vntil God send it to ts to jcpay them." Foil. 6, 7. This 
 . iMui written " the 26th April, 1562." The translation of Renat's 
 
 vest of Kirkheuch, and minister of Ceres, died sudden- 
 ly in the course of the following year, lamented by 
 those who knew his worth and talents, though they 
 disapproved of his public conduct during the last two 
 years of his life.* But the death most deeply deplored 
 was that of Robert RoUock, Principal of the Univer- 
 sity of Edinburgh, who was prematurely cut off in the 
 prime of life and in the midst of extensive usefulness. 
 His piety, his suavity of temper, his benevolence, and 
 his talents as a writer and teacher of youth, were uni- 
 versally admired by his countrymen; and those who 
 were offended at some parts of his public conduct 
 traced them to his guileless simplicity and constitu- 
 tional aversion to every thing that wore the appearance 
 of strife or might lead to confusion. | About the same 
 time the country was deprived of one of its ablest 
 statesmen, John Lindsay of Balearras, " for natural 
 judgenaent and learning the greatest light of the policy 
 and council of Scotland. ":J: In the beginning of the 
 year 1600, the zealous and upright John Dury, minis- 
 ter of Montrose, died in a manner becoming the life 
 which he had spent. Having held an interview with 
 the magistrates of the town and the elders of his ses- 
 sion, and left advices to be imparted to the King and 
 ministers at the approaching General Assembly, he in- 
 quired after the day of the month, and being told that 
 it was the last of February, " O ! then," exclaimed he, 
 "the last day of my wretched pilgrimage! and the 
 morrow the first of my rest and glory !" And, laying 
 his head on his eldest son's breast, placidly expired. 
 Melville, who entertained a high esteem of Dury's 
 honesty and goodness of heart, honoured the memory 
 of his friend by his verses. || In the end of the same 
 year, the celebrated John Craig, who had been for a 
 considerable time incapacitated for any public service, 
 terminated his days at the advanced age of eighty- 
 eight.§ 
 
 Epistle was by Winzet, and at that time, probably, was only 
 in MS. 
 
 * Melrille's Diary, p. 328. Spotswood (Hist. p. 455.) fixes 
 his death, incorrectly, in the year 1598.—" 1599. Apr. 12. M. 
 Thomas Buchquhanan diet." (The Laird of Carnbee's Diary. 
 Append, to Laniont's Diary, p. 383.) That this is the true date 
 appeai-s from his Testament. "Item, I grant and confess that 
 the haillbuiks quhilk are presentlie in m}' possessioiin pertains 
 to Mr. Ro* Buchanan, (my brothers son) and that I borrowed 
 the same fra him." He died rich. (Testament Testamentar 
 of Mr. Thomas Buchanan, in Commissary Records of Edin- 
 burgh.) On the 5ith of May, 1599, '• Euphame Hay relict of 
 um^' Mr. Thomas Buchquhannane" revoked a deed which she 
 had -made during her husband's sickness, and in which she had 
 renounced the " conjunct fie of sik lands or annual rents as bc- 
 iangit to him." On the 20th June, "Jo. Buchquhannan (of 
 Ballecraquhie) & Mr. Ro' Buchquhannan, provost of Kirk- 
 heuch," appeared as executors of his testament. (Book of Acts 
 of the Commissariot of St. Andrews.) 
 
 + Spotswood, 455. Melville's Diary. 320. He had merely 
 completed the 43d year of his age when he died, •' 6 Idus Febr. 
 anno 1589." (1598.) Vit* & mortis Roberti Rolloci Scoti nar- 
 ratio. Scripta per Georgium Robertsonum. Edinburei 1589. 
 (1598.) C in eights. Among the Epitaphs published by Ro- 
 bertson there is none by Melville, but an elegy by him is pre- 
 fixed to a Tife of Rollock written in Latin by Henry Chaiteris, 
 who succeeded him as Principal. (MS. in liibl. Col. Edin.) 
 
 \ MeKille's Diary, 328. Lindsay died Sept. 3, 1598. (Ap- 
 pend, to liamont's Diar)\ p. 285.) He was Secretary of State, 
 and, for several years before his death, Chancellor of the Uni- 
 versity of St. Andrews. Melville addressed a playful poem to 
 him, in the form of a petition from the university. (Delitia* 
 Poet. Scot. ii. 121.") I have an original letter from Melville, 
 " To my verie guid Lord my lord Secretar L. Chanceler of the 
 Vniversitie of Senctandrois." It has no date, but appears to 
 have been written some years before Lindsay's death. Among 
 other things, it contains observations on the best remedies for 
 the stone, the disease which proved fatal to his lordship. 
 
 II One of his epitaphs on him is printed (Melvini Musw, p. 
 11.:) others are preserved in MS. (Melville's Diary, p. 345—- 
 347.) The account which James Melville has given of his fa- 
 ther-in-law's dying advice to the ministers, (Diary, 344,345.) is 
 completely at variance with that of Spotswood. ^History 458.) 
 He died on the 25th of Feb. 1600. Marion Majoribanks was 
 his relict, and John and Simeon, his sons. (Test. Testamentar, 
 in Commissary Records of Edinburgh.) 
 
 { Spotswood, 462—464. Jn May, 1594, the King caused it 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE, 
 
 307 
 
 The eager desire which James felt to secure his ac- 
 cession to the English throne induced him to adopt mea- 
 sures which gave much offence to his subjects. With 
 the view of conciliating the Roman Catholics, he sent 
 a secret embassy to the Pope. The odium of the let- 
 ter addressed in his name to his Holiness, was after- 
 wards thrown on his Secretary; but it has been sus- 
 pected, not without some reason, that James acted the 
 same part to Lord Balmerino in this affair, which 
 Elizabeth did to Secretary Davidson respecting the ex- 
 ecution of Queen Mary.* With the view of gratify- 
 ing the Pope, and procuring his support to the King's 
 title, a project was set on foot to grant a toleration to 
 the Papists of Scotland."}" And Archbishop Beaton 
 was not only appointed ambassador at the court of 
 France, but restored to the temporalities of the see of 
 Glasgow.:!^ These steps, though taken with great se- 
 crecy and caution, did not escape the vigilance of the 
 ministers. II 
 
 The literary works which James produced at this 
 time contributed to strengthen the opposition to his 
 administration. In 1598 he published his True Law 
 of Free Monarchies. We must not imagine that by a 
 "free monarchy" was meant any thing like what the 
 expression suggests to us. It meant a government 
 exercised by a monarch who is free from all re- 
 straint or control, or, as the author fitly denominates 
 him, "a free and absolute monarch." The treatise is, 
 in fact, an unvarnished vindication of arbitrary power 
 in the prince, and of passive obedience and non-resist- 
 ance on the part of the people, without any exception 
 or reservation whatever. The royal politician gra- 
 ciously allows, that princes owe a duty to their sub- 
 jects, but he thinks it " not needing to be long" in the 
 declaration of it. He grants, that a king should con- 
 sider himself as ordained for the good of his people ; 
 hut then, if he shall think and act otherwise, and 
 
 to be intimated to the General Assembly that " Mr. Jo" Crag is 
 awaiting w' houre it sail please God to call him and is altogether 
 vnable to serve any longer." (Buik of Univ. Kirk, f. 176, a.) 
 He died on the 12th of Dec. 1600; and left Marion Sniail, his 
 spouse, and Mr. William Craig, his son, executors, who were 
 appointed to take the advice of Mr. Thomas Craig, advocate. 
 He requested "bishaill bairnes to remain in househald with 
 thair mother while thair marriage with parties honest." (Test. 
 Testamentar, in Commissary Records or Edinburgh.) I do not 
 know whether the work referred to in the followmg minute of 
 Assembly, (August 12, 1590,) was published: " Ordaines ye 
 brether of the pbrie of Ed' to peruse ye ans"" sett out be Mr. 
 Craig against a pernicious wrytting put out against the confes- 
 sioun of faith, together with the preface made be Mr. Jon david- 
 sone, and if they find meitt the samen be published that they 
 may be committit to prent." (Ibid. f. 161.) On the "penult 
 Maij" 1592, Craig's Catechism, "quhilk now is allowit and ini- 
 
 firintit," was ordained to be " read in families," and " red and 
 eirnit in lecture schooles in place of the litle catechisme." 
 (Ibid. f. 163, b.) 
 
 « Printed Cald. p. 426, 427, 604. Ambassades de M. de la 
 Boderie, torn. iv. p. 66. 
 
 \ Cald. V. 548. It would seem that James had a work on 
 this subject ready for the press. " The king at this time (June 
 1601) promised to Mr. John Hail, that the book called a decla- 
 ration of the King's minde toward the catholicks sould never be 
 sett furth." (Ibid. p. 591.) 
 
 \ The act of convention, penult. Junij. 1598, was ratified by 
 Parliament in 1600. (Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 169, 256.) Keith 
 says, that, in 1588, the King did, by Act of Parliament, " re- 
 store the old exauctorate and forfeited bishop Beaton to the 
 temporality of the see of Glasgow, which he did enjoy until 
 his death on the — April, 1603." (Scottish Bishops, p. 156.) 
 This is a mistake. It is true, that Beaton was not excepted 
 from the benefit of the act of Parliament 1587, rescinding all 
 forfeitures from 1561. But this " restitutioun reraainit not 
 lang efifectuall in his persoun, be reasone he failzeit in geving 
 the confessioun of his faith and acknawlegeing of o' souerane 
 lordis auctie, as was ordainit be ye said restitutioun." (Act. 
 Pari. Scot. iii. 624.) When James was threatening to revenge 
 his mother's death, he proposed to make Beaton his ambassador. 
 (Courcelles's Dispatches, March 8, and 14, 1587.) 
 
 II The Presbytery of Edinburgh applied for a copy of the 
 act respecting Beaton; but were referred from the clerk of 
 council to the clerk of register, and from the latter to Mr. Alex- 
 ander Hay. (Record of Presb. Julij 4, 11, and 18, 1598.) 
 
 choose, as too many kings have chosen, to run the risk 
 of divine punishment, the people are not permitted to 
 " make any resistance but by flight," as we may see 
 by "the example of brute beasts and unreasonable 
 creatures," among whom " we never read or heard of 
 any resistance" to their parents, " except among the 
 vipers." A free monarch can make statutes as he 
 thinks meet without asking the advice of parliaments 
 or states, and can suspend parliamentary laws for 
 reasons known to himself only. " A good king will 
 frame all his actions according to the law, yet is he 
 not bound thereto but of his good will : although he 
 be above the law, he will subject and frame his actions 
 thereto for example's sake to his subjects, and of his 
 own free will, but not as subject or bound thereto." 
 In confirmation of this doctrine, James appeals to 
 Samuel's description of a king, and quotes and ex- 
 pounds, with the utmost confidence and complacency, 
 the account which that prophet gave the Israelites of 
 the oppressions which they would suffer under a form 
 of government on which they fondly doted. 
 
 Such was " the true pattern of divinity" whick 
 James found himself constrained in duty to publish, 
 for the correction of " our so long disordered common- 
 wealth," and for the instruction of his future subjects 
 in that which it was most necessary for them to know, 
 " next to the knowledge of their God." He at least 
 dealt honestly witli the people of England, who had 
 already begun to worship the rising sun; and in wel- 
 coming him so cordially and unconditionally, as they 
 afterwards did, when he had plainly told them before- 
 hand that they were to be governed as a conquered 
 kingdom, they might fairly be considered as addressing 
 him in the language which he puts into the mouths of 
 the Hebrews : " All your speeches and hard conditions 
 will not skarre us, but we will take the good and evil of 
 it upon us ; and we will be content to bear whatsomever 
 burden it shall please our King to lay upon us, as well 
 as other nations do." If they were disappointed of 
 the benefit which they expected to " get of him in 
 fighting their battles," they had themselves to blame, 
 as he never gave large promises on that head. But he 
 performed for them services of a more valuable kind, 
 as " the great schoolmaster of the whole land," ac- 
 cording to his own description of his office. He taught 
 them a " style utterly unknown to the ancients ;" ban- 
 ished the writings of Calvin, Buchanan, Ponet, and 
 such like "apologies for rebellions and treasons," 
 which had obtained too great authority among them ;* 
 and furnished orthodox text-books, from which the 
 orators of " Cam and Isis" might "preach the right 
 divine of kings to govern wrong.""}" 
 
 The presbyterians of Scotland could not conceal their 
 disapprobation of the political principles of the Law 
 of Free Monarchies. :f: This was one reason of their 
 being treated with such severity in the celebrated 
 BasUicon Doron, or Instructions of the King to his son 
 Prince Henry, which came to light in the course of 
 the following year. Fond of seeing this work in 
 print, and yet conscious that it would give great of- 
 fence, James was anxious to keep it from the knowl- 
 edge of his native subjects, until circumstances should 
 enable him to publish it with safety. With this view 
 " the printer being first sworn to secrecy," says he, 
 " I only permitted seven of them to be printed, and 
 these seven I dispersed among some of my trustiest 
 
 * King James's Works, p. 204, 205. 
 
 f " Mr. George Herbert, being Prelector in the Rhetorique 
 School in Cambridg anno 1618, passed by those fluent orators 
 that domineered in the pulpits of Athens and Rome, and in- 
 sisted to read upon an oration of King James, whirJi he ana- 
 lysed, shewed the concinnity of the parts, the propriety of the 
 phrase, the height and power of it to move the affections, the 
 style utterly unlknown to the ancients, who could not conceive 
 what kingly eloquence was, in respect of which these noted 
 demagogi were but hirelings and triobolary rhetoricians-" 
 (Hacket's Life of Archbishop Williams, Part I. p. 175.) 
 
 \ Cald. V. 365. 
 
308 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 servants to be kept closely by them."* Sir James 
 Sempill of Beltrees, one of the courtiers, shewed his 
 copy to Melville, with whom he was on a footing of 
 intimacy. Having extracted some of the principal 
 propositions in the work, Melville sent them to his 
 nephew, whose colleague, John Dykes, laid them be- 
 fore the provincial synod of Fife. The synod judged 
 them to be of the most pernicious tendency, and not 
 believing, or aflfecting not to believe, that they could 
 proceed from the high authority to which they were 
 attributed, sent them to his Majesty. An order was 
 immediately issued for the apprehension of Dykes, 
 who absconded. f The propositions laid before the 
 synod were the following : That the office of a king 
 is of a mixed kind, partly civil and partly ecclesias- 
 tical : That a principal part of his function consists in 
 ruling the church : That it belongs to him to judge 
 when preachers wander from their text, and that such 
 as refuse to submit to his judgment in such cases 
 ought to be capitally punished : That no ecclesiastical 
 assemblies ought to be held without his consent : That 
 no man is more to be hated of a king than a proud 
 puritan : That parity among ministers is irreconcilable 
 with monarchy, inimical to order, and the mother of 
 confusion : That puritans had been a pest to the com- 
 monwealth and church of Scotland, wished to engross 
 the civil government as tribunes of the people, sought 
 the introduction of democracy into the state, and quar- 
 relled with the King because he was a king : That the 
 chief persons among them should not be allowed to re- 
 main in the land : in fine, That parity in the church 
 should be banished, episcopacy set up, and all who 
 preached against bishops rigorously punished. Such 
 were the sentiments which James entertained, and 
 which he had printed, at the very time that he was 
 giving out that he had no intention of altering the gov- 
 ernment of the church, or of introducing episcopacy. 
 It is easy to conceive what effect this discovery must 
 have produced on the minds of the presbyterian min- 
 isters. And were it not that we know that a sense of 
 shame has but a feeble influence on princes and states- 
 men, and that they never want apologists for their worst 
 actions, it would be confounding to think that either 
 the King or his agents should have been so barefaced 
 as after this to repeat their protestations. 
 
 Finding that the work gave great offence, James af- 
 terwards published an edition of the Daron, accompa- 
 nied with an apologetical preface. His apology, as 
 might be expected, is extremely awkward and unsat- 
 isfactory. Too timid to avow his real meaning, and 
 too obstinate to retract what he had advanced, he has 
 recourse to equivocation, and to explanations glaringly 
 at variance with the text. The opprobrious name of 
 puritans, he allows, was properly applicable only to 
 those called the Family of Love, who arrogated to them- 
 selves an exclusive and sinless purity. To gain credit 
 to his assertion that he alluded chiefly to such persons, 
 he alleges that Brown, Penry, and other Englishmen 
 had, when in Scotland, " sown their popple," and that 
 certain " brainsick and heady preachers" had imbibed 
 their spirit; although he could not but know that these 
 rigid sectaries were unanimously opposed by the Scot- 
 tish ministers, and that the only countenance which 
 they received was from himself and his courtiers.^ 
 The following acknowledgment deserves particular 
 notice, as it ascertains an important fact, and enables 
 us to judge of the policy of the course which James 
 was at present pursuing. Speaking of the ministers, 
 he says, " There is presently a sufficient number of 
 good men of them in this kingdome; and yet are they 
 ALL known to be against the form of the English 
 church." And again, speaking of the charge of puri- 
 tanism, ho says, " I protest upon mine honour that I 
 
 • See Note C. 
 
 t Melville's Diary, 331. Cald. 337, 338. SpoUwood, 457. 
 
 t See before, p. 259. 
 
 mean it not generally of all preachers, or others, that 
 like better of the single form of policj' in our church 
 than of the many ceremonies of the church of England, 
 that are persuaded that their bishops smell of a papal 
 supremacy, that the surplice, cornered cap, and such 
 like, are the outward badges of popish errors. No, I 
 am so far from being contentious in these things, 
 (which for my own part I ever esteemed indifferent) 
 as I do equally love and honour the learned and grave 
 men of either of these opinions. It can no ways be- 
 come me to pronounce so lightly a sentence in so old a 
 controversy. We all (God be praised) do agree in the 
 grounds, and the bitterness of men upon such questions 
 doth but trouble the peace of the church, and gives ad- 
 vantage and entry to the papists by our division."* 
 Such is the language of one who spent a great part of 
 his life in agitating these very questions, who was at 
 that time employed in imposing these very forms upon 
 a church, which, according to his own acknowledg- 
 ment, was decidedly and unanimously averse to them, 
 and who, in this very publication, lays injunctions on 
 his son to prosecute the scheme after his death ! 
 
 It has been said, that this work contributed more to 
 smoothen his accession than all the books written in 
 defence of his title to the English crown. But the 
 facts respecting its publication do not accord with this 
 theory. f Though an impartial examination of its con- 
 tents will not justify the high encomiums passed upon 
 it,:j: yet its literary merits are not contemptible. It is 
 more free from childish and disgusting pedantry than 
 any other of James's writings, and contains many good 
 advices, mingled, however, with not a few silly preju- 
 dices. 
 
 A careful comparison of the Law of Free Monarchies 
 and the Basilicon Boron throws no small light on the 
 history of the time. It points out the true ground of 
 the strong antipathies which James fi4t to the presby- 
 terian ministers, and ascertains the meaning of his fa- 
 vourite ecclesiastico-political aphorism, No Bishop, no 
 King. 
 
 The affair of the Gowrie Conspiracy, which occurred 
 in the first year of the seventeenth century, proved in- 
 jurious to the church, as well as vexatious to individ- 
 ual ministers. For not giving thanks for his Majesty's 
 deliverance in the very words which the court dictated 
 on the first intimation of the occurrence, the ministers 
 of Edinburgh were called before the Privy Council ;|| 
 and having acknowledged, in answer to the inquisito- 
 rial demands put to them, that they were not com- 
 pletely convinced of the treason of Gowrie, although 
 they reverenced the King's narrative, five of them were 
 removed from the capital, and prohibited from preach- 
 ing in Scotland. Four of these soon after submitted, 
 and each was enjoined to profess his belief of the con- 
 spiracy, and his sorrow for his error and incredulity, in 
 several churches, according to the penance imposed 
 upon persons who were chargeable with the most hei- 
 
 • Basilicon Doron, To the Reader, A. 5, 6. Lend. 1603, 
 King James's Works, p. 144. What truth there was in all this, 
 James has himself told us in another of his writings: "That 
 Bishops ought to be in the church, I ever maintained as an 
 Apostolike institution, and so the ordinance of God; — so was I 
 ever an enemie to the confused anarchic or parity of the puri- 
 tans, as well appeareth in my Basilicon Doron. — I that in my 
 said book to my son do speak tenn times more bitterly of them 
 (the puritans) nor of papists — I that for the space of six years 
 before my coming into England laboured nothing so much as to 
 depresse their paritie, and re-erect Bishops againe." (Premo 
 nition to the Apology for the Oath of Allegeance, p. 44, 45.) 
 
 + See Note C. 
 
 i Bishop of Winton's Preface to King James's Works, sig. d. 
 Spotswood, p. 475. Walton's Lives, Zouch's edit. p. 296. 
 
 II Spotswood says that the council told the ministers, when 
 they were first sent for, " that they were only to signifie how 
 the kins had escaped a great danger, and to stir un the people 
 to thanksgiving;" but "by no persuasion they could be moved 
 to perform that duty." (Hist. p. 461.) According to every 
 other statement which I have examined, the ministers declared 
 their readiness to do this, and merely declined to testify that his 
 Majesty had been delivered " from a vile treason." 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 309^^ 
 
 nous oiFences.* Bruce alone refused, and was banish- 
 ed/}" Being subsequently recalled from France, he 
 signified that his doubts were in a great measure re- 
 moved, but still refused to make a public profession of 
 his faith in the words of the court, or to submit to the 
 humiliating penance which it enjoined. As a subject, 
 he said, he had never refused to do the duty of a sub- 
 ject ; but he did not feel himself at liberty to utter in 
 the pulpit, under the authority of his office, any thing 
 of which he was not fully persuaded. " I have a body 
 and some goods," continued he, " let his Majesty use 
 them as God shall direct him. But as to my inward 
 peace, I would pray his Majesty in all humility to suf- 
 fer me to keep it. Place me where God placed me, 
 and I shall teach as fruitful and wholesome doctrine to 
 the honour of the magistrate as God shall give me 
 grace. But to go through the country, and make proc- 
 lamations here and there, will be counted either a 
 beastly fear or a beastly flattery ; and in so doing I 
 should raise greater doubts, and do more harm than 
 good to the cause ; for people look not to words but 
 grounds. And as for myself, I should be but a partial 
 and sparing blazer of my own infirmities : others will 
 be far better heralds of my ignominy.":^ 
 
 The truth is, that from the moment that Bruce was 
 removed from Edinburgh, it was determined that he 
 should never be allowed to return. He was tantalized 
 for years with the hopes of being restored to his place. 
 The terms proposed to him were either such as it was 
 known he would reject, or they were evaded and with- 
 drawn when he was ready to accede to them. And he 
 was afterwards persecuted till his death by the mean 
 jealousy of the bishops, who set spies on his conduct, 
 sent informations to court against him, and procured 
 orders to change the place of his confinement from time 
 to time, and to drag him from one corner of the king- 
 dom to another. The whole treatment which this in- 
 dependent minister received was disgraceful to the 
 government. Granting that he gave way to scrupulos- 
 ity — that he required a degree of evidence as to the 
 guilt of Gowrie, which was not necessary to justify 
 the part which he was required to take in announcing 
 it — that there was a mixture of pride in his motives, 
 and that he stood too much on the point of honour, 
 (concessions that some will not be disposed to make) 
 — still the nice and high sense of integrity which he 
 uniformly displayed, his great talents, and the eminent 
 services which he had performed to church and state, 
 not to speak of his birth and connexions, ought to have 
 secured him very different treatment. But the court 
 hated him for his fidelity, and dreaded his influence in 
 counteracting its favourite plans. There was another 
 consideration which rendered his pardon hopeless. 
 James was conscious that he had deeply injured 
 Bruce.ll There is one proof of this which I shall 
 state, as it affords a striking illustration of the deplo- 
 rable state in which the administration of justice was 
 at that time in the nation. 
 
 Bruce, when in favour with the court, had obtained 
 a gift for life out of the lands of the abbey of Arbroath, 
 which he had enjoyed for a number of years.§ In the 
 
 * James Balfour was appointed to make his confession within 
 the towns of Dundee. Arbroath, Montrose, and Brechin. (Re- 
 cord of Privy Council, Sept. 11, 1600.) 
 
 + Record of Privy Council, August 12, 31. Sept. 10, 11, 1600. 
 Cald. V. 475, 492—495, 527—542. The minute of Council bears, 
 that Bruce "still continewit doubtful! and nocht throwghlie 
 resoluit of the treasonabill and unnatural conspiracie;" and that 
 " it can nawyse stand with his hienes suirtie and honour that 
 ony sic distrustfull personis salbe suflerit to remane within the 
 cuntrey." 
 
 t Cald. V. 599, 600. Crawfurd, i. 242. 
 
 II " Chi amende non pardonna; et si jamais Prince a ete de 
 cette humeur, celui-ci Test;" says the French ambassador, 
 in representing the hopelessness of an application to James in 
 behalf of the son of the Earl of Gowrie. (Ambassades de M. 
 de la Boderie,tom. iii. p. 108.) 
 
 J The f^rant itself, which passed the seals on the 15th of Oc- 
 tober, 1589, speaks in the highest terms of the services which 
 
 year 1598, the King privately disposed of this to Lord 
 Hamilton. He first stirred up the tenants of the ab- 
 bey to resist payment,* aad when this expedient fail- 
 ed, he avowed the deed by which he had alienated the 
 annuity. Bruce signified his willingness to renounce 
 the grant, provided the King retained it in his own 
 hands or applied it to the use of the church ; but learn- 
 ing that it was to be bestowed on Lord Hamilton, he 
 resolved to defend his right. His Majesty called down 
 some of the Lords of Session to the palace, and sent 
 his ring to others, and by threats and persuasions en- 
 deavoured to induce them to give a decision in favour 
 of the crown. Their lordships, however, much to their 
 credit, found Bruce's title to be valid and complete. | 
 On this occasion James exhibited all the violence of an 
 imbecile and undisciplined mind. Being in court when 
 the cause was heard, and perceiving that it was likely 
 to be decided contrary to his wishes, he interrupted the 
 judges while they were delivering their opinions, and 
 challenged them, in a passionate manner, for daring to 
 give an opinion against him. Several of the lords rose, 
 and said, that, with all reverence to his Majesty, unless 
 he removed them from their office, ihey both durst and 
 would deliver their sentiments according to justice; 
 and, with the exception of one judge, the whole bench 
 voted against the party who had the royal support. 
 James threatened the advocates who pleaded for 
 Bruce. :t^ He spoke of him on all occasions with the 
 utmost asperity ; charging him with stealing the hearts 
 of his subjects, and saying, that, were it not for shame, 
 he would " throw a whinger in his face." Determined 
 to obtain his object, he " wakened the process," by 
 means of two ministers in Angus to whom he transfer- 
 red a part of the annuity. At a private interview, in 
 the presence of Sir George Elphingston, his Majesty 
 requested Bruce to " save his honour and he would not 
 hurt him ;" upon which a compromise was made, and 
 sanctioned by the Lords of Session. But the King 
 afterwards set this aside by his sole authority, altered 
 the minute of the court, and threatened to hang the 
 clerk if he gave an extract of it in its original and au- 
 thentic form. Finding that he was to be deprived of 
 the greater part of his annuity, and that the remainder 
 was to be given him only during the royal pleasure, 
 Bruce threw up the gift in disdain. || 
 
 The eagerness which James shewed to have the con- 
 spiracy of Gowrie believed, increased instead of remo- 
 ving the public incredulity. He issued a mandate to 
 change the weekly sermon in all towns to Tuesday, the 
 day on which the event happened .§ Not contented 
 with the observance of a national thanksgiving on the 
 occasion, he procured an act of parliament, ordaining, 
 that the fifth day of August should be kept yearly " in 
 all times and ages to come," by all his subjects, as a 
 " perpetual monument of their most humble, hearty, 
 and unfeigned thanks to God" for his " miraculous and 
 extraordinary deliverance from the horrible and detest- 
 able murder and parricide attempted against his Majes- 
 
 Bruce had done to the King, and to the whole church, "be in- 
 forming of his Ma*'« and counsall of sic thingis as concerns the 
 Weill therof and advancing and furthsetting the same baith in 
 counsell and sessioun." (Register of Privy Seal, vol. ix. fol. 68.) 
 The money and victual contained in the gift are regularly en- 
 tered as his stipend in the Books of Assignation and Modifica- 
 tion. One chalder of wheat and one of bear were given from 
 it. with Bruce's express consent, to his colleague, Balcanquhal. 
 (Book of Assignation for the year 1591.) 
 
 * Register of Decreets and Acts of the Commissariot of St. 
 Andrews, Aug. 21, 1598, compared with Nov. 6, 1595. 
 
 \ Action: Gilbert .\uchterlonie in Bonitoun,&c. against Lord 
 Hamilton and Mr. Robert Bruce; June 16, 1599. (Register of 
 Acts and Decreets of the Court of Session, vol. clxxxiii. fol. 
 198.) 
 
 t Bruce's counsel were Thomas Craig, John Russel, and James 
 Donaldson. 
 
 It Cald. v. 363—367, 408—413. 
 
 } Record of Privy Council, Aug. 21, 1600. Record of the 
 Kirk Session of St. Andrews, Aug. 24. Extracts from Record 
 of Kirk Session of Glasgow, Sept. 25. 
 
310 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 ty's most noble person.* This appointment was offen- 
 sive on different g'rounds. It was an assumption on 
 the part of the parliament, of the riorht of the church- 
 courts to judge in what related to public worship. It 
 was at variance with the principles of the church of 
 Scotland, which, ever since the Reformation, had con- 
 demned and laid aside the observance of religious anni- 
 versaries, and of all recurring holidays, with the ex- 
 ception of the weekly rest. The appointment in ques- 
 tion was liable to peculiar objections, as doubts were 
 very generally entertained of the reality of the conspi- 
 racy to which it related ; on which account ministers 
 and people were annually forced either to offer mock 
 thanks to the Almighty or to incur the resentment of 
 the government. On this last ground, the English, ac- 
 customed as they were to submit to such encroach- 
 ments on their natural and religious liberty, murmured 
 at the introduction of this new holiday.^ Yet such in- 
 fluence had the King now obtained over the church- 
 courts, that the General Assembly, held at Holyrood- 
 house in the year 1602, gave its sanction to the ap- 
 pointment; and thus exposed the church of Scotland to 
 just reproach from her adversaries, as agreeing to keep 
 an annual festival in commemoration of the deliverance 
 of an earthly prince, while she refused this honour to 
 the birth and death of her divine Saviour, and to some 
 of the most interesting events in the history of Chris- 
 tianity.:^ 
 
 James Melville was one of those who refused to obey 
 this act of parliament and assembly. He had concur- 
 ed with the commissioners of the church and the synod 
 of Fife in appointing a public thanksgiving immedi- 
 ately after the conspiracy.|| But he refused to keep th^ 
 anniversary. The King summoned him and several 
 of his brethren to answer for their disobedience, and 
 threatened to proceed against them capitally if they de- 
 clined the privy council ; but having ascertained that 
 they were determined to run all hazards, he satisfied 
 himself with giving them a royal admonition in the 
 presence of the commissioners of the General Assem- 
 bly. It does not appear that the ministers were after- 
 wards put to trouble on this head.§ 
 
 It would seem that Melville was permitted to sit in 
 the General Assembly which met at Burntisland in 
 May, 1601.^ It was on this occasion that the King 
 became again a covenanter, by publicly renewing his 
 former vows. His embassy to the court of Rome had 
 not been well received, and theRoman Catholics in Eng- 
 land had shown themselves unfavourable to his right of 
 succession to the crown. At home he had incurred great 
 odium by the slaughter of the Earl of Gowrie, as to 
 whose guilt the body of the people were invincibly in- 
 credulous. After the assembly had been occupied for a 
 considerable time in deliberating on the "causes of the 
 
 • Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 213, 214. 
 
 t " Amonffst a number of other novelties, he (James) brought 
 a new holy-day into the church of England, wherein God liad 
 public thanks given him for his Majesties deliverance out of the 
 hands of Earle Gourie: and this fell out upon the fifth of Au- 
 gust, on which many lies were told either at home or abroad, 
 m the quire of St. Pauls church or the Long Walk: For no 
 Scotch man you would meet beyond the sea but did laugh at it, 
 and the peripatetigue politicians said the relation in print did 
 murder all possibility of credit." (Osborne's Hist. Memoirs: 
 Secret History of the Court of James the First, vol. i. p. 276.) 
 "The English (says Sir Anthony Welldon) believe as little the 
 truth of tnat story as the Scots themselves did." (Ibid. p. 
 32Q.) 
 
 i Buik of Univ. Kirk, f 204, b. 
 
 II Melville's Diary, p. 36.3. " At that tyme, (the end of Au- 
 gust 1600,) being in Falkland, I saw a fuscanibulus frenchman 
 play Strang and incredible pratticks upon stented takell in the 
 palace clos, befor the king, quein, and haill court. 7Vuj was 
 politicklie done to mitigat the Quein and peiple Jbr Gowriea 
 slauchter. Even then was Hendersone tryed befor ws, and 
 Gowries pedagog wha haid bein buted." (Ibid.) 
 
 5 Rerord of Privy Council, Aug. 12, 1602. Cald. iv. 617. 
 
 T At least, Calderwood (v. 570) mentions him as voting, in 
 the privy conference, against the translation of the minUters of 
 Exlinburgh. 
 
 general defections from the purity, zeal, and practice 
 of the true religion in all estates of the country, and 
 how the same may be most effectually remedied," 
 his Majesty rose and addressed them with great ap- 
 pearance of sincerity and pious feeling. He confess- 
 ed his offences and mismanagements in the govern- 
 ment of the kingdom ; and, lifting up his hand, he 
 vowed, in the presence of God and of the assembly, that 
 he would, by the grace of God, live and die in the reli- 
 gion presently professed in the realm of Scotland, defend 
 itaga,inst all its adversaries, minister justice faithfully 
 to his subjects, discountenance those who attempted 
 to hinder him in this good work, reform whatever was 
 amiss in his person or family, and perform all the du- 
 ties of a good and Christian king better than he had 
 hitherto performed them. At his request the members 
 of assembly gave a similar pledge for the faithful dis- 
 charge of their duty; and it was ordained that this 
 mutual vow should be intimated from the pulpits on 
 the following Sabbath, to convince the people of his 
 Majesty's good dispositions, and of the cordiality 
 which subsisted between him and the church.* 
 
 It was at this assembly that a motion was made to 
 revise the common translation of the Bible, and the 
 metrical version of the Psalms. The former of these 
 was the only piece of reform which James exerted 
 himself in effecting after his accession to the English 
 throne. On the present occasion, we are told, he 
 made a long speech, in the course of which he dwelt 
 on the honour which such a work would reflect on the 
 church of Scotland. " He did mention (says Arch- 
 bishop Spotswood) sundry escapes in the common 
 translation, and made it seem that he was no less 
 conversant in the Scriptures than they whose profes- 
 sion it was ; and when he came to speak of the 
 Psalms, did recite whole verses of the same, shew- 
 ing both the faults of the metre and the discrepance 
 from the text. It was the joy of alLthat were present 
 to hear it, and bred not little admiration in the whole 
 assembly."! But ravished as they were, and proud 
 as they might be, of having for a king so great a di- 
 vine, linguist, and poet, the Assembly did not think 
 it fit to gratify his Majesty by naming him on the com- 
 mittee ; but recommended the translation of the Bible 
 to such of their own number as were best acquainted 
 with the original languages, and the correction of the 
 Psalmody to Pont.:}: This did not, however, prevent 
 James from employing his poetical talents on a new 
 version of the Psalms, intended to be sung in church- 
 es. If he had given encouragement to the ministers 
 to prosecute such works as these, instead of irritating 
 them, and embarrassing himself, by the agitation of 
 questions respecting forms of ecclesiastical govern- 
 ment, James would have acted like a wise prince. He 
 would have gained their esteem, diverted them from 
 those political discussions of which he was so jeal- 
 ous, and essentially promoted the interests of religion 
 and letters in his native kingdom. 
 
 The preposterous and baleful policy of the court 
 distracted the ministers from other undertakings of 
 great moment and utility. Among these was the in- 
 troduction of the means of religious knowledge into 
 the Highlands and Islands of Scotland. In the year 
 1597, the General Assembly appointed some of their 
 number to visit the North Highlands. In passing 
 through the shires of Inverness, Ross, and Murray, 
 the visitors found an unexpected avidity for religious 
 instruction in the people, and great readiness on 
 the part of the principal proprietors to make provision 
 for it. The chief of the clan Mackintosh subscribed 
 obligations for the payment of stipends in the different 
 parishes on his estate; and observing that the visitors 
 were surprised at his alacrity, he said to them, " You 
 
 * Cald. V. 577, 578. Melville's Diary, p. 366. Hist, of the 
 Decl. Age. p. 25. 26. Row's Hist. p. 62. 
 f Spotswood, p. 466. 
 t Buik of th« Univ. Kirk, f. 197, b. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 311 
 
 may think that I am liberal, because no minister will 
 venture to come among us. But get me the men, and 
 I will find sufficient caution for safety of their persons, 
 obedience to their doctrine and discipline, and good 
 payment of their stipends, either in St. Johnston, Dun- 
 dee, or Aberdeen." — " Indeed," says James Melville, 
 who was one of the visitors, " I have ever since re- 
 gretted the estate of our Highlands, and am sure if 
 Christ were preached among them, they would shame 
 many Lowland professors. And if pains were taken 
 but as willingly by prince and pastors to plant their 
 kirks as there is for wracking and displanting the best 
 constituted, Christ might be preached and believed 
 both in Highlands and Borders."* — About the same 
 time a scheme was planned for civilizing the inhabit- 
 ants of the Western Isles, who were in a state of com- 
 plete barbarism, and scarcely owned even a nominal 
 subjection to the crown. A number of private gentle- 
 men, chiefly belonging to Fife, undertook to plant a 
 colony in Lewis, and the adjacent places, which form- 
 ed the lordship of the Isles. They obtained a charter, 
 confirmed by Parliament, which conferred on them 
 various privileges, and among other things authorized 
 them to erect ten parish churches, which were to 
 be endowed from the revenues of the bishopric of the 
 Isles.f The presbytery of St. Andrews took a warm 
 interest in this undertaking; and at their appointment, 
 Robert Dury, minister of Anstruther, sailed to Lewis 
 in the year 1601, to assist the gentlemen of the society 
 in the plantation of their churches. :j: The next account 
 we have of Dury is as a prisoner in Blackness, for 
 holding a meeting of the General Assembly. || 
 
 While James remained in Scotland, the scheme of 
 introducing episcopacy, though never lost sight of, 
 was cautiously prosecuted. After the dissolution of 
 the Assembly held at Bruntisland, the commissioners 
 of the church addressed a circular letter to the minis- 
 ters, intimating that the Spanish monarch had hostile 
 intentions against Britain, and requesting them to im- 
 press their people with a sense of their danger, and to 
 assure them that his Majesty was resolved to hazard 
 his life and crown in the defence of the gospel. § 
 Melville wrote upon his copy of the letter, Hanni- 
 bal ad porias! He was convinced that the fears of the 
 commissioners were affected, and that their object was 
 to raise a false alarm, with the view of turning the 
 public attention from their own operations. Accord- 
 ingly, he neglected no opportunity of rousing his 
 brethren to a due sense of the real danger to which 
 they were exposed. In a discourse which he deliver- 
 ed at the weekly exercise in the month of June, 1602, 
 he condemned the unfaithfulness and secular spirit 
 which were become common among ministers of the 
 gospel. Gladstanes, feeling himself galled with this re- 
 buke, sent informations against him to court ; and the 
 King having come to St. Andrews, issued a /e/<rec?eca- 
 cAe< without any authority from the Privy Council, con- 
 
 * Melville's Diary, p. 325. 
 
 + Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 248—250. Spotswood, p. 468. 
 
 i Record of Kirk Session of Anstruther Wester, April 30, 
 1601. 
 
 11 Among the means used for the reformation of the High- 
 lands, it is proper to mention the translation of Knox's Liturgy, 
 as it is called, into Gaelic, by John Carswell, Superintendent of 
 the West, and Bishop of the Isles. It was entitled " Foirm 
 NA NURRNUIDHEADH," i. e. Forms of Prayer i and was print- 
 ed at Edinburgh by Robert Lekprevick, 24th April, 1567. An 
 account of this very curious and rare work, and interesting ex- 
 tracts from it, accompanied with an English translation, may 
 be seen in Leyden's Notes to Descriptive Poems, p. 214—227. 
 See also Martin's description of the Western Islands, p. 127. 
 I have but little doubt that the Highlanders had the Psalms in 
 their own language during the 16th century. A Gaelic transla- 
 tion of the first fifty Psahns was published by the synod of Ar- 
 gyle ill the year 1650; most probably made from the newly 
 authorized version in English. 
 
 } The death of Philip II. in the year 1598, was fatal to the 
 hopes which had for so many years instigated the Roman Cath- 
 olics of Scotland to disturb the peace of their native coun- 
 try. 
 
 fining him within the precincts of his college.* The de- 
 sign of this arbitrary mandate was in part counteracted 
 by a plan which was adopted by the members of pres- 
 bytery, the greater part of whom had been pupils of 
 Melville. They set on foot an exercise in the New 
 College, in which they alternately treated a theological 
 question. This was attended by the whole university. 
 The questions selected were chiefly such as related to 
 the papal supremacy and hierarchy, and the discussion 
 was managed in such a way as to make it bear on the 
 points in dispute between presbyterians and episcopa- 
 lians. By this means both ministers and students 
 were confirmed in their attachment to presbytery, and 
 qualified for defending it against its adversaries. As 
 the exercise was performed in the Latin language, as 
 it was agreeable to the directions of the General As- 
 sembly, and as the papists were the only opponents 
 who were named, the court could find no plausible 
 pretext for suppressing it.f 
 
 During the confinement of his uncle, James Mel- 
 ville exerted himself with unusual zeal, and display- 
 ed a resolution and courage of which he had been sup- 
 posed incapable. Perceiving that his good nature had 
 been imposed on by designing and faithless brethren, 
 that his silence was construed into consent, and that 
 the compliances which he made, with a view to peace 
 and harmony, were uniformly followed by farther en- 
 croachments on the rights of the church, he determin- 
 ed, henceforward, inflexibly to maintain his ground, to 
 act invariably according to the dictates of his own 
 judgment, and to lend a deaf ear to the fair professions 
 of men who meant only to deceive and overreach. :^: 
 He attended the assemblies of the church at the risk 
 of bis life, and when confined by a lingering disease 
 he wrote them from his sick-bed letters containing the 
 freest advices and the most powerful exhortations to 
 constancy. With the view of preventing his opposi- 
 tion to the court measures at a meeting of the synod of 
 Fife, intimation was sent him that the King had given 
 one of his letters to the Lord Advocate for the purpose 
 of commencing a criminal prosecution against him ; 
 but he paid so little regard to this threatening, that Sir 
 Robert Murray, in reporting the proceedings of the 
 synod, informed his Majesty, that James Melville was 
 become more fiery and intractable than his uncle. || 
 
 At length the death of Elizabeth put James in pos- 
 session of the new kingdom for which he had so ar- 
 dently longed. In the speech which he made in the 
 High Church of Edinburgh before setting out for Eng- 
 
 * " Apud S. Andrews undecimo die mensis JuIij,anno domini 
 1602. The kings Ma. for certaine causes and considerations 
 moving his H. ordaines a niacer or oy"" officer of armes, to 
 passe & in his name and authoritie command and charge Mr 
 Andrew Melvill principall of the new Colledge of S. AndreweS 
 to remaine and containe himself in waird within the precint of 
 said Colledge, and in noe wise to resort or repaire without the 
 said precincts while he be lawfully and orderly releeved, and 
 freed be his Ma: under the paine of rebellion and putting of 
 him to the home, with certification to him, if he faile and doe 
 in the contrare that he shall be incontinent therafter denounced 
 rebell and putt to the home, and all his moveables goods 
 escheat to his H. use, for his contemption. 
 
 (Cald. VI. 615.) Thomas Fentenn messinger." 
 
 t Melville's History of the Declining Age, p. 27. 28. 
 
 X During the sitting of the General Assembly in the year 
 1602, he was sent for to the palace. As he came out of the 
 cabinet, William Row, minister of Strathmiglo, who was 
 waiting for access, overheard the King saying to one of his at- 
 tendants, " This is a good simple man. I have streaked cream 
 in his mouth: I'll warrant you he will procure a number of 
 votes for me to-morrow." Row communicated to James Mel- 
 ville what he had heard, and the latter having next day given 
 his vole against the proposal of the court, his Majesty would 
 not believe it, and made the clerk call his name a second time. 
 (Livingston's Characteristicks, art. William Row.) 
 
 II Wodrow's Life of Mr. James Melvil, p. 96, 102: vol. xii. 
 MSS. in Bibl. Col. Glasg. Being told that the King hated him 
 more than any man in Scotland for crossing his plans, he coolly 
 replied, 
 
 Nee speransaliquid,. nec extimcscens, 
 Exarmaveris iinpotentis iram. 
 
312 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 land, he professed his satisfaction that he left the 
 church in a state of peace, and declared that he had 
 no intention of making any farther alteration of its 
 government. He repeated this assurance to the depu- 
 ties of the synod of Lothian, who waited on hiin as 
 he passed through Haddington. In answer to a peti- 
 tion which they ])resented in behalf of their confined 
 brethren, he said, that he had parted on the best terms 
 with Bruce, that he had expected that Davidson would 
 wait on him as he came through Prestonpans, and that 
 he had given Melville the liberty of going six miles 
 round St. Andrews.* All the ministers offered their 
 cordial congratulations to James on this occasion, al- 
 though they could not but be aware that one of the first 
 uses which he would make of his increased power 
 would be to overthrow their liberties. f The severity 
 with which Melville had been treated did not prevent 
 him from employing his muse in celebrating the peace- 
 able accession of his sovereign to the throne of Eng- 
 land: 
 
 Scotangle Princeps, optiine principum, 
 Scotangle Princeps, maxinie principum, 
 Scotobritan-niberne Princeps: 
 Orte polo, nate, sate princeps. 
 In reg-na concors te vocat Anglia; 
 Te Vallia oninis; te omnis lernia; 
 Et fata Rouiae; et Gallicani 
 Per veteres titulos triumphi 
 Addunt avitis imperils novos 
 Sceptri decores; Orcadum et insulis 
 Hetlandicisque, et plus trecentis 
 Hebridibus nemorosa Tenipe: 
 Qua belluosus cautibus obstrepit 
 Nereus Britannis, qua Notus inibrifer. 
 Qua Circius, Vulturnus, Eurus 
 Quadrijuga vehitur procella: 
 Cnjus mentis nauifrago impetu 
 Vim sensit atram classis Iberica, 
 Allisa flictu confraginosis 
 Rupibus, et scopulis tremendis. 
 * « * * 
 
 Tui videndi incensa cupidine 
 Plebs flagrat imnienso, Eripe te mora 
 Scotobritan-hiberne Princeps. 
 Vive diu populoque foelix, 
 Gratusque. Votis et prece supplies 
 Rerum parenteni concilia: et refer 
 Exorsa regni laeta, sanctum 
 Christus imperium ut gubernet, 
 Fraenans proteruae regna licentiae, 
 Laxans raodestae froena decentise, 
 Vt vera virtus verticem mox 
 Coaspicuum super astra tollat.^ 
 
 CHAPTER Vm. 
 
 Melville's Correspondence with Learned Foreigners — His 
 Apology for the Nonconformist Ministers of England — 
 Hampton-Court Conference — Proposed Union of the two 
 Kingdoms — Death of John Davidson — Plan of the Court for 
 Superseding the General Assembly — Ministers imprisoned 
 for Holding an Assembly at Aberdeen — Convicted of High 
 Treason — Melville Protests in Parliament against Episcopacy 
 — Extract from Reasons of Protest — He is called to London 
 with Seven of hig Brethren — Their Appearances before the 
 Scottish Privy Council — Sermons Preached for their Con- 
 version — They are Prohibited from Returning to Scotland 
 — Melville's Epigram on the Royal Altar — He is called be- 
 fore the Privy Council of England for it — Confined to the 
 House of the Dean of St. Paul's — Convention of Ministers 
 at Linlithgow — Constant Moderators Appointe-d — The Min- 
 isters at London Ordered to Lodge with English Bishtips — 
 Interview between them and Archbishop Bancroft — Melville 
 called a Second Time before the Council" of England — Ini- 
 
 gnsoned in the Tower — Reflections on his Treatment — His 
 Irethren Confined — Their Dignified Behaviour. 
 
 • Cald. vi. 699—701. Melville'g Histonr of the Declining 
 Age, p. 36. Tho Rising and Usurpatione ofour pretendit Bish- 
 opes, MS. p. 2L The relaxation of Melville's confinement was 
 procured by the Queen's mediation. (Cald. vi. 615.) 
 
 + Row's History, p. 191, 192. 
 
 \ Melvini Musse, p. 12 — 15. There are three poems by bim 
 on the accession of James, and one on the sickness of Eliza- 
 beth. 
 
 While the jealousy of the government led them 
 to circumscribe the usefulness of Melville in every 
 way that was within their power, his reputation contin- 
 ued to spread on the Continent. Some of the most dis- 
 tinguished of the foreign literati courted his friend- 
 ship, and corresponded with him by letters. Among 
 these was Isaac Casaubon, who, after teaching in the 
 academies of Geneva and Montpellier, had taken up 
 his residence, and was prosecuting his critical studies 
 at Paris, where he enjoyed an honorary salary as 
 Reader to Henry IV. and Keeper of the Royal Li- 
 brary. The correspondence between them began ia 
 the year 1601, when Casaubon addressed a letter to 
 Melville couched in the most flattering terms. "The 
 present epistle, learned Melville, is dictated by the 
 purest and most sincere affection. Your piety and 
 erudition are universally known, and have endeared 
 your name to every good man and lover of letters. I 
 became first acquainted with your character at Geneva, 
 through the conversation of those great men, Beza, the 
 deceased Stephanas,* and the learned Lectins, all of 
 whom with many others, as often as your name was 
 introduced, were accustomed to speak in the highest 
 terms of your worth, probity, and genius. You know 
 the effect of splendid virtues on the minds of the in- 
 genuous ; and I have always admired the saying of 
 the ancients, that all good men are linked together by 
 a sacred friendship, although often separated 'by many 
 a mountain and many a town.' Having long loved 
 and silently revered your piety and learning, (two 
 things in which I have always been ambitious to ex- 
 cel,) I have at length resolved to send this letter to 
 you as an expression of my feelings. Accept of it, 
 learned Sir, as a small but sincere testimony of that 
 regard which your reputation has excited in the breast 
 of a stranger. Permit me at the same time to make a 
 complaint, which is common to me with all the lovers 
 of learning who are acquainted with your rare erudi- 
 tion. We are satisfied that you have beside you a 
 number of writings, especially on subjects connected 
 with sacred literature, which, if communicated to the 
 studious, would be of the greatest benefit to the church 
 of God. W^hy do you suppress them, and deny us 
 the fruits of your wakeful hours 1 There are already 
 too many, you will say, who burn with a desire to 
 appear before the public. True, my learned Sir; we have 
 many authors, but we have few or no Molvilles. Let me 
 entreat you to make your appearance, and to act the 
 part which providence has assigned you in such a man- 
 ner as that we also may share the benefit of your la- 
 bours. Farewell, learned Melville; and henceforward 
 reckon me in the number of your friends."| 
 
 Another of Melville's foreign correspondents was 
 Mornay du Plessis, a nobleman who united in his 
 character the best qualities of the soldier, the states- 
 man, the scholar, and the Christian. The correspon- 
 dence between them appears to have commenced on 
 the occasion of a controversy excited among the Pro- 
 testants of France, by a peculiar opinion respecting the 
 doctrine of justification, which Piscator, a celebrated 
 theologian at Herborn in the Palatinate, had started. 
 The National Synod of the French churches, which 
 met at Gap in the year 1603, passed a severe censure 
 on the novel tenet, and wrote to other reformed churches 
 and universities requesting them to assist in its sup- 
 pression. :{: Melville and his colleague Johnston con- 
 veyed their sentiments on the subject in a letter to Du 
 Plessis. They did not presume to judge of the sen- 
 tence of the Synod of Gap, but begged leave to express 
 
 * Henr}' Stephens, the learned printer, was the father-in- 
 
 f of Casaubon. 
 law Casauboni Epistolae, p. 129, edit. Almeloveen. There is 
 only another letter to Melville in that collection, (lb. p. 254.) 
 It appears from this that he had received letters from Melville. 
 (Comp. p. 143.) 
 
 I Qaick's Svnodicon, i.227. Piscator was accused of hold- 
 ing that the sutterings only of Christ, and not the actions of his 
 life, are imputed to believers in justification. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 313 
 
 their fears that strong measures would inflame the 
 minds of the disputants, and that the farther agitation 
 of the question might breed a dissension very injurious 
 to the interests of Uie evangelical churches. It ap- 
 peared to them, that both parties held the protestant 
 doctrine of justification, and only differed a little in 
 their mode of explaining it. They, therefore, in the 
 name of their brethren, entreated Du Plessis to employ 
 the authority which his piety, prudence, learned wri- 
 tings, and illustrious services in the cause of Christi- 
 anity had given him in the Galilean church, to bring 
 about an amicable adjustment of the controversy.! In 
 his reply to this letter, Du Plessis expressed his ap- 
 probation of the prudent advice which they had given, 
 and informed them of the happy effects which it had 
 produced. t The King of Great Britain reckoned it in- 
 cumbent on him, in his new character oi Defender of 
 the Faith, to interfere in this dispute, as he afterwards 
 did very warmly in the controversies excited in Hol- 
 land by Arminius and Vorstius. The synod of Gap 
 had given him umbrage by a declaration which he 
 considered as derogating from the due authority of 
 bishops.:]: 
 
 The ministers of Scotland waited with anxiety to see 
 how James would act towards that numerous and re- 
 spectable body of his new subjects who had all along 
 pleaded for a farther reformation in the English church. 
 From this they could form a pretty correct estimate of 
 the line of conduct which he intended to pursue with 
 themselves. Before the death of Elizabeth he had 
 sounded the dispositions of the puritans. They were 
 universally in favour of his title ; and tliere is no rea- 
 son to doubt that he gave them hopes in the event of 
 his accession.il When he was on his way to London 
 they presented to him a petition, commonly called, 
 from the number of names affixed to it, the Millenary 
 I'etition ,• stating their grievances, and requesting that 
 measures might be adopted for redressing them, and 
 for removing corruptions which had long been com- 
 plained of by the soundest Protestants. No sooner 
 was this petition presented than the two universities 
 took the alarm. The university of Cambridge passed a 
 grace, " that whosoever opposed, by word or writing, 
 or any other way, the doctrine or discipline of the 
 church of England, or any part of it, should be sus- 
 pended, ipso facto, from any degree already taken, and 
 be disabled from taking any degree for the future." 
 The university of Oxford published a formal answer 
 to the petition, in which they accused those who sub- 
 scribed it of a spirit of faction and hostility to mon- 
 archy, abused the Scottish reformation, lauded the gov- 
 ernment of the church of England as the great support 
 of the crown, and concluded with this very modest 
 declaration, " there are at this day more learned men 
 in this kingdom than are to be found among all the 
 ministers of religion in all Europe besides."! These 
 proceedings were not only injurious to several respect- 
 
 « Epistola ad Morneinm, MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. 
 num. 46. & Rob. III. 2. 18. num. 10. 
 
 + Vie de M. du Plessis, p. 307. Quick's Synodicon, i. 265, 
 266. 
 
 J The synod declared that the title Superintendent, in their 
 Confession, did not imply " any superiority of one Pastor above 
 another." (Quick, i. 227.) Ag'ainst this explication James 
 sent a remonstrance. (Laval, Hist. vol. v. p. 415.) Du Plessis, 
 in a letter to M. de la Fontaine, apologizes for the declaration 
 of the synod. (Menioires de M. du Plessis, torn. iv. p. 50.) — 
 James published bis Epicrisis de controversia mota de Justifi- 
 catione, anno 1612. It begins with a quotation from Solomon, 
 and ends with Jacobus. 
 
 II See his letter to Mr. Wilcock in Cald. vi. 698, 699, and 
 Jacob's Attestation of learned, arodly, and famous Divines, p. 14, 
 313. 
 
 § Who were the individuals at this time in the church of 
 England, (those inclined to nonconformity excepted,) who were 
 known in the republic of letters ? To the names eulogized b)' 
 Melville, Herbert opposes the apostles Peter and Paul, the em- 
 peror Constantine, St. Augustine, St. Ambrose, Duns Scotus, 
 and King James ! (Musae Resp. Epigr. 33. De Anthorum Enu- 
 nieratione.) 
 
 2P 
 
 able members of both universities, who were known to 
 have taken part in the petition, but disrespectful to the 
 King, who had received it and promised to inquire into 
 the abuses of which it complained. Melville felt in- 
 dignant at this prostitution of academical authority, 
 and attacked the resolutions of the English universities 
 in a satirical poem which he wrote in defence of the 
 petitioners.* The poem was extensively circulated in 
 England, and galled the ruling party in the church no 
 less than it gratified their opponents. Several of the 
 English academics drew their pens against it, but their 
 productions were confessedly very inferior to Melville's 
 in elegance and pungency. f 
 
 The proceedings and issue of the mock conference 
 at Hampton Court are well known. On that occasion 
 care was not taken to preserve even the appearances 
 of impartiality. Every thing was previously settled 
 in private between the King and the bishops. The in- 
 dividuals who were allowed to plead for reform were 
 few ; they were not chosen by those in whose name 
 they appeared, nor did they express their sentiments; 
 and, althoutjh men of talents and learning, they did not 
 possess the firmness and courage which the situation 
 required. The moderation of their demands was con- 
 verted into a proof of the weakness of their cause, and 
 the unreasonableness of nonconformity. The modesty 
 with which they urged them served only to draw down 
 upon them the most intemperate and insolent abuse. 
 They were browbeaten, threatened, taunted, insulted, 
 by persons who were every way their inferiors except 
 in rank. The Puritans complained of the unfairness 
 of the account of the conference which was published 
 by Barlow; but whatever injustice the bishop may 
 have done to their arguments, and whatever intention 
 he may have had to injure their reputation, they ought 
 to have applauded his performance. Nothing, in fact, 
 can be more pitiable than the disclosure which it makes 
 of the bigotry and servile adulation of the bishops, and 
 of the intolerable conceit and grotesque ribaldry of the 
 King. To quote it is to expose them to ridicule. No 
 modern Episcopalian can read it without reddening 
 with shame at the figure in which the head and digni- 
 fied members of his church are represented.:!: There 
 
 f Pro suppHci Euangelicorum Ministrorum in Anglia ad Se- 
 renissimiim Regeni, contra larvatam geminas Academiae Gorgo- 
 nem Apologia, sive Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoria. Authore A. 
 Mclvino. 1604. Sir Robert Sibbald mentions an edition of this 
 poem in 1620. (De Scriptoribus Scoticis, MS. p. 13.) It was 
 reprinted in CaldeTwood'^AltareDamascenum. 
 
 t One of these was George Herbert, who, in forty epigrams, 
 analyzed Melville's poem, and answered it piece-meal. His ep- 
 igrams were added by Dr. Duport to a collection of Latin poems 
 by himself and others, entitled " Exclesiastes Soloraonis &c. 
 Accedunt Georgii Hcrberti Musae Responsorire ad Andreas Mel- 
 vini Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoriam. Cantab. 1662."— Isaac Wal- 
 ton savs, "If Andrew Melville died before him, then George 
 Herbert died without an enemy." Upon which Walton's ed- 
 itor remarks: " We cannot suppose that Andrew Melville could 
 retain the least personal resentment against Mr. Herbert; whose 
 verses have in them so little of the poignancy of satire, that it 
 is scarce possible to consider them as capable of exciting the 
 anger of him to whom they are addressed." (Walton's Lives, 
 Dr. Zouch's edit. p. 342.)— Tiiomas Atkinson, B. D. of St. 
 John's College, Cambridge, wrote an answer, under the title 
 of "Melvinus Delirans, sive Satyra edentula contra ejusdem 
 Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoriani— per Thoniam Atkinson. Poema 
 versibus lambicis scriptum." (Harl. MSS. num. 3496. 2.) It 
 was dedicated to William Laud, when Dean of Gloucester and 
 President of St. John's College. The MS. is not now to be 
 found in the British Museum. 
 
 I The Summe and Substance of the Conference— at Hamp- 
 ton Court, January 14, 1603. Contracted bj William Barlow, 
 Doctour of Divinitie, &c. Lond. 1605. It is reprinted in Phoe- 
 nix, vol. i. Besides Barlow, and the other authorities referred 
 to by Neal, in his History of the Puritans, those who wish fall 
 information of the conference may also consult Wilkins's Con- 
 cilia Mag. Brit. torn. ii. p. 373—375. 
 
 Barlow's Account of the Conference, with the Canons agreed 
 on by the Convocation in the course of the same year, was pub- 
 lished at Paris in French by the Roman Catholics. Such notes 
 as the followinjj were added on the margin: King James ab- 
 jures the Scottish chnrch—King James a semi-catholic, &c. 
 (Ad Sereniss. Jacobum Primvm— Ecclesix Scoticanje hbellus 
 
314 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE 
 
 was not the most distant idea of giving relief to the 
 complainers by this conference. The object of it was 
 to afford James an opportunity of displaying his talents 
 for theological controversy before his new subjects, to 
 give him a plausible excuse for evading his promises 
 to the non-conformists, and to smooth the way for the 
 introduction of the forms of the English church into 
 Scotland.* The liturgy was published with a few 
 trifling alterations, and conformity to it was enjoined 
 upon all ministers under the severest penalties. f In 
 his speech to the parliament which met soon after at 
 Westminster, James acknowledged the church of Rome 
 to be his " mother church, though defiled with some 
 infirmities and corruptions" — spoke with the greatest 
 tenderness of her adherents, and declared his readiness 
 to " meet them in the mid-way :" but "the puritans or 
 novelists, who do not differ from us so much in points 
 of religion as in their confused form of policy and par- 
 ity," were pronounced by his Majesty to be a " sect in- 
 sufferable in any well-governed commonwealth.":!: 
 
 Warned by these facts, the ministers of Scotland 
 were awake to their danger when the union of the king- 
 doms was proposed; a measure of which James was 
 extremely fond, and which he set on foot immediately 
 after he went to England. Melville was friendly to a 
 legislative union, and joined with several of his learn- 
 ed countrymen in setting forth the advantages which 
 would accrue from it to both kingdoms. || But he was 
 convinced at the same time, from the disposition of the 
 court, that there was the greatest reason to fear that 
 the presbyterian establishment would be sacrificed to 
 accomplish it. W^hen the parliament of Scotland was 
 called to deliberate on this important business, the 
 synod of Fife, under his influence, applied for liberty 
 to hold a meeting of the General Assembly. They 
 were told by the agents of the court that this was alto- 
 gether unnecessary, as the commissioners to be ap- 
 pointed by parliament were merely to advise on the 
 terms of union, and to report to their constituents; to 
 which the deputies of the synod replied, that in ordi- 
 nary cases the resolutions of committees were adopted 
 by the Estates, and, consequently, the selection of the 
 commissioners and the instructions, given to them were 
 of the very greatest importance. Having failed in ob- 
 taining this object, the synod addressed a spirited ad- 
 monition to the commissioners of the General Assem- 
 bly. After expressing their fervent wishes for the suc- 
 cess of the proposed union, as conducive to the tempo- 
 ral prosperity of both kingdoms, and to the security of 
 the protestant religion in them, they admonished the 
 commissioners to crave of the parliament that the laws 
 formerly made in favour of the church should be con- 
 finned, and that nothing should be done tending to 
 hurt, alter, or innovate her discipline and government, 
 which was founded on the word of God, established by 
 the laws of the land, and sanctioned by solemn prom- 
 ises and oaths. They required them to protest, that, 
 if any step was taken to its prejudice, it should be null 
 and void ; and to charge those who voted in the name 
 of the church, to confine themselves within the bounds 
 of their commission, and to defend the ecclesiastical 
 constitution, as they should answer to Christ and his 
 church. And in fine they adjured them, before God 
 and his elect angels, to inform the commissioners for 
 the union, and, through them, his Majesty, that the 
 members of synod were fully persuaded that the es- 
 
 •upplcx. Auctore Jacobo Melvino. P. 30. Lond.1645.) The 
 French Protestantg complained that their adversaries endeav- 
 oured to render them odious by quoting wliat James had said 
 of the Puritans in his Basilicon Doron. (Lord Hailes'g Memo- 
 rials and Letters, i. 73.) 
 
 « Neal's History of the Puritnns, vol. ii. p. 8,20,Toulm. edit. 
 Compleat Hist, of England, ii. 6t)5. 
 
 + Wilkins's Concilia, toni. ii. p. 377, 406, 408. 
 
 \ Journals of the CommoDs, vol. i. p. 142. 
 
 II Delitiae Poet. Scot. ii. 118. There is a letter of Melville's 
 prefixed to a treatise on tlie Union by Hume of Godscroft. 
 (MS. in Bibl. Col. Edin.) 
 
 sential grounds of the government established in the 
 chtirch of Scotland were not indifferent or alterable, 
 but rested on divine authority, equally as the other 
 articles of religion did, and that they would part with 
 their lives sooner than renounce them. The King was 
 very desirous that the commissioners for the union 
 should be invested with unlimited powers ; but the par- 
 liament, jealous of the designs of the court, passed an 
 act, declaring, in conformity with the request of the 
 synod of Fife, that they should have no power to treat 
 of any thing that concerned the religion and ecclesias- 
 tical discipline of Scotland.* 
 
 In the course of the year 1()04, John Davidson, who 
 had taken an active part in the public transactions of 
 his time, departed this life.f On his return from ban- 
 ishment after the death of the Regent Morton, he be- 
 came minister of the parish of Libberton. The tyranny 
 of Arran drove him a second time into England. Upon 
 the fall of Arran, lie declined returning to Libberton, 
 and was chosen to deliver a morning lecture in one of 
 the churches of Edinburgh. In this situation he re- 
 mained until he was called to Prestonpans, where he 
 officiated till his death. :|: Davidson was a man of sin- 
 cere and warm piety, and of no inconsiderable portion 
 of learning, united with a large share of that blunt and 
 fearless honesty which characterized the first reform- 
 ers. The bodily distress under which he laboured du- 
 ring the last years of his life was aggravated by the 
 persecution which he suffered from the government.|| 
 He left behind him collections relating to the ecclesi- 
 astical history of Scotland, with other writings, which 
 the court was eager to suppress.^ 
 
 Some time before this, Gladstanes was nominated 
 
 * Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 274. Forbes's MS. History, p. 34, 35. 
 James Melville's Hist, of the Decl. Age, .p. 37 — 41. Printed 
 Cald. p. 479 — 481. Calderwood represents the admonition to 
 the commissioners of the General Assembly as given b)- the 
 synod of Fife: James Melville ascribes it to the commissioners 
 of synods. Forbes states that the King sent down a list of such 
 persons aa he wished to be chosen commissioners for the union, 
 consisting chielly of bishops and newly-created noblemen ; that 
 the ancient nobility. ofTended at this, refused to bear their ex- 
 penses; that the persons nominated by the King offered to go 
 at their own charge; and that, upon this, the nobility made the 
 act exempting ecclesiastical matters from their cognizance. 
 
 + Four individuals " having comissione of the haill parish 
 of Saltprestoun, bot especially of y<^ laird of Prestonc, conipeirit 
 lamenting ye death of C father Mr. Jo" Davidsone j "■ last pastor." 
 (Record of Presbytery of Haddington, Sept. 5, 1604.) 
 
 f " Mr. John Davidsoun refusit to reenter to the kirk of Lib- 
 bertoun." (Record of the Presbytery of Edinburgh, JVov. 5. 
 1588.) " The transportation of Mr. Ar<i Symsoun from Dal- 
 keith till Cranstoun, and Mr. John Davidsoun's planting at Dal- 
 keith," are remitted to the Prcsbvlery of Edinburgh. (Rec. of 
 Synod of Lothian and Tweeddale', Sept. 17, 1589.) " Mr. John 
 Davidsoun's preiching in Edinburgh quarrellit and approved." 
 (Ibid. Oct. 3. 1589. Comp. April 1, 1595.J A proposal was 
 made for having him settled in the West Kirk. (Rec. of Presb. 
 of Edin. Oct. 29, 1594, March 18, 1595.) 
 
 It Cald. v. 579, 608. 
 
 9 His papers, after his death, came into the hands of John 
 Jonston, Melville's colleague. " Item, 1 leaue the trunk that 
 lyes under the bwirde u' Mr. Johne David,sones papers thairin 
 to Mr. Rob'' Wallace & Mr. Alex' Hooine at Prcstounepannes." 
 (Jonston's Testament.) At Jonston's death, an order was issued 
 by the lords of privy council, (Nov. 21, 1611,) to the rector of 
 the university and provost and bailies of St. Andrews, to " cause 
 his coffers to be closed" — as it was understood "that he had 
 sundrie paperis writtis and books, pairtlie written be himselfe, 
 and pairtlie be utheris, — q"' contcnis sura purposs and mater 
 whairin his Ma"« may have verrv iust caus of offens, gif the same 
 be sufferit to come to licht." (Collection of Letters in the pos- 
 session of the Earl of Haddington.) An account of the pro- 
 gress which Davidson had made in his historical collections is 
 given in a letter wliich he wrote to the King, April 1, 1603. 
 (Cald. vi. 686 — 688.) " A little before his death he penned a 
 treatise, De Hoslibus Ecclesia Chriali, wherein he aflirmes 
 y' the erecting of bishops in this kirk is the most subtile thinge 
 to destroy religione j' ever could be devised." (Row's Hist. p. 
 293.) His catechism, entitled, " Some Helpes for young Schol- 
 lers in Christianity, Edinburgh 1602," was reprinted in 1708, 
 with a very curious preface by Mr. William Jameson, Professor 
 of Ecclesiastical History at Glasgow, iu which he exposes the 
 forgery of Mr. Robert Calder, wTio, by a pretended quotation 
 from this catechism, attempted to persuade the public that Da- 
 vidson had recanted presbyterian prinripbs before his death. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 315 
 
 to the archbishopric of St. Andrews, ana Spotswood 
 to that of Glasgow, as a reward for their services in 
 forwarding the schemes of the court, and an encour- 
 agement to them to persevere in their exertions for the 
 overthrow of presbytery. 
 
 During the years 1604 and 1605, Melville bore an 
 active part in the struggle for maintaining the General 
 Assembly, the great bulwark of the liberties of the 
 church of Scotland. By the parliamentary establish- 
 ment of Presbytery in the year 1592, it was secured 
 that the supreme judicatory should be held at least 
 once a year, and a rule was laid down for fixing the 
 particular day and place of every meeting. Under va- 
 rious pretexts James had infringed this rule ; and, with 
 the assistance of the commissioners of the church, had 
 altered the times and places of assembling. In con- 
 sequence of a complaint from the synod of Fife, the 
 Assembly held at Holyroodhouse in 1603 came to the 
 resolution, that General Assemblies should hereafter 
 be regularly kept according to the act of parliament.* 
 His Majesty was present and agreed to this resolution ; 
 yet when the time approached for holding an Assem- 
 bly at Aberdeen on the last Tuesday of July, 1604, he 
 prorogued it until the conferences respecting the union 
 were over. As all classes in the nation were eager in 
 securing their rights, the presbytery of St. Andrews 
 judged it incumbent on them to be careful of the rights 
 of the church. They enjoined their representatives to 
 repair to Aberdeen; who, finding none present to join 
 with them in constituting the Assembly, took a formal 
 protest, in the presence of witnesses, that they had 
 done their duty, and that whatever injury might arise 
 to the liberties of the church from the desertion of that 
 diet should not be imputed to them or to their constit- 
 uents. 
 
 This faithful step aroused the zeal of the other pres- 
 byteries. At the ensuing meeting of the synod of 
 Fife, delegates from all parts of the church attended to 
 consult on the course which should be taken to assert 
 their rights. At this meeting, and at an extraordinary 
 one subsequently held at Perth, the parliamentary 
 bishops and commissioners of the church were severe- 
 ly taken to task, and accused of clandestinely hinder- 
 ing the meeting of the General Assembly, for the pur- 
 pose of prolonging their own delegated powers, and 
 evading the censures which they had incurred by trans- 
 gressing the cautions. It was at the same time resolv- 
 ed to send petitions from all the synods, requesting his 
 Majesty to allow the supreme ecclesiastical judiciary 
 to meet for the transacting of important and urgent bu- 
 siness. Gladstanes conveyed information to the King 
 of the activity with which Melville and his nephew pro- 
 moted these measures; in consequence of which an or- 
 der came from London to incarcerate them. But the 
 council, either offended at the bishop's officiousness, or 
 afraid of the spirit which then pervaded the nation, ex- 
 cused themselves from carrying the order into execu- 
 tion. f 
 
 Notwithstanding the numerous petitions transmitted 
 to court from presbyteries and synods,;^: the General 
 Assembly was again prorogued in 1605 ; and, as if to 
 
 » Bulk of the Univ. Kirk, ff. 201, b; 203, a. At the Assem- 
 bly in May, 1597, his Majesty declared the act of parliament 
 regulating the meetings ot the church courts to be " the most 
 authentick forme of consent that any king can give." (Ibid. f. 
 187, a.) 
 
 + Apologetical Narration by W. S. (William Scot, minister 
 of Cupar m Fife,) p. 133—138: MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. 
 Printed Calderwood, p. 482—484. 
 
 J On the 25th September, 1604, the presb3'tery of Hadding- 
 ton appointed commissioners to go to St. Johnston " to regrait 
 the delay of the generall assemblie." Oct. 17, 1604, they 
 agreed that a petition should be presented to his Majesty on 
 this subject. Sept. 11, 1605, they appointed the following 
 clause to be inserted in a supplication: "That seing we un- 
 derstand his Ma*'« hes bein abused in respect no sute hath bene 
 delyverit (as ane letter direct fro his Ma*'* bearis) craving ane 
 generall asiemblie: q'ag the Sinod of lawthiane and tueddell, 
 convenit at traneut, direct ane letter to his Ma"e craving maist 
 
 declare that the King had assumed the whole power of 
 calling it into his own hands, no time was fixed for its 
 meeting. It now behoved the ministers to make a de- 
 termined stand, unless they meant to surrender their 
 rights without a struggle to the crown. 
 
 The election of the members of Assembly had taken 
 place in many parts of the country before its proroga- 
 tion was known. After such mutual consultation as 
 the shortness of the time permitted, nine presbyteries 
 resolved to send their representatives to Aberdeen, 
 with instructions to constitute the Assembly, and ad- 
 journ it to a particular day, without proceeding to 
 transact any business. John Forbes, minister of Al- 
 ford, who had lately had an interview with his Ma- 
 jesty at London, and received assurances of his dis- 
 position to maintain the jurisdiction of the church, 
 was employed to communicate this resolution to the 
 Chancellor. That statesman professed himself satis- 
 fied with the moderation of the proposal, and promis- 
 ed to refrain from interdicting the Assembly, and mere- 
 ly to address a letter to the ministers who should meet, 
 desiring them to separate. On the 2nd of July, nine- 
 teen ministers* having met, after sermon, in the ses- 
 sion-house of Aberdeen, Straiten of Lauriston, the 
 King's Commissioner, presented to them a letter from 
 the Lords of Privy Council. As it was addressed 
 " To the brethren of the ministry convened at their 
 Assembly in Aberdeen," it was agreed, before reading 
 it, to constitute the Assembly, and choose a modera- 
 tor and clerk. While they were employed in reading 
 the letter, a messenger at arms entered, and, in the 
 King^s name, charged them to dismiss on the pain of 
 rebellion. The Assembly declared their readiness to 
 comply with this order, and only requested his Majes- 
 ty's Commissioner to name a day and place for next 
 meeting. Upon his refusal, the moderator oppointed 
 the Assembly to meet again in the same place on the 
 last Tuesday of September ensuing, and then dissolv- 
 ed the meeting with prayer. Lauriston afterwards 
 gave out that he had discharged the Assembly by open 
 proclamation at the market-cross of Aberdeen on the 
 day before it met; but no person heard this, and it 
 was universally believed that he antedated his procla- 
 mation, to conciliate the King and the court ministers, 
 who were highly offended at him for the countenance 
 which he had given to the meeting.f 
 
 This is a summary account of the assembly at 
 Aberdeen, which afterwards made so much noise, and 
 which the King resented so highly. The conduct of 
 the ministers who kept it, instead of meriting punish- 
 ment, is entitled to warm and unqualified approbation. 
 It was marked at once by firmness and moderation, by 
 zeal for the rights of the church and respect for the au- 
 thority of their sovereign. Had they done less than 
 they did, they would have forfeited the honourable 
 character which the ministers of Scotland had acquired 
 — disgraced themselves, and discredited those to whose 
 places they had succeeded. They would have crouch- 
 ed to the usurped claims of a regal supremacy, which 
 
 humblie ane generall assemblie, and sent [it] to his J\fa''' be 
 Mr. Jho. Spottiswood." (Record of Presbyterj'.) 
 
 * Ten other ministers came to Aberdeen after the Assembly 
 was dissolved, and by their subscriptions approved of what 
 their brethren had done. — The presbytery of Haddington se- 
 verely reprimanded their representative for not repairing to 
 Aberdeen, and approved of the procedure of the Assembly. 
 (Record, July 17 and 24, 1605.) 
 
 t Melville's Historv of the Declining Age, ]). 52 — 55. Sim- 
 soni Annal, p. 90. Rising and Usurpation of the Pretendit 
 Bishopes, p. 22—24. History by Mr. John Forbes, p. 42—62. 
 The two last MSS. are in my possession. John Forbes, who 
 was moderator of the Assembly at Aberdeen, was a brother o. 
 Patrick Forbes of Corse, who afterwards became bishop ot 
 Aberdeen. Spotswood's account is entirely taken from the of- 
 ficial Declaration of the jttst Causes of his Maj. Proceedings 
 against the Ministers who are now lyiitg in Prison; printed 
 both at Edinburgh and London in 1605. A counter-statement 
 was published by the ministers under the title of Faithful 
 Report of the Proceedings anent the Assembly ofMinisters 
 at Aberdeen: printed in England in 1606. 
 
316 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 they and their predecessors had uniformly and steadily 
 resisted, which were not more inconsistent with pres- 
 byterian principles than contrary to the laws of the 
 country, and which, if yielded to, would have con- 
 verted the free and independent General Assembly of 
 the church of Scotland into a Parisian parliament or 
 an English convocation. They are entitled to the 
 gratitude of the friends of civil liberty. The question 
 at issue between the court and them amounted to this, 
 whether they were to be ruled by law, or by the arbi- 
 trary will of the prince — whether royal proclamations 
 were to be obeyed when they suspended statutes enact- 
 ed by the joint authority of King and Parliament. 
 This question came afterwards to be debated in Eng- 
 land, and was ultimately decided by the establishment 
 of the constitutional doctrine which confines the exer- 
 cise of royal authority within the boundaries of law. 
 But it cannot be denied, and it ought not to be forgot- 
 ten, that the ministers of Scotland were the first to 
 avow this rational doctrine, at the expense of being 
 denounced and punished as traitors ; and that their 
 
 ftleadings and sufferings in behalf of ecclesiastical 
 iberty set an example to the friends of civil liberty in 
 England. In this respect complete justice has not 
 yet been done to their memory; nor has expiation 
 been made for the injuries done to the cause which 
 they maintained, by the slanderous libels against these 
 patriots which continue to stain the pages of English 
 history. 
 
 The Privy Coimcil did not resent the proceedings at 
 Aberdeen. But no sooner was his Majesty informed 
 of them than he transmitted orders to the law-officers 
 in Scotland to proceed with the utmost rigour against 
 the ministers who had presumed to contravene his 
 command.* They were accordingly called before the 
 privy council, and fourteen of them having stood to 
 the defence of their conduct, were committed to dif- 
 ferent prisons. John Forbes, who was moderator of 
 the Assembly, and John Welch, being considered 
 as leaders, were treated with greater severity than 
 the rest; being confined within separate cells in the 
 castle of Blackness, and secluded from all intercourse 
 with their friends. An anecdote, authenticated by 
 the records of the council, affords a striking illus- 
 tration of the spirit with which the ministers were 
 actuated. Robert Youngson, minister of Clatt, had 
 been induced to make an acknowledgment before the 
 privy council, and was dismissed. But on the day 
 when the cause of his brethren came to be tried 
 he voluntarily presented himself along with them, 
 professed his deep sorrow for the acknowledgment 
 which he had formerly made, avowed the lawfulness 
 of the late assembly, and, having obtained the permis- 
 sion of the council, took his place at the bar.f Hav- 
 ing declined the authority of the privy council as in- 
 competent to judge in a cause which was purely ec- 
 clesiastical, six of the rainisters:|: were served with an 
 indictment to stand trial for hijjh treason before the 
 
   His Majesty's letter to Secretary Balmerino is dated " at 
 Hauering in the boure the xix of July 1605." (Collection of 
 Letters in possession of the Earl of Hadding^toa.) The njinis- 
 ters were first called before the Privy Council on the 23th of 
 July. (Collection of Acts of Secret Council, by Sir John Hay, 
 Knight, Clerk of Register.) James marked with his own hand 
 Bach parts of the proceedings of the Ministers ag in his opinion 
 brought them " within the compass of the law." Among these 
 the following merits notice: "In the said Ire [the letter of 
 the Assembly to the Privy Council] thereafter at this signe -^, 
 they wald raak this thair appollogie for thair proceeding, that 
 they souldnot be the first oppenaris ofane gap to the oppin breache 
 and violatioitn of (he latvis and slatulis of this realme; willing 
 the counsell to wey and considder thairof; as gif they wald 
 niak ane plane accusatioun of sum tyrannie intendit be ws to 
 the prejudice of the lawis of our kingdorae, an speiche altogid- 
 der smelling of treasoun and lese majestic." (Collection of Let- 
 ters, ut supra.) 
 + ActofSecret Council, Oct. 24, 1605. (Sir John Hay's Col.) 
 i John Forbes, minister at Alford, John Welch at Ayr, Ro- 
 bert Dury at Anstruther, Andrew Duncan at Crail, John Sharp 
 at Kihuany, and Alexander Strachan at Creigh. 
 
 Court of Justiciary at Linlithgow. They were indict- 
 ed solely for the fact of their having declined the privy 
 council ; and the charge of treason was founded on a 
 law enacted during the infamous administration of 
 Arran, which, so far as it respected ecclesiastical 
 matters, was disabled by a posterior statute. The de- 
 fence of their counsel was able and conclusive, and 
 the speeches of Forbes and Welch were of the most 
 impressive kind. But of what avail are innocence 
 and eloquence against the arts of corruption and ter- 
 ror? The Earl of Dunbar, now the King's favour- 
 ite, was sent down to Scotland for the express purpose 
 of securing the condemnation of the ministers. Such 
 of the privy counsellors as the court could depend on 
 were appointed assessors to the judges ; the jury were 
 packed ; after they had retired, the most illegal inter- 
 course took place between them and the crown officers ; 
 and by such disgraceful methods a verdict was at last 
 obtained, finding, by a majority of three, the prisoners 
 guilty of treason. The pronouncing of the sentence 
 was deferred until his Majesty's pleasure should be 
 known.* 
 
 The conduct of the ministers, during their imprison- 
 ment and on their trial, gained them the highest esteem. 
 Those who had pronounced them guilty were ashamed 
 of their own conduct. The glaring and scandalous per- 
 version of justice struck the minds of all men with hor- 
 ror. In vain did the court issue proclainaiions, prohib- 
 iting, under the pain of death, any to pray, " either 
 generally or particularly," for the convicted ministers, 
 or to call in question the verdict pronounced against 
 them, or to arraign any of the proceedings of govern- 
 ment. The proclamations were disregarded and dis- 
 obeyed. Insensible to the feelings of the nation, the 
 King refused to exert his right to pardon. He would 
 not even impart to his counsellors his resolution as to 
 " the punishment of the traitors, which behoved," he 
 said, " to remain for some time in his own breast as an 
 arcanum imperii.^'' And he ordered them to proceed 
 without delay with the trial of the ministers who were 
 still in prison, and whose conviction he anticipated as 
 a matter of course after the decision which had been 
 given against their brethren, especially if " more wary 
 election was made of the next assisors."| Had this 
 insane mandate been carried into execution, it must 
 have spread dissatisfaction and discontent through the 
 nation, and might have hastened on those confusions 
 which broke out during the succeeding reign. Fortu- 
 nately for James his counsellors were endued with 
 more wisdom than he possessed. They wrote him in 
 plain terms, that it was impossible for them to procure 
 the conviction of the remaining prisoners ; that those 
 who sat on the former jury would not consent to re-act 
 the same part ; that, even if they were willing, it would 
 disgrace the government to employ them ; and that no 
 others could be found to undertake a task which would 
 expose them to universal odium and execration.:^: 
 James reluctantly yielded ; but " the tender mercies of 
 the wicked are cruel." The eight ministers were re- 
 
 * Forbes's Hist. p. 62—151. Melville's Decl. Age, p. 61 
 — 92. Spotswood, p. 487 — 489. Scot's Apolog. Narration, p. 
 143 — 163. Of the illegalities of the process no other proof 
 is required than the account of it which the Lord Advocate 
 transmitted to the King. (Lord Hailes's Memorials, vol. i. p. 
 1 — 4.) In the same strain is the letter written which Secretary 
 Balmerino addressed to his Majesty " by direction of the coun- 
 sell." "To dissemble nothing," says he, "gif the Erie of 
 Durabar had not bene with ws, and pairtlie by nis dexteritie in 
 aduising quhat vves fittest to be done in eurie thing, and pairtlie 
 by the au"* he had over his friends, of quhome a greit many 
 passed upoun the assise, and pairtlie for that sume stood aw of 
 his presens, knawing that he wald mak fidell relatioun to vour 
 ma"" of eurie mans pairt, the turne had not frameil so well as, 
 hlessit be God, it has." (Col. of Letters belonging to Lord 
 Haddington.) 
 
 f His Majesty's letter to the Lords of Secret Council, Jan. 
 22, 1606: Col. of lyetters, ut sup. 
 
 t The Counsellis Ansr to his Majesty's Letter, Januar— 1606: 
 Col. of Letters, ut sup. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 3J7 
 
 leased from prison ; but they were banished singly to 
 the extremities of the Highlands, to the Western Isles, 
 Orkney, and Shetland ; and in these inclement and then 
 barbarous abodes, several of them contracted diseases 
 which hurried them to a premature grave. The dread 
 which was entertained of the talents of the six convict- 
 ed ministers procured for them a milder fate. After 
 being imprisoned fourteen months in the castle of 
 Blackness, they were banished into France.* 
 
 These severities increased the nation's aversion to 
 episcopacy, and its dislike of the bishops, who were 
 universally believed to have incensed his Majesty 
 against the men who opposed their elevation. If the 
 first introduction of episcopacy had produced such per- 
 secution, what might be looked for when it obtained 
 a complete ascendancy and establishment If The peo- 
 ple contrasted the harsh treatment of their ministers 
 with the suspicious lenity shown to Roman Catholics. 
 It was observed, that, at this very time, Gilbert Brown, 
 abbot of Newabbey, who had for many years been a 
 busy trafficker for Rome and Spain, and a chief instru- 
 ment of keeping the south of Scotland under ignorance 
 and superstition, was released from the castle of Edin- 
 burgh, where he had been liberally entertained at the 
 public expense, and was allowed to leave the kingdom, 
 after all his crucifixes, agnus deis, relics, chalices, and 
 sacred vestments, had been religiously restored to him : 
 while John Welch, who had converted multitudes from 
 the errors of popery by his pastoral labours, and had 
 published, at his Majesty's particular request, a learn- 
 ed confutation of the abbot's tenets, was detained in 
 vile durance, and obliged to support himself in prison 
 on his own charges.:): " Barabbas (says a writer of 
 that time) was released, and the faithful preachers of 
 the word of God were retained in loathsome dun- 
 geons."|| Nor did it escape notice, that James con- 
 tinued unrelentingly to prosecute the imprisoned min- 
 isters after his almost miraculous escape from the Gun- 
 powder Plot, and rejected all intercessions in their fa- 
 vour, though embodied in congratulatory addresses 
 which were transmitted to him from his native king- 
 dom on that memorable occasion.§ 
 
 Melville took a warm interest in the fate of his per- 
 secuted brethren. He avowed his approbation of their 
 conduct in holding the assembly at Aberdeen and in 
 
 * Act of Secret Council, Oct. 23, 1606: Sir John H«y's Col- 
 lection. Simsoni Annales, p. 91. Cald. 549. 
 
 f Melville expressed the general feeling in these Hues: 
 Talia si teneri producunt ponia stolones ? 
 Quid longseva arbos ? qualia pofiia feret ? 
 (Simsoni Annales, p. 91.) 
 
 \ Forbes's Hist. p. 111. Melville's Decl. A^e, p. 82, 83. 
 Welch's book is entitled, " A Reply against M. Gilbert Browne 
 Priest. Wherein is handled many of the Greatest and weight- 
 iest pointes of controversie between vs and the Papistes, &c. 
 By M. John Welche, Preacher of Christ's Gospel! at Aire. Ed- 
 inburgh, Printed by Robert Walde-grave, 1602." P. 363. Ded- 
 icated to James VI. It was reprinted in 1672, by Matthew Craw- 
 ford, under the title of "Popery Anatomized." 
 
 It would appear that some of the ministers received pecuni- 
 ary aid from their presbyteries during their imprisonment. 
 "■The haill bretheren of the presbyterie agreis to ane cotribu- 
 tioune of fourtie marks for support of y' bretheren in ward." 
 (Record of the Presbytery of Aberdeen, Nov. 15, 1605.) 
 
 ! Simsoni Anna!, p. 93. 
 Printed Calderwood, p. 507. A poem by Melville on the 
 Gunpowder Plot is printed in Delit. Poet. Scot. torn. ii. p. 100. 
 In the speech which James made to the parliament of England 
 after the discovery of the plot, while he shewed great anxiety 
 to distinguish between the different kinds of papists, he went 
 out of his way to declare his detestation of " the cruelty of the 
 Puritanes, worthy of fire, that will admit no salvation to any 
 Papist." (Works, p. 504.) In answer to the petitions in behalf 
 of the Scottish ministers, he said, that "the papists were seek- 
 ing his life indeed, but the ministers were seeking his crown, 
 dearer to him nor his life." (Melville's Decl. Age, p. 83.) The 
 truth is, James abused the puritans because he dreaded no harm 
 from them, and he endeavoured to keep fair with the papists, 
 because, as he sometimes phrased it, " they were dexterous 
 kin^-killers;" just as some Indians are said to worship the devil, 
 for Tear he should do them a mischief. (Toplady's Historic Proof, 
 ii. 215.) 
 
 declining the judgment of the privy council. He zeal- 
 ously promoted petitions to the government in their fa- 
 vour. He was present in Linlitiigow on the day of 
 their trial to give them his advice, and to make a final 
 attempt for accommodation with the privy council. . 
 And, after their conviction, he accompanied them to 
 the place of their confinement.* It was not long till 
 he was called to make a more open appearance in be- 
 half of the cause for which they suffered, and to share 
 in the hardships which he now sought to alleviate. 
 
 Presuming that these severe proceedings must have 
 intimidated and subdued the spirit of the ministers, the 
 court deemed the present a favourable time for taking 
 another step in the introduction of episcopacy. The 
 provincial synods were assembled, and deputies from 
 his Majesty required their consent to five articles, in- 
 tended to secure the bishops from being called to ac- 
 count for their late violations of the cautions, and to re- 
 cognize the power which the King claimed over the 
 General Assembly. But these articles were decisively 
 rejected by the synod of Fife ; and the other synods, 
 with the exception of that of Angus, referred the deter- 
 mination of them to the General Assembly.! 
 
 Melville was deputed by the presbytery of St. An- 
 drews to wait on the parliament which met at Perth in 
 August, 1606; and was instructed to co-operate with 
 his brethren of other presbyteries in seeing that the 
 church suffered no injury at that assembly of the Es- 
 tates. Understanding that it was intended to repeal 
 the statute which had annexed the temporalities of 
 bishoprics to the crown, and to restore the episcopal 
 order to their ancient privileges, they gave in to the 
 Lords of Articles a representation ; stating, that the 
 episcopal office stood condemned by the laws of the 
 church, and that the bishops were restored to a place 
 in parliament without prejudice to the established ec- 
 clesiastical government ; and craving that, if any act 
 were to be passed in their favour, the cautions enacted 
 by the General Assembly, with the concurrence of his 
 Majesty, should be embodied in it. In reply to this 
 they were explicitly told by the Chancellor, that the 
 bishops would be restored to the state in which they 
 were a hundred years ago. Upon this they prepared a 
 protest, which being refused by the Lords of Articles, 
 they gave in to each of the Estates. Forty-two names, 
 of which Melville's was the first, were affixed to this 
 protest. The commissioners of shires and burghs at 
 first promised to support it, but most of them were in 
 the issue gained over by the agents of the court. The 
 chief nobility were averse to the restoration of episco- 
 pacy;:!: but since James's advancement to the throne 
 of England, it was become a matter of greater conse- 
 quence than it had formerly been to preserve the royal 
 favour ; and he employed an argument with them which 
 proved irresistible. The gifts which they had obtain- 
 ed from church lands were confirmed to them, and a 
 great many new temporal lordships were erected from 
 the same fund. The bishops did not scruple to violate 
 the "caveats" by consenting to this alienation of the 
 property of the church, and to the reduction of the num- 
 ber of her voters in parliament from fifty-one to thir- 
 teen. This compromise being made, the parliament 
 restored the bishops to all their ancient and accustom- 
 ed honours, dignities, prerogatives, privileges, and liv- 
 ings, and at the same time revived the chapters which 
 had been suppressed by the General Assembly. The 
 preamble to this act is perfectly appropriate. It recog- 
 nizes his Majesty as " absolute prince, judge, and gov- 
 ernor over all persons, estates, and causes, both spirit- 
 ual and temporal." By another act the royal preroga- 
 
 * Printed Calderwood, p. 508. 516. 
 
 + Simsoni Annal. p. 98. Melville's Decl. Age, p. 92. Forbes, 
 p. 165, 166. 
 
 X " En Ecosse la plupart des Seigneurs sont non-seuleinent 
 Puritains, niais mal-conten« : de sorte que je ne scais s'il se 
 pouri-a faire obeir." (Letlre a M. de Villeroy, 31 May, 1606: 
 Ambassades de M. de la Boderie, torn. i. p. 63.) 
 
318 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 tive was raised to the highest pitch, accompanied with 
 the most extravagant and fulsome adulation of the 
 reigning sovereign.* The greatest precautions were 
 taken to prevent the ministers from protesting against 
 these deeds. Melville had been appointed by his breth- 
 ren to perform this task. On the day on which the 
 acts were to be ratified, he gained admission into the 
 House; but no sooner did he stand up than an order 
 was given to remove him. Though thus prevented 
 from taking a protest according to legal forms, he did 
 not retire until he had made his errand sufficiently 
 known. f 
 
 The protest was conceived in language respectful 
 to the legislature, but expressive of the most deter- 
 mined opposition to the measure under their considera- 
 tion. It reminded the members of parliament that 
 they were not lords over the church, but nursing fa- 
 tliers to her; and that, instead of assuming a power 
 to mould her government according to their pleasure, 
 it was their duty to preserve and maintain that which 
 had been given her by her divine head. It warned 
 them that the measure under their consideration would, 
 if adopted, overthrow that discipline under which re- 
 ligion had flourished for so many years in Scotland. 
 It conjured them not to undo all that they had done in 
 behalf of the church ; nor for the sake of gratifying a 
 few aspiring individuals, to erect anew a hierarchy 
 which had been abjured by the nation, and which had 
 uniformly proved the source of "great idleness, palpa- 
 ble ignorance, insufferable pride, pitiless tyranny, and 
 shameless ambition." And it concluded with declar- 
 ing, that the protesters were ready to produce reasons at 
 large to shew that the power and dignity which it was 
 proposed to confer on bishops were contrary to Scrip- 
 ture, the opinions of the fathers, the canons of the 
 ancient church, the writings of the most learned and 
 godly divines of modern times, the doctrine and con- 
 stitution of the church of Scotland since the beginning 
 of the Reformation, the laws of the realm, and the 
 welfare and honour of the King, parliament, and sub- 
 jects.:}: The protest was drawn up by Patrick Simp- 
 son, minister of Stirling ; the reasons of protest were 
 composed by James Melville, with the assistance of 
 his uncle.JI The following extracts from the last- 
 mentioned paper will serve as a proof of the spirit with 
 which it was written, and of the enlightened zeal for 
 civil liberty, and the temporal welfare of the nation, 
 with which the ministers were at this time actuated. 
 
 " Set mee up these Bishops once, (called long since 
 the Prince's led-horse) things, if they were never so 
 unlawful, unjust, ungodly and pernitious to kirk and 
 realme, if they shall be borne forth by the counten- 
 ance, authoritie, care and endeavour of the King, 
 (supposing such a one, as God forbid, come in the 
 roome of our most renouned Sovereign ; for to the 
 best hath oftentimes succeeded the worst,) they shall 
 be carried through by his Bishops, set up and enter- 
 tained by him for that effect; and the rest of the 
 estates not only be indeed as ciphers, but also beare 
 the blame thereof to their great evill and dishonour. 
 If one will aske. How shall these Bishops be more 
 subject to be carried after the appetite of an evill 
 
 • Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 281,282. The last-mentioned act was 
 concealed at the time. The oath of supremacy wa« ordained 
 by act of Privy Council only. (Record of Privy Council, June 
 2, 1607.) Calderwood (MS. vi. 1112) says, it was •* printed at 
 Edinburgh be Robert Charters, anno dom. 1607." 
 
 t Printed Cald. p. 521. Siinsoni Annal. p. 100. Melville's 
 Decl. Age, p. 105. 
 
 \ Informations, or a Protestation, and a Treatise from Scot- 
 land. Imprinted 1608. P. 94. 12mo. It appears from the 
 epistle to the reader, that this treatise was printed abroad by 
 an Englishman who had fled from Bancroft's persecutions. 
 The Protestation may be seen in the printed History of Calder- 
 wood. p. 527—531. 
 
 II Printed Cald. p. 527, 536. The Reasons of Protest are 
 inserted at length m a well-written tract by Calderwood, en- 
 titled. The Course of Conformity— Printed in the yeare 1622; 
 (p. 20—48.) 
 
 prince then the rest of the estates? The answer ana 
 and reason is, because they have their lordship and 
 living, their honour, estimation, profit and commoditie 
 of the King. The King may set them up and cast 
 them down, give them and take from them, put them 
 in and out at his pleasure ; and therefore they must 
 bee at his direction to doe what liketh him : and in a 
 word, he may doe with them by law, because they 
 are set up against law. But with other estates hee 
 cannot doe so, they having either heritable standing 
 in their roomes by the fundamental! lawes, or then 
 but a commission from the estate that send them, as 
 from the burgesses or barons. Deprave me once the 
 Ecclesiastical Estate, which have the gift of knowl- 
 edge and learning beyond others, and are supposed 
 (because they should bee) of best conscience, the rest 
 will easily be miscarried. And that so much the more, 
 that the officers of Estate, Lords of Session, Judges, 
 Lawyers that have their offices of the King, are com- 
 monly framed after the court's affection. Yea, let 
 Chancellor, Secretarie, Treasurer, President, Con- 
 troller, and others that now are, take heed that these 
 new Prelates of the Kirk, (as covetous and ambitious 
 as ever they were of old,) insinuating themselves by 
 flatterie and obsequence into the Prince's favour, at- 
 taine to the bearing of all these offices of estate and 
 crowne, and to the exercising thereof, as craftily, ava- 
 ritiously, proudly, and cruelly, as ever the Papisticall 
 Prelates did. For as the holiest, best and wisest an- 
 gels of light, being depraved, became most wicked, 
 craftie and cruell divells, so the learnedest and best 
 pastor, perverted and poysoned by that old serpent 
 with avarice and ambition, becomes the falsest, worst, 
 and most cruell man, as experience in all ages hath 
 proved. 
 
 "If any succeeding Prince please to play the tyrant, 
 and governe all, not by lawes, but by his will and pleas- 
 ure, signified by missives, articles, and directions, these 
 Bishops shall never admonish him as faithful pastors 
 and messengers of God : but as they are made up by 
 man, they must and will flatter, pleasure and obey men. 
 And as they stand by affection of the Prince, so will 
 they by no means jeopard their standing, but be the 
 readiest of all to put the King's will and pleasure in 
 execution ; though it were to take and apprehend the 
 bodies of the best, and such namely as would stand 
 for the lawes and freedome of the realme, and to cast 
 them into dark and stinking prisons, put them in exile 
 from their native land, &c. The pitifuU experience in 
 times past makes us bold to give the warning for the 
 time to come : for it hath been seen and felt, and yet 
 dayly is, in this Island. And finally, if the Prince be 
 prodigall, or would inrich his courtiers by taxations, 
 imposts, subsidies and exactions, layd upon the sub- 
 jects of the realme, who have been or shall bee so 
 ready to conclude and impose that by parliament, as 
 these who are made and set up for that and the like 
 service ?"• 
 
 These were not the representations of alarmists, 
 who wished to excite prejudices against the bishops 
 from mere antipathy to their spiritual power. Nor 
 were they the oflfspring of imaginations disordered by 
 unreasonable jealousy. In the course of a few years 
 the strongest of these predictions were fully and liter- 
 ally verified, to the conviction of those who had treated 
 them as visionary. The bishops, who owed their re- 
 stitution solely to the favour of the King, and who 
 depended on him as " the breath of their nostrils," 
 did not blush to acknowledge themselves to be his 
 " Majesty's creatures," and devoted themselves in all 
 things to the pleasure of their "earthly creator ;"|- 
 
 • Cald. vi. 1158—1162. Course of Conformity, p. 44—47. 
 
 + " Most Gratious Soueraigne, May it please zour most ex- 
 cellent Majestie, As of all vyces Ingratitucle is most detestable, 
 I fmdand my self not only as first of that dead estait quhilk 
 zour M. hath recreate, but also in my priuate conditione to 
 ouerquhelmed with your M. princely and magnifick benignitie 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 319 
 
 they exerted all their influence to lay the liberties of 
 the nation, and the privileges of the different orders in 
 it, at his feet ; while he, in return for their services, 
 loaded them with honours, and advanced them to the 
 highest oifices of state. Owing to different causes 
 these effects were more sensibly felt in Scotland, 
 where, if episcopacy had been suffered to remain much 
 longer, the government would have settled into a pure 
 and confirmed despotism. But they were also felt in 
 England. From the time that Henry VIII. caused 
 himself to be declared Head of the English Church, 
 and forced the bishops to take out licenses from him, 
 and to acknowledge that all the jurisdiction which 
 they exercised flowed from the royal authority, the 
 episcopal bench and clergy became dependent on the 
 crown. When the spirit of liberty pervades a nation 
 it will exert an influence upon all orders of men ; 
 and there have been instances of English (I cannot say 
 Scottish) prelates, who have nobly withstood the 
 encroachments of arbitrary power, and defended the 
 rights of the people. But still it is reasonable to sup- 
 pose, (and experience justifies the supposition,) that 
 as a body they will be devoted to the will of the prince, 
 to whom they owe their places, from whom they look 
 for preferment, and by whose authority they perform all 
 acts of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Candour demands the 
 acknowledgment, that a presbyterian church must also 
 fall into state-subserviency in proportion to the power 
 which the crown obtains in the appointment of its 
 ministers ; although this patronage is necessarily lim- 
 ited by the want of preferments in such an establish- 
 ment, and checked by the freedom of discussion which 
 takes place in its several assemblies.* 
 
 In giving an account of the parliamentary restoration 
 of prelacy, it would be unjust to omit mentioning Wil- 
 liam Douglas, Earl of Morton, a nobleman who inher- 
 ited the magnanimity of the Douglasses, tempered by 
 the milder virtues of his illustrious relative the Regent 
 Murray. While he maintained all the hospitality and 
 even magnificence of the ancient barons, his domestic 
 arrangements were conducted, and his fine family rear- 
 ed up, in accordance with the purity of his morals, and 
 the strict regard which he uniformly shewed to the du- 
 ties of religion. The public conduct of this peer was 
 
 could not hot repaire to zour M. most gratious face, that so 
 unworthie an creature micht both see, blisse and thanke my 
 earthly Creator." (Original Letter of Archbishop Giadstanes 
 to the King, Sept. 11, 1609: MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. 
 num. 62.) " We will not be idle in the meantime (says he, in a 
 letter to his Majesty, Aug. 31, 1612) to prepare such as have 
 vote to incline the right way. Alt men do follow us and hunt 
 for our favour, upon the report of your Maj, good acceptance 
 of me and the Bishop of Cathness, and sending for my Lord of 
 Glasgow, and the procurement of this parliament without the 
 advice of the Chancellor. No Estate may say that they are 
 your Jilaj. creatures, as we may say, so there is none whose 
 standing is so slippery, when your Maj. shall frown, as we: 
 for at your Maj. nod we must either stand or fall." (Printed 
 Cald. p. 645.) The same servility, though not expressed in 
 such gross terms, runs through a letter to the King by the bish- 
 ops 01 St. Andrews, Glasgow, and Orkney; and a separate let- 
 ter addressed to him by Archbishop Spotswood. (MSS. in 
 Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. nunis. 65 and 67.) 
 
 * "The bishops," says Lord Karnes, "were universaHy in 
 the interest of the crown, as they have been at all times, and 
 upon all occasions; and as the whole bisho])s were for the 
 crown, it was indifferent which eight were chosen." (Essays 
 concerning British Antiquities, p. 53.) This- remark unques- 
 tionably requires some qualification. But the instance to which 
 Lord Hailes refers disproves it in part only. (Memorials, vol. 
 i. p. 41.) Though all the bishops were "for the crown," they 
 might not all be equally able to maintain its " interests ;" 
 and in this respect certainly it was not " indifferent which 
 eight were chosen" as Lords of the Articles. But the reason 
 why the King in 1612 sent a list of bishops was, not that he 
 doubted of the attachment of any of them, but that he might 
 assert his prerogative to nominate them. And the reason 
 why Lord Burlie wished to change " one or two" on the court- 
 list wa.s, not that he objected particularly to any of the indi- 
 viduals named, but that he luijjht maintain the privilege of the 
 nobility in election; as he distinctly states in his defence. 
 (Ibid. p. 42.) 
 
 marked by independence, and he shewed himself a 
 warm and steady friend to the presbyterian church. It 
 was chiefly through his exertions that the parliament 
 had formerly passed an act exempting the government 
 of the church from the cognizance of the commissioners 
 appointed on the union. The sickness which sooo 
 after put an end to his days prevented iiim from attend- 
 ing in his place at Perth ; but he expressed his strong 
 disapprobation of the act restoring episcopacy, and 
 with his dying breath predicted the evils which it 
 would entail on the country.* 
 
 Melville's appearance before the parliament at Perth 
 was the last which he was permitted to make in his 
 native country. His removal from Scotland had been 
 determined on as a necessary preparative to the execu- 
 tion of the projects of the court. Episcopacy still 
 stood condemned by the church, and the bishops re- 
 mained destitute of all spiritual power. Such was the 
 state of public sentiment and feeling in the country, 
 that any attempt to confer this upon them by the mere 
 exercise of civil authority would have been nugatory, 
 and might have proved dangerous. The only way in 
 which they could hope to succeed was by obtaining 
 the consent of tiie church-courts to their assuming one 
 degree of episcopal power after another, under false 
 names and deceitful pretexts. Notwithstanding the 
 number of ministers already in confinement, they judg- 
 ed it necessary to get rid of others, before they durst 
 face an ecclesiastical assembly, or bring forward their 
 proposal in its most modified shape. This was accom- 
 plished by one of those politic stratagems which James 
 was so fond of employing. In the end of May, 1606, 
 a letter from the King was delivered to Melville, com- 
 manding him, " all excuses set aside," to repair to 
 London before the I5th of September next, that his 
 Majesty might treat with him and others, his brethren, 
 of good learning, judgment, and experience, concerning 
 such things as would tend to settle the peace of the 
 church, and to justify to the world the measures which 
 his Majesty, after such extraordinary condescension, 
 might find it necessary to adopt for repressing the ob- 
 stinate and turbulent. Letters expressed in the same 
 terms were addressed to his nephew James Melville, to 
 William Scot, minister of Cupar, John Carmichael of 
 Kilconquhar, William Watson of Burntisland, James 
 Balfour of Edinburgh, Adam Colt of Musselburgh, and 
 Robert Wallace of Tranent.| 
 
 Having met to consult on the course which they 
 should take, the eight ministers deputed one of their 
 number to converse with the Earl of Dunbar, the Scot- 
 tish premier, and to request him to deal with his Maj- 
 esty to excu-se them from a journey which they were 
 afraid would prove fruitless, and which would be op- 
 pressive to them, on account of the ill health of some 
 of their number and the engagements of all. Under 
 the mask of great friendship, Dunbar urged them to 
 comply with his Majesty's desire; assuring them, that 
 it would turn out tlie best journey that ever they under- 
 took, that he had advised the measure out of regard to 
 the church, and that the bishops, when made acquaint- 
 ed with the design, were very far from being pleased 
 with it.ij: Although they placed little confidence in 
 
 * Simsoni Annales, p. 53, 112. Printed Cald. p. 482. 
 
 + Printed Calderwood, p. 518.519. 
 
 "June 1606. Item to ane boy passand of Ed', with clos Ire» 
 that come from- his ^la'i* To Mr. James Balfoure, Mr. Robert 
 Wallace, and Mr. Adame Colt, xiij' iiij'^. 
 
 " Item, To ane other bey passand of Ed^ with clos Ires that 
 come from his Ma<'e To Mr. Andro Melvill, Mr. James Melvill, 
 Mr. W"» Scot, Mr. W" Watson, Mr. Jo° Carmichell and Mr. 
 Henry Philp, xK" 
 
 (Compot. Thesaur. in Register House, Edinburgh.) 
 
 } There can be little doubt that the bishops both knew and 
 had advised the calling of the ministers to London. In a letter 
 addressetl to his Majesty,. " 19th Juiiii," (A. 1606,) Giadstanes 
 testifies his impatience for Melville's removal, and insinuates 
 his hopes that he would not be allowed to return to St. An- 
 drews. " Mr. Andrew Melvin hath begun to raise new storms. 
 
320 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 these assurances, the ministers resolved to go to Lon- 
 don, after they had waited on the approaching parlia- 
 ment. Indeed, they were sliut up to this course ; for 
 had they acted otherwise, they would have incurred 
 the charge of disobeying the royal authority, and an 
 order for their incarceration would have been instantly 
 issued. Melville acquainted the presbytery of St. An- 
 drews with the resolution which he had formed. They 
 declined giving him any commission to act in their 
 name, judging it safer that he and his brethren should 
 appear in their individual character, and not doubting 
 that they would prove faithful to the interest of the 
 church. But they authorized him to receive an extract 
 from their records, containing the subscription of Glad- 
 slanes to the presbyterian polity, to be used as he 
 should find necessary. Having put the affairs of the 
 college in the best order he could, Melville sailed from 
 Anstruther, in company with his nephew, Scot, and 
 Carmichael, on the 15th of August, and reached Lon- 
 don on the 25th of that month. A few days after they 
 were joined by their four brethren, who travelled by 
 land.* 
 
 As soon as it was known that they were come to 
 town, ihey were visited by a number of the ministers 
 and citizens of London who favoured their cause. The 
 archbishops of Canterbury and York sent to inquire 
 for them, and invited them to their houses ; bat they 
 excused themselves, on the ground that they could pay 
 no visits until they had seen his Majesty, j- James, 
 who was absent on a progress through the kingdom, 
 had left his directions for them with Alexander Hay, 
 one of his secretaries for Scotland, and Dr. John Gor- 
 don, dean of Salisbury. Gordon was one of their 
 countrymen, a son of the bishop of Galloway, and had 
 himself been at one period presented to that bishopric. 
 Soon after the Reformation, he had gone to France for 
 the sake of his education, and remained in that country 
 until the accession of James to the English throne. 
 On the continent he had attained no inconsiderable de- 
 gree of literary celebrity, particularly for his skill in 
 the oriental languages.:!^ This talent would have made 
 him an agreeable companion to Melville, had they met 
 on another occasion, and had not the task allotted to 
 Gordon, along with the dean of Westminster, rendered 
 them a kind of honorary guard on the ministers, and 
 polite spies on their conduct. Notwithstanding this, 
 
 with his Eolick blasts. Sir, you are my Jupiter, and I, under 
 your Highness, Neptune. I must say, 
 
 Non illi imperiuni pelagi, sacruraque tridentem, 
 Sed mihi sorte datum 
 
 Your Majesty will relegate him to some MoVia, 
 
 ut illic vacua se jactet in aula." 
 
 (Lord Hailes's Memorials, i. 95.) 
 
   "1606, Aug. 15, M. Andro Melvil, &c. departit fra An- 
 ■tnither towart Lundon." (Laird of Carnbee's Diary, in Ap- 
 pend, to Lamont's Diary, p. 283. Melville's Hist, of the De- 
 clining Age, p. 109—111. Cald. vi. 1089, 1190.) 
 
 + Melvdle's Hist, of the Decl. Age, p. 111. 
 
 \ On the 4th of January 1567, " Magister Joannes Gordon" 
 obtained a gift under the Great Seal, of the bishopric of Gal- 
 loway and abbacy of Tungland, vacant by the_ resignation of 
 Alexander, the last bishop. " Et nos informati existentes de 
 qualificatione singulari dicti Magistri Joannis Et q' in hebraica, 
 caldaica, syriaca, graeca et latina Unguis bene eruditiis est — pro 
 fubditoruni nostrorum instructione," &c. In the title of the 
 charter he is said to be " tunc tenvporis in Gallia studiis theolog- 
 icis incumbente." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Jac. V. i. 14. num. 
 92.) I must leave it to others to unravel the confusion as to 
 the titles of John, Roger, and George Gordons to the bishopric 
 of Galloway. (Consult Register of Presentation to Benefices 
 for Sept. 16, 1578, and July 8, 1586. Gordon's Earldom of 
 Sutherland, p. 181, 290—293. Keith's Scot. Bishops, p. 166. 
 Printed Cald. p. 425, 426.) There is a letter from John Gor- 
 don to the Regent Murray, containing political intelligence. 
 (Cotton MSS. Calia;. C. i. 70.) And another to John Fox, on 
 literary topics. (Harl. MSS. 416.) A poem by him is prefix- 
 ed to " Plaidoye ))Our M. Jean Hamilton." And a poem in 
 praise of him is inserted in Delitiae Poet. Scot. ii. 174. A list 
 of his works may be formed from Wood's Fasti, Bliss's edit. p. 
 131. and Charters's Account of Scots Dirinei, p. 3, (MS. in 
 Bibl. Jurid. Edin ) 
 
 Melville and Gordon had their literary hours, in which 
 the stiffness and reserve of their more formal interviews 
 were banished.* 
 
 The two Scottish archbishops, Gladstanes and Spots- 
 wood, with others of the court-party, came to London, 
 to be present at the intended conferences. A rumour 
 prevailed that the King purposed to have the questions 
 at issue publicly disputed, and to renew the scene in 
 which he had himself acted so conspicuous a part at 
 Hampton Court three years before. Melville and his 
 fellows resolved not to engage in any such foolish con- 
 test. They had no authority to appear as champions 
 for the Church of Scotland, and were not so arrogant 
 as to lake this character upon them. The English di- 
 vines had no right to interfere with their controversies ; 
 and if they chose to dispute, were in no want of antag- 
 onists among their own countrymen. And as for those 
 who had come from Scotland, they were not entitled 
 to reason against a government which they had so re- 
 cently approved by their subscriptions, and sworn to 
 maintain. The ministers were not, however, urged 
 with any proposal of this nature. They received at 
 this time a letter from their brethren who were prison- 
 ers in Blackness, expressing the confidence which they 
 reposed in their wisdom and constancy ; and charging 
 them not to yield up any part of the liberties of the 
 church of Scotland, with the view of purchasing for 
 tke7n either a pardon or a mitigation of punishment.t 
 
 The King shortened his progress, and rtturnea to 
 London sooner than was expected, to meet with the 
 ministers.:^: They were introduced to him at Hamp- 
 ton Court on the 20th of September, and were allow- 
 ed to kiss his hand. His Majesty conversed with 
 them familiarly for a considerable time ; inquired after 
 the news of the country ; and jocularly rallied Balfour 
 on the length of his beard, which, he alleged, had 
 grown prodigiously since he had the pleasure of see- 
 ing it in Scotland, and would give him, he was afraid, 
 rather a Turk-like look in London. || 
 
 Two days after, they were sent for to Hampton 
 Court. On their arrival from their lodgings at Kings- 
 ton, they were courteously received by Archbishop 
 Bancroft, who left the room as soon as the King en- 
 tered with the members of the Scottish privy council. 
 His Majesty stated at large the reasons which had in- 
 duced him to send for the ministers, and concluded by 
 intimating that there were two points on which he de- 
 manded an explicit declaration of their judgment: the 
 one was, the late pretended assembly at Aberdeen, in- 
 cluding the behaviour of those who had held it; and 
 the other was, the best means of obtaining a peaceable 
 meeting of that judicatory for establishing good order 
 and tranquillity in the church. James Melville, after 
 offering the compliments and congratulations which 
 were suited to the occasion, requested, in the name of 
 his brethren, that they might have time allowed them 
 to deliberate on the answer which they should return 
 to his Majesty's questions. They were required to be 
 ready with their answers on the following day. 
 
 On entering the presence-chamber next day, they 
 found it crowded with the principal persons about 
 court. Melville suggested to the Earl of Dunbar the 
 impropriety of their being brought before such a pro- 
 miscuous assembly ; as his Majesty might be offended 
 
 • Melville's Hist, of the Decl. Age, p. 120. Melvini Mus», 
 p, 24. 
 
 t Melville's Hist, of the Decl. Age, p. 113, 114. 
 
 t Anibassades de M. de la Boderie, i. 348. 
 
 |l I have taken my account of the transactions at London 
 nncl Hampton Court chiefly from the narratives of two of the 
 ministers, Jamej Melville and William Scot, who kept regis- 
 ters of every thing; that happened. Calderwood borrows from 
 James Melville. Some important particulars are supplied by 
 the despatches of the French ambassador, M. de la Boderie, 
 who appears to have taken an interest in the aA'air, and had ac- 
 cess to good information by his residence at court, and by means 
 of M. de la Fontaine, one of the ministers of the French 
 Church at London, and a great intelligencer. Spotswood's ac- 
 count is fi-eneral. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 ^t 
 
 at their uttering their sentiments, before the English 
 nobility, according to the free manner to which they 
 were accustomed in Scotland. But he was told that 
 the arrangements were already made, and cautioned to 
 be on his guard against saying any thing that was in- 
 discreet or disrespectful in the presence of such hon- 
 ourable strangers. The King took his seat, with the 
 Prince on his one hand, and the archbishop of Can- 
 terbury on the other. Around hiin were placed the 
 Earls of Salisbury, Suifolk, Worcester, Nottingham, 
 and Northampton, Lords Stanhope and Knolles, with 
 other Englishmen of rank ; besides all the Scottish 
 nobility who were at court. Behind the tapestry and 
 at the doors of the apartment stood several English 
 bishops and deans, who discovered themselves when 
 the conversation became animated. The ministers had 
 previously agreed to return a common answer by the 
 mouth of Jeimes Melville. But his Majesty intimated 
 that it behoved each individual to speak for himself; 
 and beginning with the Scottish bishops and commis- 
 sioners, he asked them what their opinion was con- 
 cerning the assembly at Aberdeen. They all answer- 
 ed briefly, in their turn, that they condemned it as 
 turbulent, factious, and unlawful. Then addressing 
 Melville, his Majesty said: "You hear that your 
 brethren cannot justify these men nor their assembly. 
 What say you, Mr. Andrew ? Think you that a small 
 number of eight or nine, met without any warrant, 
 wanting the chief members, the moderator and scribe, 
 convening unmannerly without a sermon, being also 
 discharged by open proclamation ; can these make an 
 Assembly, or not]" To this Melville replied in a 
 speech of nearly an hour's length, delivered with 
 much freedom and spirit, and at the same time with 
 much respect. As for himself, he said, he had for a 
 number of years been debarred from attending on gen- 
 eral assemblies and all public meetings; but, as it was 
 his Majesty's will, he would endeavour to give him 
 satisfaction on the diiferent objections which he had 
 stated. With respect to the paucity of members, 
 there was no rule fixing the {)recise number; two or 
 three met in the name of Christ had the promise of 
 his presence ; an ordinary meeting of a court establish- 
 ed by law could not be declared unlawful on account 
 of its thinness ; and those who met at Aberdeen were 
 sufficiently numerous for proroguing the assembly to 
 a future day, which was all that they did, and all 
 that they had proposed to do. As to their warrant, it 
 was founded on Scripture, his Majesty's laws, and 
 the commissions which they received from their pres- 
 byteries. The presence of the former moderator and 
 clerk was not essential to the validity of the assem- 
 bly, which, in case these office-bearers were either ne- 
 cessarily or wilfully absent, might according to reason 
 and the practice of the church, choose others in their 
 room. His Majesty must have been misinformed 
 when he said there was no sermon ; for one of the min- 
 isters of Aberdeen preached at the opening of the 
 meeting. As to the alleged discharge of the assem- 
 bly on the day before it met, (turning to Lanriston, 
 who was the King's Commissioner on that occasion,) 
 he said, in a tone of solemn fervour, " I charge you. 
 Sir, in the name of the Church of Scotland, as you 
 will answer before the great God at the appearance 
 of Jesus Christ to judge the quick and the dead, to 
 testify the truth, and tell whether there was any such 
 discharge given or not." — He paused for a reply ; but 
 Lauriston remained mute, and the King, fain to break 
 the painful silence which ensued, requested Melville 
 to go on to state his reasons for not condemning the 
 conduct of the ministers. " If it please your Majesty 
 to hear me, I have these reasons. First, I am but a 
 private man, come here upon your Majesty's letter, 
 without any commission from the church of Scotland ; 
 and as no body has made me a judge, I cannot take 
 upon me to condemn them. Secondly, your Majesty 
 hath, by your proclamation at Hampton-Court," (here 
 2 Q 
 
 he produced and read the proclamation,) " remitted 
 their trial to a General Assembly ; expecting there a 
 reparation of wrongs, if any have been done. J can- 
 not prejudge the church and assembly of my vote, 
 which if I give now, I shall be sure to have my mouth 
 shut then, as by experience I and others, my brethren, 
 have found before. Thirdly, ^es non est integra, sed 
 hactenus judicata by your Majesty's council ; whether 
 rightly or not I remit to God, before whom one day 
 they must appear and answer for that sentence. I think 
 your Majesty will not be content that I should now 
 contradict your council and their proceedings. Fourth- 
 ly, how can I condemn my brethren indicta causa, not 
 hearing their accusers objecting against them, and 
 themselves answering ?" 
 
 The speeches of the other ministers agreed with 
 that of Melville ; and what was omitted by one was 
 recollected and supplied by another. The King ex- 
 hibited evident symptoms of uneasiness, and an anx- 
 iety to bring the conference to a close. James Mel- 
 ville, at the conclusion of his speech, presented a 
 supplication which had been transmitted to him from 
 the condemned ministers. His Majesty glanced over 
 it, and said with an angry smile, " I am glad that 
 this has been given in." An interruption by Sir 
 Thomas Hamilton, the Lord Advocate, led to a legal 
 argument between him and Scot on the trial of the 
 ministers for treason, in the course of which, the 
 lawyer was thought by all to be worsted at his own 
 weapons.* Indignant at hearing that most flagrant 
 scene of iniquity vindicated in the presence of his 
 Majesty and such an honourable audience, Melville 
 fell on his knees, and requested permission to speak a 
 second time. Having obtained it, he gave himself 
 up to all his native fire and vehemence, and astonished 
 the English nobility and clergy with a torrent of bold, 
 impassioned, impetuous eloquence, to which they were 
 altogether strangers. Throwing aside the reserve 
 which he had studied in his former speech, he avowed 
 his belief of the complete innocence of his brethren, 
 and justified their proceedings. He recounted the 
 wrongs which had been done them on their trial, of 
 which he was an eye and ear witness. Addressing 
 the Lord Advocate, he charged him with having fa- 
 voured trafficking priests, and screened from punish- 
 ment his uncle, John Hamilton, who had been banished 
 from France, and branded as an incendiary by the 
 parliaments of that kingdom ; while he employed all 
 his craft and eloquence to convict the unoffending and 
 righteous servants of Christ. The arch-enemy him- 
 self, he said, could not have done more against the 
 saints of God, than he had done against these good 
 men at Linlithgow ; and not contented with the part 
 which he had then acted, he behoved still to shew 
 himself ' o KaT^j^cgof tuv Aa-iK<^aiv.] At this expression 
 the King, turning to the archbishop of Canterbury, 
 exclaimed, " What's that he said ] I think he calls 
 him Antichrist. Nay, by God; it is the devil's name in 
 the Revelation of the well-beloved John." Then rising 
 hastily, he said, " God be with you. Sirs," But, recol- 
 lecting himself, he turned round to the ministers, and 
 asked them, what advice they had to give him for 
 pacifying the dissensions raised in the church ; to which 
 they replied with one voice, A free General Assembly. 
 
 'Fhe ministers were dismissed with unequivocal 
 marks of approbation on the part of those who were 
 present. The English nobility, who had not been ac- 
 customed to see the King addressed with such free- 
 
 * Several of the Enijlish nobiiit)' made hamlsome ofl'ers to 
 William Scot, provided he would consent to remain in Eng- 
 land. (Life of Scot. p. 7: Wodrow's MSS. vol. iv.) 
 
 f " II y en a un entr'autres," says the French Ambassador to 
 Marquis de Sillery, "qui lui a parle avec un etrange liberte en 
 toutes les occasions; & sur ce que I'Avocat General d'f'.cofse 
 voulut prendre la parole dernierement centre iceiui en la pre- 
 sence du Roi nieine, il en eut la tete lavee de telle facon.que le 
 Roi & lui deraeurerent sansr^plique." (Anibassades de M. da 
 la Boderie, i.435.) 
 
 21 
 
322 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 dom, could not refrain from expressing their admiration 
 at the boldness with which Melville and his associates 
 delivered their sentiments before such an audience, at 
 the harmony of views which appeared in all their 
 speeches, and the readiness and pertinency of the re- 
 plies which they made to every objection with which 
 they were urged. The reports of the conference which 
 were circulated through the city made a strong impres- 
 sion in their favour. They had the effect of dispelling 
 the cloud of prejudice which had been raised against 
 them and their brethren; and convinced the impartial, 
 that, instead of being the turbulent, discontented, and 
 unreasonable men they had been represented to be, they 
 were only claiming their undoubted rights, and stand- 
 ing up for the ecclesiastical liberties of their country 
 against the lawless encroachments of arbitrary power.* 
 They had scarcely reached Kingston when they were 
 overtaken by Secretary Hay, who read to them, in the 
 court before their lodging, a charge not to return to 
 Scotland, near to approach the court of the King, 
 Queen, or Prince, without special license. On the 
 28th of September, they were sent for to the Scottish 
 council assembled in the Earl of Dunbar's lodgings. 
 James Melville was first called in, and was ursred by 
 the Lord Advocate with certain ensnaring questions re- 
 lating to his opinions and conduct. He refused to an- 
 swer them. " I am a free subject (said he) of the 
 kingdom of Scotland, which hath laws and privileges 
 of its own as free as any kingdom in the world : to 
 them I will stand. There hath been no summonds ex- 
 ecuted against me. The noblemen here sitting and I 
 are not in our own country. The charge super itiqui- 
 rendis was abolished and declared long since to be in- 
 iquitous and unjust. I am bound by no law or reason 
 to accuse myself." He besought the noblemen present 
 to remember who they were, and to deal with him 
 (though a mean man yet a free-born Scotchman) as 
 they would themselves wish to be used, according to 
 the laws of Scotland. He told the Lord Advocate, who 
 endeavoured to entangle him with legal quibbling, that, 
 though no lawyer, he was endued with some portion 
 of natural wit, and had in his time both learned and 
 taught logic. " Mr. James, (said Dunbar) will ye not 
 deign to give an answer for his Majesty's satisfaction 1" 
 "With all reverence, my lord, I will (replied he;) 
 provided the questions be set down, and I may have 
 time to advise on the answers." Melville was called 
 in last. He told the members of the council, " that 
 tbey knew not what they were doing ; and that they 
 had degenerated from the ancient nobility of Scotland, 
 who were wont to hazard their lands and lives for the 
 freedom of their country and the gospel, which their 
 sons were now betraying and seeking to overthrow."! 
 If they were at all capable of serious reflection, the 
 Scottish nobility must have blushed at their conduct 
 on the present occasion, in forgetting so far what was 
 due to their rank and place as to consent to become the 
 instruments of the court, and of a few ambitious church- 
 men, to circumvent men who had been insidiously 
 drawn from their homes, and entrap them into declara- 
 tions which were afterwards to be used against them 
 as criminal charges. They ought plainly to have told 
 their master, that it was neither for his own honour 
 nor that of his native kingdom, (which his new sub- 
 jects were but too much disposed to contemn,) to have 
 men of such character detained there as suspected per- 
 sons, and his differences with them exposed to the ob- 
 servation of English peers and prelates; and that, if 
 they were to be held as criminals, they should be sent 
 home to be tried by their own laws and before their 
 proper judges. If true nobility consists in that high 
 and independent spirit, which, whether produced by 
 
 • Melville'* Hi«t. of the Deri. Age, p. 121— 124, 141. Scot's 
 Ajjolog. Narration, p. 177—180. Spotswood.p. 497, 498. 
 
 t iVfelville, 132— 134. Scot, 180. 181. Report of the Con- 
 ference* Sept. 1606. MS. iu Bibl. Jurtd. Exiin. M. 6. 9. num. 
 49. 
 
 the recollection of the deeds of ancestry or by other 
 causes, spurns every thing which is dishonourable to 
 the individual or to his country, then Melville and his 
 companions shewed themselves to be, at this time, the 
 nobles of Scotland. 
 
 The ministers received in writing the following ques- 
 tions, to which they were required to return answers. 
 First, whether they had not transgressed their duty by 
 praying for their condemned brethren, and whether they 
 were willing to crave his Majesty's pardon for this of- 
 fence. Second, whether they acknowledged that his 
 Majesty, in virtue of his royal prerogative, had full 
 power to convocate, prorogue, and dismiss all ecclesi- 
 astical assemblies within his dominions. And, third, 
 whether he had not a lawful right, by his royal author- 
 ity, to call before him and his council all persons, 
 ecclesiastical and civil, for whatsoever faults; and 
 whether all the subjects are not bound to appear, an- 
 swer, and obey, in the premises. Each of the eight 
 ministers, as directed by the council, gave in answers 
 to the questions. They expressed themselves guard- 
 edly, so as not to give the court any advantage against 
 them, but without sacrificing their own convictions or 
 compromising the principles of the church of Scotland. 
 Along with the answers they presented a joint paper, 
 containing their advice as to the best mode of putting 
 an end to the ecclesiastical feuds with which their na- 
 tive country was agitated.* 
 
 They were now entitled to expect that they should 
 obtain liberty to return to their homes. They had tes- 
 tified their obedience to his Majesty by coming to Lon- 
 don. They had attended all the conferences which he 
 had been pleased to appoint. They had returned an- 
 swers to the questions which hehad proposed to them. 
 They had given him their best advice for re-establish- 
 ing the peace of the church. If this was not accepta- 
 ble to his Majesty, and if he chose to act in a different 
 manner, it was at least incumbent on him, in point of 
 justice and of good faith, to dismiss men whom he 
 had called to his presence in the character of advisers, 
 and not of criminals or suspected persons. But no- 
 thing was less intended than this. Their stay was ar- 
 bitrarily and indefinitely prolonged ; and all the arts of 
 the court were put in practice to corrupt and disunite 
 them. Salisbury and Bancroft held interviews with 
 such of them as were thought most complying, and 
 endeavoured to detach them from their brethren."}" 
 When this method failed, spies were set on their con- 
 duct iX ^"d they were brought into situations in which 
 they might be tempted to say or do something which 
 would afford a pretext for committing them to prison. 
 
 His Majesty had selected such of the English dig- 
 nitaries as were most eminent for their pulpit talents, 
 and appointed them to preach in the Royal Chapel, 
 during the conferences, on the leading points of dif- 
 ference between the episcopalian and presbyterian 
 churches. The Scottish ministers received orders to 
 attend these sermons, and were regularly conducted, 
 like penitentiaries, to a se;it prepared for them, in which 
 they might devoutly listen to the instructions of their 
 titled converters. Dr. Barlow, Bishop of Lincoln, be- 
 gan with a sermon in defence of the antiquity and su- 
 periority of bishops, which the ministers characterized 
 as " a confutation of his text."|) Dr. Buckridge, Pres- 
 
 * MeWille, 136, 142. Scot. 180—187. 
 
 + Melville, p. 140. Row, p. 101. Livingston, Charact. art. 
 IVilliam Scot. " Je n'euwe iainais crus (says the French am- 
 bassador) qu'ils eussent resiste de la sorte; car il n'y a eu voie 
 que Ton n'ait teniie pour leg gngner. Les disputes y ont iti 
 employees, ou ledit Koi a deploye tout ce qu"il a scu. L'on en 
 est venu nux ofTres & aux promesses, et depuis aux ineiiaces a 
 bonescient; mais tout a ele en vain, n'ayant jamais iceux Min- 
 istres voulu conscntir a aucune des propositions que ledit Roi 
 leur a fait; tellenicnt qu'il est constraint de les laisscr la." 
 (Anibassades de M. de la Boderie, i. 435.) 
 
 I Melville's Dccl. Age, p. 146. 
 
 II His text was Acts xx.28. The itennon was "written and 
 fynely compacted in a little book, whilk lie bad alwayes in his 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 323 
 
 ident of St. John's College, preached the second ser- 
 mon, which was intended to prove the royal supre- 
 macy in ecclesiastical matters. It was chiefly bor- 
 rowed from Bilson's book on that subject, with this 
 addition, that the preacher confounded the doctrine of 
 the presljyterians with that of the papists. The third 
 sermon was preached by Dr. Andrews, Bishop of Chi- 
 chester, on the silver trumpets which were blown by 
 the priests at the Jewish convocations, from which his 
 lordship, to the amazement of the ministers, undertook 
 to prove that the convocating of ecclesiastical councils 
 and synods belongs properly to Christian emperors and 
 kings.* Dr. King, Dean of Christ's Church, closed 
 this pulpit-shovir by an attack upon the lay elders of 
 the Church of Scotland. Collier says that the ser- 
 mon, " tho' somewhat remote from the words" of his 
 text, was " suitable to the occasion." But the truth 
 is, that the text was as suitable to the occasion as the 
 sermon was. It was very ingeniously taken from the 
 Canticles — " Solomon had a vineyard at Baalhamon ; he 
 let out the vineyard unto keepers ;^''\ and it afforded the 
 preacher an excellent opportunity of paying due com- 
 pliments to the modern Solomon, the grand Lay Elder 
 of the Church of England, who, in virtue of his royal 
 unction, possessed more ecclesiastical authority than 
 all the mitred and cassocked clergy in his kingdom. 
 If this "king of preachers" (as his Majesty used wit- 
 tily to call him) had at this time an eye to that rich 
 spot of "the vineyard" which was afterwards "let 
 out" to him, he could not have forwarded his object 
 better than by railing, as he did in this sermon, against 
 presbyteries, and crying to his Majesty, D&ivn, down 
 with them.^ Lest the court-preachers should have 
 failed in setting forth all the virtues of an English 
 monarch, the ministers, on leaving the chapel, were 
 conducted, by the Dean of Sarum, into the royal clo- 
 set, where they had the gratification of seeing James 
 touch a number of children for the cure of the king's 
 evil.y 
 
 Though the episcopal orations had been more able 
 and more convincing than they really were, it was not 
 to be expected that they would make a favourable im* 
 pression on those for whom they were immediately in- 
 tended. The circumstances in which they were de- 
 livered were calculated to awaken prejudices which 
 are neither weak nor dishonourable. If ever the 
 Church of England had her days of chivalry, they had 
 then passed by ; else her champions would have deem- 
 ed it foul scorn to attack antagonists who were not at 
 liberty to defend themselves or to return the blows 
 which they received ; and day after day to crow like 
 cravens over men who sat bound and shackled before 
 them. Considering that the ministers were constrain- 
 ed to attend, who could have blamed them greatly, if, 
 forgetting the sacredness, not of the place, (for they 
 had no such silly scruples,) but of the service for 
 which they were professedly met, they had at the mo- 
 ment given expression to what they felt at hearing the 
 
 hand for help of his memorie." (Melville's Decl. Age, \i. 120.) 
 Melville composed a satirical epigram on it. (Musae, p. 23.) 
 And Barlow retaliated by a versified pun upon his satirist's 
 name. (Walton's Lives, Zouch's edit. p. 353.) 
 
 * Melvini Mus», p. 23. 
 
 + Song viii. 11, 12. No body can doubt that the author of 
 Vitis Palatina was capable of making a very amusing sermon 
 on this text, and one very gratifying to his royal master, 
 
 X Melville's Decl. Age, p. 135. 
 
 |[ Melville. 134. One of the panegyrists of James has very 
 seriously alluded to this royal virtue in the following lines : 
 
 O happy Britaines, that thus have in One 
 A just, wise Prince, a prompt Philosopher, 
 A pregnant Poet, a Phisition, 
 A deepe Divine, a sweet tongued Orator; 
 
 A curer both of Kings and poore mansEvill; 
 
 What would )'c more 1 a chaser of the Devill. 
 
 (The Laudable Life and Deplorable Death of our late peer- 
 les»e Prince Henry— By J. M, [James Maxwelll Master of Artes, 
 Lond. 1612.) 
 
 church to which they belonged so indecently assailed 1 
 They listened, however, with the most respectful at- 
 tention : they even took down notes from the mouth of 
 the preacher. But they did not scruple to declare, af- 
 ter the service was over, that they thought the sermons 
 were lame in point of argument; and insisted that they 
 should be printed, that they might have an opportunity 
 of answering them.* They were all printed ; but when 
 the ministers were preparing to reply, they were or- 
 dered to separate, and to take up their lodgings with 
 the bishops. t 
 
 On the 28th of September, they were required by a 
 message from his Majesty to be in the Royal Chapel 
 early next day ; and Melville and his nephew received 
 a particular charge not to be absent. It was the festi- 
 val of St. Michael, one of the Bii minorum gentium 
 of the English, and was celebrated with much super- 
 stitious pomp. Several foreigners of distinction were 
 present, among whom was the Prince de Vaudemont, 
 son to the Duke of Lorrain, and commander of the Ve- 
 netian army. On entering the chapel, James Melville 
 whispered to his uncle, that he suspected a design to 
 ensnare them and put their patience to the test. The 
 chapel resounded with all kinds of music. On the 
 altar were placed two shut books, two empty chalices, 
 and two candlesticks with unlighted candles. And 
 the King and Queen approached it with great cere- 
 mony, and presented their offerings. When the ser- 
 vice was over the Prince de Vaudemont said, he did 
 not see what should hinder the churches of Rome and 
 England to unite : and one of his attendants exclaimed, 
 " There is nothing of the mass wanting here btlt the 
 adoration of the host.":}: On returning to his lodg- 
 ings, Melville composed the following verses on the 
 scene which he had just witnessed : 
 
 Cur slant clausi Anglis libri duo regia in ara, 
 Lumina caeca duo, pollubra sicca duo ? 
 
 Nura sensum cultumque Dei tenet An^lia claustiiD-, 
 Lumine caeca suo, sorde sepulta sua 7 
 
 Romano an ritu dum regalem instruit aram, 
 Purpuream pingit relligiosa lupam ^H 
 
 By means of some of the court-spies, who frequented 
 the house in which the ministers lodged, a copy of 
 these verses was conveyed to his Majesty, who was, 
 or affected to he, highly incensed at them. And it was 
 immediately resolved to proceed against their author. 
 On the 30th of November, he was summoned to 
 Whitehall, and brought before the Privy Council of 
 England. His Majesty did not attend, but one or two 
 Scottish noblemen were present. Melville frankly ac- 
 
 * The First of the Foure Sermons preached — at Hampton- 
 Court in September last — by William Lord Bishop of Roches- 
 ter. Lond. 1607. In the prefatory address, " To the Minis* 
 ters of Scotland, my Fellow Dispensers of Gods Misteries," Bat- 
 low mentions the facts stated in the text. 
 
 f Melville's Hist. p. 147. 
 
 I Melville, 131,132. Scot, 180. Wodrow's Life of Andrew 
 Melville, p. 82. 
 
 II For the sake of the English reader, who may be desirous to 
 know the treason included in these lines, the following old 
 translation of them, which, though flat, conveys the sense, may 
 be added: 
 
 Why stand there on the Royal Altar hie 
 Two closed books, blind lights, two basins drie 1 
 Doth England hold God's mind and worship closs, 
 Blind of her sight, and buried in her dross? 
 Doth she, with Chapel put in Romish dress. 
 The purple whore religiously express ? 
 
 Melvini Musae. p. 24. In this work there are, besides the 
 verses given in the text, a poem by John Gordon, and two by- 
 John Barclay, author of Argenis, in defence of the Royal Al- 
 tar; and five by Melville in reply. It may admit of a doubt 
 whether the poems which bear the names of Gordon and Bar- 
 clay were really written by them, or whether the whoie were 
 composed by Melville in the form of a poetical jvif or mock en- 
 counter. The noted Poetical Duellist. Dr. Eglisham, attacked 
 Melville's Epigram on the Altar. The edition of his Dnellum 
 Poeticum, printed in 1618, bears on the title, " Adjectis pro- 
 philacticis adversus Andreas Melvini Cavillum in Aram Regiaoa, 
 aliisque Epigrammatis." 
 
3U 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 knowledged tliat he had made an epigram of which 
 that which was now shewn him was an inaccurate 
 copy. He had composed it,- he said, under feelings 
 of indignation and grief at seeing such superstitious 
 vanity m a reformed church, under a King who had 
 been brought up in the pure light of the Gospel, and 
 before strangers who could not but be confirmed in 
 their idolatry by what they witnessed at Hampton 
 Court on the occasion referred to. It was his inten- 
 tion to embrace the first opportunity of speaking to his 
 Majesty on the suhject, and to shew him the verses. 
 He had given out no copy of them, and he could not 
 conceive how they had been conveyed to his Majesty, 
 He was not conscious of any crime in what he had 
 done. But if he had committed an offence, he ought 
 to be tried for it in his own country : as a Scotchman, 
 he was not bound to answer before the council of Eng- 
 land, particularly as the King, his sovereign, was not 
 present. The Archbishop of Canterbury, addressing 
 him, began to aggravate the offence, arguing that such 
 a libel on the worship of the church of England was a 
 high misdemeanour, and even brought the offender 
 within the laws of treason. This was too much for 
 Melville to bear from a man of whom he had so unfa- 
 vourable an opinion as Bancroft. He interrupted the 
 primate. " My lords," exclaimed he, "Andrew Mel- 
 ville was never a traitor. But, my lords, there was 
 one Richard Bancroft, (let him be sought for,) who, 
 during the life of the late Queen, wrote a treatise 
 against his Majesty's title to the crown of England ; 
 and here, (pulling the corpus delicti from his pocket,) 
 here is the book, which was answered by my brother 
 John Davidson."* Bancroft was thrown into the ut- 
 most confusion by this bold and unexpected attack. 
 In the mean time, Melville went on to charge the 
 archbishop with his delinquencies. He accused him 
 of profaning the Sabbath, of maintaining an antichris- 
 tian hierarchy, and vain, foppish, superstitious cere- 
 monies ; and of silencing and imprisoning the true 
 preachers of the Gospel for scrupling to conform to 
 these. Advancing gradually, as he spoke, to the head 
 of the table, where Bancroft sat, he took hold of the 
 lawn-sleeves of the primate, and shaking them, and 
 calling them Romish rags, he said, " If you are the au- 
 thor of the book called ' English Scottizing for Ge- 
 neva Discipline,' then I regard you as the capital ene- 
 my of all the Reformed Churches in Europe, and as 
 such I will profess myself an enemy to you and to 
 your proceedings, to the effusion of the last drop cf 
 my blood : and it grieves me that such a man should 
 have his Majesty's ear, and sit so high in this honour- 
 able council." It was a considerable time before any 
 of the council recovered from their astonishment so 
 far as to think of interposing between the poor primate 
 and his incensed accuser. Bishop Barlow at last step- 
 ped in; but he was handled in the same unceremoni- 
 ous way. Melville attacked his narrative of the 
 Hampton-Court Conference, and accused him of rep- 
 resenting the King as of no religion, by making him 
 say that, " though he was in the church of Scotland he 
 was not of it."| He then proceeded to make stric- 
 tures on the sermon which he had heard Barlow 
 preach in the Royal Chapel. " Remember where you 
 are, and to whom you are speaking," said one of the 
 Scottish noblemen. " I remember it very well, my 
 lord," (replied Melville,) "and am sorry that your 
 lordship, by sitting here and countenancing such pro- 
 ceedings against me, should furnish a precedent 
 which may yet be used against yourself or your pos- 
 terity." 
 
 He was at last removed, and his brethren were call- 
 
 • Row repeatedly refers to this treatise of Bancroft, and Da- 
 vidson'ft answer to it. (Hist. p. 85, 347.) Bancroft's work is 
 also mentioned by John Forbes. (Hist, of the Ref. p. 33.) 
 
 t An Knglish writer has used much stronger language in an- 
 imadverting on this expression. (Toplady's Hist. Proof, ii 
 233." 
 
 ed in. The Lord Chancellor, apprehending that all 
 the Scottish ministers might be equally fiery as the in- 
 dividual who had just been before them, addressed 
 James Melville and Wallace in the mildest and most 
 complimentary style,* and took the task of interroga- 
 ting them from the primate, that he might conduct it 
 himself in a less offensive manner. They confirmed 
 the testimony of Melville, that no copy of the verses 
 had, so far as they knew, been given out. After the 
 council had deliberated for some time, Melville wa^ 
 again called in ; and, having been admonished by the 
 Chancellor to add modesty and discretion to his learn- 
 ing and years, was told that he had been found guilty 
 of scandalum magnaium, and was to be committed to 
 the custody of the dean of St. Paul's, until the pleasure 
 of the King, as to his farther punishment, should be 
 known. A warrant was immediately issued to the 
 dean. Dr. Overall, to receive the prisoner into his 
 house, to suffer none to have access to him, and to 
 confer with him at convenient times on those points on 
 which he differed from the church established by law, 
 for his better satisfaction and conformity. j" 
 
 Having got the man of whom they chiefly stood in 
 awe confined, and received assurances that his breth- 
 ren would be detained at London, the Scottish bishops 
 posted home to hold a packed assembly. After all 
 their preparations they durst not allow a free election 
 of representatives of the church. Missives were ad- 
 dressed by the King to the several presbyteries, desi- 
 ring them to send such persons as he named to Lin- 
 lithgow on the 10th of December, to consult with cer- 
 tain noblemen and members of the Privy Council on 
 the means of preventing the increase of popery and 
 curing the distractions of the church. In some pres- 
 byteries three and in others six individuals were pick- 
 ed out, according as each had a smaller or greater 
 number of members favourable to the measures of the 
 court; and private letters were addressed to them com- 
 manding their attendance at Linlithgow, whether they 
 received a commission from their constituents or not. 
 Feeling this to be an insult on them, as well as an in- 
 vasion of their rights, some presbyteries refused to 
 give any commission to the nominees of the court, 
 while others positively interdicted them from taking 
 part in the judicial decision of any ecclesiastical ques- 
 tion.:}: The pow-ers of a General Assembly were, 
 however, assumed by this illegitimate body. The 
 commissioners who acted on the part of his Majesty 
 presented a letter from him, in which he declared it to 
 be " his advice and pleasure," that " one of the most 
 godly and grave and meetest for government" should 
 presently be nominated as moderator of each presby- 
 tery, to continue in that oflice until the jars among the 
 ministers were removed, and the popish noblernen re- 
 claimed ; and that the bishops should be moderators 
 of the presbyteries within whose bounds they resided. 
 Inclined as most of the members were to gratify the 
 King, this proposal met at first with considerable op- 
 position. It was seen that the new office was a mere 
 
 * "Fearing," savs James Melville, "as it appeared in using 
 suci> charming', that force of spirit, whilk he needed not." 
 
 t Melville's History of Declining Age, p. 147 — 151. Scot's 
 Apolog. Narrat. p. 188, 189. Row's History, p. 103—105,346 
 —348. Ambassades de M. de la Boderie, i. 456, 458. The 
 warrant to Dr. Overall may be seen in Dr. Zoucb's edition of 
 Walton's Live.s, p. 351, note. 
 
 \ "We the presb""^ of hadingtou vnderstanding that our 
 brethren Mr James Carmicbael Mr David Ogill and James reid 
 are to repair at his hieneg coniaund upon the tenth of this in- 
 stant to aiie meting of the nobilitic in linlilhgow, and consider- 
 ing ^uoj omn«* tangii debet ab onibus cnrarj, ut quod culpa 
 non car eat, qui ret se miscel ad se non pertinenli ; Be thir pre- 
 sents dischargis j" said brethren to vote conclude or determine 
 of onie things the d<cision qi'of pertenis to anegenerall assera- 
 blie, and roinand thame in our name w< all humilitie to requeist 
 the nobilitie thair convenit to be suteris to his ma''" That ane 
 frie general! assemblie may be convocatt as y" only remeid of 
 all these evillis mentioned'^ in his bienes letter." (Record of 
 Presbytery of Haddington, Dec. 8, 1606.) 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 325 
 
 stalking-horse to enable the bishops to gain that pre- 
 eminence whieh they durst not directly assume; or, 
 in the language of some of those who opposed the 
 measure, " the constant moderates were the little thieves 
 entering at the narrow windows to open the doors to 
 the great thieves."* To silence these objections his 
 Majesty's commissioners assured the Assembly that 
 he had no intention to subvert the established church- 
 government. The bishops repeated their deceitful 
 protestations, that " it was not their intention to usurp 
 !any tyrannous and unlawful jurisdiction over their 
 brethren," and that they would " submit to the cen- 
 sure of the church."! A variety of cautions, similar 
 to those which had formerly been imposed on the vo- 
 ters in parliament, and brought forward with the same 
 fraudulent design, were agreed to. The zeal of his 
 Majesty against popery was loudly proclaimed ; and 
 hopes were given that he would listen to the interces- 
 sions which the Assembly had agreed to make in be- 
 half of the ministers who were in confinement. By 
 these means the strength of the opposition was broken, 
 and the measure carried by an overwhelming majority. 
 When the act of Assembly was afterwards published, 
 it bore that the bishops were to be moderators of pro- 
 vincial synods as well as of presbyteries ; and there is 
 great probability in the allegation, that this clause was 
 interpolated after the minutes were sent to London and 
 submitted to his Majesty's revision. :J: 
 
 This Assembly was opened by Law, bishop of OrK- 
 ney, with a sermon on these words. Pray for the peace 
 of Jerusalem ; and it was closed with the warmest ex- 
 pressions of thanksgiving and gratulation on account 
 of the uncommon spirit of union and harmony which 
 had been displayed in all its deliberations. None are 
 so loud in their praises of peace as those who are pur- 
 suing courses which directly tend to violate it; and in 
 their dialect those are the men of peace who yield a 
 tame submission to all the impositions of authority, or 
 who obseqtiiously follow in the train of a ruling fac- 
 tion, at the expense of abandoning principle and sacri- 
 ficing the public good. No sooner was the Assembly 
 over than the different synods and presbyteries receiv- 
 ed legal charges to admit the constant moderators. 
 All the synods but one, whose name I need not repeat, 
 refused ; and their refusal was imitated by a number 
 of presbyteries. Ministers in all parts of the country 
 were thrown into prison, or declared rebels and forced 
 to abscond for a time; and in some places the most 
 disgraceful scenes were exhibited, in consequence of 
 the firmness of the church-courts and the violence of 
 the agents of government. "|| 
 
 There is not a more pitiable situation than that of a 
 good man who has suffered himself to become the tool 
 of an unprincipled faction, and who has not courage to 
 break through the toils in which he has been unwarily 
 caught; whose character is used to sanctify actions 
 which he reprobates, and whose services are demanded 
 to carry into execution schemes of which he never cor- 
 dially approved, and which he every day sees more 
 and more reason to condemn. Such was the unhappy 
 situation of James Nicolson. The way in which he 
 was led to desert his early friends has been already 
 stated. § From that time he had taken a leading part 
 in forwarding the designs of the court against the liber- 
 ties of the church, although his behaviour occasionally 
 gave symptoms that "all was not at peace within." 
 After long hesitation he had lately been prevailed on 
 to accept a bishopric. In imposing the acts of the 
 assembly of Linlithgow, of which he was moderator, 
 he had to brook mortifications which caused him to be 
 
 * Course of Conformity, p. 50. 
 
 + Bulk of the Univ. Kiik, f. 219. 
 
 X Ibid. 218, b,— 221. CaJd. vi. 1239—1266; vii. 45—60. 
 Melville, Decl. Age, p. 151—154. Scot, p. 189—196. Row, 
 p. 105—110. Spotswood, p. 500—502. 
 
 II Printed Calderwood, p. 565—569. 
 
 \ See above, p. 297. 
 
 pitied even by those who were most offended at his de- 
 fection from the Presbyterian cause. Soon after this 
 he sickened, and on his death-bed expressed the keen- 
 est regret for the course he had taken. When his 
 friends proposed sending for a physician, he exclaim- 
 ed, " Send for King James : it is the digesting of the 
 bishopric that has racked my stomach." He would 
 not allow his episcopal titles to be put into his testa- 
 ment; and earnestly exhorted his brother-in-law to 
 keep aloof from the court, and not to become a bishop ; 
 " for if you do," said he, " you must resolve to take 
 the will of your sovereign for the law of your con- 
 science." * 
 
 Melville remained under the surveillance of the dean 
 of St. Paul's until the 9th of March, 1607, when he 
 received an order from the privy council to remove to 
 the house of the bishop of Winchester. The messen- 
 ger having retired without insisting on accompanying 
 him immediately to the dwelling of his new overseer, 
 he took the liberty of visiting his brethren ; and, as the 
 court was then entirely occupied in managing the 
 House of Commons, which had shown symptoms of 
 refractoriness, he was allowed to remain with them for 
 several weeks. f They had found means to excuse 
 themselves from taking up their residence in the 
 houses of the bishops, but the order formerly issued 
 to that effect was now renewed. For the confinement 
 of Melville some pretext had been found in the charge 
 brought against him, and the legal proceedings found- 
 ed on it. In the case of the other ministers nothing 
 of this kind could be alleged. Accordingly, they 
 hiably resented this unprovoked encroachment on their 
 liberty. They wrote to Sir Anthony Ashley, one of 
 the clerks of council, desiring to know the grounds on 
 which it proceeded ; but he could assign no cause. 
 They waited on the bishop of Durham, who received 
 them in such a manner as was not calculated to give 
 them high ideas of the welcome which they might ex- 
 pect from their episcopal hosts. % They then addressed 
 a spirited remonstrance to the privy council of Eng- 
 land. They complained of being detained in that 
 country, to the impairinor of their health, the wasting 
 of their substance, and the heavy injury of their fami- 
 lies and flocks. They protested against the late order 
 of council as a violation of the law of nations, of the 
 privileges of their native country, and of the princi- 
 ples of justice, which forbid any man to be deprived 
 of his freedom as long as he is unaccused and uncon- 
 demned. It could be considered in no other light, 
 they said, than as a punishment, and for their part they 
 would sooner submit to banishment or imprisonment 
 in a common jail. They were pastors of the church 
 of Scotland, long renowned among the churches of the 
 Reformation ; they had houses and incomes of iheir 
 own with which they were contented ; and it was re- 
 pugnant to their personal feelings, discreditable to 
 their function and the church to which they belonged, 
 and not very honourable to their sovereign and native 
 country, for them to " feed like bdlly-gods at the table 
 of strangers," exchange the character of masters and 
 teachers for that of bondmen and scholars, and appear 
 to the world to approve of what they and their religi- 
 ous connexions had always condemned. Wherein had 
 
 * Scot, p. 205. Simson, 116. Epist. Philad. Vind. apud 
 Altare Daniasc. p. 776. Wodrow's Life of Nicolson, p. 3, 4: 
 MSS. vol. ii. His Testament runs thus: " I Mr James Nicol- 
 son Minisf at Meg:ill &c." without any mention of his episcopal 
 office. " He deceased in (he moneth of August 1607," and left 
 a widow, Jane Ramsay, and three children, James, Margaret, 
 and Bessie. (Commissary Record of Edinburgh.) 
 
 + Melville's Hist, of Decl. Age, p- 171. 
 
 \ His lordship told James Melville, who was appointed to be 
 his guest, that, in order to receive him, it would be necessary 
 to put a gentleman out of his chamber, and two servants into 
 one bed. He invited two of the ministers to dine with him, 
 but before the day came sent a message, saying, that it was not 
 convenient for him to receive them. Melville, ut supra, p. 161 
 -164.) 
 
326 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 they offended t Was it expected that they should do 
 violence to their judgment and conscience to give his 
 majesty satisfaction 1 They knew of ao principles held 
 by them which were not sanctioned by the ecclesias- 
 tical and civil laws of Scotland. But if it were other- 
 wise, they craved that they might be sent home to be 
 admonished of their errors by their own church, with- 
 out putting the lord bishops of England to trouble 
 with them.* 
 
 The council referred them to the Archbishop of Can- 
 terbury for an answer to their petition ; in consequence 
 of which two of them went to Lambeth. His Grace 
 received them with all the affability of a courtier, and 
 conversed on the subjects which gave them so much 
 pain with the ease and sangfroid of a politician who 
 knows that his power is firmly established, and that 
 all his measures will be carried into execution. Judg- 
 ing from the exterior of his conduct on this occasion, 
 one could scarcely suppose that he was the same indi- 
 vidual who had persecuted the English puritans, and 
 thrown so much abuse on the principles and proceed- 
 ings of the presbyterian church in Scotland. When 
 the ministers were introduced, he ordered his attend- 
 ants to withdraw. He apologized for the order of 
 council of which they complained, by alleging that it 
 was intended to provide them with accommodation 
 suitable to their station, seeing it was not the King's 
 pleasure that they should yet return to their own coun- 
 try. James Melville having stated their reasons for 
 declining this compelled courtesy, the primate ac- 
 knowledged their force, and said, that the bishops 
 themselves did not relish the proposal, though they 
 acquiesced in it to please his Majesty: "for (added 
 he) our custom is, after serious matters, to refresh our- 
 selves an hour or two with cards or other games ;t but 
 ye are more precise." Changing the subject, he ask- 
 ed them if it would not be desirable to have the two 
 churches united under the same government. They 
 replied that it certainly would, provided the union was 
 accomplished on sound and scriptural grounds ; but 
 there was great danger of widening the breach by inju- 
 dicious attempts to close it. " We will not reason 
 upon that matter now," said the archbishop ; " but I 
 am sure we both hold the grounds of true religion, and 
 are brethren in Christ, and so should behave ourselves 
 toward each other. We differ only in forms of gov- 
 ernment in the church and some ceremonies; and, as I 
 understand, since ye came from Scotland, your church 
 is brought almost to be one with ours in that also; for 
 I am certified there are constant moderators appointed 
 in your assemblies, synods and presbyteries." His 
 Grace went on for a long time in this strain of affected 
 moderation, but real insolence ; not neglecting to say 
 that he was in a better state when he was but Richard 
 Bancroft, than now when he was Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury. Scot thought it necessary to reply ; and began 
 with saying, thai they could not relinquish their eccle- 
 siastical discipline with a good conscience. But the 
 primate interrupted him with a gracious smile; and, 
 tapping him kindly on the shoulder, said, "Tush, 
 man ; here, take a cup of good sack." And filling the 
 cup, and " holding the napkin himself," he made them 
 drink. :^ So, with many flattering expressions, and 
 courtly promises to intercede with his Majesty in their 
 behalf, his Grace dismissed them.|| 
 
 * The order of Privy Council warranting the bishops to re- 
 ceive the ministers, the letter of the ministers to Sir Anthony 
 Ashley, with his answer, and their petition to the Council, are 
 all inserted in Melville's Hist, of the Decl. Age, p. 157 — 167. 
 
 t It seems the bishops avowedly violated those canons, the 
 transgression of which, in the most unimportant circumstances, 
 they punished so severely in the puritans. See the Canons of 
 1603. in Wilkins's Concilia, torn. ii. p. 393. 
 
 J Osborne says, Bancroft was " characteriied for a jovial 
 doctor." (Secret History of the court of James 1. vol. i. p. 
 65.) Warner taxes him with want of hospitality. (Eccles. 
 Hist. vol. ii. p. 496.) 
 
 II Melville, 168—170. Row. 101, 102. Cald. vii. 14— 16. 
 
 The unjust judge in the parable was induced to do 
 the widow an act of justice, to be rid of her trouble- 
 some importunities. The privy council of England 
 adopted an opposite course ; and, as the Scottish min- 
 isters persisted in demanding that they should either be 
 proved criminal or treated as innocent, they resolved to 
 terminate the affair by one act of summary injustice. 
 
 On the morning of the 26th of April, a servant of the 
 Earl of Salisbury came to the house in the Bow where 
 the ministers were lodged, and delivered a message, 
 requesting Melville to speak with his master at his 
 chambers in Whitehall. Viewing the message in a 
 friendly light, Melville made himself ready and set 
 out with all expedition. His nephew, who was more 
 suspicious, followed him, as soon as he had dressed 
 himself, to the palace, accompanied by Scot and Wal- 
 lace. Melville came to the inn when he understood 
 of their arrival, and told them that he had waited two 
 hours without being able to see the premier. By this 
 time he had been informed that he was to appear be- 
 fore the English council, but did not wish to alarm his 
 friends. " Why do you ask the reason of his lord- 
 ship's message ?" said he : " no doubt, he wishes me 
 to dine with him. But I shall disappoint him ; for I 
 mean to take my repast with you." At table he ex- 
 erted himself to cheer their spirits ; acquainted them 
 with the meditations on the second psalm which he 
 had indulged during his walk in the gallery of the 
 palace ; and recited the verses which he had made on 
 St. George, the tutelary saint of England, whose fes- 
 tival had lately been celebrated with much foolish 
 pageantry. James Melville, who at that moment 
 could have wished that his uncle had never composed 
 a couplet, addressed him in the words of Ovid : 
 Si saperem doctas odissem jure sorores, 
 Numina cultori perniciosa suo: 
 
 To which he replied, with his usual promptitude, in 
 the next words of the poet : 
 
 Sed nunc (tanta meo comes est insania morbo) 
 Saxa (malum !) refero rursus ad icta pedera.* 
 
 " Well," said his nephew, "eat your dinner, and be 
 of good courage; for I have no doubt you are to be 
 called before the council for your altar-verses." — "My 
 heart is full and swells," replied he ; "and I would be 
 glad to have that occasion to disburden it, and to speak 
 all my mind plainly to them, for their dishonouring of 
 Christ and ruining of so many souls by bearing down 
 the purity of the gospel and maintaining popish super- 
 stition and corruptions." — " I warrand you," said 
 James Melville, who was anxious to repress his fer- 
 vour, "they know you will speak your mind freely; 
 and therefore have sent for you that they may find a 
 pretext to keep you from going home to Scotland." — 
 " If God have any service for me there, he will bring 
 me home : if not, let me glorify him wherever I be. 
 I have often said to you, cousin, He hath some part to 
 play with us on this theatre." As he said this, a mes- 
 senger entered, and acquainted him that the Earl of 
 Salisbury wished to see him. " I have waited long 
 upon my lord's dinner, (said Melville) pray him to 
 suffer me now to take a little of my own." Within a 
 short time two expresses were sent to inform him that 
 the council was sitting and waited for him ; upon 
 which he rose, and, having joined with his brethren in 
 a short prayer, repaired to the council-room. | 
 
 His Majesty did not make his appearance; but he 
 had placed himself in a closet adjoining to the room 
 in which the council was met. A low trick, and dis- 
 graceful to royalty, by which the prisoner was encour- 
 aged to use liberties which he might not otherwise 
 have taken, and which were overheard by the person 
 who was ultimately to decide upon his fate. The only 
 charge which the council had to bring against him was 
 the epigram for which he had formerly been question- 
 
 » OvidiiTristia, lib. ii. od. 1. 
 
 t Melville's Hist, of the Decl. Age, p. 178—181. 
 
LIFE OF AXURKW MELVILLE. 
 
 nr 
 
 ed. Irritated as he was by what he had suffered and 
 by what he had seen, he was not prepared to make 
 apologies or retractions. " The Earl of Salisbury 
 (says the French ambassador, to whom we owe the 
 account of this interview) took up the subject, and be- 
 gan to reprove him for his obstinacy in refusing to ac- 
 knowledge the primacy, and for the verses which he 
 had made in derision of the royal chapel. Melville 
 was so severe in his reply, both in what related to the 
 King, and to the I^arl personally, that his lordship 
 was completely put to silence. To his assistance 
 came the Archbishop of Canterbury, then the Earl of 
 Northampton, then the Lord Treasurer; all of whom 
 he rated in such a manner, sparing none of the vices, 
 public or private, with which they are respectively 
 taxed, (and none of them are angels) that they would 
 have been glad that he had been in Scotland. In the 
 end, not being able to induce him to swear to the pri- 
 macy, and not knowing any other way to revenge 
 themselves on him, they agreed to send him prisoner 
 to the Tower. When the sentence was pronounced, 
 he exclaimed : " To this comes the boasted pride of 
 England ! A month ago yon put to death a priest, and 
 to-morrow you will do the same to a minister."* 
 Then addressing tiie Duke of Lennox and the f^arl of 
 Mar, who were in the council, he said, " I am a 
 Scotchman, my lords, a true Scotchman; and if you 
 are such, take heed that they do not end with you as 
 they have begun with me." The King was more irri- 
 tated at this last saying than at all which had passed. "f 
 
 Being prohibited from approaching the palace, the 
 other ministers had employed one of their servants to 
 watch the issue, who, returning at the end of three 
 hours, informed them that Melville was conveyed by 
 water to the Tower. They hastened thither, but were 
 refused access to him.:!: 
 
 It is difficult to say which is most glaring, the injus- 
 tice or the ridiculousness of the proceedings of the 
 council, first and last, against Melville. He was no 
 subject of Enffland, and no member of the English 
 church : he owed no fealty or subjection to the author- 
 ities of either. Called into that country by the letter, 
 and detained in it by the will of his sovereign, he was 
 placed under the protection of the royal authority ; and 
 he was entitled to claim the benefit of this, especially 
 at a time when conferences were holding for uniting 
 the two kingdoms. II What had he done to forfeit this 
 protection ? Had he published a libel against the con- 
 stitution of England ? Had he intruded into her tem- 
 ples, or publicly insulted her worship? Had heat- 
 tacked or even written a single line against one of her 
 established rites 1 He iiad been forced to listen to dis- 
 courses which he disliked, aid to witness religious 
 ceremonies which he detested. Was he also to be re- 
 strained from relieving his mind in private, by indulg- 
 ing in a literary recreation to which he had been ad- 
 dicted from his youth 1 Or, was it a crime to commu- 
 nicate the effusions of his muse to his brethren who 
 sympathised with all his feelings, and shared in all his 
 secrets I The only copy of the epigram which had 
 been seen was taken by a court-spy who haunted his 
 lodgings for the base purpose of informing against 
 him. But though he had been industrious in circula- 
 
 * In the end of 1607, a minister in London was reprimanded 
 for some freedoms which he had taken from the pulpit with the 
 estate of bishops. Having afterwards given out some copies 
 of his sermon, he was publicly whipped, made to stand four 
 hours in the pillory, and had one of his ears cut off. Two days 
 after he was again" brought out, stood other four hours in the 
 pillory, lost his remaining ear, and was condemned to perpet- 
 ual banishment. (Ambassades de M. de la Boderie, ii. 489.) 
 
 f Ambassades de M. de la Boderie, torn, ii, p. 207 — 209. 
 
 t Melville's Hist, of Decl. Age, p. 181. Row's Hist. p. 105. 
 
 || Dr. Zouch candidly allows that "the behaviour of Mr. 
 Melville during the conference afforded no pretext for detain- 
 ing him in England," and that he endured " much persecution ;" 
 adding, "it is not within my province to arraign the conduct 
 of James for his great severity thus exercised." (Walton's 
 Lives, p. 350—353.) 
 
 ting it, where was the mighty harm 1 Was the church 
 of England in such a feeble and tottering condition as 
 to be in danger from a few strokes of a quill 1 Did 
 she, like the church of Rome, tremble at the report of a 
 pasquinade 1 Were there none of all the learned sons 
 whom she had brought up, and of whose achievements 
 she was wont to boast, to rise up and defend her with 
 the weapons with which she had been assailed, that 
 she was obliged to call in the secular arm for her pro- 
 tection, and to silence the audacious satirist by immur- 
 ing him iu a dungeon 1 The council were, in fact, the 
 authors and propagators of the scandal which they 
 punished with such severity. If they had not inter- 
 fered, the epigram would most probably have remained 
 among the papers of the writer, or have shared the 
 same fate with similar productions, which he amused 
 himself with for the moment and then committed to 
 the flames. But, b}' their injudicious interference, and 
 in consequence of their having made it the ground of a 
 criminal prosecution, it was circulated through Britain, 
 was despatched by couriers to the different parts of the 
 continent, formed a subject of merriment at the courts 
 of Versailles, Madrid, and even of the Vatican, and 
 continues to this day to be read and relished as a mer- 
 ited castigation of a church, who, while she professed 
 to have broken off all connexion with Rome, shewed a 
 disposition to ape its manners, and to practise some of 
 its silliest and most senseless ceremonies. 
 
 My Lord Chancellor Ellesmere was pleased to ad- 
 monish Melville, at his first appearance, to join grav- 
 ity and moderation to his learning; and the admonition 
 was good. But really there are some actions so gla- 
 ringly unjust as to provoke the meekest of men. And 
 there are some scenes so truly ridiculous as tn baffle 
 the gravity of the most rigid moralist and the most de- 
 mure precisian. What shall we think of the Chancel- 
 lor of all England, with the principal peers and pre- 
 lates of the realm, assembled in close conclave, spend- 
 ing two solemn sederunts on the demerits of an epi- 
 gram, critically scanning six Latin lines, endeavour- 
 ing, like school-boys, to construe them into treason, 
 and in the end gravely finding them chargeable with 
 the anomalous and barbarous fault of scandalun mag- 
 natum ? 
 
 Spectatuni admissi risum teneatis, amici ? 
 
 Those who approve of these proceedings, will be 
 prepared to palliate their iniquity by quoting prece- 
 dents and referring to examples equally arbitrary and 
 unjust; and they will be loud in their censures of the 
 deportment of the prisoner on this occasion, and in 
 their declamations against the indiscretion and vio- 
 lence which he displayed in the course of his trial. 
 Others, who are not disposed to join in tliis condemna- 
 tion, may lament that, by his vehement and intem- 
 perate language, he should have detracted from the 
 dignity of his defence, given his enemies an advantage 
 against him, and subjected himself to a severer pun- 
 ishment than he would have suffered if he had acted 
 with more moderation and prudence. I feel as little 
 inclined to sympathize with the regrets of this last 
 class of persons, as I do to enter into serious argu- 
 ment with the first. I know of no fixed and uniform 
 standard of discretion by which the conduct of every 
 individual is to be ruled on great and extraordinary 
 occasions. "There is a spirit in man, and the inspi- 
 ration of the Almighty giveth him understanding." It 
 is the voice of the Deity that roars in the thunder and 
 that whispers in the breeze. There are virtues whose 
 mild influence is grateful and refreshing in the ordi- 
 nary intercourse of life; and there are others which 
 are salutary in purifying the social atmosphere, and in 
 relieving it from those oppressive and noxious vapours 
 by which it is apt at times to become impregnated. 
 Some men are blessed with a placidity of mind and a 
 command of temper which nothing can ruffle or dis- 
 compose. Others are gifted with a keen and indig- 
 nant sense of whatever is iniquitous and base, with the 
 
328 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 power of giving expression to what they feel, and with 
 courage to exert that power. Let each use the gift 
 which he has received, to the honour of Him who be- 
 stowed it, and to the benefit of mankind ; subject only 
 to those general laws which are common to both. 
 " Quench not the spirit" of holy zeal for God and your 
 country by the cold dictates of a selfish and timorous 
 prudence, calculated to beget a temperance which 
 gives smoothness to the passion of the hypocrite who 
 plays his part on the world's theatre. " If my anger 
 go downward,^^ (said Melville to one of his prudent 
 advisers,) " set your foot on it, and put it out ; but if 
 it go upward, suffer it to rise to its place."* 
 
 He was persecuted for what was no crime, and ar- 
 raigned before a court which had no legal jurisdiction 
 over him. He was under no obligation to defend him- 
 self; but he had a right to complain. In those who 
 assumed the power to judge him he saw men of high 
 rank and honourable station indeed, but men who were 
 chargeable with many glaring offences and acts of in- 
 justice, and whose rank and station had precluded 
 them from hitherto hearing the voice of faithful re- 
 proof. If, roused by the unworthy treatment which 
 he met with, he felt it incumbent on him to discharge 
 this dangerous duty, are we prepared to pronounce his 
 reprehensions unwarranted, or to say that they were j 
 productive of no salutary and beneficial eflTect? It is 
 a vulgar error to suppose that the decisions of an im- 
 passioned mind are necessarily blind and headlong. 
 While selfishness contracts and cowardice clouds the 
 understanding, the higher emotions impart a perspica- 
 city and an expansion to the mind by which it per- 
 ceives instantaneously and at one glance the course 
 which it ought to take. Melville knew that his ene- 
 mies sought an occasion against him, and that an ad- 
 vantage would be taken of the freedom of speech in 
 which he chose to indulge. But he knew also that he 
 could not regain his personal liberty without renoun- 
 cing his principles and abjuring the cause to which he 
 was resolved inviolably to adhere. Provided he was 
 not permitted to return to his native country, and to re- 
 sume his academical function, unfettered by sinful or 
 dishonourable conditions, the degree of external re- 
 straint under which he might be laid was to him a mat- 
 ter of comparative indifference. Nay, the punishment 
 to which he had for some time been subjected, was, in 
 some respects, more galling than any which the coun- 
 cil might be provoked to inflict. And as it was more 
 revolting to his own feelings, so was it also less cred- 
 itable to those public interests which in his breast 
 were ever paramount to personal considerations. Had 
 he been contented to " wait pinioned" at the court of 
 England, or had he suffered himself to be quietly re- 
 moved out of the way, and cooped up in some narrow 
 and remote island,")" his name and the reasons of his 
 detention would have been little heard of or inquired 
 after. But his being committed to the Tower as a 
 state prisoner, with the circumstances which led to 
 this, excited great speculation ; and thus the cause for 
 which he was imprisoned came to be talked of and 
 
 fenerally known. f That the manner in which he con- 
 ucted himself in the presence of the English council 
 was not, as has been alleged by some of his enemies, 
 disgracefully violent, may be inferred from the report 
 of impartial persons, and from the irritation which was 
 
 * Livingston's Charact. art. Andrew Melville. 
 
 f It appears from a letter of Welch to Boyd of Trochrig, 
 that it was proposed that Melville should be sent to the Isle of 
 Guernsey. (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Jac. V. 1. 14. num. 100.) 
 
 I The French ambassador, after giving an account of the af- 
 fair, and desiring that it should be communiraled to Henry, 
 adds, that it formed the only topic of conversation in London: 
 " U ne se parle maintenant ici d'autre chose, et en sont ceux de 
 la Nation en grande ruiiieur." (Anibassades de M. de la Bo- 
 derie, ii. 209.) Along with Melville's epigram, the ambassador 
 transmitted a copy of verses in answer to it, by one of the Royal 
 Secretaries, " from which (says he) you will see the good iiUcl- 
 lirence that is between the Puritans and those who are about 
 this King." (lb. i. 458.) 
 
 felt by those whom he attacked. But granting that he 
 gave way to excess, who does not prefer the open, ar- 
 dent, impetuous, independent, irascible spirit of a Mel- 
 ville, to the close, cold, sycophantish, intriguing, in- 
 tolerant spirit of a Barlow or a Bancroft t Who would 
 not have taken the place of the prisoner at the bar, 
 with all his errors on his head, rather than have been 
 detected as a crowned sp}', listening at the door of a 
 closet, or skulking behind its tapestry? The minute 
 of council committing him to the Tower has, it seems, 
 perished ; hut History has put the transaction on her 
 record, more durable than those of cabinet-councils, 
 and it will be remembered to the disgrace of its au- 
 thors, and to the honour of the individual who was the 
 victim of their violent but impotent revenge. 
 
 Tell them the men that placed him here 
 Are scandals to the times, 
 Are at a loss to find his guilt. 
 And can't commit his cnnies.* 
 
 When Melville was thrown into the Tower, the fate 
 of his brethren was also fixed. His nephew was com- 
 manded to leave London within six days, to repair to 
 Newcastle upon Tyne, and not to go beyond ten miles 
 from that town on the pain of rebellion. The rest of 
 the ministers were confined in different parts of Scot- 
 land ; and such of them as were allowed to reside 
 within their own parishes were prohibited from attend- 
 ance on church-courts, and bound to procure a certifi- 
 cate of their good behaviour from a bishop, or else to 
 return to London within a limited time.f The allega- 
 tion that Melville's restraint was owing to the violence 
 of his behaviour is refuted by the treatment which his 
 nephew received. He, at least, had given no offence 
 during his residence in England. On the contrary, his 
 conduct procured for him the approbation of the coun- 
 cil, and drew the most flattering commendations from 
 the lips of the Chancellor. Yet he was detained as a 
 prisoner, and could not even obtain liberty to go to 
 Scotland for the purpose of visiting his wife, when she 
 was lying on her death-bed. :j: 
 
 It would he highly improper to pass over one part 
 of the conduct of the ministers. Their journey to 
 England had subjected them to very considerable ex- 
 pense. They had been nine months absent from their 
 own country. They had to support their families at 
 home. Each of them was attended by a servant; and 
 they had kept a hospitable table for such of their ac- 
 quaintance as chose to visit them in their lodgings at 
 Kingston and in London. Soon after they came to 
 court, they received a sum of money to defray the ex- 
 penses of their journey to England. !| But when his 
 Majesty found that there was no hope of their yielding 
 
 * Defoe's Hymn to the Pillory. 
 
 t Melville's Hist, of the Decl. A»e. p. 181—183. Scots 
 Apolog. Nar. p. 205. Report of the Confereiires: MS. in Bibl. 
 Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 49. In the last mentioned MS. are 
 tivo forms of licence to Balfour, who, it would appear, had ob- 
 jected to the first. After being allowed to remain for some 
 time at Cockburnspath, he was ordered to remove to J'razer- 
 burgh in the north of Scotland; but the infirmities of old age 
 forced him to stop on the road, and he was released from his 
 confinement by the hand of death. (Cald. vii. 49.) 
 
 \ After her death he was allowed, as a special favour, to go 
 to Anstruther to put his family affairs in order; but he was pro- 
 hibited from preaching, or attending any meeting of presbytery 
 or synod, during his stay, and was bound to return to the place 
 of his confinement at the end of one month. (Cald. vii. 49.) 
 
 II " Upon Wednesday the 15th of October the erle of Dun- 
 bar sent Robert Jowsie to their lodging, with eight sheets of 
 gray paper full of English money knit up in form ofsugar loaves, 
 containing five hundreth nicrks npcace to every one of them 
 forr their charges and expences in coming to court." (Cald. 
 vi. 1227.) The following extract is a proof of Calderwood'» 
 accuracy, and shews at the same time that the money did not 
 come from the English Exchetjuer. "July, 1606. Item be 
 comandemet of the lordis of counsall: To Nir. James Balfoure, 
 Mr. Robert Wallace, Mr. Adam Colt, Mr. Andro Melvill, Mr. 
 James Melvill, Mr. W"" Watsone, Mr. Win Scot, and Mr 
 Jo" Carmichaell, ministers, for thair charges & ex pensis in thair 
 journay toward his Majestic, ij" vi<^ Uvi'* xiij» liij"*." (Com 
 pot. Thesaur. in Register House, Edinburgh.) 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 329 
 
 to his wishes, he withheld all further supplies, and 
 directed them to take up their residence with the 
 bishops. Rather than submit to this, tliey chose to 
 live at their own cost. When they were preparing to 
 leave London, Bamford and Snape, two nonconformist 
 ministers, and Croslay, a respectable apothecary, wait- 
 ed on them with a considerable sura which they had 
 collected among their friends, and begged them to ac- 
 cept of it, to assist in defraying their expenses and 
 supporting their friend whom they were to leave be- 
 hind them as a prisoner. The Scottish ministers 
 thanked them for their kindness, but declined receiv- 
 ing the gift. They could not accept of it, tliey said, 
 either in conscience or in honour. They could not 
 conscientiously take it, knowing that there were a 
 great many ministers in England imprisoned or si- 
 lenced for nonconformity, who stood in need of more 
 relief than their friends could afford. Nor could they 
 receive it without dishonouring their sovereign, at 
 whose desire they had undertaken this journey, and 
 who would doubtless reimburse what thry had ex- 
 pended ; and without disgracing their country, which 
 had already suffered in its reputation, in consequence 
 of the common talk of the people of England, that 
 the Scots came among them to beg and "purse up 
 the money of the land,"* Those who are minutely 
 acquainted with the liistory of these times are aware 
 that the complaints of the English on this head were 
 .oud, and uttered in the most contumelious language. 
 Jealousy and national prejudice might lead them to ex- 
 aggerate ; but it cannot be denied that the mean and 
 mercenary behaviour of many of our countrymen, both 
 of the higher and lower orders, who flocked to Eng- 
 land after the accession of James, gave too much occa- 
 siotj for fixing this disgraceful stigma on tlie nation.} 
 
 spare, .Tames Melville embarked for Newcastle, on the 
 2nd of July, 1607, from the stairs leading to the Tow- 
 er ; and continued, as the vessel sailed down the river, 
 to fix his eyes, streaming with tears, on the Bastile 
 which enclosed the friend for whom he had long felt 
 an enthusiastic attachment, and whose face he was not 
 again to behold.* 
 
 CHAPTER IX.— 1607— 1611. 
 
 Melville deprived of the Office of Principal at St. Andrews 
 —Succeeded by Robert Howie— Rigour of his Imprisonment 
 in the Tower— Relaxed— College ot Rochell   in France ap- 
 plies for him— He is Consulted on the Arminian Contioversy 
 — Fruitless Negociation for his Liberty— His Fortitude and 
 Cheerfulness— Encourages his Brethren in Scotland by his 
 Letters— His Majesty's Literary Employments— New At- 
 tfmpts for Melville's Liberation— His Design of going to 
 America— His Literary Recreations in the Tower— His pe- 
 cuniary Misfortune— Death of his Friends— Matrimonial Af- 
 fair—Ecclesiastical Proceedings in Scotland— Episcopacy ap- 
 proved by General Assembly at Glasgow— Reflections on this 
 —Melville's fellow-prisoners— He is Visited by Cameron and 
 Casaubon— Duke of Bouillon's Application for Him— Oppo- 
 sed by the Court of France- He seeks Admission into the 
 Familv of Prince Henry— His Friends at Court— His pecu- 
 niary Embarrassments— Sickness— Release from the Tower, 
 and "Departure to France. 
 
 No time was lost in depriving Melville of his situ- 
 ation in the university. For this purpose a royal com- 
 mission was given to four laymen and four bishops, 
 who met at St. Andrews on the 16th of June, 1607. 
 They found Melville's place, as principal of the New 
 College, vacant, simply upon his Majesty's letter, de- 
 
 On this ground the ministers are entitled to the high- daring that the privy council of England had commit 
 est praise for their considerate and dignified conduct. 
 On the day after his uncle's incarceration James 
 Melville received a note from him, marked by the hand 
 
 of the Lieutenant of the Tower, requesting that furni- 
 ture for a room might be sent him, along with his 
 
 ted him to the Tower for a high trespass, and that lie 
 was not to be allowed to return to St. Andrews.} The 
 university did not act with the spirit which they had 
 displayed on a former occasion of a similar kind. Iii- 
 stead of remonstrating against the infringement of their 
 
 clothes and books. The strictest injunctions had been ; jj„i,ts by the act of a foreign jurisdiction, they did not 
 laid on the Lieutenant to allow none to have access to ^^^^ intercede with his Majesty in behalf of an indi 
 
 him; but his nephew contrived, by means of one of the 
 keepers, to obtain an interview with him at the win- 
 dow of his apartment once a-day as long as he remain- 
 ed in London. Nothing which could contribute to his 
 comfort (for his liberation was at that time entirely 
 hopeless) was neglected by this amiable man and af- 
 
 vidual who reflected so much honour on their body. 
 To deter the members of the New College from oppo- 
 sition, the commissioners instituted a strict inquiry 
 into the management of their revenues ; and so eager 
 were the professors to escape from censure, that they 
 not only acquiesced in the removal of their principal. 
 
 feciionate friend. All recollection of his own hard- j|,„{ ^ere willino- to impute to him, in his absence, the 
 ships, and of the afflicted state of his family, was for blame of irreo-ularities to which they had at least been 
 the time absorbed in the deep and distressing concern I aeeessory, if^thev were not the chief authors of them, 
 which he felt for his captive uncle. It rent his tender j ^p^p inoratitudeand want of feeling which Patrick 
 heart to think of leaving him in his old age, without a Melville evinced towards his uncle at this time exci- 
 
 friend to relieve the tedious hours of captivity, and 
 with none to perform the common offices of humanity 
 
 ted general indignation ; and the commissioners avail- 
 ed themselves of it to deprive him of a considerable 
 
 to him but a rude and unfeeling gaoler. He exposed | p^^t of the emoluments to which he laid claim.} The 
 himself to the risk of being personally apprehended by j ^^]y persons who had the courage to testify their at- 
 prolonging his stay for a fortnight after the time fixed tachment to Melville were his students, who presented 
 for his departure; and employed all his influence with , „ unanimous petition to the commissioners, requesting 
 his friends at court to have the place of his confine- 1 tj,at their revered master might be restored to them. 
 ment changed from Newcastle to London, that he ! j^ jg p^^t to the credit of churchmen that they often dis- 
 might bo near his uncle, and ready to embrace any op- I coygr Jess generosity and humane feeling in their pro- 
 portunity of being serviceable to him. But he was | egedino-s than laymen. Not contented with divesting 
 advised to desist from his applications, and to give : jyiejyji'i'e ^f , he office of principal, the clerical members 
 immediate obedience to the royal injunction, unless he I ^f j^g commission would have deprived him of his sal- 
 wished orders of a more rigorous kind to be issued, j aj.y f^j ^i^g current year; but the disgraceful proposal 
 The only favour that could he obtained was a permis- , ^^.j^g quashed by the lay commissioners, who, thoug:h 
 sion to Melville's servant to incarcerate himself along; equally disposed to gratify the King, did not partici- 
 
 with his master. | 
 
 Having secured this arrangement for his uncle's j 
 comfort, and supplied him with all the money he could 
 
 * Melville's Hist, of Decl. Age, p. 183, 184. Row's Hist, 
 p. 106. Simsoni Annal. p. Ill 
 
 * Melville's Hist, of Decl. Age, p. 183. 
 + Spotswood's Hist. p. 503. 
 
 Cald. vii. 35, 39. 
 
 t The bishops afterwarfls employed thetr inffuence with the 
 lurt to have Patrirk Melville "restored to his first stipend, iw 
 mrd of his irood affection to his Majesty's service" (Let- 
 
 court 
 regard of 
 
 ' + Secret History of the Court of James I. vol. i. p. 143, 172, regard of his ^ooaaj;ecnon " "^%-^"Xmes Seniuill Oc 12 
 217. 369-371 . VVinwood's Memorials, vol. i. p. 217. De la ter of Archbishop Spotswood to Sir James Sen^p.U Oct. 1 i. 
 BoJerie,tom. ii. p. 302, 492, iii. 162. 1 1611: MSTin Bibl. Jurid. Ed.n. Jac. V. i. 14. num. 97.1 
 
 2R 
 
330 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE 
 
 pate in the resentment of their colleagues, and were 
 guided by principles of honour.* 
 
 It was easy to extrude Melville, but not so easy to 
 find one who was capable of filling his place. This 
 consideration created no small embarrassment to the 
 bishops to whom the arrangement of the business was 
 committed. They were aware that Melville's talents 
 and fame would throw into the shade any successor 
 whom they might nominate; and that they would in- 
 cur the odium of having sacrificed the interests of 
 literature to the advancement of their own ambitious 
 views. In respect of literary qualifications, and of the 
 place which he already held in the college, Jonston was 
 entitled to be advanced to the office of principal. But 
 he was tainted with Melville's principles. This was 
 the real bar to his preferment, although the infirm slate 
 of his health was made the excuse for passing liim by. 
 Robert Howie was the person fixed on as uniting the 
 greatest portion of talent with the indispensable quality 
 of a disposition to support the measures of the court. 
 The claims of Jonston being set aside by a mandate 
 firom the court, Howie was, on the 27th of July, in- 
 stalled in the office of principal by virtue of a royal 
 presentation, without regard to the comparative trial 
 and election ordained by the parliamentary charter of 
 the college. But conformable as he was, he received 
 his appointment during the King's pleasure only; and 
 when he scrupled accepting it with this limitation, he 
 was told by Gladstanes that the royal will was impe- 
 rious, and must be absolutely obeyed. Some of tlie 
 members of the university bad now summoned up as 
 much courage as to protest against his admission, on 
 the ground that no process of deprivation had been led 
 against Melville : but the objection was disregarded, 
 and those who brought it were threatened with being 
 shut up along with the traitof for whom they presumed 
 to plead.f 
 
 From hostility to Melville and dread of his being 
 allowed to return to St. Andrews,^ Gladstanes was ex- 
 tremely officious in the whole of this affair. Perceiv- 
 ing his forwardness, the other commissioners took care 
 to devolve on him the most invidious and ungrateful 
 part of their work. In his correspondence with the 
 court, the servile bishop makes a merit of his attending 
 in person at the breaking open of Melville's lodging 
 to give possession to his successor, at the same time 
 that he states that this task was imposed on him to 
 degrade his character in the public opinion. If we 
 may believe the primate, the new principal made his 
 debut in such a manner as totally to eclipse the reputa- 
 tion of his predecessor. " Mr. Robert Howie (says 
 he) has been entered to teach in the New College, and 
 that with so much rare learning as not only breeds 
 great contentment to all the clergy here, but also ra- 
 vishes them with admiration. So that the absence of 
 his antecessor is not missed, while they find, instead 
 of superficial, feckkss inventions, profitable and substan- 
 tious theology. What difficulty and pains I have had 
 to settle him here, without help of any other of coun- 
 cil or clergy, God knoweth ! It was thought that the 
 gap of Mr. Andrew Mellville's absence should have 
 furnished such matter of discontent to the kirk and 
 country as should have bred no small mutinie, and 
 should have enforced your Highness to send the pri- 
 soner back, tanquam sine quo non."j^ This shows how 
 happy the bishop felt at having been able to carry 
 through a measure which he had despaired of accom- 
 plishing, and is the strongest possible testimony in 
 
 » Letter. John Dykes to James Melville: Cald. vii. 43 — 45. 
 Epistola Alexandri Hume! Andrea; Melvino: Melvini Epistolae, 
 p. 310. Hume expresses bis unwillingness to believe the rc- 
 nort that Jonston had acted an unkind part to Melville, and 
 Dears his testimony to the friendly conduct o( Robert Wilkie, 
 the principal of St. I<eonard'g. 
 
 + Wodrow's Life of Robert Howie, p. 2. 
 
 t Tetter, Gladstanes to the King, Oct. 28, 1607 : MS. in 
 Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 59. 
 
 favour of those talents which he wished to disparage. 
 The lights which Melville's genius threw over the 
 science which he taught are here characterized as 
 "superficial, feckless inventions," while the duller 
 divinity of his less gifted successor is dignified with 
 the name of " profitable and substantious theology." 
 We know from other quarters that Howie's early ex- 
 hibitions, instead of being received with applause, 
 were treated with disrespect and censure. Having, in 
 his lectures, undertaken the defence of episcopal 
 power, his arsfuments were refuted by his own stu- 
 dents, and he was subjected to a rebuke from the pres- 
 bytery.* Indeed, from the known sentiments of the 
 ministers, and the partiality of the students to a favour- 
 ite and persecuted teacher, it is natural to suppose that 
 both of them would be prepossessed against Howie, 
 and disposed to undervalue, rather than to overrate and 
 extol, his abilities and performances. 
 
 Robert Howie was born in Aberdeen or its neigh- 
 bourhood, and educated at King's College there. In 
 company with John Johnston, his countryman and pro- 
 bably his fellow-student, he went to the continent and 
 spent a number of years in foreiorn universities. He 
 studied under two distinguished divines, Caspar Ole- 
 vian, at Herborn,| and John James Grynaeus, at 
 Basle; ^ and during his residence at the last of these 
 places gave a specimen of his theological knowledge 
 to the public. |t On his return to Scotland he became 
 one of the ministers of Aberdeen. § When Marischal 
 College was erected he was appointed principal of that 
 academy, in which situation he continued until the 
 year 1598, when he was translated, by appointment 
 of the General Assembly, to be minister of Dundee. ^ 
 He incurred the displeasure of the King by encouraging 
 the inhabitants of that town to assert their rights in 
 the election of their magistrates.** But after that 
 period he showed himself conformable to the court, 
 and was one of those who appeared on the side of the 
 bishops in the late conferences at Hampton Court.jl 
 Howie's literary and theological acquirements were 
 respectable ; but he did not possess the genius, the ele- 
 gant taste, or the skill in sacred languages, by which his 
 predecessor was distinguished. Though he embarked 
 warmly in the episcopal cause at his first coming to St. 
 Andrews, yet his zeal seems to have afterwards cooled, 
 and he not only favoured those who refused to conform 
 to the English modes of worship, but was in danger 
 of being ejected from his place as a non-conformist.:^:^ 
 
 * Row, p. 218. 
 
 + The Dedication of the first edition of Hurhanan's Sphcera, 
 " Johaiini Coniiti a Nassau," is subscribed " Herboriine ex illus- 
 tri schola Celsitudinis tuie, quinto iVlartii, 1586. C. T. Addic- 
 tiss. Roherlus Hoiiaus Scotiis." 
 
 \ His Thesis, on The Freedom of the Will, which he dis- 
 puted before GrjnJBus, was printed " Basilfa; Typis Ofiorinia- 
 nis Anno Chrisfi M. D. I.XXXlX." A copy of it in the posses- 
 sion of Mr. David Laing has the following^ inscription in 
 Howie's handwriting, " M. Roberto Rolloco Hovaeus niittit." 
 
 II " De Reconciliatiooe Hoininis cum Deo, Sev de Humani 
 CJeneris Redemptione, Tractatio Theologira. Avthore Roberto 
 Hov.-eeo Scoto. Accessemnt eiusdeni anthoris disputalionet 
 j.dii^: quarum altera est de Comniunione fideliuin cum Christo: 
 altera de Jiistificatior.e hoininis coram Deo. Basilese per Se- 
 bastianum Henripetri." 4to. I'p. 157. The colophon is, " Ba- 
 silcce — Anno CI3 id XCI. Mense Aprili." It has two dedica- 
 tions; the one to Grynfcus, and the other "Joanni Jonstono, 
 Viro doclissimo, Populari ef fratri suo charissimo." Sir Robert 
 Sibbald nien'ions dilTerent Theses by Howie at Basle 1588 — 
 1591. (De Script. Scot. p. 56: conf. ejus Bibl. Scot. p. 116.) 
 
