GIFT OF 
 MICHAEL REE^E 
 
- 
 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORT OF NORTH AMERICA 
 
 Guy Car let on Lee^ Ph. D. 
 
 of 
 "Johns Hopkins and Columbian Universities , Editor 
 
LIBRARY EDITION 
 
 OF WHICH THIS SET IS 
 
 NUMBER 
 
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS 
 
 After the painting by an unknown artist, now in the Museo 
 Naval at Madrid. 
 
THE HISTORY OF NORTH AMERICA 
 
 VOLUME ONE DISCOVERT AND EXPLO 
 RATION 
 
 BY 
 
 ALFRED BRITTAIN 
 
 Author of : The Spanish Conquest of Mexico j Ocean Voyages in the 
 Fifteenth Century; The Exploration of Northern America; Trans 
 portation in the Civil War, etc., etc. 
 
 IN CONFERENCE WITH 
 
 GEORGE EDWARD REED, LL. D., S. T. D. 
 
 PRESIDENT OF DICKINSON COLLEGE 
 SOMETIME LIBRARIAN OF THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA, ETC., ETC. 
 
 PRINTED AND PUBLISHED FOR SUBSCRIBERS ONLT BY 
 GEORGE EARR1E & SONS, PHILADELPHIA 
 
COPYRIGHT, 1903, BY GEORGE BARRIE & SONS 
 Entered at Stationers Hall, London. 
 
DEDICATED 
 
 TO THE 
 
 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION 
 
EDITOR S INTRODUCTION 
 
 " THERE is no comprehensive history of America from the 
 discovery to the present time," wrote Albert Bushnell Hart 
 and Edward Channing, professors in Harvard University, 
 when in 1896 they published their Guide to American His 
 tory. This statement was as true yesterday as it had been 
 for fifty years and more before it was uttered by its learned 
 authors. General readers may, however, doubt the accu 
 racy of the assertion above quoted, for to their minds will 
 come the names of America s great historians Bancroft, 
 Hildreth, Winsor, Von Holtz, Parkman, McMaster, Fiske, 
 Rhodes, and Schouler. An examination of the works of 
 these authors whose names, it is to be regretted, are more 
 familiar to the average reader than the contents of their 
 histories will demonstrate the fallacy of the objection to 
 the statement that there is not a comprehensive history of 
 America in existence. All these authors treat limited periods 
 of American history; for example, Bancroft brings his narra 
 tive to 1789, Hildreth to 1821, and Winsor to 1840. 
 
 Perhaps the statement will be made, in contradiction to 
 that of Professors Hart and Channing, that there are several 
 "general histories of America" before the public. This is, 
 in a measure, correct, but the term genera/ is not here synony 
 mous with comprehensive, and the works can no more be 
 described as comprehensive than as accurate. They are 
 neither one nor the other, and are unworthy of serious 
 consideration. 
 
vi EDITOR S INTRODUCTION 
 
 It is indeed remarkable that such a state of facts exists 
 and that so patriotic a people as Americans have no work 
 in which they may read, in continuous narrative, the details 
 of the comparatively short but strikingly eventful history of 
 their country or of that of their neighbors to the north and 
 the south. The average American reads his history by 
 periods. He is fairly well informed as to the Civil War 
 and knows something of the Revolution, but little or noth 
 ing, with the possible exception of matters of local or 
 individual interest, save what he has gained from historical 
 novels, of the flow of events between these two great turn 
 ing points of national life. He has, in consequence, no 
 historical perspective and has slight conception of American 
 history in its connection with that of the world or of the 
 interrelations of State history. The Landing of the Pil 
 grims or the Settlement of Jamestown, this too often 
 determined by the residence of the reader, Bunker Hill, 
 or the Surrender of Cornwallis, the Declaration of Inde 
 pendence, never the Adoption of the Constitution, the 
 War of 1812, the Mexican War, the Civil War, the Battle 
 of San Juan, and the Capture of Manila seem to be the 
 boundary stones of his historical knowledge; and except in 
 rare instances, unless personal experience gives information, 
 they are, as a rule, mere names. 
 
 But this lack of knowledge begins to be supplied, because 
 of spreading interest in history. Throughout the United 
 States there are thousands of men enthusiastically working 
 upon historical subjects. These students and they are 
 found in all walks of life have not only stimulated histor 
 ical interest, but have in many cases created it, and to-day 
 by individual efforts and by that of historical societies have, 
 throughout the country, made history the most popular 
 subject of advanced study. When we speak thus of history 
 we do not limit the term to any one of its particular fields, 
 but include within its scope sociology, economics, politics, 
 civics, and all those other divisions that give to history its 
 life and make it more than a record of military operations 
 
EDITOR S INTRODUCTION v ii 
 
 or diplomatic activities. It is true that this broad concep 
 tion of history is one which students in its various divisions 
 seek to modify by asserting preeminence for this or that 
 branch of the history in which they are particularly inter 
 ested, but the fact remains that ethnology, sociology, eco 
 nomics, politics, and a dozen other subjects are so bound 
 together, so united in one whole, that the history of the 
 people includes them. 
 
 The statement that we have quoted in our opening para 
 graph but voiced the need that was appreciated throughout 
 the scholastic world. All students desired a comprehen 
 sive history of America. The stimulus given to historical 
 writing by the lack of such a work found result in the 
 activity of many authors, but, curiously enough, not in at 
 tempts to produce the work needed, but to supply mate 
 rials from which it might be constructed. For example, 
 the last quarter of the nineteenth century was prolific in 
 historical monographs and treatises. Hundreds of well- 
 equipped students with valuable resources at their command 
 collected and gave to the world the product of their re 
 search the data buried in source material. These mono 
 graphic publications, usually written in the form of theses, 
 were of a nature to preclude their wide circulation; they 
 were strictly academic in style and were of no interest to 
 the general reader and, because of their restricted field, of 
 comparatively narrow value to the historian. Yet this 
 monographic literature must not be underestimated, for it 
 was of great value to the limited number of historians 
 seeking information upon the particular subject treated by 
 the monographist. But the theses did not go far toward 
 solving the problem of the production of a comprehensive 
 history. The treatises were a step further in that direction. 
 They were, it is true, limited in scope, but that limitation 
 was not so destructive to their popularity as in the case of 
 the thesis literature, for they were broader in treatment and 
 had more or less perspective. The majority of such publi 
 cations were accurate and had in them elements of interest. 
 
viii EDITOR S INTRODUCTION 
 
 Textbooks were published in abundance, but from their 
 nature they cannot be included among comprehensive his 
 tories, nor can those standard and scholarly works upon 
 limited historical periods, which have at infrequent intervals 
 during the last twenty-five years been welcomed by students. 
 
 During the period under consideration a few general his 
 tories have been published. These are confessedly sketchy, 
 and, with only two exceptions, they have not been written 
 by men of standing among scholars. In these two in 
 stances, the authors have been handicapped by the limits 
 of space and by the fact that no one man is able to write 
 from his own knowledge of the details of American history 
 in the whole, and within the limits imposed by the com 
 mercial necessities of publication produce by his own re 
 search a comprehensive history of the United States, to say 
 nothing of that of North America. A writer undertaking 
 the task must depend on secondary authorities; and, as a 
 rule, he incorporates most of their errors along with their 
 correct statements of fact. No more glaring example of 
 this fallibility of historical writers attempting a task too 
 large can be found than in a recent pretentious general his 
 tory in the compilation of which the author was obliged 
 by the circumstances of production to depend largely on 
 secondary authorities, with the result that more than five 
 hundred errors have been discovered in a single volume. 
 
 At the close of the nineteenth century, the need of an 
 authoritative and comprehensive history was apparent; the 
 time was considered ripe for the production of such a work, 
 but the commercial difficulties in the way of its publication 
 in the ordinary course were believed to be insurmountable. 
 These opinions were general among the students of history 
 and may be said to have had three separate crystallizations : 
 one in a group of Western students; another in the East 
 and centring in Harvard; and yet another in the Middle 
 States, centring about Johns Hopkins. The opinion of at 
 least two of these groups of interested historians was that 
 the American Historical Association, the greatest collective 
 
EDITOR S INTRODUCTION [ x 
 
 body of historians of America, should take up the matter 
 and give it countenance and support. This determination 
 was given expression at the annual meeting of the associa 
 tion held in 1899 at Boston. The subject was thoroughly 
 discussed by representatives of leading universities, and the 
 matter was put into concrete form. This embodied three 
 general statements : 
 
 First : That the history must be " cooperative," it being 
 universally recognized that even if the necessary time were 
 at his disposal no one man was fitted to write such a history. 
 
 Second: "The publication to be under an editor-in- 
 chief . . . subject to the determination of the committee 
 which shall represent the association." This because it 
 was unanimously agreed that though no one man could 
 write the proposed history or even be held responsible for 
 the facts of the whole work, yet there must be a directing 
 and guiding mind by which a definite plan might be formu 
 lated, and by which the cooperators might be held to its 
 rules. 
 
 Third : u The publication to be made in small volumes, 
 each complete in itself so far as it goes." This for the sake 
 of convenience and utility. 
 
 The subject of the publication of the comprehensive 
 history under the auspices of the American Historical Asso 
 ciation was thoroughly discussed and then referred to the 
 following committee : Professor A. B. Hart, Harvard Uni 
 versity (chairman) ; the Honorable Charles Francis Adams, 
 President of the Massachusetts Historical Society; Professor 
 Herbert B. Adams, Johns Hopkins University; Professor 
 W. A. Dunning, Columbia University; Professor John 
 Bach McMaster, University of Pennsylvania; Professor F. 
 J. Turner, University of Wisconsin ; and Professor Moses 
 Coit Tyler, Cornell University. This committee reported 
 favorably upon the project and stressed the ideas of "an 
 editor-in-chief," " cooperative preparation," and " publica 
 tion in volumes complete in themselves." The matter was 
 then placed in the hands of the council of the association; 
 
x EDITOR S INTRODUCTION 
 
 and after much discussion, at a special meeting held to con 
 sider the matter, it was decided : 
 
 " In view of the difficulties involved, it would not be ex 
 pedient for the American Historical Association to take part 
 in forming or carrying out a plan for the composition or 
 publication of a cooperative history of the United States." 
 
 This determination of the council, although at the time 
 it was uttered it gave rise to much adverse criticism, was, 
 nevertheless, the correct one. The members of the council 
 realized fully the need of a general history. They were 
 heartily in favor of it, but they wisely declined to involve 
 the association in the determination of those to whom the 
 preparation of the work was to be intrusted or to assume 
 the responsibility for the work, thus condemning all other 
 works, after its preparation had been completed. What is 
 more, it relieved individual effort from the check which had 
 for several years been placed upon it by the consideration 
 of the matter by the association. Particularly was the deci 
 sion of the council approved by the group interested in the 
 production of the present work, a group which had for 
 almost a decade been planning and working upon just such 
 a project as had been brought before the association, of 
 which most of those interested were members and therefore 
 felt bound not to proceed further with their private project 
 until the association had passed upon that submitted to it. 
 
 As soon as the council had decided that it was inexpe 
 dient for the American Historical Association to assume the 
 responsibility of the plan for a comprehensive history, two 
 of the groups of which we have spoken as especially inter 
 ested in the matter commenced to push forward their indi 
 vidual plans. The result of these efforts, in the case of one 
 group, has taken concrete form in the present work, which 
 its editor, for all those concerned in its production, can 
 justly state is the first "comprehensive history of America 
 from the discovery to the present time" that has been 
 written, and that it is the only history on its broad lines 
 that has been projected. In fact, its scope extends beyond 
 
EDITOR S INTRODUCTION x i 
 
 that of the history whose lack was regretted by Professors 
 Hart and Charming, in that it includes a treatment of the pre 
 historic period of America because that is one of the foun 
 dations upon which must rest any large and broad treatment 
 of American history. 
 
 The plan approved by the committee of the American 
 Historical Association was, therefore, in its general terms, 
 that settled upon by what may be called the Johns Hopkins 
 University group of authors as the basis of the work that 
 was to be prepared by them and their associates. Certain 
 extensions and additions of the plan were, however, deemed 
 advisable, as it was thought that the proposed work should 
 be so comprehensive as to include the history of Canada, 
 Mexico, and the Insular Possessions as well as that of the 
 United States. It was held that no history of the United 
 States could be comprehensive unless it treated of the rela 
 tions of the United States with Mexico and Canada, and that 
 a proper understanding of these relations could not be arrived 
 at unless a history of these countries, which have as much 
 right to be spoken of in connection with the term North 
 America as the United States itself, were included in the 
 work. 
 
 The question of the size of the proposed volumes was 
 one that had not been fully disposed of by the association s 
 plan, but it is believed that each volume was to contain 
 considerably fewer than one hundred thousand words. The 
 editor-in-chief of the present work faced the problem of 
 inadequately treating the subject in twenty small volumes 
 or of forming a series containing forty or fifty volumes, an 
 impracticable and unwieldy number. He decided that ful 
 ness of treatment was necessary and that the set should 
 not number more than twenty volumes. It was therefore 
 determined that each volume should contain double the 
 number of words planned by the committee of the Ameri 
 can Historical Association, thus making the project twice 
 as extensive; and by means of new type, especially cast for 
 the work, and of a careful arrangement of matter to secure 
 
xii EDITOR S INTRODUCTION 
 
 in a book of one hundred and fifty thousand words the same 
 convenience of form and weight as was originally proposed 
 for the much smaller volume, and this without sacrifice of 
 clearness and attractiveness of typography. 
 
 Another modification of the plan of the association is the 
 method of illustration adopted by the editor. The associa 
 tion s committee had planned a book that was to have either 
 no illustrations or at least few of them. It was determined 
 in the present instance to follow a radically different plan 
 and to add to the history all the illustrative material that 
 was necessary to give prominence to the points of the text 
 or to elucidate them. In pursuance of this plan THE HIS 
 TORY OF NORTH AMERICA is more satisfactorily illustrated 
 than any work of like nature, and yet has the unique dis 
 tinction of being the one work in which not a picture has 
 been selected for decorative purposes, but all have been 
 chosen because of their value as historical data. 
 
 It was likewise held by the editor that a small committee 
 could not be an effective aid to the editor and the authors 
 of a work that was to be as comprehensive in scope as that 
 planned by him. It was therefore decided to enlarge the 
 plan of a committee as suggested to the American Historical 
 Association and to form, of specialists, two large and dis 
 tinct boards, editorial and advisory, with definite functions. 
 
 We find, then, in the present work that the plan of the 
 American Historical Association has been followed, but that 
 it has been enlarged, we may say improved, in the following 
 manner: The scope of the work has been extended to 
 include the history of Mexico, Canada, the Insular Posses 
 sions of the United States, and the prehistoric period of 
 North America; the size of the work has been more than 
 doubled; an abundance of informing illustrations has been 
 supplied; a more elaborate and comprehensive system of 
 committee supervision has been secured. 
 
 The question of the arrangement of the divisions of 
 THE HISTORY OF NORTH AMERICA was a most impor 
 tant one, but was satisfactorily settled by the adoption of a 
 
EDITOR S INTRODUCTION xiii 
 
 method of segregation which provided for the following 
 volumes: 
 
 I. DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION. II. THE INDIANS 
 IN HISTORIC TIMES. III. THE COLONIZATION OF THE 
 SOUTH. IV. THE COLONIZATION OF THE MIDDLE STATES. 
 V. THE COLONIZATION OF NEW ENGLAND. VI. THE 
 REVOLUTION. VII. THE GROWTH OF THE CONSTITU 
 TION. VIII. THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE AND THE WEST 
 WARD MOVEMENT. IX. MEXICO, CENTRAL AMERICA, AND 
 THE SOUTHWEST. X. THE PACIFIC SLOPE AND ALASKA. 
 XI. CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA. XII. THE 
 GROWTH OF THE COUNTRY FROM 1809 TO 1839. XIII. 
 THE GROWTH OF THE NATION FROM 1839 TO 1860. 
 XIV. THE CIVIL WAR. (Part I. From a Southern Stand 
 point.) XV. THE CIVIL WAR. (Part II. From a North 
 ern Standpoint.) XVI. THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD. 
 XVII. THE RISE OF THE NEW SOUTH. XVIII. THE DE 
 VELOPMENT OF THE NORTH. XIX. PREHISTORIC NORTH 
 AMERICA. XX. INSULAR POSSESSIONS. 
 
 The editor having thus determined upon the scope of the 
 various volumes, he next assigned them to those men in his 
 opinion best fitted by training and interest to treat ade 
 quately the various subjects. He was particularly fortunate 
 in securing the cooperation of specialists, mostly from the 
 Johns Hopkins group, though with notable exceptions, in 
 the various fields covered by the volumes projected, and he 
 gratefully acknowledges the aid of the gentlemen who have 
 shared with him the labor of the actual preparation of THE 
 HISTORY OF NORTH AMERICA and to whom must belong 
 the credit that may arise from their authorship. 
 
 Thanks are also due, in no unstinted measure, to the 
 members of the advisory and editorial boards, to the large 
 number of correspondents, and to the leading newspapers 
 of the United States, for the great aid given by them in the 
 production of this work. 
 
 GUY CARLETON LEE. 
 Johns Hopkins University. 
 
EDITOR S PREFACE 
 
 THE work of which this volume is a part traces the 
 history of North America from the earliest geological period 
 down to and including the present year. A volume of the 
 series is therefore devoted to Prehistoric North America. It 
 has, however, been deemed expedient, because of certain 
 research work now in progress, to postpone the publication 
 of this book and give it place among: the later volumes of 
 
 O * O 
 
 the series. The present volume, Discovery and Exploration, 
 treats of the first period of the written history of North 
 America, hence it is fitting that it should be the initial 
 member of the series. The volume is of great inherent 
 interest, and this is increased by the methods of the author. 
 He has departed from the usual plan of contributors to the 
 history of North America, and has woven his narrative from 
 the very words of the discoverers and explorers and their 
 contemporaries. The author has preserved the value of the 
 quoted material as a basis of the study of the evidences of 
 the period by his method, and he has increased the value 
 of his work by the style of the original matter which he 
 uses as a setting to the quotations from the sources. It is 
 fitting to state that the documents used in this volume are 
 as edited by the several hands responsible for their original 
 publication. We are confident that the volume is a distinct 
 contribution to historical literature. 
 
 GUY CARLETON LEE. 
 Johns Hopkins University. 
 
 xv 
 
AUTHOR S PREFACE 
 
 FOR the student, if not for the average reader, history is 
 a science which finds its analogies in the physical branches 
 of knowledge; and with especial aptitude may figures of 
 speech denoting historical methods be drawn from geo 
 logical terms. Embedded in what surely without doing 
 violence to the comparison may be called stratified literary 
 deposits are the "remains" of the men who made the past. 
 Sometimes the figure is revealed in a completeness which 
 is satisfactory and sufficiently self-explanatory; but more 
 often a mingled mass of fragments awaits the investigator. 
 Thus from the annals, chronicles, adventitious records, con 
 temporary histories, and other forms in which any knowl 
 edge of the past has been preserved, the student must select, 
 assort, and articulate, and not infrequently supply a missing 
 part with a cast from his own imagination. This is the 
 method of modern and scientific history. 
 
 It is an open question if, for any period the contem 
 porary records of which are unusually illuminative and 
 the relation of the activities under observation to political 
 and other conditions one of marked simplicity, it is not 
 better to introduce the reader to the direct study of the 
 sources. In American history, the period of Discovery and 
 Exploration is especially adapted to this method. The first 
 voyages to the New World, startling in their novelty and 
 picturesque in the element of adventure as they were, could 
 not fail of an ample narration. Moreover, these events 
 
 xvii 
 
xviii DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 were sufficiently unrelated to Old World conditions and 
 circumstances to tell of themselves the whole story of their 
 period. 
 
 For this reason, we believe that the most useful manner 
 in which to present the History of the Discovery and Explora 
 tion of North America is that which translates and brings 
 together in exact and complete form all the most important 
 of the original sources. 
 
 Of course, this method has its own disadvantages. It has 
 been the careful aim of the author, in making his selections, 
 to avoid repetition, and there are many instances where the 
 documents we use are far from being all that might be 
 desired in lucidity of style as well as grace of literary form. 
 But they are all intelligible; and it may be reasonably con 
 tended that the inadequacies we mention are compensated 
 for by the added interest which necessarily attaches to the 
 narratJQrL-af the pamcjrjiajTtjgTij fhe eyewitness. For per 
 mission to use the extracts and translations herein contained 
 thanks are not only due in large measure to Sir Clements 
 Robert Markham, translator of the Columbus Journal and the 
 Vespucci Narrative, but to those other scholars who have so 
 generously placed at our disposal the fruits of their scholarship. 
 
 In regard to exploration of the interior of the continent, 
 the author must confess to having frequently been at a loss 
 to know just where to place the line between exploration and 
 settlement. He has, however, adopted the principle that 
 this book should treat only of those journeys by which the 
 various sections of the northern continent were made known 
 in a large way. 
 
 It needs only to be added that the author proceeded with 
 this work in the spirit which recognizes that every new 
 vista of American soil which opened itself to the marvelling 
 eyes of the first discoverers meant an added portion to the 
 gift of half a world which All-wise Providence presented to 
 civilized humanity in due season. 
 
 ALFRED BRITTAIN. 
 Hobart College. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGES 
 
 EDITOR S INTRODUCTION v-xiii 
 
 EDITOR S PREFACE xv 
 
 AUTHOR S PREFACE xvii-xviii 
 
 I PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES 3-38 
 
 Beginnings of American history. Semitic race the pioneers 
 in extending geographical knowledge. Phoenician voyages. 
 Greek cosmography. Strabo s theory of a western world. 
 Roman geographers. Geographic theories of the Middle 
 Ages and the Renaissance. Ante-Columbian discoveries of 
 America. The Norsemen s voyages to America. Erik the 
 Red. Bjarni. Leif Erikson. Thorfmn Karlsefne. The 
 Vinland voyage. Thorhall. Effects of Norsemen s dis 
 coveries. 
 
 II EUROPE AND ASIA BEFORE THE TIME OF COLUM 
 
 BUS 39-56 
 
 The Orient the incentive to western exploration. India and 
 China the objects of quest. The Cathay of Jinghis Khan. 
 Marco Polo s travels. The Crusades as a factor in explo 
 ration. European invasion by the Turks. The Hansa 
 towns. The supremacy of Venice and Genoa. Mediaeval 
 trade routes of Europe and Asia. The Turks and European 
 commerce. The Renaissance and naval enterprise. Roger 
 Bacon and the discovery of the magnetic needle. The mari 
 ner s compass. Martin Behaim and the astrolabe. Prince 
 Henry the navigator. Exploration of the west coast of Africa. 
 Beginnings of negro slavery. Portugal the leading nation in 
 the work of discovery. Columbus favors a western voyage 
 to Asia. 
 
xx DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 III THE DISCOVERER ADVOCATING HIS PROJECT . 57-81 
 
 Early life of Columbus. Geographical studies. Belief as to 
 reaching India by the west. Toscanelli s letters. Seeks aid 
 for his enterprise from King John of Portugal. Applies to 
 the court of Spain. Delays and discouragements. Amour 
 with Beatriz Enriquez. The court rejects his petition. Re 
 tires to Rabida convent. Isabella befriends him. Capitula 
 tion signed by the sovereigns of Spain. Difficulty in securing 
 his equipment. His fleet. Sets out from Palos. 
 
 IV JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE. THE VOYAGE 
 
 TO THE WEST 83-104 
 
 Columbus reaches Gomera, where he hears of land seen to 
 the west. Learns that Portuguese caravels seek to capture 
 him. Falsifies his reckoning. Expectation of seeing land. 
 Discontent of the crew. False reports of land. Further dis 
 content of the sailors. Land sighted. Reaches Guanahani 
 and takes possession in the name of the Spanish sovereigns. 
 Native inhabitants. 
 
 V JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE (CONTINUED). 
 
 EXPLORATION 105-196 
 
 Columbus believes himself near Cipango. The natives of 
 Guanahani $ the island described. Quest of gold. Friendly 
 barter with natives. Fernandina Island ; its inhabitants and 
 products. News of gold. Discovers Isabella Island ; its 
 scenery, people, and products. Arrives at Cuba ; its physical 
 features and people ; sends envoys to ruler ; intercourse with 
 natives ; finds manufactured cotton ; natives kidnapped. 
 Alonzo Pinzon deserts Columbus. Espanola reached ; de 
 scription of its coast ; seized for Spain ; intercourse with 
 natives ; reports of gold ; wreck of the Santa Maria , a 
 settlement planted. 
 