 { The Charter of Erection of Marischal College (April 2, 
 1593.) is subscribed by " George Earl Marishall," — "coram his 
 tpslibus — Magistro Petro Blackburn, Roberto Howceo Ministris 
 Aberdoncn," &c. 
 
 IT Buik of the Universal Kirk, ff. 192, a, 198, b. 
 
 *» Letter from the King to the Privy Council, Anent the 
 town of Dundee and M. Robert Howye, Oct. 3, 1604. (Lord 
 Haddington's Col . of letters.) 
 
 +t Scott's Apolog. Narrat. p. 177. Melville, p. 126. 
 
 \l Diary of Mr. Robert Trail, Minister of tne Gravfriars, 
 Edinburgh, MS. p. 9. Cassandra Scoticana to Cassan(fer An- 
 glicanus: Ep. Dedic. Medelburgi 1618. "Now (my dear Mr. 
 Howie) my labour* are particularlic direclit to you, 1, becaut 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 331 
 
 He survived the establishment of episcopacy, and re- 
 mained at the head of the theological college of St. 
 Andrews for some time after the restoration of pres- 
 bytery.* 
 
 The injustice of Melville's imprisonment was 
 heightened by the unnecessary severity with which he 
 was treated in the Tower. A pretext was found for 
 withdrawing the indulgence of having a servant con- 
 fined along with him. No creature was allowed to see 
 him but the person who brought him his food. He 
 was not even permitted to beguile the irksome hours 
 by his favourite amusement of writing. The use of 
 pen, ink, and paper, was strictly prohibited him.f But 
 tyrants, though they can fetter and torment the body, 
 have no power over the free and heaven-born soul. 
 Melville's spirit remained unconfined and unbroken In 
 his narrow and uncomfortable cell ; and he found 
 means of expressing the sense which he entertained of 
 his unmerited sufferings, and his resolution to endure 
 the worst which his persecutors could inflict. When 
 his apartment was examined, its walls were found 
 covered with verses, which he had engraved, in fair 
 and beautiful characters, with the tongue of his shoe- 
 buckle. :^ In this situation he was kept for about ten 
 months. 
 
 James Melville was under great uneasiness lest the 
 health of his uncle should suffer by such rigorous im- 
 prisonment, during a winter so remarkable for severity 
 that the Thames continued frozen over for several 
 months together. He was not relieved from this anx- 
 iety until the month of May, 1608, when he received 
 a letter from him written with his own hand in Greek ; 
 thanking him for the money which he had sent him, 
 and informing him that his health remained uninjured, 
 and that his imprisonment was now less severe than it 
 
 peculiarlie due unto 3'ou as being deryvet from you. 2. heiring 
 neir abroad that for crossing, coping, capping, kneeling, &c. ye 
 had receavit ane sunimonds of this new necessitie I thoght good 
 to yield you this muche consolation, beseeching God to inarnie 
 j-Qu ayir to divt [defeat ?] thanie, or patience and humilitie to 
 indure thame, gif thay deale in regour with you." (MS. in 
 Bibl. Jurid. Edin. probably transcribed from a printed book.) 
 
 * It may be proper to state, that throughout the confidential 
 correspondence between Melville and his nephew, there is not 
 an invidious hint thrown out against Howie. James Melville 
 names him with high respect in a letter to his uncle, (Novo- 
 castr. Apr. penult. 1610:) •' Andream meum, rudimentis Theo- 
 logite et linguje sanctae initiatum ut hac hyenie potui, in Scotiani 
 nunc ablegavi, cum niandatis ut Hovii nobilis uxorem ad mari- 
 tum comitaretur; id enim a me proximig literis petiit Hovius 
 noster." (Melvini Epist. p. 161.^ 
 
 T De ia Boderie, Alnbassades, ii. 469. 
 
 \ This fact has been preserved by a foreign writer. (Gis- 
 berti Voetii Politica Ecclesiastica, torn. iii. p. 52.) The verses 
 from which he quotes are to be found in Melvini MiiscB, p. 28. 
 
 Cum Balamitarum sit tanta frequentia vatum. 
 
 Cur loquitur toto nullus in orbe asinus ? 
 Non Genius stat contra, asinus non cffiditur, ora 
 
 Non reserat muto, qui dedit ora Dcus. 
 
 The following verses were also composed by him at this time. 
 
 At vati infcelici instat tibi carceris umbra, 
 
 Quin Christi illustri lumine liber ego. 
 Te tristi exilio, aut fato mutabit acerbo: 
 
 Nee triste exilium, mors nee acerba mihi. 
 Exilium a patria patrio me inducit Olympo: 
 
 Mors pro Christo atrox vita beata mihi. 
 
 Ibid. p. 22. 
 
 Si venissem ultro, spectassem singula et ultro, 
 Et quaesissem ultro; tunc mea culpa levis ? 
 
 At veni jussus, spectavi et singula jussus, 
 Qusesivi et jussus; nunc mea culpa gravis ? 
 
 Hoc Belga, hoc Batavus, Germanus,Gallus, et Anglus, 
 Hoc Liger, hoc Scotus qunerit, et hostis Iber 
 
 Injussus, quod jussus ego Regique Deoque 
 Quaesivi, officio functus utrique meo. 
 
 Solus ego plector, solum me fulniina tangunt, 
 Solus ego vulgi fabula factus agor. 
 
 Ibid. p. 23. 
 
 had been.* He was removed to a more airy and com- 
 modious apartment, was indulged with the use of 
 writing materials, and soon after was allowed to see 
 his acquaintance. This favour he owed to the interest 
 and exertions of his friends at court, and particularly 
 of Sir James Sempiil of Beltrees. "Through the 
 kind offices of Sempiil," says he, in a letter to his ne- 
 phew, " I now enjoy more healthful air, though still 
 confined in the Tower. I am put in hopes that I shall 
 have greater liberty within a month or two on the re- 
 turn of Sine quo nihil,- you know whom I mean, your 
 friend, forsooth, who did not even deign to salute you 
 lately. f Sure, you admire the prudence and caution 
 of the hero ! " t 
 
 In the end of the year 1607, and before he had ob- 
 tained this mitigation of his confinement, the Protes- 
 tants of Rochelle in France attempted to obtain him to 
 their college, as Professor of Divinity. With this 
 view they gave a commission to Gilbert Primrose, a 
 Scotchman, who had been for some time minister at 
 Bourdeaux, and was then on a visit to Britain ; || author- 
 izing him to deal with King James to set Melville at 
 liberty, and allow him to come to tliem. James ex- 
 cused himself from complying with this request, by 
 alleging that he had not yet resolved how to dispose 
 of the prisoner. This negociation gave offence to the 
 French court. Their ambassador at London received 
 instructions to make particular inquiry into the facts. 
 Primrose, on returning to France, was called before 
 the king, and questioned strictly as to the nature of 
 his commission ; and the Duke of Sully was ordered 
 to reprimand the inhabitants of Rochelle for carrying 
 on a correspondence with a foreign power without the 
 knowledge and permission of their native sovereign. § 
 Rochelle was one of the fortified cities in the hands 
 of the Protestants, and a principal key of the kingdom. 
 The connexion which it had maintained with England 
 during the reign of Elizabeth, and the weak and vacil- 
 lating conduct of James, might justify caution on the 
 part of Henry ; yet it must be confessed that this 
 great prince, for some years before his melancholy 
 death, evinced a jealousy of his protestant subjects, 
 and a partiality to the most inveterate of their enemies, 
 which it is difficult to defend either on the principles 
 of gratitude or policy.^ 
 
 At this time Melville was consulted by both parties 
 on the theological disputes which agitated the church 
 in Holland. These were occasioned by the novel 
 opinions of the celebrated Arminius respecting the ori- 
 gin of moral evil, predestination, free-will and grace; 
 which afterwards spread extensively ia all the reform- 
 ed churches. In the year 1607, Melville received a 
 letter from Sibrandus Lubbertus, Professor of Divinity 
 at Franeker, giving him an account of the sentiments 
 
 » Melvini Epistola, p. 1, 329. 
 
 f The person here meant is the Earl of Dunbar, the Ki«g'« 
 favourite, who professed great regard for James Melville, with 
 whom he had been intimate in his youth. Melville more than 
 once rallies his nephew on his trusting to the empty promises 
 of this courtier — " Heroe vestro collimitaneo." 
 
 t Melvini Epistoloe, p. 54. 
 
 II Quick's Synodicon, vol. i. p. 289. 
 
 6 De la Boderie, Ambassades, ii. 386, 430, 433, 486; iii. 26. 
 Sully's Memoirs, v. 14. Lond. 1778. The fact is also alluded 
 to in a letter by James Cleland to King James. (MS. in Bibl. 
 Jurid. Edin. A. 3. 21.) In Sully's Memoirs it is said that James 
 had acceded to the application from Rochelle; but this is con- 
 tradicted by De la Boderie. 
 
 f This drew from Du Plessis, who was equally distinguished 
 for loyalty to his sovereign and attachment to his religion, the 
 following striking remarks: "We do not envy your killing the 
 fatted calf for the prodigal son, provided you say with a sin- 
 cere heart to the obedient son, Tnou knoviest-, my son, that all 
 I have is thine, or rather, provided you do not sacrifice the 
 obedient son to make the better entertainment for the prodi- 
 gal. In fine, I am pleased with whatever is done, provided it 
 turns out well; but I dread those treaties in which things are 
 given up and nothing got but words, and these the words of 
 men who until of late had no words." (M^moires tom. ii. p. 
 398, 399.) 
 
332 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MKLVILLE. 
 
 and procedure of the innovators, and requesting his j shall ensue. Relying on divine aid, I am prepared for 
 opinion on the subject. This was followed by a letter whatever the event may be — to remain here, to return 
 from Arminius himself, in which he complained that i home, or to go into exile. I am well in body and 
 Lubbertus had misrepresented him to foreign divines, soul, thank God. — Let me know of your welfare, and 
 and entered at considerable length into a defence cf yoor news, either historical or conjectural, if not pro- 
 his opinions and conduct.* Arminius possessed an phetical."* 
 
 acute and perspicacious mind, and was well skilled in | During the whole period of his imprisonment, Mel- 
 the controversies of the age; but he was full of con- ville's courage never once failed him, nor did his spi- 
 fidence in his own powers, flattered himself that lie rits snfTer the least depression. The elation of his 
 
 understood all mysterips, and cherished the idea that 
 he was raised up to effect a revolution in religious sen- 
 timent, and to give to the world a system of belief en- 
 tirely new and superior to any thing which had been 
 hitherto received or taught. He was by no means 
 scrupulous in stigmatizing as heretical the opinions of 
 his opponents who hesitated to apply this invidious 
 
 mind was displayed in a poem which he wrote at this 
 time, containing an apologetical portrait of himself, 
 and which he tells us, was " extorted from him by the 
 importunity of both friends and foes."| It was con- 
 sidered as betraying vanity ; because it traced his de- 
 scent in the royal line, and recorded the services which 
 he had done for his native country. But may not a 
 
 epithet to his own.f Had his life been spared, he j modest and humble man be placed in circumstances 
 would have produced a much greater change on public j which " compel him to glory ]" When those by 
 opinion than he did; for to his other talents he added {whom he onght to have been honoured and rewarded 
 the most consummate self-command and address, and j traduce and persecute him, and when the credit of the 
 kept free from those extravagances and that disgusting | office which he fills, and of the cause which he has 
 display of vanity which have defeated the pretensions espoused, is in danger of suffering tiirough him, he 
 of others who had the same lofty idea of their powers may warrantably overstep the ordinary bounds ofmod- 
 and destiny. Melville did not entertain the same i esty, and employ expressions, in speaking of himself, 
 favourable opinion of this bold speculator which he which in other circumstances would be sufficient to 
 had formerly expressed concerning Piscator; ^ and we convict him of ostentation and folly. 
 
 shall find him opposing his sentiments at a subsequent 
 period. 
 
 In the end of the year 1C08, he was visited by sev- 
 eral persons of rank, who put him in hopes of obtain- 
 ing a release from prison. At their desire he address- 
 ed a copy of verses to the King, which Secretary Hay 
 undertook to present.]) We are told that James once 
 
 In a letter to his nephew, enclosing this poem and 
 the couplets addressed to his Majesty, he writes thus : 
 " These, you know, are only light recreations in which 
 I indulge for the purpose of recruiting my mind in the 
 interval of severer studies and anxious cares. But I 
 am preparing for a greater undertaking : join with me 
 in wishinor it success. I shall execute it, if not ac- 
 
 pardoned a poet who had satirized him, for the sake i cording to the importance of the subject, yet, to the 
 of two humorous lines with which he concluded his i utmost of my ability, royally; and shall not dishonour 
 lampoon ; saying, he was " a bitter but a witty knave." I myself or you, to say nothing of others, whether 
 
 But the elegant appeal which was now made to his 
 generosity had no effect on him. By the advice of 
 archbishop Spotswood, Melville also wrote a submis- 
 sive letter to the Privy Council of Enq-land, in which, 
 after mentioning the occasion and motives of his wri- 
 ting the poem which had given them offence, and for 
 which he had suffered an imprisonment of nearly two 
 years, he beggred their forgiveness for any expressions 
 in it which might be deemed indecorous or inconsis- 
 tent with English feelings. This apology, without 
 containing any thing dishonourable to the writer, af- 
 forded the court a fair opportunity to relieve him from 
 prison. But no such thing was intended. What sin- 
 cerity there was in the archbishop's professions of 
 friendship we shall soon see; and what reliance Mel 
 
 friends or foes, w^ose expectations, through divine as- 
 sistance, I shall endeavour not to disappoint. Not 
 that I wish to hurt any one : that is contrary to my 
 natural disposition. But I must prepare to defend the 
 cause in the best manner I can. Shall I fly hope 1 
 shall I court fear 1 or shall I waste the flower of my 
 mind in a state of dubiety between hope and fear? 
 Thus was I wont formerly to jest with the muses, and 
 thus am I now forced seriously to discourse with you 
 about our affairs, public and private. But away with 
 fears ! I will cherish the hope of every thing that is 
 cheering and joyous. Meanwhile I bid you farewell 
 in Christ. Give me frequent and early intelligence of 
 every thing you hear as to our affairs. Again fare- 
 well, and take care of your health." In another letter 
 
 ville placed on them appears from the account of the ' to the same correspondent, he says: "My mind is 
 affair which he wrote to his nephew. "I have sent frosh and vigorous, nor is my bodily strength in the 
 you a copy cf my submission, which Glasgow, your '. least impaired. I am preparing for the combat, and 
 scholar, has taken with him to the King. For the shall wonder if things pass over thus. I am persua- 
 archbishop has been thrice or four times with me, ded that N. (the King) remains unaltered in his inten- 
 shewing me that the kirk laments my absence, and tions, and that it will not be easy to drive him from 
 that his earnest desire is to have me at home. 5erf 7i«r» j them. The saying. Front i nulla Jidcs, often comes 
 ego credulus illis. Dunbar must have the honour of I into my mind. But, leaving events to providence, let 
 my deliverance: you may conjecture all the rest tliat | us do our duty, and not hesitate to act a courageous 
 
 part in the cause, and under the auspices of Him who 
 
 » Epistolae Eccles. et Theolop. p. 187, 190. Lnbbf rt's, letter is 
 addressed " Reverendo et Clansgimo viro D. IV. M( Ivino, Sa- 
 crae Theolopiae Doctori et Profegsori io inclyto Sanctandra-ano." 
 The other i? addressed, " W. Melvino." In both instances the 
 transcriber hag, by mistake, put fV. for A. Melvino. This an- 
 pears from comparing Kpist. Eccl. et Theol. p. 220, with Brandt, 
 Vita Arminii, p. 322. 
 
 * Those who would ascertain the real views and spirit of 
 Arminius must consult the letters which he wrote to his confi- 
 dential friends. " Demersa est Veritas (says he) etiam theolo- 
 gica — in puteo profundo, unde non sine roagno labore erui po- 
 *«**• — ^•^ mirare, Uytenbogardo; puto enim paucns e««e qui 
 istum artirulum (the doctrine of the Trinity) intellig^mt.— Fa- 
 tebitur Helniichius nullam esse hsresin in ista mea doctrina: 
 at «g-o dico in Helmichii et aliorum doctrina non unam h»re- 
 »ini. et non cxi^uani, sed fundanientalem, tic. — Ilia proferani 
 qna put-dbo vcrilati, paci e< tempori serviri posse," &c. (Kpist. 
 V.ic\(m. et Theol. p. 39, 87, 139, 147.) 
 
 t iMelvii.i Kpi,t. p. 6:— 96. || Ibid. p. 24. 
 
 rules in the midst of his enemies. Though we have 
 endured contradiction, we have not yet resisted unto 
 blood, striving against sin ; but this also will we do 
 when called to it by the master of the combat. I am 
 at present engaged in a work which will let our adver- 
 saries see how they will be able to keep their feet on 
 
 « Melvini Epist. p. 29—31. 
 
 + It is entithd Prosooopeia Apologctica. (Ibid. p. 22, 23.) 
 Among the writings of Melville, Dempster (Hist. Eccl. Scot. p. 
 497.) mentions " JVelviniana siiperbia, lib. i. cui exordium, 
 Scotoruui, An^lorum, Gallorunn,a sanguine Regent, 
 llle ego Mclvinus." 
 He evidently refers to the Prosopopeia, which contains some- 
 thing similar to what he quotes, altltough not in the exordium. 
 This is one proof among many that Dempster's mistakes were 
 of^en owing to (he circumstance of hit quoting from memory. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 333 
 
 the slippery ground of human authority, after they 
 have been driven from the solid and firm footing of di- 
 vine right."* 
 
 These extracts evidently refer to a work on the epis- 
 copal controversy which he had planned. In the 
 course of the year 1608, copies of a sermon published 
 by Dr. Dovvnham in defence of the government of the 
 Church of England were sent down to Scotland, and 
 distributed gratis among the ministers, with the view of 
 promoting their conversion to episcopacy. Melville 
 had sent his nephew a hurried review of this sermon 
 when it was first printed. f He now srnt him two 
 large letters, containing a luminous, rapid and spirited 
 refutation of the principal arguments for prelacy drawn 
 from scripture and antiquity. These were immediately 
 transmitted to Scotland by James Melville, along with 
 a letter from himself, W'hich shews that they had ope- 
 rated as a cordial in reviving his drooping spirits. 
 •' When I reflect (says he to Patrick Symson) on the 
 fortitude and constancy of my banished brethren ; 
 when I consider that you have been miraculously 
 plucked from the jaws of the grave and restored to the 
 church ; when I muse on the premature death of my 
 friend Nicolson, by which he who possessed such rare 
 gifts was snatched from the current which threatened 
 to carry him completely away, and along with him to 
 wreck the interest of religion among us; when I think 
 of the good health of my revered uncle, and the excel- 
 lent spirits which he enjoys at the close of his climac- 
 teric year, and after being shut up in a strait prison 
 during two severe winters and as many scorching sum- 
 mers ; and when I perceive that royal authority, bri- 
 bery, and the most consummate craft and subtilty have 
 hitherto been employed against us with so little suc- 
 cess ; — I am wonderfully encouraged, and at intervals 
 my breast heaves witli the hope that the captives shall 
 yet return, and that the city and temple of our Jerusa- 
 lem shall again be built. 
 
 Hue ine raptat amor dulcis, et impotriis 
 Ardor ferre moras. O niveuin diem 
 Qui templo reducem mestatuat tuo ! 
 O lucis jubar aureum ! \ 
 
 Nothing less however appears as yet : 
 
 sed cui inops fidit Deus 
 
 Spes et vota bonos ducat ad exitu«.|| 
 In the mean time, my beloved and upright brethren, 
 on whom the defence of the cause at home is devolved, 
 and whom Jesus, our leader and commander, has pla- 
 ced i;i the front of the battle, rouse up, fight, stand, 
 shew yourselves men, be strong, aiul you shall be more 
 than conquerors. O that we who are removed to a dis- 
 tance from you were employed like Mnses, Aaron and 
 Hur, on the mountain ! Swayed by the opinion of my 
 dear brother M. W. C.,§ I was once inclined to think 
 that we might tolerate at this time many things whicii 
 we cannot approve; but when I considfr all circum- 
 stances, I am much afraid that sucli forbearance would 
 prove highly injurious, and de|)rive us of the sim- 
 plicity, sincerity, liberty and power of the gospel. 
 Read, I beseech you, again and again and again, these 
 pages of Andrew Melville, written hastily on the spur 
 of the occasion, but fraught with divine truth and 
 learning, and apparently intended for you and your fel- 
 low combatants against intruding bishops. When 
 you have perused them, with his petition to the King, 
 
 « Melvini Epist. p. 24—28. 
 
 f Ibid. p. 1 — 8. He concludes the review by saying: " Such 
 tautologies and vain babbling I wald never have looked for at 
 this tynie to have proceidit from the man, who is a Logicioner. 
 »ior to be directed toward the north for co'.ivincing our breth- 
 ren, who, if they be not corrupted more with the 14000 lib. 
 Sterling, sent thither (as they say) tanquam aureus hamus, than 
 with the evidence of this book, they will never be persuaded to 
 leave the truth embraced, &c. MuUos ego vidi ineptos homi- 
 nes, at Phormione neminem. Bilson is more dangerous." 
 
 X Buchanani Psalm, xlii. 
 
 li lb. Psalm, xiv. a quotation from memory. 
 
 j Probably Mr. William Cowpcr of Perth. 
 
 return the whole to the bearer, that he may take a copy 
 of them for the use of other brethren."* 
 
 Melville was not a little amused in his prison with 
 the accounts which he received of the literary contest 
 in which his Majesty was involved, in consequence 
 of his Apology for the Oath of Allt^giance. The cock- 
 fighting, and " the admirable pastime, lately taken up, 
 of iiunting or daring of dotterells and other of that na- 
 ture," in which James had been lately spending the 
 greater part of his tin e, and at which the people of 
 liOndon were so indignant,^ were now laid aside, and 
 his Majesty was continually closeted with a select 
 number of the most learned of his clergy. One was 
 employed in writing an answer to Cardinal Bellarmine, 
 and another to the Jesuit Parsons, while a third super- 
 intended the impression of Barclay De Potestate Papse. 
 As James was " never the man that could think a Car- 
 dinal a meet match f(.r a King," he chose to call the 
 book which was to appear under his own name, A 
 Premonition to all Christian Monarchs. The bishop 
 who made the first draught of this work, and to whom 
 the correction of it was afterwards submitted, found 
 that he had got Penelope's web to weave ; for what he 
 finished at night his Majesty undid in the morning; 
 and when the work came at last from the press, it was 
 found necessary to have some parts of it still farther 
 altered, and the poor printer was sent to prison for 
 having given out copies of it before this operation was 
 performed. It was immediately translated into the 
 different modern languages by the clerks in waiting, 
 and sent by special ambassadors to all Christian States, 
 except the Swiss Cantons. But the Premonition 
 pleased nobody hut those against whom it was direct- 
 ed, who, having started a royal stag, were resolved to 
 have sport of him. It was attacked from various quar- 
 ters, and with great keenness, in replies both serious 
 and satirical. "In the mean time, (says Melville) his 
 Majesty chafes, and every body else chuckles. Rox 
 ringilur ; alii rident,''^\ 
 
 Melville was again tantalized with the prospect of 
 obtaining his liberty. At a convention held in Scot- 
 land it had been agreed to petition the King to allow 
 the exiled ministers to return home. On this occasion 
 the bishops acted with great duplicity. They agreed 
 to the petition ; and yet they gave the agent whom 
 they sent to London written instructions to apologize 
 to his Majesty for what they had done, and to request 
 him not to set the ministers at liberty. || Spotswood, 
 on going to court, promised to bring Melville along 
 with him, to be placed as principal in the University 
 of Glasgow; and he expressed much regret at his re- 
 turn that he had not been able to effect his purpose. § 
 But we learn from a letter of the archbishop's, that ia 
 all this he acted a hypocritical part. " For these mat- 
 ters of the ministers, (says he) please your Majesty, 
 we are here quiet; and their absence will even breed a 
 forgetfulness. The bishop of St. Andrews has peace 
 at will, whereby your Majesty can take up the instru- 
 ments of his trouble. "If It would appear that arch- 
 bishop Gladstanes had been less cautious than his 
 
 » Melvini Epist. p. 44—47. 
 
 + Winwood's Memor. vol. i. p. 217. The people threatened, 
 if he did not desist from his unkingly sports, to poison his dogs 
 and other game-companions, and to send liimself to the hills 
 whence he came. The subject was introduced on the stage, 
 and all the players were for a lime banished from the capital by 
 an order from court. (De la Boderie, Ambassades, i. 56,310.) 
 
 t De la BoHerie, Ambassades, torn. iv. p. 271, 301, 318, 324, 
 372. Melvini Epist. p. 51, 79. 
 
 II Printed Calderwood, p. 602. Scot's Apolog. Narrat. p. 
 219. 
 
 { Cald. vii. 323. 
 
 il Letter to the King, Nov. 1609: MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. 
 M. 6. 9. num 65. In this letter Spotswood professes that it 
 was his design to yield un his bishopric, and retire from public 
 life, to shew the world that he was not actuated by ambition. 
 Yet, only two months after this, he accepted the office of an 
 Extraordinary Lord of Session, in addition to those burdens 
 which he had pronounced " insupportable !" 
 
334 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 brother of Glasgow in expressing his real sentinaeiits 
 on this subject. His words had come to the ears of 
 Melville, who, in one of his letters to his nephew, 
 speaks of the Scottish Primate in the following severe 
 terms: " Vertumnus, you know whom I mean, the ra- 
 pacious Gled* that nestles in the old ruins of the mer- 
 etricious Babylon, boasts that he has received the 
 King's hand and promise that I shall not see my na- 
 tive country while he lives. Lortpes (whom it is easy 
 to reprove but impossible to reform) has not forgotten 
 certain words which I addressed to him jocularly when 
 he was dining with me before we left Scotland."! On 
 the subject of their liberation we find James Melville 
 writing thus to his uncle : " I waited on the Chancel- 
 lor, as he passed through this town on his return to 
 Scotland, and thanked him for the concern which he 
 had taken in your affair. He repeated to me what 
 passed between his Majesty and him, and a long con- 
 versation which he had with the primate (to whom his 
 Majesty referred him) in the porch of the palace of 
 Whitehall. His Grace finally promised that he would 
 use all his influence in your behalf with the King, and 
 with the bishops of Scotland, who would not stand in 
 the way of your returning to your college, provided it 
 did not endanger the peace of the church. ' Leave him 
 to me ; I will pledge myself that he shall not take part 
 in any plots against you,' said the Chancellor. I took 
 the opportunity of laying my own case before his lord- 
 ship. I complained that I was detained here, and de- 
 prived of my stipend, though innocent, uncondemned, 
 unjudged, unaccused, without even the shadow of a 
 crime laid to my charge. I begged that I might be 
 permitted to return home and resume the oversight of 
 my poor sea-faring people ; or, if this could not be 
 granted, that liberty should be given me to go to 
 France, or at least that ray expences here should be 
 borne. With many expressions of regard lie promised 
 to take an early opportunity of writing the Earl of 
 Dunbar in our behalf, adding that it would give him 
 the greatest pleasure to be of any service to us.":^ 
 
 Despairing of being permitted to return to his native 
 country, Melville entertained at this time a serious in- 
 tention of going to the New World, and in pursuance 
 of it had several interviews with a person who had 
 embarked in an extensive colonial expedition. It does 
 not certainly appear to what part of America he pur- 
 posed to retire, but it was most probably Virginia. 
 " My friend (he writes to his nephew) has prepared a 
 fleet; he has raised two thousand soldiers and four 
 hundred supernumeraries; and is in daily expectation 
 of the return of a servant whom he has sent before 
 him. With a slender fortune and involved in debt, he 
 cherishes sanguine hopes of ultimate success, and 
 omits no part of the duty of a good and prudent com- 
 mander. I had a visit from him to-day along with his 
 son-in-law. What expectations I should entertain, I 
 know not ; but of one thing I am sure that he is a good 
 and worthy man, and wants the means, not the inclina- 
 tion, to do well. I betake myself to my sacred an- 
 chor: "seek ye first the kingdom of God and his' 
 righteousness, and all other things shall be added to I 
 you." II — We can scarcely suppose that the court I 
 would hinder his emigration to such a distant quarter I 
 of the globe; it is, therefore, most likely that some- 
 thing occurred to divert his mind from the project. 
 
 • Gltd, in the Scottish langtiag-e, is the name of the Kite. 
 This play on the. primate's name (incluciine: an allusion to the 
 intemperance with which he was charged) occurs in ciifTerent 
 «pirrams written on him. (Simsoni Annates, p. 129, 130. Mel- 
 vmi MussE.p. 18—20) 
 
 t Melvini F.pist. p. 48. J Ibid. p. 121—123. 
 
 II Ibid. p. 55. The English were at this time veir eager in 
 forming settlements in America. (De la Boderie, Anih. torn. 
 i». p. 263, 264.) Sir Walter Raleigh, who was then in the 
 Tower, had projected the expedition to Guiana which after- 
 wards cost him his life; and Melville, in one of his letters, 
 speaks of one of his grand-nefihews, who wa* with him, wish- 
 ing to visit that country. (Epbt. p. 143.) 
 
 His solitary hours were relieved by the company of 
 two of his name-sons, who successively resided with 
 him, and whom he instructed in languages and philos- 
 ophy. The one was a son of James Melville and the 
 other a son of one of his brothers, who had left a large 
 family unprovided for.* This last young man was of 
 a romantic and unsettled turn of mind, and appears to 
 have insinuated himself into the affections of his grand- 
 uncle, who was induced to advance him, at different 
 times, sums which his limited finances could not well 
 bear.f But the principal recreation which Melville 
 found was in the cultivation of his favourite muse. 
 Every packet which he sent to his nephew contained 
 one, and some of them three or four of his poetical pro- 
 ductions. " I have added to this (says he) the second 
 and sixteenth psalms, both of them warm from the an- 
 vil, and the last hastily struck off this morning, so that 
 I have not had time to apply the file to it. I wish you 
 to consider this remark as applying also to the first 
 psalm, which I sent you some time ago, both as to the 
 translation and to the numbers and poetical ornaments. 
 If you compare them with Buchanan's, you will ob- 
 serve a considerable difference. The first psalm al- 
 most pleases me.":|: Men of real genius often defraud 
 the public by the desultory nature of their studies, or 
 by the injudicious choice which they make of subjects 
 on which to exert their talents. This was one of Mel- 
 ville's faults, of which his nephew frequently admon- 
 ished him. " Why do you require my judgment of 
 your verses, when you know that I am disposed to 
 form too favourable an opinion of all that you do? 
 However, I will tell you what others say of them. 
 They say that you are doing what has been already 
 well done, contending in vain with the great Buchan 
 an, and neglecting what you ought to do. Notwith- 
 standing, I doubt not that, in the course of providence, 
 better things may be produced than have yet been ex- 
 ecuted ; and I am persuaded that you have not forgot- 
 ten the work which you promised."|| This drew from 
 Melville a defence of his conduct. " I send you cer- 
 tain psalms which I have translated into Latin verse: 
 an Iliad after Homer, forsooth ! But I am not like the 
 prince of Latin poets, who says : 
 
 Etsi me vario jactatiim laudisamore, 
 Irritaque expertum faliacis premia vulgi. 
 
 By such trivial performances I do not seek for glory 
 or popular applause, nor do I court the bounty of kings 
 and princes; but I yield to the power, whatever it is, 
 that inspires me ; and do not so much seek to escape 
 from private vexations, as obey my ruling passion and 
 indulge my genius. I indulge it the more willingly 
 that I derive advantage mixed with the purest plea- 
 sure from such studies, and think that I sometimes 
 elicit the hidden meaning of the prophet which had 
 escaped others. And I employ poetic numbers, that I 
 may make a shew of contending with those champions 
 who have deservedly carried away the palm in this 
 field of literature. It becomes me to think modestly 
 of my own works ; we are all ready to flatter ourselves ; 
 and where is the individual who does not sometimes 
 slip a foot on this dangerous ground ! But I trust to 
 the keepinor of the great Ruler of heaven and earth, to 
 whom I have dedicated and devoted myall, and whose 
 glory I wish I could advance with a willingness and 
 
 • James Melville's son, after leaving the Tower, resided for 
 some time with a Scotchman named Guthrie, who taugV.t an 
 academy in the neighbourhood of London. He was brother to 
 Alexander Guthrie of Kdinbiirgh, and a relation of James Law- 
 son, the minister. He died in the year 1609. (Melvini Epist. 
 p. 56, 64, 100.) His school was at Hoddesdon in the year 
 1584. (Life prefixed to Bishop Cowper's Works.) " De filio 
 Andrea quani gratum !" savs James Melville. "Guthriei, ami- 
 cissimi viri, Lucubratiunculam ubi perlegero, testimonio qnali 
 author meretur ornabo. Ego ad eos literas dedi. (Melvini 
 Epist. p. 98 ) 
 
 + Ibid. p. 143, 153, 170, 305, 306, 324. Letter from A. Mel- 
 ville to Boyd of Trochrig, in Wodrow's Life of Bojrd, p. 49. 
 
 t Melvini Epitt. p. 87. || Ibid. p. 93. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 335 
 
 alacrity somewhat answerable to the great and mani- 
 fold proofs of his kindness and beneficence conferred 
 on me."* — Notwithstanding the dissuasions of his ju- 
 dicious friend, Melville continued his labours on the 
 psalms, and a specimen of them was committed to the 
 press during the time that he lay in the Tower.f 
 
 A misfortune which befel him at this time gave him 
 no small uneasiness. His purse, containing all the 
 money which he possessed, and on which he depended 
 for his support during the approaching winter, was 
 stolen. It is probable that this act of theft was com- 
 mitted by one of the keepers of the prison ; and in his 
 circumstances it would have been useless and even 
 dangerous to complain or to take steps for recovering 
 his lost property. He was under the necessity, there- 
 fore, of applying to James Melville, to whom he con- 
 veyed information of the unpleasant occurrence in the 
 following delicate allegory. " I had lately in my pos- 
 session upwards of twenty birds of the Seraphic spe- 
 cies, kept with no small care, and cherished in a warm 
 nest under the shade of my wings. Whether they 
 were tired of their confinement and seized with a de- 
 sire for liberty, or what was the cause, I am not pre- 
 pared to say ; but without bidding their unsuspicious 
 host farewell, poising their airy wings, they flied, not 
 to return, and have left me to deplore their absence. 
 I soothe my grief by meditating on that beautiful dis- 
 course on providence contained in the sixth chapter of 
 Matthew, and by the consciousness that I was not defi- 
 cient in at least ordinary care. The saying. The Lord 
 will provide, often comes to my mind. I have expe- 
 rienced the truth of it through the whole course of my 
 life; my indulgent Father, out of regard to my infirm- 
 ity, having prevented me hitherto from ever feeling ex- 
 treme want. Such an accident as this I never before 
 met with, but it is one common to men : 
 
 Qualia niulta mari nautoe patiuiifur in alto. 
 
 Be not inquisitive as to the particulars, of which I am 
 neither altogether certain nor altogether ignorant; and 
 I have vowed silence. 
 
 Desine meque tuis incendere teque querelis. 
 
 The loss could not have been foreseen or provided 
 against, and it is counterbalanced by another unex- 
 pected event, the friendly treaty respecting the affairs 
 of our church which is in prospect; so that it would 
 seem that the master of the feast and supreme disposer 
 of all events has seen meet to mingle for me a bitter- 
 sweet cup. Our excellent friend Traill has visited me 
 and delivered Lindsay's token of remembrance, which 
 I received as a pledge of my restoration to the col- 
 lege.:!: I am afraid lest the approaching winter should 
 prevent sailing, and put a stop to all communication 
 between us. Wherefore, if you have any thing that 
 can be of use to me, transmit it as expeditiously' as 
 possible. "II 
 
 This call was instantly obeyed. Indeed the purse 
 of James Melville was always at his uncle's command, 
 and his remittances were uniformly conveyed with 
 such readiness and delicacy as made them appear 
 rather as the performance of a filial duty or the dis- 
 charge of a debt of gratitude, than as gratuitous fa- 
 vours and acts of generosity to a distressed friend. 
 "Riches," says he in the letter which he sent along 
 with the money, "take to themselves eagles' wings, 
 and fly away. But there is enough in the sacred pro- 
 mises to which you refer. He who has such securi- 
 ties may surely rest satisfied. Be of good courage. 
 
 * Melvlrii Epist. p. 100—102. 
 
 f The only notice of this publication which I have seen is in 
 one of his letters to James Melville, dated " Ex Tiirri, Jan. 8, 
 1610."   "Mitto ad te versus aliquot meos t) pis excuses, ut 
 scias nie non temere in Psalmos incurrisse, ex quibus pedeiu 
 retraho vel invitus." (Melvini Epist. p. 144.) 
 
 \ This refers, probably, to a legacy from Secretary Lindsay, 
 who had been Chancellor of the University of St. Andrews. 
 
 II Melvini Epist. p. 91, 92. 
 
 therefore, my father: the Good Shepherd will supply 
 you abundantly with all good things. I shall send you 
 money, and you will send me songs, 
 Jucundiora mtUe et auro, 
 Kt nitidis potioia geniniis. 
 Let us continue this mutual intercourse; and I have 
 Dfood hope that you will run short of verses for my use, 
 before I run short of gold f^r yours."* Melville's an- 
 swer affords a beautiful example of the union of piety 
 and gratitude. " Your succedaneum for the fugitive 
 gold came most seasonably to my relief. So profusely 
 beneficent has my divine and indulgent Father been 
 towards me as even to exceed my wishes. O that I 
 may be found grateful and mindful of the benefits be- 
 stowed on me by him who has accepted me gratui- 
 tously in his Son ! O that I may love him, who first 
 loved me, with all my rnind, soul, and strength ! and 
 that I may bring forth the fruits of this love, by pro- 
 moting the good of his church in these difficult times, 
 and amidst all the ingratitude that abounds ! — I re- 
 ceived the Spanish and British angels, equalling in 
 number the Apostles, the Graces, and the Elements, 
 with a supernumerary one of the Seraphic order : aurum 
 contra caro. I do not rejoice so much in them, (al- 
 though these commutable pieces of money are at pre- 
 sent very useful to me) as I do at the renewing of the 
 memory of my deceased friends, and the prospect of 
 our friendship being perpetuated in their posterity, 
 who have given such a favourable presage of future 
 virtue and genuine piety ; for what else could have in- 
 duced them to take such an interest in my affairs at 
 this time ? Wherefore I congratulate them, and I re- 
 joice that this favourable opportunity of transmitting 
 friendship inviolate from father to son and grandson 
 has been aflTorded.f So you have the confidence to 
 say, that the fountain of the muses from which I draw 
 will be exhausted sooner than the vein of that gold 
 mine, whence you extract the treasures with which 
 you supply me so liberally. Hold, prithee ! Take 
 care what you say, especially to poets like me, who 
 when I do sing, sing at the invitation of the muses and 
 under their inspiration. This makes me more regard- 
 less of the capricious judgment of critics ; for in wri- 
 ting verses I do not aim at vain glory or any human re- 
 ward, but yield a free homage to the muses and seek a 
 liberal recreation to my own mind. About any thing 
 beyond this, I am quite indifferent; only I reckon all 
 the time gained which is spent in tliese sacred lucu- 
 brations, as they help to recal my mind from sensible 
 things to divine contemplation, and fit me for the better 
 discharge of the duties of my station. Nor do I con- 
 tend with any individual so much as with myself, over 
 whom if I gain an advantage I consider myself as hav- 
 ing carried off the prize."4i 
 
 In the course of this year he had to mourn the loss 
 of several of his relations and acquaintance. His 
 feelings on receiving these melancholy tidings, are 
 expressed in tiie letters he wrote to his favourite 
 and constant correspondent. " I am just come from 
 reading in the second epistle to Timothy, which has 
 allayed the tumult raised in my breast by the tidings 
 I have received. Yet I cannot but feel. See that the 
 funeral obsequies be duly performed. Let no mark of 
 respect and friendship be wanting to the memory of 
 two brethren — brethren both of them by the bonds of 
 piety, grace, and celestial parentage, and one of them 
 by the additional tie of nature, and still more nearly 
 
 » Melvini Epist. p. 92. 93. 
 
 t This refers to the family of George Greir, from whom 
 Jan)es Melville had received part of the money which he sent 
 to his uncle. (Melvini Epist. p. 117.) Greir was second min- 
 ister of Haddington, (Record of Presb. of Hadd. Jan. 26, 1603.) 
 and married Elizabeth, daughter of James Lawson, minister of 
 Edinburgh. (Testament of Elizabeth Lawsone, in Commissary 
 Record of Edin. April 5, 1615. Corap. Inquia. Retorn. Gen. 
 num. 142.) 
 
 \ Melvini Epist. p. 108— 111. 
 
336 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 allied to me than to you. Act, I pray yon, a pious 
 and becoming part. Discharge the debt due to grace 
 and friendship, to nature and propinquity. Discharge 
 it with tears, but let them be the tears of Abraham, 
 the fatlier of us all, ' who rose up from weeping for 
 his wife.' These are temporary things : we mind 
 things that are eternal. ' Put the brethren in remem- 
 brance,' and exhort them to constancy. — What a loss, 
 in respect of piety and erudition, has the church sus- 
 tained by the death of my friend the great Scaliger, 
 who, about the end of January, exchanged an earthly 
 for a heavenly country ! How can I but be touched 
 and deeply affected for the loss of such a person, and 
 of others whom I loved in this world, and who have 
 gone before me ! Of such there are not a few known 
 to you who belonged to our church, and were allied to 
 us either by natural or spiritual consanguinity. Need 
 I name them! Knox, Arbuthnot, Smeton, Lawson, 
 Row, the two Melvilles, my dearest brothers and your 
 father and uncle, the two brothers, George and Andrew 
 Hay, Pont, Craig, RoUock, Ferguson, Christison, 
 Davidson, your father-in-law Dury, and many others, 
 after whose example, and in whose footsteps we ought 
 to press through all impediments, seeking the crown 
 of glory in that new and straight path which the author 
 and finisher of our faith hath trodden before us, and 
 paved and consecrated for us by his own blood. 
 
 Cur tam sollicitis vitara congumimus annis, 
 Torquemurque metu, coecaque cupidiiie rerum, 
 ^ternisque senes curis ? 
 
 HuDiana cuncta fumus, umbra, vanitas, 
 
 £t scenae iiuago, et, verbo at absolvam, nihil. 
 
 I am an old man and garrulous ; for there is nothing 
 in which old men take greater pleasure than talking. 
 Love also prattles. What do I say 1 You know it 
 was formerly rumoured that I was in love ; and why 
 should I not be seriously so now, seeing I began this 
 last spring to grow young again, and to play the boy — 
 perhaps, that I might imitate you as closely as possi- 
 ble. You know what I mean. Dictum sapientt." * 
 
 In Melville's letters to his nephew there is often 
 much playfulness, proceeding from the vivacity of his 
 imagination, and the kindness of his heart, which 
 showed that the writer possessed a great flow of spirits, 
 and a mind which, though not always exempt from 
 distress, was always at peace with itself, and at ease 
 and in love with the person to whom it imparted with- 
 out reserve its thoughts and its feelings. He delight- 
 ed in the seria mixta joeis ; and in discoursing on the 
 gravest and most momentous subjects was wont to re- 
 lieve his own mind and that of his correspondent by 
 throwing out some pleasant repartee, or snggesting 
 some agreeable and j.yous reminiscence. But all this 
 will not account or apologize for the appearance of in- 
 congruity and even levity that there is in the conclud- 
 ing part of the last extract — in the sudden transition 
 from lamenting over the dead to jesting on love and 
 matrimony. The following explanation will, however, 
 show that the writer was never more deeply in earnest 
 than on this occasion. The reader must by this time 
 be aware, although he has not been expressly told, that 
 Melville was a bachelor, and consequently that he was 
 now an old one. He will therefore be surprised to 
 have a correspondence upon a matriinonial affair laid 
 before them ; and will find that it is not chargeable 
 with that total absence of every thing worldly which 
 made the love-letters of John Knox so unattractive. 
 To prevent disappointment, however, I must state, 
 that Melville was not the lover; he was only his 
 friend and counsellor. James Melville, who was ten 
 years younger than his uncle, had now been upwards 
 of two years a widower. During his residence at New- 
 castle he had become acquainted with a young woman, 
 
 • Melvini Epiit. p. 76—78. 
 
 the daughter of a deceased clergyman in Berwick upon 
 Tweed. Suffice it to say, that the accomplishments 
 of this young lady had made a conquest of his heart, 
 and there was every reason to think that he would 
 marry her. Some of his friends in Scotland, who were 
 of opinion that it was imprudent for liim to marry at 
 all, or at any rate to marry one who was so very much 
 younger than himself, communicated the intelligence 
 to his uncle, who, they knew, had greater influence 
 with him than any other individual. Melville was of 
 the same opinion with his friends, and he made the 
 transition alluded to, that he might draw on a corres- 
 pondence on the subject, and suggest to his nephew 
 the impropriety and unseasonalileness of the step 
 which he was meditating. 
 
 He had scarcely sent off his letter, when he received 
 one from James Melville, in which, after modestly in- 
 troducing the affair " beneath well-sounding Greek," 
 he gave him a description of the object of his attach- 
 ment, who had every recommendation hut a fortune, 
 stated the reasons for and against the step which he 
 proposed to take, and earnestly begrged his uncle's ad- 
 vice. Melville immediately replied. " On the sub- 
 ject of matrimony (says he) I am at a loss what to 
 write ; as I have no experience of that happy state. 
 With you I bow with reverence to the declarations in 
 favour of it which you quote from the sacred oracles, 
 though my years place me beyond the reach of their 
 application. You state the arguments on both sides 
 with great accuracy ; but it is not difficult to perceive 
 to what side you incline. You entirely pass over the 
 widow,* and launch out in praises of the young wo- 
 man. This gives ground for susptniting your judg- 
 ment, and for thinking that affection and not reason has 
 the dominion. Love has got admittance and keeps the 
 door fast bolted on reason. Perhaps this is cum ratione 
 insanire. I know you have sharp eyes, but in this 
 business it is proper to make use of the ears also." 
 Having suggested some considerations, all in favour of 
 the widow, he adds : " but you know these things much 
 better than I do; and it becomes mc to remember the 
 adage Tkcivka; w Afl»»ctc, or rather, Sus Mincrvam." After 
 some ingenious remarks on the different seasons of 
 human life, backed with the authority of Solon, Sen- 
 eca, Varro, and Virgil, he concludes : " Thus, my dear 
 James, do I address you with the same freedom which 
 the elder Africanus used with the younger. Act a part 
 becoming your extraction, your judgment, and your 
 prudence. With respect to what I hinted about the 
 age at which your father died, may heaven avert the 
 omen from you, and turn it rather on your friend. 'JTu 
 vero serus in caelum redeas. You see what a prolix let- 
 ter I have written you, and without a spice of wit in it. 
 Advise well. Time, under God, will direct you. The 
 bearer is a-going, and yet I cannot leave off prating to 
 you. Love is fond of prating." — " I congratulate my- 
 self, (says James Melville in his reply,) that, by start- 
 ing the subject of marriage, I have drawn from you 
 three golden pages, filled with proofs of the greatest 
 love to me and of profound learning and prudence. 
 They shall lie in my bosom, in place of a wife, during 
 the winter months, until I have taken that time for deli- 
 beration which the affair and my circumstances require. 
 Nevertheless I am resolved to end my days, sooner or 
 later, in honourable wedlock : 
 
 Nubila inr^ns est, 
 VIoclaque frenis, 
 Hsec niii regnct." 
 
 Having assigned his reasons for thinking that the 
 widow whom his friends recommended would be aa 
 unsuitable partner for him, he adds : " I have not for- 
 gotten the saying of an ancient sage, ' A man cannot 
 
 • The lady with whom James Melville lodged at Newcastle, 
 and whom his friends thought a filter match for him than the 
 object of his choice. 
 
JJI'E OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 337 
 
 be wise and in love at the same time;' and I recollect 
 the words of the Italian writer, ' Senza mojriie, ben che 
 non senza donna, avens^e che le cose che superano 
 le force nostre sono piu in desiderio che in magisterio.' 
 To the instance of my father you might have added 
 that of my brotlier; for both of them died in their 
 fifty-third year, a circumstance which occurred to my 
 own mind, and which has affected me not a little 
 since you objected it. But is it not eligible to have a 
 faithful and affectionate wife, if it were only to watch 
 by one's death-bed and to close one's eyes'? and is it 
 not allowed us to enjoy the comforts of life while we 
 live? I thank God I never enjoyed better health. 
 Perhaps it is the last effort of nature, as in the case 
 of my father. Be it so : I will rejoice in it as the first 
 step of my entrance into true life; and much rather 
 would I meet a premature grave than suffer the grief 
 which I would feel at witnessing your death or the 
 ruin of the good cause." * 
 
 His uncle was still afraid that the step was an im- 
 
 f>rudent one ; and therefore resolved to use stronger 
 anguage than he had employed in his former letter, 
 with the view of making him pause, although at the 
 risk of offending him. This was a proof of the truest 
 friendship; for he was at this time deeply in debt to 
 his nephew, and had the prospect of yet needing to 
 make additional dranghts on his kindness and liberali- 
 ty. Having made some remarks on the intelligence 
 which James Melville had sent him as to the stale of 
 church matters in Scotland, and the prospect of their 
 speedily coming to a crisis, he t!ius addresses him : 
 " Therefore I cannot but exhort you to be vigilant, and 
 prepared with renovated vigour to fight this glorious 
 battle, for which you have been restored to health and 
 reserved to this day. All effeminacy of mind must be 
 laid aside ; the old man must be put off; and we must 
 behave ourselves stoutly and resolutely, lest in the 
 last scene of the conflict we fail through error or fear, 
 not to say dotage, to which every slip of old men is 
 commonly imputed. Your son, Andrew, has, I hope, 
 been with yon for several weeks. He, with John, 
 Elizabeth, and Anne, (whose names must renew the 
 memory of your dearest wife,) will prevent you from 
 being fascinated and lulled asleep by the charms of 
 this young woman so distinguished for taciturnity and 
 prudence. The very arguments you adduce to prove 
 that you are guided in this affair by judgment more 
 than affection, hetray affection ; not to recur to the age 
 which proved fatal to your relations. I dare not say. 
 
 Otium, Melvine, tilii molestum est: 
 Otio exultas niiiiiumque gesti«; 
 Otium Reges simul et beatas 
 Perdidit urbes. 
 
 But what shall I say of your discourse on sepulchral 
 wedlock, and so forth 1 It is really quite extravagant, 
 and only shows how much you are carried away by 
 your affections. The plain case is this: You are the 
 father of five children, four of whom are at a very cri- 
 tical age, and two of them daughters, well-born, libe- 
 rally educated, and approaching to maturity. They 
 need your paternal solicitude and watchfulness. Your 
 brother's children are dependent on you, and require 
 much of your attention. And, in these circumstances, 
 
 you Conceive that you hear your friend Dykes, 
 
 with severe brow and ardent eyes* with an impassion- 
 ed but affectionate tone, urging these and similar con- 
 siderations upon you. I merely suggest them, and am 
 forced to break off. May the author of all good coun- 
 sel give you direction. Farewell, and live in the 
 Lord, my dear James, by far the best beloved of all 
 my friends. Take time to deliberate. Festina lente." 
 
 It must be confessed that there are in this letter 
 some severe things, and that it contains insinuations 
 which the conduct of James Melville had not merited, 
 
 and which could not fail to hurt his feelings. It drew 
 from him a spirited reply, in which respect for his 
 uncle, and a conviction of his friendly intentions, 
 though they restrained, could not altogether suppress 
 the irritation which he felt. " It would seem that I 
 have used too great freedom in writing to you on the 
 subject of marriage. To what but this can I trace 
 your unfavourable, not to say injurious, suspicions of 
 me — that I have fallen into dotage, am playing the 
 fool, idling, slumbering, and giving myself up to^love. 
 Good words, prithee ! I am constrained to answer, 
 lest forbearance should injure my reputation and the 
 cause for which I appear. In answer to the charge 
 of dotage, I might, as Sophocles says, repeat such 
 things as could not proceed from a fool or a dotard. I 
 am not conscious that I have turned a hair's-hreadth 
 from the straight course which I have been all along 
 pursuing, or that there is any change in my conduct, 
 except that, as I draw nearer the goal, I feci my mind, 
 through the grace of Christ, more propense to piety 
 and holiness. I live here daily under the eyes of very 
 acute censors, and yet I have not heard that I have 
 been charged with any thing foolish either in speech 
 or behaviour. It is true that I at present enjoy greater 
 ease than I could wish ; but I can say with Virgil's 
 shepherd, 
 
 O Meliboee, Deus nobis haec otia fecit. 
 
 « Melvini Epist. p. fil- 
 2 S 
 
 -90, 93—96. 
 
 And perhaps I was never less idle than I now am ; so 
 that I could give such an account, not only of my for- 
 mer active life, but also of my present repose, as a 
 wise and good man ought to be prepared to give. I 
 certainly do not mean to deny that I take my rest in 
 the night, and enjoy sound sleep ; God having blessed 
 me with health, and a mind free from corroding solici- 
 tude. Nor do I deny that I am in love ; but it is legi- 
 timate, holy, chaste, sober love. But I think of a se- 
 cond marriage ! I do ; and I wish I had thought of it 
 two years ago. It is surely very unreasonable that 
 what is ' honourable in all' should be turned to my 
 disgrace. Do not, my chaste father, measure all others 
 by yourself, who, inflamed with the sacred love of the 
 Muses, and reposing in the embraces of Minerva, look 
 with severe indifference on conjugal felicity, and have 
 all your days abstained from it for the sake of purer 
 and more refined delights. But I restrain myself. 1 
 do not pretend that I am not under the influence of the 
 affections, for how then could I be in love? All that 
 T profess is that they are kept under the restraints of 
 reason and religion. — Your friend Dykes talks scof- 
 fingly in what he says about sepulchral wedlock. It 
 is a crude cavil, and savours too much of choler. In- 
 deed, I can perceive nothing of any weight in what 
 you adduce, except it be the incongruity of an old man 
 marrying a young woman. But I am not an old man, 
 I am only elderly. She indeed is in the flower of life, 
 being only nineteen years of age. And who that is 
 wise would not prefer for a partner one who is sound 
 in mind and body, modest, yielding, humble, affec- 
 tionate, open-hearted, sweet-tempered, and thus every 
 way qualified for rendering life agreeable ? A widow, 
 or one of more advanced age, who possesses thes<r 
 properties, is rara avis in terns. At least I can meet 
 with none such here. If therefore you concede to nie 
 the liberty of taking a wife, and do not forbid matrfmo- 
 ny entirely, (w-hich I hope you will not do,) you must 
 allow me to choose a fit partner for myself. I have 
 many reasons for not taking a widow, and more for 
 taking a young woman ; nor do I want examples of the 
 best men who have acted as I mean to do ; snch aS 
 Knox, Craig, Pont, Dalgleish, and others in our own 
 church. But, that you may know how differently my 
 real friend Dykes * thinks from your fictitious friend 
 
 * John Dykes was James Melville's brotlier-Jn-Iaw, as well 
 as colleague. He tHarried a daug-hter of John Dury. (Testa- 
 ment Testamentar of John Dury, in Commissary Rec. of Edin. 
 2cl July, 1600. See also above, p. 277.) 
 32 
 
338 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 of that name, I beg leave to inform you that I have 
 just received a letter from him, in which he congratu- 
 lates me on my attachment to an excellent young 
 woman who entertains for me a reciprocal affection, 
 will take care of me in my declining years, and be a 
 solace to me during my exile. I have only to request 
 of you, my loving father, that you will form an equally 
 favourable opinion of my intentions, or that at least 
 you will pardon in me what you may not be able en- 
 tirely to approve." * 
 
 This letter convinced Melville that his nephew's re- 
 solution was fixed, and that he had proceeded too far 
 in opposing his inclinations. He therefore yielded 
 with as good a grace as possible. " Our friend Bam- 
 ford" has delivered me your very serious and long, but 
 not prolix, letter. The longer the more agreeable ; 
 although it contained some things which I could not 
 read without tears. — Your apology, like the garden 
 of Adonis, planted with the most delicious flowers, 
 and adorned with bovver-work, exhales nothing but 
 pure and sacred loves, which, although of the most 
 delicate kind, might captivate Minerva instead of 
 Venus : 
 
 Illam dulcis amor tinctis in Nectare tetit 
 Imbuit: 6que suis proprias attexujt alas^ 
 Inque meas quibus acta loanus perque ora volaret. 
 
 It has penetrated my heart, not to say wounded it ; 
 and almost made me sigh after such happiness. But, 
 alzis ! it is too late at my advanced age. What re- 
 mains, therefore, but that I congratulate you, and en- 
 courage you to go on in your virtuous course ? You 
 do injustice to my Dykes and me when you accuse us 
 of bantering; a fault which is not more foreign to his 
 disposition than it was to the design of my letter. What, 
 my son ! would 1 mock you on so serious and sacred a 
 subject] Far be this from one who strives against 
 every thing that is unaraiahle about him, or which 
 merits the dislike of good men. May your love suc- 
 ceed and be crowned with the most fortunate and 
 auspicious issue to you and yours ! If I seemed to 
 oppose it, impute this to yourself and your urgent re- 
 quest for my opinion. Nor could I prevail on myself 
 to conceal from you what I heard from others or sus- 
 pected they would say, that I might excite you to look 
 narrowly to yourself and your affairs at this crisis. I 
 now congratulate and give joy to Melissa as the succes- 
 sor of Eliza. It is my prayer that she may spend many 
 happy years in your company, and, what is more, that 
 she may make you the father of a fair offspring." | 
 
 The marriage took place accordingly, and appears 
 to have been attended with happy effects. Melville 
 never had the pleasure of seeing his fair young niece, 
 but he sent his affectionate salutations to " the honied 
 Melissa" in every letter which he wrote to his nephew, 
 who took particular pleasure in acknowledging the 
 compliment. Whatever may be thought as t^the pru- 
 dence of his second marriage, it isbut justice to James 
 Melville to say, that it had no influence in enervating 
 his mind, or in making him indifferent or remiss in his 
 exertions in behalf of the caitee for which he was a 
 sufferer. He rejected the oflfer of a bishopric, which 
 Sir John Anstruther made hrm in the name of the 
 King; he refused to purchase his liberty by accedino- 
 to conditions inconsistent with his principles;* he con- 
 tinued to counsel and encourage his brethren in Scot- 
 land by his letters; and he drew up several writings, 
 historical and apologetical, relating to the church "of 
 Scotland, which he only waited the consent of his 
 brethren and a fit opportunity to publish to the world. 
 In this last respect he had some ground for retaliating 
 on his uncle, whom he urged to perform his promises, 
 by putting the finishing hand as speedily as possible 
 to his work on the episcopal controversy. This work. 
 
 » Mclvini Epistola;, p. 114—116, 126—133 
 + Ibid. p. 134, 141. 142,143. 
 \ Cald. vii. 72, 208. 
 
 though not laid aside, proceeded slowly, and was often 
 interrupted by studies more congenial to the taste and 
 dispositions of the author. To tlie friendly remon- 
 strances of his nephew, Melville replied: "By the 
 paraphrases of which I send you a specimen, I sustain 
 the imbecility of my spirit, which hitherto has not 
 been left destitute of Christian confidence, or of any 
 kind of consolation, by him who in his mercy has hon- 
 oured m« to favour his cause, if not by actual services, 
 at least by sincere, though many ways imperfect, pur- 
 poses and endeavours. It grieves me that I cannot be 
 present to assist its defenders, and that I can do so lit- 
 tle for it in my absence. But why do I say, it grieves 
 me 1 No ; I do not grieve, though I once grieved that 
 I had been so unprofitable to the church of Christ. 
 Without my assistance the supreme Judge hath plead- 
 ed his own cause, and he will still plead it.* — In re- 
 minding me of my promise, j'ou act a friendly and a 
 prudent part, knowing, as you do, my habitual indo- 
 lence and supineness. Yet I can redeem my pledge 
 with no great expense or labour. The controversial- 
 ists to whom you refer, torture the passages of scrip- 
 ture which they allege for pseudo-episcopacy ; and 
 their arguments have been already refuted by others. 
 Nor do they place their chief confidence in argument, 
 but in the mask of antiquity, and the pretext of royal 
 authority, which they boastingly represent as absolute 
 and omnipotent. They dare not come out into the 
 open field, nor will they commit themselves in any 
 contest which is not to be finally decided by the arbi- 
 trary will of an individual. By means of injunctions, 
 proclamations, edicts, and pretended judicial processes, 
 they break through every barrier, and pervert all laws, 
 human and divine. Keep yourself easy on the head 
 of my ' thrasonic boasting;' for I measure the cause 
 by the force of truth and not my own abilities, and 
 look for victory over the prostrate audacity of our ad- 
 versaries through the divine blessing. In so good a 
 cause I do not despair of being able at least to answer 
 when challenged; but instead of arrogating any thing 
 to myself, I am disposed to place great confidence in 
 my brethren, whose diligence in preparing for the 
 combat I cannot but highly applaud."| 
 
 It ia proper now to turn to Scotland, and take a view 
 of those ecclesiastical transactions in which Melville 
 felt so deep an interest. The same arts of court pol- 
 icy which had been put in practice for a number of 
 years continued to be employed for the overthrow of 
 Presbytery. And as its ablest and most resolute de- 
 fenders were either exiled or imprisoned, these arts 
 were but too successful. The bishops were conscious 
 that there were still great difliculties in the way of 
 their accomplishing their object. While they were at 
 work in removing these, they contrived to lay asleep 
 the jealousy of their opponents, and to bind up their 
 hands, by engaging them in a treaty for peace and ac- 
 commodation. At a eonference held at Falkland in 
 June, 1G08, and at a packed General Assembly con- 
 vened at Linlithgow in the subsequent month, both 
 parties, with professions of mutual regard, agreed to 
 leave the matters in dispute to be settled by a certain 
 number of individuals, and promised upon oath to ab- 
 stain in the mean time from agitating them, or saying 
 any thing in private or public which might tend to 
 keep alive the dissension.:^ At a meeting held in 
 May, 160y, they renewed this engagement, and joined 
 in a common address to the King, in which they gave 
 him thanks for his exertions to settle the peace of the 
 church. II When a scheme is on foot for overturning 
 the constitutional liberties of a society, all such en- 
 gagements to silence and the maintenance of peace are 
 ensnaring and dangerous. In the present instance, the 
 
 » Melvini Epi«tola», p. 107, 108. + Ibid. p. 134,135. 
 
 t Cald. vii. 146, 195—201. Scot's Apolor. Narmt. p. 211— 
 217. Mflville'* Hist, of Deri. Age, p. 22.i, 240—243. 
 
 jl Cald. vii. 237-310. Scot. p. 222—227. Melville, p. 252 
 
UFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 839 
 
 engagement was a Tirtual retractation of the opposition 
 hitherto managed against episcopacy. It implied an 
 acknowledgment on the part of the Presbyterians, that 
 the point in dispute was indifferent, and consequently 
 might be yielded out of regard to peace, and in obedi- 
 ence to the royal authority. It shut the mouths of such 
 as feared an oath, and exposed them to censure as vio- 
 lators of their promise if they resisted any step which 
 their opponents might take ; while it imposed no re- 
 straint on those who bad the power in their hands, and 
 had shown by their former conduct that they could 
 trample on the most sacred engagements.* 
 
 It was during this deceitful truce, accordingly, that 
 the ecclesiastical leaders took a step which they had 
 hitherto carefully avoided. They had all along denied 
 that there was any intention of moulding the govern- 
 ment of the church after the English form, and had 
 vindicated the changes which had been successively 
 introduced on the ground of their being necessary for 
 recovering the ecclesiastical property, or to give satis- 
 faction to the King. But they now awowed a change 
 of sentiment. A new light, they alleged, had sprung 
 up in their minds during their late studies ; they were 
 convinced that episcopacy was more agreeable to 
 Scripture than that form of government which had been 
 established in Scotland ; and they were willing to im- 
 part the reasons which had convinced them to their 
 brethren who were of a different mind. With this 
 view they proposed that the question should be sub- 
 mitted to a formal dispute. Considering what the 
 conduct of the bishops had been for a course of years, 
 their professions of sudden conversion were more than 
 suspicious, and it was not difficult to trace their " new 
 light" to its genutfle source. f However, three of 
 the ministers of Fife, — Scot, Dykes, and Carmichael, 
 accepted their challenge, and prepared for the contest. 
 But it was enough for the patrons of episcopacy to 
 have called in question the received discipline, and 
 they found excuses for putting off the discussion which 
 they had provoked. To assist them in the dispute, or 
 rather to deter their opponents from agreeing to it, Dr. 
 Abbot and two other learned divines were sent down 
 from England. Without wishing to derogate from 
 the talents of the English missionaries, we cannot 
 help saying that they gave but slender proofs of their 
 prowess on this occasion. Had they come to Scot- 
 land four years earlier, when the ablest defenders of 
 presbytery were in the country and at liberty, they 
 would have had an opportunity of signalizioig them- 
 selves honourably as the champions of the hierarchy ; 
 and, notwithstanding the royal insinuation at the 
 Hampton-Court conference, we will venture to say that 
 they would have run no risk of having their doctoral 
 habiliments torn, although the sleeves of their cas- 
 socks might perhaps have been a little disordered by 
 the rude fervour of Scottish eloquence. But their 
 coming at the present time and traversing the country 
 in state, bore too strong a resemblance to the conduct 
 of a bravo, who proudly walks the stage, when he 
 knows that his antagonists have been seized by the 
 officers of justice or bound over to keep the peace. 
 
 » In a letter to the King, dated Linlithgow, July laat, 1608, 
 the bishops say, "So now, Sir, as we hope for an end of all our 
 contentions, and a prevailing in your Majesty's service," &c. 
 (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 61.) 
 
 + When Cowper was made Bishop of Galloway, an old wo- 
 man who had been one of his parishioners at Perth, and a fa- 
 vourite, could not be persuaded that her minister had deserted 
 the presbyterian cause. Resolved to satisfy herself, she paid 
 him a visit in the Canong^te, where he had his residence as 
 Dean of the Chapel Royal. The retinue of servants through 
 which she passed staggered the good woman's confidence; and 
 on being ushered into the room where the bishop sat in state, 
 she exclaimed, " Oh, Sir ! what's this ? And ye hae really 
 left the guid cause, and turned prelate !" — "Janet, (said the 
 bishop) I have got new light upon these things." — "So I see. 
 Sir (replied Janet;) for when ye was at Perth, ye had but ae 
 candle, and now ye've got twa before ye: that's a' your neu) 
 light.'' 
 
 The English doctors were content with insinuating 
 themselves into the good opinion of the ministers in 
 private, and pronouncing eulogiums on their church- 
 polity from the principal pulpits in the kingdom. Dr. 
 Abbot preached before the General Assembly at Lin- 
 lithgow, and had public thanks given him for his "ex- 
 cellent sermon."* Such commendations were then 
 less complimentary than they have become in the pre- 
 sent charitable age, and I doubt not that the sermon 
 was excellent. Indeed, a more prudent choice of a 
 missionary could net have been made. The amiable 
 manners, moderation, and zeal for the reformed reli- 
 gion, by which Abbot was distinguished, could not 
 fail to have a prepossessing influence in favour of his 
 opinions. But if his mission contributed to the over- 
 throw of the presbyterian church of Scotland, she, in 
 her fail, took a severe revenge on her rival. In reward 
 of his services on this occasion, Abbot was advanced 
 to the archbishopric of Canterbury ;| and we are as- 
 sured, by those who should know the fact, that his 
 serai-puritanical principles and moderate administra- 
 tion were a principal cause of the subsequent ruin of 
 the hierarchy, and triumph of presbytery, in England.^: 
 From the accounts of the friendly treaty which were 
 brought him in the Tower, Melville was at first in- 
 clined to form a favourable opinion of that measure. 
 But his nephew, whose proximity to the scene of ac- 
 tion gave him a bettor opportunity of being acquainted 
 with the exact state of matters, and the real intentions 
 of the ruling party, disapproved of it from the begin- 
 ning, and had warned his brethren against agreeing to 
 it.|| *' I am afraid (says he, in a letter to his uncle) 
 that your solution of my scruples is not satisfactory. 
 These twenty individuals (who met at Falkland) were 
 chosen by the General Assembly to determine all mat- 
 ters that were in controversy. They have decided 
 that the truce, and the address approving of the royal 
 measures, shall be published in all the churches of the 
 kingdom, and that none shall speak against them. 
 And they have promised to use their influence to in- 
 duce their brethren to acquiesce in this decision. The 
 bishops boast to his Majesty of their success, and ap- 
 peal to the letter subscribed by all the delegates. It 
 is true that our excellent brethren who have been pla- 
 ced in the front of the battle were far from intending 
 this, and are now grieved at the advantage which has 
 been taken of them. But through their over-confi- 
 dence, the whole discipline has been called in ques- 
 tion. It has been with the greatest difficulty that I 
 have been able for some time back to restrain Car- 
 michael, Dykes, and certain others from disputation ; 
 so secure were these young men in the strength of the 
 cause (which no doubt is commendable) and in their 
 own abilities. But who does not perceive the danger 
 of disputing before such a judge 1 for the king will be 
 the judge. Therefore I dread the worst — not only the 
 overthrow of the discipline, but also the thraldom of 
 conscience under the mask of forbearance, toleratitxn, 
 and bonds of peace. For what will not episcopal 
 men, popish or protestant, presume to do for the ad- 
 vancement of their schemes? while those of the purer 
 sort will not dare even to mutter. N.§ has long ago 
 finished a large answer to Barlow ; but unless he can 
 secure a maintenance for his family in exile he is un- 
 willing to publish it, and I cannot urge him. I also 
 have many things in my Adversaria, but they are as a 
 sword in its scabbard. In the mean time the Greeks 
 are masters of the city, which, if not in flames, is de- 
 serted by its defenders."1[ Melville could not deny 
 the force of these reasons, but still he was disposed to 
 
 * MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 61. 
 f Birch's Hist. View of Negociations, p. 338. 
 i Hevlio's Hist, of the Presbyterians, p. 383. (Jlarendon's 
 Hi.st. vo'l. i. p. 88, 89. 1707. 8vo. 
 
 II Cald. vii. 126, 202, 289. Melville's Decl. Age, p. 216. 
 6 Probably Mr. John Carmichael, minister of Ely 
 T Melvini Epistote, p. 123—125, 
 
340 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 put a more favourable construction on the conduct of 
 his brethren. " If they have erred (says he in his re- 
 ply) I am of opinion that they have erred more through 
 fear than self-confidence. If they have been guilty of 
 any oversight, it has proceeded from dejection rather 
 than elation of mind. Nor need we wonder at this, 
 when we read what his Majesty has lately published, 
 in his contest with Bellarmine, the crimes which he 
 imputed to the puritans, and the violent hostility which 
 he shews to the whole of that party. These declara- 
 tions might make our brethren dread the worst, and 
 induce them to ratify the bond of peace."* 
 
 Tiiis was one of the amiable traits in Melville's 
 character. He was himself a stranger to fear; and no 
 man was less disposed to make concessions hurtful to 
 truth, or to give way, even for an hour, to the insidi- 
 ous proposals of its adversaries. Yet no man was 
 more ready than he to make allowances for those who 
 failed through defect of courage or of firmness ; and 
 provided he was satisfied of their integrity and good 
 intentions, he censured their faults with the utmost re- 
 luctance and tenderness. He was even averse to form 
 a harsh judgment of the motives of those individuals 
 whose conduct he most decidedly condemned. " Not- 
 withstanding the stormy season, (says he, in a letter to 
 a friend in Scotland,) I have felt nothing hitherto but 
 fair and pleasant weather, keepinsf both sou! and body 
 in a cheerful disposition. Such is the bountiful grace 
 of our merciful heavenly Father toward me in this vale 
 of misery and shadow of death. So that nothing has 
 come against my heart to trouble me, but the affliction 
 of my brethren, and the bearing down of the cause by 
 the ignorance of some and the craft of others, for char- 
 ity will not suflTer me to suspect malice in any."f- 
 
 James Melville's predictions were soon verified. 
 During the time agreed on for a cessation of hostili- 
 ties, the bishops were busily employed in strengthen- 
 ing their influence, and in ripening their plans for exe- 
 cution. At the parliament held in 1609, not one of the 
 ministers was present to oppose any measures hostile 
 to the church which might be proposed. The Com- 
 missary-courts were suppressed ; and the power of 
 judging in matrimonial and testamentary causes, and 
 in all others of a mixed kind, was transferred to the 
 bishops in their several dioceses.:): Large sums of 
 money were expended by the King in buying back the 
 alienated episcopal lands and revenues, that the bish- 
 ops might live in a style suitable to their rank.|| Arch- 
 bishop* Spotswood was made an Extraordinary Lord 
 of Session, to prepare the way for the restoration of the 
 episcopal order to the place which they had formerly 
 held in that court.§ But nothing contributed more to 
 the advancement of their designs than the power which 
 they received from the court to modify or fix the sti- 
 pends of the ministers. " By augmentation they al- 
 lured, by diminution they weakened, a number of the 
 ministry ; and that so covertly, that one cause was 
 pretended publicly and another alleged in secret."^ — 
 "The bishops sit at the helm (says James Melville, 
 in a letter to his uncle ;) the rest of the commissioners 
 
 » Melvini Epistolae, p. 134. f <^ald. vii. 210. 
 
 t Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 430, 431. The bishops, in a Memorial 
 to hit Majesty, had requested his interposition to procure this 
 power for them, (Scot's Apolog. Narrat. p. 221. Printed 
 Cald. p. 602.) 
 
 II James Melville says that this cost the King " above 300.- 
 000 lib. Sterling." (Hist, of the Decl. Age of the Church of 
 Scotland, p. 265, Sinisoni Annales, p. 124.) 
 
 { This was one of the requests in the Memorial referred to 
 in the last note but one. In a letter, dated Feb. 18, 1610, 
 Gladstanes says: "Your Majesty may look for uniform and 
 constant service from all my brethren, the prelates, whom also 
 your Majesty will please to encourage,— jwirtly when places in 
 the Session shall vaik by pronioting some moe to tne same, 
 whilk will both repair the decay of our living* and patrimony, 
 and procure the ocpendance of" the rest of the ministry, who 
 have their fortunes and estates subject to the pleasure of that 
 judicatory." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Kdin. M. 6. 9. num. 68 ) 
 
 % Printed Cald. p. 571, 578. 
 
 being either removed by them, or withdrawing of their 
 own accord. The bishop of St. Andrews keeps a 
 splendid establishment at Edinburgh, consisting of his 
 wife, children, and a great retinue of servants; and os- 
 tentatiously displays his silken robes every Sabbath in 
 Bruce's pulpit before the magistrates and nobility. 
 Crowds of poor ministers, mean souls, besiege his 
 door, press round him when he comes abroad, and for 
 the sake of their stipends (the modifying of which is 
 entirely in his power) do every thing but adore him. 
 What say you to this ?"* At last, the power of the 
 bishops was carried to the highest pitch to which the 
 King could raise it, by the introduction of the Eng- 
 lish Inquisition — the court of High Commission. This 
 detestable court, whose procedure was regulated by no 
 fixed laws or forms of justice, was armed with the 
 united terrors of civil and ecclesiastical despotism. It 
 had the power of receiving appeals from any ecclesi- 
 astical judicatory, of calling before it all persons ac- 
 cused of error or immorality, and all preachers and 
 teachers in schools or colleges, charged with speeches 
 which were impertinent, contrary to the establishted 
 order of the church, or favourable to those who had 
 been confined or banished for ecclesiastical oflfences ; 
 and, on finding them guilty, it was empowered to de- 
 pose and excommunicate, to fine and imprison them. 
 The presence of an archbishop was necessary to the 
 validity of all its meetings, and it was easy for him to 
 summon such of his colleagues as he knew to be devo- 
 ted to his will ; so that it was to all intents and purpo- 
 ses an episcopal court. " As it exalted the bishops 
 far above any prelate that ever was in Scotland, so it 
 put the King in possession of that which long time he 
 had desired and hunted for, to wit, the royal preroga- 
 tive and absolute power to use the bodies and goods 
 of his subjects at his pleasure, without form or pro- 
 cess of the common law : so that our bishops were fit 
 instruments of the overthrow of the freedom and lib- 
 erty both of the church and realm of Scotland."! 
 
 Being thus Lords of parliament, privy council, ses- 
 sion, exchequer, and regality. Modifiers of stipends, 
 Constant Moderators and Visitors of presbyteries, and 
 Royal High Commissioners, the bishops thought they 
 might now safely submit the question of episcopacy to 
 the determination of a General Assembly. Accord- 
 ingly, a meeting of that judicatory was, at their re- 
 quest, appointed to be held at Glasgow in the month 
 of June, 1610; royal missives were sent to the presby- 
 teries, nominating the individuals whom they should 
 choose as their representatives to it ; and the Earl of 
 Dunbar came down from London as King's Commis- 
 sioner, to be present at its deliberations, and to pro- 
 vide that every thing should be done according to the 
 royal will and pleasure.:}: 
 
 In his letter to the Assembly, his Majesty told the 
 members, that he had expected, that, weary of the 
 anarchy which reigned among them, they would have 
 solicited him before that time to restore the primitive 
 government of the church ; but since they had failed 
 in doing this, either through the culpable backward- 
 ness of the bishops, or the factious singularity of the 
 meaner sort of ministers, he had been obliged to take 
 up the affair himself. He had called them together, 
 he said, to testify his affection to the church, and " not 
 because their consent was very necessary, for " it was 
 very lawful and granted to him by God " to have done 
 the work " absolutely out of his own royal power and 
 
 * Melvini Epistolae, p. 125. 
 
 + Melville's Hist, of the Decl. Age, p. 270—276. 
 
 J In a common letter sent by the bishops to his Matesty, re- 
 questing him to call this Assembly, they say: " We shall take, 
 by God's help, the most safe and sure way: and what we under- 
 take, we shall be answerable to your Majesty for performance. 
 IVe have all our miniaUrs, even such as were most refractory, 
 at the point of toleration. They will suffer things to proceed 
 and be quiet, because they cannot longer strive." (MS. in 
 Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num 66.) 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 941 
 
 authority ;" and they would learn, from the Earl of 
 Dunbar and the Archbishop of St. Andrews, to whom 
 he had imparted his mind, what those alterations were 
 which he was determined to make whether they con- 
 sented to them or not. The Assembly was not of a 
 temper either to resent or resist these magisterial and 
 haughty orders. A committee was appointed to draw 
 up such resolutions as would prove satisfactory to his 
 Majesty, or rather to receive what had already been 
 agreed upon between him and the bishops ; and their 
 report was immediately adopted and approved. Tiie 
 General Assembly held at Aberdeen in the year 1605 
 was condemned, and the right of calling and dismiss- 
 ing Assemblies was declared to be a branch of the 
 royal prerogative. The bishops were declared mode- 
 rators of Diocesan Synods ; all presentations to bene- 
 fices were appointed to be directed to them, in place 
 of presbyteries ; and the power of excommunicating 
 and absolving offenders, of ordaining and deposing 
 ministers, and of visiting all the churclies within their 
 respective dioceses, was conferred on them. In ordi- 
 nation and deposition, the bishop was to be assisted 
 by the " ministers of the bounds" (for the name of a 
 presbytery was insufferable in the royal ears ;) and if 
 found culpable he might be removed by the General 
 Assembly, " with his Majesty's advice and consent." * 
 But these limitations of the episcopal power were 
 merely a blind thrown over the eyes of the simple; 
 and accordingly they were excluded from the subse- 
 quent ratification of the acts of the Assembly by Par- 
 liament.! There were only five votes against the re- 
 solutions. Primrose, and some other ministers in 
 Ayrshire, intended to protest against the whole pro- 
 ceedings, but means were found to prevent them from 
 carrying their purpose into execution. 
 
 Constituted as this Assembly was, it is altogether 
 unnecessary to enter into any particular account of the 
 way in which it was managed. It had no pretension 
 to be regarded as a regular meeting of the supreme 
 judicatory of the church of Scotland ; it had not the 
 semblance of that freedom which belongs to a lawful 
 assembly; and as it would have been less insulting 
 to the nation, so it would have been equally good 
 in point of authority, if the matters enacted by it had 
 been at once proclaimed by heralds at the market- 
 cross, as edicts emanating from the royal will. One 
 fact only shall be stated. The Commissioner pro- 
 duced a proclamation, which he said he was ap- 
 pointed to make, abolishing presbyteries, and prohi- 
 biting them to meet for the future. While alarm and 
 grief at this intimation sat on the countenances of 
 the members, some of the nobility, who were in- 
 structed to act their part in the farce, rose and entreat- 
 ed the commissioner to keep back the proclamation 
 until the King should be inforiued of their present 
 proceedino-s ; upon which his lordship, with affected 
 condescension, acceded to their proposal, and promised 
 to join with them in soliciting his Majesty to rest 
 satisfied with what the Assembly had done, and to 
 permit the presbyteries to continue. This transaction 
 deterred any from appearing as protesters, and it was 
 industriously circulated through the country, to induce 
 ministers and people to submit to the obnoxious deci- 
 sions. Bribery, as well as artifice, was practised on 
 
 * In a letter vviitttn to his Majest)-, Marrh 14, 1610, Spots- 
 wood says; " Tfiey have at this tune a strong apprehension of 
 the dischai'g-e of presbvteries ; and, for the standing; thereof in 
 nny tolerable sort, will refuse no conditions: so it were good to 
 use the opportunity, and cut them short of their poiver, and 
 leave them a bare name, whichjhr the present inay please, but 
 in a little time shall vanish." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Jac. 
 V. 1. 12. num.44.) 
 
 f In the preamble of the act of parliament, the conclusions 
 of the General Assembly are thus introduced: "In manner, 
 substance, and effect following; with the explanation maid be 
 the estaitis of parliament presentlie convenit of some of these 
 articles resolued vpoun in foirsaid asseniblie of Glasgow." 
 (Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 469.) 
 
 the members of this assembly, which obtained the 
 name of the angelical assembly, in allusion to the 
 name of the coins distributed on the occasion.* Those 
 who voted with the court endeavoured to excuse their 
 receiving these '-wages of unrighteousness," by al- 
 leging that they were given them to defray their tra- 
 velling expenses.! Two years were allowed to elapse 
 before the acts of this Assembly were ratified, and 
 the laws in favour of presbytery rescinded, by par- 
 liament. -^ 
 
 Thus, after a struggle of more than ten years, was 
 Episcopacy established in Scotland. The way in 
 which it was introduced exhibits a complete contrast 
 to the introduction of the ecclesiastical polity which it 
 supplanted. Presbytery made its way by the weapons 
 of argument and persuasion, without the aid of the 
 civil power, which viewed its progress with a jealous 
 eye, and raised its arm repeatedly to crush it. Its pa- 
 trons avowed from the beginning all that they intend- 
 ed, and never had recourse to falsehood or fraud to ac- 
 complish their favourite object. And it liad been 
 rooted in the opinions and affections of the nation long 
 before it obtained a legal establishment. Episcopacy, 
 on the contrary, was the creature of the state. It had 
 the whole weight of the authority and influence of the 
 crown all along on its side ; and even with this it could 
 not have prevailed, or maintained its ground, without 
 the aid of those arts to which government has recourse 
 for carrying its worst and most unpopular measures. 
 Deceit and perfidy and bribery were .joined to fines, 
 and imprisonments, and banishments, and the terrors 
 of the gibbet. Dissimulation was the grand engine 
 by which the presbyterian constitution was over- 
 thrown. While the court disgraced itself by a series 
 of low and over-reaching tricks, the aspiring clergy 
 plunged themselves into the deepest and most profli- 
 gate perjury. They refused no pledge which the jeal- 
 ousy of the church-courts, awakened by the measures 
 of government required of them. When engaged in a 
 scheme for overthrowing the established discipline, 
 they renewed the assurances of their inviolable attach- 
 ment and adherence to it. | With the most solemn 
 
 * Sir James Balfour says, the Earl of Dunbar distributed 
 among the niiin'sters "40,000 merks to facilitate the matter and 
 obtain their sufl'rages." (Crawfurd's Officers of State, p. 398.) 
 Nothing, it was said, was to be seen about Glasgow, fo'r some 
 time aUer the assembly, but angels. A travelling pauper, 
 named James Read, who had been there in the course of his 
 profession, having heard what a country minister got for his 
 vote, railed on him as a fool for selling his Master for two an- 
 gels, when he (the pauper) had got three for nothing. (Sini- 
 soni Annales, p. 124. Row's Hist. p. 160. Proceedings of the 
 Asseniblie holden at Glasgow in 1638: MS. penes me, p. 66.) 
 
 t Cald.vii.389— 406. Row, 147— 155. Melville's Decl. Ag^', 
 277—284. Scot, 233— 240. Wodrow's Life of Law, p. 9. 
 
 t Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 469, 470. 
 
 (l On the 2d of August, 1604, all the members of the presby- 
 tery of St. Andrews, including Gladstanes, renewed their sub- 
 scription of the National Covenant, and at the same time sub- 
 scribed the act of parliament, 1592, which ratified presbytery, 
 as an authentic explanation of the discipline which they swore 
 to maintain, — " to testify their harmony and hearty agreement 
 in all things both concerning doctrine and discipline; promis- 
 ing solemnly to defend the same always, according- to their 
 callings, and never to come in the contrary according to the 
 great oath set down in the foresaid Confession of Faith." And 
 what was the form of this oath? " Promising and swearing by 
 the great name of the Lord our God, that we shall continue in 
 the obedience of the doctrine and discipline of this kirk, and 
 shall defend the same, according to our vocation and power, 
 all the days of our lives, under the pains contained in the law, 
 and danger both of body anal soul in the day of God's fearful 
 judgment. And seeing that many are stirred up, — to promise, 
 swear, and subscribe deceitfully, — we therefore, willing to take 
 away all suspicion of hypocrisy, and of such double dealing 
 with God and his kirk, protest and call the searcher of hearts 
 for witness, that our minds and hearts do fully agree with this 
 uur confession, promise, oath, and subscription," &c. To this 
 engagement, sanctioned by this awful appeal and protestation, 
 did Gladstanes set his hand immediately after the moderator 
 of the presbytery. (Extract from the Record of Presb. of St. 
 And. in Melville's Decl. Age, p. 109— 111.) Spotswood and 
 Law subscribed the Book of Policy, among the members of the 
 
342 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 asseverations and execrations, they disclaimed all inten- 
 tion of bringing prelacy into the church, and swore to 
 observe the cautions enacted to guard against its admis- 
 sion. Every change which was made was declared to 
 be the only one intended ; but no sooner had the alarm 
 excited by it been allayed than it was followed by ano- 
 ther, until at last the whole system of the hierarchy was 
 introduced and established by the exertions of those 
 who had so frequently disowned and abjured it. No 
 expressions can be too strong in reprobating a scene of 
 deliberate, systematic, and persevering prevarication 
 and perfidy, to which it will not be easy to find a pa- 
 rallel in the whole history of political intrigue, and 
 which, as practised by churchmen, must have had the 
 most pernicious influence on religion, by debasing the 
 character of its ministers, especially in the estimation 
 of the higher ranks, whom they now vied with in 
 honours, and sought to supplant in the highest offices 
 of the state. A victory gained by such arts was more 
 dishonourable than many defeats. It required only 
 another triumph of a similar kind to secure the perpe- 
 tual proscription of episcopacy from this country, and 
 to fix a stigma upon it which must induce its warmest 
 admirers to wish that every trace of its existence were 
 erased from the annals of Scotland. 
 
 A Scottish gentleman of the name of Colville com- 
 municated the result of the assembly at Glasgow to 
 Melville. He was deeply affected by the intelligence ; 
 and continued for a considerable time in a state of pro- 
 found and distressing silence. When his grief at last 
 found utterance, it vented itself in a vehement denun- 
 ciation against the Commissioner, Dunbar, whom he 
 regarded, and justly, as the prime agent in overturning 
 the ecclesiastical liberties of his native country.* Not 
 that he wanted considerations to alleviate the distress 
 which he felt on this occasion. His conscience ac- 
 quitted him of having wilfully failed in any part of his 
 duty during the long and painful struggle ; and he had 
 the satisfaction to reflect, that though the cause was 
 unsuccessful, its honour remained untarnished. Until 
 he and his associates were removed out of the way by 
 fraudulent and forcible means, the enemy gained no 
 real advantage, and durst not attack the citadel, not- 
 withstanding their knowledge of the treachery and 
 feebleness of many of its defenders. With all his 
 vanity and boastfulness, Gladstanes acknowledged 
 that they would have been unable to execute their de- 
 signs, if Andrew Melville had remained in the country 
 and been at liberty. The firm and independent, though 
 oppressed and overborne, opponents of episcopacy 
 were the real victors ; and it was not without reason 
 that Melville applied the elegant description of an an- 
 cient historian to himself and his fellow-combatants; 
 " Cerlalim glortosa in certamina ruebatur ; multoque 
 avidius turn martyria gloriosis moriibtis quserebantur, 
 quam nunc episcopaius pravts ambitionibus appetuniur. 
 — Neque majore unquam triumpho vicimus, quam quum 
 decern annorum stragibus vinci non potuimug."^ 
 
 The overthrow of presbytery afllicted James Mel- 
 ville as acutely as his uncle; but it did not surprise 
 him so much, as he was less sanguine in his hopes of 
 
 presbytery of Linlithgow. (Rec. of Synod of Lothian and 
 Tweeddale, Oct. 6. 159L) And, in the year 1604, they re- 
 newed their pledges. (Siinsoni Annal. p. 89, 107. Printed 
 Calderwood, p. 484, 485.) 
 
 • Scot reports Melville's words to have been " that man 
 (Dunbar) that hath overthrown that kirk and the liberties of 
 Christ's kingdoine there shall never have the grace to set his 
 foot in that kingdonie agalne." (Apolog. Narrat. p. 248.) And 
 the sanie account is given by Row. (Hist. |>. 158.) But in 
 the confidential corrcs{)«ndence between Melville and his 
 ■ephew, there is not the most distant allusion to any prophecy, 
 altnough Dunbar's death is repeatedly mentioned. It is mo'st 
 probable that a pro])hetiral turn was given to Melville's words 
 after the sudden death oftbe premier; and this remark may be 
 extcndad to many of those sayings which have been recorded 
 «■ prophecies ia the lives of good men. 
 
 f Mel - 
 
 cap. 33 
 
 Ivini Epist. p. 27: ex Sulpitii Scvcri Hist. Sacr. lib. i. 
 
 a successful resistance, from the knowledge which he 
 possessed of the actual state of matters in Scotland. 
 Before the late General Assembly sat down, his fears 
 had anticipated the issue, and he had bewailed it in 
 the most tender strains in his letters to his brethren.* 
 Jealous of the personal interviews and epistolary cor- 
 respondence which he held with his brethren in Scot- 
 land, the bishops procured an order to remove him 
 from Newcastle to Carlisle, where he would have it 
 less in his power to counteract their plans. The only 
 consolation which he had in the prospect of this 
 change of abode was the opportunity that it would 
 give him of meeting with his much esteemed friend 
 and fellow-sufferer, John Murray. f But by means of 
 his friends at court he obtained a revocation of the or- 
 der, and was permitted to take up his residence at Ber- 
 wick.:^: If he was indebted for this favour to the in- 
 terest of the Earl of Dunbar, he met at the same time 
 with an injury from that nobleman, which cured him 
 of any inclination which he still felt to rely on his pa- 
 tronage, and which may be added to the numerous 
 proofs of the good faith of courtiers. " I cannot con- 
 ceal from you (says he, in a letter to his uncle) the af- 
 front which I have received from my lord of Dunbar. 
 On passing through this place to Glasgow, he charged 
 me once and again and a third time — ultroneously 
 charged me, when I was asking no such favour of 
 him, to send for my son Andrew, and have him in 
 readiness to accompany him when he returned to the 
 south; as he intended to place him in one of the Eng- 
 lish universities, and would supply him with every 
 thing that he needed. At considerable expense I re- 
 called the young man from France, and, placing him 
 before his lordship on his return, I told him that my 
 son waited his orders. He took no notice of him ; but 
 mounting his horse and contracting his brows, stretch- 
 ed out his hand to me, and departed without uttering a 
 word. "II This proud man was soon after brought 
 down from his elevation, and laid where " the kings 
 and counsellors of the earth rest with the prisoners, 
 who no longer hear the voice of the oppressor." 
 
 Melville was visited in the Tower by several of the 
 supporters of episcopacy, whom ho received in such a 
 way as to testify his sense of their courtesy, at the 
 same time that he told them his opinion of their con- 
 duct with his characterislical frankness and warmth. 
 "Two of my old scholars (says he) called on me 
 when they were lately here. The sight of them made 
 my mouth water; and I poured forth my indignation 
 on them in my usual manner. I did not dissemble the 
 injury done to the brethren through their fault. I ex- 
 horted them to return to their duty and not to go on to 
 'fight against God.' The injuries done to myself I 
 forgave the commonwealth and church. I shewed 
 them that the arms of all ought to be turned against 
 the common enemy, unanimity and fraternal concord 
 cultivated, and the exiled brethren recalled. They 
 agreed with me on these points, but pleaded that the 
 King is bent on maintaining order, and he must be 
 obeyed in all things : 
 
 Et veterem in limo ranae cecinere querelam. 
 
 I parted with these civil gentlemen on the most civil 
 
 * See hii letter to William Scot in Printed Calderwood, p. 
 «4. 
 
 t John Murray, minister of Leith, was at this time confined 
 in Dumfries-shire. He was prosecuted for a sermon contain- 
 ing some free remarks on the conduct of the bishops, which had 
 been printed without his knowledge. The Privy Council sus- 
 tained his defence, but the bishops procured a letter from the 
 King, reprimanding the Council, and ordering Murray into con- 
 finement. (Regist. Secret. Concil. Royal Letters, &c. 20th 
 March, and 30th April, 1608; and 5lh March, 1609. Printed 
 Cald. p. 580—582.) llis sermon was printed along with "In- 
 formations or a Protestation, A. 1608;" but it is rarely to be 
 found in the copies of that tract. 
 
 t Melvini Epistol«, p. 150, 166. 
 
 II Ibid.p. 183, 184 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 343 
 
 terms ; and they of course will trumpet everywhere the ] During his imprisonment he received marks of civil- 
 praises of your friend's profound erudition."* ' ityand friendship from several of the episcopal divines 
 Among his visitants was his countryman, John Cam- j in England; among whom was Joseph Hall, after- 
 eron, who had come over at this time from France. '■ wards bishop of Norwich, and well known by his 
 As he was favourable to the ecclesiastical plans of the pious and ingenious writings.* 
 
 court, a dispute soon ensued between them. Cameron I By Sir William Wade, the Governor of the Tower, 
 was dogmatical and loquacious, and Melville was not ihe appears to have been treated with every indulgence 
 disposed to allow him to run away with the argument. ! which was consistent with his safe custody. + Among 
 When they were hotly engaged, the Tower bell gave his fellow-prisoners were Sir Walter Raleigh, and the 
 warning that all visitors should retire, and the com- | favourite Magi of the Duke of Northumberland.:}: 
 batants were reluctantly separated. At parting, Mel- j There were also in the Tower at this time three 
 
 ville admonished Cameron, that being a young man, 
 he should beware of" being lifted up with pride," and 
 of disparaging that discipline, which, from the time 
 of the Reformation, had formed an integral part of reli- 
 gion in his native country, and had hitherto resisted 
 the attacks of all its adversaries, both domestic and 
 foreign.j 
 
 He had at this time an opportunity of becoming per- 
 sonally acquainted with Isaac Casaubon ; but he found 
 the sentiments of that great scholar much altered from 
 what they were when his epistolary correspondence 
 with him commenced. During his residence at the 
 French court, Casaubon's attachment to the reformed 
 religion had been shaken, and the Roman Catholics 
 entertained confident hopes of making him a convert, 
 when his patron, Henry the Great, was assassinated.:}: 
 On that tragical event he retired into England, and 
 was warmly received by James and the bishops. But 
 though he obtained a dispensation to hold two pre- 
 bends without entering into holy orders, the tasks al- 
 lotted to him were neither creditable to his talents nor 
 congenial to his feelings. || He who had devoted his 
 life to the cultivation of Grecian and Oriental litera- 
 ture, and who had edited and illustrated Straho, Athe- 
 naeus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Polya;nus, and 
 Polybius, was now condemned to drudge in replying 
 to the Jesuit Fronto le Due, correcting his Majesty's 
 answer to Cardinal Du Perron, refuting the Annals of 
 Cardinal Baronius, and, what was still more degra- 
 ding, writing letters to induce his illustrious friend De 
 Thou to substitute King James's narrative of the trou- 
 bles of Scotland in the room of that which he had al- 
 ready published on the authority of Buchanan. Mel- 
 ville is mentioned as one of three individuals in whose 
 learned society he found relief from these irksome and 
 ungrateful occupations.§ The warm approbation of 
 the constitution of the church of England which Cas- 
 aubon expressed, and the countenance which he gave 
 to the consecration of the Scottish prelates at Lam- 
 beth, were by no means agreeable to Melville.^ But 
 notwithstanding this, he received frequent visits from 
 him in the Tower; and on these occasions they enter- 
 tained and instructed one another with critical remarks 
 on ancient authors, and especially on the Scriptures.** 
 
 » Melvini Epistolre, p. 54. 
 
 t Ibid. p. 112,113. 
 
 \ When Rosweid afterwards published that Casaubon had 
 intended to profess himself a Roman Catholic, the statement 
 wag strongly contradicted by his son Meric, and by Jacobus 
 Cappellus. But it is evident from his own letters, that Casau- 
 bon, although he could not easily digest some of the grosser 
 articles of the Popish creed, whs seriously deliberating on the 
 change; and his son has kept back a part of one of his letters 
 which contains strong evidence to that purpose. (Merici Cas- 
 auboni Epistoire, p. S5, 89, coll. cum Episl. Isaaci Casauboni, p. 
 607. Epist. Eccles. et Theol. p. 250.) Du Moulin wrote to 
 the Bishop of Bath and Wells advising him by all means to 
 detain Casaubon in England; as there was every reason to fear 
 his recantation if he returned to France: (Casauboni Vita, ab 
 Almelov. p. 55.) 
 
 II Birch's Hist. View of Negociations, p. 340. 
 
 } Casauboni Vita, p. 54. 
 
 IT In a letter to Boyd of Trochrig, Melville mentions this 
 last circumstance with regret. (Wodrow's Life of Boyd, p. 
 210.) 6 ^ .» . i 
 
 ** Casaubon has preserved, in his Ephemerides, a critical 
 emendation of the common text of 1 Timothy iii. 15, 16, which 
 Melville suggested to him at one of these interviews. He pro- 
 posed to read the passage thus: "These things write I unto thee 
 
 Scotchmen of the popish persuasion ; the noted John 
 Hamilton, Paterson, a priest, and Campbell, a Capu- 
 chin friar, who were kept under an easy restraint, and 
 sumptuously provided for.|| Melville had several in- 
 terviews with them ; and waited on the death-bed of 
 Hamilton, whom he exhorted, though without success, 
 to rest his hopes of final acceptance on the atonement 
 and advocacy of Christ, instead of the merits and in- 
 tercession of creatures.§ In the year 1610, Sir Wil- 
 liam Seymour, afterwards Duke of Hertford, was sent 
 to the Tower for clandestinely marrying the Lady Ara- 
 bella, who was nearly allied to the royal family. On 
 this occasion Melville composed the following coup- 
 let, expressive of the similarity of the cause of Sey- 
 mour's imprisonment to his own, founded on an allu- 
 sion to the lady's name, which in Latin signifies a fair 
 altar. 
 
 Communis tecum niihi causa est carceris, Ara- 
 bella tibi causa est; Araque sacra niihi.T 
 
 These lines he sent to the noble prisoner on his enter- 
 ing the Tower, and the witty distich of " the poetical 
 minister" was much talked of at court.** 
 
 In the month of November, IfilO, upon the return of 
 Lord Wolton, the Enolish ambassador, from France, 
 the Duke of Bouillon sent an application by him to 
 King James, requesting him to release Melville from 
 the Tower, and allow him to come to his university at 
 Sedan. It is probable that Melville owed this inter- 
 position in his favour to his friend Aaron Capel, one 
 
 — that thou niayest know how thou oughtest to behave thyself in 
 the house of God, which is the church of the living God. The 
 pillar and ground of the truth, and great without controversy, 
 is the mystery of godliness, God was manifest in the flesh," &c. 
 (Casauboniana, p. 92, 292.) " Mira novitas !" exclaims Casau- 
 bon. But, with all deference to the learned critic, the proposed 
 reading was not a novelty. It is to be found in ihe Basil edi- 
 tions of the Greek Testament, annis 1540 and 1545; and has 
 been adopted by sevei-al modern critics of great authoritj'. 
 
 * " Literas a D.Josepho Hallo christianae amoris et humani- 
 tatis plenissimas accepi; pro quibus non potui non agere gratia*. 
 Ejus in Salanjonem opella, nuper edita, bene placet." (Melvini 
 Epktoltt, p. 99.) 
 
 + Melvini Epistolre, p. 318, 321, 323. 
 
 I Biographia Brit. art. Harriot, Thomas. 
 
 II Melvini Epist. p. 137. In the year 1608, James sent a let 
 ter to the Privy Council of Scotland, reprimanding them for 
 overlooking " Mr. Johne Hamiltoune." (Letter from the Coun- 
 sall to his Maiestie: Lord Haddington's Collect.) About the 
 same time Mr. Alexander Campbell and Mr. John Young apol- 
 ogize to his Majesty "for the resetting of one Johne Canibell a 
 Capuchin frier." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Jac. V. 1. 12.) 
 They were not apprehended until the year 1609. 
 
 ^ "Rob. Johnston, Hist. Rer. Brit. p. 460. 
 IT The following translation of the lines is given in the £io- 
 graphia Britannica : 
 
 From the same cause my woe proceeds and thine. 
 Your ALTjiR lovely is, ana sacred mine. 
 
 For the imperfection of the translation, the apologj' of the 
 learned compiler may be sustained, that it is "almost impossi- 
 ble to translate these lines into English without injuring either 
 the sense or the spirit." But he has gone farther wrong in his 
 commentary, in consequence of bis being ignorant of the fact, 
 that the poet was confined for verses written on the Royal Al- 
 tar. "The wit (says he) consists in the allusion, grounded on 
 the lady's name, signifying in Latin a fair Altar, and Melvin's 
 being committed for the cause of God's altar, at least in his 
 own opinion." (Biog. Brit. art. Arabella Sliiart.) This woulJ 
 have been but dull wit, however sound "his own opinion" had 
 been. 
 
 ** Sir Ralph Winwood's Memorials, vol. iii. p. 20l. Row's 
 His*, p. 173. 
 
344 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 of the ministers of the French church in London, who 
 had a brother in the University of Sedan. As tlie 
 Duke was one of the grandees of France, and at the 
 head of the proteslants in that kingdom, James was 
 pleased at having an opportunity to gratify him by 
 granting the request.* But when Melville had the 
 prospect of immediately obtaining his liberty, a formi- 
 dable opposition was made to it from an unexpected 
 quarter. The French ambassador at London thought 
 it proper to acquaint his court with the transaction 
 which was going on between the Duke of Bouillon 
 and James. The Queen Regent instantly wrote, that 
 she did not judge it safe that a person of Melville's 
 qualities should come into her kingdom, where there 
 was already a sufficient number of turbulent and rest- 
 less spirits ; and therefore charged her ambassador to 
 ■oppose the measure, by representing to James that it 
 was not reasonable to send to France an individual 
 whom he had found it necessary to lay under restraint 
 at home on account of his seditions behaviour.f At 
 an interview with his Majesty, the ambassador laid 
 this representation before him. James professed him- 
 self greatly embarrassed in consequence of his promise 
 to Bouillon. The request, he said, had been publicly 
 presented by Lord Wotton ; and, not suspecting that a 
 Marshal of France, and one of the principal counsel- 
 lors of her Majesty, had not made her acquainted with 
 the application, he had readily acceded to it, on condi- 
 tion that the prisoner should not be allowed either to 
 preach or publish, but should confine himself to read- 
 ing and teaching in Sedan. At the same time, he pro- 
 fessed his desire to oblige the Queen in this and all 
 other matters ; and only requested, that, with the view 
 of disengaging him from his promise, she should speak 
 to the Duke in such a manner as to prevent him from 
 insisting on his request. In the course of the conver- 
 sation with the French ambassador, his Majesty dis- 
 covered his strong antipathy to Melville; and gave a 
 short narrative of his life, in which he appears to have 
 been guided not so much by a regard to truth, as by a 
 desire to increase the fears expressed by the French 
 queen. The Duke of Bouillon, he said, would not be 
 so urgent in his request, if he were acquainted with 
 the fierce and contentious humour of the man. After 
 he returned from Geneva, where he was educated, he 
 had been placed in one of the universities of Scotland, 
 which he kept in continual broils during the four years 
 that he remained in it: on that account his Majesty 
 was obliged to remove him to another university, into 
 which he also carried the torch of discord : and, finally, 
 being called up to London to answer for his disorderly 
 conduct, he was no sooner there than he fell upon his 
 Majesty and his principal counsellors, whom he treat- 
 ed so abusively, that it became necessary, in order to 
 prevent something worse, to shut him up in the Tower, 
 where he still remained. :{: The Queen Regent ad- 
 dressed a second despatch to her ambassador, instruct- 
 ing him to persevere in his opposition to Melville's 
 journey.ll The secret, however, was, that the French 
 court was not so much afraid of the seditious spirit of 
 the Scottish Professor, as offended at Bouillon for pre 
 
 count of pseudo-episcopacy — no hope of my being 
 allowed to revisit my native country. Our bishops 
 return home after being anointed with the waters of the 
 Thames. Alas, liberty is fled ! religion is banished ! — 
 I have nothing new to write to you, except my hesi- 
 tation about my banishmei.t. I reflect upon the ac- 
 tive life which I spent in my native country during 
 the space of thirty-six years, the idle life which I 
 have been condemned to spend in prison, the reward 
 which I have received from men for my labours, the 
 inconveniences of old age, and other things of a simi- 
 lar kind, taken in connexion with the disgraceful bon- 
 dage of the church and the base perfidy of men. But 
 in vain : I am still irresolute. Shall I desert my sta- 
 tion ] shall I fly from my native country, from my na- 
 tive church, from my very self? Or, shall I deliver 
 myself up, like a bound quadruped, to the will and 
 pleasure of men ? No : sooner than do this, I am re- 
 solved, by the grace of God, to endure the greatest 
 extremity: But until my fate is fixed, I cannot be free 
 from anxiety. Be assured, however, that nothing 
 earthly affects me so deeply as the treachery of men 
 to God, and the defection of our church in this critical 
 conjuncture. Yet our adversaries have not all the suc- 
 cess whic-h they could wish — but I dare not write all 
 that I could tell you by word of mouth. Our affairs 
 are in a bad state, but there is still some ground of 
 hope. Take care of your health, and send me your 
 advice, as quickly as possible, and in one word. Shall 
 I go, or, shall I remain 1 " * 
 
 It is evident from this letter that he felt reluctant to 
 go abroad. He was become attached to his native 
 country by a long residence in it. Though he had no 
 family of his own, he had formed attachments which 
 were nearly as close and endearing as those which are 
 strictly domestic. His health and spirits were still un- 
 commonly good ; but he had arrived at that period of 
 life when the mind loses its elastic spring and its 
 power of accommodating itself to external circum- 
 stances; and he felt averse to enter upon a new scene 
 of action in a country where the people and the man- 
 ners had undergone a complete change since he had 
 known them. There were, therefore, no sacrifices, 
 those of conscience and honour excepted, which he 
 was not prepared to make, in order to obtain permis- 
 sion to remain in Scotland. 
 
 James Melville knew that all hopes of this kind 
 were vain, and therefore advised him to embrace the 
 offer which was in his power. " Summon up your 
 courage, and prepare to obey the call of providence. 
 Perhaps this is ' a man of Macedonia' — a messenger 
 from God to invite you to the help of the inhabitants 
 of Burgundy and Lorrain. Like the apostle, let none 
 of.these things move you, neither count your life dear, 
 that you may finish yonr course with joy, and the 
 ministry which you have received of the Lord Jesus, 
 to testify the gospel of the grace of God.' 
 
 Te si fata tuis paterentur ducere vitaiii 
 Auspiciig, et sponte tua coiiipoiiere curag, 
 
 Urbem Trojaiiaiii priniuiii 
 
 Sed nunc Italiani 
 
 seating such a request without its knowledge, and i Seeing you are bound like Jeremiah, you must go 
 jealous of his intercourse with the court of London.§ j whither you are led, though not in obedience to the 
 Accordingly, the Duke having made a satisfactory i will of men, yet in cheerful submission to the will of 
 apology for the step which he had taken, the Queen '^"^ "'" ■" " ' " " ^'" '^~ ' * 
 
 Regent withdrew her opposition 
 
 Melville had sent the earliest information of the 
 change in his prospects to his nephew. " The Duke 
 of Bouillon has applied to the King, by the ambassa- 
 dor Wotton and by letters, for liberty to me to go to 
 France. His Majesty is said to have yielded. I am 
 in a state of suspense as to the course which I ought 
 to take. There is no room for me in Britain on ac- 
 
 • Melvini Epistolae, p. 173. 
 
 + De la Boderie, Ambassadet, torn. v. p. 513 — 515. 
 
 t Ibic). p. 530—533. II Ibid. p. 541. } Ibid. p. 517. 
 
 God, who will keep you in all his ways. So far as I 
 can see, there is no choice left, but a hard necessity 
 is imposed on you. I may add, that those who are 
 joined with you in the same cause, and I in particular, 
 would esteem it the greatest favour to have it in our 
 power to accompany yon. For what can I look for 
 but continued distress of mind, whether here or at 
 home? Take this then as my answer to your ques- 
 tion. Either I must go abroad, or death will soon be 
 the consequence. I entreat you tu act the part of 
 Joseph, and procure for me an invitation from the illus- 
 
 • Melrini Epi»t. p. 173—175. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE 
 
 345 
 
 trious Duke, to serve in the church or schools of 
 France. I know the kin^r will readily accede to his 
 request; but if I leave the country without the royal 
 license, I will incur proscription and confiscation. 
 Melissa is as desirous of being with you as I am, and 
 is ready to accompany me wherever providence may 
 direct my course. She lately sent you, as a mark of 
 her regard, a small present, consisting of an embroid- 
 ered cloak, a ncck-kerchief, and some other articles, 
 trimmed with her own hands. Have you received 
 them? — I know not how it is, but my soul fails and 
 melts within me, and the tears rush into my eyes at 
 the thought, of which I cannot get rid, that I shall see 
 your face no more. While I write, my sweet Melissa, 
 my only earthly solace in my solitude and exile, over- 
 come with womanly grief, wets my bosom with her 
 tears, and desires me to bid you, in her name, a long 
 farewell. And I — Would to God you had long ago 
 closed ray eyes at Montrose, I can write no more. 
 Eternal blessings rest upon you." * 
 
 While Melville remained in a state of suspense, he 
 resolved to m.ike an attempt to regain his liberty on 
 terms less hard than banishment. He addressed a 
 letter to Sir James Sempill, in which, after modestly 
 stating his claims, "at least, to an honest retreat from 
 warfare, with the hope of burial with his ancestors," 
 he offered his services to prince Henry, who was .then 
 in the seventeenth year of his age.j- The prince, 
 whose character was in every respect the reverse of 
 his father's, would have received him into his family 
 wiih the utmost pleasure, if he had been left to his 
 own choice. But there was no ground to hope that 
 the King would permit such an instructor to be placed 
 about the person of his son, of whose active spirit and 
 popularity he was already become jealous. Melville 
 wisely committed the affair wholly to the discretion of 
 Sir James Sempill, Sir James FuUerton, and Thomas 
 Murray ; :j; on whom he placed a more entire depend- 
 ence than on any other of his acquaintance about the 
 court. In his letters he often expresses a grateful 
 sense of the kindness which they had shown him 
 during his imprisonment. Of Sempill in particular he 
 writes in the following terms to his nephew : " Did 
 my friend Sempill, tiie assertor of my liberty, visit ynu 
 m passing? If he did, as he promised he would, why 
 have you not said a word about him? All my friends 
 owe much to him on my account. He takes a warm 
 interest in my studies as well as in the welfare of my 
 person ; and, what is more, I am persuaded that he 
 takes a warm interest in the cause. The court does 
 not contain a more religious man, one who unites in a 
 greater degree modesty with genius, and a sound judg- 
 ment with elegant accomplishments. In procuring for 
 me a mitigation of my imprisonment, he has shown, 
 both by words and deeds, a constancy truly worthy of 
 a Christian. If you meet with him on his return (for 
 he means to return with your hero) thank him on my 
 
 * Melvini Epistolfe, p. 176, 184. 
 
 + Original Lftter to Sir James Sempill of Beltrees: MS. in 
 Archiv. Eccl. Scot. vol. xxviii. num. 6. 
 
 X Thomas Murray was tutor and secretary to Prinze Charles, 
 and afterwards provost of Eton Coilepje. He was the son of 
 
 — Murray of Woodend. (Douglas's Baronage, p. 286.) 
 
 His Latin Poems, which were published separately, are includ- 
 ed in the Delitim Poetarum Scotorum. Various tributes were 
 paid to him by the poets of the age. (Leoohsei Epigraniuiata, 
 p. 38,44, 87. " Dumbari Epigr. p. 114. Arc'.. Jonsloni Poem. p. 
 281. Middelb. 1642.) In the year 1615, an attempt was made 
 by Archbishop Gladstanes, to have him removed from the 
 Prince, "as ill-affected to the estate of the kirk." (Letters 
 from Archbishop Spotswood, to Mr. Murray of the Bedcham- 
 ber, January 30, and February 6, 1615. Wodrow's Life of 
 Spotswood, p. 51, 52.) His appointment to be Provost of 
 Eton College, in the year 1621, was opposed, partly on sus- 
 picions of his purltanism. (Cabala, p, 289, 290.) He died 
 ;' anno set. 59. A. D. 1623, April 9;" (Le Neve, Mon. Ang. vol. 
 ). p. 86:) and left behind him five sons and two daughters. 
 (Latter will, extracted from Registry of the Prerogative Court 
 of Canterbury.) 
 
 2T 
 
 account; for he will not rest satisfied until he has 
 effected my liberation completely." * 
 
 In the month of February, 1611, Melville received a 
 letter from the Duke of Bouillon, stating that he had 
 procured his release from the Tower, and inviting him 
 to Sedan, -j" On this occasion he felt great embarrass- 
 ment as to pecuniary matters. The government was 
 so illiberal as to make him no allowance for bearing 
 his expenses. He had been obliged to support him- 
 self in the Tower, where every individual who per- 
 formed the smallest service expected to be rewarded 
 according to the rank of the prisoner. His finances 
 were so much exhausted that he could not fit himself 
 out for making an appearance in a foreign country 
 suited to his station and connexions. And his nephew, 
 on account of certain extraordinary expenses which he 
 had lately incurred, felt himself unable to relieve him. 
 The urgency of his necessities and the delicacy of his 
 feelings, are well described in a letter written by him 
 at this time to James Melville, relating to a collection 
 which his friends in Scotland proposed to make for 
 him. " Our friend of Ely (says he) writes to me that 
 I owe much to our brother at Stirling; referring, I 
 suppose, to the collection which has been so much 
 talked of, and which, I am afraid, must be viewed in 
 the light of an exaction rather than a voluntary offer- 
 ing, and a gift to men rather than God. I know that 
 lam under great obligations to Patrick,:|: both on pub- 
 lic and private grounds. But my nature will not suf- 
 fer me, as the orator says, to enrich myself from the 
 spoils of others, and especially of strangers on whom 
 I have no claims. I acknowledge that it is not unrea- 
 sonable that my necessities should be relieved by such 
 of my brethren as are able and willing, considering 
 that [ am reduced to these straits not for any evil that 
 I have done, but for the public cause of Christ which 
 they profess in common with me. ' It is more blessed 
 to give than to receive' is an apostolical saying, which 
 it is easier to use and act upon when fortune flows than 
 when it ebbs. As it is the mark of a haughty mind 
 to spurn the benevolence of brethren, so, on the other 
 hand, it does not suit my disposition to grasp at mo- 
 ney which has been wheedled from a miscuous multi- 
 tude by fair and flattering speeches. Necessity, you 
 will say, has no law. But what necessity can be so 
 great as to warrant one to compromise the character 
 of a good man, or to sacrifice one's reputation ? To 
 sound a trumpet in bestowing a favour betrays osten- 
 tation ; and an ingenuous and modest person will not 
 be fond of having a noise made at the rectivrng &f a 
 favour. It was always my desire to be concealed in 
 the crowd, even when the field of honour appeared to 
 ripen before me. But I act a foolish part in reasoning 
 so stoically about gifts of which nothing has yet 
 reached me but the sound. I will not purchase hope; 
 nor will I ever, on my own account, extort money hj 
 eucharistical letters. What I am requested to do is, 
 to give thanks to Simpson and Gillespie, (both of them 
 most deserving men,) and to their flocks, with the 
 view of stimulating them to the makingf of a collec- 
 tion. This, if not a preposterous, is certainly not a 
 very honourable course. I could do many tilings for 
 others which I would blush to do for myself. Advise 
 me how to act, or rather take the management of the 
 business into your own hands. You know how utterly 
 unpractised I am in such affairs." ||' The collection 
 
 * Melvini Epistolae, p. 78. Three epigrams by Melville are 
 prefixed to a work against Selden by Sir James Sempill, entitled, 
 " Sacriledge sacredly handled — Lond. 1619." 4to. Sir James 
 was the author of "^Cassandra Scoticana to Cassander Anglira- 
 nus;" (see above, p. 195;) and, in part, at least, of a satirical 
 poem against the church of Rome, called, the Packman's Pater 
 Noster." — Robert Boyd of Trochrig, in mentioning Sempill's 
 death, February 1S25, extols his character and his friendship 
 for Melville. (Wodrow's Life of Boyd, p. 148.) 
 
 + Cald. vii. 466. 
 
 t Patrick Symson, minister of Stirling. 
 
 II Melvini Epist. p. 167— 170. --^ -i 
 
346 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 was made and remitted to him ; but it came so late as 
 almost to prove, as he expresses it, moutarde apres 
 diner. * 
 
 His health had hitherto remained uncommonly 
 good ; but it began at last to suffer from confinement, 
 and he was seized with a fever. On the certificate of 
 the physicians he was permitted to leave the Tower, 
 and to enjoy the free air for a few days within ten 
 miles of London. But he was prohibited from coming 
 near the court of the King, Queen, or Prince.f During 
 this interval he was visited by the Earl of Cassilis, 
 who insisted on making another attempt to procure 
 liberty for him to return to his native country. But 
 although his lordship exerted all his influence, the 
 terms dictated by the court were so hard that Melville 
 rejected them at once. % Some of the Scottish bishops 
 who happened to be in London joined in the Earl's 
 application ; and Spots wood went so far as to request, 
 publicly on his knees, that Melville might be sent to 
 the University of Glasgow. His Majesty humoured 
 the farce, by turning to his courtiers, and extolling the 
 Christian spirit which the archbishop displayed in 
 interceding for the capital enemy of his order. || 
 
 Having recovered his health, Melville sailed for 
 France, after having been a prisoner in the Tower for 
 the space of four years. Before going aboard the ves- 
 sel he wrote the following hasty lines to his affectionate 
 nephew : 
 
 " My dear son, my dear James, farewell, farewell in 
 the Lord, with your sweet Melissa. I must now go to 
 other climes. Such is the pleasure of my divine and 
 heavenly Father; and I look upon it as a fruit of his 
 paternal love towards me. Why should I not, when 
 he has recovered rne from a sudtlen and heavy distem- 
 per, and animates me to the journey by so many tokens 
 of his favour 1 Now at length I feel the truth of the 
 presage which I have frequently pronounced, That it 
 behoved rne to confess Christ on a larger theatre; 
 which, so far as it may yet be un&lfilled, shall soon, I 
 auffur, receive a complete verification. In the mean 
 time I retain you in my heart, nor shall any thing in 
 this life be dearer to me, after &od, than you. The 
 excellent Capel has in the most friendly manner re- 
 commended you by letter to the Duke of Bouillon, but 
 has as yet received no answer. To-day I set out on 
 my journey under the auspices of Heaven : May God 
 in his mercy give it a prosperous issue. Join with me 
 in supplicating that it may turn out to his glory and the 
 profit of his church. Although I have no uneasiness 
 about my library, yet I must request you to charge 
 those who are intrusted with its keeping to be carefiil 
 of it, both for my sake, and for the sake of the church, 
 to which I have dedicated myself and all my property. 
 Who knows but we may yet meet again to give thanks 
 publicly to God for all his benefits to us 1 Why should 
 we not cherish the hope of better daiys ; seeing the 
 fraud and pride of our enemies have brought us to a 
 condition which appears to prognosticate the ruin of 
 the lately-reared fabric? Our thrae pretended bishops 
 affirm that they urged, and on their knees supplicated 
 his Majesty to restore me to my native country ; but 
 you know the disposition of the men, and what was 
 the drift of their request. In the mean time write to 
 me freqipntly by Capel concerning every thing, and 
 especial^ wkat is doing respecting the ecclesiastical 
 history. I am much grieved at the imprisonment of 
 my young friend Balfour, your sister's son ; if I can 
 procure his liberty, by the assistance of foreigners, T 
 shall look upon it as a favour conferred on myself. 
 The vessel is under weigh, and I am called aboard. 
 My salutations to all friends. The grace of God be 
 with you always. From the Tower of London — just 
 
 embarking— on the day after the funeral of your M«- 
 cenas, the 19th of April, 1611. 
 
 Yours as his own, in the Lord, 
 ANDREW MELVILLE."* 
 
 • Mclvini Epistolae, p. 1T6, 185. f Cald. vii. p. 466. 
 
 J Melvini Epistolae, p. 295. 
 
 11 Row's Hiit. p. 348, 349. We can be at no los« in judging 
 of Spotswood'g sincerity on this occagion, after reading what 
 be bsi laid of Melville's banishment, in his History, p. 499, 500. 
 
 CHAPTER X 1611—1622. 
 
 Melville's Reception in France — Scotchmen in the Protest- 
 ant Universities there — University of Sedan — Melville's Em- 
 plovnient in it — His Correspondence with his Kephew — 
 Death of Robert W'ilkie and John Jonston — Melville leaves 
 Sedan for a short time — Intelligence from Scotland — Con- 
 stancy of Forbes and other banished Ministers — Death of 
 James Melville — Scottish Students at Sedan — Melville op- 
 poses the Arminian Sentiments of Tilenus — His Opinion of 
 the Articles of Perth Assembly — Changes on University of 
 St. Andrews — Defence of the Scottish Church against 'file- 
 nijs — Melville's Health declines — His Death — Character and 
 Writings. 
 
 On landing in France, Melville stopped for a short 
 time at Rouen. At Paris he was affectionately re- 
 ceived by one of his scholars, George Sibbald of Ran- 
 keillor-Lover and Giblistoun, who was then prosecuting 
 his studies in the French capital, and who, after ta- 
 king the degree of doctor in medicine at Padua, spent 
 his time and fortune in promoting hterature and sci- 
 ence in his native country. f He was also hospitably 
 entertained by Du Moulin, the well-known protestant 
 minister of Paris, who was greatly pleased with the 
 learning which he displayed in conversation. The 
 Frenchman had heard that lie was un peu cokre, and 
 therefore was afraid to enter with him on a controversy 
 which was then keenly agitated among the Protestants 
 of France. These fears were however groundless; 
 for Melville's sentiments on that subject were very 
 moderate. After remaining a few days in Paris, he 
 repaired to Sedan, and was admitted to the place des- 
 tined for him in the university. :f: 
 
 The protestants of France had at this time six uni- 
 versities ; Montauban, Saumur, Nismes, Montpellier, 
 Die, and Sedan. || Besides these, they had fifteen col- 
 leges, erected in other parts of the kingdom, in which 
 languages, philosophy, and belles lettres were taught.§ 
 The number of Scotchmen who taught in these semi- 
 naries was great. They were to be found in all the 
 universities and colleges; in several of them they held 
 the honorary situation of Principal ; and in others they 
 amounted to a third part of the Professors. Most of 
 them had been educated under Melville at St. An- 
 drews.f^ 
 
 Th€ territory of Sedan and Raucourt had long form- 
 ed a separate principality, governed by its own laws, 
 under the Dukes of Bouillon, who were petty sov- 
 ereigns, but subject to the crown of France. About 
 the year 1578, a university was erected in the town of 
 
 « Melvini Epistolae. n. 188—190. 
 
 t Sibbald expresses his eagerness to see Melville, after his 
 long imprisonment, in the beautiful wonls of Horace, IH maitr 
 Juvenem, &c. (Letter to Boyd of Trochrig, May 14, 1611: 
 Wodrow's Life of Boyd. p. 53.) Dr. George Sibbald is men- 
 tioned in Inquis. Retornat. Spec. Fife, num. 118. Comp. num. 
 123. Vita Arct. Johnstoni: Poet. Scot. Musae Sacrae, torn. i. p. 
 XXX. xlix. Ixiv. Dumbari Epigram, p. 183. There are a num- 
 ber of his MSS. in the Advocate? Library at Edinburgh. His 
 only printed work, as far as I know, besides his academical 
 theses, is " Rcgulae bene et salubriter virendi — Edinb. 1701;" 
 published by his nephew, Sir Robert Sibbald. He married 
 .4nna de Maliverne, a French lady, ard the relict of Robert 
 Boyd of Trochrig. (General Register of Deeds, vol. DLV. f. 
 39, b; and vol. dlxxxl 12th April, 1653.) 
 
 } Letter from Du Moulin to Boyd of Trochrig, May 29, 
 1611 : Wodrow's Life of Robert Boyd, p. 56. 
 
 II Quick's Synodicon, vol. i. p. 330. 382, 387, 388. This is 
 exclusive of those of Pau, Orthes and Lescar (the two last were 
 united) in the king<lom of Navarre and Beam. 
 
 J Quick's Synodicon, vol. i. p. 275, 380, 388. 
 
 \ It was my intention to subjoin, in the notes, an account of 
 •uch Scotchmen as were teachers in the protestant academies 
 of France; but I find that there is not room for it 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 847 
 
 Sedan by Robert de la Marck, Duke of Bouillon.* By 
 marrying his only child, Henry de la Tour, Viscount 
 of Turenne, had succeeded to his titles and domains. | 
 He proved a great patron to the university, which was 
 supported partly by his munificence, and partly by a 
 sum of money annually allotted to it from the funds of 
 the National Synod. It had professorships of Theol- 
 ogy, Hebrew, Greek, Law, Philosophy, and Human- 
 ity.|; Walter Donaldson, a native of Aberdeen, and 
 known as the author of several learned works, was 
 Principal and Professor of Natural and Moral Philoso- 
 phy, during all the time that Melville was in the Uni- 
 versity. [| Another of his countrymen, John Smith, 
 was also a Professor of Philosophy. § James Capel- 
 lus, one of the ministers of Sedan, taught the Hebrew 
 class. Though not so acute and bold a critic as his 
 brother Lewis, he was possessed of extensive learning, 
 and lived on terms of great intimacy with Melville-Tf 
 The Professor of Divinity was Daniel Tilenus, a na- 
 tive of Silesia, who, having come to France in his 
 youth, recommended himself to the chief persons 
 among the Protestants by his conduct as tutor to the 
 Lord of Laval, and as a writer in defence of the re- 
 formed cause.** The profession of Divinity, which 
 Tilenus had hitherto sustained alone. Was now divided 
 between him and Melville. The former taught the 
 system while the latter prelected on the Scriptures, 
 Each delivered three lectures in the week, and they 
 presided alternately in the theological disputations. f| 
 In the beginning of the year 1612, Melville was 
 gratified by receiving an affectionate letter from his 
 nephew. "Ah, my dear father ! Are you well 1 where 
 are you? what are you doing? do you still remember 
 me? I have almost forgotten you for some months, 
 so much has my attention been occupied with my pe- 
 tition to the King. I have received for answer, that 
 I can have no hopes but in the way of yielding an ab- 
 solute submission to the decrees of the late assembly 
 at Glasgow : so that I despair of returning to my na- 
 tive country." Before he had an opportunity of an- 
 
 * Emanuel Tremellius was professor of Hebrew at Sedan 
 when he died in 1580. (Melch. Adami Vi<ae Exter. Theol. p. 
 143. Teissier, Eloges, in. 179.) 
 
 t Marsollier, Histoire de Henry de la Totir> Due d« Bouillon, 
 p. 139, 167, 173. Vie de Mornay du Plessis, p. 153,219. La- 
 val, Hist, of the Reform, in France, vi. 879. 
 
 I Quick, i. 330, 342. Bayle, Diet. art. Petrol, J^icole. 
 Bayle had been a professor at Sedan. Henry IV. allotted 
 45,000 crowns annually to the National Synod ; and Lewis XIII. 
 added 45,000 livres. In 1609, the Synocl granted to the Uni- 
 versity of Sedan 1500Z., of which ^Wil. was to be given to the 
 Professor of Divinity. The annual sum g;iven to it from 1612 
 to 1620 was 4000L (Aymons, Synodes, Nationaux des Eglises 
 Reform, de France, torn, i, p. 378.) 
 
 II Donaldsoni Synopsis (Economica, Praefat. Paris. 1620. Two 
 other works of his are mentioned in Bayle. Diet. art. Donald- 
 son, Gualter. He is called " Poeta Laureatus," (Leochaei Epi- 
 gram, p. 21,) that is, one who had taken a degree in grammar 
 and rhetoric. "Walterus Donaldson armiger, utriusque juris 
 doctor apud Rupellam in Gallia, natus in abredonia — fuit filins 
 legitinius Alexandri Donaldson arniigeri (ex nobilissima et an- 
 tiquissima faniilia donaldorum in regno nostro Scofiie oriund.) 
 et Elizabethas Lamb quae fuit filia legitima Davidis Lamb, Ba- 
 ronis de Dunkenny." (Lkene Prosapiae Alexri Donaldson 
 Medicinfe Docloris, dat. Edin. Nov. 15. 1642: MS. in Bibl. 
 Jurid. Edin. W. 6. 26. p. 21. Conf. A. 3. 19. num. 116.) 
 
 } Steph. Morinus, Vita Sam. Bocharti, p. 2; apud Bocharti 
 Opera, torn. i. 
 
 IT Colomesii Gallia Orientalis, p. 157,223. Colomies says: 
 " Ludovicus Capellus, Jacobi unicus frater." But in a letter 
 lo Boyd of Trochrig, Ludovicus calls Aaron Capel of London 
 his brother. Wodrow's Life of Boyd, p. 80.) There are two 
 poems by Melville prefixed to a work of James Capellus, enti- 
 tled " Historia Sacra et Exotica— Sedani 1613." Capellus in- 
 troduces Melville's opinion on a question which he discusses in 
 the course of that work, calling him " vir doctissimus et col- 
 lega charissimus." (Hist. Sacr. p. 236. Wolfii Curse Crit. in 
 Nov. Test. torn. iii. p. 657.) 
 
 ** Memoires de Mornay du Plessis, torn. ii. p. 455, 456. 
 Quick's Synod, vol. i. p. 187. Epistres Francaises a Mens, de 
 la Scala, p. 420. 
 
 ++ Mons. de Laune to Trochrig; Sedan, Nov. 20, 1611: 
 Wodrow's Life of Boyd, p. 58. 
 
 swering this letter, Melville received two letters from 
 the same quarter, expressing great distress at not hav- 
 ing heard from him, and communicating ample intelli- 
 gence respecting the state of matters in Scotland. 
 The bishops were triumphing in the exercise of their 
 newly-acquired pre-eminence, and daily received fresh 
 proofs of the royal favour. A remark of Chancellor 
 Seaton was much talked of: " If our bishops get the 
 kingdom of heaven they must be happy men ; for they 
 already reign on earth." Not satisfied with ruling 
 the church-courts, they claimed an extensive civil 
 authority within their dioceses. The burghs were de- 
 prived of their privileges, and forced to receive such 
 magistrates as their episcopal superiors, in concert 
 with the court, were pleased to nominate.* No oppo- 
 sition was at this time made to them. The nation had 
 not yet recovered from the terror inspired by the 
 threatening proclamations of the King, and the des- 
 potical powers of the High Commission. " How 
 shall I mention the state of our church ! " says James 
 Melville. " It overwhelms me with grief, shame, and 
 confusion. All those whose duty it is to care for it 
 have laid aside their concern. The pulpits are silent. 
 A deep sleep has fallen down upon our prophets. The 
 hands of all are bound. Issachar crouches, like an 
 ass under his two burdens. The pangs of death are 
 come upon mei fear and trembling have seized me: 
 horror covers me. O that I had the wings of a dove, 
 that I might fly, that I might wander far away, and 
 lodge in the desert! " 
 
 James Melville informed his uncle of the decease of 
 two of his most intimate acquaintance in the Univer- 
 sity of St. Andrews. " The father of St. Leonard's 
 College, our steady friend Wilkie, has happily ended 
 his days. He has left all his property to the college, 
 and nominated our acquaintance Bruce for his succes- 
 sor, to whom he kindly commended the care of my 
 John. I hope your muse will not be forgetful of that 
 good man and sincere friend. How much more happy 
 is he than I ! But I trust I shall not be long in fol- 
 lowing him. Indeed, unless you had survived to ani- 
 mate me, and my Melissa had watched over my health, 
 my poor soul, pierced with wounds, would ere now 
 have quitted its prison. But I endure by the strength 
 of God, and comfort myself with your words, ' Who 
 knows but we may yet meet again ? ' Ah ! when will 
 that day arrive ! " f — " Your colleague, John Jonston 
 (says he, in his letter of the 25lh November) closed 
 his life last month. He sent for the members of the 
 university and presbytery, 'before whom he made a 
 confession of his faith, and professed his sincere at- 
 tachment to the doctrine and discipline of our church, 
 in which he desired to die. He did not conceal his 
 dislike of the late-erected tyranny, and his detestation 
 of the pride, temerity, fraud, and whole conduct of the 
 bishops. He pronounced a grave and ample eulogium 
 on your instructions, admonitions, and example; crav- 
 ing pardon of God and you for having offended you in 
 any instance, and for not having borne more meekly 
 
 * In the year 1609, Archbishop Spotswood put a stop to the 
 election of the magistrates of Glasgow; and wrote to the King 
 in the following terms: " In all humblenes I present niy opin- 
 ion to your most sacred Majesty that it may be your Higroies 
 gracions pleasure to command them of new to elect the Bail- 
 lies that were nominate by your Majesty in j'our first letter, and 
 to signify that it is your Highnes mind that they have no Pro- 
 vost at this time." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 65.) 
 Two years after he treated the town of Ayr in the same man- 
 ner. (Letter, Spotswood to Beltrees, Oct. 12, 1611 : Wodrow's 
 Life of Spotswood, p. 36.) Archbishop Gladstanes, in a letter 
 to the King, June 9, 1611, says: " It was your pleasure and di- 
 rection, — that I should be possessed with the like privileges in 
 the election of the magistrats there (in St. Andrews,) as my 
 lord of Glasgow is endued with in that his city. — Sir, whereas 
 they are troublesome, I will be answerable to your majesty and 
 Counsell for them, after that I be possessed of my right." 
 (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 72.) 
 
 + This letter is dated July 15, 1611. (Melvini Epistolae, p, 
 193-196.) 
 
848 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 with your wholesome and friendly anger. As a me- 
 morial, he has left you a gilt velvet cap, a gold coin, 
 and one of his best books.* His death would have 
 been a most mournful event to the church, university, 
 and all good men, had it not been that he has for seve- 
 ral years laboured under an incurable disejise, and that 
 the ruin of the church has swallowed up all lesser 
 sorrows, and exhausted our tears." f 
 
 The answers which Melville returned to these let- 
 ters were calculated so che^r the spirits of his tender- 
 hearted nephew. " Your letter, my dear James, gave 
 me as much pleasure as it is possible for one to receive 
 in these gloomy and evil days. We must not forget 
 the apostolical injunction, ' Rejoice always : rejoice in 
 hope.' JVon si male nunc, et ohm erit. Providence is 
 often pleased to grant prosperity and long impunity to 
 those whom it intends to punish for their crimes, in 
 order that they may feel more severely from the reverse. 
 
 No oracular response pronounced from the tripod of 
 Apollo was ever truer than this couplet of Pindar.:}: 
 It is easy for a wicked man to throw a commonwealth 
 into disorder: God only can restore it. Empires 
 which have been procured by fraud cannot be stable 
 or permanent. Pride and cruelty will meet with a se- 
 vere, though it may be a late, retribution; and, accord- 
 ing to the Hebrew proverb, ' when the tale of bricks 
 is doubled, Moses comes.' The result of past events 
 is oracular of the future. ' In the mount of the Lord 
 it shall be seen.' Why then exert our ingenuity and 
 labour in adding to our vexation ? Away with fearful 
 apprehensions !" The following quotation is a speci- 
 men of the familiar and classic pleasantry which he 
 was accustomed to use with his friends. " What is 
 the profound Dreamer || (so I was accustomed to call 
 him when we travelled together in 1584) — what is 
 our Corydon of Haddington about? I know he can- 
 not be idle : has he not brought forth or perfected any 
 thing yet, after so many decades of years ? Tempus 
 Atla veniet tua quo spoliahitur arbos. Let me know if 
 our old friend Wallace has at last become the father 
 of books and bairns? Menalcas of Cupar on the 
 Eden§ is, I hear, constant: and I hope he will prove 
 vigilant in discharging all the duties of a pastor, and 
 not mutable in his friendships, as 'too many discover 
 themselves to be in these cloudy days. Salute him in 
 my name; as also Damoetas of Elie, ^ and our friend 
 Dykes, with such others as you know to 'hold the be- 
 ginning of their confidence and the rejoicing of their 
 hope firm to the end.' And, pray, do not forget my 
 venerable old cousin, who must now, I fear, be on the 
 brink of the grave, and who has long been afflicted 
 with gout, gravel, and colic. When I came to this 
 country I was the means of releasing his son from 
 
 * " Item, I leave in taikin of my sinceir lore and affectioun 
 to Mr. Andre Melvill ane fyne new Duche cap of fyne blak 
 velvet, lynit wt fyne niartrik skinneg." (Testament of John 
 Jonston.) He died Oct. 20, 1611. 
 
 t Melvini Kpist. p. 196. 281. There are five of Jonston's 
 letters printed in Camdeni Epist. p. 41, 75,95, 123, 127; and a 
 number of his poems are to be found in Canibden's Britannia. 
 In Wodrow's Life of Robert Boyd (p. 43, 47. 53,) are several of 
 his letters, and particularly one containing an account of certain 
 of his MSS. which he sent to be printed at Saumur. He mar- 
 ried Catherine Melville, of the house of Carnbee. (Appendix to 
 Lamont's Diary, p. 285.) In his Consolatio Christiana (p.101-2) 
 are epitaphs which he wrote on her and two of her children. 
 An attempt was made to obtain him for second minister of Had- 
 dington (Record of Presb. of Haddington, Oct. 24, 1599; 
 June 11, and 18, and July 2, 1600.) 
 
 t Ari-^lotle quotes the'lines as from a poet unknown. (Rht- 
 toric. lib. ii. c. 24. ed. Goulstoni.) They are included in the 
 Pragmenta of Euripides. (Eurip. a Beck, torn. ii. p. 496.) 
 
 II •' B«9u?f >.i. songecreux." The person referred to is James 
 Carmichael, mini.ster of Hadding;ton. 
 
 { William Scot, niinititer of Cupar in Fife. 
 
 IT John Cannicliacl, minister of Eiie. 
 
 prison ; and 1 still look for his letter of thanks. It 
 will give me the greatest pleasure, in this retirement 
 of mine, to hear from him or any of his friends, and to 
 be informed of every thing about them. I must not 
 forget the laird of Dysart, the present chief of our 
 family; nor the baron of Rossie, our kinsman. We 
 old men daily grow children again, and are ever and 
 anon turning our thoughts back on our cradles. We 
 praise the past days because we can take little plea- 
 sure in the present. Suffer me then to dote ; for 1 am 
 now become pleased with old age, although 'I have 
 lived so long as to see some things which I could wish 
 never to have seen.' I try daily to learn something 
 new, and thus to prevent my old age from becoming 
 listless and inert. I am always doing, or at least at- 
 tempting to do, something in those studies to which 
 I devoted myself in the younger part of my life. Ac- 
 cept this long epistle from a talkative old man. Loqui 
 senibus res est gratissima, says your favourite Palinge- 
 nius, the very mention of whose name gives me new 
 life; for the rege?ieraiion * forms almost the sole topic 
 of my meditations, and in this do I exercise myself 
 that I may have my conversation in heaven." — " Your 
 account of the happy death of my colleague Jonston 
 filled me with both grief and joy. He was a man of 
 real piety, attached to the purity of religion, and of a 
 most courteous disposition. The university has lost a 
 teacher, the church a member, and I a f.aeiid, to whom 
 there are few equal." — " I cannot refrain from bewail- 
 ing the death of my friend Myrrha, and the loss which 
 I, in common with all good men, have sustained by the 
 removal of that most pious woman, t How dearly I 
 loved her you know, and our friend Godscroft knows 
 better than any other man. Remember me kindly to 
 him, and say that his letter and poems have at last 
 reached me. Often has the decease of that choice 
 woman drawn tears from my eyes since I received the 
 afflicting tidings. And at this moment my grief breaks 
 out afresh — but I restrain myself." X 
 
 One of the first things which he did after his settle- 
 ment at Sedan was to look out for an eligible situation 
 for his nephew. But, however desirous of his com- 
 pany, he was obliged to discourage him from coming 
 to the continent. " I know (says he) you will do 
 nothing rashly in your own affair. At present there is 
 no room for you here either in the church or academy. 
 And I am afraid that the variableness and humidity of 
 the climate in the Low Countries would be injurious to 
 your health. Will Mar do nothing for you or for the pub- 
 lic cause? Will Lennox do nothing? Nor the other 
 noblemen who are in favour with his Majesty ? What 
 crime have you committed ? What has the Monarch 
 now to dread ? Does not the Primate sit in triumph, 
 traxitque sub asira furorem ? What is there then to hin- 
 der you, and me also, (now approaching my seventieth 
 year, and consequently emeritus,) from breathing our 
 native air, and, as a reward of our toils, being received 
 into the Prytaneum, to spend the remainder of our 
 lives, without seeking to share the honours and afflu- 
 ence which we do not envy the pretended bishops? 
 We have not been a dishonour to the kingdom, and we 
 are allied to the royal family. But let envy do its 
 worst, no prison, no exile shall prevent us from confi- 
 dently expecting the kingdom of heaven." || 
 
 When Melville first went to Sedan, his friends in 
 France were apprehensive that he would not find his 
 situation quite comfortable. § He had every reason to 
 
 » PaHngenesia. 
 
 f It appears from a letter of James Melville that tbe lady 
 here referred to was a sister of John Murray, minister of Leith. 
 "Joannes Murmus, triumphantis tuae Myrrhac frater, et Joannes 
 Carus Fndonsidius, Johnsfoni tui nunc in coelo ovantis, gener: 
 quiviri!" (Melvini EpistoUv, p. 303.) John Murray had two 
 sisters married, the one lo Sir Robert Douglas of Spot, and the 
 other to Sir William Moncrieff of that Ilk. (Douglas's Ba- 
 ronage, p. 45, 102.) 
 
 t Melvini Kpistolae. p. 290—295. 
 
 II Ibid . p. 296. \ Wodrow's Life of Boyd, p. 56. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 849 
 
 be satisfied with the polite and munificent behaviour 
 of the Duke of Bouillon.* But the number of students 
 in the university was small. His colleanrne Tilenus 
 was a man of talents, but haughty and morose. He 
 •was a keen stickler for the peculiar tenet of Piscator, 
 and some other opinions which were generally disliked 
 by the French ministers. Melville did not enter into 
 these disputes, and treated all the students, whatever 
 were their sentiments respecting them, with equal ci- 
 vility and attention. But Tilenus could not conceal 
 his antipathy to such young men as thought differently 
 from himself, or who came from academies in which 
 his opinions were rejected ; and in consequence of this 
 many of them left Sedan and went to Saumur.f In 
 these circumstances, Melville was induced to listen to 
 the proposals of Monsieur de Barsack, Treasurer of 
 the Parliament of Dauphiny, who wished him to su- 
 perintend the education of his three sons. An annual 
 salary of five hundred crowns was promised him, and 
 he was to be allowed either to reside with the young 
 men at Grenoble, or to take them along with him to Die, 
 provided he obtained a professorship in the university 
 which was established in that town. He went to 
 Grenoble, in the month of November, 1612, to make a 
 trial of the situation ; but, not finding it agreeable, he 
 returned within a short time to Sedan, j;. 
 
 The intelligence which he received on returning 
 from Grenoble was not of a cheering description. A 
 letter from his old colleague Welwood, who was then 
 at London, conveyed to him the melancholy tidings of 
 the death of Prince Henry, by which the hopes of all 
 good men in Britain and on the continent were blast- 
 ed. || Letters from his nephew at Berwick and from 
 Alexander Hume at Prestonpans informed him, that 
 the Parliament of Scotland had, in compliance with a 
 royal injunction, conferred on the bishops spiritual 
 powers more extensive than those which they had pre- 
 sumed to ask from the corrupt and servile assembly at 
 Glasgow. " The bishops (says Hume) fret because 
 they have failed in procuring for his Majesty as large 
 a subsidy as they had promised him. Their employ- 
 ment now is not to preach Christ but the King. On 
 the Sabbath before the meeting of Parliament the 
 bishops of Galloway and Brechin told the people, that 
 the King had a right not only to their property but 
 also to their lives, and that they should grudoe no sac- 
 rifice for one who was the defender of their faith, a 
 confessor and a semi-martyr. Brechin farther exhort- 
 ed the women to retrench their superfluous expenses in 
 dress, and the men to avoid excess in the use of wine, 
 that they might have it in their power to give the more 
 to the King. Such is the doctrine of our episcopal 
 church. We are to abstain from vice not as vice, but 
 in order to fill the royal coflfers !"§ 
 
 The reader may wish to learn something concerning 
 Melville's companions in exile — the six ministers who 
 were banished for holding the assembly at Aberdeen. 
 Strachan sickened and died at Middleburg, soon after 
 they landed on the continent.^ Welsh, after remain- 
 ing for some time at Bourdeaux, became minister of 
 Jonsack, in the province of Angoumois ; Duncan was 
 received into the College of Rochelle ; Sharp was made 
 professor of divinity in the University of Die, in Dau- 
 
 » Melvini P'.pistolEe, p. 292. 
 
 t Melvini Epistolae, p. 293. Letter from Mens, de Laune, a 
 student at Sedan: in Wodrow's Life of Boyd, p. 57, 58. In 
 the year 1612 the students of Sedan did not amount to a third 
 of those of Saumur, who, in the year 1606, were upwards of 
 400. (Life of Boyd, p. 28, 58.) 
 
 I Letter from G. Sibbald : in Wodrow's Life of Boyd, p. .59. 
 
 II On the 18th of February, 1613, a funeral oration on Prince 
 Henry, by Principal Donaldson, was pronounced in the hall of 
 the College of Sedan, before a great assembly. (Lacrynise 
 Tvmulo nvnqvani satis Lavdati Herois Henrici Friderici Stvarti 
 — a Gvaltero Donaldsono Scoto-Britanno — Sedani, 1613. 8vo.) 
 
 { Melvini F.pist. p. 312, 317—320. Comp. Lord Hailes's 
 Memor. of Brita'i', vol. i. p. 40 — 48. 
 If Cald. vii. 78. 
 
 r 
 
 phine.* Forbes and Dury settled in Holland : the 
 former was preacher to the English merchants at Mid- 
 dleburg, from which he removed to Delft; the latter 
 obtained a Scotch congregation in Leyden.f Melville 
 kept up a close correspondence with the two last; and, 
 in the course of the year 1612, was gratified with a 
 visit from Forbes, who spent several weeks at Sedan, 
 along with his brother Arthur, an oificer in the Swe- 
 dish service. :|: 
 
 In the course of the year 1613, the report reached 
 Melville that his nephew and Bruce had made their 
 peace with the King, and submitted to the bishops. 
 Strong as his confidence in the integrity and firmness 
 of both of these individuals was, he could not help 
 feeling uneasy at tliis intelligence. " If Bruce and 
 you are to be restored, (says he in a letter to James 
 Melville,) what is to be done with me 1 What is to 
 be done with my brethren, who, though innocent, suf- 
 fered two years imprisonment, and have lived six years 
 in this country as exiles'? I know not what persecu- 
 tion is, if this is not. — Give my salutations to Bruce, 
 and tell him that I would rather hear of his base servi- 
 tude than see it."|| His apprehensions were removed 
 by letters from his nephew. Some occasion had been 
 given for the report which he had heard. The peti- 
 tions which the congregations and friends of the ban- 
 ished ministers had from time to time presented in 
 their behalf, were now supported by the Chancellor 
 and several of the nobility, who were disgusted with 
 the pride of the upstart prelates, and desirous of impo- 
 sing a check on their ambition. The bishops found it 
 necessary to join in these petitions, and hoped to turn 
 the measure to their own account, by procuring at least 
 a partial approbation of their authority from some of 
 those who had been its greatest opponents. Proposals 
 were, accordingly, made to all of them, with the ex- 
 ception of Melville. Powerful considerations were 
 not wanting to induce them to comply, at the expense 
 of making some sacrifice of principle. Several of them 
 had lost their health abroad; they were all advanced 
 in life ; they had families ; and felt passionately at- 
 tached to their native country. The commutation of 
 capital punishment into exile is regarded as an act of 
 clemency; and if obliged to choose banishment or 
 death, there is probably none who would not prefer 
 the former. But, on the other hand, many who would 
 willingly have laid their necks on the block rather 
 than comply with what they deemed sinful, have had 
 their resolution subdued by the mitigated but slow and 
 exhausting pains of imprisonment or exile. 
 
 In the present instance, however, all the ministers 
 rejected the terms offered them. The sentiments by 
 which they were actuated in coming to this resolution, 
 are forcibly expressed by Forbes in a letter to James 
 Melville. "I always expected (says he) some pro- 
 posal of this kind, and indeed I wonder that the bish- 
 ops have deferred making it so long after the estab- 
 lishment of their tyranny. The only way of account- 
 ing for the delay is, by supposing that, like all who 
 are conscious of being embarked in a bad course, they 
 can never think themselves sufficiently secured against 
 danger. How wretched the condition of these men, 
 who, harassed by continual fear and anxiety, can nei- 
 ther do well without us, nor yet enjoy our company 
 with safety ! What wise man would court these un- 
 satisfactory and precarious honours, which, instead of 
 giving peace to the possessor, torment him with inces- 
 sant apprehensions ! Shall we then confirm what they 
 
 * Melvini Epist. p. 16L Wodrow's Life of Robert Boyd, p. 
 28,160, 173. 
 
 f Melvini Epist. p. 286, 329. Forbesii Comment, in Apoc. 
 Pref. Interp. 
 
 t Melvini Epist. p 306. Sir Arthur Forbes of Castle Forbes 
 in Ireland, the fourth son of William Forbes of Corse, was the 
 ancestor of Earl Grannard. (Garden, Vita prefix. Oper. Joan- 
 nis Forbesii. Lumsden's (Jeiicaloeie of the Family of Forbes, 
 p. 21—23.) II Melvini Epist. p. 308 309. 
 
350 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 feel to be so vain, by a single word, or the slightest 
 mark of our approbation 1 God forbid that a cause 
 which is destitute of intrinsic strength, and the innate 
 excellence of virtue, should receive from us a prop to 
 its weakness, or a covering to its turpitude ! Suffer 
 the self-convicted rogues to walk on their own feet, 
 and we shall soon see them fall by their own act. Let 
 us not fear their wiles, but turn our eyes to Him who, 
 sitting above, governs all things, and overrules them 
 to the good of those who love him. He that shall 
 come will come witiiout delay, and will cleanse his 
 floor, and consume the chaff and rubbish with the fire 
 of his wrath. I have been grieved, but not staggered 
 at the weakness of A. D.* who has ' suffered so many 
 things in vain.' He will not add to the strength of 
 those to whom he has gone over, nor will he weaken 
 us whom he has deserted. The crown which he has 
 taken from his own head he has placed on ours. I 
 am not moved by the foolish judgment of vain court- 
 iers, nor by the empty triumphs of the bishops : such 
 winds cannot shake the foundation on which we rest. 
 If they appear for a time to be victorious, they shall 
 feel at last that those who vanquish in a bad cause, 
 vanquish to their ruin. At the same time we ought 
 not rashly to contemn the peace and liberty offered us 
 in the name of the prince. But if, under the external 
 mask of liberty, they seek to draw us into a slavery 
 worse not only than imprisonment and exile, but than 
 the loss of life itself, we are not to purchase the liberty 
 of our bodies by the enthralling of our souls. I had 
 rather remain the captive of a legitimate sovereign than 
 become the servant of illegitimate lords. I esteem it 
 more honourable to carry the chains of a lawful king 
 than to wear the insignia of usurping prelates. In the 
 former easel am a witness with Christ in the hope of 
 his glory : in the latter, perjured and an associate with 
 wicked men, I would be found attempting to rebuild 
 the city which had been thrown down and laid under a 
 curse, would share of her plagues, and be involved in 
 her ruin. Pardon my boldness. It would have be- 
 come a son to be more modest in writing to a father. 
 But grief and indignation at the present deplorable state 
 of affairs, and at the hard condition of good men who 
 cannot obtain corporal liberty without submitting to 
 spiritual bondage, have unconsciously drawn these re- 
 flections from my pen."t 
 
 Melville must have been gratified with the spirit 
 which breathed in this letter. He could not despair 
 of the liberties of his country as long as they had such 
 friends as Forbes. Under the mortifications which he 
 felt at the ingralfltude of the public, and the defection 
 of the greater part of those who had received their edu- 
 cation under him, he could not say that he " spent his 
 strength for nought and in vain," when he had been 
 the means of training up a few individuals of such rare 
 virtue and constancy. The next letter which he wrote 
 t« his nephew, shews how much the late intelligence 
 from Scotland had cheered him. " I cannot but hope 
 for every thing good from Bruce. The court-rumours 
 are vain and calumnious, especially with respect to he- 
 roes like him, adorned with every virtue. I am anx- 
 ious to hear good accounts of Patrick Simson, the 
 faithful bishop of Stirling, and a few others of the 
 same stamp with him. Godscroft has written to me 
 once and again, ardently, vehemently. I love the sin- 
 cere zeal and undaunted spirit of that excellent man 
 and most upright friend. Would to God that the 
 equestrian, not to say the ecclesiastical, order could 
 boast of many Godscrofts !^ Our friend Welwood has 
 
 * This probably refers to Andrew Duncan, who had been 
 latelj allowed to return from banishment in consequence of his 
 making some acknowledgments to the King respecting the As- 
 sembly held at Aberdeen. (Cald. vii. 500^503.) He was af- 
 terwards prosecuted before the Hij^h Conmiission, and impris- 
 oned for nonconformity to the Articles of Perth. (Wodrow's 
 Life of Andrew Duncan, p. 4 — 1 1. Printed Cald. p. 730, 764.) 
 
 t Melvini Epist. p. 326—329. 
 
 t This refers to the letters which David Hume of Godscroft 
 
 also written to me ; but at present it is not in my pow- 
 er, nor do I reckon it prudent to reply to them accord- 
 ing to their desire. You know my disposition long 
 ago. I am unwilling, for the mere purpose of making 
 a shew of good-will, to gratify my friends in such a 
 way as may involve them in trouble, even although 
 they request it of me. The Lord, on whom, and not 
 on the pleasure or wishes of men, I depend wholly, 
 has his own times. I keep all my friends in my eye: 
 I carry them in my bosom : I commend them to the 
 God of mercy in my daily prayers. What comes to 
 my hand I do : I fill up my station to the best of my 
 ability : my conversation is in heaven : I neither im- 
 portune nor deprecate the day of my death : I maintain 
 my post : I aspire after things divine: about those 
 which are human I give myself little trouble. In fine, 
 I live to God and the church : I do not sink under ad- 
 versity : I reserve myself for better days. My mind is 
 prepared by the grace of God, and strong in the Lord, 
 for who.«e sake I am not afraid to meet death in that 
 new and living way which he hath consecrated, and 
 which leads to heaven alike from every quarter of the 
 globe."* 
 
 A letter from Sir James Fullerton, which he received 
 in the month of April, 1614, gave a shock to his feel- 
 ings which it required all his fortitude to bear. His 
 dearest friend, and most affectionate and dutiful ne- 
 phew, James Melville, was no more. His health had 
 for some time been in a state of decline, which was 
 accelerated by grief at the issue of public affairs in 
 Scotland, which his extreme sensibility disposed him 
 to brood over with too intense and exclusive an inter- 
 est. In consequence of the importunity of his friends 
 and an apparently earnest invitation from archbishop 
 Gladstanes, he set out for Edinburgh, in the beginning 
 of the year 1614, to arrange matters for his return to 
 Kilrinny, or, if this was found impracticable, to resign 
 his charge and make permanent provision for that par- 
 ish. But he had not gone far when he was taken so 
 ill as to be unable to proceed on the journey, and with 
 difficulty returned to Berwick. The medicines pre- 
 scribed by the physicians failed in arresting the pro- 
 gress of the distemper, which soon exhibited alarming 
 symptoms. He received the intimation of his danger 
 with the most perfect composure, and told his friends 
 that he was not only resigned to the will of God, but 
 satisfied that he could not die at a more proper season. 
 On Wednesday the 19th of January, he " set his house 
 in order;" and all his children being present, except 
 his son Andrew, (who was prosecuting his theological 
 studies at Sedan,) he gave them his dying charge and 
 parental blessing. His friend Joshua Dury, minister 
 of St. Andrews, and Patrick Hume of Ayton, a gentle- 
 man who had shown him great kindness during his 
 residence at Berwick, waited by his bed-side. The 
 greater part of his time was spent in prayer. When 
 he mentioned the Church of Scotland, he prayed for 
 repentance and forgiveness to those who had caused 
 a schism in it by overturning its reformed discipline; 
 and, addressing those around him, he said : " In my 
 life I ever detested and resisted the hierarchy, as a 
 thing unlawful and antichristian, for which I am an 
 exile, and I take you all to witness that I die in the 
 same judgment." He made particular mention of his 
 uncle at Sedan ; gave him a high commendation for 
 learning, but still more for courage and constancy in 
 the cause of Christ; and prayed that God would con- 
 tinue and increase the gifts bestowed on him. In the 
 midst of the acute pain which he endured during that 
 night and the succeeding morning, he expressed his 
 
 had written to bishops Law and Cowper in defence of Presby- 
 tery. Wodrow has collected a number of them in his Life of 
 Hume, p. 18—40, and in his Appendix to the Life of Cowper. 
 '• I wish they were printed, (says James Melville,) one would 
 scarcely desire to see any thing better on the subject." (Mel- 
 vini Epist. p. 194.) 
 • Melvini Epist. p. 325. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE 
 
 351 
 
 resignation and confidence chiefly in the language of 
 Scripture, and often repeated favourite sentences from 
 the Psalms in Hebrew. Being reminded by some of 
 his attendants of the Christian assurance which the 
 apostle Paul had expressed in the prospect of his 
 death, he replied : " Every one is not a Paul; yet I 
 have a desire to depart and be with Christ, and I am 
 assured that I shall enter into glory." — "Do you not 
 wish to be restored to health ?" said one of the attend- 
 ants. " No ; not for twenty worlds." Perceiving na- 
 ture to be nearly exhausted, his friends requested him 
 to give them a token that he departed in peace ; upon 
 which he repeated the last words of the martyr Ste- 
 phen, and breathed gently away.* 
 
 He died in the fifty-ninth year of his age, and in the 
 eighth year of his banishment. From the account 
 given of him, and the extracts produced from his let- 
 ters, in the preceding part of this work, the reader will 
 be able to form a correct idea of his character. The 
 presbyterian ministers of that age were in general 
 characterized by piety, assiduity in the discharge of 
 parochial duties, disinterestedness, public spirit, and 
 the love of freedom. In James Melville these quali- 
 ties were combined with the amiable dispositions of 
 the man, and the courteous manners of the gentleman. 
 Though of a mild temper, and not easily provoked, he 
 possessed great sensibility ; could vindicate himself 
 with spirit when unjustly attacked ; and testified, on 
 all occasions, an honest indignation at whatever was 
 base and unprincipled, especially in the conduct of 
 men of his own profession. He felt a high veneration 
 for the talents and character of his uncle ; but he was 
 a confidential friend and able coadjutor, not a humble 
 dependent or sycophantish admirer; and his conduct 
 during the last years of his life, when he was thrown 
 on the resources of his own mind, served to display 
 the soundness of his judgment, and to unfold the en- 
 ergy of his character J- " He was one of the wisest 
 directors of church-affairs in his time," says Calder- 
 wood " For that cause he was ever employed by the 
 General Assemblies and other public meetings ; and 
 acted his part so gravely, so wisely, and so calmly, 
 that the adversaries could get no advantage." Besides 
 what he had published at an early period of his life, 
 he prepared several treatises for the press a short time 
 before his death. His Supplication to the King, in 
 the name'of the Church of Scotland, a work on which 
 he bestowed great pains, is composed in an elegant 
 and impressive style. Possessing less fancy than feel- 
 ing, his poems, which are all written in the Scottish 
 dialect, do not rise above mediocrity ; but from this 
 censure, some parts of his Lamentation over the over- 
 throw of the Church of Scotland deserve to be ex- 
 em pted.ij: 
 
 The distress which Melville felt at receiving the ti- 
 dings of his nephew's death was calm and silent, be- 
 cause it was deep. It is expressed with a tender sim- 
 plicity in the epitaph which he wrote for him. |1 In a 
 letter to his friend Dury at Leyden, he says : " The 
 Lord hath taken to himself the faithful brother, my 
 dearly beloved son, Mr. James Melville, in January; 
 as 1 am informed by Mr. James Fullerton. I fear mel- 
 ancholy to have abridged his days. He was in great 
 perplexity and doubt what to do, as ye know and as 
 Mr. Bamford wrote me; and I answered by these let- 
 ters which I sent to you. I cannot tell if they be yet 
 beside you ; but I persuade myself he has never seen 
 
 * Cald. MS. vii. 505—513. 
 
 + When some urged that James Melville might be allowed 
 to return home, although it was dangerous to set his uncle at 
 liberty, archbishop Spotswood is said to have replied: "Mr. 
 Andrew is but a blast, but Mr. James is a crafty byding man, 
 and more to be feared than his uncle." (Wo'drow's Life of 
 James Melville, p. 146.) 
 
 t See Note OO. 
 
 IThis epitaph is printed at the end of the Libelhis Svpplex 
 ames Melville. (See Note 00.) 
 
 them. He was resolved to accept no restitution with- 
 out you and Mr. Forbes. Now he is out of all doubt 
 and fashrie,* enjoying the fruits of his suffering here: 
 God forgive the instruments of his withholding from 
 his flock. I cannot write more at this time. If ye 
 I have received the particulars of his sickness and his 
 I death, I pray you let me know the circumstances at 
 large."f 
 
 Besides the civilities which he showed to all the 
 students, Melville paid particular attention to such of 
 his countrymen as came to the university of Sedan. 
 Among these were John Dury, afterwards well known 
 for the persevering exertions which he made to accom- 
 plish a union between the Lutheran and Reformed 
 Churches,:}: and the learned Dr. John Forbes, son to the 
 bishop of Aberdeen. 11 Dr. Arthur Jonston, the poet, also 
 spent a considerable part of his early life in the universi- 
 ty of Sedan. His juvenile eff'usions prove that he lived 
 on a footing of intimacy with Melviiie, who treated tiim 
 with kindness as the nephew of his former colleague, 
 and could not fail to be pleased with a young man 
 whose literary taste was so congenial to his own, and 
 who had already (jiven flattering presages of those ta- 
 lents which entitle him to rank, as a sacred poet, next 
 to Buchanan. § — During his residence at Sedan, Mel- 
 ville kept up a correspondence with different literary 
 characters on the continent, of whom Heinsius, Go- 
 marus, and Du Plessis were the principal.^ 
 
 In addition to his ordinary academical employment, 
 he was involved at this time in a controversy, which 
 was peculiarly delicate from the connexion in which he 
 was placed with the individual who was his principal 
 j opponent. At his first coming to Sedan, he found seve- 
 ral of the students infected with Arminianism.** His 
 colleague Tilenus, after publishing against this system 
 of faith, became a convert to it.ff But instead of 
 avowing the change, he exerted himself covertly, and 
 contrary to his subscription, in instilling his new 
 opinions into the minds of the students.:}::): Melville 
 had an instinctive abhorrence of every thing like du- 
 plicity and breach of trust. He accordingly concurred 
 with some of his colleagues in exposing an insidious 
 attempt to pervert the sentiments of the young men 
 under his charge, and to ruin the university. In con- 
 sequence of this Tilenus left Sedan, and became an 
 open and virulent adversary of Calvinism. |||| 
 
 * Trouble. 
 
 + Letters from Melville to Robert Durie, num. 5: M.S. in 
 Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 42. These letters are written 
 in English. 
 
 i He was the son of Robert Dury at Leyden. (Melville's 
 Letters to Durie, num. 4.) 
 
 II See the Preface and Letters prefixed to his Latin transla- 
 tion of his father's Commentary on the Revelation, Anist. 1646. 
 He is known by his learned work, Jnstnictiones HisioricO' 
 TheologiccR, in 2 vols, folio. 
 
 \ Vita Arct. Jonstoni, in Poet. Scot. Mus. Sac. p. xxxi. xxxv. 
 In the works of Jonston, besides an encomiastic poem on Mel- 
 ville, are Z,i/»i/* .^wiafcei, consisting of a poetical correspond- 
 ence supposed to have passed between the author and Tilenus 
 and Melville, at Sedan. Tilenus is rallied on the long-delayed 
 birth of a daughter, and Melville on his being childless and an 
 old bachelor. fArturi Jonstoni Poen)ata, p. 371, 387 — 397. 
 Middelb. 1642.)' 
 
 H Letters to Robert T)aY\e, passim. Wodrow's Lifs of Boyd, 
 p. 53, 58. 
 
 ** Melvini's Letter's to Robert Durie, num. 1. 
 
 ft Walchii Bibliotheca Theologica, torn. ii. p. 544, 558, 
 
 tt Letter from Rivet to Boyd of Trochrig, Dec. 5, 1617; in 
 Wodrow's Life of Boyd, p. 194. 
 
 nil Scoti TO. TuxovTOf Paraclesis, p. 34, 35. Epistolae Eccles. 
 et Theolog. p. 17, 616, 619. 770. Le Vassor, Histoire de Lotis 
 XHI.tom. iv.p.606. 
 
 Tilenus showed himself so violent and unfair in his represen 
 tations of the opinions of his old friends that the more judicious 
 Remonstrants were ashamed of his conduct. Yet a late con- 
 troversial writer against Calvinism, in stating the opinions of 
 his opponents, has given the propositions of the Synod of Dort, 
 not in the words of the Synod itself, but of its adversary 
 Tilenus, as " the most moderate and impartial account of their 
 proceedings!" (Copleston's Enquiry into the Doctrines of 
 Necessity and Predestination, p. 217,318.) But this is not all: 
 
353 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 Spotswood betrays his ignorance, as well as his 
 spleen, in the short account whicli he gives of Mel- 
 ville after he was released from the Tower. " He was 
 sent to Sedan, (says he,) where he lived in no great 
 lespect, and contractinor the gout lay almost bedfast to 
 his death." * Considering his advanced age when he 
 was banished to France, it would not have excited 
 surprise if he had spent the remainder of his days in 
 inactivity, or without performing any thing which at- 
 tracted the public attention. But the facts which we 
 have stated testify the contrary. Nor durst the bishops 
 of Scot'and grant permission to this same unrespecied 
 and bedfast invalid to return to his native country, al- 
 though they knew that the act would have gained them 
 the greatest credit. The archbishop ouglit to have 
 avoided any allusion to his disorder, considering that 
 it was contracted in the prison to which the bishops 
 had been the instruments of dooming him. He had, 
 indeed, begun to feel the infirmities of old age, but not 
 to such a degree as to prevent him from performing his 
 professional duties, to subdue the undaunted spirit of 
 which his adversaries stood in so much awe, or even 
 to mar his wonted cheerfulness.! In a letter written 
 in the year 1612, he says, as if in answer to the above 
 insinuation: "Am I not threescore and eight years 
 old ; unto the which age none of my fourteen brethren 
 came ? And yet, I thank God, I eat, I drink, I sleep as 
 well as I did these thirty years bygone, and better than 
 when I w£is younger — in ipso Jlore adolesceniiss. Only 
 the gravel now and then seasons my mirth with some 
 little pain, which I have felt only since the beginning 
 of March the last year, a month before my deliverance 
 from prison. I feel, thank God, no abatement of the 
 alacrity and ardour of my mind for the propagation of 
 the truth. Neither use I spectacles now more than 
 ever; yea, I use none at all, nor ever did, and see now 
 to read Hebrew without points, and in the smallest 
 characters. Why may I not live to see a changement 
 to the better, when the prince shall be informed truly 
 by honest men, or God open his eyes and move his 
 heart to see the pride of stately prelates 1" :f: In a let- 
 ter written to the same correspondent in the course of 
 the following year, he says : " I thank you, loving 
 brother, for your care of us ; but I fear I put you to 
 over great charge in paying for my letters, which I 
 would not do if I were sure that my letters would be 
 delivered in case I would pay for them ; such is either 
 the negligence or greediness of this age. I know your 
 
 the quotation is purely apocryphal. The propositions are not 
 those of Tilenus, nor are they taken from a work of bis, but 
 fronn a satirical dialog^ue or mock-trial, published by an anony- 
 mous sectary during the Croniwellian Protectorate, info which 
 the name of Tilenus w&s JictHiously introduced. The work is 
 entitled " The Examination of Tilenus before the Triers, in or- 
 der to his intended settlement in the Office of a Public Preacher 
 in the Commonwealth of Utopia." The following are the names 
 of some of the Triers: Dr. Absolute, Mr. Fatatitie, Mr. Narrow- 
 
 frace, alias Stint-grace, and Dr. Dam-man. Now, if it had so 
 appened that the propositions of the Synod of Dort had been 
 put into the mouth of this last personage instead of Tilenus, 
 we should no doubt have been told by the learned Provoit of 
 Oriel College, that this said Dr. Damn-man was a " most mo- 
 derate and mipartial" writer, and left to seek for him and his 
 works in the land of Utopia ; where also, if anywhere, we 
 might have found " the Landgrave of Turing ! a patron of the 
 reformed doctrines," who justified his vicious life by the doc- 
 trine of predestination! (Enquir)', p. 31.) A modern writer 
 who could trust Heylin as an authority, deserved to fall into 
 •uch ridiculous blunders. — As the subject has been introduced, 
 I must be allowed to add, that the publications against Cal- 
 vinism which have lately appeared in England are, in their 
 statement of the question, unfair; in their reasoning, shallow; 
 ■nd, in respect of the knowledge which they display of the 
 history of theological opinions, contemptible. 
 » Hist. p. 500. 
 
 t Speaking of Spotswood's behaviour in the General Assem- 
 bly held in 1617, Simson gays: " Necnon furere et debacch-iri 
 in Andre.am Melvinuni, viruni optimum, et foedissimis caluinniis 
 absentem niordere qui presentem nisi tremulus vidcre vix po- 
 tuerit." (^Annales, p. 137.) 
 
 t f-efler» to Robert Durie, nam. 1. 
 
 loving heart; but it is indiscretion on my part to bur- 
 den you too much. Take this English word in good, 
 part — it fell out of the pen. My heart is a Scotch heart, 
 and as good or better nor ever it was, both toward God 
 and man. The Lord only be praised thereof, to whom 
 belongs all glory. Who can tell when out of this con- 
 fusion it may please him to draw out some good order, 
 to the comfort of his children and relief of his servants? 
 Couratje, courage, brother ! Judicahimus angelos; quan- 
 ta magis mortales ! '''' And in the year 1616, he writes 
 again to Dury : " Let the bishops be mowdewarps : * 
 we will lay up our tn-asures in heaven, where they be 
 safe. My colic, gravel, and gout be messengers (but 
 not importune) to spoil my patience, but to e.xercise 
 my faith. My health is better nor I would look for 
 at this age: praised be the true Mediator, to whose 
 glory may it serve, and to the benefit of his church. t 
 
 After his settlement at Sedan, he requested his 
 friends in London to embrace any favourable oppor- 
 tunity that misfht offer for procuring his restoration. 
 But this he did not so much from any hopes of sui-cess 
 which he entertained, as to show "that he had not 
 thrown oflT all regard to the church and land of his 
 fathers, and did not contemn the favour of his sove- 
 reign,"^ In the year 1616, Forbes went to England, 
 and, after wailing six months, was admitted to kiss his 
 Majesty's hand, and obtained a proiTii.-=e (which was 
 never realized) that he and Dury would be relieved 
 from banishment. In a letter which Melville wrote to 
 Dury, he says, after some satirical reflections on the 
 hand which Spotswood had in that affair : " This I 
 write not to hinder you to accept of your liberty ob- 
 tained already at the king's hands, as I am informed 
 by .Mr. Forbes's letters. You are wise and resolute 
 in the Lord, whose Spirit hath guided you hitherto in 
 your wanderinofs through the wilderness of this crooked 
 age. lam rejoiced to hear both of your coming home, 
 and replanting in the ministry at home. — As for me, I 
 know their double dealing from the beginning, and how 
 I am both hated and feared by them ; and so was my 
 cousin Mr. James. The Metropolitan, I ween, was 
 minded to deal for me; but my late-written verses 
 offended both King and bishops. Yet they be gene- 
 ral, and such as none but a wan-shapen bishop can be 
 offended with — Trayov^ym »*t iuvo^ avSgawrtc. I am not 
 weary of this sejour, grace and hospitality in Sedan." J 
 
 He lost this correspondent, who died at Leyden in 
 the course of this year.§ Of" all his friends, next to 
 his nephew, he felt most attached to Dury, and his let- 
 ters to him are written in the most confidential strain, 
 mingled with kind-hearted and familiar pleasantry.^ 
 John Forbes surviv^ed his fellow-exile many years, and 
 died in Holland about the year 1634, after he had been 
 removed from bis charge at Delft by the jealous inter- 
 ference of the English government.** 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1619, the town of Se- 
 dan was a scene of festivity, in consequence of the 
 marriage of Marie de la Tour, the eldest daughter of 
 the Duke of Bouillon, to the Duke de la Tremouille.j f 
 On that occasion Melville resolved not to be behind 
 
 * moles. f Letters to Robert Durie, num. 3 and 4. 
 t Melvini Epist. p. 293. 
 
 [l Letters to Robert Durie, num.6. 
 
 } Wodrow'sLife of Robert Boyd, p. 145. 
 
 T In one of his letters to him, he says: " Faill not to send 
 Arminius against Perkins De Predestinatione, yvhatever it cost, 
 with the contra-poison done be Gomarus, quern singulariter 
 amo $t %v(iie. When our dame bakes you shall have a sconne 
 [cake.] Conmiend me to my good cummer, and to my god- 
 son, and the rest of the bairns — I may sec them once er I die, 
 now entering my seventie year." And in another letter : "To 
 be short. I have been these eight days cxercsed with a rheum, 
 and this day have ta'en a sirope; so that er it be long 1 hope to 
 drink to yuu. My cummer and all the bairns be locked up in 
 my heart." 
 
 • • Preface to his "Four Sermons on 1 Tim. vi. 13 — 16. 
 Published by S. O. Anno 1635." Forbes is the author of sev- 
 eral other treatises, and lived greatly respected in Holland. 
 
 tt Mteioircs de .Mornay da Plcsui:, torn. iv. p. 105, 156. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 353 
 
 the most juvenile of his colleagues in testifying his 
 respect for the family of his noble patron ; and he pro- 
 duced an EpUhalamium. A marriage-song by a Pro- 
 fessor of Divinity, in the sevent3'-fourth year of his 
 age, may be regarded as a literary curiosity ; and it 
 proves that old age, though it could not fail to have 
 cooled, had not been able to quench his genius. The 
 theme which he chose was not, however, unbecoming 
 his character and years ; and probably thinking that, 
 in his circumstances, it was enough to have shown his 
 good will, he did not finish the poem.* 
 
 To the latest period of his life, he continued alive to 
 the general welfare of the reformed church, and the 
 private welfare of his particular friends. But he felt 
 peculiarly interested in the affairs of the Church of 
 Scotland, which, before his death, was again converted 
 into a scene of contention, in prosecution of the pre- 
 posterous scheme of bringing it to a complete conform- 
 ity to the Church of England. When episcopal gov- 
 ernment was forced on Scotland, if any person had as- 
 serted that this was only a prelude to the obtrusion of 
 the English forms of worship, he would have run the 
 risk of being prosecuted for " lese-making." Yet 
 there can be now no doubt that this formed from the 
 beginning an essential part of the plan of the court. 
 The bishops were aware tliat the nation was averse to 
 it, and afraid that it might excite such discontent as 
 would prove hazardous to their precarious pre-emi- 
 nence. They accordingly made an attempt to divert 
 his Majesty from pushing the projected change. But 
 a manly opposition to any measure which was sanc- 
 tioned by the royal pleasure, however impolitic, was 
 not to be expected from those who had declared them- 
 selves the creatures of the court; and having received 
 a magisterial reprimand for their ignorant scruples and 
 impertinent interference, they consented to become ser- 
 vile instruments in executing the will of the monarch, 
 and in forcing the obnoxious ceremonies on a reclaim- 
 ing and insulted nation. f After an ineffectual attempt 
 at St. Andrews in 1617, they succeeded in accomplish- 
 ing their object in a General Assembly held at Perth 
 in the course of the following year. By flatteries, 
 falsehoods, and threatenings, a majority of votes was 
 procured in favour of such of the English rites as it 
 pleased the court at that time to select. The Five Ar- 
 ticles of Perth, as the acts of this assembly are usually 
 called, enjoined kneeling in the act of receiving the 
 sacramental elements of bread and wine, the observ- 
 ance of holidays, episcopal confirmation, private bap- 
 tism, and private communicating. These were ratified 
 by Parliament in the year 1621, and enforced by the 
 High Commission ; but they met with great resistance, 
 and were never universally obeyed. :|: 
 
 About this time also certain changes on the univer- 
 
 * Delitiae Poet. Scot. toni. ii. p. 66—81. 
 
 t Lord Hailes, Menior. and Letters, vol. i. p. 79—83. The 
 bishops pleaded that his Majesty was determined at all events 
 to impose the ceremonies, and that, if tliey did not yield, he 
 would overthrow the church. This might be the impression 
 on the minds of some of them; but it is evident, at least, that 
 there was a collusion between the court and the primate. Be- 
 fore the General Assembly had agreed to the innovations, 
 Spotsvvood writes: " We are here to communicate, God will- 
 ing, on Easter-day, when I shall have every thing in that man- 
 ner performed as your Majesty desires. All of our number are 
 advertised to do the like in their places; and the most I know 
 will observe the samine. Our adversaries will call this a trans- 
 gression of the received custom; bxit T do not yet see thai any 
 thing tvill effect their obedience, save your Majesty's author- 
 ity." (Letter to the King, March 29, 1618: Wodrow's Life of 
 Spots, p. 74.) 
 
 t Printed Cald. p. 698—715. Spotswood, p. 537—540. 
 Course of Conformity, p. 58 — 103. Scoti too tu^ovto? Paracle- 
 sis, p. 179—181. Perth Assembly, n. 7— 10, 14. Printed anno 
 16l9. The account, given in the last-mentioned tract, of the 
 threats employed in the Assembly, is not materially contradict- 
 ed by the episcopal advocate. Bishop Lyndsay, in his True 
 Narrative of Proceedings in the Assembly at Perth, p. 87 — 89; 
 and it is confirmed by the official account of the King's Com- 
 missioner, published by Lord Hailes. (Memor. i. 87 — 91.) 
 2 U 
 
 sity of St. Andrews were completed. Soon after arch- 
 bishop Gladstanes obtained the direction of its affairs, 
 he revived the professorship of canon law, to which he 
 nominated his son-in-law ; " as the ready way to bring 
 out the presbyterian discipline from the hearts of the 
 young ones, and to acquaint even the eldest with the 
 ancient church government whereof they are igno- 
 rant."* In commemorating the obligations which the 
 literature of Scotland is under to the archbishop, we 
 must not forget his exertions for the revival of aca- 
 demical degrees in divinity. Upon the expulsion of 
 Melville, he expressed much anxiety to have his suc- 
 cessor invested with " Insignia Doctoratus," and re- 
 quested his Majesty, in his "incomparable wisdom," 
 to send him " the form and order of making Bachelors 
 and Doctors of Divinity," that he might " create one or 
 two Doctors, to incite others to the same honour, and 
 to encourage our ignorant clergy to learning. And the 
 primate proposed that such graduates should, " in pre- 
 sentation to benefices, be preferred to others. "f This 
 object was not, however, gained until the year 1616, 
 after the death of Gladstanes, when Dr. .Tohn Young, 
 Dean of Winchester, came to St. Andrews with the 
 royal instructions, and presided in the first act. His 
 Majesty directed that those who were found qualified 
 for degrees should " preach a sermon before the Lords 
 at Edinburgh, in a hood agreeing to their degree, that 
 so they might be known" (by the hood or by the ser- 
 mon ?) " to be men fitte for the prime places of the 
 church. ":J: Previously to the introduction of this im- 
 portant improvement, the divines who came from Eng- 
 land for the purpose of forwarding the conformity be- 
 tween the two churches, were exceedingly struck with 
 the literary sterility of our country. Like a celebrated 
 traveller who could scarcely observe a tree above the 
 size of a bush between Berwick and St. Andrews, the 
 English Doctors could not hear of above one of their 
 own species in the whole kingdom : so that if prompt 
 measures had not been taken to have the race propaga- 
 ted by help from England, it must inevitably, within 
 a short time, have become wholly extinct, || The pres- 
 byterians, indeed, had doctors, but then they were no 
 more than teachers ; and in their church calendar were 
 placed below the pastors of parishes. It cannot be 
 denied that " our ignorant clergy" exerted themselves 
 in promoting literature ; but then their exertions were 
 confined to the task of making men. learned, and they 
 neglected the work of calling them so. They pre- 
 scribed, it is true, an extensive course of theological 
 instruction, and enacted that none should be admitted 
 to the ministry who had not completed this course, and 
 could not procure testimonials of his diligence and pro- 
 ficiency from the professors under whom he had stud- 
 ied; but then they were completely ignorant of the art 
 of creating divines by certain mystic words and sym- 
 bols. The truth is, that they did not object to aca- 
 demical graduation, so far as it was necessary to mark 
 the progress which young men had made in their the- 
 ological studies.§ But they did not admit that it be- 
 
 » Letter to the King, Mav 3, 1611. MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edhi. 
 Jac. V. 1. 12. num. 17. 
 
 t Letter and Memoires to his Sacred Majesty, Sept. 8, 1607: 
 MS. ibid. M. 6. 9. num. 58, 59. 
 
 I His Majesty's Letter and Articles for the University. In 
 the Articles it is appointed that five holidays shall be annually 
 celebrated in the University, with suitable prayers and sermons. 
 
 II "The name of a School Doctor was grown out of date: 
 only one Graduat (that I did hear of) at St. Andrews did out- 
 live that injury of times. Now comes his Majesty (as one born 
 to the honour of learning) and restores the sctiools to their for- 
 mer glories." (Letter of Dr. Joseph Hall to Mr. William 
 Struthers; in Wodrow's Life of Struthers, p. 3: MSS. vol. ii.) 
 
 } " Anent preceding be degrees in Schools to the degree of 
 a Doctor of Divinity, it was ordained ihy the General Assem- 
 bly, Anno 1569) that the brethren of Sanct Andrews convene 
 and form such ordor as they sail think meit, and that they pre- 
 sent the same to the next Assembly to be revised and consid- 
 ered, that the Assembly may eik or diminish as thej' sail think 
 good, and that thereafter the order allowed be established." 
 23 
 
354 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 longed to universities to license persons to teach divin- 
 ity ubicunque terrarum ,- they were jealous of those 
 titles which, in the English church, had been always 
 associated with ideas of ecclesiastical superiority ; and 
 they knew that, considered merely as badges of hon- 
 our, instead of being a reward to merit or an incentive 
 to diligence, they served chiefly to tickle the vanity of 
 the weak, bolsler up the pretensions of the arrogant, 
 and induce persons to sigh after the name instead of 
 the reality of learning. Lis est de nomine non re. 
 
 An overweening fondness for mere forms is usually 
 accompanied with indifference to the substance, in lit- 
 erature and in religion. The same prelate who testi- 
 fied such eagerness to have the clergy decorated with 
 empty titles and silken robes, banished the man who 
 had done more to raise their character, in point of lite- 
 rary and theological endowments, than all the gowned 
 graduates who had filled the academical chairs of Scot- 
 land for two hundred years. And the same parliament 
 which ratified the Articles of Perth, repealed the act 
 of 1579, which reformed the University of St. An- 
 drews, and thus threw education back to the state in 
 which it was before the revival of letters. The apol- 
 ogy made for this disgraceful act of the legislature 
 was, " that it is equitable that the will of the original 
 founders should take effect so far as is consistent with 
 the religion presently professed. But if a deviation 
 from the will of the founders in such an important 
 point as that of religi'n was warrantable and proper, 
 what reasonable objection could be urged against such 
 a change on the mode of instruction as was necessary 
 to accommodate it to the progress which the age had 
 made in knowledge and literature 1 The true reasons 
 for the repeal of the act of 1579 were, on the part of 
 the professors, an aversion to the arduous course of in- 
 struction which that act prescribed ; and, on the part 
 of the bishops, aa antipathy to the men who had re- 
 commended it, and an anxiety to remove every monu- 
 ment of the existence and triumph of presbytery. But, 
 eager as they were to accomplish this object, the util- 
 ity of the New College, as constituted on Melville's 
 favourite plan, was so universally acknowledged, that 
 they durst not touch it; and, accordingly, an express 
 exception, though at variance with the principle as- 
 sumed in the act, was made in its favour.* 
 
 What Melville's feelings on receiving information 
 of the procedure of the General Assembly at Perth 
 were, we learn from a letter written, at his direction, 
 by one of his students to a friend in Scotland who had 
 lately been at Sedan. He was not prepared to expect 
 that the rulers would push matters to such an extreme. 
 Cherishing the hope that the corruptions lately estab- 
 lished would work their own cure, and that the barons 
 would soon grow weary of a tyranny which they had 
 unwarily contributed to erect, he had of late curbed, 
 instead of stimulating, the zeal of such ef his ac- 
 quaintance as returned from France to Scotland, and 
 whom he knew to be ardently attached to the presby- 
 terian constitution ; but now he judged it necessary to 
 rouse his brethren to a vigorous resistance of the inno- 
 vations which it was attempted to impose. He felt 
 deeply concerned for them, and expressed a great de- 
 sire to receive the earliest intelligence of all their pro- 
 ceedings. f As often as he took up the Basiltcon Xhron 
 (which he frequently did) he could not refi-ain from 
 tears, when he reflected on the disclosure which it 
 made of the King's designs against the church, and on 
 
 the crooked policy wiith which they had been carried 
 into execution. 
 
 His desire to assist his brethren at this critical pe- 
 riod prompted him to break through a restraint im- 
 posed on him when he was released from the Tower, 
 and to which he had hitherto submitted. He compo- 
 sed a small treatise, which was published anony- 
 mously, consisting of aphorisms on things indiflferent 
 in religion, and bearing upon the chief argument used 
 by the advocates for conformity to the obtruded cere- 
 monies. Another work commonly ascribed to him is 
 an answer to his late colleague, Tilenus, who, disap- 
 pointed in his scheme of raising partisans in France, 
 sought to ingratiate himself with King James by a de- 
 fence of the late proceedings in Scotland, and by an 
 unprovoked and vituperative attack on the Scottish 
 presbyterians.* The answer to Tilenus is written 
 with great ability, and in a style of nervous reasoning, 
 seasoned with satire, which is, upon the whole, less 
 severe than the rudeness of the attack which it repels 
 would have justified, t But it was not the work of 
 Melville ; although it is not unlikely that he furnished 
 materials to his friend, Sir James Sempill, who Avas 
 the real author.:^ 
 
 The sources of intelligence have now failed me, and 
 I have it not in my power to communicate any addi- 
 tional information relative to the latter period of Mel- 
 ville's life. In 1620 his health grew worse; || and it 
 is probable that the distempers with which he had 
 been occasionally visited ever since he was in the 
 Tower, became now more frequent in their attacks, and 
 gradually wasted his constitution. He died at Sedan 
 in the course of the year 1622, at the advanced age of 
 seventy-seven years.§ At that time, there was at least 
 one of his countrymen in the university, Alexander 
 Colville, who enjoyed his friendship, and, it may be 
 believed, would not fail to pay every attention to his 
 venerable master i» his last moments.^f In conse- 
 
 (Cald. ii. 123.) '* The appellation of the degries appoyntit be 
 hig Ma'" to be heirefter in the yierlie course of theologie wtin 
 the New College to be advvsed be the counsell [of the univer- 
 sity! and reported to hig Ma''« upon the forsaid day." (Visit, 
 of University of St. Andrews, anno 1599.) 
 
 * Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iv. p. 682, 6tt3. 
 
 + Letter, John Hume to Mr. John Adamson, Sedan, March 9, 
 1620: MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 80. It appears 
 from this letter that Adamson was then «nipioyad in making a 
 collection of Melville's poems. 
 
 * " Paraenesis ad Scotos, Geneuensis Discipliiiae Zelotas. 
 Autore Dan. Tileno Silesio. Lond. 1620." Canibden says: 
 " Anno 1620, Sept. 5. Tilenus, niagnus Theologus, venit in 
 Anglian*, & edit librum contra Scotos, zelotas disciplinee Gene- 
 vensis." (Annales^ p. 6-1.) He published another work on the 
 same subject, but written writh e»eater moderation: " De Dis- 
 ciplina Ecclesiastica Brevis & Modcsfa dissertatio, ad Eccle- 
 siam Scoticam. Autore Galfo quodani Theologo, Verbi Divini 
 Ministro. Abredonine, Excudebat Eduardus Rabanus, Impen- 
 a\sDavidisJ\Ielvill,\6^." 
 
 f " Scoti Tou T»x«vT05 Paraclesis contra Danielis Tiieni Silesii 
 Partenesin. — Cuius pars prima est. De Episcopali Ecclesiae Reg- 
 imine. Anno 1622." At tlie close of the work, the author sig- 
 nifies his intention of publishing two other parts, on Elders, and 
 on the Five Ceremonies obtruded on the Church of Scotland. 
 But the necessity for these was superseded by the elaborate 
 Altare Damascenum of Calderwood, which appeared in the 
 course of the following year. 
 
 f Metville is repeatedly referred to in that work, and we 
 cannot suppose that he would have spoken of himself, even for 
 the purpose of concealment, in such terms as the following: — 
 " in quibus priecipuus erat divinvs poster Mclvinus." (P. 86. 
 Conf. p. 231.) Add to this the testimony of Calderwood, who 
 had the best opportunity of being infomied on the subject: 
 "About this time (1620) Tilenus, a Silesian by birth, a profes- 
 sor in Sedan, came to England, looking for great preferment 
 and benefit for a pamphfet, intituled Partenesis ad Scotos Gen- 
 evensis discipiinae zelotas, wherein he defended the state of 
 bishops and the five articles. The booke was confuted sooue 
 after be Sir James Sempill of Beltrisc, and be the author of the 
 booke intituled Altare Damascenum." (Cald. viii. 962, 963.) 
 
 H Hume's Letter to Adamson, vt nipra. 
 
 } "Andreas Melvinus, vir maximse pietatis, singularis reli 
 (zelus domus Dei coniedit eum,) omnium linguarum et scienti- 
 anim acumine primus, imo solus; Athenns et Solymam in Sco- 
 tiam induxit; pseudo-episcopatus et papistarum hostis acerri- 
 mus; coelebs, castus; aavocatus a Rege, Turri conjicitur: post 
 Dux Buloniae in Gailiam ducit, ubi fortissimus aiS>.i|T«, jam oc- 
 togenarius rooritur, 1622." (Simsoni Annales. See also Wod- 
 row's Life of Andrew Melville, p. 112.) 
 
 T Hume's Letter, ut simra. Petri Molinaei Oratio — habitu 
 Sedan! viij. Idus Decemhres 1628, ante inaugarationem viri 
 doctissinii Alcxandri Colvini in gradum Doctoratus eiust]; ad- 
 mlssionem ad Profcuioneni Theologicani. Sedani 1629. From 
 this Oration (p. 129,) it appears that Colville bad been for sev- 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 355 
 
 quence of the civil war which raged in France, it was 
 a considerable time before his friends in Scotland were 
 apprized of the fact of his death ; and, even then, they 
 were left in ignorance of the circumstances which at- 
 tended it.* 
 
 It is natural for us to desire minute information re- 
 specting the decease of any individual in whose life 
 we have taken a deep interest; and we cannot help 
 feeling disappointed when we are barely told that " he 
 died." But laudable as this curiosity may be, and 
 gratifying and useful as it is to have the spiritual por- 
 trait of a great and good man drawn on his death-bed 
 and at the hour of his departure, we ought not to for- 
 get that there is a still more decisive and unequivocal 
 test of character. It was by the faith which he evinced 
 during his life that the first martyr " obtained witness 
 that he was righteous ; and by it he, being dead, yet 
 speaketh." We have no reason to regret being left 
 without any authentic record of the manner in which 
 the apostles finished their course, nor are we under any 
 temptation to have recourse to conjectures and apocry- 
 phal traditions in order to supply the defect, when their 
 writings and the history of their lives enable us " fully 
 to know their doctrine, manner of life, purpose, long- 
 suffering, charity, patience, persecutions, afflictions." 
 I have met with no account of the last sickness of 
 Melville; but I have no doubt that he died as he lived. 
 At a period when it was not uncommon to circulate 
 false rumours of the death-bed recantations of men who 
 had distinguished themselves in public controversies, 
 it was never whispered that he had retracted his sen- 
 timents, or that he signified the smallest regret for the 
 sufferings which he had endured in behalf of the civil 
 and religious liberties of his country. 
 
 It is not an easy task to form a correct and impartial 
 estimate of the talents and character of those who have 
 distinguished themselves in great national struggles. 
 If their contemporaries were unduly biassed by the 
 strength of their attachments and antipathies, we who 
 live at a later period lose in correctness of views what 
 we gain in impartiality of judging, by the distance at 
 which we are placed from the men whom we attempt 
 to describe, and by want of sympathy with manners 
 and feelings so dissimilar to our own. In forming our 
 opinion of them from contemporary records, we are as 
 much embarrassed by the narrow views and want of 
 
 eral years Professor of Hebrew before he was admitted to the 
 theological chair. In 1642, he was called from Sedan to be 
 Professor of Divinity in the New College of St. Andrews. 
 (Baillie's Letters, vol. i. p. 305. Index to Unprinted Acts of 
 Assembly, 1642.) 
 
 * Robert Boyd of Trochrig, at that time Principal of the 
 University of Edinburgh, has the following notice of Melville's 
 death in his Obituary. " May the Lord have pity upon us, 
 and preserve in us the work of his own grace, for the good and 
 salvation of our soul, and the destruction of this body of death 
 and sin ! As to the death of that venerable father of our 
 church, the ornament of his nation, and great light of this age, 
 in all virtue, learning, vivacity of spirit, promptitude, zeal, holy 
 freedom and boldness, and invincible courage in a good cause, 
 with a holy course of life and resolution, who d3'ed at Sedan 
 last year, 1622, aged about 80 years. He was rcjecttd of his 
 native countrj', by the malice of the times and men, because he 
 had, with fortitude and firmness, maintained the truth, and 
 given testimony to it before the princes of this world. He had 
 keeped a good conscience, without changes, either out of fear, 
 or by the flattery and favour of men, after his imprisomiient in 
 the Tower of f^ondon, and his living an exile of more than 10 
 years. As to his death, I say, and the particular circumstances 
 of it, I have not yet received distinct and certain information, 
 because of the trouble and persecutions arisen in the church of 
 France for some years. May the Lord conduct us by the strait 
 gate to his kingdom of everlasting peace, for the merits of his 
 weel beloved Son Jesus Christ, our Saviour. Amen." (Wod- 
 row's Life of Robert Boyd, p. 146.) — Calderwood, in a work 
 which he published in Holland in the year 1623, says: "De 
 Melvino autem affirmare nulla assentatione (nam audio paulo 
 ante fatis cessisse) melius Regi ab infantia voluisse, quani as- 
 sentatores istos." (Altare Damasc. p. 741.) And, in the Pre- 
 face to that work, he says: " Andreas Melvinus, qui fere octo- 
 genarius diem supremum clausit in cxilio, vir iindiquaque doc- 
 tus, piuB.candidus, et strenuus Christi miles." 
 
 discrimination of their friends, as by the hostility and 
 misrepresentations of their adversaries. The narra- 
 tives of public transactions transmitted to us by those 
 who lived at the time, often resemble the description 
 of a great battle by a spectator : officers and men are 
 beheld confusedly mingled together, and the issue ap- 
 pears to depend on the exertion of brute force, aided 
 by insensibility to danger ; while the military skill 
 and presence of mind by which the whole mass is dis- 
 posed, put in motion, and governed, are disregarded 
 and left out of view. There is still another source of 
 error. If civil history is chiefly the record of wars 
 and bloodshed, the pages of ecclesiastical history are 
 too often filled with accounts of theological contention ; 
 and accustomed to contemplate the principal individu- 
 als who figure in these scenes, either in the attitude of 
 eager assault or of stubborn resistance, we are ready to 
 form an unfavourable opinion of their moral qualities 
 and private dispositions. Cooler reflection and a more 
 minute acquaintance with facts, will serve to correct 
 our over-hasty conclusions. When we follow th* 
 warrior into the retreats of peace, and find him display- 
 ing, in the social and domestic circle, all the gentle 
 and amiable features of human nature, we may regret 
 that it should ever have been necessary for him to en- 
 ter on a scene which called forth the sterner feelings, 
 but we will, at the same time, be convinced that he is 
 incapable of wanton and deliberate cruelty, and it will 
 require the strongest evidence to induce us to believe 
 that he was in any instance guilty of conduct so much 
 at variance with what we know of his temper and 
 habits. With respect to those who lived in former 
 times, this information can be derived only from pri- 
 vate memoirs and letters. When such documents re- 
 lating to any individual exist, and when they have 
 been referred to as authorities, and produced as illus- 
 trations, with fidelity and judgment, the outlines of his 
 character are no longer left to be filled up by the fancy 
 or the prejudices of his biographer. If I have suc- 
 ceeded according to my wish, the reader already ac- 
 quainted with the person whose life is recorded in this 
 work ; and it is not necessary for me to attempt an 
 elaborate delineation of his character. Nor is it ne- 
 cessary for me to enter into a formal refutation of the 
 erroneous opinions which have prevailed concerning 
 it. The facts which have been produced will best 
 serve to correct these mistakes, whether they have 
 originated in ignorance or in prejudice. 
 
 Melville possessed great intrepidity, invincible for- 
 titude, and unextinguisliable ardour of mind. His 
 spirit was independent, high, fiery, and incapable of 
 being tamed by threats or violence ; but he was at the 
 same time open, candid, generous, affectionate, faith- 
 ful. The whole tenor of his life bears testimony to 
 the sincerity and strength of his religious convictions. 
 We do not find him making disclosures, even to his 
 most confidential correspondents, of the secret com- 
 munings of his heart with its God. But we find, 
 what is a less equivocal proof of genuine devotion, a 
 habitual sense of divine things, a subjection of mind 
 to the divine will, and a uniform aim and desire to ad- 
 vance the divine glory, pervading and intermingling 
 with all that he did or said. The spirit of his piety 
 was strikingly contrasted with that compound of indif- 
 ference and selfishness which is so often lauded under 
 the much abused names of moderation and charity. 
 " Thou canst not bear them that are evil, and thou hast 
 tried them that say they are apostles and are not, and 
 hast found them liars," was the commendation which 
 he coveted and which he merited. He felt, and he 
 was not ashamed to avow, an ardent attachment to 
 civil liberty. Possessing, in a high degree, the per- 
 fervidum ingenitim of his countrymen, sudden and 
 impetuous in his feelings, as well as prompt and viva- 
 cious in his conceptions, he poured out a torrent of 
 vigorous, vehement, regardless, resistless indignation, 
 mingled at times with defiance and scorn, on those 
 
356 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 who incurred bis displeasure. But his anger, even 
 when it rose to its greatest height, was altogether dif- 
 ferent from the ebullitions of a splenetic or rancorous 
 mind. On no occasion was it ever excited by a sense 
 of personal injuries, which he meekly bore and for- 
 gave. It was called forth by a strong feeling of the 
 impropriety of the conduct which he resented, and of 
 its tendency to injure those public interests to which 
 he was devoted. And there was always about it an 
 honesty, an elevation, a freedom from personal hate, 
 malice, and revenge, which made it respected even by 
 those who censured its violence, or who smarted under 
 its severity. If his religious and patriotic zeal was 
 sometimes intemperate, it was always disinterested ; 
 if, by giving himself up to its influence, he was occa- 
 sionally carried beyond the bounds of virtuous mode- 
 ration and prudence, it is also true that he. was borne 
 above every sordid and mercenary aim, and escaped 
 from the atmosphere of selfishness, in which so many 
 who have set out well in a public career have had their 
 zeal cooled and their progress arrested. 
 
 Notwithstanding the heat and vehemence displayed 
 in his public conduct, he was an agreeable companion 
 in private. Provided those who were about him could 
 bear with his " wholesome and friendly anger," and 
 allow him freely to censure what he tiiought wrong in 
 their conduct, he assumed no arrogant airs of superi- 
 ority, exacted no humiliating marks of submission, but 
 lived with them as a brother among brethren. His 
 heart was susceptible of all the humane and social 
 affections. Though he spent the greater part of his 
 life in a college, he was no ascetic or morose recluse ; 
 and though " his book was his bride and his study his 
 bride-chamber," * yet he felt as tender a sympathy 
 with his friends in all their domestic concerns, as if he 
 had been himself a husband and a father. The gay, 
 good-humoured, hearty pleasantry which appears in his 
 familiar letters, evinces a cheerfulness and kindliness 
 of disposition, which continued, to the latest period of 
 his life, unsoured by the harsh treatment which he met 
 with, and uninjured by the fretting infirmities of old age. 
 
 His intellectual endowments were confessedly su- 
 perior. Possessing a vigorous mind, cultivated by 
 study, he excelled all his countrymen of that age in 
 the acquirements of a various and profound erudition. 
 He was the first Scotchman who added a taste for ele- 
 gant literature to an extensive acquaintance with the- 
 ology. In all the important public transactions of his 
 time, he sustained a conspicuous part. But those who 
 have represented him as exercising, or affecting to ex- 
 ercise, the authority of the leader of a party, in the 
 common acceptation of that term, have greatly mista- 
 ken his character. He had no pretension to those tal- 
 ents which qualify one for this task. He was a stran- 
 ger to the smooth arts and insinuating address by which 
 persons whose talents were not of t!ie highest order 
 have often succeeded in managing public bodies. He 
 could not stoop to flatter and fawn upon the multitude, 
 nor was he disposed to make those sacrifices of princi- 
 ple and personal independence which are required from 
 every one who sets up for the head of a party. Ne- 
 vertheless, his reputation for learning and probity, his 
 extensive acquaintance with the subjects in debate, his 
 promptitude of mind, his ready, fervid, and vehement 
 eloquence, and, above all, the heroic courage and firm- 
 ness which he uniformly displayed in the hour of dan- 
 ger, gave him an ascendancy over the public mind 
 which was in some respects greater than that exerted 
 by any acknowledged leader. In the church courts 
 there were others better qualified for moderating in a 
 debate, for directing the mode of procedure, or con- 
 ducting a negociation with the court ; but still Melville 
 was regarded by the nation as the master-spirit which 
 animated the whole body, and watched over the rights 
 
 • An exprcgsion applied to Archbishop Grinclal, who never 
 nriBrried. 
 
 and liberties of the church. His zeal and fearlessness 
 led him sometimes, in the heat of action, to leave the 
 ranks of his brethren, and to seize a position which 
 they deemed improper or hazardous; but still their eye 
 was fixed on him, and they were encouraged by his 
 example to maintain the conflict on lower and less dan- 
 gerous ground. 
 
 I have not met with any description of his external 
 appearance, except that given by his Majesty, who has 
 informed us that he was of low stature.* Nor do 1 
 know of any portrait of him. His bodily constitution 
 was sound ; he enjoyed a long course of good health; 
 his animal spirits were lively; and he was a stranger 
 to those alternate visitations of morbid sensibility and 
 oppressive languor by which men of talents and studi 
 ous habits are often tormented. 
 
 The greater part of Melville's writings consists of 
 Latin poems. f These display the vigour of his imag- 
 ination and the elegance of his taste; and some of 
 them will bear a comparison with the productions of 
 such of his contemporaries as were the greatest mas- 
 ters of that species of writing. But, though his poems 
 were admired at the time when they appeared, it must 
 be confessed that they have not transmitted his repu- 
 tation to posterity. This is chiefly to be ascribed to 
 the change which has taken place in literary taste, and 
 the disrepute into which such compositions have fallen 
 in later times. It has been also owing in some degree 
 to his not having produced a work of any great extent, 
 a circumstance which has no small influence on public 
 opinion. Had Buchanan not published his Para- 
 phrase of the Psalms, the merit of his other poetical 
 pieces would probably have been now known only to 
 a few. Melville found always sufficient active em- 
 ployment to excuse him from the duty of writing for 
 the public. He was not ambitious of literary fame, 
 and was quite superior to mercenary views; nor had 
 the art of converting authorship into an engine for ma- 
 king a fortune been discovered in that age. Another 
 circumstance which has proved injurious to his lite- 
 rary fame is, that a great number of his poems are 
 satires on the hierarchy. This, together with the 
 firm resistance which he made to the episcopal polity, 
 excited a strong antipathy against him among the de- 
 fenders of the English church, wiio have either dispar- 
 aged his talents or treated his writings with neglect.:^: 
 Not that all of them are chargeable with this injustice. 
 Isaac Walton, though displeased with the freedoms 
 which Melville had taken with his favourite church, 
 does not attempt to deny or conceal his talents. || A 
 
 * See above, p. 287. 
 
 + A list of his works will be fouiiil in Note PP. 
 
 J See Dr. Duport's verses " In Andream Melvinuni Scotom, 
 de sua Anti-Tauii-Canii-Categ-oria, Saphicn ver.su conscripta;" 
 added to his edition of '■ Ecclesiastes Salaaionis — 1662." A 
 striking specimen of the spirit referred to in the text is given 
 by Bishop Nicolson. In bis account of treatises left by Scotch- 
 men '• on the description and antiquities of their country," he 
 says: " 1 have not seen And. Jilelvm's Fragmentiim de Origine 
 Gentis Scotorum. Nor will the character which a raouern 
 writer gives of the author tempt any man to enquire after it." 
 (Scottish Hist. Library, p. 15. Lond. 1702. 8vo.) Now, the work 
 was staring the worthy bishop in the face all ihe time, in a book 
 which he had repeatedly quoted. The reader may be curious 
 to see the character which made an Anlioxiarian so indifferent 
 about a discourse on Antiquities ; and as tnis character is really 
 a curiosity of its kind, I shall subjoin it. " Master Andrew 
 Melvil — was a Man, by Nature, fierce and fiery, confident and 
 ])eremptory, peevish and ungovernable: Education in him, had 
 not sweetened Nature, but Nature had sowred Education; and 
 both conspiring together had tiickt him up into a true Original; 
 a piece compounded of pride and petulance, of jeer and jangle, 
 of Satyre and Sarcasm; of venome and vehemence: He hated 
 the Crown as much as the Mitre, the Scepter as much as the 
 Crosier, and could have made as bold with the Purple as with 
 the Rochet: His prime Talent was I^amnooning and writing 
 Anti-Tami-Cami-Categorias. In a word. He was the very Ar- 
 chetypal Bitter Beard of the Party." (Sage's Fundamental 
 Charter of Presbytery Examined, p. 217, 218?) 
 
 SHe was, says he, " master of a great wit, a wit full of knots 
 clenches; a wit kharp and satirical: exceeded, I think, by 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 367 
 
 modern English divine, who is a much better judge 
 than Walton, speaks of him in the following terms. 
 "The learning and abilities of Mr. Melville were 
 equalled only by the purity of his manners and the 
 sanctity of his life. His temper was warm and vio- 
 lent ; his carriage and zeal perfectly suited to the 
 times in which he lived. Archbishop Spotswood is 
 uniformly unfriendly to his memory. He seems to 
 have been treated by his adversaries with great asperi- 
 ty." — And, having quoted Duport's poem against him, 
 he adds : " Let it not, however, be inferred from these 
 verses, that Andrew Melville always sought to dip his 
 pen in gall ; that he was principally delighted with 
 the severity of satire and invective. He occasionally 
 diverted his muse to the subject of just panegyric. In 
 many of his epigrams he has celebrated the literary 
 attainments of his contemporaries. He has endeared 
 his name to posterity by his encomium on the profound 
 learning of the two Scaligers,and the classic elegance 
 of Buchanan, his preceptor, and the parent of the 
 Muses. His Latin paraphrase of the Song of Moses 
 is truly excellent — exquisitely beautiful." * 
 
 Melville's reputation, however, does not rest on his 
 writings. It is founded on the active services which 
 he performed for his country — on his successful exer- 
 tions in behalf of its literature, and his activity in 
 rearing and defending that ecclesiastical polity by 
 which it has long been distinguished. There may be 
 some who are disposed to depreciate the last of these 
 services, and to represent him as contending, and ex- 
 posing himself to sufferings, for disputable and con- 
 troverted points of small moment, relating to forms of 
 government and plans of discipline. Such language, 
 though sometimes employed by good and well-meaning 
 men, proceeds from very narrow and mistaken views. 
 If applied to civil government, who does not see the 
 sweeping inferences to which it would lead ? It would 
 discredit the most meritorious struggles in behalf of 
 liberty and law which mark the most glorious epochs 
 in our history. It would condemn those patriots who 
 nobly bled in defence of this sacred cause on the scaf- 
 fold or in the field, and represent them as having 
 *' died as a fool dieth," if not as rebels and ring- 
 leaders of revolt. And it would sink and degrade the 
 free constitution of Britain to a level with the despoti- 
 cal autocracies of Turkey and Spain. Who that has 
 duly reflected on the subject can be ignorant that forms 
 of government exert a mighty influence, both directly 
 and indirectly, on the manners, and habits, and senti- 
 ments of the people who live under them ; and that 
 some of these forms are unspeakably preferable to 
 others 1 That they are better adapted to impose a 
 check on ambitious or corrupt rulers — prevent or cor- 
 rect abuses arising from mal-administration — provide 
 for the impartial distribution of justice — preserve 
 the spirit and perpetuate the enjoyment of liberty — 
 promote education, virtue, and religion; and, in fine, 
 to secure to the people at large all that happiness 
 which it is the original and proper design of govern- 
 ment to procure and bestow 1 The opposite sentiment 
 is so palpably absurd, that there is ground to suspect 
 that it is often adopted by persons as an excuse for 
 their apathy to the public welfare, or an apology for 
 maintaining connexions which they find to be condu- 
 cive to the advancement of their secular interests. 
 These remarks apply with greater force to ecclesiasti- 
 cal than to political government. Setting aside en- 
 tirely the argument from scripture; the advancement 
 of the interests of religion, the preservation of purity 
 of faith and morals, the regular dispensing of religious 
 instruction and of all divine ordinances, and, in gene- 
 
 none of that nation but their Buchanan." This testimony to 
 Melville, which appeared in the first edition of the Life of 
 George Herbert, was suppressed in the subsequent editions. 
 Dr. Zouch restored it in his edition of Walton's Lives, p. 295. 
 * Dr. Zouch, Walton's Lives, p. 354, 355. 
 
 ral, the promoting of the spiritual improvement and 
 salvation of the people, have always depended, and 
 must always depend, in a high degree, on the form of 
 government established in a church, and on the rules 
 by which discipline is exercised in it. Perfection is 
 not to be expected in any society on earth, and the best 
 system of laws may be abused, and will cease to ac- 
 complish its ends when the vivific spirit has been suf- 
 fered to depart; but when these ends are habitually 
 and glaringly counteracted in any church, it will gene- 
 rally be found, on examination, that some check or 
 corrective which scripture, reason, and the circum- 
 stances of the times warranted and pointed out, has 
 been removed or was avvanting. The ecclesiastical 
 constitution which Melville had the chief hand in 
 establishing, is eminently calculated to advance these 
 ends. And to it, joined to the spirit which he infused 
 by his example and instructions, Scotland has been 
 indebted for other blessings of a collateral kind, and 
 of the highest importance. To it she owes that sys- 
 tem of education which has extended its blessings to 
 the lowest class in the community. To it she owes 
 the intelligence, sobriety, and religious principle which 
 distinguish her commonalty from those of other coun- 
 tries. To it she owed a simple, unambitious, labori- 
 ous, and at the same time independent order of minis- 
 ters. And to it she was indebted for the public spirit 
 which has resisted manifold disadvantages in her poli- 
 tical situation and institutions; — disadvantages, which 
 otherwise must have reduced her to a state of slavery, 
 and made her the instrument of enslaving the nation 
 with w^hich she became allied, first by the union of the 
 crowns, and afterwards by the union of the kingdoms. 
 It is a great mistake to suppose, that the facts which 
 have been adduced in the preceding narrative, refute 
 the supposition, that Melville and his associates were 
 engaged merely in resisting the imposition of certain 
 ecclesiastical forms. The object of the contest was 
 far more extensive and momentous. The efficiency, if 
 not the existence, of that discipline which had long 
 operated as a powerful check on irreligion and vice, 
 was at stake. The independence, and consequently 
 the usefulness of the ministers was struck at. The 
 inferior judicatories might be allowed to meet, but 
 only under a guard of episcopal janizaries. The Gene- 
 ral Assembly might be occasionally called together, 
 but merely for the purpose of recording royal edicts, 
 and becoming an instrument of greater oppression and 
 tyranny than the court could have exercised without 
 its aid. The immediate object of the King, by the 
 changes which he made in the government of the 
 church, was to constitute himself Dictator in all mat- 
 ters of religion ; and his ultimate object was, by means 
 of the bishops, to overturn the civil liberties of the 
 nation, and to become absolute master of the con- 
 sciences, properties, and lives of -all his subjects in 
 the three kingdoms. It was a contest therefore that 
 involved all that is dear to men and Christians — all 
 that is valuable in liberty and sacred in religion. 
 Melville was the first to discover and denounce the 
 scheme which was planned for the overthrow of these ; 
 and he persisted in opposing its execution at the ex- 
 pense of deprivation of office, imprisonment, and per- 
 petual banishment from his native country. No suf- 
 ferings to which he was subjected could bring him to 
 retract the opposition which he had made to it. No 
 offers which he received could induce him to give it 
 the slightest mark of his approbation. By the fortitude, 
 constancy, and cheerfulness with which he bore his 
 exile, he continued to testify against it; and, by ani- 
 mating his brethren who remained at home, he contri- 
 buted materially to bring about a revolution, which, 
 not long after his death, levelled with the ground that 
 ill-omened fabric, the rearing of which had cost the 
 labour of so many years, and the expense of so much 
 principle and conscience. 
 
358 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 State of Literature in Scotland when Melville 
 WAS settled at St. Andrews, anno 1580. 
 
 Erection of University of St. Andrews — Its Constitution — Col- 
 leges founded in it — State of the University at the Reforma- 
 tion — Mode of Teaching and Conferring Degrees in the 
 Faculty of Arts — and of Theology — New Plan of the Uni- 
 versity in the First Book of Discipline — by Buchanan — bv 
 Parliament — Sketch of the New Mode of Teaching — Mel- 
 ville'* Share in Drawing it up — Reform on the other Uni- 
 versities — Parochial Schools — High School of Glasg-ow — of 
 Edinburgh — Scholastic Philosophy — John Rutherford — Civil 
 Law — William Skene— Edward Henryson — Theology and 
 Poetry — Alexander Arbuthnot — Thomas Sraeton — Thomas 
 Maitland — Patrick Adamson — John Davidson. 
 
 We have had repeated occasion, in the preceding 
 
 Sages, to advert to the state of literature in Scotland, 
 lut the subject, from its importance, and the con- 
 nexion in which it stands with the life of Melville, is 
 entitled to something more than a cursory notice and 
 incidental illustrations. I shall, therefore, endeavour, 
 in this chapter, to throw some light on the state of our 
 literature when Melville was first established in tlie 
 university of St. Andrews; and, in the following chap- 
 ter, shall conclude with an account of the progress 
 which it had made when he was removed from that 
 situation. 
 
 The literary history of Scotland at the first of these 
 periods embraces the universities, the parochial schools, 
 and the individuals who distinguished themselves by 
 their writings. The university of St. Andrews was 
 the earliest, and continued long to be the most cele- 
 brated of our acadenoical institutions. For two centu- 
 ries almost all the eminent men who appeared in this 
 country were connected with it, either as teachers or 
 pupils. A brief description of its constitution, the 
 mode of instruction practised in it, and the changes 
 made on this, will convey a better idea of the state of 
 our literature than any sketch which I could propose to 
 give of the history of all the universities. 
 
 At the commencement of the fifteenth century, no 
 great school existed in Scotland ; and the youth who 
 were desirous of a liberal education were under the 
 necessity of seelcing it abroad. The inconveniences 
 arising from this were increased by the dissensions 
 which the conflictinsr claims of the rival popes excited 
 on the continent. To remedy the evil, Henry Ward- 
 law, bishop of St. Andrews, with the consent of par- 
 liament, erected, in the year 1411, a General Study, or 
 university, in the chief city of his diocese ; * and, two 
 years after, the charter which he had granted was con- 
 firmed by a bull from Benedict XIII. whom the Scots 
 then acknowledged as sovereign pontifF.f 
 
 The university of St. Andrews was formed on the 
 model of those of Paris and Bologna, and enjoyed the 
 same privileges. All its members, or supposts, as 
 they were called, including the students who had at- 
 tained the degree of bachelor as well as the masters, 
 were divided into nations, according to the places from 
 which they came. At a congregation or general meet- 
 ing, they elected four procurators, who liad a right to 
 act for them in all causes in which their interests were 
 concerned, and four intrants or electors, by whom the 
 rector was chosen. The rector was the chief magis- 
 trate, and had authority to judge and pronounce sen- 
 tence, with the advice and consent of his assessors,^ in 
 all causes, civil and criminal, relating to members of 
 the university, with the exception of crimes which in- 
 curred the highest punishment. || He had a right to 
 
 re-pledge any member of the university who might be 
 called before any other judge, civil or ecclesiastical ; 
 and, in certain cases, those who did not belong to the 
 university might be called before the rector's court, 
 upon the complaint of a master or student. It is natu- 
 ral to suppose that the exercise of these powers would 
 give occasion to a collision of authorities ; and, accord- 
 ingly, a concordat was entered into, at an early period, 
 between the university and the magistrates of the city, 
 by which the limits of their jurisdictions were defined 
 and adjusted.* The university had the right of pur- 
 chasing victuals free from custom, within the city and 
 the regality of the abbey.f It was also exempted 
 from paying all other imposts and taxes, even those 
 levied by tlie Estates, with the exception of, what is 
 called, the great custom. Its members enjoyed immu- 
 nity from the duties exacted for confirming testaments; 
 and such of them as were clergymen, and possessed 
 benefices with cure, were liberated by the papal bull 
 from obligation to personal residence as long as they 
 taught in the university. :f: Besides its civil and cri- 
 minal jurisdiction, the university possessed ecclesias- 
 tical powers, in the exercise of which it sometimes 
 proceeded to excommunication. || It may be mentioned 
 as an evidence of the respect paid to literature, that, in 
 consequence of a dispute which had arisen, it was de- 
 termined that the Rector of the University should take 
 precedence of the Prior of the Abbey in all public 
 processions. § 
 
 For the direction of its literary affairs, the members 
 of the university were divided into faculties, according 
 to the sciences that were taught. At the head of each 
 of these was a dean, who presided at the meetings of 
 the masters of his faculty for regulating the mode of 
 study, and for examinations. The Chancellor pre- 
 sided at meetings of the university for the conferring 
 of degrees.^ It was long before medicine was taught, 
 as a separate science, in our universities, and it does 
 not appear that they were accustomed anciently to con- 
 fer degrees in law. The branches taught were the 
 arts or philosophy, canon law, and divinity.** 
 
 However limited this course of education was, and 
 however rude and imperfect the mode in which it was 
 conducted, such an institution could not fail to produce 
 effects favourable to the progress of knowledge. The 
 erection of the University of St. Andrews may be re- 
 
 » Forduni Scoticliron lib. xv. chap. 22. Boethii Hist. Scot, 
 lib. xvl. The bishop erected the university "de eonsilio, con- 
 •ensu, et comniuni trartatu trium Statuum personarum regoi 
 Scotiae." (Bulla Fundationin Univ. S. Andr«a;.) 
 
 + Papers of the University. 
 
 \ In general the university elected the assessors, and em- 
 powered the Rector to appoint his deputies. The number of 
 usessors was twelve, three from each nation. 
 
 P " dummodo ad atrocem injuriam non sit proce«»u»." (Con- 
 
 cession of Privileges by Bishop Wardlaw.") There is one in- 
 stance of capital punishment being inflicted by the sentence of 
 the rector of the university of Glasgow. (Statist. Account of 
 Scotland, vol. xxi. Appena.]) 
 
 * Concordia inita, per episcop. Jac. Kennedy, inter suppositat 
 universitatis et cives Sti. Andrea, A. D. 1440. 
 
 t The prior joined with the bishop in the charter of Conces- 
 sion of Privileges. — The abbey of St. Andrews had a jurisdic- 
 tion of its own, and magistrates independent of those of the 
 city. About the time ofthe Reformation, the Master of Lind- 
 say was "principall baillie of the priorie of Sanct-androis," 
 and Robert Pont was " procurator phiscall of the said priorie." 
 (Sumnionds— David Monepenny elder of Pitniilly ag* Mr. 
 James Wilkie, &c. March 6, 1577.) 
 
 X Bulla CoRcess. Privileg. Univ. S. A. 
 
 II In a dispute which the rector and professors of theology in 
 the university had with the masters of St. Salvator's College 
 about the jwwer of conferring degrees, the former threatened 
 the latter with ecclesiastical censures. The matter was settled 
 by a provincial council held in 1470, in the way of the College 
 consenting to renounce the right which they had acciiiired by 
 a papal bull. (Hovei Oratio tie Fundat. Univ. Andr. MS.) In 
 the reformation of the university of St. Andrews in 1579, it is 
 provided, " that in place of the pane of cui-sing vsit of befoir 
 vpoun oflendo" and inobedientis They be now decernit be de- 
 creit of the recto' and chief membris of the vni^silie efter the 
 cognifioun of the caus to be debarrit secludit and remouit out 
 of the vniu-iitie And to tyne and foirfalt the priuilegis and ben- 
 cfittis yrof " (Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iii. p. 181.) 
 
 i Hovei Oratio. . . , , 
 
 Ibid. The mode of study, and of examination for degrect 
 in the arts or philosophy, appears to have been regulated soon 
 after the erection of the university. James of Haddiston wa» 
 dean of the faculty of theology in 1432, when similar regula- 
 tions were made as to theological study and graduation. 
 »» See Note QQ. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 359 
 
 garded as marking the first dawn of learning in Scot- 
 land. Attracted by novelty, or animated by that thirst 
 for knowledge which has always characterized Scotch- 
 men, students came to St. Andrews from every part of 
 the kingdom. 
 
 The university appears to have been possessed of 
 Tery slender funds until the erection of colleges in it. 
 The College of St. Salvator wns founded by bishop Ken- 
 nedy in the year 1450 ; that of St. Leonard was founded 
 by John Hepburn, the prior of the abbey, in the year 
 1512 ; and the erection of St. Mary^s, or the New Col- 
 lege, was begun by archbishop Beaton in the year 
 1532, and completed by Archbishop Hamilton in the 
 year 1552. Each of these was endowed with funds 
 for the support of a certain number of professors and 
 bursars. In the regulations of St. Mary's College, 
 we may observe the advancement which knowledge 
 had already made, and the influence which it exerted 
 over the minds of the popish prelates or their advisers.* 
 
 A college has been compared to an incorporated 
 trade within a burgh ; but it bears a still more striking 
 resemblance to a convent. The principal difference 
 between them is, that the latter was an association en- 
 tirely for religious purposes, whereas learning was the 
 chief object of the former. The members of the col- 
 lege, like the monks, were bound to live, eat, and 
 sleep in the same house, they were supported in com- 
 mon upon the goods of the college, and were astricted 
 in all things to the will of the founder. A university, 
 though a chartered body, was not under the same re- 
 gulations, nor was the same provision made for its 
 members. The college was within the university ; 
 the members of the former were also members of the 
 latter, partook of its privileges, and were subject to 
 its government. 
 
 Two things deserve notice as to the college of St. 
 Leonard. In the first place, although it owed its erec- 
 tion to monks, was placed under their immediate su- 
 perintendence, and taught constantly by persons taken 
 from the convent ; and although its original foundation 
 and subsequent endowments were highly calculated to 
 foster superstition,! yet the reformed opinions obtained 
 an earlier and more extensive reception in this college 
 than in the rest of the university, j^ In the second 
 place, this seminary had at first to struggle with great 
 difficulties on account of the slenderness of its funds; 
 but by the vigilance of its patrons, and the diligence 
 of those who had the charge of education, it not only 
 surmounted these, but attained great celebrity. So 
 many of the sons of the nobility and gentry came to 
 study at St. Leonard's, that the name of the College of 
 Poor Clerks, which the founder had originally given it, 
 conveyed a very erroneous idea of those who resided 
 within its walls. || 
 
 The defence and increase of the Catholic faith was 
 one declared object of the erection of all the colleges. 
 This is more particularly expressed in the deeds foun- 
 ding and providing for the College of St. Mary. It 
 was erected " for defending and confirming the Catho- 
 lic Faith, that the Christian religion might flourish, 
 the word of God might be more abundantly sown in 
 the hearts of the faithful, and to oppose the heresies and 
 schisms of the pestiferous hereticsand heresiarchs who. 
 
 * See Note RR. 
 
 f In 1525, John Archibald founded an nltar in the College 
 of Poor Students, to the honour of the blessed Virgin Mary, 
 "for the salvation of John Hepburn, prior of the monastery and 
 all the canons, also for the souls of Mr. Michael Livingston, 
 former vicar of Wenus, and of Sir Robert Wallis, former arch- 
 deacon of St. Andrews; also of the souls of his own father 
 and his mother, and his spouse Margret Symsoun, and all his 
 benefactors and friends." — The masters appear to have enter- 
 tained notions of piety somewhat different from the above, 
 when, in 1550, they ordained that the fines levied from absen- 
 tees should, after growing to a round sum, be converted " in 
 vinura, ad refociilandos conversantium animos, et in alios pios 
 usus." (Papers of University.) 
 
 i Life of John Knox, p. 27. 
 
 ft Hovei Oratio. Comp. Cald, MS. vol. ii. p. 431. 
 
 alas ! have sprung up and flourished in these times, in 
 this as well as in many other parts of the world."* Yet 
 within a short time after this language was held, these 
 " pestiferous heretics" prevailed against the Catholic 
 faith, and obtained possession of the very places and 
 funds which were destined for their suppression and 
 extirpation. The protestant sentiments had for many 
 years been secretly spreading in all the colleges of 
 St. Andrews, and they were now embraced by the 
 greater part of the professors, with perhaps the excep- 
 tion of those of St. Salvator's. 
 
 During the agitation of the religious controversy, 
 the academical exercises were interrupted, and the 
 number of students diminished. In the year 1559, the 
 faculty of arts was under the necessity of superceding 
 the public exhibitions usual at graduation.! Several 
 of the masters in St. Salvator's, including William 
 Cranston, the principal, adhered to the ancient religion, 
 and left their places ; but the greater part, if not the 
 whole, of those belonging to the two other colleges, 
 embraced the Reformation, and consequently retained 
 their situations. John Douglas, afterwards archbishop 
 of St. Andrews, was at this time principal of St. Ma- 
 ry's College, !: and John Duncanson was principal of 
 St. Leonard's. || 
 
 Every thing connected with the Roman Catholic 
 faith and worship, which was interwoven with the 
 laws and practice of the university and of the colleges 
 belonging to it, was removed at the establishment of 
 the Reformation. Other alterations were at the same 
 time contemplated by the reformers, but various causes 
 prevented them from being carried into eflfect. Ac- 
 cordingly, the mode of teaching, and the academical 
 exercises, so far as related to philosophy or the arts, 
 continued nearly on their former footing. 
 
 All the scholars who entered at one time into a col- 
 lege, formed a class, which was put under the govern- 
 ment of a regent, with whom they continued four 
 years. The regents had not, like the professors, per- 
 manent situations in the college. It would appear, 
 that originally every master of arts was bound to teach 
 a class, and came under an engagement to this purpose 
 at his laureation. Afterwards it became customary to 
 grant dispensations from this duty. When the num- 
 ber of graduated persons had increased, and it became 
 in other respects an object of importance to obtain a 
 regency, those who were desirous of it presented a 
 petition to the faculty, in which they professed their 
 knowledge of the text of Aristotle, and requested per- 
 mission to explain it, or, in other words, to govern a 
 class. They were ordinarily bound to continue until 
 they had taught two classes; but at St. Andrews, the 
 greater part of the regents retained their situations, to 
 which the profits arising from altarages or chaplanries 
 were attached, until they obtained a living in the 
 church or an oflSce in the state. 
 
 Though the regular time of the course was four 
 
 * Donatio de Conveth, Jun, 26, 1550; et Donatio de Tarvet, 
 Mart. 31, 1558. 
 
 f " Nonus Rectoratus Magri Joannis Douglasii praepositi 
 novi collegii Mariani, 1558. Hoc anno propter tumultus reli- 
 gionis ergo exertos, paucissimi scholastic! ad hanc universita- 
 tem venermit," (Only three names of Incorporati are inserted.) 
 — "Consiliis habitis 15 Maii a" 59 de promovendis discipulis 
 statuit acadeniia oes laureMos hujus anni pro laureatis haberi, 
 quod universa refp. perturbaone et religionis reformatione vete- 
 res ritus seruare inipediretur." 
 
 } Keith (Scottish Bishops,.p. 25,) has confounded the Arch- 
 bishop with a preacher named Douglas, who was chaplain to 
 the Earl of Argyte in 1558. The description given of the lat- 
 ter will not answer to the former,, who was provost of St. Ma- 
 ry's College from 1547, till his death in 1574 and was always 
 resident in the university. 
 
 {{ Duncanson demitted in 1566. In a donation of books, and 
 other valuable articles, subscribed by his own hand, he styles 
 himself "umqle Maister principal! of Sanctleonardis College, — 
 and Mr. James Wilkye Principall regent and maister of the 
 samyn in name of the College askit instrument." Wilkie ap- 
 pears to have considered the succession to the principality aa 
 rhis due, but it was conferred on Buchanan, 
 
360 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 years, it was usually finished in three years and a half. 
 The session began on the first of October, and conti- 
 nued through the whole year, except the months of 
 August and September, which were allowed as a vaca- 
 tion. The regent assembled his class three hours 
 every day, and read and explained the books of Aris- 
 totle, which the students were bound to bring along 
 with them. He began with dialectics or logic, then pro- 
 ceeded to ethics, next to physics, and concluded with 
 metaphysics, which was called prima philosophia or 
 the highest branch of philosophy, and mathematics, 
 which included arithmetic. During their course, the 
 students were frequently employed in disputations and 
 declamations, both privately in their class, and pub- 
 licly before the college and the university. Besides 
 seeing that the regents and students did their duty, the 
 principal usually read public lectures on what were 
 then reckoned the higher branches of philosophy, 
 which were attended by all the students in college, 
 except those of the first year.* 
 
 In the middle of the third year of their course, such 
 of the students as obtained an attestation of regular 
 attendance and good behaviour from their regent and 
 the principal of their college, were admitted to enter 
 on trials for the degree of bachelor. For this purpose 
 the faculty chose every year three regents, one from 
 each college, as examinators. In the presence of these 
 the candidates determined f a question, in logic or mo- 
 rals, in a continued discourse, and answered such ques- 
 tions as were proposed to them on any of the branches 
 which they had studied under their respective agents. 
 The examinators made their report to the faculty, when 
 such as had given satisfaction were confirmed as ba- 
 chelors by the Dean, and the rest were sent to a lower 
 class. — The act of laureation at the end of the course 
 was conducted in a similar manner. But on this oc- 
 casion the candidates were examined on the whole cir- 
 cle of the arts, and bound to defend a thesis, which 
 had been previously affixed to the gates of the differ- 
 ent colleges. They were divided into circles, and 
 their names arranged according to their merit, with a 
 certain preference, however, to persons of rank. :{: And 
 the degree of master of arts was solemnly conferred 
 on them by the Chancellor of the university, ifi nomine 
 Patris, Filii et Spiritus Sancti. The intermediate de- 
 gree of licentiate of arts is recognised by the laws, 
 but it was not separately conferred, at least in later 
 times. Both at the receiving the degree of bachelor 
 and master, the graduates paid certain sums of money, 
 according to their rank, to the pnrse of the university 
 and of the faculty, to the dean, and to the other offi- 
 cers ; and those who were poor obliged themselves to 
 give what was due to the public funds as soon as they 
 
 * James Melville has left an account of the course of study 
 followed by William Collace, who was his regent in St. Leo- 
 nard's between 1570 and 1574. After stating that he began 
 with teaching " Cassander's Rhetoric," he adds: "We hard 
 the Oration pro rege Deitaro. Than he gaifl' w» a conipend of 
 his awin of Philosopi and the partes y'of — We enterit in the 
 organ of Arist. y' year, and leirnit to the Demonstrations. — The 
 gecund year of my course we hard the Demonstrations, the 
 Topiks, and the Sophist captiones. And the Primarius Mr. 
 James Wilkie, a g^iid peacabic sweet auld man wha luifTed me 
 Weill, tcached the four species of the arithmetik and sum thing 
 of the sphere. — The third yeir of our course we hard the fyve 
 buiks of the Ethiks, wt the aught buiks of the Physiks, and de 
 ortu et interitu. The yeir we had our Bachelar act according 
 to the solemnities then vsed of Declamations, banqueting and 
 niayes. — The fourt and last yeir of our course, quhdk was the 
 i7yeir of my age outpast and 18 rinning, we learned the buiks 
 de ccelo and meteors, also the cphere more exactly teachit by 
 our awin regent, and maid ws for our vicces and blackstons, 
 and had at race our promotion and finishing of our course."' 
 (Dian-, p. 22—24.) 
 
 t From this act they were called Determinantes. 
 
 i " Examinatos secundum scientiae et morum eminentiara 
 principalitcrlocent et ordinent. Ex prteclara tamen domo pa- 
 terna nobilitatem sanguinis Irahentes, nee non cum Rcgentibus 
 honeste et commensaliter viventes, modo in literis aliqualiter 
 emditi et morlbus probi, nonnihil pensitantet." (Statuta anni 
 1570.) 
 
 were in ability. By an old law, each student, includ- 
 ing those who held bursaries, was bound to give to his 
 regent annually, for three years, a Scots noble, which 
 in later times was interpreted as answering to a pound 
 Scots, " salva cujuscunque uberiore Hberalifate.^^ * 
 
 We cannot form such an exact judgment respecting 
 the ancient mode of teaching theology, as the Refor- 
 mation necessarily made a greater change on this de- 
 partment of instruction. Many of the ancient forms, 
 however, were still retained and observed. There 
 continued to be a theological faculty, consisting of the 
 doctors, licentiates, and bachelors of divinity, who re- 
 sided within the university. f They assembled, along 
 with the students of divinity, annually on the first of 
 October, when a sermon or oration, intended to excite 
 the hearers to diligence in sacred studies, was deliver- 
 ed. The masters and bachelors then met apart, and 
 arranged the subjects on which each should read lec- 
 tures during the year, and the times at which they 
 should read them. The lectures were delivered on the 
 Scriptures, which were divided into five parts ; the 
 Pentateuch or legal books, the historical books, the 
 sapiential, the prophetical, and those of the New Tes- 
 tament, j^ " Formerly, under papacy, the students 
 ascended to degrees in theology, by reading the Sen- 
 tences of Peter Lombard ; but now, since the reforma- 
 tion of religion and the burial of popery, this practice 
 is altered and reformed." From the beginning of July 
 to the end of September there was an intermission of 
 the lectures ; and during this interval the students 
 were exercised once a-weck in theological disputa- 
 tions, at which one of the masters presided, and the 
 rest were present and took a share in the debate. The 
 disputants were exhorted to avoid the altercation usu- 
 ally practised in the schools, " and not to bite and de- 
 vour one another like dogs, but to behave as men de- 
 sirous of mutual instruction, and as the servants of 
 Christ, who ought not to strive but to be gentle to all." 
 
 The lectures were chiefly delivered by those who 
 were proceeding in their theological degrees. Before 
 entering on this duty, it behoved them to have been 
 students of divinity for three years, to have sustained 
 the part of a respondent twice in the public disputes 
 during the vacancies, to have given proof of their 
 talents twice in the weekly exercise, and to have 
 preached once in the vulgar language before the peo- 
 ple and in Latin before the university. After this, 
 being admitted by the faculty, they taught for four years 
 in the public schools, by expounding the Scriptures, 
 according to the arrangement formerly mentioned. The 
 probationary lecture which they delivered at the com- 
 mencement of each part of the course, may be viewed 
 as a specimen of the mode of teaching then practised. 
 The lecturer began with pronouncing a panegyric on 
 the books of Scripture which he proposed to expound ; 
 he next gave a summary of their contents ; and, in the 
 third place, having selected a particular passage, he 
 started a question from it, stated the opinions held on 
 the affirmative and negative sides, laid down certain 
 
 * Statuta 17 Mart. 1583. By the Statutes of 1561, the stu- 
 dent was bound to give thirty shillings, " unless he be poor." 
 
 The designation pawper does not appear to have been always 
 used in the same sense. In Feb. 1579, it was declared "Solos 
 bursarios et niendicos pauperes esse censendos." But from 
 other documents it appears that all the students of philosophy 
 were divided into three classes: " Primars or f>o/«n/tor«», Se- 
 condars or votentes, and ternars or minus potentes, oliui pavr 
 peres;" anu the latter paid dues, although pro|)ortionallj 
 smaller than the two former. 
 
 f Baron speaks of John Winram as dean of the faculty of 
 theology about 1574. (MS. Orat. super Jac. Martinio.) 
 
 \ The particular books included under each of these divi- 
 sions are specified ; and it is a curious circumstance, that most 
 of the Apocryphal books are among them. Thus, among the 
 historical books are, " duo Esdre, duo Tobic, Judith, quibus et 
 duo Macabeorum libri adjungi possiint." Among the sapiential 
 books we find " Librum Sapientinc et Ecclesiasticum;" and 
 " Baruch" is enumerated along with the books of the prophets. 
 'Statut. Theol. Reform. A. 1570.) 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 361 
 
 propositions for clearing the truth, confirmed it by tes- 
 timonies of Scripture, and solved the difficulties that 
 might be urged against it. Before the students in the 
 public schools, the lecturers were bound to confine 
 themselves to a single chapter at a time, and were di- 
 rected to explain the text distinctly and methodically, 
 by comparing it with other passages of Scripture, or 
 by producing the judgment of the most approved and 
 skilful interpreters, " provided nothing was brought 
 forward that could not stand the test of Scripture." — 
 It would seem that this was nearly the method which 
 the professors followed in their theological lectures.* 
 
 When the student commenced lecturing on the legal 
 books, he was declared by the faculty a cursory bache- 
 lor of divinity; on commencing the prophetical books, 
 he became a formed bachelor ; and, on entering on the 
 books of the New Testament, he was pronounced a 
 confirmed bachelor. On finishing his course of teach- 
 ing, he proceeded to take his degrees of licentiate and 
 doctor. The statutes describe at length the disputa- 
 tions which were maintained, and the ceremonies which 
 were used on both these occasions.! 
 
 Such was the plan of study agreed upon by the 
 theological professors about the time of the Reforma- 
 tion. But there is no good reason to think that it was 
 reduced to practice ; and though this had been the 
 case, it has little claim to our commendation. The 
 lectures read by young men who had studied divinity 
 for so short a period as three years, must have been 
 extremely jejune and superficial ; and it does not ap- 
 pear that any effectual provision was made to secure 
 their diligence in these exhibitions. Yet their lec- 
 tures, such as they were, served as a pretext for the 
 regular professors neglecting the duty of theological 
 instruction. In these circumstances, we need not be 
 surprised to find that the study of divinity in the uni- 
 versity was nearly nominal, and that scholastic philo- 
 sophy engrossed the attention of both masters and 
 scholars. X 
 
 The First Book of Discipline proposed a plan for 
 re-modelling the three universities, which contained 
 the following arrangements for St. Andrews. Tlie 
 first college was to contain classes for dialectics, ma- 
 thematics, natural philosophy, and medicine. In the 
 second college, a lecturer on ethics, economics, and 
 politics, and two lecturers on law, Roman and muni- 
 cipal, were to be established. And the third college 
 was to be provided with two teachers of languages, 
 one of Greek and another of Hebrew, and two teachers 
 of divinity, the one of the Old and the other of the New 
 Testament. None were to be graduated in their re- 
 spective faculties unless they had attended the regular 
 course, which, for students of philosophy, was three 
 years, of law four years, and of medicine and divinity, 
 five years. This plan was unquestionably an improve- 
 ment on the original constitution, according to which 
 the three colleges were completely independent, and 
 exactly the same branches were taught in each. And 
 in other respects it was favourable to the advancement 
 of literature and science. But it was not adopted. In 
 vain did the authors recommend it to the nobility, 
 along with a proposal to erect parochial schools, as con- 
 tributing to " the most high advancement of the com- 
 monwealth." In vain they urged, " If God shall give 
 your wisdoms grace to set forward letters in the sort 
 prescribed, ye shall leave wisdom and learning to your 
 posterity, a treasure more to be esteemed than any 
 earthly treasures ye are able to amass for them, which, 
 without wisdom, are more able to be their ruin and 
 confusion than help and comfort." || Prejudice is 
 
 » Melville's Diary, p. 24. 
 
 + Statuta Fac. Theology, olim condita, et jam abolito papismo 
 ct reformata religione, circa A. D. 1560, in parte niutata, et 
 juxta nomiam verbi Dei in melius reformata. 
 
 t Melville's Diary, p. 92. 
 
 II First Book of Discipline: Art. Of the Erection of Uni- 
 versilies. 
 
 3\ 
 
 blind, and avarice deaf, to all considerations of public 
 good ; but the plan will remain a lasting monument of 
 the enlightened and patriotic views of its compilers. 
 
 In the year 1563, a petition was presented to the 
 Queen and Lords of Articles, "in the name of all that 
 within this realm ar desyrous that leirning and letters 
 floreis,"* stating that the patrimony of some of the 
 foundations in the colleges, particularly at St. An- 
 drews, was wasted, and that several sciences, and es- 
 pecially those which were most necessary, the tongues 
 and humanity, were very imperfectly taught in them, 
 to the great detriment of the whole lieges, their chil- 
 dren and posterity; and praying that measures should 
 be taken to remedy these evils. In consequence of 
 this representation, the parliament appointed a com- 
 mittee to visit the colleges, and to report their opinion 
 as to the best mode of improving the state of educa- 
 tion. f No report from the committee is on record ; but 
 there has been preserved a plan for the colleges of St. 
 Andrews, which appears to have been drawn up, in 
 virtue of this appointment, by Buchanan, who was one 
 of the commissioners. The arrangements which it 
 proposes differ in detail from those of the First Book 
 of Discipline, though they proceed on the same gene- 
 ral principle. The first college was to be entirely con- 
 fined to the teaching of languages, and regulated in 
 a great measure as a grammar school. :j: The sec- 
 ond, called the college of philosophy, was to have 
 four regents in the arts, and a lecturer on medicine. 
 The third, named the college of divinity, was most 
 poorly provided for : it was only to have a principal, 
 to be reader in Hebrew, and a lawyer. || The author 
 of this draught had his attention too exclusively di- 
 rected to the cultivation of languages and humanity. 
 
 The civil war which raged between the adherents of 
 the king and queen put a stop to these measures of 
 academical reform, but no sooner was peace establish- 
 ed than the design was resumed by the friends of liter- 
 ature. In April, 1576, the General Assembly appoint- 
 ed commissioners to visit and consider the state of the 
 university of St. Andrews ; § and in 1578, the parlia- 
 ment made a similar appointment as to all the univer- 
 sities in the kingdom.^ Nothing having been done in 
 consequence of this appointment, the General Assem- 
 bly which met in Jul}', 1579, presented a petition to 
 the king and council, urging the necessity of a change 
 on the university of St. Andrews ; and nominated com- 
 missioners to co-operate in that business with such as 
 the council might be pleased to appoint.** The coun- 
 cil immediately appointed commissioners, to whom 
 they gave ample powers. They were authorised to 
 consider the foundations in the university, and not only 
 to remove superstition and displace unqualified per- 
 sons, but also to change the form of study and the 
 number of professors, to join or divide the faculties, to 
 annex each faculty to such college as they thought 
 
 * This petition continued to lie before the Parliament; and 
 in 1567, and again in 1531, it was referred by them to the con- 
 sideration of commissioners. It must, therefore, have contain- 
 ed proposals additional to those which were sanctioned by the 
 act of 1579. Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iii. p. 30. 214. 
 
 t Act. Pari. Scot. vol. ii. p. 544. 
 
 \ It seems to have been formed on the model of the college 
 or school of Geneva. (Les Ordonnances Ecclesiastiques de 
 I'Eglise de Geneve: Item I'Ordre des Escoles, p. 83 — 87.) 
 
 |[ The plan is published in Dr. Irving's Mem. of Buchanan, 
 App. No. iii. 2d edit. According to the old plan of teaching in 
 universities, mathematics formed, rather preposterously, the 
 last part of the course. The First Book of Discipline appoint- 
 ed them to be taught before physics. But Buchanan's plan 
 reverts to the ancient arrangement — " the naturell philosophic, 
 metaphisicks, and principis of mathematicks." 
 
 5 Buik of Universall Kirk, p. 65. 
 
 IT Act. Pari. Scot. iii. 98. Melville was one of the commis- 
 sioners nominated by Parliament to visit the University of St. 
 Andrews. They were authorised to examine the foundations 
 of the colleges, to reform what tended to superstition, to re- 
 move unquaRfied and plant qualified persons; but not to make 
 alterations on the mode of teaching. 
 
 »* Buik of Univ. Kirk, p. 93. 
 
863 
 
 LfFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 most proper for it, and in general to establish such or- 
 der in the university as should tend most to the glory 
 of God, profit of the commonwealth, and good up- 
 bringing of the youth in sciences needful for continu- 
 ance of the true religion. The commissioners found, 
 that all the colleges had departed from their originaj 
 foundations, and that these foundations disagreed in 
 many things with the true religion, and were far from 
 " that perfection of teaching which this learned age 
 craves ;" and they agreed upon a new form of instruc- 
 tion to be observed in the university. This was laid 
 before the ensuing meeting of parliament, by which 
 it was ratified on the 11th of November, 1579. The 
 following is an outline of the provisions made by the 
 new establishment. 
 
 In the college of St. Salvator, a principal, and four 
 ordinary professors or regents of humanity and philos- 
 ophy, were established. The first regent was to 
 teach the Greek Grammar, and to exercise the students 
 in Latin composition during the first, and in Greek 
 during the second half year. The second regent was 
 to teach the principles of invention, disposition, and 
 elocution; or, in other words, of rhetoric, in the short- 
 est, easiest, and most accurate manner, with the prac- 
 tice of them in the best authors, Roman and Greek. 
 The students of this class were to spend an hour at 
 least every day in composition, and during the last 
 half year they were to declaim or pronounce an oration 
 once every month, in Latin and Greek alternately. It 
 was the duty of the third regent to teach the most 
 profitable and needful parts of the logics of Aristotle, 
 with his ethics and politics, all in Greek, and the Offices 
 of Cicero in Latin. The fourth regent was to teach 
 so much of the physics as was needful, and the doc- 
 trine of the sphere. Rach regent was to retain his 
 own profession. On Sunday a lesson in the Greek 
 New Testament was to be read in all the four classes. 
 Professors of mathematics and law, who were to lec- 
 ture on four days of every week^were also established 
 in this college. The lectures on law were to be at- 
 tended by all the advocates and writers in the commis- 
 sary court ; and none were to be admitted for the fu- 
 ture to act as procurators before the lords or other 
 judges, until they gave a specimen of their learning 
 before the university, and produced a testimoo-ial of 
 their diligent attendance and the degree of their pro- 
 gress. The principal of St. Salvator's was to act as 
 professor of medicine. — The same arrangements were 
 made as to the college of St. Leonard ; with this dif- 
 ference, that there were no classes fbr mathematics 
 and law established in it; and the principal, instead 
 of teaching medicine, was to explain the philosophy 
 of Plato. — St. Mary's, or the New College, was ap- 
 
 firopriated entirely to the study of theology and the 
 anguages connected with it. The course of study in 
 it was to be completed in four years, under the tuition 
 of five professors. The first professor was to teach 
 the elements of Hebrew during six months, and of 
 Chaldee and Syriac during the remainder of the first 
 year. During the subsequent eighteen months, the 
 students were to prosecute the study of these lan- 
 guages under the second professor, who was to ex- 
 plain the pentateuch and historical books of the Qld 
 Testament critically, by comparing the original text 
 with the Chaldee paraphrases, the Septuagint, and 
 other ancient versions. The third professor was to 
 explain the prophetical books of the Old Testament 
 after the same manner, during the last eighteen months 
 of the course. During the whole four years, the fourth 
 professor was to explain the New Testament by com- 
 paring the original with the Syriac version. And the 
 fifth professor, who was Principal of the College, was 
 to lecture, during the same period, on the common 
 places or system of divinity. All the students were 
 bound to attend the lectures of three professors every 
 day during the continuance of their theological course ; 
 by which it was expected that they would, " with 
 
 meane diligence, became perfite theologians." Public 
 disputations were to be held every week, declama- 
 tions once a month, end at three periods during the 
 course, a solemn examination was to take place, at 
 which, " every learned man shall be free to dispute." 
 Eight bursars of theology were to reside with the 
 professors, and to be supported on the rents of the 
 college. It was ordained, that after four years had 
 elapsed from the date of this new erection, none should 
 be admitted ministers of the church who had not com- 
 pleted their course of theology, or who should not be 
 found worthy and qualified to receive all their degrees 
 in it after a "rigorous examination " by the faculty. 
 The persons at present occupying the place of masters 
 in the New College, were ordered to remove from it 
 without delay.* From the "great variety at this 
 present of learned in the knowledge of the tongues 
 and other things needful," the parliamentary commis- 
 sioners had selected such as they thought most quali- 
 fied for teaching in the New College ; and it was or- 
 dained, that, upon any future vacancy, the place should 
 be filled by open comparative trial before the archbish- 
 op of St. Andrews, the conservator of the privileges 
 of the university, the rector, deans of faculty, and 
 theological professors. Vacancies in the two other 
 colleges were to be supplied in a similar manner. As 
 the youth had lost much time by long vacations, it was 
 ordained, that for the future the classes should sit dur- 
 ing the whole year, except the month of September.! 
 Rales were laid down for preventing the revenues of 
 the colleges from being wasted or diverted to improper 
 uses. And at the end of every period of four years, a 
 royal visitation of the university was to take place, to 
 inquire into the effects of this reformation, and to see 
 that its regulations were observed. f 
 
 It would be affronting the learned reader to enter 
 into a statement of the superiority of this plan of edu- 
 cation to that which it was intended to supersede. It 
 was the most liberal and enlightened plan of study 
 which had yet been established, as far as I know, in 
 any European university. In comparing it with mod- 
 ern institutions, great allowance must be made for the 
 imperfect state in which many of the sciences were at 
 that period. But even as to these we may observe an 
 evident tendency to improvement in the new regulations. 
 The " most profitable and needful parts " only of the 
 Aristotelian logic and physics were to be taught ; and 
 the lectures on Platonic philosophy served as a coun- 
 terpoise to the Peripatetic, which had hitherto posses- 
 sed an exclusive and uncontrolled authority in the uni- 
 versity. The method of study prescribed for the theo- 
 logical college was well calculated to realize the hopes 
 expressed in the act. It appointed a greater number 
 of teachers of the Old Testament than either was ne- 
 cessary or could easily be obtained ; and one of them 
 might have been employed with more advantage in 
 reading lectures on Ecclesiastical History, according 
 to an arrangement which was subsequently introduced. 
 But the attention paid to the sacred languages, and 
 especially to the oriental tongues, is entitled to the 
 highest commendation, and shews that the authors of 
 the plan had conceived correct ideas of the importance 
 of this branch of literature for forming able and judi- 
 cious interpreters of Scripture. Indeed, it proceeds 
 upon the very principles which have since been laid 
 down and recommended by the best writers on Biblical 
 Interpretation. I would not, however, be understood 
 as intimating that the benefits which actually resulted 
 from this change on the university were proportioned 
 to its merits. The wisest plans, and the most saluta- 
 ry enactments, will prove nugatory, if proper measures 
 
 * See Note SS. 
 
 f So early as the days of Augustine, it appears that the 
 month of September, as the season of the vintage, was allowed 
 as a vacation in schools. (Valesiane, p. 65.) 
 
 { Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iii. 178-182. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 863 
 
 are not taken to carry them into execution, or even if 
 they go much beyond the degree of illumination which 
 the age has reached. There is reason to think that in 
 the present instance this was the case to a certain ex- 
 tent. The new mode of study was very partially act- 
 ed upon in the colleges of St. Salvator and St. Leon- 
 ard ; nor was the act of parliament carried into effect 
 as to the number of professors in the New College. 
 
 The reformation of the university of St. Andrews 
 has, by mistake, been ascribed to Buchanan. This 
 has arisen partly from confounding it with another 
 scheme of academical instruction which he drew up 
 at an earlier period,* and partly from his being one of 
 the commissioners who subscribed the plan that was 
 actually adopted. That he assisted in correcting it, 
 and in procuring for it a parliamentary sanction, is 
 highly probable. But there is no reason for supposing 
 that the plan was of his construction. The course of 
 his studies and the nature of his acquirements did not 
 qualify him for entering into the arrangements which 
 are most minutely detailed in it. We have direct ev- 
 idence that Melville had the principal hand in drawing 
 it up ;| and though this had been awanting, we should 
 have been warranted in forming this opinion, from the 
 striking resemblance that it bears ig the mode of study 
 previously introduced by him into the university of 
 Glasgow.:}: 
 
 It is difficult to ascertain the precise number of stu- 
 dents who attended the university at one time. In or- 
 dinary cases it does not appear that it exceeded two 
 hundred, and it did not fall much short of that number, 
 during the latter half of the sixteenth century. Fewer 
 had attended it during the first half, and still fewer 
 previously to that period. 
 
 An account of the university of Glasgow, and of the 
 improvements made on it, has already been given in 
 the narrative of what took place when Melville held 
 the situation of principal there.|| The University 
 and King's College of Aberdeen, founded by bishop 
 Elphingston, at the close of the fifteenth century, 
 provided for an extensive education. § But notwith- 
 standing this, and although some of its early teachers 
 excelled any that were to be found in the other acade- 
 mies, it seems never to have attracted many students.lf 
 This may be accounted for, partly at least, from its 
 situation, and the comparatively rude state of the sur- 
 rounding country. At the establishment of the Re- 
 formation, Anderson, the principal, and the greater 
 part of the professors, adhered to the old religion, and 
 being supported by the neighbouring noblemen, who 
 were addicted to popery, kept their places for several 
 years. When they were at last extruded, the college 
 was found to be impoverished by the alienation of its 
 revenues. In the year 1578, when great exertions 
 were made in behalf of all the seminaries of education, 
 means were used for restoring its dilapidated funds; 
 and at the same time a new plan of instruction was 
 drawn up for it, similar to those introduced at Glasgow 
 and St. Andrews.** The plan met with opposition 
 from dilferent quarters, and its formal ratification by 
 the legislature was evaded, but it was introduced into 
 the university and acted upon for a considerable 
 period. If 
 
 To ascertain the state of learning in the country, it 
 is necessary to attend to the inferior schools, in which 
 
 » See above, p. 361. + Melville's Diarj-, p. 58, 64. 
 
 X See above, p. 226. f| See above, p. 225-27. 
 
 } Provision was made for four professors, consisting of a doc- 
 tor of divinity, of canon law, of civil law, and of medicine ; 
 ten bachelors, who were to instruct fourteen bursars in philoso- 
 phy, while they prosecuted their own studies lender the doc- 
 tors ; and a teacher of humanity, whose office it was to initiate 
 the young men into grammar before entering on their philo- 
 sophical course. (Boethii Aberdon. Episcop. Vitae, f. xxix.b.) 
 
 IT Hector Boece (Boethius) the celebrated historian of 
 Scotland, was the first principal, and John Vaus, author of a 
 Latin grammar, was the first professor of humanity, at Aberdeen. 
 
 •• Melville's Diary, p. 43. tt See Note TT. 
 
 the youth were prepared for entering the university ; 
 and multitudes, who never proceeded that length, had 
 access to the means of common education. Long be- 
 fore the Reformation all the principal towns had gram- 
 mar schools in which the Latin language was taught.* 
 They had also " lecture schools," as they were called, 
 in which ciiildren were instructed to read the vernacu- 
 lar language. Subsequently to the establishment of 
 the Reformation, the means of education were extend- 
 ed to other parts of the country; and, where regular 
 schools were not founded, the readers in churches gen- 
 erally supplied the deficiency, by teaching the youth 
 to read the catechism and the scriptures. 
 
 There was a grammar school in Glasgow at an early 
 period of the fourteenth century. It depended imme- 
 diately on the cathedral church, and the chancellor of 
 the diocese had not only the appointment of the mas- 
 ters, but also the superintendence of whatever related 
 to education in the cily.f The grammar school con- 
 tinued to be a distinct establishment after the erection 
 of the university, and considerable care appears to 
 have been taken to supply it with good teachers. 
 Thomas Jack, who resigned the charge of this institu- 
 tion when Melville came to Glasgow, was well quali- 
 fied for the situation. This is evident from his OnO' 
 masticon Foelicuin, containing an explanation of the 
 proper names which occur in the writings of the ancient 
 poeis, composed in Latin verse, with the view of being 
 committed to memory by the boys, and published by 
 him at the recommendation of Buchanan and Melville. 
 On leaving the school of Glasgow, Jack became min- 
 ister of the neighbouring parish of Eastwood, but con- 
 tinued to maintain a close correspondence with the 
 masters of the College, and particularly with Melville, 
 of whose services to the literature of Scotland he en- 
 tertained the highest idea.:}: He was succeeded in the 
 school by a connexion of his own, Patrick Sharp, 
 whose literary obligations to Melville have already 
 been noticed. 
 
 The grammar school of Edinburgh was originally 
 connected with the Abbey of Holyroodhouse, and the 
 appointment of the teachers was transferred from the 
 abbots to the magistrates of the city. William Rob- 
 ertson, who was head master of the school at the es- 
 tablishment of the Reformation, remained attached to 
 the popish religion, and appears to have been in other 
 respects very unqualified for the situation. The Town 
 Council were anxious to have him removed, that they 
 might place the seminary on a footing more worthy of 
 the metropolis ; but they were unable to accomplish 
 this, owing partly to the support which Robertson re- 
 ceived from the Queen, and partly to his having been 
 provided to the place for life. In these circumstances 
 they had recourse to a provisional arrangement ; and 
 in the year 1568, they entered into terms with Thomas 
 Buchanan, a nephew of the poet, who was then teach- 
 ing as a regent at St. Andrews, in the College of St. 
 Salvator, and engaged him to take the management of 
 their school. Buchanan was well qualified for bring- 
 ing the seminary into repute ; but he remained only a 
 short time in Edinburgh. Differences having arisen 
 between him and the magistrates as to the terms of 
 their agreement, he was induced to leave them in 1571, 
 and to become master of the grammar school of Stir- 
 ling, where his uncle was residing.|| In consequence 
 
   Life of Knox, p. 21. John Kerde gives a tenement of 
 land to the grammar school of Dunbarton, 8 March, 1486. 
 And the burgh of Dunbarton gives four marks from the com- 
 mon mill, "6"° Jhoi Kerde pbro Magistro Scolae Grammatica- 
 lis eiusd." 20 Apr. 1486. (Charters of the burgh.) 
 
 + See Note UU. t See under Note UU. 
 
 II G. Robertson, Vita Roberti Rolloci, A 3. Edin. 1599. Rol- 
 loci Comment, in Epist. ad Thessalon. Dedie. Epist. Melville's 
 Diary, p. 38, 91. James Melville calls Thomas Buchanan 
 the causing oi George Buchanan ; David Buchanan calls him 
 his brother -german; (De Scriptoribus Scotis Illust. num. 61, 
 MS. in Advocates Library;) but Robert RoUock, who had the 
 best means of information, informs us that he was his nephevL 
 
364 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 of his removal, the grammar school of Edinburgh fell 
 back to its former state of insignificance. But the 
 friends of learning in the city continued to urge its 
 claims on the public ; and a commodious house for 
 teaching having been finished, in the year 1579, vn the 
 spot still occupied by the High School buildings, 
 Robertson was soon after prevailed upon to retire on a 
 pension, and a new and improved plan of education, 
 to which we shall afterwards advert, was organized.* 
 John Rutherfurd was at this time the most celebrat- 
 ed master of scholastic philosophy in Scotland. He 
 was a native of Jedburgh in Roxburghshire, and hav- 
 ing gone to France, entered the College of Guienne at 
 Bourdeaux. There he prosecuted his studies under 
 Nicolaus Gruchius,f equally distinguished for his 
 knowledge of Roman Antiquities, and his skill in the 
 Aristotelian Philosopliy.:^: He appears to have accom- 
 panied his teacher, and his countryman Buchanan, on 
 their literary expedition to Portugal, from which he 
 came to the university of Paris. j| His reputation 
 reached archbishop Hamilton, who invited him home 
 to occupy a chair in the College of St. Mary, which 
 he had recently organized at St. Andrews ;§ and after 
 teaching in it for some years as Professor of Humani- 
 ty, Rutherfurd was translated to be Principal of St. 
 Salvator's College in the same University. In such 
 estimation was he held, that, soon after his admission 
 into the University, he was raised to the honourable 
 situation of Dean of the Faculty of Arts, although 
 not qualified for holding it according to the strict im- 
 port of the statutes.^ He had embraced the reformed 
 doctrines before their establishment in Scotland, and 
 
 — Mr. Thomas Duiicansone was " school-master and reidar in 
 Striveling-," in 1563. (Keith's Hist. p. 531.) 
 
 * See Note VV. 
 
 + Rhetorfortis, De Arte Disserendi, p. 10. 
 
 i Teissier, Eloges, ii. 425—437. 
 
 II Dempster, Hist. Eccl. Scot. p. 565. Dr. Irving is disposed 
 to question this statement. (Memoirs of Buchanan, p. 70, 2d 
 edit.) The silence of Buchanan, who, in his life, does not 
 speak of any of his countrymen, except his own brother, ac- 
 comoanying him, certainly throws a degree of doubt over the 
 subject ; but still I am rather inclined to admit the testimony 
 of Dempster. It is most probable that Rutherfurd studied un- 
 der Gruchius before that professor went to Portugal ; and in 
 this case it is not unlikely that he should have been induced to 
 accompany him. Dempster mentions, in a very particular man- 
 ner, a work of Rutherfurd's, containing discourses which he 
 had delivered at Coimbra: " Fraefationes solemnes Parisiia et 
 Conimbrife habitas, lib. i. Extant typis TVechelianis." And 
 he seems to have been at pains to ascertain the circumstances 
 of Rutherfurd's life, for we find him referring to the records 
 of the University of Paris. " Venit Lutetiam anno 1552. Acta 
 nationis Germanicm ad D. Cosm." — In the matriculation list 
 of the University of St. Andrews for the year 1551 is found. 
 " Ex Collegio Mariano, Joannes Ruderfurd, nutio. Brita." If this 
 was the person afterwards principal of St. Salvator's, and if he 
 fceg-an his studies in 1551, he could not have belonged to the 
 Portugueze colony: but there is reason to think that they were 
 different individuals. — There are two letters of Joannes Gelida 
 to John Rutherfurd and Filibert Lodonet, (dated Decimo Cal. 
 Nov. 1555, & Non. Febr. 1555) inviting them to teach in the 
 school of Bourdeaux. (Joan. Gelida; Epist. et Carm. in Clar. 
 Hispanoruni Opuscula Select, et Rar. collecta a FV. Cerdano 
 et Rico Valentino, vol. i. p. 151, 152. Madriti, 1781.) In the 
 same collection, (i. 149,) is a letter of Gelida to George Buch- 
 anan, congratulating him on his safe return to France from 
 Portugal : " Burdigalfe, Idibus Novembris, 1552." 
 
 J Hovei Oratio; MS. in Archiv. Univ. S. Andr. '* Coniadis 
 me to agre w' Maisteris Edward Henrison and Johne Ruder- 
 furde to be Regents in his 1. College : 12 Decembris, 1553." 
 
 SAccompt of receipts and disbursements by the agent at Rome, 
 or the Earl of Arran, John, Archbishop of St. Andrews, &c. 
 p. 320: MS. in possession of Thomas Thomson, Esq.) 
 
 T It was objected against his eligibilitv, that he was not in 
 priest's orders, and that he was a regent, that is, (as I suppose,) 
 that he was not a professor or permanent teacher — " prinmm q 
 nh fuit Sacerdos, secundum quod fuit regens, ut loquuntur, 
 actu." This was in November, 1557. (Act. Fac. Art. S. Andr. 
 ff. 18, b; 181, a.) — The first time he is mentioned in the records 
 is as one of the electors of the Rector, in 1556, when he is 
 designed, " Ex Britannia, Mr. Jo. Rutherfurde, philosophus 
 doctissinius Collegii Mariani," — and again, "philosophus exi- 
 mius." He appears to have been translated to St. Salvator's 
 \n 1560. 
 
 was declared qualified " for ministering and teaching" 
 by the first General Assembly.* By the authority of 
 a subsequent Assembly he was admitted minister of 
 Cults, a parish in the neighbourhood of St. Andrews, 
 of which the principals of St. Salvator's were, by the 
 foundation of that college, constituted rectors. | It 
 was also part of his duty, as principal, to lecture on 
 theology. But Rutherfurd was more celebrated as a 
 philosopher than as a divine. Considered in the for- 
 mer character, his labours were unquestionably of 
 benefit to the university and the nation. The publica- 
 tion of his treatise on the Art of Reasoning may be 
 considered as marking a stage in the progress of phi- 
 losophy in Scotland. It is formed, indeed, strictly 
 upon Aristotelian principles, of which he was a great 
 admirer; but still it differs widely from the systems 
 which had long maintained an exclusive place in the 
 schools. Treading in the steps of his master, De 
 Grouchi, Rutherfurd rejected the errors into which the 
 ancient commentators upon Aristotle had fallen, and 
 discarded many of the frivolous questions, which the 
 modern dialecticians took so much delight in discuss- 
 ing. His work contains a perspicuous view of that 
 branch of the Peripatetic philosophy of which it pro- 
 fesses to treat. He had caught a portion of the clas- 
 sical spirit of the age ; and the simplicity and com- 
 parative purity of his Latin style, exhibit a striking 
 contrast to the barbarous and unintelligible jargon 
 which had become hereditary in the tribe of school- 
 men and sophists.:}: It appears from a curious docu- 
 ment, that Rutherfurd, like some other philosophers, 
 did not always display his philosophy in the govern- 
 ment of his temper. In consequence of complaints 
 against him by his colleagues, a visitation of the Col- 
 lege of St. Salvator took place in 1563, when it was 
 found that the principal had shown himself " too hasty 
 and impatient;" and he was admonished " not to let 
 the sun go down upon his wrath, and to study to bri- 
 dle his tongue and conduct himself with greater hu- 
 manity and mildness."|| 
 
 William Ramsay deserves to be mentioned among- 
 those who cultivated polite letters along with philoso- 
 phy and divinity, and who, at the establishment of the 
 Reformation in Scotland, left the foreign academies of 
 which they were members, that they might take the 
 charge of the public instruction in their native coun- 
 try. § He had been Rutherford's companion on the 
 continent, and became his colleague at St. Andrews. 
 Ramsay taught in St. Salvator's when Melville attend- 
 ed the University, but was dead before the latter re- 
 turned to Scotland.^f 
 
 » Keith's Hist. p. 522. f Buik of the Univ. Kirk, f. 7. 
 
 \ " Coramentariorvm de Arte Disserendi libri qvatvor Joanne 
 Retorforti Jedburgrco Scoto authore. Et nunc deniura ab 
 eodem diligenter recognili et emendati. Edinburgi apud Hen- 
 ricum Charteris 1577. Cum Priuilegio Regali." 4to. Pp. 78. 
 The author informs us that his work had been at first printed 
 without his knowledge, and very incorrectly, from a manu- 
 script furnished by one of his scholars. Pp. 3. 9. — His " Com- 
 ment, in. Libr. Arist. de arte Metrica, Edinb. 1557," mentioned 
 by Mackenzie, I have not seen. 
 
 II Charter of Regress by Mr. John Douglas, Rector, &c. 
 Sent. 15, 1563. Comp. Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 432, 439. 
 
 ^ I think it highly probable that he is the individual referred 
 to in a letter of Obertus Gifanius. (Buchanan! Episl. p.7.) His 
 name does not appear in the records of the University of St. 
 Andrews from 1537, when he was made Master of Arts, till 
 1560, when he became a Professor; from which it is highly 
 probable that he was abroad during the interval. 
 
 ^ Dempster, Hist. Eccl. Scot. p. 564; where a book concern- 
 ing the Portugueze is ascribed to Ramsay. On the 17th of 
 January, 1558, a yearly pension of 100/. was given to "Mr. 
 Will""" Ramsay." (Re'g. of Privy Seal, vol. xxix. fol. 67.) In 
 1564, the General Assembly appomted a committee to examine 
 Mr. William Ramsay's Answer to Bullinger's book on the hab- 
 its of Preachers. Keith, 568. Ramsay was nn'nister of Kem- 
 back, a church held by the second master of St. Salvator's 
 College. In consequence of a dispute in which he was in- 
 volved, which came before the General Assembly, he obtained 
 a testimonial from the kirk seuion of Si. Andrews, June 21, 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLfi. 
 
 365 
 
 In the year 1556, a pension was granted to Alexan- 
 der Syme, to enable him to wait on the Queen Regent, 
 and be her Reader in the Laws or other sciences, at 
 Edinburgh or any other place that she might appoint.* 
 But the teaching of Civil Law, properly speaking, 
 commenced in Scotland at the establishment of the 
 Reformation. Previously to that era the canons were 
 the great object of study, and those who occasionally 
 delivered lectures on civil law were generally, if not 
 always, in priest's orders. It was by an innovation on 
 the original constitution of St. Mary's College, similar 
 to that which had been made on religious instruction, 
 that William Skene was first authorized to teach as a 
 civilian at St. Andrews, and to substitute the Insti- 
 tutes and Pandects in the room of the Sacred Canons 
 and Decretals. 
 
 Though less known than his brother, the clerk re- 
 gister, and though not eminent for talents, William 
 Skene deserves to be remembered for his private worth, 
 and his usefulness as a teacher and a judge. He ap- 
 
 f»ears to have studied, and to have taken the degree of 
 icentiate utriusque juris, in a foreign university; and 
 upon his return to his native country was made canon- 
 ist in St. Mary's College.f After the Reformation, he 
 explained Cicero's Treatise on Laws and the Institutes 
 of Justinian ; and as this was the only class of the 
 kind in the University, such of the students of the 
 other colleges as chose were at liberty to attend his 
 lectures. He gained the affection of his scholars by 
 the condescending manner in which he explained to 
 them in private what he had taught in the class, and 
 showed them the practice of law in the Commissary 
 Court, of which he was the chief judge. :J: John Skene 
 taught for some years, as a regent, in the same college 
 with his brother. || 
 
 Edward Henryson was a man of greater talents and 
 learning than Skene. He received the degree of doc- 
 tor of laws from the University of Bourges in France, 
 where he studied under Eguinar Baro, one of the first 
 civilians who had recourse to the pure sources of an- 
 cient jurisprudence, and who blended polite literature 
 
 1570, and died in the course of that year. (Record of Kirk 
 Session. Buik of Univ. Kirk, p. 49, 50. Bannatyne'a Journal, 
 p. 379.) 
 
 * See Note WW. 
 
 t Among the " No'a Incorp. 1556, in Novo Collegio," the 
 first name is "Mag' Gulielmus Skene in utroque jure licentia- 
 tus." (Liber Rectoris Univ. S. Andr.) This entry shows that 
 he had not studied at St. Andrews; nor do 1 think that any of 
 the Scottish Universities were at that period in the habit of 
 conferrine degrees in law. On the 31st of March, 1558, the 
 right to the church of Tarvet was conveyed to St. Mary's Col- 
 lege, by putting the archbishop's signet " digito discreti viri 
 Ma'g" Wiiliehni Skeyne, juris licentiati, et ejusdetn CoUegii 
 Canonistm," as procurator for his colleagues. (Papers of St. 
 Mary's College.) In the Rector's Book, lie is repeatedly said 
 to be " ex Aiigusia." He was Conservator of the Privileges of 
 the University, and elected Dean of the Faculty of Arts, Nov. 
 3, 1565. (Act. Fac.Art.) 
 
 t Melville's Diary, p. 24. Sir John Skene frequently refers 
 to a book of his brother William, most probably in manuscript. 
 (De Verborum Significatione, sig. I 4, K 2, O 3.) In an inven- 
 tory of the books and papers of Mr. William Skene, Commis- 
 sary of St. Andrews, taken Dec. 11, 1583, after his decease, by 
 an order of the Lords of Session, the following articles occur: 
 "Certane wreittis upon the lawis wreittin and penlt be y« 
 Commissar:" — "Maister William Skeynis prottocol w' certane 
 shrowles and wyeris vreittis lyand lowse w'in ye same." (Pa- 
 pers of St. Salvator's College.) The titles of the books in this 
 list have been very imperfectly and incorrectly taken. — Sir 
 John also refers to a book of his brother Alexander, an advo- 
 cate. (De Verb. Signif I 4. Comp. Act. Pari. Scot. vol. ii. p. 
 105.) Alexander Skene signs a deed, as Notary Public, at 
 Paris, Sept. 13, 1552. (Keith's Scotish Bishops, p. 74.) In 
 1561, " Maister Alex. Skyne advocate," was warded by the 
 madstrates of Edinburgh for attending mass, but " at ye desyre 
 andrequeist of Maister William Skene," was set at libertie on 
 certain conditions. (Register of Town Council, vol. iv. f. 9, a; 
 10, b.) 
 
 y His name appears as a regent in the years 1564 and 1565. 
 (Lib. Rect. et Fac. Art.) This must have been previous to his 
 travelling on the continent, which he mentions repeatedly in 
 his treatise De Verborum Significatione. ■> - Cr, 
 
 with the pursuits of their immediate profession. Hav- 
 ing finished his studies, Henryson resided for some 
 time with Ulrich Fugger, and enjoyed a pension from 
 that munificent patron of learned men. Both at that 
 time, and afterwards while he read lectures on law at 
 Bourges, he published several works which made his 
 name known in the learned world. By his translations 
 from the Greek he co-operated with some of the most 
 enlightened men of that age in diffusing polite letters. 
 And his law tracts are allowed to be not unworthy of 
 the distinguished school in which he received his edu- 
 cation. Upon his return to Scotland, at the establish- 
 ment of the Reformation, he was appointed one of the 
 Commissaries of Edinburgh, and justified the charac- 
 ter he had gained abroad by the uniform encourage- 
 ment which he gave to literature in his native country.* 
 Of the state of theological learning we shall speak 
 more particularly in the next chapter. But it is pro- 
 per to give an account in this place of some individu- 
 als who joined the study of polite letters with that of 
 theology. One of the most distinguished of these, in 
 point of talents and station, was Alexander Arbuthnot. 
 He was descended from an ancient family in the shire 
 of Kincardine,! ^"^ after finishing his philosophical 
 course, and teaching for some time in the University 
 of St. Andrews, went to France, and prosecuted his 
 studies under Cujas. Being declared licentiate of 
 laws, he came home in 1566, with the view of follow- 
 ing that profession, but was induced to devote himself 
 to the service of the church. In 1568, he was made 
 principal of the University of Aberdeen. Writers of 
 every party speak in high terms of the talents and 
 virtues of Arbuthnot. He was skilled in mathematics 
 and medicine as well as in law and theology. Though 
 decided in his religious and political creed, the up- 
 rightness of his character and the amiableness of his 
 manners disarmed the resentment of his opponents, 
 and procured him their respect and esteem. :(: Few in- 
 dividuals could have maintained themselves in the 
 situation in which he was placed. When he went to 
 Aberdeen, the greater part of the gentlemen in the 
 neighbourhood were strongly addicted to the popish 
 religion, and his predecessor, from hostility to the pro- 
 testant establishment, had reduced the university to 
 absolute poverty. In these circumstances he had to 
 struggle with the greatest difiiculties, especially du- 
 ring the civil war, when the government was destitute 
 of authority in the north, and the interests of learning 
 were forgotten. To this he feelingly alludes in one of 
 his poems : 
 
 I wald travel, and ydlenes I hait, 
 Gif I culd find sum gude vocatioun. 
 
 But all for nocht: in vain lang may I wait 
 Or I get honest occupatioun. 
 Letters are lichtliet in our natioun; 
 
 For lernying now is nother lyf nor rent: 
 
 Quhat marvel is thoch I murne and lament. || 
 
 In the latter part of the fifteenth, and first half of 
 the sixteenth century, Scottish poetry had been much 
 cultivated ; and Henryson, Dunbar, Douglas, and 
 Lyndsay, had attained great excellence in it, consider- 
 ing the rude state in which they found their native 
 language. But this species of composition had fallen 
 into neglect. It has been alleged that the reformers 
 discouraged it, or that the confusions in which the 
 country was involved by the Reformation banished the 
 study of poetry. The former allegation is evidently 
 unfounded, and the latter accounts for the fact but 
 partially. The chief reason is to be found in the new 
 
 * See Note XX. 
 
 + He was not the son, as M,ackenzie erroneously states, 
 (Lives, iii. p. 186,) but the grandson of the baron of Arbuthnot. 
 His father was Andrew Arbuthnot of Futhes, fourth son of Sir 
 Robert Arbuthnot of that Ilk. (Nisbet's Heraldry, vol. ii. App. 
 p. 84. 2nd edit. 
 
 X Snotswood's History, p. 335. Wodrovv's Life of Alexander 
 Arbuthnot: MSS. vol. i. 
 
 11 Pinkerton's Ancient Scottish Poems, vol. i. p. 165. 
 
366 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 direction which had been given to literary parsuits in 
 consequence of the great numbers of our countrymen 
 who studied abroad, and acquired that taste for Latin 
 poetry which had become so general in all parts of the 
 continent. From the time that Buchanan returned to 
 Scotland, his learned countrymen were ambitious of 
 paying their court to the muse in the language of an- 
 cient Rome, while they left their native tongue to be 
 used by writers of inferior talent and education. Alex- 
 ander Arbuthnot did not, however, follow their exam- 
 ple in this respect. His poems were all composed in 
 the Scottish language. Had he cultivated this species 
 of composition, he possessed talents for it which would 
 have attracted notice. But he indulged in poetry mere- 
 ly as an elegant amusement, by which he relieved his 
 mind, when fatigued by the laborious duties of his 
 office, or harassed with cares and disappointments. 
 And he appears to have been cautious of detracting 
 from the grave character of the professor, by associat- 
 ing it with one of a less dignified description. 
 
 In poetrie I preis to pas the lyme, 
 
 When cairfull thochts with sorrow sailyes me: 
 
 Bot gif I niell with meeteror with ryme. 
 With rascal rjniours I shall rakint be.* 
 
 Though his genius could sport in the gayer and more 
 sprightly scenes of fancy, Arbuthnot confined himself 
 chiefly to productions of a thoughtful and serious cast ; 
 and in some of these we perceive a very pleasing air 
 of moral melancholy diffused over great goodness of 
 heart. I 
 
 The only work which Alexander Arbuthnot is 
 known to have published, is a treatise on the origin 
 and dignity of Law. It probably consisted of acade- 
 mical orations or theses ; but the only authentic infor- 
 mation we have concerning it is contained in the en- 
 comiastic verses of Thomas Maitland.:|: 
 
 Next to Arbuthnot, and resembling him in many 
 
 Eoints, was Thomas Smeton. When he had finished 
 is academical education, and was teaching as a regent 
 in the college of St. Salvator, the controversy about 
 religion was warmly agitated at St. Andrews ; and so 
 zealous was he in favour of the old system, that leav- 
 ing the university and his native country, he retired to 
 France, at the triumph of the Reformation. He con- 
 tinued for some time an eager though candid champion 
 of the Roman Catholic faith ; but at last, in conse- 
 quence of conversations which he held with Melville, 
 Thomas Maitland, Gilbert Moncrieflf, and others of his 
 
 * Pinkerton, ut supra. 
 
 f The following lines from one of his unpublished poemg, 
 though not distinguished in other respects, may be given as a 
 specimen of this quality, in addition to his poem on the Mise- 
 ries of a poor scholar, which is already printed. The Fainyeit 
 Jalset and unihankfulness of a friend gave occasion to them: 
 
 The simple wit and scharpnes of Ingyn, 
 Quhilk quhillonie vves, now quyt is tain away: 
 The steiring spirit quhilk noets call devyn 
 Into my febill breist I find decay: 
 I neither courage halve to sing nor say, 
 Quhen I behalu this warldis wickednes; 
 And quhen I find ( am so far thame fray 
 Quha was my onlie comfort and gieidnes. 
 
 My fais fall, and friendis gude succes, 
 Sumtym my pen wes bissie to indyte: 
 Of nobill men the valiant prowes 
 Somtym my courage yairnit for to wreit: 
 The laud, honour, and the praises great 
 Of thame sumtym I wissed till advance 
 Quhom now oi neid my hairt has in degpyt. 
 And quhom I wyt of this wanhappie chance. 
 
 Then, mistress, luik na mair for onie fruit, 
 Or ony wark to com of my Ingyne; 
 For now I nather cair for fame nor bruit: 
 I halve sa tint that I na mair can tyne. 
 
 (Maitland MS.) 
 
 \ " Alexandri Arbuthnaei Orationibus de origine et dignitate 
 juris praefixa:" Delitiae Poet. Scot. torn. ii. p. 153. Macken- 
 zie (Lives, iii. 194,) says that the Omtionet vitte printed at 
 Edinburgh in 1572. 
 
 countrymen whom he met with at Paris, disagreeable 
 doubts arose in his mind as to the religion in which 
 he had been educated. He did not, however, give way 
 to these, but attaching himself to the society of the 
 Jesuits, the most zealous and able defenders of the 
 church of Rome, he resolved to examine the subjects 
 in dispute deliberately, and, if he found his doubts re- 
 main at the end of his period of probation, to decline 
 the vow, and act according to his convictions.* With 
 the view of obtaining the fullest information, he under- 
 took a journey to Italy, and, passing through Geneva, 
 conferred with Melville, who wished him success in 
 his great object, though he could not approve of his 
 measures. During eighteen months that he spent in 
 Rome, under the tuition of the Jesuits in that city, he 
 had frequent opportunities of visiting the prisons of 
 the Inquisition, and of conversing with the persons 
 confined for heresy. His conversation on these occa- 
 sions excited the suspicions of his vigilant guardians, 
 and he was remitted to Paris through the different col- 
 leges that were on the road. On his return to the 
 French capital, he candidly disclosed his mind to his 
 countryman Edmund Hay,"}" from whom he had already 
 experienced much kindness. The discovery of his at- 
 tachment to the reformed tenets grieved Hay, who had 
 formed great expectations from Smeton's talents, but 
 it did not induce him to withdraw his friendship. Af- 
 ter several unsuccessful attempts to recover him from 
 his errors, the good father warned Smeton of the dan- 
 ger to which he would expose himself by avowing his 
 sentiments in France, and gave him his best advice; 
 which was, to return home, to marry, to read the fathers 
 and doctors of the church, and not to give ear to the 
 ministers. It is gratifying to meet with such an hon- 
 ourable exception to the bigotry and violence which 
 then reigned in France, and by which many of our 
 countrymen who had taken up their residence in it were 
 deeply infected. It is also a pleasing circumstance, 
 that this piece of information has come to us from the 
 grateful pen of Smeton, who, not satisfied with relating 
 the facts to his acquaintance, publicly acknowledgea 
 the kindness with which he had been treated by this 
 mild and affectionate Jesuit.:}: The neglect of one 
 part of Hay's advice had nearly cost Smeton his life, 
 which was saved, during the Bartholomew massacre, 
 by his taking refuge in the house of Walsingham, the 
 English ambassador, whom he accompanied to Lon- 
 don. After teaching a school for some time at Col- 
 chester in Essex, he returned, in the year 1577, to his 
 native country, and accepted of the church of Paisley, 
 chiefly for the sake of enjoying Melville's society. || 
 
 At Melville's recommendation, Smeton undertook to 
 answer the virulent dialogue lately published by Archi- 
 bald Hamilton ; a task which he executed with much 
 ability. § He was well acquainted with the writings 
 of the ancients, and with the mode of controversial 
 
 • Dempster says that Smeton taught Humanity at Paris (in 
 the University), and afterward in tne College of Clermont, 
 with great applause. (Hist. Eccl. Scot. p. 586.) 
 
 f See above, p. 218. 
 
 X " Vera haec esse testabitur Edmundus Haius, I^iolans in 
 Gallia sectae prtefectus. Quem cum non pauris ingenii dotibui 
 ornaritqui omnia in omnibus pro arbitrio operatur, vtinam vera 
 etiam dignetur Evangelii sui cognitione. Hoc illi et aliis om- 
 nibus ex animo precor: sed ilii imprimis, ob plurima priuatim 
 officia ab illius in me humanitate, cum dubius fluctuarem, pro- 
 fecta: Quae, vt refercndfe gratite facultas desit, gratissima certe 
 memoria colam." (Smetoni Responsio ad Hamiltouii Dialogum, 
 p. 16.) 
 
 II To avail themselves as far as possible of his services, th« 
 University of Glasgow, in 1578, chose Smeton Dean of Faculty. 
 (Acta Univ. Glasg.) 
 
 \ Dr. Edward Bulkely, in a letter to Buchanan, dated Ches- 
 ter, 28th Nov. 1580, says: " Legi Smythonii librum adversus 
 Hamiltonum Apostatam. Vestne Scotiae, nunc vera Christ! 
 cognitione ac Uteris illustratae, gratulor quod tales prsestantes 
 assertores habeat." (Buchanani Epistoix, p. 31, edit. Ruddim.) 
 Dempster describes this work as " oiius verborum ornatu non 
 inelegans, sed doctrine vacuum." (Hist. Eccl. Scot. p. 586.) He 
 ucribet to Smeton, " Epitaphium Metellani. lib. i." (Ibid.) 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 367 
 
 warfare which the defenders of the church of Rome, 
 and especially the Jesuits, had lately adopted. Being 
 privy to their designs against Scotland, he excited the 
 ministers to vigilance, gave directions to the young 
 men how to conduct their studies, and dissuaded the 
 nobility and gentry from sending their sons to those 
 foreign seminaries, in which their minds would be in 
 the greatest hazard of being corrupted. That they 
 might be under the less temptation to this, he zealous- 
 ly concurred with Melville in his plan for re-modelling 
 the Colleges of St. Andrews, of which we have al- 
 ready had occasion to speak.* Smeton was well ac- 
 quainted with the learned languages, wrote Latin with 
 great purity, and had not, like many of his countrymen 
 who had been abroad, neglected his native tongue, in 
 which he composed with great propriety. f In private 
 life he was distinguished for his retired and temperate 
 habits ; encroaching upon the hours usually devoted to 
 diet and sleep, that he might devote more time to his 
 studies. Yet his temper was sweet, and his manners 
 affable and remote from every thing like rusticity or 
 moroseness. His premature death, soon after he suc- 
 ceeded Melville as principal of the university of Glas- 
 gow, was an unspeakable loss to that seminary. 
 
 Another individual who makes a prominent figure in 
 the history of the period is Patrick Adamson, known 
 at first by the name of Constyne or Constant! ne. He 
 had received his elementary education under his broth- 
 er-in-law, Andrew Simson, and, having finished his 
 philosophical course at St. Andrews, in the College of 
 St. Mary, taught for some years in it, most probably 
 as grammarian. After the establishment of the Re- 
 formation, he became minister of Ceres, a parish in 
 the vicinity of St. Andrews. This charge he left to 
 accompany the eldest son of Sir James Mackgill, 
 Clerk-Register, on his travels to France; and during 
 his residence in that country he applied himself to the 
 study of law at the university of Bourges. Upon his 
 return to Scotland, in the year 1570, he fluctuated as 
 to the profession which he should choose. Declining 
 the office of principal of St. Leonard's College, which 
 Buchanan had demitted in his favour,:}: he began to 
 practise at the bar; and relinquishing this employment 
 he resumed his former vocation as a preacher. He 
 officiated some )'-ears as minister of Paisley, from which 
 he removed to become chaplain to the Regent, who 
 promoted him to the archiepiscopal see of St. An- 
 drews. j| Before his advancement to the primacy in 
 1576, Adamson had given proofs of his talents by the 
 publication of several works. They consist chiefly 
 of Latin poems. Though inferior to Melville in eru- 
 dition and in vivacity of genius, he was nevertheless a 
 polite scholar, an elegant poet, and a most persuasive 
 and attracting preacher. But he was inordinately am- 
 bitious, and not over-scrupulous as to the measures 
 
 * Smefoni Respons. ad Dialog. Haniiltonii; Prmfat. et p. 15, 
 16. Melville's Diary, p. 55 — 58. Spolswood, p. 336. James 
 Melville, whom I have chiefly followed, received the particu- 
 lars which he records from Smetoii's own mouth. His account 
 varies from that of Spotswood in some minute particulars. He 
 does not speak of Thomas Maitland's accompanying him to Italy. 
 _t James Melville says, that Smeton was usually employed by 
 his brethren in drawing up important papers, as he " excellit 
 baith in language and form of letter." (Diary, p. 58.) Besides 
 the answer to Hamilton, Smeton was concerned in another 
 work, of which the only account I can give is contained in the 
 following extracts. " Ane method of preaching to be printed 
 and put m Scots be Mr. Tho' Smetoun." (Buik of Universall 
 Kirk, f. 112, a.) April 1581. " Anent the printing the method 
 of preaching and prophesieing set out be 
 
 and shewed and read in the Assembly, 
 the Assemblie hath thoght meet that the samine may be com- 
 mittit to Irons, and printed as necessary for the forme of teach- 
 ing, and to be put in Scottish be their brother Mr. Thomas 
 Smetone." (Cald. iii.43.) — The author's name does not appear. 
 — " Hyperius de formandis concionibus" was printed at Basil 
 in 1563. " Hyperius Practice of Preaching," translated into 
 English by Ludham, was printed in 1577. 
 
 t Ruddimanni Procfat. in. Oper. Buchanan!. 
 
 H See Note YY. 
 
 which he employed for gratifying his ruling passion; 
 by which means he tarnished his reputation, and de- 
 feated the influence of the great abilities which he un- 
 questionably possessed. 
 
 Though Thomas Maitland had died before Melville 
 returned to Scotland, yet he deserves to be mentioned 
 here as one of his class-fellows at college, and as the 
 intimate friend of Arbuthnot and Smeton. He belong- 
 ed to a family, all the members of which, not except- 
 ing the females, were addicted to literary pursuits.* 
 His father, Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington, one 
 of the Lords of Session, is well known as a writer of 
 Scottish poetry ; and both his brothers, William and 
 John,f were distinguished for their elegant taste as well 
 as the political eminence to which they rose. Thomas 
 Maitland had given various proofs of his poetical tal- 
 ents before his premature death. If they do not dis- 
 play a vigorous imagination, his poems at least evince 
 great command of the Latin language, and are written 
 with ease and spirit.:^ His political conduct partook 
 in a considerable degree of that versatility by which 
 his- elder brother's was characterized. After eulogiz- 
 ing the character and administration of the Regent 
 Murray, he exulted over his fall.|| Maitland is better 
 known from Buchanan's having made him his inter- 
 locutor in his dialogue on the Law of the Scottish 
 Monarchy, than from his own poems. When he join- 
 ed the party who sought to restore Queen Mary, Mait- 
 land disclaimed the principles contained in that trea- 
 tise, and insisted that the author had no other reason 
 for coupling his name with them than his own fancy. § 
 Buchanan did not wish to insinuate that the conversa- 
 tion which he describes was actually held, but he cer- 
 tainly meant it to be understood that the sentiments 
 which he puts into the mouth of his interlocutor were 
 entertained by Maitland. And it was vain for the lat- 
 ter to deny this, seeing he had recommended in verse 
 the most obnoxious of the tenets which the writer 
 of the dialogue inculcates in prose. In his poem on 
 the coronation of Jantes VI. he holds up arbitrary go- 
 vernment to reprobation, and celebrates the resistance 
 made by the people to tyrants. Having given exam- 
 ples of this from ancient history, and shown 
 
 How Rome, impatient, spurned proud Tarquin's yoke, 
 
 How ages after Brutus' spirit v\oke. 
 
 And hurled at Cassar's breast the patriot stroke; 
 
 Maitland comes to Scotland, places before the eyes of 
 the young king the fate of such of his ancestors as 
 had arrogated a power superior to the laws, and de- 
 scribes the sudden and overwhelming resistance which 
 his impetuous countrymen were wont to oppose to en- 
 croachments on their rights, in language which no 
 courtly poet, however chivalrous his ideas, would dare 
 to employ, and which proves that he was then no be- 
 liever in the divine right and sacred inviolability of 
 despots.^ 
 
 * Pinkerton's Scottish Poems, Introd. 
 
 t John Maitland, Lord Thirlstane, was successively Lord 
 Privy Seal, Secretary of State, and Lord Chancellor of Scot- 
 land. 
 
 J He appears to have written a treatise on undertaking war 
 against the Turks. (Delitiae Poet. Scot. torn. ii. p. 171.) 
 
 11 Comp. Delitiee Poet. Scot. torn. ii. p. 163, with Life of 
 Knox, p. 119. 
 
 } Innes's Critical Essay on the Ancient Inhabitants of Scot- 
 land, vol. i. p. 359. Buchanan's Dialogue was not published 
 for several years after the death of Maitland ; but there is 
 reason to think, as Innes says, that copies of it were handed 
 about as early as 1570. — There is in the College Library of 
 Edinburgh a MS. (the gift of William Drummona of Hathorn- 
 den) entitled, " Thomse Melelani ad Serenissimam principem 
 Elizabethani Anglorum Reginam Epistola." It consists of 41 
 pages 4to. ; and is properly a discourse or oration, composed in 
 a very rhetorical style, urging the propriety of setting Queen 
 Mary at liberty, and restoring her to her dominions. There is 
 no date to it, but from internal evidence it appears to have 
 been written in the year 1570 or 1571. It bears every mark of 
 having been intended for publication. 
 f Gens inclyta Scotae 
 Progenies,, quse sponte sua tibi jura ferenti 
 
368 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 John Davidson, who was Melville's predecessor at 
 Glasgow, was a clergyman before the Reformation, 
 and had studied at Paris along with Quintin Kennedy, 
 abbot of Crossraguel. Having returned to Scotland, 
 he was placed in 1557, at the head of the College of 
 Glasgow. When the controversy concerning religion 
 first arose, Davidson adhered to the established church, 
 but he afterwards changed his views and joined the re- 
 formers. His answer to Kennedy shews him to have 
 been a modest and candid man, although not possessed 
 of great learning. He testifies much respect for his 
 old college companion, notwithstanding the diversity 
 of their sentiments, and acknowledges the kindness 
 with which he had formerly been treated by Arch- 
 bishop Beaton.* 
 
 We have repeatedly had occasion to speak of John 
 Davidson, who was minister at Libberton, and after- 
 wards at Prestonpans. But it may be proper to take 
 notice here of two curious poems composed by him, 
 which throw considerable light on the manners and 
 transactions of his time. The Regent Morton, with 
 the view of securing for the use of the court a larger 
 proportion of the thirds of benefices, had obtained, in 
 1573, an order of the Privy Council for uniting two, 
 three, and even four parishes, and putting them under 
 the care of one minister. As pluralities had always 
 been condemned by the reformed ministers, and con- 
 sidered as one of the worst abuses in the popish 
 church, this act excited great dissatisfaction. John 
 Davidson, who was then a regent in St. Leonard's 
 College,! and a young man of great zeal, expressed 
 the general sentiment in a metrical dialogue, in which 
 he exposed the evil of the practice, and taxed, in 
 terms more homely than pleasant, the motives in 
 which it evidently originated. His poem was printed 
 without his knowledge, upon which he was summoned 
 to a justice-air at Haddington, and sentence of impris- 
 onment was pronounced against him. He was libera- 
 ted upon bail, in the hopes that he might be prevailed 
 upon to retract what he had written, or that the Gen- 
 eral Assembly might be induced to condemn it. A 
 number of his colleagues in the University, who were 
 desirous of pleasing the court, shewed themselves un- 
 favourable to him ; Rutherfurd, the principal of St. 
 Salvator's College, who imagined that he was disre- 
 spectfully alluded to in the dialogue, had written an 
 answer to it ;:j: and the greater part of the Assembly 
 were so much afraid of the Regent's resentment, that, 
 although they were of the same sentiments with Da- 
 
 Ohsequitur, consueta bonos defendere regeg 
 Oppositu laterum, nullis cessura periclis, 
 DuiD sancto regis depellat corporc ferruin : 
 Ilia eadem, si quando ferox, (litiensque cruoris 
 Exurgat, forteiii trepida cum plebe Senatum 
 Qui vincirc velit, patriseque infriagere leges : 
 Non tolerat. std fama voiat, subitoque turuuitu 
 Accensi heroes virtusqtie annata popelli 
 Sceptra rapit, mox dejectum de sede tyrannum, 
 Nunc morte horrifica, saevo nunc carccre frsenat. 
 
 (Delitiae Poetarum Scotorum, torn. ii. p. 162.) 
 » See Note ZZ. 
 
 + He is the author of the poem in Commendatioun of Up- 
 richtties republished in the Life of John Knox, Supplement. 
 
 { "The Moderator inioyned them silence, and desired Mr. 
 John Rutherford yet again to produce his book; but be vet still 
 refused, and said, ' that Mr. John (Davidson) had called him 
 cruaed goose in his book, that he had little Latin in his book, 
 and that was false,' with many other brawling words. — Mr. 
 Alexander Arbuthnot said, you take that to you which do man 
 speaks against you." (Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 432, 439. 
 
 The following is the passage in the poem which gave offence 
 to Rutherfurd : 
 
 Thair is sum Collages we ken, 
 Weill found it to uphald Icarnit men: 
 Amang the rest foundit we se 
 Theteiching of theologie. 
 Lat anis the Counsell send and ae, 
 Gif thir places weill g)dit be; 
 And not abusil with waist rudis, 
 That does nathing bot spendis yai g^dis 
 That was maid for that haly nse, 
 And- not to feid ane crusit giue. 
 
 vidson, they declined approving of his book, and left 
 him to the vengeance of his powerful prosecutor. In- 
 terest was made in his behalf by some of the princi- 
 pal gentlemen in the country, but Morton was inflexi- 
 ble; and finding that nothing short of recantation 
 would save him from punishment, Davidson, after 
 lurking for a while in the west of Scotland, retired 
 into England, from which he was not permitted to re- 
 turn during the life-time of the Regent.* Lekprevick, 
 the printer of the poem, was also prosecuted, and con- 
 fined for some time in the Castle of Edinburgh. f 
 
 The prosecution of Davidson does little honour to 
 the administration of Morton. There is nothing in the 
 book which could give ground of offence or alarm to 
 any good government. It is a temperate discussion of 
 a measure which was at least controvertible. The 
 reasons urged in its support are candidly and fairly 
 stated, and they are examined and refuted in a fair and 
 dispassionate manner. The evils which the act of 
 council was calculated to produce are indeed exposed 
 with faithfulness and spirit; but without any thing 
 disrespectful to authority, or tending in the slightest 
 degree to excite " sedition and uproar." 
 
 In a literary point of view, the merits of the Dialogue 
 are far from contemptible. It is superior to most of 
 the fugitive pieces of the time. Without pretensions 
 to fine poetry, the versification is easy and smooth, and 
 the conversation is carried on in a very natural and 
 spirited manner. The introduction to the poem may 
 amuse such readers as are wearied with the dryness 
 of some of the preceding details : 
 
 Unto Dundee as I maid way, 
 Nocht long afoir Sanctandrois day, 
 At Kiiighorne ferrie passand ouir 
 Into ye Boit was thre or four 
 Of gentill men, as did appeir. 
 I said, Schirs, is thair ony heir 
 Quhais Jornay lyis unto Dundie 1 
 Twa of thanic answerit courtaslie. 
 We purpose noct for to ga thidder, 
 Bot yit our gait will lie togidder 
 Quhill I we be passit Kennewie. • 
 
 Than 1 sail beir yow companie, 
 Said I; and with that we did land. 
 Syne lap upon our horse fra hand, 
 And on our Jornay rudelie raid. 
 Thir twa unto Sanctandrois maid: 
 The tane of thame appearit to be 
 Ane cunning Clerk of greit clergie. 
 Of visage graue and nianneris sage. 
 His tongue weiU taucht, but || all outrage, 
 Men niicht haue kend that he had bene 
   Qubair gude Instructioun he had sene. 
 The utherdid appeir to me 
 Ane cunilie Courteour to be, 
 Quba was perfyt and weill besene 
 In thingis that to this land pertene. 
 Be } we had riddin half ane myle. 
 With niyrrie mowis passing the quhyle, 
 Thir twa of quhome befoir I spak 
 Of sindrie purposis did rrak. 
 And enterit amang the rest 
 To speik how that the kirk was drest. 
 
 And this began the Courteour: 
 Quhat think ve of this new ordour ? 
 Ye that ar Clerkis and men of wit, 
 I wat weill ye will speik of it 
 Amangis your selfis quhen ye conuene: 
 I pray you tell me quhat ye mene. 
 And gif this ordour ye allow, 
 Or alwa\'is how it plesis yow. 
 
 The Clerk said ; Sir, the treuth to tell, 
 With Princes maters for to mell 
 I think it lyis nocht in our gait: 
 Lat Courteouris of sic thingis trait. 
 
 The Courteour maid answering: 
 Yit men will speik, Sir, of the king; 
 
 * During his exile Davidson visited the continent. (Cald. 
 MS. vol. iii. p. 248. 
 
 + Proceedings against Davidson and Lekprevick. in Record 
 of Privy Council. Lckprevick's summons is inserted in Cald. 
 MS. vol. ii. p. 442. The prosecution was founded on the act 
 of parliament 1551, " against blasphemous rjnies or tragedies." 
 
 \ Until. II Without. § Before. . 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 369 
 
 Bot this new ordour that is tane 
 Wes nocht maid be the Court allane: 
 The Kirkis Coramissionars wes thare, 
 And did aggrie to les and raair. 
 Yit men may speik as they haue feill, 
 Quhidder it lykis thame euill or weill. 
 
 The Clerk said: haue thay condescendit, 
 1 think our speiking can nocht mend it; 
 Bot ane thing I dar tak on me, 
 Gif as ye say the mater be 
 That thay of Kirk thairto assentit, 
 Thay sail be first that sail repent it; 
 Thocht for thair tyme sum wylie wynkit, 
 The ages after will forthink it. 
 
 The poem concludes with the following lines, which 
 show that the author was by no means pleased with 
 the conduct of the greater part of the ministers of the 
 church : 
 
 Forsuith, Schir, (said the Courleour) 
 
 I am assurit had ilk Preichour 
 
 Unto the mater bene als frak 
 
 As ye haue bene heir sen ye spak, 
 
 It had not cum to sic ane held 
 
 As this day we se it proceid. 
 
 Bot I can se few men amang thame, 
 
 Thocht all the warfd suld cTene ouirgang thame, 
 
 That hes ane face to speik agane 
 
 Sic as the Kirk of Christ prophane. 
 
 Had gude John Knox not yit been deid, 
 
 It had not cum unto this hei'd: 
 
 Had thay myntit till sic ane steir, 
 
 He had maid heuin and eirth to heir.* 
 
 Davidson also composed at this time a poem to the 
 memory of Robert Campbell of Kinyeancleugh, a 
 gentleman who had distinguished himself by his early 
 attachment to the reformed religion, and his disinte- 
 rested and invariable friendship for our national Re- 
 former. Campbell died while actively employed in 
 screening Davidson from the effects of persecution ; 
 and the latter has gratefully commemorated the virtues 
 of his protector. This poem is inferior to the former 
 in point of composition ; but it preserves a number of 
 curious and interesting facts relating to the history of 
 '•hose times. t 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 State of Litehatuke in Scotland when Melville 
 WAS removed from his Situation at St. An- 
 drews. Anno 1611. 
 
 Erection of New Universities and Colleges — ^Resort of Foreign 
 Students to Scotland — Literary Labours of Scotchmen in 
 Dublin — Parochial Schools and Grammatical Education in 
 Scotland — Hercules Rollocft — Alexander Hume — Ramean 
 Philosophy — Theology and Collateral Branches of Study — 
 Principal Rollock — Bruce — Pont — The Sitosons — Cowper— 
 Civil and Scots Law — John Skene — Craig —   Welwood — 
 Other Studies — Napier of Merchiston — Hume of Godscroft 
 — Vernacular Poetry — Extent to which Latin Poetry was 
 Cultivated — Advantages and Disadvantages of this — General 
 Estimate of the Progress of Learning and of the Influence 
 which Melville had in Promoting it. 
 
 In tracing the progress of literature in this country 
 during Melville's residence at St. Andrews, the first 
 thing which claims our notice is the additions made to 
 the number of our universities. 
 
 * There is a copy of this rare poem ii> the Advocates Libra- 
 ry. It is complete, with the exception of the title-page, which 
 is much wasted. The following title is made up from that copy 
 and other documents. 
 
 "Ane Dialog or [Mu]tual ta[lking] betwix a [clerk] and 
 [ane cour]teour, Concerning [four kirks] till ane INlinister, 
 C[ollectit out of thair] mouthis, and put [in verse by a] young 
 man gufha did] forgather v/\jih tliamej in his Jor[nay, as] 
 efter foll[owis.] 
 
 The book is printed in bfack letter, and consists of 16 leaves 
 in 12mo. It has no imprint, but we learn from the summons 
 to Robert Lekpreuk. that it was printed by him ia January, 
 1573; i. e. 1574, according to modern reckoning-. (Cald. MS. 
 vol. ii. p. 442.) 
 
 t See Note AAA. 
 
 2 W 
 
 We have seen that the early institutions for promot- 
 ing literature were generally attached to cathedral 
 churches or monasteries. The universities of St. An- 
 drews, Glasgow, and Aberdeen having been founded 
 by bishops, it was natural for their founders to erect 
 them in the chief cities of their respective sees. 
 Edinburgh was not an episcopal seat, and, conse- 
 quently, was unprovided with a university or great 
 school ; although it had long been considered as the 
 capital of the kingdom. As soon as the Reformation 
 was established, the magistrates, in concert with the 
 ministers of the capital, attempted to have this defect 
 supplied ;* but their endeavours were thwarted by the 
 bishops, who were jealous of the reputation and pros- 
 perity of the seminaries placed under their own imme- 
 diate and official protection, f The University of Edin- 
 burgh, which has since risen to such eminence, owed 
 its erection to the fall of episcopacy. In the year 
 1579, when the General Assembly had attacked the 
 episcopal office and drawn up the model of presbytery, 
 the design of founding a college in Edinburgh was re- 
 vived.:!: Encouraged by the ministers and other pub- 
 lic-spirited individuals of the city, the magistrates 
 immediately commenced building apartments for the 
 accommodation of professors and students ; and in the 
 end of the year 1583 the classes were opened, under 
 the patronage of tlie town-council, and the sanction of 
 a royal charter. || By donations from individuals and 
 public bodies, and by obtaining part of a legacy which 
 Robert Reid, bishop of Orkney, had bequeathed for a 
 similar purpose, § the patrons were enabled to extend 
 the benefits of the institution. From the number of 
 students who resorted to the new college, it was appa- 
 rent that it would soon rival the most frequented of the 
 older establishments ; and although it suffisred a great 
 loss by the premature death of Rollock, its excellent 
 principal, yet was it in a prosperous condition when 
 Melville was removed from Scotland.T[ 
 
 Transferred from one sovereign to another, and lying 
 at a distance from the seats of the governments ta 
 which they at different times became subject, the in- 
 habitants of the Orkney Islands had been neglected, 
 and allowed to remain in ignorance and barbarism. 
 Bishop Reid, whose attention to the interests of learn- 
 ing deserves great praise, endeavoured to remedy this 
 evil by providing means of education for his clergy 
 and the youth of his diocese. Having given a new 
 foundation to his cathedral church of Kirkwall in 1544,. 
 he appointed the person who held the office of Chan- 
 cellor to read publicly, once a week, a lecture on the 
 canon law ; and the chaplain of St. Peter's to act as 
 master of a grammar school.** After the reformation 
 
 * Record of Town Council of Edinburgh, April 23, 1561, 
 and April 8, 1562. See under Note FFF. 
 
 t Crawfurd's Hist, of University of Edinburgh, p. 19. Mait- 
 land's Hist, of Edin. p. 356. 
 
 I Record of Town Council, April' 24, and Nov. 25, 1579. 
 
 H Though tlie name of a University is not applied to the 
 institution either in the RoyaT Charter of 1582, or in the Act 
 of Parliament of 1621, yet in the latter, it is declared to be 
 "aneColledge — of humane letteris and toungis. of phiiosophie, 
 theologie, medicine, the lawis, and all uther libemll sciences," 
 and is endowed with "all liberties, fredomes, immunities and 
 priviledgis appertening to ane free Colledge, and that in als 
 ample forme and lairge raaner as anye Colledge hes or bruikis 
 w'in this his M»ties realme." (Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 670, 671.) 
 
 } See Note BBB. 
 
 IT Crawford's Hist, of the Univ. of Edinburgh, p. 67. 
 
 ** " Hie Cancellarius, qui pro tempore fuerit, tertium locum 
 post prepositum occupabit, qui semel in septimana, nisi aliunde 
 legitime inipedietur, tenebitur publice in Jure pontificio legere 
 in Capitulo omnibus canonicis, prebendariis, capellanis, et aliis 
 interesse volentibus." — Ordcenamus preterea capellaniam beati 
 Petri primum omnium tresdecim incompatibi^em cum alio ben- 
 eficio, alterasfio seu servitio perpetuo, cujus saceHanus erit Ma- 
 gister artium et peritus grammaticus, Scole grammaticalis erit 
 magister. (Nova Erectio ad decorem et augnientationem divini 
 cultus in Ecclesia Cathedral! Orchadensi. Oct. 28, 1544. in 
 Arch. Civit. Edin.) This deed was confirmed Ijy Cardinal 
 Beaton " pridie kal. Julii, 1545." (Bulla Nove Erectionis Ec- 
 clesiae et Capituli Orchadensis: ibid.) Macken7,ie, in his Life 
 24 
 
370 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 the emoluments of the chaplainry continued to be 
 applied to the support of the master of the grammar 
 school of Kirkwall.* In the year 1581, a proposal 
 to erect a College in Orkney was laid before par- 
 liament, by which it was referred, along with other 
 plans for promoting education, to certain commission- 
 ers. f It is probable that the scheme was defeated by 
 the interest of those who had got possession of the ec- 
 clesiastical revenues of that diocese, which formed the 
 only fund from which the seminary could have been 
 erected and endowed. 
 
 In 1592, the year in which presbytery obtained a 
 legal establishment, Sir Alexander Fraser of Phillorth 
 laid the foundation of a university and college within 
 the town of Fraserburgh in Aberdeenshire.:]: It was 
 intended for the ornament of a town on which he had 
 conferred many privileges, and for the instruction of 
 the j'outh in the northern part of the kingdom. The 
 parliament ratified the institution in 1597, with high 
 commendations of the liberality and patriotism of the 
 founder.|| Charles Ferine, who had taught for several 
 years as a regent at Edinburgh, was chosen principal 
 of the new college ; and in the year 1600, the General 
 Assembly authorized him to undertake this office, 
 along with that of minister of the parish of Fraser- 
 burgh. § His labours were much interrupted by the 
 Earl of Huntly ; and an end was put to them by his 
 confinement, first in the castle of Down and after- 
 wards in the island of Bute, for assisting at the Gene- 
 ral Assembly at Aberdeen.^ It does not appear that 
 he had any successor in the college, which was most 
 
 of Bishop Reid, says: " He built St. Olau's Church in Kirk- 
 wail, and a large court of buildiiig-s, to be a college for instruct- 
 ing of the youth in these and the adjacent isles, in grammar, 
 philosophy, and niatheniatics." (Lives, iii. 47.) 
 
 * There is extant an original Gift and Presentation by Patrick 
 Earl of Orkney (dated Feb. 26, 1595.) of the " Prebendarie of 
 St. Peter lyand within the diocie of Orkney — conforme to the 
 erection thereof." The presentee is " to make actual residence 
 for serving of the gram»r school at Kirkwall as Master princi- 
 pal thereunto — utherways this gift to expyre ipso facto.'" This 
 was followed by a decreet of the Court of Session, May 22, 
 1601, confirming the gift. (Communication from Alexander 
 Peterkin, Esq. Sheriff-Substitute of Orkney.) 
 
 t Act. Pari. Scot. iii. 214. 
 
 I The grant confirming to him the lands and barony of Phil- 
 lorth (July 1, 1592.) contains the following clause: "Dedinius 
 ct concessimus tenoreque presencium damus et concedimus 
 plenariani potestateiu et libertatem prefato Alexandre Fraser 
 neredibus suis iiiascvlis et assignatis Collegium seu Collegia 
 infra dictum burgum de Fraser edificandi, Universitatem eri- 
 gendi, omnia genera officialium eisdem convenie" et correspon- 
 den elegendi locandi et deprivandi, fundationes pro eorum sus- 
 tentatione et omnia privilegia quecunque necessaria faciendi et 
 dotandi, Rectoreg principales et subprincipales et alia membra 
 necessaria ad voluntatem et optionem dicti Alexri ejusque here- 
 dara niasculorum et assignatorum antedict. faciendi eligendi 
 mutandiet deponendi, leges acta et statuta pro boni ordinis 
 observatione faciendi et custodire causandi. (Register of Privy 
 Seal,vol. Ixiv. f.46.) 
 
 IJ Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 147, 148. 
 
 \ Bulk of the Universall Kirk, f. 194, b. Crawfurd's Hist, 
 of Univ. of Edin. p. 31, 33, 37, 39, 42. Fermsei Analysis in 
 Epist. ad Romanos, Epist. Dedic. et Epist. ad Lect. Edinb. 1651. 
 
 T In 1608, Ferme wrote, from the place of his coniinement, 
 to Robert Bruce: " I have to this hour been releaved be the 
 comfort of no creature; neither have I heard to whom I may 
 go. A thousand deaths hathe my soul tasted of; but still the 
 truth and mercie of the Lord hath succoured me." (Cald. vii. 
 98, 99.) He wag restored to his parish before his death, which 
 happened on the 24th of September, 1617. Verses to his 
 memory were composed by Archibald Simson, (Annal. p. 138.) 
 and by Principal Adarason of F-dinburgh, who, in the 75th year 
 of his age, published a work of Ferme, who had been his re- 
 gent at college. (I'refix. ad Fermaei Analys. ut supra.) " Mr. 
 Charles Fairme," was called to be " second minister of Had- 
 dington." (Record of Presbytery of Haddington, July 28, and 
 Aug. 25, 1596, and Sept. 28, 1597.) At the '^desyre of patrik 
 cohren and Georg heriot, cotnmissionares direct from the ses- 
 sion of the kirk of the north-west quarter of Ed'," the presby- 
 tery "tollerat Mr. Charles ferum to preach in the Kirk of that 
 quarter, at sic tynies and necessary occasiones as he sal be im- 
 ployit be said session." (Rec. of Presb. of Edinburgh, Sept. 
 12, 1598.) He " wag gane to the north Parts, in Dec. 12, 1598. 
 (Ibid.) 
 
 probably allowed to fall into decay amidst the distrac- 
 tions produced by the alteration of church-government. 
 
 The College of Fraserburgh might have succeeded 
 better, had it not been for a similar establishment 
 erected about the same time by George Earl Marischal 
 in the town of New Aberdeen.* Marischal College 
 was originally endowed only for a principal, three re- 
 gents, and six bursars ; but its situation in a flourish- 
 ing town furnished it with students, its proximity to 
 King's College excited emulation, and the gratitude or 
 the pride of individuals who received their education 
 at it soon increased the number of its professorships 
 and bursaries, as well as the small stock of books 
 with which it was originally provided. f 
 
 Whatever may be thought as to the expediency of 
 some of these collegial institutions, there can be but 
 one opinion as to the zeal which they evinced in behalf 
 of the interests of literature. Whether the founders 
 acted from the impulse of their own minds, or were 
 guided by the deference which they paid to the opin- 
 ions of others, the fact of so many academies rising 
 up at the same time, shews that the public attention 
 had been awakened to the importance of education, 
 and that a general and strong passion for literary pur- 
 suits was felt through the nation. It may also be ob- 
 served that the improvements in the mode of teaching 
 which had been introduced into the universities of St. 
 Andrews and Glasgow were adopted in one degree or 
 another in the newly-erected colleges. At Edinburgh, 
 indeed, each regent conducted his students through 
 the whole course of their studies, either because Rol- 
 lock had been accustomed to this method at St. An- 
 drews, or because he could not find a sufficient number 
 of teachers. But at Aberdeen, in Marischal College 
 from the beginning the regents had particular profes- 
 sions assigned to them -yX ^"d the same arrangement 
 was prescribed by the new foundation of King's Col- 
 lege.ll When Melville returned from Geneva, although 
 more than thirty years had elapsed from the first intro- 
 duction of the Greek language into Scotland, the stu- 
 dents at St. Andrews did not acquire any knowledge 
 of it beyond the regular declensions. But now the 
 most difficult Greek authors were read and explained 
 in all our universities. The knowledge of Hebrew 
 was brought to the country by a deserving individual 
 at the establishment of the Reformation ; and 3'et, four- 
 teen years after that period, not one of the professors 
 in the first university of the kingdom could teach its 
 alphabet.§ But now the Hebrew language was accu- 
 rately taught in each of the universities, along with 
 the cognate tongues which had hitherto been utterly 
 unknown in Scotland. The scientific lectures first 
 read by Melville at Glasgow, and afterwards adopted 
 in the other universities, included several useful 
 branches of knowledge, not formerly taught in the es- 
 tablished course of study, or treated in the most su- 
 perficial manner ; as geography, chronology, civil and 
 natural history, geometry and the system of the sphere, 
 according to the discoveries of recent astronomers. 
 
 The resort of foreign students to Scotland at this 
 
 * The Charter of the College was signed by " George Erie 
 Marshall," on the 2nd of April, 1593. It was approved of by 
 the General Assembly at Dundee on the 24th of the same 
 month, "after being examined by a Committee of their num- 
 ber." (Memorial by Principal Blackwell.) And it was ratified 
 by Parliament on the 21st of July following. (Act. Pari. Scot, 
 iv. 35. 
 
 f Memorial for Marischal College by Principal Blackwell. 
 
 \ "JVohinius auteni Academias nostra prseceptores ad novas 
 Professiones transilire, ged ut in eadem professione se exerceant, 
 ut adolescentes qui gradatim ascendant, dignum suis studiis cl 
 ingeniis nanciscantur Praeceptorem." (Novae AcademiaE; Abre- 
 donensis per Comitcm Manschallum Regia Autoritate, Erectio 
 et Instructio.) The Greek, Hebrew, and Syriac languages, 
 Physiology (Natural History) Geometry, Geography, Chronol- 
 ogy, and Astronomy, were to be taught by the Principal and 
 Masters of Marischal College. 
 
 II See under Note TT. 
 
 { Life of John Knoi, p. 22, 88. MelTJlle't Diary, p.26. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 371 
 
 period is another interesting fact in the history of our 
 national literature. Formerly no instance of this kind 
 had occurred. On the contrary, it was a common 
 practice for the youth of this country, upon finishing 
 their course of education at one of our colleges, to go 
 abroad, and prosecute their studies at one or more of 
 the universities on the continent. Nor did any one 
 think himself entitled to the honourable appellation of 
 a learned man who had not added the advantages of a 
 foreign to those of a domestic education. But after 
 the reformation of the universities of St. Andrews and 
 Glasgow, and the erection of the College of Edin- 
 burgh, this practice became gradually less frequent, 
 until it ceased entirely, except with those who wished 
 to attain proficiency in law or in medicine. If stu- 
 dents in languages, the arts, or divinity, now left Scot- 
 land, it was generally to teach, and not to be taught, 
 in foreign seminaries. The same cause which pro- 
 duced this change attracted students from abroad to 
 this country. A few years after Melville went to the 
 university of St. Andrews, the names of foreigners 
 appear for the first time on its records. The number 
 of these rapidly increased; and Scotland continued to 
 be frequented by students from the continent for a con- 
 siderable time after the original cause of attraction 
 had been removed. Though St. Andrews was the 
 chief place to which they resorted, yet they studied 
 also in the universities of Edinburgh and Glasgow. 
 Some of them were persons of noble birth, but the 
 greater part were young men engaged in the cultiva- 
 tion of theology and the branches of learning connect- 
 ed with it. No adequate cause of the fact under con- 
 sideration can be assigned but the report which had 
 gone abroad of the flourishing state of education in 
 Scotland. It is a mistake to suppose that the foreign 
 students were for the most part Danes, who were in- 
 duced to visit this country in consequence of the con- 
 nexion established between it and Denmark by the 
 marriage of James. Some of them were Danes ; but 
 a still greater number were French, besides Belgians, 
 Germans, and Poles.* 
 
 The number of Scotchmen who at this time distin- 
 guished themselves as teachers in foreign universi- 
 ties and schools was great. I have had occasion to 
 speak of some of those who taught in the protestant 
 academies of France; but to give any thing like a 
 proper account of them would lead me into a digres- 
 sion disproportionately large. I cannot however omit 
 mentioning here a literary undertaking in Ireland by 
 two of our countrymen. The state of education in 
 that country had fallen so low that it was with difficul- 
 ty that an individual capable of teaching the learned 
 languages could be found even in the capital. In the 
 year 1587, James Fullerton and James Hamilton es- 
 tablished a school in Dublin. The talents of the two 
 Scotchmen, joined with the most engaging manners, 
 soon procured them scholars. After they had taught 
 privately for five years, they were admitted to profes- 
 sorships in Trinity Colleare, the fabric of which had 
 been recently complet(Hl ; and they contributed to bring 
 the University of Dublin into that reputation which it 
 quickly acquired. Their labours would have deserved 
 commemoration if they had done no more than edu- 
 cated the celebrated James Usher, afterwards arch- 
 bishop of Armagh, the great ornament of the church 
 of Ireland, and one of the most learned men of his 
 age. He was one of their first pupils in the gram- 
 mar school, was conducted through the course of phi- 
 losophy at the university by Hamilton, and was accus- 
 tomed to mention it as an instance of the kindness of 
 Providence that he received his education under the 
 two Scotchmen, " who came hither by chance, and yet 
 proved so happily useful to himself and others." 
 Whether the primate was initiated by them into the 
 principles of the Hebrew language, in which he after- 
 
 » See Note CCC. 
 
 wards attained great proficiency, we are not informed , 
 but they introduced him to the beauties of the classic 
 poets and orators, with which he was captivated in his 
 youth to a degree which we could scarcely have sup- 
 posed from the tenor of his subsequent studies. * It 
 has been said that Hamilton and Fullerton concealed 
 a political design under their literary undertaking ; and 
 that they were sent to Dublin by the Scottish court as 
 secret agents to obtain the consent of the Irish nobility 
 and gentry to James's right of succession to Elizabeth. 
 This is not at all likely. It is much more probable, 
 that the enterprise was entirely literary, and underta- 
 ken from the same motives which induced so many of 
 their learned countrymen at that time to seek a foreign 
 field for the exertion of their talents. At a subsequent 
 period James availed himself of the credit which they 
 had gained, and they were employed by him in secret 
 negociations, which they conducted with much ability 
 and success, f The services of both were rewarded. 
 Fullerton was knighted, admitted a gentleman of the 
 Bed-chamber, and resided at court after the accession. 
 Hamilton was created Viscount Claneboy, and after- 
 wards Earl of Clanbrissel ; :}; was entrusted with 
 great authority in Ireland ; and in concert with his pu- 
 pil, the primate, and his countryman, the bishop of 
 Raphoe, shewed favour to such ministers as took shel- 
 ter in that country from the persecution of the Scottish 
 prelates, || Fullerton and Hamilton were early ac- 
 quaintances of Melville, § and the former was one of 
 his most intimate and steady friends. ^ He retained 
 his love of letters, and a partiality for his early studies, 
 after he had exchanged the life of the scholar for that 
 of the courtier. ** 
 
 In the preceding chapter some account has been giv- 
 en of the state of the inferior order of seminaries in 
 Scotland when Melville came to St. Andrews. ff Since 
 
 * Parr's life of Usher, p. 3. Smith, Vita Usserii, p. 16. Dil- 
 linghain, Vita Laur. Chadertoni, p. 55, There is a letter iroiu 
 Hamilton to Sir James Sempill, (Dublin, May 4, 1612.) in re- 
 commendation of Usher, when he went to London to publish 
 his first work. " Clear them (Dr. Chaloner and Mr. Usher) to 
 his Ma''« that they ar not puritants; for they have dignitarie- 
 ships and prebends in the Cathedral churches here." (MS. in 
 Archiv. Eccl. Scot. vol. xxviii, num. 18.) 
 
 t This is confirmed by the account which Dr. Birch gives; 
 although he speaks immediately of negociations with the Eng- 
 lish nobility. (Life of Henry, Prince of Wales, p. 232.) The 
 letter from King James inserted in the Appendix to Strype's 
 Annals, vol. iv. and which Strype supposes to have been writ- 
 ten to Lord Hamilton, was addressed, I have no doubt, to James 
 Hamilton, afterwards Viscount Claneboy. 
 
 I Lodge's Peerage of Ireland, vol. iii. p. 257. According 
 to Lodge, he was the eldest son of Hans Hamilton, of Dun- 
 lop. Crawford says that Hans Hamilton, vicar of Dunlop, was 
 son of Archibald Hamilton of Raploch. (MS. Baronage, p. 
 265—267: in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Jac. V. 5. 30.) 
 
 P Life of Mr. Robert Blair, p. 47—52, 64, 80. Life of Mr. 
 John Livingston. 
 
 { In the year 1585 James Hamilton was made Master of 
 Arts at St. Andrews, and in 1586, one of the same name was 
 laureated at Glasgow. I have stated (p. 226.) that Sir James 
 Fullerton was educated under Melville at Glasgow. But it may 
 be added, that in the list of Melville's class-fellows are the 
 names " Jacobus Hamyltoun," and " Jacobus FuUartoun." (See 
 above, p. 384.) 
 
 IT Letter from Melville to Sir James Sempill of Beltrees, in 
 Appendix. 
 
 ** Hoc saxum (a grammatical difficulty) cum diu volvisscm, 
 tandem incidi in .Jacobum Fullertonum, virum doctum, et in 
 omni disciplina satis exercitatum. Cum eo rem disceptavi, &c." 
 (Humii Grammatica Nova, Part. ii. p. 15.) See also Leochaei 
 Epigram, p. 23. 48. In 1611, Sir James Fullerton was, by the 
 favour of Prince Henry, appointed Gentleman of the Bed-cnam- 
 ber, and Master of the Privy Purse to the Duke of York, 
 (Bii-ch's Life of Henry, Prince of Wales, p. 232—235.) His 
 Testament is dated Dec. 28, 1630, and was proved Feb. 5, 
 1630, O. S. He left no issue, and bequeathed " the estate and 
 interest of the manor of Bifleete," with his leases of the Lead 
 Mines, &c. after paying his debts, to his " deare and well be- 
 loved wife, the Lady Bruce," " The Right Honourable Thom- 
 as Lord Bruce, Baron of Kinlosse" was his sole executor, 
 (Will, extracted from the Registry of the Prerogative Court 
 of Canterbury.) 
 
 ft See above, p. 363. Comp. p. 382. 
 
372 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 that time the number of parochial schools had increas- 
 ed, although in many places they were still wanting, 
 and in others the teachers enjoyed a very inadequate 
 and precarious support. There was as yet no law 
 which compelled the landholders or parishioners to 
 provide them with accommodations or salaries. The 
 persuasions of the ministers and the authority of the 
 church-courts were, however, exerted in supplying this 
 defect. As every minister was bound regularly to ex- 
 amine his people, it became his interest to have a 
 schoolmaster for the instruction of the youth. At the 
 annual visitation of parishes by presbyteries and pro- 
 vincial synods, the stale of the schools formed one 
 subject of uniform inquiry; the qualifications of the 
 teachers were tried ; and where there was no school, 
 means were used for having one established. A 
 "common order" as to the rate of contribution to be 
 raised for the salary of the teacher, and as to the fees 
 to be paid by the scholars, was laid down and put in 
 practice, long before the act of council in 1616 which 
 was ratified by parliament in 1633. It is a mistake to 
 suppose that the parochial schools of Scotland owed 
 their origin to these enactments. The parliamentary 
 statute has, indeed, been eventually of great benefit. 
 But it would have remained a dead letter but for the 
 exertions of the church-courts; and, owing to the 
 vague nature of its provisions, it continued long to be 
 evaded by those who were insensible to the benefits of 
 education, or who grudged the smallest expense for 
 the sake of promoting it. The reader will find in the 
 notes some facts which throw light on the state of pa- 
 rochial instruction at this period.* 
 
 The classical schools had also increased in number, 
 and improvements were introduced into those which 
 had existed from ancient times. Two individuals, 
 who were successively at the head of the High School 
 of Edinburgh, are entitled to our notice here, from the 
 services which they rendered to the literature of their 
 country, as well as the connexion which they had with 
 Melville. Hercules Rollock had received a complete 
 education, and was an excellent classical scholar. Af- 
 ter finishing his studies at St. Andrews, and teaching 
 for some time in King's College, Aberdeen, f he went 
 abroad, and studied at Poitiers in France.:^ On his 
 return to Scotland, he was warmly recommended to the 
 young King by Buchanan ; |j and it seems to have been 
 in consequence of this recommendation that he was 
 appointed Commissary of Angus and the Carse of 
 Gowrie, which were disjoined from the Commissariot 
 of St. Andrews in the year 1580, and erected into a 
 separate jurisdiction. But the new court was soon 
 suppressed, in consequence of the opposition made to 
 it by the commissary and magistrates of St. Andrews. § 
 In 1584,R(511ock was brought from Dundee,^ and con- 
 tinued head master of the High School of Edinburgh 
 for eleven years, at the end of which he was displaced 
 in consequence of some offence which was taken at his 
 conduct.** On his removal from the High School he 
 
 • See Note DDD. 
 
 + Oretn's Description of Old Aberdeen, p. 159. 
 
 J Delitise Poet. Scot, ii. 350, 351. Conip. Buchaiiani Epist. 
 p. 13, 21. In a MS. Catalogue of Scottish writers, (to be 
 found in the Advocates Library, in the same volume with Char- 
 ters's Account of Scottish divines) Hercules Rollock is said to 
 have published " Panegyrim de Pace in Gallia coiistituenda. 
 Pictavi 1576." He had also been some time in England. 
 (Delit. ut supra, n. 361.) 
 
 I! Buchanani Epist. p. 29. 
 
 X Record of Privy Council, January 12, 1580. 
 
 t May 29, 1584. Record of Town Council of Edin. vol. vii. 
 f. 90. On the 17th of April, 1588, his salary was augmented 
 " from 50 to 100 pundis." In his petition for an augmentation, 
 he tells the council, that " upoun informatioun of Mr. James 
 latasonn and other favoreris of lerning he was employet to un- 
 dertak ye chairge of thair hie schole." (lb. vol. viii. f. 149, b. 
 150.) 
 
 »• Record of Town Council, vol. x. f. 71. Rollock imputes 
 his dismissal to the ignorance of the citizen*, who were incapa- 
 ble of appreciating the excellence of his instructions, so supe- 
 
 obtained an office in the Court of Session, and was pa- 
 tronised by the King. * He was suspected of being 
 the author of a lampoon against Bruce and the other 
 ministers who were banished at the time of the tumult 
 which happened in the capital ; on which account Mel- 
 ville attacked him, in several stinging epigrams, as a 
 mercenary poet, and a starved schoolmaster turned 
 lawyer. Poets are not disposed to brook an affront. 
 Rollock replied; and in a poem, more distinguished 
 for its length than its vigour, denied the charge, and 
 vindicated his character, f Whatever might be his 
 imprudences or personal foibles, he certainly contrib- 
 uted to raise the character of the useful seminary over 
 which he had presided. ^ 
 
 Alexander Hume, who succeeded to the rectorship 
 of the High School, if not so good a poet as Rollock, 
 was a superior grammarian, and a more acceptable 
 teacher. (| He has himself informed us, that he was 
 descended of the ancient family of the Humes, acquired 
 the knowledge of the Latin language under the well- 
 known Andrew Simson at Dunbar, went through "the 
 course of philosophy at St. Andrews, and afterwards 
 spent sixteen years in England, partly in studying at 
 the University of Oxford, and partly in teaching. His 
 theological works shall be mentioned afterwards. 
 While he taught at Edinburgh, his attention was 
 turned to the elementary hooks which were at that 
 time used in grammar schools, and he was ambitious 
 of improving on the labours of foreigners, as well as 
 of his countrymen, Simson, Carmichael, and Duncan. § 
 His Latin Grammar, on which he had spent many 
 years, and which he published, after submitting it to 
 the correction of Melville and other learned friends, 
 did not give the satisfaction which he expected. This 
 was partly owing to prejudice against innovation, and 
 partly to the author's having sacrificed ease and per- 
 spicuity to logical precision in his arrangement and 
 definitions. But, although less adapted for youth, the 
 work displays considerable knowledge of the princi- 
 ples of grammar, and might be useful to teachers and 
 advanced scholars. The privy council, in pursuance 
 of an act of parliament, enjoined it to be used in all 
 the schools of the kingdom ; an injunction which was 
 defeated by the interest of the bishops, whose dis- 
 pleasure the author had incurred, and by the perseve- 
 ring opposition of Ray, who succeeded to his place in 
 the High School. % 
 
 It was during the incumbency of Hume, that the 
 High School of Edinburgh received that form which 
 it has preserved, with little alteration, to the present 
 day. In the year 1598, a code of laws, drawn up by 
 a committee of learned men, and intended to regulate 
 the mode of teaching and the government of the youth, 
 received the sanction of the town-council. The school 
 was divided into four classes, to be taught separately 
 by four masters, including the principal. The boys 
 passed from one master to another at the end of each 
 
 rior to those of ordinary pedagogues; and he represents the 
 school as sinking, at bis removal, into the bari>ari$m from which 
 he had recovered it. (Delit. Poet. Scot. ii. 389.) 
 
 * Delit. ut supra. 
 
 t Ibid. p. 117. Comp. p. 337. In the catalogue of booln 
 presented lo the University of Edinburgh, by Drummond of 
 Hawthornden, (p. 24,) is the following article: "Ad Herculem 
 Rollocum responsio Andreae Melvini. MS autogr." But the 
 MS. is not now to be found. 
 
 J The magistrates appear to have been sensible of this; for 
 on the 20th of February, 1600, thev gave an allowance to " the 
 relict and bairns of Mr. Hercules Iflollock." (Council Regii- 
 ter, vol. X. f. 270.) 
 
 II Crawfurd's Hist, of the Univ. of Edin. p. 64. His appoint- 
 ment was on the 23d of April, 1596. (Council Register, vol. x. 
 ffi 75, 76.) 
 
 } " Grammaticse LatinsR, de Etymologia, liber secundus. 
 Cantab. 1587." James Carmichael, minister of Haddington, 
 was the author of this work. Andrew Duncan, the author of 
 various grammatical pieces, (Ames, by Herbert, iii. 1515, 1516, 
 1518.) was minister of Crail, and one of those who were ban- 
 ished to France for holding the Assembly at Aberdeen. 
 
 If See Note EEE 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 373 
 
 year ; a plan which has not the same recommendations 
 when applied to the teaching of a single language that 
 it has when applied to different languages or branches 
 of science. By the same laws, the Humanity class in 
 the College was also regulated, and Greek was ap- 
 pointed to be taught in it as well as Latin. In the 
 year 1614, a fifth class was established in the High 
 School, and during their attendance on it the boys were 
 initiated into Greek grammar.* 
 
 In the year 1606, Hume relinquished his situation in 
 Edinburgh, and became principal master of the gram- 
 mar school at Prestonpans, which had been recently 
 founded by John Davidson. The exertions which 
 Davidson made to provide for the religious and litera- 
 ry instruction of his parish entitle him to the most 
 grateful remembrance. At his own expense he built a 
 church and a manse, a school-house and a dwelling- 
 house for the master. The school was erected for 
 teaching the three learned languages, Latin, Greek, 
 and Hebrew ; and the founder destined all his herita- 
 ble and moveable property, including his books, to the 
 support and ornament of this trilingual academy.f 
 Similar endowments were made by others ; ij: and there 
 is reason to think that, in not a few instances, the funds 
 which benevolent individuals bequeathed for the pro- 
 motion of learning were clandestinely retained, or ille- 
 gally alienated from their original destination, by the 
 infidelity and avarice of executors and trustees. Se- 
 veral acts of the legislature were made to prevent 
 such abuses. II 
 
 In investigating the progress which science made 
 in Scotland during this period, the first thing which 
 strikes us is the introduction of the Ramean philoso- 
 phy, and its general substitution in the room of the 
 Aristotelian. The influence which Ramus had in the 
 advancement of philosophy has not, in my opinion, 
 had that importance attached to it by modern writers 
 which it deserves. In forming an estimate of the de- 
 gree in which any individual has contributed to the 
 illumination of the age in which he lived, it is neces- 
 sary to take into account something more than the 
 character of his opinions viewed in themselves : we 
 must inquire if they were brought fairly and fully into 
 contact with the public mind, and attend to the circum- 
 stances which combined to aid or to neutralize their 
 effect. By a careful examination of the writings of 
 such men as Bruno and Cardan, we may discover here 
 and there a sentiment akin to a truer philosophy; but 
 these sentiments appear to have struck their minds 
 during certain lucid intervals and are buried in a far- 
 rago of fantastic, extravagant, and unintelligible no- 
 tions, which at that period must have had the tendency 
 to discredit them completely with persons of sober 
 thinking. They are to be viewed rather as curious 
 phenomena in the history of individuals than as indi- 
 cations of the progress made by the human mind. 
 There are three grand events in the modern history 
 of philosophy. The first is the revival of literature, 
 which, by promoting the study of the original writings 
 of the ancients, rescued the Aristotelian philosophy 
 from the barbarism and corruption which it had con- 
 tracted during the middle ages. The second is the 
 emancipation of the human mind from that slavish 
 subjection to authority under which it had been long 
 held by a superstitious veneration for the name of Aris- 
 totle. The third is the introduction of, what is com- 
 monly called, the inductive philosophy. The two 
 former preceded, and made way for the latter. In 
 bringing about the first a multitude of persons in all 
 
 • See Note FFF. f See Note GGG. 
 
 i John Howieson, minister of Cambuslang, endowed a school, 
 and made provision for the poor, within his parish. Letter 
 from hiin to the General Assembly, Nov. 16, 1602: (MS. in 
 Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Rob. III. 2. 17. f 156.) "The King's Scole 
 of Dunkeld," founded Feb. 22, 1567, (Reg. of Presentations, 
 vol. I. p. 5.) was ratified by Parliament in 1606. (Act. Pari. Scot. 
 IV. 313.) II Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iv. p. 94; vol. v. p. 22. 
 
 parts of Europe had co-operated with nearly equal 
 zeal. The merit of effecting the second is in a great 
 measure due to one individual. The Platonic school 
 which was founded in the fifteenth century did not 
 produce any extensive or permanent eflfects on the 
 mode of study and philosophizing. It originated in 
 literary enthusiasm ; its disciples were chiefly con- 
 fined to Italy ; and they contented themselves with 
 pronouncing extravagant and rapturous panegyrics on 
 the divine Plato. Valla, Agricola,* Vives, and Nizo- 
 lius had pointed out various defects in the reigning 
 philosophy, and recommended a mode of investigating 
 truth more rational than that which was pursued in the 
 schools. But they had not succeeded in fixing the at- 
 tention of the public on the subject. The attack which 
 Ramus made on the Peripatetic philosophy was direct, 
 avowed, persevering, and irresistible. He possessed 
 an acute mind, a competent acquaintance with ancient 
 learning, an ardent love of truth, and invincible courage 
 in maintaining it. He had applied with avidity to the 
 study of the logic of Aristotle ; and the result was a 
 conviction, that it was an instrument utterly unfit for 
 discovering truth in any of the sciences, and answering 
 no other purpose than that of scholastic wrangling and 
 digladiation. This conviction he communicated to the 
 public ; and, in spite of all the resistance which he en- 
 countered from ignorance and prejudice, he succeeded 
 in bringing over a great part of the learned world to 
 his views. What Luther was in the church, Ramus 
 was in the schools. He overthrew the infallibility of 
 the Stagyrite, and proclaimed the right of mankind to 
 think for themselves in matters of philosophy ; a right 
 which he maintained with the most undaunted forti- 
 tude, and to which he may be said to have died a inar- 
 tyr.f If Ramus had not shaken the authority of the 
 long-venerated Organon of Aristotle, the world might 
 not have seen the Novum Organum of Bacon. The 
 faults of the Ramean system of Dialectics have long 
 been acknowledged. It proceeded upon the radical 
 principles of the logic of Aristotle; its distinctions 
 often turned more upon words than things ; and the 
 artificial method and uniform partitions which it pre- 
 scribed in treating every subject, were unnatural, and 
 calculated to fetter, instead of forwarding, the mind in 
 the discovery of truth. But it discarded many of the 
 useless speculations, and much of the unmeaning jar- 
 gon respecting topics, predicables, and predicaments, 
 which made so great a figure in the ancient logic. It 
 inculcated upon its disciples the necessity of accuracy 
 and order in arranging their own ideas and in analyzing 
 those of others.:}: And, as it advanced no claims to 
 
 * Ramus acknowledges that be was indebted for more accu- 
 rate views of Logic to Rudolphus Agricola, and that he learned 
 them from Sturriiius, one of Agricola's scholars. (Prasfat. in 
 Schol. Graramat.) 
 
 t " Easdem in religionis restitutione judiciorum remoras aetas 
 nostra experta est. Quapropter per Deum optimum maximum, 
 LogicEe artis professores exhortor, ut philosophise veritatem 
 pluris quam philosophi uUius authoritatem faciant. — Tales de- 
 nique sint in Aristotele cognoscendo et interpretando, quails 
 Aristoteles in Platone fuit. Ununi enim id illis exopto, nt 
 Aristoteles ipsi sibi sint, vel Aristotele etiani prsestantiores nia- 
 gistri: sicut Aristoteles nimirum Plato alter esse, aut etiam Pla- 
 tone prasstantior esse voluit." (Rami Animad. in Organ. Aris- 
 totelis, lib. ii. cap. ix.p. 66. edit. Francof. 1594.) Those who 
 wish to understand the spirit of Ramus, and the motives which 
 induced him to embark in the cause of philosophical reform, 
 should read the whole of the 13th chapter of the 4th book of 
 his Animadversiones. Brucker has given extracts from it. 
 (Philos. lorn. v. p. 566—568.) 
 
 t Bacon was anxious to disclaim connexion with Ramus, 
 whom he calls the "neoteric rebel against Aristotle." Cuta- 
 lirta Cethegum ? But he acknowledges the merits of Ramus 
 on the head of method. " Methodus veluti scienfiarum archi- 
 tectura est: atque hac in parte melius meruit Ramus," &c. (De 
 Augin. Scient. lib. vl. cap. ii.) Hooker refers to the system of 
 Ramus in the following passage. Having spoken of the utility 
 of art iu advancing knowledge, and of the little progress which 
 had been made in all parts of natural knowledge since the days 
 of Aristotle, he adds: "In the poverty of that other new- 
 devised aid, two things are, notwithstancling, singular. Of mar- 
 
374 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 infallibility, submitted all its rules to the lest of practi- 
 cal utility, and set this constantly before the eye of the 
 student as the only legitimate end of the whole logical 
 apparatus, its faults were soon discovered, and yielded 
 readily to a more natural method of reasoning and in- 
 vestigation. 
 
 The eloquence of Ramus, added to the novelty of 
 his opinions, and the ardour and boldness with which 
 he maintained them, had a fascinating influence on his 
 students. Foreigners, who attended his lectures in 
 the university of Paris, carried his peculiar sentiments 
 along with them to their respective countries. Within 
 a few years after his death his writings were known 
 through Europe; and, before the conclusion of the 
 sixteenth century, Ramism, as the new mode of phil- 
 osophizing was called, was publicly taught in some 
 of the principal universities of Germany, Switzerland, 
 Denmark, Holland, and Britain.* I formerly stated 
 that Melville studied under him, and that on his return 
 to his native country, he introduced his master's sys- 
 tem of logic into the university of Glasgow. f It con- 
 tinued to be taught there under his successor, Patrick 
 Sharp.:!: At St. Andrews, however, it met with the 
 most determined resistance. It is a striking proof of 
 the ascendancy which the name of Aristotle had gained 
 over the human mind, that his philosophy continued 
 long to maintain its ground in the greater part of the 
 protestant schools. When Luther had attacked it with 
 his usual vehemence, his colleague Melanchthon inter- 
 posed for its protection. From attachment to it, the 
 members of the Academy of Geneva refused to admit 
 Ramus into their number, during the time that Mel- 
 ville resided in that city.|| It was not until the year 
 1583, that the General Assembly of the Church of 
 Scotland gave public warning against sentiments sub- 
 versive of religion contained in books which were put 
 into the hands of all the youth. § And twenty years 
 after every vestige of papal authority had been abol- 
 ished in the university of St. Andrews, Melville had 
 almost excited a tumult in it by calling in question the 
 infallibility of a heathen philosopher. But he ulti- 
 mately succeeded in effecting a reform on the philoso- 
 phical creed at St. Andrews.lf Rollock, who became 
 a convert to the new philosophy, introduced it into the 
 College of Edinburgh, in which it continued long to 
 be taught.** The writings of Aristotle were not, how- 
 ever, banished from onr universities, and his authority 
 appears to have revived at St. Andrews after Melville's 
 removal. tf 
 
 velloas qaick despatch it is, and doth show them that have it 
 aa much almost in three days, as if it had dwelt threescore 
 years with them. Again, because the curiosity of man's wit 
 doth many times with peril wade farther in the search of things 
 than were convenient, the same is thereby restrained unto such 
 generalitic<i, as, everywhere offering themselves, are apparent 
 unto men of the weakest conceit that need be." (Eccles. Polity, 
 book i. } 6 ) 
 
 « Brucker, Hist. Philos. torn. v. p. 576—581. Bayle, Diet, 
 art. De la Ramfee, Note O. Melch. Adaiii Vitee Germ. Philos. 
 p. 509. Casp. Brantius, Vita Jac. Arminii, p. 16. Scaligerana, 
 Thuana, &c. torn. ii. 352, 527. Ramus's Logic was prelected 
 on at Cambridge in 1590. (Dillingham, Vita Chadertoni et 
 Usserii, p. 15.) And various editions of his works were pub- 
 lished in England before the year 1600. (Ames, by Herbert, 
 passim.) 
 
 + Seeabove, p.217, 226. 
 
 t Riveti Opera, torn. iii. p. 897. 
 
 II Beza: Epistolie, epp. 34, 36. Brantius, Vita Arminii, p. 
 21,22. 
 
 8 Petrie, P. ii. p. 439. 
 
 T See above, p, 246. 
 
 •• Adamsoni Prsefat. in Fermaei Annal. Cpist. ad Romanes. 
 Crawfurd's Hist of Univ. of Edin. p. 58 — 60. Bower's Hist, 
 vol. i. Append. No. iii. Sir Robert Sibbald mentions an early 
 edition of Ramus's Logic by one of our countrymen: " Rolan- 
 duf Mackilnienieus Scotm, P. Rami Dialectictc libri duo. Lond. 
 1576, 8vo." (De Script. Scot. p. 152.) " Rollandus Makilmane 
 Novi Collegii" was laureated at St. Andrews, Feb. 10, 1569. 
 Editions of the Dialectica were i)rinted at Edinburgh as late as 
 1637 and 1640. 
 
 ft William Forbes ^afterwards Bishop of Edinburgh) who 
 
 Theological learning made great advancement during^ 
 this period. Formerly no commentary on scripture, 
 and no collection of sermons, had appeared in Scot- 
 land. This defect was now supplied by the writings 
 of Rollock and Bruce. The former published com- 
 mentaries on most of the books of the New Testa- 
 ment, and on some parts of the Old, which were speed- 
 ily reprinted on the continent, with warm recommen- 
 dations by foreign divines.* Though they contain 
 occasional remarks on the original, Rollock's commen- 
 taries are not distinguished for critical learning, nor do 
 they discover deep research; but they are perspicuous, 
 succinct, and judicious. His treatise on Effectual 
 Calling is a compendious system of divinity, and af- 
 fords a favourable specimen of the manner in which 
 he executed this part of his academical lectures. It 
 shows, among other things, that his understanding was 
 not led astray by admiration of the Ramean logic, and 
 that he did not suffer a superstitious or pedantic regard 
 to methodistic rules to usurp the place of good sense 
 in the arrangement and communication of his ideas. 
 His sermons, which were published from notes taken 
 by some of his hearers, exhibit him in a very amiable 
 light, as " condescending to men of low estate," and 
 keeping sacredly in view the proper end of preaching, 
 the instruction and salvation of the people, and not the 
 display of the learning, ingenuity, or eloquence of the 
 preacher.f Bruce was a man of a stronger mind than 
 Rollock. His sermons, particularly those on the sa- 
 craments, are more elaborately composed, more doc- 
 trinal and argumentative, more calculated to lead " on 
 to perfection" those who are already grounded in the 
 principles of religion, and whose spiritual senses are 
 " exercised to discern between good and evil." He 
 possessed at the same time the faculty of making him- 
 self understood on the most intricate subjects, and his 
 sermons discover the same unction which recommend- 
 ed those of his pious colleague.:|: Rollock's manner 
 in the pulpit was mild, affectionate, and winning : 
 Bruce's was solemn, impressive, and commanding* 
 and, to apply to his sermons the reverse of the figure 
 by which one of his hearers described his prayers, 
 
 taught as a regent in King's College at the beginning of the 
 17th century, was a strenuous advocate for the Aristotelian 
 philosophy. (Bayle, Diet. art. Forbes, Guil.) 
 
 * Beza's recommendation was conveyed in a letter to John 
 Johnston, and is prefixed to " Tractatus de Vocatione — Authore 
 Roberto Rolloco Scoto. Edinburgi 1597." 
 
 f " Certaine Sermons vpon severall places of the Epistles 
 of Paul. Preached by M. Robert Rollock— Edinb. 1599." The 
 epistle " To the Christiane Reader," prefixed to these Sermons, 
 was probably written by James Melville, who subscribes th« 
 Scottish Sonnets which follow it: 
 
 Thy diuine Doctor deirest now is deid. 
 Thy peirles Preicher now hes plaide his part. 
 Thy painfull Pastor, qnha in love did leid 
 Thy little larabes with swcit and tender hart, 
 Hes dreed his dayes with sair and bitter smart. 
 To purchase jileasand profit unto thee. 
 His words, his warks. his wayes, his vertues gart 
 Thee get this gaine of great felicitie. 
 
 By his testament, Rollock appointed such of his manuscripts 
 as should be thought worthy of publication to be dedicated to 
 his friend Sir William Scot of Elie, Director of the Chancery. 
 Scot wrote to Boyd of Trochrig at Sauraur: (Edin. Mar. 3, 
 1609.) " Please to receive RoUocus prayers as he utterit them 
 in pulpit before and after sermons. — I am presently in hand 
 with Rollocos sermons on John's Evangel. — I will earnestly 
 request you to cause print in one great volume all RoUocus 
 Latine works." Speaking of Boyd's works, he adds: "If they 
 were in this country, as I did to RoUocus, their printino; should 
 be no charge to you." (Letter, in Wodrow's Life of Robert 
 Boyd, p. 42: MSS. vol.v.) 
 
 \ Bruce's Five Sermons on the Sacrament were printed at 
 Edinburgh by Robert Waldegrave in 1590; and his miscella- 
 neous sermons came from the same press in 1591. Both vo- 
 lumes, as well as a number of Rollock's treatises, were after- 
 wards translated into English. In their original form they are 
 carious as specimens of composition in the Scottish language, 
 within a few years of the time at which it was generally laid 
 aside by our writers. 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 375 
 
 " every sentence was like a bolt sliot from heaven." 
 It is commonly supposed that the public discourses of 
 the presbyterians at this time were protracted to a 
 tedious length. The facts which have come to my 
 knowledge lead to an opposite conclusion ; and I have 
 no doubt that the practice referred to was introduced 
 at a later period.* 
 
 The Hebrew language being now regularly taught 
 in all our universities, several individuals attained to 
 proficiency in it.f Patrick Symson acquired it in his 
 old age ;% and his brother, William Symson, undertook 
 to explain one of the abstrusest parts of its philology, 
 in the first work on Hebrew literature which appeared 
 in Scotland. II 
 
 The attention paid to the learned languages laid the 
 foundation for the critical study of the Scriptures. It 
 is to be lamented that the disputes in which the minis- 
 ters were involved, and the hardships which many of 
 them suffered, should have diverted them from this 
 study at a time when individuals had begun to culti- 
 vate it with enthusiasm. Among these Robert Wal- 
 lace, minister of St. Andrews and afterwards of Tra- 
 nent, deserves to be particularized. § The only work 
 which Patrick Sharp, principal of the College of Glas- 
 gow, left behind him, does not afford a proof of those 
 literary acquirements which it is known he posses- 
 sed.f He was the teacher of John Cameron, whose 
 proficiency in Greek literature excited astonishment on 
 the continent, and whom bishop Hall pronounced " the 
 most learned man ever Scotland produced."** Cam- 
 
 * Burnet says that Bishop Forbes of Edinburgh had "a 
 strange faculty of preaching five or six hours at a time." (Hist, 
 of his own Times, i. 27.) But the following extract will show 
 that Forbes's tediousness, even when not carried to this ex- 
 treme, gave offence to his brethren at an early period. " Nov. 
 1, 1605. — The said daye Mr. Willeanie forbes regent exercesit, 
 guha was c°mendecl. but censurit becaus he techit two hours. 
 Na additione, becaus of the hour was past." (Record of the 
 Presbytery of Aberdeen .) Speaking of Bruce, Livingston says : 
 " He was both in public and private very short in prayer with 
 others. — I have heard him say, he hath wearried when others 
 have been longsome in prayer." (Charact. art. Jlfr. Robert 
 Bruce.) 
 
 t Wodrow's Life of John Scrimger, p. 18; and Livingston's 
 Charact. art. William Aird. In the Nova Fundatio of King's 
 College, and in the Charter of Marischal College, Aberdeen, 
 great anxiety is expressed by the founders that the Hebrew 
 and Syriac tongues should be carefully taught by skilful pro- 
 fessors. 
 
 I Archibald Siuison's Life of Patrick Simson, MS. in the 
 Advocates Library. 
 
 II " Gul. Simpsonus edidit breves et perspicuas Regulas de 
 Accentibus Hebraicis. 12rao. Londioj, 1617." (Sibbald De 
 Script. Scot. p. 7.) This work (which I have not seen) is also 
 mentioned in the Epistle Dedicatory to " The Destruction of 
 inbred corruption, or the Christian's warfare against his bosome 
 enemy — by Mr. Alexander Symson late minister of God's word 
 at Merton in Scotland, Lond. 1644." 12n)o. The reader may 
 bepleased to see the following extract from that dedication. 
 "The Author (Alexander Symson) was the last branch of that 
 goodly vine that overspread the whole land: his father. Master 
 Andrew Symson, minister of Dunbar, being one of the first that 
 opposed Popery, (under whom some of the ancient Nobititie, 
 and many of the Gentry and Clergy of Scotland were educat- 
 ed, of whom not a few proved worthy Instruments for the ad- 
 vancement of God's glory in Church and Common-wealth) : As 
 his Brothers, Master Matthew vvho died young; Master Patrick, 
 Minister of Striveling, who wrote The History of the Church, 
 thrice printed; Master William, Minister o( Dumbarton, who 
 wrote De Hebraicis Accentibus; Master Archibald, Minister 
 of Dalkeith, who wrote of the Creation, Christs seven ivords 
 on the Crosse, Samsons seven locks qfhaire, The seven Peni- 
 tentiall Psalmes, Hieroglyphia animalium terrestriiim. Sfc. 
 with a Chronicle of Scotland, in Latine, not yet printed; Mas- 
 ter Abraham, Minister of Norham." 
 
 { Casauboni Epistoloe, ab Almel. p. 669. 
 
 IT " Doctrinae Chrisfianae brevis explicatio, Authore Patricio 
 Scharpio,Theologiffi professore in Academia Glascvense. Edin- 
 bvrgi Excudebat Robertvs Walde-graue, 1599." 8vo. Pp. 287. 
 This is an explication of the first three chapters of Genesis, the 
 Apostles' Creed, Institution of the Lord's Supper, Decalogue 
 and Lord's Prayer. 
 
 ** Capelli Icon Joan. Cameronis, praef. Oper. Cameronis. 
 Genev. 1642. In 1598, Joannes Cameroun was laureated at 
 Glasgow, and in 1599, he was admitted one of the regents. 
 
 eron was a subtle theologian, and displayed much 
 critical acumen in the interpretation of the Scriptures. 
 He was not more distinguished by his writings, than 
 by the circumstance of his having formed the opinions 
 of Amyrauld, who divided the French protestants on 
 the point of universal grace, and of Capellus, who at- 
 tained to great celebrity as the founder of a new school 
 in Hebrew philology and criticism.* Robert Boyd of 
 Trochrig was a contemporary of Cameron, and like 
 him taught in the academies of France as well as of 
 his native country. j His Prelections on the Epistle 
 to the Ephesians contain some good critical remarks, 
 as well as many eloquent passages ; and it is to be re- 
 gretted that he should have rendered the work heavy 
 and repulsive by indulging, according to a practice 
 then common among the continental commentators, in 
 long digressions, for the sake of illustrating general 
 doctrines and deciding the controversies of the time. 
 The HieroglyphicaX of Archibald Symson, which 
 treat of the different branches of zoology referred to 
 in Scripture, shew the learning of the author ; but his 
 fancy led him, in this as well as in his other works, to 
 expatiate in the field of allegory. || The works of 
 Patrick Symson contain a succinct History of the 
 Christian Church, written in a style which, though not 
 uniformly correct, is spirited, and breathes a classical 
 air. Robert Pont, whose learning was various, had 
 paid particular attention to Sacred Chronology, which 
 he illustrated in several treatises. § Alexander Hume, 
 
 * Lewis Capel to Boyd of Trochrig, Sept. 15. 1618 : Wod- 
 row's Life of Robert Boyd, p. 80. Riveti Opera, torn. iii. p. 
 896. 
 
 t " Robertus Boyd" was laureated at Edinburgh in 1595. 
 To his signature in the Album is added, in another hand, 
 " Min' vei-b, in Gallia postea prof, theol. et primarius Acad. 
 Glasg. dein Edinb." 
 
 \ " Hieroglyphica Animalivra Terrestrivm, Volatilium, &c. 
 quae in Scripturis Sacris invcniuntur. — Per Archibaldum Sim- 
 sonuni Dalkethensis Ecclesia; Pastorem. Edin. 1622." 4to. The 
 first part is confined to terrestrial Animals. The second and 
 third parts, which treat of Fowls and Fishes, appeared ia 
 1623. And in 1624, that which relates to Reptiles and Insects 
 followed, under the name of " Tomvs Secvndvs." 
 
 II Drummond, the poet, appears to have been pleased with 
 the allegorical writings of Symson; as he has encomiastic verses 
 at the beginning of several of them. The following are pre- 
 fixed to " Heptanieron. The Sevin Dayes — by M. A. Sym- 
 son, Minister at Dalkeith. Sanct-Andrews Printed by Edward 
 Raban, Printer to the Universitie. 1621." am. 8vo. 
 
 God binding with hid Tendons this great ALL, 
 Did make a LVTE, which had all parts it giuen: 
 This LVTES round Bellie was the azur'd Heauen; 
 The Rose those Lights which He did there install: 
 
 The Basses were the Earth and Ocean : 
 The Treble shrill the Aire: the other Strings, 
 The vnlike Bodies, were of mixed things : 
 And then His Hand to breake sweete Notes began. 
 
 Those loftie Concords did so farre rebound. 
 That Floods, Rocks, Meadows, Forrests did them heare 
 Birds, B'ishes, Beasts danc'd to their siluer sound. 
 Onlie to them Man had a deafned Eare. 
 
 Now him to rouse from sleepe so deepe and long, 
 God wak'ned hath the Eccho of this Song. 
 
 W. D. 
 
 5 " A Newe Treatise of the right Reckoning of yeares and 
 ages of the World — By M. Robert Pont an aged Pastour of 
 the Kirk of Scotland. — Edin. 1599." This is different from 
 his work " De Sabbaticorum annorum periodis. Lond. 1619." 
 Charters also ascribes to him " Chronologiam de Sabbatis. 
 Lond. 1626." His son, Timothy Pont, gave great assistance in 
 drawing up the description and maps of Scotland which ap- 
 peared in Bleau's Atlas. (Menior. Balfouriana, p. 6, 36.) 
 " Mr. Timothie pont rain' of Dwnet," and "Mr. Zacharie pont 
 minr of Bowar Wattin, in Carthess." occur in the Books of 
 Assignation and Modification of Stipends for the years 1601 — 
 1608. 
 
 I find that it was not Robert Pont who married a daugh- 
 ter of John Knox, as I have elsewhere stated by mistake, 
 (Life of Knox, Note LXIII.) but his son, Zachary. This ap- 
 pears from the following documents. " Junij 4, 1607, The 
 session of Sanct Cuthbertis kirk contra Margaret Smith anent 
 the throuche of Mr. Robert Pont hir husband." (MS, jr ^ibl. 
 
376 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 of whom we have spoken as a grammarian, entered 
 the lists as a polemical writer against members both 
 of the Romish and English Churches.* And John 
 Howieson composed an elaborate answer to Bellar- 
 mine, the redoubted and far-famed champion of Rome.f 
 The most learned of the divines who embraced epis- 
 copacy received their education during this period. 
 Patrick Forbes of Corse, the relation and scholar of 
 Melville, :|: and who afterwards became bishop of Ab- 
 erdeen, wrote an able defence of the calling of the 
 ministers of the Reformed Churches, and a commenta- 
 ry on the Revelation. The discourses of William 
 Cowper, minister of Perth, and afterwards bishop of 
 Galloway, are perhaps superior to any sermons of that 
 age. A vein of practical piety runs through all his 
 evangelical instructions ; the style is remarkable for 
 ease and fluency ; and the illustrations are often stri- 
 king and happy. His residence in England, during 
 some years of the early part of his life, may have giv- 
 en him that command of the English language by 
 which his writings are distinguished. || Archbishop 
 Spotswood's History of the Church of Scotland was 
 composed at a period considerably later; but as I have 
 been under the necessity of repeatedly calling in ques- 
 tion its accuracy, I may take this opportunity of say- 
 ing, that, as a composition, it is highly creditable to 
 the talents of the author, and is as much superior to 
 the historical collections of Calderwood in point of 
 style and arrangement, as it is inferior to them in ac- 
 curacy and variety of materials. 
 
 The progress of our literature during this period is 
 very discernible in the department of jurisprudence. 
 Besides his edition of the acts of parliament from the 
 reign of James I. Sir John Skene, the Clerk Register, 
 published for the first time, in Latin and in English, a 
 collection of the laws and constitutions of our elder 
 princes. Whatever opinion may be entertained as to 
 the title which some of these have to be considered as 
 originally belonging to the Scottish code, or as to the 
 period at which others of them were enacted, it must 
 be acknowledged that the labours of the publisher 
 were meritorious and valuable. He had travelled in 
 Norway, Denmark, and adjacent countries ; § and the 
 knowledge which he acquired of the northern lan- 
 guages and customs enabled him to throw light on the 
 ancient laws and legal usages of Scotland, both in his 
 
 Jnrid. Edin. A, 4. 22.) " Marg^. Knox spous to Mr. Zach, Pont 
 min"" at boar in Cathnes, w' consent of Mr. Jo" Ker min"' at Pres- 
 ton, and Mr. Ja' Knox, ane of the regents of the College of 
 Ed'', receives from Andro Lord Stewart of Vchikrie 1300 
 roerks." (Gen. Reg. of Decreets, vol. cvii. 28 Maj, 1605.) 
 There is a previous deed relating to the same subject, which is 
 signed by " Mr. Jo" Ker sone to vinq" Andro Ker of fawdoun- 
 »ide witnes." (Ibid. vol. civ. 13 Dec. 1604.) 
 
 * An account of his controversy with Dr. Adam Hill, on the 
 article of the Creed concerning Christ's descent into Hell, may 
 be seen in Wood's Athenae, by Bliss, i. p. 622—624. The fol- 
 lowing extracts relate to his Rejoinder, or second book against 
 Hill. "5 Fe^J, 1593. The pbrie appoint thair brether M. 
 Ro' and M. Jo" Dauidsoun to sy* the book writtin be M. Alex' 
 Home concerning that part o( the creit He discendit to hell, 
 and to report y' judgement y« xii* of this Instant." " IS* Febr. 
 1593. Tne said brether reporting yr judgements of the suffi- 
 cicncie of y« wark hes approuit ye same, and finds it may be 
 prentit." (Record of Presb. of Edinburgh.) His book against 
 the Roman Catholics is entitled, " A Didvction of the Trve and 
 Catholik meaning o( our Sauiour his words this is my bodie — 
 by Alexander Hvme Maisterof the high Schoole of Edinburgh. 
 Edin. 1602." A collection of practical treatises by him on 
 Conscience, &c. was printed by R. Waldegravc, Edin. 1594, 
 
 12mo. (See also Wood, ut sup. Ames by Herbert, p. 1515.) 
 + Buik of Univ. Kirk, f. 201. He is tne author of a treatise 
 
 on conscience, Edin. 1600. Wood, and Charters.) 
 
 J Melville's Diary, p. 122. Garden, Vita Joannis Forbesii: 
 
 prsefix. Oper. Forbesii. Wodrow's Life of Patrick Forbes of 
 
 Corse, p. 2: MSS. vol. ii. 
 ^11 Life of Bishop Cowper, prefixed to his works, Lond. 1623, 
 
 fol. He was born in the year 1568, and entered the university 
 
 of St. Andrews in 1580. (Dikaiologie, p. 108.) He was ad- 
 
 naitted minister of Perth, Oct. 5. 1695. (Extracts from Rec. 
 
 of Kirk Session of Perth, by Rev. Mr. Scott."! 
 } Sibbaldi Bibl. Scot. p. 134. 
 
 treatise De Verhorum Significatione, and in his notes 
 on the Regiam Majestatem. * In vigour of mind and 
 in acquaintance with the general principles of law, 
 Sir Thomas Craig excelled Skene, as much as he fell 
 behind him in the knowledge of the ancient statutory 
 and consuetudinary laws of his country. | His book 
 De Feudis was the first regular treatise on law com- 
 posed in Scotland. It is written with elegance and in 
 a philosophical spirit; and the author of such a mas- 
 terly performance could not fail, during his long prac- 
 tice at the bar, to raise the character of the profession, 
 and to diffuse enlightened and liberal views among his 
 brethren. William Welwood, who was prohibited 
 from continuing his lectures on law at St, Andrews, 
 published several useful and compendious treatises, 
 which entitle him to a place among the juridical wri- 
 ters of the age. His Parallel exhibits a clear but 
 meagre statement of the points of resemblance be- 
 tween the Jewish and Roman codes of jurisprudence.^ 
 His tract on Ecclesiastical Processps may be viewed 
 as the first specimen of a Form of Process, which the 
 Church of Scotland did not then possess. || His 
 Abridgement of Sea Laws has the merit of being the 
 first regular treatise on maritime jurisprudence which 
 appeared in Britain, and led him to take part in a con- 
 troversy which called forth the talents and erudition 
 of a Grotius, and a Selden. § 
 
 The name of Welwood is also connected with the 
 progress of physics and the arts. He possessed an 
 inquisitive mind ; and in all his disquisitions we can 
 trace a commendable desire to convert his knowledge 
 to the good of mankind. ^ While he taught mathe- 
 matics at St. Andrews, he obtained from government a 
 patent for a new mode of raising water with facility 
 from wells and low grounds. He afterwards publish- 
 ed an account of his plan, and of the principles upon 
 which he calculated that it would produce the intend- 
 ed effect. This publication is a curious specimen of 
 
 * When the Regiam Majestatem v/At, put to press, " finj^ing 
 non so raeit as Mr. James Carmichaell, minister at Hadding- 
 toune — to examine and espy and correct such errors and faults 
 yria as vsuallle occures in every printing that first cumis from 
 the presse," the Lords of Privy Councilapplied to his prcsby- 
 terj' to excuse his absence from his charge, " the space oftua 
 monethis or thereby." (Letter to the presbvterie of hading- 
 toune; Oct. 13, 1608: in Lord Haddington's Col.) There is a 
 poem by Carmichaet at the end of the Scotch translation of 
 that work. 
 
 t Craig has certainly failed in illustrating the jieculiar form 
 which the feudal law had assumed in Scotland: and in refer- 
 ring to ancient laws, and to decisions anterior to his own prac- 
 tice, he proceeds usually on the information of his older breth- 
 ren. But perhaps the censures which a late writer has pro- 
 nounced on him are too summary and indiscriminate. The 
 charge of ignorance brought against him, for asserting that the 
 civil law had not been taught in this country, will, I appre- 
 hend, turn out on examination to be unfounded. (Ross's Lec- 
 tures on the Law of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 9.) 
 
 t " Ivris Divini Ivdieorum, ac Ivris Civilis Romanorvm Par- 
 allela.— Avthore Gvilielmo Velvod. Lvgd. Bat. 1594." 4to. 
 
 11 Its title has been given above. (P. 299.) It was intended 
 to distinguish between the forms of procedure used in civil 
 courts and those which ought to be used in church courts — a« 
 to citations — the mode of trial — and appeals. 
 
 { An Abridgment of all Sea-lawes.— By William Welwood, 
 professor of the CiuiU Lawe. London 1613." 4to. It was re. 
 printed, but without the author's name, bv Malynes, in his Lex 
 Mercatoria, Lond. 1686. The Latin edition of this Abridg- 
 ment, which appears to have been published before 1613, I 
 have not seen. That part of it which relates to the contro- 
 verted question was re-published under the following title: 
 "De Dominio Maris,— Cosmopoli, Excudebat G. Fontisiluiu* 
 16. Calend. Januar. 1615." 4to. An edition of it was printed 
 at the Hague in 1663; and in the course of that year there ap- 
 peared an answer to it by Theod. J. F. Graswinckel, a Dutch 
 lawyer, who wrote also agains* the Mare Clausum of Selden. 
 
 ir He was the author of a treatise of practical theology: 
 " Ars Domandarvm Pertvrbationvm ex solo Dei vcrbo quasi 
 transcri,)to constructa. Avthore Gvilielmo Velvod. Middel- 
 bvrgi, 1594." 8vo. Pp. 62. The dedication to John, Earl of 
 Cassilis, " Collegii ad Andreapolin, quod Saluatorianum cog- 
 nominant Patrono," is dated " Ex Academia Andreana, Calen. 
 Maijs. 1594." 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 377 
 
 the state in which the science of hydraulics was at that 
 time, and of those experiments by which its true prin- 
 ciples came to be gradually discovered and applied.* 
 The chronological works of Robert Pont confirm the 
 testimonies borne to his skill in mathematics and as- 
 tronomy.f But the individual who left all his con- 
 temporaries far behind him in such pursuits, and who 
 reflected the highest honour on his country, was John 
 Napier of Merchiston, the inventor of the logarithmic 
 calculation; an invention which has contributed, per- 
 haps more than any other, to extend the boundaries of 
 knowledge, and to multiply discoveries in all branches 
 of natural philosophy; and which at the same time 
 that it establishes the author's claim to genius, proves 
 that he had devoted himself with the most persevering 
 ardour to the study of mathematical scit^nce. Previ- 
 ously, indeed, to his making his great discovery, Na- 
 pier was well known to his countrymen for his pro- 
 found acquaintance with mathematics, his application 
 of them to the improvement of the arts, and the curi- 
 ous and bold experiments which his active and inven- 
 tive mind was continually prompting him to make.:}: 
 
 When the elder Scaliger visited Scotland about the 
 middle of the sixteenth century, it did not contain, ac- 
 cording to his statement, more than one regular practi- 
 tioner in Medicine. Tfweare to judge by this rule, 
 the science must have made great advancement before 
 the close of that century. At this time, however, and 
 down to a much later period, the medical men of Scot- 
 laud derived their professional knowledge almost en- 
 tirely from foreign schools. Dr. Peter Lowe, who, 
 after practising in various parts of the continent, and 
 being honoured with the appointment of Ordinary Sur- 
 geon to Henry IV. of France, returned to his native 
 country before the year 1598, was the author of a sys- 
 tem of Surgery, which exhibits a popular view of the 
 art of healing in his time, interspersed with descrip- 
 tions of cases which had occurred in his own practice. || 
 Dr. Duncan Liddel, whose treatises on various sub- 
 jects connected with medicine were well received on 
 the continent, was prematurely cut off in the midst 
 of his exertions for promoting science in his native 
 country.§ 
 
 Among the miscellaneous writers of this period, 
 David Hume of Godscroft, one of Melville's early and 
 most intimate friends, deserves to be particularly men- 
 tioned.^f This accomplished and patriotic gentleman 
 
 * See under Note HHH. 
 
 + Sibbaldi Bibl. Scot. p. 224. Pont was the fntimate friend 
 of the Laird (does he need the false title of Lord, or the equi- 
 vocal oneof ^aron?) of Merchiston:— " honoratuni et apprime 
 eruditum amicuni nostrum fidelem Christi seruum Joannern 
 J^aperum." (De Sabbaticoruni Annorum Periodis, per Rober- 
 tuin Pontanum, Caledonium Britannuni, p. 198. A" J619.) 
 
 t Skene, De Verboruni Sig-nificatione, voc Particata. Bir- 
 rel's Diary, p. 47. Tilloch's Philosophical Magazine, vol. xviii. 
 p. 53; where Napier's " Secret Inventions" are published, ac- 
 companied with observations, which go to prove that none of 
 these inventions is incredible. Dempster savs that Napier dis- 
 sipated his fortune livhis experiments. 
 
 11 "The Whole Course of Chyrvrgie— Compiled bv Peter 
 Lowe Scotchman. Arellian Doctor in the Facultie of (Zlhirur- 
 gie in Pans— Ao 1597." In the dedication of the 2d edition to 
 •' Gilbert Primrose Sergeant Chirurgian to the Kings Majes- 
 tic," &c. (dated " from my house in Gfasgow the 20 day of 
 December 1612,") he says: " It pleased his Sacred Majestic to 
 heare my complaint, about some fourteene years agoe, vpon 
 certaine abusers of our Art— I got a priuiledge under his High- 
 nesse privie seale, to try and examine all men upon the Art of 
 Chirurgie, to discharge & allow in the West parts of Scotland 
 which were worthy or unworthy to professe the same." 
 
 } Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iv. p. 577. Principal Blackwell's Me- 
 morial. Liddelii Apotheosis: Delit. Poet. Scot. ii. 550. His 
 " Disput. deElementis" was printed at Helmstadt in 1596; and 
 an edition of his works was published by L. Serranus, Lug-d. 
 Bat. 1624. ^ ^ 
 
 IT He was the sou of Sir David Hume of Weddeiburn, and 
 proprietor of Godscroft in Lannnermuir. In one of his Ec- 
 logues, he says: 
 
 haud frustra tot, docte Menalca, 
 Carniina fusa tibi: Late nemus omne resultat 
 9X 
 
 was extensively acquainted with ancient and modern 
 languages, theology, politics, and history. His Apolo- 
 gia Basilica is a refutation of the celebrated Frinceps 
 of Machiavel, and shows that he was a true friend to 
 monarchy, although he had repeatedly exerted himself 
 to check its excesses by his sword and by his pen. 
 Besides its genealogical information, his History of the 
 Houses of Douglas and Angus contains many useful 
 illustrations of public events, and striking pictures of 
 the manners of the times.* Though often incorrect 
 and loose in its style, it is written with much spirit 
 and naivete, and abounds with reflections, serious and 
 amusing, political, moral and religious, which place 
 the happy temper and virtuous dispositions of the au- 
 thor in a very favourable and pleasing light. The feu- 
 dal ideas, which were general in his age, and the aris- 
 tocratic feeling which he inherited as the descendant 
 of an ancient family, are frequently blended with the 
 principles of the reformer and advocate of political lib- 
 erty, in a way which is both curious and amusing. 
 
 Poetry, in all its varieties, was zealously cultivated 
 by our countrymen at this period. In richness of im- 
 agery and elegance of diction, Montgomery unques- 
 tionably carried away the palm from all his contempo- 
 raries who wrote in the Scottish dialect. Among those 
 who devoted themselves to sacred poetry, Alexander 
 Hume possesses the greatest merit. Like most of the 
 poets of that time he is very unequal ; but his versifi- 
 cation is often fluent, and his descriptions 'ively and 
 even vigorous. f The Godly Dream of Lady Culros 
 younger is not destitute of fancy. % James Cockburne 
 is the author of two scarce pieces, which discover 
 a bold but unchastened imagination. || As they have 
 not been noticed, so far as I know, by any of our wri- 
 ters, the reader may not be displeased to have the fol- 
 lowing specimen laid before him. It is part of a de- 
 scription of the scene in the garden of Gethsemane. 
 
 Now had darke silent night, high treasons freend, 
 Ouermantled ail the earth in sable hew: 
 Wrapt was the Moone in mist that latelie shynde, 
 The fyrie lampes of heauen themselues withdrew: 
 Horror and darknesse vyide possest the skye. 
 The fittest tyme for foullest tragedye. 
 
 Within their wings sweete birds their billes they hide 
 Rockt with the windes on toppes of troubled trees: 
 Feeld-feeding flocks to cliftes and caues they slide, 
 
 Laetitia: nunc upilio, nunc ipse bibulcus 
 Per juga Lamyrii, vel per juga montis Ocelli. 
 In the notes he subjoins the following explanation. " Lamyrii 
 montes sunt in provincia Marchia?, ubi villula scribentis Thca- 
 ger, vulgo Godscroft. Ocelli montes [Ochil hills] in Jernia 
 forthae imminentes ad quorum radices est Val-acquila vulgo 
 Gleneagles, ipsius nunc habitaculum." (Daphn-Aniaryllis, 
 Authore Davide Humio Theagrio Wedderburnensi, p. 17. 
 Lond. 1605.) John Haldaue of Gleneagles was married to his 
 sister. (Hist, of Douglas and Angus, li. 284.) In another of 
 his works are poems by him inscribed " David Humius Pater" 
 — " Maria Jhonstona Mater" — " Jacobus Jhonstonus, Elphisto- 
 nius, Socer." (Lvsvs Poetici, p. 50, 53.) 
 
 * Speaking of Hume, Mr. Pinkerton says: "This writer, 
 who composed his work about the year 1630, has often origin- 
 al and authentic information." (Hist, of Scotland, i. 216.) It 
 is true that Hume lived nearly to the year 1630, and might fin- 
 ish his History in his old age, but he was born between 1550 
 and 1560. Being the confidential adviser and agent, as well as 
 the kinsman of Archibald (the third of that name) Earl of An- 
 gus, he had access to the family papers of that nobleman, and 
 to other valuable sources of intelligence. 
 
 + Hymnes or Sacred Songs. — Edinburgh, 1599. 
 
 \ Of the same pious cast as the Dream, but inferior to it in 
 versification, is "The Complaint of a Christian Sovle. — Printed 
 at Edinburgh by Robert Charters, 1610." 4to. C.2. It is sub- 
 scribed at the close: " M. George Muschet, Minister of the 
 Evangell at Dunning " 
 
 II The first is entitled,. " Gabriel's Salvtation to Marie. Made 
 by James Cockbvrne :" The second, " Jvdas Kisse to the Sonne 
 of Marie. The imprint of each is "Edinbvrgh Printed by 
 Robert Charteris — An. Dom. mdcv." 4to. The Dedication to 
 "Jean Hammiltone, Ladie Skirling," is dated "from Cambus- 
 nethane." Prefixed are recommendatory verses by " W. A. 
 of Menstrie," i. e. William Alexander, afterwards created Earl 
 of Stirling'. 
 
378 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 Such was the raging of the roaring seyes: 
 
 No sound of comfort sweete possest the eares, 
 Saue Serpents hisse, and Crocodilishe teares. 
 
 In this sad season Jesus did attend 
 His Fathers will, and those did him persew, 
 Brooke Cedron corst, which way well Judas kend, 
 As was his vse his prayers to renew: 
 
 And to the Mount of Oliues he is gone, 
 With aged Peter, James, and louing Johne. 
 
 O gardene gay, greene may thou euer grow, 
 Let weeping dew refreshe thy withred flowres: 
 To testifie the teares did ouerflow 
 The cheekes of him refresht the hearts of ours. 
 And for his sake thy name be euer neist 
 In name to that sweet garden of the East. 
 
 The poets of Scotland anticipated their sovereign's 
 accession to the throne of England, by adopting the 
 language of that kingdom ; and their early efforts of 
 this kind were very flattering. When Melville was 
 removed from Scotland, Drummond of Hawthornden 
 had but recently finished his academical studies,* and 
 had not as yet discovered those talents which ranked 
 him among the first of English lyric poets. But Sir 
 Robert Ayton, and Sir William Alexander, afterwards 
 Earl of Stirling, had already given favourable speci- 
 mens of their poetical talents. Another Scottish knight 
 and courtier. Sir David Murray of Gorthy, deserves 
 also to be mentioned for the success with which he 
 wrote in English verse, f 
 
 But perhaps the most extraordinary circumstance in 
 the history of our literature at this period is the enthu- 
 siasm with which Latin poetry was cultivated by our 
 countrymen. Divines, lawyers, physicians, country- 
 gentlemen, courtiers and statesmen, devoted them- 
 selves to this difBcult species of composition, and con- 
 tended with each other in the various strains which 
 the ancient masters of Roman song had employed. 
 The principal poems in the collection entitled Deli- 
 tias Poeiarum Scoiorum, were originally published, or 
 at least written, at this time. They are of course pos- 
 sessed of very different degrees of merit, but of the 
 collection in general we may say that it is equal to any 
 of the collections of the same kind which appeared in 
 other countries, except that which contains the Latin 
 ■'poems, composed by natives of Italy. If this was not 
 the classic age of Scotland, it was at least the age of 
 classical literature in it; and at no subsequent period 
 of our history have the languages of Greece and Rome 
 been so successfully cultivated, or the beauties of their 
 
 * "Gviliclmvs Drummond" was laureated at Edinburgh in 
 the year 1605. The regent of his class wag Mr. James Koox. 
 (Record of the Univ. of Edin.) 
 
 + "The Tragical! Death of Sophonisba. Written by Da- 
 vid Mvrray. Scoto-Brittaine. Lond. 1611." 8vo.— Along with 
 this was published, " Caslia, containing certain sonnets." — " A 
 Paraphrase of the civ. Psalme, by David Murray. Edinburgh, 
 Printed by Andro Hart. Anno Dom. 1615." 4to. Sir David 
 was Governor to Prince Henry. He was a son of Robert Mur- 
 ray of Abercairny, and brother of John Murray, minister of 
 Lcith, an intimate frientl of Melville's. (Douglas's Baroiiage, 
 p, 102. Melvini Epist. p. 151.) His Paraphrase begins thus: 
 
 My Soule praise thou lehouat holie Name, 
 For he is great, and of exceeding Might, 
 Who cloth'd with Glorie, niaiestie, and Fame, 
 And couered with the garments of the light. 
 
 The azure Heauen doth like a Curtaine sored, 
 And in the depths his chalmer beams hath layd. 
 
 The clouds he makes bis chariot to be, 
 On them he wheeles the cbristall Skies aboutr 
 And on the wings of JEoIils, doth Hee 
 At pleasour walke; and sends bis Angels out, 
 Sipift Heraulds that do execute his will: 
 His words the heauens with firie lightnings fill. 
 
 The Earths foundation he did Crmelie place. 
 And layd it so that it should neuer slyde. 
 He made the Depths her round about embrace. 
 And like a Robe her naked shores to hide, 
 
 Whose waters would o'rflow the Mountains high. 
 But that thej backe at his rebuke doe (lie. 
 
 ' poetry so deeply felt and so justly imitated. Besides 
 Melville, the individuals who attained the greatest ex- 
 cellence in this branch of literature, were Sir Thomas 
 Craig, Sir Robert Ayton, Hume of Godscroft, John 
 Jonston, and Hercules Rollock. The poems of Craiw 
 do honour to the cultivated taste and learning of their 
 author. Through the foreign garb in which Ayton 
 chose most frequently to appear before the public as a 
 poet, we can easily trace that elegant fancy which he 
 has displayed in his English compositions. If I were 
 not afraid of appearing to detract from the merit of one 
 whose early productions secured the approbation of 
 Buchanan, I would say that Rollock was better ac- 
 quainted with the language than the spirit of the Ro- 
 man poets. His description of the miseries of Scot- 
 land during the civil war is his most poetical perform- 
 ance. * John Jonston confined himself chiefly to the 
 writing of epitaphs and short pieces, which he has 
 executed with much neatness and elegant simplicity, 
 although he falls short, even in this species of compo- 
 sition, of his kinsman, Arthur Jonston, in terseness 
 and in classic point, f Few of his contemporaries 
 shew a mind more deeply imbued with the genuine 
 spirit of classical poetry than Hume of Godscroft. 
 The easy structure cf his verse reminds us continually 
 of the ancient models on which it has been formed ; 
 and, if deficient in vigour, his fancy has a liveliness 
 and buoyancy which prevents the reader from weary- 
 ing of his longest descriptions. X 
 
 I am aware that many entertain a very contemptu- 
 ous opinion of all productions of the kind now men- 
 tioned. According to them it is utterly impracticable 
 to write well, or at least to compose tolerable poetry, 
 in a foreign or dead language. They are therefore dis- 
 posed to discard the whole collection of modern Latin 
 poetry, as unworthy of the name, and consisting mere- 
 ly of shreds from the classics patched into centos. 
 That a great part of it is of this description cannot be 
 denied. But those who are inclined to pronounce this 
 censure indiscriminately upon the whole, would need 
 to be sure that there is no risk of their being placed in 
 the same awkward situation with certain scholars of no 
 mean acquirements in former times, who had a modern 
 poem passed on them for a genuine production of an 
 ancient classic. || After the writings of Sannazarius, 
 Flamrnius, Muretus, Buchanan, De 1' Hopital, Dou- 
 za, and Balde, not to mention many others scarcely in- 
 ferior to them, it seems too late to come forward with 
 
 » " I send you the papers of the late M. Hercules Rollock 
 which you desired. And because I am not acquaint with Mr. 
 Anderson, send me a receipt of them, either from you or him, 
 Saumure, March 5, 1619." (Mark Duncan to Boyd of Troch- 
 rig: Wodrow's Life of Boyd, p. 80.) 
 
 t Avery beautiful poem by John Jonston, entitled, Jl/or* 
 Piorum, is added, aniong others, to his work in prose, entitled, 
 Consolatio Christiana, p. 103—106. Lugd. Bat. 1609. 
 
 \ Hume has given a sptrimen of a poem which he composed 
 at fourteen years of age. (Daphn-Amaryllis, p. 22 — 24.) And 
 he refers to the presages which Buchanan formed from his 
 early effusions. (Delit. i. 381.) His poem, entitled Aselcaniu, 
 is dedicated "Ad Andraeam Melvinvm." — Patri» alteru decu» 
 Mehinc— dclictorum vcniam te pcto literarium Dictatorem el 
 nominatim v^i^Bxra \]]\_ — Si condonas, condonata putem Musis 
 et Apollini. — Vides quid tibi tribuam; certe, quantum nee Ro- 
 mano pontifici in peccata, jus." (Lvsvs Poetici, p. 85.) jQsel- 
 cane was the name of one of Hume's sons, (Record of the 
 Kirk Session of Prcstonpans. Gen. Reg. of Decreets, voL 
 cclx. July 3, 1617; and vol. cclxxxvii. August 11, 1619.) See 
 nnder Note PP. 
 
 II D'AIembert furnishes an instance somewhat different. In 
 the course of his argument against the cultivation of ancient 
 learning, he had I'eeringly repeated the exclamation of an en- 
 thusiast for the classics, Jlh! had you but understood Greek ! 
 But not contented with wielding the weapon of ridicule, he 
 rashly ventured upon classical ground, and mentioned one Ma- 
 rinus, a modern writer in Latin, who, in his opinion, had "ap- 
 proached as near as possible to Cicero." One of D'Alem- 
 bert's opponents, after producingexamples of wretched Latinity 
 frou) Marinus, concludes by turning the philosopher's sarcasm 
 against himself: Ah! Sir, had you but untlenlood Latin! (Klot- 
 zn Acta Literaria, vol. v. part. iv. p. 446.) 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 379 
 
 the assertion, that it is impossible to produce tolerable 
 Latin poetry in modern times. Indeed, considering 
 the applause which these productions have received 
 from the best judges, the assertion amounts to this, 
 that we cannot now perceive the beauties of the clas- 
 sical poetry of Rome. I have no doubt that if even 
 the best of modern Latin poems had been submitted to 
 the judgment of Horace, he would have found them 
 chargeable with many blemishes which oar eye can- 
 not detect ; but I have as little doubt that, instead of 
 rejecting them with the fastidious disdain of some re- 
 cent critics, that master of the art of Poetry would 
 have pronounced them wonderful eflforts, and enlarged 
 in their favour, the indulgence which he was disposed 
 to shew to the compositions of his contemporaries : 
 
 Veitiiu ubi plura nitent in carmine, non ego paucis 
 
 Ofleiidar maculis. 
 There is one thing that is overlooked in the reasonings 
 of many on this subject. They are not aware of the 
 degree of attention which was paid to the Latin lan- 
 guage, and the advantages which the learned had for 
 attaining a perfect acquaintance with it, in the six- 
 teenth century. The use of the vernacular tongues 
 was strictly prohibited in all schools and colleges ; and 
 from the age of six to sixteen the youth spoke and 
 heard nothing but Latin. In their epistolary corres- 
 pondence, and even in their ordinary conversation, the 
 learned made use of the same medium of communica- 
 tion. They cliose to write in it in preference to their 
 native language ; and, judging from their compositions 
 in both, it is evident they had a greater command of 
 the former than of the latter. 
 