 VI JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE (CONTINUED). 
 
 THE TRIUMPHANT RETURN .... 197-240 
 
 Parting hospitalities of the chief of Espanola. The Spanish 
 fortress at La Navidad provisioned. The Pinta rejoins the 
 admiral s ship. Gold found. Mermaids (manatees) seen. 
 Attack by the natives. Further descriptions of country and 
 
CONTENTS xxi 
 
 CHAPTER PAGES 
 
 natives. The island of women. Leaves the West Indies. 
 Danger of the caravels. Columbus sets a barrel adrift con 
 taining the record of his discoveries. The Azores reached. 
 Troubles with the Portuguese. Caravels again in danger. 
 Reaches the mouth of the Tagus. Courtesies of the Portu 
 guese sovereign. Arrives at Saltes. 
 
 VII THE OTHER VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS OF 
 
 COLUMBUS 241-273 
 
 Royal reception at Barcelona. Spain before the Moorish 
 conquest. Title of Spain to lands in the west. Pope Alex 
 ander the Sixth s Bull of Donation. Extent of lands con- 
 finned to Spain. Treaty of Tordesillas. Columbus leads a 
 new expedition. Dominica and other islands discovered. 
 Espanola revisited. Town of Isabella founded. Conflicts 
 in the colony. Gold found. Discovery of Jamaica. Return 
 to Cuba. At Isabella again. Illness of the admiral. Meet 
 ing with his brother Diego at Isabella. Insurrection of the 
 natives. Return to Spain. Cordial reception by the sover 
 eigns. Troubles at the court. Third voyage. Trinidad 
 discovered. Mainland sighted. Tumults in Isabella. Colum 
 bus taken to Spain in chains. Other discoverers. The fourth 
 voyage of the admiral. At Espanola. Danger of the fleet. 
 Sickness and destitution. Gold reported at Veragua. The 
 Ganges. The fleet endangered. Veragua reached ; gold 
 mines found there ; troubles with natives. Once more at 
 Jamaica. Return to Spain. Disappointment and death of 
 Columbus. 
 
 VIII AMERIGO VESPUCCI AND THE DISCOVERY OF 
 THE CONTINENT 275-295 
 
 Vespucci s claims to priority of discovery. His early life. 
 Hojeda the tool of the enemies of Columbus. Vespucci 
 and Hojeda. Vespucci s letters and his first voyage. The 
 mainland of America reached. Intercourse with natives. Iti 
 Island and its natives. Return to Spain. Hojeda s testimony. 
 Navarrete s account of Hojeda s voyages : the continent of 
 the New World sighted ; intercourse with natives of Trini 
 dad ; with those of Margarita ; reaches Cabo de la Vela ; 
 returns to Espanola. Evidences of identity of the voyages of 
 Vespucci and Hojeda. Vespucci s claims discredited by Las 
 Casas. The New World named. 
 
xxii DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 CHAPTER PAGES 
 
 IX DISCOVERIES OF THE CABOTS AND CORTEREALS 
 
 IN NORTH AMERICA 297-314 
 
 John Cabot advocates northwest passage to India. Henry VII. 
 grants patent of discovery. Departure of expedition from 
 Bristol. First landfall. Second expedition. Sebastian Cabot. 
 The discoveries of the Cabots. King Manoel issues patent 
 to Gaspar Cortereal. The first voyage and landfall. The 
 second voyage. Discoveries described. 
 
 X SPANISH EXPLORATION IN FLORIDA AND MEX 
 
 ICO ... 3 I 5-334 
 
 Extent of discovery in 1512. Ponce de Leon s expedition to 
 Florida. Troubles with natives. Cordova s discovery of 
 Yucatan. Grijalva leads an expedition to Yucatan. Mexico 
 reported to be the source of gold. An expedition under 
 Cortes sent to Mexico. Montezuma 1 s alarm. The Mexi 
 can envoys to Cortes. Description of temples at Cholula. 
 Journey to the capital. Interview between Montezuma and 
 Cortes. Features of the City of Mexico. Montezuma in 
 the hands of Cortes. Fall of the Mexican power. 
 
 XI SPANISH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR . 335-361 
 
 Francisco de Garay s exploration of the Gulf of Mexico ; 
 Pineda lands in Florida ; reaches Chila, near the mouth of 
 the Panuco j grant of Charles V. to Garay. Vasquez de 
 Ayllon s expedition ; intercourse with the natives of Chicora 5 
 Duharhe explored ; massacre of the exploring party. Magal- 
 haes s voyaged Panfilo de Narvaez leads another expedition 
 to Florida ; penetrates the interior ; distress of explorers ; 
 reaches the coast ; shipwrecked 5 Cabeza de Vaca and com 
 panions cast ashore ; wanderings among the Indians j arrival 
 in Mexico. De Soto s expedition; march in the interior j 
 conflict with natives ; reaches the coast ; journeys in the in 
 terior ; in winter quarters ; exploration resumed on the Mis 
 sissippi ; attempts to reach the Pacific ; death of De Soto ; 
 Luis de Moscoso abandons the search for the sea by way of 
 the Mississippi ; privations of the party ; again descends the 
 Great River ; reaches its mouth ; arrives in Mexico. 
 
 XII THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO FOR THE 
 
 FRENCH 363-385 
 
 Early French voyages to the west. Aubert and Verrazano 
 discover the St. Lawrence. Description of the natives of the 
 New World. Attempt to colonize Sable Island. Verrazano 
 
CONTENTS xxiii 
 
 receives patent of discovery from Francis I. ; coasts the At 
 lantic shores 5 intercourse with natives j enters large river and 
 lake (Hudson River and New York harbor) ; description of 
 country and inhabitants j limits of the voyage. Review 
 of result of discoveries. 
 
 XIII FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE NORTH . 387-414 
 
 Origin of name Canada. Jacques Cartier ; first expedition j 
 reaches Newfoundland and Bay of Chaleur. Second expedi 
 tion j reaches Baie des Chateaux j explores the Gulf of St. 
 Lawrence ; description of the shores 5 enters the St. Law 
 rence 5 natives of Stadacona (Quebec) ; sets out for Hoche- 
 laga ; scenery described ; friendly reception by natives ; 
 Hochelaga (Montreal) reached ; description of the settlement. 
 The Sieur de Roberval, Viceroy of New France ; colony at 
 Cap Rouge. The fur trajle. A new expedition. Samuel 
 Champlain ; firsT"voyage to Montreal ; second expedition 
 with De Monts ; third expedition ; alliances with natives 5 
 explorations of river St. Lawrence ; the impostor Vignau ; ex 
 ploration of Ottawa River ; sends Jean Nicolet to find the 
 Pacific Ocean. 
 
 XIV FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR . 415-428 
 
 State of colonization at the time of Champlain s death. Jean 
 Baptiste Talon. Frontenac. Joliet and Marquette commis 
 sioned to discover the passage to the South Sea j their journey 
 down the Mississippi ; intercourse with natives ; return to 
 Canada. La Saile discovers the mouth of the Mississippi ; 
 takes possession of the territory drained by it ; his death. 
 
 XV THE ENGLISH SEA KINGS 429-442 
 
 The basis of the English title to lands in the New World. 
 Slave trading. Voyage of Sir John Hawkins 5 succors Hugue 
 not colony in Florida. Sir Francis Drake reaches coast of 
 California ; intercourse with natives ; takes possession of terri 
 tory which he names New Albion. 
 
 XVI ENGLISH EXPLORATION IN VIRGINIA AND NEW 
 ENGLAND 443-461 
 
 The beginnings of English enterprise in North America. Sir 
 Humphrey Gilbert s charter ; his expeditions ; Newfoundland 
 formally acquired ; his death. Advocacy of the American 
 route to Cathay. Sir Walter Raleigh s charter } his expedi 
 tion to Virginia under Amadas and Barlow j the country 
 
xxiv DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 discovered named Virginia. Gosnold s colonizing voyage to 
 Massachusetts Bay. Weymouth s voyage. The London 
 Company. Settlement of Jamestown. John Smith s explo 
 rations. Lord Delaware arrives in Virginia. 
 
 XVII HENRY HUDSON AND DUTCH EXPLORA 
 TION 463-472 
 
 Hudson s nationality ; his voyage for the Dutch East India 
 Company ; his course southward ; returns northward to Dela 
 ware Bay 5 enters New York Bay ; sails up the Hudson ; 
 intercourse with natives. Dutch settlement on Manhattan. 
 The expeditions of Adrian Block, Hendrick Christiansen, 
 and Cornelius May. 
 
 XVIII THE SEARCH FOR THE NORTHWEST PAS 
 SAGE 473-502 
 
 Narrative of Frobisher s voyages and discoveries. Davis s 
 voyages. Henry Hudson s journal of his voyage. Baffin s 
 journal of his fifth voyage. Summary of discoveries and 
 explorations. The later explorations of Bering, Cook, Van 
 couver, Parry, Franklin, Ross, MacClure, McClintock, and 
 Kellett. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 53-56 
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 507-511 
 
DISCOVERT 
 
 AND 
 EXPLORATION 
 
 BRITTAIN 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES 
 
 THE record of the beginnings of American history, 
 unlike that of the origins of the history of the countries 
 of the Old World, is established and attested by contem 
 poraneous documents. With the exception of the voyages 
 with which the present chapter will deal, the discovery, 
 the peopling, the development of America went on under the 
 eyes of scholars who carefully recorded the great events 
 of their time. They noted the circumstances attending 
 the movements which opened a new world to European 
 emigration and commerce; and we have inherited their 
 descriptions. There is nothing vague and uncertain, none 
 of the mists of antiquity, about the history of America. 
 The New World was born in the full sight of all men. 
 All that corresponds to the mass of doubtful legend and 
 problematical tradition with which the histories of other 
 countries begin is found solely in the notices of pre- 
 Columbian voyages to the West. These latter are without 
 great importance. From this verdict, however, we except 
 the explorations of the Norsemen, in regard to which there 
 is good documentary evidence. But as no social or political 
 development followed these casual voyages, they demand 
 nothing more than a referential treatment in a history of 
 America. What of importance adheres to them results 
 solely from the fact that they kept alive among the scien 
 tists and seamen of Europe a curiosity concerning what 
 
 3 
 
4 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 might lie on the western confines of the Atlantic. Colum 
 bus inherited the knowledge of certain theories and facts 
 upon which he based his belief in the possibility of reach 
 ing India by sailing westward. In the study of the ideas 
 and happenings which eventually led to the discovery of 
 America, it will be necessary for us to revert to the fountain 
 head of geographical science, which, like all the beginnings 
 of western philosophy and history, is found in that old 
 civilization which once fringed the Mediterranean Sea. It 
 was there that man began to form scientific conceptions 
 regarding the shape of the earth and the number and variety 
 of its inhabitants. These theories were crude in the ex 
 treme; but in course of time they approached such accuracy 
 as to be of practical value to explorers. Chief among such 
 developments of the human mind, and leading to the great 
 result which we are to study, was the improvement in the 
 science of navigation. 
 
 From the paddle to the sail was a marvellous advance in 
 all that pertains to human progress. Exactly when it was 
 made can never be ascertained. Once employed as a means 
 of propulsion, however, the wind proved itself to be a potent 
 engine in the work of advancing civilization by the develop 
 ment of commerce. u The adoption of sails gave wings to 
 the human race." Light craft, laden with valuable cargo 
 and adventurous passengers, could now find their way to 
 every harbor; albeit for lack of compass and sextant those 
 who steered them were obliged to depend upon their obser 
 vation of the stars. Thus it came about that centres of 
 activity multiplied, and in bustling marts like those of Tyre 
 and Sidon riches accumulated, and the knowledge of limits 
 was widened through external intercourse. That the foun 
 dation of this knowledge of the world should have been laid 
 by the Semitic race was most natural. Born traders, we 
 do not here refer to the pastoral Israelites, their situa 
 tion was in every way favorable for the cultivation of their 
 hereditary gifts, while natural curiosity and eager interest 
 ever stimulated them to fresh activity. 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES 5 
 
 In consequence of this knowledge, and impelled by these 
 motives, as early as six hundred years before the begin 
 ning of our era, Phoenician sailors doubled Cape of Good 
 Hope, returning from the African coast by way of the 
 Pillars of Hercules and Straits of Gibraltar. Not less re 
 markable was the voyage made by one Hanno, a Cartha 
 ginian, who reached Sierra Leone on the coast of West 
 Africa, as the extant Greek version of a contemporary 
 tablet still testifies. The knowledge thus gained was not 
 only an influential factor in broadening the vision of Orien 
 tal minds, but provided a vantage from which the Hellenic 
 intellect to which it descended might take new flight. 
 
 Between, what the Greeks actually knew of geography 
 and those empirical notions regarding the shape of the earth 
 that formed such a characteristic part of their philosophy, 
 it is well to draw a broad line of demarcation. And it is 
 interesting to watch the development of their geographic 
 knowledge as culture gradually emerged from the intel 
 lectual haze of early times. Striking is the contrast, for 
 example, between the intellectual attitude of the Homeric 
 Age and the conceptions which were arrived at by the 
 penetrating speculations of men like Aristotle and Plato. 
 That the earth was a vast plain stretching from the ^gean 
 Sea to the river Oceanus was to the primitive Greek one of 
 the most natural ideas imaginable. What lay on the other 
 side of Oceanus, the unknown river that swept the borders 
 of an Atlas-propped world? Tartarus, a mythical region 
 affording a boundless field for the play of Greek imagination. 
 
 Meanwhile, geographical knowledge was continually being 
 fostered, especially by the Greeks of Asia Minor, as new 
 colonies were planted and the expansion of commerce im 
 pelled the trading classes to visit other lands. To the 
 practical need for ascertaining the shape of the earth there 
 was added the persistent curiosity of the race in regard to 
 lands and peoples other than their own ; consequently, his 
 torians like Herodotus could not refrain from enlivening 
 their narratives with geographical and ethnical descriptions. 
 
6 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 These were more often based on what they imagined than 
 on what they actually knew. 
 
 Just who it was that first taught the doctrine of the 
 earth s sphericity appears to be doubtful. It may have 
 been Pythagoras. At all events, it was a favorite idea of 
 the school that adopted his name, and was by it transmitted 
 to succeeding philosophers, including Aristotle and Plato, 
 who not only demonstrated its truth from the shadow of 
 the earth at lunar eclipses, as well as from other natural 
 phenomena, but were even able, in a practical way, to 
 impress their views upon the minds of their contempora 
 ries : For instance, the Atlantis described by Plato was in 
 popular estimation the scene of some of the most celebrated 
 exploits of the Athenians. This mysterious continent lay 
 over against the Pillars of Hercules. Its existence is so 
 enveloped in clouds of fable as almost to relegate it to the 
 category of fiction. In size it was supposed to be of an 
 area larger than that of Libya and Asia combined. All 
 through ancient and mediaeval history the tragic story of 
 Atlantis maintained a strong hold on the popular imagina 
 tion. It may have been based on traditions of a land sub 
 merged by the ocean, or upon some faint knowledge 
 sometime possessed by the ancients, but ever growing 
 dimmer that at the antipodes there were lands peopled 
 with beings like themselves, interested in like matters and 
 swayed by similar impulses, but between whom and them 
 selves there yawned what seemed to be an impassable gulf. 
 
 With Aristotle we come to firmer ground. To him the 
 sphericity of the earth appealed as something more than an 
 idea based on the conception of a perfect form, as it had 
 done to the Pythagoreans. Indeed, it is to Aristotle, more 
 than to any other man of antiquity, that we are indebted 
 for those teachings which were destined eventually to guide 
 Columbus across the Atlantic. Aristotle declared that 
 "those persons who connect the region in the neighbor 
 hood of the Pillars of Hercules with that towards India, and 
 who assert that in this way the sea is one, do not assert 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES j 
 
 things very impossible." Then again, "the world as known 
 to us is really an island lying in the midst of the Atlantic. 
 Probably there are other similar worlds, some larger than 
 ours, some smaller, separated from it by the sea." 
 
 Far more practical than either Plato or Aristotle was 
 Eudoxus of Cnidos, who not only proved mathematically 
 the globular shape of the world, but divided it into two 
 temperate zones and one torrid. The Greeks were able to 
 turn such knowledge and what had already been gained by 
 travel to practical advantage when fitting out commercial 
 expeditions such as those organized under the guidance of 
 the Ptolemies. Great military campaigns, moreover, espe 
 cially those of Alexander, who really opened the East to 
 the West, were also a ready means of collecting and dis 
 seminating geographical knowledge. Pytheas of Massalia, 
 as early as B.C. 350, had visited the amber coast of the 
 Baltic, as well as the tin mines of Britain, thus familiarizing 
 his countrymen with the northern parts of Europe. 
 
 Numerous groups of scientists, not only in Athens, but 
 later on in Alexandria, the centre of a new Greek world, 
 were quick to avail themselves of the rich material they 
 found ready to their hand. Chief of these was Strabo of 
 Amasia, who lived in the first century of the Christian 
 era. He it was who not only improved on the theory of 
 Aristotle, but went so far as to suggest the existence of a 
 western world with a latitude corresponding to that of the 
 eastern. 
 
 On the Tiber, geographical research, independent of what 
 was based on Greek authorities, never attained to very great 
 importance; for, possessing superior practical sense, the Ro 
 mans fell far short of their Hellenic kinsmen in all that de 
 pended upon the imagination and philosophic inquiry. This 
 fact becomes even more obvious when we look for traces 
 of Roman geographical knowledge based on pure reasoning 
 or original research. Men like Caesar, Tacitus, and Livy 
 were keen observers, and furnish us with no inconsiderable 
 amount of information regarding the countries of northern 
 
8 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 and western Europe. The bare fact, moreover, of world 
 empire was not without its visible impression, since the 
 rulers were obliged to know something about the lands of 
 those whom they governed. Nor were the long struggles 
 with the Carthaginians and other rivals without their in 
 fluence in fostering geographical knowledge among the 
 Romans. In Roman history, however, there were only 
 three names of men who are entitled to be ranked as emi 
 nent geographers. These are Pomponius Mela, Pliny, and 
 Ptolemy. But while Rome was widening the bounds of 
 the earth in a practical way, her learned men had received 
 from Greece the theory regarding the spherical shape of 
 the earth, which was adopted by writers like Cicero, Virgil, 
 Ovid, and Seneca and passed on by them in turn to the men 
 of the Middle Ages. In this way it eventually descended 
 to Columbus. 
 
 No more striking proof of this heritage of an idea could 
 be furnished than the fact that in 1410 the Medea of 
 Seneca along with his other tragedies was published at 
 Venice; and in the margin of the lines containing the 
 prophecy that one day the ocean would be crossed and new 
 lands discovered, Ferdinand, the son of Columbus, is said to 
 have written : " This prophecy was fulfilled by my father, 
 Christopher Columbus, the admiral, in 1492." 
 
 Even in the so-called Dark Ages of the mediaeval period 
 the classic theory of the earth s shape was never entirely 
 lost sight of. Referred to by some of the early patristic 
 writers, it acquired renewed importance when adopted by 
 the schoolmen. About the year 1266, for example, Roger 
 Bacon compiled in his Opus Majus all the Oriental and 
 classical knowledge relating to geography that he could 
 gather, as well as the arguments in favor of the possibility 
 of reaching Asia by sailing in a westerly direction from 
 some point of Europe. Almost two centuries later, namely 
 in 1410, appeared another mediaeval work that was to repre 
 sent the scientific knowledge of the day regarding the earth 
 and to popularize theories until then monopolized by the 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES 9 
 
 savants. This was the Imago Mundi of Cardinal d Ailly, 
 Bishop of Cambrai. It did not appear in printed form until 
 1490, but for eighty years manuscript copies of it circulated 
 rather freely, and one of them now exhibited in the Colum 
 bian Library at Seville was owned by Columbus. 
 
 The ultimate discovery of America, as will be more fully 
 pointed out in a later chapter, was one of the fruits of the 
 Renaissance. The fall of Constantinople in 1453, by 
 shutting up the principal route to India, rendered the dis 
 covery of a new passage to the East a matter of imperative 
 necessity. The trend of thought was in the right direction. 
 Already the Italian poets were singing of the true Hesperides 
 behind the setting sun, where gladness and abundance might 
 be had for the seeking. Dante in his Inferno tells how 
 Odysseus braved a hundred thousand perils in search of 
 new seas and lands; while Pulci, who flourished a century 
 afterward, predicts in his Morgante Maggiore that : 
 
 * Men shall descry another hemisphere, 
 Since to one common centre all things tend." 
 
 In the meantime, while geographers were theorizing as 
 to the possible existence of a land beyond the Atlantic, and 
 the poets, with their customary license, were taking it for 
 granted, Europeans were actually going thither. But these 
 visits were in almost every case accidental, and never under 
 such circumstances as to make colonization possible, with 
 out which intercourse could not be maintained. The mere 
 recital of the names and nationalities of those who are said 
 to have anticipated the work of Columbus forms a lengthy 
 list. Almost every country, ancient and modern, is repre 
 sented. There are those who profess to find in the 
 archaeological remains of Mexico and Central America 
 evidences which point to an original source in Egypt. 
 Many, arguing from the ancient commercial history of 
 the Orient, maintain that the western continent was not 
 unknown to the Phoenicians. There are theories, more 
 over, that America was discovered and peopled by the 
 
 
10 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Canaanites, the Arabians, the Lost Tribes of Israel, the 
 Chinese, Tartars, Iberians, Scythians, Basques, Japanese, 
 Welsh, Irish, and Norse. To the great majority of these 
 suppositions, though they may interest the argumentative 
 investigator, there can be made no claim of attention in 
 serious history. Of some of the individual adventurers, 
 however, who are mentioned by name, it is perhaps worth 
 while to speak. There were the two Celtic missionaries, 
 St. Maclou and St. Brandan, who are said to have crossed 
 the Atlantic, at different times and separately, during the 
 sixth century, reaching in safety some part of the American 
 coast. The ancient maps were marked with the island of 
 St. Brandan, a spot which he and his companions were 
 believed to have reached. It was "the fairest country that 
 any man might see, in which the trees are charged with 
 ripe fruit and flowers." Those who are interested in the 
 legend may find eight distinct versions of it in as many 
 different languages. The fullest is contained in William 
 Caxton s Golden Legend. 
 
 Not more probable is the account of Cibola, the country 
 of the seven wonderful cities, long believed to have been 
 founded in the eighth century by seven Spanish bishops, 
 but now judged to have been based on the flight of a Portu 
 guese archbishop to the Cape Verd Islands when the Arabs 
 invaded southern Europe. The island of the Seven Cities 
 was also known as Antilia, a name which the Spaniards 
 afterward, in the form of Antillas, bestowed upon the West 
 India Islands. Cibola had no more real existence than the 
 Eldorado of Sir Walter Raleigh; but both superstitions took 
 a firm hold on minds eager to gain wealth, and had their 
 effect in influencing the motives which led to the final 
 discovery and exploration of America. 
 
 Less popular than either of these legends was the reputed 
 visit, in the tenth century, of one Ari Marson, of Limerick, 
 Ireland, to a region he styled " White Man s Land." This 
 has-been thought by the credulous to have been America, 
 but a much larger and more sceptical group of historians 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES n 
 
 take it to indicate some remote portion of Europe. As 
 little importance may be attached to the traditional account 
 of the discovery of America by a Celtic prince. This 
 theory had the support of the poet Southey, who based 
 upon it his epic styled Madoc. According to a brief outline 
 of the story, Owen, King of North Wales, having died in 
 the year 1169, a dispute took place among his heirs regard 
 ing the succession to the throne; as an outcome of the 
 contention, Prince Madoc fled westward across the sea, 
 finding his way, in the succeeding year, to the shores of 
 America. He is represented as having been so well pleased 
 with the country, that on his return to Wales he left some 
 of his companions behind in order to occupy the land, but 
 was never again heard of by them. A host of other apoc 
 ryphal voyagers before Columbus come trooping before the 
 mind s eye. We have, for example, stories like those of 
 the Venetian brothers, Vacino and Guido Vivaldo, who, 
 in the opinion of some authorities, found their way late in 
 the thirteenth century to this side of the Atlantic ; of Nicolo 
 and Antonio Zeno, who, a century later, made important 
 voyages in the waters of the Western Hemisphere, their 
 alleged discoveries confirming those of an earlier four 
 teenth century shipwrecked fisherman of "Frislanda"; of 
 the storm-tossed Cortereal; of the Polish pilot Szolkny; 
 of Martin Behaim; of Cousin and Pizen of Dieppe. Of 
 greater interest is the story of Alonso Sanchez de Huelva, 
 the pilot who is said to have died at the house of Columbus, 
 leaving in the latter s hands the journal of a voyage that 
 proved of inestimable service to the discoverer. 
 