 The circumstance last mentioned furnishes one of 
 the strongest objections against the practice in ques- 
 tion. And it must be confessed, that it is much easier 
 to prove that the writers of the sixteenth century at- 
 tained to excellence in Latin composition, than it is to 
 vindicate that engrossing attention to the language by 
 which they were able to reach that excellence. It led 
 them to neglect the cultivation and improvement of 
 the vernacular languages. It tended to produce ser- 
 vile imitation, and to give a spiritless uniformity to 
 literary productions. And by forming men of letters 
 into a separate cast, it prevented them from exerting an 
 influence over the minds of the people at large, and 
 deprived literature of those advantages which flow 
 from the free circulation of ideas and feelings among 
 all classes of the community. But whatever disad- 
 vantages might result from this practice, we must not 
 overlook the important advantages with which it was 
 attended. We never ought to forget, that the refine- 
 ment, and the science, secular and sacred, with which 
 modern Europe is enriched, must be traced to the re- 
 vival of ancient literature ; and that the hid treasures 
 could not have been laid open and rendered available, 
 but for that enthusiasm with which the languages of 
 Greece and Rome were cultivated in the fifteenth and 
 sixteenth centuries. The passion for writing in these 
 languages, in verse as well as in prose, is to be viewed 
 both in the light of an effect and a cause of the revi- 
 val of letters. When we consider the rude state in 
 which the differrnt languages of Europe then were, 
 and that the number of readers in any country was 
 extremely small, we will cease to wonder that men 
 of letters should have chosen so generally and so long 
 to make use of a highly cultivated tongue, recpmmend- 
 ed to them by so many powerful associations, and in 
 which their writings could be read and understood by 
 all the learned in every nation. Besides, the great at- 
 tention paid to those studies, although it retarded the 
 improvement of modern languages, contributed ulti- 
 mately to carry them to a higher pitch of cultivation 
 than they would otherwise have attained. The accu- 
 rate knowledge of the general principles of language 
 which was thus acquired (and which cannot be so well 
 acquired in any other way as by the study of dead or 
 foreign languages) came to be applied to the vernacu- 
 
 lar tongues, which, at the same time that they were 
 polished after the example, were enriched from the re- 
 sources of the most refined and copious languages of 
 antiquity. The writers of that age display an ele- 
 gance of taste and an elevation of sentiment, which 
 give them an unspeakable superiority over their prede- 
 cessors, and which are to be ascribed in a great meas- 
 ure to their familiarity with the works of the ancients. 
 Before passing a severe censure on the avidity with 
 which ancient letters were then prosecuted, it would 
 be but justice also to consider the important discove- 
 ries which were made at the same time, and the stimu- 
 lus which was given to the human mind in the general 
 search after truth. Nor should it be forgotten, that the 
 study of the languages of Greece and Rome was com- 
 bined with the study of the eastern tongues, which, in 
 addition to its throwing much light on the sacred 
 scriptures, laid open an entirely new field of taste and 
 inquiry, has proved subservient to political purposes 
 of the greatest magnitude, and promises to be still 
 more extensively useful in promoting the improvement 
 and regeneration of the largest and most populous re- 
 gions of the globe. 
 
 The general question respecting the advantages of 
 classical learning is not now before us. Sufl5ce it to 
 say here, that the fears which have been expressed of 
 its tendency to injure genius by checking originality 
 of thought, and religion by begetting a spirit and ideas 
 of an unchristian complexion, are in a great degree 
 fanciful and exaggerated. Its principal opponents 
 have not been found in the first ranks of genius, nor 
 have they been distinguished for their attachment to 
 Christianity. On the other hand, the greatest and 
 best authors whom Britain has produced have been fa- 
 miliar with it ; and although novelty and accidental 
 causes may give a temporary fame to attempts which 
 proceed on an avowed disregard of the works of the 
 ancients, our fine writers will find it necessary at last 
 to invigorate their genius, and purify their taste, by 
 dipping in those fountains which helped to confer im- 
 mortality on their predecessors. 
 
 The facts which have been pointed out in the coarse 
 of this brief review, will, it is hoped, assist the reader 
 in forming an idea of the state of our national litera- 
 ture at this period. They may perhaps convince him, 
 that Scotland was not so late in entering on the career 
 of literary improvement as is commonly imagined ; 
 that she had advanced at the time of which we write, 
 nearly to the same stage as the other nations of Eu- 
 rope ; and that if she did not afterwards make the 
 progress which was to be expected, or if she retro- 
 graded, this is to be imputed to other causes than to 
 want of spirit in her inhabitants, or to the genius of 
 her ecclesiastical constitution. 
 
 In asserting that Melville had the chief influence in 
 bringing the literature of Scotland to that pitch of im- 
 provement which it reached at this time, I am support- 
 ed by the testimony of contemporary writers of oppo- 
 site parties, as well as by facts which have been 
 brought forward in the course of this work. The 
 study of letters introduced by the Reformation, suf- 
 fered a severe check from the confusions in which the 
 country was involved for a number of years. Many 
 of those who had the charge of education left the king- 
 dom, and such as remained, being discouraged by 
 want of support and patronage, desisted from their la- 
 bours, or contented themselves with a perfunctory dis- 
 charge of their duty, without making the exertions ne- 
 cessary for their own improvement and the advance- 
 ment of knowledge. Attempts to effect a reform on 
 the old literary establishments had repeatedly failed 
 from want of zeal in the patrons, and prejudice or aver- 
 sion to labour on the part of the teachers. The arrival 
 of Melville imparted a new impulse to the public 
 mind, and his high reputation for learning, joined to 
 the enthusiasm with which he pleaded its cause, ena- 
 
380 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 bled Jiim to introduce an improved plan of study into 
 all the universities. By his instructions and his ex- 
 ample, he continued and increased the impulse which 
 he had at first given to the minds of his countrymen. 
 In languages, in theology, and in that species of po- 
 etical composition which was then most practised 
 among the learned, his influence was direct and ac- 
 knowledged. And though he did not himself culti- 
 vate several of the branches of study which are in- 
 cluded in the preceding sketch, yet he stimulated oth- 
 ers to cultivate them, by the ardour with which he in- 
 spired their minds, and by the praises which he was 
 
 always ready to bestow on their exertions and per- 
 formances. 
 
 I conclude with a single remark, containing the 
 chief reason which induced me to undertake this 
 work, and to devote so much time and labour to its 
 execution. If the love of pure religion, rational lib- 
 erty, and polite letters, forms the basis of national vir- 
 tue and happiness, I know no individual, after her Re- 
 former, from whom Scotland has received greater bene- 
 fits, and to whom she owes a deeper debt of gratitude 
 and respect, than Andrew Melville. 
 
NOTES 
 
 TO THK 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 
 
 Note A. p. 221. 
 
 Of the family of the Melvillea. — The name and family 
 of JMelville are mentioned in Scottish charters as early as 
 the middle of the twelfth century. It is agreed on all hands 
 that they were of foreign extraction ; and the opinion of Mr. 
 Chalmers, that they were of " Anglo-Norman lineage," is 
 the most probable ; although he does not appear to have any 
 good authority for asserting that the first of the family who 
 came to Scotland was called Male. (Sibbald's Fife, 390. 
 edit. 1803. Crawfurd's Peerage, 324. Nisbet's Heraldry, 
 edit. 2. App. p. 28. Chalmers's Caledonia, i. 524. ii. 806.) 
 
 Next to the principal family in Mid-Lothian, the Mel- 
 villes of Glenbervie, hereditary Sherifls of Kincardine, figure 
 the earliest on record of any of that name. They were 
 mentioned in royal charters, now missing, by David II. and 
 Robert III. (Robertson's Index of Charters, p. 34, 141. ) 
 The family of Dysart were either among the earliest cadets 
 or the eventual male representatives of the Glenbei-vies. 
 " Johannes Malveyn de Disart" is mentioned Feb. 6, 1457. 
 (Chart, of Arbroath.) David IT. on the 6th April of the 
 30th year of his reign, confirmed a charter, by which " Chris- 
 tiana de Mallavilla domina de Glenbervy" granted " Johanni 
 de Mallavilla consanguineo meo et haeredibus suis de corpora 
 ■uo legitime procreatis has terras in baronia de Glenbervy 
 videlicet Liegevin, &c." (Regis. Davidis Secundi, Lib. i. 
 No. 116. ) On the 20th of Jan. 1572, a Charter of Con- 
 firmation was ordained to be made, (which passed the Great 
 Seal in the same year,) " Ratefieand ye Charter donation 
 and gift in it contenit maid be his lovit Thoitias Melville of 
 Dysart to James Melvill oi Liegavin his sone and apperandc 
 air his airis and assignais of all and haill ye landis and bar- 
 onie of Dysart, &c. — lyand wy'in ye Scherifdome of forfare, 
 &c." (Register of Signatures, vol. iii. fol. 66.) These two 
 charters and the lands of Liegavin connect the family 
 of Dysart with the Melvilles of Glenbervy, as their ancestors. 
 It also appears fi-om these, and from other documents, that 
 the lands of Dysart, belonging to the Melvilles of that 
 title, lay in Angus, and not in Fyfe, as I was at first in- 
 clined to think. That the Melvilles of Baldovy were of 
 the family of Dysart appears from a Charter of Confirmation 
 granted Feb. 9, 1505 : " Joaimi Melvill de Disart hssredibus 
 suis et assignatis super cartam sibi factam per Joannem 
 Scrymgeor de Bawdovy de data 20 die Januariil505 de totis 
 et integris terris suis de Baiodovy cum tenentibus jacentibus 
 infi^ Vicecomitatum de Forfar, &c." (Great Seal, Lib. xiv. 
 No. 197 ; comp. Lib. xv. No. 170.) — For these ancient noti- 
 ces of the families of Glenbervy and Dysart I am indebted 
 to John Riddell, Esq. Advocate. 
 
 I have said in the text, that the Melvilles claimed affinity 
 to the royal family. The subject of this memoir has alluded 
 to this claim in such a manner as to leave little doubt that he 
 believed its justice, and that he was not altogether devoid of 
 the feelings of family pride. Dr. John Forbes of Corse has 
 preserved a curious extract of a letter which Melville wrote 
 
 him from Sedan, containing a copy of verses which he had 
 sent to King James from the Tower, and stating that both 
 he and Forbes derived their extraction from John of Gaunt. 
 The reader must excuse me from tracing his genealogy to that 
 redoubted prince ; but I shall give the passage, as it stands 
 in a note to the dedication of Bishop Forbes's " Tractatus 
 Apologetieus de legitima vocatione Ministrorum in Ecclesiig 
 Reformatis : Comment, in Apocalyp. p. 175, Amstel. 1646," 
 The words in Italics are those of Dr. Forbes. 
 
 " Cognationis istius via est per m. thom^ michaelib 
 consanguinitatem cum clarissimo illo beatsi memorix d. 
 ANDREA MELViNO, S. Thcologix quondam Andreapoli in 
 Scotia, & postea Sedani ad JMosam, publico professore, 
 qui mihi, Heidelbergx sacris studiis operant danti, anno 
 Domini 1614. suam mecum & cum nostra familia, & cum 
 Regia etiam domo consanguinitatem, his epistolae sux 
 verbis explicabat ; ' Sic enim magno Britanni® Regi a 
 nobis e Londinensi &, Cssarea arce transmissa habet his- 
 torica Veritas ; 
 
 An fraudi, an laudi, quod avito sanguine tangam 
 
 Immortale tuum, Rex lacobe, genus : 
 Quid tecum mihi, Quinte, atavus communis utrinque, 
 
 Idem abavi proavus, Sexte, utriusque tui, 
 Deliciffi humani generis, gentisque Britannae : 
 
 Stirps Regum, & radix regni utriusque tui. 
 
 Is est Johannes Beaufort, Johannis Gandavensis, qui 
 natus Grandavi, filius, Edvvardi tertii nepos, Henrici septimi 
 & Jacobi tertii proavus ; Jacobi quinti tarn palernus quam 
 maternus, atque aded mens itidem atavus ; Regibus Gallis, 
 Anglis, Scotis oriundus, Scotorum & Anglorum deincepa 
 Regum progenitor ; unde & tu etiam per proavum tuum, 
 avunculum meum, Patricium Forbesium, genus paternum 
 ducis. Vides igitur, mi Forbesi, ut genus amborum findat 
 se sanguine ab uno, eoque regio. Sed absit mihi gloriari, 
 nisi in cruce D. N. J. C. <fl S i/nc) x^o-fAo; iO-Teiv^airoii, ncty^ TiZ 
 K^irfxai^ Hxc Andreas Melvinus, 17. Aug. 1614," 
 
 Note B. p. 221. 
 
 Of the Melvilles of Baldovy. — In a letter to his nephew, 
 Melville mentions the laird of Dysart (Diserti comarchus) 
 as the chief of their branch of the family. (Melvini Epist. 
 294.) " Thomas Lichtoun of UUischeon with consent of 
 Jhone Lichtoun my son settis and for ferme maill lettis to an 
 hon" man Tho'' Melvill fear of Disart and to Jonet Scrimegeo' 
 his spouse the schadrw [schadow ?] third of Disert unwad- 
 sett — Subscribed at Montrois 5 March i^V^ fourty and twa 
 yeirs before thir witnes hono" men Richard Melvill of Bal- 
 dovy Jhone Ogilvy provest of Montrois Jhone Panter l)urges 
 of the same Maister Walter Melvill and Schir Jhone Gilbert 
 notar public." (Reg. of Contracts of Commissariat of 
 Sanct And.) The teinds of Baldovy belonged to St. Mary's 
 College : " Baldivy set 12 or 14 years since to David Melvill 
 for 8 lb. fis. without grassum." (Royal Visitation of Univ, 
 
 381 
 
382 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 of S. Andrews, A. 1599.) David Melville having fallen un- 
 der mental derangement, his brother, James Melville, minis- 
 ter of Kilrinny, was in 1592 appointed tutor to him. (In- 
 quis. de Tutela, num. 1239.) " Feb. 7. 1595. Caus perse- 
 wit be David Melville burges of Dundie ag' David Melville of 
 Baldovie and Mr. Ja' Melville his tutor — makand mention 
 that upon 24 April 1586 the said David Melvill of Baldovie 
 became obleist to have payit to Thomas Melvill now callit 
 Mr. Tho' Melvill lauchfuU sone to umq'-^ Tho' Melvill of 
 Dysart 100 or an annual rent of 10 merks furlh of the lands 
 of Baldovie, «&c." (Act Bulk of the Commissariat of S. 
 Andrews.) 
 
 About the beginning of the seventeenth century, Melville 
 of Baldovy married Helen, daughter of Sir David Lindsay 
 of Edzell, and of Lady Helen Lindsay Crawford. (Douglas's 
 Peerage, i. 165.) Richard Melville was succeeded by Mr. 
 Andrew Melville, proprietor of Baldovy, and minister of 
 Maretoun, who died in 1641. His brother, Mr. Patrick, 
 was served heir to him Dec. 6, 1642. (Inquis. Retorn. 
 Forfar, num. 275.) In 1717 the estate became the proper- 
 ty of Colonel Scott of Comiston. (Charters penea Mr. 
 Carnegie, the present Proprietor.) 
 
 Melville always wrote his name JStelviniu in Latin, 
 and he is often called JMelvin in English. Hence some 
 have concluded that JMelvin, and not JHelvine, was his prop^ 
 er name. But they are merely different modes of pro- 
 nouncing "iie same family appellation. (Rudd. Index Nom. 
 Propr. adj. Buch. Hist. voc. Malavinius. Inquis. De Tutela, 
 num. 714.) Accordingly we find Lord Melville repeatedly 
 called " the Lord Melven," (Lamond's Diary, 201-2.) 
 The same was corrupted still farther into jytelin ; (lb. 
 284-5.) just as Colville was prononnccd Colvcn or Colvine, 
 (lb. 188, 197. Inquis. Gen. num. 7392.) which in some 
 parts of the country is corrupted still farther into Colin. 
 This variety in the appellation occurs in the earliest charters 
 granted by the family, or in which they are mentioned. 
 " Galafridus de JMailvyn" grants to the church of Dunferm- 
 line " ecclesiam de JVInilvyn" with common pasture " in 
 villa de JMailvyn." In another, " Galfrjdus de jyialvein" 
 grants " ecclesiam de Malevill ;" and in this charter occur 
 the names of " Willi, de JMalevill" and " Gregorius de 
 Malvill.'" (Registrum Coenobii de Dunfermline, p. 516, 
 619. MS. Bibl. Fac. Jur. Edin. See also Sibbald's Fife, 
 392. edit. 1803.) 
 
 Note C. p. 222. 
 
 Grammar Schools and Ulementary Boohs. — " About tlie 
 fyft yeir of my age the grace buik was put in my hand, and 
 when I was seivine lytle y^of haid I lernit at hame. Ther- 
 for my father put my eldest and onlie brother Dauid about 
 a yeir and a half in age abone me and me togidder to a 
 kinsman and brother in the ministerie of his to schoU, a 
 guid lerned kynd man whome for thankfulnes I name, Mr. 
 Wilya. Gray minister at Logic Montrose. — There wes a 
 guid nomber of gentle and honest mens berns in the cown- 
 trey about weill treaned vp bathe in letters godlincs and 
 exercise of honest geams. Ther we learned to read the 
 catechisme and prayers par ceuralso nottes of scripture efter 
 the raiding y''of. — We lerned ther the Rudiments of the 
 Latin Grammair, with the Vocables in Latin and frenche, 
 also dyvers speitches in frenche, w' the reiding and right 
 pronunciation of y'^toung. We proceidit fordar to the Ety- 
 mologie of Lilius and his Syntax, as also a lytle of the 
 Syntax of Linacer, therew' was ioyned Hunters Nomencla- 
 tura, the minora Colloquia of Erasmus and sum of the 
 Eclogs of Virgin and Epist of Horace, also Cicero his epis- 
 tles ad Terentiam. he haid a verie guid and profitable form 
 of resoluing the authors he teached grammaticallie bathe 
 according to the Etymologic and Syntax, bot as for ine the 
 trewthe was my ingyne and memorie was guid aneuche, bot 
 my iudgmet and vnderstanding was as yit smored and dark, sa 
 that the thing qlk I gat was mair by rat ryme norknawlage. 
 Ther also we haid the air guid and fields reasonable fear, and 
 be our maister war teached to handle the bow for archerie, 
 the glub for gofi) the batons for fencing, also to rin, to Iccpc, 
 to swoum, to warsell, to proue pratteiks, cveric ane haifling 
 bis matche and andagonist, bathe in our lessons and play. 
 A happie and golden tymc indeed gUT our negligence and 
 
 unthankfulness haid no' moued God to schortene it, partlie 
 be deceying of the number qlk caused the maister to weirie, 
 and partlie be a pest qlk the Lord for sine and contempt of 
 his Gospcll send vpon Montrose distant from o' Logic bot 
 twa myles, so y' schoU skalled, and we war all send for and 
 brought hame. I was at that scholl the space of almost fy ve 
 yeirs." (Melville's Diary, p. 15,16.) 
 
 " Sa I was put to the scholl of Montrose, finding of God's 
 guid providence my auld mother Mariorie gray, wha parting 
 from hir brother at his marriage had takin vpe hous and 
 scholl for lasses in Montrose, to hir I was welcome again as 
 her awin sone. The maister of the scholl a learned honest 
 kynd man whom also for thankfulness I name Mr Andro 
 Miln minister at sedness. he was verie skilfull and diligent, 
 the first yeir he causit ws go throw the Rudiments againe, 
 y'efter enter and pass throw the first part of Grammer of Se- 
 bastian, y''w' we hard phormione Terentii, and war exerceisd 
 in composition. Efter y' entered to the secund part and hard 
 y'sA, the Georgics of Wirgill and dy vers ulher things. — The 
 lard of Done mentioned befor dwelt oft in the town and of 
 his charitie interteined a blind man wha haid a singular guid 
 voice, him he causit the doctor of our scholl teache the 
 wholl Psalmes in miter w' the tones y^of and sing them in the 
 Kiik, be heiring of whome I was sa delyted y' I lernit manie 
 of the Psalmes and toones y'^of in miter, qlk I haiff thought 
 euer sensyne a grait blessing and comfort." (lb. p. 19, 20.) 
 
 The following paper contains information as to the early 
 elementary books prepared for the Scottish youth. 
 
 "Ane letter maid to maister W"' Nwdrye hisfactouris and 
 assignaris Mackand mentioun, That quhair ye said maister 
 Will" hes set furth, for ye better instructioun of young 
 chyldrene in ye art of grammer, to be taucht in scholia, 
 diuerse volumes following That is to say Ane schort Intro- 
 ductioun Elementar digestit into sevin breve taiblis for y« 
 commodius expedition of yame yat ar desirous to read and 
 write the Scottis toung, Orthoepia trilinguis, compendiarite 
 latinfe linguiE notae, Calographis index. Tables manuall 
 brevelie introducing y' vnioun of y' partis of orisoun in 
 greik and latene speichis with thair accidencis, Medita- 
 tiones in grainaticam dispauterianam, Meditationes in pub- 
 lium memographum et sapientum dicta, Trilinguis literaturs 
 Syntaxis, Trilinguis grammaticae qusestiones, Ane instruc- 
 tioun for baimis to be lernit in Scottis and latene, Ane 
 regement for educatioun of zoung gcntillmen in literature et 
 virtuous exercitioun, Ane A B C for scottis men to reid the 
 fi-enche toung with ane exhortatioun to y° nobUs of Scotland 
 to favour yair aid fi-iendis. The geneologie of Inglische 
 Britonis, Quotidiani Sermonis formulae, E Pub. Terentii 
 Afri comediis discerpla." — Special licence granted to him for 
 the sole printing of the above for the space of ten years, &c. 
 At Edinburgh, August 26, 1559. (Register of Privy Seal, 
 Vol. XXX, fol. 5.) 
 
 Note D. p. 222. 
 
 Ante'Reformation in Scotland. — Notwithstanding the 
 learned and useful labours of several foreign writers, justice 
 has not yet been done to the history of, what may be called, 
 the ante-reformation. Considering the honour which it doea 
 to England, it is surprising that no individual of that nation 
 has attempted accurately to trace the progress of that light 
 which was struck out by Wicliffe, and the influence which his 
 opinions had in exposing established errors, and in exciting 
 and maintaining a spirit of opposition to the abuses of the 
 Church of Rome, both in Britain and on the Continent 
 What a meagre and uninteresting life have we of the Eng* 
 lish Proto-Reformer, tlie most wonderful main of his age, or 
 who had appeared in the world for many centuries ! And, 
 since the meritorious labours of the martyrologist Fox, what 
 has been done to connect the exertions of Wichffe with 
 those of Tindal and Cranmer 1 although there is scarcely a 
 city in England, I am persuaded, whose records would not 
 furnish an accession to the materials for such a work already 
 deposited in her public libraries. 
 
 It is known, from our common histories, that the senti- 
 ments taught by WiclifTe were embraced by many respecta- 
 ble families in the south-west parts of Scotland. (Knox, 
 Hist. 2. Spote. 60.) Before the year 1500, Murdoch Nisbet, 
 being driven from his native country, procured a copy of the 
 
NOTES. 
 
 383 
 
 New Testament in manuscript (of Wicliffe's translation, no 
 doubt) which on his return he concealed in a vault, and read 
 to his family and acquaintance during the night. This was 
 preserved as a legacy in his family till the end of the seven- 
 teenth century. (Life of John Nisbet in Hardhill, p. 3.) 
 Gordon of Earlstoun was an early favourer of the disciples 
 of Wiclifie, and had in his possession a copy of the New 
 Testament in the vulgar language, which was read at meet- 
 ings held in a wood near to Earlstoun house. (Wodrow, ii. 
 67.) Some additional particulars respecting these witnesses 
 for truth are contained in a rare poem, by John Davidson : 
 A Memorial of Robert Campbell of Kinyeancleugh and his 
 wife, Elizabeth Campbell. (Edin. 1595.) 
 
 But to be plainer is no skaith, 
 
 Of surname they were Campbells baith : 
 
 Of ancient blood of the Cuntrie 
 
 They were baith of Genealogie : 
 
 He of the Shirefs house of Air 
 
 Long noble famous and preclair ; 
 
 Scho of a gude and godly stock 
 
 Came of the old house of Cesnok : 
 
 Quhais Lard of many yeares bygane, 
 
 Professed Christs religion piaine : 
 
 Yea eighty yeares sensyne and mare, 
 
 As I heard aged men declare : 
 
 And als a cunning Scottish Clark, 
 
 Called Alisius in a wark 
 
 Written to James the fifth our king, 
 
 Dois this man for his purpose bring : 
 
 Quha being to the scaffold led 
 
 In Edinburgh to have thold dead, 
 
 For Christs Evangell quhilk he red. 
 
 By James the fourth from death was fred : 
 
 Some says death was alswel prepard 
 
 For Priest and Lady as the Lard : 
 
 This story I could not passe by. 
 
 Being so well worth memory : 
 
 "Whereby most clearlie we may see. 
 
 How that the Papists loudly lie : 
 
 Who our religion so oft cald 
 
 A faith but of fiftie yeare aid : 
 
 When euen in Scotland we may see 
 
 It hes bene mair than thrise fiftie : 
 
 As by the storie ye may knaw 
 
 Of Reshbt burnt before Paul Chaw 
 
 The thousand yeare four hundredthe five. 
 
 In Pehth, while Husse was yet aliue. 
 
 (A Memorial, &c. sig. a 6.) 
 
 Spotswood says, that John Resby, an Englishman, was 
 "de schola Wicliffi." Petrie, by mistake, says he was 
 " burnt at Glancow." (Hist. 557.) Paul Craw, burnt at 
 St. Andrews in the year 1452, was a native of Bohemia. 
 (Spots. 56.) At a Congregation of the University of St. 
 Andrews, held on the tenth day of June 1416, it was enacted 
 that all who commenced masters of arts should swear, among 
 other things, that they would resist all adherents of the sect 
 of Lollards. " Item Jurabitis quod ecclesiam defendetis 
 contra insultum lollardorum, et quibuseunque eorum secte 
 adherentibus pro posse vestro resistetis," (Rec. of Univer- 
 sity.) 
 
 Some interesting particulars respecting the early state of 
 the reformation in Fifeshire are given in the second edition 
 of the Biographia Britannica from a MS. in the possession 
 of the family to whose ancestor they relate. John Andrew 
 Duncan, a son of the laird of Airdrie, in Fife, was induced 
 by youthful ardour to leave the University of St. Andrews in 
 1513, along with some of his fellow-students, and to join the 
 standard of James IV. at the head of a few of his father's 
 tenants. He was taken prisoner at the battle of Flowden. 
 Being a young man of gallant appearance, he was treated 
 with indulgence by the Earl of Surrey, and when carried 
 into Yorkshire was suffered to reside at large in the town of 
 Beverley, with Mr. Alexander Burnet, a near relation of his 
 mother. Burnet, who was a zealous Wicliffite, found his 
 young kinsman disposed to listen to his religious principles. 
 A spirit of inquiry, with a passion for exposing to contempt 
 the abuse of reason and religion, had already distinguished 
 
 young Duncan at St. Andrews, His conversation with 
 Mr. Burnet raised to a degree of enthusiasm the aversion 
 he had before conceived against some of the absurdities of 
 the Church of Rome. Upon the termination of the short 
 contest with England, he returned to his native country ; 
 but, having joined the party that opposed the regency of the 
 Duke of Albany, he was soon obliged to return to Bever- 
 ley. His friend reproved him for abetting factions in which 
 neither the religion nor liberties of his country had any 
 concern ; and having exacted from him a promise that he 
 would reserve his activity for a better cause, gave him his 
 daughter in marriage. When Albany took his final depar- 
 ture into France, Duncan returned to Scotland, and passed 
 about ten years in the enjoyment of domestic tranquillity at 
 Airdrie, and in literary intercourse with the members of the 
 neighbouring University of St. Andrews. The opinions 
 and spirit of the reformers were now more openly avowed, 
 and the house of Airdrie became occasionally the resort of 
 the chief maintainers of the new doctrines. This led him 
 into a particular intimacy with Patrick Hamilton, the proto- 
 martyr of the Reformation in Scotland, who was insidious- 
 ly drawn into a dispute at St. Andrews by the artificers of 
 Beaton, and in 1527 fell a sacrifice to the malice and bigot- 
 ry of his persecutors. The young laird of Airdrie, who 
 suspected the event, and had been himself threatened, armed 
 and mounted about a score of his tenants and servants, in- 
 tending to enter St. Andrews by night, most probably with 
 the view of rescuing his friend, and carrying him off to 
 some place of safety. But his small party was surrounded, 
 and himself apprehended by a troop of horsemen, com- 
 manded by Patrick Duncanson, a gentleman of Angus, 
 who had married his sister. It is doubtful whether Duncan- 
 son engaged in this enterprise from a desire to preserve the 
 life of his brother-in-law, or to obtain his property, which 
 Duncan, being forced to leave the country, made over to his 
 sister's children. (Biog. Brit. v. 492.) 
 
 Such is the account given in the Biographia, on the au- 
 thority of the MS. history of the family, I have reason to 
 think that some of the particulars are not correctly stated. 
 It is stated that Mark Duncan, doctor of medicine and pro- 
 fessor of philosophy at Saumur in the beginning of the 17th 
 century, was the grandson of John Andrew Duncan, and 
 was born in England. But the truth is, that this learned 
 man was a native of Scotland. This appears from the 
 verses of his son, Mark, (known in France as a wit and a 
 soldier by the name of De Cerisaiites,) prefixed to a work 
 of bis father's. (Marci Duncani Institut. Logicae, 3''* Salm* 
 1643.) 
 
 Ecce Caledoniis Dvncanvs natus in oris^ 
 And again, addressing the book :' 
 
 Scotia cumprimis pernice adeunda volatu", 
 Namque patrem tellus edidit ilia tuum. 
 
 If any other proof of this fact be wanting, it is supplied 
 by the following document. " Carolus, &c. Cerium facimus 
 et testamur prenominatum Marcum Duncanum legitimum 
 ex legitimo matrimonio et generosis parentibus, oriundum 
 esse, splendidisque familiis tarn a paterno quam a materno- 
 genere descendisse, patre scilicet generoso viro Thomae Dun- 
 cano de Maxpofle infra Vicecomitatum nrum de Roxburgh, 
 avo etiam generoso viro Joanne Duncano de Logie infra 
 Vicecomitatum nrum de Perth," &c. &c, (Litera Prosapise 
 Marci Duncani Medicina Doctoris in inclyta civitate Sal- 
 muriensis in Gallia, Oct. 5. 1639. MSS. Diplom. in Bibl. 
 Jurid. Edin. W. 6. 26. p. 23.) A letter from Mark Duncan 
 (" A Saumure le 14 d'Aoust 1639") requesting this attes- 
 tation of his pedigree, and another from his son, Fr. Duncan 
 Sainte Helene, are preserved among the Scots-tarvet Papers. 
 (Ibid. A. 3. 19, Nos. 82, 87.) 
 
 Note E. p, 223.- 
 
 Of JHelvitle's academical education. — The following 
 is the matriculation list for the year in which he entered the 
 university. 
 
 Decimus Rectoratus Mgri Joannis Douglasii, prsepositi 
 
 Novi CoIIegii Mariani 1559. >. - . . ,, ^"^:\. 
 
384 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Noia Incoporatonim sub eodem Anno suprascripto, scili- 
 cet 1559. 
 
 In Novo Collegio Mariano 
 Thomas Maytlande 
 Jacobus Lundie 
 Robertus Lundie 
 Michael Wemis 
 Joannes Ramsay 
 Andreas Mailuile 
 Joannes Moncur 
 Jacobus Lowsone 
 Jacobus Hamyltoun 
 Duncanus Skeyne 
 Jacobus FuUartoun 
 
 In Collegio LeonarJino 
 Joannes Gordoun 
 David Leirmonth 
 Robertus Leirmonth 
 Valterus Heclyng 
 Gulielmus Collace 
 Andreas Symsone 
 Archibaldus Hoige 
 Gulielmus Braidfute 
 Thomas Beggart 
 Archibaldus Bankheid 
 David Houesone 
 Johannes Roull 
 
 " None (says Dr. Lee) are mentioned as having entered 
 St. Salvator's College this year, but in 1560 there are more 
 in that seminary than in both the others ; or to speak more 
 correctly, in 1560 there are seveii in St. Mary's, four in St. 
 Leonard's, and seventeen in St. Sahator's. — There is a red 
 line under Jacobng Loiosone. I have reason to believe that 
 this was drawn by the pen of Andrew Melville, as there are 
 some marginal notes throughout the volume, which appear to 
 me to be in his handwriting, all in red ink. Similar lines 
 are drawn under such names as RoberUis Kilpont, Johan- 
 nes Rove, and Johannes Robertsoun, in 1545." 
 
 That Melville took his degrees at St. Andrews, is attested 
 by his nephew. (Diary, p. 33.) This is not authenticated 
 by the records of the universitj', which are defective at this 
 period. In 1562 there are only^i^e bachelors, and in 1563 
 eight masters of arts. In 1564 there is no list of either 
 bachelors or masters. 
 
 Note F. p. 226. 
 
 Civil JLav) prohibited to be taught in the University 
 of Paris, — The author of " Melanges tires d'une g^rande 
 Bibliotheque," (tom. ix, pp. 245 — 6. a Paris, 1 780,) says, 
 that Roman Law was taught in the University of Paris 
 from the first discovery of the Pandects, and that Budseus 
 was appointed professor of it in the Royal College by Fran- 
 cis I. I suspect that Budseus never held that situation. It 
 is true, that occasional lectures on this science were delivered 
 at Paris. (Sec above, page 226.) But these were of an 
 extraordinary kind, similar to " shagling lectures" in Eng- 
 land, (Wood's Athenae, by Bliss, vol. i. col. 43.) which were 
 read by individuals who obtained a dispensation to this pur- 
 pose, in consequence of the celebrity which they had ob- 
 tained in their profession. The writer above referred to 
 endeavours to explain away the prohibition of Honorius III. 
 by alleging that it refers only to ecclesiastics ; but it is suffi- 
 cient to read the papal decree to be satisfied that it does not 
 admit of such an interpretation. It proceeded not only on 
 the ground of the University of Paris being properly a sem- 
 inary of theology, but also upon the assumed fact, that 
 causes were not decided in that part of France upon the 
 principles of Roman Law. (Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Paris, 
 tom. iii. 96.) In 1562, a request was presented, in behalf 
 of certain students, driven by the civil war, from the other 
 French universities, that the doctors of canon law should be 
 permitted to read lectures on civil law. But it was not 
 granted. In 1568, a permission of this kind was granted, 
 on the powerful consideration, that young men were in 
 danger of imbibing heretical opinions at the other sem- 
 inaries; but in 1572, the universities of Orieans, Poitiers, 
 &c. obtained a decree, prohibiting the canonists of Paris from 
 granting licenses to advocates. This decree, though super- 
 seded for some time, was finally confirmed in 1579. (lb. 
 tom. vi. p. 552, 658, 662, 727.) The author of Melan- 
 ges (ut sup. p. 248.) insists, but without good reason, that 
 the ordonnance of Blois in 1579 merely prohibited the 
 taking of a degree in civil law, unless the person, at the 
 same time, graduated in canon law. 
 
 The following facts and illustrations, for which I am in- 
 debted to Dr. David Irving, will set the matter in a clearer 
 light. In the year 1220, Pope Honorius the third strictly 
 prohibited the civil law from being taught in Paris, or any 
 place adjacent " Sane licet sancta ccclesia legum seculari- 
 
 nm non respuat famulatum, qus squitatis et justitis vestigia 
 imitantur : quia tamen in Francia et nonnuUis prnvinciis 
 laici Romanorum imperatorum legibus non utuntur, et oc- 
 currunt raro ecclesiasticaj causae tales, quse non possint statu- 
 tis canonicis expediri ; ut plenius sacrae paginae insistatur: 
 firmiter inlerdicimus, et districtius inhibemus, ne Parisiia, 
 vel civitatibus, seu aliis locis vicinis quisquam docere vel 
 audire jus civile praesumal." (Decret Gregor. ix. lib. v. tit. 
 xxxiii. § 28.) The spirit of this law is sufficiently explain- 
 ed in an ordonnance of Philippe le Bel, issued in the year 
 1312. " Ut autum liberius ibidem studium proficeret theo- 
 logiae, primogenitores nostri non permiserunt legum sscula- 
 rium, seu juris civilis, studium ibidem institui, quinimo id 
 etiam interdici, sub excommunicationis poena per sedem apos- 
 tolicam procurarunt." (Terrasson, Hist, de la Jurisprw 
 dence Romaine, p. 442.) 
 
 That the same prohibition continued in force during the 
 sixteenth century, is clearly evinced by an anecdote of the 
 great civilian Cujacius. The civil wars having obliged him 
 to relinquish his station in the university of Bourges, he re- 
 tired to Paris ; where he could not be permitted to read lec- 
 tures on the civil law without a special dispensation. By 
 an arrest of the Parliament of Paris, dated on the second 
 of April 1576, he was authorized to teach in the university 
 and in conjunction with the professors of the canon law, to 
 confer degrees in his own faculty. " Ladite Cour, attenda 
 la qualit^ du tenis, et sans tirer a consequence, a permis et 
 permet audit Cujas faire lectures et profession en droit civil 
 en Tuniversite de Paris, a tels jours et henres qu'il sera pai 
 lui avise, avec les docteurs-regens en droit canon en cette 
 ville : permettant audit Cujas et doctcurs donncr les degres 
 a ceux qu'ils trouveront avoir fait cours le tems requis, et 
 selon que par I'examen ils les auront trouves capables : vali- 
 dant ce qui aura ete fait en cette part, comme si fait avoit 
 ^t^ en I'une des autres universites faraeuses de ce royaume." 
 This arrest may be found at the end of Terrasson's History 
 of Roman Jurisprudence. 
 
 The prohibition of teaching the civil law at Paris was soon 
 aflerwards renewed by the ordonnance of Blois, issued in 
 the year 1579 ; and it was only removed by an edict which 
 the Parliament registered on the eighth of May 1679. 
 
 Note G. p. 228. 
 
 Of Henry Scrimger. — It has been stated by different 
 writers that this learned man was allied to the ancient and 
 honourable house of Diddup. His gcnealogj' may be more 
 exactly traced from the diary of James Melville. That writer, 
 in speaking of Scrimger, calls him " my cam." (Diary, p. 35.) 
 The word earn or eme (from the French amie, a friend or 
 relation,) had then the appropriate meaning of uncle. Thus, 
 Alexander Erskine of Gogar, Master of Mar, is called eme 
 to the Earl of Mar, and in the same document he is called 
 his uncle. (Act. Pari. Scot. iii. 158, 159. com p. 101, 102.) 
 Again, James Melville calls Alexander Young " my cousing ;" 
 (lb. p. 26.) and we know that Young's mother was sister of 
 Henry Scrimger's. (See above, p. 231.) Now James Mel- 
 ville's mother was " Isabell Scrymgeour, sister to the laird of 
 Glaswell for the time." (Diary, p. 14.) It is proper, how- 
 ever, to state, that the only ground which I have for saying 
 that H^alter was the name of the father of Henry Scrimger, 
 is the following : " Oct. 1. 1549. Jacobus Scrymgeor htcres 
 Walteri Scrymgeor de Glaswell patris." (fnquis. Spec. Re- 
 torn. Perth, num 8. comp. num. 40.) 
 
 Scrimger distinguished himself at the university of St. 
 Andrews. In the register of graduations for the year 1534, 
 after " Rotulus gracioeus," containing the names of three 
 who obtained the degree of master " propter importunas 
 supplicationes," there follows : " Rotulus istorum sequeciu 
 rigorosus secundum rigorem examinis et meritorum. Hen. 
 Scrimgeo' pus :" intimating that he was placed at the head 
 of the list, not in virtue of his rank, but in consequence of 
 his having submitted to a strict examination. In 1533, when 
 he passed bachelor, he is marked d. or dives, and of St. Sal- 
 vator's college. 
 
 It appears from his preface to the Greek text of Justinian's 
 Novells, that Scrimger intended to publish a Latin version 
 of that work, as well as annotations on it His edition is 
 mentioned with commendation by several civilians. Cuja« 
 
NOTES. 
 
 385 
 
 says : " In postrema editione Novellarum, quam Henricus 
 Scrimgerus vir doctissimus hoc anno procuravit, qua re equi- 
 dem pro mea parte ei multum me debere confiteor." (Cuja- 
 cii Observ. p. 167. Col. Agrip. 1591, 8vo.) 
 
 The only other work which he appears to have published, 
 was a history of the case of Spira. It was printed along with 
 the narratives of the same case, written by Petrus Paulus Ver- 
 gerius, Malthteus Gribaldus, and Sigismundus Gelous, under 
 the following title : " Francisci Spierae, qui quod susceptam 
 semel Euagelice ueritatis professione abnegasset, damnas- 
 setq ; in horrenda incidit desperationem, Historia, A quatuor 
 summis uiris summa lide conscripta, cum clariss : uirorum 
 Prefationibus, CEelii S. C, & Jo. Caluini, & Petri Pauli Ver- 
 gerii Apologia : in quibus multa hoc tempore scitu digna 
 grauissime tractantur. Accessit quoq ; Martini Borrhai, de 
 usu quern Spicrse turn exemplum, tum doctrina efferat, indi- 
 cium. 2 Petri 2. Satius fuisset eis non cognouisse uiam ius- 
 titite," &c. 12° p. 200, including Index, besides seven leaves 
 at beginning : a to m in eights. It has neither name of 
 printer, place, nor date, but was probably printed at Basil 
 in 1550 or 1551. At p. 62, Scrimger's narrative commen- 
 ces : "Exemplum memorabile desperationis in Francisco 
 Spira propter abiuratam fidei confessionem Henrico Scoto 
 autore." And extends to the end of p. 95. It begins: 
 " Citadella est agri Patauini municipium non ignobile. in 
 eo Franciscus Spira fuit, homo, cum inter suos imprimis 
 honestus ac locuples," &c. Speaking of Scrimger's narra- 
 tive, Ccelius Secundus Curio says, in his preface; "Alte- 
 rius explicator et scriptor Henricus est natione Scotus, 
 homo doctus, disertus, grauis, et quod ad historia scribendam 
 lequiritur maxime lidelis et bonus." 
 
 Scrimger left his library to his nephew, Peter Young, 
 whose brother Alexander brought it to Scotland. (Smith, 
 Vita Petri Junii, p. 4.) Buchanan, at Young's desire, offer- 
 ed his MSS. to Christopher Plantin to print. (Epist. xii. 
 xiii.) Casaubon obtained the use of his notes on Strabo, 
 and applied for those of Polybius, when he published his 
 editions of these authors. (Casaub. Epist. p. 182, 306. 
 edit. Almel.) he speaks very highly of them in his letters to 
 Young, but has been accused of not duly acknowledging his 
 obligations in his printed works. It appears from Casaubon's 
 letters that Scrimger was allied to Henry Stephens by 
 marriage. (Comp. Maittaire, Stephan, Hist. p. 238, 249.) 
 A letter of Scrimger's is inserted in that work. (P. 239.) 
 The following is the most particular account that I have met 
 with of the ancient authors on whom he left notes, and of 
 the number of manuscripts of each from which he collected 
 his various readings. 
 
 Demosthcnem cum quinque Manuscriptis diversis 
 
 Thucydidem cum duobus 
 
 Herodotum cum 2''"' 
 
 Strabonum cum 3*"" 
 
 Gorgiam Platonis cum 1" 
 
 Arrianum de gestis Alexaudri cum 2*" 
 
 Xenophontem cum 3'^"' 
 
 Plutarchi Opuscula cum S*""' 
 
 Ejusdem Vitas cum 2"""' 
 
 Phorniturn et Palefutum, (Phornuthum et Palaepha- 
 
 tum) cum antiquo plane diverso ac prope alio ab 
 
 impresso. 
 Harpocrationem cum 1° 
 Eusebii historiam Ecclesiasticam, Theodoreti, Socratis et 
 
 aliorum 2'"" multis locis non solum emendatam, sed 
 
 integris fere paginis auctam 
 Animadversiones in Diogenem : in Platonem : in Laer- 
 
 tium: in Euclidem ; in Athenaeum : in Herodianum : 
 
 in Theonis sophistae progymnasmata: in Diodorum 
 
 Siculum : in Lysise xoyr,v i?riTA(fic : in Apollonium gra- 
 
 maticum : Heliodori Ethiopica. 
 (Dav. Buchananus De Scriptoribus Scotis Illustribus, 
 
 num. 54. MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. W. 6. 34.) 
 
 To this list may be added (from Dempster, 587.) " Ba- 
 silico Ubros," and (from Tanner) " Ciceronis Philo- 
 sophica." 
 
 The following verses to his memory are by an unknown 
 poet. 
 
 Scrimgerus vitam exegit ter lustra quaterna 
 Tresque annos, testa; fictilis hospes ovans, 
 2 Y 
 
 Scotia cui natale solum, fatale Geneva, 
 Gallia Atheneum, Roma magisterium, 
 
 Amphitheatrum orbis totus, Germania census, 
 Doctnnarum orbis laus, patria alma polus. 
 
 (D. Buch. ut supra, num. 54.) 
 
 Note H. p. 231. 
 
 Of a suppressed political tract of Beza. — The follow- 
 ing extract from the records of the city of Geneva relates to 
 this tract. " 30 dit (Juillet, 1573.) Livre de Monsieur de 
 Beze defendu. Monsieur do Beze aiant compose et fait im- 
 primer un livre, intitule Be Jure Magistratiium, lequel 
 aiant ete examin^ par les Seign" Varro, Bernard et Reset, 
 il fut trouve que ledit livre n'etoit pas de saison, quoi qu'il ne 
 contient rien que de vrai ; mais parce qu'il auroit pu causer 
 des troubles, on en suprima I'impression de meme que les ex- 
 emplaires qui en avoient ete deja faicts." (Recueil de diver- 
 ses particularitez concernant Geneve, p. 123. MS. Bibl. 
 Jurid. Edin.) 
 
 Though suppressed by order of the senate, copies of this 
 work got abroad ; and it was frequently reprinted, both in 
 Latin and French. The first edition is sometimes mentioned 
 as printed in 1573, and sometimes in 1574. (General 
 Dictionary. His. and Crit. vol. x. p. 311, 327.) In 1576, it 
 was printed in French and in Latin. In 1578, a French 
 edition appeared with the following title : " Du droit des 
 Magistrats sur leur subjcts. Traicte tres nccessaire en cc 
 temps, pour avertir de leur devoir tant les Magistrats qyc les 
 subjets : publii par ceux de Magdehourgh Van m. d. l. : 
 & maintenant reveu & angmente des plusieurs raisons 
 & examples." De Thou and Baylc were both deceived by 
 the words here printed in Italics, and concluded that this was 
 a new edition, with additions, of a book published in 1550. 
 But these words were inserted by the publisher for the pur- 
 pose of concealment; no such book was published in 1550 ; 
 and this is merely another edition of the treatise De Jure 
 jyZagistratuum in stibditos, et officio svhditorum erga 
 JUagistratus, originally printed at Geneva in 1573. (See 
 the Critique on Bayle's Dissertation on the Book of Stepha- 
 nus Junius Brutus, by the Parisian Editor of his Dictionary, 
 § xi. xxxiii.) It is inserted in a collection of political tracts 
 by Joan Nicol. Stupanus, Professor of Medicine at Basil, 
 printed at Montbelliard, in 1599 ; and in a valuable historical 
 work, entitled, " Memoires de I'Estat de France, sous Charles 
 ix." (tom, ii. p. 483—522. Anno 1578.) 
 
 The learned arc now agreed in ascribing the Vindicias' 
 contra Tyr annos to Hubert Languet. But Beza was long 
 suspected of being the author of that work. The first wri- 
 ter, so far as I knov?, who named him as the author of the 
 treatise De Jure ^lagistratmim, was Sutcliffe, in one of 
 his controversial pieces against the Presbyterians. This was 
 denied by some of the defenders of Beza. John Beccaria, 
 who wrote a refutation of it in 1590, supposes it to be the 
 production of a lawyer, — "versatum in Uteris humanis, prse- 
 sertim historiis, atque si divinare licet Icguleium, in divinis 
 haud adeo multum." (Rcfut. cujusdam Libeili, p. 9.) The 
 extract which I have given at the beginning of this note 
 shows that SutcliiTe was right in his conjecture. 
 
 The treatise is well written and well reasoned. The prin' 
 ciples which it maintains are the same with those of the 
 Vindicix : indeed Languet's work is properly an enlarge." 
 ment of Beza's. But the latter is more guarded than the 
 former, both in the questions which it agitates, and in the 
 language which it holds upon them. It is however far from 
 being undecided or evasive. The following propositions, 
 among others, are advanced and confirmed by reason, Scrip- 
 ture, and history : That the authority of God only is abso- 
 lute and unlimited ; that when irreligious or unjust com- 
 mands are laid on us we are not merely to decline obeying 
 them, but also to act in such a manner as to discharge our 
 duty to God and our neighbour; that every kind of resistance 
 by subjects to their superiors is not unlawful and seditious ; 
 that rulers are created for the people and not the people for 
 rulers; that a just resistance by arms is not inconsistent 
 with christian patience and prayer ; (" I extol Christian 
 patience as a distinguished virtue; I detest sedition and every 
 kind of confusion ; I acknowledge that prayer and repentance 
 are proper remedies against tyranny, when it is sent by God 
 23 
 
386 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 as a judgment and a scourge : but I deny that, on this ac- 
 count, it is unlawful for a people oppressed by manifest tyran- 
 ny to use other just remedies along with prayer and repen- 
 tance ;") that it is the duty of all to oppose those who en- 
 deavour to usurp dominion over their fellow-citizens : that a 
 usurper may become a lawful magistrate, by obtaining the 
 consent of the people ; that magistrates may be resisted 
 though they should not be deposed ; that inferior magistrates, 
 though installed by the sovereign, do not depend upon him 
 but upon the sovereignty of the state, and that they, and the 
 estates or Parliament of a nation, who are appointed as a check 
 on the supreme magistrate, may and ought to restrain him 
 when he violates the laws and becomes tyrannical ; that ail 
 kings are bound, either by express or tacit agreement, to rule 
 justly and for the good of the people ; that the public good 
 and the rights of the people are paramount to those of any in- 
 dividual, however exalted ; that though private persons are not 
 warranted in ordinary cases to resist rulers by force, yet they 
 may apply to inferior magistrates for redress, and concur with 
 the estates of a kingdom in imposing restraints upon tyrants, 
 or in emancipating themselves from the yoke of tyranny ; and 
 that although religion is not to be planted or propagated by 
 arms or force, yet when the true religion has been establish- 
 ed in any nation by public authority, or when the liberty of 
 professing it has been obtained, it is lawful to maintain and 
 defend it by force against manifest tyranny, and so much the 
 more because what relates to conscience and the souls of men 
 is of greater importance than mere secular concerns. (Me- 
 moires de I'Estat de France, ut supra.) 
 
 This appears to be the book to which Hotoman refers in a 
 letter to Jaques Capel de Tilloy, (7th Jan. 1575) " Nudius 
 Octavus a Chamberi tres buccinatores in foro Ducis Saban- 
 diae et Senatus interdixerunt, ne qui seum libellum (Franco- 
 Galliam) et novum alterutn de maffistratibus et veritate 
 vendere aut domi habere, iegere, contrectare auderet." (Ho- 
 tomanorum Epistolse, p. 46, 47. Amstel. 1700.) In another 
 letter he mentions, that the magistrates of Geneva would not 
 permit the last named work, nor even the Life of the Admi- 
 ral, to be published within the bounds of their jurisdiction. 
 Clbid. D. 49.) 
 
 Note I. p. 231. 
 
 JHclville's Panegyric on Geneva. — This is contained in 
 a poem entitled, " Epitaphium Jacobi Lindesii, qui obiit 
 Genevae, 17. Cal. Jul.1580." (Delitise Poet. Scot. ii. 123.) 
 
 Celtarum crudele solum, crudelia tandem 
 Regna dolis Italorum atris, & caede recenii 
 Carnificum dirorum infamia, (Sequane qua se 
 Obliquat flexu vario, qua Matrona Bclgas 
 Irrigat : immitesque Liger, tristesque Garumna 
 Permutat populos : & gurgite sanguinis alti 
 Qua Rhodano se jungit Arar, sua flumina miscene 
 Purpurea : exanimesque artus laniataque membra 
 Matrumque, infantumque sevi discrimine nuUo, 
 Aut sexus teneri ; vastum protrudit in ajquor 
 Piscibus impastis pastum monstrisque marinis) 
 Exuperas gressu impavidus, certusque salutis : 
 Jam Genevam, Genevam ver^ pietatis alumnam, 
 Florentem studiis cselestibus omine magno 
 Victor ovans subis : ac voti jam parte potitus 
 Jam Bezae dulci alloquio Suadsque medulla, 
 Et succo ambrosisB coelesti, & nectaris imbre 
 Perfusus; jam Dancei* immortalia dicta, 
 Cornelique ■\ Palsestinas, Portique ^ Sorores 
 Grajugenas: jam Serranal cum iampade, Faii§ 
 Pbcebaeas artcs geminas, clarumque Perotti ^ 
 
 * Lambert Dan6e, Profesgor of Divinity at Geneva, and afterwards 
 at Onhee in Beam, and at Leyden. 
 
 t Cornelius Bonavoniura Berlranius, Professor of Hebrew at Geneva. 
 
 t Francisciis Purtiis, Professor of Greeli there. 
 
 II Jean de Serrcs (Serramis) one of the pastors of the territory of 
 Geneva in 1572, and Kecuirof iliePr.t "stant College of Nismes in 1578. 
 He was dislinffuished as a liislorian, and siispecleil, but 8p{»rently 
 with injustice, of encasing in measures hostile to the protestant interest 
 by erntjarking with those who were called Rerondlers. 
 
 § Antoine de la Faye (Falus) Pastor and Professor of Tlieology at 
 Geneva. He was Doctor of IVIediclne. 
 
 II Charles Perrot, Pastor and Hector of the Academy at Geneva. 
 
 Sidas, Gulardique jubar,* lumcnque Pinaldi,| 
 
 Et Stephanie Musas varias operumque labores, 
 
 Nccnon ingentis Calvini ingentia fata, 
 
 Et magnum atque memor Keithijl magni, atq ; sagacis 
 
 Glaspaei § desiderium, sanctique Collessi % 
 
 Edoctus. 
 
 Note K. p. 233. 
 
 Specimen of Melville's method nf private tuition.— 
 " That quarter of yeir I thought I gat greitter light in letters 
 nor all my time befor : whowbeii at our meitting in my con- 
 vent I thought I could haiff taked to him in things I haid 
 hard as he did to me as a master of arts, bot I perceivit at 
 annes y' I was bot an ignorant babble and wist no' what 
 I said nether could schaw anie vse y^of bot in clattering 
 and crying, he fand me bauche in the latin toung, 
 a pratlcr vpon precepts in logick w'out anie profit for the right 
 vse, and haiffing soum termes of art in Philosophic w'out 
 light of solid knawledge. yit of ingyne and capacite guid 
 aneuche wherby I haid cunned my dictata and haid them 
 ready aneuche. he enterit y^for and conferrit w' me sum of 
 Bowchanans Psalmes, of Virgill and Horace qlk twa namlie 
 Virgin was liis cheiff refreshment efter his graue studies, wher- 
 in he lut me sie no' onlie the proper latin langage and orna- 
 ments of {>oesie bot also mair guid logik and philosophie 
 than ever I haid hard befor. I had tean delyt at the gram- 
 mar schole to heir red and sung the verses of Virgill takea 
 wt the numbers yof (whowbeit I knew no' what numbers 
 was till he tauld me) and haid mikle of him par ceur, bot I 
 understud never a lyne of him till then. He read a comedie 
 of Tyrence w' me schawing me that ther was bathe fyne 
 latin langage and wit to be lernit. y' of langage I thought 
 Weill bot for wit I merveld and haid no' knawin befor. He 
 put in my hand the Comentares of Caesar comending him 
 for the simple purilie of the latin toung. also Salust and 
 read W me the coniuration of Catelinc He had gottin in 
 Paris at his by coming Bodin his method of historic qlk he 
 read ower him selff thryse or four tymes y' quarter, annes 
 w' me the rest whill I was occupied in the Greik Grammar, 
 qlk he put in hand of Clenard causing me vnderstand the 
 precepts onlie and lear the 7rd^n^uyfxa.TaL exactlie ; the prac- 
 tise wherof he schew me in my buik going throw w' me that 
 Epistle of Basilius and causing me lern it be hart bothe for 
 the langage and the mater, y'^efter to the new Testament and 
 ged throw sum chapters of Mathew, and certean comfortable 
 places of the epistles namlie the Romans, And last enter- 
 ing to the Hebrew I gat the reiding decly nations and pro- 
 nons and sum also of the conjugations out of Martinius 
 grammar qlk he haid w' him, and schew me the vse of th' 
 Dictionair also qlk he haid of Reuclins** w' him. And all 
 this as it war bot pleying and craking, sa y' I lernit mikle 
 mair by heiring of him in daylie conversation bathe that quar- 
 ter and y''efter, nor ever I lernit of anie buik, whowbeit he 
 set me euer to the best authors." 
 
 (Melville's Diary, p. 37, 38.) 
 
   Simon Goulart, Pastor of Geneva, and well known as a writer, and 
 the correspondent of Scaliger, Du Plessis, &c. 
 
 t Monsreur Pinauld, Pastor of Geneva, (Epistres Franc, i M. de la 
 Scala. p. 122, 267, 447.) 
 
 t Henry Stephens, the learned printer of Geneva. 
 
 II William Keith, son of Ixird William Keith, and brother of George 
 Earl Marischal, who was unfortunately killed during an excursion into 
 the country, while prosecuilne his studies at Geneva. Beza, Gaulter, 
 and other foreien lijterati honoured his memory with elegies. 
 
 § George Gillespie was a Uegenl in St. Mary's College, St. Andrews, 
 and died at Geneva. The Records of the University (Jan. 6, 1575) 
 mention that the Kector presented the accompts, — " vice M. Georgii 
 Gillaspie, queestoris facultatis artium, causata ejus aecessu in Galliam." 
 
 % William Collace, a Regent In St. Leonard's College. (See above, 
 
 E, 223,232.) "-Not tone efter (the summer of 1675) Mr Andro receavit 
 etters from Monsieur du Bez, ami iherin amangifl the rest, ' CoUaceua 
 renter, exemplar (mtnium virttitutii, nitper apu3 nos vitajTunetus est.' 
 This was my guid regent quha efter the ending of our course had sean 
 tofranceand coming to Geneva thrr died, agrf at losstollie kirk of God 
 in his countfpy, for he wassolidlie le.Trnit, hartelie addicted to divinilie, 
 with a sincear reilous hart." (Melville's Diary, p. 42.) 
 
 •• John Reuchlin, or Capnio, published his Hebrew Grammar and 
 Dictionary (the first ever composed by a Christian or in Latin) in the 
 year loOG. But perhaps Melville Jised the Dictionary translated from 
 Hebrew by Anthony Henchlin In 1554, and of which an abridgment by 
 Lucas Osiander apjieared in 1569. 
 
NOTES 
 
 387 
 
 Note L. p. 233. 
 
 Early State of University of Glasgoiv. — At the solicita- 
 tion of William TumbuU, Bishop of Glasgow, Pope Nicholas 
 V. granted a bull, dated the 7th of January 1450, constitu- 
 ting " a General Study for theology, canon and civil law, the 
 arts, and every other useful faculty," at Glasgow ; and grant- 
 ing to it all the rights and privileges belonging to the Uni- 
 versity of Bologna. In the following year a body of statutes 
 for its government was prepared by the bishop and his chapter, 
 which, together with the papal bull, were confirmed, in 1453, 
 by a Royal Charter from King James II. During the first 
 two years of its erection more than a hundred individuals 
 were incorporated into it ; but the most of these were not 
 young men commencing their studies, but secular or regular 
 ecclesiastics, who became members chiefly for the sake of the 
 honour attached to a learned corporation, or of the immuni- 
 ties to which it entitled them. The annals of the university 
 are sufficiently copious in information respecting its govern- 
 ment, but they are almost entirely silent as to what is more 
 important, the means of instruction which it provided, and 
 the mode in which that instruction was conveyed. So far as 
 we can collect from scattered hints, it would seem that there 
 was no stated or regular teaching in the higher faculties. 
 The zeal of individuals prompted them to read occasional lec- 
 tures, the continuance of which depended on the caprice of 
 the hearers, whose attendance on them was optional. " On 
 the 29th of July, 1460, a venerable man, Master David 
 Cadyow, precentor of the church of Glasgow, and Rector of 
 the university, read, in the Chapter-House of the Predicant 
 Friars of Glasgow, at nine o'clock ajite meridiem, the title or 
 rubric in the third book (of the Canon Law) De vita et 
 honestate clericorum, in the presence of all the clergy and 
 masters ; and he continued at the pleasure of the hearers." 
 On the same day, and in the same house. Master William 
 de Levenax read a title in the Civil Law. The first notice 
 of any lecture on theology is at a much later period. " On 
 the 23d of March, 1521, a religious man. Father Robert 
 Lile, of the order of Predicant Friars, Bachelor of Theology, 
 and Prior of the Convent of Glasgow, hegdiW, pro forma, to 
 read a lecture on the fourth book of the Sentences, in the 
 foresaid Monastery, in presence of the Rector, Dean of Fac- 
 ulty, and the rest of the masters; John Ade, Professor of 
 Theology, and Provincial of the whole order of Scotland, 
 presiding at the time." The want of salaries to the profes- 
 sors was doubtless one great reason of the rarity of these lec- 
 tures. Bishop Turnbull died before he had an opportunity 
 of carrying his munificent purposes into execution;* and 
 the defect was not supplied by his successors, or by the 
 government. With the exception of certain small perqui- 
 sites paid at promotions to degrees, the university, as such, 
 was destitute of funds, and the professors of divinity, and of 
 canon and civil law, depended for their support on the bene- 
 fices which they held as ecclesiastics in various parts of 
 the kingdom. 
 
 Happily more attention had been paid to the inferior 
 branches of learning. These were taught at an early period ; 
 for the records mention the admission of a regent of philos- 
 ophy within two years after the erection of the university. 
 " Congregatione facultatis artium tenta, &c. 1452, 28'". Julij, 
 supplicavit venerabilis et religiosus vir Dominus Alexander 
 Geddes, licentiatus in theologia, monachus de Mclross, pro 
 
 licentia exponendi textum Aristotelis pro cujus suppli- 
 
 cationi facultas favorabiliter inclinata illam quam petiit salvis 
 suis privilegiis duntaxat sibi contulit potestatem." (Act. 
 Fac. Art. Glasg.) This was the usual way of admitting a 
 regent to teach a course of philosophy. It is probable that 
 Bishop Turnbull had founded the Pa;dagogium, or College, 
 in which the students of the liberal arts lived together with 
 the masters who superintended their education. They resi- 
 ded in a house situated on the south side of the Rottenrow, 
 until a benefaction from Lord Hamilton enabled them to 
 remove to the situation which the college occupies at present. 
 By means of donations and bequests from different individ- 
 uals, a moderate provision was made for the continuance of 
 regular instruction in the college. Chaplainries, for the 
 
 * D. Buchananus de Scriptoribus Scot. Art. De D. TurnbuUo : MS. 
 in Bibl. Col. Edin. Bishop Turnbull died in 1454, 
 
 benefit of the regents, were founded at difTerent times. 
 Thomas Arthurlie bequeathed a tenement to the college. 
 And in 1557, Archbishop Beatoun gave to it the vicarage 
 of Colmonell, which, with the glebe acres, is valued, in the 
 old Rental Book, at j£44. 13s. 4d. (Records of University ; 
 and Statist. Account of Scotland, vol. xxi. Appendix.) Some 
 idea may be formed of the nature of the instruction given 
 from the lists, at the end of this note, which contain the titles 
 of books presented for the use of the regents. 
 
 The University of Glasgow, from its peculiar constitution, 
 necessarily suffered more from the change of religion at the 
 Reformation than the other learned establishments of Scot- 
 land. The professors in the higher branches being all sup- 
 ported by their livings in the church, and adhering to the old 
 religion, successors could not be appointed to them owing to 
 the total want of salaries. It was so far a favourable cir- 
 cumstance that John Davidson, the principal of the college, 
 embraced the reformed doctrines, and continued his academ- 
 ical labours. By this means the most valuable, though not 
 the most dignified, part of the academy was preserved from 
 extinction. But it also suffered materially from the fraudu- 
 lent alienation, or the unjust seizure of its slender revenues. 
 To remedy this evil, the friends of the college obtained 
 from Queen Mary, in 1563, a grant under the Privy Seal, 
 founding bursaries for five poor scholars, and bestowing 
 certain houses and lands for their support during the time of 
 their education, (Gibson's Hist, of Glasgow ; Appendix.) 
 In 1572, the Town Council of Glasgow, perceiving " that 
 the college had fallen into decay for want of funds, and the 
 study of the arts was nearly extinguished in it through pov- 
 erty," bestowed on it rents which were deemed adequate for 
 the support of fifteen persons. It might be supposed that 
 these gifts would have been sufficient to place the college on 
 a respectable footing, but all that could be made good, from 
 the whole of the funds, did not amount to more than three 
 hundred pounds Scots annually. 
 
 The following extracts from the records, containing lists of 
 books taught at the university, were obligingly sent me by 
 Dr. Macturk, Professor of Church History at Glasgow. 
 
 Congregatione facultatis artium tenta, &c. anno Domini 
 1475 tertio die mensis Novembris prcsentati fuerunt, &c. 
 
 Eodem Anno Reverendus in christo Pater ac Dominus, 
 Dominus Johannes, Dei et apostolicas sedis gratia, Episcopus 
 Glasguensis, infrascriptos donavit libros Pedagogio Glas- 
 guensi ad usum et utilitatem Regentiura inibi pro tempore 
 existentium. 
 
 In primis unura volumen in pergameno in quo continen- 
 tur textus Phisicae Aristotelis completus, quatuor libri de cceIo 
 et mundo, duo de Generatione, quatuor Metheororum, liber de 
 causis proprietatum elcmentorum. Liber de Mundo, liber de 
 lineis indivisibilibus, Liber de inundatione fluvii. Item liber 
 de Bona fortuna, Epistola quaedam Aristotelis ad Alexan- 
 drum, tres libri de anima, Liber de sensu et sensato. Liber de 
 Memoria et Reminiscentia, Liber de Sompno et Vigilia, Li- 
 ber de longitudine et brevitate vitse, Liber de spiritu et res • 
 piratione. Liber de morte et vita. Liber pe motu animalium, 
 Liber de progressu animalium, Liber de Phisonomia, Liber de 
 Pomo, Liber de 
 
 Spiritus et animse. Item liber de vita Aristotelis. 
 Item in alio Volumine Papirio donavit idem Reverendus 
 Pater. In primis quoddam Scriptum continens questiones 
 super octo libros Phisicorum Item questiones super tribus 
 libris de coelo et mundo Item questiones quasdam super tri- 
 bus libris Metheororum Item quasdam questiones super duo- 
 bus libris de Generatione Item quasdam questiones super 
 tribus libris de anima Item quasdam questiones super libro de 
 sensu et sensato Item quasdam questiones super libris de 
 memoria et reminiscentia sompno et vigiha Item quasdam 
 questiones de longitudine et brevitate vitse. 
 
 Sequuntur libri qucs donavit ad usum et utilitatem Regen- 
 tium in facultate artium in Psedagogio Glasguen pro tempore 
 inibi existentium bonse memorise venerabilis vir Magister 
 Duncanus Bunch quondam Canonicus Glasguen et in dicto 
 loco principalis Regens. 
 
 In primis unum volumen bene ligatum in Pergameno in 
 quo continentur textus predicabilium Purphurii, {sic) textus 
 Aristotelis super veteri arte. Liber sex principiorum Gilberti 
 Porritani, Liber Divisionum Boetii et liber Thopicorum ejus- 
 dem et textus Aristotelis super nova Logica complete. 
 
388 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Item in alio papirio volvrmine Textus super tribus Libris 
 Aristotelis Item in eodem duo libri Elencorum rupti in fine 
 Item duo libri Posteriorum Item commentum allierti super 
 Pliisica Aristotelis in Pergameno Item questioncs Phisicales 
 in parte magistri Joannis Elmir Item duo libri do genera- 
 tione 
 
 Item in uno volumine questiones super quinque librLs 
 Metaphisicffl 
 
 Item in uno volumine questiones super libro de anima 
 cum tribus libris Mothcororum cum quibusdam aliis excerptis 
 
 Item in uno volumine Textus Metaphisicae complete in 
 Pergameno 
 
 Item Glossa Petri Hispani secundum usum Mag^' Joannis 
 Elmir super quinque tractatibus 
 
 Item in alio volumine duo libri de Anima 
 
 Item questiones super quinque libris Metaphisicae 
 
 Item questiones super octo libris Phisicorum 
 
 Item una Biblia in Pergameno parvo volumine litera 
 optima complete Scripta. 
 
 The books mentioned in the following list were presented 
 in the year 1483. 
 
 Sequunter libri quos Donavit ad usum et utilitatem Re- 
 gentium in Facultate artium in Pedagogio Glasguen pro 
 tempore inibi existentium bonae memoriae Johannes Browne 
 canonicus Glasguen et in dicto Pedagogio oiim Regens. 
 
 In primis unum Volumen in quo continentur tres libri de 
 coelo et munJo, Duo libri tie Generatione et corruptione, 
 Libri methorum, tres libri de anima de sompno et vigilia Item 
 aliud Volumen continens questiones logicales complete Item 
 unum Volumen in quo continentur auctores Philosophise 
 Naturalis et Moralis cum sex principijs, tractatus de Spera et 
 Algorismo cum quibusdam morahbus questionibus Item 
 volumen unum continens questiones metaphisicales. Item 
 unum volumen continens glossam Magistri Petri Hispani 
 Item unum volumen in quo continentur sex tractatus Petri 
 Hispani cum textu Porphyrii Item unum volumen antiquum 
 in quo continentur qucstionos de anima Item Glosa Petri 
 Hispani super certis tractatibus Item volumen in quo conti- 
 nentur octo libri Metaphisicae Item tractatus super textum 
 Purphyrii cum aliquibus questionibus Item unum volumen 
 in quo continentur sex libri Ethicorum Item unum volumen 
 in quo continentur questiones sancti Thomce super certis li- 
 bris Phisicae Item scriptum super quibusdam libris Phisico- 
 rum Item Scotus secundum librum Purphyrii et scriptum 
 Johannis Burlaw in uno volumine Item primus tractatus 
 super suppositionibus Item super diversis dubiis Item unum 
 volumen quod incipit Utrum Logica sit Scientia, &c. 
 
 Note M. p. 233. 
 
 Distinffuished persons educated at the University of 
 Glasgo-w. — Bishop FAphingston^ s name is in the list of 
 those who were incorporated in 1551, at the first opening 
 of the university. It is written simply " Will"' Eiphinstoun," 
 from which it is probable that he entered as a student, aud 
 had then no title or oflTice in the church, 
 
 Willielmus Manderstoun proceeded Bachelor of Arts, at 
 Glasgow, 4th November, 1506. (Annates Fac. Art.) — Dec. 
 1525. Guill. Manderston, Scotigena, Licent. in Medic. Rec- 
 tor universitatis Parisiensis. (Bulfcus.) — Wildmus Mander- 
 ston, Doctor in Mcdicina, Rector de Gogar, Rector of the 
 University of 8t. Andrews, anno 1530. He is the author 
 of the following work : " Bipartitum in Morali Philosophia 
 opusculu ex variis autoribus per magistrum Guillelmii Ma- 
 derston Scotu nupcrrime collectu : Et pro secunda impres- 
 sione cum nouis additionibus ab eodem appositia recusum. — 
 Vainundantur in ajdibus Gormontianis." It is dedicated by 
 the author " reueredo in christo patri & domino : domino Ja- 
 cobo Beton ; sancti Andree archipresuli : ac totius Scotie 
 primati & cancellario suoq mecenati." Prefixed to it arc a 
 copy of Latin verses by William Grayme of Fintree, and an 
 epistle in prose with the inscription, " Robertus Gra. mcdici- 
 nae amator praeccptori suo vilelmo Mandersto apollonie artis 
 professori peritissimo," The colophon, on fol. cclx. is in these 
 words : " Explicit opnsculum in morali philosophia bipartitu 
 a magistro Guillelmo Manderston Scolo diocesis sacti Andree 
 nuperrimo imprcsum Parthisiis Anno a Nativitate domini 
 Millesimo quingentessimo viccssimo tertio, Die vero decima 
 quarta Januarij." In small 8vo, ' 
 
 The first edition of this book was printed " Parrhisijs 
 1518," in 4to. at the same press. The colophon states that 
 it was " nuperrime collectu dum regeret Parisiis in famatissi- 
 mo diuaj Barbara? gymnasio," a. d. 1518. 14 kal April. 
 The work itself is very jejune. There is an earlier book by 
 Manderston, which I have not seen : " Tripartitum epithoma 
 doctrinale & compendiosum in totius dialecticte artis princi- 
 pia, LutetiiE Paris, 1514." 4to. 
 
 Extracts respecting Major and Knox have been given 
 froQi the records, in Life of John Knox, vol. ii. p. 465 — 467, 
 4th edit. — In 1514, we find " Dauid Melwyn principalem 
 regentem Glas." David Melville went to St. Andrews, and 
 from 1517 to 1520 he is frequently mentioned in the records 
 of that university, under the designation " Dauid Maillwill 
 Regentem Principalem Pedagogii Sanctiandrefe." 
 
 " John Ade sacre theologie protessor" is mentioned in the 
 registers of Glasgow, 29 March, 1521 ; and on the 23 March, 
 1521, (i. e. 1522,) John Ade, or Adamson, provincial of the 
 order of predicant friars, or Dominicans, presided at a theolo- 
 gical lecture and disputation in the university. Hector Boece 
 informs us, that he was the first person who received the 
 degree of Doctor of Divinity at the newly erected Universi- 
 ty of Aberdeen ; and that as a provincial of the Dominicans 
 he introduced a salutary reform into that religious order. 
 (VitsB Episcop. Abcrd. & Murth. See also Milne's Hist. 
 of Bishops of Dunkeld.) In 1506, Robert Park, prior of 
 the predicant friars at Perth, gives a charter " cum consen- 
 su & asscnsu rev. patris David Andreae prioris provincialis 
 ejusdem ordinis in regno Scotiae." — August 20, 1517, "Re. 
 Lile prior fr, pred. burgi de Perth" grants a charter with con- 
 sent " ven, p"' n'' fratris Johannis Adamsone prioris provin. 
 n"." Adamson was dead in 1526, for in that year we find ord. 
 " Johannes Gresoun prior provincialis ejusdem ordinis in 
 regno Scotiae." (Transcripts from Charters of the Convent 
 of Blackfriars at Perth, by the Rev, Mr, Scott, in Advocates 
 Library.) 
 
 The following entries appear to relate to the Superintend- 
 ent of Lothian. — " Die Sabbati xxvii June 1534 Incorporati 
 — Dnus Johannes Spottiswood sei-vus, &c." — 8 Feb. 1536 
 " Dominus Joannes Spottiswood" proceeded bachelor.— 
 1536. " Electi fuerunt quatuor intrantes viz. Mag' Joannes 
 Spottiswood, &c." In the same year and in 1543, he was 
 chosen one of the deputes of the Rector. (Annales Fac. 
 Art. et Annales Univ.) 
 
 David Beaton (afterwards Cardinal) was matriculated 
 of this univeriity on the 26th of October, 1511. 
 
 The names of the following young men of rank occur in 
 the lists of incorporati, or matriculated students. 
 
 Oct. 24th 1457 Andreas Stewart Subdecanus Glasguen 
 frater illustrissimi Regis Scotorum Jacobi secundi 
 
 A. 1473 Joannes Stewart filius comitis de levenax et dni 
 de Demly 
 
 1482 Mattheus Stewart filius primogenitus et heres nobilis 
 et potentis dni comitis de levenax et dni de Dernly 
 
 1488 Alex. Stewart filius Comitus de levenax 
 Rob. Stewart filius ejusdem comitis 
 
 Patricius Grahame filius getman.comit. de Montrose 
 
 1489 Gavinus Douglas filius dni de Drumlanrig 
 
 1492 Alexander Erskyne filius dni de Erskyne studens. 
 Under the year 1495 is the following minute, in the .^nnalei 
 CoUeffii Faciiltatis artittm : " Eotlem Anno processerunt 
 ad gradum Bachallariatus sub Magistro Patricio Covyntre, 
 Alexander Erskyne, filius dni de eodem, qui et gloriosum 
 actum celebravit et solus ingentcs expensas fecit ;" — that is, 
 he gave a splendid feast to the university at his laureation. 
 
 1510 Joannes Stewart magister de levenax filius et appa- 
 rens heres Matthei com. de levenax et dni de Dernle. 
 
 1534 Joannes Campbell filius comit. de Argile 
 
 1553 Joannes Cunynghame filius comit. de Glencarne. 
 
 It was the custom at Glasgow for every bursar to give a 
 silver spoon upon his being admitted to the college table. 
 
 Note N. p. 233. 
 
 Queen Mary^s grant to the College of Glasgo-w. — This 
 is antedated in the common accounts of the university. It 
 was " given under our privie scale at Glasgow the threttene 
 of Julij the zeir of God \^\^ thre score and thre zeiris," — 
 "■ fforsamickle as within the citie of Glasgow, ane college and 
 
NOTES. 
 
 389 
 
 aniversitie was devisit to be hade, quarein the zouth micht 
 be brocht up in lettres and knawUedge, the comoun welth 
 servit and vertue incressit, off the quhilk college ane parte 
 of the sculis and chalmcris being biggit, the rest thairof als- 
 Weill dwellingis as provision for the puir bursouris and Mais- 
 teris to teche, ceissit Sua that the samin appcrit rather to be 
 the decay of ane universitie nor any wyse to be reknit ane 
 establissit fundation And we for the zele we beir to Ires and 
 for the gude will we have that vertew be incressit within 
 our realme, have foundit and erectit and be thir our Ires 
 foundis and erectis five puir children bursouris the said 
 college to be callit in all tymes cuming bursouris of oure 
 foundation and for furnessing and provesion to be maid to 
 the saidis five bursouris." It gives and grants certain lands, 
 mailes, &c. belonging to "the freiris predicatouris within the 
 said citie." The deed further states that the queen intends 
 " als to mak the said college to be provydit of sic ressonable 
 living that thairin the liberale sciences may be planlie teched 
 siclike as the samyn ar in utheris coUegis of yis realme 
 Sua that the college foirsaid salbe reputet oure fundation in 
 all tyme cuming And to that effect we ordanc that quhen- 
 ever the maister thairof or any of the bursouris of the samyn 
 happenis to deceiss That utheris in thair roumes be placit be 
 us and o' successouris That the memorie of the said gude 
 will we beir to vertew may remane to the posterities to cum." 
 (Records of the University of Glasgow.) 
 
 Note O. p. 235. 
 
 A Dream. — " The collage had monie pleyis in law de- 
 pending y' yeir and M' Piter blakburn was oeconomus and 
 speciall acter. yit because the ajstimation of M'' Andro was 
 graitter, hedesyrit him at certean perempter dyettes to be pres- 
 ent in Ed'', ffor sic a dyet being to go to Ed"' M"^ Piter comes 
 in to his chalmer in the morning heavie and grim jyk. being 
 inquyrit by the principall what ealed him, he answerit I haiff 
 dreamed an vnsell* dream and I am some thing solist after it. 
 What is it sayes he. Me thought we war sitting at our col- 
 lag burde and a cup full of barmie drink befor ws. I luiked to 
 the cup and I thought I saw a read heidit lead leap out of it 
 and craled vpe vpon the wall, the qlk I percewed and dang 
 down and tramped vnder my feit. And as I turned I saw an 
 other lepe out also, quhilk whowbeit I followed it gat away 
 in a holl out of my sight. Be not solist says he M' Piter I 
 will interpret your dream and warrand the interpretation trew 
 for a pynt of wyne. for suthe says the vther and it be guid a 
 quart. The collage burd and cup is our collage leiving ; 
 into the quhilk twa read nebbit teades hes intrusit them selif. 
 They ar the twa read neascd compeditours of our collage 
 against the quhilk yie haiff presentlie the actiones viz. Jhone 
 Grame the first, whom yie persewing at this dyet dim als 
 Weill as he will on the wall of the law yie sail ding down and 
 overcome, the vther is the read faced commissar M' Archi- 
 bald Beaton, wha by syme wyll sail eschew presentlie and 
 win away. Assure thy selff man tliow sail find it sa. M' 
 Piter lauches and sayes, he was worthe the wyne whow euer 
 it was. for the twa men war verie read and tead lyk faced for 
 ploukes and lumpes. And in deid it cam sa to pass ; for they 
 brought hame a notable decrcit of reduction of a few of the 
 freires yeard aganist Jhone Grame, and the vther by moyen 
 and ernist solistation gat the action delayit and brought to 
 arbitriment." (Melville's Diary, p. 49, 50.) 
 
 Note P. p. 237. 
 
 Act of the Privy Council respecting' Alexander Cnn- 
 ninghame's submission, 
 
 Apud Sanctandrois xxix° Julij anno Ixxx" 
 Anent o' souerane Lordis Ires raisit at the instance of 
 Maister James meluile ane of the Regentis of the vniuersitie 
 of Glasg'' Makand mentioun That quhair Alex'' Cuning- 
 hame zounger of clonbey' burges and induellar of Glasgow 
 vpoun the xx day of Junii instant being at his tabill at dennar 
 w' ccrtane utheris threatnit and showit be mony despitefull 
 wordis to be revendgit of the said Mr. James for correcting 
 
 » unhappy or ominous. 
 
 of Alex'' Boyd his scoUar And continewing the rest of that 
 day in his maUcious mynd and hoisting langage quhill efler 
 nyne ho'^ at ny' And findand then occasioun to put his 
 foirtho' ewil mynd to executioun he houndit out the said 
 Alex' Boyd to stryke the said Mr. James w' ane battoun q"* bat- 
 toun wes gevin to him be the said Alex'' Cuninghame And 
 the said Mr. James beand ciiand throw the hie kirkzard of 
 Glasgow to the college w'out ony kynd of armoi" Belevand na 
 ewill to haue bene done to him by ony persoun The said 
 Alex'' Boyd be the persuasioun and hounding out as said 
 is of the said Alex'' Cuninghame perseuit and strak at the 
 said Mr. James behind his bak w' the said battoun q"' straik 
 he echewit be his suddane turnig about At q'" time the 
 said Alex' Boyd being effrayit and astonisheit be the saidis 
 Mr. James wordis and countenance drew him self asyde 
 luiking for the assistence of the said Alex' Cuninghame 
 quha to performe his wcikit interpryis come rynand vpon 
 the said Mr. James w' ane drawin swird in his hand sweir- 
 ing and hoisting w' many vglie aithis that he sould hoch 
 and slay him calling him oftymes knaif and saying that he 
 wes ouir pert to ding that boy. lyke as in deid the said 
 Alex' Cuninghame had not there faillit to haue bereft the 
 said Mr. James of his life gif be godis providence he had not 
 bene stayit ffor the q"' caus he being persewit thaireftir be- 
 foir the recto' and assesso" of the said vniuersitie and bail- 
 lies and counsale of the citie of Glasgw. At last he wes 
 fund be thame to haue done wrang in trubling persewing of 
 the said Mr. James in manor foirsaid and thairfoir ordanit to 
 cum to the place quhair he offendit to haue acknawledgit his 
 fait and to haue askit the said Mr. James and the haill vniuer- 
 sitie pardoun and forgifnes q'' the said Alex' Cuninghame 
 not onlie rcfusit and refuissis to obey and fulfill being requirit 
 thairto Bot still boistis and bragis to attempt forther iniurie 
 and inuasioun of the said Mr. James Sua that be this forme 
 of doing discipline is ordinarie exercises interruptit and 
 
 the myndis of the zouth drawin away fra thair studyis 
 quhairvpoun alsua further inconvenient is abill to follow w 
 out his hiencs and the lordis of secreit counsale proyvde 
 tymous remeid And anent the charge gavin to the said Alex' 
 Cuninghame To haue compeirit personallie before o' sou- 
 erane lord and lordis of secreit counsale at a certane day 
 bipast to haue ansrit to this complaint and to haue hard 
 and sene ordo' taikin anent the same as appertenit vnder 
 the pane of Rebellioun and putting of him to the home 
 w' certificatioun to him and he failzeit vtheris Ires sould be 
 direct simpl' to put him to the home like as at mair lenth 
 is contenit in the saidis Ires Quhilkis being callit and baith the 
 saidis partiis compeirand personalie Thair ressonis and alle- 
 gationis togidder w' the said decreit gevin and pronucit be the 
 foirsaidis judges and thair assesso" being hard sene and con- 
 siderit be the saidis lordis and they rypelie auisit thairwith 
 The Lordis of secreit counsale In respect of the said decreit 
 Ordanis the said Alex' Cuninghame To compeir in the hie 
 kirkzard of Glasgw quhair the speciall fait wes comittit 
 vpoun the sevint day of August nixt to cum betuix foure 
 and fy ve houris eftir none And thair bairheidit to confes 
 his said offence first to the rector in name of the vniversitie 
 and baillies in name of the toun and to the said Mr. James 
 partie ofiendit And to ask God and thame forgifnes thair- 
 of and to tak thame be the handis in signe and taikin 
 alswcill of his humiliatioun as reconsiliatioun And to 
 purge him that he wes not steirit vp thairto be na manor of 
 persoun Or ellis that he entir his persoun in ward within 
 the castill of blaknes w' in xlviij houris eftir the said sevint 
 day of August And remane thairin thaireftir vpoun his 
 awin expensis ay and quhill he be fred be o' souerane lord 
 vnder the pane of rebellioun and putting of him to the 
 home with certificatioun to him and he failzie the saidis 
 xlviij houris being bipast he salbe incontinent y'efter denucit 
 his ma**^'* rebell and put to the home and all his movabill 
 guidis escheittit to his mat'''^ vse for his contemptioun. 
 
 Note Q. p. 237. 
 
 Reparation of the Cathedral of Glasgo~v. — The fol- 
 lowing extract from the Records of the Town Council 
 shews the interest which the Magistrates took in this 
 business. 
 
390 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Die xxi""" Mensis August! Anno Domini &c Ixxiv. 
 Statutum 
 
 The quhilk day The provost, baillies and counsale wt ye 
 Dekyns of the crafts and divers utheris honest men of the 
 town convenand in the counsal here and havand respect and 
 consideration to ye greit decaye and ruyne y' ye hie kirk of 
 Glasgow is cum to, thro' taking away of the leid, sclait and 
 uther gray' thereof in yis trublus tyme bygane sua yi sick 
 ane greit monument will allutterly fall down and decay 
 w'out it be remedit. And because the helping y'of is sa 
 greit and will extend to mair nor yai may spair And yat 
 yai ar no' addctite to ye uphalding and repairing y^of be ye 
 law zet of thair awn free willis uncompellit and for ye zeil 
 yai beir to ye kirk of meir almouss and liberallity sua yat 
 induce na practick nor preparative in tymes coming, conform 
 to ane writing to be mead thereanent All in ane voce hes 
 conscntit to ane taxt and imposition of tua hundreth punds 
 money to be taxt and payit be ye township and freemen 
 yairof for helping to repair ye said kirk and balding of it 
 waterfast and for casting and making thereof hes apointityir 
 persons following viz the Dekyn of ilk craft John Arbuckle, 
 Thomas Normant, Matthew Watson flesher, Patrick Howe 
 Ulster, Robert Muir merchand, William Maxwell, David 
 Lindsay Elder, Andr. Baillie, Robert Steuart, Master Adam 
 Wallace, George Herbertson, John Fleming, William Hiegate, 
 Robert Fleming, Thomas Spang and Johne Lindsay and to 
 convene on Tysday next for endyng y'of. 
 
 It appears from the Records of the Kirk Session that the 
 ministers zealously co-operated with the magistrates. — Decem- 
 ber 7, 1586. It was appointed that the provost, bailies, and 
 deacons of crafts, and ministers of Glasgow, convene in the 
 college kirk to give their advice and judgement anent re- 
 pairing the High Kirk. — Jan. 25. 1588. The session ap- 
 points commissioners to the General Assembly to desire a 
 commission with license to [from 1] the King's Majesty for 
 reparation of the High Church of Glasgow the best way the 
 town and parish of the same may. — March 7. The Com- 
 missioners appointed by the King's Majesty anent repairing 
 the High Kirk, and hail brethren of the kirk-session of 
 Glasgow thinks guid that the laigh steeple be taken down to 
 repair the mason work of the said kirk, and that the bell and 
 clock be transported to the high steeple and that the kirk 
 have a quinzee left at the steeple foresaid for the relief 
 thereof. (Could this be the order which occasioned the riot 
 referred to by Spotswood 1 If so, it happened ten years 
 after Melville left Glasgow.) — Aug. 1. The session desire 
 the council to send commissioners to the Assembly, as for 
 other things to seek the Assembly's assistance for obtaining 
 at the King's hand and counsel money for helping and up- 
 holding the parish kirk at Glasgow : or else to get a new 
 commission to entertain the kirk with itself as it may best. — 
 Dec. 29, 1603. The records mention a right Mr. David 
 Weemcs had made to him from the dean and chapter of 
 Glasgow to pursue the gentlemen in whose hands services of 
 money were laid by the said Dean and Chapter for repairing, 
 and beautifying and decoring the Metropolitan kirk of 
 Glasgow. — The records abound with resolutions and orders 
 to the same effect. (Extracts from Records of Kirk Session 
 of Glasgow : Wodrow's Life of Mr. David Weemes, p. 5, 
 6, MSS. vol. iii.) 
 
 Note R. p. 237. 
 
 Library of the University of Glasffoie. — A list, entitled 
 Catalogiis lAbrontm JiibUothecm publicis Sumpttbus 
 Academix empti, beside such works as those of Cicero, 
 Aristotle, and Augustine, contains. 
 The hail Actes of Parliament 
 The Bible of Govan and College. 
 Hisforia Scotorum manuscripta, autore G. Buchanano. 
 Empti sunt opera Thoma Jackei questoris Acade- 
 mia; 1577. 
 Thesaurus linguse GraeciB Henrici Stephani quatuor 
 voluminibus ab hcredibus Andre® Polwarti emptus, 
 &c. 
 Ex dono viri boniTbomae Jackej 
 Ambrosii Opera fol. 
 
 Gregorii Romani Opera duob. voluminib. 
 Maister Peter Blackburne ane of the Regentis of the 
 
 College at his departing to Aberdein left and gave to the 
 College as follows 
 
 Ane new gnil Cart stentit upon buirdes sett out be 
 
 Gerardus Jode Antuerpise 1575. 
 Tabulae Vessalii with this inscription anatomes totius 
 sere insculpta delineatio. fol. magno Paris cid. la.- 
 
 LXV. 
 
 The names of some scholastic books follow, and on the 
 margin is " Ex dono Petri Blackbumi ante decessum 8 
 Nouemb. 1582." 
 
 A list of 33 volumes consisting of the works of the 
 fathers, Erasmus, Pagninus &c. has this note prefixed, 
 " Decimo Junij 1581. D. Jacobus Boydaus, Episcopus 
 Glasguen. has omnes Collegio Glasg. testamento reliquit." 
 
 14 July 1586 " Magister Archibaldus Craufurd Rector uni- 
 versitatis & ab Eglischem, in monumentum to; <fi?,cjuou<rict(," 
 presented to the College " Platonis Opera" and " Sebastian 
 Munster's Hebrew Bible." 
 
 A list of books to the number of 60 or 70 volumes is 
 preceded by this note : " Libros hosce sequentes ipsa vetus- 
 tate notabiles Collegio Glasguesi testamento legavit reveren- 
 dus senex M. Johannes Huesonus Ecclesia) Cambuslangen- 
 siae pastor anno 1619." 
 
 The list of books presented to this College by Buchanan 
 may be seen in Irving's Memoirs of Buchanan, Append. 
 No. 8. 2d edit. 
 
 Note S. p. 242. 
 
 Jerom on episcopacy. — Nothing has proved more puz- 
 zling to the jure divino prelatists, who feel a great venera- 
 tion for the fathers, than the sentiments which St. Jerom 
 has expressed, in various parts of his writings, concerning 
 the origin of episcopacy. A very curious instance of this 
 occurs in Hooker's Ecclesiastical 'Polity. That learned 
 and masterly writer enters into an elaborate reply to the 
 objections which the presbyterians have raised from Jerom's 
 assertion, that the superiority of bishops to presbyters arose 
 from custom rather than divine institution. In the middle 
 of this reply the following singular sentence occurs : " This 
 ansTver to Saint Jerom seemeth dangerous, I have quali- 
 fied it as I may, by addition of some words of restraint ; 
 yet I satisfie not myself, in my jtidgement it would be al- 
 tered." (Eccl. Polity, book vii. sect. v. p. 11. Lond. 1661.) 
 It will be obliging if some of the admirers of the Ecclesias- 
 tical Polity will examine this passage, and furnish a key to 
 its meaning, and to the design with which it was introduced. 
 In the mean time they are welcome to any assistance which 
 they can derive from the following explication. It is known 
 that the last three books (including the seventh) of the 
 Polity were not published during the life-time of the author. 
 In looking over his manuscript, what he had written on this 
 part of the subject appeared to Hooker dangerous : he re- 
 touched it and qualified his expressions, but still his answer 
 satisfied not himself ; it required yet to be altered : and 
 to keep this in mind he made a jotting of it on the margin. 
 The manuscript coming into the hands of Dr. Gauden, 
 bishop of Exeter, he introduced the marginal note into the 
 text and published both together. We may easily conceive 
 how " the judicious Hooker" would have felt at seeing his 
 acknowledgment of his perplexity in answering this objec- 
 tion thus ignorantly and rudely exposed to the public eye. 
 Yet the blunder has been retained in all the editions which 
 I have seen, from that of 1661 down to that which was 
 lately printed at Oxford ! The Ecclesiastical Polity is one 
 of the books on which candidates for holy orders are exam- 
 ined ; but this does not necessarily imply that either they 
 or their examinators have made themselves masters of its 
 meaning and contents. 
 
 Dr. Gauden, in his gasconading style, boasts of the ser- 
 vice which he has performed for the Church of England, 
 and the confusion with which he has covered her enemies, 
 by publishing the posthumous books, " After this Phoenix 
 of learning and grace, and prudence and eloquence, had 
 collected this fair pile of his Ecclesiastical Polity — himself 
 perished amidst his great undertakings :" And "his antago- 
 nists, finding themselves — sorely wounded — by this great 
 archer in his five first books — received some comfort in tliis 
 that they escaped the shot of his last three — and found, as it 
 is by some imagined, some artifice so long to smother and 
 
NOTES. 
 
 391 
 
 conceal them from the publique." (Gauden's Life of Hooker, 
 p. 23.) But honest Isaac Walton tells a more tragic tale. 
 After Hooker's death, two puritan ministers, having obtained 
 admission into his study, '• burnt and tore" many of his 
 writings ; and his wife having confessed this to archbishop 
 Whitgift, " she was found next morning dead in her bed." 
 Walton goes on to tell a number of other stories, the design 
 of which is to shew that the posthumous works were al- 
 tered, (Walton's Lives, by Zouch, p. 248—263.) He 
 does not however refer to the passage under consideration, 
 but to those places in which sentiments concerning political 
 liberty too liberal for High Church are advanced. (Eccl. 
 Pol. B. viii. 191 — 195.) With respect to these, it may be 
 remarked, that expressions of the very same import occur in 
 that part of the work which was published by Hooker him- 
 self, (lb. B. i. p. 19, 21. edit, ut sup.) "The scveiith 
 book (says Dr. Gauden)by comparing the writing of it with 
 other indisputable papers, or known manuscripts of Mr. 
 Hooker's, is undoubtedly his own hand throughout." (Life 
 of Hooker, p. 26.) 
 
 Note T. p. 250. 
 
 Of JBeza's treatise De tripUci Episcopatu. — I have not 
 seen the original work, but have now before me a copy of a 
 translation of it into English. It is entitled, " The Jvdge- 
 ment of a most Reverend and Learned Man from beyond 
 the Seas, concerning a threefold order of Bishops, with a 
 Declaration of certaine other waigtie points, concerning the 
 Discipline and Government of the Church," C in eights. 
 The running title is " The Jvdgement of a Learned man." 
 Strype says, it was printed in the year 1580, and John 
 Field was supposed to be the translator. (Annals, ii, 629.) 
 It contains the questions transmitted by Lord Glamis, the 
 Chancellor of Scotland, which are six in number, and appear 
 to be printed at full length. The second, which relates to 
 Councils, states the objections which some urged against 
 them, and which went to prevent entirely the holding of 
 ecclesiastical assemblies, unless when called for special pur- 
 poses by the prince. 
 
 Note U. p. 251. 
 
 Scottish press and edition of the Bible. — The following 
 is one of the articles in a petition which the Assembly pre- 
 sented to the Regent in the month of August, 1574. " Item 
 It is understand to the Generall Assembly be credible report 
 of certain learned men lately arrived within this countrey 
 that a french printer of the best renowned this day, nixt 
 Henricus Stephanus, being banished with his wife «fe family 
 from his countrey, hath offered unto them to come in Scot- 
 land & to bring with him three thousand franks worth of 
 books, and to print whatever he should be commanded, in so 
 much that there should not be a book printed in French or 
 Almain, but once in the year it should be gotten of him If 
 he might have sure provision of a yearly pension of three 
 hundreth merks, which indeed is ane offer so comfortable to 
 the countrey & kirk that it ought not to be overseen That 
 his G. will consider the same offer and take order therewith." 
 (Cald. MS. ad an. 1574.) 
 
 I know no printer to whom this descriptiorr agrees so well 
 as Andreas Wechelius. He was the son of Christianas 
 Wechelius, a celebrated Parisian printer ; and having em- 
 braced the reformed opinions, escaped the Bartholomew 
 massacre under the protection of Hubert Languet, the am- 
 bassador of the court of Saxony. Wechelius quitted France 
 in 1573, and established himself at Frankfort, where many 
 valuable editions of the classics, corrected by the learned 
 Sylburgius, proceeded from his press. (Peignot, Diet. 
 Raison. de Bibliographie, tom. ii. 342 — 3.) It is probable 
 that Melville, on his return from Geneva, had an interview 
 with him, and brought home the information of his willing- 
 ness to settle in Scotland. 
 
 Among the " Articles proponit to his Ma*'^ and counsal" 
 by the commissioners of the General Assembly, in July, 
 1580, is the following. " 9. Because y'' is great necessitie of a 
 printer within this countrey, and y' is a stranger banischit 
 for religion callit Vautrolier y' offers to imploy his labour in 
 J* said vocation for y' weill of y' countrey It will please 
 
 your G. & counsel! to take ordour heirin as your G. thinks 
 meit and to give licence & privilege to him for y' eflect if it 
 salbe thocht expedient be your G. & counsel!." (Buik of 
 Univ. Kirk, p. 98.) 
 
 " Robert Lekprevik Imprentar in Ed''" obtained, on the 
 11th of January, 1567, the exclusive privilege, for twenty 
 years, of printing all books in Latin or English, necessary 
 " for the Weill and commoditie of the lieges of this realme 
 and als all sic thingis as tend to ye glorie of God." This 
 was renewed on the 11th of Nov. 1570, with the specifica- 
 tion of " the buke callit donatus pro pueris, Rudimentis of 
 Pelisso, The actis of pari' maid or to be maid. The cronicle 
 of this realme. The buke callit regia majestas. The psalmes 
 of Dauid with the Inglis and Latine catechismes les & mair, 
 The buke callit the Omeleis for readaris in kirkis, Togid- 
 der with ye grammer callit y'' generall grammer to be vsit 
 within the sculis of ye realme for eruditioun of ye youth." 
 (Reg. of Privy Seal, vol. xxxvii. fol. 27. vol. xxxix. fol. 
 34.) He also obtained a license for twenty years, to print 
 " all and haill ane buke callit ye Inglis by bill imprented of 
 before at Geneva." (Reg. of Privy Seal, April 14, 1568.) 
 
 The first edition of the English Bible printed in Scotland 
 came from the press of Bassanden and Arbuthnot, in folio. 
 In the month of March, 1575, articles of agreement were 
 given in to the General Assembly, and approved by them, 
 bearing: "Imprimis, Anent the godly proposition made to 
 the Bishops, Superintendents, Visitors and commissioners in 
 this general assembly, by Alexander Arbuthnot, merchant 
 burges of Edinburgh and Thomas Bassenden printer and 
 burges of the said burgh for printing and setting forth of 
 the Bible in the English tounge, conform to the proof given 
 and subscribed with their hands, its agreed betwixt this 
 present assembly and the said Alexander and Thomas that 
 every Bible which they shall receive advancement for shall 
 be sold in Albis fo'' 4 pound 13 shill : 4 pennies, keeping 
 the character of the saids proofs delivered to the Clerk of 
 the Assembly." — " Item the kirk hath promised to deliver 
 the authoretic copy which they shall follow unto them be- 
 twixt and the last of Aprile." Certain persons were ap- 
 pointed to oversee the copy, but they merely corrected such 
 errors of the press as had crept into former editions, and 
 adhered to the translation which had been made and first 
 printed at Geneva. " Mr. George Young, servant to my 
 Lord Abbot of Dunfermline," corrected the proof-sheets. 
 Robert Pont composed the Kalendar. (Wodrow's Life of 
 Smeton, p. 5 — 8.) The New Testament was printed first, 
 and bears on the title-page : " At Edinbvrgh Printed by 
 Thomas Bassandyne, sr. n. lxxvi. Cvm Privilegio." Bas- 
 sanden died before the completion of the work ; and the 
 title prefixed to the Old Testament is " The Bible and Holy 
 Scriptures conteined in the Olde and Newe Testament. — 
 Printed in Edinbvrgh Be Alexander Arbuthnet, Printer to 
 the Kingis Maiestie, dwelling at y' kirk of fcild. 1579. 
 Cvm Gratia et Privilegio Regise Maiestatis." 
 
 The Dedication to the young king is dated " From Edin- 
 burgh in our general assemblie the tent day of Julie 1579. — 
 now quhe as being couenit in our geneiall assemblie, this 
 holy boke of God callit the Bible, newly imprentit, was 
 brocht before vs be the prenter thereof Alexander Arbuth- 
 not (a man quha hes taken great paines and trauailes wor- 
 thie to be remembred in this behalfe) and desyrit to be 
 dedicat to zour Hienes with a conuenient preface in our 
 common Scottis language, we cold not omit nor neglect 
 the occasion offrit to do the same. — O quhat difference may 
 be sene betwene thir daies of light, quhen almaist in euerie 
 priuat house the buike of Gods lawe is red and vnderstand 
 in cure vulgaire language, and that age of darkness quhen 
 skarslie in ane haill citie (without the Clostres of the monkes 
 and freyres) culde the buke of God anes be founde, and 
 that in ane strange tongue of latine not gud but mixed 
 with barbaritie, used and red be fevve, and almaist vnder- 
 stand or exponit be nano. And quhen the false namit 
 clergie of this Realme, abusing the gentle nature of zour 
 Hienes maist noble Gudshir of wonhie memorie made it an 
 cappital crime to be punishit with the fyre to haue or rede 
 the new testament in the vulgare language, zea and to make 
 them to al men mare odius, as gif it had bene the detestable 
 name of a pernicious secte, they were named new testamen- 
 taresJ' 
 
304 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Note Y. p. 252. 
 
 Apud Halieruidhous xviii^ fe"' 
 
 Anno etc. Ixxx"^". 
 
 Sederunt 
 
 Colinus crgadie comes 
 
 Jacobus comes de arrane 
 
 Dauid comes de craufurd 
 
 Joannes comes de Montrois 
 
 Joannes comes de morloun 
 
 Jacobus comes de glencairne 
 
 Jacobus d"" de down 
 
 Thirlstane 
 
 Commendatarius de Culroa 
 
 Caprintoun 
 
 Clicus reg" 
 
 Murdocaimy 
 
 Prior de blantyii 
 
 Segy 
 
 M'' of requeistLs. 
 
 Mr.andioMriuiie Forsamekle as maister andro meluile provost 
 chargeittoward. ^j. ^, ^^^ colledgc of Sanctandrois Being 
 callit befoir the kingis maiestie and iordis of his secreit 
 counsale, And he coraperand personalie wes inquirit vpoun 
 certane thingis laid to his charge spokin be him in his ser- 
 mon maid in" y^ kirk of Sanctandrois vpoun the day of 
 Januar last bypast, ofS>nsiue and sklanderous to y' kingis 
 maiestie, Eftir sindrie alledgeances maid be y^ said W. andro 
 for declyning of y^ judgment and protestationis tending to 
 ye same effect. At last being inquirit gif a minister speiking 
 in pulpett that q^^ salbe allcdgit to be treasoun aucht to be 
 tryit yairfoir ye king in y" first instance or not, Ansuerit yat 
 altho' ye speiche wer alledgit to be treasoun zit y» tryell in 
 y^ first instance aught not to be befoir y" king hot befoir ye 
 kirk, Q''upon his hienes and his secreit counsale, ffindis yat 
 his hienes and not y^ kirk is Judge in y" first instance in 
 caussis of tressoun q'sumeuir, And in respect of y* said 
 maister androis proceidingis and behaveor sa ofl declyning 
 his maiesteis judgment And Sua refuising to acknauledge 
 his hienes royall estait and auc''% As alsua to obiect aganis 
 y° witnessis sumond for the tryell of y* said mater, Clamyng 
 to ye priuiledge of certane actis of parliament and secreit 
 counsale concerning y^ iurisdictioun of y" kirk Quhilkis 
 being producit red and considerit wer fund to contene na sic 
 priuiledge nor libertie gpantit to y" kirks to cognosce in 
 materis of tressoun in the first instance as wes alls' be hira 
 Ansuering alsua maist proudlie irreuerentlie and contempt- 
 uously that y'' lawis of God w' y^ lawis and practik obseruit 
 within yis cuntrie were peruertit and not obseruit in this 
 cais. And last yat he had spokin all yat he had to say 
 adherand to his former protestationis His maiestie wt auise 
 of y' saidis Iordis of his secreit counsale In yir respectis 
 declaris y"' said maister andro to be worthie to be comittit to 
 ward in his hienes castell of blaknes and forder pvneist in 
 his persoun and gudis at his hienes will, Thairfoir ordanis 
 Lres to be direct to y' mas'" of counsale or \ther officear of 
 armes To pas and in his hienes Name and auc''*" Comand 
 and charge y" said maister andro meluille, To pas and entir 
 his persoun in ward w'in y* said castell of blaknes, Thairin 
 to remane vpoun his awin expensis during his hienes will 
 And ay and quhill he be fred be his maiestie within ten 
 houris nixteftir he be chargit y'to vnder the pane of rebel- 
 lioun and putting of him to y^ home, and gif he failze yiin 
 ye saidis ten houris being bypast to denuce him his maiesteis 
 rebell and put him to y" home. And to escheit and inbring 
 etc. And that ane L™ be direct for his ressait in ward, w'in 
 ye said castell. (Record of Privy Council.) 
 
 Note AA. p. 265, 
 
 Presentation of the principalitie of "* new College of St 
 And. To M"^ Johnc Robertsoun. 
 
 Ure soverane lord ordanis ane Ire to be made vnder the 
 previe seall bcring y' forsamekle as his mat'" being surelie 
 informite of the depairting out of tho realme of Mr Andro 
 Melven priacipall of y* new Colleige cailit the pedagoge in 
 
 Sanctandrois and of ane number of maisteris & regentia 
 yairof quha hes passit out of this realme and in ane maner 
 laift y"^ said Collaige voad & dissolat of all lairning doctrene 
 and inslructioun to y'' grite preiudice of y" schoillis and 
 decay of gud Ires w'in this realme and his mat"* being of 
 gud mynd and dispositione to fortelie mentene & aduance 
 y" curs of lairning incress of gud letters and vertew w'in the 
 realme and speciallie to sie y*^ said Collaige and pedagoge 
 restorit redintegrat and restablisit in godlie fsicj and exerceiss 
 yairof Thairfoir and for y' effect foirsaid his mat''" hes wt y« 
 aduyse of y'' lord and consair CsicJ Patrik bischope of Sanct- 
 androuz quhois predicessors foundit & ercctit y' said Collaige 
 to place qualefeit & lairnit men to be masteris yairin. And 
 specialie Mr Johne robertsoune quho is remanent and actual! 
 maister of auld to be principall Mr yairof to nominat present 
 and admit Bursaris and pur scoillars yairin to tak order for 
 y rentis fruttis dewteis profeittis emolumcntis of the said 
 Collaige of ye crope & zeir of God 1"' v'= fourscoir four zeiris 
 And sic lyk zeirlie in tymc cuminge And to appoint sik 
 personis as yai pliss for y* ingadcring and inbringinge of the 
 saidis rentis and fruilis for sustentat"ne of the saids Mrs 
 regents and bursars for instructing of y' youthehcid in gude 
 literature and science and to do all & sundrie thingis y» 
 belangs to the ry' and dew sdminislracione of the said Col- 
 laige firm & stabill balding q'sumcver the said bischope shall 
 do yairin anent the premissis. Ordaninge the Iordis of C 
 secreit counseill and session to direct Ires of horning vpone 
 ane supt" chairge of ten dayis alanarlie at ye instance of The 
 said bischope Mr Johne robertsoune and sik vders as saill be 
 appointit be y*"' for y'= inbringing of y* saidis rentis of y" 
 crope & zeir of God foirsaid and siclyk zeirlie in tyme cum- 
 ing to the efliect aboiiwritten discharging be yir pmts all 
 vders economus intrometters factors or vdis personis q'saeuer 
 tittill gift or licence of factorie preceding y" dait of yir prnts 
 to intromet or vplift ony of y'' fruits rentis profeits & emolu- 
 metis of ye said Collaige in maner abouwriten y' ye tenantis 
 taxmen fewars farmoners and parochinars of the kirkis and 
 landis annexit to the said Collaige reddelie ans^ obay and 
 mak thankful! paymet of y' said rentis of y' said crop &,zeir 
 of God to yam yair factors and servitors alanerlie and y' ye 
 said Ire be extendit &c. Subscriuit at holyrudhous ye xxvi 
 day of februar Anno d° 1584yeiris. (Register of Presenta- 
 tions to Benefices. Vol. ii. f. 124.) 
 
 Note BB. p. 267-8. 
 
 Royal Charges ta Melville. — At Halyrud- ■*f'J'"^'!;f , ... 
 house the 26 day of May the year of God" 
 1586 years, the Kings Maj. and Lords of Secret Council 
 having consideration of the disordered estate of the Univer- 
 sitie of S' Andrews, occasioned for the most part be the 
 Dissention and Diversitie betwixt Patrick Bishop of S' An- 
 drews, and M" Andrew and James Melvills Masters of the 
 New Colledge within the same, their favourers and adher- 
 ents, to the great slander of the Kirk, Division of the said 
 Universitie, and decaying of Learning, and all virtuous exer- 
 cise within the same, speciallie of theologie, whereof the 
 said New Colledge was appointed to have been a seminarie 
 within this Realme, albeit be occasion of the said Diversitie 
 and variance, the ordinar profession thereof has been dis- 
 continued thir two years bygane to the great encouragement 
 of the adversars of the true and Christian Religion, and 
 allurement of a great number of Jesuits within the realme 
 for the eversion thereof^ and the erection again of Antichris- 
 lian papistrie, condemned be God, and be his Hieness Lawes, 
 for repressing of whose practices, and continuing of the Exer- 
 cise of Theologie within the said Universitie in the mean 
 time, his H. with advice foresaid, ordeans the said Mr An- 
 drew to pass immediatelie to Angus, Merns, Perth, and 
 other parts of the North where he may understand anie of 
 the saids Jesuites to be, to conferr with them, and travell «o 
 far as in him lyes to reduce them to the true and Christian 
 Religion presently professed and acknowledged be his Maj. 
 and this whole realme, and in case he shall find them obsti- 
 nate, to delate them to his Maj. and his Secret Council to be 
 tane order with according to his H. Lawes and Acts of Par- 
 liament, enduring the which time and travell, his Hieness 
 has dispensed, and be the tcnour hereof dispenses with his 
 ordinarie profession, and exercise within the said New Col- 
 
NOTES. 
 
 395 
 
 ledge, and appoints the same to vaike untill his returning, 
 Commanding in the mean time the said M'' James to attend 
 upon his own place for the instruction of the youth com- 
 mitted to his care and teaching, as he will answer to God 
 and his H. and to the Intent, that the said exercise of The- 
 ologie may be continued within that Universitie, his Hieness 
 with advice forsaid ordeans and commands the said Bishop 
 to teach weeklie two Lessons of Theologie within S. Salva- 
 tors Colledge one upon Tuesday, and another upon Thurs- 
 day everie week, beginning upon the first tuisday of Junie 
 next, and so continuing ay and while his Maj. take further 
 order thereanent and that but prejudice of his ordinar preach- 
 ing unto a particular flock whereunto he is astricted be the 
 late Conference, and that Letters be directed hereupon if 
 need be, charging everie one of the said persons to do ac- 
 cordingly as they will answer to his Maj. upon their obedi- 
 ence at their uttermost charge and perril. 
 
 Extractum ex Libris Actorum Secreti Concilii per me 
 Joannem Andro Clericum Deputatum ejusdem sub meis 
 signo & subscriptione manualibus. 
 
 Joannes Andro. 
 (Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Rob. IIL 6. 17, p. 219.) 
 
 The following charge taken from Calderwood, (MS. vol. 
 iv. 8.) is corrected by another copy which Wodrow has in- 
 serted in his Life of Andrew Melville. (MSS. vol. xiv. 
 Bibl. Col. Glasg.) 
 
 Principall and Masters of the New Colledge. we greet you 
 well. For as much as we are informed certainly, That upon 
 the Sundays, you assemble to your selves, a number both 
 of burgh and land, and preaches to them in the English 
 Tongue, and inveigh against the late Agreement, q'^'' by the 
 advice of the G. Assembly, was appointed for the Quietnes 
 of the Kirk and Realm ; qrby great inconveniencys may 
 ensue : specially the Division of the members of the univer- 
 sity. Gentlemen and Burgesses, who by y' means are ab- 
 stracted from their parish kirk and pastors there ; We willing 
 that no such occasion should ensue, and for the wellfare and 
 quietnes of the Toun and kirk there have By thir presents 
 tho' Good, That ye contean yourselves within the Bounds 
 of your own vocation & calling, and in such languages as 
 ye profess for the Instruction of the youth and that in no 
 wise ye attempt Doctrine in English to y« people of the 
 parish, we gave our commandment to Mr. Andreu Melvill 
 returning to the Colledge, that he should not in any sort 
 preach to the people ; wherein if either ye or he contineu we 
 will take further order in time coming, that our appointment 
 be not so lightly regarded. Thus we committ you to God, 
 From Hallyroodhous the 4. of Feb. 1586. 
 
 James Rex. 
 
 Note CC. p. 285. 
 
 Of James's conduct on the Execution of Queen J\Iary. — 
 Lord Hamilton having been employed by Courcelles, the 
 French ambassador, to speak to James of his mother's danger ; 
 " The kings answere was, that the Queene, his mother, 
 might well drink the ale and beere which her selfe had 
 brewed ; ffurther that having bound her selfe to the Queene 
 of England to doe nothing againste her, she ought to have 
 kept her promise : notwithstandinge that he woulde no waye 
 faile in his dutie and naturall obligatione he ought her." 
 To Sir George Douglas, who represented to him how 
 discreditable it would be to him to allow Elizabeth to put his 
 mother to death, the king said that he knew " she bore him 
 no more good will than she did the Queene of England — 
 and that in truth it was meete for her to meddle with noth- 
 ing but prayer and servinge of God." The Earl of Both- 
 well being asked by the King what he should do if Eliza- 
 beth asked his consent to proceed against his mother, said, 
 " yf he did suffer it he were worthie to be hanged the nexte 
 daye after; whereat the Kinge laughed and said, he would 
 prouid for that." (Courcelles to the King of France, Oct. 4, 
 1586.) " The nobililie believe indeed that ther is some se- 
 crete intelligence betwcene the Queene of Englande and 
 the Kinge, which is the rather confirmed becaus the Kings 
 Secretare and Grawe were onlie made privie to the said 
 Keiths instructiones, "&c. (Same to same, Nov. 30.) The 
 Master of Gray's embassy confirms them in this opinion, 
 •' and that the Kinge of Scotts will not declare him selfe 
 
 openly against her (Elizabeth) thougb his mother be put to 
 death, vnlesse the Queene and the Statts would deprive him 
 of his right to that crowne, which himselfe hath vttered to 
 Earl Bothcwill and Chevaleire Seaton." (Dec. 31.) Alex- 
 ander Stewart, sent in the company (Jf the ambassadors 
 " with more secret charge," had said to Elizabeth, " were she 
 even deade, yf the king at first shewed him selfe not con- 
 tented therewith they might easily satisfy him in sending 
 him doges and deare." On being informed of this, " the 
 kinge was in marvilose collore and sware and protested be- 
 fore God that yf Steuard came he would hange him before 
 he putt off his bootes, and yf the Queene medled with his 
 mothers life, she should knowe he would follow somewhat 
 else then dogges and deare." (Feb. LO.) Courcelles expres- 
 ses his fears that if Mary's execution should happen, James 
 would "digeste it as pattently as he hath done that which 
 passed between the Queene of England and Alexander 
 Stuard, whose excuse he hath well allowed, and vseth the 
 man as well as before." (Feb. 28.) On the arrival of the 
 intelligence of Mary's execution, Courcelles " believeth in 
 truth that the king is greatly afflicted with this accidente." 
 (March 8.) But when Gray was banished, the Queen's 
 death was not mentioned among the grounds, " lest he 
 should have accused others." And when the Estates twice 
 requested the King to revenge his mother's death, and offer- 
 ed their lives and fortunes in the cause, he merely " thanked 
 them, and said he would open his intentions afterwards." — 
 (June 6. and August — ) 
 
 The above quotations are made from "Ane Extracte 
 gathered out of Monsieur Courcelles Negociation in Scot- 
 land from 4th October 1586. to 28th September 1587 : " in 
 the possession of the Right Honourable the Marquis of Lo- 
 thian. This is, I presume, the same with that in Cotton 
 MSS. Calig. C. ix. 233. It is very singular that nearly a 
 month should have elapsed before Mary's execution was 
 known at Edinburgh. In the year 1585, when Stirling 
 was taken by the banished lords, Elizabeth's ministers at 
 London had intelligence of the fact within forty-eight hours 
 after it happened. — (Melville's Diary, p. 165.) 
 
 Note DD. p. 302. 
 
 Of Melville^ s Poem on the Coronation of Qveen ^nne 
 of Denmark. — The title of this poem is " 2TE*ANI2KION. 
 Ad Scotiae Regem, habitvm in Coronatione Reginse. 17. May 
 1590. Per Andream Meluinum. Pro. 16. 13. lustitia 
 stabilit thronum Regis. Edinbvrgi Excvdebat Robertvs 
 Walde graue An. Dom. 1590. Cum priuilegio Regali." 
 4to. five leaves. The poem is republished in Delitix Poe- 
 tarvm Scotorum. torn. ii. p. 71 — 76. On the back of the 
 title-page of the original edition are the following lines, in 
 which the author apologizes for the haste with which the 
 poem was composed and published, and ingeniously alludes 
 to the late voyage of the royal bridegroom. 
 
 Ad Regem. 
 
 Quod feci dixique tuo. Rex inclyte, lussu, 
 Ecce iubes volitet docta per ora virum. 
 
 Jussisti quod here, ego hodie : eras ibit in orbem i 
 Et properatum adeo praecipitabis opus? 
 
 PrsBcipita. per me ire licet quo authore volasti 
 Trans mare. Sors eadem fors erit: vrget amor. 
 
 James must have been pleased with the conceit expressed 
 in the two concluding lines, and with the following address in 
 the poem itself, which pays a flattering compliment to his 
 gallantry in braving the winter sea, and to (what he was no 
 less proud of) his poetical achievements; 
 
 Ferguso generate, poli certissima proles, 
 Quot reges tulit olim orbis, quot regna Britannus, 
 Tot regnis augende hffires, tot regibus orte, 
 Tot reges geniture olim foelicibus astris, 
 Lsetus in optatas Sanctis amplexibus Anna; : 
 Annae, cuius amor te tot vada cerula mensura, 
 Tot scopulos, tot prseruptas saxa ardua rupes, 
 Tantam Hyemem, tot fceta feris et inhospita tesqua 
 Raptauit, gelidisque morantem distulit oris, 
 Quam procul a patria, ac populo regnisque relictis 
 
394 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Note Y. p. 252. 
 
 Apud Halieruidhous xviii^ fe"' 
 
 Anno etc. lxxx''J°. 
 
 Sederunt 
 
 Colinus crgadie comes 
 
 Jacobus comes de arrane 
 
 Dauid comes de craufurd 
 
 Joannes comes de Montrois 
 
 Joannes comes de mortoun 
 
 Jacobus comes de glencairne 
 
 Jacobus d"' de down 
 
 Thirlstane 
 
 Commendatarius de Culros 
 
 Caprintoun 
 
 Clicus reg" 
 
 Murdocaimy 
 
 Prior de blantyii 
 
 Segy 
 
 M'' of requeistis. 
 
 Mr.andioMciuiie FoFsamekle as maister ainlro meluile provost 
 chargeittoward. ^j. ^^ ^^^ colledgc of Sanctandrois Being 
 callit befoir the kingis maiestie and lordis of his secreit 
 counsale, And he comperand personalie wes inquirit vpoun 
 certane thingis laid to his charge spokin be him in his ser- 
 mon maid in" y'^ kirk of Sanctandrois vpoun the day of 
 Januar last bypast, olfrnsiue and sklander€>us to y' kingis 
 maiestie, Eftir sindrie alledgeances maid be y^ said M''. andro 
 for declyning of y^ judgment and protestationis tending to 
 ye same effect. At last being inquirit gif a minister speiking 
 in pulpett that <j"' salbe allcdgit to be treasoun aucht to be 
 tryit yairfoir ye king in y" first instance or not, Ansuerit yat 
 altho' ye speiche wer alledgit to be treasoun zit y" tryell in 
 y"" first instance aught not to be befoir y'= king bot befoir ye 
 kirk, Qi'upon his hienes and his secreit counsede, ffindis yat 
 his hienes and not y" kirk is Judge in y^ first instance in 
 caussis of tressoun q'sumeuir, And in respect of y* said 
 maister androis proceidingis and behaveor sa oft declyning 
 his maiesteis judgment And Sua refuising to acknauledge 
 his hienes royall estait and auc''% As alsua to obiect aganis 
 y* witnessis sumond for the tryell of y*^ said mater, Clamyng 
 to ye priuiledge of certane actis of parliament and secreit 
 counsale concerning y' iurisdictioun of y" kirk Quhilkis 
 being producit red and considerit wer fund to contene na sic 
 priuiledge nor libertie gpantit to. y^ kirks to cognosce in 
 materis of tressoun in the first instance as wes alle' be him 
 Ansuering alsua maist proudlie irreuerentlie and contempt- 
 uously that y" lawis of God w' y^ lawis and practik obseruit 
 within yis cuntrie were peruertit and not obseruit in this 
 cais. And last yat he had spokin all yat he had to say 
 adherand to his former protestationis His maiestie wt auise 
 of y^ saidis lordis of his secreit counsale In yir respectis 
 declaris y" said maister andro to be worthie to be comittit to 
 ward in his hienes castell of blaknes and forder pvneist in 
 his persoun and gudis at his hienes will, Thairfoir ordanis 
 Lres to Ite direct to y^ mas'" of counsale or vther officear of 
 armes To pas and in his hienes Name and auc''*' Comand 
 and charge y"' said maister andro meluille, To pas and entir 
 his persoun in ward w'in y^ said castell of blaknes, Tliairin 
 to remane vpoun his awin expensis during his hienes will 
 And ay and quhill he be fred bo his maiestie within ten 
 houris nixteftir he be chargit y^to vnder the pane of rebel- 
 lioun and putting of him to y* homo, and gif he failze yiin 
 y saidis ten houris being bypast to denuce him his maiesteis 
 rebell and put him to y* home. And to escheit and inbring 
 etc. And that ane L™ be direct for his ressait in ward, w'in 
 y« said castell. (Record of Privy Council.) 
 
 Note AA. p. 265. 
 
 Presentation of the principaiitie of "« new College of Si 
 And. To M'^ Johnc Robertsoun. 
 
 Ure soverane lord ordanis ane Ire to be made vnder the 
 previe seall bcring y' forsameklc as his mat'" being surelie 
 informite of the depairting out of the realme of Mr Andro 
 Melven principall of y* new CoUeige callit the pedagoge in 
 
 Sanctandrois and of ane number of maisteris & regentia 
 yairof quha hes passit out of this realme and in ane maner 
 laift y^ said Collaige voad & dissolat of all laiming doctrene 
 and instructioun to y*^ grite preiudice of y" schoillis and 
 decay of gud Ires w'in this realme and his mat"*' being of 
 gud mynd and dispositione to forlefie mentene & aduance 
 y'' curs of laiming incress of gud letters and vertew w'in the 
 realme and speciallie to sie y"' said Collaige and pedagoge 
 restorit redintegrat and reslablisit in godlie fsicj and exerceiss 
 yairof Thairfoir and for y' effect foirsaid his mat''" hes w' y« 
 aduyse of y'= lord and consair fsicJ Patrik bischope of Sanct- 
 androuz quhois prediccssors foundit «& ci'cctit y' said Collaige 
 to place qualefeit & lairnit men to be masteris yairin. And 
 specialie Mr Johne robertsoune quho is remanent and actuall 
 maister of auld to be principall Mr yairof to nominal present 
 and admit Bursaris and pur scoillars yairin to tak ordor for 
 y'= rentis fruttis dewteis profeittis emolumentis of the said 
 Collaige of y" crope & zeir of God 1'" v'= fourscoir four zeiris 
 And sic lyk zeirlie in tymc cuminge And to appoint sik 
 personis as yai pliss for y" ingadering and inbringinge of the 
 saidis rentis and fruitis for sustentat"ne of the saids Mrs 
 regents and bursars for instructing of y' youthehcid in gude 
 literature and science and to do all & sundrie thingis y» 
 belangs to the ry' and dew administracione of the said Col- 
 laige firm & stabill balding q'sumcver the said bischope shall 
 do yairin anent the premissis. Ordaninge the lordis of C 
 secreit counseill and session to direct Ires of horning vpone 
 ane supt" chairge of ten dayis alanarlie at ye instance of The 
 said bischope Mr Johne robertsoune and sik vders as saill be 
 appointit be y"" for y" inbringing of y* saidis rentis of y° 
 crope & zeir of God foirsaid and siclyk zeirlie in tyme cum- 
 ing to the eflect aboiiwritten discharging be yir prnts all 
 vders economus intrometters factors or vdis personis q'saeuer 
 tittill gift or licence of factorie preceding y* dait of yir prnts 
 to intromet or vplift ony of y'' fruits rentis profeits &, emolu- 
 metis of ye said Collaige in maner abouwriten y' ye tenantis 
 taxmen fewars farmoners and parochinars of the kirkis and 
 landis annexit to the said Collaige reddelie ans^ obay and 
 mak thankfull paymet of y" said rentis of y' said crop & zeir 
 of God to yam yair factors and servitors alancrlie and y' ye 
 said Ire be extendit &c. Subscriuit at holyrudhous ye xxvi 
 day of februar Anno d" 1584yeiri8. (Register of Presenta- 
 tions to Benefices. Vol. ii. f. 124.) 
 
 Note BB. p. 267-8. 
 
 Royal Charges iey Melville. — At Halyrud- _^^Acij^inp^^^_^ 
 house the 26 day of May the year of God ' ' 
 1586 years, the Kings Maj. and Lords of Secret Council 
 having consideration of the disordered estate of the Uiiiver- 
 sitie of S' Andrews, occasioned for the most part be the 
 Bissention and Diversitie betwixt Patrick Bishop of S' An- 
 drews, and M'"' Andrew and James Melvills Masters of the 
 New Colledge within the same, their favourers and adher- 
 ents, to the great slander of the Kirk, Division of the said 
 Universitie, and decaying of Learning, and all virtuous exer- 
 cise within the same, speciallie of theologie, whereof the 
 said New Colledge was appointed to have been a scminarie 
 within this Realme, albeit be occasion of the said Diversitie 
 and variance, the ordinar profession thereof has been dis- 
 continued thir two years bygane to the great encouragement 
 of the adversars of the true and Christian Religion, and 
 allurement of a great number of Jesuits within the realme 
 for the eversion thereof^ and the erection again of Antichria- 
 lian papistrie, condemned be God, and be his Hicness I^awes, 
 for repressing of whose practices, and continuing of the Exer- 
 cise of Theologie within the said Universitie in the mean 
 time, his H. with advice foresaid, ordeans the said Mr An- 
 drew to pass immediatelie to Angus, Merns, Perth, and 
 other parts of the North where he may understand anie of 
 the saids Jesuites to be, to conferr with them, and travell so 
 far as in him lyes to reduce them to the true and Christian 
 Religion {)resently professed and acknowledged be his Maj. 
 and this whole realme, and in case he shall find them obsti- 
 nate, to delate them to his Maj. and his Secret Council to be 
 tane order with according to his H. Lawcs and Acts of Par- 
 liament, enduring the which time and travell, his Hieness 
 has dispensed, and be the tcnour hereof dispenses with his 
 ordinarie profession, and exercise within the said New Col- 
 
NOTES. 
 
 39S 
 
 ledge, and appoints the same to vaike untill his returning, 
 Commanding in the mean time the said M'' James to attend 
 upon his own place for the instruction of the youth com- 
 mitted to his care and teaching, as he will answer to God 
 and his H. and to the Intent, that the said exercise of The- 
 ologie may be continued within that Universitie, his Hieness 
 with advice forsaid ordeans and commands the said Bishop 
 to teach weeklie two Lessons of Theologie within S. Salva- 
 tors Colledge one upon Tuesday, and another upon Thurs- 
 day everie week, beginning upon the first tuisday of Junie 
 next, and so continuing ay and while his Maj. take further 
 order thereanent and that but prejudice of his ordinar preach- 
 ing unto a particular flock whereunto he is astricted be the 
 late Conference, and that Letters be directed hereupon if 
 need be, charging everie one of the said persons to do ac- 
 cordingly as they will answer to his Maj. upon their obedi- 
 ence at their uttermost charge and perril. 
 
 Extractura ex Libris Actorum Secreti Concilii per me 
 Joannem Andro Clericum Deputatum ejusdem sub meis 
 signo & subscriplione manualibus. 
 
 Joannes Andro. 
 (Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Rob. IIL 6. 17. p. 219.) 
 
 The following charge taken from Calderwood, (MS. vol. 
 iv. 8.) is corrected by another copy which Wodrow has in- 
 serted in his Life of Andrew Melville. (MSS. vol. xiv. 
 Bibl. Col. Glasg.) 
 
 Principal! and Masters of the New Colledge, we greet you 
 well. For as much as we are informed certainly. That upon 
 the Sundays, you assemble to your selves, a number both 
 of burgh and land, and preaches to them in the English 
 Tongue, and inveigh against the late Agreement, q'^'' by the 
 advice of the G. Assembly, was appointed for the Quietnes 
 of the Kirk and Realm ; q^by great inconveniencys may 
 ensue : specially the Division of the members of the univer- 
 sity. Gentlemen and Burgesses, who by y' means are ab- 
 stracted from their parish kirk and pastors there ; We willing 
 that no such occasion should ensue, and for the wellfare and 
 quietnes of the Toun and kirk there have By thir presents 
 tho' Good, That ye contean yourselves within the Bounds 
 of your own vocation & calling, and in such languages as 
 ye profess for the Instruction of the youth and that in no 
 wise ye attempt Doctrine in English to y" people of the 
 parish, we gave our commandment to Mr. Andreu Melvill 
 returning to the Colledge, that he should not in any sort 
 preach to the people ; wherein if either ye or he contineu we 
 will take further order in time coming, that our appointment 
 be not so lightly regarded. Thus we committ you to God, 
 From Hallyroodhous the 4. of Feb. 1586. 
 
 James Rex. 
 
 Note CC. p. 285. 
 
 Of James's conduct on the ExecxUion of Queen J\Iary. — 
 Lord Hamilton having been employed by Courcelles, the 
 French ambassador, to speak to James of his mother's danger ; 
 " The kings answere was, that the Queene, his mother, 
 might well drink the ale and beere which her selfe had 
 brewed ; ffurther that having bound her selfe to the Queene 
 of England to doe nothing againste her, she ought to have 
 kept her promise : notwithstandinge that he woulde no waye 
 faile in his dutie and naturall obligatione he ought her." 
 To Sir George Douglas, who represented to him how 
 discreditable it would be to him to allow Elizabeth to put his 
 mother to death, the king said that he knew " she bore him 
 no more good will than she did the Queene of England — 
 and that in truth it was meete for her to meddle with noth- 
 ing but prayer and servinge of God." The Earl of Both- 
 well being asked by the King what he should do if Eliza- 
 beth asked his consent to proceed against his mother, said, 
 " yf he did suffer it he were worthie to be hanged the nexte 
 daye after; whereat the Kinge laughed and said, he would 
 prouid for that." (Courcelles to the King of France, Oct. 4, 
 1586.) " The nobilitie believe indeed that ther is some se- 
 crete intelligence betwcene the Queene of Englande and 
 the Kinge, which is the rather confirmed becaus the Kings 
 Secretare and Grawe were onlie made privie to the said 
 Keiths instructiones, "&c. (Same to same, Nov. 30.) The 
 Master of Gray's embassy confirms them in this opinion, 
 " and that the Kinge of Scotts will not declare him selfe 
 
 openly against her (Elizabeth) thougti his mother be put to 
 death, vnlesse the Queene and the Statts would deprive him 
 of his right to that crowne, which himselfe hath vttered to 
 Earl Bothcwill and Chevaleire Seaton." (Dec. 31.) Alex- 
 ander Stewart, sent in the company SS the ambassadors 
 " with more secret charge," had said to Elizabeth, " were she 
 even deade, yf the king at first shewed him selfe not con- 
 tented therewith they might easily satisfy him in sending 
 him doges and deare." On being informed of this, " the 
 kinge was in marvilose collore and sware and protested be- 
 fore God that yf Steuard came he would hange him before 
 he putt off his bootes, and yf the Queene medled with his 
 mothers life, she should knowe he would follow somewhat 
 else then dogges and deare." (Feb. 10.) Courcelles expres- 
 ses his fears that if Mary's execution should happen, James 
 would "digeste it as patiently as he hath done that which 
 passed between the Queene of England and Alexander 
 Stuard, whose excuse he hath well allowed, and vseth the 
 man as well as before." (Feb. 28.) On the arrival of the 
 intelligence of Mary's execution, Courcelles " believeth in 
 truth that the king is greatly afflicted with this accidente." 
 (March 8.) But when Gray was banished, the Queen's 
 death was not mentioned among the grounds, " lest he 
 should have accused others." And when the Estates twiee 
 requested the King to revenge his mother's death, and offer- 
 ed their lives and fortunes in the cause, he merely "thanked 
 them, and said he would open his intentions afterwards." — 
 (June 6. and August — ) 
 
 The above quotations are made from "Ane Extracte 
 gathered out of Monsieur Courcelles Negociation in Scot- 
 land from 4th October 158G, to 28th September 1587 : " in 
 the possession of the Right Honourable the Marquis of Lo- 
 thian. This is, I presume, the same with that in Cotton 
 MSS. Calig. C. ix. 233. It is very singular that nearly a 
 month should have elapsed before Mary's execution was 
 known at Edinburgh. In the year 1585, when Stirling 
 was taken by the banished lords, Elizabeth's ministers at 
 London had intelligence of the fact within forty-eight hours 
 after it happened. — (Melville's Diary, p. 165.) 
 
 Note DD, p. 302. 
 
 Of Melville^ s Poem on the Coronation of Queen ^nne 
 of Denmark. — The title of this poem is " 2TE<I»ANI2K]ON. 
 Ad Scotiae Regem, habitvm in Coronatione Reginae. 17. May 
 1590. Per Andream Meluinum. Pro. 16. 13. lustitia 
 stabilit thronum Regis. Edinbvrgi Excvdebat Robertvs 
 Walde graue An. Dom. 1590. Cum priuilegio Regali." 
 4to. five leaves. The poem is republished in Delitix Poe- 
 tarvm Scotoimm. torn. ii. p. 71 — 76. On the back of the 
 title-page of the original edition are the following lines, in 
 which the author apologizes for the haste with which the 
 poem was composed and published, and ingeniously alludes 
 to the late voyage of the royal bridegroom. 
 
 Ad Regem. 
 
 Quod feci dixique tuo. Rex inclyte, lussu, 
 Ecce iubes volitet docta per ora virum. 
 
 Jussisti quod here, ego hodie : eras ibit in orbem i 
 Et properatum adeo praecipitabis opus? 
 
 PrsBcipita. per me ire licet quo authore volasti 
 Trans mare. Sors eadem fors erit : vrget amor. 
 
 James must have been pleased with the conceit expressed 
 in the two concluding lines, and with the following address in 
 the poem itself, which pays a flattering compliment to his 
 gallantry in braving the winter sea, and to (what he was no 
 less proud of) his poetical achievements: 
 
 Ferguso generate, poli certissima proles, 
 Quot reges tulit olim orbis, quot regna Britannus, 
 Tot regnis augende haeres, tot regibus orte, 
 Tot reges geniture olim foslicibus astris, 
 Laetus in optatas Sanctis amplexibus Annae : 
 Annae, cuius amor te tot vada cerula mensum, 
 Tot scopulos, tot praeruptas saxa ardua rupes, 
 Tantam Hyemem, tot foeta feris et inhospita tesqua 
 Raptauit, gelidisque morantem distulit oris, 
 Quam procul a patria, ac populo regnisque relictis 
 
396 
 
 NOTES, 
 
 Tam propior Phcebo, Musis lucem annue nostris, 
 Dum caiiimns decus omne tuum, decus omne tuorum, 
 Rex Iacobs, decus Musanim et Apollinis ingens. 
 
 The theme of the Stephaniskion is the right government 
 of a kingdom. After a description of the cares which environ 
 a crown, and the small number of those who have swa3'ed 
 the sceptre with credit to themselves and benefit to their 
 people, whose names, according to the saying of an Asiatic 
 monarch, 
 
 Una omnes inscribi uno posse annulo, et una 
 Includi gemma, fulvum quffi dividit aurum; 
 the poet inquires into the causes which incite men to covet 
 this dangerous eminence, — the secret impulse of nature, the 
 innate desire of distinction, consciousness of talents or of 
 birth, thirst for personal glory or family aggrandizement, 
 patriotism, and that more exalted and sacred flame which 
 seeks, by a faithful administration of a terrestrial kingdom, 
 to obtain a celestial and unfading crown. 
 
 Vis arcana nature, et conscia fati 
 Semina : 
 
 Levat alta laborem 
 Gloria, celsi animi pennis sublimibus apta. 
 Quid studium humani generis? quid viuida virtu 
 Ignause impatiens vmbrse atque ignobilis oti ? 
 • ••••• 
 
 Et prsedulce decus patriae : populique Patrumque, 
 Vel hello quaerenda salus, per mille pericla, 
 Mille neces, et morte ipsa quod durius usquam est 1 
 Quo patriae non raptet amor ccelestis, & aul® 
 Etherise, seterna regem quse luce coronat T 
 
 The prince described is of course a patriot king : but the 
 author does not maintain, (as Archbishop Adamson had 
 accused him of doing,) that popular election is the only 
 legitimate mode of investing a prince with the sceptre : 
 
 Seu lectus magno e populo, sen natus avito 
 In solio, vel lege nova, vel more vetusto, 
 Sortitus sceptrique decus regnique coronam. 
 
 He does not touch the harsh string of resistance to rulers 
 who abuse their power, but he strongly reprobates, and con- 
 demns to the Stygian lake whence it ascended, the pestilen- 
 tial principle, that kings are born for themselves, and that 
 their will is their law : 
 
 Stat regi, ut regni Domino, pro lege voluntas : 
 
 Talia dicta vomit diris e faucibus Orcus. 
 
 • ••••• 
 
 Est pecus, est pejor pecude, est fera bellua, soli 
 Qui sibi se natum credit : qui non nisi in ipso 
 Cogitat imperium imperio : qui denique secum 
 Non putat ipse datum se civibus, at sibi cives. 
 
 The marriage of Jamea, with its attendant solemnities, 
 vfras celebrated by other poets besides Melville. Among 
 these were Hercules Rollock, and Adrian Damman. " De 
 Avgustissimo Jacobi 6. Scotorum Regis, & Annas — conju- 
 gio: 13. Calend. Septemb. 1589 in Dania celebrate : — 
 Epithalamivm Ad eamdem Annam, Serenissimam Scotorum 
 Reginam. Hercule Rolloco Scoto auctore. Edinburgi Ex- 
 cudebat Henricvs Charteris. 1589." Ten leaves in 4to. 
 "Schediasmata Hadr. Dammanis A Bisterveld Gandavensis 
 — Edinburgi Excvdebat Robertvs Walde-graue. An. Dom. 
 1590." I in fours. This last collection consists of a Greek 
 and Latin poem on the marriage, and of Latin poems on 
 the storm which drove the Queen to Norway, the King's 
 voyage, the coronation, and the public entrance into Edin- 
 burgh. Prefixed to the work are encomiastic verses by Mel- 
 ville in Latin, and by Robert Pont in Latin and Greek. 
 Damman gives a poetical description of the ceremony of the 
 Coronation, in the course of which he praises the sermon 
 preached by Gralloway, and especially the prayer offered up 
 by Bruce. 
 
 Conticuere iterum, versisquc ad Sacra Ministris, 
 Brucius assurgit, vir nobilis, inque togati 
 Classe Ministcrij nullo pietatis & a-qui 
 Laudibus inferior, precibus Solcmnia Sanctis 
 Commendare Deo, Christumque in vota vocare 
 Incipit. & prudens animi, linguieque disertus. 
 
 He gives the following flattering description of Melville, 
 and the part which he acted in the solemnity .* 
 
 Altisonis stat pausa tubis : strepitusque silescit 
 Gaudia testantis populi: quum denique surgit 
 Nobilis eloquio, doctrinaque inclytus omni, 
 Divina imprimis ; qui multus Apollinis antra. 
 Antra rosis, violisque, et anethi picta corymbis, 
 Lymphae ubi limpidulo trepidant pede, rite frequentat, 
 Mcluinus, grandique ad Regem carmine fatur 
 Ausonio, monitisque docet prudentibus artem 
 Imperij. 
 
 It appears from Damman's account, that Melville pro- 
 nounced his poem immediately after the crown was placed 
 on the Queen's head, and not before that ceremony was per- 
 formetl, as James Melville has stated in his Diary. — Damman 
 was not a Dane, as is commonly supposed. He was bom 
 in the neighbourhood of Ghent and had taught Humanity in 
 that city. (Anton. Sanderus, De Gandavensibvs Erudit. 
 Fama Claris, p. 13. Antv. 1624.) Sanderus says he went to 
 Scotland at the invitation of Buchanan. " Tandem a 
 Georgio Buchanano ad Nobilem iuventutem politissimis 
 litteris imbuendam accersitus in Scotiam fuit." Others say 
 that he came to Scotland in the retinue of Queen Anne. 
 He afterwards taught for some years as professor of Human- 
 ity in the College of Edinburgh, and acted as Resident 
 of the States General at the court of Scotland. (Crawfurd's 
 Hist of the Univ. of Edinburgh, p. 35, 40. Epist. Eccles. et 
 Theolog. p. 35— 38. Amst. 1704.) 
 
 Note BE. p. 275. 
 
 Of Patronage and PopularElection — " Ordinarie voca- 
 tion consisteth in Election, Examination, and Admission. — It 
 appertaineth to the people, and to every severall Congregation 
 to elect their mLnister, — For altogether this is to be avoided, 
 that any man be violently intruded or thrust in upon any 
 congregation. But this libertie with all care must be re- 
 served to every severall Church, to have their votes and 
 suffrages in election of their ministers." (First Book of 
 Discipline, head iv.) " Election is the choosing out of a per- 
 son, or persons, most able, to the office that vakes, by the 
 judgement of the Eldership, and consent of the Congrega- 
 tion, to which shall be tlie person, or persons appointed. — 
 So that none be intrused upon any Congregation, either by 
 the Prince, or any inferiour person, without lawful election, 
 and the consent of the people over whom the person is placed, 
 as the practice of the Apostolical and Primitive Kirk, and 
 good order craves. And because this order, which Gods 
 word craves, cannot stand with patronages and presentation 
 to benefices used in the Popes kirk, we desire all them that 
 truely feare God, earnestly to consider, that for as much as 
 the names of patronages and benefices together with the 
 effect thereof have flowed from the Pope and corruption of 
 the Canon law onely, in so farr as thereby any person was 
 intrused or placed over kirkes having Curam animarum ; 
 and for as much as that manner of proceeding bath no ground 
 in the word of God, but is contrary to the same and to the 
 said liberty of Election, they ought not now to have place in 
 this light of Reformation." (Second Book of Discipline, 
 chap. 3. and 12.) 
 
 At the first General Assembly, " the kirk appointit the 
 electioun of the minister. Elders and deacons to be in the 
 publick Kirk, and the premonition to be vpon the sonday pre- 
 ceding the day of Uie Electioun." (Buik of Univ. Kirk, f. 2.) 
 In June, 1562, it was concluded, " tuiching persones to be 
 nnminat to Kirks, that none be admitted without nomination 
 of the people, and dew examination and admission of the 
 Superintendent" (Keith, 513.) An act of Assembly, April, 
 1582, for correcting disorders produced by ambition, covetous- 
 ness, and indirect dealing in entering to the ministry, concludes 
 thus: "this act no wayes to be prejudiciall to laick patrones 
 and y' presentatiouns, vnto y tyme ye lawes be reformed 
 according to the word of God." (Buik of Univ. Kirk, f. 
 123, b.) On the annexation of the temporalities of the bish- 
 oprics to the crown, the patronages connected with them 
 were disposed of to different noblemen and gentlemen. 
 The General Assembly, in August, 1588, petitioned his 
 Majesty against this ; " inhibiting in y' meantjme all com- 
 
NOTES. 
 
 397 
 
 missioners and presbyteries y' they in no wayes give colla- 
 tioun or admissioun to any persons presentit be y" saids new 
 patrons as is above speit (specified) unto y nixt general 
 assemblie of y« Kirk." (lb. f. 153, a.) Among the articles 
 of an overture approved by the Assembly in May, 1596, 
 was the following : " Thridlie because be presentatiouns 
 many forciblie are thrust in y^ minlstrie and vpoun congrega- 
 tiouns yt utteris yafter they were not callit be God, it wald 
 be provydit y' none seik presentatiouns to benefices without 
 advyce of y presbyterie within y*^ bounds q'' of pbrie (sic) 
 lyis, and if any doe in y' contrair they to be repellit as 
 rei ambitus." (lb. f. 178, a.) 
 
 Such was the law of the church. The practice appears 
 to have varied somewhat in different places. Sometimes 
 the General Assembly or the presbytery of the bounds nom- 
 inated or recommended a minister, either of their own 
 accord, or at the desire of the session or congregation. In 
 some instances the election was by the session, or by the 
 session and principal persons of the parish, and in others by 
 the votes of the congregation at large. Sometimes the con- 
 gregation elected the individuals themselves ; at other times 
 they nominated electors from among themselves : and at 
 other times they referred the choice to the presbytery. But 
 in whatever way this was conducted, the general consent of 
 the people was considered as requisite before proceeding to 
 admission, and the church courts exerted themselves in ob- 
 taining the presentation for the person who was acceptable 
 to the parish. On the appointment of a second minister to 
 the town and parish of Haddington, the presbytery claimed 
 the right of nomination, but Mr. James Carmichael having 
 produced and read the act of Assembly 1562, they relin- 
 quished their claim. (Record of Presbytery of Haddington, 
 August 15, 1601.) — The following is the account of the 
 election of Robert Bruce to be minister of St. Andrews : 
 " Die xxi" mensis Maii anno Ixxxix". 
 
 The q"' day being appointit to y" electioun of ane minis- 
 ter and fallow laborar w' M Robert Wilkie minister in y^ 
 functioun of y* ministrie in this congregation, fur' of y^ nyne 
 personis efter specify t viz. nominat be y" town vniversite & 
 landward parochenaris ; to witt M" Robert Bruce Jhone 
 Cauldcleuche W™ Marche nominat be y* town, M" Johne 
 Malcom alex monipcnny & M Jhon Auchinlek nominat, be 
 y« univcrsite, and M" Nichol Dalglcs Jhonc Dauidsoun & 
 Robert Dury nominat be y« gentill men & paroshenaris 
 upon land, Comperit ane ry' bono" man James Lermouth 
 of Darsy provest of S' And* M Wm Russel bailze Thomas 
 Lentroun & Patrik Gutherie commissioners for y^ town & 
 Patrik Bonkill y" common clerk M James M^ilkie rector of 
 y' universite, M David monypenny deane of facultie, M 
 Andrew Meluill Mr principall of y new College, and M 
 W™ Cranstoun maister in y^ auld college commissioneris for 
 y" said universite, and honii men Sir George Douglas of 
 Elenehill kny' James Wod of Lambeletham, James Hay 
 chalmerlane of y^ priore of St An"*™ Patrik Dudingstoun 
 portioner of Kincapill, Andrew Wn<l of Stray'wethy & 
 M Alex Jarden of Smyddy grein coramissionaris for y" 
 gentillmen and paroshinaris vpoun land. Quha all wt ane 
 voce efter ernest incalling on y holy name of God, elec- 
 tit & chusit y" said Mr Robert Bruce as ane man maist 
 meet habill and quhalifyt minister and fallow laborar in 
 y" ministrie w' y« said Mr Robert Wilkie And y« saidis 
 haill commissionaris hes aggreit y^ ilk ane of thame to 
 witt, y' towne, universite & paroshenaris vpon land send 
 w' all diligens y'' supplication in y<= maist feruent maner 
 to ye said M Robert Bruce to cum & occupy y^ said of- 
 fice in and upon him conforme to y^ said fre election." 
 (Record of Kirk Session of St Andrews.) On the demis- 
 sion of Mr Robert Wilkie, who was appointed principal 
 of St. Leonard's College, " The maist speciall of the haill 
 parochin alsweill to land as bur' being convenit, efter ernest 
 incalling upon y" holy name of God, electit & chusit all 
 w' ane voce w'out discrepans or variance Mr David Blak, 
 quha wes specialie recommendit to thame be y" gcnerall 
 kyrk, pastor and minister to this congregation." (lb. Nov. 
 11, 1590.) 
 
 Mr. Andrew Forester, minister of Corstorphin, having 
 laid before the presbytery of Haddington a demission of the 
 vicarage of Tranent by his father, and presentation of it 
 to himself by the king, confessed, after some interrogatories, 
 
 " that bay y« dismission and presentation foirsaid wer taken 
 be his foirknowledge and accepted be his consent." The 
 presbytery fonnd that they could not proceed to collation and 
 admission, because he had not obtained license of transporta- 
 tion, and " becaus be his foirsaid dealling he is fallin vnder 
 danger of ane act of the gcnerall assembly decerning sic per- 
 sones as takes giftes of ony benefices of cure w'out foir- 
 knowledge and consent of the kirk to be Rei ambitus, of the 
 q'^ fault he is to be tryit befoir his judge ordinarie." (Re- 
 cord of Presbytery of Haddington, Oct. 5, 1597.) 
 
 The parishioners of Aberlady requested the presbytery, 
 " that ane lite my' be maid of qualifeit men and sent to 
 teache in their paroche kirk upon several sabboth dayes 
 per vices, To the end y' y" Brethrene of the presbyterie 
 wt their consent my' out of that number chuse ane fittest 
 for the rowme." Mr. Andrew Blackball younger being put 
 on the leel was suspected to be reus ambitus, and ordained 
 to make his purgation. He satisfied the presbytery, after a 
 strict examination, that he did not know of the presentation, 
 " till it was past the seallis, and as yet had not acceptit of the 
 same, nather yet was myndit to accept of the same w'out 
 y= special advyse of presbyterie," (lb. from January 21, 
 to March 17, 1602.) The presbytery "finds the said Mr 
 Andro not to be Reus ambitus;" but still they came to the 
 following resolution. 
 
 " At Haddingtoun y 24 Martij 1602. 
 
 The q"' day y® brethrene being to noiate and elect ane 
 of the thrie y' was vpon y Lite for aberladie to be placit as 
 pastour thare, before y' y^ said mater suld be put in voting 
 tho' meit y' Mr Andro Blackhal suld subscryve y« submis- 
 sioun following. 
 
 I Mr Andro blakhal younger am content to put and pre- 
 setlie puts y' gift and presentafun of vicarage of aberladie 
 obtainit in my name in y" hands of y^ presbyterie of had- 
 ingtoun to use it as thay think gude. 
 
 Sic Subscribitur 
 
 M A Blakhall." 
 
 A curious instance of procedure in the case of an un- 
 popular presentee occurred in the same presbytery long 
 after the introduction of episcopacy. In 1621, Michael 
 Gilbert having obtained from the king a presentation to the 
 parish of Northberwick, the presbytery appointed him to 
 preach in that church, and the people to send commissioners 
 to testify what is " ther lyking or approbation" of him. 
 Commissioners, accordingly, attended next meeting of the 
 presbytery, and reported "in name of the whole people 
 that thei ware not content w' Michael Gibbert, and that uni- 
 versallie y"= people had no lyking of him and thawcht him 
 not meit for that place," The presbyterie having taken 
 him on trials, " commends and allows his gift and holie 
 affectioun, juges him able to enter in the ministrie q'' it sail 
 please God to call him wt consent of the congregation, 
 but in respect of the place of Northberwick q''unto the 
 generall assemblie haldin at Aberdein hes thawcht meit an 
 man of singular gifts of authoritie and experience Also 
 in respect of y" comraissionars of the said parochin of 
 Northberwick dissenting y''fra we thinke him not meit for 
 y' place of Northbervick," It was ordained accordingly 
 that a letter should be written to " My lord of St. androis 
 bearing the presbytries judgement anent the said Michael 
 Gilberts not qualification for northberwick." On the 5th 
 of September, the presbytery received the following answer 
 from the archbishop. 
 
 " Loving brithren I haue receaved yc Itre tutching mi- 
 chael Gilbert q''by I perceaue y' he is not be zow fond meit 
 to be receavit in that kirk, but I must pray zow in yor an- 
 swair to forbeir the consideration of y' kirk at leist the men- 
 tion of it in your writt because as I formarlie wrote if he 
 be fund meit to be an minister I carmot shift but giue colla- 
 tioun as I am requyrit, he is presentit to that kirk y'^for 
 directit to be tryit by zow. if he be not fund meit it exoners 
 both zou & me To say so in generall that Michael Gilbert 
 being presented be his Ma. for such a kirk and directed by 
 me to be tryed by zou ze find him not qualifeit And no 
 more then this being I sail desyr zow speedilie to acquent 
 me whom ze wold chuse with consent of the parochin and I 
 sail doe the best I can to haue zou satisfeit for I shall be 
 loith to admitt any whom ze by yo'' judgement finds not 
 qualefeit to anie of yo"" kirks and certainlie wold we in 
 
398 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 planting haue this regard to consider y* qualities of men 
 ther prudence as weill as y"" teiching wliom Chrysestome in 
 some place requyris as necessarie in a pastor o^ kirk wold be 
 in an better estate & o^ calling not so exposed to contempt 
 as it is, but thes T leaue and for the present commits zow to 
 God 
 
 rests your assured brother 
 
 St. Andrews." 
 The presbytery took the bishop's hint, and made an act 
 declaring simply the presentee's " non sufficiencic," but after 
 some delay, they received instructions from the bishop 
 (Feb. 5, 1622.) to proceed with Gilbert's settlement; on 
 which they came to this conclusion, " that in regard of the 
 opposition made already by the peopill and in regard of the 
 slander and contempt that may be given in publick to the 
 ministrie urging the people to yield unto y' q'^ no wayes they 
 will do, that the mater be delayed to such opportunities as 
 the arch B. may bespek." (lb. from June 27, 1621, to 
 February 5, 1622.) the presentee, however, ultimately pre- 
 vailed ; for on the roll of members of Presbytery in 1624 is 
 " Michael Gilbert rain"^ of Northbervick." 
 
 The consent of the people was signified in different ways. 
 When it was proposed that John Davidson should de settled 
 as a minister of Saltpreston and Pannis, " anc gritt multi- 
 tude of the honest men of bayth the tounes foirsaids come and 
 shew their gnde lyking of Mr Jhone and his doctrine to us 
 of the presbyterie, (met at Tranent) desyring us maist ear- 
 nestly w' any voyce, " &c — " Thanks returned to my lord 
 of Newbottle " whose concurrence in the settlement had been 
 requested by the presbytery. (lb. Oct. 29 — Dec. 24, 1595.) 
 Oftener the consent of the congregation was reported to the 
 presbytery by commissioners. The reader may be pleased 
 to see the following copy of a formal written call, which is 
 the earliest document of the kind that I have met with. 
 
 " Vnto zo^ godlie W. of the presbyterie of hadingtoun 
 humlie menis and schawls we zo' bretherne the pro" [pa- 
 rishioners] of GuUane w' the speciall consent of our pastor 
 Mr thomas makghe that q''as it hes pleisit God in the age 
 infirmitie and often diseisis of our said pastor to offer occa- 
 sion of support to him and to vs both be Mr Androw Makghe 
 his sone of quhome we having had pruiff and tryall the twa 
 zeiris bygane dois testifie his doctrine to be sound sensible & 
 edfying his lyff and conversatioun to be honest and unre- 
 bukeable In respect q'^of haueing gude expectatioun y' he 
 salbe ane profitable instrument amangis vs for advancement 
 of goddis glorie and our awin salvatioun Hes w' ane voyce 
 thoucht expedient maist emistlie to rcqueist zo'' wisdomes to 
 proceid w' that diligence zo'' w. sail think maist expedient to 
 the admission and ordinatioun of the said Mr Andro to the 
 office of ministerie within our congregatioun That being 
 warrandit be y' outward calling and authoritie of the kirk 
 he may be answerabill to our said expectatioun in the synceir 
 preaching of goddis word ministring of ye sacraments dis- 
 cipline and all vther extemall benefites of y' kirk according 
 to the reuU of the said word and commoun practise of the 
 reformit kirk w'in this cuntrey Unto quhome in the lord ane 
 and all we promise fay'fuUie our concurrance and obedience 
 to the vttermost according to o' dewtie And zo' godlie w. 
 answ humlie we beseich 
 
 Sic Subscribitui Mr thomas Makghe minister 
 
 of gullane 
 Ro' hepburne George Ker 
 
 Alex'' tod P Levingtoun of Saltcottis 
 
 Mr Mark Hepburne Ro Congilton of that ilk 
 
 George Dudgeoun Walter Ker 
 
 Andro Robesone George Haiyburtoun 
 
 Williame Marsheall Daniel broun 
 
 Jhone Sinclair Michael tod 
 
 James Sandilands 
 George Walker 
 George sseveis 
 Thomas Wilson 
 This is the mynd of the hayll rest of the pro" y' cannot 
 Bubscryvc as thai hane testifyit be thair consent quhen thair 
 voittis wes rcquyrit desyring me notar vnderwritten to sub- 
 scrive in thair names. 
 
 Ita est Joannes Craik notarius publicus ad premissa rc- 
 quisitus testem his meis signo et subscriptione manualibus." 
 (Record of Presbytery of Haddington, Dec. 7, 1597.) 
 
 Note FF. p. 278. 
 
 Hiot against Jilelville at St. Andretvs. — The summons 
 raised at the instance of Mr Andrew Melvill principal of the 
 New College of St Andrews, and Mr David Makgill of 
 Nisbet his Majesty's advocate states, " that upon the fourt 
 day of Junij instant, the said Mr Andro being vnder medi- 
 cine w'in his chalmer of the said college, lippeing for nae 
 violence — Mr David Methven &c. convocat and assembUt 
 togidder be the ringing of the comoun bell the haill ceitie 
 for tlie maist part of the said citie bod in in feir of weir with 
 quhom they come to the said college and in maist barbarous 
 and insolent maner brak up tlie back and foir yettis y'of 
 clam the wallis of the same and preisit violentlie to haue 
 brokin up the said Mr. androis chalmer dur lyke as thay 
 brak up w' ane lang Jeist the bak stair of his said chalmer 
 vfMjun set purpois and deliberatioun to have slayne and 
 murdriest him within his said chalmer quhilk thay had not 
 faillit to have done were not be the providence of God and 
 the mediatioun and travellis of the magratis of the said citie 
 thair rage and fury wes sum quhat mitigat lyk as thay in deid 
 remanit w'in the said college and about the same the space of 
 tua houris togidder suting the said Mr androis lyff uttering all 
 the tyme mony injurious speches saying we have now gottln 
 the occasioun we lang socht let us tak it and mak us qwyte 
 of this man that troublis ws ay" — The Lords ordayn master 
 William Russel and William Leirmont two of the Bailies of 
 St Andrews to enter into ward in the Castle of Blacknes 
 and remain there until they give up the names of the chief 
 persons concerned in the riot, — and ordain the provost and 
 members of Town Council to subscribe a Band obliging 
 themselves and their Successors to preserve all the members 
 of the universitie " harmeless and skay'less." — And they 
 further decern that such of the rioters as had been summoned 
 and have not appeared, shall be denounced rebels. (Record 
 of Privy Council, 23 Junij 1591.) 
 
 The following extract from the Record of the Burgh 
 Court of St Andrews relates to the circumstance mentioned 
 in the text as having given occasion to the riot. The act is 
 crossed in the Record, and on the margin is the following 
 official note : " Die vigesimo quarto mensis Augusti 1591. 
 This Act deleit w' consent of ye prowest baillies and coun- 
 sell. J Bonde Scriba." The act runs thus : 
 " Mr Andro Malwill & y' Town 
 
 Curia Burgalis civ.S" Andrete tenta in prsetorioejusdemper 
 honorabiles viros Thomam Lentroun Magistros Gulielmum 
 Cok et Gulielmum Russell ballivos dictae civitatis, die Ve- 
 neris quarto die Mensis Junii Anno Domini Millesimo quin- 
 gentesimo nonagesimo prime. 
 
 The q"' day in presence of the baillies of this citie Mr 
 Robert Weilkye principal of St Leonardis College w'in ye 
 citie of St And' renunciand expreslie be y"" presentis all 
 previleges exemption and immunitie or jurisdictioun that 
 he may pretend in y' contrair heirof And submitting him 
 in this caice to y' jurisdiction of the provest and baillies 
 of y^ citie of St And' alenerlie and w' him David Dal- 
 gleisch and W" Muffat citineris of y" said citie Ar becum 
 bound oblist and actitat for thaim y' airis & successoris 
 conjunctlie and severallie for Maister Andro Mailweill rec- 
 tor of y* Universitie of St And"^ That in caice it may be 
 fund and tryed y' Maister Johne Cauldcleuch ane of y" 
 prencipall Maisteris of y« New College quha hes schott and 
 deidlie woundit Davit Trumbull ane nytbour of this citie 
 w* ane arrow q'^bye he is in danger of his lyfe to be anye 
 tyme heirefter w'in y' boundis of y* said College in anye 
 pairt they sail present him to y* justice for underlying of 
 our Soverane lordis lawis he being requyrit be y' prte 
 Stewart or y" bailies of y* said citie my lord being w'in 
 y* college for y^ tyme of his requisition And w'in y* boun- 
 dis of y° said College for y fact foirsaid under y" paines 
 of ane thousand ponds to be aplyit to sic uss as y° provest 
 ballets & counsaill of y° said citie sail think expedient 
 And y' y* said Mr Andro rector foirsaid renunciand in 
 lyk maner be thir prntes expresslie all previlege exemp- 
 tioun & immuniiie y' he may pretend in y' contrair in 
 this caice allenerlie sail be answerable to y" Stewart of 
 regalitie of St Andr' y'' provost and baillies yrof as law 
 will in caice he sail be querrellit heirefter be anic of y* 
 said David TrumbullLs firiendia under paine foirsaid In 
 
NOTES. 
 
 399 
 
 presence of Mr. Piter Rollock Bischope of Dunkell Mr Wm 
 Mairch ana of ye regentis in St Leonardis College David 
 Watsoun Mr David Russell deane of gild And Mr Patrick 
 Mailuill ane of y' M" of y^ new Col. and Jhon Mair w' 
 uthris diverss." 
 
 Note GG, p. 279. 
 
 Constitution and procedure of Kirk-sessions. — In 
 speaking of the election of Elders and Deacons, we ought 
 to keep in mind that formerly it was annual. At St. 
 Andrews, when the time of election approached, the session 
 made up a list of persons to be nominated for office during 
 the ensuing year, and caused this to be read from the pulpit, 
 accompanied with an intimation that the session would meet 
 on a certain day to hear objections against the persons 
 nominated, and to receive the names of any others that 
 might be proposed as better qualified. The election suc- 
 ceeded to this. The Session sometimes appointed electors, 
 and at other times they acted as electors themselves ; in 
 which last case the individuals to be chosen, if already in 
 the session, were successively removed. (Record of Kirk 
 Session of St. Andrews, Oct. 8 & 15, 1589; Jan. 12, 
 1590 ; and Nov. 28, 1 593.) This was also the practice at 
 Glasgow. (Extracts from Rec. of Kirk Sess. of Glasgow : 
 Wodrow's Life of David Weemes, p. 28.) " Oct. 22, 
 1609. The Bishop compeared and intimat, the Synod had 
 for sundry and good respects concluded and ordained that 
 the Elders and Deacons in all Sessions shall hereafter be 
 chosen by the ministers. The Session approves." (Ibid, 
 p. 29.) At Edinburgh the election was popular. (Knox's 
 Hist, of the Reformation, p. 267, 268.) The General 
 Assembly, April, 1582, sanctioned this mode of election. 
 " Concerning a generall ordour of the admissioun to y" 
 office of elders referris it to the ordo*^ usit at Ed'' q"' we ap- 
 prove." (Buik of the Univ. Kirk, f. 124, b.) In the 
 parish of the Canongate, or Holyrudhouse, the members 
 of Session were chosen by the communicants at large. 
 "Juley 28, 1565. The q"' day y« names of y faithful 
 that be in the lyt of y' Eldars was geiven wp be y" auld 
 kirk to be proclamit be y® minister and to be chosen on 
 Sonday come aucht dayes." — " The fourt day of August. 
 The q"' day the eflernone at y" sermone y* haill fay'fuU 
 woted in chesing y^ elders and diacons." — "The 11th 
 day of Aug'. The q"' day it is ordanit y' y' eldaris and 
 deaconis as efter followis present thameself to y'' kirk and 
 set in ye place appontit for thame to rcsawe thair office. 
 The q"' day it is ordanit y' y" minister warn oppenlie in 
 y pulpell all thois y' communicates to y" puirs to come 
 to ye tobo' on tisday y' nixt comes at 7 ho" in y^ morning 
 to heir y* compts of y^ deacons of thair resait and how it is 
 destrybutit." (The Buik of the Kirk of Canagait.) 
 
 The statement made in the text respecting the civil 
 punishments inflicted on delinquents is justified by the 
 minutes of the last named Session. An unmarried woman 
 having confessed her pregnancy, " Thairfoir the buillies 
 assistane the assemblie of t/' kirke ordanis hir for to 
 depart furt of y" Gait within 48 hours heirefter, under y^ 
 pain of schurging and burning of y^ scheike." (Buik of the 
 Kirk of Canagait, Sept. 31, 1564.) In all instances in 
 which any civil penalty is added this form of expression 
 is used, — The following minute refers to the determining 
 of controversies by arbitration. " Dec. 8, 1565. The q"' 
 day it is ordanit the communion to be ministrat upon the 
 16th of y» instant also to advertise communicants to be at 
 the Saterday exortation efter-nune. The q"' day it is or- 
 danit that gif thair be onie persones have onye gruge of 
 hatrit or malice or ony oifense in his heart aganis his 
 broder that they and ifk ane of them come on tisday in 
 the morning at 8 ho's to the Tolbo* where 4 of the Kirk 
 shall be present to juge the offense and gif that it stands 
 in them to reconseil the same y= said four to be .Tohne 
 hart Johne short Jhone Mordo Johne Atchison Thomas 
 hunter James Wilkie or ony four of thir." (Ibid. Dec. 
 8, 1565.) At Glasgow the Session was accustomed to pro- 
 ceed in certain cases by way of inquest, or trial by jury. 
 "Nov. 14, 1583. the Session appoint an inquest to be 
 taken of men who are neither Elders nor Deacons for this 
 year, out of the several parts of the town." This was 
 
 done generally every year, and the practice is mentioned 
 in the minutes as late as 1643. The request is ordinarily 
 made up of 13 honest men, and in some cases women are 
 employed. (Extracts, ut supra : p. 42, 43.) 
 
 The following minute may be given as an illustration 
 of the method of privy censures in sessions. " Tlie q"' 
 day being appointit to try y* lyfe and conveisation of y* 
 haill memberis of y* Sessioun, alsweill ministeris as elderis 
 & deaconis, Mr David Blak minister being remouit, there 
 is nathing objectit aganis him, bot all y° brethren praises 
 God of him, and y' he may continew in his seit. M 
 Robert Wallace being remouit, y* brethrein thankia God 
 for him, bot it is desyrit of him y' he may be mair diligent 
 & careful! over y* maneris of y'= people, & in visiting of 
 y" seik. M Rob' Zwill being remouit thair is nathing 
 opponit aganis him in lyfe doctrein nor conversation, bot 
 he is to be admonisit of multiplicatione of wordis in his 
 doctrine and y' his nottis be in few wordis y' y" people 
 may be mair edifyit. Mr Androw Meluill being remouit, 
 y is nathing opponit aganis him, bot y^ haill brethrein 
 thankis God for him. M' Dauid Monypenny being re- 
 mouit y'' is nathing opponit aganis him. M W"" Welwod 
 being remouit thair is nathing aganis him. y" Commis' 
 remouit nathing opponit. Dauid Murray & Duncan Bal- 
 four y is nathing opponit except Dauid Murray payis na 
 thing to y* contributionis of y" puir. And as to Duncan 
 Balfour fait is fund w' him y' he being ane elder suld be 
 in company w' thame y' brak vpe y^ tolbuth dur & electit 
 ye counsell tyme of sermone vpon Weddinsday. forder 
 y*" muithir of Pareis being laid to his charge becaus he 
 wes in companie in ye kingis seruice at y' tyme. Quharof 
 ye said Duncane purges him selfe in conscience as also of 
 cuming w' y' kingis commissioun to stay ye doctrein in 
 ye new college. M" W" [and] Henry Russell Andro Wel- 
 wood being remouit, y'' is fait fund with M'' W™ being (sic J 
 suld pass to ye synodall assemblie w'out command of y* 
 sessioun, and y' y is ane sklander betwix M"^ Henry and 
 his father, and y' Andrew Welwod mend his rasche speiking 
 in ye sessioun. Mr Wm Russel purgit him of ye thing 
 laid to his charge ; Androw Welwod promisit to amend." 
 (Record of Kirk Session of St. Andrews, March 2, 1596.) 
 
 Note HH. p. 279. 
 
 Presbyterial exercises, and trial of ministers. — The 
 following extracts illustrate the mode of procedure in the 
 ordinary exercise. " It is ordanit that Mr. Ro' Rollock sail 
 mak ane catalogue of the young men quhom he thinks 
 meitt to exerceis, and that they quha sail come to the p*"'* 
 be sittaris, and no' standeris. Ordanis that all the brethrene 
 of the ministerie w'in this presbytcrie sail convene in dew 
 tyme, and sit at the burdes vnder the pains contanit in y** 
 actis of ye p'^^''^, and that nane be absent w'out ane lawful! 
 excus, and that y* catalog be red, the absents markii, and 
 the neist day censurit. Ordanis the first speikar sail occupy 
 na langer time nor an ho'', the second half an hour preciselie 
 vnder the panes to be censured gif he transgress, and that 
 the prayer before and efter the exerceis be schort." (Record 
 of the Presbytery of Edinburgh, Nov. 8, 1597.) " Oct. 27, 
 1598. Maister Dauid Robertsone maid ye exercise upone 
 ye first cap. Esay v. 3. and vas allowit and Mr. Peter 
 Blackburne addit, quha followis nixt;" i. e. makes the ex- 
 ercise next week. (Record of Presbytery of Aberdeen.) 
 " April 23, 1602. Johne Mylnc made the exercise — admo- 
 nisit to studle diligentlie and to have a feling of that q"' he 
 delyverit. — "Nov. 26, 1602. Robert Forbes maid the ex- 
 ercise, quha was admonisit to eschew affectat language, and 
 to utter his words w' gretar force." (Ibid.) " Dec. 8, 1616. 
 Prophesie maid be Mr. Rob* Backanq", 1 Cor. 14, v. 8. 
 Followed Mr. George Greir in observations upon the text 
 exponed. Doctrein judged, it was ordeined Mr. Andro 
 Blackball to expone in the first place, and Mr. Thomas Bal- 
 lantyne to observe in the second place. 1 Cor. 14, v. 10." 
 (Rec. of Prcsb. of Haddington.) " Dec. 4. 1593. Mr. Andro 
 Polwart (and six other young men) put on the privie exer- 
 cise." (Rec. of Presb. of Glasgow.) " Junij 18, 1600. 
 A remembrance concerning the brethren that teiches in 
 privat hous. Mr. Alex'' grcg heard this day in the gallery. — 
 April 29, 1601. He is to be heard in Mr. James Carmichael's 
 
400 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 gallery." (Presb. of Haddington.) " May 8, 1608. Mr. 
 James Carmichael younger heard privile exerces y' secund 
 tyme upone Ephes. 6. 12. The Bre" praysit God for him, 
 and appoynit him to exerceis privihe the next in y^ morning 
 in y^ galrie, prosecuting the samine text." (Ibid.) The 
 General Assembly, in March, 1 572-3, agreed, " That sick 
 ministers as hes not q'^weth to buy bookes may have bookes 
 bought to y" be y^ collector, and to allow ye pryces yof 
 in y^ stipend. (Buik of Univ. Kirk, p. 56.) " Oct. 20, 
 1598. It is agreit by y" haile prcsbitrie thair be a collection 
 gatherit amongis y^ brelhrein and of y* penaleteis to by 
 comentareis vpon y' text of y* exerceis quhilk sail serue to 
 everie ane of y^ presbyterie quha hes nane in tym cumlg. — 
 Feb. 23, 1598. Item the said day of the Moderator col- 
 lected fra every minister of the presbyterie sex shillings 
 audit pennies for the bying of Molerus vpone Isay, and 
 delyuerit the same to John roche coUecto'' to giff y^ buikar." 
 (Rec of Presb. of Aberdeen.) 
 
 In October, 1581, the Provincial Synod of Lothian rep- 
 resented that they had agreed to have disputations in every 
 presbytery on the articles in controversy with the papists, 
 and moved that the general Assembly should appoint the 
 form to be observed. The assembly " thinks thir disputations 
 good q" they may be bad." (Buik of Univ. Kirk, ff. 1 15, 1 16.) 
 In March, 1597-8, it is appointed, '■ that a common heid 
 of religioun be intreatit every moneth in ilk p^'''' both by 
 way of discourse and disputation." (Ibid. f. 191, b.) The 
 way in which this exercise was conducted will appear from 
 the following minutes. " .\prilis 7 1602. The q"' day y' 
 common heid, De Authenticis Scripturarum editionibus et 
 Versionibus Sacrisque Vernaculis, beina; first handillit pub- 
 lictlie before y^ pepil be Mr. John Gibson, they disputit 
 priuielie. It was fund Quod sola hebraica editio Vateris 
 Testamenti et Graeca noui sit authentica editio Scripturse et 
 q'' necessariu sit scripturas converti oniaque sacra peragi 
 public cori populo in ecclesia vemaculo sermone. The 
 next cOmoun heid De Authoritate Scripturae was appointit 
 to James Lamb to be entreattit y^ secund Wednesday of 
 May approaching." " Junij 2. The controvertit heid De 
 authoritate S. Scripturse being first publicly entreated before 
 y pepill be James lamb his text being upon y° 2 epistill to 
 Timothe 3 cap. 16 vers. Q'^ being censurit — The Brethren 
 per vices everie ane enterit in thair disputatioun in Latine 
 anent y^ same mater according to y" ordinance of provincial 
 assemblic." (Record of Presb. of Haddington.) The 
 member who delivered the discourse on the common head 
 sustained his thesis in the dispute against the other members 
 of presbytery. (Ibid. July 4, 1602, and March 2, 1603.) 
 "Jan. 6, 1603. The quhilk daye M' Peter blackburne 
 intreatit vpone the comoun heid of cotroverzie De Ecclesia 
 q'in he did mervellous and y''foir was comendit. (Rec. of 
 Presb. of Aberdeen.) 
 
 The General Assembly which began on the 31st of March, 
 1589, appointed all the ministers of the church to be tried 
 de novo, and nominated certain individuals as assistants to 
 each presbytery in this work. (Act inserted in the Minutes 
 of Presb. of Haddington, Nov. 5, 1589. (In consequence of 
 this a rigid examination commenced, of which the following 
 extracts will convey some idea. " Tryall be passages of 
 Scripture and questions. — Mr Thomas MacgJue. His 
 passage of Scripture 46 Isai vnto y' 5 verse, exponit and 
 collectit the same and y'cfter removit. The Brethrcne 
 censurit. he is jugeit to be weiil verst w' the Scriptures. Be- 
 ing examined vpon y* authoritie of the Scriptures he is tho' 
 prompt to confound the enemies of the trewth w' the word 
 of God and guid [doctrine] — 28 Julij at Morning. James 
 Gibione. Haiffing teicheit publiklie at his appointit hour 
 being [removed] he was judgeit to haue done weill. Zit he 
 omittit what he promesit to defyne As also he repeated 
 sundrie impertinent [words] bayth in doctrine & prayer 
 Q'foir he is admonisit to be [ware of them.] — Thomas Greg: 
 28 Julij at efVirnown. His passage of Scripture 3 to the 
 Gaiathians vnto the 4 verse expounding y° samin was 
 removit. He is jugeit to have done weill and it appciris he 
 is versed with y' Scripturis Being examinat as followis, It 
 is not ane fait to Godis pepill to embrace the thingis that 
 God commandis Ergo it is not ane fait to the Christians to 
 keip the Ceremonial law : 2. Quhiddcr gif the pepil war 
 
 justifeit by the Ceremonies of the Law : 3. Quhidder ar we 
 . justifeit be fay' or be warkis or partlie be warkis. 4. We 
 cane not be justifiet be that alane q''^ is never alane hot fay' 
 is never allane thairfoir we cane not be justifiet be fay' allane : 
 Of the q'^* he onderstandis the argumentis & answerit y'to 
 howbeit he be not verst in logik. — Jamis Rid. 22 Octobris. 
 Jamis Rid being hard mak privie exercise the bretheren 
 judges he hes done better nor affoir. Zit he hes not cleirlie 
 exponit the text q'^foir he is desyrit to be mair popular q'^ he 
 promesis to do God willing protesting that at his next hciring 
 he may be hard at mair length to the effect he may collect 
 his doctrene mair amplie in the place q"' cane not be done 
 in half ane hour to satisfie for the descriptioun of ane ample 
 text. — 
 
 The sentences pronouncet 
 JJ/r. Jamis Carmichaell meit to be contineuit in the 
 ministrie in a bettir degrie. — Mr. Johne Ker unmeit to be 
 continewit Thairfor deposes [him from the] function of the 
 ministrie Zit the brethern jugeis that [if he be] occupyit 
 w' his book he may do better heirafter. — Jamis Lamb meit 
 to be continewit in the ministrie in the lawest missour. — 
 Daniel Wallace meit to be continewit in ane law missour. — 
 Jamis Rid unmeit to be continewit Thairfoir [deposes him 
 from the] function of the ministrie for the present — Thomas 
 Gregge meit to be continewit in ane gude degree. — Mr 
 Thomas Macghie meit to be continewit in ane bettir degrie. 
 — Alexander forrester meit to be continewit in some rea- 
 sonable degrie. — James Gibsone meit to be continewit in 
 ane reasonable gude missour." (Rec. of Presb. of Had- 
 dington.) 
 
 Note II. p. 282. 
 
 Extraordinary meeting of delegates from counties. — 
 The following curious deed throws light upon the nature 
 and purposes of this meeting. 
 
 "At Glasgow the allevint day of October y^ zeir of God 
 jmyc fourescoir thrcttein zeires. The quhilk day the nobill- 
 men baronis gentlemen ministeris comissioneris of y' sref- 
 domes and burrowis wndervrittin viz Lanerk renfrew and 
 Dumbartane and of y^ presbitereis yairof being convenit 
 according to y" bande maid be our sourane lord & his 
 estatis for matemente of y' trew religioun presctlie professit 
 w4n this realme and defens of his hienes persoun and 
 estait and being informit of y" covening of y° nobillme 
 barronis getlme and ministeris of fyfe and wtheris partis 
 of this realme for prosecuting of y' said bande And that 
 y® sevintein daye of this instat is appointtit to y= said 
 convening & that certane comissoneris of everie province 
 salbe direct to meit in y" bur' of Edinburt for cosulting and 
 avysing wpoun y" following fur' and prosecuting of y' said 
 bande Heirfore y* saidis nobillme barronis gctcllme «& 
 ministeris of y^ srefdomes Ibirsaidis hes maid constitut & 
 ordanit & be thir presetes makis constitutes & ordanis the 
 lard of calderwood, tlie lard of merchistoun, the gud man of 
 Duchall, the lard of greinoh, M Ro' Liudsaye M Jon 
 Hewesoun M Johne Haye M Johne Couper & M Patrik 
 Scharp ministeris or ony thre of y' saidis ministeris thair 
 lautfull and wndowtit comissioneris to covein & meit at 
 Edinbur' y*^ daye foirsaid or ony wther daye or place appoint- 
 tit or to be appointtit and tboirto cocurre w' y' comission- 
 eris of yo wther srefdomes «& provinces of this realme thair 
 to be assembht and to give thair advyse and cosale in sik 
 causs coceming y° following furt of y' said bande & wthe- 
 ris cOcerning y'= glorie of God, the preseruatioun of his 
 maiestie persoun and estait & comounweiil of y« cotrey 
 as salbe treated aad as salbe cocludit to promise in y*^ names 
 of y^ nobillme barronis & getilme of y" srefdomes foirsaidis 
 and burrowis w'in y' samy to follow fur' the determinatiouns 
 of y' comissioneris foirsaidis, q'^ yaj and euerie ane of 
 thame wpoun thair cosience &, bono"* hes faitfullie promesit 
 to do and performe. and y" said nobillme & barronis & 
 getilme & ministeris foirsaid hes gevin comand & power 
 to y* clerk of y' kirk & presbitrie of Glasgw to insert thir 
 preaentis in y'' buikes of y" buikis of y*^ said presbitrie 
 and to extract y'= samy y'furt subscryvit be him for y as gif 
 thaj had subscryvit y" »amy yame selfis." (Record of 
 Presbytery of Glasgow.) 
 
NOTES. 
 
 401 
 
 Note KK. p. 291. 
 
 Black's Process. — " Anent the charge gevin be vertew 
 of our souerane Lordis Lres to Maister dauid blak minister 
 at Sanctandrois to haue compeirit pcrsonalie befoir the Kin- 
 gis maiestie and lordis of secreit counsaill this day viz the 
 xviii day of nouember instat, To haue answrit to sic thingis 
 as sould haue bene inquirit of him ac his cwming Tuiche- 
 ing certane vndecent and vncumelie speiches vtterit be him 
 in diuers his sermonis maid in Sanctandrois, vnder the pain 
 of RebeUioun and putting of him to y'= home w"* certificane 
 to him and he failzeit Lres sould be direct simp'' to putt him 
 thairto, Lyke as at mair Lenth is cotenit in y° saidis Lres 
 executionis and indorsationis thairof. Q"' being caliit, and 
 the said maister dauid compeirand personalie, Declairit that 
 albeit he micht obiect aganis the summondis as being direct 
 super inquirendis Contrair the act of parliament, na particu- 
 lair cans specifeit thairin, zit he wald tak him to the ordi- 
 nair remeid appointit be the Lawis and Libertie of the Kirk, 
 allegeing that nane sould be iugeis to materis deliuerit in 
 pulpett, bot the preicheouris and ministeris of the worde, 
 And thairforc desirit to be Remiltit to his iuge ordinair, Qu- 
 hairupoun being inquirit be his maiestie to quhat iugement 
 he declynit, answrit to the presbiterie quhair the doctrine 
 wes teicheit quhair his maiestie sould be a complenair in the 
 first instance as a Christcane and member of the kirk, and 
 not as a King. Allegeit be his Maiestie, That this mater is 
 altogidder ciuile and no' spiritual!, And forder that the gen- 
 eralitie of the summondis is restrictit to this particulair 
 expressit in this vther Lre heirwith produceit be the inglis 
 ambassadour, Being inquirit, quidder gif his maiestie micht 
 be iuge in materis of tressoun as the kirk is iuge in materis 
 of heresie, Grantis, zit allegeit That the wordis deliuerit in 
 pulpett, albeit allegeit to be trcssounable, sould be tryit in 
 prima instancia be the Kirk as onlie iuge competent. To the 
 contrair quhairof The act of parliament- maid in the Ixxxiij 
 zeir of god wes allegeit, To the dirogatioun of the quhilk 
 act Maister dauid produceit ane vther act in the parliament 
 haldin at edinburgh in the Ixxxxij zeir of god, Being 
 inquirit quhat warrand thay had oute of the wordc of God, 
 for materis spokin aganis a christeane magrilt. Allegeit 
 quhateuir is spokin to be spirituall, And thairfore mon be 
 reulit be the worde of god, and for this purpois allegeit the 
 first of Timothie Continewit to the Last of nouember 
 instant, And M'' dauid ordanit To remane heir in the mean- 
 tyme." (Record of Privy Council, Nov. 18, 1596.) 
 
 The Interloquitor, declaring the Lords of Council judges 
 competent of all the crimes libelled in the new and enlarged 
 summons, was passed on the last day of November. And 
 on the 2d of December, a Decreet was passed finding Black 
 guilty of all the articles libelled, and ordaining him to con- 
 fine himself beyond the North Water till his Majesty 
 should determine on his farther punishment. (Record of 
 Privy Council.) 
 
 Note LL. 
 
 299. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Ttig-hts of Professors of Divinity ^ — It 
 was reported to the General Assembly in April, 1582, " that 
 ane elderschip (presbytery) is begun already at St androes 
 of pastouris and teachers bot not of those that hes not the 
 cure of teaching." (Buik of Univ. Kirk, f. 118, b.) By the 
 General assembly. May 1586, " It is found that all such as 
 tiie scripture appoints governors of the Kirk of God, as 
 namclie pastors, doctor^,, and ciders, may convene to gene- 
 rall assemblies, and vote in ecclesiastical matters." (Ibid. f. 
 139, b.) Being constituent members of (he presbyteries 
 within whose bounds they resided, doctors or professors of 
 divinity might be sent hy them, as well as by their univer- 
 sities, as representatives to the General Assembly. In conse- 
 quence of a complaint from the Synod of Fife that this right 
 had been infringed, it was recognized anew by the Assembly 
 which met at Holyroodhouse in the year 1602, and at 
 which his Majesty was present. (Ibid. f. 203, a.) One rea- 
 son of Rollock's being admitted one of the ministers of Edin- 
 burgh, soon after the meeting of the commissioners at St. 
 Andrews, might be to exempt him from the restriction in- 
 tended to be laid on all theological professors. On that 
 occasion Bruce at first objected to receiving imposition of 
 3 A 
 
 hands, as implying that he had not previously a valid call to 
 the ministry. Patrick Sympson, in a letter dated May 1, 
 1598, says : "I perceive that Mr Rob. Rollock stands much 
 on the lacke of ordination in your ministry, which makes me 
 marvail how he could call himself a minister of Christs 
 Eva7ijel at Ed, in his Analysis upon the Epistle to the Ro- 
 mans, and in the mean time wanting ordination to that min- 
 istry, if this flbrm of ordination which we want be so essen- 
 tial as he speaks." (Wodrow's life of Bruce, p. 35 : MSS 
 vol. 1.) But I do not think that Rollock, in 1593, when he 
 published the book referred to, was a minister in the same 
 sense as Bruce and Symson were : I mean that he was not 
 properly the pastor of a Congregation. In consequence of a 
 petition from the town, the presbytery had authorized him 
 to preach the morning lecture in one of the churches. 
 (Rec. of Presb. of Edin. Sept. 5, 1587.) But it was not till 
 the beginning of the year 1598, that he " was admittil to be 
 ane of the aught ordinar ministers of this bur'." (Reg. of 
 Town Council, Jan. 25, 1597.) 
 
 Note MM. p. 300. 
 
 Character of David Black. — Spotswood says, that " Mr. 
 Black was summoned" before the commissioners. (Hist. p. 
 448.) But James Melville who was one of the commission- 
 ers, says, " Mr. Robert Wallace was proceidit against and re- 
 movit from St And" be sum form of kinglie commissione, 
 proceiding and process. Hot JMr. David Black -was never 
 anes called, and yet, of mere kinglie power, it behovit him 
 to be debarrit Sr And'^'." (Diary, p. 314.) Spotswood farther 
 says, " that the elders and deacons of the church — all upon 
 oath deponed that the accusations were true, and that 
 Blake had spoken all that whereof he was convicted before 
 the Councel. — And they declared that both the one and the 
 other were given to factions, and that they did not 
 carry themselves with that indifferency which became 
 preachers." Yet the archbishop had himself stated, a little 
 before, that Black presented to the privy council, as a proof 
 of the falsehood of the charges, two testimonials, the one 
 subscribed by the provost, bailies, and council, and the other 
 by the rector, dean of faculty, and professors of the univer- 
 sity. (Hist. p. 425. Comp. Rec. of Privy Council, ult. Nov. 
 1596.) Now several of the magistrates and of the profes- 
 sors were at that time members of session.- But this is not 
 all. The following extracts from the minutes of session 
 prove that the elders and deacons felt the highest respect and 
 regard for Black. 
 
 Die 710710 Jatiiiarii, 1596. 
 The qlk day, Mr. Robert Wallace, Mr. David Monypenny 
 and Mr. Robert Zule, ar ordenit to pas to y"^ coonsall of y^ 
 toun and desyr ane supplication to his M. for relief of Mr. 
 David Blak y"" pastor, and als order to be takin for serving 
 of Mr. David Blakeis cuir q" he cum hame, and yat older 
 may be taken w' y'' parochin q" he cum hame qlkis ar now 
 all gane lous. 
 
 Die xix"° Martii, 1596. 
 The qlk day y sessioun hes statut that y^ clerk uret ane 
 bill and missive in y' names to Mr. David Blak, y'' minister 
 to give him thankes for his last V of recommendatione send 
 be him to yame, as also to shaw him y' y" kinges ma. is 
 desyrus to confer w' him, and y' he send his awin supplica- 
 tione to his ma. to obtain licens to cum to his ma. to y' ef- 
 fect. And to schaw to y*^ said Mr. David y' q* lyis in thair 
 power to farther his hame cuming they sail do y" samin w' 
 his awin advys, and to schaw him ye townis commissionaris, 
 send to his ma. for his delyuerance, resauit y" samin ans"" of 
 his ma. 
 
 Siipplicationc for j[Ir David Blak. 
 
 Die viii, Maij, 1597. 
 The q'^ day, y" sessioun of Sanctandrois hes ordanit ane 
 supplicatione to be send to y'' generall assemblie convenit to 
 morne at Dundie requesting thair godlie w. to interseid to 
 his ma. to grant licens to Mr. David Blak thair [minister] to 
 be restorit and admittit to cum hame to this citie to use his 
 functioun of v" ministrie as he was wont to do befoir and 
 becaus y" bailzies and sum otheris of y'= elderis and deconis 
 wes n' present to consent heireto the sessioun ordanit Alex. 
 26 
 
403 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Winchester, Martyn Lumsdane, George Cristie, Robert 
 
 W^soun, & Charlis Watsoun clerk to pas w' y' said suppli- 
 catione to Ihame & otheris zealous men of this citie to in- 
 quir of thame to subscryve y° said supplicationc, & request 
 for y* pastor aforesaid, & for his hame cuniing again. 
 
 Melville's poem on Black's death may be seen in Delit. 
 Poet. Scot. torn. ii. p. 8 1 — 84. There are two encomiastic 
 poems on him by Hume of Godscroft. (Lusus Poetici, 
 p. 53 — 55.) " Mr. David Black min'' of St, Andrews" ob- 
 tained a decree for an " annual rent of aucht bolls victual — 
 furth of the lands of lochschedis," which he inherited from 
 " umqll Henry Blak burges of y"= bruch of Perth, father to 
 the said complainer." (Act Buik of the Commissariot of 
 St. Andrews, July 18, 1594.) 
 
 Note NN. p. 308 
 
 Baailicon Dorott. — According to Spotswood, this work 
 was shown to Melville in MS. and in consequence of ex- 
 tracts from it being laid before the Synod of Fyfe, his Ma- 
 jesty published it in the course of that year, 1699. (Hist, 
 p. 457.) But this is contradicted, by the account which 
 James has himself given in his apologetic preface to the 
 second edition, and which I have followed in the text. I 
 have now before me a copy of the first edition, belonging 
 to Archibald Constable, Esq. Edinburgh ; and I have no 
 doubt that it is one of the seven copies (perhaps the 
 only one now existing) to which that edition was lim- 
 ited. Its title is, " BA21AKON AnPON. Devided into three 
 Bookes Edinbvrgh % Printed by Robert Walde-gr»u€ Prin- 
 ter to the Kings Majestic. 1599." X in fours. It is beau- 
 tifully printed in a large Italic letter. Prefixed to it are two 
 sonnets, the tirst of which, entitled " The Dedication of the 
 booke," is not to be found in the subsequent editions. I 
 haye seen no reason to think that it was reprinted until 
 1603, in the course of which year it went through three edi- 
 tions ; all of them, probably, published after the death of 
 Elizabeth. If this was the fact, the wonderful influence 
 which Spotswood says it had in promoting James's accession 
 must have been ex post facto. I have not seen it mentioned 
 between 1599 and 1603. One of the seven copies might 
 be conveyed to some of the courtiers of Elizabeth in the 
 secret correspondence which James carried on with them 
 during that interval ; but they had other reasons than his 
 merits as an author for favouring his title. 
 