 That accidental voyages were made to America long 
 before the advent of the great Genoese mariner is not only 
 possible, but in a high degree probable; for among the flotsam 
 and jetsam that in ages past drifted to the shores of our 
 continent there may have been more than one navigator 
 who had lost his bearings in the storm and stress of primi 
 tive modes of travel. The narration of their vicissitudes, 
 moreover, contributed in no slight measure to preserve and 
 
12 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 strengthen among the vast multitude the traditional convic 
 tion that across the seas there existed unknown lands and 
 races. But such belief was followed by no practical results. 
 As we have already seen, Europe is not the only conti 
 nent laying claim to the discovery of the Western Hemi 
 sphere. Of African pretensions some notice was taken in 
 our allusions to the supposed Egyptian origin of Aztec 
 civilization; while a mere glance at the map will readily 
 indicate the ease with which South America can be reached 
 from Africa. Nor is it necessary to mention in detail the 
 similarity existing between the fauna and flora of the two 
 continents. Turning meanwhile to the early relations that 
 may have obtained between Asia and America, conjecture 
 appears to assume an even more tangible nature, especially 
 when one perceives that the Aleutian Islands and Bering 
 Strait afford a natural causeway, so to speak, inviting immi 
 gration from the Orient. To employ the forcible words 
 of Justin Winsor, " there is hardly a stronger demonstra 
 tion of such a connection between the two continents than 
 the physical resemblance of the peoples now living on oppo 
 site sides of the Pacific Ocean." Nevertheless, there is little 
 that is ascertainable which can be said respecting the settle 
 ment of America by Asiatics, except that the conjecture is 
 certainly within the range of plausibility. More striking 
 than this is the alleged discovery of the Pacific coast by 
 Buddhist priests early in the fifth century of the present 
 era. This ought not to be passed over in silence, as there 
 are numerous cultural indications pointing to their influ 
 ence on the primitive religion and architecture of Mexico 
 and Central America. The first of these missions, if we 
 are to credit an unusually widespread legend, occurred as 
 early as the year 458. We are told that it was followed, 
 almost half a century later, by the visit of a certain Hui 
 Shen, a member of the college of priests at Cabul, at that 
 time a centre of the Buddhist propaganda, who not only 
 succeeded in reaching Alaska by way of Kamchatka, but 
 journeyed southward through a country to which he gave 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES 13 
 
 the name Fu-Sang. There is said to be a Chinese record 
 of this event. And, curiously enough, an old tradition 
 among the Mexicans contains an account of the mysterious 
 visit, long ago, of a white man, a " Fair God," by whom 
 their race was instructed in the elements of civilization, but 
 who finally vanished as suddenly and as inexplicably as he 
 had appeared where and whither no one was ever able to 
 relate. It is possible that Fu-Sang was America, but, on the 
 other hand, it was probably only Japan that Hui Shen visited. 
 
 With but one exception, it may be said of all the so-called 
 discoveries of America, either by Orientals or Occidentals, 
 before the time of Columbus, that they lack trustworthy 
 documentary evidence. Owing to this absence of the 
 highest order of proof, they are not to be regarded as coming 
 within the range of the ordinary historian. The single ex 
 ception just noted is the discovery of our continent in the 
 early part of the eleventh century by Norse mariners from 
 Greenland; and in support of this theory we have a con 
 siderable amount of cumulative proof. 
 
 The discovery of America by the Norsemen is a theory 
 that owes no small part of its popularity to the exertions 
 and scholarly attainments of one man, whose work on the 
 antiquities of his race may well be called a monument to his 
 genius. We refer to Professor Karl Christian Rafn and 
 his Antiquitates Americana. The universal enthusiasm which 
 greeted the first appearance of this book, in 1837, has since 
 to a certain degree subsided; but the work of this learned 
 Dane may even yet be called an epoch-making contribu 
 tion to historical science. Immediately giving an enormous 
 prominence to the long-current stories of early voyages to 
 Vinland, identified with America, it at the same time 
 aroused widespread popular interest in the folklore, litera 
 ture, and history of ancient Scandinavian peoples. As was 
 perhaps natural in view of the novelty of the subject, a 
 primary result of Rafn s widely heralded thesis was a diminu 
 tion at first of the glory of Columbus. But the inevitable 
 reaction at length set in, and now, while accepting as true 
 
I 4 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 much that is claimed for the exploits of the Norse adven 
 turers, we may still retain every whit of our admiration for 
 the unsurpassed achievement of the Genoese. 
 
 Engaged for many years in investigating the origins and 
 institutions of his people, Rafn had studied, with special 
 care, the traditionary accounts of explorations claimed to 
 have been made by hardy members of his race at the begin 
 ning of the eleventh century. Nor is it at all surprising to 
 find that these movements of the Norsemen in the Western 
 Hemisphere were very closely connected with the wanderings 
 of their race which resulted in the settlement of northern 
 Gaul by some of the stock, the conquest of a large portion 
 of Britain by other bands, the occupation of Iceland, and 
 the infusion of Norse blood into almost every nationality of 
 Europe. Why this happened and how it came about are 
 facts which are clear to the average student of history. 
 
 Down to the latter part of the ninth century, Norway 
 then of far greater territorial extent than it is in the present 
 day was composed of a number of petty kingdoms whose 
 chieftains were engaged in constant strife with one an 
 other. Finally, however, the revived idea of imperialism, 
 triumphing in the birth of the Holy Roman Empire with 
 Charlemagne for its head, gradually made its way to the 
 Scandinavian peninsula, as it had to England, to France, 
 and to almost every other part of Europe. The work of 
 national consolidation, as opposed to the separatist tenden 
 cies of feudalism, at once set in. To destroy in Norway 
 the political ascendency of the jarls, or barons, and con 
 struct in its place a central solidified government, organized 
 for the entire people, was the mighty task that fell to the 
 lot of Harold Fairhair. He approached the object of his 
 constructive statesmanship with so strong a hand that he 
 quickly overcame all his rivals on the mainland, as well as 
 the bold vikings ruling the Orkneys, Shetlands, Hebrides, 
 and the Isle of Man. The conquered jarls were not con 
 tent with their altered and humbled position; hence it is 
 not at all surprising to find that the triumph of the royal 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES I5 
 
 power was accompanied by that great Norse migration which 
 so profoundly affected the course of political events through 
 out a large part of the civilized world. The Norse people 
 made for themselves numerous and successive abodes in 
 consequence of these stirring episodes in their national his 
 tory. One such new home was soon afterward found 
 in Iceland. This was in the year 874. Snowland is what 
 the vikings first called the country, but the name was soon 
 afterward exchanged for that which it has since retained. 
 "There," to quote the words of the late John Fiske, "an 
 aristocratic republic grew up, owing slight and indefinite 
 allegiance to the kings of Norway. The settlement of 
 Iceland was such a wholesale colonization by communities 
 of picked men as had not been seen since ancient Greek 
 times, and was not to be seen again until Winthrop sailed 
 into Massachusetts Bay. It was not long before the popu 
 lation of Iceland exceeded fifty thousand souls. Their sheep 
 and cattle flourished, hay crops were heavy, a lively trade with 
 fish, oil, butter, skins, and wool, in exchange for meal and 
 malt, was kept up with Norway, Denmark, and the British 
 Islands; political freedom was unimpaired; justice was, for 
 the Middle Ages, fairly well administered ; naval superiority 
 kept all foes at a distance, and under such conditions the 
 growth of the new community was surprisingly rapid." 
 
 Not a mere material growth was this splendid progress 
 of Iceland. Under the favorable conditions thus described, 
 there was soon developed an intellectual vigor, of a most 
 robust character, which has an intimate bearing on the main 
 subject of this volume. It is during such stirring, hero- 
 breeding national movements as these that the best poetry 
 has ever been created. So there blossomed on the fjords 
 of Iceland, centuries before the days of Dante and of 
 Petrarch, a Norse literature which is especially interesting 
 to American readers, the Sagas, the name being derived 
 from an old Scandinavian word signifying " a story." De 
 pending on oral tradition, the Sagas were gradually elaborated 
 by successive generations until, in the twelfth century, the 
 
1 6 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORAriON 
 
 extended use of writing gave them permanent form. How 
 ever much this fact may put us on our guard, there is too 
 much corroborative proof of their main trustworthiness to 
 cause us either to reject or to consider them in any other 
 light than as a faithful mirror of contemporary thought and 
 history. Accordingly, it is easy to understand how the 
 Norsemen were led, step by step, to the American coast, 
 although it will always remain an impossible task to point out 
 with assured accuracy the precise places which they visited. 
 
 Since Greenland lies but two hundred and fifty miles 
 west of Iceland, its discovery and occupation naturally 
 follow the settlement of the latter country. Indeed, as 
 early as 876, or within two years after the settlement of 
 Iceland, a sailor was driven to the coast of Greenland by 
 adverse weather, and passed the winter there; but more 
 than a century elapsed before any attempt was made to 
 colonize it. In The Saga of Erik the Red, of which we 
 shall quote all that part bearing directly upon our subject, 
 is shown how the Norsemen first visited America inten 
 tionally and for purposes of advantage. 
 
 The manuscript containing The Saga of Erik the Red 
 was found in a monastery on the island of Flatey, in Ice 
 land. It was beautifully written upon parchment. There is 
 sufficient internal evidence to warrant the belief that it was 
 written between the dates 1387 and 1395. The Sagas which 
 it contained were undoubtedly the work of various hands. 
 That of Erik the Red, it is believed from the language and 
 construction, was originally written in the twelfth century. 
 Previous to that time this story, like all the Icelandic Sagas, 
 had been preserved by oral memorizing and repeated before 
 the chieftains and at public festivals by professional saga- 
 men. There is no difficulty, and there can be no reason 
 able doubt, in identifying Helluland with Newfoundland, 
 Markland with Nova Scotia^ and Vinland with New Eng 
 land. Indeed, the description of the coast is so accurate 
 that in the island between which and the ness Erik sailed 
 it is easy to recognize Nantucket. 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES 17 
 
 CONCERNING ERIK THE RED 
 
 A. D. 985 
 
 There was a man named Thorvald, a son of Osvald, a 
 son of Ulf-Oxne-Thorerfsson. Thorvald and his son Erik 
 the Red removed from Jaeder to Iceland; in consequence 
 of murder. At that time was Iceland colonrzed wide 
 around. They lived at Drange on Hornstrand : there died 
 Thorvald. Erik then married Thorhild, the daughter of 
 Jaerunda and Thorbjorg Knarrarbringa, who afterwards 
 married Thorbjorn of Haukadal. 
 
 Then went Erik from the north, and lived at Erikstad, 
 near Vatshorn. The son of Erik and Thorhild was called 
 Leif. But after Eyulf Soer s and Rafn the duellist s mur 
 der, was Erik banished from Haukadal, and he removed 
 westwards to Breidafjord, and lived at QExney at Erikstad. 
 He lent Thorgest his seat-posts, and could not get them 
 back again; he then demanded them; upon this arose dis 
 putes and frays between him and Thorgest, as is told in 
 Erik s saga. Styr Thorgrimson, Eyulf of Svinoe, and the 
 sons of Brand of Alptafjord, and Thorbjorn Vifilson assisted 
 Erik in this matter; but the sons of Thorgeller and Thor- 
 geir of Hitardal stood by the Thorgestlingers. Erik was 
 declared outlawed by the Thorsnesthing, and he then made 
 ready his ship in Erik s creek; and when he was ready, 
 Styr and the others followed him out past the islands. Erik 
 told them that he intended to go in search of the land, 
 which Ulf Krage s son Gunnbjorn saw, when he was 
 driven out to the westward in the sea, the time when he 
 found the rocks of Gunnbjorn. He said he would come 
 back to his friends if he found the land. Erik sailed out 
 from Snaefellsjokul; he found land, and came in from the 
 sea to the place which he called Midjokul; it is now called 
 Blaserkr. He then went southwards to see whether it was 
 there habitable land. The first winter he was at Eriksey, 
 nearly in the middle of the eastern settlement; the spring 
 
1 8 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 after repaired he to Eriksfjord, and took up there his abode. 
 He removed in summer to the western settlement, and gave 
 to many places names. He was the second winter at Holm 
 in Hrafnsgnipa; but the third summer went he to Iceland, 
 and came with his ship into Breidafjord. He called the 
 land which he had found Greenland, because, quoth he, 
 "people will be attracted thither, if the land has a good 
 name." Erik was in Iceland for the winter, but the sum 
 mer after went he to colonize the land; he dwelt at Brat- 
 tahlid in Eriksfjord. Informed people say that the same 
 summer Erik the Red went to colonize Greenland; thirty- 
 five ships sailed from Breidafjord and Borgafjord, but only 
 fourteen arrived; some were driven back, and others were 
 lost. This was fifteen winters before Christianity was 
 established by law in Iceland. "The same season Bishop 
 Frederick, and Thorvald the son of Kodran, departed from 
 Iceland." The following men, who went out with Erik, 
 took land in Greenland : Herjulf took Herjulfsfjord (he 
 lived at Herjulfsness), Ketil Ketilsfjord, Rafn Rafnsfjord, 
 Soelve Soelvedal, Helge Thorbrandsson Alptafjord, Thor- 
 bjornglora Siglefjord, Einar Einarsfjord, Hafgrim Hafgrims- 
 fjord and Vatnahverf, Arnlaug Arnlaugsfjord; but some 
 went to the western settlement. 
 
 BJARNI SEEKS OUT GREENLAND 
 A. D. 986 
 
 Herjulf was the son of Bard Herjulfson; he was kins 
 man to the colonist Ingolf. To Herjulf gave Ingolf land 
 between Vog and Reykjaness. Herjulf lived first at Drep- 
 stock. His wife was named Thorgerd, and Bjarni was 
 their son, a very hopeful man. He conceived, when yet 
 young, a desire to travel abroad, and soon earned for him 
 self both riches and respect; and he was every second 
 winter abroad, every other at home with his father. Soon 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES 19 
 
 possessed Bjarni his own ship ; and the last winter he was 
 in Norway, Herjulf prepared for a voyage to Greenland 
 with Erik. In the ship with Herjulf was a Christian from 
 the Hebrides, who made a hymn respecting the whirlpool, 
 in which was the following verse : 
 
 " O Thou who triest holy men ! 
 Now guide me on my way ; 
 Lord of the earth s wide vault, extend 
 Thy gracious hand to me." 
 
 Herjulf lived at Herjulfsness; he was a very respectable 
 man. Erik the Red lived at Brattahlid ; he was the most 
 looked up to, and every one regulated themselves by him. 
 These were Erik s children : Leif, Thorvald, and Thor- 
 stein ; but his daughter was called Freydis ; she was married 
 to a man who was named Thorvard; they lived in Garde, 
 where is now the Bishop s seat ; she was very haughty, but 
 Thorvard was narrow-minded; she was married to him 
 chiefly on account of his money. Heathen were the people 
 in Greenland at this time. Bjarni came to Eyrar with his 
 ship the summer of the same year in which his father had 
 sailed away in spring. These tidings appeared serious to 
 Bjarni, and he was unwilling to unload his ship. Then his 
 seamen asked him what he would do; he answered that he 
 intended to continue his custom, and pass the winter with 
 his father : " And I will," said he, " bear for Greenland, if 
 ye will give me your company." All said that they would 
 follow his counsel. Then said Bjarni : " Imprudent will 
 appear our voyage, since none of us has been in the Green 
 land ocean." However, they put to sea so soon as they 
 were ready, and sailed for three days, until the land was out 
 of sight under the water; but then the fair wind fell, and 
 there arose north winds and fogs, and they knew not where 
 they were; and thus it continued for many days. After 
 that saw they the sun again, and could discover the sky ; 
 they now made sail and sailed for that day, before they saw 
 land, and counselled with each other about what land that 
 
20 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 could be, and Bjarni said that he thought it could not be 
 Greenland. They asked whether he wished to sail to this 
 land or not. "My advice is," said he, "to sail close to the 
 land;" and so they did, and soon saw that the land was 
 without mountains, and covered with wood, and had small 
 height. Then left they the land on their larboard side, and 
 let the stern turn from the land. Afterwards they sailed 
 two days before they saw another land. They asked if 
 Bjarni thought that this was Greenland, but he said that 
 he as little believed this to be Greenland as the other; 
 "because in Greenland are said to be very high ice-hills." 
 They soon approached the land, and saw that it was a flat 
 land covered with wood. Then the fair wind fell, and the 
 sailors said that it seemed to them most advisable to land 
 there ; but Bjarni was unwilling to do so. They pretended 
 that they were in want of both wood and water. "Ye have 
 no want of either of the two," said Bjarni ; for this, how 
 ever, he met with some reproaches from the sailors. He 
 bade them make sail, and so was done; they turned the 
 prow from the land, and, sailing out into the open sea for 
 three days, with a southwest wind, saw then the third 
 land; and this land was high, and covered with mountains 
 and ice-hills. Then asked they whether Bjarni would land 
 there, but he said that he would not : " for to me this 
 land appears little inviting." Therefore did they not lower 
 the sails, but held on along this land, and saw that it was 
 an island; again turned they the stern from the land, and 
 sailed out into the sea with the same fair wind; but the 
 breeze freshened, and Bjarni then told them to shorten sail, 
 and not sail faster than their ship and ship s gear could hold 
 out. They sailed now four days, when they saw the fourth 
 land. Then asked they Bjarni whether he thought that this 
 was Greenland, or not. Bjarni answered: "This is the 
 most like Greenland, according to what I have been told 
 about it, and here will we steer for land." So did they, and 
 landed in the evening under a ness ; and there was a boat 
 by the ness, and just here lived Bjarni s father, and from 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES 2 I 
 
 him has the ness taken its name, and is since called Her- 
 julfsness. Bjarni now repaired to his father s, and gave up 
 seafaring, and was with his father so long as Herjulf lived, 
 and afterwards he dwelt there after his father. 
 
 VOYAGE OF LEIF ERIKSON 
 Here beginneth the Narrative of the Greenlanders. 
 
 The next thing now to be related is, that Bjarni Herjulf- 
 son went out from Greenland, and visited Erik Jarl, and the 
 Jarl received him well. Bjarni told about his voyages, that 
 he had seen unknown lands, and people thought that he had 
 shown no curiosity, when he had nothing to relate about 
 these countries, and this became somewhat a matter of 
 reproach to him. Bjarni became one of the Jarl s courtiers, 
 and came back to Greenland the summer after. There was 
 now much talk about voyages of discovery. Leif, the son 
 of Erik the Red, of Brattahlid, went to Bjarni Herjulfson, 
 and bought the ship of him, and engaged men for it, so that 
 there were thirty-five men in all. Leif asked his father 
 Erik to be the leader on the voyage; but Erik excused 
 himself, saying that he was now pretty well stricken in 
 years, and could not now, as formerly, hold out all the 
 hardships of the sea. Leif said that still he was the one 
 of the family whom good fortune would soonest attend ; 
 and Erik gave in to Leif s request, and rode from home so 
 soon as they were ready ; and it was but a short way to the 
 ship. The horse stumbled that Erik rode, and he fell off 
 and bruised his foot. Then said Erik : " It is not ordained 
 that I should discover more countries than that which we 
 now inhabit, and we should make no further attempt in 
 company." Erik went home to Brattahlid; but Leif re 
 paired to the ship, and his comrades with him, thirty-five 
 men. There was a southern on the voyage, who was named 
 Tyrker. Now prepared they their ship, and sailed out into 
 
22 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 the sea when they were ready, and then found that land 
 first which Bjarni had found last. There sailed they to the 
 land, and cast anchor, and put off boats, and went ashore, 
 and saw there no grass. Great icebergs were over all up 
 the country ; but like a plain of flat stones was all from the 
 sea to the mountains, and it appeared to them that this land 
 had no good qualities. Then said Leif: "We have not 
 done like Bjarni about this land, that we have not been upon 
 it; now will I give the land a name, and call it HELLULAND." 
 Then went they on board, and after that sailed out to sea, 
 and found another land; they sailed again to the land, and 
 cast anchor, then put off boats and went on shore. This 
 land was flat, and covered with wood, and white sands 
 were far around where they went, and the shore was low. 
 Then said Leif: "This land shall be named after its quali 
 ties, and called MARKLAND" [woodland]. They then im 
 mediately returned to the ship. Now sailed they thence 
 into the open sea with a north-east wind, and were two 
 days at sea before they saw land, and they sailed thither 
 and came to an island which lay to the eastward of the 
 land, and went up there, and looked round them in good 
 weather, and observed that there was dew upon the grass; 
 and it so happened that they touched the dew with their 
 hands, and raised the fingers to the mouth, and they thought 
 that they had never before tasted anything so sweet. 
 
 After that they went to the ship, and sailed into a sound, 
 which lay between the island and a ness [promontory], 
 which ran out to the eastward of the land ; and then steered 
 westwards past the ness. It was very shallow at ebb tide, 
 and their ship stood up, so that it was far to see from the 
 ship to the water. 
 
 But so much did they desire to land, that they did not 
 give themselves time to wait until the water again rose 
 under their ship, but ran at once on shore, at a place where 
 a river flows out of a lake; but so soon as the waters rose 
 up under the ship, then took they boats and rowed to the 
 ship and floated it up to the river, and thence into the lake, 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES 23 
 
 and there cast anchor, and brought up from the ship their 
 skin cots, and made there booths. 
 
 After this took they counsel, and formed the resolution 
 of remaining there for the winter, and built there large 
 houses. There was no want of salmon either in the river 
 or in the lake, and larger salmon than they had before 
 seen. The nature of the country was, as they thought, so 
 good, that cattle would not require house-feeding in winter, 
 for there came no frost in winter, and little did the grass 
 wither there. Day and night were more equal than in 
 Greenland or Iceland, for on the shortest day was the sun 
 above the horizon from half-past seven in the forenoon till 
 half-past four in the afternoon. 
 
 But when they had done with the house-building, Leif 
 said to his comrades : " Now will I divide our men into 
 two parts, and have the land explored; and the half of 
 the men shall remain at home at the house, while the other 
 half explore the land; but, however, not go further than 
 that they can come home in the evening, and they should 
 not separate." Now they did so for a time, and Leif 
 changed about, so that the one day he went with them, 
 and the other remained at home in the house. Leif was a 
 great and strong man, grave and well favored, therewith 
 sensible and moderate in all things. 
 
 LEIF THE LUCKY FOUND FOLK UPON A ROCK 
 IN THE SEA 
 
 It happened one evening that a man of the party was 
 missing, and this was Tyrker the German. This took 
 Leif much to heart, for Tyrker had been long with his 
 father and him, and loved Leif much in his childhood. 
 Leif now took his people severely to task, and prepared to 
 seek for Tyrker, and took twelve men with him. But 
 when they had gotten a short way from the house, then 
 came Tyrker towards them, and was joyfully received. 
 Leif soon saw that his foster-father was not in his right 
 
24 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 senses. Tyrker had a high forehead and unsteady eyes, 
 was freckled in the face, small and mean in stature, but 
 excellent in all kinds of artifice. Then said Leif to him: 
 "Why wert thou so late, my fosterer, and separated from 
 the party ? " He now spoke first, for a long time in Ger 
 man, and rolled his eyes about to different sides, and twisted 
 his mouth; but they did not understand what he said. After 
 a time he spoke Norse. "I have not been much further 
 off", but still have something new to tell of; I found vines 
 and grapes." " But is that true, my fosterer?" quoth Leif. 
 " Surely it is true," replied he, " for I was bred up in a land 
 where there is no want of either vines or grapes." They slept 
 now for the night, but in the morning Leif said to his sailors : 
 " We will now set about two things, in that the one day we 
 gather grapes, and the other day cut vines and fell trees, so 
 from thence will be a loading for my ship ; " and that was the 
 counsel taken, and it is said their long-boat was filled with 
 grapes. Now was a cargo cut down for the ship, and when 
 the spring came they got ready and sailed away; and Leif gave 
 the land a name after its qualities, and called it VINLAND. 
 