 On comparing the first edition with the subsequent ones, 
 I find that alterationa were made on the work. For though 
 all the charges against the Scottish preachers are retained in 
 substance, James found it necessary to drop or soften some 
 of his most unguarded and harsh expressions, and to give 
 an ambiguous turn to the sentences which had created the 
 greatest ofience. For example, in the original edition (p. 
 8, 9,) he says : " If my conscience had not resolued me, all 
 my religion was grounded upon the plaine words of the scrip- 
 ture, I had neuer outwardly avowed it, for pleasure or awe of 
 the vaine pride of some sedicious Preachours." In the 
 edition printed at London in 1603, (p. 5,) that sentence 
 
 ends " I had neuer outwardlie auowed it, for pleasure 
 
 or awe of any fJesh." "The reformation of religion in 
 
 Scotland, being made by a popular tumult and rebellion 
 (as wel appeared by the destruction of our policie) and not 
 proceeding from the Princes ordour, &c." (P. 46, orig. ed.^) 
 " The reformation of Religion in Scotland, being extra- 
 ordinarily -wrought by God, loherein many things luere 
 inordinately dune by a populare tumult and rebellion 
 of such as blindly -were doing the loorke of God but 
 clogged -ivith their own passions and particular res- 
 pects," &c. (P. 31, cd. 1603.)— "Take heede therefore 
 (my Sonne) to these Puritanes, verie pestes in the Church and 
 common-weill of Scotland ; whom (Ay long experience') 
 I have found, no deserts can oblish," «&c. (P. 49, orig. 
 ed.) " Take heed therefore (my Son) to stick Pvritans, verie 
 pestes in the Church and common-weale, whom no deserts 
 can oblige," «&c. (P. 84, ed, 1603.) The following sen- 
 tence of the original edition (p. 51 ,) was afterwards omitted : 
 " And the first that raileth against you, punish with the 
 rigour of the lawe ; for I haue else in my days bursten them 
 with over-much reason. ' The following sentence respecting 
 those who ** nveddle w*;i the policie in the pulpite," is also 
 
 omitted : "But snibbe sukerlle the first minteth to it: And 
 (if he like to appeale or declync) when ye haue taken order 
 with his heade, his brethren may (if they please) powle his 
 haire and pare his nayles as the King my Grandefather said 
 of a Priest." (P. 107, 108.) The following character of 
 the Islanders of Scotland is dropped : " Thinke no other of 
 them all, then as Wolues and Wild Boares." (P. 43.) 
 
 Note 00. p. 302 
 
 Writings of James Melville. — Under the year 1591, he 
 gives the following account of what was most probably his 
 first publication. " Then did I first put in Print some of my 
 poesie, to wit, the description of the Spanyarts Naturall out 
 of Jul"* ScaHger, w' sum exhortationes for warning of kirk 
 and countrey." (Diary, p. 225.) In a short history of his 
 life at Anstruther, prefixed to his Diary, he says : " In the 
 year 1598 I cawsit print my Catechisme for the profit 
 of my peiple and bestowit y^pon fyve hunder marks 
 quhilk God moved the hart of a maist godlie and lowing 
 frind to frelie offer to me in len for y' effect: of the [quhilk] 
 I remean addettit, hot could never to ray knowledge attein 
 to a hunder marks again for the bulks." (lb. p. 10.) This 
 rare book was published under the following title : " A 
 Spirilvall Propine of a Pastour to his People. Heb. 5. 12. 
 You whom it behooued, &c. Jam. 1. 19, 21, 22. And sa 
 my beloued brethren, «Scc. [Edinburgh, Printed by Robert 
 Walde-graue Printer to the Kings Maicstie, Cum Privilegio 
 Regio."]* It is in quarto, and consists of 127 pages. On the 
 back of the title-page are " Contents of the Buik." The 
 Epistle Dedicatorie is addressed " To the Reverende Fath- 
 ers and Brethren, Elders of the Congregation of Kilrinny, 
 and haill flocke committed to their gouernement."- " Receiue 
 Reuerende Fathers, louing brethren, and deir flock, this 
 Spirituall Propine : conteining in short summe the substance 
 of that exercise of try all, wherewith ye are acquainted in 
 dayly doctrine, before ye communicate at the Table of the 
 Lorde, togidder with the grounds of the doctrine of godlinesse 
 and saluation, contryued in a peece of not vnpleasand 
 and verie profitable Poesie," &c. It is dated " From 
 Ansteruther, the 20 day of Nouember, 1598. Your Pastor, 
 louing and faithful be the grace of God vnto the death, 
 James Malvili.." Then follow sonnets, commendatory 
 of the work, by M. R. D. [Mr. Robert Dury] M. I. D. [Mr. 
 John Davidson] A. M. [Andrew Melville] M. I. I. [Mr. 
 John Johnston] M. W, S. [Mr. William Scot] M. I. C. 
 and M, I. C. [probably Mr. John and Mr. James Carmi- 
 chael.] They are all in Scotch, except that subscribed A. M, 
 which is in Latin, and accompanied with a translation, prob- 
 ably by James Melville. The first part of the work is in 
 prose, and consists of prayers and meditations suited to dif- 
 ferent occasions, directions for self-examination, and " the 
 forme of tryall and examination, taken of all sik as ar admit- 
 ted to the Table of the Lord," in question and answer. The 
 second part is in poetry, and is introduced by the following 
 title : " A Morning Vision : or Poem for the Practise of Pietie, 
 in Devotion, Faith and Repentance : Wherein the Lords 
 Prayer, Beleefe, and Commands, and sa the whole Cat- 
 echisme, and right vse thereof, is largely exponed." It is pre- 
 faced by a metrical dedication to " James the sext, king of 
 Scottes, and Prince of Poets in his language ;" and contains, 
 among other devotional and moral pieces, a singular compo- 
 sition, set to music, and entitled, " Celeusma Navticvm ; 
 The Seamans Shovte or mutual! exhortation, to ga forward in 
 the spirituall voyage." 
 
 In giving an account of treatises against the imposition 
 of prelacy on the Church of Scotland, Row says : " I have 
 also seen a little poem in print, called the Black Bastill, 
 or a Lamentation of the Kirk of Scotland, compiled by 
 Mr James Melville, sometime Minis' at Anstruther and now 
 confyned in England, 1611." (Hist. p. 311, 312.) I have 
 not met with a copy of the printed work, but a MS. volume, 
 communicated to me by Robert Graham, Esq. contains a 
 poem which I have no doubt is a transcript of that to which 
 Row refers. It is entitled, The Blackbastall, and consists 
 of 93 stanzas. Prefixed to it is the date, " November, 1611." 
 
 The following stanzas form part of the exordium. 
 
 * The imprint Is supplied from the title to the second pan. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 403 
 
 The air was cleart w* quhyt and sable clouds, 
 
 Hard froist, w' frequent schours of hail and snow, 
 
 Into y'' nicht the stormie vind with thouds 
 
 And balfouU billows on y' sea did blaw : 
 
 Men beastis and fouUs vnto thair bcilds did draw ; 
 
 Fain than lo find the fruct of simmer thrift, 
 
 Quhen clad with snaw was sand, wodd, crag and clift. 
 
 I satt at fyre weill guyrdit in my goun, 
 The starving sparrows at my window cheipid, 
 To reid ane quhyle I to my book was boun : 
 In at ane panne, the pretty progne peipped, 
 And moved me for fear I sould haue sleiped, 
 To ryse and sett ane keasment oppen wyd, 
 To sie give robein wald cum in and byde. 
 
 Puir progne, sueitlie I haue hard ye sing 
 Thair at my window one the simmer day ; 
 And now sen wintar bidder dois ye bring 
 I pray y* enter in my hous and stay 
 Till it be fair, and than thous go thy way. 
 For trewlie thous be treated courteouslie 
 And nothing thralled in thy libertie. 
 
 Cum in, sueit robin, welcum verrilie. 
 Said I, and doun I satt me be the fyrc, 
 Then in cums robein reibreist mirrelie 
 And souppis and lodgis at my harts desyre : 
 But one y« morne I him perceaved to tyre ; 
 For phebus schyning sueitlie him aliurd. 
 I gaue him leif, and furth guid robein furd. 
 
 The poet betakes himself to his meditations, and sees " full 
 cleirUe in ane visioun," 
 
 Ane woman with ane cumlie countenance. 
 With ferdit face and garisch in altyre. 
 Ane croun of glas vpone hir held did [glance], 
 Hir clothes war collourit contrair hir [desyre], 
 Ane heavy yock layd on hir neck and [lyre], 
 Of reid ane scepter in hir hand she buir : 
 In riche aray yit sillie, leane and puir. 
 
 Hoised up one hie upone a royal throne 
 Thair feirclie satt abone the woman's head 
 (Which held hir under feir and all undone 
 As presoner) ane rampand Lyon reid : 
 This lyon craftie foxes tua did leid : 
 And round about hir threttcin wolves danced. 
 To haue the keiping of hir scheip advanced. 
 
 After the leopard, " the Lyons grit lieutenant," (the Earl of 
 Dunbar,) has fenced the court, and a wolf, "clad in silk," 
 has made " ane preitching all of woU and milk," the Lion 
 (the King) is declared supreme, and at his will and pleasure 
 the wolves (the bishops) are set over the flock ; on which 
 the captive lady breaks out into a " heavie Lamentation," 
 which occupies the rest of the poem. 
 
 In the same MS. is another poem (of 69 stanzas) on the 
 same subject with the preceding, evidently composed by 
 James Melville, and entitled, " Thrie may keip counsell 
 give twa be away ; or Eusebius, Democritus, Heraclitus." 
 Democritus says : 
 
 I laucht to sie how lords ar maid of louns. 
 
 And how thai ar intretted in our touns. 
 
 Quher sumtyme thai war fain for to reteir thame 
 
 For rocks and stoannes of wyffis that came so near thamc. 
 
 I laucht to sie thame now sett ouer the flocks 
 
 Who came to cowrt with thair auld muUis and sockis, 
 
 Quher thai war nocht regardit with ane sows 
 
 By king, by cowrt, nor any of his hous. 
 
 I laucht how Jon and George, who war most sclandrous, 
 
 Ar lords advanced of Glasgow and St Androus ; 
 
 How William, Androu, Sanders, and the laif. 
 
 By prejurie and playing of the knaif, 
 
 Ar sty Hit in God our fathers reuerend. 
 
 Who scarrs amongs our pastours trew war kend, 
 
 And justlie so, for now ar thai declynd 
 
 And ar becum men of contrarie mynd. 
 
 The Reverend William Blackie, minister of Yetholm, pos- 
 sessed a manuscript volume, which he has deposited in the 
 Advocates Library. It consists of poems in the Scottish 
 language by James Melville, and in the handwriting of 
 the author. They appear to have been all written by him 
 during his banishment. The greater part of them are expres- 
 sive of his feelings on the overthrow of the liberties of the 
 Church of Scotland, and the imprisonment and banishment 
 of his uncle. " A Preservative from Apostacie, or the Song 
 of Moses, the servant of God, Deut. xxxii. with short notes, 
 translated out of Hebrew and put in metre," is dedicated 
 " to the Church of Scotland in generall, and the people of the 
 paroch of Kilrennie in speciall." Then follows a long son- 
 net, entitled, " The Wandering Sheepe, or David's Tragique 
 Fall." The last poem in the volume is " The Keliefe of 
 the Longing Soule : The Song of Songs, which is Solomon's, 
 exponed by a large paraphrase of metre for memorie and 
 aften meditatioun." Prefixed to it is a dedication : " To his 
 lowing sister in Jesus Christ, M. Nicolas Murray, grace, 
 mercy and peace be multiplied. — London, Novemb. 5, 1606. 
 Y" much bound in Christ, James Melvill." The fol 
 lowing are specimens of the poetry in this volume. 
 
 To Mr. Andreiv Melvin. 
 O matchles Melvin, honour of our lands ! 
 How are we grieved and gladit with thy bands ! 
 We grieve to see sic men committ as thee, 
 We joy to hear how constantly thou stands 
 Pleading the cause of God cast in thy hands 
 Against this bastard brood of Bishoprie, 
 Whais ydle rites, pompe, pryd and graceless glore, 
 Justlie thou halts ; halt still, halt more and more. 
 
 Happie, thryse happie, Melvine, thoch in warde. 
 Men loves thy cause, God has it in regarde, 
 No prisone can thy libertie restraine 
 To speak the right, but * flatterie or but fairde, 
 Pure, plain, not mingled, maimed or impairde. 
 No brangled titles can thy honour staine. 
 Thy tell-truth fervent freedom wha would blame, 
 'Wrays but his awin fals, faint, or servile shame. 
 
 AT MH. AITDKKW MELTIN&'s fiOIIire TO TKAXCE, AFBIL 1611* 
 
 Mond a Venvers. 
 
 No marvell Scotland thow he like to tyn, 
 For thou lies lost thy honey and thy wine. 
 Thy strength, thy courage, and thy libertie, 
 Went all away, when as he went from thee. 
 In learning, upright zeall, religion trew. 
 He maister was, but now bid all a Dieu, 
 Be mute, you Scottish muses : no more verse ! 
 But sobbing say, Le mond est a I'envers. 
 
 In the MS volume entitled, Mehini Epistolse, is a transla- 
 tion into EngUsh verse of part of the Zodiacus Fitse of 
 Marcellus Palingenius : " Dedicat to the E. of D. ;" that is, 
 the Earl of Dunbar. It contains only Aries and part of Tau- 
 rus. There can be no doubt of its being the work of James 
 Melville. The MS. is in his handwriting, and on the mar- 
 gin is a number of variations. — His apology for the Church 
 of Scotland does not appear to have been printed till many 
 years after his death ; " Ad Serenissimum Jacobum Primvm 
 Britanniarvm Monarcham, Ecclesiae Scoticanae libellus sup- 
 plex, d^oxo^xTixoc x,xi oKo^vgTinoi. Auclore Jacobo Melvino 
 Verbi Dei Ministro, Domini Andrese Melvini tov tthmu ne- 
 pote. Londini, — 1645." 8vo. In the Advocates Library 
 are two poems in MS., " Funeral Tears," and a " Dialogue," 
 on the death of James Melville, written by Thomas Melville," 
 (Jac. V. 7. nos. 6, 7.) I subjoin the epitaph on him by his 
 uncle, printed at the end of the last mentioned book, which 
 is rare. 
 
 Epitaphium Auctoris, a Domino 
 
 Andrea Melvino conscriptum. 
 
 Chare nepos, de fratre nepos, mihi fratre, nepote 
 Charior, et quicquid fratre nepote queat 
 
   Without. 
 
404 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Charius esse usqaam ; quin me mihi charior ipso, 
 
 Et quicquid mihi me charius esse queat. 
 Consiliis auctor mihi tu, dux rebus agendis, 
 
 Cum privata, aut res publica agenda fuit. 
 Amborum mens una animo, corde una voluntas, 
 
 Corque unum in duplici corpore, et una anima. 
 Vna ambo vexati odiis immanibus, ambo 
 
 Dignati et Christi pro grege dura pati. 
 Dura pali, sed iniqua pati, sub crimine ficto, 
 
 Ni Christum, et Christi crimen amare gregem. 
 Qui locus, aut quse me hora tibi nunc dividat, idem 
 
 Hie locus, haBC me eadem dividat hora mihi. 
 Tune tui desiderium mihi triste relinquas ? 
 
 Qui prior hue veni, non prior hinc abeam 1 
 An sequar usque comes 1 sic, sic juvat ire sub astra. 
 
 Tecum ego ut exul eram, tecum ero et in patria. 
 Christus ubi caput, seternara nos poscit in aulam, 
 
 Arctius ut jungat nos sua membra sibi. 
 Induviis donee redivivi corporis artus 
 
 Vestiat, iliustrans luraine purpureo. 
 Sternum ut patrem, natumque et flamen ovantes, 
 
 Carmine perpetuo concelebremus, lo. 
 
 Note PP. p. 356. 
 
 Writing-3 of Aiidreio Melville. — I subjoin a list of his 
 printed works. 
 
 1. "Carmen Mosis — Andrea Melvino Scoto Avctore. 
 BasileiE. m.d. lxxiii." 8vo. (See above, p. 229, 230.) 
 
 2. "STE*ANI2KION. Ad Scotiae Regem, habitum in 
 Coronatione Reginae. Per Andream Mcluinum. — Edinbvrgi 
 1590." 4to. (See above, p. 271-72, 405.) 
 
 3. " Carmina ex Doctissimis Poetis Selecta, inter quos, 
 giiaedam Geo. Bitchanani et And. Jllelvini inseruntur. 
 1590." 8vo. (Ruddimanni Bibl. Roman, p. 71.) 
 
 4. " Principis Scoti-Britannorvm Natalia. Edinbvrgi — 
 1594." 4to. (See above, p. 294.) 
 
 5. "Theses Theologicfe de libero arbitrio. Edinburgi, 
 1597." 4to. (Sibbald, de Script. Scot. p. 42.) These might 
 be the Theses of some of his students. 
 
 6. " Scholastica Diatriba de Rebvs Divinis ad Anquiren- 
 dam et inveniendam veritatem, a candidatis S. Theol. 
 habenda (Deo volente) ad d. xxvi, et xxvii, Julij in Scholis 
 Theologicis Acad. Andreanse, Spiritu Sancto Prajside. D. 
 And. Melvino S, Theol. D. et illivs facultatis Decano 
 a-v^mrrns-iv moderante. Edinbvrgi, Excudeba Robertus Wal- 
 degraue Typographus Regius 1599." 4to. Pp. 16. (In Bibl. 
 Col. Glasg.) 
 
 7. " Gathelus, seu Fragmentum de origine Gentis Scoto- 
 rum." This poem was first printed along with " Jonstoni 
 Inscriptiones Historicse Regum Scotorum. Amstel. 1602." 
 
 8. " Pro supplici Evangelicorum Ministorum in Anglia — 
 Apologia, sive Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoria. Authore A. Mel- 
 vino. 1604." (See above, p. 313.) 
 
 9. Select Psalms turned into Latin verse, and printed 
 (probably at London) in 1609. (See above, p. 335.) 
 
 10. "Nescimus Qvid Vesper Servs Vehat. Satyra Menip- 
 piea Vincentii Liberii Hollandii. mdcxix." 4to. Pp. 35. 
 Anotlier edition was published in the year 1620. A copy 
 of each is in the British Museum. On the back of the title 
 is a letter, "Liberius Vincentius Hollandus Francisco de 
 Ingenuis S. P. D." dated "Amstelodami it. Idus S pt. 
 Anno a Christo nato m.dc.xix." I have not seen this work, 
 but from extracts which have been communicated to me, it 
 appears to be a satire partly in prose and partly in verse, 
 and refers much to the aflfairs of Venice. This last circum- 
 stance, taken in connexion with Melville's advanced age, 
 excites a suspicion that he was not the author. And yet if 
 he was not, it is strange that it should have been so gener- 
 ally ascribed to him both by Scottish and foreign writers. 
 (Barbier, Diet, des Ouvrages Anonymes et Pseudonymes, 
 tom. iii. p. 489. Charters's Acco. of Scots Divines, p. 4.) 
 It has also been ascribed to Nicholaus Crassus, a Venetian. 
 
 11. " Viri clarissimi A. Melvini Mvsae et P. Adamsoni 
 Vita et PaUnodia et Celss commissionis — descriptio. Anno 
 K.nc.xx." 4to. Pp. 67. Melville was not consulted in the 
 publication of these poems, nor was he the author (as has 
 often been inaccurately stated) of the tracts added to them. 
 Tn the epistle to the reader, the publisher says : " quia 
 
 absque eiu3 venia ; gratum illi an futurum sit hoc meum 
 studium nescio." — " Est yir iste clarissimus omni invidia et 
 exceptione major : virosque illustres Josephum Scaligerum, 
 Theodorum Bezam et alios habet laudum praecones: non 
 ideo opus est illi meo encomio. Tantum descripsi vitam 
 Adamsoni," &c. — John Adamson (afterwards Principal of 
 the College of Edinburgh) was employed in collecting Mel- 
 ville's fugitive poems, (see above, p. iig,) but whether he 
 or Caldewood was the publisher of the Miibx, I cannot 
 determine. 
 
 12. "De Adiaphoris. Scoti rau rv^cyro; AphorismL 
 Anno Domini 1622." 12mo. Pp. 20. (In Bibl. Jurid. 
 Edin.) 
 
 13. " Andreae Melvini Scotiae Topographia." This poem 
 is prefixed to the Theatrum Scotia in Bleaii's Atlas. 
 " 'Tis Buchanan's prose turned into elegant verse ;" says 
 Bishop Nicholson. (Scot. Hist. Lib. p. 18.) In a letter to 
 Sir John Scot of Scotstarvet, "u!t. decemb. 1655." J. 
 Bleau acknowledges a letter from him containing " les cor- 
 rections du vers de Melvinus." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. 
 A. 3. 19. num. 35.) 
 
 Melville was a large contributor to a collection of poems, 
 by Scotchmen and Zealanders, " In Oliitvm Johannis Walla- 
 sii Scoto Belgae — Ludg. Batav. 1603." 4to. There are two 
 poems by him in John Jonston's " Sidera Veteiis ^vi," 
 p. 33 ; a work which was published along with his " Iambi 
 Sacri," and his " Cantica Sacra Novi Testament! — Salmu- 
 rii 1611." He has also verses prefixed to "Comment, in 
 Apost. Acta M. Joannis Malcolmi Scoti — Middelb. 1615." 
 Malcolm, in his Dedication to the King, and in the body of 
 the work (p. 264,) defends Melville with much freedom, 
 and laments his removal from Scotland. 
 
 Among his works in manuscript are the following : 
 
 1. " D. Andreas Melvini epistolae Londino e turri carceris 
 ad Jacobum Melvinum Nouocastri exulantem scriptae, cum 
 ejusdem Jacobi nonnullis ad eundem. Annis supra mil- 
 lesimu sexcentessimo octavo, nono, dccimo, undecimo. 
 Item Ecclesise Scoticanje Oratio Apologetica ad Regem An. 
 1610, mense Aprilis." This volume (which is in the Li- 
 brary of the University of Edinburgh) brings down the cor- 
 respondence between Melville and his nephew till the end 
 of the year 1613. It belonged to James Melville, and is 
 partly in his hand-writing. Before his death he committed 
 it to the care of his friend, Sir Patrick Hume of Ayton, 
 who has inserted the following note : " Hie visu est insere 
 (sic) paraliepomena quasdam eiusdem et alioru quoru 
 tt!/T5!r;^«<r*c cum libellis ipsis ipse mihi comendavit author 
 paulo ante obitu. Pa Hume." 
 
 2. " Letters from Andrew Melville to ♦*»* in the United 
 Provinces." (In Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 42.) 
 They are six in number, and were addressed to Robert Dury 
 at Leyden. 
 
 3. " Florctum Archiepiscopale ; id est, errores Pontificii 
 assertiones temerarire, et hyberbolicae interpretationes." 
 (Ibid. num. 47.) They are extracted from archbishop 
 Adamson's academical prelections at St. Andrews, in Mel- 
 ville's handwriting, and subscribed by him. 
 
 4. " Paraphrasis Epistote ad Hebraeos Andreae Melvini." 
 (Harl. MSS. num. 6947. 9. It is a metrical paraphrase of 
 the whole epistle, and was most probably composed in the 
 Tower. 
 
 5. " A Melvinus in Cap, 4. Danielis." (In Bibl. Col. S. 
 Trinit Dublin.) This I have not seen. 
 
 There are verses by him, in his own handwriting, among 
 the Sempill Papers (MS. in Arch. Eccl. Scot. vol. xxviii. 
 num. 7 ;) and in a collection of Letters from Learned Men 
 to James VL (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin.) On a blank 
 leaf at the beginning of a copy of Auhm Gelliiis (transmit- 
 ted to me by Dr. Leo) there is a poem written, with this 
 title : " Canticum Mariae paraphrasticos expressum, a D. 
 Andrea Melvino Scoto." I have not seen it elsewhere. It 
 is followed by poems of Buchanan, all of which have been 
 published. The volume bears this inscription, among 
 others : " Liber Magri Gulielmi Guildej. 1610." — Copies of 
 Melville's large Answer to Dorwnham's Sermon were at one 
 time not uncommon. In enumerating the writers in defence 
 of ruling elders, a foreign divine mentions " Ex Scotis, 
 And. Melvinus in MS. refut. concionis Downamii." (Voetii 
 Politica Ecclesiastica, tom, ii. p. 458.) It is also mentioned 
 
NOTES. 
 
 405 
 
 Charters. (Acco. of Scots Divines, p. 4,) Charters says that ] 
 there is a copy of a Latin commentary by him in the Library 
 of the Students of Divinity at Edinburgh. " I have seen 
 also in the Hbrary of the College of Glasgow, a large folio, 
 entitled, Prxlectiones in Epistolam ad Romanos, in small 
 write, said to be writ by Mr. Melvil." (Wodrow's Life of 
 Mr. Andrew Melville, p. HI.) Neither of these MSS. is 
 now to be found. Five poems " ex Musis Andrea; Melvini, 
 viri clarissimi et undiquaque doctissimi, arc appended by 
 Dr. Koelman of Utrecht to his Dissertation, JDe Diebus 
 Festis. Traj. ad Rhenum, 1693. 
 
 In Bioffraphical Memoranda, No. iii. p. 108, printed at 
 Bristol in 1814, an English " Poem by A. Melvin" is given 
 from a MS. in the possession of the editor. On inspecting 
 that MS. I find that the poem is by George Herbert. 
 
 Besides those formerly mentioned, encomiastic verses on 
 Melville were written by David Wedderburn, (Musae Sacrte, 
 tom. i. p. xlvii.) by John Dunbar, (Epigr. p. 29,) by John 
 Leech, (Epigr. p. 86,) by James Wright, (Poemat. praef. 
 Strangio, De Interpret. Scripturse,) and by Leon. Moyartus, 
 (Lachrymee Zelandirae in Obitum Joan. Wallasii.) 
 
 Four letters from Melville to David Hume of Godscroft 
 are prefixed to the Lusus Poetici of the latter. They af- 
 ford specimens of his humour as well as proofs of the inti- 
 mate friendship which subsisted between him and Hume. 
 One of them is subscribed, " Plus fellis, quam mellis ;" 
 which shews that the play on his name, with which episco- 
 palian epigrammatists have diverted themselves so much, 
 was not the invention either of Dr. Duport or bishop Bar- 
 low. James Hume, the son of the poet, is the author of 
 various works on arithmetic and mathematics. In the edi- 
 tion of his father's poems, published by him at Paris, in 
 ] 639, he has inserted several epigrams against Melville, with 
 answers to them by his father. In a note to the latter, he 
 says : " Scripsit author alia duo Epigrammata ad Melvinu ; 
 sed, quia nimis acerba in Episcopos Aufflicanos, omisimiis." 
 (Dav. Humii Lusus Poet. p. 114.) From this it appears 
 that the editor was a politician as well as a mathematician. 
 
 I have a copy of Buchanan's History, with marginal notes 
 in Melville's handwriting. In one of these, so far as i can 
 make sense of it, (for part of it has been cut off) he traces 
 his own descent from the royal families of Scotland and 
 England, in the way of stating that he was sprung from 
 Queen Jane, the wife of James I. by her second husband, 
 Sir James Stewart, surnamed the Black Knight. On the 
 title-page of the dialogue De Jure Regni, he has written 
 these lines : 
 
 Libera si dentur populo suffragia, quis tam 
 Perditus ut dubitet Senecam prseferre Neroni 1 
 Did he intend this to apply to Buchanan and his royal pnpil T 
 
 Note QQ. p. 358, 
 
 University of St. Andrews. — At the opening of the 
 classes in 1411, Bishop Wardlaw, with the concurrence of 
 James Bisset, prior of the Abbey ol' St. Andrews, and 
 Thomas Stewart, archdeacon of Lothian, granted to the 
 masters and students the privileges belonging to a university, 
 and applied in the usual way to the pope for a confirmation 
 of what he had done. Besides the bull founding the uni- 
 versity, which was issued on the 37th of August, 1413, 
 Benedict XIII. signed on the same day five other bulls 
 securing its rights. 
 
 The university laboured under no want of teachers at its 
 commencement. Before the papal bulls were executed, 
 Laurence Lindores, as professor of divinity, began to read 
 the fourth book of the Sentences. Richard Corvel, John 
 Litstar, John Schcves, and William Stephani or Stevenson, 
 appeared as lecturers on canon law. And John Gyll, Wil- 
 liam Fowlis, and WiHiam Crosier, taught the arts of philoso- 
 phy. This is the account given by Fordun. (Scotichroni- 
 con, Ub. XV. cap. 22.) Hector Boethius makes Laurence 
 Lindores professor of laws, and Richard Corvcil doctor of 
 decretals. (Hist. Scot lib. xvi.) Spotswood, though he 
 refers to Boethius as his authority, gives a different state- 
 ment ; making Schevcs, Stephen, and Lister readers in 
 divinity, Lenders in canon law, and Cornwall in civil law. 
 (Hist. p. 57.) 
 
 The first professors appear to have had no salaries. The 
 
 revenues of the university for some time consisted chiefly 
 of small sums received from the students at their admission 
 and graduation ; and the greater part of these was applied 
 to the defraying of the common expenses. The classes were 
 at first taught in such places of the city as were found most 
 convenient. Robert de Montrose gave a house for the stu- 
 dents of theology to meet in, which was at a subsequent 
 period converted into the public library. And bishop Ken- 
 nedy appropriated to the classes of philosophy certain build- 
 ings in the neighbourhood, which retained the name of the 
 Pxdaffogium until it was erected into a college under the 
 designation of St. Mary's. (Hovei Oratio.) 
 
 James I. who, in recompence of his long captivity, had 
 received a good education in England, patronised the newly 
 erected university after his return to Scotland. Besides con- 
 firming its privileges by a royal charter, he assembled those 
 who had distinguished themselves by teaching, and by the 
 progress which they had made in their studies, and after con- 
 versing familiarly with them, and applauding their exertions, 
 rewarded them according to their merit with offices in the 
 state or benefices in the church. (Fordun. Hovei Orat. 
 Buch. Hist. p. 190. edit. Rudd.) 
 
 Note RR. p. 359. 
 
 Colleges at St. Andrevis. — I shall give here some more 
 minute facts as to each of these according to the order of 
 time in which they were erected. 
 
 .S'^. Sahator's College. — This college, which was found- 
 ed by James Kennedy, archbishop of St. Andrews, in 1450, 
 received from its founder a new and more improved form in 
 1458. It consisted of three professors of divinity, called 
 the provost or principal, the licentiate, and the bachelor ; 
 four masters of arts, who were also in priest's orders ; and 
 six poor scholars or clerks, making in all thirteen persons, 
 according to the number of the apostles of our Saviour, in 
 honour of whom the college was named. The provost was 
 bound to read lessons in theology once a-week, the licentiate 
 thrice a-wcek, and the bachelor every readable day : the first, 
 to preach to the people four times, and the second, six times 
 a-year. From the four masters of arts, two at least were to 
 be annually chosen as regents, the one to teach logic, and 
 the other physics and metaphysics, according to the method 
 of the schools and the statutes of the university. The col- 
 lege was liberally endowed by the founder for the support of 
 the masters and scholars ; besides the altarages subsequently 
 founded by other individuals. The provost had the rectory 
 of Cults conferred on him, the licentiate the rectory of Kem- 
 bach, and the bachelor that of Denino ; parish churches in 
 the neighbourhood of St. Andrews, the revenues of which 
 they drew, after appropriating a certain part of the emolu- 
 ments to the respective vicars. The rectory of Kilmany was 
 appropriated for the common support of the founded persons, 
 and of the servants attached to the establishment, in vic- 
 tuals, &c^ The strictest rules were laid down as to the be- 
 haviour of all the members, and as to the religious exercises, 
 as well as the studies, of those who were admitted to the 
 benefits of the institution. Young men of rank or opulence, 
 who might choose to study in the college, and to pay for 
 their board, were bound to obey the provost, and to submit 
 in all things to the rules of the house equally as the bursars 
 or poor scholars. 
 
 Bishop Kennedy was careful to have his college provi- 
 ded with the most able teachers. With this view he called 
 home John Athelmer who had been educated at St. An- 
 drews, but was then in the university of Paris, and placed 
 him in the situation of provost or principal. To him he 
 joined Thomas Logy, who had already filled the office of 
 rector of the university, and James Ogilvy, as second and 
 third masters or professors of divinitj\ Mr. Jo. Athelmer 
 was presented to the " paroche church of Qhylt" (Cults) 
 March 25, 1450. He is often mentioned as Dean of The- 
 ology. "Mr Jo. Aimer, praepositus Collegii Sti Sal v." oc- 
 curs in the records as late as 1473. James Ogilvy seems 
 to have been the same person, who, on account of his great 
 learning and virtue, was designed for bishop of St. Andrews 
 by the General Council of Basil, and who afterwards taught 
 theology in the University of Aberdeen. (Boetii Vit« 
 Abredonens. Episcop. foh xxyiL b.) 
 
406 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 St. Leonardos Colkge. — Adjoining to tlie church of St 
 Leonard, and within the precincts of the Abbey, was an 
 ancient hospital for the reception of pious strangers who came 
 in pilgrimage to visit the rcUcs of St. Andrew, being attracted by 
 the fame of the miracles wrought by them. "The miracles 
 and pilgrimages having ceased in process of time, as may be 
 believed," the hospital was converted into a receptacle for 
 aged women. But the patrons, not being satisfied with the 
 conduct of the new objects of their charity, resolved to con- 
 vert the hospital, with the adjoining church, into a College, 
 " for training up poor scholars in learning and the arts, to the 
 glory of God and tlie spiritual edification of the people." 
 This was called the College of St. Leonard. The charter of 
 foundation was executed in 1512, by John Hepburn, prior of 
 the Abbey, and confirmed by archbishop Alexander Stewart, 
 and by King James IV. The prior and conventual chapter 
 were patrons of this College, and retained the power of Nisit- 
 ing it and reforming its abuses. The teachers were always 
 taken from the monastery. Dr. Howie, in his Oration fre- 
 quently quoted, has stated that John Annand was the first 
 principal of St. I>eonard's College ; and Boece has done the 
 same. (Vit. Episc. Abred. xxvii.) But Alexander Young 
 was principal down to 1517; Gavm Logie in 1523 — 1537; 
 Thomas Cunninghame in 1538 ; and John Annand in 1544. 
 (Transumptum Fundationis; and subscriptions to the Stat- 
 tutes in the last mentioned year.) Gavin Logie is the person 
 known for his early partiahty to the Reformation. (Life 
 of Knox, Note 1.) Annand was probably the person 
 who disputed with Knox at St. Andrews. (Ibid. p. 32.) This 
 College was intended for the support and education of twenty 
 poor scholars. The principal was appointed to read on two 
 days of every week a lecture on the Scriptures, or on specula- 
 tive theology to the priests, regents, and others who chose to 
 attend. And by a subsequent regulation an additional salary 
 was appointed to be given to two of the four regents, provi- 
 ded they chose to read, twice or thrice in the week, a lecture 
 on the Scriptures, or on the Master of Sentences. (Papers of 
 University.) 
 
 It was required of those who were admitted to St Jjconard's 
 College, that, besides being of good character, acquainted 
 with grammar, and skilled in writing, they should be sullicient- 
 ly instructed in the Gregorian song, — " cantuque Grcgoria- 
 no sufiicienter instructum." (Papers of University.) The 
 religious of the Priory of St. Andrews were always celebrated 
 for their skill in music, and singing formed one of the regular 
 exercises of the students. (Boetii Abredon. Episcop. Vitse, 
 £ xxvi.) Individuals who had belonged to it were employed 
 in composing the music used in churches after the Reforma- 
 tion. (Old Music Book, MS.) 
 
 <S^. Mary's or New College. — There were still in the 
 university professors and students who did not belong to 
 either of the colleges of St. Salvator and St. Ijconard. These 
 continued to teach in the Pa;dagogium, and although they 
 were not formed into a college, and had but slender funds. 
 Archbishop Alexander Stewart who has been highly commen- 
 ded by Erasmus for his literary attainments, intended to give 
 it a collegiate form, and with this view he not only repaired 
 the chapwl of St John the Evangelist, which served as a 
 place of worship to the pasdagogium, but also bestowed on it 
 the living of the church of St. Michael de Tarvet, in the 
 neighbourhoo<l of Cupar in Fife. In the deed of annexation 
 it is said, that the psedagogium of the university " lay almost 
 extinct in consequence of the deficiency of funds and of 
 learned men ;" and that the archbishop, with the consent of 
 his chapter, had resolved to " endow and erect it into a col- 
 lege, to the praise of God, the defence of the faith, the ui- 
 crease of learned men, and the salvation of the souls of the 
 king, his predecessors and successors, the archbishops of St. 
 Andrews, and all the faithful." The premature death of the 
 primate, who soon after fell in the field of Flowden, appears 
 to have defeated tliis annexation, and prevented the erection of 
 the college. It was not to be expected that the psedagogium 
 would rival colleges which were provided with extensive funds 
 and accommodations both for master and scholars. But it 
 continued to have regents and a principal ; and several distin- 
 guished individuals, among whom were George Buchanan, 
 received their education in it, while it remained on its original 
 footing. Archbishop James Beaton resumed the design of 
 his predecessor, and obtained a bull from Pope Paul III. au- 
 thorising him to erect buildings for a college and chapel, under 
 the name of the Assumption of St Mary, in which grammar, 
 logic, theology, medicine, and law, both canon and civil, 
 
 should he taught, divine oflSccs performed, and a collegial 
 table provided from the rents of certain benefices which were 
 united and annexed to the institution. The buildings which 
 were begim on tlie site of the psedagogium by archbishop 
 Beaton were carried on by liis nephew and successor, the 
 Cardinal. But the college was not finally erected imtil 1554, 
 after archbishop Hamilton had obtained a papal bull from 
 JuUus III. by which he was authorised to alter at his pleasure 
 the arrangements made by his predecessor. 
 
 By the foundation of bishop Hamilton, St. Mary's College, 
 or, as it was often called, the Netv Colkge, was provided with 
 four principal professors, denominated the provost, Ucentiate, 
 bachelor, and canonist ; eight students of theology ; three pro- 
 fessors of philosophy and two of rhetoric and grammar ; six- 
 teen students of philosophy ; a provisor, cook and janitor ; 
 and five vicars pensionary. The principal, besides exercising 
 the ordinary jurisdiction of the college and presiding at the 
 theological disputations once a-week, was to read a lecture on 
 the sacred Scriptures, or to preach, every Monday. The hcen- 
 tiate was to read a lecture on the Scriptures four times, and 
 the bachelor five times a-week. And the canonist was to lec- 
 ture on canon law five times every week. It was also the du- 
 ty of each of these professors to say mass at stated times. It 
 behoved the students of divinity to be in priest's orders and 
 initiated into theology, " so as to have answered thrice in pub- 
 lic, and given specimen of their erudition according to the 
 custom of the university." They were bound regularly to at- 
 tend the lectures of the three theological professors, to answer 
 publicly to the difliculties of Scripture every holyday, to say 
 mass, and to preach thrice a-year in public. Their continu- 
 ance in this situation was limited to six years ; for it was ex- 
 pected, " that by the divine blessing, and their eissiduity, they 
 shall within this period be fit for becoming licentiates in theo- 
 logy, and for discharging higher offices." The three profes- 
 sors of philosophy were to teach logic, ethics, physics, and 
 mathematics, at the direction of the principal ; and the orator 
 and grammarian were, at the same direction, to interpret the 
 most useful authors in their respective faculties. And they 
 were not to hold their places above six years, or the time dur- 
 ing which they taught two courses, unless they received a 
 new appointment. It behoved the students of philosophy, be- 
 fore their admission, to be initiated into grammar and the 
 Latin tongue, so as to be able to express themselves properly 
 in that language at disputations and examinations ; to swear 
 that they had no benefice or patrimony to support them, and 
 to suppUcate, for the love of God, to be admitted to the place 
 of poor students. Each of them in order was bound to 
 awake all the domestics at five in the morning, and furnish 
 lights to such as wished them. The professors, regents, and 
 students, were to wear capes after the Parisian manner ; and 
 all the scholars, including the noble and wealthy, as well as 
 the bursars, were to wear gowns bound round tliem witli a 
 girdle, to which the bursars were to add a black hood. By 
 the bull of Julius III. as well as that of Paul III. the college 
 had the power of conferring degrees in all the faculties; and 
 the jurisdiction over the bursars belonged to the principal, from 
 whom an appeal lay to the archbishop and the pope, to the ex- 
 clusion of the rector of the university or any other judge, 
 even in the second instance. The college was provided with 
 ample funds. The revenues of four parish churches, Tyning- 
 hame, Tannadice, Inchebriock, (including Craig and Perth) 
 and Conveth or Laurence-kirk, were apjsointed for its support ; 
 in addition, as it would appear, to what had formerly belonged 
 to the Psedagogium. (Fundatio et Eroctio Novi Collegii.^ 
 
 Some of the professors of the New College, nominated by 
 archbishop Beaton, including the principal, had previously 
 been teachers in the Pjedagogium. The instrument of Pre- 
 sentation and Investure, Feb. 8. 1538, appoints "Magistrum 
 Robertum Bannerman, pro theologo et primario dicti coUegii 
 de assumptione beat® Mariae Et pro sulvprincipali Mag™ Da- 
 vid Guynd pro Canonista Mag"" Thomam Kyncragy pro civ- 
 ilista Mag"" Johcm Gledstanis Item jiro regcntihus artium et 
 studentibus in theologia Magistros Audrcitin Kynnivnwnd, 
 Johannem Forbous Wilhelinum Young et Walterutn Fdky." 
 Those whose names are printed in Italics had previously been 
 teachers in the Pffidagogium. 
 
 .\rchbialiop Hamilton, in his foundation, omitted civil law 
 and medicine, which his pretlecessors had apjK)inted to be 
 taught. But, upon the whole, his arrangements appear to 
 have been adapte.l to the means of instruction which he had 
 in his power; and in several points they indicate a due atten 
 tion to the progress which learning had made since the erection 
 
NOTES, 
 
 407 
 
 of the two other colleges. He was equally attentive in provi- 
 ding the college with professors. Archibald Hay, who was 
 made principal soon after Cardinal Beaton's death, appears to 
 have excelled most of his countrymen at that time in learning 
 and liberal views. During his residence in the College of 
 Montague at Paris, he published a panegyrical oration on arch- 
 bishop Beaton's advancement to the purple. It is entitled, 
 "Ad Illustriss. Tit. S. Stephani in Monte Ccelio Cardinalem 
 D. Dauidem Betonum — Gratulatorius Panegyricus Archibal- 
 di Hayi. Parisiis 1540." It is in 4to. and ends on fol. Ixvi. 
 On the title-page is a motto in Greek and in Hebrew. The 
 dedication to the Cardinal is subscribed " addictissimus Coii- 
 sobrinus vester Archibald Hayus." In the course of this 
 work the author censures, with much freedom, the ignorance, 
 negligence and hypocrisy of the clergy, but makes no allusion 
 to the reformed opinions either in the way of apf)robation or 
 condemnation. The most curious and valuable part of it is 
 tliat in which he lays down a plan of teaching for the new 
 college which the Cardinal was employed in organizing. It 
 will be of far more consequence, he says, to procure teachers 
 capable of instructing the youth in the three learned langua- 
 ges, than to endow a rich but illiterate college. If it should 
 be thought proper to add teachers of Chaldee and Arabic, he 
 would highly approve of the arrangement. " Quod si visum 
 fuerit linguae caldaicse et arabicse interpretes addere, vehemen- 
 ter probabo ; quandoquidem cum Hebraica magna habent af- 
 finitatem, et plurima sunt iliis duabus Unguis scripta, qua; non 
 param sint habitura momenti ad rerum pulcherrimarum intel- 
 ligentiam." (Fol. lix.) Though he docs not propose to ban- 
 ish the Peripatetic philosophy from the school, yet he would 
 wish to see the study of the divine Plato take the place of 
 scholastic argutia:. (Fol. Ix. a.) He laments the ne- 
 glect of the Roman law, and extols the science of mathe- 
 matics. (Fol. Ix. b. Ixii. a.) 
 
 Robert Bannerman resigned the provostship, July 12, 1546, 
 on account of his advanced age, and to allow the college to be 
 provided " de alio quovis famoso, juniori et magis ydoneo pri- 
 mario sen principah." On the same day collation was given 
 to Archibald Hay, " Clerico Sti Andrea; dioces." Oct 1, 1547, 
 the office was conferred "perdocto et spectabili viro Mag''"' Jo- 
 hanni Douglass clerico dunkelden. dioc." in consequence 
 of the death " quond. Mag" Archibald! Hay ultimi primarii." 
 
 Dr. Howie mentions the kind reception which archbishop 
 Hamilton gave to two Englishmen, Richard Smith and 
 Richard Marshall. (Oratio de Fundatoribus Acad, et Coll. 
 Andreapol.) " Richardus Martialis, Alb. Theologus," was in- 
 corporated at St. Andrews in 1549. In 1550, Mr. John Doug- 
 lass, being made rector for the first time, had for one of his 
 deputies " Richardum Martialem verbi dei praeconem egre- 
 gium." In 1556, the same person is styled " Collegii Mariani 
 liicentiatus." — " Doctor Richardus Smythaeus, Anglus," was 
 incorporated in 1550. In 1552, he styles himself "professor 
 sacrae Theologise." Richard Martial, D. D. was of Christ 
 Church College, of which he was made Dean in 1553. 
 (Wood's Athena; Oxon. by Bliss, vol. ii. col. 136, 138.) 
 Smith was also of Oxford, and is the author of a great many 
 controversial works against the protestants. (Wood, ut supra, 
 vol. i, p. 333 — 337.) Dr. Laurence Humphrey represents 
 him as flying into Scotland to avoid a dispute with his succes- 
 sor Peter Martyr : " Animosus iste Achilles, die ad disputan- 
 dum constituto, — ad Divum Andream in Scotiam profugeret, 
 ratus eum qui in hoc articulo bene latere, bene viuere." (Jo- 
 annis IveUi Vita et Mors, p. 44.) " Those of his persuasion 
 accounted him the best schoolman of his time, and they have 
 said that he baffled Pet. Martyr several times. Protestant 
 writers say that he was a sophisler — and that he was a goggle- 
 eyed fellow, and very inconstant in his opinion." (Woodut su- 
 pra.) Further particulars concerning him will be found in 
 Burnet's Hist, of the Reform, vol. ii. p. 162. App. JVo, 54. 
 Strype's Cranmer, p. 172. 
 
 Note SS. p. 362. 
 
 Change of Professors ai St. Andrews in 1580. — It was at 
 first proposed that St. Salvator's, or the Old College, as it was 
 called, should be converted into the seminary for divinity, on 
 account of the number of chaplainries founded in it, which 
 would serve for the sustentation of the theological students. 
 And, to make room for Melville, it had been agreed that 
 James Martine, who was at the head of that college, should be 
 translated, and made principal of the New College. But 
 upon maturer deliberation, this measure was thought unadvis- 
 
 able. It was judged that those who were presented to the 
 chaplainries in St. Salvator's might study theology in any col- 
 lege in which it was appointed to be taught. The revenues 
 of the New College, and the number of bursars in it were 
 greater than those of either of the other two. And there was 
 less need for dispossessing the founded persons in it, in order 
 to make room for those who had been elected professors of 
 theology. (Determination anent the Old and New College, 
 September 6, 1579; subscribed " R. Dunfermling. P. Sanc- 
 tandros,") Tliis last was the chief reason of its being prefer- 
 red. The General Assembly had declared that Robert Hamil- 
 ton's holding the office of provost of the New College was an 
 impediment to him in the discharge of his duty as minister 
 of St. Andrews, and had repeatedly enjoined him to demit 
 the former situation. (Buik of Universall Kirk, p. 67. Cald. 
 MS. vol. iii. p. 480, 564.) Archibald Hamilton, the second 
 principal master of that college, who had long been disaifected 
 to the constitution in church and state, had lately avowed him- 
 self a Roman Catholic, and deserted Uie university. His name 
 occurs for the last time in the records of the university, Nov. 
 2, 1576, when he was elected one of the auditors of tlie ques- 
 tor's accompts. On the 6th Oct. 1574, his name was exclud- 
 ed from the roll of persons to be chosen as elders in St An- 
 drews, " because he being of bcfoir nominat and electit refused 
 to accept the office of elder on him, and not to be nominat 
 quhil he mak repentance y'foir." (Records of the Kirk Ses- 
 sion of St. Andrews.) The place of John Hamilton, one 
 of the regents, had also been vacated in the same way. John 
 Hamilton, " ex gymnasio M"," was chosen one of the exami- 
 nators of the bachelors, Feb. 21, 1574. He could not, there- 
 fore, have left Scotland earlier than 1575. Lord Hailes 
 (Sketch of the life of John Hamilton, p. 2.) says that he was 
 in J'rance in 1573 ; proceeding upon the authority of Servin, 
 who, in 1586, says, "II y a treze ans qu'il demeure en ceste 
 ville." (Plaidoye de Maistre Lois Servin Advocat en Parla- 
 ment, pour Maistre Jean Hamilton Escossois, p. 14. Par. 
 1586.) The Plaidoye was published by Hamilton himself 
 which shows how difficult it is to attain to accuracy in such 
 minute circumstances. The counsel who pleaded against 
 Hamilton alleged, " qu'il ne scait parler ne Latin ne Francois." 
 Servin repUed that his client was ready to give proof before 
 the parliament of his knowledge of both languages. (Ibid, 
 p. 59, 109.) The pleading related to the cure of St. Coane 
 and St Damian, to which Hamilton had been presented by 
 the university, and contains some curious matter as to the con- 
 stitution of universities and the privileges of the Scots in 
 France. — The professors of law and mathematics in St Mary's 
 (College were transferred to St Salvator's. And such of die 
 regents as were displaced were allowed to remain, if they 
 chose, as bursars of theology. 
 
 When this reformation was made on the university, Pat- 
 rick Adamson, as archbishop St Andrews, held the honora- 
 ry office of Chancellor. James Wilkie was Rector of the 
 university, and Principal of the College of St. Leonard, in 
 which he had taught for more than thirty years.* James 
 Martine was Principal of St. Salvator's College, which place 
 John Rutherfurd, shortly before his death, had resigned to 
 him.-j- Though he had never left the college in which he re- 
 ceived his education, the literary attainments of Martine were 
 respectable, and he continued to discharge the duties of his 
 office with credit to himself for nearly half a century. (Ba- 
 ronii Orat. Funeb. pro M. Jacobo Martinio.) William Skene 
 was Dean of the Faculty of Arts, and Conservator of the 
 Privileges of the University. 
 
 Note TT. p. 363. 
 V 
 New Foundation of King's College, Aberdeen. — It ap- 
 
 * In the Library of St. Andrews, there are Greek books which 
 belonged to James Wilkie, containing MS. notes, from which Dr. 
 Lee is induced to think that he was acquainted with that language. 
 There is the same evidence as to the literary acquirements of John 
 Rutherfurd, William Ramsay, John Duncanson, and Robert Wil- 
 kie. 
 
 t On the 2Gth September. 1577, " Johne Rutherfurd, younger son 
 lawful to ane venerabill man, Mr Johne Rutherfurd, Rector of the 
 university of St Ands — with express consent and assent of the said 
 Mr Johne his father," signed a letter of factory to the half of the 
 teind sheaves of Quilts : " prDesentibus Mro Jacobo Martine prcepos- 
 ito dicti Collegii." &c. On the 18th December, 1577, "Christiana 
 Forsyth, relict and executrix of umqll Mr. Johne Rutherfurd, 
 sumtyme provost of St. Salvator's College, and rector of the univer- 
 sity of St. And*, delivered certain wreitts and evidentis," &c. Ruth- 
 erfurd must, therefore, have died in the interval between the 36th 
 September and the 18th December, 1577. (Papers of TTniversity.) 
 
408 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 points a principal, sub-principal, three regents, and a teacher 
 of grammar. The latter is thus described : " Volumus prse- 
 ceptorem grammaticaj virum esse honum ct doctum et appri- 
 me versatum in Latina et Grajca literatura, cum carmine quam 
 soluta oratione." The first regent was to teach Greek ; the 
 second the precepts of invention, disposition, and elocution, 
 in as easy a method as possible; and the third the rudi- 
 ments of arithmetic and geomctrj. The sub-principal was to 
 teach physiology, the history of animals as chiefly necessary, 
 geography and astrology, general cosmography, and the reck- 
 oning of time, " which throws great light on other arts and 
 the knowledge of history ;" and towards the end of his course 
 he was to initiate the students into the principles of the holy 
 tongue. The principal was alternately to lecture on theology, 
 and explain the Hebrew language ; and he is thus described ; 
 " Is in sacris Uteris probe institutus, ad aperienda fidei mys- 
 teria et reconditos divini verbi thesauros, idoncus linguarum 
 etiam gnarus et peritus sit oportet, inprimis vero Hebraicaj 
 et Syriacffi, cujus professorcm esse instituimus ; linguam enim 
 sacram, ut par est, promoveri inter subditos nostros cupimus, 
 ut scripturarum fontes et mysteria rectius apcriantur." 'I'he 
 teachers were appointed to confine themselves to their own 
 branches, " Quatuor autcm hos regentcs noluimus (prout in 
 reg^ nostri Acaderaiis olim mos fuit) novas profcssiones quo- 
 tannis immutare, quo facto fuit ut dum multa profiterentur, in 
 paucis periti invenirentur ; verum voluimus ut in eadem pro- 
 fessione se exerceant," &c. (Nova Fundatio, Jacobo Cto 
 rege.) 
 
 This foundation is contained in a Royal Charter, the copy 
 of which now before me is without date. But in the dcscrij> 
 tion of the donation made to the College by King James VI. 
 it agrees with the act of parliament in 1617, entitled, " Katifi- 
 catioun to the Old CoUedge ofl' Abirdeno." (Act. Pari, Scot. 
 vol. iv. p. 576.) 
 
 The following are some of the steps taken respecting this 
 new erection. In April, 1583, George, Earl Marischal, Rob- 
 ert, Commendator of Deir, and certain brethren who had 
 charge of the King's Majesty's Commission, presented a 
 petition to the General Assembly, desiring them to visit the 
 College of Aberdeen to take trial of the travels they have ta- 
 ken in the said matter, and " to depute some persons to take 
 trial of the members thereof, that they be sufficient and quali- 
 fied and conforme to tht new erectiune." To this the Assem- 
 bly agreed, and ordained Mr. James Lawson, Mr. Andrew 
 Melville, and Mr, Nicol Dalgleish, " to consider the procced- 
 • ings of the said commissioners touching the said erection, and 
 if they find the same allowable and weel done, to give their 
 testimony and approbation thereof to be presented to the Erie 
 Marshal, that his Lo. may travel for the King's M. confirma- 
 tion thereof." (Cald. MS. vol. iii. p. 236, 237.) Nothing 
 havuig been done in the aflfair, the Assembly which met in 
 October that year renewed the appointment of the committee. 
 (lb. p. 268.) It appears from the following letter, that this 
 measure met with opposition from the crown. 
 
 " Chancellor, Rector, and other members of our College of 
 Abd. we greit yow weill. We are surelie informed that at 
 this last gnall asseniblie it was desyrit by some personcs that 
 Mr. Alex'' Arbuthnot, Princ" of oiur said College, sould trans- 
 port himself to St. Andrews, and be minister thairof q'' through 
 our said College sail be heavilie damnifiet, and the founda- 
 tione thairof prejudged. As also it is meanit they intend to 
 pervert the ordour of the foundatione est;iblishcd be our pro- 
 genitors and estaites of our realme, Quhairfore we will and 
 comand you to observe and keipe the hcides of your funda- 
 tione, and in no waycs to hurt the funds, ay and q" the estaites 
 l»e convenit to ane Parliament. At q"' tyme wc will cause 
 see q' is to be reformit tl>airin. And this ye do upone your 
 obedience as ye will ans'' unto us thcmpone notwithstanding 
 any ordour taken pntlie or to be taken thairin in any sort thair 
 anent, and keep this our I™ for your warrand. Thus comittcs 
 you to God. At halyrnidhous, 25 May, 1583. Et sic subs. 
 
 "Jambs Rex." 
 
 In 1581, Parliament appointed a commission to " treate and 
 conclude on cxrtane articles ;" one of which was " Reforma- 
 tioun of the college of Abirdene." (Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iii. 
 p. 214.) In 1584, the new foundation was presented by the 
 professors to parliament, and at their request a commission was 
 appointed to consider it. (lb. p. 355.) In 1597, Pariiament 
 pas.scd the following act : " Oure Souerane Lord with aduyse 
 and consent of the estaittis of this present parliament, Rati- 
 feis [and] ajjprevis the new foundation of his ma***' coUedge 
 
 of auld abirdene to be rcveist bo his hienes comissioncris ap- 
 pointit to that effect, viz. Mr. Johnc lyndcsay of balcarhous 
 his ma''='*sccrctar, Mr. James Elphingstoun of bamtoun ane 
 of the senators of his hiones coUedge of Justice and Mr. dauid 
 Cunynghame bischop of abirdene in all and sindrie pointis 
 pri\'iledgis liberteis Immuniteis clausis and circumstances yrof 
 quhatsumeuir eftir the forme and tenno"' of the samyn. And 
 ordanis his ma''^'' clerk of rcg'' to rcssaue the said fundatioun 
 and to extend ane act of parliament thairvpoun in the maire 
 forme with extensioun of all claussis neidful. (Act. ParL Scot, 
 vol. iv. p. 153.) 
 
 The question as to the legality of the New Foundation was 
 warmly disputed in the College, between the years 1634 and 
 1638, The greater part of the professors, with Dr. Arthur 
 Jonston, the Rector, at their head, maintained the aflirmative, 
 in opposition to the professors of canon law and medicine. 
 On the 7th of October, 1637, a royal letter was issued for 
 visiting King's College, and " establishing the new foundation 
 by James VI.;" but, in consequence of the representations of 
 " the mediciner and canonist," this visitation was not held, 
 and a new commission was given in the following year, ap- 
 pointing the visitors to proceed " according to the old founda- 
 tion." At this visitation (April 1638,) the Rector and his 
 friends pleaded that the original deed of new foundation, sub- 
 scribed by the King, privy council, bishop, and members of 
 the college, had been secretly destroyed and burnt sixteen 
 years ago, which they offered to prove presently ; and that the 
 act of parliament quoted above was a valid ratification of it. 
 This was denied by the other party, who pleaded that, in an 
 action before the Court of Session in March, 1636, the Lords 
 had found that the act of Parliament could " make no faith," 
 forasmuch as" the alledgit fundation wes nevir revised, reported, 
 nor ratified in Parliament." And with respect to " the copie 
 of the act of counsall alledgit subscribed be his Ma''« at Abir- 
 deine, 1592," they argued that it was "ane tyme of greyt 
 trouble and confusione in this land, and wes done sine causa 
 cognitionis et partibus non auditis, if ever it wes done." (Pa- 
 pers of Visitation ; and Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen, vol. 
 ii. p. 439—442.) 
 
 Note UU. p. 363, 
 
 Grammar School of Glasf^ow. — In the statutes of the Cathe- 
 dral Church of Glasgow, confirmed in the fourteenth century, 
 it is declared : " Cancellarii officium est in scolis regendis et 
 libris reparandis ct corrigcndis turam impendcre, lectiones aus- 
 cultare et terminare." (Chartul. Glascuens. tom. i. p. 549 ; 
 in Bibl. Coll. Glasg.) In 1494, Mr. Martin Wan, Chancel- 
 lor of the Metropohtan Church of Glasgow, brought a com- 
 plaint before the Bishop, (Rol)ert Blacadcr) against M. D. D. 
 Dwne, a priest of the diocese, for teaching scholars in gram- 
 mar, and children in inferior branchi^s by himself apart, open- 
 ly and publicly, (" per se ac separatim palam et manifeste,") 
 in the said city, without the allowance and in opposition to the 
 win of the Chancellor. Wan pleaded, that, by statute and innne- 
 morial usage, he had the power of appointing and deposing the 
 master of the grammar-school, and of licensing or prohibiting all 
 
 teachers of youth in Glasgow. " instituend. et destituend. 
 
 mag""" scolaj grammaticalis civitatis glasguensis, curamque 
 et regimen dicta; scolaa ac magisterium ejusdcm habend. sic gtias 
 quod ubsf/ue il/ttis (sic) mag'' martini cancellarii pnenominati 
 ae cancellarii dicta; ecclesije pro tempore existentis, nnlli liccat 
 scolam grammalicalem tenere, scholaresque in gramniatica aut 
 juvenes in puerilibus per se clam aut palam infra prtedictam 
 civitatem seu universitatem instruere et docere." The bishop 
 having heard the parties, considered thq productions, and ex- 
 amined witnesses, decided, with the advice of his chapter, and 
 of the rector and clerks of the university, in favour of the 
 Chancellor, and prohibited Dwne from all teaching or instruct- 
 ing of youth or scholars, without license specially sought and 
 obtained from the said Mr. Martin, or the Chancellor for the 
 time being. (Cartul. Glasg. tom. ii. p. 939.) 
 
 It appears from this that there was a grammar-school in 
 Glasgow long before the year 1494. In the sixteenth century 
 the situation of master of it was highly respectable. Among 
 the non-regentfs nominated to elect the rector, or to exam- 
 ine the graduates, the records of the university mention, in 
 1523 and in 1525, " Matthasus Reid mag'^' scolte grammatica- 
 lis;" in 1549 and 1551, "Mag. Alex"" Crawfurd mag. scolm 
 gramaticalis ;" and in 1555, "Archibald^ Crawfurd pneceptor 
 schol. gram," 
 
 At what time Thomas Jack became master, I have not 
 
NOTES. 
 
 409 
 
 learned. The following is the title of his book : " Onomasti- 
 con Poeticvm siue Propriorvm Qvibvs in svis Monvmentis 
 vsi svnt veteres Poetae, Brevis Descriptio Poetica, Thoma Jac- 
 chaeo Caledonio Avthore. Edinbvrgi Excvdebant Robertus 
 Waldegraue, Typographus Regise Maiestatis. 1592. Cum Pri- 
 vilegio Regali." 4to Pp. 150. It is dedicated to James, eldest 
 son of Claud Hamilton, Commendator of Paisley, who had 
 been educated under Jack, along with John Graham, a youn- 
 ger son of the Marquis of Montrose. The dedication is 
 dated " Ex Sylva, vulgo dicta, Orientati ,•" i. e. Eastwood. 
 Prefixed and subjoined to the work are a recommendatory let- 
 ter by Hadr. Damman A. Bistorvelt, and encomiastic verses by 
 the same individual, by Robert Rollock, Hercules Rollock, Pat- 
 rick Sharp, Andrew Melville, and Thomas Craig. From the 
 versas of Robert Rollock, it appears that he had been the 
 scholar of Jack, whom he calls " praeceptor ille olim meus 
 Jacchaeus." After mentioning that he left the school of Glas- 
 gow " a. d. v. Kal. Sept. 1574," Jack goes on to say : Eo ipso 
 anno, men$e Nouembri, non sine singulari numinis providentia, 
 suae gentis decus, et pietatis et eruditionis nomine, Andreas 
 Melvinus Glascuam venit, qui gymnasio praeesset, quem baud 
 dubie in summum suae Ecclesiee et Reipub. Scoticanaj commo- 
 dum eo miserat Deus. Ille, versibus meis perlectis, me instan- 
 ter urgere non destitit, ut operis frontem ad umbilicum pcrduce- 
 rem." Having mentioned the revisal of his work by Buchan- 
 an, (See Irving's Mem. of Buchanan, p. 238, 2d edit.) Jack 
 adds : " Ad Buchanani curam accessit et Andreas Melvini, Ro- 
 berti Pontani, et Hadriani Dammanis opera, quibus eo nomine 
 me devinctissimum confiteor." (Onomasticon Poeticum, Dcdic. 
 Epist.) In 1577, " Thomas Jackscus" was " Qusestor Acade- 
 miffi." (Annales Collegii Fac. Art.Glasg.) — Feb. 4, 1578," Mr. 
 Thomas Jack vicar of cistwod" signs, as a witness, a tack 
 granted by the College to John Buchanan of Ballagan. (Ibid.) 
 " Mr. Thomas Jack, minister of Rutherglen, was among 
 those who opposed the election of Montgomery to be arch- 
 bishop of Glasgow. (Records of Privy Council, April 12, 
 1582.) " Tho. Jack" was a member of the General Assem- 
 bly, Aug. 1590, (Buik of Universall Kirk, f. 158, b.) He 
 is mentioned as a minister within the bounds of the Presbyte- 
 ry of Paisley, in May 1593. (Record of the Presb. of Glas- 
 gow.) And. he died in 1596, as appears from the Testament 
 Testamentar of " Euphame Wylie, relict of umqhill Mr. 
 Thomas Jak min'' at Eastwod." She leaves a legacy to 
 " James Scharp, her oy, sone to Mr. Patrick Scharp," and con- 
 stitutes " Mr. Gabriel Maxwell, her oy," her only executor 
 and intromitter. (Records of Commissary Court of Edin- 
 burgh, Aug. 1. 1608.) In the dedication of his Onomasti- 
 con, Jack says, " Gahrielem Maxvellum, nepotem meum, qui 
 mihi unici filii loco est, ingravcscente hac nostra actate, tuo 
 commendo patrocinio." — Gabriel Maxwell was a minister in 
 the presbytery of Paisley, 18th March, 1594. (Records of 
 the Presbytery of Edinburgh.) And he is mentioned as 
 " Regcns et Magister A" 1605," in a liist of the Masters of 
 the College of Glasgow. (MS. by Principal Dunlop, in Ad- 
 vocates Library.) 
 
 Note VV. p. 364. 
 
 Early State of High School of Edinburgh. — This school 
 had the same dependance on the Abbey of Holyroodhouse, 
 which that of Glasgow had on the cathedral church. This is 
 established by a very curious document, a royal charter by 
 James V. dated March 21, 1529, " Henrico Henrison super 
 officio Magisterii Eruditionis in Schola Grammaticalis de 
 Edinburgh." It ratifies and embodies a donation by George 
 Bishop of Dunkeld, as Abbot of Holyroodhouse, with con- 
 sent of the convent of that monastery. This donation bears, 
 that "our Louit Clark and Oratour Maister Dauid Vocat 
 principale Maister and Techour of our Grammar scule of the 
 burgh of Edinburgh has chosin his louit friende and discipill 
 Maister Hary Henrisoun to be Comaister with him into the 
 said skule," and to succeed to him after his disease ; " And be- 
 cause we the saidis Abbot and Couent understandis y* said 
 Maister Hary is abil and sufficientlie qualyfyit therto, has 
 made under him gude and peritc scolaris now laitlie y tym 
 that he was Maister of our scule within our burgh of y Can- 
 ongate, Heirfor vs^e, &c. ratifyis and approuis y said admis- 
 sioune of y said Maister Hary to be Commaister," &c. and 
 gives and grants him " pouir and licence to be principale mais- 
 ter of y" said Grammar skule after y^ said Maister Dauid de- 
 cois6 — wit all and syndrie profitis, &c. and dischairgis all 
 3B 
 
 utheris of ony tcching of Gramar Skules within y« said 
 Burgh, except y" teching and lering of I^cctouris allenerally 
 under y" panys contenit in y" Papis Bullis, grantit to vs yer- 
 upon. And we with (will 1) ye said Maister Hary Henry- 
 soun heirfore be ane gude, trew and thankful servitour to ws 
 and our Successouris enduring his lyftyme, and to beat hie sol- 
 empne festiual tymes with ws and our successouris at y* mess 
 and ewin sang with his surplis wponn him to doe ws seruice 
 y'^ tyme yat we sail doe diwine seruice within our said abbey 
 
 as efferis.- y« ferd daye of Septemb. y'= yeir of God 1524 
 
 yeiris." (Ex Diplomatum CoUectione MS. vol. ii. p. 350 ; in 
 Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Jac. V. 4. 23. ) 
 
 During the disputes between the magistrates and Mr. Wil- 
 liam Robertson, the right of the Abbot is always taken for 
 granted. April 8, 1562, the town-council agree to write to 
 Lord James to deal with Lord Robert, (Abbot of Holyrood- 
 house.) for removing Mr. W, Robertson from the grammar- 
 school, for granting the office of master " to sic ane leimit and 
 qualifeit man as yai can find maist abill y'fore and for vphald- 
 ing and sustcning y" s"* m. & doctouris, as ukua of y regen- 
 iis of ane callage to be biggit wHn yis burgh." (Register of 
 Town Council, vol. iv. f. 26.) April 11, 1562, Mr. William 
 Robertson produced " ane gyft grantit be abbot caimeros to 
 vmq'<= Sr J hone allane." (lb. f. 27.) He afterwards produ- 
 ced a gift to himself " be presentation of the abbat of halie- 
 rudhouse — of y<= dait y" x day of Januar. 1"" v<^ xlvi yers," to 
 whjch it was objected by the procurator of the town, (Oct. 3, 
 1562.) that it ought to have had the seal of the convent and 
 the subscription of the Abbot of Cambuskennefh, administra- 
 tor and governor of the Abbot of Holyroodhouse, who was 
 then a minor under fourteen years of age. " The provost, 
 &c. sittand in jugemet as iugeis ordineris to the porsoun of 
 Mr. Williame Robertsoun, haifand consent of Robert commen- 
 dator of halierudhous — findis y'' said Mr. W. vnhabill to ex- 
 erce y* said office of scholemaister within y^ said bur' & 
 yairfore decerns him to remove," &c. (Reg. ut sup. if. 44, 
 45.) This is a very curious minute. Robertson continued to 
 defend his right, and on the 6th of May, 1 565, "the Queen in- 
 terposed her authority in his favour. (11). fl'. 128, 129.) On 
 the 6th of March, 1562, the council " ordainis ane writing to be 
 maid in maist effectuous manner to Mr. James (^uhite scottis- 
 man in londoh — to accept upon him y 'mastership of y- hie 
 gramer scole, and becaus yai ar surelie informit [be] hes greit 
 proffit be his scole in londone, and y' he is ane man of excel- 
 lent lerning baith in lating & greik ordanis ane yearlie pensioun 
 to be given to him of iiij^^li (fourscore pounds) of y readacst 
 of yair comoun gude, besyde and abone y^ profct y' he sail 
 haue of y ''baimis." (lb. f. 60.) July 28, 1568, the treasurer 
 is appointed to ride to St. Andrews "for Mr. Thomas t)uchqu- 
 hanane to be Maist. of yair hie scole." (lb. f. 220.) He 
 entered to the school on the 1 1 th of February following, and 
 appears to have left it about July, 1570. (lb. ft'. 294, 260.) 
 It would seem that he acted as assistant to his uncle during 
 his residence at Stirling. For a pension of JEIOO was given to 
 " Mr. Thomas buchannane Maister of y" grammar scole of 
 Striueling, quha hes Ix-ne in the nowmber of his hienes hous- 
 bald" and has bruiked the pension, " thir diucrs years bygane. 
 — Penult. Aug. 1578." (Reg. of Trescntation to Benefices, 
 &c vol. ii. f. 2.) 
 
 It appears, from the gift to Henry Henry son, that in 1525 
 there was a grammar school in the Canongate, distinct from 
 that of Edinburgh, and that both were originally under the 
 patronage of the abbots of Holyroodhouse. In 1580, " The 
 baillies counsall and Kirk of the bur' of the canongait" enter- 
 ed a complaint before the Privy Council, in which they stated 
 that they have "bene euir cairful according to thair duties that 
 thair youth sould haue bene instructit and bro' vp in the know- 
 ledge of god and g^ude Ires And thairfoir hes had grammer 
 sculis ane or ma And that not onlie sen reformatioun of reh- 
 gioun bot also in tyme of papistrie & past mcmorie' of man, 
 Quhill that Mr William Robertsoun sculemaster of Edinbur' 
 be sum solistatioun purchest of his hienes in the moneth of 
 October last the confirmatioun of ane papisticall gift gotten in 
 tyme of blindnes at the abbot of hahcruidhous then being in 
 minority without consent of the convent And be the same hes 
 stoppit and dischargit their sculis be the space of ane quartir 
 of ane yeir or mair last bipast throw the qlk thair haill infantes 
 
 and children are dispersit, &c. The lordis of secreit 
 
 counsall ffindis thamepelfis not to be judges competent to the 
 said naier and thairfoir remittis the samcn tc be dccydit befour 
 the judges competent thairto as accordis." (Record of Privy 
 Council, 9th Sept. 1580.) 
 
410 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Note WW. p. 365. 
 
 Of Alexander Syme, — The following grant to Alexander 
 Syme furnishes a curious notice as to the teaching of law in 
 Scotland : " Marie be y* grace of god quene of Scottis &c 
 Forsamekle as it is vnderstand to oure derrest motler Marie 
 quene drowriare and regent of oure realme that y'' want and 
 laik of cunning men, raritie and skarsincss of thame to teche 
 and reid within our reahne hes bene y^ occasioun of y' decay 
 of knawlege and science, within j-^ scunin swa yat yir niony 
 zeris bigane yair hes bene few yat applyit yanie or gaif yair 
 studie to obtene letters And yat florischeing of letters knaw- 
 lege and science nocht allanerUe to y' plesure of ws and our 
 successouris, and to oure and yair perpetuale honour and fame 
 Bot also to the greit decoring of y'^'countrie and vntellable 
 proffeit of oure hegis quhilk sail follow yairvpoun, gif be au- 
 thorising of cunning men all liberall sciences beis frielie 
 techit floriss and incress, and We vnderstanding that oure 
 weilbelovite clerk maistcr Alex. Sym hes spendit his haill 
 youtheid past in vertew and science, and having experience of 
 him yat he is habill to reid, instruct, and teiche Thairfor &c " 
 grants him a pension of 100 lib. Scots, during the Queen's 
 pleasure — " To y^ effect yat he sail await upoun our said der- 
 rest moder, and be hir Lectoure and reidare in y^ lawis or ony 
 vtheris sciencis, at oure bur' of Ed' or quhair he salbe requirit 
 be our said derrest moder yairto. And alsua to gife all vtlieris 
 young mene of fresche and quyk Ingynis occasioun to apply 
 yair hale myndis to studie for like reward to be hade of ws in 
 tyme cuming, &c. At Ed. Feb. .5, 1555." (Register of Privy 
 Seal, vol. xxviii. fol. 10.) 
 
 In 1562, Mr Alexander Sym was appointed one of the 
 examinators of the master of Oie High School of Edinburgh, 
 "in grammar, greik, and latein." The following is a Ust of 
 these " men cuning and experte in tlie saidis sciencis," who 
 may be presumed to have been the most distinguished for 
 learning in tlie country : " Maisters George baquhannane, 
 George Hay, Alexander Sym, David Colass, Johnne craig min- 
 ister of haUerudhous, James panter, James Kinponte, Clement 
 litill, Johnne henderson, & Johnne Spottisvvood superinten- 
 dant of Lothian." (Register of Town Council, Oct. 3, 1562.) 
 In 1567, Mr. Alex. Sym was appointed one of the procurators 
 for the Church. (Cald. ii. 81.) He was aUve in 1573, when he 
 was appointed procurator, along with Edwart Henderson, for 
 the College of St. Leonard before the Lords of Counsel. (Pap. 
 of Univ. of St. Andrews.) 
 
 Note XX. p. 365. 
 
 Of Henry Henry son. —Henry son^s first work was a trans- 
 lation of a treatise of Plutarch : " Plutarchi Septem Sapien- 
 tvm Convivivm," published in " MoraUvra Opvscvlorvm Plu- 
 tarchi Tomus Tertivs — apvd Graphivm. Lvgdvni 1551." 12mo. 
 The Dedication is inscribed " D Hvldrico Fuggero Edvardvs 
 Henriso S. P. D." A copy of this book, belonging to the 
 University of St Andrews, has on the title-page the author's 
 autograph, " Edward Hemyson," with a number of correc- 
 tions of errors of the press by the same pen. This book has 
 also the autograph of " G. Hay rvthwen."* 
 
 In 1555, Henryson pubUshed a defence of Bare against 
 Govea, on the subject of the distinction between magistratical 
 and judicial authority. "Edvardi Henrysonis Pro Eg. Ba- 
 rone adversus A. Govcanvm de Jurisdictione Libri II. Parisiis 
 1555." 8vo. fol. 80. The Dedication " Ad Huldrichiun Fug- 
 gerum Kirchbergi & Vveisscnhomiae dominum," is dated 
 " Biturigibus quarto nonas Octob. An. do. m. d.. liv." He in- 
 forms Fuggcr that he had planned the work in his house — 
 " in Michausa tua," and that he considered all his literary la- 
 bours as due to him in virtue of the pension which he had from 
 him — " tibi tui stipendij iure debentur." A copy of this work in 
 the Advocates Library has the following inscription in the au- 
 thor's handwriting : " D. Joanni Henrysoni Eduard Henryson 
 author amoris ergo D. D. postridie Calend. No. 1555." 
 
 This work, as well as Henryson's Commentary on the title 
 of the Institutes de Testamentis, was repubUsbed by Mecr- 
 man : Novus Thesaurus Juris Civilis et Canonici, torn. iii. 
 
   George Hay, sometimes called parson of Ruthven, and at other 
 times parson of Eddilsion, was a brother of Andrew Hay, parson of 
 Renfrew, who filled, for many years, the office of Rector of the Uni- 
 versity of Glareow. (Cald. ii. 618, 619.) An account of his Answer 
 to the Abbot of Crossraguel has been given elsewhere. (Life of Knox, 
 ii. 131. 416.) In April, 1576, " Certane brether appointit to oversie 
 the booke wrylin be Mr. George Hay conira Tyrie.'' (Built of Univ. 
 Kirk, p. 63.) 
 
 Meerman says the Comment, de Testamentis ordinandis, was 
 printed at Paris, 1556, in 8vo. In the dedication of it to 
 Michael d'Hopital, dated from Bourges, " 7 Cal. Jul. 1555," 
 Henryson says, that the second year of his teaching Civil 
 Law in that plac« was then running. His name, however, 
 does not occur in two published lists of the professors of that 
 university. (Meerman, Nov. Thes, torn. iii. Prffifat,p. vii.) 
 
 The following note is written on a blank leaf of Arriani 
 Epictetvs, Gr. in the Library of Edinburgh College. (A. T. 
 a. 10.) It is in the handwTiting of Henrjson's son. " Fuit 
 hie Doctoris Eduardi henrysonis liber E quo transtulit m lin- 
 guam latinam Epicteti Enchiridium et arriani Commentaries 
 de Epicteti disscrtationibus in .^dibus Reuerendissimi viri 
 Henrici Sancto Claro turn decani Glasguensis postea Episcopi 
 Rossensis Eduardi Moecenatis Anno 52 post MUlesimum 
 Quingentissimum. Antcquam in publicum prodierunt Jacobi 
 Scheggii Eruditissimi Et Hieronymi volphii .^lingensis Inter- 
 pretis optimi Eruditaj Et doctse conuersicnes. Mentionem 
 facit Volphius Interpretationis Thomis Naogeorgii quam nou 
 videre mihi contigit Ucet sedulo perquisierim. Cur autcm 
 pater suam versionem Henrico Sanclaro dicatam non Ediderit 
 Secuta Luctuosissinia illi Mtecenatis mors Et typographonmi 
 A pud nos penuria Et Statim postea tantorum virorum lucubra- 
 tiones EditiE in Gallia fuere." Some of the statements in 
 this note are at least dubious. Henry Suiclair, bishop of 
 Ross, did not die until Jan. 2, 1565. The translation of Ar- 
 rian by Scheggius was published in 1554. Henryson was 
 with Fugger in 1551 ; and it is not very probable that he was 
 in Scotland during the following year. — Dempster (Hist, 
 Eccl. Scot. p. 350.) mentions a translation of another work 
 of Plutarch by Henryson : " Plutarchi Commentarium Stoi- 
 conmt Contrarioru. Lugduni, 1555." 
 
 In 1563, "Maisteris James Balfour persoun flisk, Ed. heniy- 
 soun, Clement littill aduocatis and robert Maitland," were 
 established Commissaries of Edinburgh : Balfour had 400 
 merks, and the rest 300 merks each, for their " feis yierlie." 
 (Reg. of Privy Seal, vol. xxxii. fol. 79.) Henrj'son is known 
 as the editor of the Scots Acts of Parliament, which appeared 
 in 1566. His name occurs in a list of advocates. May 22, 1585. 
 (Papers of Hospital of Perth.) He was dead before March 
 10,1591. (Inq. Retorn. £rfm&ur£-A, num. 1414.) Several par- 
 ticulars as to his family are mentioned in Maitlan'd's History 
 of Edinburgh, p. 198. And his talents and his patronage of 
 science are celebrated by John Rutherfurd. (De Arte Disse- 
 rendi, Prscfat.) 
 
 Note YY. p. 367. 
 
 Of Archbishop Adamson. — Dr. Mackenzie is offended at 
 the presbyterian historians for asserting that the Archbishop's 
 name was Patrick Constance, and that he was a minister of 
 the chiurch of Scotland at the beginning of the Reformation. 
 (Lives, iii. 365.) That he was called Constyne, Constance, 
 or Constaniine, is most unquestionable. Recommendatory 
 verses by James Lawson and Robert Pont are prefixed to 
 " Catechismvs Latino Carmine redditus — Patricii Adamsoni 
 Scoti poetae elegantissimi opera — Lekprevik, 1581."* In his 
 verses Pont says : 
 
 V^idit Patricivis cum Constantinus opelle 
 Admouitque manum noster Adamsonivs. 
 The following is the title-page of the first edition of one of Adam- 
 son's earliest works :" De Papistarvm Svperstiosis Incptiis Pat- 
 ricij Adamsonij. Alias Constantini carmen. Matth. 15. Omnis 
 plantatio «Stc. Impressum Edinbiu-gi per Robertum Lekpre- 
 wick. Anno 1564." (In Bibl. ColL Edin.) Wilson, per- 
 haps thinking the alias discreditable to his father-in-law, 
 omitted the second name in his edition. It is unnecessary to 
 produce other proofs. If any of the Presbyterian historians have 
 asserted that tlie archbishop changed his name, they are mis- 
 taken ; for he inherited both designations from his ancestors. 
 Dionysius Adamson or Constantine was Town Clerk of Perth 
 toward the close of the fifteentli century. He is mentioned 
 in thirteen charters from 1491 to 1500, and is sometimes call- 
 ed Adamson and sometimes Constaniine. (Extracts from 
 Registers of Births, &c in Perth, by the Rev. James Scott ; 
 now in the Library of the Advocates.) The writer of Vita 
 P. Adamsoni, subjoined to Melvini Mtu9, p. 46.) says the 
 
   This'work was first printed at St. Andrews in 1573. (Melville's 
 Diary, p. 27, 28.) Charters mentions both editions, (Acco. of Scots Di- 
 vines, p. 2,) as does also Sibbald. (De Script. Scot. p. 24.) In his 
 dedication of it to the young king, the author informs James, that 
 be had composed it with the view of assisting in his education. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 411 
 
 bishop was the son of Patrick Constan, a baker. Mr. Scott 
 says that Patrick Adamson or Constantine, who was a magis- 
 trate of Perth in 1.541, and died Oct. 23, 1570, had a daugh- 
 ter named Violet, and three sons, Patrick, Henry, and James. 
 Violet married Andrew Simson, master of the grammar school 
 of Perth. Patrick became archbishop of St. Andrews. Hen- 
 ry was killed on the street of Perth, April 16, 1558. James 
 held the office of provost of Perth from 1609 to 1611, and 
 was the father of Mr. Henry Adamson, the author of the 
 poem entitled GalVs Gabions. (Extracts from Registers, ut 
 supra.) 
 
 In 1558, " Patricius Constyne," of St. Mary's College, was 
 laureated. (Rec. of Univ. of S. And.) In 1560, " Mr. Pat- 
 rik Coustone" (Constone) was declared by the General Assem- 
 bly qualified " for ministring and teaching." (Keith's Hist, 
 p. 498.) Dec. 1562, "Mr. Patrik Couston {Comlance, 
 Bulk, of Univ. Kirk,) if he be not chosen, for St. Johnston, 
 for Aberdeen." (Keith, 519.) June, 1564, "Mr. Patrick 
 Constance mimster of Syres desyreing the licence to pass to 
 france and vther countreyes for augmenting of his knowledge 
 for a tyme, The hail assemblie in ane voice dissentit yfra." 
 (Buikof Univ. Kirk, p. H.) "Accingenti se ad iter vir Dei 
 Johannes Cnoxus maledixit, quod tarn ampla mcsse et tanta 
 operariorum penuria gregrem deseriiisset, ut ea quae sunt mundi 
 quasreret." (Melvini Musae, &c. p. 45.) 
 
 The presbyterian writers say, that Adamson, on his return 
 to Scotland, betook himself a second time to the ministr}^ and 
 that, being disappointed of the archbishopric of St. Andrews, 
 he preached a sermon, about the time of Douglas's consecra- 
 tion to that See, in whicii he told the people, " There are three 
 sorts of Bishops ; My Lord Bishop, my Jjord's Bishop, and 
 the Lord's Bishop. My Lord Bishop was in the time of Po- 
 pery : my Lord's Bishop is now. when my Lord gets the bene- 
 fice, and the bishop serves for nothing but to make his title 
 sure : and the Lord's Bishop is the true minister of the gos- 
 pel." Dr. Mackenzie summarily rejects this statement, as 
 inconsistent with Adamson's account of himself, " that he 
 was then at Bruges (Bourges) in France, nor did he return to 
 Scotland till the year 1573."^ (Lives, iii. 365, 366.) The 
 writer of the life of Adamson in the Biographia Britannica 
 adopts Mackenzie's statement, but blames him for not exposuig 
 more particularly the anachronisms of which the presbyterian 
 writers have been guilty ; and having referred to dates and au- 
 thorities " to put this matter out of dispute,'' he concludes that 
 the whole is a scandalous story fabricated by men who were 
 induced by " great spleen to write any thing that came into 
 their heads, provided always the enemies of the kirk were 
 the objects of their invective." (Biogr. Brit. vol. i. p. 39, 2d. 
 edit.) But it has happened to this writer as to those who 
 contradict others on a subject on which they are themselves 
 superficially informed. For, in the first place, Bannatyne, 
 who was on the spot, has recorded m his Jmiiiial, (p. 323,) 
 that " Mr. Patrik Cousting (Consting) preached" at St. An- 
 drews on the Friday before Douglas's consecration; and 
 James Melville says that he heard the sermon, and has given 
 the words used by the preacher, as quoted above. (Diary, p. 
 27.) In the second place, in spite of the averments and pre- 
 sumptions of the writers referred to, it is unquestionable that 
 Adamson had left France, and was in Scotland, when Douglas 
 was appointed to the archbishoprick of St Andrews, and even 
 before the death of Hamilton, the former incumbent. Arch- 
 bishop Hamilton was executed April 1,1571; and Douglas 
 was elected to the bishopric on the 6th, and consecrated on 
 the 10th day of February, 1672. Now, Mr. Patrick Adam- 
 son presented a petition to the General Assembly, which met 
 on the 6th of March, 1572, "requesting them to ratify his 
 fiension of 500 merks out of the parsonage of Glasgow, 
 because he was willing to serve in the ministry." (Cald. ii. 
 343.) '• The Assembly (A" 1571,) brotherly required Mr. 
 Patrick Adamson to enter again into the ministry." He an- 
 swered that he would advise till next Assembly. (Ibid. ii. 226.) 
 " In the tenth Session (of the Assembly which met March 1, 
 1570.) Mr. Patrick Adamson shewing that he was appointed 
 by advice of the brethren then convened at Edin' to await on 
 Court, and preach to my Lord Regent's Grace, and for that 
 purpose was modified to him 500 merks be year, and had serv- 
 ed three months upon his own expences : therefore requested 
 the brethren to appoint when he should receive payment of his 
 stipend pro rato, w'^'^ was done." (lb. ii. 165.) But the fol- 
 lowing document puts the matter beyond all doubt. " Gift of 
 ane yeirly pensioun of the soume of fyvehundeth merkis money 
 of this realme — to Maister Patrik Adamsoun — from the person- 
 
 age of Glasgow &c. 25 day of August 1570." (Register of 
 Benefices disponit sen the entres of the Noble and Michtie 
 lord Matthew erle of levinax, lord dernelie, to the office of Re- 
 gentrie, fol. 2.) 
 
 These authorities would have outweighed the testimony of 
 Adamson himself, though he had asserted the contrary. But 
 he has done no such thing. His words are : " Scripsi quidem in 
 Gallia in ipso belli furore" (Dedic. in Catechis.) ; meaning 
 the civil war which raged in 1567 and 1568. Misunderstand- 
 ing this, his son-in-law has said, " dum Martyrii Parisiensis 
 rabiis conflagraret ;" and Thomas Murray, proceeding on 
 this mistake, adds, " in medio belli civilis quo Gallia anno 
 1572 conflagi'auit, incendio." (Prsefat. et Carm. ante Jobum.) 
 In this way carelessness creates blunders, and blunders, acting 
 on prejudice and spleen, produce calumny. I have entered 
 into this examination, not on account of the importance of 
 the facts to which it immediately relates, (although truth is 
 preferable to error in all things,) but because it affords a speci- 
 men of the ease with which the common charges of falsifica- 
 tion which writers of a certain description have brought 
 against Knox, Buchanan, Calderwood, and other presbyterian 
 historians, may be refuted. 
 
 It would seem that Adamson had some connexion with the 
 University of St. Andrews, while he was minister of Ceres. 
 At least, the preface to his poem, De Papistarum Ineptiis, is 
 dated, " Sanctiandrese 4. calendas Septembris. Anno 1564. 
 Ex psGdagogio." Among the works ascribed to him is a 
 eucharistical poem to Queen Elizabeth for the liberation of 
 Scotland from civil war. (Graii Oratio de lUustr. Scot. Script. 
 p. xxxii. Mackenzie's I>ivcs, vol. i. Charters. Sibbald.) He 
 was probably the author of the Latin translation of the Scots 
 Confession of Faith, published by Lekprevik, " Andreapoli 
 Anno Do. m.d.lxxii." Subjoined to it are a specimen of his 
 paraphrase of Job, and an epitaph by him on Walter Mill the 
 martyr. This is the epitaph inserted in Spotswood's History, 
 p. 97. Among the Cottonian MSS, are two epitaphs " per 
 Patriciu Constantinu Scotum;" one on bishop Jewel, and 
 another on the Duke of Guise, (Calig. B. 5. 58.) 
 
 Note ZZ. p. 368. 
 
 Of John Davidson, Principal of the College of Glasgow. 
 — Charters, in his account of Scottish divines, and Wodrow, 
 in his Life of John Davidson, has confounded the Principal 
 with the person who is the subject of the succeeding note.* 
 The latter (who became minister of Libberton, preached for 
 some time in Edinburgh, and died minister of Prestonpans,) 
 was a student of St. Leonard's College, in the University of 
 St. Andrews, from 1567 to 1570. The former had been at 
 the head of the College of Glasgow many years before that 
 period. "Die xxiv° octobris anno 1556. Incorporati sub 
 praEscripto Rectore — Mag' Joannes Dauidson vicarius de 
 alness." The same year he was chosen one of the four 
 intrants for electing the Rector. And on the 25th of Oct. 
 
 1557, he is styled " principalis regens pedagogii Glasguen." 
 (Annal. Univ. Glas.) In 1559, " Mag. Johanes Dauidsoun 
 principalis regens pedagogii seu univcrsitatis Glasguen" signs 
 two deeds relating to the college rents; and in 1560 another 
 is subscribed by " Mr. Johne Dauidsoun principall regent of 
 y* pffidagog of Glasgow." I have not been able to ascertain 
 at what time he died, but believe his name occurs for the last 
 time in the records of the university about the year 1572. 
 
 The following is the title of a book pubUshed by him: 
 " Ane Answer to the Tractiue, set furth in the zeir of God, 
 
 1558, be Maister Quintine kennedy, Commendator of Crosra- 
 guell, for the establisching of ane Christiane mannis conscience 
 (as he allegis) the Forth and strenth of his Papistrie, and all 
 vthers of his Sect, as appearis well be liis Epistle direct to the 
 Protestantes, and Prentit in the last part of this Buik. Maid 
 be Maister Johne Dauidsone, Maister of the Psedagog of Glas- 
 gw. Colloss. 2. Bewarre &c. Imprentit at Edinburgh by 
 Robert Lekprewik. Cum priuilegio. 1563." 4to. 34 leaves. 
 The running title is : The Confutatione of M. Q, Ken. Papis- 
 ticall Councels. 
 
 After an address " To the Beneuolent Reader" is a dedica- 
 tion " To the maist Noble and vertuous Lorde Alexander, 
 Earle of Glencarden." Having praised the exertions of his 
 Lordship in the Reformation of Religion, and stated that this 
 
   There was a third person of this name who was alive at the 
 same time. Mr. John Davidsone was minister of Hamilton in 
 1567, (Keith _p. 575,) in 1578, (Melville's Diary, p. 43,) and in 1589. 
 (Cald. iv. 139.) 
 
412 
 
 NOTE S 
 
 answer was undertaken at his desire, the author goes on to 
 say : " And because this bnik of M. Q. contenit so many 
 absurditeis, quhilk wald haue consumit great tyme, to haue 
 confutit thaim all, It chancit weill, that ane lylle space before 
 the beginning of the reformation of the reHgion, he cxcerptit 
 furth of this hale Buik, ane Schort tractiue, contening the 
 hale matter of Ids Buik, as the Coppy bearis that he send me, 
 to present to James Betoune, Archebischop of Glasgw (quha 
 was my gude Maister and liberal freind, quliowbcit for religi- 
 one we are now seperatit in ane part, as mony fathers and 
 sonncs is, in thir our dayis) to quhom I pray God, send the 
 treuth and knawledge of his worde: that may vnit vs in 
 Spirit and mynde againe together, that lies seperatit vs (as 
 apperis) in our warldly kyndenes." At the end of the book 
 is an answer to " Maister Quintine kcnnedeis Epistle to the 
 Brethren Protestantes," in which Davidson reminds the 
 Abbot he had sent him his Schort Tractive, " to haue been 
 presentit in that troublus tyme to James Betoune archebischope 
 of Glasgo, our gude liorde and Maister, to haue had his 
 Judgement and mjmde of zour said buik, before that tyme 
 laitly Prentit: quhilk for that present tyme, we approuit baitli 
 to he gude and godly, hot sen syne, I finding the Scriptures sa 
 Weill oppinnit, be the ordinarie meanis, quhareby God commu- 
 nicatis vnto men, the vnderstanding of his Scripturs, that I 
 could nocht be langer of zour opinione, without I wald haue 
 mantenit, as ane shameless man, that thing quhilk had nother 
 ground of Scripture, gude reasoiie, nor approbatione of the 
 Ancient Doctours. Quharefore, for the brotherly luife I beare 
 to all meia in Christe, and for the auld Parisiane kyndnes, that 
 was betuix vs, * to bryng zour L. and the people of this coun- 
 trie, fra the errour and blyndnes that this lytle buik of zours, 
 hes haldin zow and thaim baith in. Be sindrie Scripturs and 
 reasonis I haue trauellit, vsing me lieirin, efter the commone 
 maner of Reasoning, without dispyte, or reproche, and on the 
 maist gentile maner I could, I haue schawin zow, quhow ze 
 haue far ouersene zour self in this buik, of the quhilk, in 
 my hart trewly I am sorie. Praying zour L. heirfore, gif 
 ze finde the Reasonis I bring in aganis zours, to haue evacuat 
 the reasonis of zour buik in ony sorte : vnderstand my 
 labours not to be, that I desyre zour L. (quha excedis me far 
 in vnderstanding, and in all kynde of subtile reasoning) to 
 acknawledge zgur self to be ouercom be me, bot lat the veritie 
 beare away the victorie fra vs baith." 
 
 The following notice is bestowed on Davidson's book by 
 Ninian Winget. " Of this mater I heir of a buke set furth 
 be an honorable cofessoar of y** trew Catholik fayth M, Quin- 
 tine kennedie, a work comendit be sindry cunning men als 
 weil of Ingland as of Scotland. And also laitlie I heif sein 
 certane clatteris & I wate nocht quhat, nameit cotumeliouslie 
 in hie contempt of y" kirk of God, A confutalioun of y* said 
 M. Quintinis Papistical cotinselis. Put out to be ane of 
 our windfallin brether, laitlie snapperit in the cummerance 
 of Caluin. M. Johne Dauidsone, Quha for his parte of the 
 new padzeane of his desperat brether, wald be haldi a Dauid- 
 sone so doughtie, yat with a puft of his mouth he micht 
 be iudgeit to cleik fra y" counselis, als weil general as wtheris, 
 al auctoritie : in yat he dar be so temararious as to call yame 
 papistical : yat is as he intendis contumeliouslie be yat terme, 
 dissaitful, wickit, leirig ad erroneous. And sua impudentlie 
 dar he affirme few Godly couselis to hef bene othir, sen 
 Syluestris days or afore : — zit he thinkis nocht al yat venum 
 aneuch: bot affinnis als that yai hef bene few guid pastouris 
 in y'' kirk sen y^ said Syluester. O ingentem confidtniiam ! 
 My toung treulie, Madame, failzeis me to express y' zele yat a 
 faythful Christiane suld haif, for the house of God, aganis 
 yir schameles leans, aganis y^ folic, yea, y* phrenesie of yir 
 proud pestilent protestantis, euery day deseeding a step feryer 
 to yair maister in hel." (Epistle Dedicatory " To y* maist 
 Catholik, Noble, and Gratious Souerane Marie Quene of 
 Scottis," prefixed to " Vincentivs Lirenensis of the natioun 
 of Gallis, for the antiquitie and veretic of the catholik 
 fayth, aganis y* prophane nouationis of all haereseis, A richt 
 goldin buke writtin in Ijatin about xi. C. zciris passit, and 
 neulie translatit in Scottis be NIniane Winzet a catholik 
 Preist — Antverpiae Ex oflicina JEgidii Diest, 1 Dccemb. 
 1563.") 
 
 As a number of books in favour of the Roman Catholic 
 
 • A commissioifby the Bishop of Aberdeen was executed at Paris. 
 Sept. 13, 1552: "coram his leslibus— Magistris Joanne Davidson 
 vicario de Nyg.," &c. (Keith's Scot, Bishops, p. 74.) But I cannot 
 assert that this is the individual who was afterwards principal of 
 Glasgow College. 
 
 Religion were about this time translated into the Scottish 
 language, so the Reformers procured the translation of the 
 most useful writings of foreign protestants. One of these 
 appeared under the following title : " Ane Breif Gathering of 
 the Halie Signes, Sacrifices and Sacramentis Institutit of God 
 sen the Creation of the warlde. And of the trew originall 
 of the sacrifice of the Masse. Translatit out of Frenche 
 into Scottis be ane Faithful Brother. Math. 15. Euerie plant 
 &c. Imprentit at Edinbvrgh by Robert Lekprevik. m. n. lxt." 
 4to 46 leaves. Judging from internal evidence, I would be 
 disposed to conclude that the epistle of " The Translatovr 
 to the Reader" was written by John Knox. " I finding the 
 commoditie of sume zoung men weill acquentit with the 
 French toung quhais labouris releuit me mekle in yis behalf 
 I haue causit yis litle Bxnke be set furthe in our Scottis toung 
 to make y* treuth knawin to all our countrie men, yat hes not 
 y^ knawledge of y"^ rest vther leid and yat it may be partely ane 
 answer to Winzets Questions, quhil v"^ compleit answer be pre- 
 pared for y* rest." — It appears from the following entry that a 
 pension was for some time assigned to an individual whom the 
 General Assembly employed to translate foreign books. 
 
 " And of the soume of ane hundercth thretty thre pundis 
 sex schillingis aucht pennies pait be y" comptare to Williame 
 Stewart Translator of y« werkis and buikis as is tho' necess' 
 be y* kirk to be translatit for edificatioun of y" people Con- 
 foiTne to the appointment of y'' said buke of modification. 
 
 jcxxxiij li vj s viij d." 
 
 (Accompt Coll. General of the Thridds of Benefices for 
 the year 1651.) — Another entry in nearly the same terms is 
 made in the accompt for ] 562. 
 
 Note AAA. p. 369. 
 
 O/" DavidsomUs Memorial of Kinyeancleuch. — The follow- 
 ing IS the title of this rare poem : " A Memorial of the life & 
 death of two worthye (christians, Robert Campbel of the 
 Kinyeancleugh, and his wife Elizabeth Campbel. In English 
 Meter. Edinburgh. Printed by Robert Walde-graue Printer 
 to the King's Maiestie. 1595, Cum privilegio Regali." 
 Black letter, C in eights. The running title is : " A Memo- 
 riall of the life of two worthie Christians." The dedication 
 " To his loving sister in Christ, Elizabeth Campbel of Kin- 
 yeanclevch," is dated " From Edmburgh the 24. of May. 
 1595. Your assured Friend in Christ I. D." — ''Finding 
 this little Treatise (Sister, dearlie beloued in Christ) of late 
 yeares amongst my other Papers which I made about twentie 
 yeares and one agoe, Immediatlie after the death of your 
 godlie Parentes of goo<l memory, with whome I was most 
 dearlie acquainted in Christ, by reason of the troble I suffered 
 in those dales for the good cause, wherein God made them 
 chiefe comforters vnto me till death separated vs. As I vewed 
 it over, and reade it before some godly persones of late, they 
 were most instant with me, that I wouldc sufl'er it to come to 
 light, ^o the stirring vp of the zeale of God's people among vs, 
 which now beginneth almost to be quenched in all estates none 
 excepted. So that the saying of the worthie servaunt of God 
 lohn Knox, (among many other his fore-speakings) proueth 
 true, that is : " That as the gospel entered among vs and was 
 receiued with fervencie and neat •■ so lie feared it should decay 
 and lose the former bewtie, through colanes, and lothsomnesse, 
 howbeit (as he saide many tymes) it should not be utterlie 
 overthrown in Scotland til the coming of the Lord lesus to 
 judgment, in spite of Sathan 4" malice of all his slaues." 
 Elizabeth was the heiress of the two worthie christians, " af- 
 ter the dcatli of their onely Sonne Nathaniel." 
 
 I have already given an extract from this Poem. (See 
 above, p. 403. After mentioning that poets in all ages 
 had celebrated those who excelled in any " vertuous deid," 
 or deed which appeared to them " like vertue," the author 
 says : — 
 
 So we finde deeds of vassalage, 
 Set foorth by Poets in all age, 
 
 Even of Gray-Steill, wha list to luke, 
 Their is set foorth a meikle buke. 
 
 Yea for to make it did them gude 
 Of that rank Rouer Robene Hude .- 
 
 Of Itobene Hude and little Johne, 
 With sic Uke Outlawes many one ; 
 
 As Clim of the Clewgh and Cliddislie, 
 Because of their fine archerie. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 413 
 
 Then to beginne but proccs more, 
 
 We haue had worthie men before, 
 Of all degries these fyftenc yccrs. 
 
 As the ^de Regent with his feeres : 
 Tohn Knox that valyant Conquerour, 
 
 That stood in many stalward stour : 
 For Christ his maister and his word, 
 
 And many moe I might reqprd : 
 Some yet ahue, some also past, 
 
 Erie Aexandcr is not last, 
 Of Glencame, but these I passe by, 
 
 Because their deeds are alreddy 
 By sundrie Poets put in write, 
 
 Quhilk now I neid not to recite. 
 
 Kinyeancleugh's zealous and active exertions at the com- 
 mencement of the Reformation are commemorated thus : 
 
 Sa priuatelie in his lodgeing. 
 
 He had baith prayers and preaching : 
 To tell his freinds he na whit dred. 
 
 How they had lang bene blindlins led : 
 By shaueUng Papists, Monks and Friers, 
 
 And be the Paipe these many yeares : 
 When some Barrones, neere hand him by, 
 
 And Noble men he did espie, 
 Of auld who had the truth profest, 
 
 To them he quicklie him addrest : 
 And in exorting was not slak. 
 
 What consultation they would tak. 
 How orderlic they might suppresse 
 
 In their ownc bounds that Idole messe : 
 In place thereof syne preaching plant. 
 
 To quhilk some noble men did grant. 
 
 « » » » • 
 
 Quhilk they did soone performe in deede 
 
 And made them to the wark with speede : 
 And had some preaching publictUe, 
 
 Where people came maist frequentlie : 
 Whiles among woods in banks and brais. 
 
 Whiles in kirkyards beside their fais : 
 Thir Novells through the Countrie ran, 
 
 Quhilk stirred vp baith wife and man. 
 
 » * » » * 
 
 When they puld down the Friers of Air, 
 
 Speir at the Friers gif he was thair : 
 The Lard of Camele yet in Kyle, 
 
 Quha was not sleipand al this while. 
 And Robert wer made messengers, 
 
 Send from the rest to warne the Friers 
 Out of these places to deludge, 
 
 Howbeit the Carls began to grudge : 
 Either with good will or with ill. 
 
 The keyes they gave thir twa vntUI : 
 After their gudes they had out tane, 
 
 So greater harme the Friers had nane : 
 For vnlike to their crueltie. 
 
 In their massacring boutchorie. 
 » * * * • 
 
 Then Robert like a busie Bie, 
 
 Did ride the post in all Countrie : 
 Baith North and Sowth, baith East and West, 
 
 To all that the gude cause profest : 
 Through A7igus, Fyfe and Lawthaine, 
 
 Late ioumies had he many ane : 
 By night he would passe forth of Kyle, 
 
 And sUp in shortly to Argyle ; 
 Syne to Stratherne and to all parts. 
 
 Where he knew godly zealous harts. 
 Exhorting them for to be stoute. 
 
 And of the matter haue no doubt : 
 For although, said he, we be few, 
 Having our God we are anew. 
 S 
 Davidson praises Kinyeancleugh's lady for encouraging 
 him in these disinterested expeditions, instead of grudging, 
 as some wives did, the expense which he incurred. In de- 
 scribing the ungracious reception which the husband of one 
 of these thrifty dames received at his home-coming, the poet 
 informs us of the arrival in Scotland of a singular female 
 colony, whose race, it is to be hoped, is now extinct among 
 us ; although, perhaps, some acute and keen-set antiquary may 
 
 be able still to track them, and, stoically fearless of " a rebe- 
 geaster," to point out some descendants of these Norwegian 
 Amazons. 
 
 He might look as they tell the tail. 
 
 When he came harae for euill cooled kaill 
 Ze haue sa meikle gear to spend 
 
 Ze trow never it will haue end : 
 This will make you full bare there ben, 
 
 Lat see (sayes she) what other men, 
 So oft ryding a field ye finde. 
 
 Leaning thair owne labour behinde. 
 This and farre mair had oft bene told, 
 • Be many wiues, yea that we hold ' 
 
 Not of the worst in all the land, 
 
 I speak not of that balefull band ; 
 That Sathan hes sent heir away. 
 
 With the black fleete of Norroway : 
 Of whome ane wdth her Tygers tong, 
 
 Had able met him with a rong : 
 And reaked him a rebegeastor, 
 
 Calling him many warlds weastor. 
 
 Kinyeancleugh, accompanied by Davidson, who was then 
 under concealment, had gone to Rti^ko, a seat of the Laird 
 of Lochinvar, where he sickened, and died on the 22d of 
 April, 1574. His wife died in the month of June following. 
 Davidson praises his protector's piety, charity, lenity to his 
 tenants, and his wdsdom and integrity in settling private dif- 
 ferences, on which account he was employed by rich and 
 poor, both of the popish and protestant persuasion. 
 
 Note BBB. p. 369. 
 
 BisJiop ReicTs Legacy for building a College in Edin- 
 burgh. — The following are the facts respecting this legacy, 
 of which MaitJand (Hist, of Edin. p. 356,) has given an 
 incorrect statement. Robert Reid, Bishop of Orkney and 
 Zetland, (who died in 1558,) " be his testament and latf will 
 left the sowme of aUcht thousand merkis money of this 
 realme — for bying of the landis and yairdis lyand in the said 
 burgh (of Edinburgh) qlkis sumtyme pertenit to vmq'« S' 
 Johnne ramsay of balmane And for founding of ane college 
 for exercise of learning thairinto, be the aduise counsale and 
 discretioun of vmq'« Maister Abraham creightoun prouest 
 of dunglas, Maister James Makgill of rankeloure nether 
 clerk of the registre and vmq'^ Maister thomas makealzeane 
 of cliftonhall." As the money had not been applied accord- 
 ing to the will of the disponer, and " all the liiree persons 
 to whose discretion the accomplishing of the work was com- 
 mitted," were dead, the legacy was considered as having fallen 
 to the king; and the town council, in 1582, supplicated the 
 privy council, that his Majesties right in the matter should 
 be conveyed to them, and that they might have full power 
 to pursue Walter abbot of Kinloss, " ane of the executors 
 testamentares of the said vmq'^ Robert bishop of Orkney," 
 and others indebted for the said sum. This supplication was 
 granted by the privy council, on the town council giving secu- 
 rity that they would apply the money recovered to the support 
 of a college. (Record of Privy Council, April 11, 1582.) 
 On the 6th of July, 1593, the town council had recovered 
 the money in the hands of the abbot of Kinloss, which 
 amounted to 4000 merks. (Record of Town Council, vol. ix. 
 f. 207,) There does not appear to have been any ground for the 
 charge brought against the Regent Morton of having seized 
 on the legacy, as stated in Gordon's Geneal. Hist, of Earl- 
 dom of Sutherland, p. 176, and in Keith's Scot. Bishops, p. 
 134. 
 
 Note CCC. p. 371. 
 
 Resort of Foreign Students to Scotland. — The reputa- 
 tion of the University of St. Andrews had extended to France 
 in the year 1586, in consequence of which the father of 
 the celebrated Andrew Rivet purposed sending him to study 
 at it. (Dauberi Oratio Funebris, sig. * * 2. prsefix. Riveti 
 Oper. torn, iii.) But the troubles of Scotland discouraged 
 foreign students from visiting it between 1584 and 1586. 
 The reader must not consider the following list as containing 
 all the foreigners who studied at St. Andrews. After the 
 year 1579, the names of those who entered the New 
 College (which was then appropriated to the study of theo- 
 logy) are not usually recorded in the books of the University. 
 
414 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 A separate list of them appears to have been kept ; but 
 during Melville's principality, from 1580 to 1607, the original 
 ^t has been lost, and there remains only an imperfect copy of 
 'X, apparently taken by Robert Howie, his successor. Blanks 
 are frequently left in it, and sometimes only a part of the 
 name is given. During the time that Howie was princi- 
 pal, the list, which is in his handwriting, may be consider- 
 ed as complete. The following names are collected from 
 different records of the University. I have not included the 
 names of Students from England and Ireland. The greater 
 part of the foreigners attended the University during several 
 years ; but, for the sake of brevity, their names are not re- 
 peated. 
 
 List of Foreign Students at St Andrews. 
 
 An. 1588. 
 
 Isaie Chevalher. * 
 Gulielmus Oustffius. 
 
 1591. 
 
 Jacobus Maceus, Gallus. 
 Petrus Thubinus, Gallus. 
 
 1584. 
 
 Joannes Burdigallasus. 
 Claudius Heraldus, Niortensis Gallus. 
 Georgius Rincoius, natione Gallus Rupellencis. 
 Isaacus Cuvillus, natione Gallus Sammaxantinus. 
 Daniel Couppeus, natione Gallus Andegavensis. 
 Daniel Chanelus, natione Gallus Rupellensis. 
 Joannes Vignaeus, Gallus Nannetensis. 
 
 1595. 
 
 Andreas Swendius, Nobilis Danus. 
 
 Petrus Gombaldus. 
 
 Petrus Chevaltus. 
 
 Joannes Guivinellus. 
 
 Antonius Massonus. 
 
 Joannes RajTnondus. 
 
 [Christophorus Johannides, Danus .J-f- 
 
 1596. 
 
 Joannes Doucherus. 
 Jacobus Tholoscus. 
 Petrus Menancellus. 
 
 Goddaeus, Belga, 
 
 Grallus. 
 
 Gallus. 
 
 Georgius Rouellus. 
 Jacobus Weland. 
 
 1597. 
 
 1598 
 
 Jacobus Rouellus. 
 
 Gerhardus Kreuterus, Germanus Hassus Herfifenden- 
 
 sis. 
 
 1599. 
 
 Jacobus Cokstochius, (Kosteckj) Polonus. 
 
 Samuel Leonardus Rasseski, Polonus, 
 
 Joan. Casimirus Francisci Junii F Heidelbergensis 
 
 Germanus. 
 Daniel Demetrius, Franckendalensis. 
 Joannes Schesessius. 
 Raphael Colinus. 
 
 • This individual was made A. M. in 159-2, under the designation 
 of " Inaias Chevalerius, Francus Kupellensis." 
 
 + Tliis name does not occur in the Records, but it is added on 
 the authority of the following printed Thesis : " De Prtedestinatione, 
 give De Cavsis Salvtis et Damnationis £tern« Disputatio, in qua 
 prteside D. Akdr^ea Melvwo, Sarrar. Lilerarvm Professore et 
 rectore Academia Regite AndreansB in Scotia, Deo volente, Chris- 
 TOPHORvs Johannides Danvs respondeblt. Edinburgi Excubcbat 
 RobertvB Waldegraue Typographua Regius. 1695." 
 
 1600. 
 
 Joannes Valace, Belga. 
 Tobias Merbeckius, Belga.* 
 Gulielmus Teellingius. 
 Samuel Gerobulus R. 
 
 1601. 
 
 Johannes Quada a Ravesteyn 
 Isaacus Massilius. 
 Petrus a Scharlahen. 
 Jobus Danche, Dordracenus. 
 Andreas MichaelL 
 Guilielmus Latinus. 
 
 1603. t 
 
 Albertus LothofTell, Regiomontanus Borussus. 
 Christianus Hoffmeister, Regiomontanus Borussus. 
 Hugo Trajanus. 
 
 Joannes Gascus. 
 
 1604. 
 
 1606. 
 
 Johaimes Bochardus, Belga 
 Jonas Charisius Severinus, Haffniensis Danus 
 Petrus Petrejus, Hiennius Danus. 
 Johannes Rhodius, Danus. 
 
 1607. 
 
 Michael Parisius, Gallus, commendatus Collegio ab 
 
 Ecclesia Diepens. 
 Martinus Claudius, Danus. 
 [ Claudius, Danus.] 
 
 [Andreas PauUe.]4 
 
 1609. 
 
 Ericus Julius, Nobilis Danus. 
 Petrus Magnus, Danus. 
 Andreas Claudius, Danus. 
 Magnus Martini, Danus. 
 David Bariandus. 
 
 1610. 
 
 Francisco a Parisiis, Italus Neapolitanus. 
 Dauid Barjon, Gallus Aquitanus. 
 Andreas Andreae, Danus. 
 
 From 1610 to 1616, only one new foreign name occurs. 
 From 1616 to 1632, there is a considerable niunber of them, 
 including a Neapohtan. 
 
 Foreign Students at Glasgow. 
 
 1585.1 
 
 Isaac* Mazerius, Gallus. 
 
 1589. 
 Jeremias Barbsus, Cdta. 
 
 1590. 
 
 Petrus Buybertus, Celta. 
 Honoratus Guibivit, Celta. 
 Josua Buybertus, Celta. 
 
 • See Ames Typ. Ant. p. 1521. 
 
 t The register of the New College firoin 1603 to 1607' is almost a 
 blank. 
 
 t In the Testament of Walter Ramsay, oDConomus of St. Salvator's 
 College who deceased 12 Sep. 1611, are the following articles among 
 " deitis awand to the deid." — " It. be Marline Claudii Dutchmau, 
 for himself & his Iwa brother 40 lib. 6 s. 8d. 
 
 It. be Androu Paulie Dutchman as rest of his buird 9 lib." 
 
 II Dtiring this year Melville waa at Glasgow. See p. 266. 
 
N T 1'] y . 
 
 415 
 
 1593. 
 
 Johannes Riuetua, Celta. 
 Jacobus Choquetus, Celta. 
 Salomon Cailhaudus, Celta. 
 Renatus Pasquivius, Celta. 
 Joannes Blackivian, Celta. 
 
 1595. 
 
 Petrus Baalus, Celta. 
 Jacobus Thirellus, Celta. 
 Theodorus Thyrellus, Celta. 
 Renatus Osseus, Celta. 
 Carolus Ossceus, Celta. 
 Gulielmus Riuetus, Celta. 
 
 1598. 
 
 Petras Pagodus, Celta. 
 Petrus Vemgodus, Celta. 
 
 No other foreign names occur in the Records, unless in 
 1622 — 1624, when Cameron was principal of the University. 
 
 Foreign students at Edinburgh. 
 
 An. 1592. 
 
 Gulielmus Oustaeus, minister verbi. 
 Daniel Plataeus, Gallus provincia. 
 Gabriel Bounerin, Gallue. 
 
 1595. 
 
 Thomas Maserius, Gallus. 
 
 1597. 
 
 Joannes Olivarius, Gallus. 
 J. Baldoynus, Gallus. 
 [Mr. ^olt]* 
 
 1598. 
 
 Joannes Argerius, Gallus. 
 Petrus Balloynus, Gallus, 
 Honorius Argerius, Gallus. 
 Stephanus Baldoynus. 
 
 1600. 
 
 Joachimus Dubouchel, Gallus. 
 Theodorus Du Bouizet, Gallus. 
 Joannes Wardin, Xanctoniensis. 
 
 1614. 
 
 Petrus Cosselius, Gallus Diepensis. 
 
 1629. 
 
 Joannes Fabritius, Genevensis. 
 
 Note DDD.p. 372. 
 
 Parochial Schook. — The Record of the " Synod of that 
 part of the Diocie of St. Andrews q"' lyeth benorth Forth" 
 contains a report of the visitation of Parishes for the years 
 1611 and 1613. This report affords, perhaps, one of the 
 best means of ascertaining the exact state of schools within 
 a short time before the first legislative enactment on this 
 subject It must be recollected, however, in any inferences 
 that may be drawn from it, that the visitation by no means 
 
 * Mons. iEolt writes a letter from Edinburgh, April 5, 1597, to 
 Mens. Tuile, minister at Mouchap, recommending Robert Boyd of 
 Trociirig. He speaks of several of his countrymen having gone to 
 study at Glasgow. 
 
 extended to all the parishes within the bounds of the Trans- 
 forthian division of the diocese of St. Andrews. 
 
 The parishes of Tannadice, Perth, Fettercairn, Straybrock, 
 Falkland, Forgound, Ebdie or Newburgh, Innerkillor, Barrie 
 or Panbryde, Kinfaunds, Kinnaird, Inchture and Benvie, 
 Mains Strickmartine, Bruntisland, Inneraretie and Mathie, 
 and Errol, were provided with schools. Those of Rascobie, 
 Ferry of port on Craig, St. Vigeans, Kilspindie and Rait, 
 Liff, Logie and Innergowrie, Muirhous, and Manifuith, were 
 destitute of schools. Thus die parishes which had schools 
 were more tlian double in number to those which wanted 
 them. Where they were wanting, the visitors ordered them 
 to be set up, and where the provision for the master was 
 defective, they made arrangements for remedying the evil. 
 The following are extracts. "'Forgound, August 14, 1611. 
 — The skole entertained, and for tlie better provision of it 
 thair is ordained that ilk pleuch in the paroche sail pay to 
 the skolemaister xiijs, iiijd, and ilk bairne of the paroche 
 sail pay vis, viijd, in the quarter. Strangers that are of 
 ane uther paroche sail pay xx. or xxxs. as the maister can 
 procuir: And it is agried in uther congregationis." This 
 was "the common ordor." — " Straybrok, July 1, 1611. It 
 is ordenit w' comon consent that the parochineris sail give 
 among them all for the maintenance of the scoolc and scool- 
 maister yeirlie fyftie merkis, and the minister sail give iiij 
 libs." — "April, 1613 — It is reported that as yet y' cannot 
 be had ane grammar scole in Bruntisland, the councell of the 
 toune being slaw y''in and contenting y™selfisw' and q" teichea 
 y' baimes to rcid and wreite. Forsameikle as it was anes 
 concludit in ane visitatione that ane grammer scole salbe 
 had w'in that bruche and it is most necess' that it be so, 
 y'"fore it is ordained that letters be raysed upon the act of 
 visitafn." I do not know on what authority these letters 
 were raised unless it were the 7th act of the parliament 1 593. 
 (Act, Pari, Scot, iv, 16,) The visitors tried the quahfications 
 of the teachers, " Perth, Apr, 18, 1611, — Mr. Patrik Mao- 
 gregor scolem' found to have passed his course of philosophy 
 in St, Leonard's College — approved," 
 
 There is frequent reference to the trial and inspection 
 of schoolmasters in all the registers of the church courts. 
 " Andrew dischington schoolm'' of Dunbar, The act of the 
 last synodall assembly giving the presbyterie commission to 
 try Andro dischingtoun schoolmaister of Dunbar not only 
 in his hability to travell in the ministry but also to teache 
 ane grammer schoole being presentit to the presbyterie the 
 brethren ordainit him to cum heir yis day aucht dayes and 
 for beginning of his tryall to teache ane piece of the first 
 booke of the georgyckes of Virgill at the beginning yW to 
 try quhither he be able to teache ane grammer schoole 
 or not," (Rec, of Presb, of Haddmgton, Sept. 4, 1594.) — 
 "It wes ordanit be the presbyterie that the haill schoolm" 
 w'in yair bounds sould be chargit to compeir befoir thame 
 that Uiay my' not only knaw how yai wer aljill to instruct the 
 yow' Bot also charge thame to keip the exercise that yai 
 my' be the better frequented with the heids of religion, (Ibid. 
 June 2, 1596.) 
 
 The following extracts from the Record of the Kirk Session 
 of Anstruther Wester convey curious information both as to 
 the customs of the times, and as to the zeal with which the 
 education of the youth was urged. " Oct. 26, 1595. Anent 
 the complent given in by Henrie Cuningham doctor in the 
 schooU the Session thinks meit, that all the yowth in the 
 toun be caused com to the schooU to be teached. and that sic 
 as are puir shall be furnished vpone the common expenses 
 and gif ony puir refuiss to com to scholl, help of sic thing 
 as thay neid and requir shall be refused to them. And as for 
 sic as are able to sustein their barnes at the schooll & do 
 their dewitie to the teacher for them, they shall be commandit 
 to put them to the school that they may be brought vp in 
 the feir of God and vertiie. qlk if thay refuse to do, thay 
 shall be calht before the session and admonished of ther 
 dewctie and if efter admonition they mend not then farther 
 ordo'' shall be taken w' them at the discretion of the session. 
 And the magistrates & counsale shall be desyred to tak fra 
 them the quarter payments for ther child and ane dewetie 
 efter ther discretion for the dayes meat as it shall co abovt 
 vnto them whidder they put ther baimes to the schooll or not." 
 — " 18 of November, Anent the puirs it is thoght meit 
 that a visitation shall be, and that sic help shall be maid 
 to them that ar altogether vnable that may not travell to 
 seik to them selfs and theyowng shall na almess bot on 
 condition that they com to the schooll, qlk sa mony as does 
 
416 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 shall be helpit, and the manner of ther help shall be thay shall 
 half thric hours granted to them evcrie day throw the town 
 to seek ther meat, ane hour in the morning fra nyn to ten, 
 at midday fra twell to ane, and at nyght fra sax hours furth 
 and the peiple are to be desyred to be helpful to sic as will 
 give themself to any vertue, and as for others to deal! lyardly 
 w"' them to dryve them to seik efter vertue." — "Apr. 18, 
 1596. Euerie man within the town that hes baimes suld 
 put his baimes to the schooUe and for everie bairne suld give 
 tensh. in the quarter and be fred of given meat botat y' owning 
 plesure." — "Sept. 7, 1600. Item anent the schooll agreid 
 w' henrie Cunyngham that the pure of the town shall be put 
 to the [school] and sa many of them as has ingyne and 
 he takes paines upone shall giv fyv sh. in the quarter qlk the 
 session sail pay, he shall try out the baimes they sail be broght 
 befoir the session be the elders of the quarters the session sail 
 enter them to the scoU and try their pcrfitlng & sa cans re- 
 compens according to his paines & ther jj'fiting and as for 
 vther y* are not able to p''fit thay may rcid pr wrct, whidder it 
 be for want of ingyn or tym to await on, sic sail be caused to 
 learn the Lordes prayer the comades & belev tlie heades of 
 the catechisme y' ar demanded on the examination to the 
 communion q'* travell also the session will acknowledge and 
 recompense and as for the standing yearlie dewetie referes 
 that to the counsell of the town to tak ordo' wV* (Record, 
 ut supra.) 
 
 Note EEE. p. 372. 
 V 
 Alexander Hume. — Three persons of this name studied in 
 St. Mary's College, St. Andrews : one of them was laureated 
 in 1571, another in 1572, and the third was made bachelor of 
 arts in 1574. 
 
 1. Mr. Alexander Hume, Minisier of Dunbar. — He con- 
 tinued in this situation from the year 1582 to 1601. " Mr. 
 Alexander Home, minister presented to the personage of 
 Dunbar, vacand be demission of Mr. Andro Symsoun, Sept. 
 13, 1582." (Reg. of presentations, vol. ii. f. 77.) "Mr. 
 James Home, minister, resident at the kirk of Dunbar, pre- 
 sented to the personage of the same be demission of Mr. 
 Alex. Home, May 21, 1601." (Reg. Sec. Sig. lib. Ixxii. f. 56.) 
 The latter appears to have retained his designation. " Mr. Alex. 
 Home, persone of Dunbar," and " Mr. James Home, min- 
 ister at Dunbar," are witnesses to a deed. May 27, 1C05. 
 (Gen. Reg. of Deeds, vol. cix.) " Mr. Alexander Home 
 of Houndwood, sumtyme person of Dunbar," died in Decem- 
 ber, 1623. (Testament in Rec. of Commissary Court of 
 Edinburgh.) He appears to have been a half-brother of 
 Sir George Home of Broxmouth. (Test, of Janet Gibson, 
 Lady Broxmouth, ibid. Dec. 1, 1589.) 
 
 2. Mr. Alexander Hume, Minister of Logie. — He was 
 the author of " Hymnes or Sacred Songs, ' and is mentioned 
 as " sone to umq'* Pat. Home of Polwarth." (Gen. Rec. of 
 Deeds, vol. cxix. May 28, 1606.) Mr. Alex. Home, min'' at 
 Logie, and Marioun Duncansone, dochter of Jo" Duncansone, 
 minister to the kingis Ma'"', his spous."(Gcn. Reg. of Deeds, 
 vol. cvii. May. 30, 1605.) He was admitted minister of 
 Logie in August, 1597; and died on the 4th of December, 
 1609. (Record of the Presbytery of Dunblane.) "Mr. 
 Alex' Home, minister at Logie, besides Stirling, — has left ane 
 admonitione in write bchinde him to the Kirk of Scotland, 
 wherein he affirms that the bishops who were then fast ris- 
 inge up hes left the sincere ministers," &c. (Row's Hist, p. 
 94, 95.) 
 
 3. Mr. Alexander Hume, the Grammarian. — He, I am 
 inclined to think, was the author of_ all the books which 
 appeared under the name of Alexander Hume, with the 
 exception of the Hymns. He has given an account of him- 
 self in the preface to his Grammatica Nova. To his Trea- 
 tise on the Lord's Supper is prefixed .in Epistle " To Mr. John 
 Hamilton, his olde regent." He was incorporated at Oxford, 
 Jan. 26, 1580, as « M. A. of St Andrews, Scotland." 
 (Wood's Fasti, by Bliss, 217.) Could he be tlie author 
 of Humii Theses, Marpurgi, 15911 He was principal 
 master of the High School of Edinburgh, from 1596 to 1606, 
 when he went to Prestonpans. He had left the latter place 
 in 1615, and appears to have l)ecome master of the grammar 
 school of Dunbar. Charters, (Acco. of Scot. Writers, p. 3.) 
 and Sibbald, De Script. Scot. p. 3.) call him schoolmaster of 
 Dunl>ar. " Mr. Alexander Home, schoolmaster of Dunbar," 
 ifl a witness to a deed, June 24, 1623 ; (Gen. Reg. of Deeds, 
 vol. cccxli.) and to another, Nov. 27, 1627. (Ibid. vol. cccxrix. 
 
 His Grammar is entitled, " Grammatica nova in usum 
 juventutis ^goticffi ad methodum revot-ata. Ab Alexandro 
 Hvmeo, ex aniiqua et Nobili Uente Humicrum, artiam 
 Magisfro. Et auctoritate senatus, omnihus Regni Scholis 
 imperata. Edinburgi — 1612." 12mo. (Copy in the liibrary 
 of the High School of Edinburgh.) The \\ ords here printed 
 in Italics are not in the common copies. The author had 
 previously published Latin Kvditnmts. (Gram. Part ii. p. 
 25.) The tract entitled Belhim Grammaiicale was not 
 composed, but only revised by Hume. It is a humorous tragi- 
 comedy, in which the different parts of speech are arrayed 
 on opposite sides, in a contest concerning the respective 
 claims of the noun and verb to priority. It is probable that 
 it was acted by the boys in schools. He left behind him, in 
 MS. a compend of Buchanan's History (in Bibl. Jurid. 
 Edin.) and a grammatical tract, probably in defence of his 
 own grammar. (Ruddimanni Bibl. Rom. p. 61. Sibbald, 
 De Script. Scot. p. 3.) His Grammar was appointed to be 
 used in all schools, both by the Privy Council and Parliament. 
 (Grammat. Part ii. Ad Led. Comp. Act Pari. Scot iv. 157, 
 374. Act Seer. Concil. Feb. 1610— Oct 1612. Minute 
 Book of Processes before the Privy Council, Sept. 1611, and 
 July, 1612.) Hume, in a letter to Melville, Dec. 6, 1612, 
 gives an account of the opposition which his work had 
 encountered. (Mclvini Epistol», p. 309.) Casaubon, in a 
 letter to Hume, denies having prepossessed the King against 
 his Grammar, but does not conceal his disapprobation of it 
 (Casauboni Epistolse, ab Almeloveen, epist. 878.) That 
 learned man represents it as an imitation of Ramus. Hume 
 expressly allows that Ramus had not succeeded in Grammar, 
 (Grammat. Part i. Ad Lecf.) 
 
 Note FFF. p. 373. 
 
 Improvements on the High School of Edinburgh. — The 
 following minutes of Town Council contain the earliest regu- 
 lations for this seminary that I have observed. 
 
 "July 21, 1598. The samin day the forme and ordour of 
 thair Grammer schole being presentit and red before thame 
 They ratifyet and approve the samin And ordanis it to be ro- 
 gistrat in thair Counsall bulks quhairof tlie tenor followis. 
 
 " The opinioun Counsall and advyse of the rycht honora- 
 bill Mr. John prestoun of barnis ane of the Senators of the 
 College of Justice M'^Jhone scherp Thomas Craig John Nicol- 
 soun John Russell William Oliphant & James Donaldsoun 
 advocates Mr. Robert Rollock principall of the colledge of 
 Ed"" Henry Ncsbit provost Alex. Peirsoun James Nesbit bail- 
 lies of Ed"" William Napier deync of gild of the saymn 
 M"^ Walter balcamquill James Balfour and William Watsoun 
 ministers at Ed'' Mr. William Scott writter convcnit in the 
 said colledge 26 Dec. 1597 for provyding of Maisters to the 
 Grammar schole of Ed' as follows : 
 
 " In primis Thay think best and expedient that thair be foure 
 lernetand godlie men appointit regents to teache the Grammer 
 schole of Ed' in all time cumming be foure severall classes in 
 manner following. 
 
 " The first das and regent thairof sail teache the first and 
 secund rudiments of Dumbar whh the Colloques of Corde- 
 rius And on Sunday Cadicchesis palatiiiatus. The secund 
 regent sail teache the rules of the first part of Pelisso with 
 Cicerois familiar epistilles And to mak sum version thryse 
 in the oulk And to teache thame on sonday the foresaid 
 Catechise laitlie sett owt in latine * with ouid de tristibus. 
 The third regent sail teache the secund part of PeUsso with 
 the supplement of Erasmus Sintaxis Terence The Metamor- 
 phosis of Guide with buquhannanis psalms on Sonday. 
 
 " The ferd sail teache the third part of Pelisso with Buqu- 
 hannanis Prosodia, Taleus figures & rhetorick figure Construo 
 tionis Thome Linacri Virgelius Salustius Cesaris Commenta- 
 ria & floras Ouidij epistole and the heroick psalmes of Buqu- 
 hannane on Sonday. 
 
 " Ilkane of the foresaids four rcgentis sail teache thair clas 
 in severall howssis and to this effect the hie schole sail be devy- 
 i!it in four howssis be thre parpennis. 
 
 " Item to the effect thair may be the better hamionye betwix 
 the saidis four regentis in their procedour and teacheing and 
 that thai may the bettir answer for their dewtie dischairges 
 simpliciter maisters or others persons quhatsumevir of teache- 
 ing of ony rudiments or ony uther bulk of latine in ony of 
 
   " The CatechfsiB laitlie sett out In latin ver»e." (Minuet 
 of Oct. 19, 1598, fol. 206, b.) 
 
NOTES 
 
 417 
 
 thair lecture scholis Swa that the fust regent may be the mair 
 answerabill in grunding and instructing thame in Rudiments. 
 
 " It is alwayis provydit in favoures of the lecture scholis 
 That nane sail be resauet in the said first clas bot he quha 
 can reid first perfectlie Inglis with sum writt and the said first 
 regent sail nawayes be sufferit to teache any the first a b c in 
 reding. 
 
 " Item the said ferd regent sail be principall of the said 
 schole and regentis and have the owersicht of thame all viz 
 he sail sie and animadvert that every ane of the regents keip 
 thair awin houres maner and forme of teacheing presentlie 
 sett doune and that thai and ilkane of thame continuallie 
 awaitt all the day lang upoune the schole in teaching and 
 exemining thair bayrnis And that all the saids regents the 
 principall as well as the other thrie infireouris ilkane of thame 
 teache thair awin class and that ilkane of tliame use correc- 
 tion upoun thair awin disciples except in greit and notorious 
 falts all the fours to be assembUt in anc hous and to have the 
 principall regent to puneis the same. 
 
 "Item the Regent of Humanitie erectet in the college 
 sail teache zeariie y^ Rhetorick of Cassander The oraciounis 
 of Cicero And sail cans his schoUers owlkhe mak schort de- 
 clamatiouns. 
 
 Item he sail teache Horace Juvenall Plautus The greik 
 grammer with certane greik authores And as the bayrnis 
 learnis ane Oracioun of Cicero he sail cans thame every ane 
 of thame severally declame the samyn publictlie in the schole. 
 
 "Convenit in the Counsale hous 9 Jan"J 1597 Be direc- 
 tioun of the kirk and Counsell zisderday The provost James 
 Nesbit Alex' Peirsoun baillies with Mr. Walter balcanqull 
 & Mr. William Watsoun ministers Mr. James Donaldson 
 & Mr. William Scott Agreyes that the persones following 
 Mr. George Haisting sail be the first regent Laurence Pa- 
 cok secund Mr. Jhoun Balfour thrid & Mr. Alex. Home fcrd 
 and principall & sail gif ane pruif of their teacheing quhill 
 mertymes next allanerlie And to begin at Candilmas nest And 
 to publeis aucht dayes before be proclamatioun throw the town 
 the provisioun of the Grammer scolc with suflficient maisters 
 That the bayrnis may convene. 
 
 " Hes thocht guid to mak the feyis and quarter payments 
 of the saids regents in this maner viz The first & secund 
 regents sail half quarterlie ilkane thrcttein schilling four pen- 
 neis. The thrid fyfteen schillings and the ferd and principall 
 twenty shillings. 
 
 " Thair feyis the first and secund ilk ane twenty pund The 
 thrid fourty merks and the principall twa hunder merks The 
 samin day the foresaids provests baillies and Counsall dis- 
 chairges all masters regents and teachers of bayrnis in thair 
 Grammer schole of all craving & rcsaving of any bleyis syl- 
 ver of their bayrnis and scholers As alswa of any bent sylver 
 exceptand four penneis at ane tyme allanerlie." (Register of 
 Town Council of Edinburgh, vol. x. fol. 193, b.) 
 
 The following minute shows that the Town Council were 
 ■on the eve of destroying an institution which had done them 
 so much honour. It is probable that the bad humour of some 
 foolish individual had hurried them into the rash resolution, 
 which is never afterwards alluded to in the minutes. " Sep- 
 tember 2nd, 1601. The sam day after lang deliberatioun 
 fynds guid that yair hie schole be brocht to y'= awld ordo 
 of ane maister and ane schole And to after and discharge the 
 last forme of four maisters & fo'' scholes In respect yat y" said 
 maisters keippet nocht y'' ordo'' gevin yame Q''by many 
 inconvenients hes followet And ordanis Thomas fyscheares 
 & Pafk Sandelands to report y" sam to y® foure Sessiouns of 
 y« kirk That forder ordo"' may be tane w' the said schole." 
 (Ibid, vol. xi. f. 55.) 
 
 "Nov. 9, 1614. The quhilk day the Provest baillies &c. 
 Ordanis in all tyme cuming Mr. Johnne Kea m'' of thair hie 
 scoole To keip and observe the i-euUis and ordouris following 
 In tciching the schoUers of the samine Inprimis that the 
 Rudimentaris be all under ane doctor And that Dnmbar 
 Rudiments be onlie teached as maist approved & ressavit 
 in the cuntrie the first pairt whairof is ane introduction to 
 the first pairt of the Dispauteris grammer and the uther part 
 serveing as ane introductioun to the secund pairt of Des- 
 pauter And that thair be conjoynit thairwith the vocables 
 of Stanisburgius for practise of declyning dicta sapientum 
 and the distiches of (Jato, As for praxis to the wther pairt of 
 the rudimentis. 
 
 " That the secund classe learn Despauters first pairt and 
 conjoyne thairwith Corderius Minora Colloquia Erasmi The 
 select epistles of Cicero CoUectit be Sturmius And quhowson 
 3C 
 
 thay enter into the thrid bulk of the first pairt That thai be 
 cxercdsit in theamis and versionis altemis. 
 
 " That the third classe learne Despauters secund pairt and 
 thairwith the familiar epistles of Cicero his treatise de Senec- 
 tute or de Amicitia and that Terence be ever ane of their 
 lessones And gif it be fund gude to gif thame sum ingress in 
 poesie for interpretatioun as of Ovides epistles or his tristis As 
 also to hald tham exerceisit in theamis and epistles. 
 
 " And that the ford classe learne the third and fourt pairtis 
 of Despauter with some fables of Ovid his metamorphose or 
 Virgin adjoyning thairwith Quintus Curtius or Cesaris 
 Commentaris And gif thai be mair capable Suetonius And 
 that thair exercises be in versiounis msLking of Theamis 
 braking and making of versis as thair spirits servis thame. 
 
 " And that the hie classe learne the Rhetorique some of 
 Cicero his Oratiounes or de Oratore or de Claris Oratoribus 
 Salust Plautus Horace Juvenale Persius And that thai be 
 exercised in Oratiounis Compositiounis versiouns and in 
 verse quhois gift serves thaim And that prose and verse be 
 taught alternative And to teitche the greik gramer Lyesiud 
 and T/ieogius. (Hesiod and Theognis ?) 
 
 " And that thair be repetitiouns and disputes everie oulk 
 siclyk tuyse publict examinatiounis yeirlie in presence of the 
 ministeris and magistratis The first to be in the begining of 
 May and the vther the twentie day of October quhen the hie 
 classe passis to the College And that nane be sufferit to 
 assend in the schoole or pas to the College bot quha efter 
 examination ar Judgit worthie." (Ibid. vol. xii. fol. 167, b.) 
 u 
 Note GGG. p. 373. 
 
 Grammar School of Presto^ipans.-'^'T'he following is the 
 account of Hume's admission to this school : — " At hadin- 
 toun y^ 25 of Junij 1606. The q"'day Mr Jo" kcr minister 
 of y" panis producit y^ prentat"ne of Mr Alex"^ hoome to be 
 schoolm'' of y" Schoole of y'= panis foundit be Mr J° Davcd- 
 sone for instructioune of the youth in hebrew greek and htine 
 subscryvet be yais to quhome Mr. Jo" davedsone gave power 
 to rioiat y' man q'^ prentat°ne y'= prebrie allowit and ordenit 
 y* moderator & clerk to subscrive y' samine in y'' names 
 qikyay jej^ ^^ gigQ ordeanit y' y® said kirk of y" panis suld 
 be visited vpon y^ eight day of Julij next to come for admis- 
 sione of y« said Mr Alex"' to y« said otfice The visitors wer 
 appoyntit Mr Ar'' Oswald Mr Robert Wallace Mr George 
 greir Mr andro blackhall & Mr andro Maghye to teach." — 
 "At Saltprestoun, July 8, 1606. The haill parischoners 
 being poisit how yay lyckid of y* said Mr Alex"' w' vniforme 
 consent being particularly inqwyrit schew y'' guid lycking of 
 him and y'' willingnes to accept and receiv him to y'= said office 
 Q''upon y* said Mr Alex' wes admittit to y^ said office & in 
 token of y« approba"ne both of visitors & of y^ parischones 
 p'nt both y" ane and y" vother tuik y^ said Mr Alex' be y" hand 
 & y" haill magistratis gentlemen and remanet parischoners 
 p'nt faithfuUie p'misit to cocurre for y"^ furtherace of y" work 
 y' yit restis to be done to y** said schoole as also to keipt 
 y" said Mr Alex' and his scholleris skailhlis finallie for farther 
 authorizing of y« said {sic) it wes thought meitty' y'= haill visit- 
 ors & parichones p'nt suld enter y* said Mr Alex' into y" said 
 schoole & y' heir liim teache q* also wes doone." (Rec. of 
 Presb. of Haddington.) 
 
 The Parliament ui the course of that year erected " in aner 
 paroche kirk," the kirk builded " be the labouris paynis and 
 expenss of umq"= Mr Johne dauidsoun" and ratefied the 
 school founded and doted by him " for teaching of Latin grek 
 and Hebrew toungis." (Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 302,) 
 
 In a charter, granted Nov. 19. 1615, by John Hamilton 
 of Preston, as superior of the lands on which the kirk and 
 school were built, it is narrated, that the late Mr. John David- 
 son had deserved highly of the whole church and common- 
 wealth, and particularly of the parish of Saltpreston, " he having 
 preached for many years in this parish without any fee or 
 reward, built at his own expence a splendid church, fiunished 
 with a large clock, a manse, garden, and other pertinents, 
 with an acre of arable land for a glebe to the minister ; and 
 having resolved (as appears from his testament) to sell his 
 whole patrimonial inheritance, consisting of valuable houses 
 and lands in Dunfermline, and to devote the whole produce 
 to the support of the church and ministry of the said parish, 
 which purpose he would have carried into execution if he had 
 not been prevented by death." It then goes on to state : 
 " Dictus quondam Magister Joannes Daucdsoun Aream 
 quondam vulgo vocat harlaw hill," &c. " On an area which 
 27 
 
418 
 
 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 
 
 he purchased from me he finished an excellent house to serve 
 as a school for the education of the youth of the parish in 
 good letters, sciences, and virtue, [a dwelling-house for the 
 master is afterwards specified] and to furnish a stipend for the 
 master of the school he bequeathed all his moveables, to wit, 
 his household furniture, his clothes, his library, consisting of 
 a large collection of books of all kinds, his bills and obUgations 
 for debts owing him, and ail the money in his possession, 
 with the exception of certain legacies to his friends." (Char- 
 ter of mortification, among the Papers of the Kirk Session of 
 Prestonpans.) 
 
 It appears from this document that Davidson was a native 
 of DuiiiFermline. " Mag' Joannes Dalzel" was master of the 
 grammar school, when this charter was granted, and contin- 
 ued to hold that situation in 1623. (Gen. Reg. of Decreets, 
 vol. cccclxvi.l7 July, 1633.) 
 
 Note HHH. p. 377. 
 
 Of WeJivood's Experiments. — The patent was granted to 
 him and John Geddy. " Knawing alsua that the advance- 
 ment of curious and quick spreittis yat heirtofoir hes be their 
 singulare ingyne inventit — ony perfyct art or deuise — is 
 gretelie to be helpit, fauourd and supportit — thairfor vnder- 
 standing yat his hienes belouit clerkis Mr. W" Wahvode and 
 and Mr. Johne geddy — hes be yair awin singular moyen 
 naturall Industrie curious Ingynis and knawledge in sciences 
 InvenUt — an easie perfite and suddane way of eleuatioun of 
 watteris out of coill pottis sinkis and vtheris low places, 
 heirtofoir neuir hard or at the liest neuir put in practize 
 within this his hieues realme, &c. Gevand license &c," 
 Nov. 13, 1577. (Record of Privy Seal, vol. xliv. f. 116.) 
 
 The book in which he explains his plan is entitled, " Gvil- 
 ielmi Velvod de Aqva in altum per fistulas phunbeas facile 
 exprimenda apologia demonstratiua. Edinburgi apud Alexan- 
 drum Arbuthnetum, Typographum Regium, 1582." Six 
 leaves in 4to. The dedication is dated " Andreapoli pridie 
 nonas Nouembris 1582." Prefixed to it is a copy of verses 
 by Melville. If Welwood had persevered in his experiments 
 he might have accidentally made the discovery which after- 
 wards occurred to Galileo. He proposed to produce the 
 effect by means of a leaden pipe bent into a syphon and 
 extended on the exterior so as to discharge the water at a 
 point below the surface of the welL Having shut up the two 
 extremities of the pipe, he introduces water into both its legs, 
 by an aperture at the upper point or elbow of the syphon, 
 till they are completely full ; and then closing this aperture 
 with great exactness, and opening both ends of the syphon, 
 he maintains that the water will flow out of the exterior or 
 longer leg, as long as there is any in the well. It cannot, 
 he argues, flow out of the short leg, for it has no head or 
 difference of level to give it the power of issuing in that 
 direction : It cannot flow out of both legs at the same time ; 
 for then it behoved it to separate somewhere in the middle, 
 which, according to him, is impossible, as nature abhors a 
 vacuum : Therefore, it must flow out of the well by the 
 longer leg. The well is supposed to be 45 cubits deep ; for our 
 autiior was not possessed of the important fact that water will 
 not rise to a height above 33 feet. In other respects the 
 principles of his demonstrations are not more unscientifical 
 than those which Galileo would have employed sixty years 
 after the time of Welwood. 
 
 In the year 1598, the parUament granted to two individuals 
 the sole right of making certain "pompis for raising and 
 forceing of wateris — furth of mynes," &c. (Act. Pari, Scot. 
 iv. 176.) 
 
 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 
 
 No. I. [Orig. Brit Mu8. Lanadowne MSS. nanu 15, 24,] 
 
 Letter from George Buchanan to Sir Thomas Randolph. 
 
 To his singular freynd M, Randolph maister of postes 
 to the queines g. of Ingland. In london. 
 
 I resauit twa pair of lettres of you sens my latter wryting 
 to you. wyth the fyrst I ressavit Marianus Scotus, of quhylk 
 I thank you greatly, and specialy that your ingles men are 
 fund liars in thair cronicles allegyng on hym sic thyngs as 
 
 he never said. I haif beyne vexit wj'th seiknes al the tymc 
 sens, and geif I had decessit }"e suld haif losit both thankis 
 and rccompens, now I most neid thank you bot geif wear 
 brekks vp of thys foly laitly done on tlie border, than I wyl 
 hald the recompense as Inglis geir. bot gif peace followis 
 and nother ye die seik of mariage or of the twa symptomes 
 follo'.Aing on mariage quhylks ar jalozie and cuccaldry, and 
 the gut cary not me away, I most other find sum way to pay 
 or ceis kyndnes or ellis geifmg vp kyndncs pay zou w' evil 
 wordis, and geif thys fasson of dealing pleasit me I haif reddy 
 occasion to be angry wyth you tliat haif wissit me to be ane 
 kentys man, quylk in a mancr is ane centaur half man, half 
 beast and yit for ane certaine consideration I wyl pas over 
 tliat iniury, imputyng it erar to your new foly than to aid 
 wisdome, for geif ye had beine in your rj't wyt ye being anis 
 escapit the temptsteous stormes and naufrage of mariage 
 had never enterit agane in the samyng dangeris. for I can- 
 not take you for ane Stoik philosopher, having ane head 
 inexpugnable w' the frenetyk tormetis of Jalozie, or ane 
 cairkss [margin, skcptik] hart that taks cuccaldris as th3mg 
 indifferent. In this cais I most neidis praefer the rude Scottis 
 wyt of capitaine Cocburne to your inglis solomonical sapience, 
 quhylk wery of ane wyfe deUuerit hir to tlie queyne againe, 
 bot you deliuerit of any wyfe castis your self in the samyn 
 nette, et ferrepotes dominam saluis tot restibus ullam. and 
 so capitaine cockbume is in better case than you for his 
 seiknes is in the feitte and zouris ui the held. I pray you geif 
 I be out of purpose thynk not that I suld be maryit bot 
 rather consider your awyn dangerouse cstait of the quhylk the 
 spoking has thus troublit my braine and put me so far out of 
 the way. As to my occupation at this present tyme, I am 
 besy w' our story of Scotland to purge it of sum IngUs lyis 
 and Scottis vanite, as to maister knoks his historic is in hys 
 fremdis handis, and thai ar m cosultation to mitigat sum part 
 the acerbite of certaine wordis and sura taintis quhair in he 
 has followit to much su of your inglis writaris as M. hal et 
 suppilaiorem eius Graftone &c. As to M. Beza I fear y' eild 
 quhylk has put me from verses making sal deliure him sone a 
 Scabie poetica, quhylk war ane great pitye for he is ane of 
 the most singular poetes that has beine thys lang tyme. as 
 to your great prasyng gevin to me in your Ire geif ye scome 
 not I thaiik you of Imf and kyndness towart me bot I am sorie 
 of your corrupt iugement heir I wald say mony miuries to 
 you war not yat my gut comandis me to cesse and I wyl als 
 spair mater to my nixt writings. Fairweall and god keip you. 
 at Sterling the Sext of august 
 
 Be youris at al power 
 
 G. BcGHAKAir. 
 
 No. n. [Cotton MSS. Calig. C. vii. 11.] 
 
 Extract of a letter ^rom Henry Woddrington to Secrelary 
 Walsingham. 1582, Mail HG. 
 
 Upon Wednesday evening the xxiii"* of this instant Mr 
 John Dury preached in the Cathedrall church of Edenbroughe 
 where diuers noble men were present the effect thcrof tending 
 to the reproof of the bishop of Glasco as playnly tearmyng 
 him an apostate and maynswome traytor to god and his 
 churche And that even as the scribes and pharises could fynd 
 none so mete to betray Christ as one of his owne schollcrs & 
 disciples even so this duke with tlie rest of his faction can not 
 fynd so mete an instrument to subuert tlie religion planted in 
 Scotland as one of their owne nombre, one of their owne breth- 
 
 rine, and one nourished amonge tlieir owne bowels. And 
 
 lykewise he touched the present sent by the duke of Guysc to 
 the k. in this manor of speaches. 
 
 I pray you what should move Guyse that bluddy p'^secutor, 
 y' enemy vnto all treuth, that piller of the pope to send this 
 present by one of his trustiest servants vnto C k.? not for 
 any love no. no. his pretence is knowen. And I beseach the 
 lord the church of Scotland feale y' not ouersone. The k. 
 matie was perswadcd not to reccave y' for why 1 what amytie 
 or freindshipp can we looke for at his hands who hath bene 
 the bluddiest persecutor of the professors of the trothe in 
 all france neither was any notable murder or havock of gods, 
 but ho was at that in person. And yiet for all this the 
 duke and Arrain will nedes haue o' king to take a present 
 from liim. 
 
 If god did threaten the captivitie and spoyle of Herusalem 
 because that there king Hesekia did reccave a Ire and present 
 from the king of Babylon, shali we think to be free comytting 
 
ORIGINAL PAPERS, 
 
 419 
 
 the like or rather worse 1 And because yo" my 11^ w'^'' both 
 doe sec me and even at this p''nt heares me I say because you 
 shall not be hereafter excusable I tell yo" that tho" with teares. 
 I feale such confusion to ensewe, y' I feare me, will be the 
 subuersion and ruyne of the preaching of gods Evangile here 
 in the church of Scotland. I am tlie more playne w'^you 
 because I knowe their is some of yo^^ in the same action wth 
 the rest I knowe I shalbe called to an accompt for thcs words 
 here spoken, but let them doe with this carkasse of myne 
 what they will for I knowe my sowle is in the hands of the 
 lorde and therefore I will speake & that to yo' condcmnaon 
 vnlesse yo" spedely returnc. 
 
 And then in his prayers made he prayd viito the Lord either 
 to convert or confound y'' duke. 
 
 The sermon was very longe, godly, and plaine, to the great 
 comfort and reioice of the most nombre that herd yt, or doe 
 here of yt. And for thes pouits w'='^ I am enformcd of I 
 thought yt convenycnt to signifie the ssane vnto yo"^ honor. 134. 
 
 No. m. [Orig. Harl. MSS. num. 7004. 3.] 
 Letter of Andrew Melville to T. Savile, aiid G. Carhton. 
 Doctissimis adolescentibus et amicis integenimis D. Th, 
 Savile et G Carletono Oxoniensibus. Oxonium. 
 Humanitas erga me vestra incrcdibilis, et amor in vos mens 
 singularis flagitabant a me iamdiu literas : easq ad singulos 
 vestrum priscipuas potius, quam utrunq commmies. Vcrum 
 nee antea quidquam ad vos literarum dedj, iis de causis quas 
 facilius est vobis existimarc quam mihi scribcre: et nunc 
 demu, cum a mc vt scribam impetro, non ausini disiungcre 
 epistola, quos tot intcriorcs literaj, tanta morum similitudo 
 bonorum, tam praiclara honestissimarum artium studia arctio- 
 ribus amicitise vinculis coniungunt: nee distrahi patitur antea- 
 actffi vitas iucundissima consuetudo. Quare vos, pro vcstram 
 istam veterem, et nuperam banc niter nos amicitiam oro atq 
 obtestor, vt prreteritam cessationem meam mihi pro vestra 
 humanitate condonetis : et has vnas ad vtrunq literas, binarum 
 aut etiam plurum, ad singulos vestrum loco esse patiamini : 
 Nee me proptcrea non virum bonum esse putetis, si vobis 
 videar duos parictcs de cadem lidelia dealbare : Quanquam 
 pictorum mos est : tamcn finitimus pictori poeta nee pigmcn- 
 torum arculis liberatior, quam liberior atKlcndi licentia. Verum 
 hsBC parcius : ne dum me excuso, de Carletoni aut arte aut gloria 
 detraham. Cuius spiritu in poesi nihil generosiiis, nihil ecloga 
 dulcius, nihil cultius aut argutius cpigrammatc : adeo vt, si om- 
 nia hoc modo scripserit, non solum a3qualcs omnes superare, sed 
 etiam cum omni antiquitate ccrtarc videatur. De munere litcrario, 
 qua mc re de facie quidem antea ignotum vterque vestrum 
 affecistis, habeo gratiam ; Vt csetera omittam humanitatis 
 officia, tum ab vnivcrsa fere acadcmia in nos homines ignotos 
 profecta, tum a vobis in me praecipue collata. Ita viuam vt 
 nihil usquam ^•idcrem in omni vita splendidius aut magnificen- 
 tius vestra acadeniia : nihil gravius prsEceptoribus aut discipu- 
 lis humanius : nihil vobis duobus aut amabilius aut amantius : 
 fortuncdi ambo ; si quid wea car nana pos.^wif, etc. Immo 
 tua Carletone potius, qua; plurimu atque adco omni possunt 
 ad te et alios a mortalitatis et oblivionis iniuria vindicandos. 
 Ad quam mirifica in pangendis versibus felicitatem acccdit 
 incrcdibiUs rerum mathematicanim scientia. Diuinum, Saville 
 ingenium, et eruditio tanta, quantam in istam retatem credere 
 nunquam putauj. Quid nmlta "? /aukit Iiklov cnccTru aXAo 
 6aA:TV6TS?iv sv ofxtgi. (prtitvov ai7T/:iv ig>:f/.d.iii a/fis^cf, &c. Verum 
 de vobis alias et apud alios. Quod rcliquum est, suauissime 
 idemq doctissirae Sauile, cxpcctatione promissi tui fretus 
 humanitate tua, moneor, vt admoncam te, non vt flagitem : 
 quid est"! fortassc inquis. Maniliana tua, vol, si mauis, Scal- 
 igerana, liccat mihi per te (vel tuo potius beneficio conce- 
 datur) ex interuallo regustata. Superiora tua in me bene- 
 ficia hac etiam accessionc (mihi crede) non parum cumula- 
 bis. Salutem a me ct fratrihus toti Academise et nominatim 
 vestro coUegii prefecto ceterisq amicis communibus. Va- 
 lete tyx-vgiai, Raptim liondini. 15 Decemb. 1584. 
 Vestri Studiosissimus 
 
 Axn: Melvincs. 
 
 No. IV. [Orig. Harl. MSS. num. 7004. 2.] 
 Arrhbiihop Adamson to Archbishop W/iitgiff. 
 
 Pleia your grace inicdiatle after my retourninge in Scotland 
 the king his maiestc held his parliamet where besides many 
 loveable a',-tis his liicncs hath restored in integru tlie estate of 
 Bishops and hath contramandet the seignoreis presbitereis not 
 only be good reasoun of Scripture and antiquitc, hot likwayis 
 
 in respect his hiens had livele experience, that they wer gret 
 instrumcntis of unquietnes and rebellioun be there populare 
 disordo^ I doubt not your G. hathe beene sufficietlie enform- 
 cd of the late attemptatis moved be some of Or nobiUtie wher- 
 vnto many ministeris being prive and their seignoreis and 
 therefore not able to abyde the triall of the law are fugitive 
 in England w-here they pretext as I am certe3Tile enformcd, 
 the caus of religiovm albeit it be of an undoubted truth, that 
 they have no other caus hot there practizinge counsellinge 
 and allowing of the last seditious factis and the refusinge of 
 the lawfull authoritie of there ordinorcis the Bishops, wher- 
 vnto notwithstanding the godle and quiet spirites w'in the 
 realme hathe willingle aggreit and subscryved The quhilk I 
 have thoght most necessare to advertez your grace vpon 
 whose shoulderis the care of the spiiituall estate dothe chefle 
 repose, that your grace may be moste assured, that the king 
 his maistie o'' master his entention is with the sincerite of the 
 word qlk his hienes in his heart dothe reverence, to conforme 
 sik an police, as may be an example to other comounwealthis, 
 as I did show yo' g. in particulare conferee at yo"" awin hous 
 of Lambeth, I am assured divers misreportis wilbe made vnto 
 yo'' G. of the banishment of so many ministeris hot your g. 
 shall beleve that there is never one banished, nether have they 
 abiddin that notable sentence of Johnne Chrisostome, Ego ex 
 hoc throno non discedam nisi impeiatoria vi coactus, for they 
 are fugitive onele vpon their awin guiltines Swa that I am 
 moste assured if her maiestc be your g. shalbe sufiicientlie 
 enformed of the truthe, her hienes will not suflcr sik slaunder- 
 ous persounes vndcr pretext of religioun to abyde in her 
 counirey to infccte the estate of Englande w' their seditious 
 practises qlk tliey have bene about to cstabUss in this coun- 
 trcy And for my awin parte your g. may assure her hienes 
 albeit her m. hathe bene othcrweyis enformed at my beuig in 
 England, that after my small credite and habilite I shall endca 
 vc my self to the prcservas^'un of the true religioun profcssit 
 in the whole yle and comoim quietncs and mutuall amite of 
 her m. nnd o' master In the qlk poynte if her m. had further 
 employed me at that tyme I could have done what laye in me, 
 But your g. knawis in what ielose my doings wer, albeit I 
 protest afore god I ment nothing bot in sincerite of heart, 
 wishing next Or master best prosperitie to her hienes for the 
 conservation of the truth in this ysland be there concorde. 
 I shall not forgeit yo'' g. galloway naig, in tcstimonie of 
 mutuall favor, when any opportunit comodite shall present the 
 self be any sufficiet berar, wishing heartle your g. welfare and 
 to assist ws with your I. prayer, help and gudwill at her hienes 
 hande in maynteininge of this goode work against tlie preten- 
 ded seignoreis, the end whereof tendis to evert monarcheis 
 and destroy the scepto' of princes and to confounde the 
 whole estate and iurisdictioun of the kirk qlk I should be verie 
 sore after so longe continewance of tyme to see decaye in our 
 dayis, Nostra sccordia et ignauia qui ad clavum sedemus. It 
 wilbe your g. pleasor to salute my lorde bishope of London in 
 my name and my Lorde archbishop of york his grace for the 
 goode entertenement I resavcd at his house, thanking her 
 hienes most humble therfore, committis your g. to the protec- 
 tioun of god frome S' Andross the 16 of Junij 1584 
 
 Yo'' gracis verie lovinge and assured 
 brother S5'mmyste and coopcrare 
 in the lorde his vyneyard 
 Patrick, Archbischop of S' Sanctandross 
 To my lorde his grace of Canterburie geove these. 
 
 [No. V. Cotton MSS. Calig. C. viiL 54, G3, 78.] 
 
 Extracts of Letters from William Davito7i to Secretary 
 Walsingham concerning the administration of Arran. 
 
 Edinb. Juaie 15, 1684. 
 -Upon a Ire written to the Magistrats of this towne 
 
 by Mr. Ja : Lawson signifyinge the causes of hiis withdraw- 
 inge himself from his charge the k. had caused an answere to 
 be drawen & sent hether to the said Magistrats & Burgesses 
 to be subsigned by them charginge Mr. Ja : and his fellow- 
 ministers w'l'hereticall and seditious doctrine, w"" other things 
 verie hard in tlieir reproche vi'^^ beinge presented vnto them and 
 redd in open counsell the Provost who hathe ben heretofore 
 condempned as a man to plyable to the hard commandements 
 of this courte suddenlie brake forth into an exclamacon desire- 
 inge to lyve no longer as one that hadd alreadie seen too much 
 of the miseryes to come vppon his country and immcdiatelie 
 beinge readie to swonnc in the counsell was conveiged home 
 extreamlie sick and now lieth verie hardlie and not like to 
 
420 
 
 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 
 
 escape. Notwithstanding both he and the rest thought it 
 good to deput ccrten of their companie to repaire ^^lto the k: 
 w"" their humble excuse and petition that thei might not be 
 forced against their consciences to slaunder thos against whos 
 integritie of Jief and soundnes of doctrine thei cold never take 
 exception, but in fme tlie prsons and Ire are retomed with 
 flatt charge to subscribe it in the forme it is or aunswer the 
 contempt at their p'ills. The Secretary Mateland beinge 
 appointed to see it don and to take the names of soche as shall 
 refuse the same. 
 
 At St. Androwes the Bushopp hathe in the meantyme 
 played his part so well in the pursute of good men as that 
 both the professo" and students in the Colledge of Theologie 
 haue abandoned the place and w'l'drawen themselves for ther 
 suerties where th^ can find safeest refuge. 
 
 Edinb. July, 1584. 
 
 Mr. James Skeene, the Jesuit of whome I haue here- 
 tofore aduertised your bono"' had as I credibly leame previe 
 access [to a con]ference 40 * at St Androwes It is assured 
 me that [he hath] secrett comission both from 20 and others. 
 & hath desyred sorely for the home comeing of diuers of his 
 fellow Jesuitts W^*" he bathe thus farr ol)teyned that they shall 
 be ouirscen and not troubled by his Ma'^ or his lawes so they 
 will tak their hazard against the popular fury, & with this 
 caution that they be not ouirhasty thereui till matters be 
 better settled w'^'^ trafficque w"" him & others of his sorte doth 
 wonderfully increase the fear & suspicion of this k. desertion 
 or careles accompt of religion. — Your honor may have some 
 ghess of Osgood natures in Court by their sorrow for the 
 murther of the poor pr. of orenge w* 40 hath openly confessed 
 to be such an end as he deserued. & is generally allowed 
 and reioyced at amongst the most part of our poUitiques 
 theare. Having written thus farr tliis letter being vnclosed 
 till this morning by occasion of some expected aduyse from 
 a friend or two I have in the mean tymc vnderstood that Mr. 
 John Howeson minister of Paslay is apprehended & to pass 
 on assyse the xxii* of this p'nt af Perth, for inveighing agednst 
 the late acts of p^liament & course taken against religion for 
 w"* he is lyk to be executed. And the whole Regents &c 
 others of the College of Glascow for the same opinion 
 sumoned super inquirendis so as yo"' may see we are afrayd 
 of nothing les [than that] the woild should be ignorant what 
 mark we shoote at. 
 
 Edinb. Aug. 16, 1584. 
 
 " On thursday p''clamcon was made here that all ministers 
 should giue vpp the rentalls of their benefices into the exche- 
 quer to th' end that none hereafter receave any p'"fitt of their 
 livings but such only as shall submit themseluea and subsciybe 
 to their new framed pollicy. Mr. Andrew Hay who w"> diuers 
 others hath absolutely refused yt is comaundcd to dcp't the 
 country w"'in XX dayes w^'speciall inhibition not to repayre 
 into Ingland or Ireland whose ayre they hold as contagious 
 and for the same cause the vniversity of Glascow is by the 
 Bishopps diligence made vtterly vacant the colledge was lockt 
 vpp, the students dismissed, & the Regents and M" commyt- 
 ted, the lyk curtesie being exercised towards them of St. An- 
 drowes and Abirdeene as if theis bishopps thought their glory 
 and surety to stand in bringing in ignorance and confusion 
 into the schooles & by the same degrees corruption & 
 Athcisme into the church wherein their lal/ hath great appear- 
 ance of eifect, if this coOTsc be longe contincwed. 
 
 The B. of St. Androwes hath addressed one Mr. Archibald 
 Harbishoune into England aswell to call home some of his 
 countrymen w"" vs & and of his own humor to occupy the 
 roomcs of honeste men as for some other purposes with the fr. 
 ambassador. — There is little appearance that the Bishopps 
 here can longer brooke their newe empyre w* quiet either in 
 respect to th' cause or th"^ p'sons w'='' are gneally condempned. 
 At St. Androwes there was the last week an alarm given to 
 the Bishopp by certain of the students remayning there & 
 others to the number of xx or xxx p'^sons euery man with his 
 barquebuzt who bestowed the most p't of the night in shoot- 
 ing against the wyndowes both of the Castell where the B. 
 laye and of his house in tlie townc leaving a testimony 
 behind them of their good meaning towards him. On the 
 morrow the Bishopp thinking to haue gotten tryal of this fact 
 caused the few students of the colledge w'^'' were remaning to 
 be conveen!3d in the public schooles making very diligent inqui- 
 sjcon of tlie former nighta disorder but found nothing save that 
 
   It appears from another letter of Davison, (Cal. C. vliU 78.) ihai. 
 40 is the cipher for the King of Scotland. 
 
 such as were suspect and examined though thej dcnyea their 
 presence confessed they wished the Bishopp so well as it was 
 not so sclender a revenge as that could satisfie them for the 
 publique hurt he had done, and willed him to remember how 
 fatall that sea had been to his predecessours & to looke for no 
 better. 
 
 No. VI. [Orig. m Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 34.] 
 
 Extract of a letter from Mr. D. Andersone to certain Minis- 
 ters in Scotland, conveying information respecting Scotch 
 Papists in Germany. 
 
 From Auspurgh in high Almanie the 27 of April, 1596. 
 
 Right worshipful and deare bretheren in Christ — I foresee- 
 ing the storme imminent and hearing of the pernicious 
 intentions of the enemies, haue not desisted till I came to the 
 knowledge, (yf not of all) yet of the most part of ther 
 intentions actions & purposes, by using the help of good 
 christians, abborrers of idolatrie, men secrete, faythfuU and 
 prudent. At Rome Tirie the Jesuit, and Archibald Hamilton 
 the apostat with great instance and manifold supplications 
 have soUicited the Pope Clement the 8, and the College of 
 Cardinals to erect a Seminarie ther for the education in Rom- 
 ish impietie of such youngiins as by their direction doe come 
 from Scotland ; who afterwards being made masse priests and 
 Jesuits may be sent into Scotland for the propagation of 
 popish religion with the mine of the present estate of that 
 realme : but nothing as yet is determined ; notwithstanding 
 they are in hope that ther petition shall take effect, seeing 
 Gregorie the 13 builded three seminaries in Rome for stran- 
 gers, one for the English, another for the Dutchc, and the third 
 for the Mauretanians or Africanes : Lut the matter is not so 
 hottlie prosecuted now as it was before, by reason of Hamil- 
 tons death, who departed at Rome the 30 of Januarie 1596. 
 LesUe bishop of Rosse, John Hamilton popish priest and 
 Ligeur ; William Chrichton and James Gordon Jesuits, who 
 remayn most commonlie in Brusels (except Gordon, who is 
 most commonlie with Huntlie and Arole. either at Leids with 
 the bishop of Colon, or at Namur in the companie of Span- 
 iards) are verie busie with Albert Cardinall of Austria, prcscntlie 
 Lieutenant for the Spanish King in the Netherlands, for obtain- 
 ing of sum aide to assist Huntlie and Arole with their com- 
 plices in Scotland for the extermination of all the professors 
 of the true reformed rehgion in that realme ; I heare that 
 Walter Lyndesay for the furtherance of ther matters is sent 
 unto the King of Spaine ; but I hope in God, that tliey shall 
 come short of ther expectations ; seeing the Spaniard hath 
 more yrnes in the fyre than he can well handle, and more 
 mightie princes in Christendome justlie his enemies, than he 
 with all his forces is able to resist. The Spanish concile also 
 taxeth the foresaid Earles of the breach of ther promise, who 
 in the yeare 1592, (when the Spaniard concluded to aid the 
 papists in Scotland with 20000 men) after the rccete of great 
 summes of Spanish gold, not only then but at diverse other 
 tymes, oblished themselves to take armcs with all possible 
 diligence agaynst all those of the reformed rehgion hi Scotland, 
 and also to advance the Kuig of Spayns practizes not only 
 ther, but also m England and Ireland, to the uttermost of ther 
 power ; which nevertheless according to promise they have 
 not performed. But tliey to excuse themselves, first alledge 
 the reveUng of ther intentions, secondlie that Rol)crt Bruce 
 (a principal trafficker in those treasonable alfayres) delivered 
 not those summes of money unto them which were promised, 
 partlie for the hyring of souldiours ; and partlic for Uie grati- 
 fying of gentlemen Romish Catholikes, and Clannes, to make 
 the more prompt and courageous in tlic Spanish service ; for 
 which cause Brusse is straitlie imprisoned ; and sharply accus- 
 ed by the forenamed Earles. In high Germanic the Scotish 
 Papists have some abbayes praiscntly in jwssession ; as at 
 Reusburgh in Bavaria, the abbots name is James Whytc borne 
 neere abcrdene : the prior is called James Winnet (Ninian 
 Winniets nephew Whits pra;deccssour) ; raonkes ther, Lessiie 
 cosin to Lessiie the bishop; DarnpuU; James Bog, John 
 Bogs sone one of his majesties })orters ; two novices are gone 
 thence to Rome, tlie one his name is Wddard home in Edin- 
 burgh, he studied in jiragc with the Jesuits ; the other is one 
 Lermonth borne neere Sanctandrosse the laird of Darsies 
 brother sone. Ther is also another popish priest sent to 
 Rome by the Scottish abbots as I suppose;, to obtaine a license 
 of the pope that some of them may return into Scotland, to 
 traflSck ther with the papists and to bring some nuntber of 
 young boyes with them in Germanic (but more hereafter of 
 
ORIGINAL PAPERS. 
 
 421 
 
 this purpose.) The popish priest that is sent to Rome is call- 
 ed Adame Sympson borne in Edinburgh, he was long a ser- 
 vant in Newbattle, afterwards in france he served Archibald 
 Hamilton the apostat, and from him he went with the Earle of 
 Westmorland into Spaine; lastlie he served George Carr, 
 Trafficker for the Spaniards in Scotland. In the yeare of God 
 1.594 and 1595 he said masse sometymes ui the Lord Herise 
 hous ; sometymes in Arols hous, and in the young lord of 
 Bonitons hous called Wodd : he came last out of Scotland in 
 the companie of Huntlie ; he is a verie craftie, cruel, and pes- 
 tiferous papist, but unlearned. The second Scottish abbey in 
 Germanic is at Wirtzburg in Frankland ; the abbot ther is 
 Richard Wrwin borne about Dumirisse, he was sometymes ser- 
 vant to the old lord Herise, and attended at Santandrosse in 
 the old college on his sone Edward Maxwell now abbot of 
 Dundrennen and laird of Lamingt«n : he was sent from 
 Parise by the popish bishop of Glasgow to Winiet abbot of 
 Reusburg, and ther made a monke ; he is a drunken, igno- 
 rant, subtill and malicious fellow. The prior at Wirtzburg is 
 called francos Hamilton of the hous of Stanhouse, as he 
 sayeth, but I rather thinke that he is one of the Hamiltons of 
 Santandrosse ; he was sometymes at pont mison in Lorainc, 
 and afterwards studied under the Jesuits at Wirtzburg and 
 Reusburg ; ther is not a more blasphemous cruel and vtra- 
 gious enemie against the gospel of Christ of our nation then 
 this Hamilton : but withall a proud unlearned bodie : The 
 third Scotishman at Wirtzburgh his name is John Stuard 
 borne about Glasgow a boy of 18 years of age; more monkes 
 Scotishmen they have not, because none of our nation that 
 fearcth God will enter into so infamous and idolatrous a soci- 
 ety. The third Scottish abbey is at Erfurd in the land of 
 Thuringia, the abbots name is John Walker, borne I think 
 about Disert in Fyfe ; he is all alone for want of Scottish pa- 
 pists. The Scottish pajnsts of the foresaid places have had a 
 meeting at Wirtzburg the 19 of April 1596 according to 
 the direction of the pops legat in Germanie,. and the bishop of 
 Wirtzburgh, called Julius Extar (one of the greatest enemies 
 that the gospel of our Saviour hath in Germanie) for the elect- 
 ing of some of these Scottish papists to send into Scotland 
 this yeare, and that for two causes cheiflic ; first, that they may 
 learne the whole state and condition of the countrey, and con- 
 sult with the papists ther, what is to be done for the subver- 
 sion of the present state of religion in Scotland ; secondlie to 
 make a choice of childrene between the ages of 12 and 18 
 years to be broght into Germanie, partlie for the furnishmg of 
 their abbays, not only which prajscntlie they poascsse, but also 
 of those places which they are in hope to obtaine at the pops and 
 Emperours hands ; the abbayes are there, one in Vienna, two at 
 Colen, one at News at, one at Ments, and another at Wormes : 
 and partlie that these younglmgs may be educatetl with tlie Jesu- 
 its to be sent afterwards into Scotland for the effecting of ther 
 purposes : the bishop of Wirtzburgh hath promised to main- 
 tain at his charges threescore of these yong boyes, the Bishop 
 of Saltzburgh fortie and the bishop of Reusburg twentie till 
 they be able to be made masse priests, Jesuits or monkes : It 
 is thought that either Wrwin or Hamilton shall be sent this 
 summer into Scotland for that purpose, '/'he lard of Lething- 
 ton called Metalcn departed from the Earles at Lieds about 
 the 20 of August 1595 towards Rome, in all his journey he 
 had long and serious conferences with the Jesuits : Gordon 
 and Crichton Scots Jesuits and one called Holt an English 
 Jesuit gave him letters of recommendation to all those places, as 
 also a direction to recxjave of the Jesuits at everie neede three 
 hundreth crownes for the better expedition of his affaires : 
 what letters he had to the pope, college of Cardinals or the 
 Spanish Ambassadour at Rome, either from enemies at home 
 or abroad I know not : your wisdomes may judge that his 
 going so long and tedious a journey was not for small trifles. 
 Whiles he remayned in Scotland in the Lord Herise his 
 father in laws hous he had great intelligence with many po- 
 pish priests both English and Scottish but namely with one 
 Sicill an English priest that lurkcth most commonhe in the 
 Lord Heriscs hous or in the borders not farr from thence : 
 they use commonlie the help of a poor craftie knave, unsus- 
 pected of any man I)ecause of his outward simplicitie, in cary- 
 ing and recarying of letters between the papists of England 
 and Scotland whose surname is Horsburgh, ho hanteth in 
 Dumfrisse and tliose quarters. Places most dangerous in Scot- 
 land are the Southwest and Northeast where Gods, the kings, 
 and whole realms enemies are receaved, harboured and inter- 
 teyned. In Scotland prajsentlie (yf they he not of late departed 
 out of the land) there are Jesuits, Mackwhuiry, Mirton, Abcr- 
 
 cromie and ane Murdoch, spies for the Spaniard, and noto- 
 rious traitors to God, his church, the kings majestie, and the 
 whole land. There is also in Germanic one named Archibald 
 Anderson who is my half brother by the flesh a professor of 
 the Greke tongue in the Jesuits CoUedge at Grats in the coun- 
 trey of Stiria, whom I soght to reduce from that papisticall bon- 
 dage ; but he knowing of my coming to Cramaw in Bohemia 
 where tlien he remayned was suddenlic transported from 
 thence by the Jesuits to Vienna. 
 
 No. VII, [Orig. in Bibl. Jurid. M. 6. 9. num. 32.] 
 
 Letter from John, Earl of Gowrie* 
 
 To my beloved brother M. Jhone Malcome Minister at Perth. 
 
 "EvKoynTOY Mtoi TO hvo/jia. Tovjitov he cuava. 
 
 Beloved brother 
 Having taken occasione to wret to Scotland wald not omitt 
 my deutie to you in visiting you with this letter, that therby 
 ye my* vnderstand of my present estate quhilk continues as of 
 before, praising God from my hairt that of the riche abundance 
 of his gude grace and mere mercie hes maid the beames 
 and licht of his countenance to shine upon me most fauorably 
 to be ane guide to conduct me saiflie per hunc Avemum 
 quherin mony here {quorum oculi densa caligine et nebulis 
 obfttscaii sunt) o miserum specfaculum ! are drouned in his 
 justice. I meane not at all, ahsit ,- for I am acquainted with 
 diuersheir qui etiam inter fias paludes stigiashes neuer boued 
 ther kne to Baal : quhat ane maruell is this and quha can be- 
 leue it ; and yet it is certanly true, glorifcetur igitur Dots in 
 op^ilms suis ac eo magis quo sunt mirubiliora wnfa. tdv <^v<rn. 
 There was ane notable exemple of constancie not long ago in 
 ane Silesian minister of some threscorc ycarcs and mair quha 
 efter he hes beine deteined in prisone about nyne yeares and 
 the Jesuites had trauailed with him to recant bot persaiffing 
 that thei could prevaile nothing at his handis caused bring him 
 to the fyre lyke bludie dogges quhere efter he had maid ane 
 excellent discours and harang to the people shauing them the 
 grat honor he was callit to in suffering for Christis sake and 
 exhorted them to conuersione abode most patientlie without 
 ony shrinking all tormentis magnifeing Godis holy name and 
 praying that ther sinnes myt be forgiuen them. Efter he wes 
 bront not being yet satisfied of the crueltie that thei had usit 
 against him quhen he wes lining did cast ane gret heap of 
 stones vpon his ashes multo swviores quam erant Judiei ad- 
 vcrsus Sfephanum. Ther were vtheris quha for feare of death 
 ett that same tyme maid filthie apostacie fra the true Religione 
 to that damnable Idolatrie and at that instant that ane of them 
 begane to deny Christ in making defectione there isshued 
 bluile out of his nose in suche gret abundance that all did see 
 him thout he sould haue dyed presentlie this wes ane visibill 
 signe of the hand of God that chopped on him quha hed 
 done suche ane villanie aganist his conscience for to purchase 
 his owen lyffe quhilk he wes not worthee to bruik by the loss 
 of his soule. Bot these renegatcs not the les escaped not 
 ther awin punishment for they all were send ad triremes, 
 ubi non vnius horse spatio vitam Jinituri sed morien- 
 tfs semper nee tamen mcrientur. Laitlie efter these thin- 
 gis ane certane Inglishe man being moved on zcle to cast 
 ther focra fioitia (as thei most falsie callis it) out of the 
 priestis handis that wes careing it in processione to the 
 grund, and to stramp on it with his fete wes apprehendit and 
 denudit of his clothes thcreftcr ane hude putt on his heade 
 quheron wes painted the dcuilis image and some with bleasis 
 quha bnmt him continually in the backe and brest as he walk- 
 ed fordwart bot he in the meane tyme wes occupiet in shau- 
 ing the people hou thei were schamfulHe abused be there mis- 
 cent Iddolers quha wer leading them to there auin damnatione. 
 In end he spake with suche ane vehemencie that the enymies 
 caused knett his toung fearing some uprnre to enseu if he had 
 gottin ony forder libertie to speke so he wes brot to the place 
 of executione quhere Ufting vp his eyis to heauen and on his 
 knees kissing the chaine he wes bund with, they caused firet 
 cut of his hand for the fact he had committed with it and nixt 
 bume him quicke. All thir thingis were done in Rome that 
 mother of all vyce and hoorishc synagog of deuils. I am soiy 
 that my absence will not permitt me to kyth my mynd and 
 gudwill in helping to sett furth Godis glorie ther cui totus ex 
 iininio incui'ibcrem bot quhen at his gude pleasure I returne 
 
   This is tlip nobleman wlio is so well known, in consequence of hiB 
 name having been given to that much contested and dark atlair— 
 the Generic Cotispiract/. 
 
422 
 
 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 
 
 sail with his grace inJeuore my self to amend quliatsomeuer is 
 omitted for laike of my presence. I thank you most hartfully 
 of your rememberance of me in your prayeris desyring you 
 earnestlie to contineu according to the loue ye cary to the sal- 
 vatione of my soule. Thus remembering my very loving 
 commendationis to yourselff with the haill ny'bouris of the 
 toune Committis you with them all to the protectione of the 
 Omnipotent. 
 
 At Padouathe 28 of Nouember 1595. 
 
 Youris alwayis affectionat 
 
 GOWRTE. 
 
 I dout not bot ye haue hard long sioce of the Papes bene- 
 dictione given to the king of France quhilk lies turned to 
 ane maledictione. No vther ncuis occurris heir for the 
 present, bot now againe laitly ther is some IngUshmen 
 put in the hous of inquisitione in Kome. 
 
 No. Virr. [Melvini EpistoliE MSS. p. 29.] 
 Melvinus ad Senatum Anglicanum. 
 Artaxerxes cognomento memoriosus in veterem Judeorum 
 ecclesiam ab exilio reducem Pcrsarum Monarcha bencficentis- 
 simus, Legem de cuitu divino et rcligione moderanda sanxit 
 divinitus in ha;c verba : Quirl//uid est de sententia Dei cceles- 
 tisperJicUur diUgentur in doino Del ccclestis .• ut iwn sitfer- 
 vens ira in regnum regem et filios ejus. Hanc ego legem 
 cum similibus sacrae scripturte locis non negligentissime com- 
 paratam, multo antequam Angliam hac vice cogitassem, sajpe 
 mecum et diu multumque pro muneris mihi divinitus mandati 
 ratione, meditatus, tertio abhinc anno, Septombri mense ver- 
 gente in aede Hamptoniana jussus sacris interesse, tarn specta- 
 tor quam auditor insolens, pro re nata carmen breve et Dra- 
 maticum, Regise majestati, invocato numine, recitandum feci. 
 Cujus exemplum inscio me descriptum et depravatum ct muti- 
 lum postea Novenibri prfficipite, niihi coram amplissimo senatu 
 criminis loco objectum : ct anni insequentis adulto vcre dcnuo 
 exacerbatum fuit. In hac causa dicenda sine fuco et fallaciis 
 more majorum, et mcis versicolis a criminis atrocitate cujus 
 affinis non cssem libere vindicandis, si quid mihi tam necessa- 
 rio tempore meo, minus dccore pro hiijus gentis indole et reg- 
 ni moribus respondent! humanitus excidit, quod quemquam 
 mortalium jure offenderit, nedum Senatum ampiissimum, ut 
 ejus ego sive erroris sive rusticitatis pocnam biennali carcere 
 adhuc luo : ita vcniam supplex primum a Deo patre indulgen^ 
 tissimo, deindc a Britanniarum Rcge Clementissimo, denique 
 ab amplissimo Senatus singular! aequanimitate, ctiam atque 
 etiam peto. 
 
 No. IX. [Orig. in Arch. Eccles. Scotic. vol, xxviii num. 6,] 
 
 Letter from Andrew Melville to Sir James Sempill 
 of Beltrees, 
 
 My dewtie humblie remembered Please yo' w, being pre- 
 vented by yo' undeserved kindness, I am emboldened to aske 
 your counsel and good advice at this tyme. I heare that the 
 Duke of Bullon hath requested his Ma. by letters and by my 
 Lord Wotton Ambassadour, in my favour, and that his Ma. is 
 not unwilling to shew me some gracious favour. Therfor I 
 thought it my dewtie to offer my humble service unto the 
 Prince Highnes as a naturall subject. And if bashfulnes 
 wold suffer me to speak the Irutii, one come of those wliome 
 his roycll progenitors hath acknowledged not only faithfull ser- 
 vants but also friendly kinsfolk. 8o that naturall affection 
 should command me reverently to hono' and faithfully to serve 
 his Ma. and progeny, namely his highnes whome the Lord ad- 
 vauceth to succeed in the royall throne, which is established 
 by two ground pillars of ,Iut>lLcc and Reliigion, whereof the 
 last hath Injcn my calling and exerceis these 36 years at the 
 least in my owne native countrie, except so much as England 
 hath broken off the course of my ordinarie traveles. I was 
 transported thirtie j'eers ago l>y the advice & authoritie both of 
 generall Assembly and three estats at his Ma, command from 
 Glasco (wh(;re six ycers the Jjord had blessed my labours in 
 letters & reliigion to the comfort of the church & honour of 
 the countrie) unto St, Androis for reforming of the Universitie, 
 and erecting a coUcdgc of Diviniiie for the profession of learn- 
 ed tongues & Thcologie against the Seminaries of Reni.s and 
 liome: wheniii I was placed by Commissionars both of 
 Church and Counsel!, authorized with his Ma. commission in 
 most solemn manner. And I for my i>art, inmodestie to utter 
 the trutli, I dare not 48ay but I have Ikcu f;ullifull in my great 
 weaknes notwilhstaniiin;? michty op()Osition: but these four 
 ycers l)ypa.-!t und more I have been willihoklen from y' doing 
 
 of my dewtie to my countrie and church of God therein, as is 
 notoriously knowen, to my great regrate. Now Reason and 
 Conscience bind me to this obligation of my calling and dis- 
 charge of my dewtie, if so it wold please his Ma. And I 
 feare the necessitie of that holy work wold crave help, that the 
 fountaines of Learning and Reliigion be not dryed up in our 
 barren country. And my old age doth no less crave, if not 
 rest from travel, at the least an honest retreat from warefaro 
 within my own garison and corsgard, with hope of buriall with 
 my ancestors. In the meanetyme I offer my humble service 
 unto tlie Prince his highnes, if your w, think it expedient, 
 with the advise of my two intire and speciall friends Sir James 
 Fowlarton and Mr. 'riiomas Murray, to whome these presents 
 will make my heartie comendations. So taking my leave I 
 recomend you S"" to the grace of God till a joyful meeting at 
 his good pleasour, 
 
 Yo" in y'' Lord to be conmaandit 
 
 An. Meltijte. 
 London Tower this first 
 of December 1610. 
 
 No, X, [Bibl, Jurid, Edin. M, 6. 9, num, 42,] 
 
 Letter from Andrew Melville to Robert Durie at Lei/den. 
 
 Right reverend and dearly beloved father in the Lord Jesus, 
 your last letter was full of kyndly stufie, and so was very 
 sweet to me, namely your owne godly and constant resolution, 
 quhareunto adscribe mesocium inutrumque tuum paralum, 
 ad * * * aut manendum, arbitratu nostri fi^stCtunv iteu 
 stymiSmv. Tecum ego viuere amem, etiam obeam e^o libens. 
 Receave fra tliir bearar, your sone Johne, his oration with 
 thanks, and great hope he shall be a good instrument after 
 our departing. We have heard nothing farther of Scotts or 
 Inglish newes, but only the returning of Mr, Digbie ambassa- 
 dar from Spaine who be now adjoyned to the secret counsali 
 for his faithfull service. So that we look to hear shortly of the 
 L. Somerset & his la. and vyers their complices. We expect 
 the returning of oure duke and prince from Parise thiswceke 
 at the farrest, the peace being ratified from the parliament of 
 Parise, From Mr, Johne Forbess neuer a word haue we yet 
 receavcd, and so remaine we in suspence : only the ministrie 
 of Fhssing as you wrait appears to say sumthing, whereof I 
 gather litle comfort or gratious answer from the monarche, 
 Lord be mcrcifuU to his chosen and faithfull servants, f/uibus 
 vbi desinet hiimaniim ibi incipit diuinum aitxilium. In 
 uno Ckristo sunt omnia ad bene beateque viuendum. Ipsa 
 est lux, via, Veritas et vita. Ab ipso est Paracletus, *«/ TrdL^tt.- 
 iiK>i<rii;, Kut Ti 'VdigdLfAvQioy th ctyuTrn;. I thank you for Roscus 
 and Godartius. things goes not euill as we haue heard. Bot we 
 cannot bot feare the act from the state to the classes, howbeit 
 we know not '.as yet tlie contents thereof. I thank you also 
 for Mr. Robert Bruce that constant confessor and almost mar- 
 tyr of our Lord Jesus, The liOrd [keep] him and Iris forever. 
 I never remember him and his w'out comfort and heart 
 lift up to God And so doe I when I remember or hears or 
 speaks of any of you all that suffers for Christ and his church, 
 Faiiic wold I hear good things from Mr, William Scotte, Mr, 
 Joline Carmiclicll & Mr. Johne Dykes whom I hope the Lord 
 hath not left destitute of his good spirit, but that they shine as 
 burning lamps in the mids of that confused darkness. Mr. 
 Patrick Symsonc triuiiqjhes, whose ccclcsiustick history I heare 
 be cum furth bot not cum to our hands, quam ego prclio du- 
 plicato redimam. I cannot tell whats bccum of Mr, Jas, Car- 
 michells laliours, or whether he be yet aliue. Mr, Johne David- 
 sone left sum nots behind of our tymc, and so did Mr, Johne 
 Jonstoun. I speak notliing of my Cousing, I wold all were 
 safe to mak out a true narnitioun to the posterity, I left 
 with my lufmg and faithful gossep your father in law Mr. 
 Knox's letters, I wish them to be furthcuming. Mak my hart- 
 ly commendations to him & his, and Icarnc what you can of 
 all, Jjet the bishops be mowdewarps, we will lay our treasure 
 in the heavins quher they he sure. Fed niche nearer to St 
 Androis nor Durisie could not (saue) their fed sowe from the 
 graue. My collect, graucU and gutte be messengers (bot not 
 inqwrtune) to spoyle my patience, hot to exercise my faith. 
 My health is better nor I wold looke for in this age, praised be 
 the true mediator. To whose glory it may scruc, to the bene- 
 fitt of his church. My cummer and all \he bairns be locked 
 vvp in my heart, whom I recommend with you to the grace of 
 our heavenly Father in the bowels of the Lord Jesus. This in 
 great haist, with commendations to all friends thair. 
 
 Tnus ut suus 
 
 Scdani 24 Maij 1616. A.\. MtLuiLi- 
 
MEMOIR 
 
 OF 
 
 MR. WILLIAM VEITCH, 
 
 WRITTEN BY HIMSELF : 
 
 WITH 
 
 OTHER NARRATIVES ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 
 FROM THE RESTORATION TO THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 TO WHICH ARE ADDED, 
 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES AND NOTES, 
 
 BY THOMAS M'CRIE, D. D 
 
 423 
 
i't/s: 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The pieces composing this volume relate to an important period of our national history, which, 
 after all that has been written on it, still admits of farther illustration. 
 
 The Memoirs of Mr. William Veitch are printed from a MS. belonging to David Constable, Esq. 
 advocate, who very obligingly put it into my hands with a view to publication. It bears to have 
 been " written and carefully collated with the original, Aug. 11, 1727." In the Advocates Library 
 is a copy of a Diary, chiefly religious, written by Mrs. Veitch, which confirms and throws light on 
 several passages of her husband's Memoirs. The original of this is in the possession of W. Hen- 
 derson Somerville of Fingask and Whitecroft, Esq. a descendant of Mr. Veitch, to whom I am in- 
 debted for the use of several documents relating to the family. Others were communicated by Mr. 
 Short, Town Clerk of Dumfries. I have also to acknowledge the kindness of the Reverend Dr. 
 Duncan of Dumfries, and the Reverend Mr. Somerville of Drumelzier, in furnishing me with ex- 
 tracts from the church-records in their bounds, which were very useful to me in drawing up the 
 Supplement to Veitch's Memoirs. 
 
 Colonel Wallace's Narrative of the Rising suppressed at Pentland is taken from a MS. in the 
 College Library of Edinburgh, which is rather strangely entitled " Rump Parliament," but which 
 contains a history of the affairs of Scotland, chiefly ecclesiastical, from the year 1659 to 1675. It 
 is evident that Mr. Kirkton had consulted it, when he composed his History ; but a narrative of that 
 affair, drawn up by the individual who commanded the Presbyterian forces, appeared to me to merit 
 publication. 
 
 The collection is closed with a Narrative of the Rising suppressed at Bothwel Bridge, written by 
 James Ure of Shargarton, a gentleman who acted a prominent part on that occasion. It is preserved 
 in the Advocates Library, and may be viewed as an appropriate accompaniment to the preceding 
 narrative. The circumstance of its having been composed by one who took the moderate side in 
 the disputes which divided those who had recourse to arms at this time, was an additional induce- 
 ment to publish it ; as all the separate accounts of this affair already before the public, were written 
 by persons attached to the opposite party. 
 
 Biographical notices of the writers of the two last articles are prefixed to their respective narra- 
 tives. The object proposed in the notes was to illustrate the text, not to indulge in reflections on 
 the facts which it details. In collecting materials for these, I derived much assistance from Mr. 
 Meelf, on whose accuracy in making extracts I could always rely, and who often discovered facts 
 additional to those which he was instructed to search for. Some may be of opinion that unneces- 
 sary pains has been taken in the editing of the work ; but having undertaken to superintend the 
 publication of these memorials, and considering them to be valuable, I reckoned it incumbent on me 
 to do them as much justice as possible. With a little more labour a connected history of the period 
 might have been produced, but I am persuaded that no account which I could draw up would present 
 
 so graphic a picture of the men and measures of that time, as is exhibited in the following historical 
 3 D 425 
 
426 PREFACE. 
 
 pieces. The reader has an opportunity of listening to persons who describe scenes which they 
 witnessed, and in which they bore a part, more or less distinguished. Agreeing in their religious 
 and political sentiments, they were placed in very different situations : one of them being an eccle- 
 siastic, another a military man, a third a private gentleman, and a fourth a farmer and a merchant at 
 different periods of his life. Their style of writing is of course various ; but all the narratives have 
 that pleasing character which marks the compositions of men who write on a subject with which 
 they are familiarly acquainted, and in which they feel a deep interest. 
 
 In the Appendix some papers are inserted which do not bear a very intimate relation to the narra- 
 tives in the preceding part of the work, but which I thought worthy of being brought to light. Of 
 this kind are the letters which contain a notification of the seizure of the registers of the Church of 
 Scotland, and which give an account of the printing of Caldervvood's History. It appears from 
 these documents that the last-mentioned work, though in a form much more contracted than that in 
 which it was originally compiled, was exactly printed from a manuscript which the author himself 
 had carefully prepared for the press ; and, consequently, it can no longer be viewed either as of 
 doubtful authority or as an abridgement made by a different hand. 
 
 Edinburgh, 16th May, 1825. 
 
  r-S'i 
 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 OP 
 
 WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 Mr. Veitch was born at Roberton, in the shire of 
 Clydesdale, seven miles from Lanark, and in that pres- 
 bytery, in the year of our Lord 1640, April 27. He 
 was the youngest child of Mr. John Veitch,* minister 
 of that place for the space of about forty-five years. 
 His mother was a pious and frugal woman, very dex- 
 terous in house-keeping and educating of children ; 
 which her husband knew little of as to family affairs. 
 Her name was Elizabeth Johnston, a merchant's daugh- 
 ter in Glasgow. 
 
 He (Mr. John Veitch) had many sons, three where- 
 of were ministers, and of no mean repute in this 
 church, viz. Mr. John Veitch was minister of West- 
 ruther, in the shire of Berwick, above fifty-four years. 
 He died at Dalkeith, the month of December in 
 the year 1703, as he was returning home from atten- 
 ding the commission of the Kirk ; j" and is buried 
 there among his ancestors, who had a considerable es- 
 tate in and about that town for a hundred years togeth- 
 er ; and his eldest brother Robert Veitch sold the last 
 of it, aVid lies there himself: the one of them was 
 eighty-four and the other eighty-five years when 
 they died. On Oct. 4, 1685, by order from Chancellor 
 Perth, Mr. John Veitch, minister of Westruiher, was 
 taken, and carried prisoner to Edinburgh, by Sir 
 Adam Blair of Carberry, younger ; and lay all night 
 in the guard keeped at Hol-yroodhouse. Oct. 5, 1635. 
 He was sent to the tolbooth in a most unusual manner ; 
 made close prisoner, his keeper sworn neither to carry 
 any word to him, nor take any out from him, nor to 
 suffer any to speak to him ; and in his absence, lest 
 any one should speak in at the d ■()[• to him, or he to 
 them, two soldiers constantly guarded his door: pen 
 and ink were taken from him. In this case he contin- 
 ued for the space of twenty weeks, :{: till January 16, 
 
 * Mr. John Veitch. the father, was ejected from his parish, 
 and in September 1664 was residing at Lanark. In 1671 he was 
 still alive; for in that year, October 6, we find a retour — -Mr. 
 John Veitch, lute minister at Robertoun, heir of Mr. David 
 Veitch, schoolmaster at Salton, his brother. (Inquis. Retorn. 
 Gen. 5464.) 
 
 + " Mr. John Veitch, minister of Westruther, died at Dal- 
 keith, going- home from the Conmiission, Dec. 1703, I think." 
 (MS. note on Mr. William Veitch's family Bible.) 
 
 \ There must be some oversight here. It is not twenlj weeks 
 from October 4, 1685. to January 16, 1686. From the King's let- 
 ter of the 17th October to the Council, (Wodrow ii. 577.) it is 
 evident that his examination was on or before 21st September 
 1685. Perhaps October in Veitch, is an erratum for September. 
 The same error is committed by Wodrow, ii. p. 577. Fountain- 
 hall has the following notice concerning him, October 24, 
 1685; — " J. Veitch falling sick, and supplicating for a physician, 
 they would allow none to go in to him but the apostate Doctor 
 Sihbald, which was looked on by some as strange." (Decis. i. 
 371.) The Doctor here referred to, is the well-known Sir Ro- 
 bert Sibbald, who had turned Papist. 
 
 1686. This was found marked with his own hand 
 among his papers.* 
 
 Another son of his was Mr. James, who, after he 
 had been seven years a regent in the college of Glas- 
 gow, was called to be minister in Mauchlin, in the 
 shire of Ayr, about the year 1656, and was turned 
 out by the prelates and parliament that set up prel- 
 acy, anno 1662 ; he being one of the seven leading 
 ministers in the west, that the parliament took to task 
 to see if they could bring them into a compliance with 
 that new government ; which, if they could have done, 
 might be a mean, as they apprehended, to make the 
 
 * Wodrow has inserted a letter from the council to the King, 
 (September 21, 1685,) giving an account of their having exam- 
 ined Spence and Mr. John Veitch, on some surmises thrown out 
 by Sir John Cochran and his son, affecting the earl of Murray and 
 the Lord Register, as to alleged correspondence with Lord Mel- 
 vil, and some malversations of the Lord Advocate. The King, 
 by a letter of the 17th October, rebukes them severely for inter- 
 fering with the chancellor's prisoner, (J. Veitch,) and " admires 
 by what persuasion" they could have been induced .so to do. 
 The council reply on the 25th, stating more precisely what they 
 did with regard to Veitch, and adding, " One of the chief motives 
 that induced us to believe that we might examine him, was, 
 that my Lord Chancellor's order did not expressly bear that no 
 person or judicature should examine him, which, if it had been, 
 we would have had that just deference to my Lord Chancellor's 
 order, as not to have examined him ; but the order bearing only, 
 that no person should speak with or see him, we only consid- 
 ered Veitch to be in the condition of other close prisoners, whom 
 the council uses to examine. But whatever the practice has 
 been, it is sufficient for us that your Majesty has excluded all 
 examination in such cases for the future, which we shall humbly 
 and heartily obey. And to show that no interest of ours did or 
 shall induce us to believe, that your Majesty, by yourself or 
 your order, may not examine any person whatsoever, either as 
 to us or your Majesty's servants, we again renew the ac- 
 knowledgement in our former letter, that informations are to be 
 received against the best of servants; and we may be the safer 
 in this acknowledgement, that we are so happy as to live under 
 a prince who will protect the innocence of his approved ser- 
 vants." (Wod. ii. 576, 577, 578.) 
 
 It would appear that Mr. John Veitch had been prosecuted, 
 if not imprisoned, more than once. Wodrow says, he was 
 summoned before the council, October 5, 1680, for preaching 
 without licence at Anstruther, probably Westruther. Not 
 compearing, he was denounced, and put to the horn. "We 
 shall afterwards hear that he was taken and kept close pris- 
 oner at Edinburgh about a year's time, under no small hard- 
 ships. He was allowed neither candle nor fire the whole time; 
 his wife was never allowed to speak to him, but in the presence 
 of two or three soldiers. He pressed much to be brought 
 to a trial, but that could not be allowed. The reason of 
 this cruel and unchristian treatment was, that when the curate 
 died, at the invitation of the people, he returned and preached 
 to his own people from whom he had been violently thrust 
 away." (Wod. ii. 128.) 
 
 Though his name does not appear in Wodrow's lists of in- 
 dulged ministers, both that historian and Fountaiiihall speak of 
 him as indulged. " August 2. 1683, seven of the indulged min- 
 isters being- pannelled for breaking their instructions, in 
 
 427 
 
428 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 other ministers that were outed of their kirks to 
 comply also.* The ministers' names that were thus 
 staged before the parliament with my brother, were, 
 Mr. John Carstairs, minister of Glasgow ; Mr. James 
 
 preaching without their bounds, or against the test; five of 
 them were continued under caution to the 1st of December 
 next; and the other two, viz. Mr. John Veitch.once at Wester- 
 Anstruther, (Westruther,) and Mr. Antony Shaw, were incar- 
 cerate, because their guilt seemed greater than that of the 
 rest." (Fountainhall's Decis. i. 236-7.) December 10, "Mr 
 Veitch's diet is deserted, on caution that he compear when 
 called." (Wod. ii. 307.) 
 
 " In 1684, at the circuit court held by Balcarras, Yester, 
 and Drummelzier, for Berwick, Roxburgh, &c. at Jedburgh, 
 October 10th, on application made by George Veitch, writer in 
 Edinburgh, the Lords repone Mr. John Veitch at Westruther, 
 against the sentence passed at Dunse upon absents, his absence 
 being owing to infirmity, on the said George giving bond of 5000 
 merus for his father's compearing when called. In the abstract 
 of their proceedings, they state that Mr. James Fletcher at Nen- 
 thorne was the only indulged minister within their district. 
 (Public Papers.) If Mr. Veitch, therefore, had been formerly 
 indulged, his indulgence must have been withdrawn; proba- 
 bly ill 1683. (Wod. ii. 307.) The above-mentioned sentence 
 at Dunse, in his absence, may have been on some charge of ir- 
 regularity; or, if an heritor, the court, by their instructions, 
 could punish him for absence from the King's host. The 
 distinction, suggested in the following quotation, between 
 connivance and indulgence, may perhaps explain what ap- 
 pears obscure in the above statement. In a cause of a nonju- 
 rant minister claiming his teinds, Feb. 16, 1694, " The Lords 
 compared the late act with the 3d act 1662, depriving the Pres- 
 byterian ministers; the one (the act 1662) inilicted it ipso jure, 
 and the other ipso facio; and it was alleged, that such Presby- 
 terian ministers as continued to preach by connivance, contrary 
 to the law, got their stipends, as was found in 1664, in the case 
 of Mr. John Veitch, minister of Westruthers." (Fountain- 
 hall's Decis. i. 609.) Possibly the subject of this note is the 
 person intended in a retour recorded 2d April 1824, Christie 
 patri. Among other lands of tlie barony of Bassendean, refer- 
 red to, is the five merk land of Bassendean " acquisit. a Joanne 
 Edgar de Wedderlie, at Mto. Joanne Veitch, evangelii minis- 
 tro apud Woolstruther," &c. within the parish of Woolstruther 
 and shire of Berwick. The date of the purchase is not given. 
 * In March 1669, wc find Mr. James Veitch in a list of elev- 
 en ministers, who, at the instigation of the Archbishop of Glas- 
 gow, were cited to attend a meeting of noblemen and gentle- 
 men at Ayr, for preaching and baptizing irregularly. The 
 oflScer, a Major Cockburn, employed to cite them, not .only 
 obliged them to give bond for their compearance, but turned 
 some of them with their families out of doors at twenty-four 
 hours warning. Two of them, Veitch and Mr. Blair ofGals- 
 ton, were allowed 300 merks each for damages; so sensible 
 were the council of the injustice done them. The council's 
 procedure, and Mr. Fullerton's speech in name of the whole, 
 are given in Wodrow. (Hist. i. 298, 8u:.) It is somewhat cu- 
 rious, that this matter was issued on the very day, (April 8,) 
 that the council ordered a proclamation against conventicles in 
 the shires of Lanark, Renfrew, Ayr, and Kirkcudbright, making 
 heritors liable to a fine of -£50 sterling for every such meeting 
 held on their property; and in the printed copies, it is said, a 
 clause was added, for fining tenants on whose bounds they were 
 held in £100 Scots. (Wod. i. 300.) When the indulgence 
 was resorted to, James Veitch was appointed to Mauchlin, his 
 former charge. (Ibid. i. 307.) In 1675, he, with Mr. John 
 Gemlile, confined to Symington, and Mr. Hugh Campbell, 
 confined to Muirkirk, are summoned for exercising their office 
 beyond their own parishes, apjjointing a fast, and ordaining 
 young men. Wodrow gives the letters and summons at 
 length, (Hist. i. 399. 400, ) but supposes the prosecution had 
 been let fall through the interest of Lord Stair, whom we af- 
 terwards find to be a friend to our Veitch. Nov. 3, 1681, he. 
 together with Messrs. John Hutchinson at Dundonald, and 
 Robert Miller at Ochiltree, is libelled before the council for 
 excommunicating (debarring from the sacrament) such as de- 
 serted or disowned the covenant by taking the bond of peace; 
 and not compearing, he was denounced. On the 24th oi No- 
 vember he compeared, and petitioned to be reponed; but was 
 served with an additional libel, further charging him with tak- 
 ing parents obliged, at tlie baptism of their children, to edu- 
 cate them conform to the National and Solemn League and 
 Covenants; and with not only breaking his confinement, but 
 keeping classical meetings for discipline and ordination. The 
 Advocate referred all to his oath. Mr. Veitch denied all the 
 articles of the libels " as they stand libelled," and no probation 
 being ready, he was assoilyied. (Wod. ii. 176.) 
 
 On the 2d of August 1683, wn find him one of the seven 
 mentioned in a former note, (p. 427,) the others being his bro- 
 ther John, Messrs. I\i>hert Miller at Ochiltree, John Campbell, 
 Antony Scliaw, Robert Boyd, and Willium Daily of Ilar- 
 dington. They hud been inserted in the Porteous rolls, and 
 
 Nasmyth, minister of Hamilton ; Mr. Alexander Blair, 
 minister of Galston ; Mr. Matthew Mowat, and Mr 
 .Tames Rewat, ministers of Killmarnock ; and Mr.WiU 
 liam Adair, minister of Ayr;* all men of great worth. 
 They were all put in prison except Mr. William 
 Adair ;f for whom Sir Archibald Primrose, then 
 
 remitted by the circuit to Edinburgh, and indicted on the 
 charges contained in the Porteous rolls. Mr. James Veitch 
 and other four have their diet continued. On December 19, 
 he and Mr. John Campbell were remitted to the council, and 
 found caution for their compearance. They compear on 3d 
 January 1684, and are charged with the breach of their confine- 
 ment, and the probation is remitted to their oath. They con- 
 fess this charge; and also that they had prayed and exercised 
 in private families; and that they had not' read the procla- 
 mation for the thanksgiving. The council declare their licence 
 void, and appoint them to go to prison, or find caution, un- 
 der five thousand merks, either to go forth of the kingdom 
 against the first of March next, or to attend the curates, and 
 not exercise their mini.-itry. (Wod. ii. 307, 351.) Mr. Veitch 
 accordingly went into banishment, to his brother's, at Stanton 
 Hall, in Northumberland, whence both of them retired to 
 Holland, as will appear from the sequel of the memoir. Du- 
 ring his residence there, " he continued under some trouble 
 from Robert Hamilton and his party, but increasing in learn- 
 ing and grace till the toleration, he returned to his charge at 
 Mauchlin." (Wod. ii. 351.) It would appear, that he had 
 been in Rotterdam soon after the rising at Bothwel. Mr. Rob- 
 ert Fleming "was settled minister in the Scots Congregation 
 in Rotterdam. He invited Mr. James Veitch, one of our Scots 
 actually indulged, to preach with him. who was there occa- 
 sionally." M'Ward, Thomas Douglas, Walter Smith, and oth- 
 ers, heard and conversed with him, on which account Robert 
 Hamilton and Mr. Bogue withdrew frohi them. See the facts 
 stated at large in Walker's Remarkable Passages, p. 99. 102. 
 From a letter of Mr. John Dickson to Mr. M'Ward, 1679, it 
 appears that Messrs. James Veitch, Robert ftlillar, and John 
 Baird, were appointed by their brethren to answer the argii- 
 ments brought by the ministers in Holland against hearing the 
 indulgjed. (Wodrow MSS. LIX. art. 106.) 
 
 * \Vodrow gives the proceedings with these ministers. 
 (Hist. i. p. 132, &c.) On the 16th of September 1662, the affair 
 was issued by an act of Council, ejecting them from their 
 churches; prohibiting them Irom residing in Glasgow or Edin- 
 burgh, or within the Presbj'teries where their said churches lie, 
 and declaring that they have no right to the stipend for the 
 current year. 
 
 Mr. James J^'asmylh had in 1660 been before the committee 
 of Estates, for words alleged to have been spoken by, him in 
 1650, when pressing his hearers, of whom the English general, 
 Lambert, was one, '• to employ their power for God, and not in 
 opposition to the Gospel; otherwise they might expect to be 
 brought down by the judgment of God, as those who went te- 
 Jore were." He was imprisoned, and for several months was 
 kept from his charge; (Wod. i. 12.) and now by the oath of 
 supremacy, was removed from Hamilton to make way for Mr. 
 James Ramsay, Dean of Glasgow. In 1670, when the mini,«ter3 
 in the west, indulged and non-indulged, met with Bishop 
 Leighton and his friends, Messrs. Adair and Nasmyth are 
 found taking an active part. (Wod. i. 337.) Mr. Nasmyth 
 is included in the indulgence 1672, and confined to Glaslbrd. 
 (Wod. i. app. p. 138.) That he accepted it with a protestation 
 before the people, appears from the Grievances of the diocese 
 of Glasgow to the Parliament, which state, that " generally, 
 not only conventiclers. but indulged ministers, preach sedition, 
 and pray to the same purpose; and, in their apologies at their 
 entry, avow publicly that they owe neither to the King nor his 
 Council their entry to their charges; as, Mr. Nasmyth at 
 Glasford, Mr. Stirling at Kilbarchan. Mr. Wallace at Largs, 
 and others." (Wod. i. 380.) 
 
 J\Ir. Alexander Blair, minister at Galston, was, in 1669, in- 
 dulged to his own charge. (Wod. i. 307.) In 1673, when the 
 Council furnished each of the indulged ministers with a copy 
 of instructions, limiting them in the exercise of their ministry,, 
 Mr. Blair said, — " My Lord Chancellor, I cannot be so uncivil 
 as to refuse a paper otl'ered me by your Lordships, but I can 
 receive no instructions from you for regulating the exercise of 
 my ministry; for if I should receive instructions from you, I 
 should be your ambassador." For this he was committed close 
 prisoner. A petition which he presented to the Council for 
 liberation, was rejected. Having sickened in the end of the 
 year, he was permitted to go to a private house in Edinburgh, 
 on a bond of five thousand merks, that he shall re-enter in a 
 month, and not keep convcniicles; and in the month of January 
 following, " this excellent person died, in much joy and full as- 
 surance of faith." (Ibid. i. 3.58.) In tlie Wodrow manuscripts 
 are three dill'erent copies of verses to his memory. 
 
 + We hear little of Jl/r. Adair. In Wodrow's list of non- 
 ronforniiiig ministers, he is marked as confined to his parish. 
 He is not in any list of the indulged; but is explicitly dc- 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 429 
 
 Clerk Register, and a witty man and great politician, 
 who had a great hand in the new government, interpo- 
 sed and got him off. The rest were kept so close that 
 their wives and nearest relations had no access to them. 
 
 After several appearances before the parliament, the 
 oath of allegiance was tendered unto them ; which, 
 under that name, had the oath of supremacy intermix- 
 ed. The ministers desired a day to give their answer, 
 and sent word to Mr. Adair, who was yet in town, to 
 see if he would join with them in subscribing their 
 answer ; which was an explication of these oaths that 
 were mixed, and contained certain conditions upon 
 which they were willing to take it; but he took his 
 horse and went home, and did not stay to joiu with 
 them. Their answers were not pleasing to the parlia- 
 ment, and some of their speeches did highly offend 
 them ; for which they were more severely treated. 
 
 But it happened that Mr. William Veitch, being then 
 governor to young Greenhead, at the college of Edin- 
 burgh, through the interest he had in Middleton's page 
 who was then Commissioner, preferred a petition to 
 his Grace, that he would give him liberty to see to the 
 accommodation and provision of these ministers in 
 prison, whereof his brother was one. This petiton was 
 granted through the moyen of his servant, and Mr. 
 William's fair promises, that he would endeavour, both 
 by himself and others that he should introduce to them, 
 to convince them of their errors, if they were in any, 
 and reduce them to rijrht : to which Middleton replied, 
 " Quod si facias, eris milii magnus Apollo." Some 
 weeks after he went back to his Grace according to or- 
 der, and condoled their obstinacy ; and begocd once 
 more of his Grace, tliat he would give them liberty of 
 seven miles about, to see if the free air, and a freer 
 prison, might bring them into a better temper; so that 
 the parliament gradually overlooked them, and let 
 them fall under the six mile act. 
 
 Among others that Mr. Veitch introduced, the fa- 
 mous Mr. Wood, professor at St. Andrews, was one, 
 to see Mr. Carstairs, his brotiier-in-law,* &c. ; but 
 the Parliament being to sit, he desired Mr. Veitch his 
 company, at ten o'clock, to James Glen's shop, to see 
 Sharp, whom he had never seen since he had turned 
 bishop. He came up in the commissioner's coach, 
 and coming first out, he turned to receive the com- 
 missioner with his hat off; so we had a full sight 
 of his face, to which Mr. Wood looked very seri- 
 ously, as being much affected, and said these words 
 in my hearing, and others in the shop, " O thou Judas, 
 and apostatised traitor, that hast betrayed the famous 
 Presbyterian church of Scotland to its total ruin, as 
 far as thou canst ! if I know any thing of the mind 
 of God, thou shalt not die the ordinary and common 
 death of men." And though it was spoken about 
 eighteen years before, yet it is well known that it was 
 exactly accomplished anno 1079. 
 
 A third son of the aforesaid Mr. John Veitch was 
 Mr. David, who was a minister abfiut four or five 
 years at Govan, near Glasgow ; one to whom the great 
 Mr. Rutherford gave that testimony to the presbytery 
 of Biggar, when he passed his trials, (not being; suf- 
 fered to do it in St. Andrews, because he was a protes- 
 ter,! ) that the like of Mr. David Veitch, in his age, 
 
 for great learning and piety he had hever known. He 
 died about the twenty-fifth year of his age, being co- 
 temporary and co-presbyter with the famous Mr. Dur- 
 ham, who foretold his death. Theoccasionof itwas this: 
 Mr. Durham being several months confined to his 
 chamber by sickness, before he died, the magistrates 
 of Glasgow and some of the ministers at that time be- 
 ing for the public resolutions, the better party, called 
 the protesters, were afraid that the magistrates and 
 they, after Mr. Durham's death, would put a public 
 resolutioner in his place : therefore they contrive the 
 matter so as to get a commission subscribed by both 
 parties, for Mr. Durham's nominating his own succes- 
 sor. The reverend and singularly pious Mr. John 
 Carstairs,* being both his brother-in-law and col- 
 
 nominated an indulged minister, in an act of the Committee 
 of Council at Ayr, 22d February 1678, denouncing- John .\!uir 
 late provost of Ayr, which will be found in the Appendix. I, 
 would appear, however, that Primrose's interest failed to pro- 
 tect him; for lie had been for sometime previous to his 
 death prohibited from preaching-. — " February 11, 1684, dies 
 Mr. William Adair, the old minister at Air, who was laid aside 
 a little time before for not takino- the test, and Mr. John 
 Stirling, indulged to Irwine, both worthy men in the minis- 
 try." (Law's Memorialis, p. 260.) 
 
 * An intei-esting account of the testimony which Mr. 
 Wood gave in favour of Presbytery on his death-bed, is 
 contained in a letter from Mr. Carstairs, his brother-in-law, 
 to the Chancellor. (See Appendix.) 
 
 •|- The Scottish Parliament had passed some acts, particularly 
 the act of classes, for excluding from places of trust, civil and 
 
 military, persons who had manifested a malignant opposition 
 to tiie religion and liberties of the nation. After the defeat 
 of the Scottish army by Cromwell at Dunbar and Hamilton, 
 the court, in the end of 1650 and beginning of 1651, put 
 two queries to the Commission of the General Assembly, 
 with reference to the admission of rnalignants. The Com- 
 mission's answers otherwise called ilie public resolutions, 
 were favourable to the views of the Court, and the act of 
 classes was repealed. The resolutions, and subsequent pro- 
 cedure of the Commission and General Assembly, were 
 protested against by a considerable number of ministers and 
 elders. This gave rise to a divi.sion between the Resolutioners 
 and Protesters, (as they were called) which, though accom- 
 modated, was not completely healed when the Restoration took 
 place. The protesters, beitig the stricter Presbyterians, were 
 most obnoxious to the restored goverrtment. 
 
 * Mr. John Carstairs, father of Principal Carstairs, was 
 married to Janet, and Mr. Durham to Margaret Mure, (widow 
 of Mr. Zachary Boyd,) daughters of WHIiam Mure of Glan- 
 deiston. (Crawford's history of Renfrewshire, p. 40, 41. An 
 account of his citations and appearances before the Privy 
 Council may be seen in Wodrow's history, (i. 209, 315, 348.; 
 ii. 155.) In 1666 he was, in opposition to his own judgment, 
 induced to accompany the party of Caldwell, Kersland, (zc. 
 who intended to join the insurgents at Pentland, but were 
 prevented. (Kirkton, 246.) In July 1681, the Earl of Rothes, 
 being on his death-bed, "appeared concerned upon views of 
 eternity; and the Rev. Mr. John Carstairs, upon his desire, 
 waited upon hiiu, and prayed with him, the Duke of Ham- 
 ilton, and many others of his noble relations, being present; 
 and few were present without being affected very sensibly. 
 When the Duke of York heard that Presbyterian ministers 
 had been with the Chancellor, he is said to have had this 
 expression, 'that all Scotland were either Presbyterian through 
 their life, or at their death, profess what "they would.'" 
 (Wod. ii. 222.) From an interesting letter b}' Mr. Carstairs 
 to the Secretary of State, Nov. 3, 1684, it appears that he 
 was born on the 6th of January 1623. (See Appendix.) Wod- 
 row thinks he did not long survive the date of this letter, 
 which is rendered very probable by the po.stsci-ipt to a pref- 
 ace of his to Durham's Sermons, entitled. The Unsearchable 
 Riches of Christ: " 1 heartily wish that this mite of service 
 may be acceptable to the saints, it being not improbable that it 
 may be the last service of this kind tnat I shall have access 
 to do them. Feb. 4, 1685." He had performed various servi- 
 ces of this kind, besides the one now mentioned; in prefacing 
 Durham's Lectures on the Revelations in 1658; and his Ser- 
 mons on Isaiah liii. in 1682, with a Dedicatory Epistle to 
 the Earl of Crawford. The preface to Calderwood's printed 
 History is mentioned as written by him in his correspon- 
 dence with M'Ward, preserved among the Wodrow manu- 
 scripts. His Letters show the deep interest he took in that 
 history, and the exertions made by nim and Mr. Wylie to ob- 
 tiiin the manuscript. Some of the letters relating to this work, 
 and to the Records of the Church, will be inserted in the 
 Appendix. We find also, in the same correspondence, some 
 long papers between Carstairs and Frazer of Brae, respectin<»- 
 some peculiar doctrinal notions entertained by the latter. In 
 1677, Carstairs declined an invitation to become pastor of the 
 congregation at Rotterdam, and proposed, first, Mr. Kirkton, 
 and afterwards Mr. Fleming, the last of whom accepted the 
 charge. In the debates on occasion of the indulgence, he was 
 anxious to preserve peace between the two parties. 
 
 What follows is contained in a MS. preserved in the Advo- 
 cates Library: — " The last words of Mr. John Carstairs, 
 sometime minister of the Gospel at Glasgow, as they were 
 taken from his own mouth when a-dying, anno 1685 or 1686, 
 by Mr. William Crighton, sometime minister of the Gospel 
 at Edinburgh. 
 
 " Being asked how it was with him, he answered, that he 
 had laid aside aH his duties and all his performances whatso- 
 ever; and that he had betaken himself to the righteousness 
 of Jesus Christ, and rested thereon; and that thereby he 
 
430 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 league in the ministry in the inner kirk of Glas- 
 gow, intimates to him one day while visiting, how 
 desirous he was to know whom he intended for his 
 successor, seeing he was to be his colleague after 
 his death ; the power being now in his hand to choose 
 whom he pleased. After some scruple to tell him so 
 soon, lest it should come to the person's ears, and his 
 promise to conceal it from all persons, he told him 
 that Mr. David Veitch was the man he purposed to 
 nominate, but not until he was near death; think- 
 ing that then it would have the more weight with him. 
 To which Mr. Carstairs cordially assented, saying, 
 that was the man he himself would have chosen. But 
 when a-dying having called some of the magistrates, 
 ministers, and elders of the place, he named other 
 three ministers, for them to choose any of these they 
 pleased. This alteration so surprised Mr. Carstairs, 
 that he could not satisfy himself till he had inquired 
 the reason after the rest were gone, to which Mr. Dur- 
 ham gave this reply, " O brother ! Mr. David Veitch 
 is too ripe for heaven to be transported to any church 
 on earth ; he will be there almost as soon as I." 
 This I had from Mr. Carstairs's own mouth, and it 
 proved so. For this being spoken on Wednesday's 
 night, Mr. Durham died on Friday at three of the 
 clock in the morning; and Mr. Veitch preached next 
 Sabbath, (knowing nothing of this prediction,) where- 
 in he told his people, in the afternoon, it would be the 
 last sermon that ever he would preach to them; and, 
 going to his sick-bed that night, he died the next Fri- 
 day, at the same hour in the morning that Mr. Durham 
 died ;* as good Dr. Rattray, who .was witness to both 
 their deaths, did declare. f 
 
 concluded that within a little he should be as well and much 
 better than ever in the best frame of soul he was in, being 
 made holy as God is lioly, anH knowing liini as he was known 
 of him. Being asked as to the public matters of God and 
 the times, he said, that it was a very great depth; but if 1 
 be not far mistaken of the word and ways of God, the, heart 
 of God is not towards these men; and that notwithstanding 
 of all their successes and prevailings of a long time against 
 the people and work of God. He was persuaded tandem bona 
 causa triumphabit. He exhorted all his friends to walk hum- 
 bly with God, to lay on the dust before him, to wait pati- 
 ently on him, and to shun all manner of compliance with this 
 generation; the sooner, the better; the straiter, the better; 
 the more universal, the better. For himself he blessed the 
 Lord, that he had in some measure preserved him; for God 
 had made him many a time willing to have laid his head up- 
 on the block, if so be God had called him thereunto. He 
 said he blessed the Lord, he had these twenty or thirty years 
 no challenges for any mints he had made at the service of 
 the Lord in the gospel ; but he had many for his short- 
 comings therein. He left his children and fannly on God, who 
 had given him them, and would be their portion. If it were 
 possible that Christ and his interest in the world could ruine, 
 I had much rather ruine and fall with him, (said he) than 
 stand with any or all the powers in the world; but as 1 am 
 persuaded that these cannot perish, so I am confident in the 
 Lord these shall revive in all the churches of Christ." (MS. 
 xxxiii. Jac. L 25, art. 119.) 
 
 * This account is confirmed Vjy the testimony of the writer 
 of Mr. Durham's Life prefixed to his Commentary on the 
 Revelation. — Durham died on Friday the 25th of June, 1658 
 Mr. David Veitch's death will therefore fall on the first of 
 July that year. On August 5, 1662, Alexander Veitch is 
 served heir of his brother, David Veitch, minister of God's 
 word, at the church of Goveane. (Inquis. Retorn. Gen. 
 4608.) 
 
 f Doctor Silvester Rattray, a physician of some eminence at 
 that time, being called before the episcopal clergy of Glasgow, 
 for employing a presbyterian minister to baptize one of his 
 children, gave in the following declaration; which is a spe- 
 cimen of the way in which many of the same persuasion re- 
 conciled themselves at that period, to continuance in the 
 communion of the established church. — " I declare unto 
 you. Sir, before this meeting, that really, I am of the 
 Presbyterian persuasion and judgment; and that, not only be- 
 cause I was bred and brought up under it, but also being 
 convinced by clear evidence from Scripture, that it is the only 
 government Christ and his apostle.s did leave behind them, 
 whereby the church should be ruled to the end of the world: 
 as also, because of the many obligations, ties, and vows yet 
 recent upon my spirit for adhering unto it: us also, I am con- 
 
 Mr. William being laureate at Glasgow, anno 1659, 
 was called to Sir Andrew Ker of Greenhead's family 
 the year after,* where he resolved in his spare hours to 
 read physic books, thinking to betake himself to that 
 study, having so many brethren already in the function 
 of the ministry ; and especially now when episcopacy 
 was like to be settled in the kingdom. Bat the great 
 Mr. John Livingston, minister at Ancrum, who fre- 
 quented that house, (as did other godly ministers,) 
 with many arguments and much earnestness, dissuaded 
 him from it, and exhorted him to follow the footsteps 
 of his worthy brethren, who were in so great estima- 
 tion in the church. 
 
 This happened a little before the setting up of prel- 
 acy by act of Parliament, anno 1662, which, when 
 it was erected, not only ministers were turned out that 
 did not comply with the government, but all chaplains 
 and pedagogues, and he among the first, by the insti- 
 gation of Fairfoul, Archbishop of Glasgow, about the 
 beginning of the year 1663, in which summer he went 
 into Murrayland, to Sir Hugh Campbell of Calder's 
 family, I who was lately married to Lady Henrietta 
 Stewart, sister to the Earl of Murray, to officiate as 
 chaplain, thinking he might do some service to that 
 new-erected family, being far north, and at a conside- 
 rable distance from the court. To this undertaking 
 he was earnestly solicited by the Lord Brodie (a gen- 
 tleman of great piety and worth, and uncle to the said 
 knight ij:) and the reverend Mr. James Kirkton ; but 
 
 vinced that Prelacy is an human invention, which derives its 
 rise only from some antiquated customs in the ci.urch. And 
 albeit the Lord, in his holy and sovereign providence, hath suf- 
 fered this hedge of Presbytery to be broken down, wherein ye 
 have borne deep shares to your power, I do declare, that I 
 will not separate fi'om the church of God, but will participate 
 of the ordinances so long as they remain pure among us, only 
 with this proviso, that this my participating of the ordinances 
 do not inter my approving any unlawful or unwarrantable prac- 
 tice in you, or any other of the dispensers of the ordinances. 
 Doctor S. Rattray." (Wodrow, i. p. 189.) 
 
 * Sir Andrew Ker of Greenhead married, in 1634, Eliza- 
 beth, eldest daughter of Sir William Scot of Harden. (Doug-- 
 las Baronage, p. 215.) In 1662, he was fined in L. 6000. 
 (Act. Pari. Scot. vol. vii. p. 424.) In 1664, he married Lady 
 Catharine, fifth daughter of the first Karl of Wemyss. He 
 died in 1665, and his widow in 1668. (Douglas Peerage, vol. 
 ii. p. 621. Wood's edit.) On September 10, 1684, the Com- 
 mittee for Public Affairs report to the Council, " that the lady 
 Graden is fined by the Sheriff of Teviotdale, in twenty-six 
 thousand and odd pounds, the Lady Greenhead in sixteen 
 thousand and odd pounds. The Committee find reason to 
 sist execution as to her, and the Council approve." (Wod. ii. 
 363.) 
 
 + Feb. 6, 1662, Sir Hugh Campbell of Calder was served 
 heir to his counsin-german, Colin Campbell. He was her- 
 itable sheriff of Nairnshire, (Inquis. Retor. Nairn. 25,) and 
 was very friendly to the persecuted party. His name appears 
 in the list of persons fined in 1662 for the sum of L. 12,000 
 Scots. (Wod. i. App. 61.) His engagements as cautioner 
 for ministers amounted to upwards of L. 1700 sterling. Fra- 
 zer of Bras had been cit«d for a field conventicle; but being in 
 the north, and afllicted with an ague, Campbell, who was his 
 surety, proposed to him to write the council to put off his 
 appearance. Frazer assured him that thev would press it 
 the more, in hope of forfeiting the bond. Campbell however 
 wrote himself ; and the consequence was, that the citation was 
 renewed, requiring his appearance on Dec. 22, 1681. On that 
 day however, in spite of all hazards, Frazer to save his surety, 
 presented himself, and Campbell was relieved. (Wod. ii.98. 
 177, 178.) Mr, John M'Gilligcn of Alness, minister of Fotter- 
 tie, being apprehended, Oct. 1676, and sent into Nairnshire, 
 Campbell kejit him in his house as a prisoner, and employed 
 him as his chaplain. The Council summoned the sheriff before 
 them, and reprimanded the Earl of Seaforth for encouraging 
 his lenity. (Ibid. i. 425,426. 442.) Jan. 11, 1683.—" At privy 
 council, Campbell of Caddell is called as cautioner, for produ- 
 cing one Mackillican, a nonconformist minister; and they 
 thought to have gotten his bond forfeited; but he had the man 
 ready to sist. They remembered Caddell's opposing the 
 Duke's interest in the Parliament 1681." (Fountainhall's De- 
 cisions, i. n. 206.)— November 8th, 1683 —" Campbell of Cad- 
 dell is called as cautioner for Mr. Thomas Hogg, a nonconfor- 
 mist minister; he produces him to the council." (Ibid. i. 241.) 
 
 J Alexander Brodie of that ilk was member for Elgin- 
 shire in the Convcutioii of Estates which met in June 1643; 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 431 
 
 after thirteen months stay there, Mr. Murdoch M'Ken- 
 zie, then bishop of Murrayland, sent Mr. Colin Falco- 
 ner of Forres, and Mr. William Falconer, minister of 
 Dyke, to confer with him ; but his answer no way 
 pleased the bishop, so he was forced to leave that 
 place about September 1C64. 
 
 In this cloudy season of the church, wherein pres- 
 bytery was overturned, and the godly ministry, with 
 the pedagogues and chaplains that owned that govern- 
 ment, were most part turned out of their offices, the 
 father of the said Mr. William being removed from 
 his church at Roberton and dwelling at Lanark, called 
 him in this solitude to stay some time with him, 
 where, falling in acquaintance with the godly families 
 of the place, he was induced to match with a young 
 virgin in that town called Marion Fairly ; who proved 
 a wife of eminent piety, as several instances after 
 narrated, and a manuscript of her own,-* would testify, 
 which I once did see; and it contains as strange act- 
 ings of faith upon the word of God, answers of 
 prayer, and revelations of the mind of God, as perad- 
 venture the age she lived in can parallel; and that 
 both with respect to the public work of God, and also 
 her husband and family's case, under their long and 
 great sufferings, will abundantly evince. Her father 
 was descended of that ancient family of the Fairlies, 
 of the house of Braid, near Edinburgh, and a friend of 
 the Lord Lee's first lady, who was of that house and 
 name- 
 Being married anno 1664, November 23, and having 
 lived together near two years, he was prevailed with 
 by Mr. John Welsh, minister of Irongray, f and others, 
 who came to his house at the Westhills of Dunsyre, 
 to join with that party who were so oppressed by the 
 inhuman cruelties and excessive robberies of Sir James 
 Turner, and the forces he commanded, lying at Dum- 
 fries, for their non-compliance with abjured prelacy ; 
 so that they were necessitated to endeavour their own 
 relief, if possible, by taking up arms and apprehend- 
 ing Sir James Turner, which might put a stop to the 
 cruel usages of that corner : and then they resolved 
 to march to Edinburgh to represent their grievances ; 
 but were broken at Pentland Hills near the city, by 
 the prelatical forces, headed by the Duke of Hamil- 
 
 and during its sitting, and in subsequent parliaments, we fre- 
 quently find his name on committees. (Act. Pari. Scot. vi. 13, 
 68.) He was one of the commissioners appointed by Parlia- 
 ment to go to the Hague in 1649, and to Breda in 1650, to invite 
 Charles II. into Scotland on certain conditions. (Act. Pari. 
 Scot. vi. 400. 451, 452, 513, 537.) In consequence of the Act 
 of Classes, 23d January 1649, for reforming the judicatories, 
 &c. a number of the judges were removed, and on June 26, 
 1649, "the laird of Brodie is nominate to be one of the sena- 
 tors of the Coliedge of Justice. " (Ibid. 465, 485.) On the in- 
 vasion of the English, he seems to have been unemployed for 
 .some time, but was re-appointed to the bench in December 
 1657; Warriston having been appointed in the preceding- 
 month. (Hailes, Catalogue of the Lords of Session, p. 11.) 
 In Middleton's Parliament, he was fined in L.48'00 Scots. 
 (Act. Pari. Scot. vii. 424.) 
 
 * This is the manuscript mentioned in the Preface. 
 
 f Messrs. Welsh, Blackader, &c, were at Edinburgh when 
 the rising took place in 1666. At a meeting at Mr. Alexander 
 Robertson's chamber, Ferguson of Kaittoch hesitated, the rest 
 were clear to assist their brethren. Among these were Colonel 
 Wallace, Mr. Welsh, and Mr Robertson, who appear to have 
 gone oft' immediately. Blackader and others had got their 
 accoutrements sent out of the town; but ere they could ffo 
 themselves, they learned the hopeless state of their friends. 
 Welsh appears to have taken Mr. Veitch's house in his way. 
 (Kirkton, p. 234. Blackader, Mem. p. 141.) 
 
 According to Blackader's account, Mr. Robison was in Dum- 
 fries at the seizing of Turner. (Crichton's Mem. of Blackader, 
 p. 138.) In all probability, he had come from the Westland 
 men, for the purpose of procuring the assistance of friends at 
 Edinburgh. In his way to the town, he could pass through 
 Libberton, and thus be in case to promise Colonel Wallace 
 40 horsemen, a promise which failed. (Kirkton's Hist. p. 234.) 
 After they had assembled, and were come to Muirkirk, An- 
 drew Macormoch informed Colonel Wallace that it was the 
 mind of Captain Robert Lockhart and Mr. Robison, that they 
 should break up and dismiss the people. (Kirkton, p. 236.) 
 
 ton, General Dalziel, and Major-General Drummond. 
 And as several that were taken prisoners were executed, 
 so those of any note that escaped were forfeited life 
 and fortune, and that in absence ; an illegal and new- 
 invented piece of cruelty by Sir John Nisbet, the then 
 King's Advocate ; who, thinking that this wickedness 
 might recoil upon him afterwards, got an act of Par- 
 liament to approve what was then done, and so did se- 
 cure himself from any afterclap that might befall. 
 
 The Galloway forces who were commanded by one 
 Andrew Gray and John Nelson of Corsack,* came by 
 surprise, and apprehended Sir James Turner at Dum- 
 fries, and immediately after marched toward the west 
 country, sending their messengers to the shires round 
 about to come and assist them. And the information 
 coming to Mr. Veitch that he would not only come 
 himself, but bring as many as possible along with 
 him, especially such officers, if there were any, as un- 
 derstood how to command. And Major Learmont liv- 
 ing near him, a man skilful, resolute, and courageous 
 enough, but of no great projection, he went to his 
 house and persuaded him to join.| And so they with 
 
 * John Neilson of Corsack entertained Messrs. Welsh and 
 Semple when they were outed in 1662. (Black. Mem. MS. G. 
 2.) He had been early in this insurrection, and, with Robison 
 and other two, made Sir James Turner prisoner. Andrew 
 Grey, the chief of tlie party, coming up and offering to shoot 
 the prisoner, Corsack, " a meek and generous gentleman," in- 
 terfered, saying, "You shall as soon kill nie, for I have giverr 
 him quarters.'" (Crichton's Mem. of Blackader, 138, 139.) 
 How well he deserved the above character, will appear from 
 the following statement of his sufferings at Sir James's hand. 
 " When Sir James Turner came first into Galloway, Corsack 
 was soon delated by the curate (Dalgleish) for nonconformity, 
 and Sir James exacted an hundred pounds Scots from him, and, 
 contrary to promise, he was sent prisoner to Kirkcudbright. 
 He suffered very much by quarterings of soldiers upon hmT; 
 from the beginning of March, to the end of May that year, lie 
 had troopers lying on him, sometimes ten, sometimes six, some- 
 times four at once, and was forced to pay each man half a 
 crown a day, which came to eight hundred and nineteert 
 pounds Scots, and free quarters besides to man and horse; 
 which, moderately computing at fifteen pence a day, amounts to 
 four hundred and eight pounds, ten shillings. Next year. Sir 
 James Turner sent six foot soldiers to quarter upon him, from 
 March to the middle of June. These had each of them twelve 
 pence a day, besides free quarters, which amounts to seven hun- 
 dred and fifty-six pounds. By these hardships, Corsack was- 
 obliged to leave his house, and wander up and down; and upon 
 his hiding, he lost his horse worth an hundred pounds, and 
 was seized hinwelf, and imprisoned for some time. The loss 
 of his household stuflF, victual, and most part of his sheep, can- 
 not be well reckoned. When they had turned his lady and 
 children to the doors, they next fell upon his tenants,- and 
 obliged them to bring them in sheep, lambs, meal, and malt, 
 till they were well nigh ruined. And last of all, they drove 
 all his oxen and black cattle to Glasgow, and sold them. And 
 all this for nothing else but precise noncontbrmity. After alh 
 this oppression, of which I have before me an attested account, 
 the reader can scarce wonder that he, and many others in the 
 like circumstances, took hold on the first opportunity that offer- 
 ed to complain of, and relieve themselves of those calamities. 
 When essaying this, he is taken at Pentland, and,when a prisoner 
 in Edinburgh tolbooth. Sir James Turner used his interest to 
 get his life spared, because Corsack, out of his truly christian 
 temper, saved Sir James, when some were seeking to take hig 
 life, both at Dumfries and afterwards, though few had felt more 
 of his severity than this gentleman; Mr. Dalgleish the curate, 
 getting notice of it, applied himself to some of the bishops,- 
 and acquainted them, Corsack was a ringleader to the phanat^ 
 ics in Galloway, and if he were spared, he needed not think of 
 continuing in his parish, and thej' might spare them all. This 
 went farther than Sir James his interest could go, and so he 
 was executed." 
 
 But his execution was not the greatest severity to which be 
 was subjected ; for, disregarding the claims which he had to 
 gentler treatment, he was the first person whom the council 
 put to the torture, a mode of examination which had been dis- 
 used in Scotland for a great number of years. "Corsack 
 (says Wodrow) was fearfully tormented, so that his shrieks 
 would have melted any body but those present, who still call- 
 ed for the other touch." After his death, his wife and family 
 were grievously oppressed. (Wodrow, i. 258, 259.) 
 
 f In the list of fines by Middleton's Parliament in 1662, 
 is Joseph Learmont, Peebles-shire, L.1200. (Wodrow, i. App. 
 xxxiii.) 
 
 "March, 1682, Major (Joseph) Learmont, an old soldier 
 
432 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 several others went westward and met the foremen- 
 lioned forces on the hill above Galstoun, where, after 
 consultation, they thouaht fit to halt in that country 
 for a little time till their friends should come in ; and 
 that they might be more conveniently quartered, some 
 of them went to Mauchline, and others to Tarbolton. 
 
 The next day they sent Mr. Veitch with forty or 
 fifty horse to the town of Ayr to take up quarters for 
 them ; the magistrates absconding themselves for fear 
 what might be the issue, he, upon information given 
 him by some of his friends where one of them was 
 lurking, did apprehend and bring him to a public 
 house, causing him to give billets for quartering seven 
 or eight hundred horse and foot. The forces fol- 
 lowing drew up in the citadel ; and through the great 
 rains and coldness of the weather, several that were 
 not used to such hardships were like to turn valetu- 
 dinary ; and tlie worthy Mr. Hugh M'Kell had fal- 
 len off his horse if one had not laid hold of him and 
 kept him up ; and they carrying him into a house in 
 that faintingfit, laying him in a bed, and giving him 
 something for a cordial, by which his spirits returned, 
 and he recovered. 
 
 After a little respite there, they marched up the wa- 
 ter of Ayr toward Douglass, and from that to Lanark. 
 In the mean time. General Dalziel and his forces came 
 westward to meet them the length of Strathaven ; but 
 hearing that the west country men were got to Lanark 
 between them and Edinburgh, they turned their march 
 after them. The honest party at Lanark being about 
 fifteen hundred horse and foot, thought fit that the 
 ministers should preach something suitably to the peo- 
 ple, and to the present circumstances of things, both in 
 church and state, which they did ; and there both the 
 National and Solemn League and Covenant were re- 
 newed, for spiriting and encouraging the- people to this 
 work. 
 
 The rumour of Dalziel's pursuit made them that 
 night send spies to find out the truth of it, and 
 which way he was intending ; and coming back before 
 day with the information of the enemy's being resolved 
 that night for Lanark, a council w^as called of officers, 
 gentlemen, and ministers, to see what was most prop- 
 er to be done in such a juncture. And it was by the 
 generality thought most proper that they should abide 
 at Lanark ; and that because the enemy being on the 
 other side of Clyde, and the rains having made it im- 
 passable except by boat, Dalziel and his forces could 
 not reach them (the boat being broken) until the water 
 decreased, which could not be very suddenly. And, 
 if but five hundred of the western forces were sent to 
 the place where they were to pass, would overawe 
 them to venture upon the water. And, they being 
 
 and now about 77 years, and a layior to his trade, who was at 
 Pentland hills in the insurrection, 1666, and at Bothwell bridge 
 insurrection, 1679, was taken in his own house within three 
 miles of Laneric, in a vault which he digged underground, and 
 penned for his iiiding; it had its entry in bis own house, upon 
 the svde of a wall, and closed up with a whole stone, so closs 
 as that non would have judged it but to have been a stone 
 of the building; it descended below the foundation of the 
 house, and was in length about 40 yards, and in the far end, 
 the other mouth of it, was closed with faill, having a faill dyke 
 builded upon it, so that with ease when he went out he shutt 
 out the faill, and closed it again. Here he sheltered for the 
 space of 17 years, b3' taking himself to it at every alarm, and 
 many times hath his house been searched for him by the sol- 
 diers, but where he sheltered non was privy to it but his own 
 donjestic-, and at length he is discovered by his own herds- 
 man. He is carried before the council, and examined; confes- 
 ses he was at Pentland hills, and at Bothwell bridge fight, but 
 came only there to advise the people to accept of the Duke of 
 Monmouth's oft'ers he made them in the king's name." (Law's 
 Memoriall?, p. 216, 217.) He had been forfeited in absence 
 after Pentland, and on April 8, this year, was appiiinted to be 
 executed on the 28, but througrh interest made for him the sen- 
 tence »vas commuted into imprisonment in the Bass. He sur- 
 vived the Revolution; and soon after that happ)' event died in 
 bis own house of Ncwholm in the eighty eighth vearof his ao-e. 
 (Wodrow, ii. 262.) 
 
 Stopped there, they could not subsist without victuals 
 and lodging twenty-four hours in such stormy weath- 
 er ; and therefore would be necessitated to retire back 
 again : and this dash being given to them, it would 
 contribute to discourage the enemy, and encourage 
 their friends to arise for their assistance. 
 
 But a letter, I may say unhappily, coming from 
 James Stewart (who after the Revolution was King's 
 Advocate) to Mr. Welsh and Mr. Semple, to come as 
 near Edinburgh as possible, where they would get as- 
 sistance both of men and other necessaries, made them 
 break their former resolution, and march instantly to- 
 wards Bathgate ; where night coming on, and no quar- 
 ters could be had for such a number, they were forced 
 to stand with their arms without in the field. And a 
 great snow coming on like to discourage the company, 
 some of the officers, thinking it was better to be marcli- 
 ing than standing in such a posture, gave a false 
 alarm that the enemy was approaching; and so they 
 concluded to march to CoUington and sent one before 
 with a party of horse to take up their quarters. Now 
 when they came there, it was necessary to consult 
 what was fit to be done in answer to Mr. Stewart's let- 
 ter. Among the rest, Mr. Veitch was called for to 
 give his judgment ; but he, both that night and several 
 nights before having been wet to the skin, being seve- 
 ral nights out of bed in that service, was lain down 
 upon the top of a bed to sleep and refresh himself, or- 
 dering his men to let nobody into the room. When 
 their messenger came, he returned with that answer, 
 that he could not get access tohim, for he was gone to 
 rest ; Avith which they not being satisfied, sent him 
 back again, and told they would do nothing until he 
 came. In their consultation, Colonel Wallace, who 
 commanded in chief, was for sending one of their 
 number into the city, if it were possible, to converse 
 with James Stewart, to see how he would malce 
 good his promise. They generally voted that Mr. 
 Veitch should go, but he refused, being persuaded 
 that, the measures proposed at Lanark being neglected, 
 they had lost an opportunity put in their hand, the like 
 whereof he could not see they would get again ; and 
 if it had not been for discouraging of them he would 
 have left them at Lanark ; and he feared that, in such 
 a malignant country, they would meet with a disap- 
 pointment. However, Wallace told that, if Mr. 
 Veitch would not go, he would do it himself; which 
 made all of them urge him to a compliance, which he 
 did. But how unreasonable and dangerous the under- 
 taking was, you hear by what follows.* 
 
 Mr. Veitch sends for his man, orders him to bring 
 him his baggage horse, an old hat and an old cloak; 
 puts all off him that might give suspicion to any that 
 should search him, as sword, pistols, &c. ; and rides 
 straight from CoUington to Biggar way, that, if any 
 should meet him going into town, he might say he 
 came out Biggar way. Mr. Andrew M'Cormick (cal- 
 led afterward the goodman of the whigs) a minister in 
 Ireland, a man of good years, and judicious, conveyed 
 him to CoUington, talking to him of several things ne- 
 cessary lo he minded when he came to James Stew- 
 art; and then left him. Not long after, having ridden 
 but a little in Biggar road, he met a very brisk strong- 
 like fellow riding with a drawn sword, who asked 
 him which way he came? He replied, he came out 
 Biggar way. " But," says he, " did you not see all 
 CollingtoQ on fire 1 I fear my house be burnt, for I 
 
 * JN'otwilhstanding the difficulty of the undertaking, it ap- 
 pears that Mr. James Mitchell, afterwards executed for the at- 
 tempt on Sharp, having gone from Edinburgh with Colonel 
 Wallace, did, at the desire of Captain Arnot, return to town 
 the same night Veitch was in it. (See the Act of Privy Coun- 
 cil of March 12, 1674; in Wodrow, Hist. i. 376.) this act 
 contains also a statement and revocation of that assurance of 
 his life, on the faith of which he confessed his attempt on the 
 bishop. It is well known that, on his trial, a number of the 
 Counsellors solcnmly .swore that no such assurance bad ever 
 bcenjiven. (Ibid. 615, 516.) 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 433 
 
 hear the whigs are come there." But it was replied 
 by Mr. Veitch that he knew nothing of it; thus they 
 parted. This gave occasion to tliink what the issue 
 of this journey was like to be. 
 
 So he went forward till he came to the ascent ere 
 you come to the Greenhill park dyke, where three 
 country women walking on foot met him ; and asked 
 him, " Friend, which way are you going ?" He an- 
 swered, carelessly, " Into the town." They tell him 
 that, if he go by the Greenhill house into Brunts- 
 field Links, he is a dead man ; for there the Lord 
 Kingston, with several horse and foot under his com- 
 mand,' are all drawn up to stop the whigs from coming 
 into the town ; praying him not to go forward. He con- 
 sidering the thing, and seeing a by-road upon his right 
 hand, going down by the Grange to Libberton way, he 
 turns into it, and rides on in that way till he came to 
 the Sciennes ; and, seeing a sentry upon horseback 
 drinking, with his horse's head and his own within 
 the door, he turns from him to the right hand, and 
 rides through by the Burrowmuir to Dalkeith way. 
 When he came thither he met a number of colliers, 
 who asked him whither he was going? He replied, 
 " Into the town." Say they, " You cannot come there ; 
 for all the gates are shut up, and guards without to appre- 
 hend every person that passes." This put him to think, 
 whether it would be more profitable and creditable to 
 go back, or go forward. Reason and light was for 
 going back ; but credit cried, you must go forward, 
 else lose your reputation, as a coward that durst not 
 go forward to prosecute your commission. 
 
 Upon which he proceeded and was taken by two 
 sentries at the Windmiin ; one of whom carried him 
 into the Potterrow Port, when the captain of the 
 guard searching and examining him, and finding no 
 just ground to detain him, he desired him either to let 
 him in at the gate, or let him go seek his lodgings in 
 the suburbs. He replied that neither of these he could 
 do; for he had not the key of the gate, and also he 
 had a particular commission to send every one he ap- 
 prehended to my Lord Kingston, who commanded the 
 main-guard without the West Port : and so called a 
 corporal with a rate of musketeers to carry him thith- 
 er ; which they did by the back of Heriot Work walls. 
 The prisoner now, leading his own beast in his hand, 
 and walking with them, thinking on his dangerous 
 case, sent up some desires to God, that, if he had a 
 mind to spare him and deliver him out of this danger, 
 he would deliver him from fear, and give him presence 
 of mind and courage ; which was mercifully granted 
 him, so that when my Lord Kingston, who was a huf- 
 fie * and hot-spirited man, examined him, he gave 
 him very smooth and suitable answers, and such as 
 gave him to think that he had no ground to commit 
 him. 
 
 But, in the mean time, an alarm arises that the 
 Whigs were all at hand ; and he crymg to stand to 
 their arms, the prisoner says, " My Lord, if you have 
 any arms to give me, I'll venture against these Whigs 
 in the first rank." To which he replied, " Thou art 
 an honest fellow : if there be any arms let him have 
 some." But the noise being quashed, the prisoner 
 says, " Now what will your Lordship do with me ?" 
 Says he, " If I thought all ye had spoken were true, 
 T would let you go; but I doubt of it." "Then," 
 says he, " my Lord, if you will grant me one favour, I 
 shall easily clear you ; and that is, if you will send 
 one with me to the dean of Edinburgh's house, viz. Mr. 
 Robert Laurie, I shall bring a line from him to satisfy 
 and clear your Lordship in the matter." " O," says 
 he, " that is my friend, to whom I have as great re- 
 spect as to any ; but no doubt he and all his friends are 
 fled to the castle for safety ; but seeing you are a friend 
 of his I let you go." He had not well said it, when a 
 gentleman standing by him and looking toward the 
 
 « Huffish. 
 3 E 
 
 Links says, " My Lord, yonder is a prisoner coming in 
 with our two scouts; and he, looking that way, per- 
 ceives it to be Mr. Hugh M'Kell, which made htm think 
 it was high time for him to be going ; and therefore says 
 to my Lord, " I am sensible of your Lordship's kindness 
 to me, for your friend and my friend's sake. I desire that 
 you would order this corporal and the musketeers that 
 are going back to the Potterrow Port, to bid the captain 
 there look on me now that he may know me, that his 
 sentries, that are standing in the streets in Potterrow 
 and Bristo, may not apprehend me and bring me back to 
 trouble your Lordship, when I am seeking my quar- 
 ters;" which the corporal did, for which he gave him 
 a shilling. Here was a remarkable delivery ; for no 
 doubt Mr. M'Kell would have owned me instantly 
 and innocently ; so we should have died together.* 
 
 * A Mr. M'Kail's sufferings are frequently adverted to in ac- 
 counts of this period. The notices of them by English wri- 
 ters furnish us with instances of their inaccuracy on the affairs 
 of Scotland. In the Life of Lord William Russel, by his no- 
 ble descendant, (vol. i. p, 169.) M'Kail is stated to have died 
 under the torture; a blunder copied from Burnet, which might 
 have been corrected by looking into Wodrow. — The following 
 extract from a manuscript in the Advocates Library, is given 
 as containing son)e particulars not generally known. 
 
 " The forementioned Mr. Matthew M'Kail, then apothecary 
 in Edinburgh, and afterwards Doctor of Medicine, when he 
 heard of his cousine Mr. Hew M'Kail, his being taken, and 
 put in prrson, went to Mr. James Sharp, Archbishop of St. 
 Andrews, to solicit for him: the occasion of this was, the said 
 Mr. Matthew M'Kail, was emi)loyed at London, 1657, bj' the 
 said Mr. James Sharp, to write several papers, to be sent to 
 ScotFand, concerning the affairs of the church, for at that time Mr. 
 Sharp was agenting for the public resolutioners, against the pro 
 testers against the Assembly at St. Andrews and Dundee. When 
 Mr. Matthew spoke to him, he desired him to assure Mr. Hew 
 that he would befriend him if he would reveal the mystery of the 
 plot, which he not being able to do, occasioned his torture; but 
 there was, indeed, a plot to have surrendered the castles of 
 Edinburgh, Stirline, and Dumbarton, in July thatyear,and the 
 chief contrivers failing, nothing vv'as done. 
 
 " Upon the Thursday thereafter, the Bishop went to St. An- 
 drews, and Mr. Matthew followed him on I riday, but reach- 
 ed only to the Weems that night. After dinner he arrived at 
 the Bishop's house on Saturday, and the servant told that the 
 barber was triming him, and when he had done Mr. Matthew 
 would get access. In the mean time, whilst he was walking in 
 the outer room, the Bishop's son (about 12 years old) 
 came, and enquired of Mr. Matthew if he came from Edin- 
 burgh, to which it was answered, yes; then he inquired forthe 
 news there, and Mr. Matthew answered there was none, but 
 that other 4 of the west countr3'nien, were hanged yesterday; 
 then the youth said, " No more! it will be long before they 
 hang them all:" and thus was verified the old proverb, as the 
 old cock crows the young cock learns. When Mr. Mathew got 
 access, he delivered to the bishop one letter from the March- 
 ioness Dowager of Douglass, in favours of Mr. Hew, whose 
 brother Mr. Matthew was governor to her son. Lord James- 
 Douglas, and another from the Bishop's brother, Sir William 
 Sharp, his lady; and when he had read them, he said, "The 
 business is now in the Justiciaries hands, and I can do nothing; 
 but however I shall have answers ready against the next morn- 
 ing;" at which time, when Mr. Matthews came, the bishop cat- 
 led his family together, prayed, and desired Mr. Matthew, icf 
 come and dine with him, and then he would give the answer: 
 then he went to the church, did preach, and inveigh much 
 against the Covenant. Immediately after dinner he gave the 
 answers to the letters, and Mr. Matthew said, he ho})ed that 
 his travellnig that day about so serious a business [would give 
 no offence;] to which the bishop answered, that it would give 
 no offence. Then Mr. Matthew went to inquire for his horse^ 
 but the stabler's family were all gone to the church, so that he 
 could not travel till Monday morning early; and when he 
 came to Buckhaven, the wind being easterl}', the fish boats 
 were coming into the harbour, and he hired one of them imme- 
 diately, and arrived at Leith in the evening, having sent his 
 horse to Bruntisland. He went immediately to the Archbishop 
 (Burnet) of Glasgow, and delivered a letter to hitn, who did 
 read it, and then said, that the business was now in the Justici- 
 aries hands. The next day being Tuesday, Mr. Hew was ar- 
 raigned before the Justice Court, which sentenced him to be 
 hanged at the Cross of Edinburgh on Friday next; and the 
 night before, Mr. Matthew went to the executioner's John 
 Dunmore's house, and did drink with him, and gave him six 
 dollars, desiring him not to meddle with Mr. Hew's clothes: 
 and the next day the executioner did nothing, but put the rope 
 about his neck, and a napkin about his face, and turned hmi oif 
 the ladder, and Mr. Matthew received him, and drew down his 
 
434 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 Then, the prisoner being: liberated, he went to the end 
 of the Potterrow, where he knew there was a widow that 
 kept a public inn ; but when he came and looked into her 
 hall, he saw it standing full of curates, who had fled 
 out of the country, to shelter themselves from the 
 whigs, but could not get in at the ports ; so he 
 slipped off, and turned about to Bristo Street, where 
 he lighted upon a man that was a cow-keeper and sel- 
 ler of milk, to whom he says, as people do sometimes, 
 carelessly, " What confusion is this about this town 
 to-night ; I cannot get in at the port, and think I shall 
 not get quarters without; do you know of any herea- 
 bout ]" Says he, " I can give you quarters for your 
 beast, but I have none for yourself." Says he, " That 
 will do very well :" upon which he went to his house 
 and gave him his beast, and a sixpence to buy draff to it 
 all night; and so left him, for it was just growing 
 dark. And though the house he intended to lodge in 
 was just above him, yet he passed by it at that time to 
 blind the man, that he might not know where he was 
 going, and returned within a little ; and finding Mrs. 
 Durham not within, he went up to the story above to 
 Mr. Arthur Murray's house, who had been turned out 
 of his kirk in Orkney. * And when he saw him, he 
 wondered how he had got safely into his honse in 
 such a confusion ; for he had heard that he in partic- 
 ular was among the whigs. He told him how he had 
 escaped, at which he cried out, " O dear Billy, I hope 
 God has yet more to do with thee." Then he told 
 him his errand, and with whom it was, but saw no ac- 
 cess how to do any thing in it; and it was the thing 
 he told his friends ere he left them, that it was not 
 likely he could get in at that time, for all would be in 
 confusion. However, when my landlord told that the 
 wicket of the Netherbow was open, they sent his wife 
 with a verbal message to Mr. Stewart; but she could 
 not get in. So he went to his bed, being exceedingly 
 weary ; and his boots not having been off for many 
 nights before, and wet, they were forced to slit them 
 off; and they were hanging there thirteen years after, 
 when Mr. Veitch was brought prisoner out of Eng- 
 land to Scotland, to die under a sentence in absence, as 
 after will appear. 
 
 The next morning, being informed that the western 
 forces were marching from CoUington about Pentland- 
 hill ends, and seeing that he could do nothing in the 
 affair he was sent for, he resolved to venture a return 
 to his friends, though against the advice of his landlord 
 and others at Edinburgh. And going out by Libber- 
 ton Kirk, towards the House of the Muir, he was like 
 to be difficultied with some persons that were riding to 
 the enemy at Pentland town ; but advising them to go 
 in and search for arms, he standing sentry at the town 
 till they came out, in the mean time made his escape. 
 
 feet. When he was cut down, he was laid into his coffin, 
 which Mr. Matthew had provided, and was carryed to Mag- 
 dalen's Chapell; and when his grave clothes were put on, he 
 was carryed to the Gray Friar's Church Yard, and was interred 
 near the east dyke, a little above the stair, at the entry, being 
 conveyed by a great company of honest men. 
 
 " It will not be amiss to insert here, that inmiediately after 
 the execution of the forementioned four men, there came a 
 letter from the king, discharging the execution of moe; but 
 the Bishop of St. Andrews kept it up till Mr. Hew was execu- 
 ted, and then no moe were panelled for that business. 
 
 " The night before his execution, the said Mr. Matthew did 
 ly with Mr. Hew, who did sleep, as before related in the print, 
 which the said Mr. Matthew knew, having sleeped very little 
 that night, because of a pain in his head wherewith he was 
 frequently troubled. And because no friend durst put on 
 mourning, the said Mr. Matthew did wear his black hair stuff 
 coat wherein he was hanged, and that as long as it lasted." 
 (MS. Jac. V. 7. 22.) 
 
 • " This good and aged man was living in the suburbs of 
 Edinburgh, through which Daliiel's soldiers marched in tri- 
 umph. When he opened his window, and saw them display 
 their banners, and heard the shouts of the soldiers, trioraphing 
 over the prisoners, he was struck to the very heart, — took his 
 bed immediately, and died in a day or two." (Wodrow. vol, i. 
 p. 255.) ^ 
 
 But passing through Roslin Muir, and coming to 
 Glencross water, a frontier party of Dalziel's horse 
 had almost taken him up. But being within cry of 
 Lieutenant Paton * who commanded the rearguard of 
 the opposite forces, he returned, and beating back the 
 other party, delivered him ; and said to Mr. Veitch, 
 " O ! Sir, we took you for a lost man, and repented 
 sore that we sent you upon so unreasonable an under- 
 taking." 
 
 As they rode up toward Pentland hills, they observ- 
 ed their friends leaving the highway, and marching 
 up their body to the middle of the hill, and a select 
 party of horse tn the top. It was about twelve of the 
 clock, the 28th day of November 1666 : it having been 
 snow and frost the night before, the day was pretty clear 
 and sunshine. General Dalziel's coming from Cuxrie 
 through the hills, of which they got notice, was the 
 occasion of their taking of themsel ves to that strength ; 
 and within half an hour after, a select party of Dalzi- 
 el's forces, commanded by Major General Drummond, 
 fell upon their select party that was upon the top of the 
 hill. Drummond and his party weie instantly beat 
 back to the great confusion and consternation of their 
 army ; hundreds whereof, as they were following dis- 
 orderly through the hill sides, threw down their arms 
 and ran away ; and Drummond himself afterward ac- 
 knowledged to the Reverend Mr. Kirkton, that if the 
 Whigs bad pursued their first assault, wherein they 
 beat them back, they had utterly ruined Dalziel's forces. 
 
 M'Clellan of Barmagechan,i and Mr. John Crook- 
 Shanks, commanded that first party, where some pris- 
 oners were taken by M'Clellan, but were let go in the 
 evening, after the enemy had obtained the victory. Mr. 
 Crookshanks and Mr. Andrew M'Cormick were both 
 killed at the first rencounter.:^: Major Learmont com- 
 manded the second party, who beat the enemy again ; 
 where Duke Hamilton hardly escaped, by Ramsay, 
 dean of Hamilton, his laying his sword upon the 
 Duke's back to ward off the countryman's stroke, that 
 
 * John Paton, Meadow-head, is among the Scots Worthies. 
 Veitch styles hira only Lieutenant. Fountainhall, at April 12. 
 1684, mentions Captain Paton's being brought in prisoner to 
 Edinburgh. " He carried himself very discreetly before the Justi- 
 ces; however he is sentenced to be hanged on the 23d April; 
 but was for a time reprieved; and at length was hanged on the 
 9th of May. He was willing to take the test; but a quorum of 
 the Privy Council could not be then got to reprieve him." — 
 (Decis. 1. 295.) — On a similar statement in Fountainhall's Dia- 
 ry, p. 92, the editor remarks in a note, " This was brntal 
 enough, especially as a quorum could have been easily collect- 
 ed for the purpose of hanging him. An old Judge, Lord 
 Nairne, was dragged out of Court — [fcerf, it should have been 
 said] — to vote forArgyle's condemnation. 
 
 f Robert M'Clellan of Barmagechan, in the parish of Borg, 
 shared deeply in the sufferings o( that part of the country; un- 
 der Sir James Turner; and now took part with his fellow-suf- 
 ferers in the rising at Pentland, as he afterwards did in that of 
 Bothwell. Wodrow. (Hist. ii. 567.) has given an account of 
 his sufferings in his imprisonment at Dnnolter, in his banish- 
 ment and voyage to the plantations with Pitlochie, and in his 
 return home after the Revolution. 
 
 J Mr. Andrew M'Cormick was charged with having been in 
 Blood's plot in Irelaiid.along with Lackie end other six presbyte- 
 rian ministers. Lackie, with Colonels Edward Warren, and 
 Jephson,and Major Thomson, were executed. Thomas Blood, 
 Colonel Gibby Carr, with Andrew M'Cormick, and Robert 
 Chambers, nonconformist ministers, escaped. (Carte's Life ofOr- 
 inond, ii. 269,70.) Messrs. M'Cormick and Crookshanks were, 
 by some writers, supposed to have been active in exciting the 
 insurrection, being tnrniselves exposed to danger for their con- 
 cern in the plots in Ireland; but the conduct of Mr. M'Cor- 
 mick, referred to in a former note, (see page 431,) does not fa- 
 vour that supposition. Wodrow says, he has seen no evidence of 
 Colonel Ker's accession to the Irish plot. (Hist. i. 188.) 
 
 Wodrow, (Hist. i. app. p. 78,) gives a list of fifty-nine non- 
 conforming ministers in Ireland. Of these several came to 
 Scotland before Pentland, as Messrs. Michael Bruce and An- 
 drew M'Cormick from Newton Presbytery, and John Crook- 
 shanks from that of Logan. Bruce and Crookshanks attract 
 the notice of the Council, who, on June 23, 1664, ordain let- 
 ters, charging them at the Cross of Edinburgh, and Pier and 
 Shore of Ivefth, to appear, July 27, for preaching without li- 
 cence, and empower the officers and commanders of the forces 
 to seiie them. (Wod. i. 215.) 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 435 
 
 he saw lie was bringing on him.* Dalziel sent up a 
 party quickly to rescue the Duke, who beat back Lear- 
 mont, and shot his horse under him; but he starting 
 back to a fold-dike killed one of the four that pursued 
 him, and mounting his horse came off in spite of the 
 other three. The last rencounter was at daylight 
 going, where the enemy's foot, being flanked with 
 their horses on each side, firing upon the Whigs broke 
 their ranks, their horses not being used with fire ; then 
 the troops upon the right wing of the enemy broke in 
 upon them; and had taken and killed many more, if 
 the night had not prevented them.f 
 
 Mr. Veitch falling in among a whole troop of the 
 enemy, they turned his horse violently in the dark, 
 and carried him along with them, not knowing but that 
 he was one of their own ; but as they fell down the 
 hill in the pursuit of the enemy, he held upward till 
 he got to the outside of them, and the moon rising clear, 
 which made him fear he would presently be discovered, 
 he saw no other way of escape but to venture up the 
 hill, which he did, being well mounted ; which, when 
 the enemy perceived, they cried out, " Ho! this is one 
 of the rogues that has commanded them." Several 
 pursued him up the hill a little, and shot at him sun- 
 dry times ; but their horses sunk, and were not able to 
 ascend the hill, so that he escaped, and came that 
 night to a bird's house in Dunsyre Common, within a 
 mile of his own dwelling. Giving the bird j: his horse 
 to carry home to his own stable, and to tell his wife,who 
 was entertaining several of the officers that had fled, 
 but weeping for fear her husband should have been 
 killed, he lurked several nights thereabout, till he got 
 ready things to go for England. 
 
 One remarkable passage on Friday's night after, 
 which was the 30th of November, he cannot but 
 mention; viz. that the Laird of .Austown,|| who lived 
 near by his house in the Westhills, and was his land- 
 lord, having cleared some accompts between them, one 
 particular was omitted, which occasioned him to go 
 down in the moonlight to his house. And taking his 
 servant with him, as he came in sight of the town, his 
 man perceives a great many troopers, some of them 
 riding about the dikes, and some of them searching 
 the yards, for Major Learmont, the gentleman's son- 
 
 * Whether through the Duke's interest, or his own activity 
 and capacity for business, Ramsay was afterwards advanced in 
 the church. "James Ramsay, son of Robert Ranisav, minister 
 at Dundonald, and afterward principal of the College of Glas- 
 gow, was first minister at Kirkintuliock, next at Liidithcow, 
 and in the year 1670 he was made Dean of Glasgow, &c. (which 
 deanry is annexed to the parsonage of Hamilton.) On the 22d 
 July, 1673, he was preferred to the See of Dunblane, upon 
 the translation thence of Bishop Leighton to the Archiepi.sco- 
 pal See of Glasgow. On the 23d May, 1684, he was translated 
 from Dunblane to Ross, (Publick Records,) and here he con- 
 tinued till the Revolution deprived him. He died at Edin- 
 burgh, 22d October, 1696, and was interred in the Canongate 
 church-yard." (Keith's Catalogue of Scots Bishops, p. 121.) 
 
 f " I shall only notice," says Mr. Blackader, " that it was 
 greatly wondered, that such a poor inconsiderable party of 
 countrymen, so badly armed as they were, so outwearyed with 
 cold, travel, and hunger, should ever have faced such a formi- 
 dable enemy; they being scarce 900 of them who engaged 
 against 3000 horse and foot, beside great multitudes attendants 
 01 noblemen and gentlemen in the country, all well armed with 
 all manner of furniture for war offensive and defensive; and 
 yet, not only in the morning, but twice in the afternoon, they 
 both faced them and resolutely fought till the}' were able to do 
 no more, being oppressed with multitudes. It is not known 
 what number of Dalziel's men fell that day, but these who 
 stood on the hill, when the second party charged the enemy, 
 and chased them into the body, some honest men, I say, who 
 stood among the rest and saw it, affirm they saw many empty 
 horse run into the body of Dalziel's army.'' (Memoirs, MS. 
 sig. K. 1.) 
 
 J Herdsman. 
 
 11 John Hamilton of Auldstain, or Austane, was, in January, 
 1667, apprehended b}' the Council's order, upon a suspicion 
 that Major Lermont, his son-in-law, bad been in his house 
 after Pentland. Nothing could be proven, and with difficulty 
 he got out, upon giving bond to compear when called, under 
 penalty of ten thousand raerks." (Wod. i. 266.) 
 
 in-law, whom Dalziel heard he had received ; for it 
 was his troop. Mr. Veitch's man says, " Master, Oh ! 
 yonder troopers; what will you do?" and so ran 
 straight home. His master fearing that if they saw him 
 they would follow him as a suspected person, he him- 
 self being in a country habit, like one of the birds of 
 the place, thought it fittest and safest to go forward ; 
 and coming to the green where the pedees and 
 countrymen were holding the troopers horses till they 
 searched the house and yards, goes to one of the ten- 
 ants called Hugh Gramme, an honest man, who was 
 holding four or five of their horses, and says, " What 
 think you of this night, Hughie 1 will it be snow or 
 not ?-" He, perceiving who it was, says, " Willie, take 
 two of these horses and lead ; and he leading tliem to 
 and again, when they got alone from the company, he 
 said, " O, what brought you here to-night ■?" and he 
 telling him that it was to speak with the laird, he says, 
 " That you will not get done, for they are taking him 
 away prisoner." In the mean time, they sent a party 
 up to Mr. Veitch's house to search for him, but found 
 neither him nor his horse ; for his man had taken him 
 out to the moor. When the troopers mounted and 
 took away the laird prisoner, Mr. Veitch held the stir- 
 rups of the two horses till his masters mounted their 
 horses, with his greasy bonnet under his arm. After 
 that, he went to the bird's house all night, and lay in 
 the calf-house among some straw. 
 
 The Saturday after he sent one down to Tweedale, 
 to see if there was any safe travelling through that 
 country ; and the man that went carried his wife behind 
 him, upon his fine horse, to Mr. Fleming's house, min- 
 ister of Strobo;* and she was to send him word by 
 the man, if there was any searching that way; and 
 hearing of no danger, became about midnight to Mr. 
 Fleming's house, and taking his wife on behind him, 
 they rode to Glenvetches before day, and the next night 
 to ToTWOodlee, and so to his brother Mr. John's, who 
 had sent James Hume of Flass, his brother-in-law, to 
 Edinburgh, to hear how all was going ; who, returning 
 the next day, brought the printed proclamation against 
 the leading Whigs, to apprehend them wherever they 
 could be found, and not to harbour them, as they would 
 not be punished according to law, as the persons har- 
 boured did deserve. His name being there, he was 
 forced that night to fly into England and leave his wife, 
 who was at that time big with child of his eldest son 
 William. 
 
 He left with his wife the fine horse he rode upon, be- 
 ing one of the Lord Loudon's horses that was taken 
 from him, because he had sent his officer to warn all 
 his tenants not to rise to the assistance of their friends. 
 She delivered him at Edinburgh to a friend of my 
 Lords, and went back to her family at the Easthills. 
 He, intending for Newcastle, and being wholly a 
 stranger in that country, and fearing to be robbed by 
 the way, left his money with a merchant in Kelso; 
 and not daring to take a written bill, he got a verbal 
 token to Robert Ker, merchant in the Groat Market 
 of Newcastle, to pay him the money ; but, before Mr. 
 Veitch came there, he had got advice by letter so to 
 do. He found several of his friends there who were 
 in the proclamation, and finding them go under other 
 names for their safety, he took the name of William 
 Johnson, his mother being of that name. 
 
 The worthy Mr. John Spreul, town-clerk of Glas- 
 gow, being fled thither,f they took a chamber and 
 
 * In the roll of ministers who were nonconformists to pre- 
 lacy, is " Mr. Patrick Fleming of Stobo." (Wodrow, i. app. 
 No. xxxviii. p. 72.) 
 
 f Mr. Spreul had not fled, but was banished. He had been 
 imprisoned in September 1660, along with John Graham, Prov- 
 ost of Glasgow, as a person friendly to the Remonstrance. At 
 that time he obtained his liberty. But he was afterwards 
 brought before the Council, •' and the oath of allegiance being 
 tendered to him, he refused the same, alledging he had not 
 freedom to sign the same, by reason of the tie that lay upon him 
 
436 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 dieted together that winter : where Mr. Veitch fell 
 into a great flux, through the fatigue and cold he had 
 got that winter. He met with great kindness from 
 the good people in that place, so that he was not only 
 able to live comfortably himself, but also to help his 
 friends that were there in strait, viz. Mr. Spreul, Bar- 
 magaehan, Sundywell,* Andrew Gray, and James 
 
 by the oath of the Covenant: Wherefore the said Lords (De- 
 cember 18, 1664) judging it unjust, that any person should 
 have the benefit of the protection of hig Majesty, and enjoy the 
 liberties of a free subject, who refuse to give their oath of 
 allegiance, ordain the said Mr. John Spreul to enact himself 
 under pain of death, to remove out of the kingdom against 
 the first of February next, and not to return without licence, 
 and find caution to behave peaceably till then, under the pain 
 of two thousand pounds, and not to go within six miles of 
 Glasgow." He returned 1671, and, in consideration of sick- 
 ness and the infirmities of age, was liberated on bond. (Wod- 
 row, i. p. 10, 216, 348.) Provost Graham, mentioned above, 
 on regaining his liberty, retired to Holland with Provost Porter- 
 field of Glasgow, who was in similar circumstances; and in the 
 latter end of 1665, during the Dutch war, the Council declar- 
 ed them rebels and fugitives. (Wod. i. 266.) All the three 
 were in the list of persons fined by act of Parliament, 1662; 
 Mr. Spreul in L.1200 Scots, Provost Graham in L.IOOO, 
 and Provost Porterfield in L.3000. Several letters from 
 M'Ward to Porterfield are in the Advocates Library. 
 
 * James Kirko of Sundaywell was served heir to his father, 
 John Kirko, July 2, 1647. (Inquis. Retorn. Dumfries, 196.) 
 This public-spirited gentleman, and Andrew Hey of Crajgne- 
 than, had the honour to be the two ruling elders who were pre- 
 sent with Mr. James Guthrie, and other ministers, when they 
 met in the house of Robert Simpson in Edinburgh, at the 
 restoration of Charles II., to agree in an address to the 
 King, congratulating him on his return, and putting him in 
 mind of the engagements which he had formerly come under 
 to God and his people. On that occasion he was imprisoned 
 for some months, and was afterwards vexed with repeated fines 
 and quarterings of military, which obliged him to quit his 
 house and property. (Wodrow, i. 7,269; App. 60.) 
 
 He was closely connected with those ministers who preach- 
 ed in the fields in the year 1665, as appears from the following 
 account by Mr. Blackader. Being invited by Gordon of Earl- 
 ston's lady, to baptize a daughter whom she had born at Drum- 
 shinnock, in her journey from Galloway to Edinburgh, Black- 
 ader (to use his own words) " would needs venture, finding it 
 a necessary duty, none of the nonconform ministers being in 
 the bounds, at least who would venture to do it; and also, the 
 laird, her husband, being banished out of the kingdom, and at 
 London, after the beginning of the persecution in Galloway. 
 John Neilson of Corsack, a godly gentleman who was execu- 
 ted after Pentland, having formerly fled out of Galloway to 
 Edinburgh, about the time of Mr. Ad. (Adamson, Blackader's 
 assumed name) flying, did ride along with him to Drutnshin- 
 nock that day they went out of Edinburgh, befng to ride 
 home secretly to see his wife; and when they came, Mr. Ad. 
 baptized the child, who was called Margaret, now married 
 since to Menstree; the child was presented by Corsack in the 
 father's absence. After he had baptized this child, he rode 
 forward next day, in the evening, to Barndannoch, to visit his 
 children and servants whom he left behind; and though he 
 came most privately there, souldiers being quartered not faroff, 
 yet it was discovered to several in the country, who ^brought 
 thither five or six young children to be baptized, whom he bap- 
 tized at night in his own house; and after he had ordered John 
 Osburn to bring his youngest son, a child of two years old, to 
 be carryed for Edin''. and meit him that night at Mr, Samuel 
 Austine's, in the place of Auchinson, near Sanquhar, early in 
 the morning he rode back to Drumshinnock, stayed while near 
 night, and with a guide rode to the said Mr. Samuel Austin's 
 where he had trysted his son, where also he met with Sunday- 
 well, being on his journey to Edinburgh. In the morning they 
 sent away the man, with the bairn on horseback before him; 
 his father and Sundaywell followed soon after, and overtook 
 them in the hollows of Menoch Water, an unusual way; hav- 
 ing ridden a while beside the child, he, with Sundywell, was 
 forced to leave him with the uncouth man, where he cried out 
 pitifully till the hills resounded again. They were forced to 
 take bywayes all the way, for the present danger. His father 
 turned back a little and then rode on with Sundaywell, and 
 canrie to the parish of Dunsyre on Saturday night, to Mr. 
 Veitch's house at Hills, where he preached on the morrow, 
 being Sabbath, but tn a few persons, publick preaching not 
 having been practised in these bounds before." This happened 
 in spring 1666. (Blackader's Memoirs, MS. H. 3, 4.) 
 
 John Osburn, mentioned above, belonged to the parish of 
 Keir, and was joined with the ministers against whom letters 
 were directed Januar)- 25, 1666, alleging, " the said John Os- 
 burn does presume to take upon him to be an officer for giving 
 police to the people of the said unlawful meetings, and accor- 
 
 McDugald, with some others, who stayed all win- 
 ter. 
 
 One of his greatest and kindest friends was Madam 
 Johnson, wife to Mr. William Johnson of Kipplesworth, 
 who, at that time, was present Mayor of Newcastle, 
 who did often visit him incognito, especially in his 
 sickness, letting him want nothing. And when he 
 began to recover of his flux tabled him in the country 
 with an independent minister, that he might have a 
 better air for his health ; and took him along with her 
 as her chaplain to Naisborrow Spa,* which was an 
 occasion to acquaint him with many persons in the 
 several counties about, such as General Venables who 
 lived at West Chester,f and Justice Sharpless at 
 Blakeburn, with merchants about Leeds, Wakefield, 
 and other places of that country, who earnestly invi- 
 ted him to come and sojourn with them. Venables 
 earnestly solicited the lady Johnson to let Mr. Veitch 
 to go into his coach with him, and stay with him the 
 next winter; but he desired the lady not to grant it till he 
 went back with her, and got things fit for such a journey. 
 
 After he returned with the lady, he longed to see his 
 wife and family, and know what was become of them; 
 hearing that she was greatly molested with parties of 
 troopers, who ordinarily came in the night (offering to 
 break up her doors if she did not quickly open) to search 
 for her husband, and also for Major Learmont, who lived 
 within two miles. And they being often disappointed 
 of their design, made use of a malignant laird and 
 lady who lived hard by, to inform them when he came 
 home ; and coming some weeks after to that house 
 first to get information, they told that they never heard 
 of his coming home, and it were a pity to disturb such 
 a good gentlewoman, who was big with child : and, 
 giving them drink, persuaded them to pass by to the 
 major's house. Here was a special hand of God, for 
 that night Mr. Veitch was come home, and they would 
 have undoubtedly found him and his horse both. 
 But he that evening went away, and advised his wife 
 to give up the farm and go to Edinburgh where she 
 might live quietly : and he returning to Newcastle, 
 Justice Sharpless, who lived at a hundred miles dis- 
 tance in Lancashire, sent his son to conduct him into 
 the country, where he sojourned with him and Gen- 
 
 dingly, from time to time, doth acquaint them herewith. " (Wod. 
 i. 234, 235.) His own account ot his sufferings is here subjoin- 
 ed from a manuscript in the Advocates Library. " In the first 
 place when the ministers came to preach in the hills, to wot, 
 when Mr. John Welsh, Mr. Gabriel Sample, and other eight 
 with them were denunced, and I was also denunced with them, 
 as being niuntan beddall, as likeways afterhend 1 was forced to 
 flee, and afterward returning home, was apprehended at my 
 master's harvest by a party of Turner's men ; being taken to 
 Dumfriece, was interrogate whoe they were that preached, and 
 who were auditors of my acquaintance; the which I absolute- 
 lie refused upon all hazards. Thence he put me in the thives 
 hole, and threatened me by sterving, keeping the key the space 
 of three daj's himself, thinking to make me confess whome I 
 knew to be preachers and hearers, the which I absolutelie re- 
 fused ; afterwards my wife went to one of the tune bailies, de- 
 claring to him that she would goe to Edinburgh and complain. 
 Afterward I was brought out of the prison, and was put in an- 
 other, where I received meat and drink, otherwayes I had ster- 
 ved." (No. 6. MS. XL. art. 54.) 
 
 * Knaresborough, a town in the North Ridingof Yorkshire, 
 
 fleasantly situated on the river Nid, on a rugged rough rock, 
 t is famous for four medicinal springs, and is 18 miles W. by 
 N. of York. (Walker's Gazetteer.) And now (says Sir John 
 Reresby) Lord Fairfax, a Roman Catholic, and Lord Lieuten- 
 ant of the North Riding, being at York, observed to me, •' it 
 could be for no good ends that the Lords Devonshire and Dan- 
 by were come down to the country; though the former preten- 
 ded he was only come to view his estate, and the latter to 
 drink the waters of Knairsborough." Oct. 4, 1668, (Reresbj's 
 Memoirs, p. 275—6.) 
 
 + This is the city Chester, as evidently appears from what 
 follows. After the battle of Naseby, Mrs. Hutchinson states, 
 that " Fairfax tooke again the towne of Liecester, and went 
 into the west, reliev'd Taunton, tooke Bristol, and many other 
 garrisons. West Chester alsoe and other places were taken 
 that way."— (Life of Col. Hutch, p. 253.)— The king when at 
 York sent a message to the parliament, that he was going to 
 Ireland, and would form a guard at West Chester. (Ibid. 88.) 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 437 
 
 eral Venables* many months : then came to Leeds, 
 where his acquaintances there he had gotten at the 
 Well made him very welcome. Among all these 
 parts he preached to the people as conveniency offered, 
 It being a persecuting time. 
 
 From thence he was invited to go to London, where 
 he sometimes preached in meeting-houses, particularly 
 for Mr. Nichol Blakie.f one Sabbath day, on Luke 
 19, 41, 42. " If thou hadst known in this thy day," 
 &c. where there happened to be some hearers who 
 were esteemed to be spies, (which was a Court trick 
 at that time) who cried out after the blessing was pro- 
 nounced, treason, treason ; which surprised and fright- 
 ened Mr. Blakie and the people ; but the famous Colo- 
 
 * Colonel Venables arrived at Dublin with reinforcements 
 to the Parliament's troops in July 1649. (Carte's Ormond, ii. 
 78.) He was employed in Ireland, and was in Cromwell's Par- 
 liament, which met September 3, 1654,) for the counties of 
 Downe, Antritp, and Armagh. (History of Irish Parliament, 
 ii. 242-3.) His attempts in 1650, to induce the Presbyterian 
 ministers to own the Rump Parliament, proved abortive. — 
 (Historical Essay upon the Loyalty of Presbyterians, p, 288 — 
 297.) — In 1655, an expedition was fitted out to St. Domingo, 
 under the command of Pen and " General Venables. a gentle- 
 man of a good family in Cheshire, who had served long in the 
 armj' in the condition of a Colonel, and was then called out of 
 Ireland to command this expedition." Clarendon says, that 
 both these officers were well affected to the King's service, 
 and had, unknown to one another, signified so much to him; 
 but he wished them to reserve their affections to a more pro- 
 per season. (History vi. 739.) Having failed in the attempt 
 on St. Domingo, the object of the expedition, though they 
 succeeded in a descent on Jamaica, Cromwell was so highly in- 
 censed that at their return he committed them for son)e time 
 to the tower, and could never be persuaded to trust either of 
 them again. — (Ibid. 744.) — In 1663 Venables was examined on 
 the Marquis of Antrim's alleged correspondence with Crom- 
 well or his officers. — (Carte's Ormond, ii. 279.) 
 
 f Mr. Nichol Blackie, or Blakie, was author of some Ser- 
 mons under the title Lazarus Redivivus, published in 1671 at 
 London, where they had been preached about the period when 
 Veitch was occasionally with him. They were reprinted at 
 Edinburgh in 1760, with a preface by the Reverend Adam 
 Gib, who had looked in vain for the author's name in Calamy's 
 Account of non-conforming ministers, but appears to have had 
 no suspicion of his being a Scotchman. This, however, was 
 the fact. Mr. Alexander Shields mentions his having gone to 
 London with a letter of recommendation to one Mr. Blackie a 
 Scottish minister. — (Minutes of the general meeting of United 
 Societies, MS. p. 172. Advocates Library.) On looking into 
 Wodrnw's List of Scottish non-conforming ministers, I find 
 Mr. Blackie ejected, by the Glasgow act in 1662, from Rober- 
 ton in the Presbytery of Lanark, the very parish in which 
 Veitch's father had been minister, and from which he was dri- 
 ven, after 45 years ministrations. But it does not appear whe- 
 ther Blackie was inducted to the parish after Veitch's ejection, 
 or had been previously settled as assistant and successor to 
 him. At any rate, both were turned out before this time, and 
 Veitch's acquaintance with Blackie is accounted for. Mr. 
 Blackie survived the Revolution, but I know not if he ever re- 
 turned to Scotland. 
 
 From a passage of his Sermons, it is probable that Mr. Blac- 
 kie was one of those who preached to the people of London, in 
 1665 and 1666, on occasion of the plague and burning of the 
 city. " Was not this a hopeful beginning, to see a people com- 
 ing out of the fire and from the plague — trembling and melted 
 down at Christ's feet? Then i/ow spake trembling, and he ex- 
 alted you, by sending forth from these flames, the cooling wa- 
 ters of the sanctuary, that run plentifully towards you, when 
 the gospel had a free passage, by the indulgence of the supreme 
 authority, for several years." (Lazarus Redivivus, p. 17. ed. 
 Glasgow, 1795.) " One great benefit (says Mr. Baxter) the 
 plague brought to the city; that is, it occasioned the silenced 
 ministers, more openly and laboriously to preach the gospel, to 
 the exceeding comfort and profit of the people; insomuch, that 
 to this day the freedom of preaching, which this occasion- 
 ed, cannot, by the daily guards of soldiers, nor by the impris- 
 onments of multitudes, be restrained. The ministers «(hat 
 were silenced for non-conformity, had, ever since 1662, done 
 their work very privately, and to a few (not so much through 
 their timorousness, as their loathness to offend the king, and 
 in hopes still that their forbearance might procure them some 
 liberty; and through some timorousness of the people that 
 should hear them.) And when the plague grew hot, most of 
 the conformable ministers fled, and left their flocks, in the time 
 of their extremity: whereupon divers non-conformists pity- 
 ing the dying and distressed people, that had none to call the 
 impenitent to repentance, nor to nelp men to prepare for ano- 
 ther world; nor to comfort them in their terrors, when about 
 
 nel Blood, who went then under the name of Allan,* 
 with some of his accomplices, sitting near the only 
 door of the meeting-house, while the others who cried 
 were on the far side of the pulpit. Colonel Blood stands 
 up, saying, " Good people, what are these that cry trea- 
 son, treason 1 We have heard nothing but reason, rea- 
 son. You that are in the passage there stand still, 
 and you who are betwixt and the pulpit, make way 
 for the minister to come tome, and I'll carry him 
 safe to his chamber." And so he did, and we heard 
 no more of that business. 
 
 Thus did Mr. Veitch travel from place to place, 
 sometimes at London, sometimes at Nottingham, 
 sometimes in Cheshire, and sometimes in Lancashire ; 
 and stayed frequently at Mr. Scurr's house at Hague- 
 hall, five miles off Leeds ; and preached much at the 
 meeting-house of TopclifF-hall about three miles from 
 Leeds ; f and sometimes in Northumberland, espe- 
 
 10,000 died in a week, resolved that no obedience to the laws 
 of any mortal -men whosoever, could justify them for neglect- 
 ingot men's souls and bodies in such extremities; no more 
 than they can justify parents for famishing their children to 
 death: And that when Christ shall saj', inasmuch as ye did 
 it not to one of these ye did it not to me: it will be poor ex- 
 cuse to say. Lord, I was forbidden by the law." (Life of Bax- 
 ter, part iii. p. 2.) The pious intrepidity with which one of 
 these ministers (iVlr. Thomas Vincent, author of a well known 
 Catechism,) dovoted himself to this perilous work of love, 
 surpasses any of the justly-lauded labours of the philanthropic 
 Howard. To the arguments employed to persuade him not 
 to expose his valuable life, by his brethren assembled for the 
 purpose of dissuading him from his purpose, Vincent replied, 
 " that he had very seriously considered the matter before he 
 had come to a resolution: he had carefully examined the state 
 of his own soul, and could look death in the face with comfort. 
 He thought that it was absolutely necessary that such vast 
 numbers of dying people should have some spiritual assistance. 
 He could have no prospect of service in the exercise of his min- 
 istry through his whole life like that which now offered itself. 
 He had often committed the case and himself to God in prayer; 
 and, upon the whole, had solemnly devoted himself to the ser- 
 vice 01 God and souls upon this occasion; and therefore hoped 
 none of them would endeavour to weaken his hands in this 
 work." "When the ministers present had heard him out, 
 they unanimously declared their satisfaction and joy, that they 
 apprehended the matter was of God, and concurred in their 
 prayers for his protection and success. He went out hereupon 
 to his work with the greatest firmness and assiduity. He con- 
 stantly preached every Lord's day through the whole visitation 
 in some parish church. His subjects were the most moving 
 and important, and his management of them most pathetic and 
 searching. The awfulness of the judgment, then every where 
 obvious, gave a peculiar edg« to the preacher and his auditors. 
 It was a general inquiry through the preceding week, where 
 he was to preach: multitudes followed him wherever he went; 
 and several were awakened by every sermon. He visited all 
 that sent for him, without fear, and did the best he could for 
 them in their extremity, especially to save their souls from 
 death. And it pleased God to take particular care of him; for 
 though the whole number reckoned to die of the plague in 
 London this year was 68,596, and seven persons died of it in 
 the family where he lived, he continued m perfect health all 
 the while, and was afterwards useful, by his unwearied labours, 
 to a numerous congregation, till the year 1678, when he died at 
 Haxton." (Palmer's Non-conformist's Memorial, vol. i. p. 
 125-6.) 
 
 * " Thomas Allen, the pretended doctor, was really Mr. 
 Blood, under that fictitious name. (Biographia Britannica, 
 vol. ii. p. 365. Last edition.) This singular character comes to 
 be mentioned again in the memoir. 
 
 f It is evident that the parts of England frequented by Veitch 
 abounded with non-conformists. Tney had been deprived of 
 their ministers by the act of Uniformity, and by subsequent 
 procedure. The following notices relate to the places mention- 
 ed in the text. 
 
 Hague-Hall. — Mr. Leonard Scurr, ejected from Beeston, 
 was a native of Ponfefract, and had a good estate in that neigh- 
 bourhood. -About 1680 he and his family were murdered. 
 The murderers fled to Ireland, but were apprehended. (Pal- 
 mer's Non-conf. Men)orial, vol. ii. p. 555.) Mr. Gamaliel 
 Marsden, ejected from Trinity College, Dublin, in 1660, and 
 from a chapel near Halifax in 1662. " He afterwards went in- 
 to Holland, and at his return taught some young students at 
 Hague-Hall philosophy," &c. He died May 28, 1681. (Ibid, 
 p. 563.) 
 
 Topcliff'- Hall.— Mi: Christopher Marshall, ejected from 
 Woodkirk in 1662; preached in 1672 at TopclifT-Hall. He 
 
438 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 cially in Reedsdale and the borders thereabout, until the 
 year of God 1671. Bein^ prevailed with by that peo- 
 ple to bring his family into the north, that he might 
 be some way useful among them, he removed his wife 
 and two sons, William and Samuel, in creels, from 
 Edinburgh into a village called Falalies, farming a 
 piece of ground from Charles Hall, who was owner 
 of that place and village, within the parish of Rod- 
 berry in Northumberland. After some years wander- 
 ing, he had found that lot much embittered with his 
 great and almost continual distance from his wife and 
 family, as also with the great troubles they under- 
 went, (parties of soldiers besetting and breaking up 
 the doors at midnight,) so that he resolved to trans- 
 port them into Northumberland ; neither his affection 
 nor ability serving to carry them farther at that time, 
 he being forfeit life and fortune and all that he had 
 taken from him, except a little they knew not of. 
 
 But they were not well settled there (though in a 
 moorish retired place) when their neighbours of the 
 Romish gang, which abound there, did stir up the 
 Lord Whiterington * to mar some small meetings that 
 he had. It being about the time of the English in- 
 dulgence, j" he pretended a commission to apprehend 
 and secure all ministers that had not the king's license, 
 and thinking belike that this stranger had scarce 
 friends or time to procure one of the licences, he, 
 accompanied with Esquire Thornton,:}: a great Roman- 
 ist, and several other gentlemen, came to the minis- 
 ter's landlord, whom they sent to see for the license, 
 and finding one, which indeed was come but the 
 preceding day, went away with a great disappointment. 
 
 This liberty occasioned him to be called five miles 
 farther into the country, and to farm an house suitable 
 to the work, called Hamamhall, belonging to Major 
 Babington,|| where the auditory increased daily. The 
 
 died in 1673. (Ibid. 579.) Mr. James Calvert " had been 
 several j^ears at Topcliff, when be was silenced by the act of 
 Uniformity." After some stay at York, he, about 1675, be- 
 came chaplain to Sir William Strickland of Bovnton. On his 
 death he removed to Hull, and thence to Nortnuniberland to 
 Sir William Middleton's, who made him his chaplain, and left 
 Lim tutor to his only son. (Ibid. p. 596.) 
 
 Leeds. — Mr. Richard Stretton, ejected from Petworth in Sus- 
 sex, preached in Leeds from about 1670 to 1677. (Ibid. p. 
 469.) He was succeeded by Mr. Thomas Sharp, ejected from 
 Addle, in the West Riding, who survived the Revolution. (Ibid. 
 p. 469.) Mr. CorneliusTodd, ejected from Bilton, West Riding, 
 wag one of four who preached in a meeting house erected in 
 Leeds on the indulgence, 1672. (Ibid. p. 556.) Messrs. Rob- 
 ert Todd, James Sales, and Christopher Nesse, were ejected 
 from Leeds. (Ibid. p. 565-6-7.) 
 
 Wakefield. — Mr. Jeremiah Marsden was ejected fromArdes- 
 Icy chapel near Wakefield in 1662. (Ibid. p. 552.) Mr. Wil- 
 liam Howden, born near Leeds, being ejected from Broads- 
 worth, removed to Wakefield, where he preached, even after 
 the loss of his sight, which happened about 1690. (Ibid. p. 558.) 
 
 Blackburn. — Nlr. Charles Sager, master of the school of 
 Blackburn, Lancashire, preached there, or in the vicinity, 
 till 1668 or 1669. He was afterwards imprisoned. (Ibid. vol. 
 i. p. 335.) Mr. Jeremiah Marsden, mentioned in the last para- 
 graph, had preached at Blackburn, and in various places in 
 Yorkshire, Cheshire, &c. previous to his settlement at Ardesley. 
 (Ibid. ii. 553.) 
 
 • Sir William Widdrington of Widdrington Castle was 
 expelled the House of Commons, 1642; created a Baron by 
 the King in 1643; and slain at Wig^an on the march of Charles 
 II. to Worcester. William, Lord Widdrington, his son, was 
 one of the Council of Stale on the Restoration. — Hutchinson's 
 Northumberland, ii. 317.) — Being Governor of Berwick, he 
 took offence at a sermon which mr. Luke Ogle, the minister 
 of that town, preached on the 5(h of November, shut him out 
 of his church without waiting for the act of Uniformity; threw 
 him afterwards repeatedly into f)ri»on, and refused to allow 
 him to live in Berwick, even after the English indulgence was 
 erranted, unless he would conform.— (Palmer's Nonconf. Memor. 
 II. 244—6.) 
 
 + March 15. 1672. 
 
 \ Sir Nicholas Thornton's estate was sequestrated by par- 
 liament 8th Nov. 1652.— (Hutchinson's North, ii. 283, note.) 
 
 II " Harnhani wa« the mansion of the Babingtons (a family 
 B« ancient in Britain as the Conquest) and of Colonel Babing- 
 ton, in the reign of Charles II. Governor of Berwick. I-fis 
 
 very report made several persons come to see the nov- 
 elty, and satisfy their curiosity ; of some of whom, 
 it can be said, they went not as they came; for the 
 profanation of the Sabbath by baking their bread, 
 starching their clothes, mucking their byres, &c. was 
 wonderfully reformed by his preaching on Sabbath 
 sanctification. 
 
 Likewise many Anabaptists, who keep seventh-day 
 Sabbath, came to hear, and being taken with the ordi- 
 nances, did also keep our Sabbath, and were punctual 
 attenders. One young gentlewoman who was married 
 to a Presbyterian, after the baptism of her first child, 
 was long under trouble of mind, and confessed that 
 shame kept her long back; butcoming over all at length, 
 stood up in the congregation, and making a savoury 
 confession of her faith, was baptized — (it was a weep- 
 ing day, and I think it did more good than many ser- 
 mons) — which did much good in the corner, several 
 following her example. By this and other motives 
 the meeting still increased, by many who lived at a 
 great distance, they would have come ten miles on 
 the one side, and as far on the other. 
 
 And here I cannot pass a remarkable story concern- 
 ing a village called Fenick or Phenwick, about five 
 miles oflF this meeting, where a godly weaver and his 
 wife lived, who were the scorn of the place for their 
 piety, and used to steal in the back way to their own 
 house ; but being discovered by a number of young 
 men playing at the foot ball on Sabbath afternoon, 
 they left their game coming to mock them ; but the 
 honest man addressing himself to some of them 
 who were of good age, after he had laid before them 
 the danger of such an open profanation of the Sab- 
 bath, he invites three or four of them to go once 
 along with him and hear sermon, and it might be 
 that they would change their thoughts ; and if they 
 were not persuaded to go again, yet he hoped they 
 might be so far convinced as not any more to mock 
 him for going. These went with him next day, and 
 it pleased the Lord that they got that which made 
 them invite others, and they others, till the most part 
 of the town came ; and family worship, with Sabbath re- 
 formation, was so remarkable there, that itwas the talk 
 of the country about, and greatly incensed the clergy. 
 
 Whilst the bulwark of indulgence continued he 
 preached peaceably, although some of several offices, 
 professions, and qualities meanwhile were sharpening 
 their teeth and snarling, which visibly appeared upon 
 the back of that proclamation recalling the liberty. 
 For Sir Thomas Lorrain of Kirkharle, a justice of the 
 peace, being instigated, as is confidently reported, by 
 several of his pot companions, the clergymen, did once 
 and again issue out warrants to the high and petty con- 
 stables of that ward to apprehend him ; which proving 
 ineffectual, he, to gain his point, retrieve his credit, 
 and gratify the renewed desires of his foremenlioned 
 friends, drinking one Saturday afternoon with him in 
 his own house, did solemnly promise that the next 
 Sabbath, which was then very nigh, he would go him- 
 self in person and apprehend him, and consequently, 
 once for all, put a stop to that meeting. But not many 
 hours after, if any, he by an unusual mean got his leg 
 broke, so that for many weeks he could not travel : 
 his lady. Sir John Fenwick's sister,* calling him out 
 
 first wife, Catharine, was under excommunication for con- 
 tempt of an ecclesiastical sentence, on which account she 
 was not entitled to sepulture on consecrated ground." — 
 (Ibid. i. 217 — 8.) It is probable that protestant nonconformi- 
 ty was her crime, as she was the widow of Colonel George 
 Fenwick, and eldest daughter of Sir Arthur Hezelrigge of 
 Nosely, and of Dorothea Grenville, sister to Robert Lord 
 Brook. (Ibid.) 
 
 t Thomas Loraine of Kirkharle, was created a Baronet in 
 the 26th year of the reign of King Charles II. and died in 
 January 1717. He married Grace, daughter of Sir William 
 Fenwick, Baronet of Wallington, in the county of Northum- 
 berland. Sir John Fenwick was executed on Towcrhill in 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 439 
 
 from the instigators to tlie stairhead, being in a pas- 
 sion, kicked him down stairs for selling four oxen and 
 spending the price of them in drinking. 
 
 The clergy then resolved to make use of their in- 
 struments of death, seeing his were blunted ; and 
 that they might be completely furbished and sharpen- 
 ed effectually to do the work, one Parson Ward of 
 Kirkharle * goes up to the chief grinder and polisher 
 at Durham, viz. the bishop, | and no doubt returned, 
 as he thought, well armed for the destruction, not 
 only of this but of other non-conforming ministers 
 and people about : and being so well pleased that the 
 bishop had given him and his brethren about, orders 
 to excommunicate all of them, &c. But being a con- 
 siderable way off his church on Sabbath (being detain- 
 ed by the parson of Pontiland who drank all night to- 
 gether) rides so hard to be home in time, that he 
 tired his horse by the way, and not being able to get 
 him on alone, he hires the herdman of Harnam, the 
 town where this minister lived, to lead him, taking his 
 club to drive him on. But while he is unmercifully 
 (as it is like) beating the poor beast, it doth (without 
 respect had to his coat, the canons, or the orders he 
 carried) smite him violently with his foot upon the 
 cheek bone until the blood gushed out and he fell ; 
 and so like the ass in sacred story presaged his unsuc- 
 cessfulness. The boy that led the horse runs into a 
 lady's house hard by : the old gentlewoman sent out 
 the two servants that waited on her (the rest being at 
 church) with a barrow, and they with the boy carried 
 him in. She dressed his wound, and he lay there 
 several weeks under cure ; by which providence their 
 malicious design at that time was disappointed, and I 
 am credibly informed he carries the mark of that 
 stroke to this day. 
 
 After he had preached four years in a hall at Har- 
 nam, the house and ground pertaining thereto got a 
 new master, one Thomas Dawson, a roper in Newcas- 
 tle, who, upon reasons best known to himself, refused 
 to continue this minister his tenant, and thereby that 
 meeting was dissolved ; yet he was a dissenter, and 
 his riches melted away afterwards. 
 
 This occasioned his removal to Stantonhall, in the 
 parish of Longhorsly, May 16, anno . . . where he 
 found his lot fallen in none of the best places ; the 
 country side abounding with papists, and the parish 
 church filled with a violent persecutor, one Mr. Thom- 
 as Bell, a Scotsman, of whom more afterwards : and 
 there wanted not justices of peace at hand meet hel- 
 pers for them, two whereof, viz. Sir Thomas Horsley 
 
 1696 for a conspiracy against King William. — Hutchinson's 
 North, i. 220, 221.")— " Northumberland.— Sir John Fenwick, 
 a Captain under the Duke of Monmouth, and promised a 
 place at Court, had L.2000 given him for his election." — (Mar- 
 veil's Works, ii. 571.) — He appears to have sitten in all the 
 parliaments from the Restoration to the Revolution. — (Hutch- 
 inson s North, ii. 447 — 8.) 
 
 * " Kirkharle vicarage. — Ric.Ward. 1671. Pr. Thomas Lor- 
 raine." — Hutchinson's North. State of Churches, p. 46.) 
 
 f On October 22, 1674, Nathaniel Crewe was translated 
 from Oxford to Durham. (Surtees, Durham, vol. i. P. i. p. 
 cxv.) " In 1677, the Duke of Monmouth was sent as general 
 against the Scottish Covenanters. Bishop Crewe's zeal for 
 this service cannot be doubted; he posted to his diocese, 
 [of which he was Lord Lieutenant] raised the militia of the 
 county with great promptitude, and entertained the Duke at 
 Durham both on his progress and on his return." He solem- 
 nized the marriage of the Duke of York with Mary of Modena, 
 and on the Duke's accession, " went headlong into the des- 
 tructive measures which hurled that prince and all his family 
 into exile.'' Though he voted that James had abdicated the 
 throne, he was excepted from the general pardon granted by 
 William and Mary, and fled to Holland, but having returned 
 and taken the oaths to the new government, was restored to 
 his bishopric. On Sir John Fenwick's trial for treason 
 against King William, the Bishop had King James's thanks 
 sent him from St. Germains for his attention to the prisoner. 
 Bishop Crewe felt the ruling passion (aversion to the WhiM) 
 strong in death; as he lay dying on the marble slab before tne 
 
 of Longhorsley,* and William Ogle of Causeway 
 Park,| came with some men to take Mr. Veitch at a 
 meeting in his own house, upon the second Sabbath 
 of August 1677. One of the justices with his party 
 came to the foregates, but Mr. Ogle with his came to 
 the postern gate and broke up a nailed door about three 
 of the clock in the afternoon, without ever demanding 
 entrance, and bursting up another door that the minis- 
 ter's wife was shutting till her husband escaped, 
 whereby she had certainly been spoiled, she being 
 great with child, if the falling down of the sneckhad 
 not prevented it. In the mean time the minister got 
 into a hole within the lining of a great window 
 which had been made on purpose, for the whole room 
 was lined about with wainscot. 
 
 A Scotsman that was their gardener came along 
 with them, and bursting first into that room perceived 
 the minister going into the hiding place, which his 
 wife perceived, and standing near him, he observed 
 her to be afraid of him, and he said to her " Fear 
 not," which eased her mind. They sent their servants 
 up through the rooms and garrets to search for the 
 minister and others ; and one of their servants falling 
 in upon the garret that was above a great lower haU 
 which was the meeting place, looking down through 
 a hole that was broke, he saw a great crowd of people 
 (which were the town's folks gazing,) and one of them 
 being in black clothes, whom he took to be the minis- 
 ter, he cried with a loud voice, " Master, master, 
 where are you 1 I have found 'em all." Justice Ogle 
 running into the hall, cried " Where are they ?" " Sir, 
 you are just among them." " Come down, sirrah," 
 
 says he ; " the d confound you, for here is none 
 
 but the people gazing." "Troth," says he, "Sir, 
 I have been through so many garrets that I know not 
 where I am." So missing their design, and advising 
 his wife to let her husband preach to herself and her 
 children only, then she should not be troubled, they 
 went away. Their carriage was very rude, coming in 
 with pistols in their hands ; and all this was done 
 upon the naked information of one single person, sec- 
 onded with Mr. Bell's threatenings and persuasives. 
 
 The laymen being vexed, and the clergy about gall- 
 ed at this disappointment, resolved, on more frequent 
 and close pursuits, to catch the prey. Mr. Bell drink- 
 ing with a mixed company, some professed papists, 
 others little better, who it is like were stimulating 
 him on against that meeting and minister, vowed, as 
 it is reported, that he should either ruin him or he him; 
 and as the event proved, he was no false prophet. 
 For after several essays against him and others, both 
 such as dwelt in the country, and those that came in 
 transiently from Scotland and preached, he, with sev- 
 eral of that gang, as we hear, represented to Lauder- 
 dale, returning from Scotland to the court, the danger- 
 ous condition of these northern counties, and that be- 
 cause of many vagrant Scotch preachers, by whose 
 means the begun infection did spread, and was like to 
 pass Tyne Bridge, and approach the very noble parts 
 of the nation if not timeously prevented. 
 
 fire, he cried out, in almost his last moments, to his chaplain 
 Richard Grey, " Dick! Dick! don't go over to them." (Ibid, 
 vol. i. p. i.cxv — cxix.) 
 
 * " Long Horsley. — The family of Horsley held lands within 
 this manor from distant ages." (Hutch. North, ii. 319.) Ed- 
 ward Horsley Widdrington, whose only daughter and heir 
 married Thomas Riddall, Esq. of Swinburn Castle. (Ibid.) Sir 
 Thomas Horsley, Knight, was appointed a Commissioner of 
 Supply for the county of Northumberland, anno 1679, (Stat- 
 tutes of the Realm, vol. v. 915.) 
 
 t " Cawsey Park — the inheritance of a younger branch 
 of the noble family of Ogle." James Ogle, Esq. of Cawsey 
 Park, a steady royalist, died 4th December 1664. (Hutchin- 
 son, ii. 318.) William Ogle, Esq. was appointed a Commis- 
 sioner of Supply for the county of Northumberland, anno 1679, 
 and member for that coiuity, anno 1685. (Statutes of the 
 Realm, T. 915.) 
 
440 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 Shortly after his arrival at Court, several troops of 
 horse and dragoons were sent thither, to crush all 
 meetings, apprehend the abettors, and stop the infec- 
 tion. One Major Main was over the horse, and Major 
 Oglethorp the dragoons.* These were sent to chas- 
 tise the now bad (commonly called, and never more 
 deservedly, the good) town of Berwick upon Tweed. 
 These men being all strangers were to act by counsel 
 and command of Colonel Strothers, a deputy lieuten- 
 ant of Northumberland, who was set over them, and 
 preferred to have a troop of his own raising for his 
 own guard ; and as their commission was ample, so 
 he was sine quo non in all their actings. 
 
 After they had carried on their work a great length 
 (being feasted and encouraged by the papists, the cler- 
 gy, and the corrupt juslices) Major Oglethorp having 
 notice given him in the very night Mr. Veitch came 
 home, by some hired for that purpose, he being a 
 stranger in the country, hires one Thomas Cleugh, a 
 sheriff's bailiff, to be his guide from Morpeth ; and 
 after they had beset the house upon the 19th day of 
 January 1679, about five of the clock in the morning, 
 this Cleugh rapping on the glass window of the par- 
 lour where the minister lay, and calling him till he 
 awaked, Mr. Veitch being surprised asked who was 
 there, which, when Cleugh heard, " Now," said he to 
 the Major, standing beside him, " Yonder he is, I have 
 no more to do." Upon which the Major broke down 
 the glass window, thinking to get in; but finding iron 
 bars in his way, called to open the door quickly, 
 quickly ; and being impatient they broke in at the 
 hall windows, and had their candles lighted ere the 
 maid opened the inner doors ; apprehended the minis- 
 ter, and carried him to Morpeth jail, where he contin- 
 ued prisoner twelve days. The warrant they had was 
 by way of letter from Colonel Strothers and Mr. Ogle 
 of Causeway Park his son-in-law, and now Lieuten- 
 ant to his troop. It was given several months before, 
 and directed to Major Main at Wooler ; he directs it 
 to Oglethorp at Morpeth, three or four miles from Stan- 
 tonhall, to execute, the true copy whereof is as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 "Sir, We are credibly informed that there is one 
 Mr. Johnson, a preacher or teacher to the nonconfor- 
 mists in the church of England, who stands outlawed 
 for rebellion in the kingdom of Scotland, and a fugi- 
 tive in this kingdom ; his constant abode is at Stanton, 
 about four miles from Morpeth in this county. We 
 desire that you will give out your order to some of 
 your forces under your command, that the said Johnson 
 may be taken and sent to jail : and the jailor, his depu- 
 ty or deputies, is hereby required, and in his Majesty's 
 name straitly we command him or them, to receive the 
 body of the said Johnson into their custody, and him 
 
 * During; the rising at Bothwell, the Privy Council of Scot- 
 land desired Major Main to march to Kelso, and both he and 
 Major Oglethorp appear to have been actively employed in 
 suppressing the insurrection. (Wodrow, ii. 52, 596.) The 
 forfeiture of life and fortune which followed theaflairat Both- 
 well (says Ker of Kersland) " still aflects some gentlemen who 
 then forfeited, because their estates were given by the Crown 
 to Colonel Cornwall, Sir Theophilus Oglethorp, and General 
 Main, three Englishmen, who never having any of their effects 
 in Scotland, could not be reached by the laws of that nation. 
 Nevertheless Mr, Gordon of Craighlaw, Mr. Gordon of Earl- 
 gton, Mr. Cochrane of Waterside, Mr. Ferguson of Caithlock, 
 Mr. Martin of Cutcloy, and others, have been always reckon- 
 ed among the loyalest subjects, since King William of glorious 
 memory came to the Crown; who from that year 1679 have la- 
 boured under insuperable diflUculties, (which all others who 
 then forfeited, were relieved from) without any probability of 
 reparation, as much as if the forfeiture had never been rever- 
 sed, notwithstanding all the representations that have been 
 made of their case, not only to the government and Mr. Corn- 
 wall himself, but by the Parliament also recommended to the 
 Crown, and even in spite of the Union too." (Memoirs, p. 5.) 
 " If Clavers and Oglethorp had been left to their own discre- 
 tion, they had put an end to that rebellious crowd, and purged 
 the nation of much superfluous end corrupted blood." (Me- 
 moirs of Dundee, p. 12.) 
 
 safely keep in their jails until the next assizes, and 
 this shall be the jailor's security. 
 
 Sir, this with our humble 
 service to you, we rest 
 your faithful friends and servants, 
 
 Wm. Strother.* 
 Wm. Ogle." 
 " Fowberry, Nov. 21. 1678." 
 
 It was thus directed. 
 " For the Honoured Major Main, Commander in 
 Chief of his Majesty's Forces, in these Northern 
 Counties, at his quarters at Wooler." 
 
 It seems that this warrant is sent to Major Oglethorp, 
 Major of the dragoons, who lay at Morpeth, to be put 
 in execution. 
 
 This warrant was no way formal or legal, as after- 
 wards was declared by good lawyers. The executing 
 it upon the Sabbath day was against a late act of Par- 
 liament,")" But the zeal and love of reward carried 
 them over all these difficulties, and a deep storm of 
 snow to the boot ; which made the Major and Griffith 
 his Lieutenant, and Ensign Owen, (wlio was hanged at 
 York, tiie Lammas after their disbanding, for robbery,) 
 and the rest walk on foot all the way, and were often 
 up to the middle in snow missing the tract in the night. 
 
 The foresaid Justices being acquainted by a messen- 
 ger from the Major, and fearing the warrant, (for the 
 Head Sheriff,:J: upon information of the illegalness 
 of it, wrote to his deputy to turn the prisoner out of 
 his jail, which he obeyed not,) two days after, they 
 send another directed to the jailor Fenwick, to keep 
 him in safe custody until Lammas assizes, and that 
 without bail or main prize, l^his warrant had Henry 
 Ogle of Eglingham's hand joined to the other two.|| 
 
 * " Fowbury, the possession of the Fowburys, in the veign 
 of King Edward I.; afterwards of the family of Strothers, 
 and now of Sir Francis Blake of Twizcll." (Hutchinson's 
 North, i. 240.) William Strothers was a Commissioner of 
 Supply in 1679, (Statutes of the Realm, v. 915.) and an active 
 agent of the Council in Scotland, for apprehending Scottish 
 ministers who had taken refuge in Northumberland. (Wodrow, 
 ii. 254, 257.) 
 
 f Veitch refers here to the Act for the better observation of 
 the Lord's day, commonly called Sunday, by the Parliament 
 1677, of which the following is an extract; " Provided alsoe, 
 that noe person or persons upon the Lord's day, shall serve or 
 execute, or cause to be served or executed, any writt, pro- 
 cesse, warrant, order, judgement, or decree, (except in cases of 
 treason, felony, or breach of the peace) but that the service of 
 every such writt, processe, warrant, order, judgement, or de- 
 cree, shall be void to all intents and purposes whatsoever. 
 And the person or persons soe serveing or executeing the 
 same, shall be a.s lyable to the suite of the partie grieved, and 
 to answere damages to him for doeing thereof, as if he or they 
 had done the same without any writt, processe, warrant, order, 
 judgement or decree at all." (Statutes of the Realm, v. 848.) 
 
 \ Marke Milbanke " was High Sheriff of Northumberland 
 in 1679." (Hutchinson's North, ii. 461.) He was of Scottish 
 extraction. Ralph Milbanke was cup-bearer to Mary Quern 
 of Scots; and having fought a duel in Scotland, retired and 
 settled at Chirton, near North Shields, Marke Milbanke, 
 " his grandson and heir," was twice Mayor of Newcastle, and 
 once High Sheriff of Northumberland. He was active in the 
 Restoration, and a contributor to the money sent by the town 
 of Newcastle to the King at Breda. Mark Milbanke, Esq. his 
 " only surviving son and heir, was advanced to the degree of 
 a Baronet [of Haliiaby, Yorkshire] 13. Car. II. — and dying 
 June 1680," was succeeded in honour and estate by his eldest 
 son. Sir Mark Milbanke. — (Baronetage of England, ii. 223, 
 224.) Sir Ralph Milbanke of Halnaby, the father of Lady 
 Byron, took the name of Noel in 1815. (Surtees, Durham, 
 vol. i. part ii. p. 274.) 
 
 II " Eglingham is a seat of a branch of the Ogle family," of 
 whom was "Henry, one of the sequestrators of lands in North- 
 umberland for Parliament 19 King Charles I. 1643." " He 
 was representative for this county in Parliaments King Charles 
 II. 1653." (Cromwell's Parliament.) He is also in the list for 
 1654. " Henry, High Sheriff for this county, 6th Queen Anne 
 1707." (Hutchinson's North, i. 234, ii. 447!) 
 
 In his account of Mr. Henry Erskine's sufferings, Wodrow 
 gays:— Ju/v 2, 1682, [it should be 1685. Palmer's Nonconf. 
 IVfem. ii. 253.1 he was apprehended by eight of the militia 
 horBemen, and carried first to Wooller and next day to For- 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 441 
 
 The lawyers being consulted did, notwithstanding, 
 declare the prisoner bailable, and the Justices fineable 
 for refusal ; but for all this many refused, and this or- 
 der that was procured from two Justices, was by Mr. 
 Green the under-sheriff, rejected. The tenor whereof 
 follows : — 
 
 " Northumberland. — Whereas you have in your 
 custody the body of one Mr. Johnson, alias Veitch, 
 committed the 19th day of January instant, for holding 
 and keeping unlawful assemblies and meetings; and 
 himself hath preached and teached contrary to the laws 
 of our Sovereign Lord and King that now is. And 
 whereas tliere has been sufficient sureties given before 
 us for his personal appearance at the next quarter ses- 
 sions to beheld for the county. These are in his Majes- 
 ty's name straitly to charge and command you, the keep- 
 er of his Majesty's jayl for the county aforesaid, to bring 
 before us the body of the said Mr. Johnson alias Veitch, 
 immediately upon sight hereof, that such care may be 
 taken as the law shall direct; and hereof you are not to 
 fail, as you will answer the contrary at your utmost 
 peril. Given under our hands and seall, this 29th day 
 of January, in the year of our Lord, 1678. [1679.] 
 Bellshaw, Jan. 29, 1678. Wm. Middleton. * 
 
 Cheesburn Grange, Jan. 29, 1678. Wm. WiDDRiNGTON.f 
 
 " For the keeper of his Majesty's jayl 
 at Morpeth, for the county aforesaid 
 his deputy or deputies, these." 
 
 In the mean time an express was sent to London, to 
 acquaint his majesty that the prisoner was apprehend- 
 ed : and the king no doubt being greatly misinformed, 
 an order was dispatched from the king and council to 
 transport the prisoner to Scotland, there to suffer for 
 alleged misdemeanours. Therefore, he is safely to be 
 conducted to the borders, where the sheriff of the 
 Merse, the county next England, by the king and 
 council of Scotland's order, was to receive him off the 
 English hands. 
 
 After this order came, quick despatch was made, lest 
 the prisoner should have been liberate. Major Ogle- 
 ihorp meets Colonel .Strother at Alnwick to consult 
 about his transportation ; and then they send the king 
 and council of England's order to the under sheriff, 
 and officers of dragoons, lying at Morpeth ; which was 
 read to the prisoner with a great deal of ceremony and 
 insulting ; performed by that confluence gathered to- 
 gether in the jailor's low hall, to which he was 
 
 'I 
 
 berry [Fowbury], to Colonel Striithers, who acquainted him 
 he must go to Newcastle to Sir John Fenwick, by virtue of an 
 order from the King, and so was returned that night to Wool- 
 ler prison, where he met with the Reverend Mr. I.uke Ogle, a 
 fellow prisoner. July 4, both of them were carried under a 
 guard to Eglingham, to a Justice of Peace his house; and up- 
 on Monday July 6, for it seems the English were a little more 
 careful of the Lord's day than our Scots persecutors, they 
 were taken to Newcastle." (ii. 257.) It would seem they 
 had grown more religious since Veitch's imprisonment. — Be- 
 tween 1648 and 1662, a Mr. John Pringle was minister at 
 Eglingham, a nonconformist. (Hutchinson's North, vol. i. 
 State of the Churches, p. 7.) Walter Pringle of Greenknow 
 visited him at Eglingham in company with Sir. John Livings- 
 ton, minister of Ancrum. — (Memoirs of Walter Pringle of 
 Greenknow, writien by himself, p 2L Edin. 1751.) 
 
 * " Belsay Castle, the seat ot Sir William Middleton — was 
 part of the family ])ossessions in the time of King Edward II." 
 (Hutchinson's North, i. 218.) Sir William Middleton was cre- 
 ated a Baronet in the 4th of King Charles II. according to 
 Hutchinson, (p. 219.) but the 14th according to the Baronetage 
 of England, (ii. 269.) He was High Sheriff' of Northumber- 
 land in 1666. (Hutchinson, ii. 46L) In addition to the proof 
 formerly given of his favourable disposition to the nonconfor- 
 mists, it may be mentioned that Mr. Robert Leaver, ejected 
 from Bolhara, Northumberland, preached sometimes in a chap- 
 pel in the same parish belonging to Sir William Middleton; 
 "and Mr, John Davis, ejected from Bywell, preached some- 
 times at Sir Willian) Micldjeton's at Belsay." (Palmer, Non- 
 eonf. Mem. ii. 247, 249.) 
 
 f " Cheeseburn Grange lays to the North [of Rutchesler.] 
 The manor belonged to the priory of Hexham, afterwards to 
 the Widdringlons, and now is the possession of Ralph Riddle, 
 Esq. " (Hutchinson's North, i. 130.) 
 3 F 
 
 brought down to prison from a guard of musketeers. 
 
 They appointed him to make ready for his journey 
 by eight of the clock next morning, being the 30th 
 day of January. But he told them, he knew not how 
 to make ready, for he had access to speak to no person, 
 either for getting horses, or any other necessaries : and 
 desired liberty to see his wife. They allowed him to 
 send for any in town to provide horses, and to bring 
 his wife to him, who came through a deep storm of 
 snow to an inn at Morpeth after midnight, and sat at the 
 fireside till next morning; and when she came to her 
 husband, she was not admitted to speak to him but he- 
 fore the soldiers; * a guard whereof was that night 
 set in the room to watch him, in conjimction with a 
 fellow that the jailor had hired every night, lest he 
 should escape, which care was not taken of the popish 
 priest, prisoner in the same room, as was observed, ei- 
 ther before or after. 
 
 The next day the kettle-drums beat early, and by 
 Lieutenant Griffith he is brought to Alnwick, where 
 the fore-mentioned justices that had given the two 
 warrants to apprehend him, with the majors and other 
 officers, about twenty of them, all assembled at the 
 post-house to see the prisoner. The lieutenant drew 
 up the guard before that door, and Colonel Strothers 
 called out to bring up the prisoner, and, as he entered 
 the dining-room, saluted him, regretting his hard cir- 
 cumstances, and hoping he would not mistake them, 
 being obliged, by their places, to obey his majesty's 
 orders. To which the prisoner replied, that he thought 
 all persons in their several stations and capacities 
 should act so in every one of them, as they may 
 be answerable to a good conscience, the kings of 
 the earth, and the Sovereign Judge before whom all 
 of us must appear at the great audit. So he was de- 
 sired to dine with them, but not to say grace, for some 
 of them made the fashion of taking off their hat, and 
 some not. 
 
 When the healths drinking came about, he refused, 
 at which Major Main cried out, " Colonel Strother, 
 you see what a rebel this man is, who refuses to drink 
 the king's health." To which he replied, " Sir, if you 
 understood the law you would [find] yourself the 
 rebel, and not me. It seems you know not that the 
 king, by proclamation, has discharged healths drink- 
 ing, and his own in particular, which you will find in 
 the booksellers' shops at Newcastle."! After that he 
 
 * The following passage in Mrs. Veitch's Memoirs refers to 
 this part of their family history. " Several years after it pleas- 
 ed the Lord to let niy husband fall into the enemy's hands, 
 who took him January 19, about five o'clock in the morning, 
 1679, in Stanton Hall. — All the time the officers were in the 
 house he supported me so, that I was not in the least discoura- 
 ged before them, which made Major Oglethorp to say, he Won- 
 dered to see aie. I told him that I looked to an higher hand 
 than his in this; I knew he could not go one hairbreadth be^ 
 yond God's permission. He answered, ' he permits his ene- 
 mies to go a great length sometimes.' They took him to pri- 
 son, where he lay about twelve days. — Much means were used 
 for his liberty, but all to none efllect, which bred new errands 
 to God for him and me; but misbelief coming in, and telling 
 many ill tales of God, was like to discourage me; viz. that I 
 was a stranger in a strange land, and had six small chil- 
 dren, and little in the world to look to; but he comforted me 
 with these words, ' O, why art thou cast down, my soul, what 
 should discourage thee? and why with vexing thoughts art thou 
 disquieted within me? Still trust in him, for I shall have good 
 cause to praise him.' Ps. xliii. 5. — He wrote to me m the 
 night that there was an order from the King to remove him to 
 Edinburgh. When I opened the letter he had that expression, 
 ' deep calleth unto deep,' &c. But he was pleased to set 
 home that word, ' good is the word of the Lord,' which silen- 
 ced much my misbelief. I rode along with the man that night,- 
 but could get no access until the morning. When I came in 
 the soldiers were guarding him, the kettle-drums beating, the 
 troop presently in arms; we were soon parted, and he carried 
 out to the streets, and set on horseback among the ranks, the 
 town's people running to gaze. I went after to a friend's 
 house in the town, and wept my fill,.and some friends with me." 
 (MS. Memoirs, p. 3, 4, 5.) 
 
 t There may have been proclamations of a later date, but I 
 give the following extract from a" proclamation against viciour, 
 
443 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 was bidden drink no mere healths. Dinner being 
 ended, the trumpet blew, and Major Oglethorp, with a 
 fresh party of Major Main's horse, borrowed to ease 
 his own dragoons, the way being deep, and storm great, 
 conducted him to Belford, another stage, sending an 
 express before to Captain Ivory, who lay there with a 
 troop of his dragoons to be ready to receive them and 
 keep guard all night. The main guard lodged in a 
 great barn before the post-house; Major Oglethorp 
 and the prisoner lay in two beds in a chamber at the 
 end of the lower hall. There were ten dragoons or- 
 dered to stay in the hall all night, and one of them 
 to stand sentry within the chamber door, at the priso- 
 ner's bedside. There was a great coal fire in the room 
 all night, which was very refreshing, both for light 
 and heat, in such a cold night. 
 
 About midnight, our guard in the hall were all got 
 drunk, and had neglected to relieve the sentinel, he 
 crying out to the corporal to relieve him, and he 
 bidding one of the dragoons go to it, and he bidding him 
 go himself; they fell a-fighting, and made such a noise 
 as they awaked the major, who came leaping out of 
 his bed towards the prisoner, to see if he was gone ; 
 but he perceiving it, said, " Major, what are you afraid 
 of?" Said he, "I thought you had been gone." So 
 going to his bed, he asked the sentinel within the door 
 what the matter was, who told him that they had got a 
 little drink, and they would not come and relieve him. 
 He caused the captain to tie them all neck and heel in 
 the main guard till he arose, and put fresh soldiers in 
 the hall. 
 
 The next day they went to Berwick, and thought to 
 have delivered the prisoner at the boundary road ; but 
 the Earl of Hume, the high sheriff, sent him word that 
 he had no orders as yet to receive the prisoner, and the 
 magistrates of Berwick refusing to receive him into 
 their jail, he was committed close prisoner in a room 
 at the Crown, and a guard in the room with him 
 night and day; none to see him or correspond with 
 him ; pen, ink, and paper taken from him, so that 
 Done got into his room but a servant maid to make 
 his bed and fire, and bring him his meat. Providence 
 fitted her well for his case, both for wit and affection ; 
 for when she came to make the bed, she brought paper 
 and an inkhorn, and laid in the bed's head, and letters 
 now and then, as they came to her hand, under the pil- 
 low, and looked to him, not daring to speak, to take 
 notice thereof, the soldiers being at their game in the 
 other end of the room ; so that he had letters from his 
 wife and friends, giving him an account of matters 
 that fell out at home and elsewhere in which he was 
 concerned. 
 
 Under that hard usage he continued twenty days, in 
 which time Duke Hamilton, coming from London, and 
 lodging there, the prisoner was removed to another 
 room ; that being his bedchamber.* The maid carry- 
 
 (Jebauch'd, and prophane persons. — Given at our Court at 
 Whitehall, the thirtieth day of May, in the twelfth year of our 
 reign." [Anno 1660.] "Charles Rex. — There are, likewise, 
 another sort of men, of whom we have heard much, and are 
 sufficiently ashamed, who spend their time in taverns, tippling- 
 houses and debauches, ffiving; no other evidence of their aflec- 
 / tion to us, but in drinking our heahh, and inveighing against 
 all others who are not of their awn dissolute temper; and who, 
 in truth, have more discredited our cause, by the license of their 
 manners and lives, than they could ever advance rt by their af- 
 fection or courage. We nope that this extraordinary way of 
 delivering us all, from all we feared, and almost bringing us to 
 all we can reasonably hope, hath, and will work upon the 
 hearts, even of these men, to that degree, that they will cordi- 
 ally renounce all that licentiousness, prophaneness, and impiety, 
 with which they have been corrupted and endeavoured to cor- 
 rupt others; and that they will, hereafter, become examples of 
 sobriety and virtue, and make it appear, that what is past, was 
 rather the vice of the time than of the persons, and so the fitter 
 to be forgolt«n together." (Pamphlets in Adv. Libr. ccc. 3. 12. 
 No. 9.) 
 
 • The Duke did not find such, good accommodation in Ber- 
 wick on a former occasion. " Dec. 8, 1673. Duke Hamilton, 
 and the Earle of Tweedale, take jumey for London, to present 
 
 ing up the candles before him, he cunningly asked her, 
 " Who lay in this room last?" She answered, " If it 
 please your grace, an honest minister, though now a 
 prisoner." " It seems, " said he, " you have a kind- 
 ness for him." " Indeed have I, " said she, " my lord, 
 and would give any thing in my power to have him set 
 at liberty; and would forgive your lordship, all my 
 drink-money, and all that you will leave in the house, 
 if you will befriend him;" with which he was so ta- 
 ken, that he left double drink-money, as was said. He 
 sent quietly his master of horses, to see wherein he 
 could do the prisoner a kindness. He gave his service 
 to his grace, and thanked him, telling that his own- 
 ing him at this time would be no kindness, when ho 
 and Lauderdale were so hotly contending. 
 
 He was now parted from his dear and loving wife, a 
 meet helper for him indeed, in this very case, and six 
 small children ; and was necessitated to sell his stock 
 for money to bear his charges, and by so doing to let 
 his farm lee, rendering it presently useless to his fam- 
 ily, yea, so disabled as the way-going crop was lost, 
 in which sad posture he left them; the children young, 
 insensible of the matter, and unfit to do for themselves, 
 so the whole burden was laid upon the mother. 
 Trouble and sorrow did not compass her about in this 
 darkest hour of her twelve years night of affliction. 
 Her soul melteth for heaviness and grief; she is 
 now in deep waters in a foreign land, far from her 
 relations, friends, and acquaintances; distress and des- 
 olation at home, and destruction and death abroad ; the 
 sad report whereof, with trembling, she expects every 
 day, because of the fury of the oppressor. This put her 
 on a most serious exercise, and firm resolution to take 
 God for all. He should be the husband, and he 
 should be the farm; he should be the stock and the 
 croj) ; he should be the provider, the food, and the rai- 
 ment, the master of the family, the father of the chil- 
 dren, yea, she resolved to cleave faster unto this rela- 
 tion than Ruth did to Naomi, for that which parted 
 them should bring her to the greatest nearness, most 
 inseparable and comfortable communion with her God. 
 Thus, while the deep called unto deep, she held by her 
 compass, and followed the precedents of the word. 
 Her prayer was in this night to the God of her life, 
 and Jacob-like, she gave it not over till she got a new 
 lease of her husband's life granted her ; which, when 
 she obtained, she wrote an encouraging letter to him at 
 Berwick, (the weaning of her child Sarah not suffering 
 her yet to visit him) telling him, that he should he 
 like Isaac, with the knife at his throat, near to death ; 
 but the Lord would find a sacrifice, and the enemy 
 should be restrained. She wished him also not to be 
 anxious about his family, for the meal and the oil, little 
 as it was, should not fail ; not only till he returned, 
 but also the kingdom to Israel. These instances, so 
 clearly and convincingly borne in upon her, gave her 
 good ground to say with the Psalmist, " Thy word is 
 my comfort in all my afflictions ;" her prayers and 
 pleadings were turned to praises, and his statutes 
 were her songs in the house of her pilgrimage ; and 
 she was persuaded that her night would yet have a 
 day succeeding it, wherein he would, as a special 
 
 to the king's tnajestie the grievances of the kingdom of Scot- 
 fend, and to keep themselves fra being mistaken by the king in 
 their actings that way. Lauderdale compliments them at their 
 departure; they went not with his consent. Duke Hamilton, in 
 his jurney to London, is necessilat to pass through Berwick, 
 and that night seek lodging elsewhere, in regard of the great 
 coBvoy be had with him,oran 100 horse, that lenth; which the 
 governour wold not suffer to abyd in the city. The governour 
 nitercepts the letters beforehand the duke had sent for London, 
 and sent them to Lauderdale at Edinburgh, whereby he under- 
 stood all his and his parties projects. Lauderdale keeps great 
 hopes of the king's favour, niid tells his favorites that Duke 
 Hamilton will come down Commissioner, Tweedal Secretar, 
 and Sir John Harper Lord President. He seems to be veiy 
 little concerned in all this adoe." (Law's Memorialls, p. 66, 
 57.) 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 443 
 
 favour to her "and her family, command his loving 
 kindness. 
 
 What insul tings were over him and his honest hear- 
 ers it were strange and tedious to rehearse : his ene- 
 mies concluding, he should trouble them and the coun- 
 try-side no more ; and who boasted more than Mr. 
 Bell, the parson of that place,* as having now accom- 
 plished his design and forementioned vow ■? For, 
 meeting with a gentleman, (about two days after Mr. 
 Veitch's transportation,) called Mr. Moor, who was a 
 friend and hearer in the meeting-house, after other bit- 
 ter invectives. Now, said he, this night he will be at 
 Edinburgh, and hanged to-morrow, according to his 
 demerits ; and could such a rebel as he, who did so 
 and so, expect to escape the just judgment of God 1 
 But though the good man was silent, and gave him no 
 answer, yet he met with a remarkable one within three 
 days. He being then in his journey to Newcastle, 
 and returning to PontiJand, (a fatal place to my perse- 
 cutors,) on Wednesday afternoon, falls a drinking 
 there till about ten of the clock at night, and then 
 he would needs go home. But the parson of that 
 place f urged the contrary, the night being dark and 
 stormy, and the water big. No persuasions will pre- 
 vail. He is not well got out of that town till he 
 loses his way, and riding on, comes at length to the 
 river Pont, where it is probable his beast stopped ; 
 and, he alighting to find where he was, and, as the jury 
 apprehended, moving forward to feel with his foot 
 in the snow what stopped his passage, slipped 
 over the brink of the river unto the armpits, where, 
 though it was of great depth, yet the old ice bare 
 him up ; the water, because of the two days thaw, run- 
 ning that deep above it; and now the frost returns so 
 violently, that it freezes him in. He was found two 
 days after, standing on his feet, with his arms stretch- 
 ed out, his hat on, and all dry above the arms. He 
 had wrestled much to get out, as his boots and gloves 
 did testify, being worn with his struggling among the 
 ice. When he was -found, the rumour went ; and al- 
 beit several came to help out the dead man, yet few 
 conducted his corpse home, or else they would never 
 have carried him laid cross the horse, as they did, 
 with one end of a rope about his neck, and coming 
 under the horse's belly, was tied to his feet to keep 
 him on.:): 
 
 * " Allenton curacy. Thomas Bell, A. M. ap. Scotos, Cur. 
 Allinton Ord. Deacon. Sept. 20, 1663. Joh. Stewart. 1671. 
 (Hutchinson's Northumberland, I. Stat. Chur. 4.) — "Lon^- 
 horsley Vicarage, The. Bell, A. M. 21 June, 1665, Pr. Cha. D. 
 Somerset." (Ibid. p. 46, 47.) 
 
 t "Ponteland Vicarage.— Gawen Knight, A.M. 1672, P. 
 Mort. JSfanson. Vincent Edwards, A.M. 1679, P. Mort. Knight." 
 (Hutchinson, North. I. Stat. Chur. 55, 56.) 
 
 i The following is Mrs. Veitch's account of this affair. " He 
 (Bell) was a great enemy to my husband, because some of his 
 hearers withdrew from him and would not hear him. Three or 
 four days after be was taken, one William Collinwood, who 
 lived in Mr. J^ell's parish, came to see me. He had been once 
 a hearer of his, but had withdrawn and heard my husband. He 
 going to Mr. Bell's to pay him some tythes, I desired him to 
 come to me back, and tell what Mr. Bell said of my husband; 
 for, I said, its like he may think now he hath gotten his desire 
 accomplished. I'm told he bad him go to Edinburgh and get 
 a preaching, for he would be hanged against Tuesday. When 
 he told me, that Scripture was in my mind, "Let them cui-se 
 but bless thou;" and that also, "He that rendereth evil for 
 good, evil shall not depart from his house." He was just going 
 to Newcastle when he spoke to William Collenwood, he stayed 
 all night and came the next day to Pontland, where he drank 
 till 10 o'clock at night with the curate. There was a great 
 storm of snow on the ground, and that day there had been a 
 thaw. He would be home that night. They took his watch 
 from him, his horse they locked up in the stable, but all would 
 not do. He told them, he had a good horse; and nobody knew 
 what way he rode, but he was found 12 [two?] nights and a 
 day afterwards standing in a water, frozen just to his arm-pits, 
 dead; for there came on a great frost that night. His hat was 
 on, his band dry, his gloves on, he standing at the side of the 
 water, had worn his boots and gloves to get out of the water. 
 They could scarce get as many countrymen as carry him home, 
 and getting foreharamers, they brake the ice, and'ty'd him on 
 
 This speaking dispensation made great and various 
 impressions on the people, especially those who knew 
 how instrumental he had been in Mr. Veitch's trouble, 
 and to show how bitter an enemy he was to the non- 
 conformists' way, I shall only set down what he said 
 to a parishioner of his whom he was chiding for going 
 to conventicles. The man told him it was better to go 
 to them than to play at foot-ball or go to an alehouse ; 
 to whom he tartly replied, " You had better drink 
 drunk and kill one in your way home, as go hear any 
 of these men." 
 
 . Now this Mr. Thomas Bell was a Scotchman, of 
 the meaner sort of gentry, born in the parish where 
 the prisoner's brother, Mr. John, was minister, who 
 took him from herding, (his father being brought low,) 
 put him to the grammar school, and got the presby- 
 tery's bursary to him when he went to the college. 
 After his laureation, and losing that benefice, he made 
 his moan to the minister, that now he was in worse 
 case than ever, and intreated his help for a little till 
 he sought out a place. Upon which he wrote a letter 
 to Torwoodlce, and some other good gentlemen, each 
 of them to give him so much money at his desire, which 
 they did ; and he, falling in company with Sir Thomas 
 Ker of Fairly, continued drinking with him some days, 
 which irritated the gentlemen ; and he hearing that 
 they were sending to Mr. John Veitch to come and 
 take their money from him again, which was like to be 
 ill bestowed, he took straight to England, and com- 
 plying with that government, obtained his parsonage. 
 By this you may see what a bad requital he gave to 
 the minister that did so much for him, when he perse- 
 cuted his brother at such a rate. 
 
 Upon the 20th of February, 1G79, Major Hope, 
 then deputy-governor of Berwick, and most of the offi- 
 cers there, carried the prisoner, guarded with a compa- 
 ny of foot before him, another behind, and they riding 
 on each hand to the boundary-road betwixt the king- 
 doms, and delivered him over with a great deal of cer- 
 emony, to the sheriff's depute of the Merse, attended 
 with some petty gentry, and a party of the Earl of 
 Airly's troop of horse : commissions from the king 
 for so doing being read, and volleys shot on both sides. 
 He was conducted by these, first to Ayton, where 
 there was a treat of claret provided for the English 
 oflUcers ; and after they had drunk some hours there, 
 he was carried that night to Dunbar. The magis- 
 trates were required, in the king's name, to send eighty 
 men to guard the house and him all night. David 
 Hume of Newton,* the sheriff-depute, being well ac- 
 quainted with the prisoner, at his desire, sent his man 
 quietly off to his brother, Mr. John, to meet them the 
 next day about two or three of the clock in the after- 
 noon at such an inn in the foot of the Canongate, where 
 they might converse together a little before he should 
 go to prison, which was done ; and then the sheriff 
 carried him quietly up in a coach in the evening to the 
 tolbooth, where he met with a very unexpected treat- 
 ment. For, thinking on nothing he could purchase that 
 night, being so late, for his accommodation, but candle 
 for light and a stool to sit on, till the next day, which 
 he desired the jailor would please cause one of his ser- 
 vants bring him these for payment. And he, calling 
 
 a horse and carried him to his wife. The whole country about 
 was astonished at the dispensation, and often said to me there 
 would none trouble my husband again; for they all knew that 
 he was an enemy to my husband. I told them, they that would 
 not take warning from the word of God would never take 
 warning from that. That Scripture was often borne in upon 
 my spirit, "Rejoice not at the fall of thine enemy, lest He see 
 it and be displeased." (MS. Memoirs, p. 57.) 
 
 * 10th .Inly, 1678. David Home of Newton was appointed 
 a commissioner of supply for the shire of Berwick. (Act. Pari. 
 Scot. viii. 224.) In Fountainhall's Decisions, (ii. 195, 196,) we 
 find Edgar of Newton "bound cautioner" for David Hume "to 
 Mr. John Veitch, minister at Foulstruther, [ Woolstruiher, as 
 Westruther was anciently written] and sundry others hi» cre- 
 ditors." 
 
444 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 one of them, bid him go fetch his wife, and she, after 
 salutation, and drinking a glass of wine to the prison- 
 er, said, " Sir, I am come to give you that compliment 
 this night which I never did before to any prisoner, 
 and that is, to convoy you to your chamber ;" which 
 was the only best room in the tolbooth, called Mon- 
 trose's chamber, where the room was well and plenti- 
 fully furnished, a good bed and chairs, fire, and a great 
 candle on the table, several bottles of ale and brandy 
 standing in a corner, wheat bread, and a great pigeon 
 pye on a shelf, and coals laid in. When I asked how 
 this came to be done ; she answered, " It is a thing 
 you must not inquire about for it was ordered to be 
 done, under promise of secrecy, by one of the greatest 
 ladies in Scotland."* 
 
 Griffith, the English lieutenant, came along with the 
 prisoner, having an order from his Majesty to the 
 Lords of the Treasury, to pay to Major Oglethorp 
 or his order 200lib. sterling for taking him ; but he 
 only got llllib. English. He went to several mer- 
 chants in Edinburgh to return it, but none of them 
 would ; saying, it would spoil all their money. f Ogle- 
 thorp would have come himself, but was called back by 
 an express from Berwick to London ; and, coming to ask 
 the prisoner what service he had for him there, he said 
 there was onekindnesshe would begif he would do him 
 it, viz. that he would write a letter to Lauderdale, and in- 
 close it to him by the post, if he would deliver it,which 
 he frankly promised. " Then," said the prisoner, " you 
 must order me paper, pen, and ink, that I may write 
 
 * It appears from the following notice, that Veitch had a 
 number of warm friends in Edinburgh. "February 5, 1685. 
 At Privy Council, James Row, George Mosman, and many 
 others of the merchants of Edinburgh of the Presbyterian per- 
 suasion, are pursued; as also Anderson of Dowhill, Craigie of 
 Dumbarnie, Oliphant of Condee, &c. as they who, since the 
 last indemnity in August 1679, have frequented house or field 
 conventicles, resetted fugitive ministers or other rebels; and 
 particularly did contribute money to see if the)' could procure 
 a remission from the king to Mr. William Veitch, a fanatic for- 
 feited minister; item, to educate and breed up some young stu- 
 dents in the Presbyterian form, to be a nursery to perpetuate 
 and hold up the schism. Some redeemed themselves by offer- 
 ing to take the test; others escaped by taking the oaths of alle- 
 giance and prerogative, without any additions or limitations of 
 their own, (which were all refused,) but as it is explained in the 
 Assertory act, made in the parliament 1669, and which was ex- 
 pressly put to them. A third sort refused both, and so were 
 committed to prison as disaffected to the government." (Foun- 
 tainhall's Decisions, i. 338, 339.) 
 
 + The meaning appears to be, that Griffith got L.lll in 
 English, and L.89 in Scottish coin, which last he wished to ex- 
 change for English, but that the merchants of Edinburgh re- 
 fused this, on account of the badness of the money issued by 
 government at that period. This last fact is established b)- a 
 
 Erocess before the Court of Session in 1602 and 1683, against 
 lOrd Halton (then Earl of Lauderdale) for malversations as 
 late General of the Mint, '• in n)aking the fineness below the 
 standard," &c. (Fountainhall's Decisions, i. 184.) In Halton's 
 defences, it was pleaded, inter alia, that he was discharged and 
 pardoned by the general indemnity; for "this oblivion and in- 
 demnity in 1679 is more ample than any of them, being drawn 
 in the most ample and comprehensive terms deviseable, as mainly 
 designed to secure Lauderdale and his party for the Highland 
 army that they sent in upon the West in 1678, «c. and the par- 
 doning the rebels who rose at Bothwell Bridge was but a 
 sham and colour to draw on the other." The Lords sustained 
 this plea, and, upon that ground, altered an interlocutor which 
 they had already given in the cause; '^Jbr after serious delibe- 
 ration they durst not make too bold with the loosing of this act 
 of indemnity." (Ibid. p. 208, 209.) 
 
 It may be added, that the exchange of money between the 
 two kingdoms was, at that time, a matter of considerable diffi- 
 culty. A Mr. Mertin, sent in 1683 from the protestant lords at 
 London to Scotland, brought an unsubscribed letter in the 
 hand-writing of Jerviswood (who was then in England) to Lady 
 Tarras, his niece, desiring her to transmit to him some money 
 which he had left with her. This, at Merlin's desire, was given 
 to Torwoodlee. " When Torwoodliec (say.* the Earl of Tarras, 
 in his deposition on the trial of Sir John Cochrane, &c.) had 
 gotten the money of Jerveswoods before spoaken off from my 
 servant, he layd it by, and asked me, if it was in English money. 
 I said, it was the same I supposed he had left at my house; he 
 said, it was noe matter, he would send it to Will. Veitch who 
 %vould have a cair to get English money for hiiu." (.\ct. Pari. 
 Scot. viii. App. 36, 37.) 
 
 it." — " Yes," said he, "but you must read it to the 
 governor ; and if he like it, seal it, and he will send it 
 to me." When the governor read it, he says, " Will 
 you indeed send this to my lord ? If so, your circum- 
 stances are not so bad as men think." But he,*instead 
 of sending it to London, sent it out to Colonel Stro- 
 ther ; and they afterward sent it to the Major ; but he 
 delivered it not till several days after the prisoner had 
 been at Edinburgh, and written a second letter to Lau- 
 derdale mentioning that. When it came the Duke 
 was in passion, and said, for any gentleman to promise 
 to do a prisoner a kindness, and not to make it good, 
 was a base and unbecoming treatment.* 
 
 On the 22d of February, 1679, he is brought before 
 a committee of the council, whereof Sharp, the arch- 
 bishop of St. Andrews, was preses. As he was com- 
 ing along the pavement, the Earl of Mar's gentleman 
 came to him from his master, desiring him to give the 
 archbishop his titles ;t that would prove a likely mean 
 to prevail with the bishop for his liberty. He, giving 
 his service to the Earl, answered, that he resolved to 
 act according to his light. The bishop put many 
 questions to him, to see if he could ensnare him, which 
 were urged by Paterson, the bishop of Edinburgh. 
 One whereof was, " Have you taken the covenant 1" 
 He answered, " All that see me at this honourable 
 board may easily perceive that I was not capable to 
 talce the Covenant, when you and the other ministers 
 of Scotland tendered it." At which the whole compa- 
 ny fell a laughing, which nettled the bishop. " But," 
 says he, " did you never take the covenant since ?" To 
 which hereplied, " I judge myself obliged to covenant 
 myself away to God, and frequently to renew it." At 
 which Paterson stood up and said, " My lord, you 
 will get no good of this man ; he's all for evasion. 
 But," says he, " was not you at Pentland fight 1" 
 To which he replied, " If you will give me power 
 and liberty to seek witnesses to prove it, I was alibi ,-" 
 having been all night and that morning at Edinburgh. 
 Many other questions they posed him with ; and 
 Hugh Stevenson, the under clerk, wrote all. 
 
 Being put out a considerable time, he was called in, 
 and the bishop said, " Hear your confession read." 
 Many sentences they had interlined to make him a 
 criminal, which, as he heard, he denied he had spoken 
 such words, and refused to subscribe his confession 
 when they desired him.:}: " What," says the bishop, 
 " will you not subscribe your own confession ? — 
 " Not I," said the prisoner, " except you write it 
 in mimdo without your additions ;" at which they 
 were like to be irritated. But my Lord Lithgow, sit- 
 ting next the prisoner on the one side of the table, and 
 
 * It is gratifying to rf.cord instances of humanity in the 
 rulers of that time. '* October 5, 6, and 7, 1680. — Robert Curry, 
 writer, being bound as cautioner, to present a man who was im- 
 prisoned upon suspicion as one of the rebels, but bailed by him 
 to this council day; and the man being very sick and like to 
 die, Robert, to exoner himself, did cause bring him from his 
 own house, carried by five or six people on a bed, and brought 
 him to the Privy Council doors, and took instruments on his 
 presentation, to free himself. The Chancellor and Council 
 took this rude and cruel usage of the poor sick man so ill, that 
 they commanded Curry to orison, seeing he might, by a bill, 
 have represented it, and got himself liberate." (Fountainhall's 
 Decisions, i. 113.) 
 
 •f- The refusal of these had been severely resented. Mr. Al- 
 exander Smith, minister at Cowend, who had been driven from 
 his charge in 1663, was brought before the High Commission 
 Court " for preaching privately, and giving Bishop Sharp only 
 .S'tV." — He was put in the thieves' hole with a madman; and, 
 when the sympathy of the jjeople of Edinburgh followed him 
 there, the bishops caused remove him to another room where he 
 sickened. He was then banished to Shetland, where, for four 
 years, his only food was of barley, and his fuel sea-tangle. In 
 1667, he was brought before the Privy Council at Edinburgh, 
 and ordered to Orkney. (Kirkton, 208, 209. Wod. i. 176, 
 280,291.) 
 
 J A similar device was employed in the case of Mr. Gabriel 
 Seniple; but whether from the motive which he apprehended, 
 or at the instigation of some friend who wished to bring him 
 off, may admit of a doubt. (Wodrow, ii. 17S.) 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 445 
 
 Lundie, afterward Earl of Melford, (who had been in- 
 fluenced to favour him,) sitting on the other side, 
 speaks over to Lithgow, upon wliich he says to the 
 archbishop, " My Lord St Andrews, cause write it in 
 mundo to the young man." So he was put out again, 
 and it written over ; and being called in, it was read 
 over to him ; and when laid before him to subscribe, 
 he begged liberty to read it over himself before he 
 could subscribe it, which was granted. They found 
 nothing in it whereof to accuse him, so they remanded 
 him to prison.* The archbishop did little more in 
 public after that, being within a few days cut off at 
 Magus Muir, as history will tell. 
 
 The next news was a letter from the King, to turn 
 him over to the criminal court, and there to intimate 
 an old illegal sentence of death unto him,f as the pro- 
 cess registrate in their court-books will declare, and 
 the best lawyers had done; for the testimony of the 
 two witnesses did not agree. And whether the ini- 
 quity of the sentence was not attested by the omnisci- 
 ent and just Judge in the remarkable judgments that 
 befell these witnesses, I leave to every judicious and so- 
 ber reader. They were relations of one surname, viz. 
 Mirrie, and tenants to Sir Thomas Wallace of Craigie, 
 one of the Lords of this Justice Court, who took par- 
 ticular notice of the thing, and he himself declared 
 they never did well after, one of them falling into 
 murder, the other into adultery, upon which they both 
 fled and were never heard of, their families broken and 
 ruined. The murderer was since found and hanged at 
 Edinburgh. Some said that he was taken that very 
 day that Mr. Veitch was released by a sentence of 
 banishment ; and yet upon this sentence in absence 
 must the prisoner die without granting him a new trial ; 
 and the 18th day of March is appointed for the sitting 
 of the court, and the intimation thereof, viz. the sen- 
 tence ; but the perplexedness of the case occasions an 
 adjournment until the 8th of April. :|: 
 
 The prisoner wrote to his friend Lauderdale; and 
 some ladies obtained a letter from archbishop Paterson 
 to the Duke in his favour; and his brother. Sir Wil- 
 liam, brought it open to the prisoner, and read it, be- 
 ing very well penned, directed to Dr. Hicks, his chap- 
 lain, to present, which the prisoner's messenger did at 
 night; and coming next morning for an answer, Hicks 
 showed him a letter per post, forbidding him to deliver 
 it ; so he returned to Shaftesbury, and the bishop cheat- 
 ed the ladies. 
 
 In the mean time the prisoner's case was represented 
 to the Earl of Shaftesbury by his papers, a messenger, 
 viz. Mr. Gilbert Elliot,! being sent therewith, con- 
 
 * On the 25th of February the Council appointed Mr. 
 Veitch to be sent to the Bass, but it dots not appear that this 
 order was carried into execution. (Wodrow, ii. 6, 7.) 
 
 t This sentence was pronounced on tlie 16th of August 1667. 
 Previous to this, a query was moved to the Lords of Session, 
 " Whether or not a person guilty of high treason nr>ay be pur- 
 sued before the Justices, albeit they be absent and contumacious, 
 so that the Justices, upon citation and sufficient probation and 
 evidence, may pronounce sentence and doom of forfeiture, if 
 the dittay be proven;" to which their Lordships having consi- 
 dered the query, answered in the affirmative. But as strong 
 doubts were entertained of the legality of this step, an act of 
 Parliament was afterwards procured, ratifying and approving of 
 the conduct of the Lord Advocate, Sir John Nisbet, and the 
 process and sentence against Veitch and others, who were in 
 the circumstances described in the above query. (Wodrow, i. 
 267,268, App. p. 109,110; Acts of Parliament of Scot. vii. 562.) 
 On the 19th of July, 1690, the parliament declared, that "all 
 sentences pronounced by the Justice Court, in absence for per- 
 duellion, or any other crime, before the year 1669, were from 
 the beginning null and void ;" restored " all persons, or their 
 representatives, so forefaulted by the Justices in modnm jiistiiicB, 
 and particularly the representatives of Muire of Cald- 
 
 wells, Ker of Kersland, and Mr. William Veatch, min- 
 
 ister of the gospel;" and rescinded the act of parliament anno 
 1669, " in so far as it ratifies these forefaultures." (Act. Pari. 
 Scot. ix. 199,200.) 
 
 \ Several documents relating to this process will be found 
 in the Appendix. 
 
 II Gilbert Elliot of Craigcnd and afterwards of Minto and 
 
 taining the sentiments both of English and Scotch 
 lawyers, all of them declaring the illegalness of the 
 procedure against him in both kingdoms; as also a 
 testimony of two justices of the peace in Northumber- 
 land, witnessing how long and how peaceably he had 
 lived there. All which being patiently considered by 
 that judicious and renowned patriot the Earl of Shaftes- 
 bury, he influences Prince Rupert, the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth, with several other great persons, to join him in 
 petitioning the King for sending him back again to 
 England to be tried there ; and that because he was an 
 English subject, having lived so long in the kingdom ; 
 that the laws were affronted in his removal, and this 
 practice would make men expect little security from 
 them ; and that it was more expedient to liberate, pre- 
 serve, and encourage protestant ministers, than to take 
 their lives at such a juncture as this, when so horrid a 
 popish plot is discovered for the ruin of the protestant 
 interest, lest his Majesty should be thought a compiler 
 therewith. 
 
 Notwithstanding all the arguments made use of by 
 these great persons for bringing him back to be tried 
 in England, yet the King would by no means grant it. 
 For the Duke of Monmouth (upon the King's saying 
 that he thought by this time he would be execute, and 
 deserved more deaths than one if his information was 
 true,) said to his Majesty that he might yet be retriev- 
 ed ; but the King answered, " I have written with my 
 own hand to execute him ; and what I have written I 
 have written." In this he acted like Pilate to the 
 Jews. Upon this the Earl of Shaftesbury told his Ma- 
 jesty, that seeing the petition of so many of the 
 greatest peers in England now standing before him, 
 for a thing so just and equitable, could not be granted, 
 the new parliament for inquiring into the popish plot 
 was now sitting down ;* and no person that they found 
 guilty, presbyterian or other, should escape death, if 
 the parliament would take his advice, and the lords 
 now before the King; and then his Majesty should 
 have pears for plumbs. 
 
 tipon this Shaftesbury sent his servant to Mr. Elliot, 
 who was waiting on, to go to the Parliament door, and 
 distribute to the members as they went in the doubles 
 of these petitions ; and the lords taking their leave of 
 the King, followed after; and seeing the members 
 standing here and there reading them, Shaftsbury ask- 
 ed their lordships what they were reading? When 
 they told him, he answered, " O, my lords, is that the 
 text? Come, I'll give you the sermon upon it;" and, 
 so telling them the case of that minister as it stood in 
 law, he influenced them to sa}', that if it be truly so, 
 we'll pass an order immediately when we sit down for 
 his remanding. Upon which one of the Tories (for 
 
 llfadshaw. (Act. Pari. Scot. viii. 342, xi. 259—261, 462, App. 
 129.) was, on the 16th of July, 1685, found guilty of treason, 
 and forfeited, for being in arms with Argyle. In the process, 
 he is described as " writer in Edinburgh." (Fountainhall's 
 Decis. i. 366. Act. Pari. Scot. viii. 490, App. 44. &c. Wod- 
 row, ii. 492, 493.) Having obtained the king's pardon, he ap- 
 plied, November 8, 1687, to be admitted an advocate, on which 
 occasion the examinators "stumbled to meet with him, till he 
 first shewed his remission, least it might infer converse against 
 them." (Fount. Dec. i. 475.) At the Revolution, the act of 
 his forfeiture was rescinded, he was created Sir Gilbert Elliot, 
 was appointed clerk to the Privy Council, and had extensive 
 practice as an advocate. (Act. Pari. Scot. ix. 166, 211, 290; xi. 
 140,) On the 28th of June, 1704, he took his seat in the Court 
 of Session by the title of Lord Minto. (Lord Hailes, Cata- 
 logue, p. 15.) Wodrow (ii. 493.) says, he was also one of the 
 Lords of Justiciary. 
 
 When Lord Minto visited Dumfries, of which Mr. Veitch 
 was minister after the Revolution, he always spent some time 
 with his old friend, when their conversation often turned on 
 the perils of their former life. On these occasions, his lord- 
 ship was accustomed facetiouslj^ to say, " Ah! Willie, Willie; 
 had it no' been for me, the pyets had been pyking your pate on 
 the Nether Bow Port;" to which Veitch replied, "Ah! Gibbie, 
 Gibbie, had it no' been forme, ye would ha'e been yet writting 
 papers for a plack the page." 
 
 * The Parliament met on the 6th of March, 1679. (Life of 
 Lord Russel, i.l47.) 
 
446 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 the house was made up of Tory, Whig, and Trimmer,) 
 taking the petition in his hand, went instantly to the 
 King, and telling all he had heard from the Earl of 
 Shaftesbury about that person, begged his Majesty to 
 consider the thing ; for this was not his sixteen years' 
 old parliament, and he knew not what they would do ; 
 and it was dangerous for his Majesty, upon so mean 
 an account, to set two kingdoms by the ears. There- 
 fore he begged that he would presently send for Lau- 
 derdale to dispatch an express for Scotland to stop 
 all procedure against the criminal, and he would 
 report it to the lords to take them off their resolv- 
 ed measures ; which was done. And, w hich is 
 to be noted, this letter came to the hand of the Justice- 
 General Tarbet, (he being providentially stopped by 
 the Earl of Perth, who, at ten of the clock, took him 
 up stairs again when he was coming to the court, and 
 kept him till it was after eleven,) just as he was en- 
 tering the Parliament close, where the Lord Tarbet 
 stood and read it at great leisure; and then going 
 through the throng, many standing in the pavement to 
 see the issue of that business, and beholding the crim- 
 inal's brother, Mr. John, called him and told, " Now 
 I can give you better news of your brother than I 
 could in the morning, when you were with me; for he 
 has relinquished Lauderdale and betaken himself to 
 Shaftesbury and the parliament of England ; and they 
 are like to bring him off, and I am going to dissolve 
 the court." You may observe here how exactly this 
 answered the prophetical letter he got at Berwick. 
 
 The prisoner's brother, and Mr. Thomas Rigg, his 
 agent, ran like Cushi and Ahimaaz, who should first 
 tell the prisoner the good news, which was very sur- 
 prising to the prisoner, but not so much to his wife : 
 for, though she often fell into fits of weeping, yet she 
 had interludes of hope, saying, " I am often thinking 
 that this day will produce what I saw." 
 
 This, indeed, gave the great stop to the rage of the 
 persecutors, but the prisoner was not yet released, but 
 still kept in close prison, which gave him ground to 
 fear that the storm would return. And there fell out 
 such things within a short time as increased these 
 fears ; such as the killing of the Bishop at Magus 
 Moor, remarkable for the way of it, for the instra- 
 ments that did it went out that morning from their 
 houses with no such thought or design, for they 
 had combined together that morning to be avenged 
 
 upon one Carmichael, who was put in 
 
 conjunct Sheriff-Depute by the King's order to his 
 council in Scotland, obtained by the archbishop, for 
 the more vigorous, or rather rigorous execution of 
 their iniquitous laws, for compelling all to come to 
 church and comply with the government.* Now this 
 
 Carmichael had mined several families by 
 
 taking their corn, cattle, and all they had from them, 
 so that hearing that he was to hunt in Coupar fields, 
 they were resolved that day to be avenged on him ; and 
 while they were coming up the fields that day, toward 
 the hunters, they from suspicion and fear, leaving tjje 
 dogs, rode to Coupar for their safety. Upon which the 
 pursuers turned aside toward Magus Moor, with an in- 
 tention to dissipate themselves ; and calling at a house 
 for drink, the barnman came out to talk with them, 
 (being it seems of their accjuaintance) and said, " O, 
 gentlemen, yonder is a prize for you ; if you have 
 missed the one, you may hit the other who is the 
 cause of all your trouble. Bishop Sharp is just going 
 by, and I see none riding with him but one servant, 
 and you may easily do his business." Upon which it 
 seems they resolved on the enterprise ; only Hacks- 
 ton of Rathillet (who was afterwards hanged, drawn, 
 and quartered for the thing) would not go with them, 
 telling them it would be thought revenge, for the 
 bishop and he had fallen out but the other day about 
 
 * Proofs of the activity of the archbishop and his clergy, in 
 stirring; up the g^overnment to severe measures against the non- 
 conformists, will be found in the Appendix. 
 
 his teinds, so desired to be excused. The rest went 
 on, and one of them riding faster than the rest stopped 
 the coach, by cutting the harness. They shot several 
 pistols at him while he was in the coach, at length 
 pulling him out, Burley, a petty gentleman, one of 
 those that had been so miserably spoiled and ruined, 
 having a brazen blunderbuss charged with several 
 musket bullets, fired it so near his breast, as that his 
 gown, clothes, and shirt, were all burned : at which 
 he fell flat upon his face, and they thinking they had 
 made a window through his body, and that he was 
 undoubtedly killed, went away, leaving his daughter, 
 who only was in the coach with him, crying beside 
 him. But it happened that one of them being alight- 
 ed on the far side of the coach to tie his girth, and 
 hearing the daughter calling to the coachman to help 
 up her father, for he was yet alive, rode after the par- 
 ty, and telling them the story, and that if he lived 
 they would be worse than if they had killed him ; 
 they turned back, and the foresaid Burley, as it is 
 said, came up to him lying flat on his face on the 
 ground, and putting his hat off with his foot, struck 
 him on the head till his brains were seen ; at which 
 giving a great cry he expired. They searched his 
 pockets and found the King's letter empowering him 
 and the Council to execute these cruelties ; as also a lit- 
 tle purse in which they found two pistol bullets, a lit- 
 tle ball made up of all colours of silk, bigger than an 
 ordinary plumb, and a bit of parchment the breadth 
 and length of one's finger, with two long words writ- 
 ten upon it, which none could read ; the characters 
 were Hebrew or Chaldaic. These they brought with 
 them, but meddled neither with his gold, money, or 
 watch.* 
 
 The council met upon the news, and it being shortly 
 after his severe examination of Mr. Veitch, which 
 made people talk that he designed his execution; it 
 made the rumour go that he would be brought out and 
 sacrificed to his ghost ; which came to the prisoner's 
 ears, and could not but occasion thoughtfulness there- 
 anent. 
 
 The council sent two surgeons to view his corpse 
 and embalm them, at the desire of his brother Sir 
 William Sharp, and to report upon oath the manner of 
 
 * It is singular to observe how differently persons think and 
 express themselves respecting deeds of assassination, according 
 as the victim happens to be of their own party or of the oppo- 
 site. Clarendon charges the parliamentary officers as guilty of 
 murder in trying and shooting Sir Charles Lucas, who had, with 
 his own hand, put some soldiers to death in cold blood, and en- 
 gaged in an insurrection while a prisoner on parole. (History 
 of Rebellion, v. 239, fol. edit. Brodie's History of the British 
 Empire, iv. 146, 147.) But when he comes to relate the second 
 and successful attempt to assassinate the parliamentary officer. 
 Colonel Rainsborough, " Mrs. Macauly remarks, that Claren- 
 don, to his eternal infamy, applauds every circumstance of the 
 foul, unmanly deed." (Brodie, iv. 137; Clarendon, v. 245,256.) 
 The reader may consult Brodie (iv, 264.) for the account of the 
 murder of Dr. Dorislaus at the Hague, and Oldmixon (Critical 
 Hist, i, 223.) for that of Ascham, resident for the parliament at 
 Madrid, of whom Clarendon (who was then in Spain) speaks in 
 a manner not very creditable to himself. The following let- 
 ter of Lord Arlington, and the accompanying statement of a 
 staunch cavalier, show that others besides Presliyterians can in- 
 terpret divine judgments. 
 
 " JVhiiehal,'Septem.8. [16]64.— My Lord, The News Book 
 will tell your Excellency a strange story of Lisle, the Usurper's 
 keeper, which is in every word true; and the observation of it 
 very well made, that God Almighty's justice would not let 
 those villains go quietly to their grave." (Arlington's Letters, 
 ii. p. 43.) " August the 21st, that notorious regicide Lisle, 
 overtaken by divine vengeance at Lausanne, where the mise- 
 rable wretch was shot dead by the gallantry of three Irish gen- 
 tlemen, who attempted the surprisal of him and four more im- 
 pious parricides." (Wharton's Gesta Britannorum, p. 504, 
 apud Biog. Brit. v. i. p. 3032, London, 1760.) — Sneaking of 
 Captain Manning, a spy of Cromwell, the author of England's 
 TViumph (p. 52) says, " one of his Majesty's servants (though 
 contrary to orclen) pistoled him; which, though it came far 
 short of his desert, yet it was not so well done, in sending the 
 devil his due before his time, and wronging the hangman of his 
 labour." 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 447 
 
 his death, that they might have more legal grounds to 
 pursue the murderers ; which they did, and declared 
 that they found about his back and shoulders the blue 
 marks that the pistol bullets had made ; his clothes 
 burnt off his breast, and a great deal of it blue ; but 
 in all these places the skin was not broken, so that the 
 wound in his head only killed him. This occasioned 
 a universal talk, that he had got proof from the devil 
 against shot; and that the forementioned purse that he 
 carried about with him contained the charm. His 
 brother obtained liberty to erect over him a marble 
 tomb in St. Andrews, and there it stands yet a monu- 
 ment for his infamy. I leave it to history to tell how 
 his posterity and relations were brought low and ex- 
 tinct. 
 
 Another thing that gave an occasion of fear was, the 
 falling out of that rising, called Bothwell-bridge, in 
 May following. The occasion of it was — the laird of 
 Claverhouse, afterward Earl of Dundee, coming on a 
 Sabbath day to break a great conventicle upon a moor 
 called Drumclog near Strathaven, was beaten by a par- 
 ty of the hearers, commanded by William Cleland, 
 afterward made Lieutenant-Colonel to Angus's regi- 
 ment, and killed at Dunkeld; a youth extraordinary in 
 warlike affairs and promising, a great philosopher, 
 physician and divine, very sober and pious; whose 
 loss was great in the very beginning of that happy 
 revolution under the great King William.* They 
 beat Claverhouse off the field, who sent an express 
 that night to Edinburgh to acquaint my Lord Lith- 
 gow, then Major-General of the Forces ; whose lodg- 
 ing being over against the prisoner's window, where 
 the express came to give my lord the account after one 
 of the clock at midnight; the post horn winding, and 
 the horse's feet making a noise alarming the prisoner, 
 he arose, and lying over his window heard the post- 
 boy tell the whole story to the sentry — that the Whigs 
 had beaten Claverhouse, killed his fine horse, and se- 
 veral of his men, taken his standard, and that he was 
 fled to Glasgow ; and that they were following and 
 would destroy my Lord Ross and Claverhouse, if Lith- 
 gow came not quickly to their relief. 
 
 The storm did increase by the gathering of the west 
 country people, which so frightened the Court, that 
 the Duke of Monmouth and several English forces 
 came down from England to their assistance and the 
 suppression of the Whigs. The prisoner wrote out a 
 letter to Mr. David Hume and the other ministers there, 
 sewed within the sole of a woman's shoe, who carri- 
 ed it and delivered it, intreatingthem, if by any means 
 they could, to accommodate the matter upon any reason- 
 able terms as quickly as possible, (the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth intending tenderness for them) lest the divisions 
 that were begun among them should expose them to 
 greater ruin. But they not hitting it among themselves, 
 ere they went to Monmouth at Bothwell Bridge, made 
 it uneasy and unlikely to compound it with him ; and 
 so they were broke, and many brought in prisoners to 
 Edinburgh. 
 
 It cannot be denied but Monmouth was as tender 
 and careful to avoid blood-shed as possibly he could ;j" 
 
 * Colonel William Clelland was son to Thomas Clelland, 
 gamekeeper to the Marquis of Douglas. (Wodrow, i. 524.) He 
 was educated at St. Andrews, where he entered St. Salvador's 
 College in 1676, and was matriculated on the 2d of March, 
 1677. His regent's name was Mr. Edward Thomson. (Rec- 
 ords of the University of St. Andrews.) Having, with his bro- 
 ther-in-law, Baillie Haddoway, accompanied Mr. Blackader to 
 Fife in 1678, he showed his courage, particularly at Divan, in 
 facing the troops which came to disturb their meetings, or to 
 pillage the peojjle on their dismission. (Crichton's Blackader, 
 211, 212, 213.) A collection of Poems and verses by Lieuten- 
 ant-Colonel Clelland, was printed Anno Dom. 1697, in 12mo. 
 They are chiefly in the Hudibrastic style, and discover conside- 
 rable talent. 
 
 }" JVbv ember 18, 1680. — At Privy Council, Greenhead, 
 (Veitch's pupil) Chatto, and some other lairds of Teviotdale, 
 being pursued for absence from the host at Bothwell, pleaded 
 
 and obtained an universal indemnity to all that had 
 been there, and all other prisoners upon certain condi- 
 tions, which severals, especially ministers, could not 
 come up to. One of them was that the ministers 
 should never preach without liberty given; and though 
 the Duke, upon Shaftesbury's recommendation, insert- 
 ed Mr. Veitch's name among the ministers that were to 
 be liberated, when the roll was read before the Council 
 table, Bishop Paterson rose up and opposed it; saying, 
 he was brought from England upon other heads, and 
 so cannot be comprehended here. It being put to a 
 vote he was excluded. 
 
 From what is said, it may be seen what grounds of 
 fear the prisoner had notwithstanding the foresaid stop ; 
 for now he saw no probable outgate. But what fol- 
 lows teaches us that man sees not as God seeth, for 
 that which the enemy thought to destroy him by, viz. 
 their instigating Lauderdale more violently against 
 him, because he had betaken himself to Monmouth 
 and Shaftesbury's side, God's providence did work the 
 contrary to what they purposed. For the Duke of 
 Monmouth, seeing he could not deliver the prisoner, 
 rose in a passion from the Council-table, telling the 
 Chancellor and the rest, that seeing they treated him 
 so unkindly in excluding that person, he was now go- 
 ing post for London, and it should be the first business 
 he would bow his knee to the king for. 
 
 Here it is to be considered that Shaftesbury, who 
 was president of the Council of England, and his 
 party, had sent down Monmouth to Scotland with a 
 design to break Lauderdale's interest there ; for which 
 cause Lauderdale had a constant spy upon him while 
 he was here, to see if he could find him trip in any 
 piece of his management. Here likewise it is to 
 be considered that Duke Hamilton and Lauderdale 
 lying at this time by the ears at court, Lauderdale had 
 by the King's order sent for several who had the trust 
 under him in Scotland, for justifying his government, 
 viz. the Lord Tarbet, Justice-General ; old Stairs, 
 President of the Session; Sir George Mackenzie, 
 King's Advocate ; the Lord Glendoick, Clerk Regis- 
 ter; and Sir Thomas Wallace of Craigie, Justice- 
 Clerk.* These persons were to answer Hamilton's 
 grievances, and satisfy the King. The prisoner's case 
 coming in among these, and these great persons among 
 themselves discoursing upon it. Stairs, who was the 
 prisoner's underfriend always, though apparently an 
 enemy, did demonstrate to them, that in law they 
 could not justify the taking of the prisoner's life: 
 Glendoick and the Justice-Clerk did second him, and 
 so persuaded the rest to comply with their turning his 
 sentence of death into banishment : and that it was fit 
 they should jointly acquaint Lauderdale with their 
 sentiments, that he and they might represent it to the 
 King; which when they did, he to!d them it would 
 not do well yet ; the King being hot upon it, and 
 stirred up thereto by the Duke of York, and he by 
 the priests in Northumberland, where the prisoner had 
 been a preacher, his Majesty behoved to have some 
 weeks for cooling and putting it out of his mind, and 
 then they would do it. All this was done, as my Lord 
 Stairs told the prisoner some years after in Holland, 
 before Monmouth was sent to Scotland, but was kept 
 
 the General's (Monmouth's) licence or pass. The Council 
 found that the General had no power to grant licence of ab- 
 sence till they had, by their appearance at their colours, put 
 themselves under his command. Yet in regard "Monmouth 
 was a stranger, they excused these gentlemen for this time, but 
 would not sustain it hereafter. There was great ground to sus- 
 pect their licenses were obtained ex post Jacio." (Fountain- 
 hall's Decisions, i. 117.) Lady Melville produced tcf the Lords 
 of Articles, a declaration under the hand of the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth, warranting Lord Melville to send a messenger "to the 
 rebells armie to Mr. John Welsh and Mr. David Home, and 
 tell them from him that they might send a petition to the Duke 
 of Monmouth, and that thev might expect good conditions," 
 (Act. Pari. Scot. viii. App. p. 57—59.) 
 * See FountainhaM's DecisionSf i. 43 
 
448 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 secret among themselves, and not as yet made known 
 to the King. 
 
 But the good providence of God put an unexpected 
 opportunity in their hand ; for my Lord Stairs, as he 
 afterwards told him, having the draught of the pri- 
 soner's sentence of banishment in his pocket for seve- 
 ral weeks together, which was consented to by the 
 rest, waiting the season of the King's being in an 
 humour for that elFect ; he happened to visit Lauder- 
 dale that week Monmouth took post from Scotland, 
 and that his spy * had sent him an account what Mon- 
 mouth had sent when he rose from the council table 
 toward the relief of the prisoner as soon as he saw the 
 King ; and Lauderdale giving this letter to Stairs to 
 read, he says, " Now, my lord, Monmouth is upon his 
 way, and is like to relieve this prisoner. I think it 
 were best for your lordship to send for the King's Ad- 
 vocate, and the rest of the lords who are here, aiui we 
 will get this sentence of banishment out of the king- 
 dom past upon him before Monmouth come up; and if 
 the King have any scruple about it, his advocate and the 
 other lords will clear him thereanent. This will be for 
 our credit, and stop the mouths of all in Scotland who 
 reflect on our severity ; and if he come and do it, the dirt 
 will lie upon us." To which Lauderdale replies, "On 
 ray conscience we will <]o it, and Monmouth shall not 
 have the honour and credit of it. We'll send for the 
 lords instantly, and tell the King a new story that will 
 make him do it;" which they did; the King super- 
 scribing and Lauderdale subscribing the new sentence ; 
 and also an order from the King to his Council, to put 
 the same in execution upon sight. My lord Stairs 
 sends for Mr. Elliot, the prisoner's agent, and delivers 
 it to him. 
 
 At this time was there also an order granted for the 
 relieving Sir Patrick Hume of Polwart out of the Cas- 
 tle of Stirling, and a third for removing the sentence of 
 James Stewart that so he might appear in public again. 
 The three agents thinking it was too expensive for all 
 of them to ride post, they cast lots which of the three 
 should do it, and it fell upon Polwart's agent, a Merse 
 gentleman, who came by Mr. John Veitch, and bring- 
 ing him in with him, they went to the Chancellor 
 Rothes, who called the council, wherein they past an 
 order to the lords of justiciary to call the prisoner be- 
 fore them, and intimate the new sentence, which they 
 did next day, and so he was released. f 
 
 This deliverance was very remarkable, if we consi- 
 der that it was done by Lauderdale out of a mere anti- 
 pathy to Monmouth, which pushed him on, not only to 
 do it, but to do it before he should reach the Court; 
 and also upon this account, that Monmouth, though he 
 undertook fair, yet he could never have done it; yet 
 that brisk undertaking was the spring that moved them 
 to do it. For Monmouth was never admitted to the 
 court,:|: York and Lauderdale having prevailed with the 
 
 * This statement, so far as it relates to the watch set on Mon- 
 mouth's conduct during the time he was in Scotland, is con- 
 firmed by Sir John Reresby's account of his interview with him 
 at Doncaster on his return to London. (Memoirs, p. 97.) 
 
 + -'July 28, 1679.— Mr. William Veitch, who had been for- 
 feit in absence for being- in the rebellion in 1666, and many 
 ministers who were in prison, were all liberated by virtue of 
 the Kinff's pardon, indulgence and indemnity; and if Mr. Wil- 
 liam had been reponed to his defences, or needed them, it was 
 alleged the decreet of forfeiture pronounced against him, upon 
 a probation taken in absence of his being in the Pentland rebel- 
 lion 1666, had a material nullity; viz. that the executor of the 
 ditty of treason, and the witnesses were not sworn in Court 
 upon the truth of the execution. 2do, The ditty was not exe- 
 cuted at his dwelling-house, which he had before the said re- 
 bellion and rising in arms." — In the case of Macdowall, of 
 French and others, 9lh February, 1680, " the witnesses to the 
 execution were sworn." (Fountainhall's Decis. i. 54, 83.) 
 
 I This stateanent is not altogether correct; for Monmouth 
 appears to have had several interviews with the King, after he 
 returned from Scotland. (Burnet, History of his own Times, 
 ii. 269, 270.) He left Edmburgh on the 6th of July, was at 
 Windsor on the 11th, and on tne 29th, the King, "for that 
 great trust that he reposes in his entirely beloved cousin and 
 
 King to debar him and order him to go abroad out of the 
 kingdom ; so that if this had not fallen out, the prisoner 
 in all likelihood had perished ; therefore he ought to ad- 
 mire, and cry out as long as he lives, " O the depth of 
 thewisdom, mercy, and goodness of God! his thoughts 
 are unsearchable, and his ways past finding out I" 
 Next, if we will consider that the sufferer had not 
 only the enemies to that interest in one kingdom but 
 in both to grapple with. In the third place, if we 
 consider how eagerly, and withal treacherously, the 
 prelates sought his life; an instance whereof Paterson, 
 bishop of Edinburgh, gave, (as formerly mentioned,) 
 when the prisoner's blood was laid at his door by some 
 worthy ladies, being the person that appeared most 
 against him. He, to take off" the odium, writes a very 
 plain and urgent letter to Lauderdale's chaplain. Dr. 
 Hicks, to show his lord in the prisoner's favour. He 
 sends it up to the prison with his brother Sir William, 
 and reads it to the prisoner and his friends, and seals 
 the same, delivering it to him to give his agent, who 
 was taking post for London ; and, in the mean time, 
 by the public post, writes a contrary one, discharging 
 him to show it, as the agent at his arrival discovered.* 
 And, lastl)'^, if we consider how highly they incensed 
 the King by their misinformations, so that he wrote 
 down three several letters with his own hand to the 
 criminal lords to despatch him, as can be made good. 
 Now, that after all this he should escape, and that by 
 a letter from the King ordering to release him, as has 
 been said, is such a thing as will not find many paral- 
 lels in history. 
 
 Besides all the other troubles which attended him 
 and his family through the forfeitry and giving away 
 of what they had in Scotland, and the many removings 
 from place to place occasioned by the prelates and 
 their abettors, this sore trial involved him in great 
 debt, being so expensive a business every way. It is 
 well known also that it was the Lord's blessing other 
 means that he was necessitated to follow for the main- 
 tenance of his family, being in a poor country side, that 
 kept them together ; for what the people gave waa 
 never able to do it; and it was his wife's observation, 
 that things came never in so plentifully, nor went so 
 far, as when they had most strangers ; their house 
 being a resting and refreshing place for the wandering 
 and weather-beaten flock of Christ. 
 
 His return home to his dwelling house in England 
 made glad his friends, and more than formerly galled 
 his adversaries, so that Daniel Collingwood, Esquire,f 
 and Justice of the Peace, in a meeting at Morpeth 
 with Sir John Fenwick and others, would needs have 
 him taken again, had they not put him off, which de- 
 bate occasioned a friend immediately to write to Mr. 
 Veitch and advise him to retire for a season ; there 
 being little access to redress such irregularities as they 
 might commit. Upon which information he withdrew 
 a considerable time, and after his return made his ac- 
 quaintance more westward in the English borders, 
 where he frequently preached, viz : Keilderhead, 
 Wheel-causeway, Dead-water, &c. What wonderful 
 success the preaching of the word has had, by minis- 
 ters retiring thither under persecution, in order to the 
 repressing, yea almost extinguishing these feuds, 
 thefts, and robberies, that were then so natural to that 
 place and people, is worth a singular and serious ob- 
 
 Counsellor, James, Duke of Buccleugh and Monmouth," grants 
 a Commission to him to be Captain General of all the torces 
 in Scotland. (Wodrow, ii. 73, 79, app. 39.) This was with- 
 drawn in September, after the Duke of York's arrival from the 
 Continent, on occasion of the King's real or pretended illness. 
 (Wodrow, ii. 99; Carte's Ormond, ii. 493, 494.) 
 
 * Other instances of such conduct, on the part of the clergy 
 of that time, may be seen in Wodrow, ii. 458, 513, 514. 
 
 f This gentleman obtains u place in Andrew Marvell's list 
 of labourers in parliament, in tne design of popery and arbi- 
 trary power. " Berwick. Daniel Collingwood , Lsquire, a court 
 janizary; a pensioner of L.300 per annum. Governor of Holy 
 Island. (Marvell's Works, ii. 571.) In 1679, he was member 
 for Morpeth. (Hutchinson's North, ii. 294.) 
 
MEMOIV'S CF WILLIAM VEITCH, 
 
 U9 
 
 Bervation. These news ought to ho Ka':''>T of joy and [ 
 thanksgiving to all the truly godly in iViiain, that 
 though the ark, the glory and gcirf-p of crv God, be, 
 alas ! too, too much removed from 3"ri* -jh^ T^rhratah, 
 the ingrounds, the places of greater outi-^ud plenty 
 and pleasure, yet that he is to be found i' t'.;e borders 
 of those lands, in the mountains and fields of the 
 woods. Some of the gentry on both sides of the bor- 
 ders commissionate to repress such enormities, have 
 been forced both to see and say, that the Gospel has 
 done that which their most severe rixcoution of the 
 laws could never accomplish. And is not such a 
 change worthy a remark ! to see z. peopls who t.sed to 
 ride unweariedly through the long "K'irter nig'.itS to 
 steal and drive away the prize, new, upon ih ? report 
 of a sermon, come from afar, travelling" ^!1 n'ght tc 
 hear the Gospel; yea, some bringing uheir chiliren 
 along with them to the ordinan', ' sf i rn^ijnr., althoiigh 
 the landlord threaten to eje^t li<i tf. -.vit ztd the r.ias- 
 ter the servant for so doing.* 
 
 Mr. Veitoh having returned ho ::;e again, by a sen- 
 tence of banishment, to his farai'y rnd i/isnds, and re- 
 solving to carry on his m*.niste:iai vork at Stantonhall, 
 as he did formerly, is forcsLl, es hij just been hinted, 
 by the malicious dc::'f".3 f,^ the justices of the peace, 
 and others of tha'". i-lne'in tho country, who were 
 resolved to tu^-i hiri r'jjht or vrrong, to retire into 
 the western Icrd?^:, wheve he exc^rcised his ministry 
 'o the people o.';' bo.h ?ld:-3 of the borders, Scots 
 ird Kngl'sh; ki-eping a'v/sys the place of meeting 
 j'.on the Lngiish ground, for fear of the Scotch forces, 
 'vlio were 3ent to Teyiotdale, under the command of 
 Meldrutn and others, who much haunted Teviotdale 
 ar-a he Cl-vse, to break all meetings upon the Scotch 
 rii'e. 
 
 7:i i« TOithy our noJcing, that rmong other things 
 tl '* g'.-"* ccoasion to the sending of these forces, was 
 60:113 re "".ot.'.:>ns that were cast in Lauderdale's teeth ; 
 t'r- ho*h he had made an act of Parliament f for 
 ju. ' M g a'l the landlords upon whose grounds meet- 
 infss^c'd bo kept, yet it proved for several years 
 i/.u" ct"a'.. And it happened at the time of the mak- 
 in|,'of '.ha' act, ';hit Mr. Veitch being at Hume, meet- 
 ?.,Vvr.' V. s'^zeral preachers of the fields, and several 
 
 ' Th« panshei (i Rothbury, Bolani, and Longhorsley, in 
 ••■' .ch Veitch had resided, bordered upon Redesdale and Tyne- 
 »'■ 'o th se rid^ di:tricls of which Bishop Carletoii, in his Life 
 c: .-■'fiiiiari' :-'i"piiJ says, "the word of God was never heard of 
 !c ■- : picE.cii'ii anongst tliem but by the ministry of Gilpin." 
 iCor:eei' Luih.-.ni, vol. i. P. i. 166, 167.) In 1776 Hutchinson 
 vf.. ec, ■' The church of Symondburn has two dependant chap- 
 eis, Belling-hani and Falston; the parish is between thirty and 
 tC'.y iriles in length, extending to Liddesdale, in Scotland. 
 'ii are is within this district, between Falston and the extreme 
 IjCttiidary, an extensive tract of country where, till the last cen- 
 t'ar>, conversion had scarce reached, or the benefits of religion, 
 tnA :b.e rites of the English church been promulgated, except 
 ;.n the collection of tithes. (Tour in Northimiberland, i. 215.) 
 ^:r'.ees calls it " the wealthy church of Siraonburn." Dur- 
 boiii, vol. i. P. i. p. xliv.) Mr. Gabriel Semple, accounting for 
 ii'js quiet possession of Ford church for some years after Pent- 
 iand, says, " these borderers were looked upon to be ignorant, 
 harbarous.and debauched with all sort of wickedness, that none 
 thought it worthy their consideration to look after them, 
 thinking that they could not be brought to any reformation. 
 Yet in the Lord's infinite mercy, the preaching to these bor- 
 derers had more fruit than in many places that was more civil- 
 ized." (Scrapie's Life, p. 51, 52, MS. /jenfs the Reverend Dr. 
 liCe, Edinburgh.) From a Jacobite accoui.t of the proceed- 
 ings of the General Assembly 1690, it appears that the people 
 from twelve parishes on the borders of Northiimberland, made 
 application for the continuance of Mr. Gabriel Semple with 
 them; pleading that he had taken compassion on them in their 
 blood, and been twenty-four years among them. (Historical 
 Relation of the General Assenibly, ICSO, p. 45, 46.) 
 
 t I suspect it should be Act of Council, April 26, 1676, 
 which extended the provisions of a proclamation of the 8th 
 April 1669 to the whole kingdom, ordaining "all heritors to be 
 liable to the fines above specified, (L.50 sterling, Mies qnoties) 
 in case any conventicle be kept on the ground of their lands, or 
 in hou:es belonging to them." (Wodrow, i. 419; comp. p. 
 300.) 
 