 They sailed now into the open sea, and had a fair wind 
 until they saw Greenland, and the mountains below the 
 joklers. Then a man put in his word and said to Leif: 
 "Why do you steer so close to the wind?" Leif an 
 swered : " I attend to my steering, and something more ; 
 and can ye not see anything ? " They answered that they 
 could not observe anything extraordinary. " I know not," 
 said Leif, " whether I see a ship or a rock." Now looked 
 they, and said it was a rock. But he saw so much sharper 
 than they, that he perceived there were men upon the rock. 
 " Now let us," said Leif, " hold our wind, so that we come 
 up to them, if they should want our assistance; and the 
 necessity demands that we should help them; and if they 
 should not be kindly disposed, the power is in our hands, 
 and not in theirs." Now sailed they under the rock, and 
 lowered their sails, and cast anchor, and put out another 
 little boat, which they had with them. Then asked Tyrker 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES 2 $ 
 
 who their leader was. He called himself Thorer, and said 
 he was a Northman. "But what is thy name?" said he. 
 Leif told his name. u Art thou a son of Erik the Red, 
 of Brattahlid ? " quoth he. Leif answered that so it was. 
 " Now will I," said Leif, "take ye all on board my ship, 
 and as much of the goods as the ship can hold." They 
 accepted the offer, and sailed thereupon to Eriksfjord with 
 the cargo ; and thence to Brattahlid, where they unloaded the 
 ship. After that, Leif invited Thorer and his wife Gudrid, 
 and three other men to stop with him, and got berths for 
 the other seamen, as well Thorer s as his own, elsewhere. 
 Leif took fifteen men from the rock; he was, after that, 
 called Leif the Lucky. Leif had now earned both riches 
 and respect. The same winter came a heavy sickness among 
 Thorer s people, and carried off as well Thorer himself as 
 many of his men. This winter died also Erik the Red. 
 Now was there much talk about Leif s voyage to Vinland ; 
 and Thorvald, his brother, thought that the land had been 
 much too little explored. Then said Leif to Thorvald: 
 "Thou canst go with my ship, brother, if thou wilt, to Vin 
 land ; but I wish first that the ship should go and fetch the 
 timber which Thorer had upon the rock;" and so was done. 
 
 Leif s experiences naturally gave rise to much discussion 
 in Greenland and prompted more than one effort to explore 
 further the region which he had visited. In 1002, Thor 
 vald Erikson coasted along the shores of a country which 
 he called Kjalarness, but perished during the voyage, as is 
 recorded in the Saga. The most energetic attempt, how 
 ever, to gain additional knowledge regarding Vinland was 
 made about the year 1007, by Thorfinn Karlsefne, who 
 took with him a small fleet and a considerable band of men. 
 The regions called Helluland, Markland, and Vinland were 
 successively visited, and, as we shall see in the Saga which 
 follows, there is no difficulty in identifying the last-named 
 country, with its " self-sowen fields of wheat " and its abun 
 dance of wild grapes, with the fertile shores of Rhode Island. 
 
26 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 SAGA OF THORFINN KARLSEFNE 
 
 Genealogy of Thorfinn Karlsefne, his Voyage to Greenland, and 
 Marriage with Gudrid, the Widow of Tb or stein Erik son. 
 
 CONCERNING THORD OF HOFDA 
 
 There was a man named Thord, who lived at Hofda in 
 Hofda strand; he married Fridgerda, daughter of Thorer 
 Hyma, and Fridgerda, daughter of Kjarval, king of the 
 Irish. Thord was the son of Bjarni Byrdufmjor, son of 
 Thorvald Ryg, son of Asleik, son of Bjarni Jarnsid, son 
 of Ragnar Lodbrok. They had a son called Snorri; he 
 married Thorhild Rjupa, daughter of Thord Cellar; their 
 son was Thord Hesthofdi. Thord s son was named 
 THORFINN KARLSEFNE; Thorfinn s mother was called 
 Thorum. Thorfinn took to trading voyages, and was 
 thought an able seaman and merchant. One summer 
 Karlsefne fitted out his ship, and purposed a voyage to 
 Greenland. Snorri Thorbrandson, of Alptafjord, went with 
 him, and there were forty men in the ship. There was a 
 man called Bjarni Grimolfson, of Breidafjord; another 
 called Thorhall Gamlason, an Eastfjordish man ; they fitted 
 out their ship the same summer for Greenland : there were 
 also forty men in the ship. Karlsefne and the others put 
 to sea with these two ships, so soon as they were ready. 
 Nothing is told about how long they were at sea, but it is 
 to be related that both these ships came to Eriksfjord in 
 the autumn. Erik [Leif] rode to the ship together with 
 several of the inhabitants, and they began to deal in a 
 friendly manner. Both the ships captains begged Erik to 
 take as much of the goods as he wished ; but Erik, on his 
 side, showed them hospitality, and bade the crews of these 
 two ships home, for the winter, to his own house at Brat- 
 tahlid. This the merchants accepted, and thanked him. 
 Then were their goods removed to Brattahlid; there was 
 no want of large outhouses to keep the goods in, neither 
 plenty of everything that was required: wherefore they 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES 27 
 
 were well satisfied in the winter. But towards Yule Erik 
 began to be silent, and was less cheerful than he used to 
 be. One time turned Karlsefne toward Erik and said: 
 " Hast thou any sorrow, Erik, my friend ? people think to 
 see that thou art less cheerful than thou wert wont to be; 
 thou hast entertained us with the greatest splendor, and we 
 are bound to return it to thee with such services as we can 
 command ; say now, what troubles thee ? " Erik answered : 
 u Ye are friendly and thankful, and I have no fear as con 
 cerns our intercourse, that ye will feel the want of attention; 
 but, on the other hand, I fear that when ye come elsewhere 
 it will be said that ye have never passed a worse Yule than 
 that which now approaches, when Erik the Red enter 
 tained ye at Brattahlid, in Greenland." "It shall not be 
 so, Yeoman!" said Karlsefne; "we have in our ship both 
 malt and corn; take as much as thou desirest thereof, and 
 make ready a feast as grand as thou wilt ! " This Erik 
 accepted; and now preparation was made for the feast of 
 Yule, and this feast was so grand that people thought they 
 had hardly ever seen the like pomp in a poor land. And 
 after Yule, Karlsefne disclosed to Erik that he wished to 
 marry Gudrid, for it seemed to him as if he must have the 
 power in this matter. Erik answered favorably, and said 
 that she must follow her fate, and that he had heard nothing 
 but good of him; and it ended so that Thorfinn married 
 Thurid (Gudrid); and then was the feast extended; and their 
 marriage was celebrated; and this happened at Brattahlid, in 
 the winter. 
 
 THE VINLAND VOYAGE 
 
 In Brattahlid began people to talk much about that Vin- 
 land the Good should be explored, and it was said that a 
 voyage thither would be particularly profitable by reason of 
 the fertility of the land; and it went so far that Karlsefne 
 and Snorri made ready their ship to explore the land in the 
 spring. With them went also the before-named men called 
 Bjarni and Thorhall, with their ship. There was a man 
 
28 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 called Thorvard ; he married Freydis, a natural daughter of 
 Erik the Red; he went also with them, and Thorvald the 
 son of Erik, and Thorhall who was called the hunter; he 
 had long been with Erik, and served him as huntsman in 
 summer, and steward in winter; he was a large man, and 
 strong, black, and like a giant, silent and foul-mouthed in 
 his speech, and always egged on Erik to the worst : he was 
 a bad Christian : he was well acquainted with uninhabited 
 parts: he was in the ship with Thorvard and Thorvald. 
 They had the ship which Thorbjorn had brought out [from 
 Iceland] . They had in all one hundred and sixty men when 
 they sailed to the western settlement, and from thence to 
 Bjanney. Then sailed they two days to the south; then 
 saw they land, and put off boats, and explored the land, and 
 found there great flat stones, many of which were twelve 
 ells broad : foxes were there. They gave the land a name, 
 and called it HELLULAND. Then sailed they two days, and 
 turned from the south to the south-east, and found a land 
 covered with wood, and many wild beasts upon it : an island 
 lay there out from the land to the south-east; there killed 
 they a bear, and called the place afterwards Bear island, but 
 the land MARKLAND. Thence sailed they far to the south 
 ward along the land, and came to a ness ; the land lay upon 
 the right ; there were long and sandy strands. They rowed 
 to land, and found there upon the ness the keel of a ship, 
 and called the place Kjalarness, and the strands they called 
 Furdustrands, for it was long to sail by them. Then became 
 the land indented with coves; they ran the ship into a cove. 
 King Olaf Tryggvason had given Leif two Scotch people, 
 a man called Haki, and a woman called Hekja; they were 
 swifter than beasts. These people were in the ship with 
 Karlsefne; but when they had sailed past Furdustrands, 
 then set they the Scots on shore, and bade them run to 
 the southward of the land, and explore its qualities, and 
 come back again within three days. They had a sort of 
 clothing which they called kjafal, which was so made that 
 a hat was on the top, and it was open at the sides, and no 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES 
 
 2 9 
 
 arms to it; fastened together between the legs with buttons 
 and clasps, but in other places it was open. They stayed 
 away the appointed time; but when they came back, the 
 one had in the hand a bunch of grapes, and the other, a 
 new-sowen ear of wheat : these went on board the ship, 
 and after that sailed they farther. They sailed into a frith; 
 there lay an island before it, round which there were strong 
 currents, therefore called they it Stream island. There were 
 so many eider ducks on the island, that one could scarcely 
 walk in consequence of the eggs. They called the place 
 Stream frith. They took their cargo from the ship, and 
 prepared to remain there. They had with them all sorts 
 of cattle. The country there was very beautiful. They 
 undertook nothing but to explore the land. They were 
 there for the winter without having provided food before 
 hand. In the summer the fishing declined, and they were 
 badly off for provisions; then disappeared Thorhall the 
 huntsman. They had previously made prayers to God for 
 food, but it did not come so quick as they thought their 
 necessities required. They searched after Thorhall for three 
 days, and found him on the top of a rock; there he lay, and 
 looked up in the sky, and gaped both with nose and mouth, 
 and murmured something; they asked him why he had gone 
 there; he said it was no business of theirs; they bade him 
 come home with them, and he did so. Soon after came 
 there a whale, and they went thither, and cut it up, and no 
 one knew what sort of whale it was; and when the cook 
 dressed it, then ate they, and all became ill in consequence. 
 Then said Thorhall : " The red-bearded was more helpful 
 than your Christ; this have I got now for my verses that 
 I sung of Thor, my protector; seldom has he deserted me." 
 But when they came to know this, they cast the whole 
 whale into the sea, and resigned their case to God. Then 
 the weather improved, and it was possible to row out fish 
 ing; and they were not then in want of provisions, for wild 
 beasts were caught on the land, and fish in the sea, and eggs 
 collected on the island. 
 
3 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 OF KARLSEFNE AND THORHALL 
 
 So is said that Thorhall would go to the northward along 
 Furdustrands, to explore Vinland, but Karlsefne would go 
 southwards along the coast. Thorhall got ready, out under 
 the island, and there were no more together than nine men ; 
 but all the others went with Karlsefne. Now when Thor 
 hall bore water to his ship, and drank, then sung he this song: 
 
 " People told me when I came 
 Hither, all would be so fine ; 
 The good Vinland, known to fame, 
 Rich in fruits, and choicest wine } 
 Now the water pail they send ; 
 To the fountain I must bend, 
 Nor from out this land divine 
 Have I quaffed one drop of wine." 
 
 And when they were ready, and hoisted sail, then chaunted 
 Thorhall: 
 
 " Let our trusty band 
 Haste to Fatherland j 
 Let our vessel brave 
 Plough the angry wave, 
 While those few who love 
 Vinland, here may rove, 
 Or, with idle toil, 
 Fetid whales may boil, 
 Here on Furdustrand, 
 Far from Fatherland." 
 
 After that, sailed they northwards past Furdustrands and 
 Kjalarness, and would cruise to the westward; then came 
 against them a strong west wind, and they were driven 
 away to Ireland, and were there beaten, and made slaves, 
 according to what the merchants have said. 
 
 Now is to be told about Karlsefne, that he went to the 
 southward along the coast, and Snorri and Bjarni, with their 
 people. They sailed a long time, and until they came to a 
 river, which ran out from the land, and through a lake, out 
 into the sea. It was very shallow, and one could not enter 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES <$i 
 
 the river without high water. Karlsefne sailed, with his 
 people, into the mouth, and they called the place Hop. They 
 found there upon the land self-sowen fields of wheat, there 
 where the ground was low, but vines there where it rose 
 somewhat. Every stream there was full of fish. They 
 made holes there where the land commenced, and the waters 
 rose highest; and when the tide fell, there were sacred fish 
 in the holes. There were a great number of all kinds of 
 wild beasts in the woods. They remained there a half 
 month, and amused themselves, and did not perceive any 
 thing, [new] : They had their cattle with them. And one 
 morning early, when they looked round, saw they a great 
 many canoes, and poles were swung upon them, and it 
 sounded like the wind in a straw-stack, and the swinging 
 was with the sun. Then said Karlsefne: "What may this 
 denote ? " Snorri Thorbrandson answered him : " It may 
 be that this is a sign of peace, so let us take a white shield, 
 and hold it towards them ; " and so did they. Upon this the 
 others rowed towards them, and looked with wonder upon 
 those that they met, and went up upon the land. These 
 people were black, and ill-favored, and had coarse hair on 
 the head; they had large eyes and broad cheeks. They 
 remained there for a time, and gazed upon those that they 
 met, and rowed afterwards away to the southward, round 
 the ness. 
 
 Karlsefne and his people had made their dwellings above 
 the lake, and some of the houses were near the water, others 
 more distant. Now were they there for the winter; there 
 came no snow, and all their cattle fed themselves on the 
 grass. But when spring approached, saw they one morning 
 early that a number of canoes rowed from the south round 
 the ness ; so many, as if the sea were sowen with coal : 
 poles were also swung on each boat. Karlsefne and his 
 people then raised up the shield, and when they came 
 together, they began to barter; and these people would 
 rather have red cloth [than anything else]; for this they 
 had to offer skins and real furs. They would also purchase 
 
2 2 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 swords and spears, but this Karlsefne and Snorri forbade. 
 For an entire fur skin the Skraelings took a piece of red 
 cloth, a span long, and bound it round their heads. Thus 
 went on their traffic for a time; then the cloth began to 
 fall short among Karlsefne and his people, and they cut it 
 asunder into small pieces, which were not wider than the 
 breadth of a finger, and still the Skraelings gave just as 
 much for that as before, and more. 
 
 It happened that a bull, which Karlsefne had, ran out 
 from the wood and roared aloud ; this frightened the Skrael 
 ings, and they rushed to their canoes, and rowed away to 
 the southward, round the coast: after that they were not 
 seen for three entire weeks. But at the end of that time, 
 a great number of Skraelings ships were seen coming from 
 the south like a rushing torrent; all the poles were turned 
 from the sun, and they all howled very loud. Then took 
 Karlsefne s people a red shield, and held it towards them. 
 The Skraelings jumped out of their ships, and after this 
 went they against each other, and fought. There was a 
 sharp shower of weapons, for the Skraelings had slings. 
 Karlsefne s people saw that they raised up on a pole an 
 enormous large ball, something like a sheep s paunch, and 
 of a blue color; this swung they from the pole over Karl 
 sefne s men, upon the ground, and it made a frightful crash 
 as it fell down. This caused great alarm to Karlsefne and 
 all his people, so that they thought of nothing but running 
 away, and they fell back along the river, for it appeared to 
 them that the Skraelings pressed upon them from all sides; 
 and they did not stop until they came to some rocks, where 
 they made a stout resistance. Freydis came out and saw 
 that Karlsefne s people fell back, and she cried out : " Why 
 do ye run, stout men as ye are, before these miserable 
 wretches, whom I thought ye would knock down like 
 cattle ? and if I had weapons, methinks I could fight better 
 than any of ye." They gave no heed to her words. Frey 
 dis would go with them, but she was slower, because she 
 was pregnant; however, she followed after them into the 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES 33 
 
 wood. The Skraelings pursued her; she found a dead man 
 before her: it was Thorbrand Snorrason, and there stood a 
 flat stone stuck in his head; the sword lay naked by his 
 side; this took she up, and prepared to defend herself. 
 Then came the Skraelings towards her ; she drew out her 
 breasts from under her clothes, and dashed them against 
 the naked sword ; by this the Skraelings became frightened, 
 and ran off to their ships, and rowed away. Karlsefne and 
 his people then came up, and praised her courage. Two 
 men fell on Karlsefne s side, but a number of the Skraelings. 
 Karlsefne s band was overmatched, and they now drew 
 home to their dwellings, and bound their wounds ; and they 
 thought over what crowd that could have been, which had 
 pressed upon them from the land side, and it now appeared 
 to them that it could scarcely have been real people from 
 the ships, but that these must have been optical illusions. 
 The Skraelings found also a dead man, and an axe lay by 
 him; one of them took up the axe, and cut wood with it, 
 and now one after another did the same, and thought it was 
 an excellent thing, and bit well; after that one took it, and 
 cut at a stone, so that the axe broke, and then thought they it 
 was of no use, because it would not cut stone, and they 
 threw it away. 
 
 Karlsefne and his people now thought they saw, that 
 although the land had many good qualities, still would they 
 be always exposed there to the fear of hostilities from the 
 earlier inhabitants. They proposed, therefore, to depart, 
 and return to their own country. They sailed northwards 
 along the coast, and found five Skraelings clothed in skins, 
 sleeping near the sea. They had with them vessels con 
 taining animal marrow mixed with blood. Karlsefne s 
 people thought they understood that these men had been 
 banished from the land; they killed them. After that came 
 they to a ness, and many wild beasts were there; and the 
 ness was covered all over with dung, from the beasts which 
 had lain there during the night. Now came they back to 
 Straumfjord, and there was abundance of everything that 
 
34 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 they wanted to have. It is some men s say, that Bjarni and 
 Gudrid remained behind, and a hundred men with them, 
 and did not go further j but that Karlsefne and Snorri went 
 southwards, and forty men with them, and were not longer 
 in Hope than barely two months, and the same summer 
 came back. Karlsefne went then with one ship to seek 
 after Thorhall the hunter, but the rest remained behind, 
 and they sailed northwards past Kjalarness, and thence 
 westwards, and the land was upon their larboard hand; 
 there were wild woods over all, as far as they could see, 
 and scarcely any open places. And when they had long 
 sailed, a river fell out of the land from east to west ; they put 
 in to the mouth of the river, and lay by its southern bank. 
 
 DEATH OF THORVALD, THE SON OF ERIK 
 
 It happened one morning that Karlsefne and his people 
 saw, opposite an open place in the wood, a speck which 
 glistened in their sight, and they shouted out towards it, 
 and it was a uniped, which thereupon hurried down to the 
 bank of the river, where they lay. Thorvald Erikson stood 
 at the helm, and the uniped shot an arrow into his bowels. 
 Thorvald drew out the arrow, and said : " It has killed me ! 
 to a fruitful land have we come, but hardly shall we enjoy any 
 benefit from it." Thorvald soon after died of this wound. 
 Upon this the uniped ran away to the northward ; Karlsefne 
 and his people went after him, and saw him now and 
 then, and the last time they saw him, he ran out into a bay. 
 Then turned they back, and a man chaunted these verses : 
 
 "The people chased 
 A Uniped 
 Down to the beach ; 
 But lo ! he ran 
 Straight o er the sea. 
 Hear thou, Thorfinn ! " 
 
 They drew off then, and to the northward, and thought 
 they saw the country of the Unipeds ; they would not then 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES 
 
 35 
 
 expose their people any longer. They looked upon the 
 mountain range that was at Hope, and that which they now 
 found, as all one, and it also appeared to be equal length 
 from Straumfjord to both places. The third winter were 
 they in Straumfjord. They now became much divided by 
 party feeling, and the women were the cause of it, for those 
 who were unmarried would injure those that were married, 
 and hence arose great disturbance. There was born the 
 first autumn Snorri, Karlsefne s son, and he was three years 
 old when they went away. When they sailed from Vin- 
 land, they had a south wind, and came then to Markland, 
 and found there five Skraelings, and one was bearded; two 
 were females, and two boys; they took the boys, but the 
 others escaped, and the Skraelings sank down in the ground. 
 These two boys took they with them; they taught them 
 the language, and they were baptized. They called their 
 mother Vathelldi, and their father Uvaege. They said that 
 two kings ruled over the Skraelings, and that one of them 
 was called Avalldania, but the other Valldidida. They said 
 that no houses were there; people lay in caves or in holes. 
 They said there was a land on the other side, just opposite 
 their country, where people lived who wore white clothes, 
 and carried poles before them, and to these were fastened 
 flags, and they shouted loud ; and people think that this was 
 WHITE-MAN S-LAND, or GREAT IRELAND. 
 
 Bjarni Grimolfson was driven with his ship into the Irish 
 ocean, and they came into a worm-sea, and straightway 
 began the ship to sink under them. They had a boat which 
 was smeared with seal oil, for the sea-worms do not attack 
 that: they went into the boat, and then saw that it could 
 not hold them all; then said Bjarni: "Since the boat cannot 
 give room to more than half of our men, it is my counsel 
 that lots should be drawn for those to go in the boat, for it 
 shall not be according to rank." This thought they all so 
 high-minded an offer, that no one would speak against it; 
 they then did so that lots were drawn, and it fell upon 
 Bjarni to go in the boat, and the half of the men with him, 
 
36 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 for the boat had not room for more. But when they had 
 gotten into the boat, then said an Icelandic man, who was 
 in the ship, and had come with Bjarni from Iceland : " Dost 
 thou intend, Bjarni, to separate from me here?" Bjarni 
 answered: "So it turns out." Then said the other: "Very 
 different was thy promise to my father, when I went with 
 thee from Iceland, than thus to abandon me, for thou saidst 
 that we should both share the same fate." Bjarni replied: 
 "It shall not be thus; go thou down into the boat, and I 
 will go up into the ship, since I see that thou art so desirous 
 to live." Then went Bjarni up into the ship, but this man 
 down into the boat, and after that continued they their 
 voyage, until they came to Dublin in Ireland, and told there 
 these things; but it is most people s belief that Bjarni and 
 his companions were lost in the worm-sea, for nothing was 
 heard of them since that time. 
 
 The Norse discovery of America bore no lasting fruit, 
 for the reason that it was, in every sense, premature. Colo 
 nization was not sufficiently encouraged in those far-off days 
 to permit a permanent settlement of Vinland. Gunpowder 
 had not yet come into use, and the Norsemen, far outnum 
 bered by the red men, did not possess the advantage of 
 those implements of modern warfare that later were to 
 stand the Spaniards, the English, and the French in such 
 good stead. Lacking this advantage, it was impossible for 
 the Norsemen to obtain a permanent foothold in the New 
 World. Their ignorance of the astrolabe and the compass 
 was sufficient to prevent that safe and regular navigation 
 which is essential to colonization. Political and economic 
 conditions were not such as to create the pressing need of 
 new highways for the world s commerce, or the immigration 
 of surplus European population. Printing, moreover, had not 
 yet been invented, so that wide publicity could not be given 
 to the discoveries made. All this is well put by Fiske, who 
 declares that " none of the Icelandic accounts of Markland 
 and Vinland betray a consciousness that these countries 
 
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES 
 
 37 
 
 belonged to a geographical world outside of Europe. There 
 was not enough geographical knowledge for that. They 
 were simply conceived as remote places beyond Greenland, 
 inhabited by inferior but dangerous people. The accidental 
 finding of such places served neither to solve any great 
 commercial problem nor to gratify and provoke scientific 
 curiosity." It remains for us now only to mention very 
 briefly what have been supposed to be relics of the Northmen 
 in America. The "Writing Rock," found near Taunton 
 River in Massachusetts, was long believed to bear Runic 
 inscriptions made by Thorfinn and his companions. But 
 the assertion made by Washington Irving that these were of 
 Indian origin has come now to be generally accepted. A 
 similar fate has overtaken the tradition which for a long 
 while accepted the "Skeleton in Armor" as evidence of the 
 visit of the vikings to this country; and the "Old Stone 
 Tower" at Newport, Rhode Island, has fared no better. 
 The Skeleton immortalized by Longfellow s poem is almost 
 without doubt that of an Indian. The Stone Tower can no 
 longer boast of a Norse origin, in face of the iconoclastic, 
 but indisputable, theory that it was built to serve the purpose 
 of a windmill by Governor Benedict Arnold in the latter 
 part of the seventeenth century. 
 
 These facts, however, do not affect the claim that Amer 
 ica was discovered by the Norsemen. This has ample basis 
 in the documents we have quoted. Notwithstanding the 
 fact that exploration went no further and colonization did 
 not succeed, the knowledge of Helluland, Markland, and 
 Vinland the Good did not entirely disappear from the 
 memory of the Norse who remained in Greenland. There 
 are many indications pointing to an intermittent communi 
 cation that was kept up with this country. The last Norse 
 man to undertake the voyage to America appears to have 
 been Erik Knupsen,who was appointed by Pope Paschall II. 
 " Bishop of Greenland and Vinland in partibus infidelium" 
 It was in 1121 that this prelate who may not inaptly be 
 called the first American bishop of the Roman Catholic 
 
38 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Church went on a voyage to explore the remote sections 
 of his diocese; but as he was never heard of again, it is 
 naturally supposed that he was lost at sea. 
 
 The Greenland colony itself eventually was subjected to 
 the shock of an invasion and perished before the onslaught 
 of the Eskimo. This took place in the fifteenth century. 
 But the ruins of the old cathedral at Gardar, together with 
 numerous other remains, proclaim to this day the early 
 European settlements in that uninviting part of the northern 
 hemisphere. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 EUROPE AND ASIA BEFORE THE TIME OF COLUMBUS 
 
 How LARGELY the idea of Asiatic wealth served as an 
 impelling motive in western exploration cannot be fully 
 comprehended unless the student of history has clearly in 
 mind the fact that until near the beginning of the Reforma 
 tion Europe had stood with its face in the direction of the 
 Orient. Europeans regarded this ancient and mysterious 
 civilization with mixed feelings of dread, ambition, covet- 
 ousness, and veneration. Hostility between the East and 
 the West had been coeval with known history and had pro 
 duced numerous memorable conflicts. Among the best- 
 Icnown facts of ancient history are the struggles between 
 the Greeks and the Persians, the victories of Alexander the 
 Great, and the relentless conflict between Rome and Car 
 thage. This antagonism was continued in the Middle Ages 
 by the Crusades and the endeavor to resist the westward 
 incursions of the Turks and other Asiatic hordes. Hardly 
 less important than the warfare it waged was that commerce 
 which Europe had carried on with the East from the earliest 
 times. It was this intercontinental traffic, throttled by 
 the rise of a robust militant religious sect in Asia, that 
 caused men in all parts of Europe to look for a new and 
 unhindered way by which they might reach the Oriental 
 market. What region of the East was it that so deeply 
 appealed to the commercial interests of Europe? India; but 
 more especially Cathay, or the country now known as China. 
 These lands and also Cipango, or Japan, had from earliest 
 
 39 
 
40 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 times been more or less known to the western world. It is 
 important to understand how the imagined fabulous re 
 sources of these countries appealed to the cupidity of Euro 
 pean nations; unless we appreciate this, we lose sight of a 
 prime factor which operated in the discovery of America. 
 
 Cathay represents for Europe rather a chapter in the 
 development of history and geography than a country. This 
 is illustrated by the fact that China, its modern equivalent, 
 was known to the ancient world under two entirely different 
 names. To those reaching its southern coasts by the ocean 
 route it was known as Sin, Chin, Sinae, China; but by those 
 who visited the land by the northern overland route it was 
 called Seres. In the Middle Ages, those who went by this 
 latter way called the country Cathay. Khitai is the name 
 by which the land is still known to the Russians and the 
 natives of Turkestan. (Yule s Cathay and the Way Thither. 
 Introductory Essay.) 
 
 As early as the fifth century, the Arabs had dealings with 
 the Chinese. The Euphrates was at that time navigable as 
 far up as Hira, southwest of ancient Babylon, opposite 
 the warehouses of which city were often anchored the 
 trading vessels of both India and China. Indeed, Chinese 
 ships were known to have frequented Aden, as well as the 
 mouths of the Indus and Euphrates, until late in the Middle 
 Ages, thus presenting a state of things in striking contrast 
 with that policy of exclusiveness which has distinguished 
 the Middle Kingdom during the past few centuries. But 
 it was in the days of Mongolian conquest, under the leader 
 ship of Jinghis Khan and a succession of renowned members 
 of his house, that Cathay, or China, became most familiar 
 to the nations of western Europe. (Howarth s History of 
 the Mongols, Part I., Chap, iii.) The Khitans were not in 
 reality Chinese, but were of Manchu origin ; it was by means 
 of conquest and consolidation of its hitherto autonomous 
 warring communities that northern Asia was thrown open 
 to Europeans as it had not been for ages. This was 
 the accomplishment of Jinghis Khan. The brilliant career 
 
EUROPE AND ASIA BEFORE COLUMBUS 41 
 
 of this ruler during the first quarter of the thirteenth cen 
 tury aroused both the admiration and the fear of the entire 
 West. Invading China from the north, he quickly overran 
 the valley of Yellow River, and after having conquered 
 much of the empire of the Chin he turned his victorious 
 arms against western Asia, which also soon passed under 
 his yoke. Jinghis Khan is one of the men who have 
 immensely influenced history, and even at this late date 
 the traces of his work are still to be found. But greater 
 than any military or political consequences of his achieve 
 ments were the awakening of thought and the stimulus 
 given to continental intercourse which resulted from this 
 contact between men reared in the neighborhood of the 
 dreary Gobi Desert and those who, for centuries, had 
 slumbered in the undisturbed enjoyment of their civilized 
 occupations along the canals and natural waterways of 
 northern China. This work of conquest, begun by Jinghis 
 Khan, was successfully carried on by Okkodai, his son and 
 heir, who not only overturned the Chinese dynasty, but 
 annexed to the possessions of the Khan all the provinces 
 south of Kiang River. This prepared the way for the 
 renowned Kublai Khan, grandson of Jinghis, who reigned 
 as Great Khan, or supreme lord, of the Mongols from 
 about 1259 to I2 94- His possessions included China, 
 Korea, Thibet, Cochin China, a large part of India, as 
 well as the Turkish and Siberian regions from the eastern 
 sea as far as the Dnieper; that is to say, he ruled over 
 nearly the whole of Asia. 
 
 It was the barbaric power and unparalleled magnificence 
 of this reign which did so much not only to excite the 
 wonder, but also to whet the curiosity and the ambition of 
 the Middle Ages. The men of the South were especially 
 moved, for they had heard already from Nestorian mission 
 aries, Catholic monks, Armenian merchants, and others, that 
 somewhere out in the East there lay a land whose cities 
 were teeming with inconceivable wealth. But of all the 
 travellers who visited Cathay during the thirteenth century, 
 
42 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 when the power of Kublai Khan was at its zenith, the 
 most celebrated was the Venetian adventurer, Marco Polo. 
 
 This man has been not inaptly called by some the Herod 
 otus of the Middle Ages, and by others the predecessor 
 of Columbus. Indeed, the name of Marco Polo has for 
 more than six centuries been accepted as that of a genius 
 of discovery and exploration. From his day to that of 
 Columbus the influence of this prince of travellers may 
 be clearly traced. It was he more than anyone else who 
 fired the imagination of the mediaeval period with pictures 
 of the glories of Cathay ; it was conceptions fostered by his 
 book that eventually inspired Columbus with an uncon 
 querable ambition to reach by a new and direct route the 
 country whose reported wealth excited the cupidity of all 
 Europe. It would be difficult to overemphasize the influ 
 ence exerted by Marco Polo s descriptions of Cathay and 
 Cipango in the ultimate discovery of America by the 
 Genoese mariner. All the dreams of cities sparkling with 
 unmeasured wealth that lured, like Ignl fatui, the Italians, 
 Spaniards, and Portuguese across uncharted seas and track 
 less wildernesses may be traced back to the career of this 
 Venetian at the court of the Great Khan. 
 
 Marco Polo came of a noble Venetian family. Andro 
 Polo, his grandfather, had three sons, Marco, MafFeo, and 
 Nicolo. The two latter appear to have been merchants, an 
 occupation not considered in those days, and in Italy, incon 
 sistent with nobility of birth. In the middle of the thirteenth 
 century, MafFeo and Nicolo Polo, while visiting Constanti 
 nople on business, bought a supply of jewelry and crossed 
 over into the realm of the Great Khan. Having disposed 
 of their goods, they prepared to leave the country, but were 
 prevented from so doing by civil war. The brothers then 
 chanced to meet a Tartar nobleman, who persuaded them 
 to visit the emperor s court, which they reached after a 
 year s journey. The Khan not only received them with 
 open hospitality, but in course of time sent them home 
 with a message to the Pope, asking him to send missionaries 
 
EUROPE AND ASIA BEFORE COLUMBUS 
 
 43 
 
 to the East. Reaching Venice after an absence of about 
 seventeen years, the Polo brothers found that the wife of 
 Nicolo, shortly after his departure, had given birth to a son, 
 whom she had named Marco. The brothers, having de 
 cided to return to the East, took young Marco with them, 
 together with two friars. The Great Khan was so well 
 pleased with the youth that he at once took him under his 
 special care and protection, and for many years showered 
 upon him every possible gift. While in the employ of the 
 Khan, Marco visited all parts of the realm and compiled a 
 vast amount of information regarding Asia. This he pre 
 served in the form of rough notes. ( Travels of Marco Polo, 
 edited by Thomas Wright; see Introduction.) After the 
 expiration of a number of years, Marco and his father and 
 uncle began to pine for home and obtained permission of 
 the Khan to go on a visit to Venice. While on their way 
 back to Italy, the Polos visited Ceylon, Java, Cochin China, 
 and other parts of the East, eventually reaching Venice with 
 threadbare garments stuffed with every sort of precious 
 stones. Marco Polo, having been captured and imprisoned 
 by the Genoese, procured his notes taken in the East, dic 
 tated them to a fellow prisoner, and the result was a volume 
 which was translated into almost every European language 
 and established Asia in western imagination as the region 
 where fortune could not fail to be achieved. 
 
 But dreams of avarice had not been the only motives 
 that directed the attention of the West to the East. To 
 the Crusades civilization owes a vast debt, not only for the 
 manner in which they united Latin Christianity against a 
 common foe, but also by reason of the higher standard of 
 living to which they introduced the West. The material 
 results of the Crusades cannot be too highly estimated. By 
 stimulating a desire for luxuries they helped to increase the 
 commerce of the nascent city republics of Italy. Of this 
 great mediaeval movement it may be said that it gave a wider 
 sweep to human interests and aspirations, it introduced into 
 Occidental countries those larger conceptions of the earth 
 
44 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 which fostered the spirit of discovery and exploration, it 
 swept away a feudalism which had become effete, it strength 
 ened the hands of the citizen estate, and it developed a mu 
 nicipal and royal power which in course of time became able 
 to initiate schemes for the development of great maritime 
 enterprises. 
 
 But for a long while the energy of Europe was expended 
 in resisting the invasion of the Seljuk Turks. Moreover, by 
 the successes of these latter, schemes of colonization were 
 frustrated and commercial intercourse with the East was 
 blocked. Paralyzed for years by this barbarian invasion, 
 European commerce slowly revived as the Teutonic and 
 Roman elements of a moribund civilization were gradually 
 fused into something resembling homogeneity. The civil 
 law, through that series of barbarian codes which so largely 
 supplanted the Corpus Juris, helped to promote the growth 
 of ideas regarding the binding force of contracts ; while the 
 Church, through its moral training and reinforced by canon 
 law, did much to unite western Europe into a confederation 
 of States whose political and religious ideals were essen 
 tially the same. The development of popular interests was 
 marked by the rise of two groups of towns created by the 
 trade which took the place of the commerce of antiquity. 
 The Hansa towns of the North owed their origin to the 
 growth of Teutonic States which had been carved out of 
 old imperial provinces; but the commerce of the East fos 
 tered the advancement of a number of Italian communities 
 which in course of time recalled the faded splendors of 
 Athens and Corinth. Of these the most important were 
 Venice and Genoa. 
 
 The wealth of Venice originally depended upon its trade 
 in salt and fish exceedingly important commodities in the 
 Middle Ages, when all the world observed Lent and fast 
 days. But the commerce of the city generalized and 
 expanded rapidly, particularly after the seventh century, 
 when a republican constitution was adopted. The time 
 came when Venetian ships found their way to all the ports 
 
EUROPE AND ASIA BEFORE COLUMBUS 45 
 
 of Europe and Asia. Aided by their advantageous location, 
 the industry of the Venetians early gained control of the 
 imports of the East, which constituted their town the empo 
 rium of southern Europe. These same advantages secured 
 for the " Mistress of the Adriatic " the privilege of transport 
 ing the Crusaders to the East; this gave her an enormous 
 advantage over Genoa, her most formidable commercial rival. 
 Another consummate stroke of policy resulted in the com 
 plete supremacy of Venetian interests throughout the Orient 
 and gave to Venetian shipping the unqualified rule of the 
 seas. Never heartily in sympathy with the Crusades, Con 
 stantinople had become jealous of the trading facilities en 
 joyed by the Venetians on the Black Sea, and toward the 
 end of the eleventh century began to put serious obstacles 
 in the way of their continuation. Incensed at this, the 
 Venetians succeeded in persuading the leaders of the Fourth 
 Crusade to attack Constantinople herself, and that city was 
 captured by them in 1204. Until this time the capital of 
 the Eastern Empire had been the centre of the trade of the 
 Levant, as well as mistress of the great western route to 
 Asia. The situation was now entirely changed, and the 
 commercial supremacy transferred to Venice. It is true, 
 however, that Venice did not long enjoy undisputed sway 
 over her extensive naval domain. The commerce of Con 
 stantinople was not to be annihilated at a blow. Amalfi, on 
 the Gulf of Salerno, one of the first communities in Italy 
 to win its independence by overthrowing the ducal power, 
 had for years been sending fleets to Egypt, Syria, and Greece. 
 Pisa also had shared in the Oriental trade until supplanted 
 by Genoa. In those cities were born the great discoverers 
 whose exploits are to claim our attention ; and the commer 
 cial enterprise and rivalry which have been briefly alluded to 
 provided to a large extent the force which was to send those 
 explorers forth. 
 
 Essential also to the present consideration are the great 
 mediaeval trade routes which were of such vital impor 
 tance, not only to the Italian republics, but to the entire 
 
46 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 civilized world. These routes, the arteries of material life, 
 must be kept in mind if we are to understand the effect 
 produced by the onward march of Islam. In the Middle 
 Ages the commerce of Europe appears to have been effected 
 by two distinct routes. The first of these was the Mediter 
 ranean route, which controlled the products of the East ; the 
 other was by way of the Danube, by which came the northern 
 and western traffic. The chief routes to Asia in the thirteenth 
 century numbered three ; they were as follows : first in im 
 portance was that from India and the west coast of Asia by 
 water past Basra on the Persian Gulf to Bagdad. From the 
 latter city merchants sailed along the Tigris until they 
 reached a point near Seleucia and Antioch, whence they 
 went to the Orontes, then to the coast of the Levant. 
 The second route followed the same course as the one just 
 described until the point of leaving the Tigris, and then 
 proceeded over the highlands of Asia Minor and Armenia 
 to the port of Trebizond on the Black Sea, where Venetian 
 vessels met those of Asia. In those days, Bagdad was an 
 important centre for both these routes ; and to it were sent, 
 not only the exports of Persia and Arabia, but also those 
 from Egypt and furthest India. The third great mediaeval 
 route between Europe and the East was from India to Aden, 
 by water, thence up the Red Sea to some convenient landing 
 place. Here the cargo was unloaded and transported over 
 land to the Nile, thence by river as far as Cairo. From 
 here it was shipped by canal to Alexandria, whence Vene 
 tian and Genoese fleets were ready to carry it to the West. 
 By these three routes Europe in the Middle Ages obtained 
 its supplies of spices, perfume, sugar, gum, cotton, silk, 
 precious stones, and the numerous other luxuries of tropical 
 lands. (Gibbin s History of Commerce in Europe?) 
 
 But there arose in the East a power destined to seize in 
 turn the key to each of these routes and eventually to 
 occupy Constantinople itself. The Turks began to be 
 heard of in the sixth century of the Christian era. From 
 being at first despised slaves of the Khan of Geougen, they 
 
EUROPE AND ASIA BEFORE COLUMBUS 
 
 47 
 
 in course of time, under bold leadership, rose to an impor 
 tant position through conquest in Asia. Devout Moham 
 medans, the Turks in the middle of the thirteenth century 
 gave birth to a new sect of their faith and race, known to 
 history as the Ottoman. These fanatical disciples of the 
 Koran swept with drawn scimitars through the Asiatic 
 continent, and, under leaders like Mohammed and Amu- 
 rath II., continued their triumphant march through a large 
 portion of the East, cutting off the trade hitherto carried on 
 by Christian countries. In 1453, the Turks captured Con 
 stantinople and thereby possessed themselves of the portal 
 through which passed the bulk of the Oriental traffic. 
 Under Mohammed II., the Ottoman Empire was firmly 
 established in the south; and as the realm of these enemies 
 of Christianity enlarged, European merchants visited Asia 
 with less and less frequency. What Eastern commerce 
 there was passed through the grasping hands of the new 
 rulers of Constantinople. 
 
 This aggrandizement of the Ottoman power was destined 
 to give a decisive turn to the course of history, by compel 
 ling Europe to find new expedients to meet the demands of 
 her own subsistence. Liberal sects of the Mohammedan 
 faith, like the Saracens and the Moors, had not only pro 
 moted intercourse between the two continents, but had 
 successfully fostered the arts and sciences. But the Otto 
 man Turk was another sort of being. Ignorant, brutal, 
 avaricious, in stretching his dominion across the Byzantine 
 Empire, he strangled simultaneously its material progress 
 and its intellectual life. There arose in Europe an imme 
 diate and universal desire to discover some all-water route to 
 the East, by which merchants could come and go without 
 molestation. This situation thrust into prominence the geo 
 graphical knowledge of antiquity, now made accessible a 
 good resulting from evil through the influence of Greek 
 scholars fleeing from Constantinople to the Italian cities. 
 Men began to turn to Ptolemy, Seneca, Strabo, Aris 
 totle, and Plato; and not only was their intellectual vigor 
 
48 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 benefited thereby, but in those old philosophers they found 
 intimations of that knowledge which their material position 
 was beginning to demand. Also, the accounts of the travels 
 of Marco Polo acquired a new importance. Is the earth 
 flat or round ? What is the relative proportion of land and 
 water? Can India be reached by some all-water route by 
 sailing either in an easterly or a westerly direction? Is it 
 possible to sail to Cathay or Cipango and there find the 
 supply of those luxuries of which there is growing in 
 Europe a conscious demand? These were the questions 
 which began peremptorily to require practical answers. 
 
 The rapid development of Europe after the thirteenth 
 century, following its intercourse with Oriental countries, 
 brought about by the Crusades, with the consequent expan 
 sion of commerce, the growth of national solidarity under 
 the concentrating power of the monarchical institution fast 
 supplanting the old feudalism, the revival of classical learn 
 ing, the invention of printing, with the resulting increase and 
 spread of knowledge, all contributed to quicken the mind 
 and imagination of European peoples to seek new fields of 
 speculation and action. But without better guiding appliances 
 exploration could go no further. Magnetic polarity had long 
 been known among the people of the Orient, but its use was 
 not applied to the guidance of mariners until the fourteenth 
 century. The reason for this is illustrated in a letter written 
 by Dante s tutor, Brunette Latini, to Guido Cavalcanti, 
 of Florence, in the year 1258. Describing a visit which 
 he paid to Roger Bacon, the philosophic monk at Oxford, 
 among other things he says : 
 
 " The Parliament being summoned to assemble at Oxford, 
 I did not fail to see Friar Bacon as soon as I arrived, and 
 (among other things) he showed me a black ugly stone, 
 called a magnet, which has the surprising property of draw 
 ing iron to it; and upon which, if a needle be rubbed, and 
 afterwards fastened to a straw, so that it shall swim upon 
 water, the needle will instantly turn toward the pole-star; 
 
Copyright, /yoj, bv George Barrie & Sons. 
 
 Prince Henry of Portugal, surnamed "The Navigator. 11 After 
 the miniature in the Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea 
 by Gomes Kames de A/urara, begun in 1448 and completed in 1453. 
 NO<T.V in the Bihlintheque Nationale, Paris. 
 
EUROPE AND ASIA BEFORE COLUMBUS 
 
 49 
 
 therefore, be the night ever so dark, so that neither moon 
 nor star be visible, yet shall the mariner be able, by the 
 help of the needle, to steer his vessel right. 
 
 "This discovery, which appears useful in so great a 
 degree to all who travel by sea, must remain concealed 
 until other times, because no master-mariner dares to use 
 it lest he should fall under a supposition of his being a 
 magician ; nor would even the sailors venture themselves 
 out to sea under his command if he took with him an 
 instrument which carries so great an appearance of being 
 constructed under the influence of some infernal spirit. 
 A time may come when these prejudices, which are of 
 such great hindrance to researches into the secrets of na 
 ture, will probably be no more; and then it will be that 
 mankind shall reap the benefit of the labors of such learned 
 men as Friar Bacon, and do justice to that industry and 
 intelligence for which he and they now meet with no other 
 return than obloquy and reproach." 
 
 From the beginning of the fourteenth century, the mari 
 ner s compass, having first come into use at Amalfi, gradu 
 ally spread until it became a recognized necessity among 
 seamen. The instrument known as the astrolabe, by which 
 altitudes could be taken, also received the attention of 
 scientists, until it reached perfection under the hands 
 of Martin Behaim in 1484. Now for the first time sailors 
 were enabled with confidence to leave the shore and land 
 ward marks and navigate the broad seas by the aid of these, 
 instruments. 
 
 Of the many great names belonging to this fruitful period 
 in the history of exploration, few stand out more con 
 spicuously than that scion of Portuguese royalty who is 
 known to the world as Prince Henry the Navigator. This 
 ardent student of the physical world inherited no little of the 
 dash, courage, and energy of the Plantagenets through his 
 mother Philippa, who was the daughter of John of Gaunt. 
 Born in 1394, Prince Henry spent the greater part of his 
 
50 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 life in promoting enterprises of discovery; and when he 
 died, in 1460, he had very materially advanced the practical 
 knowledge of the human race. His first experience in the 
 active life of manhood had been gained in those contests 
 which were waged for so many years by Spain and Portugal 
 with the Moors. While on an expedition to the north 
 coast of Africa in the prosecution of this war, the fact that 
 the continent extended southward was first brought to his 
 attention. Portugal, having rid herself of the Moors, and 
 also of the pirates who had long infested her coasts, was 
 now at liberty to seek a direction for national expansion. 
 In common with the rest of Europe, the Portuguese suf 
 fered from the throttling of intercontinental traffic by the 
 Ottoman power. They had been largely dependent on 
 the exterminated Moors for their luxuries. This supply 
 now having been destroyed, and the rising power of Castile 
 presenting a barrier between it and the rest of Europe, 
 Portugal was compelled to look across the seas for possi 
 bilities of enrichment and expansion. 
 