 3 G 
 
 other gentlemen to whom the news of that act was 
 sent out, after several of that meeting had given their 
 sentiment of it, thinking it would eifectually break at 
 meetings, and were lamenting tlie sad providence, thej 
 asked Mr. Veitch, whit he tho'ight proper to bo done 
 in this case. His judgment was, seeing Lauderdale 
 h3d been the author of su3h a malicious act, the best 
 requital he though', couid ha give:), was to seK up pub- 
 lic field rricetings in bis bounds. They all liked the 
 07er"-.ure well, but were at a ftrait to find one that 
 would venture to begin, and bell the cat (aa we used 
 to say) : and so fell upon importuning him to do it, 
 seeing ho lived in another cruntry for the present. 
 Afi.jrth'-jlr refusal of several ejcuses he made, " Well," 
 sc J- he, '■ gentlemen, if you be so unanimous and for- 
 'Wi t\ for tin thing, seeing I proposed it, upon the con- 
 ditio r ye v-'ill keep it up as far as possible, I will ven- 
 xu-w to set it up Sabbath next, at the Clue Cairn in 
 Lauder moor ; * and you may warn them if you please 
 from Dan to Beersheba to be there." And the meeting 
 that day, at that place, was computed to be above four 
 thousand hearers ; and it was so visibly blessed of 
 God, that it raised a spirit of zeal and forwardness 
 both in ministers and people in that country ; both to 
 keep up that meeting, and set up several others in the 
 Merse and Tiviotdale, to the great advantage of reli- 
 gion for many years. And Mr. Veitch promised at 
 that time, that, before that meeting should fall, upon 
 their acquainting of him, he would come and help them 
 to support it, which he frequently did. Ani it is ai 
 step of providence worth the observation, that after 
 King William's happy Revolution, he was the first 
 minister appointed to preach at Lauder church, (being 
 appointed by the council, and by the great and good 
 Earl of Crawford personslly, to go and declare it 
 vacant) where there was a vast confluence of peopla 
 met upon the report cf it to see the happy change ; 
 but the lady Lauderdale hearing of it, caused neidnail | 
 all the church doors and windows, that there might be 
 no access for such ministers. In this posture Mr. 
 Veitch found the church when he came, the lady and 
 the magistrates of the town all retired, so that he 
 could find no magistrate to open the church doors. 
 When he was in this strait, several of his old hearers 
 sent him word quietly that they would make open 
 doors if he would allow them, which ha did. And o, 
 in the bringing the ark from Ephratah — from the field.* 
 of the wood, into the chuich and houPv.^ of G(>j, (!is 
 proper seat of it, it proved such a day of weeping aed 
 singing as the like had not been seen heretofire; the 
 minister lecturing and preaching upon the i32n'} 
 Psalm, and the text he preache;'. i;pon was, verse 8* 
 "Arise, O Lord, into thy rest." 
 
 This meeting at the Clue Cairn, after several years,- 
 and the importunity of the godly people about Ber- 
 wick and the east end of the Morse, was removed to 
 Fogo-moor for their better conveniency ; and Mr. 
 Veitch was sent for out of England to do it, which, 
 at the importunity of the people, he did. His lecture 
 and preaching was upon the 102nd Psalm, especially 
 these words, "Thou shalt arise, and have mercy upon 
 Zion ; for the time, even the set time, to favour her is 
 come." It was a great and good day, as the auditory 
 witnessed. It was the first day and it was the last 
 day of meeting in that place ; for that very evening, 
 several of the forces, both horse and foot, by sp'^.rial- 
 orders, came from Haddington through Lammermoor, 
 and f»-ll in upon Cordon and Hume, and the plaiesi 
 about; searching all night to find Mr. Veitch, «vKo 
 
 * " In \.\i'i d'itrxt [of Roxbui-ghshire, 1 et^ len the Gala aiir, 
 'he Leader] ai-oi.t four miles northward of the i'i-.'e«:<i, therein 
 a rem?.rkot)1e object called 1'he liiv: Cai"i, fiom i.'ie co'ov.r 
 of the stones. A large spnce which is sjfficiei.t to •.•onfain m5nr 
 persons, is completely er.^.iosed, a-.d ma/ irc sa'd tt b« f5rtifl«l 
 by a natural rampart of stones." (PT.l:'* Il^to.r, f. b?, "SC, 
 a/)«d Chalmers's Caledonia, ii, 7'^.) ;, 
 
 f Fasten wuh nails. 
 
4ft0 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VXilTCH. 
 
 very strangely and providentially escaped them by 
 James Hume of Flass's * carrying of him that night 
 in the dark to the old lady Stitchell's at her house in 
 Coongecarle,f which the troopers passed by, upon the 
 inforiijatiou that she was ar oic weakly gentlevcoman. 
 
 Lauderdale being then ir. Scotland, and irojiiPud 
 that the meetings should have been so freq jenJj ktpt 
 upon his ground, inquirei ot the south-country g-^ntrj, 
 when they came to see him, what minister it w^.'? t\at 
 set it up first, receiving to make him an exainjd'j. 
 Many of the gentry shitted to tell him ; but Sir Alex- 
 ander Don, not out of any dislike, but mere heedless- 
 ness, told it was Mr. William Veitch. " V,'a3 it so"" 
 said my lord ; " My own relation ! I'll think v.pon 
 him." And indeed he did so : for it inade him c-V-e 
 cearch England diligently for him ; and stirred him iio 
 vigorously to pursue when he was sent prisoner to 
 Scotland. This piece of the history, you see, did 
 precede his being taken and sent into Scotland. 
 
 Another thing remarkable after Mr. Veitch ictnmed 
 by a sentence of banishment, and preached upon the 
 borders, was his going to Berwick, upon a line from 
 his friend Mr. Temple, a merchant there, chiding hiin 
 for his unkindness in not cominof to give the good peo- 
 ple of that place :J: thanks for their great kindness 
 while he was prisoner there. It happened to be at the 
 time when the Earl of Argyle escaped out of the cas- 
 tle of Edinburgh. The news of which running through 
 the town by an express, some officers v/ho had read it 
 at the port-house, comingr along by Mr, Robert Wat- 
 son's gates, where Mr. Veitch was taking his leave of 
 him and his lady, and perceiving him to be in town, 
 turned back to the post-house, where the governor 
 was, telling him that such a one was in town, and he 
 might have a hand in Argyll's escape, which was 
 worthy the governor's consideration. They unani- 
 mously concluded that it was fit for them, in the first 
 place, to double the guards ; and then to go to the 
 mayor to get a warrant to search. 
 
 * James Home of Flass was a Commissioner of militia in 
 1689, and Ccinmissioner of supply in 1690, for the shire of Ber- 
 wick. — " J^fal/ nth, 1689, The Committee of Estates, doe give 
 warrand to James Homeof Flasse, with the commanding officer 
 of the troop, to muster the horsemen ordered to be raised out 
 of the shire of Berwick, upon Tuesday- next at Dunce." (Act. 
 Pari. Srot. ix. app. p. 31.) 
 
 t RoDeit Prinj^le of Stitchell. who died in 1649, left a wid- 
 ow, whom his son, WaUer Prin^le of Greenknow, in 1664, calls 
 his aged mother. VValier's elder brother, John Pringle,j?ar of 
 Stitchell. whc died before his father about 1647, appears also 
 to have left a widow. (Prinde's Memoirs, p. 11,14, 52.) Oct. 
 28, 1651. Robert Pringle of Stitchell is retoured heir of his 
 father. John Pringle feodatary de Stitchell in Coningcarle, in 
 dominio de Stitchell. (Inquis. Retorn. Roxb. 201.) 
 
 \ " Sept. 20, 1684, by an order from the king, there is a 
 search made in Berwick for Polwart, Mr. James Daes, and other 
 Scots fugitives residing there; but they had advertisement of it 
 beforehand. There was also a quo warranto issued out at the 
 king's attorneys instance against the charter of Berwick, as for- 
 feit by this misdemeanour of resetting, and also because they 
 had refused to surrender, as many burrows and corporations 
 had done. But the king's difficulty lay in this, tnat, by a 
 clause in their charter, they can only be judged by an inquest 
 of twelve burgesses of their own town : Yet, in Nov. 1684, hav- 
 ing debarred sundry of the Whig party by excommunication, 
 for not keeping the church, they, by a vote, surrendered their 
 charter to the king." (Fountainhalrs Decisions, i. 304.) Dec. 
 8, 1688, York and Berwick declared for a free pariianient. 
 (Lady Russel's Letters, p. 187.) 
 
 " Circuit Court, Dunse, Sept. 29, 1684.~Thc Lords being 
 informed, by depositions, Ax. that several rebels and fugitives 
 were reset in the major's house of Berwick, resolved to write 
 to the committee." — " Jedbnrg, Wth Ortoher, 163'4.— I7f jn n 
 letter from the <rovefnor of Ber.vick, signifying tha' he wa«i ii- 
 formit Polwart had not made his escape as yet, and ihal tlse 
 minister of the said {.aroch co.jid give notice thereof, thi* lortis 
 ordered the miiirter of the Mid kirk to he cii'-d before therf; 
 v-zhc compearing deponed '.hai he had not tee» lol.van sinct, 
 bin eccep" r.rd the :«ean-h i,nde for him, and vhat he krew not 
 wh';.'=. he wa-« or rou d be (cind. ' (Minutes of Circui. Couit 
 for O'rtvicir/hir :!, &.,.) - Polwaii leti his concealment ni his 
 «WB r.ouse acou: the time of Motbeth Fair, a few days after 
 Jcrvwwood's execution. (Lany Murray's Memors, p. 41, 42.) 
 Vrviswood was executed on 'an ' 4*h December, 1684. 
 
 In the roe\.^ iLvo.e. Mr. Veitch, knowing nothing of 
 the news, or ot i.ieir resolutions, went confidently 
 along ti e Llveot tj his lodgings, in order to his going 
 out of 'o v.. Ii.i.aeward, in company with Mr. Temple, 
 his Hndio-i. Tiiey see the mayor, who was brcther- 
 in-iaw i3 bi': . Temple, going up street to his house a 
 little before them ; upon which Mr. Temple says, 
 " Yonder is the mayor going to repay your visit yes- 
 ternight, and take his leave of you." When we came 
 into the hall v,'iisie ?lr. Lowk, the mayor,* was stand- 
 ing, he sa}s, " lir. Veitch, I'm come to tell you great 
 and strar.ge news: the Earl of Argyle is escaped out 
 of Edinburgh CaPtle, and it's thought he is either for 
 i.i.5 ov.a HigLla.;ds or London." Mr. Veitch smiling 
 i iit it as a i:i3Te ciory, says lie, " You need not doubt 
 ;]!, for I ho.\e :e;jj the express just now at the post- 
 housv?." 
 
 The rnaia j^ '.arc «r2« just over against that lodging, 
 I at.d ere drums h i t nj ,i:krd, the mayor says, " Let us 
 go up stairs and see what the matter means." He 
 opening the cas^.f.eiif, one tells him that it was for 
 doubling the jjuaras. lie, still looking out, perceives 
 the governor, and t\e oil'i^bre, with an additional party 
 of guards, coming ap. "} he governor oomes from 
 them to a barber's shop \Lzt 3 ci ..lier kept, belonging 
 to Mr. Temple, and inqui-cs >*' h'm- if Mr. Veitch 
 lodged in that house. He ilsclar^c, h*. knew nothing 
 of it. "Vv'ell," soys he, " hold y u: pr-.ace." The 
 fellow, when he is gix\e, palling to Lid half-door, and 
 going down street, comes about to a tack in ry of Mr. 
 Temple's house, and calling him down telh^ d.e sto* \ 
 At which Mr. Temple comes quickly vijt atalrs, and 
 acquaints us, that all this was a-doing to so.-ure the 
 town, in order to the searching for Mr. Ve'v:..'i an. .. r- 
 gyle, if he was with him. At which the fn /or, like 
 one in a surprise, without speaking one wrf , 'lisUi^a 
 down stairs, and goes home, thinking they \; u d pri«- 
 sently be at him for a wariant, which ui   aid rot 
 give without two justices, according to th'^ "-v f t:i3 
 place. One of them he knew was gon; :or X* v^ac- 
 tle ; he sends his boy to the other, desiring ^»'m i • all 
 kindness, quickly to go out of (own, and no*. *,i X'/un 
 that night. The boy was not Vvell 3JTie \&cr,'i.'hin 
 the governor and officers came to the x::a)'oi, rj^ .ir.i.g' 
 a warrant. " O," says he, "by iAl msans; nt 
 calling his boy, " Run," says he, '• for thes2 two ; i^^- 
 tices, and bring them hither quickly." The boy af,ir 
 a space returning, told they were both out o:; tjw f 
 and would not be in till to-morrow. " 'Vjll." ui y? 
 the mayor to the governor, "you know I can q;!ve if 
 warrant till they come ; and you, having doubled h . 
 guards, may secure all till then." 
 
 In the mean time, Mr. Temple carried Mr. Vei^/ h 
 through back-ways to the curate's beadle's hc>'»i3<, 
 where the wife being fanatic undertook to Eec;i6 
 him ; and he dined with one skipper Mitchel, who had 
 a great tobacco ship lying over against one of tH4 
 gates of the town walls; and had liberty from vho 
 mayor and governor that the gate might not be shut a£ 
 the rest until ten of the clock at night. Betwixt two 
 and three of the clock in the afternoon, Mr. Mayor 
 comes in surprisingly upon Mr. Veitch, bringing some 
 bottles of wine with him ; and, his man being put out 
 of the room, telling him all he had done for his securi- 
 ty, drinks a glass to his safe delivery, and says, smil- 
 ingly, " I can do no more for you, but commit you to 
 your fanatic frisnds:" and so takes his leave. Mr. 
 Veitch desires him to send Samuel Shell, the town 
 solicitor, to him, which he did ; and he being Mr. 
 Veitch's acquaintance formerly at London, was very 
 careful to do him service, and told him that this night, 
 
 * 1677 and 1679, commissioners of sui)ply for the burroughe 
 of Berwicke-upon-Tweede: John Lucke, maior for the time 
 being, Daniel Collingwood, Sir John Fenwicke, Robert Wat- 
 son, &c. John Lucke and Robert Watson were also commission- 
 ers in 1688-9, and 1690. (Statutes of the Realm, y. 819, 916: 
 vi. 41,121,199.) 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 iSl 
 
 his brother, the town-clerk, had a child to be buried 
 with torches, where all the leading persons who were 
 his friends in town would be ; and there they would 
 consult the best way of his escape, which they did : 
 causing two honest boatmen lay their boat to the off- 
 side of the tobacco-ship before-mentioned, betwixt 
 •even and eight of the clock at night; and two mer- 
 chants, when they knew all was ready, went out at 
 that gate talking about the cargo-buying, to blind the 
 two sentries that stood upon the wall above the door 
 head : and finding no ditficulty, came back and took 
 Mr. Veitch and put him in the ship's boat, which the 
 Skipper had laid at the key, which carried hin: out to 
 the far side of the ship, and put liiin in tlie other l)oat, 
 which landed him in Tweedmouth, where he had left 
 his horse and riding gear, and getting two friends 
 there, they accompanied him six miles to Mr. Luke 
 Ogle's house,* the outed minist.fr of Berwick, who 
 laughed heartily at the story. It being Thursday's 
 night, he engaged him to stay till the Sabbath was 
 over, and perform an old promise to Ittallf and his 
 lady, giving them a Sabbath day's sermon, to which 
 he assented. 
 
 But going to bed after this confusion and weariness, 
 and falling asleep, he dreamed that liis house at Stan- 
 ton Hall, more than thirty miles off that place, was 
 all on fire, which made him awake with great conster- 
 nation and trouble of mind, and think of altering his 
 resolution and taking his journey honic to-morrow morn- 
 ing, wishing it were near rising tiiiiC that he might go. 
 But hearing the clock strike two in the raorning,and that 
 it was not seasonable to trouble the house till six of 
 the clock, he fell asleep, and dreaming the same over 
 again, and awaking all in a sweat, took the doubling 
 of the dream to be a clear call to go home, which 
 next morning he did, making his apclogy to Mr. Ogle, 
 and telling him his dream, (which he said ^Yas like 
 one of his maggots) and desiring hira to .excuse him 
 at the laird and lady's hands. It being a violent frost 
 and the day short.:|: he could not riii*.; above twenty 
 miles, so that tho rext day being Saturday, it wa3 
 near night ere he go* ho-ne. 
 
 About a mile and a i alf froDi his own house, as he 
 was going up a -ane, he s^es tw. Ti.eu iiid thiee fine 
 horses meeting him. The ^c '•stn'^"'.; o: v;hom, when 
 he perceived who it was, cani"- ni'' ^r fast np to him, 
 (it was Torwoodlei'e man,"} s'iyirir'., " 0, Sir, you are 
 long looked for at your aor.si ;" wh:c'; .nade hire ask, I 
 what is the ma*.te.''r is ir.y v, ..fe r.i n r'ttmily welll" I 
 " Yes," says he,- •' bat rheie is ■* o-..^. ir;er ^ongs t j j 
 see you, vii.. Aigyli;'; and you' \r^-^ and h^ have i 
 
 been sending about the country these two days to find 
 you." Then he saw that the dream was a clear call 
 to bring him bonne. 
 
 After their meeting, and talking about matters, 
 Mr. Veitch, with his wife's consent, who was then 
 near her time, undertook ^o do his best for bringing 
 him safe to London, and advised to send his two 
 servant? to-morrow morning being the Sabbath, to 
 Newcastle, to stay there until farther orders. 
 
 Ke took Argyle, now called Mr. Hope, in disguise, 
 along v.'ith him to Millburn Grange,* where he was 
 to preach all that Sabbath day. On Monday morninor 
 he took him to a friend's house between Newcastle 
 and Newbern, where he left him, until he went on to 
 Newcastle and bought three horses for him and his 
 two servants, which cost him about £27 Sterling, 
 which Mr. Veitch paid out of his own pocket, finding 
 Mr. Hope scarce of money. Having done this, he 
 ordered Mr. Hope's two servants to go to a change 
 house in the way to Leeds, seventeen miles from 
 Newcastle, and he and Mr. Hope crossed Tyne at 
 Newbern, and went to a by-in over against Durham. 
 They called next day for the servants, and took them 
 along. On Thursday night they came to Leeds, where 
 Mr. Veitch was well acquainted. The next day 
 they went towards lloderam, thinking to lodge four 
 or five miles beyond it that night ; but the day being 
 
 * Probably at Bousden, where Mr, Og'.e hac' a pr-perty, to 
 which he retired when expel'ed iVct) Beiw'jit. ,iis ejection 
 from '.hat place at 'he Res'.oratio.', ^:;d hi^ i'MprlsoMren*. aioug 
 wilh Mr. Henry E.'-kii,e ir IGiif, r.av: r>iiCi airs'id" n.entlonea. 
 (See above, p. 6C, 7'1 ) He vrj c'ler' x t-.t \ z.:Ai cf Lang- 
 ton ill ihe Merse, durrij^- tii: c. ■•...''. i".'lulg ;;ite in 1679, but 
 this being quickly TV'th','.'r.v. , ne hrc i-eti ^.^eu ta his o'd re- 
 treat. Upon Kii.g ifioiiE tG'''r.''*ioi. ..; r/rt "nvited again to 
 Berw'.ck, and fi::irf, -J.'ie hue', a nuu.rons Congregation. In 
 King William's tiire be h.-.d rails bo'.- t:-oi'i Kelso and Edin- 
 burgh, but' couici !:o*. It y /s '£.:' led o:. '.c leave Hsrwick, " where 
 Got. had signally »-i'n.LV'e-|, ind owned ajjd blessed him. 
 There he lived beloved, t.na dixl much !anieiite.-5 in April 1G96, 
 aged sixty-sis," ^!'<icti-cor.l':-r'>iis''s Meiiional, ii. 244, 246, 
 253.) He is vcr/ artectlcnate!} mentioned by Waiter Pringle 
 of Greenknow, (IV^eir^o'r, p. I?-.' 
 
 + Mr. Gabriei Seri.p'- uf '.rid.ts his sscond wife, Margaret, 
 daughter of Sir Rcb Jrt Ker of ; >!1. 
 
 t It was the i.3d of December. 
 
 II Previously to the fact for which the Earl of Argyle was 
 brought to trial, the Duke of /ork and his party had testified 
 their hostile intention tovards !iir;!, both on his father's ac- 
 count and his own well-knjwn zerd for tlie protestant religion. 
 (Fountainhall's Decis. i. 1^1. Wodri^w. ii. 205.) On this 
 account some of his fri.-nds had urged him to retire into pri- 
 vate life; but, trusting in his 'oyalty and innocence, he refused 
 to comply ^vith their fidvi;;o. (Paper by Andrew Donaldson, 
 Wodrow, MSS. Ixxv. Art. 10, Adr. Library.) When called in, 
 as a member of privy council, to tnke that self-contradictory 
 oath, the Test, he dcclajcd that he " did take it as far as it is 
 
 consistent wilh itself and the protestant religion; and that he 
 meant not to bind up himself, in his station, and in a lawful 
 way, to wish and encleavour any alteration he thought to the 
 advantage of the church and state, not repugnant to the protes- 
 tant religion and his loyalty." (Act. Pari. Scot. ix. App. p. 47; 
 comp. Wodrow, ii. 206, 207.) For refusing to retract this 
 declaration, so honourable to him as a protestant a:id a pat- 
 riot, he was immediately deprived of all his offices; upon tvhich 
 (says Lord Fountainhall,) " he, wilh great magnanimity, firm- 
 ness, and constancy of spirit, answered, 'Seeing he could not 
 serve his Majesty and the royal family any more in his counsels 
 within doors, he should never be wanting to do them all Ih? 
 service in his power without doors." (Decis. i. p. 160.) But, 
 determined to put his loyalty to a still severer test, the govern- 
 ment brought him to trial for the above declaration; and, on 
 the 13th ot December, 1681, he was found guilty of treason! 
 " There was a great outcry against the Criminal Judges, their 
 timorous dishonesty. The Marquis of Montrose was chancellor 
 of his assize. Sir George Lockhart called it lucrative treason, 
 to the advantage of church and state; and admired how a man 
 could be condemned as a traitor for saying, he would endeav- 
 our all amendment he can to the advantage of church and 
 state." Even those who thought the words deserved some 
 lessor punishment, called it " diabolical alchemy to screw them 
 into treason." (Ibid. i. 166.) "December 20, 1681. This 
 pvenlnp;, about nine o'clock at night, the Earl of Argyle, fear- 
 ing his life might be taken, escaped out of the Castle of Edin- 
 burgh under the disguise of a page, and holding up the train of 
 Ltdy Sophia Lindsay, his step-daughter, and sister to the Earl 
 of Balcarhouse." (Ibid. p. 167.) On the 23d of December, the 
 crimiuEl court pronounced sentence of death against him. 
 (Ibid. Wodrow, ii. 214.) Lord Halifax told Charles II. that 
 " he understood not the Scotch law, but the English law would 
 not have hanged a dog for such a crime." (Fountainhall's 
 Diary, p. 21.) Both Charles and his brother endeavoured af- 
 terwards to excuse their conduct in this affair. The latter 
 pleaded, as his reason for refusing the intercession of Lauder- 
 dale in behalf of Argyle, " that he would not be diverted, to 
 make friends for himself, from pursuing the king's interest." 
 Charles, on the other hand, thought fit to issue out a proclama- 
 tion for apprehending my lord Argyle, " that, if it missed his 
 person, it might convince the world, at least, he was satisfied 
 with the Duke's management." (Life of King James II.) 
 " What an aflecting picture of brotherly love!" says Lord John 
 Russel. (Lifp of Lord William Russel, ii. 15.) 
 
 On escaping from the castle, Argyle, by the direction of Mr. 
 John Scot, minister of Hawick, rode straight to the house of 
 Pringle of Torwoodlee, who sent his servant along with him to 
 conduct him to Mr. Veitch. (Wodrow, ii. 212, 490.) 
 
 * In August, 1684, Mr. Robert Leaver, ejected from BoJam, 
 the parish in which Haniam is situated, " was apprehended at 
 his inn in Gateshead, for being the preacher at a conventicle 91 
 Mr. George Horsley's of Milhum Grange, a gentleman of 
 family and fortune, who spared neither his pains, nor pur»e, 
 nor person, to serve the interest of religion among the de- 
 S))ised nonconformists, and was a considerable sufl'erer, paid 
 JC60 for two sermons preached at his house in one day, 
 by Mr. Owen and Mr. Leaver." (Palmer's Noncon. Mem. 
 ii. 247.) 
 
452 
 
 MEMOIRS OP WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 very rainy, and he complaining he was wet to the 
 skin, and seeing we must take up at Rcderam, we re- 
 solved to take the post house, as least suspected, rath- 
 er than ?. by-inn. 
 
 We were not well in our chamber, and got some 
 faggots to dry us, when a l'veryr:»an, w^il mounted, 
 and calling for the hostler, asked briskly, " Came 
 there not here soine gentlemen shortly I" which put 
 us all in fear. But, alter inquiry, it was some jrentle- 
 man's servant, who, having seen us before them upon 
 the ro?d, and, thinking we might call at the post house 
 and take up the best rooms, had sent this fellow to 
 see. Mr. Veitch, call'ng for a flagon of ale and a 
 bottle of wine, and some bread, called for the landlord 
 landlady to drink with them, and talked a little, asking 
 for several gentry in the countr}', how far they lived 
 from that place, telling them that they were relations 
 to some of his neighbour gentry in Northumberland. 
 This he did, that the landlord and landlady might 
 know they were Englishmen, which happened well; 
 for while we were at supper, the postboy, coming in 
 from Doncaster, gave his master a letter from that 
 postmaster, which after he had read, he at length 
 reached it up to the table head to Mr. Veitch, who 
 was silting there as chief gentleman of the company, 
 having Argyle's page, new ir disguise, standing at 
 his back. After Mr. Veitch had vead it with great lei- 
 sure, he was almost nonplussed what to think or 
 say: for the narrative of the letter was to tell, that 
 Argyle was escaped out of his castle, and there was 
 j6500 Sterling bid for him, whosoever should apprehend 
 him. " If you find him," [said the postmaster in his let- 
 ter] " and apprehend him in yo-ir road, let me go snips 
 v/iih yoa ; and if I find him, you shall go snips with 
 me." He [Mr. Veitch] broke out by way of laugh- 
 ter, ind said, " Mr. Hope, here are admirable good 
 news for you and me. The Earl of Argyle is escaped 
 ly these news ; we that are travelling southward may 
 come to hit upon him ; for if he be come to England, 
 he will readily take byways, and if we hit upon him, 
 J^£00 reward will do us good service : only 1 fear he 
 ride much these moonlight mornivgs. I could find in 
 my heart to give my landlord a bottle of sack, to let 
 his hoptler direct us early 'n the way to Clown, and I 
 promise him, if we find the prize he shall share of the 
 reward." To which the landlord replied, " The host- 
 ler is at your honour's set vice." So Mr. Veitch call- { 
 ed for a bolt'.e of sack to d-hik to '-htir good success. ! 
 They went early in the morning ■^Lw^LJ, and searched 1 
 the house, but found not one lodger. Krc they came | 
 to the Clown thsy dismissed the hostler, and break- j 
 fasted at that place. After which Mr. Veitch rent the 
 servants to the Plum.e of Feathers at Nottingham, and 
 set Argyle upon thi! horse that carried the cloak-bag. 
 So they rode that Saturd?.y's night to Mr. Willis's 
 house at Glapwell,* and staid there fill Monday. It 
 was one oi Mr. Vcitch's haunts, and he preached a:l 
 the Sabdath to the meeting. 
 
 In the mean time R'r. Veiich thinkinv upon the 
 alarm given, and that things looked raore dangerous 
 and difficult like, he thought fit to advise with an hon- 
 est old Oliverian captain, Lockycr,t (one of Colonel 
 Blood's :{: accomplices at that time,) about their safe 
 
 » Glapwell is in the parish of Bolsover.De^bjshirc. Clown 
 is a parish in the same county, f PiJkingioc's Derbyshire, vol. 
 ii. p. 361, 365.) 
 
 f See Keiinet's Chronicle, p. 116. 
 
 j Colonel Biood i: a character too es'-raordinary to he dis- 
 cussed in the cor.'ir>'d limits of a note. In the singular circum- 
 ■t&:ice8 in which pcracns are placed i.i the convulsions cf civil 
 i2i«cord, we need r.ot l>e surprised at inconsistencies, real or 
 tpparent, in the conduct of men v;hn.«e character in the onli- 
 ntry course of affaii's had bsen nn.'i-ipeachable. Many actors 
 in such scenes stand in need of the liberal treatment which 
 Cr::.inv,ell receives at the hand of the celebrated Edmund Burke. 
 "Cromwell,'' says he, •' was a n:cri in whom ambition had not 
 wiioHy suppressed, but only susjiended the sentiments of reli- 
 (iou, and the love, as far as it could consist with bis designs. 
 
 getting to London, who generously offered to conduct 
 my Lord Argyle safely thither ; which he did, bring- 
 ing him first to Battersea, four miles above London, to 
 Mr. Smith's a sugar-baker's house, whose lady was a 
 very pious, wise, and generous gentlewoman. They 
 were rich, and had no children. The servants sent to 
 Nottingham were ordered for London, to a place were 
 they should stay till further orders. Madam Smith 
 being informed who Mr. Hope was, concealed it from 
 her husband and all others ; and he passed for an ordi- 
 nary Scots gentleman. 
 
 Within a day or tv/o she sends down a note to Ma*' 
 jor Holmes, one of her great trustees in the city, to 
 provide two chambers at a good distance from one 
 another, where two friends of hers might be quiet and 
 
 of fair and honouruhle reputation. The couiitrj- was nearly as 
 well in his hands a:- iii those of Charles II. and in some points 
 much better. The tiws in general had their course, and were 
 admirably administered." (Works, vi. 14, 15, edit. 1809.) 
 
 Thomas Blood had fought, during the civil war, under the 
 stand.Ti'd of Charles I. After the ruin of the royal cause, falling 
 in, on his way to Ireland, his native countrj', with some of the 
 presbj terian ministers in Lancashire, who were then writing 
 against the violence which the sectarian army had done to the 
 king and parliament, I.e became a convert to their views. He 
 lived in Ireland quietiv, end perforriied the duty of a justice of 
 peace with g-reat opprcbation, till the Restoration, when the 
 government having forfeited th(; plcd^^e which it gave in the 
 declaration ftom Brsda, he took an active part in a conspiracy, 
 formed by some t.je.!.jbt:rs of parliaDieut, and others, who had 
 been deprived of tiicir lands. (See their Declaration in the 
 Appendix.) On the discovery cf this plot, he made his escape 
 to England, where sic contrived to live unknown as a medical 
 practitioner, under the assumed names of Dr. Allan, Dr. Clarke, 
 &c. When he was in this situation, his daring resolution was 
 
 Ormond, ii. 421.) In December, 1670, he seized the Duke of 
 Ormo-.id, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, at Haymarket, and at- 
 tempted to carry hiir. off. In the fellowing year, he made an 
 attempt to carry off the noton from the tower of London, and 
 it is thought, woal.i have cucceeded, had he not spared the 
 keeper's life. Butt/hat is £till more strange, after this treason- 
 able act, he v/as admitte^' to au interview with Charles II., par- 
 doned, and allowed to appef publicly at court, even in the 
 presfi.nce of I'rmjid. Y ritsrs have been exceedingly puz- 
 zled in atterxiptiaj to r.cc">r.r,t for this favourp.ble 'reatme.il. In 
 1680, he was tcca;pd of a co.ispiracy against the Duke of 
 Buckingham, b/'t wtiiic he ivas preparing for his trial, he sick- 
 ened and died. The .e.-ro- v .jicii ne hao inspired did not cease 
 with his life; hi^ ju*-:. 1 '.'..s 'octcd on «3 a triok; the body was 
 disintErreJ.r.td, Rfta." a strict ix>rj;'nuuon, -yasat last identified 
 as his, by the u'.cciP' xor. r'-c c^'hiipf' th ;• -b. (See Biog.Brit. 
 2J edit. ?.rt. .P?o./v, 7'here al-ro't ■'.■or,' diing written about 
 him is ccllectjd.; ?;u.<ter ippov.;"3 lo h?.7S entertained, upor. 
 the who!e, a favoL.aole -^pl^ion oi"bIs clioracter. (Life, part iii. 
 p. 38.) Crtrc? t.Tclaircs fegainst bis '' ina*chl3ss impudence, ir. 
 pr-.^tendmt- to ;;odii. cij and tenderness of conscience." (Life of 
 Ormond, li. •^3 ) 'i'veiyn, who dined 'vith him in the Lord 
 Treiisurer's aior.g, wi li se'-ji-al i'rcrr'u rob'emen, after his at- 
 ten;pc on the cov"™., ."'"y") •!' ' ht.r v.c<t cr'y a daring, but a 
 v:l!.-»ino'.i3, vim ere'"':' Vtk, : fa'se ;v »:r.to-,'ince, but very wel'- 
 spcken, antldr.T.g^rojrly ia r'-.^ir^;" IV!emr:rs, i. 413.) But 
 Evelyn was f. bcter viit-rso tzt.\ :^-d<r: of character. Blood 
 was of a restlecu 'lisro-iticT", a-.d doj: •...i '.i courage; but it Iz 
 not so evident teat 1:9 \i't C;.Tifcl. nenV c-z. cr a'together de- 
 void of a sense of reii^":.- :.. 
 
 From the following 2xu^:t cf t. 'e'li:? i-?:ii Lord Arlington 
 to the Duke of Ormond. Aug. IS, Tjfif, i'. eppears that Blood 
 was an author: " I am assured frotj e;ve.a* hands, that Blood 
 alias Mene Teksl, so called f;-oi.'i the vi:!i-i..o-i8 book he wrote 
 with that title, and soine {evr o'.Iiers oi'ths ztr:c principles, are 
 lately gone into tns-t kingdom (Irelana) ho,vt..Sf to work effec- 
 tually their wicked enoa -.ipc".' '.ho c/itJ xiiitia especially." 
 (Brown's Misccll. Auiica, p. i\4-.') In u>e '•> Icwinjf lines of the 
 satirical Marvell, " Upon Blood's stealing the. Crown," the wit 
 turns on the circumstaiice of bis having gnined admission to the 
 Tower in a clerical gsrb. 
 
 "When daring B'.cod, ifiis rent to havs r^gaiu'd, 
 Upon the Englisli diadem diVrain'd, 
 He chose the cassock, circingle, and gcwn. 
 The fittest mask for one that robs the crown* 
 But his lay-pity underneath prevsil'd. 
 And whilst ne sav"d the keeper's life, he faii'd 
 With the priest's vost:.ient had hi but p-i> o.>i 
 The prelate's c-ucl*y, the crown r.ad gene." 
 
 (IV!ailvzu.'8 WbrJu, iii. 237.) 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 463 
 
 retired for a while ; and when he sent her word they 
 were ready, she sent them to the Major's lodgings in 
 the night time. None of them knew the Major, but 
 they being set in an outer room to wait for his coming 
 down, whenever the Major came into the room he knew 
 Argyie, and getting him in his arms, said, " My dear 
 Lord Argyie, you are most welcome to me." At 
 which my lord seemed to be concerned, and said, 
 " Pray, Sir, where did you know me V " My lord," 
 says he, " I knew you since that day that I took you 
 prisoner in the Highlands, when you were Lord Lorn, 
 and brought you to the Castle of Edinburgh.* But now 
 we are on one side, and I will venture all that is dear 
 to me to save you :" And so sent each of them to their 
 several chambers, where they lurked a considerable 
 while. 
 
 None knew Mr. Hope's lodgings but Major Holmes 
 and Mr. Veitch. After some days, Mr. Veitch being 
 acquainted with the Earl of Shaftesbury, went to pay 
 him a visit. When he saw him, he took him into his 
 bed-chamber, and sitting down together, he asked him, 
 what was become of my Lord Argyie. He replied, 
 " How should I know any thing of that, my lord]" 
 Says he, " I no sooner saw your face, but I was per- 
 suaded you had brought him to the city. For when I 
 heard of his escape, and considered with myself he 
 could not be so safe any where as in London, ilwas cast 
 in my mind that you were the person that could safeliest 
 conduct him thither." Upon which Mr. Vei'.ch told liim 
 that he was in town, but his Lordship behoved to keep 
 it secret ; which he promised to do, at:d said he would 
 serve him to his power. 
 
 After the hurry about his escape was over. Madam 
 Smith brought out Mr. Hope and Mr. "Veitch with 
 him, to stay at their new house at Brentford, seven 
 miles off the city ; and not long after, several nobility, 
 gentry, and rich merchants, some ia the city of Lon- 
 don, and some elsewhere, began to meet secretly, to see 
 if they could fall upon any measures to prevent these 
 nations, and the church of Christ therein, from sinking 
 into popery and slavery, but all to little purpose, for 
 it ended in that discovery that they called Monmouth's 
 plot;-)- when several gentlemen of Scotland, and Mr. 
 William Carslairs, were taken in London, and brought 
 down to Edinburgh prisoners; sorae of tbera put to 
 torture, and the great, learned and pious Jerviswood 
 was cruelly put to death.:}: 
 
 » Major Holmes is described by Sp'ac as " an Englisliraaa — 
 a Major in the English army in Scotland. " (Account ol' 'Jo.i- 
 spir. 31, 110.) Argyie, when Lord Lorn, had distinguished hiru- 
 seif by appearing in arms for the loyal ca .sf >n 1!*53 and li)&4, 
 along with Glencairn and Middleton. (Miiitarv Mcmoi'-s of 
 the Great Civil War, p. 158, 197, 199, 215. Edin. 182??. Bail- 
 lie's Letters, ii. 377, 382, 394.) On thvs so-oanthe was favour- 
 ably received at court on the Restora<-ion ; and the sr-me cause 
 had rendered him an object of jsalo'.sy ic CroHiweH'a cincers. 
 and caused his being imprisonea on every acv? occasion. (Bur- 
 net, i. 106.) It would appear, that r,-n some of these occisions. 
 Kolmes had coiiinianded the .larty that ppprehended hi:n. 
 When Argyie, in the end of 1382, escaped to HolUnd, hie cor- 
 respondence with his friends a* heme pitied thi-ough the M<\- 
 jor's hands, who being apprehend ad araopg the Arst, and exam- 
 ined, 29th June 1683, some letters in cyphers were found with 
 him, which involved Mr. Wil'iani Spence, and eventualiy Mr. 
 William Carstairs, and occasioned thsi.- being toitured. He is 
 mentioned by bolti in their depositions. Carstairs had been 
 previously acquainted with him, and in o.^e of the !ast letters 
 which he ever wrote, caTn hiu; "honest and worthy Major 
 Holmes." (Sprat's AccouEt. p. ill. Copies of Inform, p. 172, 
 Act. Pari. Scot. viii. App. 35. Wod. ii.387, ?.88.) 
 
 t More commonly called the Ky^-house Plot. 
 
 X For Baillie of Jo'viswocd'c '.rial, sec Wodrov/,ii.379, 387, 
 450. The depositions taken l.T Scotland in relation to the 
 Rye-house plot, furnish U.-i kiiowing particulars respecting 
 IVfr. Veitch during ihe t'.Tie he wa? in London. — " Veatche 
 stayed sometimes at iV',-ols:-.> sta'jiers hous at London iiall; 
 sometimes with one Widov/ I-Tardcdstle in Morljclds." A let- 
 ter having come fron) A rg;'? 'c Major Holnies, intimating that 
 he would join with Monmouth acd follow his directions, " this 
 Mr. Veatch thought fitf lo communicate" to tiie Du'Ke of 
 Monraoutti, and obtained from Carstairs the key of the cypher, 
 that he might hand it with the letter to Ferguson, for the pur- 
 
 Mr. Hope kept himself retired still from all these 
 meetings, yet he knew their measures, and they want- 
 ed not his advice ; for he made himself known to none 
 of these great persons at London by personal con- 
 verse,* except only to Sir Arthur Forbes, the Earl of 
 Granard, and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, with whom 
 formerly he had a peculiar intimacy and friendship. 
 
 The Earl of Granard coming to London, and find- 
 ing that Argyie was lurking in it, used all means to 
 see him ; and finding out his son, the Lord Lorn, in 
 the city, intreated him to do him the favour to bring 
 them together. He replied, " It was the thing he 
 could not do himself, for he was as ignorant of his 
 lodging as his lordship, but he would speak to the 
 gentleman that brings him and his father together, and 
 see what could be done." At length Mr. Veitch be- 
 ing spoken to, and telling Mr. Hope the matter, he 
 was as desirous to meet with Granard as he was with 
 him. Upon which my lord Lorn, and Mr. Veitch, un- 
 der the name of Captain Forbes, resolved they should 
 meet and dine together at the Dolphin in Lombard 
 Street, being the ordinary place where his father and 
 he used to meet. There they spent several hours to- 
 gether, discoursing upon the times, and what they 
 thought proper for them to do to prevent the evils that 
 tlireatened both church and state. So much for the 
 first meeting. 
 
 They had only one other congress at the same place, 
 though, in the interim. Captain Forbes went hatwixt 
 them with several messages, and vs^as much caressed 
 by the Earl of Granard to go along with him to Ire- 
 land, and he would prefer him to as profitable and hon- 
 ourable a post as possible, for which the captain heart- 
 ily thanked his Lordship, but told him that in good 
 manners he could not leave the Earl of Argyie. 
 
 At the second and last congress, which they had at 
 the same place, they concluded to join with the Duke 
 of Monmouth, and the honest nobility, gentry, and 
 commons of England, that should appear for the pro- 
 testant interest, &c. Argyie heading the same in Scot- 
 land ; and the Earl of Granard in Ireland ; and that he 
 shonld, whenever Argyie appeared in the west of Scot- 
 land, send over out of Ireland five thousand trained sol- 
 diers to assist Argyie. Upon which Mr. Forbes did 
 see the two Earls pass their parole, and change their 
 walking canes upon that head. But when the time 
 came, nothing of this was performed, and what was 
 the obstruction he knows not.-j- 
 
 pose of showing it to the Duke. Veitch was also at more than 
 one meeting with his countrymen, some of whom came to 
 London in the beginning of April, and others only at the be- 
 ginning of May 1683. (Act. Pari. Scot. viii. App. p. 34, 36.} 
 
 * Ses Gordon of Earlston's relation, in Sprat's Copies of In- 
 formations relating to the Conspiracy, p. 145. 
 
 t Arthur Foi-bes, Earl of Granard, was the son of Arthur 
 Forbes of Castle Forbes, who, after bearing arms on the conti- 
 nent, settled in Ireland, was created a baronet in 1628, and 
 died in 1632. Sir Arthur was the 4th son of William Forbes 
 of Corse and Oneil,and brother of Patrick, bishop of Aberdeen, 
 and John, minister of Alford, who was banished to Holland for 
 assisting at the Genftral Assembly held in Aberdeen in 1605. 
 (Douglas's Baronage of Scotland, p. 76. Lodge's Peerage of 
 Iri!and, i. p. 378, 379. Life of Andrew Melville, ii. 292. 2d 
 edit.) His son was active in transporting troops from Ireland 
 to Scotland in 1648, to join the Duke of Hamilton in his expe- 
 dition to England. (Act. Pari. Scot. vii. App. 97.) He com- 
 manded a party of horse under Glencairn and Middleton in the 
 Highlands of Scotland, when they appeared for Charles II. in 
 the years 1653 and 1654, and distinguished himself in several 
 encounters with the English. Being t:.ken prisoner ai.d con- 
 6ned in the Castle of Edinburgh, the Earl of Argyie, then Lord 
 Lorn, ai the time of his capitulation, exerted himself in procur- 
 ing hi.: liberation " for furthering his Majesty's service, 'nd for 
 personal respect to Sir Arthur." (Supplemeni to Diet, of Dec. 
 vol. ii. 687, 688. Wodrow, ii. App. p. 65. Bailiie's Letters, 
 ii. 377, 382, 394. Lodge, i. 37S, 380. Military Memoirs of 
 the Civil War, p. 161. et passim.) In February, 1660, he was 
 sent lo Brussels hy Sir Charles Coote (afterwirds Eari of Mon- 
 trath) "to assa.-e the Kin«^ of his duty, and to give him an ac- 
 count of the state of the kmgdom." (Carte's Onnond, ii. £03. 
 Erown'.s Miscellanea Aulica, p. S34.) His bytity csjccd him 
 to be employed and advanced af'.er the Restoration, In 1663, 
 
454 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 My Lord Argyle upon the prospect of the dis- 
 covery went to Holland ; * and Madam Smith, who 
 had a hand in that, also persuaded her husband to go 
 to Holland, and dwell there, from other motives ; for 
 he knew not that she had a hand in that plot : and then 
 Argyle and they lived at Utrecht together. Mr. Veitch 
 came from London down to the North to see his fam- 
 ily and friends about fourteen days before it broke out,-)- 
 and so escaped being taken with the Scotch gentry ; 
 and after he had wearied himself in hiding, sometimes 
 in one place, and sometimes another, he was necessi- 
 tated to steal over to Holland. His brother Mr. James 
 and his wife being banished by the Duke of York, and 
 coming to his house at Stantonhall, being afraid to 
 stay there, went along with him.:|: 
 
 Mr. Veitch met there with his old friends, Mon- 
 mouth, Argyle, Earl of Melvil, Lord Polwart, Tor- 
 woodlee, James Stewart, and many others, who did, 
 by the instigation of friends from both nations, not 
 only before but especially after the death of King 
 Charles, contrive Monmouth's coming to England, 
 and Argyle's to Scotland, to oppose King Jaiiiea's car- 
 rying on his malicious designs of bringing the nations 
 back again to the see of Rome. Both of them had 
 great promises sent them of assistance, but it turned lo 
 
 he was sworn in a member of the Privy Council; in 1670, mr.de 
 Marshal of the army; in 1675, Viscount Granard; and in 1664, 
 Earl of Granard. (Lodge, i. 381, 382.) Veitch is mistaken in 
 calling him Loid Lieutenant of fieland: he never held that of- 
 fice, but he was on several occasions one of the two Lords Jus- 
 tices. (Lodge, ut A-^ffa.) Though loyal, he was decidedly 
 attached to the protestant religion, and favourable to the ores- 
 byterian ministers in the North of Ireland. It was through his 
 influence that Charles II. granted them a sum of L.600anniially, 
 which was intrusted to Granard, and doubled at the Revolu- 
 tion. (Memoirs of Ireland, p. 39, 40. Hist. Essay on the 
 Loyalty of Presbyterians, p. 383—385. Wodrow, i. 270.) in 
 the project of the Whig Council of 1679, he was one of three 
 lords supposed lo be firm protestants, from whom it was pro- 
 posed to choose the Chief Governor of Ireland. (Carte's Or- 
 mond, p. 494, 495.) The author of the Memoirs of Ireland 
 says, that on the Duke of Monmouth's invasion, some were apt 
 to believe that Granard was in suspence whom to declare for, 
 but "the unalterable steadiness" of the Lord Primate Boyle, 
 who was one of the Lords Justices, " hindered the other from 
 deserting." Hume says, that at that time " the whole power 
 was in the hands of Talbot, the general, soon after created 
 Earl of Tj'rconnel." (Hist. vol. ix. 254. Lond. 1811.) Gates ha*! 
 marked Talbot for this employment, whence it came to be ob- 
 served, "that if Gates was an ill evidence, he was certain!/ a 
 good prophet" (Rennet's Memorial, p. 313.) At the Revolu- 
 tion the Earl of Granard adhered to James, and sat in his Privy 
 Council and Parliament in 1689; but becoming satisfied of the 
 duplicity of that Monarch and his intentions to establish popery, 
 he left him and went over to William in 1690. (Plowden's 
 Hist, of Ireland, i. 182, 189. Memoirs of Ireland, p. 39. Ladv 
 Russel's Letters, p. 214. Rawdon Papers, 326, 327.) 
 
 * " Lord Argyle, in September 1682, was pursued at Lon- 
 don, where he was on his hiding, aiid did escape." (Law's Ma- 
 morials, p. 236.) From Carstair's deposition, (Act. Pari. Scot. 
 viii. App. p. 34, 35.) and Gordon of Earlston's, (Sprat's Copiea 
 of Informations, p. 142.) it would appear that Argyle was in 
 Holland in or about December 1682. 
 
 + The first information of the plot was given by Kealing on 
 "the happy twelfth of June," 1683, says Sprat; and tlie con- 
 spirators met " on Monday June 18th, at Walcot's Lodging?, ir. 
 Goodman's Fields, to consult, once for all, what should be do .c 
 for their common safety." (Acco. of the Conspiracy, p. 89, 81. 
 Copies of Informations, p. 1.) The discovery was announced on 
 the 21st of June. (Wodrow, ii.330.) 
 
 X See before, p. 428. — The following extract relates to a period 
 soon after Veitch went to London with Argyle. — " My husbnnd 
 some weeks after sent me word what proffers he had for Caro- 
 lina, and he thought I might n)ake for going thither; which 
 bred u neiv exercise to me. I thought in my old days I *"ould 
 have no heart for such a voyage and leave these covenanted 
 lands, but at length I got submission to my God, and whg con- 
 tent if he had more service for me and mme in another land." 
 (Mrs. Veitth's Mem. MS. p. S.) Sprat represents the scheme of 
 a plantation in Carolina, by Sir John Cochrane and his as.soci- 
 •tes, as a mere disguise, under which thfy met to cany on 
 their consp'rar^' aganist the government. (Acco, of the Conspi- 
 rtcv, p. 34, 87.) The extract from Mrs. Veitch's Memoirs is an 
 adJition to the evidence in support of the reality of the scheme 
 produced by Wod.-ow, (ii. 23C.) Riid fui-nished by ihc deposi- 
 tion of ConiMis5?.ry Monro. (Act. Pari. Scot. viii. App. p. 33.) 
 
 nothing, as the public history tells. And no wonder, for 
 the one part kept not their promises, and the other par- 
 ties followed not the measures contrived and concerted 
 at Amsterdam ; to which meeting Mr. Veitch, with 
 much persuasion, brought old President Stairs : and it 
 cost him giving in bond for iBiOOO sterling to Madam 
 Smith, who lent out £6000 or £7000 more, her hus- 
 band being now dead, to my Lord Argyle and others, 
 for the better carrying on that enterprise. Monmouth 
 sent several of his friends incognito to several places 
 in England to warn them to make them ready; and 
 Argyle sent Torwoodlee to Murrayland to prepare 
 them, and Mr. Veitch to Northumberland and the 
 Scotch borders to give them notice. He had also a 
 verbal commission, and a token for showing the verity 
 of his commission from my Lord Gray to his chief 
 steward in Northumberland, to instigate him to raise 
 what forces of horse and foot he could upon his 
 charges, that they might be ready to appear when they 
 heard of Monmouth's landing in the South. Mr. 
 Veitch also had a verbal commission from Argyle to 
 procure money for buying of arms, colours, drums, 
 horses, and taking on men, especially old Oliverian 
 officers ; somewhat of all which he did, and through 
 his too much travelling through the country, and the 
 zeal of scverals in many places to rise, the matter was 
 like to take wind, so that he was forced to retire up to 
 • the mountains in the borders near Reidsd ale-head, and 
 hide himeelf from his very friends, until the season of 
 appearing cam-?. For Colonel Strother in the English 
 side getting some notice of him, sent an express to the 
 Scotch council hereanent ; and they sent an express to 
 the Earl of Lothian who commanded the militia in Ti- 
 viotdals, and io Meldrum whose troop was lying there, 
 to join with Strother in searching the suspected places 
 of the border to find him, which they did. They come 
 upon a hill called the Carter, where Mr. Veitch was 
 lying in a hut among the rocks covered with heather- 
 turfs as if they had been growing, which honest Mr. 
 ThorrrdS Steel had made up for himself, when he was 
 fovceJ to flee upon Aaron Smith's coming from Lon- 
 don upon that eiiand ;* which place he assigned unto 
 him, and he was lying in it when these great persons 
 were riding along that hill on every side of him ; for 
 no horse could ciune where he was. He was only 
 afraid of their do^s, but providence ordered it well ; 
 for they missed their mark. 
 
 The nev^B coming that Argyle was landed in the 
 Highlands, he knew not how to get the truth of it, but 
 aent one right .fbr Mr. Steel, by honest Sanders Ste- 
 venson, his rran, who came every night with milk, and 
 bread, and cheece^ to him. And they advising toge- 
 ther how to ge*; sure notice, thought it necessary to 
 send one to Edinbur;jh, to a trusty friend there, to see 
 if he coaid procure Xifo printed passes, for at that time 
 
 * Thomas Stci! was Chamberlain of Jedburgh Forest to 
 Js-ries, Marquis of Douglas. About the middle of February 
 168f<, AaroTi Smith being sent from the English Whigs to Sir 
 John Cochr.in, end other frisndsin Scotland, came, the Thursday 
 before Sh-ovs Tuesday, to Newctst'.e, vyhere Sheriff', the inn- 
 keepsrwith whom he lodged, obtained one Bell to be hisguide to 
 Jedbu."g"i», io Steil who vjm his '^Sliririfl^'s) acquaintance. From 
 Jedbi'rgh he tvus conducted to Douglas by Andrew Olipher, 
 who was previously engcgad, j.nd now on his way to bring 
 horje Steil's vrife fr.jm ths latt'.r piace. Smith not finding a 
 guide there, Mrs. Steil permi-jved Oiipher to go forward with 
 nim to Or.hillric, v/here h3 left h'.ii. He passed by the name 
 of Samuel Clerk, £.nd said that 'liwas on the Carolina business. 
 (Sprat's Account, T'PS, 184, i«^'; Copies of Informations, 154, 
 155, 153.) On the Jisoovery of thi plot, and trial of those ac- 
 cused, Steil appecrs ic have beccrcs alarmed, and provided the 
 hut above mentioned iov his concealment. Being at length 
 apprehended, he, with Andrew Olipher, was, on the 11th of 
 December 1682, examined by thi coiik'r.'.'.tee for public aflTairs. 
 On the 20th of that month, on t.ic peiiiion of the Marquis as- 
 serting Steil's innocence, r.ni u'girg the injury his Lorship's 
 affairs would suffer by his dettr.ti«:i, the Ccu.icil liberated him, 
 on a bond that hs should compear, and not leave the kingdom 
 without licence, under a penalty cf two thousand merki. (Privy 
 Council Records.) 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 455 
 
 none could travel without thenrj ; and filled up the 
 names of two persons that he sent west, one toward 
 Dumbarton, and another toward Irvine, to bring him 
 a true account, which one of them did ; but it was a 
 sad account, viz. that Argyle and his party were broken 
 at Muirdykes, and he himself taken near Paisley, 
 which occasioned no small sorrow to Mr. Steel and 
 Mr. Veitch, and to all their other friends, for they con- 
 cluded now their case to be hopeless and helpless, 
 there being no other mean in outward appearance now 
 left; and, (which put on the copestone of all,) within 
 a few days after, the news of Monmouth's being 
 broken came down to Newcastle by post, and peremp- 
 tory and strict orders to search for all suspected per- 
 sons, and to apprehend and strictly examine all tra- 
 vellers by sea and land. 
 
 After the Earl of Argyle was apprehended at Pais- 
 ley, he was carried to Edinburgh, and executed upon 
 the old sentence, without any respect had to this inva- 
 sion.* He was a person of great wit and policy, and 
 true piety, so far as ever Mr. Veitch could discern, 
 who was in his company from the time he carried him 
 from his own house (being recommended to his care 
 by the laird of Torwoodlee, who sent him to his house 
 with his own servant and horses) until he sent him 
 from Amsterdam, some weeks before he took shipping 
 there for Scotland. For, as he hath formerly hinted, 
 he bought horses at his own charge to carry Argyle 
 and his servants to London ; and furnished him mo- 
 ney both by the way and afterward. When his son 
 Charles, and black John Campbell came to London, 
 having lost a little ship that was laden by sea, called 
 the Anne of Argyle, they had nothing either to main- 
 tain them while they staid in the city or carry them 
 home, but as Mr. Veitch gave them. Also when the 
 Earl of Shaftesbury was necessitated to flee for Hol- 
 land,! ^^ ^^^^ Mr. Ferguson to fetch Mr. Veitch to 
 him, and was earnestly solicitous that he should make 
 himself ready against to-morrow's night to go along 
 with him, and he would sufficiently recompense him 
 for his pains. But my lord Argyle would by no means 
 part with him, which made him beg my lord Shaftes- 
 bury's excuse, who was not well pleased. And it was 
 a considerable loss to Mr. Veitch, for he that went 
 with him in his room, besides all other things, got a 
 hundred guineas for a few months service abroad, where 
 he died. Likewise, he was at a loss by his absence 
 from his people, and his meeting house being supplied 
 by another in his room, who got the salary. And Ar- 
 gyle and the other Scotch gentry employed him to 
 ride seven times between London and the borders of 
 Scotland in nine months time, and he had nothing for 
 it but seven pounds sterling, and spent other seven 
 pounds of my own.:}: 
 
 He would have him also to get straight to Holland 
 with him, and his trunk was sent with my lord's down 
 
 * He was executed on the 30th of June 1686. (Wodrow, ii. 
 541.) 
 
 + *' The Earl not long after chose to withdraw himself from 
 further attacks by a retreat into Holland, where he arrived in 
 November 1682. For security he applied to be made a burglier 
 of Amsterdam, on which occasion it is said, that his delenda est 
 Carthago was brought to his recollection. He died in that 
 city of the gout in his stomach, on January 22, 1683, in the 
 •ixty-second year of his age." A MS. of his on Toleration i« 
 said to be the basis of his friend Locke's Essay on that subject. 
 (General Biography, article Cooper, A. Ashley.) Sprat says, 
 Shaftesbury went down the river on the 19th of November. 
 (Account of the Conspiracy, p. 49.) 
 
 J " Jerveswood desired me some tyme last winter, cr the be- 
 ginning of the spring [1683, 1684] to acquent Torwoodlie, that 
 Mr. William Vetch in Northumberland was too openly up and 
 down, and desired that Torwoodly might acquent him soe much, 
 that he keep himself more privat, else they might get a hite of 
 him, for he heard or feared some designed" it, which Torwoodly 
 sometyme after told me he had immediately done upon the ad- 
 vertisement." (Act. Pari. Scot. vjii. App. 37. Tarras"? Deposi- 
 tion.) 
 
 to the ship. But Mr. Veitch falling that night into an 
 excessive fit of a cholic which kept him for many 
 days, his trunk was sent back. Yet, as is formerly 
 hinted, he followed him shortly to Holland, after he 
 had visited his family and friends in the north ; and 
 wailing on him in that country, with the things he 
 bought there to prepare him for his undertaking for 
 Scotland, he spent ^50 sterling of his own money. 
 And, moreover, as has been hinted, upon his desire, 
 when he parted from Amsterdam to execute his com- 
 mission in Northumberland and the borders, he gave 
 him not one sixpence of all the money and gold he had 
 borrowed either to bear his charges, or buy the arms, 
 and do the other things that he instructed him about, 
 viz. giving to some old Oliverian officers fifteen, and 
 some twenty guineas a-piece, to engage them and 
 fit them for that service, some eleven pounds, some 
 ten, some four. To many he gave pistols and swords, 
 and money to buy furniture of that nature. He also 
 provided colours, a pair of which he had kept till after 
 the Revolution, and showed them to the Duke of Ar- 
 gyle, his son. The waiting upon Argyle also, so long 
 together, occasioned him to lose j6l20 sterling of lent 
 money, with the interest of it, to Mr. Horsley of Mill- 
 burn Grange,* not having a security upon his estate 
 for it, and the creditors upon his death running away 
 with the executry, when Mr. Veitch was abroad ; so 
 that all the money from the very horses that he bought 
 at first, and the other things narrated, was never paid 
 to Mr. Veitch, nor any of his, to this day. 
 
 Besides all this, any body would think that Mr. 
 Veitch deserved a considerable reward for venturing 
 his life and fortune over again, being but lately reliev- 
 ed out of that danger, and leaving his wife big with 
 child within a few weeks of her time, and a numerous 
 family to subsist upon a very small farm that there he 
 was redacted to, being exhausted and impoverished by 
 his former imprisonment and other troubles, where his 
 life was at the stake. 
 
 But though these things were represented to his 
 son, the late Duke of Argyle, who gave Mr. Veitch 
 many repeated promises to reimburse him, and an ac- 
 count only of his real outlayings there was left in his 
 custody with a letter subjoined, which no doubt his 
 executors found among his papers, yet never was there 
 any thing done ; and Mr. Veitch may say that some 
 of his children, to whom he had been very kind, gave 
 him frowns and summons upon false grounds, and re- 
 proaches behind his back, instead of thanks. 
 
 This I confess to the commendation of the suffering 
 Earl, that, walking with him in Madam Smith's gar- 
 den at Brentford, in an unexpected discourse, he ac- 
 knowledged to Mr. Veitch his great kindness in ven- 
 turing over again his all in the world, yea his life, to 
 serve him, who was never acquainted with him for- 
 merly ; and that he not only resolved to give him a 
 free farm, worth about four hundred merks per annum, 
 lying near Campbeltown, as he remembers, disponed 
 to him and his posterity for ever, for that good service 
 he had done him ; and that it should be mentioned in 
 the disposition, that his posterity might always show 
 kindness to Mr. Veitch's posterity; and if Mr. Veitch 
 had sought a bond of him, he, without doubt, had 
 given him it. But he never dreamed of such a thing, 
 thinking always they would live together afterwards, 
 and the thing would be done. 
 
 The Duke of Monmouth was apprehended hiding 
 himself among long braikers or ferns in the field, 
 shortly after the defeat of his army ; and public his- 
 tory gives an account of his execution. It was never 
 heard (after Lauderdale had procured his being ban- 
 ished from the court when he came out of Scotland 
 after Bothwell Bridge, without so much as coming to 
 court, and going instantly to Holland) that ever he 
 
 * See before, p. 451. 
 
456 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 saw the king's face, except once before his majesty 
 died ;* when, being deeply impressed and troubled in 
 his mind anent the Duke of York and his Jesuitical 
 cabal's plotting how to take the king off the stage, 
 which made him resolutely and generously venture to 
 come over to London incognito, he sent for the lord 
 Allington, then governor of the Tower of London, 
 being his great friend and favourite ; tellinor him, that 
 he must needs go lo the king and acquaint him, that 
 he is in town, and has a business of great importance 
 to impart to him. Upon which his majesty sent him 
 word with the bearer when and where to meet him. 
 The matter was, that he was credibly informed that 
 there was a design laying by the Duke of York and 
 his cabal, to cut him off, and he could not but venture 
 all that was dearest to him to come and acquaint him 
 therewith. At which the King was a little struck and 
 amazed, not so much from his not being apprehensive 
 of the thing, as that it should have come the length 
 of his ears when abroad, and that he should have 
 showed so much kindness as to make such a danger- 
 ous adventure to inform him. So that after they had 
 discoursed to the full, ere they parted, the king gave 
 him as many jewels out of his cabinet as were valued 
 at ten thousand pounds sterling, and a secret order to 
 his cashier to pay to the lord Allington, for the use of 
 a friend of his, ten thousand pounds sterling, as it is 
 said : so he returned incognito again to Holland. 
 
 This alarm put the King upon a more serious inquiry 
 anent this matter, and finding several things that in- 
 creased his fears, he sent one of his domestic servants 
 to the lord Allington to desire him to come at such an 
 hour, which being late at night, he thought it would 
 be the most quiet and unknown, and undiscovered. 
 But it proved not so ; and the reason that was fre- 
 quently given for it was this, that the Duke of York 
 had so awed, influenced, and bribed all that used about 
 the king, even to the meanest station, that nothing 
 could be done now by the king, never so secretly, but 
 it came presently to York's ears, so that he was not 
 only able to carry on the foresaid design, but to frus- 
 trate all opposition thereunto. 
 
 Now the king's business with Allington was this — 
 to take his advice, he being a wise man, and one of 
 his greatest confidants at that time, about what meas- 
 ures he should make use of to prevent the Duke of 
 York and his cabals destroying of him ; for he saw now 
 it was inevitably a-coming. To which Allington re- 
 plied, " Sir, you have brought it upon yourself, by 
 your turning out Monmouth out of all his places, es- 
 pecially his command over the guards about your per- 
 son, and suffering such to be put in who were York's 
 creatures." " But what shall I do now 1" said the king 
 — " Sir," said he, " I neither can nor dare advise you in 
 that matter ; for if it be heard, as likely it will, it may 
 hasten both our ruins." The king promised solemnly 
 to keep it secret, and would not part with him till he 
 told him, and that he would presently put them in ex- 
 ecution ; and whatever befel him he should never dis- 
 cover or wrong Allington ; and they paroled upon it. 
 
 * Veitch appears to have forgotten Monmouth's reception at 
 court after the Ryehouse plot. Wcllwood expressly says, that 
 King Charles " Drought nim back to court after the ferment 
 (about the plot) was a little abated;" and adds, " All the time 
 Monmouth was absconding, and when there was a proclamation 
 out for apprehending him. King Charles not only knew where 
 be was, and sent him messages every day, but saw him several 
 times in private." (Memoirs, p. 166, 167.) That Monmouth 
 had an interview with the king a short time before the death 
 of the latter, as stated by Veitch, is confirmed by the following 
 passage in Carte. "Though the Duke of York was a princi- 
 pal means in bringing his Majesty to recnl the Duke of Or- 
 mond, yet, within a month after the king had notified that re- 
 solution, the Duke of Monmouth was sufl'ered to come over 
 into England, and admitted to a private Interview with his 
 Maje&ty, who, to remove his roval highness from about him, 
 determined to <end him to hold a parliament in Scotland, on 
 March 10th following." (Carte's Life of Ormond. ii. 539.) By 
 comparing this with p. 536-;-538, it appears that this interview 
 
 " Now," says he, " Sir, my advice is this, that seeing 
 within a few weeks the appointed time will be that 
 the Duke of York is obliged to go to Scotland, to 
 hold the next session of his parliament, take care to 
 give him his commission, and send him timeously 
 away ; and when he is there, send for Monmouth, re- 
 store him to all his places, and remove from the court 
 all persons that are suspected to favour York's inte- 
 rest, as also, out of your guards, and double them. 
 When this is once done, he being in Scotland, we will 
 see then what is farther to be done." 
 
 This proved a costly advice to them both, for no 
 doubt but there were some overhearing behind the cur- 
 tain, who told all to York, as appears by the event. 
 A little after, the king sends for his brother, telling 
 him he must make ready to go down for Scotland, the 
 time drawing near for his keeping the next session of 
 their parliament, he would presently expede his com- 
 mission, and upon such a day he must take journey. 
 At which discourse the duke seemed to be much dis- 
 pleased, telling his majesty it was a thing he could not 
 at all undertake at this juncture ; for he having a great 
 trade at Calais and other foreign places, and many 
 years' accounts to clear with these foreign factors, 
 wherein he and other great merchants in the city were 
 concerned, being now upon their journey, he must 
 needs stay to clear with them, and therefore desired 
 earnestly to be excused. To which the king replied, 
 " James, either you mast go, or I must go." And 
 speaking these words with a kind of question, the 
 duke as briskly replied, " He would not go ;'' and so 
 took his leave. Then going home, and calling his 
 friends and cabal, he told them what passed ; and that 
 he perceived the king resolved to follow Allington's 
 measures. After which, his cabal he trusted in re- 
 solved among themselves, that they would go to their 
 houses, and put them in such a posture as that they 
 might return within so many hours; no doubt, to such a 
 secret place where they might sit without parting, un- 
 til they had defeated the king's resolutions, and brought 
 their purposes, if possible, to the intended issue. And 
 if the information be true, which the event seems to 
 make probable, they all unanimously resolved to begin 
 with Allington, and see if they could take him ofl!" by 
 poison ; which they did by bribing his cook and mas- 
 ter-household ; which took place, and, if my memory 
 fail not, says the relator, he either died on the Friday's 
 night or morning.* For York had a spy to tell him 
 so soon as ever his breath went out ; and the cabal re- 
 solved, that if the business took, the Duke of York 
 should be the first that should carry the news to the 
 king, lamenting such a heavy loss, to blind the matter. 
 And it is said that he made such haste, for fear any 
 should be before him, that he ran to the court at the 
 nighest, with one of his shoes down in the heel, and 
 one of his stockings untied. Yet he was prevented, 
 for one of my lord's servants had just come in before 
 him, and told that his master was dead suddenly, and 
 undoubtedly poisoned. York coming in in the mean 
 time, not hearing this, made his lamentation that Al- 
 lington, his friend, was dead ; a very sad stroke to 
 the court. " Ay," says the king, " and his servant 
 
 must have taken place in November or December, 1684. The 
 king died on the 6th of February, 1685. 
 
 » "In 1682, William, lord Alington of Killard, in Ireland, 
 was created lord Alington of Wyniley, in Hertfordshire. He 
 was constable of the Tower when the earl of Essex was there 
 found murdered, and died of poison, as it i.i believed, two or 
 three days before King Charles II." (New Peerage of Eng- 
 land, Scotland, and Ireland, ii. 340.) He married lady Diana 
 Russel, sister of William, lord Riissel, and Widow of Sir Grevil 
 Verncy of Compton Verney, in the county of Warwick. (Rus- 
 scl's Life, p. 14.) Notwithstanding his connexion with the fam- 
 ily of Russel, he appears to have been a steady adherent to the 
 court. (A. Marveil's Works, ii. 559. Oldniixon's Crit. Hist. 
 ii.352. Statutetof the Realm, v.900,901.) Lady Russel often 
 mentions her " sister Alington," and refers to lord Alington'a 
 death in two letters to Dr. Fitrwilliam. f Letters, p. 51,99,100.) 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 4W 
 
 thinks he was poisoned : I wish you have not a hand 
 in it, of which, if I were sure, you should presently go 
 to the Tower; for I am like to be next." But the 
 duke intreated his majesty to have no such thoughts, 
 and, acknowledging his fault in refusing to go to 
 Scotland at their last meeting, said, he was now re- 
 solved to comply with his majesty's commands, and 
 take journey next week for Scotland, come of his busi- 
 ness what would : and therefore desired his majesty 
 to expede his commission next week, that he might 
 not be hindered. Now these were the words that he 
 and his cabal had concerted further to blind the king 
 withal, that so they might better effectuate their next 
 resolution. 
 
 The king believing' him to speak seriously, and, 
 that he might yet accomplish what Allington had ad- 
 vised him, when the duke was gone for Scotland, or- 
 dered his commission to be instantly drawn, that he 
 might go down to hold the foresaid parliament. In the 
 mean time, the duchess of Portsmouth, his present 
 miss or whore, that the king of France had sent him, 
 and who influenced him as she pleased to the French 
 measures, not being pleased with the Duke of York's 
 maltreating the king in refusing to go to Scotland, his 
 cabal thought fit that the duke should go to her and 
 acknowledge his rashness with tiie king, and beg that 
 she would interpose for their amicable reconciliation, 
 which she promised to do ; and telling her that, he be- 
 ing to go away upon Monday or Tuesday next to obey 
 his majesty's commands in Scotland, the best way and 
 time to do it was to sup with her grace on Sabbath 
 night, and she might invite any of the court there that 
 she thought fit; to which she consented. When he 
 came back, and told his cabal what was done, they 
 said, " Then our business is like to do." So they or- 
 dered the duke to send a good quantity of ail sorts of 
 wines and good liquors, especially claret, which the 
 king loved ; that so she might be induced to entertain 
 them liberally and long that night. And, the king be- 
 ing sotted with drink, it being usual, in such a case, to 
 drink a good deal of coffee for a cure, they had liber- 
 ally bribed his coffee-man to poison his coffee; and 
 some of York's faction, in that case, when he was so 
 drunk, was to advise the duchess to keep him all night, 
 to save him the trouble of going to his own room. 
 Likewise knowing that, in the morning, wiien he first 
 awaked, he made use of much snuff, they hired the 
 duchess's chambermaid to put in the poisoned snuff 
 into his box, and take out what was in it before. And 
 so nothing doubting but their design now would take 
 place, they ordered a spy to give an account of his car- 
 riage when he awaked, timeously, before any of the 
 court should know of it. When he awaked he cried 
 out " he was deadly sick," and calling for his snuff- 
 box, he took a deal of it; but still growing worse, he 
 sent for his servants to put on his clothes, which when 
 they were doing he staggered. So he got to the win- 
 dow, and leaned upon it, crying, " I'm gone, I'm poi- 
 soned ; have me quickly into my chamber." 
 
 The duke getting notice, came running in haste, all 
 undrest, to lament liis brother's fate, saying, " Alas ! 
 Sir, what's the matter 1" who answered, " O, you 
 know too well," and was in great passion at him. In 
 the mean time, he called for his closet-keeper to fetch 
 him out an antidote against poison, that a German 
 mountebank had given him and assured him it would 
 instantly cure him whenever he suspected it; but it 
 could not be found, neither his physicians, being, as it 
 was thought, sent out of town. When he saw all these 
 things fail him, being enraged at his brother, he made 
 at him; but he having secured all the entries to the 
 court, that the sentry should tell, if any courtiers or 
 bishops, upon the news, should offer to come in to see 
 how the king was. They were to tell them that he 
 was gone to bed out of order, and had discharged all 
 access to him that he might be quiet. And in the 
 Boean tirne the duke seeing him in such a rage, and 
 
 that the poison was not like to do so quickly, set four 
 ruffians upon him, at which he crying out so as he was 
 heard, they presently choked him in his cravat, and so 
 beat him in the head that he instantly died. It is said 
 that his head swelled bigger than two heads ; and also 
 that his body stunk so with the poison and other things, 
 that none could stay in the room. And it is said, that 
 in the dead of the night they were forced to carry him 
 out and bury him incognito. 
 
 However the room was kept quiet, that none had ac- 
 cess to the supposed sick king, as if he had been ly- 
 ing still in bed. None was admitted to that room but 
 those who were true friends to York, who made the 
 people believe he was still alive, but dangerously ill. 
 And when his council met, and had concerted what 
 measures to follow upon the supposition of his death, 
 (an embargo being laid upon all ships for that time, 
 that none might carry abroad the rumour of his sick- 
 ness,) then they gave out the news of his being just 
 now dead toward the latter end of the week ; and, as 
 they had concerted in council, the duke of York was 
 proclaimed king. Oik; that was at court at this time, 
 and was a friend of Monmouth's, brought him over 
 this account, affirming it to be true. 
 
 The duke of York was no sooner proclaimed king, 
 but he sent over instantly an express to the prince of 
 Orange, his good-son, to apprehend the duke of Mon- 
 mouth, and send him over prisoner to England. It 
 was a strange providence that the duke, upon the 
 prince's invitation some months before, had gone up to 
 visit him, and was that night in his lodgings when the 
 express came. The prince being surprised with the 
 news at first, upon second thoughts managed the busi- 
 ness very well. He dispatched the express, and when 
 all his household was gone to bed, he put on his night- 
 gown, and went up to the duke of Monmouth's bed- 
 chamber; and letting him see the surprising news, 
 both with respect to the king and himself, he advised 
 him to get up and go away before day-break, to any 
 place where he thouglit he might be most secure, for 
 he had no mind to meddle with him. Which he did, 
 and came to Rotterdam before five in the morning, to 
 his friend and factor's house, Mr. Washington's, who 
 kept the great brewery at the sign of the Peacock, and, 
 sending for several of his friends who were there, told 
 them the strange news, asking their advice what was 
 best for him to do. They, being all struck with 
 amazement, knew not what advice to give him. He 
 told them that the Marquis de Grana, governor of the' 
 Spanish Netherlands, being his intimate acquaintance 
 at the English court, had by a message invited him 
 up to divert himself a while with him at Brussels. 
 He thought now he was called to go there, since he 
 Was not admitted to stay where the prince of Orange 
 had any power, lest it might beget a mistake between 
 him and his father-in-law. His friends thought it a 
 good providence that he should take the occasion, 
 which he did ; and going through several garrison 
 towns which were in his way thither, with his camels, 
 sumpters, and servants attending him, he was compli- 
 mented in his passage by the magistrates and gov- 
 ernors of these places. 
 
 Bat how strange is it to think, that some days ere he' 
 came there, there came a message and order from the 
 king of Spain to the marquis, giving him an account 
 that, if he heard by this time of the king of England's 
 death, he should take care to apprehend the duke of 
 Monmouth, if he were in his territories. They were 
 both surprised at their meeting, and condoled one 
 another's fate ; the one that he had got such an order, 
 that, cost him what it would, he would not execute; 
 the other, that he should have come now to put him in 
 such a lock. So in that very night he was forced to 
 disguise himself, and one of his trustiest servants, in 
 a common soldier's habit, and return again, sometimes 
 by land and sometimes by water, until he landed at 
 Dort, where two spies, Englishmen, following them to 
 3 H 
 
458 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 the inn as suspected persons, the master going up 
 stairs to a room, and his servant going into the cook- 
 ery to see what meat was for eating, he heard them 
 saying one to another in French, " That fellow that 
 went up stairs looked very like the duke of Mon- 
 mouth." Upon which the servant took up bread and 
 drink, paying for it ; and they went out by a back 
 door, when they had done, and took a waggon, which 
 brought them to Rotterdam; where they told their 
 friends what was befallen them. 
 
 What is above said seems to make it very evident 
 that the king's death was a fore-contrived thing. For 
 if the king of Spain knew of it before his messenger 
 was dispatched, as the story eviiiceth, so the popish 
 princes in other countries could not but be acqnainted 
 also, as well as the papists in England ; for it seems 
 to have been an universally laid thing, to hasten the 
 duke of York to the crown of England for advancing 
 the Catholic cause. After this, Monmouth was obli- 
 ged to lurk sometimes in Rotterdam, sometimes else- 
 where, until they had perfected tliat concert of Argyle's 
 coming into Scotland and Monmouth's into England, 
 where their friends in both nations promised to appear 
 with them for retrieving, if possible, t!ie protestant in- 
 terest that was now perishing ; and their last meeting 
 for that effect was at Rotterdam. 
 
 Here also, it is to be remarked, that the duke of 
 York, now king of England, pursued Washington, as 
 his factor, for receiving the crown jewels that the king 
 gave to Monmouth ; but he not being able to make it 
 good that Washington had received them, the pursuit 
 fell, and came to nothing. 
 
 Mr. Veitch, drawing nigher Newcastle, was in such 
 strait that he was forced to betake himself to a wood ; 
 these proclamations and penalties* putting his friends 
 in such a fear, that they durst not harbour him in their 
 houses. The harvest-aights growing cold, he got 
 some straw to lie on under him, and a great covering 
 above him all night ; which was supposed by travel- 
 lers, or any that saw it, to be the herd's, whose name 
 was Thomas Wilson; and, when JVIr. Veitch went 
 from the place of the wood where he used to be, upon 
 the noise of travellers, so that the lass that brought 
 him his meat could not find him, she was appointed to 
 cry " Tommy Wilson, Tommy ;" upon the hearing of 
 which he came and met her. 
 
 When that storm was a little calmed, he ventured 
 in to Newcastle to see his wife and family ; where he 
 met with some of his Scotch relations, that were come 
 to see them, and inquire what was become of him. 
 Some other good people in town also were there. 
 They spent together a part of the night in prayer and 
 mourning over the sad ease that now the nations and 
 church were in.| The most part of their discourse 
 was telling their fears and discouragements, and that 
 they were never like to see good days again. After 
 several had spoke to that purpose, Mrs. Veitch came 
 to tell her thoughts, — ' that, indeed, our night was 
 dark, and all things looked with a black face, but yet 
 she was persuaded that God would not leave his own 
 work, but would xaise up instruments from an airt that 
 we did not expect, to build his house, to bring back 
 the ark and the glory, and bring home his captives; 
 and siie was persuaded that she would see presbytery 
 
 * See before, p. 455. 
 
 f Bcnnet, in his Memorial, (p. 289 — ^291.) ^ives ai* account 
 of some young men in Newcastle who were brought before 
 Judge JeflVies in 1683, imprisoned for a year, and threatened 
 with a trial for hi^h treason, because the^- had subscribed a 
 paper containing rules for the better ordering of a society for 
 prayer and rehgious conference, which they nad taken from a 
 work of Isaac Ambrose. — Richard Gilpin, M.D. who was eject- 
 ed from G'raystock, in Cumberland, and had refused the bish- 
 opric of Carlisle, a person of great accomplishments, practised 
 as a physician, and preached to the nonconformists, in Newcas- 
 tle. (Palmer, i. 300.) Mrs. Veitch speaks of attending hjg 
 ministry before the Revolution. (Memoir, p. 29.) Mr. Benja- 
 niiu Bennet succeeded Dr. Gilpin as rainlstcr at Newcastle. 
 
 established, and her husband a settled minister, in the 
 church of Scotland, ere she died.' Though they lov- 
 ed the thing, yet they little believed it in the time; 
 but when it came to pass, they both thought and talk- 
 ed much of it. 
 
 Mr. Veitch, being wearied with such toil and con- 
 finement, went with one Caleb Wilkison, a Notting- 
 ham merchant and friend of his ; who carried him to 
 that part of Yorkshire lying between York and Hull, 
 and left him as a friend of his to stay in a town called 
 South Cave, with one Mr. John Chap))elle, a merchant 
 there; telling him quietly, that he was an honest man 
 under hiding, where he was most kindly entertained. 
 And there was in that town one Mr. Beak, their dis- 
 senting minister, that preached in Swanland Chapel,* 
 but durst not at this time, the heat of Monmouth's 
 business not being yet well cooled; but some weeks 
 being elapsed he began to venture. In the mean time, 
 when the Sabbath came, his landlord, Mr. Chappelle, 
 read and spake his thoughts upon the Scripture, (which 
 is usual in England,) and prayed in the fori noon. And 
 he would have Mr. Veitch, who now went under the 
 name of Mr. Robinson, to do the like in the afternoon; 
 to which he was somewhat averse, but, being urged, 
 did it. Next morning Mr. Chappelle comes to Mr. 
 Robinson's bedside, and, after inquiring how he was 
 this morning, he says, " Truly, Sir, I have been in a 
 mistake about you ; for I never took you to be a min- 
 ister till yesterday, but now I am persuaded you are. 
 and my friend did me an injury in not telling me." Mr. 
 Robinson would have dissuaded him, but it would not 
 do. He goes down to visit his minister, Mr. Beak, 
 taking his guest along with him, and, taking him 
 aside, tells him his thoughts concerning him. The 
 minister was very kind, and they kept for several 
 weeks a warm correspondence in private, till the min- 
 isters fell a preaching again in their meeting-houses ; 
 when Mr. Beak preaching in the forenoon, he and 
 some others will have Mr. Robinson to preach in the 
 afternoon. 
 
 Some of the people of Beverly being at that sermon, 
 had influenced the leadiner dissenters to send a horse 
 and a letter, inviting Mr. Robinson to come down and 
 give them a sermon ; which he was loath to do, but 
 his landlord persuading him to it, did comply. Though 
 there were many good people in it, and some of note, 
 yet the mayor, aldermen, and Sir Ralph Wharton,f 
 deputy-lieutenant, were all high tories. However, the 
 good people would have him to preach to them in a 
 by-place of the town, called Paradise, walled about. 
 They went in all before day broke; but the country 
 people, who came wandering in the day-time, seeking 
 sermon, occasioned them to be discovered. The mayor 
 and aldermen compassed the house, and the mayor 
 coming in with a sergeant at his hack, the people 
 rising to give him way, ere he came near the minister, 
 he cried, " Hold, hold ! Sir, enough of that ;" and step- 
 ped to tho end of the table next him, to lay hold on 
 the paper that one was writing the preaching upon ; 
 but, they struggling, he did not get it. In the mean 
 time, all being on their feet round about hicn, and the 
 mayor being sand-blind, so tliat he could not distin- 
 guish him from the rest, the minister was advised to 
 turn about to the other end of the table, and go into 
 another room on the same floor where the people were 
 hearing. He put on his steel-grey riding coat, which 
 was lying on the bedside, and sat down and heard the 
 mayor abusing his neighbours for being there ; telling 
 
 * Palmer (Memor. ii. 597.) mentions " Mr. James Baycock," 
 (corrected " liayock,") as many years a preacher at South Cave, 
 where he trained up several persons tor the ministry. This 
 appears to be the person called Beak by Veitch, who always 
 adapts his orthography of English names to the pronunciation. 
 Swanland is in the immediate neighbourhood. 
 
 + Sir Ralph Wharton — commissioner of supply for the east 
 riding of the county of York in 1679 and 1690. (Stat, of the 
 Realm, v. 905; vi. 188.) 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 459 
 
 them that Monmouth was not as yet well cold in his 
 grave, and they were beginning new plots against the 
 government ; and many other things to that purpose. 
 To whom Mr. Benjamin Dalton, a rich man, and one 
 in good esteem in the place, replied, " Mr. Mayor, if 
 you understood yourself, and the station you occupy, 
 you would not speak so rudely to us, and threaten us 
 so hard with a prison ; we know what you can do in 
 law, and, if you go beyond it, we know how to be re- 
 dressed." Upon which, one of the aldermen came in, 
 and called him out to the door, and he, with the rest, 
 chid him for his indiscretion, and told him only to take 
 up their names, and let them go till the court-day, 
 where they would be called to pay their fines. Mr. 
 Robinson was afraid when he heard of sending all to 
 prison, thinking then that he would be discovered ; but 
 when he heard of taking up names, he hoped that he 
 might escape. 
 
 The mayor came back with his clerk, and stood in 
 the great entry, and the clerk took all their names as 
 they passed by. Mr. Chappelle, Mr. Robinson's land- 
 lord, was the mayor's cousin-german, and both were 
 of one name. He thought fit to show himself to his 
 cousin, the mayor, before his wife, and the minister, 
 and the people that lived in that town should go out. 
 When he came to him, he got up both his hands, and 
 cried out, " O, cousin, are you here 1 I'm sure there 
 is a deep plot on foot that you are come seven miles to 
 carry on ; but, however, you may go, for I cannot for- 
 get your name if I mind my own." " Nay," says he ; 
 " I have my wife, friends, and neiglibours here, and 
 I'll go fetch them all out together ;" and, when he 
 came back, he says to the minister, " Come you next 
 after me, and let the rest follow." When he passes 
 by, the clerk writes down his name by the mayor's or- 
 der. In the mean time, the mayor takes Mr. Robin- 
 son by the sleeve, and says, " What is your name. 
 Sir ]" to which he replies, " Mr. Mayor, my name is 
 William Robinson." " Where do you live ?" This 
 question being a little puzzling, he pulls at his land- 
 lord's coat, and he, understanding the strait he was in, 
 turns about, and says to the clerk, " Write down, Wil- 
 liam Robinson of Gilbert-dykes ;" and so they went 
 out. 
 
 But Mr. Robinson would go to no house, but de- 
 sired his landlord to show him the next way out to the 
 Windmills, and send his horse after him. He lay 
 long among the bushes waiting, and seeing several 
 horsemen coming by, he skulked behind a hedge lest 
 they should be enemies ; but when they came nigh, 
 seeing them friends, he asked, if they saw his boy and 
 the horses coming. They said, "No;" but one of 
 them caused his son give him his horse, and he went 
 along with them, and the young man waited for the 
 minister's horse. So he went to that man's house, 
 which was but two miles off the town, where he dined ; 
 and, after preaching out his sermon to a number of peo- 
 ple that followed on that way, he went home at night 
 with his landlord Chappelle. 
 
 When the court-day came, the mayor sat to fine the 
 people of the town, and Sir Ralph Wharton those of 
 the country, who most part appeared, yet the preacher 
 was not found ; but they fined him, according to the 
 law, in £20 Sterling, whose name and habitation was 
 not yet known, whenever he should be found ; and if 
 he be not, to lay that fine upon the hearers proportion- 
 ably next court-day. But some of them thinking that 
 the minister might be that Robinson of Gilbert-dykes, 
 they ordered their bailiffs to go to that place, which 
 was ten miles off Beverly, and bring him, with all the 
 other absents in the country, the next court-day, which 
 was to sit at twelve of the clock. The bailiffs went to 
 the place, and happened to find a poor old man of that 
 name, who was a hedger anrl ditcher, whom when they 
 would bring away, he appealed to the next justice of 
 the peace, where he gave his affidavit that he had never 
 been in Beverly all his life, and that he was no dis- 
 
 senter; which affidavit they presented to the court the 
 next day ; and when it was read they fell all a laugh- 
 ing, and the mayor cried out, " My cousin Chappelle 
 has undoubtedly served us this trick." 
 
 It is remarkable here, that more than an hour before, 
 King James's act of indemnity, and his act for liberty 
 to all dissenters to license meeting-houses and minis- 
 ters, where, and whom they pleased, and that only for 
 paying sixpence to the next justice of the peace's 
 clerk, were proclaimed at eleven of the clock at the 
 market-cross in Beverly ; yet the court that sat after 
 twelve were going to exact the fines for the minister 
 and people. But Mr. Dalton, with some of the lead- 
 ing dissenters, went up to the Court, protested and 
 took instruments in the hands of the clerk, that now 
 their proceedings were illegal, seeing the acts of in- 
 demnity and liberty were proclaimed before they sat 
 down; and they were forced to dissolve the court, so 
 that neither minister nor people paid fin^s. 
 
 Sir Ralph Wharton, meeting with Mr. Dalton, his 
 physician, says, " How now, Dalton ; you'll have a 
 minister and a meeting-house, surely ]" " Yes," says 
 Mr. Dalton, "as soon as possible; and if we can, we 
 will have Robinson of Gilbert-dykes to be our minis- 
 ter, and then ye shall see him, though before you could 
 not find him." 
 
 It is to be remembered here, that Mr. Robinson, 
 after that meeting was taken, within a few days went 
 straight to York, and Mr. Beak, the honest minister 
 of Swanland, was pleased to accompany him, being 
 born in that city, where he met with another remarka- 
 ble deliverance. For Mr. Beak informing several of 
 the good people of that city what he was, they would 
 needs have him to preach privately to them, the lib- 
 erty not yet being come out.* He lying at the Black 
 Greyhound, near the Minster of York, a little before 
 the time that the messenger was to come about him to 
 the other end of the city where he was to preach, he 
 went over to the minster-yard to get himself trimmed, 
 and passed by a company of fine genteel sparks, who 
 looked very wistfully to him as he was going into the 
 barber's shop, whom, by a good providence, he found 
 not within, and so returned to his quarters, and went 
 away with the messenger that came for him about day- 
 going. 
 
 After the beginning of his sermon there came in a 
 gentleman and his lady, with a great lantern before 
 them, and sat down in the chairs hard by the preacher, 
 that were set for them. After sermon was ended, he 
 and some others staid to talk with the minister, to whom 
 he said, " I perceive. Sir, you are a Scotch minister; 
 was you this evening in the minster-yard 1 and saw 
 you any sparks there standing?" "Yes, I did," 
 said the minister. Says the gentleman, " One of them 
 was a Scotchman, a Jesuit priest, who knew you, and 
 thought to have resented some injury he says you did 
 him. For as soon as he saw you, he made haste to 
 get a warrant from the justice to apprehend you before 
 you got out of the barber's shop, and missing you 
 there, as I came through the minster-yard, he, with a 
 great many officers, were searching all the suspected 
 houses round about. Upon which, the master of the 
 house where he was preaching said, he should lie 
 with him all night ; and Mr. Beak should go to the 
 
 * The king's Declaration for liberty of conscience in Eng- 
 land was dated April 4, 1687. It suspended the execution of 
 all penal laws in matters ecclesiastical, acquitied the subjects 
 from all penalties which they had incurred, or might hereafter 
 be liable to, for nonconformitj', and freely gave them " leave to 
 meet and serve God after their own way and manner, be it in 
 private houses, or places purposely hired or built for that use." 
 — " We cannot but heartily wish," (says his Majesty) " as it 
 will easily be believed, that all the people of our dominions were 
 members of the Catholic church; yet we humbly thank Al- 
 mighty God, it is, and hath of long time been, our constant 
 sense and opinion, (which upon divers occasions we have de- 
 clared,) that conscience ought not to be constrained, or people 
 forced in matters of mere religion." (Wodrow, ii. App. 193.) 
 
460 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 quarters where they had lien together, which was his 
 aunt's house, and should come by daybreaking in the 
 morning with the horses to that place, and convey him 
 safely out at the gates, which he could well do, being 
 born in the city, and accompanied him a mile on his 
 way. He went toward Newcastle, to hear of his wife 
 and family, and presently returned to Nottingham, 
 there being no safety for him there; for the indemnity 
 and liberty forementioned was not proclaimed till he 
 came to Nottingham. 
 
 This Scotchman, who was now turned to be a Jesu- 
 it priest, his name was Brown, born in Sraailholm, 
 near Kelso, who being new laureate, came to Mr, 
 Veitch's house at Harnam Hall, in Northumberland, 
 and lamenting his distressed case, would be content 
 either to be a chaplain or schoolmaster, or any thing 
 he would recommend him to, for his livelihood. 
 Upon which Mr. Veitch recommended him to a gen- 
 tleman in that country to teach his children. The 
 gentleman being pious, and finding him extravagant, 
 he turned him off; and the young man being at a new 
 strait, came to Mr. Veitch to get a recommendation 
 from him to the ministers of London of his acquaint- 
 ance, that they might help him to some place or other. 
 But he refused not only upon the account of his loose 
 carriage here, but fearing he might be worse afterward ; 
 and also because some other yonng men that he had 
 formerly recommended to these ministers in the city 
 did neither answer his nor their expectation. However, 
 this youth went to London, and falling in with a popish 
 gentleman, attended his son abroad for several years, 
 and returned to England, as it was reported, under the 
 character of a popish priest; and haunting at York, 
 (for it is like the popish gentleman was a Yorkshire 
 one which made him do so,) there it was that he first 
 saw Mr. Veitch and intended to give him the foremen- 
 tioned requital. But God, who had given him many 
 former deliverances, added this also. 
 
 Within a few days after he came there, a messenger 
 brought him a call from the people of Beverly to be 
 their minister, which he complied with, though the 
 people of Nottingham had an inclination to detain 
 him. He sent back a letter with the messenger, tell- 
 ing them, that within eight or ten days he would 
 wait upon them. After his entry, the meeting grew 
 daily more numerous, which was occasioned by his 
 going up to the wild places of Yorkshire, called the 
 Wolds of Yorkshire, being invited upon week days to 
 preach among them, and they licensing great leatlis, 
 or barns, for that purpose ; so that they came down 
 from these places in companies to Beverly on the Sab- 
 bath. They had made a stately meeting-house by 
 throwing down all the divisions of four great rooms on 
 one floor ; and taking up the deals of the middle parts 
 of the lofts above, and opening great windows to a 
 yard of green ground, where hundreds of people may 
 stand and hear. All sorts of people at first were anx- 
 ious to hear; and it can be said of several of them 
 that came from such motives, they got better ones there. 
 He was several times invited to preach at Hull, 
 which is six miles off. The people declared that, to 
 their knowledge, there never was such a reformation 
 in these parts. For the justices of the peace, especi- 
 ally those that were popish, were mightily incensed 
 against it, and used all means to break it, especially 
 his preaching in the Wolds; where a popish justice 
 of the peace, on a week day, came (having threatened 
 before that he would do it) with a great company of 
 hounds and hunting horses, and long whips ; and call- 
 ed to the people that were standing without doors to 
 hold out of their way, that they might see and hear 
 that fellow, who came so boldly to debauch the coun- 
 try. But the people told them, that if they offered to 
 do any thing indecent and disturbing, or contrary to 
 law, they would resent it, upon which they retired. 
 The minister had never more satisfaction in any part 
 0f his ministerial work than he had in that place. 
 
 Having preached for six or seven months there, and 
 settled a meeting-house and a people, the like whereof 
 was not formerly, and which continues unto this day, 
 September 1688, he was strongly invited, by many let- 
 ters, to return to his native land ; they having accept- 
 ed also of king James's liberty, though they did not sc 
 soon as in England. His wife was very forward foi 
 his returning, though the people of Beverly had sent 
 for her, given her good offers, and used many argu- 
 ments to persuade her and her husband to stay with 
 them. But her heart was for her native country, and 
 she longed to see that in the performance which she 
 had promised herself formerly in her duties and wrest- 
 lings with God, and had expressed her assuranco 
 thereof. 
 
 After he had left Beverly, one of the pleasantest 
 cities, with two great and famous churches in it, curi- 
 ous and plain fields about it, therefore called the Para- 
 dise of England ; and having preached his farewell 
 sermon, where there were many tears, he, with a kind 
 of reluctancy, took his leave of that beloved and affec- 
 tionate people. 
 
 In his way home he visited his friends at Darntoun, 
 where he was persuaded to stay the next Sabbath. 
 The few godly people that were there were earnestly 
 desirous that he should stay a while with them, and 
 that he should go out upon the week days and preach 
 in the country about where he had been formerly ac- 
 quainted, viz. at Matthew Scarfield's at Jolbee, about 
 three miles south from Darnton, who was a very godly 
 man ; at Mr. Smithson's, who lived to the westward 
 four or five miles; and at one Mr. Harrison's, who 
 lived to the north-east several miles. Their importu- 
 nity made him continue longer than he designed ; and 
 though the people in Darnton could not, when he 
 came there, promise a minister above L.IO a-year, 
 they not exceeding eighty hearers at first, yet in two 
 months' time he brought them to about 400 or 500 out 
 of the country round about, who did subscribe to give 
 an honest minister L.60 Sterling per annum ,- so that 
 they were necessitated to make up a new meeting- 
 house; for the old place would not serve. And the 
 people of Scotland being impatient for his coming, he 
 left Mr. Long his successor to that people. 
 
 After all these things, he at length, all impediments 
 being removed out of the way, returned with great joy 
 and affection to his native land ; the people in the par- 
 ishes of Oxnani, Crailing, Eckford, Linton, Morebat- 
 tle, and Hownam, having joined together to give him 
 a call to preach to them, under the present liberty,* at 
 Whittonhall, which was almost the centre of these 
 parishes, the most of the hearers being within three 
 miles of the meeting-house which they there erected. 
 He entered it in April 1688, the call by that people be- 
 ing sent unto him many months before, which is here 
 subjoined. 
 
 " We, the people of the presbyterian persuasion 
 within the parishes of Hounam, Oxnam, Eckford, 
 
 * In the Proclamation of Februarj' 12, 1687, conimonlv 
 called James's First Toleration for Scotland, his Majesty didf, 
 by his " sovereign authority, royal prerogative, ana absolute 
 power, allow and tolerate ttit- moderate presbylerians to meet 
 in their private houses, and thereto hear all such ministers as 
 either have, or are willing to, accept of our indulgence allenar- 
 ly, and none other; nor are they to presume to build meeting- 
 houses, or to use out-houses or barns." This liberty was grant- 
 ed them on condition of their taking an oath prescribed in the 
 ))roclamatiou. Quaicers were permitted to meet " io any place 
 or places appointetl for worship." This proclamation suspend- 
 ed, stopped, and disabled, all laws against Roman Catholicf, 
 who " shall in all things be as free, in all respects, as any of our 
 Protestant subjects whatsoever, not only to exercise their reli- 
 gion, but to enjoy air offices, benefices," &c. '(Wodrow, ii. 
 App. No. 129.) The king's letter of March 31, called the Sec- 
 ond Toleration, dispensed with the oath enjoined bv the for- 
 mer. (Ibid. No. 132.) His proclamation of June 20, called 
 the Third Toleration, was as ample as the English Toleration 
 of April preceding, with this aifference, that it denounced 
 field-conventicles. (Ibid. No. 134.) 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 461 
 
 Morebattle, and places adjacent, having united our- 
 selves in a society for carrying on the work of the 
 gospel among us ; and having duly and ripely consi- 
 dered the need we have of a faithful and able preacher 
 to be settled among us, to the eternal welfare of our 
 immortal souls, — have pitched upon you, Mr. William 
 Veitch, Minister of the Gospel, and do unanimously, 
 heartily, and earnestly, invite and call you to take the 
 charge of us, by preaching the gospel, catechising, 
 visiting our families, administrating the sacraments, 
 and exercising discipline, and doing, by instructing, 
 comforting, admonishing, and rebuking, whatever is 
 incumbent to a faithful pastor. And we do, in the 
 Lord's strength, promise to receive the word from your 
 mouth, subject ourselves to the several parts of your 
 ministry, to give you all due encouragement, and do 
 whatever is incumbent for a dutiful people to their 
 faithful pastor. In witness whereof we have subscrib- 
 ed thir presents, at Whitton, the second day of No- 
 vember, 1687." 
 
 This call was subscribed by above seventy masters 
 of families in the forementioned parishes, some where- 
 of were gentlemen of good quality. 
 
 He exercised his ministry there with great satis- 
 faction ; and the meeting increased daily, not only 
 from the Scotch side, but also the English; his old 
 friends and hearers in Coquet-water and Reedsdale 
 frequenting that place, and inviting him over on week 
 days to preach with them, which he willingly complied 
 with. He preached also in these parishes mentioned 
 on the week days, time about, both before and after the 
 happy Revolution by the prince of Orange, (who 
 landed at Torbay, with his fleet and army, the 4th of 
 Noveffiber, 1688 ;) and then in the churches about, as 
 they were cleared from the prelatical clergy. 
 
 Upon this good news, and the prospect of a happy 
 change, the outed presbyterian ministers of Scotland 
 thought it expedient to meet at Edinburgh, and so 
 wrote to all their brethren in the adjacent parts to meet 
 at the Taylors' Hall, where they spent some time in 
 praying together, that God would prosper the prince's 
 undertaking, give him, and all that joined with him, 
 counsel and direction how to manage so great and dif- 
 ficult an undertaking, and make them successful ; so 
 as it might resolve to God's glory, returning of the 
 captivity of the church and people of God, the building 
 of the old waste places, and the bringing back of the 
 ark and the glory that had been so long at Kirjath-jea- 
 rim, the fields of the wood, and settle it again in his 
 sanctuary; and particularly that, at this juncture, he 
 would point out to the godly ministry and people in 
 Scotland what is their duty, and help them faithfully 
 to perform it. 
 
 It fell out, very unexpectedly and surprisingly to 
 Mr. Veitch, that the meeting of the ministers voted 
 him, the next day after he came, to preach in the new 
 meeting-house over against Libberton's Wynd head ; 
 a thing to which he was greatly averse. His reasons 
 that he gave were — his being a stranger for twenty 
 years and more in Scotland, and so very ill acquainted 
 with the transactions of that time, which rendered him 
 unfit at such a juncture to speak in public ; as also 
 that there were many old, grave, and wise men there 
 to do it, and it might bring no small detriment to such 
 a promising work of reformation as was now in pros- 
 pect to set him or such as he was in such a public 
 place. But these reasons were not heard, and it was 
 left upon him, which was so perplexing to his mind 
 that he knew not what to do, for when eight of the 
 clock at night was come he could not find a text ; but 
 at length he fell upon 18th verse of the 1 19th psalm, (the 
 words are, " Thou hast trode down all them that err from 
 thy statutes, for their deceit is falsehood,") which took 
 him up the whole night without going to bed in think- 
 ing upon it. And when he came up to the pulpit, his 
 seeing of sixteen old ministers sitting in the loft before 
 him, and the meeting so throng of all sorts of people, 
 
 increased his fear and confusion. However, he de- 
 livered his thoughts upon the subject, with respect to 
 the present circumstances of things and what was in 
 view, with such plainness and freedom as greatly of- 
 fended the prelates, who sent him a particular message 
 the next day by one of their own gang and his ac- 
 quaintance, — that for such bold and unbecoming re- 
 flections upon them and their government they were 
 resolved to be even with him ere long; as also that he 
 durst be so bold in such a public auditory to pray for 
 the success of the Prince and Princess of Orange. All 
 the answer he returned them by the messenger was, 
 to bid them put on their spurs. Upon the other hand, 
 he seemed to give offlence to some of the godly party, 
 by some free expressions that he had with respect to 
 the future government, if presbytery should be erected. 
 
 A worthy gentleman both for learning and piety took 
 him by after sermon in the street, and told him, he 
 doubted not but he had oflfended several of the good 
 people by some things he had said. He replied, he 
 was sorry for it, but a little time would discover these 
 things. About half a year after he came to him at the 
 cross of Edinburgh, and taking him aside, he craved 
 him pardon for what he had said upon that sermon, for 
 all that was spoken in it was like to be too true. 
 
 When the presbyterian church was. restored by law, 
 Mr. Veitch had calls from several parishes, viz. one 
 to Crailing, another to Melrose, and a third to Peebles, 
 which he was persuaded by the Earl of Crawford, 
 Lord Argyle, old Stairs, and James Stewart, advocate, 
 to embrace, notwithstanding the old duke of Queens- 
 berry did vigorously and violently oppose it. But 
 these four forementioned persons engaged to support 
 him, telling that the duke and his iniquitous laws were 
 now out of date, out of court, and under water; but, 
 notwithstanding of his being overclouded for the pre- 
 sent, he got up again, and maintained a vigorous plea 
 against Mr. Veitch for seven sessions, both before the 
 lords and the church ; so that the gentlemen who pro- 
 mised to support him shrunk back as the duke in- 
 creased in favour at court ; and at length he overawed, 
 1 may say, the church to loose him from that charge. 
 And he having a call to Edinburgh, another to Paisley, 
 and a third to Dumfries, the assembly was influenced 
 by Mr. Veitch's speech, (wherein he showed so great 
 an aversion to Edinburgh) to vote him to Dumfries; 
 after he had served the cure four complete years in 
 Peebles, viz. from September 1690 to September 
 1694, at which time he was admitted to his ministry 
 in Dumfries. 
 
 He left Peebles with great aversion, not only with 
 respect to that parish, but also to the country round 
 about. He did foresee that his removal from thence 
 would be of ill consequence both to the parish and the 
 country-side, and, therefore, upon a new call given 
 him to that place, struggled hard to be back again, and 
 lost it only by four votes. He never got the legal 
 stipend of that place all the four years he was there; 
 so that he lost, what by expense of law, and not get- 
 ting the stipend which was legally due, above ten 
 thousand merks, by the potency of his enemies, and 
 the injustice of the bench, which the old Duke, and 
 his son Lord William,* have to account for to the Great 
 Judge ; and, if Mr. Veitch be rightly informed, it did 
 trouble the conscience of two of his greatest opposers 
 on their death-bed. 
 
 As Mr. Veitch was greatly perplexed with the hard 
 usage the assembly had given him in their illegal re- 
 moving of him merely to please the duke, when they 
 had many strong reasons to the contrary, and to send 
 him to Dumfries, a place that he heard wanted not its 
 own difficulties, he resolved to leave the nation, and so 
 publicly refused to submit to the sentence of that judi- 
 
 * In 1693, Mr. Veitch lost an action before the Lords, against 
 Lord William Douglas, the Duke's second son, for the reduc- 
 tion of a tack, which his predecessor, Haj', had granted for be- 
 hoof of his family. (Fountainhall's Decis. i. 879.) 
 
463 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 catory, and undertook to give ia his reasons for so 
 doing. The assembly being about to rise, referred him 
 to the commission of the kirk to hear him, to whom 
 he gave in a whole sheet of paper of reasons why he 
 could not submit to the sentence, with a complaint of 
 his hard usage and unbrotherly treatment. After the 
 reading of which, he being put out, and the commis- 
 sion considering the matter, instead of giving him 
 written answers which he required, they thought it 
 better to appoint a committee to confer with him, to 
 see if Ihey could give him satisfaction ; and they nom- 
 inated Mr. Edward .Tamieson, Mr. Gabriel Semple, 
 and his brother Mr. John, with some others, to confer 
 with him, and bring his answer to the commission. 
 
 In the mean time his old friends in England, hear- 
 ing of these things, sent a gentleman to Peebles to 
 bring him back to them, engaging to give him a fine 
 house and yards to dwell in, to furnish him with plenty 
 of fire, and £60 sterling per annum, well paid, beside 
 other things which he knew they used to give ; and the 
 gentleman promised to give his personal bond for the 
 making all of it good before he went out of Peebles, 
 and would not return to England without Mr. Veitch's 
 going along with him, which he did. They would 
 have had Mr. Veitch engaging to be their pastor ere 
 he came back to Scotland, after he had preached a Sab- 
 bath day with them ; but he refused till once he should 
 handsomely end with the commission of the kirk. 
 
 When he came back to the commission, they having 
 heard of these things, desired the committee foremen- 
 tioned to deal earnestly with him not to leave the na- 
 tion, but to stay and comply with the sentence, if pos- 
 sible, and that because, among other reasons, it would 
 be a very ill precedent, it being in the entry of this 
 new reformation and church establishment, and give 
 others afterward occasion to refuse submission to the 
 sentences of church judicatories ; and they hoped that 
 Mr. Veitch, upon that very account, would be cautious 
 
 and wary to do any thing that might afterward be 
 prejudicial to the church, and desired him to do them 
 that favour to go and preach at Dumfries four or five 
 Sabbaths, and acquaint himself with the people and 
 the state of his affairs in that place, and see if he and 
 they could comply together for his settlement, so as to 
 prevent an early breach in the government, which 
 would give much satisfaction to the commission. And 
 indeed that had been in Mr. Veitch's thoughts before 
 they proposed it, and was the knocking argument per- 
 suading him to obtemperate the sentence. And this 
 was a great encouragement, that after several confer- 
 ences with some leading persons in the town, wherein 
 he told them, among other differences needless here to 
 be mentioned, that except they would free him of the 
 drawing of the tithes (with which he had got on the 
 finger-ends at Peebles, and "burnt bairns fire dread") 
 and take a tack thereof from him as long as he should 
 continue minister of the place, he could not settle 
 among them, — they at length, consulting among them- 
 selves, complied with this; and so he set them a tack 
 of them so long as he was to continue their minister, 
 at the rate that they often had told him the tithes were 
 worth, viz. twenty-two hundred merks per annum, 
 out of which he is obliged by charter from the king 
 to pay the second minister 400 merks -per annum. 
 But the tacksmen considering among themselves that 
 they had valued these tithes at too high a rate, (it 
 is like to be a temptation to Mr. Veitch to embrace 
 the call*) and that themselves would afterward be 
 losers, got a bond from so many substantial persons in 
 the town, every one of them to pay so much per an' 
 num as they conjectured would save them from being 
 losers ; and so both the tack and bond continue to this 
 day, 1714. 
 
 * He means, that they had probably valued the tithes high, 
 with the view of inducing him to accept of their call. 
 
 SUPPLEMENT 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 The Memoirs of Mr. Veitch reach to the year 1714 ; 
 but as he has given only a general account of himself 
 from the Revolution, it may not be improper to com- 
 mence at that period the statement of the additional 
 facts which have been collected relative to the latter 
 part of his life. 
 
 Though the non-conformist ministers enjoyed con- 
 siderable liberty in preaching during the last two 
 years of the reign of James II,, yet it behoved Mr. 
 Veitch to act with great circumspection, as he was lia- 
 ble, if found on Scottish ground, to be seized in conse- 
 quence of his banishment, and might be informed 
 against as an accomplice of the Earl ofArgyle. The 
 Revolution relieved him from all apprehensions of dan- 
 ger; and, while it enlarged the sphere of his useful- 
 ness, added in no small degree to his labours. The 
 people in that part of the country where he had opened 
 
 a meeting-house, were generally disaffected to the 
 episcopal clergy, and embraced the first opportunity, 
 on the change of the government, or rather on tlie in- 
 ter-regnum, to forsake the beneficed clergy, with their 
 curates, and to flock to the tents of such presbyterian 
 ministers as were within their reach. Although there 
 were no tumultuous assemblies in the south, similar to 
 what was called the rabbling in the west, yet many of 
 the clergy, either apprehending something of this kind, 
 or influenced by some other motive, deserted their 
 churches ; and others were soon after removed from 
 theirs, for adhering to the old, or refusing to comply 
 with the orders of the new government. In these cir- 
 cumstances, and when there were neither ministers 
 nor constituted authorities to provide for vacant par- 
 ishes, Mr. Veitch found himself, for a time, in the sit- 
 uation of the bishop of a diocese, and had to dispense 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 463 
 
 divine ordinances to a whole country-side. His activ- 
 ity at this time, together with the distinguished part 
 which he had taken during the late period of misrule 
 and oppression, led him to be particularly noticed and 
 abused by the advocates of that party who sought to 
 embroil the nation, and who, for several years, kept 
 two presses constantly employed in London, which 
 teemed with pamphlets, containing accounts of the 
 hardships of the outed episcopal clergy, and satires on 
 the presbyterian ministers and the proceedings of their 
 church courts. The object of that party was, by means 
 of their friends in England, to prevent the court from 
 agreeing to the establishment of the presbyterian 
 church ; and, when they had failed in this, to obtain a 
 legal and formal toleration of the episcopal church, un- 
 der the wings of which they might carry on their plans 
 for overturning the civil government and restoring the 
 exiled family. 
 
 Speaking of the applications which the presbyterian 
 ministers, who temporarily served the vacant churches, 
 made for an allowance from the legal stipends, the au- 
 thor of one of the pamphlets above referred to, says: 
 " Thus Mr. William Voitch had been a great sufferer, 
 for why 1 he had been forced to appear actually in re- 
 bellion against King Charles II. at Pictland hills, for 
 which he was not hanged indeed, but declared rebell 
 and fugitive ; but now that the fields were fair, and he 
 had endured so much undeserved persecution, would 
 he not be to blame if he had not studied his own inter- 
 est 1 And, therefore, he petitioned for no less than 
 five vacancies, viz. Creiland, Eckfurd, Yettam, Mar- 
 bottle, and Oxnam. 'Tis true, the council were so 
 hard-hearted as to grant him only three of them, viz. 
 Creiland, Eckford, and Yettam. This was hard 
 enough ; but alas ! (though he had confidently affirmed 
 in his petition the contrary,) it was afterwards found 
 that the minister of Creiland had not been deprived be- 
 fore Michaelmas 1689. So that Mr. Veitch could not 
 get that benefice, which was certainly a very disap- 
 pointing persecution to him."* Now, surely, " the 
 labourer is worthy of his hire ;" and it is not uncom- 
 mon for a person to state a claim on different funds, 
 while yet he expects from them only what he is enti- 
 tled to in law or in equity. The privy council, by their 
 act of the 24th December, 1689, had suspended the 
 payment of stipends to such as " were not in the actu- 
 al exercise of their ministerial function on the 13th day 
 of April last."| And the parliament, on the 7th of 
 June 1690, declared the churches of these persons to 
 be vacant ; " and that the presbyterian ministers, exer- 
 cising their ministry within any of these parishes, (or 
 where the last incumbent is dead) b}' the desire or 
 consent of the parish, shall continue their possession, 
 and have right to the benefices and stipends according 
 to their entry in the year 1689, and in time coming, ay 
 and while (until) the church as now established, take 
 farther course therewith.":]: The parliament, in their 
 act reversing Mr. Veitch's forfeiture, referred him to 
 their committee for fines, to receive a lemuneration for 
 his bygone losses. || 
 
 A well-known lampoon of that period has the fol- 
 lowing passage. " It is known in the shire of Teviot- 
 dale, that Mr. William Veitch murdered the bodies as 
 well as the souls, of two or three persons with one ser- 
 mon ; for preaching in the town of Jedburgh to a great 
 congregation, he said, 'There are two thousand of you 
 here to-day, but I am sure fourscore of you will not be 
 saved;' upon which, three of his ignorant hearers, be- 
 ing in despair, dispatched themselves soon after."§ 
 Those who have read the preceding memoirs will not 
 
 * Account of the late Establishment of Presbyterian Govern- 
 ment by the Farliainent of Scotland, anno 1690, p. 67. Lond. 
 1693. 
 
 f Collection of Papers, in Case of the Afflicted Clergy, p. 83. 
 Lond. 1690. 
 
 \ Act. Pari. Scot. ix. 134. || Ibid. p. 199. App. 167. 
 
 § Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence, p. 15-. 
 
 be inclined to think it likely that the author would 
 preach in the manner which is here imputed to him; 
 and his printed sermons are certainly of a very different 
 complexion. This remark applies also to a ludicrous 
 note ascribed to him in another part of the same publi- 
 cation.* 
 
 Mrs. Veitch gives the following account of her hus- 
 band's call to Peebles. — " A friend of mine, being 
 thirty miles off the place where I lived, wrote a letter 
 desiring my husband to come and see her, for she was 
 in a very sad case. He was unwilling to go, but I 
 urged him sore to go ; upon which he took horse, and, 
 riding all night, when he came near Peebles, being 
 weary he asked an herdman on the way. Who kept an 
 inn at Peebles. He directed him to Provost Muir's ; 
 and when he came and sat down and refreshed him- 
 self a little, he and some other strangers began to dis- 
 course about Teviotdale. The provost hearing asked, 
 if he knew one Mr. William Veitch that lived there : 
 he said, he knew him. He asked, if he was at home; 
 and he said, 'No, he is not at home.' My husband 
 asked him, what they would do with him. ' They had 
 a mind to call him for their minister ; and they had 
 written a letter, and hired a man, who was going to his 
 house to desire him to come and preach to them on the 
 sabbath day.' My husband told them, ' they needed 
 not to trouble themselves ; for they would not get him 
 at home, nor yet to be their minister as he thought, for 
 he had several calls in his own country.' The provost 
 not knowing him, after some more discourse, asked at 
 my husband, if he was the man they were seeking ; he 
 told them, he was the man ; which made them both to 
 wonder at that piece of providence. He took horse 
 and rode ten miles farther west to see my friend, and 
 they engaged him to come back that way to preach to 
 them ; which he did. After he came home, he told 
 me. I was put to wonder : I was like Abraham's ser- 
 vant, who said, ' it is of the Lord, I can neither say 
 good nor bad.' They drew up a call and sent to him 
 to the synod, where they condescended unto it, and 
 my husband embraced it. But out of this pleasant 
 rose there sprang many a thorn ; for both friends and 
 foes were ready to reproach him, which was a trouble 
 to my spirit, to see the people one day idolize him, and 
 on another day reproach him, because he would not 
 stay with them. I went to God with these words 
 which David went with, ' Help, Lord, for I am become 
 a reproach unto them. Let them curse, but bless thou, 
 and let them know it is thy hand, and thou hast done 
 it.' It was my desire to God that he would show the 
 gospel a tuken for good to Peebles, that they that hated 
 it might see it and be ashamed. But the cloud grew 
 thicker and darker; for Queensberry and his chamber- 
 lain were great enemies. They came all that length 
 as to print a number of lies against the presbytery and 
 my husband, because they could not get in one Mr. 
 Knox, who was a curate. The presbytery had placed 
 him, according to the act of parliament, so that his ene- 
 mies could find no blame in it. He had the call of the 
 elders, heritors, and town council, and the generality 
 of all the people; and he referred his cause to the gen- 
 eral assembly, but though two assemblies sat, yet 
 not one of them determined about him.""}" 
 
 In a publication against Mr. Veitch (which appears 
 to be the one referred to in the preceding extract) the 
 following reflections are made on the circumstances 
 which led to his call to Peebles. " To shake himself 
 loose of the calls which were referred to the synod of 
 Kelso, he had prevailed with some of his friends to 
 represent his call to Peebles as the effect of an imme- 
 diate and extraordinary providence; which they did so 
 flourish out in the several circumstances, that it might 
 appear equivalent to a voice from heaven which he 
 ouffht not to disobey. Whereas, it can be evinced by 
 
 * Ibid.p. 85. 
 
 t Mrs. Veitc.h'a IVTeiu. p. 48—54. 
 
464 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 clear evidences, that it was a draught and design of 
 men, carried on underhand for a considerable time."* 
 
 Mr. Veitch has stated that the Duke of Queensberry 
 was the great opponent to his settlement ;f but his 
 Grace kept in the back ground. The opposition was 
 managed by some of the smaller heritors in support of 
 the alleged rights of Mr. Robert Knox. He, according 
 to the statement of his friends, had officiated as assist- 
 ant or curate to Mr. John Hay, who destined him for 
 his successor. On the death of Hay, which happened 
 about the time of the Revolution, aj^plication was made 
 on behalf of Knox, to Queensberry, the patron, and a 
 favourable answer having been received, "upon the 
 17th of November 1689, being the Lord's day, after 
 sermon, the session being sitting, and the duke's letter 
 read to them, the whole heritors, elders, and parish- 
 ioners then present, did unanimously and cheerfully 
 receive the said letter and nomination, and promised to 
 Mr. Knox all the encouragement that could be expect- 
 ed from a dutiful people. "ij: They acknowledge that 
 he wanted the " formality of institution," but plead 
 that the steps taken were sufficient to constitute a rela- 
 tion between him and the parish, " in regard there was 
 no legal ecclesiastical judicatory then in being" to 
 confirm it. That the parish were by no means so unan- 
 imous in their desire for Mr. Knox as his friends would 
 represent them, appears from an attempt which was 
 made to prevent him by force from entering the pulpit ; 
 and from the ease with which he complied with the 
 first order of the presbytery to desist from the exercise 
 of his ministry. 11 For, on the 24th of July 1690^ on a 
 complaint from the magistrates of Peebles, in the name 
 of the parish, the presbytery found, that Mr. Robert 
 Knox had " taken possess on of the kirk of Peebles 
 without any legal or orderly establishment," desired 
 him to forbear preaching there, and appointed one of 
 their number to declare the church vacant ; all which 
 was peaceably done.§ In consequence of a petition 
 from the parish, the presbytery, on the 7th of August, 
 appointed Mr. Robert Elliot to moderate in a call at 
 Peebles; and, on the 2d of September, the moderator 
 reported, " that after sermon, the heritors, magistrates, 
 and kirk session, and the heads of families, did sub- 
 scribe a call to Mr. William Veitch." Upon this John 
 Balfour of Kailzie renewed a protest which he had 
 taken on the day of the moderation, "in the name of 
 the Duke of Queensberry and several of the heritors," 
 craving that, in respect of the interest of Mr. Robert 
 Knox, nothing might be done in the affair until the 
 next meeting of the general assembly. Being asked 
 for his commission, it was found he had none ; and the 
 presbytery considering that Knox "had not the least 
 shadow of a legal establishment as incumbent in Pee- 
 bles ; and that Mr. Veitch's call lo the ministry in that 
 place was due and legal ; as also, considering the ur- 
 gency of the plantation of so considerable a place of 
 that country with an able minister of the gospel, and 
 that, in the like cases, inferior judicatories have pro- 
 ceeded notwithstanding of appeals to their superiors, 
 they being always liable to their censure, — resolved to 
 go on in that affair, and to be answerable to the gene- 
 ral assembly. The moderator reported that he had, 
 according to appointment, written to Queensberry, who 
 had returned this answer, that they should do in Mr. 
 Veitch's affair as they should be answerable to God." 
 Accordingly, the previous steps having been taken, Mr. 
 Veitch was, on the 18th of September 1690, admitted 
 with the usual solemnities.^ 
 
 In the preceding memoir we have met with no ac- 
 count of Mr. Veitch's ordination, at his first entrance 
 
 » Information for the Heritors, Elders, &r. of the parish of 
 Peebles, ajfainst Mr. William Veitch, printed, in a collection 
 of similar papers, about 1690, p. 68. 
 
 f See before, p. 4G1. 
 
 t Information, ut svpra, p. 66. || Ibid. 
 
 I Records of the Presbjtery of Peebles. 
 
 T Records, ut supra. 
 
 to the ministry. It was natural for the presbytery to 
 inquire into this before his admission at Peebles ; and 
 the following is the account of that matter in the min- 
 utes. Mr. Veitch, being desired to produce due tes- 
 timonials of his ordination to the ministry, answered, 
 " that the hazard and danger was such at the time of 
 his ordination, that it was not thought fit by his or- 
 dainers to grant testificales, but promised to bring a 
 tcstificate from a famous minister's hand, now in Scot- 
 land, who was one of that number that gave him ordi- 
 nation ; upon which the presbytery, considering how 
 well known he was in this country, and that he had 
 been admitted and owned as a minister by the general 
 meeting of this church, did rest satisfied."* I have 
 no doubt that Mr. Henry Erskine is the person from 
 whom he offered to procure a certificate. In a paper 
 which he appears to have drawn up for the use of 
 Wodrow, Mr. Veitch states that Mr. Erskine assisted 
 at his ordination.! They were intimate friends ; the 
 former was frequently at Mr. Veitch's house in Nor- 
 thumberland ; and on these occasions used to entertain 
 him and his wife with anecdotes respecting the straits 
 into which he was often brought with his numerous 
 famil}', and the singular manner in which he was ex- 
 tricated from them. The following is one of these, 
 as related in the paper referred to. " One evening he, 
 his wife and children, went to bed with a light supper, 
 which made the children cry, in the morning when they 
 awaked, for meat. But there being n(ne in the house, 
 he bade them be still, and he would play them a spring 
 upon the citren (guitar.) He played and wept; and 
 they and their mother wept; they being in one room, 
 and he and his wife in bed in another. But, before he 
 had done playing, one raps at the gate; and it proved 
 to be a servant-man, sent from a worthy and charitable 
 lady, with a horse-load of meal, cheese, and beef.":J: 
 It is probable that Mr. Veitch's ordination took 
 place in the year 1671, when he settled at Falalies.|| 
 He had preached in different parts of Northumberland 
 as early as the end of the year 1668 ;§ and there is 
 reason to conclude that he had received license to 
 preach before he left Scotland, or during one of hia 
 secret journeys into it to see his family. Licenses and 
 ordinations among the nonconformists, both in Scot- 
 land and England, were necessarily conducted with 
 great secrecy at this period. Mr. Robert Trail, who 
 had been chaplain to Scot of Scotstarvet was ordain- 
 ed at London, in the year 1670, by presbyterian min- 
 isters.^ Mr. Thomas Archer, who was executed at 
 Edinburgh, received his license when he resided as 
 chaplain in the family of Lady Riddel, and was or- 
 dained by Mr. Fleming and other Scottish ministers, 
 in Holland.** William Macmillan of Caldow was li- 
 censed by the presbyterian ministers of the county of 
 Down, in Ireland. ff Mr. Patrick Warner, minister of 
 Irvine after the Revolution, a person of high respectabil- 
 ity, and noticed when in Holland, by the Prince and 
 Princess of Orange, was licensed at Edinburgh, and or- 
 dained by the presbyterian ministers of London, with a 
 view of his going out as a chaplain of the East India 
 
 * Record?,, uf aitpra., September 17, 1690. 
 
 f Remarkable Providences concerning Mr. Harie Erskine, 
 sent, an. 1718, br Mr. W. Veitch: Wodrow MSS. Advocate! 
 Library, Rob. III. 4, 17. Mr. Erskine became minister of 
 Chirnside, in Berwickshire, after the Revolution. He was the 
 father of Ebeneier and Ralph Erskine, two of the first ministers 
 of the Secession. 
 
 t Remarkable Providences, ut Siipra. 
 
 11 See before, p. 438. 
 
 } See before, p. 437; compared with Mr. Veitch's notes inhii 
 family Bible. 
 
 1 Wodrow, i. 442, App. 117. In one of Mr. Trail's note- 
 books, at the beginning^ of a sermon on Heb. .xii. 29, is the fol- 
 lowing no/andum; — "London, April 22, 1669. The first time 
 of my preaching at London. On the Thursday before the ad- 
 ministration of the sacrament of the Lord's supper in Mr. 
 Blaikie's congregation." On another sermon is written: "Trial. 
 A p. 5, 1669.'^ 
 
 «» Wodrow, ii. 258, 653. ft Ibid- ii- 408, 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 465 
 
 Company to the coast of Coromandel, where he preach- 
 ed for several years at Fort St. George or Madras.* Mr. 
 Alexander Shields, in the account which he gave of 
 himself to the general meeting of the Society People, 
 states, " he went to London with an intention to be 
 amanuensis to Dr. Owen, or some other great doctor 
 who was writing books for the press, and had a letter of 
 recommendation to one Mr. Blakie, a Scottish minister, 
 who having trysted to speak with him at a certain 
 season, had several ministers convened, (unknown to 
 Mr. Shields) who did press and enjoin him to take 
 license. So he being carried to it in that sudden and 
 surprising way, accepted of it from the hands of some 
 Scottish ministers then at London, but without impo- 
 sitions or sinful restrictions."! In most of these in- 
 stances, the facts as to license and ordination were 
 brought out in examinations before the criminal 
 courts. 
 
 Notwithstanding the vexation which he received 
 from the family of Queensberry and their dependents, 
 Mr. Veitch appears to have been happy at Peebles. 
 His brethren in the presbytery and synod repeatedly 
 testified their esteem for him. Within eight days after 
 his admission, the presbytery elected him one of their 
 commissioners to the first general assembly held after 
 the Revolution ; and he was chosen to represent them 
 in the assembly which should have met on the 1st of 
 November, 1G91. On the 19th of April, 1693, the 
 presbytery appointed him as " a correspondent from 
 them, to join other correspondents from several presby- 
 teries, who are to meet at Edinburgh about the public 
 concerns of the church.":^: In the course of the fol- 
 lowing month he opened the provincial synod of Lo- 
 thian and Tweedale with a sermon ; and was appoint- 
 ed by them to preach before his Grace the Duke of 
 Hamilton, High Commissioner, and the Estates of 
 Parliament. II 
 
 On the 10th of June, 1G91, " two gentlemen, viz. 
 Alexander Porterfield and Robert Pow," laid on the 
 table of the presbytery of Peebles a call to Mr. Veitch 
 from the parish of Paisley, with reasons for his trans- 
 portation. They appear to have been very solicitous 
 to obtain him as their minister ; for Mr. Matthew 
 Crawfurd, minister of Eastwood, attended the presby- 
 tery on one occasion, and John Crawfurd, bailie of 
 Paisley, on another occasion, to prosecute the call. It 
 was carried before the superior courts, and remained 
 for a considerable time undecided. § 
 
 On the 9th of January, 1694, commissioners from 
 the presbytery of Dumfries, and from the magistrates, 
 town-council, and kirk-session of that town, presented 
 a call to Mr. Veitch, which the presbytery of Peebles 
 refused to read, as he was absent, but promised that it 
 should be read next day ; upon which the commission- 
 ers from Dumfries appealed to the general assembly, 
 or the synod, whichever of them should first meet.^ 
 — At a public meeting held in the Old Church, on the 
 5th of February, 1694, the magistrates, town-council, 
 and kirk-session of Edinburgh, elected and subscribed 
 a call to Mr. William Veitch at Peebles, to be one of 
 the ministers of that city, to which the presbytery 
 gave their approbation and concurrence.** When this 
 call was laid before the presbytery of Peebles, and prc- 
 
 * Wodrow, ii. 249, 250, 624, 625. 
 
 f Minutes of Geaeral Meeting of United Societie9,ip. 72, MS. 
 in Advocates Library. 
 
 I Records of the Presbytery of Peebles. 
 
 II Two Sermons— by IVlr. William Veitch. Edin. 1693. 
 
 5 Records of the Presbytery of Peebles, for June 10, July 1, 
 and 13, 1691. 
 
 If Records of the Presbytery of Peebles, 
 
 ** The call was subscribed by the provost, (Sir John Hall) the 
 dean of g-uild, treasurer, and seventeen other members of coun- 
 cil, and by Messrs. James Kirktoun, David Blaire, Jo. Law, J. 
 Moncrieft, Ja. Webster.Jo. Haniiltoune, ministers, and upwards 
 of twenty elders. (Records of Town-council of Edinburgh, 
 5th, 6th, and 9th of February, 1694.) 
 3 I 
 
 sented to Mr. Veitch, " he would not so much as re- 
 ceive it into his hand, and desired that his refusal 
 might be marked." The reasons of transportation 
 having been transmitted to the magistrates of Peebles, 
 the}', in their answers, pleaded an act of assembly, in 
 virtue of which " no inferior judicatory of the church 
 can be judges of any such call as this," and protested 
 that the presbytery should proceed no farther in the 
 matter. The presbytery referred the whole affair to 
 the judges competent; and the commissioners from 
 Edinburgh appealed to the synod, or to the general as- 
 sembly, provided it should meet first.* 
 
 Mr. Veitch attended the general assembly which sat 
 down at Edinburgh on the 29th of March, 1694, and 
 of which he was a member. Through the influence 
 of the Duke of Queensberry, who was now re-admit- 
 ted as an extraordinary lord of session, and in great 
 favour with the government, a final decision had not 
 yet been given on the objections to his settlement at 
 Peebles. The assembly, at this meeting, took up that 
 question, and, in their sixth session, passed an act, de- 
 claring his call and admission to be legal. f In the 
 next session, they took into consideration the three 
 calls from Paisley, Dumfries, and Edinburgh ; and 
 having preferred the call from Dumfries, appointed 
 Mr. Veitch to remove to that town.:|: As he testified 
 great backwardness to comply with this decision, some 
 members were allowed to confer with him, " but with- 
 out prejudice to the assembly's sentence ;" and a 
 petition from the parish of Paisley, requesting the 
 assembly to reconsider thtit decision, or to refer the 
 matter to the commission, was refused. || 
 
 Mr. Veitch could not be more unwilling to go to 
 Dumfries than his predecessor had been to leave it. 
 In October 1690, the general assembly translated Mr. 
 George Campbell from the ministry of that town, to 
 be professor of divinity in the university of Edinburgh, 
 — ^a situation which he was extremely averse to, but for 
 which he was eminently qualified by the " learning and 
 modesty" ascribed to him even by the avowed detractors 
 of the presbyterian ministers of that period. § It would 
 appear that the parish had remained vacant, after his 
 translation, for four years, owing partly to the scarcity 
 of ministers, and partly to the interruptions suffered 
 by the supreme ecclesiastical judicatory during that 
 interval. Mr. Veitch removed to Dumfries with his 
 family in the month of September 1694.^ "That 
 very day four years after I came to Peebles," (says 
 Mrs. Veitch) " that very same day I came out of it for 
 Dumfries. I would not have wanted the experience 
 of God's goodness, and free love to me and mine, and 
 the church, for all the trouble I met with in it."** 
 
 In October 1695, Mr. Veitch concurred with the 
 kirk-session and magistrates in giving a call to Mr.^ 
 Robert Paton, minister of Caerlaverock, who was ad-' 
 mitted as his colleague in the beginning of the follow-' 
 ing year.ff Mr. Veitch appears to have been much 
 respected in Dumfries-shire, and to have enjoyed the 
 confidence of his brethren as a man of business. He 
 was frequently chosen moderator of the provincial syn- 
 od. In the end of the year 1695 he was appointed by 
 
 « Records of Presbytery of feebl'es, for February f , and 28, 
 and March 21, 1694. 
 
 + Acts of General Assembly 1694, p. 27. 
 
 X Ibid. II Ibid. p. 28, 29. 
 
 5 Hist. Relation of General Assembly, 1690, p. 47. Second 
 Vindication of the Church of Scotland, p. 175. Mr. Campbell 
 had been ejected from Dumfries in 1672; (Wod. i. App. 74. Vt, 
 613.) and died in July, 1701. (Rec. of Town Council of Edin- 
 burgh.) 
 
 IT The parish of Peebles was declared vacant'on the 19th of 
 August, 1694. (Records of Presbytery.) On the 16th of Sep- 
 tember, Mr. Veitch baptized a child at Peebles. Mr. James 
 Thomsone was admitted to the ministry of Peebles on the 25tii 
 of November, 1696. (Records of Kirk-session.) 
 
 ** Memoir, p. 68. 
 
 +f Records of kirk-session of Dumfries, 11th and 17th Octo- 
 ber, 1695, and 13th February, 1696. 
 
 30 
 
466 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 the presbytery " to wait on the Duke of Queensberry,* 
 to solicit his favour with respect to the settlement of 
 stipends, &c. ; and reported a favourable and satisfy- 
 ing answer, not only in respect of this corner, but of 
 the g-overnment in general." On the 10th of Septem- 
 ber, 1696, the " presbytery, considering that it is an 
 ancient and laudable custom of this church, to send 
 some of their number to the place where the parliament 
 sits, to concur with such other ministers as may be 
 commissionate from other presbyteries, in things 
 which may be needful for the glory of God and the 
 church's welfare, do hereby commissionate and ap- 
 point Mr. William Veitch to attend at Edinburgh for 
 that effect during this session of parliament."f His 
 name is on the list of the commission of the general 
 assembly annually from 1694 to 1705. :j: 
 
 A great many, both ministers and people, who were 
 among the heartiest friends of the civil government 
 and presbytery, disapproved of some things in the set- 
 tlement of religion in Scotland at the Revolution, al- 
 though they judged it their duty to join, both in Chris- 
 tian and ministerial communion, with the established 
 church. Their dissatisfaction was increased by vari- 
 ous measures which were subsequently adopted by the 
 ecclesiastical judicatories, in concert with or under the 
 influence of the court ; particularly, the refusal to ap- 
 prove of the laudable steps of reformation in former 
 times, and to condemn the deviations from them ; the 
 loose terms on which many of the episcopal clergy 
 were received ; the encroachments made by the court 
 on the liberty of the church in the appointing of fasts 
 and thanksgivings, and in the calling and dissolving 
 of assemblies ; and the imposition of different oaths 
 on ministers and preachers, as qualifications for office. || 
 These sentiments were entertained by several minis- 
 ters in the synods of Dumfries and Galloway, within 
 whose bounds there were also many people connected 
 with the United Societies, who kept aloof from the 
 Revolution church, and even disowned the civil gov- 
 ernment. In October 1693, Mr. Hepburn, minister of 
 Urr, gave in a paper of public grievances to the synod ; 
 and he was subsequently prosecuted both before the syn- 
 od and the general assembly, and even imprisoned for 
 some time, for freedoms used by him from the pulpit 
 in censuring the defections of the church, and for 
 preaching and baptizing without the bounds of his 
 own parish. § He was ultimately deposed, as was 
 also Mr. John Macmillan, minister of Balmaghie who 
 subsequently joined the Cameronians, and organized 
 them under the Reformed Presbytery. Mr. Veitch 
 was engaged in the controversial warfare with Mr. 
 Hepburn ; but I have not seen his pamphlet.f In 
 October 1703, a petition was laid before the synod of 
 Dumfries, craving that steps might be taken for renew- 
 ing the National Covenant. The synod approved of 
 the zeal of the petitioners, and appointed some of their 
 number to consult the commission, and advise with 
 grave, godly, and experienced ministers; and that, in 
 the mean time, all the brethren should instruct their 
 flocks in the nature of the covenant. It was reported 
 at next meeting, that the commission having risen sud- 
 denly, their advice had not been obtained, but it was 
 ihe opinion of the grave and experienced ministers, 
 that it was a very unfavourable juncture for that work. 
 Another petition, presented by four ministers, for sub- 
 scribing the directory and covenants, along with the 
 confession of faith, was referred by the synod in Octo- 
 ber 1708, to the general assembly.** Similar propo- 
 
 * James, the second duke, whose father died on the 28th of 
 March, 1695. 
 
 + Record* of the Presbyterj of Dumfrieg. 
 
 I Acts of Assembly. 
 
 I| See Memoirs of the Public Life of Mr. James Hogg,passim. 
 
 \ Records of the Synod of Dumfries for the years 1693 — 
 1705. Acts of General Assembly during the same period. 
 
 IT An answer by Mr. Hepburn to a pamphlet of Mr. William 
 Veitch is preserved in MS. in the Advocates Library. 
 
 »* Records of Synod of Dumfries. 
 
 sals for renewing or subscribing the national covenants 
 continued to be made at a still later period, in several 
 presbyteries and synods, in the west and north of Scot- 
 land.* Even the statesmen, cautious as they were, 
 had at one time nearly engaged themselves unwittmg- 
 ly in the promotion of that design. In the year 1G96, 
 on the alarm produced by the discovery of a plot for 
 assassinating King William, and by a threatened inva- 
 sion from France, the privy council of Scotland pro- 
 posed the subscription of a bond of association by all 
 well-aft'ected subjects. Coming to the knowledge of 
 this, the inhabitants of the western shires immediate- 
 ly drew up a bond, in which, to the engagement to de- 
 fend the government, they added a clause respecting 
 the defence of presbytery. This alarmed the mana- 
 gers. " I expunged these words, (says the Lord 
 Justice Clerk,) and withal desired they might forbear 
 to proceed hastily in the business." — " As to these as- 
 sociations in the country, (says the Earl of Argyle,) 
 I think, suppose one here fur renewing the covenant, 
 it is most improper at this time. I acknowledge, I 
 incline not the length, though I am presbyterian."f 
 
 Mr. Veitch's daughters having married into genteel 
 and wealthy families, and his sons having been pro- 
 vided for, he felt himself placed in easy circumstances 
 in his old age, and had it in his power to do favours 
 to some persons from whom he had formerly expe- 
 rienced little kindness. Some lime after he settled at 
 Dumfries, he received a visit from his old acquaintance 
 Sir Theophilus Oglethorp, who had apprehended him 
 in Northumberland.:!: Sir Theophilus lamented to him, 
 that he had lost not only what he had received for seiz- 
 ing him, and for his other services under the former 
 government, but all his property besides. Mr. Veitch 
 forgave him any injury which he had done him, and 
 made the humbled knight a handsome present.|| Ogle- 
 thorp's statement of his case appears to have been 
 correct. In 1681, the parliament had granted to him, 
 colonel Maine, and captain Cornwall, " for their good, 
 faithful, and acceptable services," the forfeited lands 
 of Gordon and Earlston, Gordon of Craichlaw, and 
 Ferguson of Kaitloch.§ Before 1685, Oglethorp had 
 purchased the shares of his fellow-officers ; T[ and ac- 
 cordingly would lose the money which he had ad- 
 vanced them, when the estates were restored to their 
 original owners at the Revolution.** 
 
 Mr. Veitch appears to have been of a robust consti- 
 tution; but his health began to fail in 1709, being 
 the seventieth year of his age. In the beginning of 
 the following year, "being under great indisposition 
 of body," he engaged, with the consent of the session 
 and presbytery, Mr. John Thomson, and afterwards 
 successively Mr. John Veitch tj" (probably a relation 
 of his own) and Mr. Patrick Linn, probationers, as 
 his assistants. The last named individual was or- 
 
 * Glass's jVarrative of the Controversy about the National 
 Covenanls, p. 8. 109. Apolog-y for the Church of Scotland, 
 by J. W. BRainst J. S. p. 4b. Lawson's Letter, p. 28. 
 
 f Carstairs's State Papers, p. 287—289. 
 
 { See before, p. 440. 
 
 II Notices attached to genealog:ical tree of the family. 
 
 8 Act. Pari. Scot. vol. viii. p. 323, 492. 
 
 f Ibid. p. 586. 
 
 ** Gordon of Craichlaw and Ferguson had previously com- 
 pounded with hin) for a considerable sum; and, on their peti- 
 tion, the Scottish parliament recommended their case to the 
 parliament and judicatures of England, to the end that "Colo- 
 nel Ogelthorp may be obliged to refund the above-mentioned 
 sum, paid upon a ground which is, by act of parliament, gener- 
 ally rescinded in favours of the subjects of this kingdom." (Act. 
 Pari. Scot. ix. 191, 202.) The derangement of his aflairg was 
 probably one reason why these gentlemen were so long frus- 
 trated in their claims, as formerly stated. (See before, p. 440.) 
 Sir Theophilus Oglethorp married Elcanora Wall, a grand- 
 daughter of the IVIai'quisof Argyle. His three sons had com- 
 missions in the army during the reign of Queen Anne. (Thores- 
 by's Leeds, by Whittaker, p. 253.) 
 
 +f Mr. John Veitch, minister of Wbitaom, was a correspond- 
 ent from Merse and Tcviotdule to the synod of Dumfries, in 
 April 1716. 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 467 
 
 dained as one of the ministers of Dumfries on the 19th 
 of May, 1715; and on the same day Mr. Veitch de- 
 mitted his charge on account of his age and infirmi- 
 ties; reserving, however, a right to preach occasional- 
 ly.* After this he sat no more in the session, but still 
 retained his seat in the presbytery and synod. 
 
 Some time previous to this, a disagreeable variance 
 had arisen between him and his colleague, Mr. Paton, 
 in which Mr. Linn came also to be involved. It ori- 
 ginated in a dispute about the right to a burying- 
 ground. After being settled by arbitration, it again 
 broke out, in consequence (as Mr. Veitch alleges in 
 his papers) of his colleagues refusing to employ him 
 to preach, because he bowed in the pulpit, after divine 
 service, to the English governor and officers, whereas 
 Palon and Linn confined that mark of respect to the 
 magistrates. It is pretty evident, from the manner in 
 which he conducted himself in this quarrel, and espe- 
 cially at the last stage of it, that his temper and men- 
 tal faculties had begun to suffer in no small degree 
 from his advanced age. In the year 1719, he carried 
 the cause by ap})eal from the synod to th^ general as- 
 sembly. The assembly were sensible of the impro' 
 priety of their giving judgment on it; but they testi 
 fied their respect for Mr. Veitch, by appointing their 
 moderator to address the following letter to each of his 
 colleagues.]" 
 
 " Rev. and Dear Brother, — The very Rev. Mr. 
 "William Veitch having laid before the committee of 
 bills, an appeal from your synod, was, from a regard 
 to peace, and the earnest desire of that committee, pre- 
 vailed upon to drop it, and rest satisfied with an over- 
 ture that the general assembly should write unto you, 
 which, according to their appointment, 1 do : signifying 
 that our worthy brother having served in the work of 
 the ministry for the space of fifty-two years, and during 
 the worst of times ; and when exposed to the greatest 
 danger from the violence of persecution, did acquit 
 himself therein with a distinguished zeal and faithful- 
 ness, and having demitted his charge by reason of in- 
 firmity and old age, with an express reservation of 
 liberty to preach when he desired, the general assem- 
 bly recommends unto you, to carry toward him with 
 that endearing brotherly love and tenderness which his 
 merit so justly challenges, and that, when his strength 
 will permit, and he himself desires, and gives you 
 timeous advertisement, ye may allow him to preach : 
 and this we hope will be of use to maintain that Chris- 
 tian love and friendship, which on all occasions ought 
 to take place among the servants of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ. And we question not but, as an evidence of 
 your brotherly regard to him, all proper care will be 
 taken by you to have a decent place of interment pro- 
 vided for him and his spouse. This, in name and at 
 the appointment of the general assembly, is signed by, 
 R. D. B., your affectionate brother and servant in the 
 Lord, 
 
 (Signed) James Grierson, Mod." if. 
 
 Mr. Veiteh was able to travel to Edinburgh to at- 
 tend that meeting of assembly, but he was not present 
 at any subsequent meeting of his presbytery or synod. 
 He died in the month of May, 1722, on the day after 
 his wife ; the former having completed his eighty- 
 second, and the latter her eighty-fourth year.|| They 
 had been married fifty-eight years, and were both in- 
 terred on the same day, in the Old Church of Dum- 
 
 * Records of Presbytery of Dumfries for Jan. 3, 1710; and of 
 Kirk-Session of Dumfries, Jan. ], and Dec. 14, 1710; Oct. 1 
 1713; and March 29, 1715. 
 
 f The letter was drawn up, at the appointment of Assembly, 
 by four ministers, with the advice of the Lord Justice Clerk and 
 Lord Pencaitland. 
 
 X Papers of Mr. Veitch, in possession of Mr. Short, town- 
 clerk of Dumfries, and obligingly communicated by him. 
 
 II "Maij 1722. iVlr. William Veitch, minister of the gospel, 
 and Marion Fairley, his spouse." (Register of Burials in Dum- 
 fries, between 5th and 12th of May, 1722.) 
 
 fries, and in the bnrial-place which the kirk-session 
 had allotted to them*, according to the recommendation 
 of the general assembly.* 
 
 The only printed work of Mr. Veitch which I have 
 seen, consists of three sermons preached by him on 
 public occasions. f They are pious and sensible dis- 
 courses. He had ten children, four of whom died 
 young. Elizabeth, his second daughter, was married 
 to David Macculloch of Ardwall.:|: Sarah, his third 
 daughter, became the wife of James Young of G'uilie- 
 hill,|| from whom Samuel Denholm Young, Esq. of 
 Guiliehill, is descended. And Agnes, his fourth 
 daughter, married Mr. John Somerville, minister of 
 Caerlaverock. Mr. Charles Sheriff, the dumb minia- 
 ture-painter, was her grandson ; and the present re- 
 presentative of the family is W. Henderson Somer- 
 ville, Esq. of Fingask and Whitecroft.§ 
 
 Mr. Veitch's two eldest sons, William and Samuel, 
 were sent to him when he was in Holland, and he left 
 them behind him to prosecute their education at one of 
 the Dutch universities. Their parents had destined 
 them for the church, but the yoimg men chose the 
 army, and when the Prince of Orange came over to 
 England in 16S8, they held commissions under him.^f 
 Both of them served in Flanders during the war with 
 France, which broke out after the Revolution. Wil- 
 liam was a lieutenant in Angus's or the Cameronian 
 regiment, and was wounded in 1692, at the battle of 
 Steinkirk, in which his colonel, the earl of Angus, 
 along with many of his brave comrades, was killed. 
 " On the day after the battle, he wrote to his father, 
 that he was shot through the left cheek, an inch below 
 the eye, and the ball falling into his mouth, he spat it 
 out. The marks of the blood from the wound were 
 upon his letter." ** Referring to the battle of Landen 
 or Nerwinden, which was fought in 1693, Mrs. Veitch 
 says : " Word came, that King William and the King 
 of France were going to fight ; and my two eldest sons 
 being in the camp, when I heard that there were so 
 many killed, I was in great fear. Near five weeks 
 after, they sent a letter, telling that they were both 
 living." f j- On the termination of the war by the peace 
 of Ryswick in 1697, William reached home, after es- 
 caping from the most imminent danger from ship- 
 wreck. His brother Samuel lay dangerously ill in 
 Holland, but recovering soon after, joined the family 
 at Dumfries. :t::^ 
 
 At the time of their return, the attention of the peo- 
 ple of Scotland was engrossed with the projected set- 
 tlement of a colony in South America, under the di- 
 rection of the Indian and African Company, which had 
 been incorporated two years before by act of parlia- 
 ment.!] || The scheme originated with William Pater- 
 son, a Scotsman possessed of true genius, united to 
 great personal modesty and simplicity of character^ 
 
 * Narrative attached to a genealogical tree of the famil}'; 
 and Record of Kirk-session for Feb. 2, 1721. 
 
 t The title of the work is — " Two Sermons preached before 
 his Majestie's High Commissioner and the Estates of Parlia- 
 ment. By the appointment of the Provincial Synod of Lothian 
 and Tweeddale. Upon Sabbath, the 7th of May, 1693. Unto 
 which is subjoined, the Sermon preached at the opening up of 
 the Synod, May 2, 1693. By Mr. William Vetch, Minister of 
 Peebles. From Haggai ii. 4, and Col. iv. 17. Edinburgh: 
 Printed by John Reid. Anno 1693." 12mo. Dedicated to his 
 Grace the Duke of Hamilton, High Commissioner. — A copy of 
 this book is in the possession of Mr. William Steven, a young 
 man who has already discovered a laudable, and not very com- 
 mon, curiosity to become acquainted with the history of the 
 church of Scotland, of which he is a licentiate. 
 
 J In a genealogical tree of the family, it is stated that Eben- 
 ezer, son of Elizabeth Veitch, married a sister of Macdowal of 
 French, afterwards carl of Dumfries. 
 
 II " February 23, 1699. Baptised William, lawful son of 
 James Young of Goolihill and Sarah Veitch, daughter of Mr. 
 William Veitch." (Records of Kirk-Session of Dumfries.) 
 
 5 Notes on family Bible; and Genealogical Tree. 
 
 IT Mrs. Veitch's Mem. p. 9, 32. 
 
 ** Ibid. p. 55. tt Ibid. p. 61, 62. U Ibid. p. 63. 
 
 nil Act. Pari. Scot. ix. 377. 
 
468 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 who selected a spot on the Isthmus of Darien, where 
 the land separating the Atlantic from the Pacific 
 Ocean is narrowest, as the site of a colony of his coun- 
 trymen, which promised, to his eager and discriminat- 
 ing eye, to become the emporium of the commerce of 
 the world. All classes of the nation embarked eagerly 
 in this scheme, some actuated by the hope of making 
 a fortune, and others by the nobler wish of promoting 
 the honour of their country and extending the gospel. 
 Among others, William and Samuel Veitch offered 
 their personal services, and obtained the rank of cap- 
 tain in the forces which the company were authorised 
 by their charter to raise. Though William Veitch 
 had, in addition to his rank in the army, received a 
 commission to act as one of the council for governing 
 the colony, and has taken the oath of office, he was 
 prevented from going out with the first expedition.* 
 But his brother Samuel went in the fleet, which con- 
 sisted of three ships and two yachts, and sailed from 
 Leith Roads about the 17th of July, 1698, having on 
 board 1200 men, of whom 300 were gentlemen. | On 
 the 3d of November they landed between Portobello 
 and Carthagena, at a fine harbour, four miles from the 
 Golden Island ; and having taken possession of the 
 country, to which they gave the name of New Caledo- 
 nia, proceeded to lay the foundation of a fort and a 
 town, called Fort St. Andrew and New Edinburgh.:^^ 
 They made it their earliest business to establish friend- 
 ly treaties with the chiefs of the neighbouring native 
 tribes ; || and afterwards sent deputations to the Span-- 
 ish authorities at Panama and Carthagena, to intimate 
 their wish to live with them on terms of amity and re^ 
 ciprocal intercourse.§ The proclamation of the coun- 
 cil, made at New Edinburgh, on the 28th of Decem- 
 ber, 1698, presents us with the singular and interesting 
 fact, of the first colony established by any European 
 people on liberal principles as to trade, policy, and re- 
 ligion. The following are extracts from it. 
 
 " We do hereby publish and declare, That all man- 
 ner of persons of what nation or people soever, are and 
 shall from hence-forward be equally free and alike 
 capable of the said properties, privileges, protections, 
 immunities, and rights of government granted unto us ; 
 and the merchants and merchants' ships of all nations, 
 may freely come to and trade with us, without being 
 liable in their persons, goods, or effects, to any man- 
 ner of capture, confiscation, seizure, forfeiture, attach- 
 ment, arrest, restraint, or prohibition, for or by reason 
 
 * In a scurrilous pamphlet, by one who had been a surgeon 
 aboard the fleet in the first expedition, and who afterwards 
 hired himself to the English as a writer against the Scots col- 
 ony, Paterson and the counsellors are treated with the most ig- 
 norant and low abuse. " Veach, a man of no trade, but advanced 
 to this post on the account his father was a godly minister, and a 
 
 glorifier of God, I think, in the Grass-marfiet. Veach, 
 
 being sick of the voyage, stayed at home; and on this occasion 
 William Paterson was assumed into the senate in Veach's place, 
 after we had got so far as the Madera's on our voyage. — I had 
 almost forgot to tell you of our clergy, with whom 1 ought, in 
 good manners, to have begun. Two ministers, with a journey- 
 man to take up the psalm, were commissioned by the General 
 Assembly, with full instructions, I suppose, to dispose of the 
 Bibles among the Indians. — English Bibles, 1500; periwigs, 
 4000, some long, some short. Campaigns. Spanish bobs, and 
 natural ones," &£. (Defence of the Scots abdicating Darien, 
 p. 22, 34—37.) 
 
 + Caledonia Papers, series i. art. 1.3. 4; MSS. in Advocates 
 Library, Jac. V. 2. 12. Carstairs, State Papers, p. 392. Mrs. 
 Veitch's Mem. p. 69. The fleet was composed of the Caledo- 
 nia, St. Andrew, and Unicorn, company's ships, and Dolphin 
 and Endeavour, advice yachts or tenders. 
 
 {Caled. Papers, ser. i. art. 17. 
 Ibid. ser. ii. art. 39. Act. Pari. Scot. x. 249. History 
 of Caledonia, by a Gentleman lately arrived, p. 21—34. Lond. 
 1699. 
 
 6 Letter from Council of Caledonia to the Governor of San- 
 ta Maria, Feb. 15, 1699: Caled. Papers, ser. ii. art. 16. Address 
 of Council of Caledonia to his Majesty: Collection of Ad- 
 (Iresseg, &;c. p. 75. Peterson's Letter to a Friend in Boston, 
 Feb. 18, 1699: Enquiry into Caute« of the Miscarriage of the 
 Scots Colony at Darien, p. 74. 
 
 of any embargo, breach of the peace, letters of mark, 
 or reprizals, declaration of war with any foreign prince, 
 potentate, or state, or upon any other account or pre- 
 tence whatsoever. 
 
 " And we do hereby not only grant, concede, and 
 declare a general and equal freedom of government 
 and trade to those of all nations, who shall hereafter 
 be of, or concerned with us ; but also a full and free 
 liberty of conscience in matters of religion, so as the 
 same be not understood to allow, connive at, or in- 
 dulge the blaspheming of God's holy name, or any 
 of his divine attributes ; or of the unhallowing or pro- 
 faning the Sabbath day. 
 
 " And finally, as the best and surest means to ren- 
 der any government successful, durable, and happy, it 
 shall (by the help of Almighty God) be ever our con- 
 stant and chiefest care that all our further constitutions, 
 laws, and ordinances, be consonant and agreeable to 
 the Holy Scripture, right reason, and the examples of 
 the wisest and justest nations, that from the righteous- 
 ness thereof, we may reasonably hope for and expect 
 the blessings of prosperity and increase." * 
 
 The founders of the colony may be thought to have 
 have carried their ideas of liberty rather too far in 
 some things, or, at least, not to have attended duly to 
 what was expedient in the case of a new establish- 
 ment, consisting of persons entirely unacquainted with 
 one another, and strangers to the measures which were 
 essential to their safety and subsistence in circumstan- 
 ces so peculiar and so unlike to those in which they 
 had hitherto been placed. The council were author- 
 ised, or rather instructed, to call a parliament. The 
 fifth article of the constitution runs in the following 
 terms: — "That after their landing and settlement as 
 aforesaid, they (the council) shall class and divide the 
 whole freemen, inhabitants of the said colony, into 
 districts, each district to contain at least fifty, and not 
 exceeding sixty freemen, inhabitants, who shall elect 
 yearly any one freeman, inhabitant, whom they shall 
 think fit to represent them in a parliament or council- 
 general of the said colony; which parliament shall be 
 called or adjourned by the said council as they see 
 cause, and being so constitute, may, with consent of 
 the said council, make and enact such rules, ordinan- 
 ces, and constitutions, and impose such taxes, as they 
 shall think fit and needful for the good establishment, 
 improvement, and support of the said colony ; pro- 
 viding always they lay no farther duties or impositions 
 of trade than what is here under expressed." f The 
 parliament actually met, and had at least two sessions. 
 During the first session, on the 24th of April, 1699, 
 it enacted thirty-four laws for the regulation of civil 
 and criminal justice in the colony. Along with a de- 
 sire to preserve a high tone of public morals, they dis- 
 cover great jealousy in guarding personal liberty. The 
 violation of women, though belonging to an enemy, is 
 made capital. The plundering of Indians is to be 
 punished as theft. Ingratitude is stigmatized. "No 
 man shall be confined or detained prisoner for above 
 the space of three months, without being brought 
 to a lawful trial." In all cases criminal, no judg- 
 ment shall pass against any man " without the con- 
 sent and concurrence of a jury of fifteen fit persons." 
 The person of a freeman shall not be subject to any 
 restraint whatever for debt, "unless there shall be 
 
 * Caled. Papers, ser. i. art. 4. 
 
 T Ibid. ser. i. art. 4. After January 1, 1702, imports of 
 European, Asian, or African goods, in ships of Scotland or 
 the colony, shall pay 2 per cent, and in other ships 3 per cent. 
 Imports of the growth and product of American plantations, of 
 what nation soever, 1 per cent. Exports of growth of Asia, 
 Africa, or America, in Scots or colonial vessels, shall pay 2 per 
 cent, and in other vessels 4 per cent. After reserving I -20th 
 of the lands, and of precious metals, stones, and wood, pearl- 
 flshing, and wrecks, " the company communicate to the colony, 
 and its dependencies which it may plant, all their privileges 
 secured by act of parliament." (Ibid.) 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 469 
 
 fraud or the design thereof, or wilful or apparent breach 
 of trust, misapplication, or concealment, first proved 
 upon him." * 
 
 On the subject of the parliament, Mackay, one of the 
 counsellors, writes to the secretary of the directors, 
 " We found the inconvenience of calling a parliament, 
 and of telling the inhabitants that they were freemen 
 so soon. They had not the true notion of liberty : the 
 thoughts of it made them insolent, and ruined com- 
 mand. You know that it's expressly in the encourage- 
 ments, that they are to serve three years, and at the 
 three years' end to have a division of land." Mackay 
 accordingly signified it as his opinion, that the parlia- 
 ment should not be convoked till the end of that pe- 
 riod.")" One great objection to that measure, and in- 
 deed the principal cause of the ruin of the colony, was 
 the character of the greater part of the settlers. No 
 care had been taken in their selection. The young 
 men of birth, who formed too large a proportion of 
 the colony, were unfit for commanding, and too proud 
 to submit to authority. And, among the lower orders 
 were many Highlanders and others who had taken part 
 against the Revolution, and were induced to join the 
 expedition by dissatisfaction with the government at 
 home. The idle, the unprincipled, and profligate, were 
 at no loss to find persons to recommend them among 
 the numerous holders of shares in the company. Nor 
 were the persons nominated as counsellors, and espe- 
 cially such of them as were naval ofl[icers, qualified 
 for that situation. It was not until after a long strug- 
 gle that Paterson prevailed on his colleagues to exer- 
 cise the right vested in them, by assuming other indi- 
 viduals into the government along with them, of whom 
 Samuel Veitch was one.:}: " There was not one of the 
 old council fitted for government, and things were 
 gone too far before the new took place." || 
 
 That the Spaniards would be jealous of a colony 
 planted so near their possessions, and would do every 
 thing in their po\Yer to weaken and extirpate it, was 
 what the Scots were prepared for ; but they did not 
 expect the same treatment from the Dutch, whose 
 Stadtholder they had lately made a king, or (which 
 was still more galling) from their neighbours and 
 brethren, the English. Sir Paul Rycaut, the English 
 resident at Hamburgh, had opposed a treaty of com- 
 merce between that town and the Scottish company ;§ 
 and the governors of Jamaica and the other plantations 
 of England in the West Indies and North America, 
 now issued proclamations, prohibiting all intercourse 
 with the colonists of New Caledonia and the furnish- 
 ing of them with provisions or necessaries of any kind, 
 and tending to excite the Spaniards against them as 
 unauthorised intruders on their possessions.^ To 
 these discouragements, and the alarm of an attack 
 from Panama, were added the difficultips which every 
 infant colony must struggle with, and for which the 
 most of the settlers, both of the better and poorer class, 
 were ill prepared. A great part of the provisions 
 which they had brought with them was found to be 
 bad ; it was necessary to put them on short allowance ; 
 the diseases to which Europeans are incident in a tro- 
 pical climate made their appearance ; a spirit of insub- 
 ordination broke out ; and a conspiracy, having for its 
 object the seizing of one of the vessels and leaving the 
 
 * Caled. Papers, ser. ii. art. 37. This curious document will 
 be found at length in the Appendix. 
 
 f Ibid. ser. ii. art. 4. iMackay's letter was written in Scot- 
 land, and the parliameut had been called soon after he left the 
 colony. 
 
 I Paterson's Report to the Directors, on his return: Caled. 
 Papers, ser. ii. art. 20. 
 
 II Paterson to Shields, Edinb. Feb. 6, 1700: Ibid. ser. iii. 
 art. 54. 
 
 5 Collection of Addresses, Memorials, &c. relating to the 
 Company of Scotland trading to .\frica and the Indies, p. 4 — 
 32. Act. Pari. Scot. x. 242, 243. 
 
 IT Collection, ut supra, p. 77—90. Act. Pari. Scot. x. 251. 
 
 colony, and in which some of the counsellors were in- 
 volved, was discovered.* 
 
 Soon after their arrival, Paterson had proposed send- 
 ing captain Veitch home to represent their situation to 
 the directors ; but he was overruled, and a Mr. Hamil- 
 ton was sent, which proved a great injury to the col- 
 ony, as he was " accomptant-general, and the only per- 
 son fit for that employment and for the management 
 of the cargoes, at this time in disorder."! After the 
 assumption of new counsellors in March following, the 
 discontents were checked, and the council dispatched 
 Mackay, one of their own number, to Britain, with an 
 address to his Majesty, and a pressing request to the 
 directors to send out with all expedition supplies of 
 provision, ammunition, and men.:|: But no word ar- 
 riving from home, and the internal state of the colony 
 becoming worse, the council suffered themselves to be 
 hurried into the dastardly resolution of evacuating the 
 settlement, which was carried into effect on the 23d of 
 June, 1699, within eight months from the time that 
 they had taken possession of it.|| This was a blow 
 which almost ])roved fatal to the vigorous intellect of 
 Paterson. When the minute of council agreeing to 
 this step was brought to him to sign, he was on board 
 the Unicorn, to which he had been conveyed some days 
 before, in a high fever, brought on by vexation at the 
 weakness of his colleagues, and grief at the sudden 
 frustration of his sanguine hopes.§ The depression of 
 his spirits continued after the fever had abated ;^ but 
 having recovered the tone of his mind at New York, 
 he sailed for Scotland to make his report to the com- 
 pany, and give them his best advice in the further pros- 
 ecution of their undertaking. Samuel Veitch, who 
 accompanied him from Darien, remained at New York, 
 a circumstance which appears to have made an unfa- 
 vourable impression on the minds of the directors.** 
 His conduct, in subsequently declining to accompany 
 his comrade Drummond, even after he had heard that 
 his brother was on the passage to Darien, gives ground 
 to believe that, though a brave and skilful officer, he 
 was deficient in that political courage and resolution 
 which were requisite for discharging the difficult trust 
 committed to him.f f 
 
 After hearing from the council of Caledonia, the di- 
 rectors lost no time in sending out the requisite sup- 
 plies for their colony. They had previously sent dis- 
 patches and provisions by a brig which sailed from the 
 Clyde on the 24t.h of February 1699, but which unfor- 
 tunately never reached the place of its desti nation. :j::J: 
 
 * Letter from the Council of Caledonia to the Directors, 
 April 21, 1699; Caled. Papers, ser. ii. art. 13. 
 
 t Paterson's Report to the Directors, Dec. 19, 1699: Caled. 
 Papers, ser. ii. art. 20. 
 
 \ Ibid. " Samuel Veach" signs the council's address, sent by 
 Mackay, who left the colony " on the 10th or 11th of April." 
 Collection of Addresses, &c. p. 76. 
 
 II Caled. Papers, ser. i. 71, 
 
 { " Captain Thomas Drummond and captain Samuel Veitch 
 had met with Pennycook and Campbell, and held their last 
 council, (June 18,) and brought orders to Paterson to sign for 
 their departure by Boston to Scotland." (Caled. Papers, ser. ii. 
 art. 20.) 
 
 IT " Sept. 29, 1699.— Meantime the grief has broke Mr. 
 Paterson's heart and brain; and now's he's a child, they may 
 do what they will for him. (Letter from J. Borland, Boston: 
 Caled. Papers, ser. ii. art. 19.) 
 
 ** Caled. Papers, ser. i. art. 74. In this paper the Directors 
 say, " Capt. Sam. Veitch having thought fit to stay behind at 
 New York, and giving us but shuffling accounts of the.se mat- 
 ters, (the cargo) we wish that Capt. Drummond, who was the 
 only other counsellor there, would give us the best light he can 
 into that matter. 
 
 ff " Mr. Samuel Veatch acquainted me (says Paterson) that 
 he would look after the effects put ashore — and that by that 
 means he would be in readiness logo back to the colony when 
 he should receive the company's orders." (Caled. Papers, ser. 
 ii. art. 20.) 
 
 II Secret Committee of the Council General to the Council 
 of Caledonia: Caled. Papers, ser. ii. art. 5. Borland's History 
 of Darien, p. 22, 26. 
 
470 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 On the arrival of Hamilton, Jamieson of the Olive- 
 Branch, accompanied by another vessel, containing 
 300 recruits, well equipped with provisions, arms, and 
 ammunition, was dispatched with all possible expedi- 
 tion.* He was followed by a larger fleet, consisting 
 of four ships, and containing 1300 men, which sailed 
 from the Isle of Bute on the 24th of September 1699, 
 and reached Caledonia Bay on the 30th of November.f 
 With this fleet William Veitch went out, in the Rising 
 Sun, commanded by James Gibson, and in the double 
 capacity of captain and a member of the council. :J: The 
 directors also sent off individuals, by difierent convey- 
 ances, with bills of credit for the use of the colony. || 
 But providence frowned on all their attempts. The 
 recruits in the Olive-Branch and her consort, finding 
 the settlement deserted, determined to repossess it, and 
 await the arrival of the fleet which was to follow ; but 
 one of their vessels having been burnt in the harbour, 
 they relinquished the attempt, and set sail for Jamai- 
 ca.§ When the fleet arrived, those who were on 
 board were thrown into the greatest perplexity. The 
 prospect was indeed sufficiently discouraging to per- 
 sons who expected to find a colony planted, and ready 
 to receive them. The huts were burned down ; the 
 fort dismantled and dilapidated ; the ground which had 
 been cleared, was again overgrown with shrubs and 
 weeds ; and all the tools and instruments of husbandry 
 were taken away.^f A general demand to be immedi- 
 ately conducted home was raised in the ships, which 
 was encouraged by Byres, one of the most forward 
 and bustling members of the council ; and it was with 
 the utmost difficulty that captain Veitch prevailed on 
 his colleagues to land the men.** In this he was 
 greatly assisted by Thomas Drummond, an enterpri- 
 sing officer and one of the former counsellors, who, 
 having learned at New York that supplies were on 
 their way from Scotland, had returned to the colony in 
 a sloop with provisions, and collected six or seven res- 
 olute fellows belonging to the Olive-Branch, who had 
 determined to remain in the place, and live among the 
 natives until the Rising Sun's party should arrive. ff 
 
 As the Spaniards had openly testified their hostility 
 to the colony by sending troops against the former set- 
 tlers,:}::^ and were now busily employed in preparations 
 for invading it, Drummond proposed to anticipate them 
 by an immediate attack on Porto Bello, which they 
 could easily reduce. This bold measure would have 
 inspired the colonists with confidence in themselves, 
 and supplied them with the resources which they were 
 most in want of. It met with the approbation of Veitch, 
 but was defeated by the timidity of some of his col- 
 leagues, and by the factious disposition of Byres, who 
 delighted to thwart the views of Drummond, and who, 
 taking advantage of certain words in the instructions 
 of the directors, rendered ambiguous by the recent de- 
 
   Sailed from Leitb, May 12, 1699. Caled. Papers, ser. ii. 
 art. 14. 
 
 + Caled. Papers, sen. ii. art. 30. The fleet consisted of the 
 Rising Sun, Hope. Duke Hamilton, and Hope of Borrowston- 
 ness. Just as they were about to set sail, intelligence of the 
 evacuation of the colony reached the Directors, who sent an 
 express to stop them; but they, " for reasons best known to 
 themselves," had sailed hastily, twenty-four hours before Mac- 
 kay, one of the former counsellors, could reach Bute with ad- 
 ditional instructions founded on his local knowledge. (Ibid, 
 ger. i. art. 74.) 
 
 X Ibid. ser. i. art. 83. Mrs. Veitch's Mem. p. 71. 
 
 11 Ibid. Short and Impartial View, p. 9—13. 
 
 6 Caled. Papers, ser. i. art. 74. Borland's History of Darien, 
 p. 28. 
 
 H Borland, p. 29. 
 
 ** Caled. Papers, ser. iii. art. 67. 
 
 ++ Caled. Papers, ser. ii. art. 8. Borland, 25, 30, 34. The 
 court of directors expressed their warmest approbation of 
 "these gentlemen's frankness and merit, in having so just and 
 tender a regard to the honour of their country, and the interest 
 of our company and colony." (Caled. Papers, ser. i. art. 74.) 
 
 IX Captain James Montgomery defeated a party of Spaniards 
 within the territories of the Indian captain Pedro, on the 6th 
 of February, 1699. Caled. Pap. ser. ii. art. 2. 
 
 Sertion of the settlement, succeeded in excluding him 
 from the council.* 
 
 Two ministers, Messrs. James and Scot, had been 
 sent out with the first expedition, one of whom died on 
 the passage, and the other soon after his arrival at 
 Darien. The council having written home to the di- 
 rectors, regretting the death of their ministers, and 
 begging that others might be sent to supply their 
 place, the commission of the general assembly, at the 
 particular desire of the board of directors, missioned 
 the well-known Mr. Alexander Shields, and three 
 other ministers, who sailed in the last fleet. f They 
 were instructed, on their arrival, with the advice and 
 concurrence of the government, to set apart a day for 
 solemn thanksgiving; to form themselves into a pres- 
 bytery ; to ordain elders and deacons ; and to divide 
 the colony into parishes, that so each minister might 
 have a particular charge. After which it was recom- 
 mended to them, " so soon as they should find the col- 
 ony in case for it, to assemble the whole Christian in- 
 habitants, and keep a day together for solemn prayer 
 and fasting, and with the greatest solemnity and seri- 
 ousness to avouch the Lord to be their God, and dedi- 
 cate themselves and the land to the Lord." They 
 were also particularly instructed to " labour among the 
 natives, for their instruction and conversion, as they 
 should have access. "4^ The circumstances in which 
 they found the colony, precluded them from thinking 
 of carrying the most of these instructions into execu- 
 tion. Two of them, however, preached on land, and 
 one of them on board the Rising Sun, every Sabbath; 
 but the irreligion and licentiousness which prevailed 
 among the colonists, in addition to the unfavourable 
 aspect of their external affairs, oppressed their spirits, 
 and paralysed their exertions. They undertook a jour- 
 ney into the interior, in company with lieutenant Turn- 
 bull, who had a slight knowledge of the Indian lan- 
 guage, with a view of becoming acquainted with the 
 natives ; and having spent some nights with them iu 
 their cabins, brought back the first word to the colony 
 of the approach of the Spaniards. || 
 
 When apprised of all the circumstances, the direc- 
 tors felt indignant at the conduct of those, who, on such 
 slight grounds, had left the settlement desolate, and 
 " whose glory" (to use their own emphatic language) 
 " it would have been to have perished there rather than 
 to have abandoned it so shamefully." In their letters 
 to the new counsellors and officers they implored them 
 to keep the example of their predecessors before their 
 eyes as a beacon, and to avoid those ruinous dissen- 
 sions and disgraceful vices on which they had wrecked 
 so hopeful an enterprise. They blame the old council 
 for deserting the place, "without ever calling a parlia- 
 ment or general meeting of the colony, or consulting 
 their inclinations in the least, but commanding them to 
 a blind and implicit obedience; which is more than 
 they ever can be answerable for. Wherefore (con- 
 tinue they) we desire you would constitute a parlia- 
 ment, whose advice you are to take in all important 
 matters. And in the mean time you are to acquaint 
 the officers and planters with the constitutions, and tlie 
 few edditional ones sent with Mr. Mackay, that all and 
 every person in the colony may know their duty, ad- 
 
 * Queries by Drummond, in his accusation of Byres: Caled. 
 Papers, ser. i. art. 66. Borland, 44. The committee appointed 
 by the board of directors to inquire into this afl'air decided 
 against Byres, and appealed, among other proofs, to the letters 
 of Shields. Caled. Papers, ser. iii. art. 44. He afterwards at- 
 tempted, but without success, to vindicate his conduct, in "A 
 Letter to a Friend in Edinburgh from Rotterdam — by James 
 Byres;" printed anno 1702. Byres was a merchant. Caled. 
 Pap. ser. iii. art. 42. 
 
 t Caled. Papers, ser. ii. art. 7, 31, 32. Letter. Robert Wy- 
 lie to Mr. Shields: MSS. in Advocates Library, Rob. IIL 3, 6, 
 art. 145. Borland, 22, 34. 
 
 { Copy of the Commission to the Presbytery of Caledonia, 
 in Borland, p. 34—37. 
 
 11 Caled. Paoers, ser. iii. art. 43. Borland, 38, 40, 44—49. 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 471 
 
 vantages, and privileges."* Alarmed at the accounts 
 which they soon after received from Darien, the coun- 
 cil-general of the company dispatched a proclamation, 
 declaring that it shall be lawful to any person of what- 
 ever degree inhabiting the colony, not only to protest 
 against, but to disobey and oppose, any resolution to 
 desert the colony; " and that it shall be death either 
 publicly or privately to move, deliberate, or reason 
 upon" any such desertion or surrender, without special 
 order from the council-general for that etfect. And 
 they order and require the council of Caledonia to pro- 
 claim this solemnly, as they shall be answprabie.| 
 But before these orders were issued, the event wliich 
 the company dreaded so much had taken place. 
 
 Though the men were now busily employed in re- 
 building the huts and repairing the fort, strenuous ef- 
 forts to discourage the work continued to be made in 
 the council, by the faction which sought the evacua- 
 tion of the settlement. It was with difficulty that cap- 
 tain Veitch was allowed to protest against some of their 
 resolutions ;:j: and for opposing them with warmth, cap- 
 tain Drummond was laid under arrest. Speaking of 
 the latter, Mr. Shields says, — " Under God it is owing 
 to him, and the prudence of captain Veitch, that we 
 have staid here so long, which was no small difficulty 
 to accomplish. "II And in another letter, written a few 
 days after, he says, — "If we had not met with him, 
 (Drummond,) at our arrival, we had never settled in 
 this place : Byres and Lindsay being averse from it, 
 and designing to discourage it, from the very first : 
 Gibson being indiiferent, if he get his pipe and dram : 
 only Veitch resolved to promote it, who was all along 
 Drumraond's friend, and concurred with his proposal 
 to send men against the Spaniards at first, and took 
 the patronizing of his cause as long as he could conve- 
 niently, but with such caution and prudence, as to 
 avoid and prevent animosity and faction, (which he 
 saw unavoidable,) threatening the speedier dissolution 
 of this interest, if he should insist on the prosecution 
 of that plea, and in opposition to that speat that was 
 running against Drummond, But now Fanabj com- 
 ing, who was Drummond's comrade and fellow-officer 
 in Lorn's regiment in Flanders, he is set at liberty ."§ 
 
 In the mean time the Spanish troops from Panama 
 and Santa Maria advanced by land against the colo- 
 ny, being conducted through the woods by Indians and 
 Negroes. Captain Campbell of Fanab, at the head of 
 200 men, drove them back in a skirmish in which he 
 was wounded ; but a fleet of eleven ships, under the 
 command of Don Juan Pimienta, the governor of Car- 
 thagena, having blockaded the harbour, and landed a 
 reinforcement at some distance, they again advanced, 
 and invested the fort.** Being cut off from water, re- 
 duced by sickness, and in despair of relief from home, 
 the garrison -Weie loud in their demands for a capitu- 
 lation, to which the council w^ere constrained to agree. 
 Accordingly captain Veitch, being duly authorised by 
 his colleagues, entered into a capitulation with the 
 Spanish commander, to evacuate the settlement on 
 
 * Caled. Papers, ser. i. art. 74. 
 
 f The proclamation bears to have been "Given at the Com- 
 pany's house in Edinburgh, the 3d day of June, 1700." Caled. 
 Papers, ser. i. art. 69. " The unaccountable manner in which 
 your predecessors left the settlement has been — detestable to 
 this nation in general, and to our company in particular," say 
 the directors to the council. Ibid. ser. i. art. 93. Owing to the 
 " unaccountable conduct and intolerable insolence in their 
 double capacities," of the commanders of the first ships, the 
 directors had come to the resolution that none of the counsel- 
 lors should have any other capacity. Ibid.ger. iii. art. 65. 
 
 t Ibid. ser. i. art. 66, 69, ii. 29. 
 
 II Letter about the beginning of March, 1700: Caled. Papers, 
 ser, iii. art. 68. 
 
 5 Alexander Campbell of Fanab had been Lieut. Colonel, and 
 Thomas Drummond, a Captain, in Argyle's regiment. (Act. 
 Pari. Scot. xi. 174. App. 61.) 
 
 f Caled. Pap. ser. iii. art. 67. 
 
 ** Ibid. ser. iii. 68. Borland, 59. 
 
 honourable terras.* The inhabitants having gone on 
 board, with all their goods and provisions, they weigh- 
 ed anchor on the 11th of April, 1600, and sailed foi 
 Jamaica, after having occupied Caledonia about four 
 months and a half. During the siege " captain Veitch 
 had the great burden of aflfairs lying on him, because 
 captain Gibson tarried most part aboard his ship ;" 
 and the other counsellors either were dead, had left the 
 colony, or refused to act.j- Having sailed in the com- 
 pany's ship the Hope, Veitch died at sea, before the 
 vessel was wrecked on the rocks of Colorades, on the 
 western coast of Cuba. All parties agreed in paying 
 an honourable tribute to the memory of captain Wil- 
 liam Veitch. " He was a sober, discreet, and prudent 
 man, (says Borland) but broken with the many crosses 
 and burdens he met with in his undertaking.":]: And 
 Byres, whose measures he had all along resisted, says, 
 " I know that captain Veitch was very faithful, and 
 laid out all he received on the company's goods duly 
 for the men's provisions. "|j The Rising Sun was 
 wrecked on the bar of Carolina, and the captain, crew, 
 and passengers, with the exception of sixteen persons 
 who had previously landed, were lost.§ 
 
 Thus unfortunately terminated the only attempt at 
 colonization ever made by the nation of Scotland. Its 
 failure produced a ferment at home, which it required 
 all the arts and influence of the court to allay .^ The 
 scheme was ruined by the first desertion of the settle- 
 ment, and that was owing chiefly to disunion and want 
 of energy in the council. If the directors had taken 
 care to put the government of the colony at first into 
 good hands; if they had placed a man of capacity at 
 their head for a limited time ; if they had sent out ad- 
 vices and supplies early and frequently ; and if Eng- 
 land had acted with a moderate share of liberality, or 
 foresight, it would not have been in the power of Spain 
 to mar the success of the settlement. And if it had 
 succeeded, who can estimate the extent of the changes 
 which it would have produced on the state of the 
 American continent, the British settlements, and the 
 commerce of the world 1 In that case, the author of 
 the scheme, instead of being regarded merely as an in- 
 genious speculator, would have had his name enrolled 
 among great men and the benefactors of their species. 
 William Paterson possessed the patriotism and love of 
 liberty which distinguished his friend and coadjutor, 
 Andrew Fletcher of Salton, without the strong shade 
 of national partiality which narrowed the views of that 
 celebrated politician. He was defrauded of the hon- 
 our due to him in the formation of the Bank of Eng- 
 
 * The resolution to capitulate was agreed to on the 18th of 
 March at a meeting of council in the fort, attended by the land 
 and sea officers. (Caled. Paper.«, ser. i. art. 83.) The follow- 
 ing is the commission to Veitch: — "We undersubscribing, 
 counsellors of Caledonia, doe hereby empower you. Captain 
 Williani Veitch, one of our number, to goe to the Spanish 
 ramp, and there with his Excellencie Don Juan Pimienta, gen- 
 eral of the army and governor of Carthagena, to treat, capitu- 
 late, and agree upon what articles you shall find most conve- 
 nient lor our leaving our settlement here, and what you doe 
 herein we obleige ourselves to perform. In testimony where- 
 of." &c. March 21, 1700. (lb. i. 97.) The articles of capitula- 
 tion, which were subscribed on the 31«t of March, are publish- 
 ed by Borland. (Hist. p. 66—68.) 
 
 f Borland, 65. 
 
 \ Ibid. 84. He came on board the Margaret of Dundee on 
 the 8th of July; (Caled. Papers, ser. iii. art. SO.) and probably 
 died soon after. Lieutenant Turnbull, in his deposition given 
 in to the Directors of the Company after his return to Scotland, 
 " declares that when Captain William Veitch died on board of 
 the Company's ship the Hope, he had two bags of money in his 
 chest, belonging (as he believes upon credible grounds) to 
 Archibald Stewart ;" that the key was given him by the de- 
 ceased; that he did not think himself at liberty to deliver it or 
 the money up, except to Veitch's father or the Directors; but 
 that Captain Colin Campbell, as eldest officer, requiring it " in 
 a conmranding manner," he was forced to yield, after taking a 
 protest before witnesses. (Caled. Papers, ser. iii. art. 43.) 
 
 II Byres's Letter to a Friend in Edinburgh, p. 93. 
 
 } Borland, 79—81. 
 
 T Laing's Hist, of Scotland Ji..244—6,.250. 
 
472 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 land, by persons who viere as inferior to him in genius 
 as they were in generosity ; but instead of wasting his 
 time in declaiming against the ingratitude of mankind, 
 he directed his great powers to the opening up of ano- 
 ther channel for promoting their good. And when 
 that also failed, he did not seek to abate his mortifica- 
 tion, or to vindicate his fame, by throwing the blame 
 of its miscarriage on the directors who had undertaken 
 to manage it ; but he went to these very individuals, 
 and submitted to them a new plan of public utility less 
 calculated to alarm men of timid minds; and in order 
 the more effectually to secure its success, he proposed 
 to admit to a large share of its advantages that very 
 nation which had so ungenerously thwarted his favour- 
 ite and most splendid scheme.* These are proofs of 
 something which is greater than genius, and to which 
 few men of genius, alas ! now-a-days at least, have 
 a title to lay claim. 
 
 The reader will excuse this digression. 1 have been 
 drawn into it by the interesting nature of the subject, 
 and by regret at the unsatisfactoriness of the accounts 
 of it which are before the public. The modern ac- 
 counts of the colony at Darien are chiefly borrowed 
 from Sir John Dalrymple,f who, in liis Memoirs, pro- 
 fesses to have taken his facts from the unpublished 
 papers of the company. But so far from having avail- 
 ed himself of these documents, he has given a very 
 imperfect and inaccurate representation of what is con- 
 tained in the printed narratives. All that he has done 
 is to throw an air of romance over the story, and to 
 tinge it with his own prejudices. He talks ridiculous- 
 ly of the first fleet sent out by the company, as suffi- 
 cient " to have gone from the northmost part of Mexico 
 to the southmost of Chili, and to have overturned the 
 whole empire of Spain in the South Seas.":j: He rep- 
 resents the Spaniards in the new world, as showing 
 kindness to the Scottish colonists after they left Dari- 
 en : when it is well known that such of them as hap- 
 pened to be shipwrecked on their coasts, were treated 
 with great barbarity, and detained for years in Spanish 
 
 Erisons.jl He speaks of colonel Campbell of Finab 
 aving "dissipated the Spanish force with great 
 slaughter," when there were only eight or nine of the 
 Spaniards killed, and three taken prisoners, in the skir- 
 mish referred to ; and he represents that officer as 
 bravely conducting the defence of the fort, when he 
 was in fact lying sick on board one of the vessels. § 
 His whole account of the conduct of the ministers sent 
 out^by the church of Scotland is pure rodomontade ;^ 
 and had he looked into the papers of the company, he 
 would have found all his statements on this head flatly 
 contradicted. How could the ministers find, " when 
 they arrived, the officers and gentlemen occupied in 
 building houses for themselves with their own hands," 
 when they all arrived at the same time 1 It is true 
 that one of the ministers, in a printed history of the 
 colony, states that they could not get huts erected for 
 them during the whole of their stay, and were obliged 
 to live on board the ships, which prevented them from 
 
 • Carstairs, State Pajiers, p. 631, 645, 656. Paterson's Last 
 Plan: Caled. Pap. uer. i. art. 77. Dalryniple, Mera. App. to P. 
 iii. B. vi. 
 
 f This asserrion is not intended to apply to Mr. Laing; 
 though prepossessed with the idea that the Darien colony was 
 of the satne character as the South Sea and Mississippi schemes, 
 fae has not treated it with his usual research and penetration. 
 
 I Memoirs of Great Britain, vol. iii. p. 133. 8vo. 
 
 II Carstairs, State Papers, p. 676. Scotland's Grievances re- 
 lating to Darien, p. 8. Graham, one of the persons wrecked in 
 captain' Pinkerton's shfp, depones that they were stripped — put 
 in a dungeon — starved — made to work with slaves — put in irons 
 at Havannah — sent in irons to Cadiz — sent in irons in a small 
 boat to Seville — coP'Iemned as pirates — and kept in irons till 
 liberated in Septeraoer, 1700. (Caled. Papers, ser. rii. art. 48. 
 comp. i. 85.) The treatment which the crew of the Little Hope 
 met with, after the capitulation, was simitar. (Act. Pari. Scot. 
 xi. App. 114.) 
 
 6 Dalrymple's Mem. ut supra, p. 140. Carstain, p. 612 — 
 615. Borland. 58. 
 
 T Dalrymple, p. 136— 143. 
 
 a proper discharge of their duty ; but there is no evi- 
 dence whatever that they " complained grievously" 
 that these were not " immediately built for their accom- 
 modation." So far were they from wishing to quit the 
 settlement, and from fomenting discontent, that, as we 
 have already seen, they supported those counsellors 
 and officers who were most anxious to remain. If 
 they complained of the licentiousness of many of the 
 officers and gentlemen, this was no more than the court 
 of directors did upon the best information. " It's a 
 lasting disgrace (say they) to the memories of those 
 officers who went in the first expedition, that even the 
 meanest planters were scandalized at the licentiousness 
 of their lives, many of thc-m living very intemperately 
 and viciously for many months at the public charge, 
 whilst the most sober and industrious among them 
 were vigilant in doing their duty.— Nor can we, upon 
 serious reflection, wonder if an enterprise of this na- 
 ture has misgiven in the hands of such as we have too 
 much reason to believe neither feared God nor regard- 
 ed man."* The directors found reason soon after to 
 express an opinion not much more favourable of the 
 successors of the first colonists. | 
 
 The same paper bears honourable testimony to the 
 character of the ministers. In a letter to captain Tho- 
 mas Drummoiid, Paterson says,—" I have wrote to 
 Mr. Alexander Shields. Pray converse with him, and 
 take his advice ; for you will find him a man of cour- 
 age and constancy, and that does not want experience 
 of the world. I hope much from him and you.":^ 
 " Pray remember me kindly to Mr. Shiels, (says one 
 of the leading directors,) whose joining with captain 
 Thomas Drummond's motion for attacking Portobell 
 makes him so valued and beloved here that it will 
 never be forgot."!) Writing to the officers of the col- 
 ony, the directors say, " You have the advantage of 
 having good ministers to watch over you ; and we 
 hope you'll give them no occasion by any indecent 
 behaviour, to repine at their having gone such a voyage, 
 which we are assured nothingcan make them do so much 
 as the contempt of ordinances. We hope better things 
 of you."§ To the council they write : — " We earnest- 
 ly press and recommend you, to suppress riot and im- 
 moralities : but especially that you encourage virtue 
 and discourage vice by the example of your own lives, 
 and give all the necessary assistance to your ministers, 
 in establishing discipline and good order among your 
 people."^ There are three letters by the directors to 
 " the moderator and remanent members of the church 
 of Caledonia," written in the most respectful and con- 
 fidential strain. They tell them, that they were in 
 hopes to hear from them ; that they were sorry to learn 
 that divisions had again broken out in Caledonia; that 
 they had no doubt of the patience and constancy of the 
 ministers ; and trusted, they would urge and admonish 
 all to unity, and in due time would prove the happy 
 instruments of conveying the gospel to the natives of 
 that country. " As for what concerns you in particu- 
 lar," continue they, " we shall not only perform our 
 engagements, but contribute to make your present sta- 
 tions easy, by enjoining all under your charge to have 
 a due regard to good discipline and order. We are 
 heartily sorry for the death of Mr. Dalgliesh ; and 
 that amongst many other disappointments, you should 
 be under such discouragements in the execution of your 
 charge, from the cold indifference of some, and the vi- 
 cious lives of others of your people. We have writ- 
 ten fully to the council about this matter."** Mr. 
 
 * Directors to the Overseero and remanent Officers in the 
 Colony, Feb. 10, 1700: Caled. Papers, ser. i. 75. 
 - + Ibid. ser. i. art. 76. 
 
 I Ibid. ser. iii. art. 55. Comp. art. 53, 54. 
 
 II Letter from Sir Francis Scot of Thirlstane to captain Daniel 
 Mackay, Edin. June 13, 1700: Caled. Pap. ser. iii. art. 51. 
 
 5 Ibid. sei. i. art. 75. 
 
 T Ibid. ser. i. art. 74. Comp. art. 72. 
 
 »• Ibid. ser. i. art. 76. "In respect that the company 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 473 
 
 Shield's account of the situation of himself and his 
 two brethren, is written with a feeling which is an in- 
 ternal evidence of its truth. " Our meetings amongst 
 ourselves are in the woods ; where the chattering of 
 parrots, mourning of pelicans, and din of monkeys, 
 is more pleasant than the hellish language of our coun- 
 trymen in their hutts and tents of Kedar; and our con- 
 verse with the Indians, though with dumb signs, is 
 more satisfying than with the most part of our own 
 people. Severals of them came to our meetings for 
 worship, and we have exercised in their families, when 
 •ravelling among them, where they behaved themselves 
 very reverently ; but we have neither language nor 
 interpreter. But our people doe scandalize them both 
 by stealing from them, and teaching them to swear and 
 drink."* 
 
 Sir John Dalrymple inveighs against the ministers 
 for interfering officiously in the settling of the terms of 
 capitulation ;f but he takes care not to state the facts, 
 which are highly honourable to them. One of the ar- 
 ticles proposed by Veitch was, " That the Indians who 
 have been friendly to us, and conversed with us, since 
 we came hither, shall not be molested on our account." 
 To this the Spanish commander refused to accede ; 
 and some of the Indian chiefs who had been most 
 friendly to the colony, were taken from the side of the 
 Scottish ships and made prisoners. The ministers, 
 pitying the poor natives, drew up a petition in their 
 favour, and sent it to the Spanish fleet by Mr. Shields. 
 When he was enforcing the petition, Pimienta, who 
 was of an irascible temper, said to him in Latin, 
 " Mind your own business ;" to which Shields replied, 
 " I shall mind it," and retired. The conduct of the 
 council, in leaving their Indian allies exposed to the 
 vengeance of the Spaniards, was much condemned by 
 some of the colonists. :[: 
 
 To return to S&muel Veitch — he joined the army in 
 New England, and was advanced to the rank of colo- 
 nel. He came to Scotland in the year 1706, on a visit 
 to his parents, but soon returned to the New World. || 
 In 1710, he was ordered to join the expedition under 
 General Nicolson, which was sent against the French 
 possessions in Nova Scotia, where they took the town 
 and fort of Port-Royal,§ to which, in honour of the 
 Queen, they gave the name of Aimapolis.^ Colonel 
 
 (say the directors to the council of Caledonia) has an en- 
 tire confidence in the zeal, capacity, and integrity of Mr. Alex- 
 ander Shieis, our council-general do rrcommend to you, to — 
 admit him to be present in your council, that when you find it 
 necessary you may take his advice in anj' important aflairs that 
 may occur." (Ibid. ser. i. art. 94.) 
 
 * Alexander Shields to the Presbytery of St. Andrews, Cale- 
 donia Bay, Feb. 2, 1700. Christian Instructor, vol. xviii. p. 
 478. 
 
 •)• Memoirs, iii. 101. 
 
 i Borland, 67. Caled. Papers, ser. iii. art. 78. Mr. Shields 
 died at Port Royal in Jamaica on the 14th of June, 1700, of a 
 malignant fever. (Borland, 78.) Mr. Stobo, another of the 
 ministers, settled in Carolina; (Ibid. 21 — 23.) and Mr. Borland 
 returned to Scotland, where he wrote a narrative of the expe- 
 dition. 
 
 II Mrs. Veitch's Mem. p. 114. 
 
 5 " When the Queen sent over my son, Samuel, and General 
 Nicolson went over, to take in Jamaica, she gave him a com- 
 mission to be governor there, if he took it in. — At length they 
 yielded the place without much bloodshed." (Mrs. Veitch's 
 Mem. p. 117.) Mrs. Veitch must have confounded Port Royal 
 in North America with Port Royal in Jamaica, which last place 
 would be impressed on her memory b}- the circumstance of her 
 eldest son having died off it. 
 