 In the desire to find out what he could about Africa, in 
 1418 Prince Henry took up his residence on the promon 
 tory of Sagres. There he remained in the pursuance of 
 his investigations until the day of his death. Like other 
 geographical students of his time, Prince Henry believed 
 that the water route to India was to be found by sailing 
 down the west African coast, until an opening was found 
 by which the easterly turn could be made. Consequently, 
 the first work required was the exploration of the whole 
 of the west coast of Africa. In order to prosecute his geo 
 graphical and mathematical researches, Prince Henry estab 
 lished a school at Sagres for the teaching of map drawing and 
 navigation. To this institution he drew men of learning 
 and skilful mariners from all parts of Europe. Opportunely 
 for his purpose, the order of the Templars, which had been 
 driven out of the other countries of Europe, sought and 
 found protection in the Catalonian Peninsula. The prince 
 became Grand Master of the order, and changed its name 
 
EUROPE AND ASIA BEFORE COLUMBUS 51 
 
 to the Order of Christ. He applied its funds to defraying 
 the cost of his enterprises and expeditions, justifying this 
 course by the belief, or at least the assertion, that he was 
 thereby spreading the Christian religion. When the prince 
 first began to send his ships down the African coast, the 
 furthest point that had been sighted in a southerly direction 
 was Cape Bojador. The discovery of the extreme southern 
 part of Africa was looked upon in those days, says Mark- 
 ham, exactly as the discovery of the North Pole is now. 
 " Fools asked what was the use of it. Half-hearted men 
 said it was impossible. Officials said it was impractical. 
 Nevertheless, Prince Henry said that it could be done, and 
 moreover that it should be done." It was this zeal, de 
 votion, and determination which resulted in founding the 
 Portuguese power in the East Indies and in Africa. More 
 over, it had no little effect on the discovery of America, for 
 the example of Prince Henry and the success of Portugal 
 were influential in stimulating Columbus to make his at 
 tempt and in persuading the sovereigns of Spain to support 
 his endeavor. 
 
 The motto of Prince Henry was " Le Talent de Bien 
 Faire" the desire to do good. His life was true to this 
 maxim, for his aspiration was always greater than his 
 achievements. He did not live to realize his hope of the 
 circumnavigation of Africa. But it was under his direc 
 tion and as a result of his endeavor that the Canaries, the 
 Azores, Porto Santo, Madeira, and Cape Verd Islands were 
 made known to fifteenth century Europe. It is true that 
 some of these discoveries had been anticipated by Italian 
 sailors during the preceding century, but knowledge of this 
 fact had not been treasured. Prince Henry probably also 
 made use of the story of Robert Machim, the young Eng 
 lishman who had accidentally found his way to Madeira 
 and the western coast of Africa, during the reign of Ed 
 ward III. (Major s Life of Prince Henry, the Navigator, 69.) 
 
 The rounding of Cape Bojador, on the northwestern 
 coast of Africa, was the work which so long baffled the 
 
52 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 endeavors of the prince. Sailors had always believed that 
 Cape de Nao, in north latitude 28 45, was the utmost 
 limit of safe navigation. After years of experiment, and all 
 manner of liberal promises on the part of Henry, they would 
 return to Sagres with the same discouraging tidings that they 
 had been unable to pass this stormy point. Persevering, 
 notwithstanding these many disappointments, the prince at 
 last found the right man in Gil Eannes, who, with a larger 
 vessel than usual, propelled both by oars and sails, rounded 
 Cape Bojador in 1436 and anchored fifty leagues below it. 
 In bidding farewell to this mariner about to set forth on his 
 daring voyage, the prince is reported to have said: "You 
 cannot incur such peril that the promised reward shall not 
 be commensurate therewith. It is very strange to me that 
 you should be governed by a fear of something of which you 
 are ignorant, for if the things reported had any authen 
 tication, I should not find fault with you for believing 
 them. The stories of the four seamen driven out of their 
 course to Flanders or to the ports to which they were sail 
 ing are not to be credited, for they had not and could not 
 have used the needle and the chart. But do you go not 
 withstanding, and make your voyage without being influenced 
 by their opinions, and, by the grace of God, you will not 
 fail to secure, by your enterprise, both honor and compen 
 sation." The success of Gil Eannes made an epoch in the 
 history of both navigation and discovery ; it silenced for all 
 time the popular superstition, based on the old Zone theory 
 of the ancients, that it was impossible to sail very far south 
 ward without encountering those seas of boiling water which 
 were believed to form in the Torrid Zone the counterpart 
 of the frozen oceans of the North and South. 
 
 The way to India now seemed likely to be found, unless, 
 as some asserted, the Atlantic and Indian Oceans should 
 turn out to be inland seas. Interrupted for a while by 
 political troubles at home, Prince Henry resumed his nau 
 tical labors in 1441, and prosecuted them with unremitting 
 energy until his death. It is of interest to note that in 1442 
 
EUROPE AND ASIA BEFORE COLUMBUS 
 
 53 
 
 one of his ships returned with a cargo of captured negroes, 
 and thus was first introduced into Europe that system of 
 African slavery which was afterward to gain such an 
 enduring hold in the New World. It is undoubtedly true 
 that the character of Prince Henry has been considerably 
 idealized by historians. There is no need to minimize 
 his persevering devotion to projects of discovery, or the 
 reputed success attending his efforts. But it is very rare 
 that the desire for profit has not entered largely into the 
 motives prompting such enterprises; and this Portuguese 
 prince was not an exception to the rule. He had heard 
 from the Moors of the African coast that gold dust and 
 slaves might be obtained in abundance on the coast south 
 of Cape Bojador. His vessels, when they returned without 
 having pressed their investigations so far as he had hoped, 
 did not come with empty hulls. While exploration may 
 have been the primary charge in their commission, they 
 were licensed to take slaves where and how they might find 
 them, and the prince reserved to himself a fifth part of the 
 result. On one occasion, six caravels brought back from 
 the Garzas Islands two hundred and sixteen persons who 
 were doomed to slavery. Of these Henry received forty- 
 six. He recorded his pleasure on this occasion, ascribing 
 it to the fact that these slaves had been saved from ever 
 lasting perdition. It was deemed a mercy to kidnap negroes 
 on the African coast, who otherwise were doomed to eternal 
 punishment as heathens. 
 
 Prince Henry s death in 1460 naturally checked for a 
 time the work of discovery along the west African coast, for 
 he had no successor who, like himself, was willing to throw 
 into this labor all the enthusiasm and activity of a strong 
 mind consecrated to a single end. Nor was there another 
 like himself who could inspire his agents with the invincible 
 courage and resolution which dominated his own personality, 
 But that such an influence could perish was impossible, and 
 the cause of discovery quickly recovered from the momen 
 tary check given it by his death. Between 1471 and 1482, 
 
54 DISCO7ERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Portuguese sailors not only touched the Guinea and Gold 
 coasts, but in the latter year Diogo Cao discovered the 
 mouth of Zair, or Congo River. In 1486, Bartholomeu 
 Diaz unconsciously sailed around Cape of Good Hope. 
 Another Portuguese, four years later, went to Abyssinia. 
 Finally, in 1498 Vasco da Gama proved the correctness of 
 Prince Henry s conviction by boldly doubling Cape of Good 
 Hope and landing on the coast of Malabar. Through the 
 success incident to these efforts to find an all-water route to 
 the East, the western cities of the Iberian peninsula, particu 
 larly Lisbon, acquired an immense ascendency in the world 
 of commerce. Men of every rank and vocation were at 
 tracted thither, and among them, as we shall see, was 
 Christopher Columbus. The cosmopolitan and progressive 
 character of this great city must have tended to broaden the 
 view and sharpen the ambition of all who came within its 
 influence. Says Emilio Castelar: "So many foreigners dwelt 
 in Lisbon in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries that its 
 chronicler calls it a vast city of many and widely diverse 
 inhabitants. It differed from Venice, where three elements 
 predominated the Greek, the Slav, and the Latin. It must 
 rather have been like such modern cities as Buenos Ayres, 
 New York, and many other cities of America, peopled by 
 immigrants from the four quarters of the globe. 
 The world was growing broader under the influence of 
 Lisbon, and the mind of man was expanding under the 
 influence of a widened sky and earth, while, beyond doubt, 
 ancient interests and beliefs were dwindling in proportion to 
 the world s advance and the growth of human intellect." 
 
 Though he may not have been moved by so unmixed a 
 love of science as is taken for granted by the early histo 
 rians, it was to Prince Henry that Portugal was indebted for 
 the laying of the foundations of an intellectual and material 
 influence which meant a tremendous advance for the inter 
 ests of that country. This ambition to explore and dominate 
 Africa, largely instigated as it was by the desire for the 
 profits resulting from the slave trade, caused the numerous 
 
EUROPE AND ASIA BEFORE COLUMBUS 55 
 
 voyages of discovery to start from the ports of the Iberian 
 peninsula rather than from Venice and Genoa. Thus the 
 star of commercial empire waned on the Adriatic and the 
 Mediterranean, and its brilliance was by the ports of those 
 seas never again recovered. Lisbon was for a time to 
 occupy the chief position in the history of European prog 
 ress, because its merchants were the most enthusiastic in 
 pushing the work of exploration, and its port the most con 
 venient from which voyages might be sent forth in search 
 of the undiscovered lands bordering the Atlantic. Never 
 theless, holding in view the future developments of this 
 history, we must be careful to note that in nearly all cases 
 the men who commanded the Portuguese ships were Ital 
 ians who had gained their experience in the service of the 
 Italian republics. Among those who flocked to Lisbon and 
 presented in themselves the practical sea knowledge and the 
 hardihood demanded by exploits of discovery were many 
 Venetians and Genoese. If Columbus had been enabled 
 to consummate his great undertaking at the time he first 
 conceived it, it is Portugal and not Spain that would have 
 reaped the benefit. 
 
 It remains for us now, in the consideration of our present 
 topic, to summarize briefly the advancement made in the 
 direction of American discovery, previous to the year 1492, 
 by means of European endeavor to reach by sea the shores 
 of Asia. In the first place, the aggrandizement of Por 
 tugal, by means of her maritime enterprises, aroused the 
 emulation of the rulers of other European countries and 
 rendered them willing to seek profit in a similar manner. 
 The Pope of Rome had given to Portugal a nominal title 
 to the coast of Africa as far as to the confines of India. 
 Thus this immense field, with all its sources of wealth, was 
 preempted; and it was this fact that largely induced Colum 
 bus who did not dispute the possibility of reaching India 
 by sailing round the coast of Africa to endeavor to attain 
 those golden strands by a shorter route. Portuguese explo 
 ration on the west coast of Africa provided an extremely 
 
5 6 DISCOVER T AND EXPLORATION 
 
 efficient school of navigation. The men who had braved 
 the dangers, imaginary and real, which were anticipated be 
 yond Cape Bojador and met with in the Bay of Benim and 
 off Sierra Leone, were trained in experience and in hardi 
 hood to face whatever might be encountered on the broad 
 expanse of the Atlantic. But more important than all else 
 was the geographical knowledge gained in those southern 
 voyages. According to the cosmography of the ancients, 
 the southern limit of Africa extended no further than the 
 equator. So long as this notion dominated the minds of 
 seamen, there was no need for seeking to reach India by a 
 westerly all-sea route. The African course was shorter; 
 but when Portuguese exploration indicated the immense 
 southward stretch of the African continent, Columbus de 
 termined that a transatlantic voyage was worth while. Also, 
 the great distance to which the Portuguese succeeded in 
 pushing to the south caused navigators to revive the belief 
 in the possibility of circumnavigating the globe. The old 
 superstitions which hitherto had frightened men from making 
 this trial were discredited. They went far to the south 
 and yet did not find the heat unendurable, nor did they 
 come to a region belonging to another world where goblins 
 and monsters took the place of human beings. And they 
 were able to return, and thus disprove the idea that, the 
 earth being round, the necessity of climbing up hill would 
 prevent a vessel that had reached the under side of the earth 
 from getting back. Finally, seamen voyaging among the 
 Canaries and the Azores must have noticed the constancy 
 and the resulting advantage of the trade winds. Columbus, 
 like other navigators of his time, became acquainted with 
 the fact that a northeasterly wind prevailed in the equatorial 
 Atlantic, and the advantage of this was not by him forgotten 
 in his calculation of the possibilities of a western voyage to 
 the Indies. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 THE DISCOVERER ADVOCATING HIS PROJECT 
 
 No EVENT in history stands isolated and alone. The 
 idea of the sphericity of the earth did not come to Colum 
 bus by a flash of untraceable inspiration. A belief in the 
 possibility of reaching the Indies by way of the west was 
 developed by him from the conclusions of other reasoners. 
 That Columbus had forerunners in his theories does not 
 diminish the magnitude of his achievement, any more than 
 does the fact that mariners had accidentally reached the 
 American coast previous to his time. What he did was 
 the result of logical thought pursued by a mind undeterred 
 by the opposition of the universal negative, and of a definite 
 purpose in which a mighty will overcame all obstacles. 
 
 There has been much controversy among students and 
 historians concerning both the year and the place of the birth 
 of Christopher Columbus. Various dates from 1430 to 
 1456 have been assigned to this event. Washington Irving, 
 the biographer of Columbus most popular among Ameri 
 cans, accepts 1435 as the precise year. In this he has the 
 weighty support of Navarrete, a writer whose authority 
 the student is predisposed to accept. The principal evi 
 dence on which we may found a conclusion contrary to 
 that of Navarrete and Irving is to be found in a letter written 
 by Columbus to the Spanish sovereigns, in 1501. In this 
 he says : " Most serene Princes, at a very tender age I 
 began sailing on the sea and I have continued there until 
 
 57 
 
58 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 to-day : and the self-same calling inclines those who follow 
 it to learn the secrets of this world : and now, having passed 
 forty years, which I spent in all those places to which navi 
 gations are made at the present time. . . . " Ferdinand 
 Columbus, in his history, quoting his father s words, writes : 
 u I commenced to navigate at fourteen years and I have 
 always followed the sea." This determines what was that 
 " very tender age " at which Columbus began his seafaring 
 life. Calculating from these dates and connecting with them 
 the fact that he was sixty years of age on May 20, 1506, the 
 conclusion is that Christopher Columbus was born in the year 
 1446. There are as many claims made by various places 
 for the glory of having been the scene of his birth as there 
 are different dates suggested of that event. But the weight 
 of evidence points to Genoa with preponderative certainty. 
 Antonio Gallo, a citizen of Genoa, was contemporary with 
 Columbus, and wrote an account of his expedition. This 
 he began with the following words : " Christopher and 
 Bartholomew Columbus, brothers, of the Ligurian nation, 
 sprung from plebeian parentage, and supporting themselves 
 by the wages of wool-working (the father being a weaver 
 and the sons were at times carders), about this time acquired 
 great fame throughout all Europe by a deed of the greatest 
 daring and remarkable novelty in human affairs. Although 
 these had but small learning in their youth, when they were 
 come of age they gave themselves to navigation after the 
 manner of their race." Another citizen of Genoa, named 
 Senarega, writing at the same time on the affairs of his 
 native city, also gives an account of the first expedition. 
 He says the brothers "sprung from plebeian parentage in 
 Genoa." In the Polyglot Psalter published at Genoa in 1516, 
 Agostino Giustiniano, a bishop of Corsica, commenting on 
 the sentence "and their words have gone abroad to the 
 ends of the earth," in the Nineteenth Psalm, gives an ac 
 count of the finding of a new world by Christopher Colum 
 bus. He therein declared how the admiral believed himself 
 to be selected by God in order that this prophecy might be 
 
THE DISCOVERER ADVOCATING HIS PROJECT 59 
 
 fulfilled. He also supported the testimony of the foregoing 
 authorities whom we have quoted to the effect that Colum 
 bus was a Genoese of common parentage. Ferdinand, the 
 son of Christopher Columbus, took great umbrage at this 
 belittling of his paternal ancestry. In the beginning of his 
 history, he states how he is incited by others to prove that 
 his father had descended from illustrious blood; but that his 
 immediate predecessors had come to poverty through bad 
 fortune; that, indeed, he might trace his pedigree back to a 
 Colone mentioned by Tacitus. But although he mentions 
 other Colombi who had in recent years gained for them 
 selves great renown for their exploits on the sea, he brings 
 no trustworthy evidence to refute the testimony of the 
 authorities whom we have quoted. 
 
 In the endeavor to trace the events of the youth of 
 Columbus, we again encounter conflicting reports. Ferdi 
 nand, in whom filial regard and personal vanity combine to 
 form a desire to eulogize his father in every possible way, 
 writes as follows : " I assert, therefore, that in his youth he 
 was instructed in letters and studied in Pavia enough to 
 understand cosmography, in the teachings of which science 
 he took great delight ; and on account of which he also 
 studied astrology and geometry, as these sciences are so 
 related to each other that one cannot be understood apart 
 from the other; and also because Ptolemy, in the beginning 
 of his cosmography, says that one cannot be a good cos- 
 mographer if he is not also a good painter" [of charts] . But 
 if the admiral followed the sea from the time that he was 
 fourteen years of age, and previous to that assisted his father 
 in wool carding, his course of instruction in the University 
 of Pavia must have been a very brief one. In fact, apart 
 from the assertion of Ferdinand, there is absolutely no evi 
 dence of his having studied there at all. The knowledge 
 he acquired was the result of those investigations into the 
 writings of learned men, ancient and modern, which he fol 
 lowed throughout his life, combined with the results of that 
 habit of keen observation which was natural to him. He 
 
60 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 was an enthusiast in his profession and did not fail to avail 
 himself of every, even most remotely collateral, avenue of 
 learning by which he might be enabled to attain its highest 
 possible achievements. In the letter which he wrote to 
 King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella in 1501, he also says: 
 u I have dealt and talked with learned people, ecclesiastics 
 as well as laymen, Latins, Greeks, Indians, Moors, and 
 many other people of different nations, and our Lord has 
 favored this inclination, and I have received from him the 
 spirit of understanding. He has made me very skilful in 
 navigation, and to know much in astronomy, in geometry, 
 and mathematics. God has given me the knowledge and 
 ability to portray the globe, and also to delineate cities, 
 rivers, islands, and ports in their proper situation. During 
 my life I have examined and endeavored to see all books 
 of cosmography, history, and philosophy, and of the other 
 sciences, so that our Lord has sensibly opened my mind in 
 order that I may sail from here to the Indies, and has made 
 me extremely anxious to do it." 
 
 There is little, indeed, that we know certainly of Colum- 
 bus s early life. Ferdinand gives us detailed accounts of 
 adventurous exploits in which his father played a prominent 
 part ; but, unfortunately, the researches of modern historians 
 have with fatal unanimity shown that these accounts are 
 inconsistent with known facts. Such, for instance, is the 
 story of the discoverer s connection with the famous corsair 
 known as Columbus the Younger, and the fight with the 
 Venetian galleys off Cape St. Vincent. A family relation 
 ship is claimed between Christopher Columbus and Colum 
 bus the Younger. But research has shown the latter to 
 have been not a Genoese at all, but a French subject. 
 Also, instead of this adventure being the means of intro 
 ducing Columbus to Lisbon in 1485, as Ferdinand states, 
 at the date in question he was on the point of leaving Por 
 tugal to advocate his theory in Spain. In a letter written to 
 their Catholic majesties, in 1495, he says: "It happened 
 to me that King Rene (whom God has taken to himself) 
 
DISCOVERER ADVOCATING HIS PROJECT 6l 
 
 sent me to Tunis to capture the galley Fernandina, and on 
 arriving at the island of San Pedro, in Sardinia, I learned 
 that there were two ships and a caracca with the galley, 
 which so alarmed the crew that they resolved to proceed no 
 further, but to return to Marseilles for another vessel and 
 more people; upon which, being unable to force their in 
 clination, I yielded to their wish, and having first changed 
 the points of the compass, spread all sail, for it was evening, 
 and at daybreak we were within the Cape of Carthagena, 
 while all believed for a certainty that they were going to 
 Marseilles." Some recent writers, by impugning the verac 
 ity of his son, by whom the letter is quoted, even deny the 
 admiral the glory of this exploit. But the character of 
 the action naturally disposes us to accept its credibility. 
 The determination shown and the stratagem employed to 
 overcome the unwillingness of the sailors are extremely 
 illustrative of the unswerving will exhibited and the methods 
 resorted to in the first voyage of discovery. Nevertheless, 
 it must be admitted that there is no little difficulty in 
 reconciling what seems to be the latest date at which this 
 occurrence could have taken place with the age of Colum 
 bus, providing the year which we have accepted as that of 
 his birth be correct. 
 
 It was probably about the year 1471 that Columbus went 
 to Portugal; and we may attribute to his visit thither the 
 awakening of his determination to surpass all other mariners 
 in the work of terrestrial discovery. He claims to have 
 endeavored, but without success, to gain the ear of the 
 King of Portugal to his project. Las Casas quotes a letter 
 from Columbus to the sovereigns of Spain, written in 1505, 
 in which he says : " God, our Lord, miraculously sent me 
 hither that I might be of service to your Highnesses. I say 
 miraculously, because I took refuge in Portugal, where the 
 King of that Country had a better appreciation of discovery 
 than any other: He put to shame his sight, hearing, and all 
 his faculties, for during fourteen years I could not make him 
 understand what I said." 
 
62 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Soon after his arrival in Lisbon, Columbus married Phi- 
 lippa Moniz, the daughter of Pedro Moniz Prestrello. The 
 latter being dead, the newly married couple took up their 
 residence with the bride s mother on the island of Porto 
 Santo. Ferdinand says that the widow put into the hands 
 of Columbus many valuable documents and sea charts which 
 had been left by her husband. However this may have been, 
 it is more than probable that Columbus spent the first part 
 of his sojourn in Portugal in developing his scheme for 
 reaching the Indies, and the latter part in the fruitless en 
 deavor to enlist the assistance of the king. Perhaps the incep 
 tion of his idea originated in the practical observations which 
 he made while at Madeira.. Ferdinand Columbus says : " He 
 learned, also, from many pilots, experienced in the western 
 voyages to the Azores and the island of Madeira, facts and 
 signs which convinced him that there was an unknown land 
 towards the west. Martin Vicente, pilot of the King of Por 
 tugal, told him that at a distance of four hundred and fifty 
 leagues from Cape St. Vincent, he had taken from the water 
 a piece of wood sculptured very artistically, but not with an 
 iron instrument. This wood had been driven across by the 
 west wind, which made the sailors believe that certainly 
 there were on that side some islands not yet discovered. 
 Pedro Correa, the brother-in-law of Columbus, told him, 
 that near the island of Madeira he had found a similar piece 
 of sculptured wood coming from the same direction. He 
 also said that the King of Portugal had received information 
 of large canes having been taken up from the water in these 
 parts, which between one knot and another would hold nine 
 bottles of wine; and Herrera declares that the King had pre 
 served these canes and caused them to be shown to Colum 
 bus. The colonists of the Azores related, that when the 
 wind blew from the west, the sea threw up, especially in 
 the islands of Graciosa and Fayal, pines of a foreign species. 
 Others related, that in the island of Flores they found one 
 day on the shore two corpses of men, whose physiognomy 
 and features differed entirely from those of our coast." 
 
THE DISCOVERER ADVOCATING HIS PROJECT 63 
 
 Columbus did not content himself with drawing infer 
 ences solely from this debris which the wind and the ocean 
 currents had evidently wafted in from the western seas. He 
 consulted philosophical authorities for the data on which he 
 might form his own geographical conclusions. He knew 
 of the existence- of India and Cathay. It was a matter of 
 common report that Portuguese vessels were endeavoring 
 to reach those rich and populous lands by a South African 
 route. The results of these voyages as yet were not such 
 as to encourage hopefulness in regard to the final result. 
 Was there no other way ? The determination of this ques 
 tion was the task to which the Genoese mariner set him 
 self. He studied and pondered over every geographical 
 work that came his way, until he had formed the mental 
 habit of seizing upon and piecing together every word and 
 theory and fact which to any degree favored the suggestion 
 of the possibility of reaching the East by way of the West. 
 His vade me cum was the Imago Mundi of Cardinal Pierre 
 d Ailly. The copy which belonged to him, and is now 
 preserved in the Cathedral of Seville, has many marginal 
 notes in Columbus s own handwriting, testifying how thor 
 oughly its contents were digested by the future discoverer. 
 This work abounds with quotations from Aristotle and 
 Strabo, expressing the opinion of those ancient philosophers 
 regarding what discoveries might be made were western 
 navigation possible of accomplishment. The curtailment 
 of his early opportunities for the acquirement of classical 
 learning, and the restriction which a busy life must have 
 placed upon his reading in the ancient tongues, even if he 
 had acquired them, lead us to surmise that he owed to 
 D Ailly s quotations nearly all that he knew of the ancient 
 authors. 
 
 It is an interesting question, but one that it is impossible 
 to determine certainly, whether or not Columbus knew of 
 the voyages of the Norsemen to the western continent. 
 In a letter quoted by his son, he says that in the year 1477 
 u he sailed a hundred leagues beyond the island of Thule, 
 
64 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 the southern part of which is distant from the equinoctial line 
 seventy-three degrees and not sixty-three, as some assert; 
 neither does it lie within the line which includes the west of 
 Ptolemy, but is much more westerly. To this island, which 
 is as large as England, the English, especially those from 
 Bristol, go with their merchandise. At the time that I was 
 there the sea was not frozen, but the tides were so great as 
 to rise and fall twenty-six fathoms. It is true that the Thule 
 of which Ptolemy makes mention lies where he says it does, 
 and by the moderns it is called Frislanda." This may have 
 been the Faroe Islands, but in all probability it was Iceland. 
 In any case, Columbus nowhere makes mention of learning 
 anything there that materially assisted him in forming his 
 conclusions concerning the westward passage to Cathay. 
 
 One of the principal arguments by which it is said that 
 Columbus convinced himself of the possibility of reaching 
 India by a transatlantic voyage was that the greater part of 
 the earth s surface had already been traversed, leaving only 
 that portion lying between the eastern limits reached by 
 Marinus and the Azores to be explored. This, he con 
 cluded, could not be more than a third of the whole cir 
 cumference of the globe. He based this calculation on the 
 opinion of Alfraganius, an Arabian astronomer, who lived 
 in the ninth century, and who allowed only fifty-six and 
 two-thirds of a mile to a degree of the earth s circum 
 ference. Thus Columbus was led to suppose that a few 
 days sailing would bring him to those shores of Asia which, 
 as he believed, were washed by the Atlantic. He also an 
 ticipated, on the authority of the philosophers who asserted 
 that the greater part of the earth s surface was land, that he 
 would encounter islands where he might rest and recuper 
 ate while making for the Asiatic continent. For instance, 
 there was the island of Antilia or that of the Seven Cities, 
 the existence of which on the bosom of the Atlantic had 
 long been a current belief. 
 
 We will now turn to the examination of the more 
 immediate influences by which, as it is alleged, the mind 
 
THE DISCOVERER ADVOCATING HIS PROJECT 65 
 
 of Columbus was prepared for the undertaking of his mo 
 mentous voyage. First, there is that troublesome story of 
 the pilot, which some historians dismiss with scanty words 
 of indifference, but which is worthy of careful consideration. 
 Francisco Lopez de Gomara, in his Historia general de las 
 Indias, published in 1553, repeats the narrative thus: 
 
 " A caravel navigating on our Ocean Sea was overtaken 
 by such a powerful and continuous east wind that it was 
 driven upon a land which is not known or placed on the 
 map or chart of the navigator. In returning from that 
 land it took a much greater time than was consumed in 
 going thither. And when it arrived here it brought only 
 the Pilot and three or four other mariners, who were so 
 sick from hunger and toil that they died in the Port within 
 a short time. And this is how the Indies were discovered 
 through the misfortune of those who first saw them, as 
 their lives were ended without enjoying the benefits of the 
 discovery and without leaving, at least without possessing, 
 a memorial as to what they were called, where they were 
 or in what year they were found. However, it was not 
 through any fault of theirs, but through the malice of 
 others, or the invidiousness of what is called fortune. And 
 I do not marvel at the ancient historians, who narrate very 
 great deeds from little ones, or from obscure beginnings, 
 since we do not know who so short a time ago found the 
 Indies, which is such a novel and remarkable thing. The 
 name of this Pilot has not even been preserved to us, since 
 all perished who were with him. Some have it that the Pilot 
 was an Andalusian, who was trafficking in the Canaries and 
 in the Madeiras when that long and fatal voyage happened 
 to him. Others consider that he was a Biscayan, who 
 traded in England and France; and others a Portuguese 
 who was going or coming from Mina or India. The latter 
 agrees very well with the name which those new lands took 
 and now bear. Also some say that the caravel took shelter 
 in Portugal, while others consider that it was in the Madeiras 
 
66 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 or some other island of the Azores. But no one affirms 
 anything. Only all agree in the fact that this Pilot died 
 in the house of Christopher Columbus. In his possession 
 remained the papers belonging to the caravel and the rela 
 tion of all that long voyage, and the description and altitude 
 of the lands newly seen and discovered." 
 
 The first mention of this story is by Oviedo in his work 
 published in 1535. This historian ends the account with 
 a flat refusal to believe it. Herrera, one of the most trust 
 worthy of the early historians, makes no mention of the 
 tale whatever. Girolamo Benzoni repeats Gomara s story, 
 but calls attention to the very patent fact that the latter 
 mingled falsehood and truth with striking indifference. 
 Garcilasso de la Vega, a Peruvian, repeats the legend at 
 greater length and with more details. He gives the name 
 of the pilot as Alonso Sanchez de Huelva, and declares 
 that the land to which he was driven was none other than 
 the island of Hispaniola. La Vega s account, written as it 
 was after a lapse of one hundred and twenty-five years, 
 does not in itself warrant any considerable attention in an 
 investigation of the truth of this legend. Nevertheless, the 
 fact that Las Casas repeats the story is evidence that it was 
 in circulation at his time. 
 
 Henry Vignaud, in a work designed to show that the 
 Toscanelli letters, which we shall shortly consider, were 
 forgeries, founds this assumption on what he believes to be 
 the probable truth of the pilot story. (Vignaud s Toscanelli 
 and Columbus, 133.) But there does not seem to be any 
 reason for concluding that either the legend or the letters 
 are the result of fabrication. It was no uncommon thing in 
 those days for a caravel to be driven far out of its course. It 
 was as little uncommon for the pilot of such a vessel to see 
 or to imagine that he saw lands or islands hitherto uncharted. 
 Columbus was in the habit of collecting and giving weight 
 to all such indications of what he believed to be the fact 
 regarding the western seas. And even if we accept the 
 
THE DISCOVERER ADVOCATING HIS PROJECT 67 
 
 statement that he met with or entertained a pilot who could 
 materially strengthen his theory, this does not diminish the 
 achievement of Columbus, nor does it prove that his geo 
 graphical conclusions were not reached by his scientific 
 study. That he did not use the pilot narrative as an 
 effective means of convincing the sovereigns to whom he 
 applied for support at a time when he was in such dire need 
 of convincing argument strongly favors the belief that it 
 was not so complete as a sailing direction as Gomara and 
 the others would have us believe. 
 
 While Columbus was in Portugal, musing over his pur 
 pose and planning for its accomplishment, he bethought him 
 of a Florentine scientist, Paolo Toscanelli by name, who 
 was reputed to have given great attention to the matter 
 with which his own mind was occupied. He wrote to this 
 Florentine philosopher and received from him a reply in 
 corporating a copy of a letter which Toscanelli had already 
 written to one Fernando Martinez; he also received a copy 
 of a marine chart which the Florentine had drawn. These 
 letters we will quote in full : 
 
 THE LETTERS OF TOSCANELLI TO COLUMBUS 
 
 "To Christopher Columbus, Paul, the physician, greeting: 
 " I see your great and magnificent desire to go where the 
 spices grow, and in reply to your letter I send you the copy 
 of another letter which I wrote a long time ago to a familiar 
 friend and servant of the Most Serene King of Portugal, 
 before the wars of Castille, in reply to another which he 
 wrote me about the said matter by command of his High 
 ness; and I send you another seaman s chart like that which 
 I sent to him, by which your requests will be satisfied; the 
 copy of my letter is as follows : 
 
 u l It pleased me greatly to learn of your familiar inter 
 course with your most generous and most magnificent King, 
 and although many other times I have spoken of the very 
 
68 DISCOFERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 short route from here to the Indies where spices grow, 
 shorter by way of the sea than that which you follow to 
 Guinea, you tell me that his Highness would now like 
 from me some declaration and demonstration by sight, in 
 order that he may understand and be able to take the said 
 route. And although I know from my own knowledge that 
 the world can be shown as it is in the form of a sphere, I 
 have determined for greater facility and greater intelligence 
 to show the said route by a chart similar to those which 
 are made for navigation, and thus I send it to his Highness 
 made and drawn by my hand : in which all the end of the 
 West is shown, from Ireland to the south as far as the end 
 of Guinea, with all the islands which lie on this route; in 
 front of which straight to the west the commencement of 
 the Indies is shown, and the islands and places where you 
 can deviate toward the equinoctial line, and by how much 
 space, that is to say, in how many leagues you can reach 
 those most fertile places, filled with all kinds of spices and 
 jewels and precious stones : and you must not wonder if I 
 call the place where the spices grow West, because it is 
 commonly said that they grow in the East , but whoever 
 will navigate to the West will always find the said places 
 in the West, and whoever will go by land to the East will 
 always find the same places in the East. The straight lines 
 which are shown lengthwise on the said chart show the 
 distance from West to East : the others which are across 
 show the distance from North to South. Also I showed in 
 the said chart many places in the region of India which 
 could be reached, in the event of some tempest or contrary 
 winds, or any other event which might not be expected to 
 occur, and also in order that all those regions may be easily 
 recognized, and because of this you should be greatly 
 pleased. And know that in all those islands only mer 
 chants live and traffic, informing you that there is as great 
 a quantity of ships, mariners, and merchants with merchan 
 dise there as in all the rest of the world, and especially in a 
 most noble port called Zaiton, where every year one hundred 
 
THE DISCOVERER ADVOCATING HIS PROJECT 69 
 
 great ships are loaded and unloaded with pepper, besides the 
 many other ships which are loaded with the other spices. 
 This country is very populous, and in it there are many 
 provinces and kingdoms and cities without number under 
 the dominion of a Prince who is called the Great Kan, 
 whose name means in our language, King of Kings, and 
 whose residence during most of the time is in the province 
 of Cathay. His ancestors wished very much to have inter 
 course and speech with the Christians, and about two hun 
 dred years ago they sent to the Holy Father, in order that 
 he might send them many wise and learned men to teach 
 them our faith, but those who were sent turned back from 
 the journey because of impediments; and also an ambas 
 sador came to the Pope Eugene, who related to him the 
 great friendship which they feel for the Christians, and I 
 spoke much with him of many things ; of the grandeur of 
 the royal edifices, and of the great width and length of the 
 rivers, a wonderful thing, and of the multitude of the cities 
 there on the banks of the rivers, and how there are two 
 hundred cities on one river alone, and there are very wide 
 and long bridges of marble ornamented with many marble 
 columns. This country is as rich as any which may be 
 found, and not only can great profit be obtained there and 
 many things, but also gold and silver and precious stones 
 and all kinds of spice can be obtained in great abundance, 
 which are never brought to these, our regions; and it is 
 true that wise and learned men, philosophers and astrolo 
 gers and other men of great intelligence in all arts, govern 
 the magnificent province and command the battles. And 
 from the city of Lisbon straight toward the West, there are 
 on the said map twenty-six spaces and in each one of them 
 there are two hundred and fifty miles, to the most noble 
 and great city of Quinsay : this city is one hundred miles 
 in circumference, which are twenty-five leagues, and in it 
 there are ten marble bridges. The name of this city in 
 our language means City of Heaven : wonderful things 
 are told of this city in regard to the magnificence of the 
 
7 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 workmanship and of the revenues (this space is almost 
 the third part of the sphere). It is in the province of 
 Mangi near the city of Cathay, in which the King resides 
 most of the time, and near the island of Antilia, which 
 you call the Seven Cities, and of which we have knowledge. 
 There are ten spaces to the most noble island of Cipango, 
 which are two thousand five hundred miles, that is to say 
 six hundred and twenty-five leagues, which island is most 
 fertile in gold and pearls and precious stones. Know that 
 the temples and royal houses are covered with pure gold; 
 therefore, because of the route being unknown, all these 
 things are concealed; and they can very surely be reached. 
 Many other things could be told, but as I have already told 
 you by word and you are possessed of good intelligence, 
 I know that nothing remains for you to learn, and for that 
 reason I do not write more at length. And this is to 
 satisfy your demands as much as the brevity of the time 
 and my occupations have permitted me; and thus I remain 
 most ready to satisfy and serve his Highness in all that he 
 commands me. 
 
 "Done in the city of Florence, June 25, 1474." 
 
 "To Christopher Columbus, Paul, the physician, greeting: 
 " I received your letters with the things which you sent 
 me, and with them received a great favor. I perceive 
 your magnificent and great desire to navigate in the Eastern 
 regions by those of the West, as shown by the map which 
 I send you, which will be better shown in the form of a 
 round sphere. It pleases me greatly to be well understood : 
 and that the said voyage not only is possible, but that it is 
 true and certain and of inestimable honor and profit, and 
 of very great renown among the Christians. But you cannot 
 well know it perfectly except by experience and conversa 
 tion, such as I have had in great quantity, and good and true 
 information from distinguished men of great knowledge, who 
 have come from the said regions here to the Court of Rome, 
 and from other merchants who have traded during a long 
 
THE DISCOVERER ADVOCATING HIS PROJECT 71 
 
 time in those regions, men of great authority. So that when 
 the said voyage is made it will be to powerful kingdoms 
 and most noble cities and provinces, very rich in a great 
 abundance of all kinds of things very necessary to us, as 
 well as in all kinds of spices in great quantity, and jewels 
 in great abundance. The voyage will also be made to the 
 said Kings and Princes, who are very desirous more than 
 we are to have trade and intercourse with the Christians 
 of these regions, because a great many of them are Chris 
 tians : and also to have speech and intercourse with the 
 learned and intelligent men here, as much about religion, as 
 about all the other sciences, because of the great renown of 
 the empires and governments of these regions, among them. 
 By reason of all these things and many others which could 
 be told, it is not wonderful to me, that you, who have great 
 courage, and all the Portuguese nation, who have always 
 been generous men in all great undertakings, are inflamed 
 with a desire to undertake the said voyage." 
 
 These letters of Toscanelli did not put within the reach 
 of Columbus any information which he had not already 
 made his own; and it may be for this reason that he him 
 self makes no after mention of this correspondence. But 
 it strengthened his conviction of the reasonableness of his 
 own opinions, and materially aided him in forming the reso 
 lution to put them to actual test, on finding that he was 
 supported by so eminent an authority as Toscanelli. 
 
 In those days, an enterprise like that which Columbus 
 contemplated demanded the support of a monarch, not only 
 because of its magnitude, but also by reason of the fact that 
 the extension of commerce was so jealously watched by 
 sovereigns that a private individual hardly dared to seek 
 new lands even if he had the means. By marriage and long 
 residence in Portugal, Columbus had become a citizen of 
 that country. It was to King John II., therefore, that his 
 application was first made. Ferdinand Columbus tells us 
 that although this king "gave ear to the Admiral s proposals, 
 
7 2 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 yet he hesitated to accept them on account of the great 
 burden and expense attending the exploration and conquest 
 of the western coast of Africa, called Guinea. Little suc 
 cess had thus far rewarded this undertaking, nor had he 
 been able to double the Cape of Good Hope, which name, 
 some say, was given it instead of Agesingue, its proper 
 designation, because that was the farthest they hoped to 
 extend their explorations and conquests, or, as others will 
 have it, because this cape gave them the expectation of 
 better countries and navigation. However, the king had 
 but little inclination to invest any more money in discov 
 eries; and if he gave any attention to the Admiral, it was in 
 consequence of the excellent reasons he advanced to sup 
 port his opinion, which arguments so tar convinced the 
 king that he had nothing else to do but to accept or to 
 reject the terms which the Admiral proposed. For the 
 Admiral, being a noble and magnanimous man, wished to 
 make an agreement that would be of some personal benefit 
 and honor to himself, so that he would leave behind him a 
 notable reputation and a respected family, such as became 
 his achievements and memory. For this reason the kin^;, 
 by the advice of one Doctor Cazadilla, whom he greatly 
 esteemed, determined to send a caravel secretly to attempt 
 that which the Admiral had proposed to him; for if those 
 countries were in this way discovered, he thought that he 
 would not be obliged to bestow any great reward which 
 might be demanded. Having quickly equipped a caravel, 
 he sent it the way the Admiral had proposed to go, for the 
 vessel was carrying supplies to the islands of the Cape Verd 
 group. But those he sent had not the knowledge, perse 
 verance, and energy of the Admiral. After wandering many 
 days on the sea, they turned back to the islands of Cape 
 Verd, laughing at the undertaking, and saying that it was 
 unreasonable to think there should be any land in those 
 waters." 
 
 This caused Columbus to determine on the presentation 
 of his scheme to the court of Spain. He meditated going 
 
THE DISCOVERER ADVOCATING HIS PROJECT 73 
 
 out in search of new territory, and this could not be taken 
 possession of in his own name, or in that of any private indi 
 vidual who might be able and inclined to provide the ships 
 and supplies. These lands to be discovered must be acquired 
 by some European government. The fact that he had in 
 mind this necessity seems inconsistent with his belief that 
 he was to reach the wealthy lands of Cipango and Cathay 
 and the populous and civilized realms of the Khan. Still 
 it must be borne in mind that he contemplated the possi 
 bility of encountering large islands on the way. These he 
 might take possession of in the name of the monarch by 
 whom he mio-ht be commissioned. There is much that is 
 
 O 
 
 hazy and uncertain about Columbus s movements at this 
 time. Some historians will have it that he applied to the 
 republic of his native Genoa, also to the court of France. 
 There is also a story, which we have on the authority of 
 Ferdinand Columbus, that he sent his brother Bartholomew 
 to seek the patronage of Henry VII. of England in case the 
 court of Spain should fail him. According to this account, 
 Bartholomew fell into the hands of pirates and was stripped 
 of all he possessed. Owing to this ill fortune, he was 
 obliged to support himself by making sea charts, in which art 
 he was an adept, until he had so far reinstated his cir 
 cumstances that he was in a position to interview the king. 
 Henry VII., so Ferdinand will have us believe, willingly 
 gave his attention to Bartholomew s project and ordered 
 Columbus to be sent for. But in the meantime the latter 
 was so hopeful of success in Spain that he did not think 
 it advisable to change the direction of his quest. All this, 
 however, is very uncertain, and it is entirely unlikely that 
 England had the opportunity of acquiring the glory at 
 tached to the sending out of the Discoverer of the New 
 World. For seven tedious years, Columbus s hopes were 
 alternately encouraged and deferred. At times he seemed 
 to be gaining the interest of the influential advisers of the 
 sovereigns, and then again his scheme was literally laughed 
 out of court. But with the tenacity of purpose, the patient 
 
74 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 courage which was characteristic of the man, he persevered 
 in a belief, which nothing could destroy, that in the end he 
 would be enabled to accomplish his design. Of his em 
 ployments during these years of waiting we have little 
 trustworthy record. There is enough, however, to indicate 
 that at times he was exceedingly poor. Nevertheless, to 
 the fact that during this time of trial and disappointment he 
 solaced himself with an amour with Beatriz Enriquez we 
 owe the existence of his son Ferdinand and his history. 
 The latter relates of his renowned father that immediately 
 on repairing to Spain " he went at once to the Court of the 
 Catholic King, which was then at Cordova, where, being 
 affable and an entertaining talker, he made friends of such 
 persons as were most favorably inclined to his undertaking 
 and fitted to persuade the king to espouse it. Among these 
 was Luis de Santangel, an Arragonian gentleman, Clerk of 
 the allowances in the King s household, a man of great 
 prudence and reputation. As the undertaking demanded an 
 examination by enlightened men, and not meaningless words 
 in favor, their highnesses entrusted the matter to the Prior 
 of Prado, afterward Archbishop of Granada, and ordered 
 him, together with some cosmographers, to make a thorough 
 investigation of the project and to report their opinion re 
 specting it. But there was only a small number of cos 
 mographers at that time, and those who were called together 
 were not so enlightened as they should have been, nor 
 would the Admiral wholly explain his plan, for fear he 
 might be served as he had been in Portugal and be deprived 
 of his reward. For this reason the answers they gave their 
 highnesses were as different as their judgments and opinions. 
 Some said that inasmuch as no information concerning those 
 countries had been obtained by the great number of expe 
 rienced sailors living since the Creation, which was many 
 thousand years ago, it was not likely that the Admiral 
 should know more than all the seamen that were living or 
 that had lived before that time. Others, who were more 
 influenced by cosmographical reasons, said the world was 
 
THE DISCOVERER ADVOCATING HIS PROJECT 75 
 
 so prodigiously great that it was incredible that a voyage of 
 three years would carry him to the end of the East, where 
 he proposed to go, and to substantiate this opinion they 
 brought forward the statement of Seneca, who, in one of 
 his works, by way of argument, asserts that many wise men 
 disagreed about this question, whether or not the ocean were 
 boundless, and doubted if it could be traversed; and if it 
 were navigable, whether habitable lands would be found on 
 the other side of the globe, and whether they could be 
 reached. They added that only a small part of this ter 
 raqueous globe was inhabited, and that this was our hemi 
 sphere, and that all the remainder was sea, and only navigable 
 near the coasts and rivers." 
 
 In Spain at that time nearly all high offices were held 
 by churchmen; and churchmen were ever inclined to dis 
 countenance amendments to generally received and time- 
 honored opinion. The argument contained in the words 
 "St. Augustine doubts it" was strong enough to throw a 
 most serious obstacle in Columbus s way. In order to 
 illustrate the nature of the opinion which had come down 
 from far time, and which, in the tenacity of its hold upon 
 the commonly accepted theories concerning the earth, for a 
 time frustrated the arguments of Columbus and the enlight 
 ened men who held with him, we will quote the words of 
 the sainted Bishop of Hippo: "But as to the fable that 
 there are antipodes that is to say, men on the opposite 
 side of the earth, where the sun rises when it sets to us 
 men who walk with their feet opposite ours, that is on no 
 ground credible. And, indeed it is not affirmed that this 
 has been learned by historical knowledge, but by scientific 
 conjecture, on the ground that the earth is suspended within 
 the concavity of the sky, and that it has as much room 
 on the one side of it as on the other; hence they say that 
 the part which is beneath must be inhabited. But they do 
 not remark that, although it be supposed or scientifically 
 demonstrated that the world is of a round and spherical 
 form, yet it does not follow that the other side of the earth 
 
7 6 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 is bare of water, nor even, though it be bare, does it imme 
 diately follow that it is peopled. For Scripture, which proves 
 the truth of its historical statements by the accomplishment 
 of its prophecies, gives no false information; and it is too 
 absurd to say that some men might have taken ship and 
 traversed the whole wide ocean, and crossed from this side of 
 the world to the other, and that thus even the inhabitants 
 of that distant region are descended from the first man." 
 
 In April, 1491, Ferdinand and Isabella were encamped 
 with their army before Granada, where the Moors were 
 making their final stand. It was not a time propitious 
 for enforcing upon their attention the project for seeking 
 problematical land beyond unexplored seas, Nevertheless, 
 Columbus succeeded in inducing them to appoint another 
 junta, or committee, to consider his plan. This he gained 
 through the interest of Cardinal Gonzalez de Mendoza. 
 But the finding of this court of inquiry was also against 
 him. We now see him, disappointed and poverty-stricken, 
 making his way on foot with his little son Diego to the 
 convent of Rabida, near Palos de Moguer in Andalusia, 
 with what definite plans for the future it is impossible for 
 us to determine, except that we know that his immediate 
 purpose was to seek his own relatives in the town of 
 Huelva. Ferdinand Columbus says that his father was 
 now determined to apply to the King of France, to whom 
 he had already written concerning the project, intending, 
 if he were not admitted to an audience there, to go to Eng 
 land afterward to search for his brother, from whom he 
 had not yet received any intelligence. In this dark hour 
 of discouragement, good fortune provided that he should 
 meet Friar Juan Perez. Enthusiast that he was, Colum 
 bus never failed to take advantage of an opportunity to 
 enlist believers in his grand scheme. He talked with Perez 
 and others, among whom probably was Martin Alonso 
 Pinzon, of his plan for making discoveries. He told how 
 for years he had been waiting on the queen, in the hope 
 that she would provide him with the ships necessary to seek 
 
THE DISCOVERER AD LOCATING HIS PROJECT 77 
 
 the western shores of the Atlantic. Columbus could not 
 have fallen in with a man better able to further his interests 
 than was Perez. He was Isabella s confessor, and thus held 
 a position in which he could directly and effectively advise 
 the queen. He sent a letter, and after fourteen days received 
 a reply from Isabella directing him to come to her at the court 
 which was at Santa Fe, before Granada. Columbus was to 
 wait at the convent in the assurance that he also would 
 soon hear from her. The result was that Columbus was 
 commanded to repair again to the court, the queen thought 
 fully sending him twenty thousand maravedies in florins, to 
 defray his immediate expenses. 
 