 IT "Minehead, Dec. 11. A vessel came in on the 9th, five 
 weeks from Boston, gives an account that Colonel Nicholson 
 had taken Port Royal in Acadia, belonging to the French, with 
 the loss often men killed, and of a transport vessel wherein the 
 captain and the men were drowned. He says that Colonel 
 Nicholson was returned to Boston, before he left that port, 
 having left Colonel Vich and Sir Charles Hobby with 500 Eng- 
 lish troops in garrison in the Fort, in which were 50 or 60 guns; 
 the French governor with 200 men being made prisoners-of- 
 war. He reports that Colonel Nicholson had sent 2 gentlemen 
 to Quebeck, to inform the governor of that jjlnce, tnat, if ac- 
 cording' to his use, he should encourage the Indians barbarouslv 
 
 3 K 
 
 Veitch was made governor of that place.* In the 
 month of June next year he was recalled from Annap- 
 olis to Boston, f to take the command of two regiments 
 of New England, which were to join the armament un- 
 der Major-General Hill, and Admiral Sir Hovenden 
 Walker, intended for the reduction of Quebec and Pla- 
 centia. The fleet consisted of ten ships of war, and 
 abovo sixty transports, having on board 5000 troops 
 from Flanders and Britain.:}: They sailed from Boston 
 in the end of July, and entered the River of St. Law- 
 rence ; but encoimtered a severe storm, in which seve- 
 ral of the transports, with the troops on board, were 
 lost.lj In consequence of this and the want of provi- 
 sions to sustain the troops, if they should be locked up 
 in Quebec by the frost during the winter, it was re- 
 solved by a council of war to abandon the enterprise 
 and return home.§ Colonel Veitch enjoyed the confi- 
 dence both of the general and admiral, the latter of 
 whom speaks very highly of his skill, zeal, and activ- 
 ity in the expedition.^f He returned to his government 
 at Annapolis, and ultimately settled at New York, 
 where he married a grand-daughter of the well-known 
 Mr. John Livingston, by whom he had a daughter call- 
 ed Aleda, who married an American gentleman of the 
 name ofPinknie, near Philadelphia.** 
 
 It only remains to say a few words respecting Ebe- 
 nezer, Mr. Veitch's youngest son. He was trained for 
 the ministry of the church, and appears to have been a 
 young man of uncomnion piety. After being licensed 
 to preach, he was the first person who received the ap- 
 pointment to a lectureship in Edinburgh, on what was 
 called M'AUa's mortification, which still subsists. 
 David Mackall, or M'Alla, was a merchant who, in 
 testimony of his gratitude for success in business, be- 
 queathed in the year 1639, besides other legacies for 
 pious uses, a sum of money, the interest of which was 
 to be applied by the magistrates and town council of 
 Edinburgh, as a salary to one who should preach every 
 Sunday morning in the Tron church. ff A number of 
 
 to scalp the English prisoners, he would use the same severity 
 upon the French inhabitants in Port Royal, who are about 500 
 in number." The capitulation was signed by Francis Nichol- 
 son, Esq. and M. de Subercase, on the 2d of October, 1710. 
 (The Scots Courant, No. 823. Monday, 18th, to Wednesday, 
 20th December, 1710.) 
 
 * A Journal, or full account of the late Expedition to Can- 
 ada. By Sir Hovenden Walker, Kt. P. 114, 142. Lond. 1720. 
 
 t Ibid. p. 68,94. 
 
 \ Ibid. p. 106—108. The Scots Courant, Nos. 868—897. 
 " Boston, New England, July 24, 1711. On the 25th past ar- 
 rived here Admiral Walker's squadron, with the land forces un- 
 der Brigadier Hill. The New English forces, consistingof two 
 regiments, those of Hampshire and Rhode Island, commanded 
 by Colonel Walton, and the Massachuset's Bay, by the Hon'''*- 
 Colonel Vetch, who commands both regiments, will be ready 
 to embark the 25th instant, and will sail the first fair wind." 
 (The Scots Courant, No. 941. Monday, September 24, 1711.) 
 
 II Seven transports, and victualler of New England, were 
 wrecked, and 884 men lost. Walker'-s Journal, p. 128. 
 
 5 Scots Courant, Nos. 950 — 954. Walker's Journal, p. 26, 
 141,302. 
 
 IT Walker's Journal, p. 26, 93,94. In p. 116, is a letter from 
 colonel Veitch to the Admiral, stating his suspicions of a French 
 pilot, and ofiering to proceed to Cape Breton, "in order to set 
 the course of the fleet, when they come up, in case it be foggj'." 
 
 ** Mrs. Veitch's Mem. p. 115; and Genealogical Tree of the 
 Family. 
 
 ft "Be it kend — me David Mackall, merchant burges of Ed- 
 inburgh, for sa meickle as it has pleased God to bless me in my 
 calling — whairupone — I vowed and promised to the Lord my 
 God to dedicate some portioun of the meanes and substance 
 bestowed upon me to pious uses. Thairfore, and in humble 
 performance thereof, 1, in the tenor heirof, give, dott, and dis- 
 pone: — Item, thrie thousand and five hundred merkis money 
 foresaid, to be emploj'ed upon land for annual rent to the be- 
 hoove of ane sufficient and qualified minister or preatchcr, to 
 mak prayers and preatching every Suaday in the morning, in 
 the south eist kirk that is building at Nuddries wjMid heid, 
 quhilk pretching and prayeries sail be doone everie Sundaj' in 
 the morning, conforme to the Trew reliarioun establishit present- 
 lie profest within this kingdome, without any alteration, addi- 
 tioun, or diminishing therfra in anie sort, bot onlie to be doone 
 as it is now usit, without adding of any unnecessar ceremonie 
 
'^'4 
 
 MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 years elapsed before that church was ready for public 
 worship ; and when it was opened the magistrates did 
 not establish the lectureship, although they were in 
 possession of the funds appropriated to its support, so 
 that, at length, it came to be forgotten that any such 
 bequest had been made. But the fact having been 
 discovered in the year 1701, the town council appoint- 
 ed a committee to inquire into the matter, and on their 
 report agreed immediately to carry the will of the do- 
 nor into effect, by applying the legal interest of a thou- 
 sand pounds sterling to the support of a preacher.* 
 Accordingly, on the 17th of June, 1702, they presented 
 " Mr. Ebenezer Veitch, preacher of the gospel, to the 
 office of performing preaching and jjrayer's in the Tron 
 church, at the time and in manner appointed by Mr. 
 M'Alla's mortification ;" and recommended to him fur- 
 ther to preach one diet on the Lord's day, as he shall 
 be employed by any of the ministers of the burgh. f 
 Subsequently he engaged, at the desire of the town 
 council and presbytery, " to visit the sick of the parish 
 of the Tron kirk when called thereto, to ease the rev- 
 erend Mr. George Meldrum of that part of his ministe- 
 rial function ;" he having been lately appointed profes- 
 sor of divinity in the university, on the death of Mr. 
 George Campbell,:}: 
 
 In May, 1703, he left Edinburgh, having received a 
 call to be minister of Ayr;j| and he soon after married 
 Margaret, daughter of the venerable Mr. Patrick War- 
 ner, minister of Irvine,§ a j'^oung lady remarkable for 
 personal beauty. Having gone to Edinburgh in De- 
 cember, 1706, to attend the commission of the general 
 assembly, he obtained leave of absence for a few days 
 to dispense the communion to his people. On his re- 
 turn to the capital he was seized with a dangerous 
 sickness. For some time before this, his friends had 
 abserved that his thoughts turned much on death, and 
 that when engaged in prayer, both in public and in his 
 family, he appeared more like a person in heaven than 
 on earth. His wife hurried from Ayr as soon as she 
 received notice of his illness. Hearing him talk of his 
 willingness and desire to die, she asked if he would 
 not wish to live with her, and serve the church on 
 earth, a little longer ; to which he replied in the nega- 
 tive, recommended her to God, who had been all in all 
 
 thairto, that was laitlie )yk to be brocht in the kirk, and no 
 utherwayes. And I inak and constitut the provost and bailies 
 of the said burgh, present and to cum, patrones for presenting 
 of the said minister to the said kirk, with consent of my aires 
 and successors in all tyrae cuming." (Records of Town Coun- 
 cil of Edinburgh, Dec. 28, 1639. vol. xv. f. 109, 110.) 
 
 » Records of Town Council, Sept. 5, 1701. vol. xxxvi.p. 890 
 — 892. Maitland, who has given a short account of this bene- 
 faction, after saying that the council appropriated " the income 
 of one thousand pounds of the said money" to the support of 
 preaching in the Tron Church, adds, " but how vhe remaining 
 part of the money is applied, is to me unknown." (Hist, of 
 Edinburgh, p. 166.) This was owing to his own carelessness. 
 For in the minute just referred to, the interest of the money is 
 calculated from the death of the donor down to the year 1701, 
 and when this is added to the principal, the whole sum does 
 not amount to quite 18,000 merks Scots or lOOOi. Sterling; so 
 that there was no surplus to be applied in any wa)', and the 
 magistrates acted in every respect honourably in the trust. 
 
 f Records, ul supra, vol. xxxvii. p. 174. 
 
 i Ibid. Oct. 9, 1702. vol. xxxvii. p. 308. 
 
 II On the 12th of May, 1703, Mr. James Abtoun, preacher of 
 the gospel, was chosen successor to him in the lectureslii|>. 
 (Records of Town Council, vol. xxxvii. p. 891.) The Town 
 Council came to a resolution, on the 17th of November, 1703, 
 that, instead of one, two persons should be appointed to this 
 office, to lecture ;>er vices; and that the annual rent should be 
 divided between them. The reason assigned for this new ar- 
 rangement is, that they had found by experience •' tlie great 
 good, blessing, and usefulness of the said morning lecture not 
 only to the inhabitants of the citie, but to the preachers them- 
 selves, who have great opportunity to exercise and make known 
 their cifts and qualifications for the ministrie, so that severals 
 alreaJie have been called from that charge and settled in con- 
 siderable congregations: and that the said lecture became lyke 
 a kind of seminerie to some part of the church." (Ibid. p. 686.) 
 
 } On the 8th of January, 1692, the town council o( Edin- 
 burgh subscribed a call to " Mr. Patrick Vcrnour, Diiuister of 
 
 to him, and gave her a parting embrace. Then turn- 
 ing to the ministers who were present, he said, " Pas- 
 sengers for glory, how far think you am I from the new 
 Jerusalem ?" " Not far, Sir," replied one of them. 
 "Then I'll climb till I be up among that innumerable 
 company of angels and the spirits of just men made 
 perfect." They removed his wife ; but just as he was 
 a-dying, she burst into the room and came to his bed- 
 side, when, waving his hand, he said, " I will not look 
 back again," and expired.* 
 
 This Supplement to Mr. Veitch's Memoirs shall be 
 closed with the following account of his children, 
 copied from a writing, in his own hand, on the margin 
 of his family Bible.f 
 
 " I was maryed at Lanark by Mr. Ro' Birnie — jf. 
 twenty-third day of Novr 1664. 
 
 " Mary, my first child, was born on Monday the 23 
 of Sepf 1665, at the Hills of Dunsyre, and baptised at 
 Lintoun, by M^ Rot Eliot.|| She dyed March 9, 1666, 
 and was buried at Dunsyre kirk. 
 
 " William, my 2<i child, was born on Tuesday the 
 2d day of April, 1667, at the Hills of Dunsyre, botnot 
 baptised untill the 16 day of August following, and 
 that at Smalholm, by Mr Thomas Donaldsone.§ Wit- 
 nesses were John Murray of Ashiesteel,^ John Brown, 
 merchant in Kelso, and M"" John Vetch, minister of 
 Westruther. 
 
 " Samuel, my third child, born on Wednesday, at 
 Edenburgh, being the ninth day of December^ 1668, 
 and baptised the threttenth by M' John Blackadar, a 
 Minister in Galaway; the laird of Westshiel,** Andrew 
 Stevenson, and M' William Livingstoun,f f merchants 
 in Ed"^ were witnesses. 
 
 " James, my fourth child, was born at Edenburgh, 
 on Thursday March 9 day, 1671 ; baptised the 18 day, 
 by M' Thomas Hog.:}^:}: He dyed at Arnistoun with the 
 
 Irvine," to be one of the ministers of this city. (Records of 
 Town Council.) The names Vemor and IFarner are used in- 
 terchangeably in documents of that period. 
 
 * Mrs. Ve'itch's Mem. p. 111—114. Mrs. Ebenezer Veitch 
 was afterwards married to Mr. Robert Wodrow, the historian. 
 " This marriage was assented to by her father-in-law, Mr. Wil- 
 liam Veitch, whom she came to consult about its propriety all 
 the way from Air to Dumfries, before it was solemnized." 
 (Gencal. Tree of the Famiiy.) 
 
 + This Bible is now in Dumfries, in the possession of Mrs. 
 Nicholas Denholm, relict of the Reverend William Wightman, 
 late minister of Dalton. 
 
 I Mr. Robert Birnie, minister at Lanark, was a nonconform- 
 ist to prelacy. (Wodrow, i. App. 75.) 
 
 II Messrs.' Robert Elliot, father and son, were, in 1672, in- 
 dulged to Lintoun. Wodrow's list of nonconformists contains 
 Mr. Robert Elliot at Linton, presbytery of Peebles, who sur- 
 vived the Revolution. (Ibid. i. App. 138, 72.) 
 
 { Mr. Thomas Donaldsone was confined to his own parish of 
 Sniailholm. (Ibid. i. App. 73.) 
 
 IT "The laird and lady Ashiesteil" were cited to appear be- 
 fore the privy council, along with several other gentlemen and 
 ladies, for being present at a conventicle, in the parish of Gala- 
 shiels, which was surprised by Claverhouse in 1679. (Wod- 
 row, ii. 40.) "John Murray of Eshlesteill" was commissioner 
 of excise for Selkirk, in 1661. — " Eshiesteill lyand in Etterick 
 forest and shirretT-donic of Selkirk." (Act. Pari. Scot. vii. 91 ; 
 viii. 356.) 
 
 *» "Sir William Denholm of Westshields was a religious 
 gentleman, of excellent abilities, of a plentiful fortune, ana got 
 to heaven some years ago, after all his troubles." He was for- 
 feited by the criminal court, along with Mr. Gilbert Elliot, 
 July 16, 1685; (Wodrow, ii. 493; Founlainhall's Decis. i. 366;) 
 was restored after the Revolution; and sat frequently in Parlia- 
 ment as member for Lanarkshire. (Act. Pari. Scot, vol.x. and 
 xi. passim.) 
 
 +t Mr. William Livingston, son of Mr. John Livingston, min- 
 ister at Ancrum, was imprisoned, Feb. 22, 1682, for " collecting 
 and distributing money to rebels," (prisoners) and " for import- 
 ing and vending several seditious books." He was liberated 
 on caution. (Wodrow, ii. 256.) Dec. 13, 1700. The town 
 council settled a pension of " 200 merks yearly on   
 Veitch, relict of Mr. William Livingstoun, late clerk to the ses- 
 sions of the good town." (Records of Town Council of Edin- 
 burgh, vol. xxxvi. p. 704, 705.) 
 
 \\ Among the nonconformists were two ministers of the 
 name of Thomas Hog; the one at Larbert and Dunipace, in the 
 presbytery of Stirling, and the other «X Kiltearu in Rosa shire. 
 
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
 475 
 
 nurse April tenth, and was buried at the Temple the 
 twelfth day, 1672.* 
 
 " John, my fifth child, was born on Friday, at Fal- 
 lowlees, in the parish of Roadberrie in Northumber- 
 land, July 19, 1672, (having removed thither the 
 Lambes preceding,) baptised by M"^ Wychliffe | the 
 thirty of that Moneth, befor thes witnesses George 
 Harle and William Zealile. He died at Stanton hall 
 about Mertimasse 1684, and was buried at Nether 
 Witton, 4 miles from Morpeth. 
 
 " Elizabeth, my sixth child, was born at Harnam, 
 in the parish of Bolam in Northumberland, the 20 day 
 of May, 1674, and was baptised on the 31, being the 
 Sabbath, in the meeting house 
 
 M' George Horsley, witness, of Millburn Grange,:^: 
 (his mother being name-mother,) and William Zealile. 
 She was maryed to David McCulloch of Ardwell, the 
 
 7 day of June, 1710 years at Dumfries. 
 
 " Ebenezer, my seventh, born at Harnam the 16 day 
 of March, 1676, being thursday, hora 4 post merid. 
 and baptised in the Meeting hous ther by M"^ John 
 Owen,|| the 26 day. He was educate at Ed'' and Saint 
 Andrewes philosophy colledges, and at Ed' Divinity 
 colledge under the learned Mr. George Campbell, pro- 
 fessor thereoff. He passed his tryalls befoir that pres- 
 bitery with great approbation, and was settled as lec- 
 turer on Sabbath Morning, in the trone church, betwixt 
 
 8 and 9 in the Morning, upon Mf M'Ala's mortifica- 
 tion, new found out, tho' done 60 years befoir, and 
 continued there from till Whitsunday 
 1703. he was called to the Ministry in the 
 towne of Air, and ordained May 13 that year. He 
 died at Ed' the 13 day of dec' 1706, a member of the 
 commission, and his uncle M' John Vetch, minister of 
 Westruther, died at Dalkeith, going home from the 
 Commission, dec' 1703. 
 
 " Sarah, my eight child and third daughter, was 
 born at Stantoun hall in the parish of Longhorslie in 
 Northumberland, on Wednesday, betwixt 3 and 4 in 
 the Morning, the 7"" day of Nov' 1677, having removed 
 
 (Wodrow, i. App. 72, 73.) There is a printed Memoir of the 
 last-mentioned person. 
 
 * It should be 1671. See before p. 438. " Having born four 
 children ere I came out of Scotlana, two of them died in the 
 land, the other two I brought with me." (Mrs. Veitch's Mem. 
 p. 3.) 
 
 + Ralph Wiclif, ejected from Whatton in Northumberland, 
 was. at the Restoration, a member of Mr. Ralph Ward's con- 
 gregation at Hartbourne, and was " afterwards ordained a min- 
 ister by the presbytery at Morpeth," When Mr. Ward was 
 removed, a part of his congregation adhered to Mr. Wicklif, 
 who continued among them; but he complains that there was 
 " such a fickleness and itching humour in some old professors, 
 that if a stranger, (a young raw Scotchman,) should come and 
 say he was a minister, away some of them would run, by his 
 door, perhaps three, four, or five miles, notwithstanding the 
 hazard he had run by his entertaining them in dangerous times." 
 (Palmer, ii. 270.) " Nether Witton chapel," where Veitch's 
 child was buried, was attached to " Hartbourn vicarage." 
 (Hutchinson's Northumberland: State of Churches, p. 44.) 
 
 X See before, p. 451. 
 
 II Mr. John Owen, ejected from Stannerton, Northumber- 
 land, preached frequently in his own house, and in those of the 
 neighbouring gentlemen, for which he was fined and imprison- 
 ed. He was induced to accept of a settlement at Hounam in 
 Scotland, procured for him by the Duke of Lauderdale. (Palm- 
 er, ii. 270.) 
 
 from Harnam thither the first day of May preceding, 
 and was baptised the 5 da)' of dec' in my own hous, 
 by Mr. Ed"* Ord, sometyme minister at Noram* in 
 Northumberland, old M' Fennick of Stantoun,f with 
 his lady, (who was name-mother) and his youngest 
 son, M' Thomas, being witnesses. 
 
 " Agnes, my ninth child and fourth daughter, was 
 born at Stantonhall the 20 day of January, 1680, being 
 tuesday, about 10 o'clock; she was baptised the 29 
 of April (my shaking ague hindering till then) by my 
 brother, M' Vetch, minister of Westruther in Scotland ; 
 the Laird and Lady witnesses.if: She 
 
 was maryed to M' John Somervel, minister of Carla- 
 verock, the 16 day of April 1701. — She bore unto him 
 6 children, one son and 5 daughters, and died of the 
 7"' child, not brought to bed, (the two youngest daugh- 
 ters died before herself) the 14 of Agust, 1712; and 
 when midwives, chirurgeons, and doctors could doe no 
 good, after several dayes unsuccessful pains, she said, 
 ' Now I see God calls me to die and leave this world 
 and all my relations, which I am most willing to doe.' 
 Then taking her leave, with the greatest composure 
 and deliberation, of her parents, children, and servants, 
 and of her husband, who had been fetching more help, 
 leaving her blessing to every one that was there, and 
 to those that were absent far and near, like one that 
 had left all to God [goe ?] to her heavenly husband, 
 with her eyes lifted up to heaven, she cryed, ' O, my 
 beloved, be thou as a roe and as a young hart upon 
 the mountains of division,' &c. Then she begged that 
 we wold, (if we had any moyen with God) pray that 
 he wold mitigate her torment out through her voyage, 
 and land her in her wished port ; and her pain was 
 abated or prayer was done, so she went off with great 
 quietness, closing her eyes with her own hand a little 
 after. 
 
 " Janet, my tenth child and fifth daughter, was bom 
 upon Sunday the 30 of January, 1682, and baptised 
 there also, at Stantonhall in England, by her uncle 
 Master John Vetch, Minister of Westruther,|| in the 
 Mers, who came there to doe it on purpose ; her father 
 was at London. She died on Sabbath the 26 day of 
 March, 1693, near eight o'clock at night, at Peebles, 
 in Tweedale, Scotland, and was buried there the day 
 following." § 
 
 * "Norham vie. Mr. Edward Ord." (Palmer, ii. 266.) 
 
 + See Surtees's Durham, App. clii. 
 
 t Mr. and Mrs. Fenwick of Stanton, most probably." 
 
 II "Mr. Veech, minister of Westruthers, wrotte for me ane 
 descriptione of Berwick shyre in the Merse, two sheet and a 
 halfe." (Sibbald's Repertory of Manuscripts, MS. p. 26. Adv. 
 Library.) This is inserted in Sibbald's MS. Collections, from 
 p. 198 to p. 215. " That parish (says the author, in his account 
 of Westruther,) of old had great woods with wild beasts, fra 
 quhilk the dwellings and hills were designed; as WoolstrutJier, 
 Roecleugh, Hindside, Hartlaw, and Harelaw." (W. 5, 17. p. 
 208. Adv. Library.) It was stated before, (see p. 428, note,) that 
 his brother, Mr. James Veitch, was appointed to answer the 
 arguments against hearing the indulged ministers. In the Ad- 
 vocates Library is a MS. entitled " Ane Sober Inquirie into the 
 lawfulnes of the presbyterian ministers their acceptance of a 
 libertie to preach the gospel upon the indulgence, and the peo- 
 
 Rle's duty to hear them. By Mr. James Veitch, minister at 
 lauchlin." 41 pages in fours. (Rob. III. 5, 9. art. 16.) 
 } "1693. March 27. Jennet Veitch." (Register of Burials 
 in the Parish of Peebles.) 
 
 END OF THE MEMOIRS or WILLIAM VEITCH. 
 
NARRATIVE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RISING SUPPRESSED AT PENTLAND: 
 
 WRITTEN BY 
 
 COLONEL JAMES WALLACE: 
 
 WITH 
 
 NOTICES OF THE WRITER. 
 
a "m t' . I T 
 
 liOA^l J A W 
 
NOTICES 
 
 OF 
 
 COLONEL JAMES WALLACE. 
 
 Colonel Wallace is called " James Wallace of 
 Achens," or " Auchanes," in the record of his trial after 
 the battle of Pentland.* Auchans, the family seat of 
 his ancestors, is situated within the parish of Dundon- 
 ald, in Ayrshire. " Opposite to the village and castle, 
 (of Dundonald) is a very beautiful bank of wood, up- 
 wards, in most places, of 100 feet in height, aud ex- 
 tending near a mile to the north-west. In a grand cur- 
 vature of this bank, and on a gentle eminence, stands 
 the house of Auchans, for a long period the residence 
 of the Wallaces of Dundonald. About 1640 this es- 
 tate came into the possession of Sir William Cochrane 
 of Lowdon (Cowdon) knight, who was afterward cre- 
 ated earl of Dundonald. At the Auchans are the re- 
 mains of a small orchard which was once in liigh rep- 
 utation. The pear, known in Scotland by the name of 
 Auchans, derived that name from this place. "f 
 
 The Wallaces of Dundonald were a branch of the 
 ancient family of Craigie. William Wallace, second 
 son of Hugh Wallace of Craigie, was, in 1525, tutor 
 of Craigie; and in 1526, had a charter under the great 
 seal of the lands of Dundonald. His oldest son, Wil- 
 liam, having succeeded to the estate of Craigie, his 
 second son John, styled also of Inchgotry, got a char- 
 ter of the lands of Dundonald in 1543, and married 
 Lady Margaret Kennedy, relict of William, Lord Her- 
 ries. John Wallace, grandson of William Wallace, 
 tutor of Craigie, is the first who was styled of Auchans 
 and Dundonald ; and, as appears from charters granted 
 in 1573 and 1574, he married Janet Stuart, daughter 
 of Sir John Stuart of Minto. In 1599 John Wallace 
 of Craigie obtained a charter of the lands of Dundon- 
 ald.:!; Yet subsequently to that period we find John 
 Wallace of Dundonald mentioned in the records.}) 
 Whether the family retained their former style after 
 the loss of their estate, or whether a part of the estate 
 still remained in their possession, does not appear. 
 
 James Wallace, the writer of the following narra- 
 tive, appears to have, early adopted the military profes- 
 sion, and having distinguished himself in the parlia- 
 mentary army during the civil war, was raised to the 
 rank of Lieutenant-Colonel.§ He belonged to the 
 Marquis of Argyle's regiment, which was sent to Ire- 
 
 * Wodrow, i. app. p. 91, 93, 109. 
 
 f Statiiitiral Account of Scotland, (Parish of Dundonald,) 
 vol. yii. p. 620. 
 
 t Notes communicated by John Riddell, Esq. 
 
 II "May 5, 1601. — Joannes Wallace, senior, de Dundonald 
 haeres niasculus taliie et provisionis Robert! Wallace de Col- 
 lane." (Inq. Retorn. Perth, 73.) In 1640 the lands of Dun- 
 donald became the property of Sir William Cochrane of Cow- 
 don. (Act. Pari. Scot. V. 656: conii). V. 28.) The landsof Au- 
 chans and Dundonald were acquired from the Earl of Dundon- 
 ald in 1724, by Robert Wallace, of HoUnston, W. S. who sold 
 them in 1726 to the Karl of Eplinton. 
 
 } Burnet's Own Tinie.s, i. 341. E.liii. 1753. 
 
 land in 1642, and was recalled in 1645, to oppose t'ae 
 victorious progress of Montrose.* He was taken pris- 
 oner at the battle of Kilsyth. | When Charles II. came 
 to Scotland in 1650, the Parliament ordered two regi- 
 ments of Life Guards to be embodied, one of horse and 
 the other of foot, to be composed of " the choicest of 
 the army, and fittest for that trust." Lord Lorn was 
 appointed Colonel, and Wallace Lieutenant-Colonel, 
 of the foot regiment of guards. :f Wallace was present 
 at the battle of Dunbar, so disastrous to the Scots, and 
 was taken prisoner on that occasion. || In a petition 
 read in Parliament on the 30th of December that year. 
 Lord Lorn says, " In respect my Lieutenant-Colonel 
 has, in God's good providence, returned to his charge, 
 whose fidelity in this cause is well known both in Ire- 
 land and in this kingdom, and that his losses are very 
 many and great, I do humbly desire that your Majesty, 
 and this high Court of Parliament, may be pleased in 
 a particular manner to take notice of him, that he may 
 not only have a company appointed him, but likewise 
 something may be done for his satisfaction of his for- 
 mer losses." Upon this petition the committee of bills 
 reported " that Lieutenant-Colonel Wallace may be re- 
 ferred to the Committee of Estates, that he may be as- 
 signed to some partof the excise, or maintenance, forth 
 of the shire of Ayr, or any other of the shires in the 
 south ;" and the house referred the petition, and the 
 several members thereof, to the consideration of the 
 Committee of Estates, "that such course may be taken 
 thereanent as they shall think fitting. "§ 
 
 * Carte's Ormond, i. 310. Baillie's Letters, ii. 274. 
 
 f "Lieutenant-Colonel Wallace" is mentioned among the 
 prisoners. (Monteith's Hist, of the Troubles, 218.) He is 
 called "Colonel Wallace" in the iVIemoirsof Montrose, p. 171. 
 Ed in. 1819, 
 
 I Sir James Balfour's Annals, iv. 84, 85. Act. Pari. Scot. vi. 
 568. — "At his Majesty's command, Sir James Balfour, Lord 
 Lyon King at Arms, set down the devices upon the ensigns and 
 colours 01 his Majesty's foot regiment of Life Guards. Those 
 of the Lieutenant-Colonel were azure, an unicorn, arg.; and on 
 the other side " in grate gold letters," these words, " Covenant 
 for Religione, King, and Kingdomes." — (Balfour's Annals, v^. 
 iv. p. 85.) — When Wallace alterwards appeared at Pentland, it 
 could scarcely be said that he deserted his standard, or changed 
 his device. 
 
 \] Among the prisoners mentioned in Cromwell's despatch 
 are, " Lieutenant-General Sir James Lorasden — Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Wallis — Lieutenant-Colonel Arthur Forbis," &c. — 
 (Letter from the Ijord General Cromwell to the Parliament of 
 England, concerning his proceedings with their army in Scot- 
 land, and the late victory God hath given them over the Scot- 
 tish army there. Printed at Corcke, in the yeare of our Lord 
 God 1650.) 
 
 } Act. Pari. Scot. vi. 568. On the 10th of June 1651, the com- 
 mittee recommend that certain sums be given " from the con- 
 tributions through the country," to Colonel William Luoisidcn, 
 and some other officers taken at Dunbar, "on account of their 
 sufferings and deserving?." But Wallace is not among them. — 
 
 475 
 
480 
 
 NOTICES OF COLONEL WALLACE 
 
 It is probable that he lived retired after the Restora- 
 tion, until the year 1666, when his attachment to the 
 Presbyterian religion, and the liberties of his country, 
 induced him to take part with those who had recourse 
 to anus in defence of that cause. On joining them he 
 was unanimously chosen as the person best qualified 
 to take the command, although his modesty has made 
 him pass over this circumstance in his narrative.* 
 
 In ihe appearance which he made at this time, and 
 in accepting the dangerous post to w-hich he was cho- 
 sen, Wallace could be actuated only by the most disin- 
 terested motives. He had no private quarrel to re- 
 venge ; he had given no personal offence to the govern- 
 ment; and, as he was not involved in the circum- 
 stances which led to the first rising, he had no cause 
 to be alarmed for his own safety. The prospects, 
 ■when he first engaged in the design, were far from be- 
 ing flattering, especially to one of his knowledge and 
 experience in military affairs, and he had it in his 
 power to retire, as others did, after he reached the 
 ■west, and saw the real state of those who were in arms. 
 Nor was his conduct, during the short time that he 
 commanded, discreditable to his military talents ; espe- 
 cially when we take into consideration the small num- 
 ber of men which he had under him, the miserable 
 manner in which the most of them were equipped, and 
 the want of inferior officers to conduct them. " Wal- 
 lace himself was a gentleman godly and resolute; but 
 such an undertaking was for a man of miracles."f By 
 the line of march which he chose, he gave an oppor- 
 tunity to the friends of the cause, in the most populous 
 counties, if they had been disposed, to join its stand- 
 ard. He prevented General Dalziel from obtaining 
 that advantage which he sought, for attacking him 
 during his march. :|; If the government had been dis- 
 posed to suppress the insurrection without bloodshed, 
 he gave them an opportunity of accomplishing this by 
 the moderate letter whicli he sent to the General of the 
 royal forces. The ground which he chose on Rullion 
 Green, and the disposition which he made of his men, 
 was the very best, when he had to oppose an enemy 
 three times the number of his own troops. By fight- 
 ing at the time he did, instead of delaying, as he knew 
 he could easily do, he provided for the better escape 
 of his men, in the event of their being worsted ; and, 
 indeed, the loss actually sustained was less than it 
 would in all probability have been, if, without enga- 
 ging, he had disbanded his army during the night. 
 The battle of Pentland-hills was a well-fought field, 
 not a disgraceful rout, like that which aftefvvards hap- 
 pened, under a very different leader, at Bolhwell- 
 bridge. 
 
 On the loss of the battle. Colonel Wallace left the 
 field in company with Mr. John Welsh, and taking a 
 north-westerly direction along the hilis, escaped the 
 pursuit of the enemy. After riding to a sufficient dis- 
 tance, they turned their horses adrift, and slept during 
 the reniainder of ihe night in a barn. Having conceal- 
 ed himself for some time, W^allace at last got safely 
 out of the kingdom. II The battle of Pentland was 
 fought on the 28th of November, and on the 4th of 
 December, the Privy Council issued a proclamation 
 prohibiting all persons from harbouring or correspond- 
 ing with Colonel Wallace, or any of those who had 
 been in arms with him, under pain of being treated as 
 accessary to the late rebellion. And, on the 15th of 
 August, Wallace, and six others who had absconded, 
 were found guilty and condemned to be executed as 
 traitors, when they shall be apprehended, and all their 
 lands and goods to be forfeited to his Majesty's use.§ 
 
 (MS. Register of the Committee of Estates, January — March, 
 1651,1). 54.) 
 
 » Kirkton,236. Wodrow, i. 247; app. p. 107. 
 
 + Ibid. 245. 
 
 i Council's letter, apiid Wodrow, i. 247. 
 
 jl Kirkton, 244,245. Wodrow, i. 252. 
 
 { Wodrow, i. app. book ii. Nos. 8 and 15. 
 
 This sentence was ratified by Parliament in 1669,* 
 and was rescinded at the Revolution. f 
 
 For several years Colonel Wallace was obliged to 
 wander from one part of the continent to another for the 
 sake of security. For the same reason he assumed the 
 name of Forbes.:^: In the year 1670 he was on the 
 borders of Germany.]] When he thought the search 
 after him had relaxed, he took up his residence at 
 Rotterdam ; but he was not allowed to remain there 
 undisturbed. On the 27th of June 1676, Charles II. 
 wrote to the States General, requiring them, agreeably 
 to an article in a treaty between the two countries, to 
 cause W'allace, with Mr. Robert Macward and Mr. 
 John Brown, ministers, to remove from their territories, 
 as persons guilty of lese-majesty against the King of 
 Great Britain. § Mr. Brown, in a paper of information 
 which he gave in to the States General, after referring 
 to the refusal of the States to comply with a similar 
 demand in 1670,^ mentions that the present applica- 
 tion had been instigated by one Henry Wilkie, whom 
 the King had placed at the head of the Scottish factory 
 at Campvere, who was displeased because many of 
 his countrymen, with the view of enjoying the ministry 
 of Messrs. Macward and Brown, had repaired to Rot- 
 terdam, and brought their shipping there, in preference 
 to Campvere, by which means his salary was impair- 
 ed. Mr. Brown denies, that either he or his colleague 
 was ever convicted of treason, and begges the States 
 to require, from Sir William Temple, the English am- 
 bassador, a copy of the sentence pronounced against 
 them ; as this would show that the article in the treaty 
 did not apply to them, and might be the means also 
 of freeing Wallace from a prosecution, which had 
 commenced principally on their account. " But (con- 
 tinues he) it may be hinted to Sir William Temple, 
 that James Forbes, a//a» Wallace, is a brave and skil- 
 ful soldier, and may create more trouble to the King 
 at home and Scotland, if he be forced to remove hence, 
 than he can do by remaining here in the Netherlands, 
 and discharging the office of an eider in the Scottish 
 church at Rotterdam."** The States General were 
 satisfied that ihey were not bound by the treaty to re- 
 move the ministers ; and they instructed Lord Beun- 
 ingen, their ambassador at the court of England, to 
 represent to his Majesty, that they hoped he would not 
 require them to put away persons who had complied 
 with the sentence of banishment pronounced against 
 them; and to wave, in the best and discreetest manner, 
 the forementioned matter, as being in the highest de- 
 gree prejudicial to their country.jf But instead of 
 the affair being dropped, other letters were sent from 
 Entrland repeating the demand in stronger language, 
 and Sir William Temple left Nimeguen, where he 
 was employed in the negociations for a peace then 
 going on, and came to the Hague, for the express pur- 
 pose of urging a categorical and speedy answer.:^^ 
 
 * Act. Pari. Scot. vii. 562. See before, p. 445. 
 
 t Art. Pari. Scot. ix. 165. 
 
 f Wodrow, i. 434. Mr. John Carstairg, In a letter to Mr. 
 Macward, August 16, 1675, says " I salute worthie Mr. For- 
 bese." And in another letter to the same, — February 16, 1676, 
 he i^ays, " 1 kindly salute — Mr. Forbese." (Wodrow MSS. in 
 Adv. Lib. No. lix, art. 36 and 47.) 
 
 II "Where did ye see James Wallace last ?" ^nt. "Towards 
 the borders of Germany some years ago." (Examination of 
 Mr. James Mitchel before the Commissioner and Council, Feb- 
 ruary 1674, in Naphtali, p. 374. Edin. 1761.) 
 
 5 Macward MSS. in Advocates Library: Jac. V. i. 10, no. 72. 
 
 II This demand related to Messrs. Robert Trail, elder, John 
 Neave. and Roljert Macward. (Il)id. no. 70: comp. Sir Wil- 
 liam Temple's Letters, ii. 226, 235, 237.) 
 
 ** Inforniatio de statu tt conditione Joannis Brown: MSS. t«l 
 stipru, no. 64. 
 
 t-f- Extract from the' Register of States General, apud Wod- 
 row, i. 434,435. 
 
 X\ MSS. «/ svpra, no^ 75 and 77. Besides the above-men- 
 tioned affair, it was mve obiect of the ambaos'x'or's vi«it to the 
 Hague to have a private interview with the Prince of OrangCj 
 and to obtain a pledge from him that he was friendly to a gen- 
 eral p«ace, and averse to the Dutch concludin<; a sej)arate treaty 
 
NOTICES OF COLONEL WALLACE. 
 
 481 
 
 Upon this the States General, to prevent a quarrel with 
 Great Britain, judged it prudent to yield ; but they 
 f.iiled not to represent their sense of the injustice of 
 the claim made upon them. Li their letter of the 22d 
 of January 1677, they say : — " We are willing to tes- 
 tify how sensible we are of the honour of your friend- 
 ship and good will, and that we prefer it to all other 
 considerations, assuring your majesty that we will not 
 fail to cause the said Macward, Brown, and Wallis, to 
 depart, within the time mentioned in the treaties, from 
 the bounds of this country. We find ourselves, how- 
 ever, obliged to represent to your Majesty, that we be- 
 lieve you will agree with us that the obligation of the 
 treaties is reciprocal ; and that, according to the laws 
 of this country, we cannot by our letters declare any 
 person fugitive or a rebel, unless he has been recog- 
 nised as such by sentence or judgment of the ordinary 
 criminal court of justice, and that your Majesty could 
 not pay any regard to any letters of ours making a 
 similar declaration, unless accompanied by such sen- 
 tence or judgment. And as thus we cannot require of 
 your Majesty to remove any one from your kingdoms 
 as a rebel or fugitive on a simple declaration made by 
 our letters, so we assure ourselves, Sir, that your Ma- 
 jesty will not in future require us by simple letters to 
 remove any person from our territories, before he be 
 declared a fugitive or rebel, according to the ordinary 
 forms of the laws and customs of your Majesty."* 
 
 The following is the resolution to which the States 
 General came, as translated from an authenticated 
 copy of the original in Dutch. " By tho resumpt de- 
 livered on the report of M. M. van Heuckelom and 
 others, their High Mightinesses' commissioners for 
 foreign affairs, having, in compliance with, and for 
 giving effect to that Resolution Commissorial of the 
 16th instant, examined and discussed the memorial of 
 Sir Temple, baronet, envoy extraordinary of his 
 
 Majesty the king of Great Britain, requesting their H. 
 M. would be pleased to ordain their said commissioners 
 to enter into a conference with him ; as also a missive 
 of the king of Great Britain, dated at Whitehall the 
 29th of December last, stilo ^ngliae, respecting his 
 Majesty's former letters of the 27th June and 18th of 
 November before, concerning t'nree Scotsmen, .lames 
 Walles, Robert Macward, and John Brown; and hav- 
 ing conferred with the said Amb. Ext., Temple, re- 
 garding the contents of it, and having also seen the 
 refroacta, and exhibited and heard read a draught of a 
 missive, drawn out and committed to paper by the 
 commissioners of their H. M. for an answer to the 
 missives of his Majesty of Great Britain of the 27th 
 of June, 18th November, and 29th December last, 
 respecting the foresaid Scotsmen : It is found good 
 hereby to declare, that although the foresaid three 
 Scotsmen — have not only not behaved and comported 
 themselves otherwise than as became good and faith- 
 ful citizens of these states, but have also given many 
 indubitable proofs of their zeal and affection for the 
 advancement of the truth, which their H. M. have 
 seen with pleasure, and could have wished that they 
 could have continued to live here in peace and se- 
 curity ; — considering the risk they run, however, and 
 considering with what pressing earnestness his Majes- 
 ty has repeatedly insisted, by three several missives, 
 and verbally through his envoy extraordinary, and with 
 great reason apprehending a breach between his M. 
 and these States, as Sir Temple has expressed 
 
 himself on the subject in terms that cannot be mis- 
 taken, they feel themselves necessitated, in order to 
 obviate so great an evil at this conjuncture, to cause 
 the foresaid three Scotsmen — withdraw from this coun- 
 try; and that consequently notice shall be given to the 
 foresaid James Walles, Robert Macward, and John 
 
 with France. (Sir William Temple's Lettei-s, vol. iii. p. 258, 
 278.) 
 
 * Au Roy de la Grande Bretagne. MSS. ut supra, no. 78. 
 3 L 
 
 Brown, in order that they may be able to avail them- 
 selves of the good intentions of their H. M. in having 
 their property properly disposed of before the 5th of 
 March next; — and for this end, an extract of this re- 
 solution of their H. M. shall be sent to the counsellours 
 of the States of Holland and Westfriesland, in order 
 that due notification may be given, and the foresaid 
 James Walles, &c. may regulate their proceedings ac- 
 cordingly. They shall also find enclosed, for their 
 behoof, separate instruments ad omncs populos, word 
 for word with the following, which shall be sent to the 
 foresaid commissioners of the Council of the H. and 
 M. the States of Holland, to be put into the hands of 
 the foresaid James Walles, &c. The instrument or 
 testimonial referred to in the preceding decree runs in 
 the following terms : — " The States General of the 
 United Netherlands, to all and every one who shall 
 see or read these presents, health. Be it known and 
 certified that James Wallace, gentleman, our subject, 
 and for many years inhabitant of this state, lived 
 among us highly esteemed for his probity, submission 
 to the laws, and integrity of manners. And therefore 
 we have resolved affectionately to request, and hereby 
 do most earnestly request, the Emperor of the Romans, 
 and all Kings, Republics, Princes, Dukes, States, Ma- 
 gistrates, or whomsoever else our friends, and all that 
 shall see these presents, that they receive the said 
 James Wallace in a friendly manner, whensoever he 
 may oome to them or resolve to remain with them, 
 and assist him with their council, help, and aid ; tes- 
 tifying that for any obliging, humane, or kindly offices 
 done to him, we shall be ready and forward to return 
 the favour to them and their subjects whensoever an 
 opportunity offers. For the greater confirmation where- 
 of, we have caused these presents to be sealed with our 
 seal of office, and signed by the president of our assem- 
 bly, and have ordered them to be countersigned by our 
 first secretary, in our assembly, the sixth day of the 
 month of February, in the year one thousand, six hun- 
 dred, and seventy-seven."* 
 
 With what reluctance the States took this step ap- 
 pears from the report which Sir William Temple made 
 to his court. " The business of the three Scotch min- 
 isters* (says he) hath been the hardest piece of nego- 
 ciation that I have ever yet entered npon here, both 
 from the particular interests of the towns and provin- 
 ces of Holland, and the general esteem they have of 
 Mackaird being a very quiet and pious man ; but 
 chiefly from the firm persuasion they have of not being 
 obliged to it by any bare letter of his Majesty, without 
 any sentence having passed against them, by which 
 they are adjudged rebels and fugitives. And, on the 
 contrary, after a sentence of banishment against Mac- 
 kaird and Brown, which, they say, is by all writers 
 esteemed wholly to extinquish their subjection, and 
 consequently his Majesty's right of declaring them 
 rebels after they are banished and become subjects to- 
 another state. But I have found the king's honour &o 
 far engaged in this matter, by three several letters 
 whichi must have been public, that I have left no sort 
 of arguments unessayed with the prince, the pensioner, 
 and deputies both of the provinces and towns, to pro- 
 cure his Majesty's satisfaction, and make it pass for a 
 thinsr so necessary to despatch, that it hath taken up 
 two long debates in the States of Holland these two 
 days past, though their meeting was intended but for 
 five days, and for no other business but the levies of 
 monies necessary for the campaign.":j: 
 
 * Extract uijt het Register der Resolulien vande Ho. Mo. 
 heeren Staten General der Vereenighde Nederlanden. Sab- 
 bathi den 6. Februarii 1677. (Signed) J. De Mauregnault, 
 Rt. (and below) H. Fagel.— (MSS. ut svpra, no. 81.) 
 
 f Wallace is here spoken of as a minister, though it is evi- 
 dent from the correspondence, that both parties were quite 
 aware of his real profession. 
 
 J Sir William Temple's Letters, vol. iii. p. 291, 292: comp. 
 248,268,311. 
 
 31 
 
482 
 
 NOTICES OF COLONEL WALLACE. 
 
 Mr. Brown was allowed to remain in the country, 
 on the attestation of a physician that his health would 
 be endangered by his removal.* It is not improbable 
 that Mr. Macward also remained, in the way of keep- 
 ing himself concealed for a s-hort time; but Wallace 
 was obliged to remove, and took up his residence 
 either on the borders of France, or of the Spanish 
 Netherlands. During this seclusion he addressed the 
 following pious and well-written letter to " the Lady 
 Caldwell." 
 
 •' Elect Lady, and my worthie and dear Sister, 
 
 " Your's is come to my hand in most acceptable 
 tyme. It seems that all that devils or men these many 
 years have done (and that has not been lytle) against 
 yow, to dant your courage, or to make yovv in the 
 avoweing of your master and his persecuted interests 
 to loore your sailes, hes prevailed so lytle, that your 
 fayth and courage is upon the groweing hand, ane evi- 
 dence indeed as to your persecuters of perdition, hot 
 to yow of salvation and that of God. It seems when 
 you at first by choyce tooke Christ by the hand to be 
 your Lord and portion, that yow wist what yow did ; 
 and that, notwithstandeing of all the hardnesses yow 
 have met with in bydeing by him, your heart seems 
 to cleave the faster to him. This sayes yow have 
 been admitted unto much of his company and fellow- 
 ship. My sowle blesses God on your behalf, who 
 hath so caryed to yow that I think yow may take those 
 words amongst others spoken to yow, ' Yow have con- 
 tinued with me in my aflictions: I apoynt unto you a 
 kingdom.' It seems suffering for Christ, loseing any 
 thing for him, is to yow your glory, is to yow your 
 gayn. More and more of this spirit maye yow enjoye, 
 that yow may be among the few (as it was said of 
 Caleb and Joshua) that follow him fullie, among the 
 overcomers, those noble overcomers mentioned, Revel, 
 ii. and iii. among those to whom only (as pickt out 
 and chosen for that end) he is sayeing, ' Yow are my 
 witnesses.' Lady, and my dear sister, I am of your 
 judgement ; and I blesse his name that ever he count- 
 ed me worthie to appear in that roll. It is now a good 
 many years since the master was pleased to even me 
 to this, and to call me forth to appear for him ; and it 
 is trew those fortie years bygone, (as to what I have 
 mett with from the world) I have been as the people 
 in the wildernes ; yet I maye saye it, to this howre, I 
 neuer repented my ingadgraents to him, or any of my 
 owneings of him ; yea these rebutes, to say so, I gott 
 from men wer to me my joye and crowne, because I 
 know it was for his sake I was so dealt with ; and this, 
 it being for his sake, I was ready in that case (as 
 Christ sayes) when men had taken me upon the one 
 cheek, for his sake, to turn to them the other. Never 
 was I admitted to more neernes, never was my table 
 better covered, than since I left Rotterdam. Let us 
 take courage, and goe on as good soldiers of Jesus 
 Christ, endureing hardnes. O for more fayth ! O for 
 more fayth among his people ! As to this people, there 
 is nothing to be seen in their waye that is promiseing 
 of any good ; hot, on the contrar, O ! I feare the Lord 
 hes given them up unto their own hearts' lusts. They 
 doe indeed walke in their owne counsels. That same 
 spirit of persecution, and these same principles, that 
 are among yow are heir; hot as God is faythfull, they 
 shall be all brocken to pieces, and turned backc with 
 shame, that hate Zion. Wayt but a lytle; they are 
 
 » MSS. ut supra, art. 65. 83.— Mr. John Brown, in his Tes- 
 tament, April 2, 1676, bequeathed 100 e^uincas to the poor of 
 the Scots congregation. lu a codicil dated 11th September, 
 the same year, he appointed the above sum to be put into the 
 hands of Jlfr. Wallace, to be given, out by him to such as he 
 knoweth indigent and honett.— " For a toaken to Mr. Macward, 
 I leave the Coinplutensian Bible, six volumes, and the half of 
 
 the remanent gold which I have, Ihe other half to Mr. 
 
 Wallace." — Mr. Brown, having survived Colonel Wallace, has 
 drawn his pen through the worat in Italics. (Macward MSS. 
 Jac. V. i. 10, art.90.) 
 
 diggeing the pit for themselves. The Lord hath found- 
 ed Zion, and the poore of the people shall trust in it. 
 Let us mynd one another. My love to all friends 
 whom you knowe I love in the Lord. God's grace be 
 with yow, and his blessing upon your lytle ones, whom 
 he hath been a father to. In him I rest. 
 
 Your's as formerly, Ja. Wallace."* 
 
 The good lady to whom this letter was addressed 
 was the widow of William Mure of Caldwell, | an 
 intimate friend of Wallace, and a defender of the same 
 cause, who died at Rotterdam on the 9th of February 
 1670. A collection of his dying sayings has been 
 preserved by one of his friends, who apologizes for 
 not having done justice to the speaker, by setting his 
 words down with " that order, liveliness, and elegance 
 of phrase wherein he had a peculiar happiness." Re- 
 ferring to the cause of his banishment, he said, " I am 
 in perfect peace and quiet of mind. There is no in- 
 consistency between obeying of God and man. Help, 
 
 Lord ! we can have no liberty but what is clogged 
 (as we apprehend) with great slavery. If we can- 
 not get living in the world like men, let us be helped 
 to die like men, in the avowing of the truth of our God. 
 
 1 desired help and liberty to the kingdom, that sub- 
 jects might have leave to live without the daily hazard 
 of their lives. I desired ever to be on truth's side. 
 It is very sad that the rule of conscience should be the 
 will of men. We refer, O Lord, the pleading of our 
 right to thee. If we, or other poor people, that own a 
 principle of subjection to magistrates according to 
 truth, and binding to obedience in all things that can 
 he called for from us in the Lord, have committed any 
 wrong, or given such ground of offence that thereby 
 the authority of magistrates seems to be much demol- 
 ished and blasted, we seek pardon ; if, I say, we have 
 given any such ground of offence, whereof we are not 
 yet convinced, though we do confess we be much un- 
 fitted many times to express the truth of matters, so as 
 might take off the mutual jealousies that are crept in 
 upon the spirits of all flesh.":!: 
 
 Colonel Wallace ventured back to Holland and died 
 at Rotterdam in the year 1678, " lamented of ail the 
 serious English and Dutch of his acquaintance, who 
 were many ;" and, in particular, the members of the 
 congregation of which he was a ruling elder, bemoan- 
 ed " his death, and their loss, as of a father." To the 
 last he testified his attachment to the public cause 
 which he had owned, and his satisfaction in reflecting 
 
 * This letter is addressed on the back, " For the Ladv Cald- 
 well, at Glasgow." (MSS. in Advocates Library, Jac. V. 2, 26, 
 art. 19.) 
 
 + William Mure of Caldwell succeeded his brother James in 
 1654, and married Barbara, daughter of Sir William Cunning- 
 hameof Cunninghanihead. (Inq. Retor. Renfrew, 144. Craw- 
 ford's Renfrew, 307.) In 1666 he came out at the head of a 
 company with the intention of joining Colonel Wallace, but 
 was unable to eflect his purpose, as will be found staled in the 
 subsequent Narrative. Having made bis escape into Holland, 
 he was forfeited in absence, and his estate given to General 
 Dalziel. (Wodrow, i. app. nos. xvi. xviii.) An inquest {/e^«- 
 sess. quinq. of the lands of Caldwall was granted in favour of 
 Daliiel, September 3^ 1675. (Decrt- 1. Cone. Seer. comp. Inq. 
 de I'oss. Quinq. no. 4.^ Mrs. Mure having neglected to take 
 infeftment before the forfeiture, was deprived of the liferent 
 provided for her by her marriage-settlement; in consequence 
 of which, she was reduced to the necessity of supporting her- 
 self with the labour of her own hands. Having returned to 
 Scotland after her husband's death, she was imprisoned, along 
 with one of her daughters, on suspicion of having had a con- 
 venticle in her house, and treated with great inhumanity. 
 (Wodrow, ii. 285, 286.) 
 
 John Caldwell of Caldwell appeared along with Mure, and 
 shared the same fate. In the indictment he is styled John 
 Caldwell of Caldwell, younger; and, by the witnesses, Good- 
 man of Caldwell, younger. (Wodrow, i. aup. 109. 110.) His 
 father was the representative of an ancient out decayed family, 
 and he himself appears to have been the last of the line. (Craw- 
 ford's Renfrew, 44. Wodrow, i. 268; ii. 423, 424, 478: comp. 
 Fountainhall's Decisions, i. 317.) 
 
 t Account of the dying expressioDi of the Laird of Caldwell 
 MSS. ul svpra, art. 23. 
 
NOTICES OF COLONEL WALLACE. 
 
 483 
 
 on what he had hazarded and suffered in its defence.* 
 He left behind him a son; and it appears that the sen- 
 tence of forfeiture against him had not been carried in- 
 to execution during his life-time.t 
 
 It has been asserted by some writers that the rising 
 suppressed at Pentland was premeditated, and the re- 
 sult of a plan concerted with the Whigs of England 
 and the Republicans of Holland. That the people, 
 goaded by oppression, had talked among themselves 
 of resisting the impositions and pillages to wliich they 
 were exposed, it is natural to suppose ; and it appears 
 also, that some of the better classes had held consul- 
 tations on the propriety or practicability of redressing 
 the wrongs of their injured country. It has been men- 
 tioned in a preceding part of this work, that a plan 
 was formed, in July 1666, for seizing on the principal 
 forts in the kingdom, but that the plot had miscarried. :|: 
 By subsequent inquiries I have ascertained that the 
 persons embarked in this scheme had carried on a cor- 
 respondence with the government of the United Prov- 
 inces, then at war with Great Britain, and received 
 promises of assistance from that quarter. This appears 
 from the following extract from the register of the se- 
 cret resolutions of the States General, dated July 15, 
 1666. " It was notified in the assembly, that over- 
 tures had been made by certain friends of religion in 
 the dominions of the king of Great Britain, who had 
 resolved, without delay, to seize upon the first good 
 opportunity for vindicating from constraint and oppres- 
 sion the reformed worship of God, to take arms, and 
 to do their utmost to get possession of some one or 
 more towns or fortresses lying in the foresaid King of 
 Great Britain's dominions. Their High Mightinesses 
 therefore feel themselves here called upon to give as- 
 surance, that how soon soever they shall be masters 
 of one or more such towns or forts, assistance shall be 
 promptly sent to them, and arms and munition of war 
 expedited to such town." Among the articles to be 
 sent are the following : For the foot, 3000 muskets, 
 1000 match-locks, 1500 pikes, with side-arms for the 
 musketeers and pike-men, and ten brass field-pieces : 
 For the cavalry, 2000 brace of pistols, all with snap- 
 locks, and 1000 horsemen's carabines. Besides the 
 supplies in arms and ammunition, a subsidy of 150,000 
 gulden was promised. The extract is signed by the 
 president. Van Vrijbern : and the pensionary, De Wilt, 
 intimates formally, that " no time shall be lost in get- 
 ting every thing ready in conformity with tlie resolu- 
 
 * See Macward's letter to Blackadder, December —, 1678. 
 giving an account of Wallace's death, in the Appendix. 
 
 f " Anent a petition presented b^- Sir William Ker, derecter 
 of his Majesties chancellarie, shewing; that the petitioner being 
 ingadged as cautioner for the deoeast Earle of Louthane, his 
 father, for severale debts and sounies of monej', and particularly 
 for the sounie of four thousand merks and annualrents due to 
 Wallace, sone to Collonel Wallace who command- 
 ed at Pentland, 1664; and albeit that there was a procesof for- 
 faulture intented before the justice court against him for his ac- 
 cession to the said rebellion, yet the samen having Ij'en so long 
 over, he hath now made a conveyance of the foresaid soume to 
 some confident for his own behoofe, who threatens to imprison 
 and apprehend the petitioner, unles he make present payment 
 of the foresaid soumes, thinking therebj' to frustrat his Majes- 
 tie and his donator of any benefite they may have by the said 
 forfaultnre; and which, with their joyneing with other small 
 creditors of the petitioners, does incapacitat the petitioner from 
 attending his office; and therefor humbly supplicateing that the 
 council would appoint the advocat to insist in the forsaid pro- 
 cess of forfaulture; and in the mean time, to grant to the peti- 
 tioner the councills protection for such a considerable time as 
 the councill shall think fitt. The Lords of his Majesties privy 
 [council] haveing heard and considered the foresaid petition, 
 doe hereby grant licence to the petitioner to goe about his 
 affaires untill the first day of November next, discharging mes- 
 sengers at amies, officers within burghs, and others, to put an}' 
 letters of caption, or acts of warding, in execution against the 
 petitioner, for any civill cause or debt during the said space, 
 out prejudice of execution for his Majesties dues, or upon bonds 
 granted for the same." (Decret. Secret. Concil. Sept. 3, 
 1680.) 
 
 \ See before, p. 433, note. 
 
 tion of the States General, when wanted."* There 
 are letters from Macward to Brown, written, as late as 
 September and October that year, in a concealed style, 
 but evidently referring to the above-mentioned transac- 
 tion. f They speak of a Mr. Wallace; but as the 
 other names are obviously fictitious, this affords no 
 ground for supposing that the colonel was the person 
 referred to. \Vho were the leading men in Scotland, 
 in whose names this correspondence with Holland was 
 carried on, or by what means they expeeted to get 
 possession of the forts alluded to, I have not been able 
 to discover. 
 
 It does not seem, however, that there was any con- 
 nexion between that plot and the rising in Galloway, 
 which appears to have originated solely in the acci- 
 dental scuffle between a small party of soldiers and 
 some countrymen, to which it has been usually as- 
 cribed. The privy council were unable, by all their in- 
 quiries, aided by the utmost severities of the torture, to 
 elicit or extort the slightest evidence of previous concert 
 among those who betook themselves to arms, or of any 
 correspondence bet^ween them and foreigners ; and be- 
 ing at last convinced that the insurrection was uncon- 
 certed, they resolved on abandoning, or at least miti- 
 gating that system of arbitrary and intolerable oppres- 
 sion, which had driven the people to extremities. 
 Bishop Burnet represents " some fiery ministers," 
 whom he names as the " chief incendiaries.":f: The 
 following statement by one of those whom he accu.ses, 
 which bears internal marks of candour, goes to show 
 that the ministers, instead of inflaming, endeavoured 
 to restrain the spirit of the people. It will serve also 
 as a proper introduction to the subsequent Narrative, 
 by supplying a new and summary account of what 
 took place in Galloway and at Dumfries, before colonel 
 Wallace joined the party. 
 
 " The soldiers drove the ministers out of Galloway 
 and Niddisdale, where the meetings were most fre- 
 quent. So, many of them came privately to Edinburgh 
 and lurked there, and preached more privately. At 
 which time soldiers did sadly distress the country, where 
 the meetings had been, and those that went not to church, 
 by fining, imprisoning, driving of their cattle, which did 
 much exasperate the people ; so that some of them were 
 busy to traffic through their own country, and the west, 
 and other places, for some appearance for their own 
 relief and deliverance from the persecution. Several, 
 both gentlemen and others, did regret the same ; and 
 after going to and from for advice and assistance, and 
 consulting about the same, and seeking the Lord there- 
 in, some were for appearing in an hostile way, and 
 some not ; and so it was put off from one time to ano- 
 ther. At last I was advised by some friends to go pri- 
 vately into Galloway or the borders of it, to be inform- 
 ed of their case and what they designed to do, and to 
 report at Edinburgh. I went accordingly, and met 
 with several of their leading men, who were longing 
 for an opportunity of appearing together for their de- 
 fence. I told them, it was not rashly to be done, but 
 well advised with others in other places. So we sent 
 to the west and elsewhere for counsel in the matter, 
 and to come back within ten days. In the mean time 
 excellent Monrieff, a laird in Galloway, the greatest 
 Christian that I knew in his station, going to Edin- 
 burgh, came to me where I was privzitely. I desired 
 him to tarry for the next meeting, and told him when 
 and where it was, which he did. So we, going to the 
 place of meeting at the time appointed, and being met 
 together, they told us, that Barscobe and some others 
 of the people were fallen foul with some of the soldiers 
 quartered in the country, and had hurt some and se- 
 cured several of them ; the report of which going to 
 
 * Extract uit het Register der Secrete Resolutien van Ho. en 
 Mo. Heeren Staten Generael der Vereenichde Nederlanden. — 
 (Macward Papers. Jac. V. i. 10, art. 42.) 
 
 t Ibid. Jac. V. i. 11, art. 8 and 9. 
 
 i History of his Own Times, i. 341. 
 
484 
 
 NOTICES OF COLONEL WALLACE. 
 
 other places of the country, the people did the like 
 with their soldiers. The first occasion of this outfall 
 as I learned was, that they were offering to torture at 
 the fire some honest men that did not comply with 
 them ; and Barscobe said soberly to them, ' Why do 
 you use the honest man so V and looked about a little. 
 Whereupon some of the soldiers offered to them vio- 
 lence. Upon which a woman cried to Barscobe, 
 'Turn, what are you doing?' And when he looked 
 and saw what they were doing against them, he drew 
 a pistol, wherein there was only tobacco-stapples, and 
 shot at one of them ; at which the soldier fell, but I 
 do not remember that he was killed. So it began, and 
 they secured the rest there and elsewhere. Monrieff 
 and I were grieved with this accident, and knew not 
 what advice to give them in the case. Some knew 
 not what to say, but the most forward said, there had 
 been talking enough upon that affair, that it was fit to 
 take that opportunity to appear, which if they did not, 
 Sir James Turner, that was at Dumfries, would come 
 with all his men and destroy the country ; and that it 
 was best to prevent that by marching to Dumfries and 
 securing of him. I was truly Laban in the case; but 
 I told, if they were so resolved, I should go straight 
 to the west to acquaint friends there; which I did, 
 riding all night to get soon there. So they went for 
 Dumfries, and chused one Mr. Gray for their head, and 
 they came and took Sir James Turner prisoner, and set 
 him upon a low beast, without his best raiment, and 
 carried him through the town in a despicable manner, 
 where the providence of God was to be seen of that 
 sudden change. There he had been reigning like a 
 king, and lifted up in pride, with insolency and cruelty 
 over the poor people, and so they carried him alongst 
 with them to the west. He told them, if that rising 
 was general they would carry it ; if it were but in 
 that corner they could not do it. The old Register, 
 Primrose, (I heard,) said, that the party that had been 
 80 favourable to spare Sir James Turner, would not 
 do the business ; they had not a spirit. And a worthy 
 knowing minister spoke to the same purpose to me 
 after the defeat. I replied to him, they had a spirit for 
 that for which they were raised up, to give an innocent 
 testimony for the Lord and his oppressed work and 
 people, which had not been given before ; neither did 
 the king and the court know the case of the country, 
 and the temper of the people. For they were made to 
 believe, that if a few gentlemen were kept in security, 
 and a few ministers, he would have perfect peace. So 
 that appearance, with the meetings that followed, 
 occasioned the relaxation and liberty which was given 
 by the Indulgence. This was observable of that 
 rising, that several of those who did encourage it in 
 discoursing, and seemed to be frank for it, yet drew 
 back when it came to be made effectual. And if those 
 gentlemen and ministers in the west had risen, when 
 thpy were there that came from Galloway, it might 
 have done the business ; for to speak humaniius, after 
 the manner of men, five hundred more men might have 
 obtained a victory ; there was such a general dissatis- 
 faction with the alteration of the church government, 
 and the persecution it occasioned. They had many 
 thousand well-wishers at Pentland, that, if they had 
 thought they could have carried with their assistance, 
 would have been there ; and so the Commissioner then 
 observed, that, if they had prevailed but a little, they 
 would have got many thousands to join with them. 
 Yea, a great man (I heard) said to that purpose, who 
 
 proved a great adversary afterward when he became 
 greater."* 
 
 One reason why the insurgents were not more nu- 
 merous was, that the government had previously im- 
 prisoned on suspicion the principal gentlemen, especi- 
 ally in the western shires, who were known to be 
 warm friends to presbytery, and even some indi- 
 viduals of a different description, who happened to be 
 dissatisfied with the measures of the administration. 
 Among these were Major-General Montgomery, broth- 
 er to the Earl of Eglinton ; Sir Hew Campbell of Ces- 
 nock ; Major-General Holborn of Menstrie ; Colonel 
 Robert Halket, brother to Sir James Halket of Pitfer- 
 ran ; Sir John Cheisly of Carswell ; Sir James Stew- 
 art, late Provost of Edinburgh ; James Dunlop of that 
 ilk ; William Ralston of that ilk ; and Sir George 
 Munro, " who had taken both the oath of supremacy 
 and declaration."! To these may be added the per- 
 sons mentioned in the following extract, from a paper 
 which appears to have been drawn up by Sir William 
 Cunningham of Cunninghamhead. 
 
 " In the foresaid year 1666 no less was the illegal 
 procedure against several honourable gentlemen, taken 
 up at their own houses, where they were living peace- 
 ably, by parties of soldiers haling them to prisons as 
 malefactors; such as were the late Sir William Cun- 
 ninghame of Cunninghame-head, father to the present 
 Sir William ; the late Mr. George Maxwell, father to 
 the present Sir John Maxwell of Pollock, and one of 
 the Senators of the College of Justice ; and the late 
 Sir William Muire of Rowallane, grandfather to the 
 present Countess of Glasgow, and several others.— 
 Though never any accusation was brought against 
 them, yet Cunninghamehead, Pollock, and Rowallane, 
 were three years and some odd months detained pris- 
 oners in the castle of Stirling, to the prejudice both of 
 their health and estates. Yet could they never learn, 
 even when they were dismissed, the reason why they 
 were imprisoned, neither can it be alledged that they 
 had access to the insurrection that unhappily fell out 
 that year, they being imprisoned some months before 
 there was any such appearance ; and it is to be observ- 
 ed, that many, if not all, of these gentlemen were so 
 loyally and zealously affected for the royal family, 
 that during the time of the usurpation, their estates 
 were sequestrated, and they obliged to retire for the 
 safety of their persons.":}: 
 
 * Life of Gabriel Sempil, written by himself, MS. p. 38—43. 
 Mr. Gabriel Sempil was the second son of Bryce Sempil of 
 Cathcart, and brother of Sir William Sempil. (Douglas, Bar. 
 p. 468.) Both his father and brother were great loyalists, and 
 the latter was with Montrose at Philiphaugh. " Withm a short 
 time after, he fell in a great con.sumplion, whereof he died; but 
 before his death he took a great remorse for his malignancy 
 and following that way, and testified the same to all ni» ac- 
 quaintances that came to visit him in his sickness." Mr. Ga- 
 briel Sempil was minister at Kirkpatrick-Durham in Galloway 
 at the Restoration, and after the Revolution at Jedburgh. He 
 married, 1st, Alison, daughter of Sir Walter Riddell of that 
 ilk; and, 2dlv, Margaret, daughter of Sir Robert Car of (Ual, in 
 Northumberland. His death happened on the 8th of August 
 1706, in the 75th year of his age. — (Life of Mr. Gabriel Sempil, 
 MS.) — Sir Robert Carr of Etal is the gentleman mentioned by 
 Mr. Veitch, under the name of " Ittall." — (See before, p. 451.) 
 — The Earl of Errol is now the representative of that family. — 
 (Douglas, Peerage, i. 554, 556.) 
 
 + Account of Atlairs in Scotland, from 1659 to 1675. MS. in 
 the Library of theCollegeofEdinburgh, p. 185. Wodrow,i.224. 
 
 X Account of the suflerings of the Lady Caldwell, of the 
 Highland Host, &c. by Sir W. C. of C. MSB. in Advocates 
 Library, No. xxxiii . Jac. V. i. 25, art. 67. 
 
 END OP NOTICES OF COLONEL WALLAOC. 
 
NARRATIVE 
 
 RISING AT PENTLAND. 
 
 BY COLONEL WALLACE. 
 
 [Colonel Wallace's Narrative is introduced by the 
 following sentence in the manuscript in which it has 
 been preserved. " Immediately after the action (of 
 seizing Sir James Turner) they sent two gentlemen to 
 Edinburgh, to give friends account thereof, who met 
 with some honest men, and gave them the foresaid ac- 
 count of the business ; and, what followed, see by this 
 account written by him that commanded in chief, Wal- 
 lace, who was at this meeting and went from Edinburgh 
 to the west, where he met the rest."] 
 
 After several men's minds were inquired what was 
 fitting to be done, it was resolved, (because that night 
 was far spent) that to-morrow morning we should all 
 meet at Mr. Robertson's chamber at seven o'clock. 
 In the mean time it was seriously recommended to 
 every man to be serious with God about this particular, 
 that God might direct and determine us herein. Being 
 met to-morrow, without any farther, every man's judg- 
 ment was asked what should be our carriage in this 
 case, and what every man in particular was clear to do 
 for himself. All was clear that it was our duty to 
 own our brethren in Galloway, yea, and to go to them, 
 and to take share with them in what should be their 
 lot, according to their capacity : and this every man 
 spoke freely, to the great encouragement of one anoth- 
 er; only Kaitloch,* he spoke so low, that few heard 
 what he said ; but it is said, that what he said was 
 something of his unclearness to join, as the matter was 
 stated. After prayer again, we parted, presently to 
 make off the town. That day, being Friday, Mr. 
 Robison and I went towards Libberton, where he as- 
 sured me there were forty well-mounted good fellows, 
 upon some few hours warning, ready to go alongst. 
 But when we had stayed till to-morrow at night, our 
 party came but to seven or eight. Always, that night, 
 being Saturday, or Sabbath morning, (being to act 
 something by the way, if some man's promises held) 
 we went away straight to Linton Bridges. Before we 
 came that length, Mr. Robertson and I parted that day, 
 he went away towards Lesmahagow and these parts, 
 and one or two with him, and I went in by Dunsire,f 
 and the rest with me. We rested a while at Dunsire, 
 and prayed, and after a while we got a guide and made 
 towards the place where Mr. Robertson had appointed 
 
 * William Ferguson of Kaitlocb, or Caitlocb, printed by mis- 
 take, Kaittoch, in p. 431. 
 f See before, p. 431. 
 
 to meet me ; but we found him in his sister's, where 
 we stayed that night; only Mr. Robertson left us 
 that night, and went to try the business above men-- 
 tioned, desiring us to stay until he either came or 
 sent to us. That same night being Sabbath night, 
 at eight o'clock, came sure intelligence that Wick- 
 etshaw* was marched away that same night, with 
 a considerable number of Carluke parish, towards the 
 Galloway people, and that several other particular per- 
 sons were gone with them. There we waited till 
 Monday morning at day light, and then getting a guide, 
 we make away straight to Mauchline, and by the way 
 sent the guide to Robert Lockhart's house, f to inquire 
 of Mr. Robertson where he was, where we got notice 
 where he was, but that he was going away to the par- 
 ty. We thought strange he should have left us in 
 such a condition. While we were coming towards the 
 place, we met one who told us he feared they were 
 gone ; and when we came to the house they were gone : 
 but about that house I saw two men, one whereof I 
 perceived was Andrew Gray. He was in so uncouth 
 a posture, with such a beggar like habit, and looking 
 with such an abashed countenance, I was astonished 
 and could not speak for a long time. Always he for- 
 bids me to be afraid ; he tells me the Lord had favour- 
 ed them with good success in the attempt upon Dum- 
 fries, and that, howbeit, after the business was done, 
 many came and owned it, that never 'appeared before, 
 when it was most to be hazarded upon; yet all or 
 most of these gentlemen and countrymen had left it, 
 and gone to their houses, as if there had been no more 
 ado ; whereupon he had left them to look to his own 
 safety, being in a very insecure condition then, having 
 been the chief actor in the business.ij: Upon this first 
 
 * " December 26th 1663.— Willielmus Lockhart de Wicket- 
 schaw, haeres Wilielirii Lockhart de Wicketschaw, patris." 
 (Ret. Inq. Gen. 4752; comp. Kirkton, 234.) 
 
 f Kirkton calls him " Captain Robert Lockhart." (Hist. p. 
 234. Robert Lockhart of Birkhill, and Robert Lockhart of 
 Bankhead, were forfeited for being in arms at Bothwel. The 
 latter begged mercy, and offering to take the test, appears to 
 have obtained a remission for life. (Wodrow, ii. 159, 323,324. 
 Act. Pari. Scot. ix. 165. Inq. Retorn. Lanark, 430.) 
 
 t Kirkton, in his account of the seizing of Sir James Turner, 
 says, " He who was chief in the party that took him was one 
 Andrew Gray, ane Edinburgh merchant, who immediately de- 
 serted them, as did many more." (Hist. p. 232.) We have 
 already met with him at Newcastle, where he was " in straits," 
 and indebted to Veitch for relief. (See before, p. 436.) This 
 is not very consistent with the story of his having retired with 
 the money and baggage which he had taken from Sir James 
 Turner, as told by Andrew Symson of Kirkinner. (Descrip- 
 tion of Galloway, 184.) Indeed, Blackader tells us that there 
 
 485 
 
486 
 
 WALLACE'S NARRATIVE OF 
 
 account he gave us, we were uncoutlily commoved. 
 But when I began to gather my thoughts, I persuaded 
 myself that Andrew had taken the pett ; and that when 
 going to their houses after the service, was that they 
 might settle their affairs before they should go forth 
 again. Upon this I concluded Andrew had taken his 
 leave, or came away very briskly ; but that they 
 would not appear again was not rational, especially 
 severals having been gone and going to them whose 
 standing we were no less concerned in than theirs. 
 Upon this a grieved and discontented man, I parted 
 with Andrew Gray, fearing what ill he might and 
 would do. 
 
 Away we came to atow^n within two miles of Evan- 
 dale, where we stayed that night. To-morrow morn- 
 ing at'ter several children being baptized, and after 
 meeting with Andrew Rob of Wailslie,* whom we 
 found not clear enough to join, though his health 
 would, which he pretended, but slenderly, to be the lett. 
 He told us likewise that Blackwood would not be sud- 
 den, and that he would expect to hear from us ere he 
 moved. Here came likewise one Mr. Archibald Young, 
 from his brother the chamberlain, j" offering by com- 
 mission from his brother, that if we would certify 
 where he might meet us, and satisfy him in this point, 
 who commanded in chief, he would come himself and 
 bring the whole parish of Evandale ; but we knew 
 well enough what we might expect from him. After 
 this we go straight towards Mauchline, overtaking by 
 the way severals from Clydesdale, and captain Arnot, 
 whom we had been necessitated to part with the day 
 before, by occasion of his horse running away aftrr 
 he had fallen off him. By the way we got notice of 
 the party's being at Ayr. That night being Tuesday, 
 we stayed at Mauchline, where our dear friend John 
 Ross (who is now in glory) gave us notice that there 
 was so much hazard from Drunilanrick and others, in 
 and about Cumnock, as might cause us not to be se- 
 cure. That same day had colonel Montgomery :J: and 
 Gadgirth gone towards Eglington, where they expect- 
 ed Dayell should have been. This was the counte- 
 
 was little to seize, and that Sir James's trunks '* were much 
 emptied, having sent the money he had exacted in oppression 
 to Glasgow before, (as I have heard say) in some loads." 
 (Crichton's Biackader, p. 139.) 
 
 * Mr. John Dickson, urg-ing Mr. Macward to use his influ- 
 ence in favour of fielti meetings, and pointing out the proper 
 persons to whom-he should write, mentions " for Clidsdale, An- 
 drew Robe in Walesly, very streight." (Wodrow MSS. lix. 
 Jac. V. i. 26, art. 108.) " Mr. John Rob, son to Andrew Rob 
 in Walsley," in the parish of Evandale, was imprisoned in 
 1683, and his name is in the fugitive roll of 1684. (Wodrow, 
 ii. 307, app. 110.) 
 
 f " December 4, 1684. James Young of Linbank, Duke Ha- 
 milton's bailie in Stralhaven," being brought before the privy 
 council, from Edinburgh prison, was " examined on his libel for 
 reset, contributing money, &r.; and it being restricted to an ar- 
 bitrary punishment, he adjected sundry alleviating qualities to 
 his confession; but the clerk not having minuted them as frivo- 
 lous, he refused to sign his oath and deposition." On the 10th 
 of December, he and eight other Clydesdale gentlemen peti- 
 tioned for license "to transport themselves and their families 
 to the plantations of East New Jersey." This the Lords thought 
 reasonalile; " but the fligh-treasurerstopt it, in regard his Maj- 
 esty might get L.10,000 sterling by their fines, for their bygone 
 delinquencies, and then would dispose of their bodies by send- 
 ing them to the plantations thereafter." (Fountainhall's Deci- 
 sions, i. 317,319.) He was afterwards fined in 10,000 merks. 
 —(Wodrow, ii. 428: comp. 306. Inq. Retor. Lanark, 216.) 
 
 \ This was Major General Robert Montgomery, according to 
 Kirkton. (Hist. 235.) He was the fifth son to Alexander, sixth 
 Earl of Eglinton, and fought in the parliamentary army during 
 the civil war. (Doufjlas, Peer. i. 508. Act. Pari. Scot. vi. 243, 
 557, 587.) In a petition presented to the Privy Council, Janu- 
 ary 22, 1667, he says, that he had " remained (excepting a lit- 
 tle time) now by the space of two years and four months, in the 
 Castle of Stirling." (Wodrow, i. 280.) It is possible that he 
 might be out of confinement when Wallace went to the west 
 country. But it is more probable that the person referred to 
 in the text was the Major General's brother. Colonel James 
 Montgomery of Coilsfiefd, whose eldest daughter, Margaret, 
 was marriea to John Chalmers of Gadrirth in Ayrshire, (Craw- 
 furd'f Renfrew, by Robertson, p. 258.) 
 
 nance we were to expect from them. As we marched 
 through the country towards Ayr upon the Wednesday, 
 the ministers were living securely in their own houses, 
 no more moved than if they had not been concerned. 
 Now when it was so with these, what could be sup- 
 posed would be the carriage of the country? 
 
 When we came to Ayr the party was at a rendez- 
 vous beyond the Bridge of Doon. In our going out 
 to the party, there was a desire had come from some 
 friends in Cunninghame, that a party might be present- 
 ly sent to them, for bringing up of some that were ready 
 to come, yet durst not adventure to meet without this 
 party. Captain Arnot was presently sent away with 
 a matter of 30 or 40 horse, and to meet us the morrow 
 at Ochiltree, or where else we should leave him word. 
 After this we go straight to the party, and after salu- 
 ting them, the party marched off towards Ochiltree; but 
 because it was far in the day, we were necessitated to 
 quarter between Gadgirth and Ochiltree. By this 
 time we got sure intelligence that the General's forces 
 were come to Glasgow, and so found ourselves con- 
 cerned to look to our guards. To-morrow morning, 
 being Thursday, we marched away to the rendezvous 
 place, on the road to Ochiltree, where Mr. Sempel 
 preached while the party convened. After that we 
 marched in towards Ochiltree, liaving left the great 
 part of the horse in the country to the west hand of 
 Ochiltree, and nearest the bridge of Barskimen, the 
 only passage of the water at the time : the rest of the 
 horse we sent to the east of Ochiltree, to guard on that 
 hand : the foot we kept in the town. The officers 
 were quartered in the laird's house, where we had but 
 very cold welcome ; but I hope whatever incivility we 
 had from the lady, she had none from us. She saw us 
 at our first entry, and said, we have a good cause, and 
 she loved our cause and our persons, but she did not 
 see our call.* 
 
 That night we were alarmed from our guard at Bar- 
 skimin, that the enemy was come with a party to 
 Mauchline. We sent away and strengthened the 
 guard both by foot and horse at the bridge, and caused 
 them to send off this same John Ross towards Mauch- 
 line, to see what certainty there was therein. John 
 Ross returns us word that it was only Mr. John Guth- 
 rie t with some Tarbolton folks, and a brother of Gad- 
 girth's with them, one Robert Chalmers. :J: For intel- 
 
 » Sir John Cochrane of Ochiltree's lady was Margaret, sec- 
 ond daughter of Sir William Strickland of Boynton in York- 
 shire. (Playfair's Brit. Family Antiq. vol. vi. p. 327. Doug- 
 las, Peer. i. 474.) The Strickland family were favourable to 
 ejected ministers. (Rennet's Chronicle, p. 899.) Walter 
 Strickland, (Lady Cochrane's uncle) who had been agent of the 
 Parliament of England at the Hague, was no friend of the Pres- 
 byterians, as appears from the following extract of a letter of 
 his, dated June 6th 1650: " One piece of the cure (viz. of the 
 dangers that threaten your New State) must be phlebotomy, but 
 then yon must begin before decumbency, and then it will be fa- 
 cile to prevent danger, &c. They are here most of all afraid 
 of your High Court of Justice, which they doubt may much 
 discourage their partv. But whosoever that court condemns, 
 let them De as alreacly dead, &c. But let them be most free 
 in rutting the Kena Ccphalica (that is, the Presbyterian party) 
 for the Basilica (or Royal party) will be latent. The Median 
 (or Levellers) wou'd be spaired as much as may be, that the 
 body be not too much emaciated. Besides, the blood is most 
 corrupt in the Ccphalicks (or Presbyterians) and is the very 
 caitsa continens of our disease. You need not fear to take 
 freely of this vein, &c," — (Presbyterian Loyalty, 306, 307.) 
 
 t He was brother to Mr. William Guthrie, minister of Fen- 
 wick. Having been seized with a violent fit of the gravel, 
 through cold and fatigue, he was obliged to be carried off from 
 the army at Bathgate, and was not present at Pentland. Not- 
 withstanding this, he was tried and forfeited, August 16, 1667. 
 (Wodrow, I. 248; app. 110, 111.) It appears that he was dead 
 before November 1, 1676; for on that day the privy council 
 send "Mary Haldane, relict of Mr. John Guthrie, minister at 
 Tarbolton," and another minister's widow, to prison, " until 
 they shall find caution, under a thousand merks each, to remove 
 from the town of Edinburgh, and six miles round it." (lb. p. 
 427.) 
 
 \ He was forfeited, but obtained a remission. (Wodrow, i. 
 268; app. 113.) 
 
THE RISING AT PENTLAND 
 
 487 
 
 ligence they could only give us, that there was a strong 
 report the Duke's troop was come to Kilmarnock ; but 
 they hoped that night we should get the certainty of it, 
 because they had caused John Ross, with three more, 
 to go towards Kilmarnoch, to get certain intelligence. 
 That night, after prayer to God for direction what to 
 do next, it was concluded that we should march east- 
 ward. For there was no staying where we were, and 
 there was no expectation of any farther help from the 
 south and southwest hand ; Carrick having sent none, 
 for ought I know, except some odd one or other; as for 
 Cunninghame and Renfrew, we had ground to expect 
 any they would send would come to us, with captain Ar- 
 not and others we had sent to advertise them and bring 
 them up. Besides this, there was an earnest invita- 
 tion sent us from Clydesdale, in particular from Black- 
 wood, to come thither ; promising us, besides what we 
 might expect in the country, himself and one hundred 
 men with him. Now, we knew the enemy would be- 
 stir themselves to meet with us before our friends 
 should come at us, and labour to take us at the weak- 
 est, for they wanted not intelligence that same night 
 we came to Ochiltree, by the laird of Barskimen, who 
 had gone towards them from Ochiltree, as we were 
 certainly informed.* 
 
 Upon the morrow, being Friday, we marched to- 
 wards Cumnock, but before we came that length, John 
 Millar in Glasgow, who liad been one of those sent off 
 for intelligence, came and told us that John Rossj and 
 the rest of that party were taken prisoners by the 
 Duke's troop, and that he himself had hardly escaped, 
 having lost his horse and arms. This day the enemy's 
 whole body came to Kilmarnock. From Cumnock we 
 marched the same night to the Moorkirk, in a most vi- 
 olent rainy night, and a piece of miserable way, two 
 hours within night, and what accommodation in that 
 condition we could have there, is known to any 
 who knows that place. The poor foot were forced all 
 night, as wet as if they had been drenched in water, to 
 lie in the kirk, without victuals or much fire. That 
 night came the goodman {alias Mr. Andrew M'Cor- 
 mack) to me, about 10 o'clock at night, from his quar- 
 ters, two miles, to acquaint me that Mr. Robertson and 
 Robert Lockhart had come to that place, and had been 
 earnestly dealing with him and Mr. Brysone, {alias 
 Mr. Gabriel Scrapie) to follow the business no farther, 
 for there was no ground to expect any help either from 
 Clidesdale or any where else, that might give us any 
 ground to follow it farther ; and tiierefore their advice 
 was, that we would, the fairest way and the handsom- 
 est we could, dismiss the people, and let every one see 
 to himself, while (until) the Lord gave some better 
 opportunity. This was so pressed by them, that the 
 goodman was constrained to come away to me, and 
 these with me, the same night. This was the comfort 
 we had from him and Robert Lockhart, under that sad 
 condition of a foul night and ill quarter we were in. 
 Always that same night, I sent away Murreif ::j: and 
 
 * " Since I wrote this, I have information that the Council 
 of Scotland have sent 2000 foot and 500 horse to quell the reb- 
 els; expecting a conjunction of more forces from the Duke of 
 Hamilton, my Lords Anandil, Dunilarick, [Drumlanrick] and 
 others, assuring us they would be able to master them present- 
 ly." — (Lord Arlington to the Duke of Orniond, Whitehall, No- 
 vember 26, 1666; in Brown's Miscell. Aulica, p. 429.) 
 
 t John Ross was executed at Edinburgh, December 7, 1666. 
 He is one of. seven who sign a declaration and testimony, pre- 
 served in the Wodrow MSS. No. Ix. art. 43, which difiers in 
 the arrangement from that which is published in Naphtali, 
 though the tenour of the two papers is the same. 
 
 J John Maxwell, younger of Murreif (Monreith) was forfeit- 
 ed for being in arms at Pentland. (Wodrow, i. app. 109, 111.) 
 His father, William Maxwell of Monreith, was appointed a 
 Commissioner of Supply for Wigton, January 23, 1667, a short 
 time after the suppression of the rising. (Act. Pari. Scot. vii. 
 544.) It is doubtful whether Wodrow had the father or the 
 son in his eye, when he gives an account of a narrow escape 
 which "Maxwell of Monerief made in 1668, by concealing 
 himself in a meal-tub, on which one of the soldiers rapped with 
 his hand as he passed it, swearing in jest, that the Whig might 
 
 the goodman to Mr. John Guthrie, who was at Mr. 
 John Reid's house, a mile off, to acquaint him there- 
 with. To-morrow morning when we met, hearing that 
 captain Arnot was coming up with two hundred men 
 out of Cuninghame, and that there were a hundred more 
 coming out of Galloway, after prayer, it was conclu- 
 ded to march towards Douglas, and, by the way or 
 there, spend some considerable time together upon Mr. 
 Robertson and Robert Lockhart's proposal. So we 
 marched towards Douglas, having sent back a party 
 for intelligence, and to wait upon captain Arnot's up- 
 coming, who came up ; but his two hundred was not 
 forty more nor he carried with him. We came to 
 Douglas on Saturday at night, (Nov. 24) and ordered 
 the whole troops to come in, after they had suppered 
 themselves and their horses, to the town, and bring 
 some forage with them ; and the troops to lie together, 
 at such a place appointed for rendezvous, while (until) 
 day ; — the whole foot being in the kirk. We were 
 advertised by friends that we would be alarmed that 
 night, so therefore we strengthened ourselves beyond 
 our ordinary guards. 
 
 When these things were done, we met all together, 
 and after most serious incalling of the name of God, 
 the matter as spoken by Mr. Robertson and Robert 
 Lockhart, both the thing itself and all the arguments 
 they did urge it by, were held forth ; and after a long 
 time's speaking to the full upon the business, first the 
 ministers' own voices were desired, and afterthem every 
 particular gentleman's own mind was asked. With- 
 out one contrary voice all resolved on this, that the 
 coming forth to own that people in Galloway, they 
 were clear, was of the Lord, and in that they had done 
 nothing but followed his call. Second, many friends 
 had promised, yea, not only solemnly promised, but 
 most effectually laboured with others, to come forth. 
 " If these now shall leave us, betwixt them and their 
 master be it ; but as for me (said every one) while the 
 Lord himself that bade me come, bid me likewise go, 
 I will not go. Our master whom we serve (we know 
 well, if ever there was a handful about whom he exer- 
 cised a providence, it is about us) he needs no men, or 
 if he will make use of men, we will not want ; and who 
 knows but the service he will have is but of so many 
 whom lie has particularly designed ] And before we 
 should now so shamefully and cowardly turn our back 
 on him, and steal away from his cause," (they knew 
 that it was but death, if not worse, any life they could 
 have else,) " we should follow on till he should do his 
 service by us, and though we should-all die at the end 
 of it, we think the giving of a testimony enough for 
 all." So there was no more of that. Only there was 
 two things proposed : The one was, the renewing of 
 the covenant, which was to have been to-morrow, be- 
 ing the Lord's day, at some kirk by the way towards 
 Lanark : but hearing that, the general's forces were 
 come to Straven, we thought it not safe nor convenient: 
 The other was what course should be taken with Sir 
 James Turner. Though there was no quarters given 
 him, yet because of some words by the gentlemen that 
 took him, and because of his being now, after so long 
 
 be there. (Wodrow, i. 292.) Mr. Senipil informs us that he 
 went to Ireland, some time after the battle of Pentland, with 
 the lairds of Monereif and Sundewal, whom he sty If s " two as 
 serious, tender, and public-spirited Christians," as he ever knew. 
 At Dublin, Monreith contracted a tympany, of which he died at 
 Beiibarb or Armagh. (Sempil's Life, MS. p. 49.) Mrs. Good- 
 all mentions an escape which he made in her house at Armagh. 
 " The officers are sent for my husband, and coming in to our 
 house to the fire-side (where my husband was sitting with Mr. 
 Maxwell, the laird of Monerief [Monreith] in Galloway, who 
 was but newly come to visit us) saj- to him, ' Mr. Goodall.you 
 are the King's prisoner.' My husband went hastily with them, 
 and whispered into my ear, ' My dear, dispatch Mr. Maxwell 
 out of our house, lest he be sent for next.' So my husband was 
 imprisoned, and Mr. Maxwell got safely escaped into the coun- 
 try." (MS. Memoir, «< *u/)ra, p. 10.) John Maxwell of Mon- 
 reith, younger, is the person referred to, both by Mr. SempH 
 and Mrs. Goodall. (Cfomp, Inq. Retor. Wigton, 164, 165.) 
 
488 
 
 WALLACE'S NARRATIVE OF 
 
 a time, spared ; — for these reasons, this motion of pis- 
 toling him was slighted, alas ! it is to be feared too 
 much. 
 
 As we marched the morrow morning towards Les- 
 mahago, being the Sabbath day, (25th) Knockbreck's 
 two sons * came to us, with some few others. These 
 were the hundred men we had heard were coming from 
 Galloway, for we saw no other. We marched close 
 by Robert Lockhart's house, where Mr. Robertson was 
 with Mr. Robert Lockhart. None of them came out 
 (though it was but three or four paces from the house) 
 to countenance us so much ; yet some of our company, 
 in the bycoming, spoke with them, such as Mr. Brys- 
 son, Sundaywell, and old worthy Robert Bruce of 
 Skellietoun ;j" who most freely and faithfully acquitted 
 themselves to them, in particular to Mr. Robertson. 
 That day we perfected the modelling of our forces, 
 wherein we found great want of officers, there not be- 
 ing, to the few number we had, half of the officers re- 
 3uisite, not above four or five that ever had been sol- 
 iers before.:}: After this we marched towards Lanark, 
 crossing the water hard by the town. 
 
 After our settling the guards, quartering the rest, 
 having given intimation that to-morrow morning (God 
 willing) we intended to renew the covenant, and desir- 
 ing that every one of them would seriously mind that 
 work that night, and come hither again about day-light 
 for that end, we dismissed them totheirquarters and sev- 
 eral posts. That night the officers and ministers met, 
 and after incalling on he Lord, hearing there were 
 some arms and ammunition to be found in the town, 
 we caused make search, but found few or none. The 
 morrow morning (26th)we drew together in the ren- 
 dezvous-place at the head of the town. While we are 
 together, news comes that the enemy are within two 
 miles. Some were against meddling with the renew- 
 ing of the covenant, the enemy being so near; but the 
 devil prevailed not herein, though gladly would he, 
 that that had not been done. Having sent one with a 
 matter of ten or twelve horse over the water to discov- 
 er the enemy, and having a settled guard upon the water- 
 side, and upon the boat, we went about it. The foot 
 were drawn up about ihe tolbooth stairs, where Mr. 
 Guthrie did stand : the horse at the head of the town, 
 where Mr. Brysson and Mr. Crookshanks were actors. 
 It was done with as much joy and cheerfulness as may 
 be supposed in such a condition. They prefaced with 
 speaking on some place of Scripture.|| 
 
 * John and Robert Gordon, sons of Alexander Gordon of 
 Knockbreck, were executed at Edinburgh. (Wodrow, i. 257.) 
 Their names are s jbscribed to the testimony formerly mention- 
 ed. (See before, p. 487.) The sufterings of their father, both 
 before and after tney took up arms, are noticed by Wodrow. 
 (i. 257, 265, 425.) 
 
 ■f- Skellietoun is perhaps in Lesmahag-o parish, where there is 
 a Skelliehill. (Fug. Roll. Wodrow, ii. 107.) In 1662. Wil- 
 liani Bruce of Skellietoun, elder and younger, were fined be- 
 tween thera in L.600. (Act. Pari. Scot. vii. 423.) " Robert 
 Bruce in Hamiltone, one shaken with indulged counsels, though 
 a serious Christian," is mentioned in a letter of Dickson to 
 Macward. (Wodrow MSS. No. lix. Jac. V. i. 26, art. 108.) 
 
 X The following persons acted as oflncers under Colonel Wal- 
 lace: Major Joseph Learmont; Andrew Arnot, John Paton,John 
 M'Lellan of Barscob, John Maxwell, younger of Monreith, and 
 Robert M'Lellan of Baluiag^achan, captains; Robert Gordon, 
 younger of Knockbreck, a cornet of norse; and Mr. George 
 Cruickshanks, who had a "con)mand." (Wodrow, i. app. 99, 
 109; Samson's Riddle, 37,38.) It is highly probable that Major 
 John M'Culloch, who was executed for being at Pentland, 
 (Wodrow, i. app. 92,) was also one of the officers. He was 
 Root-master (Master of Horse) for Wigton and Kirkcudbright 
 in 1645. (Act. Pari. Scot. vi. 194.) " Major M'Cullo of Bar- 
 holme" was fined L.800, by Middleton's act, in 1662. (lb. vii. 
 428.) The suflferings of his family are noticed by Wodrow. 
 (Vol. i. p. 257, 425: romp. Inq. Retor. Kirkcudbright, 384.) 
 
 II " After they had sent out their scouts, the foot gathered 
 together upon the High Street, and Mr, John Guthrie, stand- 
 ing upon tnc tolbooth stairs, preached to them, and thereafter 
 read the covenant, to which they all engaged, solenmly, with 
 uplifted hands, and great affection. The horse convened at the 
 town-head, where Mr. Gabriel Seniple and Mr. John Cruik- 
 ■banks preached, and then read and renewed the covenant in 
 
 There were 
 
 but very few others than ourselves at the doing of it : 
 none, that I know of, of any place or quality in that 
 town or about it being with us. That morning imme- 
 diately before, came Mr. Thomas Scott, minister of 
 Hawick,* and Major Gilgour, who joined with us in 
 the work. 
 
 Immediately after that we had drawn up the whole 
 body, it was resolved (because of our friends herea- 
 bout that were to come to us that day, and because of 
 many more expected from West Calder, Shotts, Bath- 
 gate, and other parts farther off ) that we should march 
 towards Bathgate. After we had marched away, a 
 party commanded by Captain Arnot was sent to wait a 
 considerable time on the water-side and to keep out 
 scouts to watch the enemy's motions; and, after a 
 while's stay, to break the boat and come away, he and 
 the other party that watched in the time of renewing the 
 covenant. Severals did indeed come in that day, more 
 than had three days before. That day the laird of Black- 
 wood came thither. He was most kindly embraced by 
 severals who supposed he had come to join, and had 
 brought his folks with him ; hut he told, he was come 
 thither, sent by my Lord Duke Hamilton, to see if pos- 
 sible effusion of blood might be shunned, and what we 
 would be at. This, I heard, he spoke of to some. He pre- 
 tended to no written commission but only verbal ; nei- 
 ther did he apply himself to any amongst us who 
 were at that time specially concerned to be spoken to ; 
 only, by way of regret to Mr. Brysson and some few 
 others of his acquaintance, he did express himself 
 how grieved the Duke was for the condition of things 
 as they stood ; and what it was we would be at before 
 we laid down arms. These things, Mr. Brysson and 
 others said, he had been very overly speaking of; but 
 he never desired a meeting of those wiiom it most 
 concerned, and of whom he might receive his answer. 
 But how he came and how he went I know not, nor 
 any else, for ought I know. That day he leaves 
 us, having never tabled formally any such thing. 
 This, as it was great simplicity in us to suffer any man 
 come from an enemy to return at his pleasure, so is not 
 his carriage handsome ; for to inditTerent persons he 
 may be justly looked upon as one abusing the credit 
 he had with us, to the emboldening him to come in 
 amongst us, to see our condition and strength, and 
 to make an account hereof to the enemy ; for he left us 
 without good night, and went back to the enemy. 
 
 While near night-falling, a strong body of the ene- 
 my's horse dogged our rear: but night falling on they 
 fell back. When we came to Bathgate, two hours 
 within night, we can have no accommodation, nay, no 
 cover from an extraordinary rain. We went into a 
 house, such as it was, and after prayer did consider 
 what we should do next : back we might not go, the 
 enemy being in our rear. After much debate, it was 
 thought fit that we should march to-morrow early on 
 the way towards Edinburgh; being confident that, be- 
 fore we could come that length, we would hear from 
 our friends at Edinburgh ; as likewise our friends in 
 West Calder and Shotts, or thereabouts, would come 
 to us that way, and meet us to-morrow. But within a 
 very little after the meeting is dissolved, we get an 
 alarm from some of our guards ; and though it was a 
 dreadfully dark (though but a little past the height of 
 the moon,) and foul night, yet after that long weari- 
 some march that day before, we were necessitated to 
 
 id 
 may 
 
 like manner. Mr. Semple, in his sennon, cited and applie 
 Prov. xxiv. 11, 12, which much affected the people, and, it ma 
 be, persuaded some to join them." (Kirkton, 238.) 
 
 « He was employed in preaching in Northumberland, along 
 with Welsh. Semple, Ac in the year 1677; (Wodrow, i. 436;) 
 and on the 28th of August 1678, he was moderator of a presby- 
 tcrial meeting at Edinburgh, which dealt with Mr. Richard 
 Cameron •4l)out his forwardness, especially in his opposition to 
 the indulged ministers, and in exhorting the people to desert 
 thera. (MSS. in Advocates Library. Jac. V. 1. 10, art. 100.) 
 He married Marion Livingston. (Inq. Retor. Gen. 7970.) 
 
THB RISING AT PENTLAND. 
 
 489 
 
 draw forth, and calling in the guards, to march at 
 twelve o'clock at night, in one of the darkest nights 
 (I am persuaded) that ever any in that company saw. 
 Except we had been tied together, it was impossible 
 to keep together ; and every little hurn was a river. 
 We came near tiie new bridge* about fair daylight; 
 (27th) hut O, whnt a sad sight was it to sec the con- 
 dition we were in, so scattered and utterly undone, 
 what with one thing and what with another ! Yet 
 within an hour or two, far beyond our expectation, 
 most part were gathered together; howbeit, many 
 got never up. All this time we never heard lessor 
 more from our friends in Edinburgh, which we thought 
 more than wonderful ; neither came there any further 
 help to us from the west, whence we expected it. 
 When we drew up on the east side of the new bridge, 
 except some of the chief officers, there was not a cap- 
 tain present with the horse, save one ; and, in the mean 
 time cometh an alarm that the enemy was hard at hand, 
 marching unto the same bridge. .Indge any man of 
 the posture we were in, having no officers to com- 
 mand the few we had together. Always, a party is 
 sent off presently to make good tlie bridge ; and the 
 body is marched off to take irp some fit ground or 
 other to fight on. 
 
 While we were marching to a little height above 
 the bridge, Blackwood cometh and assures us, that it 
 was but a false alarm, and that the general was not 
 nearer than Calder, if there. After, the party was 
 sent away to Colington, for to Edinburgh (nofe hearing 
 any thing from there) we thought it not safe, especial- 
 ly hearing that severals in the country were in arms 
 against us ; for they had caused the word to go that 
 there were 40 ships from Holland come to Dunbar, 
 and that we were upon our march thither to join with 
 them. We heard likewise in the country, that Edin- 
 burgh and Leith were all in arms.)" Now, having no 
 intelligence from our friends, we resolved to march to- 
 wards Colington bridge. The party being gone, Black- 
 wood then desires to speak with the commanders and 
 others. All that he had to say was, in short to see if 
 he could persuade us to lay down arms upon an act of 
 indemnity which the duke (said he) would labour to pro- 
 cure, fie had no written commission from any : what he 
 spoke to this purpose he spoke it not only as sent from 
 the duke, but it was his own judgment we should accept 
 of the offer, and that it would be our best ; for in all 
 probability we would not be able to stand before them, 
 both in respect of the number of their men, and of 
 their appointment every way. He spoke something 
 likewise of our sending on to deal for a cessation for 
 some few days, until matters were understood. We ask- 
 ed, if he had any such motion from them to us : he 
 answered, not. After some freedom nsed to himself, 
 to take good heed in his carriage in that matter, as be- 
 ing no small concernment to him so to do, being looked 
 upon by us as a real friend and servant to that interest we 
 were here for, to see well that he walked strarghtlyin 
 his dealings both with us and them — after this, without 
 any thing done, we parted with him, seeing no ground 
 whereupon we could do any thing. 
 
 We sent away some few horsemen to bring in some 
 victuals, in case the quarters at night had not been 
 well provided. Now, having had such a weary jour- 
 ney from Lanark, and from Bathgate, having gotten so 
 little rest and refreshment — for these reasons we re- 
 solved, Colington being the most secure place, to let 
 the horse go out a mile with bilgets, to refresh them- 
 
 * " They came forward through Bathgate, east through Brox- 
 burn, and along the New Bridge, and thence towards ColHng- 
 ton." (Life of Alexander Reid, p. 16,17.) 
 
 t November 23, 1666, the town councilof Edinburgh caused 
 make a proclamation for preventing and discovering the joining 
 with those now in rebellion. Their treasurer is appointed to 
 pay " six horse hire that went to Lithgow with anmnniitioii. 
 The pri-vy council's order for taking notice of such as pass at 
 r.eith sent down to the bailies thereof."' (Record of Town 
 Council.) 
 
 3 M 
 
 selves and horses; and return before night fall, briirgr 
 ing some forage with them. Accordingly we did, 
 having provided the best way we could for the foot 
 within the town, and furnished such as wanted with 
 what we sent for from the country. Guards being set, 
 the officers went to their quarters. We were not well 
 there when Blackwood* comes again, and the laird 
 of Barskiming with him. It was thought ver}' strange 
 how he or any man had passed the guards, but men 
 not knowing discipline are not to be looked upon as 
 others. Besides the renewing the same things ho 
 spoke of before, Blackwood added that, in reference 
 to what he had been speaking of our seeking a cessa- 
 tion for some time, that the general had parolled to 
 him, that, till his coming back to-morrow morning ear- 
 ly, that he might bring our answer, the general should 
 not encroach upon us, nor wrong us ; and that, upon 
 the general's dcing this, he himself had taken upon 
 him, in our names, to parole the like for us, that we 
 should not encroach upon him, nor wrong him, while 
 that time ; which (as he thought) would be about 
 eight or nine hours in the morning. Barskiming in- 
 deed added, that wc should not enlarge our quarters : 
 but Blackwood himself flouted at that. All that we 
 said to Blackwood that night was, as to his parolling 
 in our name ; we did nnt understand this way of his ; 
 howbeit, it was very like there would none of us 
 w-rong other that time, being both dark and foul ; and 
 if he stayed that night he might see it* He seemed to 
 be feared for our going to Edinburgh or Leith, from 
 which we heard nothing from our friends ; only in the 
 country we heard they were all in arms ; and that 
 considerable persons were gone from the country to 
 join with Dalyell : that the ports were all shut. 
 
 Upon Wednesday morning, (28th) about daylight, 
 Blackwood calls to be gone; now Barskiming had 
 slipped away very early, and stayed not upon him, yet 
 I am confident Blackwood knew of his going. Now, 
 because of the condition we were in, being not above 
 800 or 900 men, and these most part without arms, and 
 now being out of expectation of any supplies, except 
 what little help Major Gilgour had told us of, w-e might 
 expect from Tiviotdale, which was both very uncertain 
 and inconsiderable ; and considering the miserable 
 condition of the weather we had gotten all that eight 
 days before, and the sore marches night and day in our 
 seeking to call out and gather together our friends ; 
 and what influence these things had upon our spirits to 
 discourage and break us, besides the influence they had 
 on our bodies — for these reasons we were to have sent 
 one of onr number with Blackwood to the general 
 Dalyell, by whom we might represent our grievances 
 and the grounds of our thus appearing in arms ; but 
 because we had none, whom we might spare, fit for 
 the employment, but one, whom Blackwood told us, 
 not being a law-biding man, would not be acceptable, 
 for this cause we forbare, and resolved (Blackwood 
 being coine to us without any formal commission, only 
 pretending he was sent to us to speak what I told you 
 before) to write back to Dalyell with him, though he 
 had not written at all to us. Accordingly the letter is 
 drawn to this purpose ; that, because of intolerable in- 
 solencies of the prelates and their insupportable op- 
 
 * William Lawrie married Mariot Weir, heiress of Black- 
 wood, and was tutor of Blackwood c!uring the minority of his 
 son and grandson. (Douglas, Bar. 155. Inq. de Tutela, 1056.) 
 He was imprisoned inimediafely after the battle of Pentland, 
 probably on account of the intercourse he had heki with the in- 
 surgents; and after a gradual relaxation, was liberated from 
 confineni€nt on the 9th of October, 1667, on enacting liimself 
 to keep the peace under pain of 5000 nierks. (l)ecreta Seer. 
 Cone. March 7 and 21, Aug. l^and Oct. 9, 1667.) He was one of 
 the witnesses against Colonel Wallace. (Wad. i. ap. 107.) In 
 1683 he was brought to trial for intercourse with the rebels at 
 Bothwell Bridge, and condemned to be executed; a sentence 
 which excited ijreat alarm, but which was not carried into ex- 
 ecution. (Fount. Dec. i. 213—215. Wod. ii. 293—295. Act. 
 Pari. Scot. viii. app. 33—35.) 
 
490 
 
 WALLACE'S NARRATIVE OF 
 
 pressions, all ways of remonstrating or petitioning be- 
 ing taken from us, we were necessitated to draw togeth- 
 er, that jointly we might the more securely petition 
 his Majesty and council for redress ; but in respect 
 that his excellency was not there, by whom we intend- 
 ed to present our supplication, to interpose for a fa- 
 Tourable hearing thereof, and that we knew not when 
 the council-day would be, we did desire of his excel- 
 ency not only to be acquainted with the diet, but that 
 we might have a blank-pass to a person whom we 
 might send with our petition ; and we had desired the 
 same gentleman who had come tons from his excel- 
 lency, might have the answer, who would be careful 
 of its coming to onr hands. In the close there was 
 mention of one of our soldiers killed in our quarters, 
 notwithstanding the parole mentioned by Blackwood. 
 The letter was subscribed by Wallace, and sent away 
 by Blackwood, who promised with all speed to have the 
 return at us very soon ; and because he was uncer- 
 tain where he might find us, we bade him hasten back 
 to his own house, and he should know where to find 
 us. Away he goes hopeful to bring us up this pass. 
 
 We marched away strait to Inglistown Bridge, in 
 about the point of Pentland Hills, and sent off, as be- 
 fore, some for bringing in provisions by the way. 
 Some we sent to Tiviotdale to signify our being here, 
 and our expecting them. Now Major Gilgour and Mr. 
 John Scoit had left us that night we came from Bath- 
 gate, upon what account they knew best themselves ; 
 always, it had been better for us, and (I fear) for them- 
 selves both, and others of that kind, that they had not 
 come at all to us, than to come and leave us in the con- 
 dition we were in. 
 
 Being necessitated at such a place, because several 
 both horse and foot were straggling, to draw up, we 
 were not well together when there is a report of a body 
 marching towards us, through a glen that comes from 
 Calder through Pentland Hills towards Pennicuick.* 
 Because it was hard by us, we went but two or three 
 paces farther up on the brae, when we discover them 
 within a quarter of a mile of us. Now there was a 
 great glen betwixt us, so as neither of us could have 
 access to other. There we stood brandishing our 
 swords. Now their foot was not come up, only were 
 coming. A party of their horse (I think to the num- 
 ber of fifty or thereabout) seeing they could not come 
 at us here, they take away westward. A party of 
 ours, much to the same number, were commanded to 
 march the same way. Both parties marches thus 
 along the side of their own hill, towards an even place 
 of ground, to which both of them came. They were 
 not long asunder, when once they were there. After 
 they had discharged their fire, they closed, and for a 
 considerable time stand dealing with swords ; at last 
 the enemy runs ; and, if they had not retired by a way 
 that there was no dealing with them, alongst the side 
 of a steep hill, it is like there had not many of them 
 gone home. In this first assault fell, with the first 
 fire, Mr. John Orookshank and Mr. Andrew M'Cor- 
 mick, two main instruments of the attempt, two Ire- 
 land ministers. j- Now this party behoved to be cho- 
 sen men, for they were well appointed, and indeed 
 made an uncouth attempt; (being in the reverence of 
 our whole horse, though none meddled with them but 
 the first party) and this they did their alone, neither 
 was there any of their own near them to second them. 
 
 • " Whitehall, December 1, 1666. My Lord, ginre my last 
 my Lord ofLaudenlail hath received two expresses from Scot- 
 land, the rffect of which were, that his Majesty's forces under 
 General Diel were preparing themselves to attack the enemy, 
 and doubted not of beinp: quickly masters of them." (Lord Ar- 
 lington to the Duke of Ormond, in Brown's Miscell. Aulica, p. 
 429, 430.) 
 
 + See before, p. 434.—" Andrew M'Corniick at Macheraly," 
 was one of the Irish ministers with whom Mr. John Livingston 
 was acquainted in 1656. (Life of Mr. Joho Livinnton, p. 42. 
 Ed. 1727.) *^ 
 
 They being beaten back thus with some loss of men 
 on both hands, there was a party of our foot command- 
 ed toward that place where they and the rest of their 
 horse stood, being no ways accessible for horse to do 
 them any hurt. Upon the foot's approach they were 
 forced to quit that side of the glen that lay on the west 
 hand, and to go over to the east side of the glen, where 
 they stayed till their foot came up. In this condition 
 we stood foreagainst other : neither of us could well 
 come at other where we stood. When their foot came 
 up, their whole horse and foot came down off the hill 
 towards a moor beneath us on our right hand ; and 
 there they drew up in battle array, thinking to provoke 
 us to quit our ground, and to fight them on even ground. 
 We perceiving how numerous they were, being at 
 least (whatever they were more) in all three times our 
 number, resolved we would not quit our ground. There 
 we stood only fronting other. 
 
 After this, we perceive a party of their horses on 
 their right hand advancing towards us. After some 
 mutual communion what was fit to be done, whether 
 to fight them, if put to it, that same night, because, if 
 we delayed that night, (as we readily might, if we 
 had pleased) we might expect, whatever we might be 
 fewer, the enemy would be no fewer; after prayer it 
 was resolved, that, if the Lord in providence did order 
 so as we were put to it, we should put ourselves in his 
 hand, and quit ourselves of our duty ; resolving, in his 
 strength, never to break till he that brought us to- 
 gether 4)reak us, and though we should serve for no 
 more but to give a testimony, and it were by leaving our 
 corpse there, to adventure it. The party that we had 
 seen advancing to us before prayer, came up so near 
 that we found ourselves called to give them a meeting, 
 and so a party of near as many were sent down from 
 our left hand to meet them ; and, in respect, there had 
 come a few of their foot upon tiie flanks of their party, 
 a few of our foot were sent off with ours to rencounter 
 them. The two parties meets, and after fire given on 
 both sides, they fall to it with swords. Whilst the 
 two troops are dealing it thus betwixt them, our foot 
 party makes theirs run. Immediately their horse runs 
 likewise. So soon as the enemy see their horse put to 
 flight, immediately there is another party commanded 
 off their right hand, and quickly advances towards the 
 relief of their own men. Upon this, another party is 
 sent down from our left hand to meet them. After 
 these two fresh bodies had grasprd awhile together, 
 the enemy runs, and, in the view of all, this party of 
 ours did so hotly pursue them that they chased them 
 far away by their body. Upon this, advances the rest 
 of their horse that were on their right hand, and forc- 
 ing back our party, a party of our horse on the right 
 hand were sent off. Now their whole body of horse 
 on their left hand were unbroken ; and upon these two 
 parties being engaged, their whole left hand of horses 
 advances, ^fow we had no more but a matter of four- 
 score horse to meet with their whole left hand. Al- 
 ways, all marches up towards other, hut being op- 
 pressed with mullitude we were beaten back; and the 
 enemy coming in so full a body, and so fresh a charge, 
 that having us once running, they carried it so strong- 
 ly home, that they put us in such confusion that there 
 was no rallying, but every man runs for his own safe- 
 ly. If the Lord had not in providence so ordered that 
 we had greatly the advantage of the ground, being at 
 a pretty lieight above them, and that it was growing 
 dark, and close upon the edge of Pentland-hills whither 
 we fled, in all probability there had been a greater des- 
 truction than there was. There was not above a hun- 
 dred killed and taken prisoners by the enemy : what 
 assistance the country made that night to the enemy 
 is well known.* 
 
 Although this poor handful, thus defeat, had trav- 
 
 * " Whitehall, 4th December, 66. My Lord, yesterday 
 morning his Majesty received a particular account from Scot- 
 
THE RISING AT PENTLAND. 
 
 491 
 
 elled much to gather their friends, and to give oppor- 
 tunity to the lovers of the truth to show themselves in 
 defence thereof, yet none came from any other place 
 that was any thing remote from them. Only some 
 were making ready to tlieir assistance, none of which 
 appeared, save Moore, laird of Caldwell,* who 
 
 had gathered forty or fifty horse, and the Sabbath 
 night before the defeat he began to march, following 
 Wallace to have joined with him, and came as far as 
 Glasford parish ; but could not win forward to their 
 friends, the enemy being fallen in between them. Yet 
 had they marched to Both well Bridge, and not to Glas- 
 ford, they might have come at them ; but they had no 
 intelligence, so having attempted (but in vain) to cross 
 Clyde, it being great with the rains tliat had fallen, 
 they returned home again. In this troop was 
 Maxwell of Blackston, son to the laird of Newark, 
 Ker of Kersland, John Cuninghame of 
 Bedland,f Mr. Gabriel Maxwell, misister of Dundon- 
 ald, deposed by the bishop, and Mr. John Carstairs, 
 minister of Glasgow, of whom before, who had been 
 lurking all this time till now, that these gentlemen 
 urged him (and that partly against his will) to rise 
 alongst with them. These were the most noted per- 
 sons, with others, making up a troop, commanded by 
 the laird of Caldwell. After the defeat, Blackston,^ 
 persuaded thereto, came to the council and declared 
 his own and the other gentlemnn's rebellion, (as they 
 called it) manifesting all he knew of the other gentle- 
 men's carriage in that business ; he was imprisoned a 
 while, and thereafter set at liberty. Caldwell, Kers- 
 land, 11 and Bedland, were sought for, and their houses 
 barbarously rifled and plundered by the soldiers, them- 
 
 land of his forces havine; beaten and routed the rebels near Ed- 
 inburgh, killing and taking near 500 of them, their chief also 
 ilain in the action, the sum of which will come to your hands 
 by the inclosed. His Majesty bids me tell your Grace he hath 
 written unto Scotland to nave severe punishment inflicted upon 
 the offenders, and strict inquiry to be made into the contrivance 
 of their design, and the correspondence they might have had 
 with other parts, and accordingly recommends to your Grace 
 the having special care taken to seize all persons that may have 
 fled from their party into Ireland, or held correspondence with 
 them." (Arlington's Letters to Ormoud, ut svpra, p. 430.) 
 
 » See before, p. 482. 
 
 f The family of Bedland was a branch of the Cunninghanies 
 ofCraigends, and more remotely of the noble house of Glen- 
 cairn. Mr. John Cunninghame of Bedland was served heir to 
 his father, March 18, 1664. (Inn. Retor. Ayr, 537.) Being 
 forfeited for accession to the rebellion in 1666, he was transfer- 
 red from one prison to another during many years, and after 
 different petitions was at last liberated on a declaration, that 
 he had " resolved, by his future deportment and behaviour, to 
 witness the deep sense he hath of his gracious Majesty's great 
 clemency ;" he having found caution under 5000 merits to re- 
 enter into prison when required. (Decret. Sec Concil. May 
 2, 1677. Act. Sec. Concil. Aug. 2, 1677.) " Mr. John Cuning- 
 hani, sometime of Bedland," is mentioned among those engaged 
 in the rebellion at Bothwell, in the proclamation against the 
 rebels, June 26. 1679; (Wodrow, ii. 93, app. 27;) and several 
 persons are afterwards proceeded against for conversing or cor- 
 responding with him. (Ibid. p. 281, 298, 426,) 
 
 t John Maxwell of Blackston was the third son of Sir Pat- 
 rick Maxwell of Newark and Blackston, and his only daughter 
 married Alexander Napier, a grandson of the celebrated inven- 
 tor of the logarithms. (Crawfurd's Renfrew, 90, 119, 377.) 
 Notwithstanding his turniflg informer against his associates, he 
 did not escape trouble. On the 25th of March, 1667, he was, 
 after several months' iniprisonment, removed, on his petition, 
 from the tolbooth to the castle of Edinburgh, " if the Lord Lyon 
 can accommodate him." (Deer. Sec. Concil.) And on 'the 
 21st of November that year, he was ordered to be set at liberty 
 on his giving bond to keep the peace under i.lOOO Scots. 
 (Wodrow, i. 280.) He is said to have died at sea on his way 
 to Carolina. (Ibid. p. 248.) 
 
 II Captain Thomas Crawfurd of Jordanhill (who surprised the 
 castle of Dumbarton in 1571) married Janet, heiress of Robert 
 Ker of Kersland, the representative of a very ancient family in 
 Ayrshire. (Crawfurd's Renfrew, 71.) His eldest son, Daniel, 
 succeeded to the title and estate of Kersland, and was succeed- 
 ed by his son Hugh. (Inq. Retor. Renfrew, 68, 209; Ayr, 179, 
 238.) Hugh was alive in 1644, (Act. Pari. Scot. vi. 133,) and 
 was either the father, or (which is more probable) the grand- 
 father of " Robert Ker of Kersland, younger," who was at the 
 
 selves fled off the kingdom, and were forfeited of life 
 and estate at Lammas next. Their rents were uplifted 
 by two ruflians appointed by Daiziel and Drummond, 
 who trusted his Majesty would not deny them their 
 estates for their good service ; but they were both dis- 
 appointed ; and these their chamberlains, were forced 
 to make their accounts to the Exchequer, who appoint- 
 ed the laird of Housle* to uplift these rents, and to 
 make account to the said lords of Exchequer. 
 
 battle of Pentland. In a list of the rents of certain forfeited 
 estates made in 1669, Kersland is valued — " Victual 119 bolls, 
 deducing to Old Kersland 60 bolls." (MSS. in Adv. Lil). folio 
 No. xxxii. M. 6, 14, art. 78.) Robert Kerof Kersland, younger 
 was a commissioner of supply in 1661. (Ibid. vii. 92.) His es- 
 tate was given to Lieulenant-General Drummond, after his for- 
 feiture, which was ratified by Parliament in 1669, and rescinded 
 by it in 1690. (Wodrow, i. 268; app. No. xvi. Samson's Rid- 
 dle, 139, 144. Act, Pari. Scot. vii. 562; ix. 199.) His escape 
 to Holland, his apprehension on his return to Scotland, his sec- 
 ond escape after a long imprisonn>ent, and his death at Utrecht 
 Nov. 14, 1680, are recorded by Wodrow. (i. 423—425.) There 
 is preserved a draught of a petition to the Privy Council, in 
 which the petitioner, after mentioning that he had been confined 
 for five years in difl'erent prisons, says, " in the very coldest of 
 this season, and in such a time when some of them were wrest- 
 ling under heavy and sad sickness, others enduring pains of the 
 stone-gravel so excessive as cannot be expressed, were my thus 
 pained children extruded out of the castle with all the rest, ex- 
 cept one daughter, who, with myself and tender wife, and one 
 servant, were thrust up to another room, that is known to be in- 
 tolerable for smoke and cold." The petition concludes with a 
 request for "a change of imprisonment to Edinburgh castle," 
 with the view of having an operation performed on the child 
 afflicted with the stone. The name of the petitioner has been 
 carefully deleted, but on a narrow inspection appears to be 
 " Robert Ker of Kersland," prisoner in the "castle of Stirling." 
 The date, which has been altered, was originally 1675. In a 
 note on the back of the petition, in a different hand-writing, and 
 apparently Kersland's, the petitioner signifies that, after the 
 draught was made, he hesitated as to its being his duty to pre- 
 sent It, " being diffident of treating or tampering with these so 
 dreadfully-given-up men." (MSS. in Adv. Lib. Jac. V. 2, 26, 
 art. 30.) A letter, which appears to be written by the same 
 person to Macward, is dated, " From ray closs prison at Stir- 
 ling castle, the 31st Dec. 1673." The writer says, " though I 
 know not if Forbes (Colonel Wallace) be there, yet about a 
 week ago I wrote to him, which was my second. I wrote also 
 to the good old provost." He mentions that he had been visit- 
 ed by Mr. Thomas Forrester, curate of Alva, " to whose recan- 
 tation my Rob. Jea. and Meg, with a great gathering of honest 
 people, were auditors." MSS. ut supra, Jac. V. i. 26, art. 28.) 
 Robert Ker left a widow, Barbara Montgomery, a son, Daniel, 
 and three daughters. Daniel being killed, in 1692, at the bat- 
 tle of Steinkirk, John Crawfurd of Fergushill, a cadet of the 
 family of Crawfurdland, who married Anna, eldest sister of 
 Daniel Ker, assumed the surname, title, and arms of the house 
 of Kersland. He is the author of the book known by the name 
 of Kersland's Memoirs. (Diet, of Decisions, 4755. Lelter 
 prefixed to Kersland's Memoirs. Robertson's Ayrshire, 244.) 
 * The person here referred to is James Dunlop of Househill, 
 whose father, Thomas, (fourth son of James Dunlop of that ilk) 
 purchased the lands of Househill in 1646. (Crawfurd's Ren- 
 frew, 45, 328. He was a Justice of the Peace for Renfrew, and 
 a commissioner of supply in 1661 and 1678.) (Act. Pari. .Scot, 
 vii. 94, 506; viii. 224.) But he did not escape the severities of 
 that time, being fined for negligence in suppressing conventi- 
 cles in 1676, obliged to withdraw for refusing to take the bond 
 in 1678, and imprisoned for reset in 1683. (Wodrow, i. 427, 
 486; ii. 306.) What is stated in the text respecting the forfeit-, 
 ed estates committed to his management is only correct in part. 
 His commission to that purpose, dated Oct. 12,1667, is inserted 
 in Wodrow, i. app. No. xvii. It is probable that the rents of 
 these estates had been illegally lifted by the agents of General 
 Daiziel, &c. and that the lords of the treasury obliged them to 
 account for their intromissions to the laird of Househill; but 
 these estates were, in the year 1670, gifted by the crown to 
 Daiziel, Drummond and others. (Samson's Riddle. Wodrow, 
 i. app. No. xviii. Crawfurd's Renfrew, 301,302.) During the 
 time that they were under Househill's management, an attempt 
 was made to secure them to the respective families, by com- 
 pounding with the government. There is a letter, dated May 
 27, 1669, from Sir George Maxwell of Nether Pollock, (then a 
 prisoner in Stirling castle) to Mr. Thomas Hay, one of the 
 clerks of Privy Council, proposing a composition for the lands 
 of Caldwell, Kerseland, Quarellton, Baidland, and of Alexan- 
 der Porterfield, Quarellton's brother, for which Sir George 
 promises to be cautioner for a limited time. In another letter 
 to Hay, not intended for " public use," Sir George tells him, 
 "this I understand, that, besides the 20,000 merks in it (the 
 
498 
 
 WALLACE'S NARRATIVE OF 
 
 As there were not many come to help this honest 
 party from other sliires, so the several rendezvous in 
 the shires for helping to suppress the rebels were but 
 very slack, and these that met (according to the public 
 order) came so accoutred, as testified they minded not 
 to do the rebels much harm. Only the three Lothians 
 were very active in and about the time of the skirmish, 
 and after, in the flight, took many more than Dalziel's 
 men di<l, and killed severals also in their escaping ; for 
 which they iriay look for a scourge in due time for their 
 savage cruelly, from him in whose sight the blood of 
 the saints is precious.* 
 
 The country barbarians of Lothian had good exam- 
 ple of their chief city, Edinburgh, whose provost, Sir 
 Andrew Ramsay, with all the citizens, showed them- 
 selves very active against these poor people, that were 
 coming eastward with no ill will against them, but to 
 present their desires to the council, for freedom from 
 intolerable oppression of the prelates ; but these furi- 
 ous townsmen mind nothing of the quarrel, but in 
 their madness and folly (to show their loyalty) puts all 
 in arms to resist the rebels, if they should offer to en- 
 ter the town; and for more security, the provost de- 
 sires a new oath, causing the several captains, and 
 their companies, to swear it to this purpose. 
 
 [ "The Lord provost presented me ane act 
 
 of privie counsell for securing the toun, conforme 
 whereto the wholl capitanes, except Capitan Bell, who 
 is not in ye cuntrie, took ye oath that they should be 
 trew and faithfull to ye king, and that they should de- 
 fend his authority, and maintain the same against this 
 insurrectione and rebellion, and any other that shall 
 happen with the haiseard of their lives and fortuns, 
 and the counsell appoynted the respective capitans to 
 take the oathes of the rest of the officers and wholl 
 souldiers, as lykwayes conforme to the said order, the 
 counsell appoynts sex companies to keep watch night 
 and day by turns. "f] 
 
 But with all this preparation, they had no more to 
 do but receive the prisoners of that honest, though 
 broken, party, who were brought in that night after 
 
 public letter) expressed, vou shall havcjbr your pains io get it 
 done, 5000 merksr (M^S. Adv. Lib. No. xxxu". M. 6, 14, art. 
 79.) 
 
 * On this occasion, the influence of some of their clergy was 
 not wanting to inflame the minds of the people. Mr. Andrew 
 Cant, minister at Libberton, it appears, had been very violent in 
 his declarations from the pulpit, particularly by appfj'ing to the 
 insurgents the following words of the prophet : " They shall 
 pass through it hardly bestead and hungry, and it shall come 
 to pass, that, when they shall be hungry, they shall fret them- 
 selves, and curse their king and their God, and look upward." 
 Cant, in a reply to Mr. John Nevay, who had remonstrated 
 with him on his conduct, says— " That place of Isa. viii. 21, I 
 did indeed accommodat to the west countrie men the Sabbath 
 immediately preceding theire defeat, and though Naphtalis 
 blood ferment all, even to the bringing his rayling accusation 
 against me for this, and yovv are pleased to refer me to the 
 Dritch annotations for the right meaning of the text, I find no 
 reason to repent what I spoke, the hand of God without all jjer- 
 advcnture being in it, for before I went up I made acconipt of 
 saying nothing like." (A. Cant to John Nevay, Libberton, Oc- 
 tober — 68, and Edinburgh, November 18, — 68: Wodrow MSS. 
 No. lix. Jac. V. 1, 26, art. 7.) 
 
 t In the MS. a blank is left for taking in the oath. What is 
 inclosed in brackets is extracted from the Records of Town 
 Council, November 21, 1666. 
 
 In the month of May following, when a Dutch squadron ap- 
 peared in the firth of Forth and fired into Leith, the writer of 
 the History In which Wallace's Narrative is embodied, says, 
 " The men of Edinburgh went downe in companies to defend 
 Leith, but they loved not General Dayell his command, who 
 yet, for as wicked as he was, could cast up to them their 
 naughtiness. ' When yonr countrey folks (sayes hce to them) 
 the Whig« were up, ye were busie then who might run fastest; 
 but now when the common enemie appeirs, yee cannot be got- 
 ten out of your houses.' Thug he; ana that not without cause, 
 for the alarm cam at ten o'clock at night, but for all the rlrunis 
 beating and common bell ringing, it was the nioiTow at 4 o'clock 
 in the morning ere an)' of them came to Le'rth. Indeed, in the 
 other case, when those honest people came to Colintonne, they 
 raged like mad men; but hecr they wer tame eneuch." — (MS. 
 Ml tupra, p. 271.) 
 
 the defeat by Dalyell's men, having their hearts bro- 
 ken with the reproaches and blasphemies which these 
 jeering atheists spued out against God, godliness, re- 
 ligion, and all fear of God, by the way as they came 
 in, naked and many bleeding in their wounds. The 
 dead were spoiled of their clothes, and laid naked be- 
 fore the moon by night and the sun by day, by the sol- 
 diers and the barbarians of Lothian, as if the victory 
 had been gotten over Turks ; but the godly women of 
 Edinburgh came out the morrow with winding sheets, 
 and buried them. Yet worthy Mr. Crookshank's body 
 was not found among them, nor yet M'Cormick's. 
 Report went for a year after, that Mr. Crookshanks 
 was yet alive ; but thereafter it was concluded^ that 
 there was no truth in it. 
 
 The town received the prisoners, which the godlr 
 people of the town esteemed the saddest sight that ever 
 Edinburgh had seen, which drew tears in abundance 
 from the eyes of all that feared God, considering what 
 vast difference there was between the persons and the 
 cause on the one side and the other ; and surely a most 
 astonishing dispensation it was, to see a company of 
 holy men (for such were the greatest part, yea, but 
 few otherwise) and that in a good cause, given up into 
 the hands of a most desperate crew of scoffing, prophane 
 atheists. But God had called them together (it seems) 
 to have a testimony at their hands ; and that he missed 
 not, for he helped them to glorify him in their suffer- 
 ings, which made their cause more lovely throughout 
 all parts of the land, even in the eyes of enemies and 
 neutrals, than their victory would have done. 
 
 The provost caused imprison them all together in an 
 old kirk called Haddow's Hole, where the charity of 
 the godly people of the town appeared in furnishing 
 them with all necessaries, both for maintenance and 
 the healing of their wounds. There were about fifty 
 prisoners ; but by accession of these whom the Lothi- 
 an barbarians had taken, there were within two or 
 three days after about eighty prisoners. The chief 
 whereof were captain Andrew Arnot,* brother to the 
 laird of Lochridge in Stewarton of Cunninghame, ta- 
 ken by some wicked men of Tranent ; Mr. Alexander 
 Robison, treacherously betrayed by the laird of 
 
 Morton after he had delivered his arms upon 
 
 treaty, to let him go freely where he pleased ; f Mr. 
 
 * The Parliament in 1649 appointed "Captain A ndro Arnot 
 to be Root-master" to the troop of horse in the sheriffdom of 
 Fife and Kinross, commanded bv Lord Elcho. — (Act. Pari. Scot, 
 vi. 389, 392.) He subscribed the protestation against the meet- 
 ings of the General Assembly, in 1651 and 1652, which approved 
 of the Public Resolutions. — (Representation — and Protestation, 
 p. 18.) In 1661, "Captaine Arnot in Lochrig" was fined alonr 
 with others, to repair the injuries sustained by the Ear! oi 
 Qneensberry and his son in 1650. (Act. Pari. Scot. vii. 96.) 
 
 f The person who apprehended Robison was Sir John Gib»- 
 son of Pentland, (second son of President Durie) who "pos- 
 sessed all and sundrie the lands of Mortoun and Mortoun-hall." 
 (Act. Pari. Scot. viii. 273.) He was one of the clerks of Ses- 
 sion; and that he was alive at the time here referred to, appears 
 from the following act of sederunt respecting his son. June 
 20th 1676, the Lords " nominated Mr. Alexander Gibson to con- 
 tinue in that chamber, wherein his father and he does serre." 
 (Acts of Sederunt, n. 125.) 
 
 Two persons of the name of Robison, or Robertson, are men- 
 tioned in this narrative. The ont nrcompanied Colonel Wal- 
 lace from Edinbui^h, left him on the way to the west, and never 
 joined the party in arms. Kirkton calls him Mr. Alexander 
 Robison. (Hist. p. 234, 236.) The other was taken by the 
 laird of Morton and executed at Edinburg-h. That he was a 
 different pprson from the former appears from his trial. " The 
 assize unanimously, in one voice — finds — Mr. Alexander Robert- 
 Bone to be guilty of ryseing and joyning in arms with the reb- 
 ells, and that he was one of those that went to Dumfries and 
 seized on Sir James Turner, and that he went alangst with the 
 rebells to Aire, and that he was at Lanark, and took the cove- 
 nante with the rest of that party there, and came allnngst with 
 them to Colli ngtoune and Pentland hills; and that he was ib 
 urmes at the conflict with Captaine Arnote against his Majes- 
 ties forces, and that he had a drawen sword there and discharg- 
 ed his pistols in the fight." — (Samson's Riddle, 36, 37.) He ad- 
 dressed the following letter to Captain Arnot.-probably on the 
 morning of the lattcr's execution: "DEAR Frixnd, noW iu 
 
THE RISING AT PENTLAND. 
 
 493 
 
 Hugh M'Kell son to Mr. Matthew M'Kell, minister 
 of Bothwell, taken also by the country people about 
 Braidscraigs. All these three were put up in the tol- 
 booth. Thomas Paterson, merchant of Glasgow, died 
 in Haddow's Hole of his wounds, within four or five 
 days after; and the provost having caused instruments 
 to be taken that he was dead, some honest men caused 
 warn their neiglibours to the burial privately ; lest if 
 Burnet, bishop of Glasgow, had got notice, he should 
 have impeded his burial, or done some violence to his 
 corpse. Thus was his body buried honestly in the 
 Greyfriars, which was no sooner interred, than the said 
 bishop sent to the grave, and thereupon protested, that 
 the said Thomas Paterson, rebel, his dying unforfault- 
 ed of life and estate, might not prejudge his Majesty 
 
 tears, bot ere long in joy, I drink this cup to you: but the cup 
 of salvation will be your draught ere long. I have had much 
 libertie for j-ou this night. Run the race with courage; make 
 stepping stones of your wife and children; it is an excellent 
 change and niffer you are to make: Instead of the wife ofyour 
 bosome, handsome and heartsonie, enjoyment of Christ without 
 intermission; instead of peace with the world, peace with God, 
 
 of the escheat of his goods, moveables, and all that 
 appertained unto him.* 
 
 and peace of conscience which will give you the true enjoyment 
 of just peace with God. You are credited with that which 
 hath been the desire of precious godly men, and yet the Lord 
 wold not make use of them as vessels to pour such liquor into; 
 and he hath chosen you. O give him thanks ! O praise, O 
 blesse, blesse, blesse him ! Ye have the forestart of me; O if 
 I were counted worthie ! Noe more, being in hast, but leaves 
 you to him who will wype away all tears from your eyes with 
 the napkin of pardoning mercie. 
 I rest, 
 Your's in Christ, 
 
 Alex. Robertson, with you in prison." 
 
 The letter is addressed " For his dear friend, in the same 
 bonds with me, (though I be not credited with the same work) 
 Captain Arnot." (MSS. in Adv. Lib. No. xxxii. M. 6, 14, art. 
 63.) — Captain Arnot was executed on the 7th of December, 
 1666. Mr. Alexander Robertson was tried on the 10th, and ex- 
 ecuted on the 14th, of the same month. 
 
 * Judging from internal marks, I am of opinion that Colonel 
 Wallace's Narrative ends with the description of the battle; but 
 I have thought it proper to continue the account to the place 
 where the first distinct break in the manuscript occurs. 
 
 END OP WALLACE'S NARRATIVE 
 
NARRATIVE 
 
 RISING AT BOTHWEL BRIDGE, 
 
 BY JAMES URE OF SHARGARTON.* 
 
 I WENT to Rugland [Rutherglen] upon the Lord's 
 day, [June 8, 1679,] about the first preaching going 
 to, which was the Sabbath after Loudon hill,| and 
 when I came there, one Mr. Kemp was preaching, and 
 one Mr. Douglas preached afternoon. They spoke 
 much against the Indulgence and the defection of the 
 time. The rest of the ministers were preaching too ; 
 for there was a very great convention of people there 
 trora the country and Glasgow. Our forces about this 
 time were about two thousand foot and seven troops of 
 horse.it: They were commanded by Robert Hamilton, 
 as general, and by one Henderson, Paton,|| Ross,§ 
 Cleland,1f and Weir;** the horse by Balfour, Hacks- 
 toun, Mr. Waller Smith, and Mr. Kemp as I suppose, 
 had also a troop of horse. There went with me first 
 about fifty-two men well armed. 
 
 * 111 the MS. it has the following title: — "A true relation 
 of the late aftnirs in the west, given by a person of very good 
 credit, who was eai-e and eye witnesse and actor in the west- 
 land forces. This is Shergetonn's account." (MSS. Adv. Lib. 
 No. Ix. Jac. V. 1, 10, art. 110.) 
 
 f The skirmish at Lou'lon Hill or Drumclog happened on 
 Sabbath, the 1st of June, 1679. 
 
 \ " We were betwixt 5000 and 6000 horse and foot, drawn 
 up on the moor besouth Glasgow the Saturday night before, 
 (June 7,) all as on man and of on mynd» to own the Rugland 
 testimony against all its opposers." (Robert Hamilton's Notes 
 on Ure's Narrative.) Hamilton's notes are afterwards marked 
 R. H. 
 
 IJ Paton is mentioned before, p. 434. 
 
 t Alexander Ross, major in the rebel's army, was, on the 19th 
 of July, 1680, convicted, on his own confession, of having been 
 at Bothwell, and condemned to be executed, but reprieved on 
 his agreeing to take the oaths and bond. (Wodrow, ii. 116.) 
 
 IT William Cleland has been mentioned already, p. 447. In 
 November 1680, he was sick in Holland. (MSS. in Adv. Lib. 
 No. lix. Jac. V. 1, 26, art. 138.) James Niinino, who had been 
 under concealment since the battle of Bothwell, came from Ber- 
 wick in 1685 to take a passage, along with his faniiVy, to Hol- 
 land. "The ship (says he) was lying at Bruntislantl, and we 
 went first night to Leith and took a passage boat next day, some 
 friends accompanying us; and when we came over, there were 
 four of Argyle's captains in the house whereto we went (hat 
 were in the same circumstances, viz. William Cleiland, John 
 FuUerton, James Bruce, and John Campbell, who were singing 
 and making merry as they could, that they might not be dis- 
 covered; and so passing that day, the 23d of November, about 
 11 at night, we went abroad. Upon the 4th of December we 
 landed at Amsterdam in health and safety." (Life of James 
 Nimmo, written by himself for his own satisfaction, MS. p. 
 127. 128.) 
 
 ** Thomas Weir. — "August 3, 1682. There was sent in from 
 the Duke of Hamiltoune some petitions addressed to him by 
 rebels, viz. Thomas Weir in Greerig," &c. (Act. Secr.Concil.) 
 From a preceding part of that minute it appears that leiiitv was 
 to be shown to such only as were "content to take the test." 
 Greenrigg is in the Duke of Hamilton's retour; (I.anark, 149, 
 239;) and Weir was probably a feuar. 
 
 After sermon Mr. Barclay took me in where Robert 
 Hamilton and the rest of the ministers were going to 
 supper. They made me very welcome, and in our 
 discourse they were inquiring if there were any more 
 to come out of our country. I told them, that we heard 
 that Cameron was here, and that was the stay ; and if 
 he had been, I would have presently returned ; but if 
 we had known that Mr. Welsh and Mr. Barclay * had 
 been here, we would have been upward of two hun- 
 dred men. Robert Hamilton spake nothing against 
 me ; but he and his faction kept an eye still upon me, 
 and afterwards they told me, that Cameron was in Hol- 
 land ; and I prayed God, that all his faction were with 
 him. I went back to Glasgow that night, and so did a 
 regiment of foot and four troops of horse. Upon the 
 morrow, [Monday, the 9th] they came all into the 
 town, and so we stayed till the day at 
 
 night. They marched two miles to a park towards 
 Hamilton where we abode. I abode that night in the 
 town myself; for that day that they marched, there 
 came to me from our country upwards of seven score, 
 for the most part well armed : these that wat)ted I got 
 thetn pikes, so that our company was upward of two 
 hundred well appointed, two parts with gnns, and the 
 third part with pikes. There was at first several that 
 wanted arms, (near to thirty,) but they were still slip- 
 ping away home, so as we had arms enough ere all 
 was done. 
 
 They kept a very strict guard that night in the town ; 
 and there was a knave in the town, a finer of wool, 
 who came to the captain of the guard, and told him, he 
 knew of one who had several arn;s hid in his house. 
 He gave liim four persons to go with him and see. 
 When they came, he caused them to stand at the door. 
 He w^ent into one W^alkingshavv's house, and drew his 
 sword and threatened to kill him, if he would not give 
 him two dollars, the which he gave him ; and when 
 he returned, he said, he [Walkingshaw] had put them 
 away. Upon the morrow, he knowing whose men 
 they were, came to me and told me all, and if ho had 
 sought 100 dollars he behoved to have given them. 
 I thought very much shame, because they were my 
 
 * Mr. George Barclay preached for some lime in the fields 
 both in the east and west of Scotland. (Woch-ow, i. 436. 
 Walker's Peden, p. 79,91, 95. Rem. Passages, p. 150.) In the 
 beginning of 1679 he was taken at a search in Edinburgh, but 
 escaped. (Wodrow, ii. 14.) On the toleration in 1687 he 
 preached at Glentirran, in a meeting-house erected for the ac- 
 commodation of the parishes of Kippen and Gargunnock, and 
 after the Revolution became minister of Uphall, where he con- 
 tinued upwards of twenty years, greatly respected. (Statist. 
 Account of Scotland, (Kippen,) vol. xviii. p. 331. Life of Alex- 
 ander Reid, p. 26, 66.) 
 
 495 
 
496 
 
 URE'S NARRATIVE OF 
 
 men, and because of my relation to his wife. I intreat- 
 ed him to find him out, the which he did ; and when I 
 got him, I got but one dollar with him, for he had 
 drunk the other. I delivered it hack and carried him 
 bound with me to Hamilton. The day that the butch- 
 er was shot, his Ingg was nailed to the gallows.* We 
 went all to Hamilton, and the morrow, [Thursday, the 
 12th,] we kept a council of war, and there the butch- 
 er was brought and was condemned ; for the witnesses 
 deponed they saw him follow the man in at the close- 
 head with a fork in his hand, which he lifted off the 
 causeway, still crying, " Fy, hold the dog," and when 
 he came ba^k the nvin was dead. When his sentence 
 was read to him, he called for a minister, to whom he 
 confessed bestiality several times, but nothing as to 
 the killing of the man, which we can all declare. Mr. 
 Welsh, and all the ministers, and raanj"^ more of us, 
 would have had witnesses brought and his confes- 
 sion subscribed by him, and sent him to Glasgow ; but 
 they would not, and so about two afternoon he was 
 shot, and died most obdurately.")" 
 
 At our council they made an act, that what officers 
 could not discharge duty should continue pro fempore.^ 
 This they did when they f)und us dividing from them ; 
 for there were with Robert Hamilton, of his faction, 
 one Balfour, Hackstnn, Paton, Henderson, Cleland, 
 Ross, Carmichael, who lives at Winsbruch, II xMr. Wal- 
 
 * Speaking of this giiliows. Swift, in his J\Iemoirs of Cap(a'n 
 Crtighton, says, "The rebels had set it up in the middle of their 
 camp, — in order to hang up the king's sokhers." This gi'atiii- 
 tous and improbable supposition has been since repeatedly 
 brought forward by writers of a certain description, as il it vver» 
 founded on undoubted evidence. All the contemporary writeri- 
 who mention the gallows speak of it as « matter of course, in 
 the sau)e way as they would do of any other post or monument 
 which marked a particular spot. Blackader says the piMsoners, 
 after the battle, " were all gathered together about a gallmos 
 that stood there." (Memoirs, p. 249.) Another acconirt siiys, 
 " Amongst the rest of the prisoners at the foot of the gallows, 
 where we were gathered together in Hamiltone moore, after 
 quarter was given, one man rising up in great extremitie, call 
 ing for a drink of water, was immediately shot dead by one of 
 the soldiers." (MSS. in Adv. Lib. No. Ix. Jac. V. 1, 10, art. 
 107.) The covenanters did not even make use of it as an in- 
 strument of death ; for the butcher was not hung, but shot, for 
 the murder of one of their men. There is no reason to doubt, 
 that this was the ordinary place where criminals uere executed 
 by order of the Sheriff-court of the Lower Ward of Lanark. 
 Willian» Hamilton of Wishaw, having stated that the shire of 
 Lanark anciently con)prehended the whole sherifldora of Ren- 
 frew, adds : " Because of the largeness of its extent, it was di- 
 vided into two wairds, called the upper and the nether waird ; 
 and the burgh of Lanerk declared to be the head burs:h of the 
 upper waird, and Rutherglen of the nether waird. And since 
 the dissolving of the shire of Renfrew from the sherifdome of 
 Lanerk, the burgh of I,anerk is the head burgh of the sheriff- 
 dome of Lanerk, and Rutherglen the head burgh of the ii€ther 
 waird thereof. About the year 1455, upon the 1st of July, the 
 Duke of Hamilton's predecessor, then Lord Hamilton, became, 
 by eift of King James JI., heritable sheriff of the sherifedome. 
 And by their deputes ay symyne are in use to hold their sheriff 
 courts: one at Lanerk, and the other at Hamiltone, fis being 
 more centrall for the nether wainJ than the burgh of Ruther- 
 glen. The present Sheriffe deputes are John Hamilton ot 
 Westoun. upper waird, and John Hamilton of Barncluth for 
 the nether waird." (Description of Sherfffdom of Lanark, in 
 Sibbald's Collections; Scots Shires: MS. Adv. Lib. M. 6, 15.) 
 May 23, 1609. James, Marquis of Hamilton, is retoured heir 
 of his uncle Jacues, Earl o( Arran, in "officio Viceconiitis Vice- 
 coniitatus de Lanerk, cum fcodo 20 L. et aliis feodis etdivoriis 
 dicto officio pertinentibus, — baronia de Mackaneschyre unitis." 
 (Inqnis. Ret. Lanark, 88.) " Dalserfc was anciently called the 
 baronie of Mackinshyre. — James, Duke of Hamilton, at (fesyre 
 of King Charles the first, resigned that office in favour of the 
 king, since which time the Dul<e and Duchess of Hamilton are 
 only sheriffs by commission from the king." (Description of 
 Lanark, u/ supra.) 
 
 t " One Watson, a fleshcr in Glasgow, was ordained to be 
 shot for murdering one of their brethrcij." (Russell's Account, 
 appended to Kirkton's Hist. p. 457.) 
 
 t "The reason of this act was — that if better shoald come 
 and own the Lord's cause, Uicre might be a door op«n for tbeir 
 due preferment to places in the army." (R. H.) 
 
 II William Carmichael appears to have been one of six per- 
 sons chosen to be officers, on the 17th of June, at Shawneld 
 inooi, ftnd is called "old Major Carmichael,'' and "a ruling 
 
 ter Smith,* and one Fowler,f whom Robert Hamilton 
 made a captain, who was once his man ; of ministers, 
 Mr. Douglas, Kemp, Cargill, Kid. For it was their 
 intention to have put us off who owned Mr. Welsh, 
 that they might have gotten their business carried in 
 the council of war : for there were near as many of ns 
 as were of them, but they being at Loudon, we came 
 only in to them, and so they kept still the command 
 till the Galloway forces came. All the rest of the 
 ministers were with us, and several others, [elders 1] 
 it being not needful to name them. As fir Mr. King, 
 he was still for peacpmaking, and was not so bent for 
 us as he should, which I told him several times; but 
 he still kept company with us. 
 The morrow we met again in the moor, about putting 
 out a declaration. We divided about it, for they would 
 have had the steps of defection of the church in it, 
 expressly the Indulgence and sins of the land, king, 
 and others. As for the kingf, we told them, if we 
 owned the covenant we were bound to defend him, and 
 that w"e \vere not his judge ; and as for the indulgence, 
 it was to come in by way of grievance and nrt decla- 
 ration ; neither were they, the indulged ministers, to 
 he condemned until they were heard ; neither were we 
 a parliament nor general assembly. Then they would 
 have had a day of humiliation appointed, and the rea- 
 sons. We told them that the declaration wa< first to be 
 done. So we left other very hot on both sides that night. 
 Robert Hamilton sent out for me to sup with him. 
 When I came, there was none with him but Mr. Doug- 
 las, and G red den :^ came in afterward. He was ex- 
 traordinar)^ kind to me ; he inquired many things at 
 me, but the drift of all was to see if he could have got- 
 ten me brought over. He tidd me how unanimous they 
 were before the ministers came to them, and that 
 they would do no good until they were removed, 
 and that they were for not owning of the king, who 
 had deprived us of the jrospel and was seeking our de^ 
 struction both of soul and body. I gave him no an- 
 swer at all, but beard all, and afterward returned to 
 my men, who were lying in the cb se, whert were Mr. 
 Welsh and the rest of the brethren for penning of the 
 declaration. I went to him and told him all that had 
 past, and I desired him to put forth a declaration that 
 would give satisfaction to the multitude; for if we 
 meddled with the king or with the indulgence, it would 
 hinder many to come who would he as willing as we and 
 were waiting till they saw ii, and would make friends 
 to become enemies ; and no fear what Robert Hamil- 
 ton and his party could do : that if he was clear there- 
 in as in the sight of God, I should stand by him as 
 long as my life was in me, and so would most part of 
 the army; and if he yielded to them, I woiiM leave 
 them all and go home. He told me, my advice was 
 very refreshing to them at that nick of time. With 
 that they were resolved || to do so, — they desired gftp 
 
 elder." (Wilson's Bothvreil, p. 87, 93. Life of AKx. Reid.p. 
 38.) 
 
 » JUr. Waller Smith, whose parentage and choracter arie 
 given by Wodrow, (Hist. ii. 186,) fought at Drumclog, and was 
 at present clerk to the council of war. (Russtl's Acco. p. 443. 
 Wilson's Bothwcll, p. 77.) After the break, having lied to 
 Hollanil. (see before, p. 9,) he returned and was with Cargill 
 at the Torvvood excommunication, and finally suffered with 
 him, 27th July, 1681. (Wodrow, vl supra.) He was the 
 esteemed friend of Alexander Reid in Broxburn. (Reid'sLife, 
 p. 42, 48.) 
 
 ,f John Fowler is mentioned ptirticularly in Robert Hamil- 
 ton's Notes, and is probably the person who was killed at Airds 
 jMoss, July 22, 16C0, and whose head was cutoff by mistake £ar 
 Michael Cameron's. (Walker's Rem. Passagts. p. 54.) 
 
 \ George Hume of CJreddiii is in the proclamation against 
 reb« U. (Wodrow, ii. App. p. 27.) He was an heritor of the 
 parish of Karhtoun. (Act. I'arl. Scot. vii. 85.) The opprf- 
 hension of "Greden Hume" was the occasion of the scuffle in 
 which Thomas Ker of Hay hope (whose tlecy was written by 
 Colonel Cleland) was killed by Colonel Struther's (ja»ty. (True 
 Account of the cruel Murlher of Thomas Ker. brother to the 
 Laird of Chirietrees. MS. /Vdv. Lib. No. xxxii. M. 6, 14, art. 
 175.) II When they were rcsolvetl, &c. 
 
THE RISING AT BOTHWEL BRIDGE. 
 
 497 
 
 to come to them to-morrow and I should see what I 
 they had done ; and so I came, and it isjave me and 
 the army all satisfaction, except Robert Hamilton and 
 his faction. 
 
 The morrow, [Friday the 13th,] when we met at 
 the moor, and when it was read to them, they were 
 offended that Mr. Douglas and the rest were not with 
 them, and [asked] how they could take it upon them 
 to do it without their consent. They would not hear 
 of it, but still desired a day of humiliation to be ap- 
 pointed and the reasons condescended upon, which 
 were, the steps of defection of the church since the 
 year 1648, and sins of the land till this day. We told 
 them, it was very needful the declaration should 
 first be put out, because many would not stay still till 
 they saw it, who were as willing to hazard life and 
 lands as we. After long debating, we offered presently 
 to depart from them, if they would not condescend to 
 it. When they saw we was resolved they cond6- 
 scended, but would have in it acknowledgment of sins 
 and engagement of duty, which abode a long debate 
 before we condescended to it, because it could not be 
 brought in handsomely. The reason to have it in, as 
 we thought, was to keep out gentlemen of quality till 
 they would give satisfaction, if they had heard indulg- 
 ed men, or taken the bond, or paid the Cess, or were 
 hearers of curates, that they might not have been lead- 
 ers in the army. Also we told them, they were mnre 
 taken up with other men's sins than they were with 
 their own, and that it were our duty first to begin with 
 ourselves. They spake likewise of putting off of of- 
 ficers, and did put off him who was captain to the men 
 who came from the east eud of Stirlingshire.* But 
 he who was made captain was also with us, for he was 
 my comrade formerly, although he was very near re- 
 lated to Robert Hamilton. If he had not been very 
 stout, (he resisted and told, who made them officers 
 more as we, and that our men would follow none 
 other,) they would have put us all off. We removed 
 back again to the west end of the Monklands, to a 
 park within four miles of Glasgow, where we abode 
 all night. Mr. Welsh with his troop and the rest of 
 the brethren slipped off to Glasgow and caused print 
 the declaration.! 
 
 On the morrow [Saturday the 14th] we removed 
 east a mile to the old kirk of Monkland, where we 
 abode three nights. We met upon a moor about half 
 a mile be-east the kirk. Robert Hamilton lay in the 
 Hags,:|: and we about the kirk. While we lay here, 
 Major Learmonth came to us in a council in the Hags, 
 Learmonth was made lieutenant colonel ; for Robert 
 Hamilton took nothing on him but the name of colo- 
 nel, but it was rowned ]] to Learmonth a lieutenant 
 general, they repented afterwards, for he sided with 
 Welsh. Upon the Sabbath, [the 15th] when we 
 were convened in the muir to hear sermon, they called 
 a council of war and called the whole ministers, and 
 
 * "This was not a deed of the council of war but of the sol- 
 diers themselves." (R. H.) 
 
 \ " Robert Hamilton and some others condescended only to 
 let it be proclaimed for giving them (Welsh's friends) satisfac- 
 tion, upon their promise to enlarge it to our minds before it 
 should be printed, which promise they broke. As also, Mr. 
 King should have intimated this much at the proclaiming there- 
 of; but instead of him, they, contrary to promise, caused Mr. 
 David Hume and Mr. Welsh do it, who displeased Robert Ham- 
 ilton and the rest, that had condescended to tli«m, which ever 
 after they regretted." (R. H.) The declaration is printed in 
 Wodrow, ii. No. 25. 
 
 I In Old or West Monkland is " the Haggs, lately pertaining 
 to Sir Alexander Hamilton, baronet, descended of the family 
 of Orbistone." (Hamilton of Wishaw's description of Lanark, 
 MS. nt supra.) 
 
 II Rounded, i, e. whispered. The meaning appears to be, that 
 Hamilton's friends hinted privately to Learmont that he would 
 be Lieutenant General, but that they were sorry for having done 
 this, when they found that he took the opposite side. — " Major 
 Learmonth came not into us till the Sabbath afternoon in time 
 of sermon." (R. H.) 
 
 3N 
 
 told them, if they did not preach, name and sirname, 
 against the indulgence, they should preach none. 
 They [the ministers] thought it very hard to be kept 
 within guard, and to be commanded what to preach. 
 They told them, they were to receive their commission 
 from Jesus Christ what to preach, and not from them. 
 When we heard of it, we came — for they never call- 
 ed us if we came not of ourselves. We told them, 
 that it was the height of supremacy to give instructions 
 to ministers what to preach ; we would hear no such 
 doctrine. With this confusion this day was well spent, 
 and when they saw us own them, (the ministers) and 
 that they could not prevail, they slipped their way ; 
 and so they went and preached, and every man went 
 to hear him whom he liked best. At this debate there 
 was one minister left us, and never returned again, but 
 was a-coming upon the Monday when we were bro- 
 ken; for he declared to me, when he was let out with- 
 out the guard, that he thought they were set to take 
 their lives. 
 
 The morrow, [Monday the 16th,] we met again on 
 the moor, and because of the tain we went to a barn.* 
 We held our council. We were hugely confused : for 
 they were angry that the declaration was printed till 
 they had gotten more added to it, especially the indul- 
 gence and the sins of the times. There was one Cap- 
 lain Carmichael, (not he before named,) a very for- 
 ward gentleman,! and Learmont, and I, that stood and 
 told them what sort of judicatory they would be; 
 for ought that we saw, we were come here to fight 
 among ourselves ; and if they would get their wills, 
 we would be a reproach as long as the world stands ; 
 for we were reproached already as to what was done 
 to king Charles the first; and for ought we saw, they 
 intended to make the whole world our enemies. So 
 we desired them to do what they pleased, but we 
 Would not join with them. They desired us to begone 
 then, so we arose and would have gone out; but the 
 guard at the door would not let us, so we went to the 
 other end of the barn and sat down, and the rest of 
 our company came to us. So when we were going to 
 part, Mr. Welsh canre and told them, the brethren re- 
 fused to come with him, for they were of greater fear 
 of them who were their friends than they were of their 
 avowed enemies ; but for him he had a little more 
 courage : they might do with him what they pleased, 
 he should be satisfied whether to be their prisoner or 
 not. We told him, there should no body harm him, 
 or else we should die for it, and desired him to speak 
 his mind freely as in the sight of God ; the which he 
 did very freely, and so we left other in a great confu- 
 sion. We all requested them to go leave them, and to 
 go to Glasgow ; the brethren told us they were loth to 
 do it, for it would encourage the.enemies and discour- 
 age friends, and would wholly break us, but desired us 
 to have patience till the Galloway forces came ; for we 
 were expecting them every day. We marched after 
 that about a long mile north from the moor, towards 
 Cumbernauld ; and when they came there, they called 
 a council of War, and we marched immediately back 
 again the way we came to the moor, and over to Ham- 
 ilton town. When they marched the same way along 
 time, I admired what they meant ; fori was not at the 
 council.:}: In this confusion five hundred horse might 
 
 * The council met in Shawhead muir on Monday, but was 
 adjourned to next day, on account of the great rain and the ab- 
 sence of the ministers and matiy of the officers. (Russell's Ac- 
 count, 400, 401. Wilson, 92.) Hamilton's notes on Ure's account 
 of this meeting of the council contain nothing but what is print- 
 ed already in Russell and Wilson. 
 
 •f- This was James Carmichael, son of John Carmichael, cham- 
 berlain to the Earl of Wigton, and portioner of Little Black- 
 burn. He was tried along with Ure, but obtained a remission, 
 because his father "had faithfully served the king in his army 
 at Stirling, and the battle at Worcester." (Records of Justi- 
 ciary Court, January 17, 1682.) 
 
 X " There was no council of war; but the army having march- 
 ed to Airdrie without orders, thej* were brought back to Ham- 
 32 
 
498 
 
 URE'S NARRATIVE OF 
 
 have broken us all, for when they marched in the night 
 time, they were as if they had been fleeing. Our 
 train was lying at the place of the Haggs. There 
 went the most part of our army alongst Bothwel Bridge, 
 and I and captain Learraonth's company followed till 
 it was so dark that we knew not where to go ; so we 
 abode on the other side of the water forgainst the 
 Haggs all night. Our disorder this night was un 
 speakable ; for I do really think we were 500 fewer on 
 the morrow, partly through our division and our disor- 
 der, and the false alarm. 
 
 On the Tuesday* we met all again in the evening at 
 Hamilton moor, and on the morrow we held another 
 council where we were as ill as before, and a little 
 before night we were fully resolved to separate from 
 them. We were so hot on both sides, that we ex- 
 pected still to have gone by the ears. We intreated 
 them to stand to the declaration, to let us go on 
 against our enemy, and to let all debates alone till a 
 free parliament and a general assembly. They told 
 us, we were for an indulgence, and they would sheathe 
 their swords as soon in them who owned it as they 
 would do in many of the malignants.f We wished that 
 we had known that sooner. We said, we told them 
 we were not for an indulgence more nor they, and 
 we would subscribe it if they would not believe us. 
 Robert Hamilton told us, that they owned Cameron, 
 and were of his judgment plainly. I arose and told 
 Robert Hamilton, that I had a wife and five children, 
 and that I had a little bit of an estate, and that I was 
 come to hazard all and my life, to get the yoke of pre- 
 lacy and supremely removed ; but for ought that I saw, 
 they intended to tyrannize over our consciences, and 
 lead us to a worse snare nor we were into ; and for my 
 part, I would fight till the last drop of my blood be- 
 fore I went one step-length with them. And I told 
 Mr. Cargill, he rendered himself odious by his naugh- 
 ty principles. He was very much offended with me. 
 When they saw we were resolved to leave them, they 
 drew by, and when they came to us they condescended 
 to stand to the declaration, and to let all debates alone, 
 and to give it under their hands ;:J: so we were all glad 
 and merry. Mr. Douglas, the first time we were in 
 Hamilton park, on a week day in his sermon spake 
 very bitterly against the king : and it coming in my 
 mind, I told them I had one word to speak to the min- 
 isters. I desired them to forbear their reflecting lan- 
 guage against the king : I repeated what he said, 
 which is not need to set down. He denied it be- 
 fore Mr. Welsh, and then I would have been to have 
 proved it; but they desired me to forbear, lest it 
 would have raised new debates. I told them, I would 
 hear none such doctrine, and that it gave great offence 
 to many : so he was very much ashamed. 
 
 It being so late, we could not get it subscribed that 
 night: so the morrow they shifted us likewise, and on 
 Friday, [the 20th] about ten hours, the Galloway for- 
 ces came in. They would havebeen near 1000 horse and 
 foot, when they were settled a little, and met all in the 
 town ; and they (Hamilton's party) met into the park. 
 So we told the Galloway gentlemen all our debates ; 
 and when they engaged to subscribe with their hands, 
 we did write it down, and desired them to stand to the 
 printed declaration, and let all debates be till a parlia- 
 ment and general assembly. When we had done it, there 
 was none had will to go to them with it. I desired some 
 to go with me and I should deliver it. At length Craich- 
 
 , ly,* a Galloway gentleman, and Bankhead,f went with 
 me to the park, where they were all together with their 
 council, and I delivered it. Robert Hamilton read it 
 and gave it to Mr. Douglas, who did write on it, and 
 declared to me that they desired to know wherein the 
 differences were between us, as if he had not known 
 them ; so I returned. They were all satisfied with 
 the answer ; for they gave me no answer what either 
 they would stand to, or what they had promised the 
 day before. The morrow we met all together in the 
 moor, it being Saturday, [the 21st,] where we had a 
 great council ; for, of ministers and others that day, 
 we would have been near to fifty. The ministers sat 
 not with us but when we called them. The first thing 
 we did was to choose a preses, for Robert Hamilton 
 was still preses there before this. When we were vo- 
 ting it, Robert Hamilton started up and said, " Gentle- 
 men, we who are not of your judgment will remove, 
 and he that will go with me let him go." So there 
 followed him about twelve men.:}: Of our number 
 there was one John Spreul, apothecary in Glasgow,||who 
 owned Robert Hamilton strongly, but we command- 
 ed him to be silent; so we sat still about sending a 
 petition to the duke ; so we drew up a draught and de- 
 sired them to look at it and tell us their opinion of it. 
 They said it was not ri^ht, for the enemy might see by 
 it that we were afraid for them, it was so humbly 
 drawn. After long debating to and fro, they and we 
 condescended to refer it to four gentlemen and four 
 ministers ; and so they agreed at length, and it was to 
 have been drawn up that night and sent to the duke ti- 
 meously on Monday. For aught as I know, they were 
 altogether against the sending of any ; for they did 
 not desire us to agree : what they meant by it the Lord 
 knows. Our men, with ourdivisions, slipped away still 
 from us : for it was our common discourse that we 
 could do no good. So after this we went all into the 
 park and town of Hamilton. 
 
 We were not well settled when there came a post 
 to Mr. Welsh, showing that the enemy was marching 
 towards us.§ We were not concerned with an enemy, 
 
 ilton muir, as the place formerly condescended on for keeping 
 the fa«t day." (R. H.) 
 
 • "This was Wednesday." (R. H.) 
 
 f "R. Hamilton said, he thought it our duty to appear against 
 all the defections of the times, and not to lay down arms (if the 
 Lord prospered us) till our Lord were redressed of all the af- 
 fronts done to him." (R. H.) 
 
 I "This J remember not of; but 1 am sure they all de- 
 nied afterwards that they condescended to such a tbing^." (R. 
 
 * See befoi-e p. 440, 466. James Gordon of Craichlaw, young- 
 er, was forfeited, Feb. 18, 1680. (Wodrow, ii. 115.) His name 
 is in the act of parliament, July 4, 1690, rescinding forfeitures; 
 (Act. Pari. Scot. ix. 165;) but he appears to have been dead • . 
 Jul}' 7, 1691, when William Gordoun of Craichlaw (probably 
 his son) is retoured heir to William Gordoun of Craichlaw, his 
 grandfather. (Inq. Ret. Kirkcudbright, p. 373.) 
 
 f It is uncertain whether this was Forrester of Bank- 
 head, whose name is in the proclamation against the rebels, 
 June 26, 1679; (Wodrow, ii. app. 27;) or Robert Lockhart of 
 Bankhead, who was indicted at the circuit court of Ayr, June 
 22, 1683, confessed his rebellion, offered to take the test, and 
 was sentenced to be beheaded, but probably obtained a pardon. 
 (lb. ii. 323, 324.) The name of the latter is in the act rescind- 
 ing forfeitures. (Act. Pari. Scot. ix. 166.) 
 
 }• "There went from them eighteen officers." (R. H.) 
 
 11 An account of Spreul's process, torture, and liberation from 
 the Bass, is given by Wodrow, ii. 163, &c. 612. 
 
 { The depositions in Lord Melville's trial, in the year 1685, 
 throw light on this message. From these it appears, that on 
 Saturday the 21st of June, (the day before the battle of Both- 
 well bridge,) his Lordship, who was in the king's army, sent 
 John Miller in Watersaucn, with letters and a message to Mr. 
 John Welsh and Mr. David Hume, informing them that the 
 royal array was at hand and in treat strength, and imploring^ 
 them to send a petition to the Duke of Monmouth, the com- 
 mander, from whom they might expect good terms. Miller 
 " behoved to creep upon his hands and feet near a quarter of a 
 mile from the king's camp," and was accompanied three miles 
 on his way by William Hamilton of Wishaw, Having come to 
 Dalzell-ford, which was guarded by a party of the rebels, Ro- 
 bert Fleming of Auchinnne, who commanded them, sent John 
 Lockhart of Bar, and Alexander Lockart, along with him to 
 Hamilton, where he met with Mr. John King, who conveyed 
 him to Welsh and Hume, by whom he was conducted to a 
 meeting of officers in the moor. Lockhart of Mar dep ned, 
 that "had it not been for th intelligence brought br the said 
 Miller, the king's army had urprized the rebels, and got all of 
 them as it were in a hose net." Lord Melville told the met 
 senger, that " if he were at Mc John Welsh, he would sit down 
 on his knees and beg them to lay down their arms;" for, "if 
 they will not follow advice, and these people be broken, 
 
THE RISING AT BOTHWEL BRIDGE. 
 
 499 
 
 as if there had not been one within 1000 miles of us. 
 There were none went through the army to see if we 
 wanted powder or ball. 1 do really think there were few 
 or none that had both powder and ball in all the army 
 to shoot twice. My men were well provided, for we 
 brought upwards of two stone of powder from home 
 with us, and I put to hand when we went from home 
 first. I did take the lead and cast ball when we lay in the 
 Monkland ; so that we were best provided of them all. 
 And we went presently to the moor and stood to our 
 arms all night, and a little before day we saw the ene- 
 my kindling their matches a great way off. There 
 were two companies at the bridge, and they came and 
 desired me to go down and assist them ; so I went, 
 and the other company of Stirlingshire men and Glas- 
 gow company. I drew up hard upon the water-side 
 against the west end of the bridge. Glasgow, when 
 they came down, drew up on my right hand, and Len- 
 nox on my left ; there came also down about 200 Gal- 
 loway foot : they had no ather arms but pikes and hal- 
 berts, with four pair of colours, and took ground on 
 our right hand farthest from our enemy. There came 
 one troop of their horse and drew up behind us, and 
 then our cannon was drawn down, being a field piece 
 and two muskets of found unmounted:* so these were 
 not made use of. 
 
 About three hours in the morning [Sabbath, June 
 22d,] there advanced from the west side of Bothwel 
 kirk four companies of dragoons, and the king's troop 
 of the guard, and the duke William's troop ; and so they 
 advanced close to the bridge. The rest of their army 
 was near a mile off, but marching north-west, for they 
 came about because of their cannon which was with 
 them. They sent down near to the bridge six men, 
 who fired upon our men at the bridge, and we gave 
 them a return. We received no hurt but one man 
 wounded on the foot ; and I believe some of them were 
 wounded, if not killed ; for they lay down where they 
 fired, but I never saw them rise again. Robert Ham- 
 ilton and Mr. Hume came to us, and several others. 
 They sent over a drummer with a petition ; so there was 
 a cessation for near one hour. The mean while the 
 enemy came hard to the bridge-end and spoke to us 
 and vi'e to them. They desired us to come over and 
 they would not harm us, and called for Mr. Hamilton 
 to speak with him ; so Mr. David Hume f went over, 
 and another gentleman with him, and spoke with the 
 duke, and desired his Grace if he would prevent the 
 effusion of blood. He told them,their petition should 
 have been more humbly worded, and said, lay down 
 our arms and come in his mercy, and we should be 
 favourably dealt with r so he returned and told us. 
 When Robert Hamilton heard it, he laughed at it, 
 and said, "and hang next." So we sent over word, 
 we would not lay down our arms. He bade us 
 likewise advise us, but would not grant a cessa- 
 tion ; so they fired over a cannon amongst our men, 
 and killed two horses but no men. We fired our can- 
 non, and muskets played on both sides. When our 
 cannon shot they left their cannon, fled both horse and 
 foot, near five pair of butts. If we had had any per- 
 son to have commanded us, we might have gained 
 their cannon ; but if I should have gone without com- 
 mand, if they should have turned on me, there would 
 none have relieved me. So they came back and man- 
 ned their guns again, and shot other three cannons 
 amongst us, but did no harm. My Lord Lithgow's 
 son came down to the bridge with about 500 of red 
 
 will ruin the presbyterian interest," (Act. Pari. Scot. viii. app. 
 57 — 59. See also above, p. 447, note.) 
 
 * These appear to have been a kind of large muskets too un- 
 wieldy for the arm, and usually supported by a frame, which in 
 the present instance was wanting. 
 
 + Mr. David Hume, minister at Coldingham, was intercom- 
 muned, in 1676, for preaching in the fields. (Wod. i. 420. App. 
 73. Reid's Life, 26.) July 9, 1664, he was retoured heir to Alex- 
 ander, his immediately younger brother. (Inq. Ret. Gen. 4804.) 
 
 coats too, and we still fired on both sides.* They 
 charged again their caimon and shot them down at the 
 bridge : then they fled and left it. The two companies 
 that was out (not) of Glasgow^ they left us : also 
 Glasgow company followed them, and one of our com- 
 panies from my left hand also. They fired their can- 
 non again : I do not know what harm it did. Lith- 
 gow's son came advancing to me, and they firing still 
 upon me from the other side. I was necessitated to re- 
 tire ; so I returned back over the bell of the brea] about 
 four pair of butts, and halted and charged again. Lith- 
 gow's son was the first that came over the bridge, with 
 300 foot and a troop of horse upon his rear. So they 
 advanced towards us, upon which I desired our men to 
 face about and let them see that we were not flying ; 
 and so I went back, and there followed me at first but 
 about thirty-four of my men, and the rest advanced 
 after them. The enemy fired about 100 muskets at us : 
 we clapped, and so escaped all hazard of that fire, and 
 immediately advanced again still forward, resolving 
 not to fire till we were in their bosom. They seeing 
 us advance so resolutely, their horse retired first and 
 then their foot, so that there was none of them in this 
 side of the gates. Upon which retreat we made fire 
 upon them, and the rest of my men coming down fired 
 also. The enemy faced, and fired at me from the other 
 side, and from the bridge, upwards of 500 shot ; and 
 likewise their cannon played. With the first shot 
 they killed two men to me, and there was another kill- 
 ed with a musket; and I saw none coming to assist. 
 I was forced to retire to the moor to the rest. On my 
 retiring there was some of theirs pursued, and killed a 
 man that had been wounded on the bridge. I caused 
 my party face about, and chased them back ; but ihey 
 outran us to their party. When we came from the 
 bridge, for ought that I know or can hear, there was 
 none of my men killed but one man, and my three, 
 and the man that was wounded. 
 
 In all this hot dispute, our commanders never own- 
 ed us. As for Robert Hamilton, I never saw him from 
 the time he went from the bridge, when the treaty was 
 given up. Immediately the enemy advanced sharply 
 alongst the bridge. Presently I drew up in the moor 
 my men, and attended Lerraont's X command ; for I 
 saw none but him to give orders. Because he had 
 drawn up the foot, he commanded me to draw up upon 
 the left hand, and so I did. He came within a liitle 
 and desired me to draw down my men, and lay them 
 in an ambush that was in an hollow burn, and so I did, 
 and left rny picked men that, with Learmont's men, 
 was to keep the dragoons from flanking our horse. I 
 got my horse a little before this. When I placed my 
 men I leaped on my horse to see the enem3''s order of 
 battle. What number they were I know not, but I am 
 sure they were three times our number; so I rode 
 alongst their ^^tle within shot of them a great way, 
 and came bci^ralfmgst to our men again ; and so I 
 came encouraging them what I could for I saw none 
 to do it. After this I rode to my men down the brae 
 side. The two armies was no more but two cara- 
 bine's shot asunder ; and my men was betwixt on the 
 left hand. I lighted to fasten my girth, and knew not 
 
 * In this and other instances, Hamilton, in his notes, ascribes- 
 the honour of resisting the advance of the army to Fowler rather 
 than Ure. 
 
 \ Veal na hruaich; (Gael.) the brow of the hill. 
 
 I Major Joseph Learmont, whom Law (on what evidence I 
 know not) represents as havmg been originaHy a tailor, (See 
 above, p. 431,) was proprietor of the lands of Newhohiit, which- 
 lay partly in the shire of Peebles and partly in that of Lanark. 
 (Samson's Riddle, 148.) After his forfeiture for being in the 
 rising at Pentland, in consequence of a con)posi(ion. William 
 Hamilton of Wishaw, writer in Edinburgh, obtained a donation 
 of the estate of Newholme, for the behoof of the Mojor's fam- 
 ily. (Deer. Seer. Cone. May 7, 1673.) They were brothers- 
 in-law, being married to daughters of John Hamilton of Uds- 
 ton, called in a former note (p. 435) Aiddstain or Auttane^ 
 (Douglas, Baron, p. 467, 479.) 
 
500 
 
 URE'S NARRATIVE, &c. 
 
 that the dragoons was so near at hand, advancing up 
 the brae. In the mean time, Balfour being on the left 
 hand, seeing the cannons presented to them, wheeled 
 about and went through all an open that there was 
 some foot coming to fill up ; but the rear of his horse 
 troubled the foot, and they went back a little.* While 
 he was retiring, my men fired on the dragoons, and 
 they at them, and their cannons played ; the foot, hear- 
 ing this, and being troubled a little with the horse, fled ; 
 and so they all fled, and not a man was standing on all 
 the left hand. I cried to my men to make away. The 
 right hand stood a little, but not so long as to put on a 
 pair of gloves ; so they all fled, and I turned with all 
 my speed. Indeed, I was beholden to my horse. We 
 were not at this day past 4000 foot and 2000 horse : if 
 we had agreed we would have been the triple, but 
 when they came the one day they went away the next. 
 The Lord took both courage and wisdom from us. 
 
 This is what I saw and heard, and is a truth ; but 
 there is many things that were done amongst us, which, 
 if I had had the help of another who was witn&ss to this, 
 we might have set it more fully down. As for Mr. 
 Kidjf although I had set him down to be of the fac- 
 
 * " This was Tho. Weir, and Carmichael, designed by the 
 author a forward gentleman. If the author were not stated in 
 prejudice against Ro. Hamilton, he might have seen him meet 
 these two gentlemen, and reprove them sharply for this foul act 
 of theirs, which was the first beginning of our break. As for 
 Balfour, his troop was not within the array that dajr, having 
 been four miles out that night, by order of the council of war, 
 and came in at this time: himself reproved Tho. Weir, and was 
 after this wounded, the author being gone." (R. H.) 
 
 t Mr. John Kid and Mr. John King were executed at Edin- 
 burgh, on the 14th of August, 1679. the day on which the in- 
 demnity was published. (Wocl. ii. 83 — 87.) The former is re- 
 presented by Walker a: having preceded Cameron in preach- 
 
 tion, X never saw him open his mouth ; and for Mr. 
 Kemp, he went from us at Glasgow. What they stir- 
 red up the rest to do I know not, but it was Douglas * 
 and Cargill that we were still crossed with. Although 
 this be not so set down in order as some have it, I have 
 set it down as it was acted ; and I hope ye will give 
 credit to it. I say, be who they will that will say this 
 or that in it is a lie, I declare he is a liar ; for there is 
 no advantage to me to lie, since the world knows it. 
 
 We continued at the bridge from three hours to six 
 hours, and, when we fled all, it would have been eight 
 hours. A better dispute than we had was not readily 
 heard of : there was none saw it that thought but there 
 had been 1000 men killed : when we fled there was 
 not ten men killed of us all. 
 
 There were not three times so many in the whole army 
 of firemen as were in our three companies : there 
 were not better like men, and better armed men, than 
 our company were. 
 
 ing separation from the indulged ministers. (Rem. Passages, 
 147.) Both of them, in their dying testimonies, profess their 
 loyalty and their aversion to divisive courses. f^Naphtali, 427, 
 428, 437, 438.) 
 
 * Mr. Thomas Douglas was at the burning of the acts of 
 parliament at Rutherglen, on the 29th of May preceding, and 
 preacheratLoudon-hill, when Claverhouse was repulsed. (Rus- 
 sell's Acco. p. 439, 441.) Having escaped to Holland, (see be- 
 fore, p. 428,) he returned and, after preaching for some time in 
 the fields in Scotland, retired to England. (Reid's Life, p. 47. 
 Walker's Rem. Pass. 100, 101, 102.) On the 11th of August, 
 1682, the United Societies agreed to invite him home, that he 
 might preach to them, " if no exceptions be found against him 
 — but if there be any, his charges to be paid, and himself dis- 
 missed." He wrote back from England "giving some reasons 
 of his not coming, which were not altogether satisfying." (Acts 
 and Conclusions of the United Societies: MS. Adv. Lib. No. 
 xvii. Rob. HL5, 18. p. 26,30.) 
 
NOTES 
 
 NARRATIVE OF COLONEL WALLACE. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 [MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. No. LVTIl. Jac. V.I. 111. 
 art. 95.] 
 
 Extract of a Letter from Mr Macward to Mr Blekeier, an 
 Colonel Wallace's Death. 
 
 Decer. JL 78. 
 
 — I DorBT not but you have heard of the removeall of wor- 
 thy and great Wallace, of whom I have no doubt it may be 
 said, he hath left no man behind him in that church, minister, 
 nor professor, quho hath gone thorow such a varietie of tenta- 
 tions, without turning aside to the right hand or to the left. 
 He died in great serenitie of soul. He had lived abroad such 
 an ornament to his profession, as he was not more lamented 
 by us than by all the serious English and Dutch of his ac- 
 quaintance (who were many) as haveing lost the man, who as 
 a mean was_ mad use of by the I^ord to keep life amongst 
 them; yea, the poor ignorant people of the congregation of 
 Rotterdam (besids the more serious and knowing amongst 
 them) bemoan his death and their lose as of father. And 
 they have good reason ; for I must say, he was the most faith- 
 full, feckfull, compassionat, diligent, and indefatigable elder in 
 the work of the Lord, that ever I knew at home or abroad ; 
 and as for his care, solicitude, and concerned ness, in the work 
 and people of God, I may say, the care of all the churches lay 
 more upon him than upon hundreds of us, so that the Church 
 of God hath lost more in the removeall of that man than most 
 will suffer themselves to believe. Onely we who know it, have 
 this to comfort ourselves, that the residue of the spirit is with 
 him quho made him such, and that the Great Intercessour 
 lives to plead his own cause, and the causes of his peopls 
 soul. I forgot to tell you, that when the cause for which he 
 had suffered was mentioned, when it was scarce believed he 
 understood or could speake, there was a sunshine of serene 
 joy looked out of his countenance, and a lifting up of hands 
 on high, as to receive the confessor's crown, togither with a 
 lifting up of the voice with an aha, as to sing the conque- 
 rour's song of victorie. And to close, I must tell you also, he 
 lived and died in a deep detestation of that wretched indul- 
 gence, and of all the wayes of supporting it ; and this abrupt 
 account of his death you may give to our friends. In a word, 
 as a compound of all, he fell asleep in the furnace, walking 
 with the Son of God, and now his bones will rise up with 
 the bones of the other great witnesses burried in a strange 
 land, as a testimony against the wrong done to Christ, and 
 the violence used against his followers by this wicked gen- 
 eration, whom the righteous Lord in his time, from him who 
 sitteth upon the throne to the meanest instrument that hath 
 put the mischeifs he framed into a law in execution, will 
 make a generation of his wrath, of speciall wrath, which 
 must answer and keep proportion unto the wrongs done to the 
 Mediator. — 
 
 Mackward to Mr Cargill, (Ibid. art. 94.) 
 
 [No dale.] 
 — Gbeat Wallace is gone to glory, I shut his eyes while he 
 went out of my sight, and was carried to see God, enjoy him, 
 and be made perfectly like him in order to both. Forget not to 
 give me a particular account whether there be any such 
 agreement amongst these young men lately licensed amongst 
 you.* 
 
 * It appears from the following extract, that Wallace escjipeil from 
 confinement after the battle of Dunbar. "Leiutenant CoUoneU 
 Wallace is escaped, and come to us this daye." (Letter from W. 
 Rowallane, younger, to the Laird of Rowallane, — Dunifreis, Octob. 
 13, 1650.) Robert Riddell, Esq. has just favoured me with the follow- 
 ing notice, which brings the line of the family of Achanes nearer 
 the Colonel than any thing I have yet met with. " I, Matthew Wal- 
 lace of Auchands, grant me to be justlie adebted to Mr John Ander- 
 eon of Stobcors, the gum of y< oounds, Scots money," &c. Dated 
 
 No. n. 
 
 [MS. in possession of Reverend John Willison, 
 minister of Forgandenny.] 
 
 Extracts from the Diary of Sergeant James Nisbet.* 
 
 I WAS born in the month of Feberuary, 1667, of parents 
 both of them realy and eminently religious; but the times 
 were extreamly unhappy, because of ane ilegal, tyrannical, 
 prelatical persecution, begun and carried on by Charles the 
 Second, Middleton and Lauderdale, in the state, and treacher- 
 ous, perfiduous Sharp, and some others, in the church. Be- 
 cause of which, though my parents were persons of consider- 
 able worldly substance, yet they could not get the benefit of 
 school education for their children, and so I got little or none 
 but what I acquired at mine own hand when under my hide- 
 ing. For before I was bom, my father, with others, being set 
 on by the enemy at Pentland-hills, 1666, when they were 
 standing up in defence of the gospel, and was by the ene- 
 my routed, and many of them slain, and my father received 
 wounds, but, lying close among the dead till night, got of 
 with life. The enemy came to his house in quest of him, 
 but missing him, they held a drawn sword to my mother's 
 breast, who had me in her belly, threatening to run her 
 through unless she would discover her husband. She weep- 
 ing, told them, that for any thing she knew, he was killed, (for 
 she had heard that it was so,) and that she had not seen him ; 
 so they took what made for them in the house, and went off. 
 But some days after, getting notice that he was still ahve, they 
 returned 'with greater fury then before, and threatened her 
 with present death, first with a drawn sword at her breast, and 
 also with a bended pistol ; and, contrair to all law divine and 
 humane, they dragged her alongst with them with a burning 
 candle in her hand, through all the rooms of the maine house, 
 and then through all the office-houses, they still ^ rage- 
 ing with their drawn swords and bended pistols ; but, after all 
 their search, they missing my father, beat the servants, to strike 
 the greater terrour on my mother to tell where her husband 
 was ; but she could not. Then they took a young man, "call- 
 ed David Finlay, alongst with them to where their chief com- 
 mander lay, called General Dalziel. He caused the said 
 David Finlay to be shot to death in less than half ane hour's 
 warning, and carried away all niy father's stock of moveable 
 effects, which was considerably great ; and for half a year 
 there was hardly a day ever passed bot they were at the house, 
 either in the night or day, in search of my father. — 
 
 — In the year 1678, there was a great host of Highlanders 
 came down in the middle of the winter to the westren shires. 
 The shire of Air was the centre of their encampment or 
 cantooning, where they pillaged, plundered, theeved, and 
 robbed jiight and day ; even the Lord's day they regarded as 
 little as any other. At their first coming, four of them came 
 to my father's house, who was overseeing the making of his 
 own malt ; they told him they were come to make the Fig 
 (so they termed the Presbyterians) to take with God and the 
 king. This they came over again and again. They pointed 
 to their shoes, and said they would have the brogc off his 
 foot, and accordingly laid hands on him, but he threw himself 
 out of their grips, and turning to a pitch-fork which was used 
 at the stalking of his corn, and they having their broadswords 
 drawn, cryed, " Clymore," and made at him ; but he quickly 
 drove them out of the kilne, and chaseing them all four a 
 space from the house, knocked one of them to the ground. 
 
 21st June, 1634, and registered 5th Dec. 1637. (Volume of Bonds, 
 &c.. from October 1636, to December 1639: Records of Commissariot 
 of Glasgow. 
 
 * He was son to John Nisbet of Hardhill, who, after escaping for 
 many years the pursuit of the government, was taken and executed 
 alEdinburgh in 1685. (Scota Worthies.) The sergeant died, about 
 the year 1726, in Edinburgh Castle. (Walker's Life of Peden, 73.) 
 His Diary is chiefly religious, and contains a collection of letlere 
 wriltwn by him to his Christian acquaintances. 
 
 r>oi 
 
502 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 The next day about twenty of them came to the house, but 
 he not being at home, they told they were come to take the 
 Fig and his arms. They plundered his house, as they did the 
 house of every other man who was not conform to the then 
 laws ; and such W£is their theevish dispositions, and so well 
 versed were they at the second sight, that, let people hide 
 never so well, these men would go as straight to where it was, 
 whether beneath the ground or above, as though they had 
 been at the putting of it there, search for it, dig it up, and 
 away with it. 
 
 — When my father came [to Drumclog], the good people 
 who were met to hear sermon, and the enemy, were drawn up 
 in battle array, in order to fight. Five or six of the gentle- 
 men who came to hear sermon, that were most fit to com- 
 mand the country people, took upon them to command, 
 because some of them had been formerly in the military, as 
 likewise my father had been. Two of whom went to meet 
 my fatlier when within sight, and gave him an account how 
 matters was, and pointed out to him where Mr King was 
 guarded on the left hand of the enemy, by ane officer and four 
 dragoons, and the officer had orders to shoot Mr King if they 
 lost, and if the country people lost, all that was or should be 
 taken prisoners was to be hanged immediately after battle. 
 My father being a strong, bold, and resolate man, went on 
 boldly and briskly in all the parts of the action, especially in 
 the relief of Mr King, whom he set at liberty ; which bold- 
 ness and activity of his was much taken notice of by the 
 enemy. The enemy lost the day, and about 30 or 35 of their 
 number slain, whereof, they said, my father killed seven with 
 bis awn hand, which much exposed him and alibis to their after 
 revenging fury. — 
 
 — 1682. The cruel enemy got my dear brother into their 
 hands. They examined him concerning the persecuted 
 people where they haunted, or if he knew where any of them 
 was, but he would not open liis mouth to speak one word to 
 them ; they spoke him fair — they offered him money to speak 
 and tell them, but he would not — they held the point of a 
 drawn sword to his naked breast — they fired a pistol over his 
 head — they set him on horseback behind one of themselves, 
 to be taken away and hanged — they tyed a cloath on his face, 
 and set him on his knees to be shot to death — they beat him 
 with their swords and with their fists — they kicked him 
 several times to the ground with their feet; yet, after they had 
 used all the cruelty they could, he would not open his mouth 
 to speak one word to them ; and although he was a very 
 comely proper child, going in ten years of age, yet they called 
 him a vile, ugly dumb devil, and beat him very sore, and went 
 their way, leaving him lying on the ground, sore bleeding in 
 the open fields. 
 
 — 1683. Being the 14 year of my age, in July, one 
 morning at five o'clock, I went out to a wood, and within a 
 little I heard the sound of people among the trees drawing 
 near to me. I looked up and saw men cloathed in red, and 
 as I got to my feet, one of them bade me be shot I said to 
 him, " What good will my blood do to you V And when he 
 cocked his pistol, another of them said, " Hold, man, do not 
 shoot the bonny lad." The man with the pistol said, " He is 
 a Whig ; I saw him on his knees." They asked my name, and 
 I told them my new name. They said to one another, they 
 had none in their list of that name. The)' asked me, who 
 learned me to pray. I told them, my Bible. He that com- 
 manded them, I think he was a sergeant, said, " Since we 
 have none of that name, let him alone." The first man that 
 came unto me, swore again, that he would have me shot, but 
 two of them would not let him. There were about twelve of 
 them in all, but none of them spoke to me but three, and 
 two of these were for sparing my life, and so they went off 
 and left me. — 
 
 — 16S5, April 2Q. — In the morning the servants went to 
 work in the fields, and I was with them. A little before nine 
 of the clock in the forenoon, we saw a troop of dragoons 
 coming at the gallop. Mr Peden and these that was with him 
 in the house fled, which we at work knew nothing of, but we 
 ran every one as Providence directed ; and the watchful 
 providence of God, which was ever kind to me led me as by 
 the hand to a moss near two miles from where we were work- 
 ing, to which moss .Mr. Peden, and those that were with him, 
 were fled for shelter, which I knew notliing of. The way to 
 it Was very steep and ascending ground. Two of the ilra- 
 goons pursued me very hard, l)ut spying another man in their 
 pursuit of mc, him they pursued off at the right hand of my 
 way : they fired at him, but it pleased the Lord he escaped 
 
 THE 
 
 at that time. Then other two of them came in chase of mc. 
 I was sore put to for my life. The day was very hot, the sun 
 bright in my face, and the way mountainous, yet the Lord 
 was very kind to me, and enabled me to run. I had manj' 
 thoughts of turning to this or that way, and often I had 
 thoughts of diving in moss-water pits, and saving my head 
 in the rush bushes ; and yet I was overpowered, beyond my 
 inclination, to keep on in my way to the moss where Mr 
 Peden and the rest were, at the edge of which there was a 
 bogg or morass, about seven or eight yards broad, to which my 
 good guardian kind Providence brought me at last ; and here 
 the Lord was a present help in the time of need to me, for just as 
 I was drawing myself out of the bogg by the heather of the 
 moss, the two dragoons came to the other side of the bogg, 
 and seeing they could not get through with their horses to 
 me, they called on me, " Stand, dog, and be shot" By this 
 time I was got out of the bog to my knees on the heather. 
 They fired upon me, but God directed the ball by my left ear, 
 so close that it carried off some of my hair. I, finding that I 
 had escaped the shott, ran farther into the moss, kind Provi- 
 dence leading me where Mr Peden, with alwut twenty more 
 of the persecuted peeple, were, in meeting with whom I was 
 gladly surprised ; but I was so outrun, that it was sometime 
 before I could speak any. We stayed there a'oout three 
 hours, till there came another troop of the enemy to join the 
 first troop, and seeing them dismount their horses, to lake the 
 moss on tlieir fool to search us out, after some firing on both 
 sides, where was no execution done, we drew off, and travelled 
 the midst of the moss. They seeing this, horsed again, and 
 pursued us by the edges of the moss ; but we allways kept 
 ourselves on such ground where horses could not pass. We 
 ran that day about thirty miles, the enemy still pursuing us. 
 Wc got no manner of refreshment all that day but moss- 
 water, till night, that each of us got a drink of milk. Mr 
 Peden left these that were with him, and went one way, and 
 I left them and went another way. I lay all night far from 
 any house, amongst heather; to-morrow, when I awaked, after 
 the sun arost, I saw about 200 horse and foot searching all the 
 country far and near ; but I seeing no way of escape unobser- 
 ved by the enemy, clapt closs amongst the heather; and so 
 kind and condescending was the Lord to me, that not one of the 
 enemy did touch at the place where I lay. — 
 
 — Within three or four days, Graham of Claverhouse, a 
 violent persecutor, came for a general search with 100 horse 
 and 300 Highlandmcn. They got sight of seven of us about 
 the middle of the day. They pursued us all that day for 
 thirty-two miles, till midnight, but the Lord preserved us from 
 these blood-thirsty men. We got no refreshment all that daj-, 
 except a few mouthfulls of bread and cheese and moss-water ; 
 but the horse getting before us, and the foot being behind us, 
 and we very much fatigued, we were brought to a straight 
 what to resolve upon. But at last finding my comrades 
 resolving still to run, I told them, that the Lord had preserved 
 me these days past by runnijig, but now, if he hid me not 
 some other way, I must fall a sacrifice to the enemy ; so, after 
 prayer, my friends and I parted in the fields before the sun 
 rose. Then I went to as obscure a place iis I could think on, 
 and clapt as closs as I could. — The enemy pushed by me on 
 both sides of the place where I lay, like sons of Lucifer, tlicir 
 father ; but He who made them held their eyes, that they saw 
 me not, although they were throe times within pistol-shot of 
 me. — 
 
 — Afler this I languished some days, and then was seized 
 with a high and violent fever. I got in to a poor man's 
 house, and his wife made me a bed in the byre, beside the 
 cows, that her husband might not see me, that so he might be 
 free to give his oath that he harboured no whiggs. The very 
 next day, one Colonel Buchan came with two troops of dra- 
 goons to search that country a second time. He, with five 
 more, dishorsed, and came into the poor cottage where I was 
 lying, and asked the poor woman, what men was in this den. 
 She answered, she bad no men, but a young lad of her own 
 lying sick, at the point of death. Then they came where I 
 was, and he lifted up my head by tlie hair, and a bended pis- 
 tol in his right hand. He looked me broad in the face, and 
 said to these that were with him, " There is notliing here but 
 a young creature dying ;" and so let my head fall out of his 
 hand and went away ; but I was then so sick, that I was not 
 capable of fear at tlie danger nor of joy at the escajw. The 
 poor woman conceived such fear, lest she came to trouble on 
 my account, would not, for any persuasion, let mc stay, and 
 so I was canied a great way to another i>oor man's house. — 
 END. 
 
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