 The day was won, All that really remained was the 
 arranging of the terms on which Columbus should go forth 
 on this great errand. His son asserts that there was some 
 difficulty encountered in the settlement of this question. 
 Columbus s demands were too haughty; and when told 
 that they could not be conceded, he again turned on his 
 heel and left the Spanish court. But Isabella was persuaded 
 to send De Santangel to bring him back; and all he asked 
 for was granted, the queen expressing her willingness to 
 pledge her jewels to fit out the vessels, if necessary. That 
 his demands were sufficiently high is witnessed by the fol 
 lowing document setting forth the privileges and rights 
 which it was agreed Columbus should enjoy as a reward for 
 his undertaking: 
 
 THE CAPITULATION 
 
 "The things supplicated and which your Highnesses 
 give and declare to Christopher Columbus in some satisfac 
 tion for what he has discovered in the oceans, and for the 
 voyage which now, with the aid of God, he is about to make 
 therein, in the service of your Highnesses, are as follows : 
 
 "First, that your Highnesses as Lords that are of the 
 said oceans, make from this time the said Don Christopher 
 
78 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Columbus your Admiral in all those islands and mainlands 
 which by his hand and industry shall be discovered or 
 acquired in the said oceans, during his life, and after his 
 death, his heirs and successors, from one to another per 
 petually, with all the preeminence and prerogatives belong 
 ing to the said office and according as Don Alonso Enriquez, 
 your High Admiral of Castile, and the other predecessors 
 in the said office held it in their districts. It so pleases 
 your Highnesses. Juan de Coloma. 
 
 "Likewise, that your Highnesses make the said Don 
 Christopher your Viceroy and Governor General in all the 
 said islands and mainlands, and islands which, as has been 
 said, he may discover or acquire in the said seas ; and that 
 for the government of each one and of any one of them, he 
 may make selection of three persons for each office, and 
 that your Highnesses may choose and select the one who 
 shall be most serviceable to you, and thus the lands which 
 our Lord shall permit him to discover and acquire will be 
 better governed, in the service of your Highnesses. It so 
 pleases their Highnesses. Juan de Coloma. 
 
 " Item, that all and whatever merchandise, whether it be 
 pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and other things 
 whatsoever, and merchandise of whatever kind, name, and 
 manner it may be, which may be bought, bartered, discov 
 ered, acquired, or obtained within the limits of the said Ad 
 miralty, your Highnesses grant henceforth to the said Don 
 Christopher, and will that he may have and take for himself, 
 the tenth part of all of them, deducting all the expenses 
 which may be incurred therein ; so that of what shall remain 
 free and clear, he may have and take the tenth part for 
 himself, and do with it as he wills, the other nine parts 
 remaining for your Highnesses. It so pleases their High 
 nesses. Juan de Coloma. 
 
 u Likewise, that if on account of the merchandise that he 
 might bring from the said islands and land, which as afore 
 said he shall acquire and discover, or of that which may 
 be taken in exchange for the same from other merchants 
 
THE DISCOVERER ADVOCATING HIS PROJECT y 9 
 
 here, any suit should arise in the place where the said trade 
 and traffic shall be held and conducted; and if by the 
 preeminence of his office of Admiral it may belong to him 
 to know of such suit, it may please your Highnesses that 
 he or his deputy, and no other judge, may take cognizance 
 of the said suit, and thus it is decreed henceforth. It so 
 pleases their Highnesses if it belongs to the said office of 
 Admiral, as the said Admiral Don Alonso Enriquez held it 
 and the others, his predecessors in their districts, and if it be 
 just. Juan de Coloma. 
 
 " Item, that in all the vessels which may be equipped for 
 the said traffic and negotiations each time and whenever 
 and as often as they may be equipped, the said Admiral 
 Don Christopher Columbus may, if he wishes, contribute 
 and pay the eighth part of all that may be expended in 
 the equipment. And also that he may have and take 
 of the profit, the eighth part of all which may result from 
 such equipment. It so pleases their Highnesses. Juan de 
 Coloma. 
 
 "These are executed and despatched with the responses 
 of your Highnesses at the end of each article in the town of 
 Santa Fe de la Vega de Granada, on the seventeenth day 
 of April in the year of the nativity of our Saviour Jesus 
 Christ one thousand four hundred and ninety-two. I, the 
 King. I, the Queen. By order of the King and of the 
 Queen. Juan de Coloma. Registered Calcena." 
 
 Of the cost of equipment Columbus contributed one- 
 eighth, or five hundred thousand maravedies. It is impos 
 sible for us to ascertain where he obtained this amount, his 
 own circumstances being notoriously impoverished. Some 
 have thought that the Pinzons aided him to this extent; but 
 it is more probable that some noble courtier was willing to 
 invest his money in the scheme which, though so hazardous, 
 was supported by the good will and the finances of the 
 sovereigns. Concerning the amount subscribed by their 
 Catholic majesties, Navarrete quotes this entry, which he 
 
8o DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 found in the account books of Garcia Martinez and Pedro 
 de Montmayor: 
 
 "The said Alonso de Las Cabezas gave and paid by an 
 other warrant of the said Archbishop of Granada, made on 
 the 5th of May in the year 1492, to Luis de Santangel, 
 secretary of the allowances of the King, our Lord, and 
 through him to Alonso de Angulo, by virtue of an order 
 which he exhibited from the said secretary of the allow 
 ances, in which was inserted the said warrant, two hundred 
 thousand maravedies on account of four hundred thousand 
 paid to Vasco de Quiroga, which the said archbishop paid 
 by the said warrant of two million six hundred and forty 
 thousand maravedies, which he was to receive in this man 
 ner: one million five hundred thousand maravedies to pay 
 to D Isag Abraham for a like sum which he loaned to their 
 Highnesses to carry on the war, and the one million one 
 hundred and forty thousand maravedies remaining to pay the 
 said secretary of the allowances on account of a like sum 
 which he loaned to pay for the caravels which their High 
 nesses commanded to go as a fleet to the Indies, to pay to 
 Christopher Columbus who went in said fleet." 
 
 It is thus shown that these monarchs were obliged to 
 
 O 
 
 borrow the small sum, amounting to about four thousand 
 five hundred dollars in our money, required to equip this 
 great enterprise. In view of this fact, our wonder grows 
 less that Columbus was so long in convincing them of the 
 wisdom of the undertaking. 
 
 It was commanded that he should be equipped with three 
 caravels, two of which were to be provided by the town of 
 Palos, whence the expedition was to embark, in execution 
 of a sentence which had been pronounced upon the inhabit 
 ants of that place. There is no doubt that the Pinzons, 
 who were seafaring men and highly respected citizens of 
 Palos, were very helpful to Columbus in shipping crews 
 for this hazardous expedition. How much persuading was 
 needed in order that a sufficient number of men might be 
 
DISCOVERER ADVOCATING HIS PROJECT 8 1 
 
 obtained is indicated by the following warrant issued by 
 the sovereigns: "And by these presents we grant security 
 to all and any persons who shall go in the said caravels 
 with the said Christopher Columbus on the said voyage 
 which he is making by our order in the said ocean seas, as 
 has been expressed, in order that no evil or damage may be 
 done them, nor any disturbance in their persons or goods; 
 nor in anything of theirs by reason of any crime which 
 they may have done or committed from the day of the 
 date of this our letter, and during the time that they shall 
 go and shall remain yonder, with the return to their houses, 
 and two months afterward. For this reason we command 
 you all, and each of you in your place and jurisdiction, not 
 to recognize any criminal proceeding relating to the persons 
 who shall go with the said Christopher Columbus in the 
 said three caravels during the aforesaid time." 
 
 This order indicates the difficult character of the crews 
 with which Columbus was obliged to sail. Yet even, in 
 view of the tempting inducements thus held out, so hope 
 less and dangerous seemed the enterprise which he had 
 undertaken, that the full quota of men was with difficulty 
 obtained. According to Las Casas, the number of those who 
 manned the three small boats was ninety. It is naturally 
 a source of wonder to us that a voyage which in those days 
 seemed so terrible was undertaken in vessels so small and 
 frail. In the year 1892 these diminutive ships were repro 
 duced with all the exactness that the most careful research 
 would warrant, and were exhibited at the Columbian Expo 
 sition held in Chicago. The Santa Maria, a small boat 
 even as compared with vessels of the time of Columbus, was 
 sixty-three feet over all, with a draught of ten and one-half 
 feet, and was of about one hundred and twenty tons burden. 
 The Pinta was fifty tons, and the Nina forty. With this 
 little fleet, under the flag of Spain, Christopher Columbus 
 sailed from the town of Palos on August 3, 1492, to add 
 an empire to the realm of Castile and a continent to the 
 knowledge of the world. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 JOURNAL OF THE FIRST DOTAGE 
 
 THE VOYAGE TO THE WEST 
 
 IT is our belief that the readers of this volume will sup 
 port us in the opinion that nothing could be more fitting 
 than that the account of the most momentous voyage ever 
 undertaken in the history of the world should be given in 
 the famous navigator s own words. Fortunately for the 
 students of history, Columbus himself was duly impressed 
 with the greatness of his undertaking and the immortal 
 interest which would accrue to it. From the very moment 
 that he bade farewell to the sovereigns who supported him 
 in his project, he began keeping a full and detailed journal. 
 In this he noted, at the close of every day, what took place 
 aboard his ships during the voyage, the distance and rate of 
 sailing and all those matters which properly belong to a log 
 book, the attitude of his crews, the floating debris by which 
 their hopes of reaching land from time to time were buoyed, 
 his own reflections, and even his dreams. After landing, 
 he recorded minute observations on the lands and peoples 
 visited. The journal was continued until he again reached 
 the harbor of Palos and was ready triumphantly to report 
 his success. This holograph journal came into the posses 
 sion of Las Casas, who inherited the most important of 
 Columbus s papers. Unfortunately, however, Las Casas 
 did not deem the journal worth reproducing in its entirety. 
 He published an abridged copy, from which he eliminated a 
 great deal of the discoursive material written by the admiral s 
 
 83 
 
84 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 own hand. By so doing, he deprived historians of matter 
 which now would be regarded of inestimable value. There 
 was not a word of Columbus s reflections, however irrele 
 vant they may have been, that would not now be deemed 
 priceless. Las Casas later wrote a history of western dis 
 covery up to his time. In this he reproduced matter from 
 the original journal, which is not found in the abridgment. 
 These two sources comprise the most authoritative material 
 in our possession regarding the great voyage. The journal, 
 however, which we here reproduce, is the abridged copy, 
 the holograph having long since disappeared. It will be 
 noticed that it is generally written in the third person, 
 though in almost every instance where important details are 
 given the exact words of Columbus are quotedo We have 
 followed the copy which Martin Fernandez de Navarrete 
 published in 1825. 
 
 Turning to the journal itself, it will be noted that after 
 the brief address to the sovereigns, in which Columbus is 
 careful to say that he is going by a way which " until to-day 
 we do not know certainly that anyone had gone," he begins 
 his record on Friday, August 3, 1492. Columbus did not 
 participate in that superstition common among sailors that 
 Friday is an unlucky day on which to begin a voyage. In 
 the result he found that it was for him exactly the opposite. 
 On a Friday he cleared the Bar of Saltes, off the village of 
 Huelva; on Friday, October I2th, he first sighted land in 
 the western world; on Friday, March 14, 1493, ne a g am 
 returned to Palos. After considerable trouble, owing to the 
 accident to the Pinta which resulted from the treachery 
 of her owners, who were unwilling that their vessel should 
 be chartered for so uncertain a mission, the admiral left the 
 harbor of Gomera, in Madeira, and laid his course for 
 the west. It was with a great deal of solicitude that he 
 began his journey, for at the very last moment he learned 
 that there were three caravels sailing in those waters in 
 search of him, with the purpose of preventing his voyage. 
 These had been sent out by the King of Portugal, who 
 
THE VOYAGE TO THE WEST 85 
 
 regretted, when too late, that he had lost to his rivals in 
 Spain an opportunity which he began to foresee might turn 
 out to great advantage. The caravels which he despatched 
 were under orders to lie in wait for Columbus and capture 
 him, either at his setting out or on his return. But by 
 good fortune the admiral escaped them. 
 
 In the entry of Monday, September loth, we find evi 
 dence that Columbus anticipated the troubles which would 
 arise from the fear and discouragement of his crews. In 
 order to disarm this as much as possible, he adopted the 
 expedient of falsifying his log and recording each day a 
 less number of leagues than were actually sailed. Thus, 
 by keeping his men in ignorance of the distance at which 
 they really were from their home, he hoped that they might 
 not so keenly dread the impossibility of getting back. In 
 this he must have had the support of his subordinate com 
 manders. But he was by no means successful in prevent 
 ing their dissatisfaction with the voyage. Las Casas, under 
 the date of September 24th, says that so great was the 
 indignation at Columbus s persistence in sailing into what 
 his men feared was a boundless sea, that they even went 
 so far as to talk of throwing him overboard at night, and 
 afterward publish that his loss had been by accident. His 
 iron determination could not be overcome ; nevertheless, he 
 united great prudence with his firmness, for Las Casas also 
 relates how, to cheer the sailors, he "laughed with them 
 while he was weeping at heart." However, the discon 
 tent with which he had to deal cannot be truly said to have 
 ever amounted to mutiny. Columbus was not thwarted 
 in his purposes, in no sense capitulated to the demands 
 of his men, made no compromises, but resolutely maintained 
 his course. There is no real mutiny where a commander 
 is able to effect this. 
 
 On Friday, October I2th, his courage was rewarded by 
 the sight of land. What was the exact spot which he then 
 beheld? He called the island Guanahani. The name has 
 disappeared. The exact site of this first landfall has always 
 
86 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 been and always will be the subject of undecided discus 
 sion. There is not sufficient detail in the journal, or in 
 Las Casas s history, or elsewhere, on which can be based 
 an absolute determination. By many Guanahani is sup 
 posed to be San Salvador, or what is also known as Cat 
 Island. But the greater consensus of opinion among modern 
 investigators accepts Watling Island as the true site of the 
 landfall. 
 
 We will now allow the journal to tell its own story. 
 
 JOURNAL 
 
 OF THE 
 
 FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS 
 
 This is the first voyage and the routes and directions 
 taken by the Admiral Don Cristobal Colon when he dis 
 covered the Indies, summarized; except the prologue made 
 for the Sovereigns, which is given word for word and com 
 mences in this manner. 
 
 In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. 
 
 Because, O most Christian, and very high, very excel 
 lent, and puissant Princes, King and Queen of the Spains 
 and of the islands of the Sea, our Lords, in this present year 
 of 1492, after your Highnesses had given an end to the war 
 with the Moors who reigned in Europe, and had finished it 
 in the very great city of Granada, where in this present year, 
 on the second day of the month of January, by force of 
 arms, I.saw the royal banners of your Highnesses placed on 
 the towers of Alhambra, which is the fortress of that city, 
 and I saw the Moorish King come forth from the gates of 
 the city and kiss the royal hands of your Highnesses, and 
 of the Prince my Lord, and presently in that same month, 
 acting on the information that I had given to your High 
 nesses touching the lands of India, and respecting a Prince 
 who is called Gran Can, which means in our language 
 King of Kings, how he and his ancestors had sent to Rome 
 
VOYAGE TO rHE WEST 87 
 
 many times to ask for learned men of our holy faith to 
 teach him, and how the Holy Father had never complied, 
 insomuch that many people believing in idolatries were 
 lost by receiving doctrine of perdition : YOUR HIGH 
 NESSES, as Catholic Christians and Princes who love the 
 holy Christian faith, and the propagation of it, and who are 
 enemies to the sect of Mahoma and to all idolatries and 
 heresies, resolved to send me, Cristobal Colon, to the said 
 parts of India to see the said princes, and the cities and 
 lands, and their disposition, with a view that they might be 
 converted to our holy faith; and ordered that I should not 
 go by land to the eastward, as had been customary, but that 
 I should go by way of the west, whither, up to this day, we 
 do not know for certain that anyone has gone. 
 
 Thus, after having turned out all the Jews from all your 
 kingdoms and lordships, in the same month of January, 
 your Highnesses gave orders to me that with a sufficient 
 fleet I should go to the said parts of India, and for this they 
 made great concessions to me, and ennobled me, so that 
 henceforward I should be called Don, and should be Chief 
 Admiral of the Ocean Sea, perpetual Viceroy and Governor 
 of all the islands and continents that I should discover and 
 gain, and that I might hereafter discover and gain in the 
 Ocean Sea, and that my eldest son should succeed, and so 
 on from generation to generation for ever. 
 
 I left the city of Granada on the I2th day of May, in 
 the same year of 1492, being Saturday, and came to the 
 town of Palos, which is a seaport; where I equipped three 
 vessels well suited for such service ; and departed from that 
 port, well supplied with provisions and with many sailors, 
 on the 3rd day of August of the same year, being Friday, 
 half an hour before sunrise, taking the route to the islands 
 of Canaria, belonging to your Highnesses, which are in the 
 said Ocean Sea, that I might thence take my departure for 
 navigating until I should arrive at the Indies, and give the 
 letters of your Highnesses to those princes, so as to comply 
 with my orders. As part of my duty I thought it well to 
 
88 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 write an account of all the voyage very punctually, noting 
 from day to day all that I should do and see, and that should 
 happen, as will be seen further on. Also, Lords Princes, I 
 resolved to describe each night what passed in the day, and 
 to note each day how I navigated at night. I propose to 
 construct a new chart for navigating, on which I shall de 
 lineate all the sea and lands of the Ocean in their proper 
 positions under their bearings; and further, I propose to 
 prepare a book, and to put down all as it were in a picture, 
 by latitude from the equator, and western longitude. Above 
 all, I shall have accomplished much, for I shall forget sleep, 
 and shall work at the business of navigation, that so the ser 
 vice may be performed; all which will entail great labor. 
 
 Friday, 3rd of August. 
 
 We departed on Friday, the 3rd of August, in the year 
 1492, from the bar of Saltes, at eight o clock, and proceeded 
 with a strong sea breeze until sunset, towards the S., for 
 sixty miles, equal to fifteen leagues ; afterwards S. W. and 
 W. S. W., which was the course for the Canaries. 
 
 Saturday, 4th of August. 
 They steered S. W. % S. 
 
 Sunday, 5th of August. 
 
 They continued their course day and night more than 
 forty leagues. 
 
 Monday, 6th of August. 
 
 The rudder of the caravel Pinta became unshipped, and 
 Martin Alonso Pinzon, who was in command, believed or 
 suspected that it was by contrivance of Gomes Rascon 
 and Cristobal Quintero, to whom the caravel belonged, for 
 they dreaded to go on that voyage. The Admiral says 
 that, before they sailed, these men had been displaying a 
 certain backwardness, so to speak. The Admiral was 
 much disturbed at not being able to help the said caravel 
 
rorAGE ro THE WEST 89 
 
 without danger, and he says that he was eased of some 
 anxiety when he reflected that Martin Alonso Pinzon was 
 a man of energy and ingenuity. They made, during the 
 day and night, twenty-nine leagues. 
 
 Tuesday, jth of August. 
 
 The rudder of the P mta was shipped and secured, and 
 they proceeded on a course for the island of Lanzarote, one 
 of the Canaries. They made, during the day and night, 
 twenty-five leagues. 
 
 Wednesday, 8th of August. 
 
 Opinions respecting their position varied among the 
 pilots of the three caravels ; but that of the Admiral proved 
 to be nearer the truth. He wished to go to Gran Canaria, to 
 leave the caravel Pinta, because she was disabled by the 
 faulty hanging of her rudder, and was making water. He 
 intended to obtain another there if one could be found. 
 They could not reach the place that day. 
 
 Thursday, 9th of August. 
 
 The Admiral was not able to reach Gomera until the 
 night of Sunday, while Martin Alonso remained on that 
 coast of Gran Canaria by order of the Admiral, because his 
 vessel could not be navigated. Afterwards the Admiral took 
 her to Canaria, and they repaired the Pinta very thoroughly 
 through the pains and labor of the Admiral, of Martin 
 Alonso, and of the rest. Finally they came to Gomera. 
 They saw a great fire issue from the mountain of the island 
 of Tenerife, which is of great height. They rigged the 
 P mta with square sails, for she was lateen rigged ; and the 
 Admiral reached Gomera on Sunday, the 2nd of September, 
 with the Pint a repaired. 
 
 The Admiral says that many honorable Spanish gentle 
 men who were at Gomera with Dona Ines Peraza, mother 
 of Guillen Peraza [who was afterwards the first Count of 
 Gomera] , and who were natives of the island of Hierro, 
 
QO DISCOFERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 declared that every year they saw land to the west of the 
 Canaries; and others, natives of Gomera, affirmed the same 
 on oath. The Admiral here says that he remembers, when 
 in Portugal in the year 1484, a man came to the King from 
 the island of Madeira, to beg for a caravel to go to this 
 land that was seen, who swore that it could be seen every 
 year, and always in the same way. He also says that he 
 recollects the same thing being affirmed in the islands of 
 the Azores; and all these lands were described as in the 
 same direction, and as being like each other, and of the same 
 size. Having taken in water, wood, and meat, and all else 
 that the men had who were left at Gomera by the Ad 
 miral when he went to the island of Canaria to repair the 
 caravel Pinta, he finally made sail from the said island of 
 Gomera, with his three caravels, on Thursday, the 6th day 
 of September. 
 
 Thursday, 6th of September. 
 
 He departed on that day from the port of Gomera in the 
 morning, and shaped a course to go on his voyage; having 
 received tidings from a caravel that came from the island 
 of Hierro that three Portuguese caravels were off that 
 island with the object of taking him. [This must have 
 been the result of the King s annoyance that Colon should 
 have gone to Castille.] There was a calm all that day and 
 night, and in the morning he found himself between Gomera 
 and Tenerife. 
 
 Friday, ;th of September. 
 
 The calm continued all Friday and Saturday, until the 
 third hour of the night. 
 
 Saturday, 8th of September. 
 
 At the third hour of Saturday night it began to blow from 
 the N. E., and the Admiral shaped a course to the W. He 
 took in much sea over the bows, which retarded progress, 
 and nine leagues were made in that day and night. 
 
THE VOYAGE TO THE WEST 
 
 9 1 
 
 Sunday, gth of September. 
 
 This day the Admiral made nineteen leagues, and he ar 
 ranged to reckon less than the number run, because, if the 
 voyage was of long duration, the people would not be so 
 terrified and disheartened. In the night he made one hun 
 dred and twenty miles, at the rate of twelve miles an hour, 
 which are thirty leagues. The sailors steered badly, letting 
 the ship fall off to N. E., and even more, respecting which 
 the Admiral complained many times. 
 
 Monday, loth of September. 
 
 In this day and night he made sixty leagues, at the rate 
 of ten miles an hour, which are two and one-half leagues; 
 but he only counted forty-eight leagues, that the people 
 might not be alarmed if the voyage should be long. 
 
 Tuesday, nth of September. 
 
 That day they sailed on their course, which was W., and 
 made twenty leagues and more/ They saw a large piece of 
 the mast of a ship of one hundred and twenty tons, but 
 were unable to get it. In the night they made nearly twenty 
 leagues, but only counted sixteen, for the reason already 
 given. 
 
 Wednesday, I2th of September. 
 
 That day, steering their course, they made thirty-three 
 leagues during the day and night, counting less. 
 
 Thursday, I3th of September. 
 
 That day and night, steering their course, which was 
 W., they made thirty-three leagues, counting three or four 
 less. The currents were against them. On this day, at 
 the commencement of the night, the needles turned a half 
 point to N. W., and in the morning they turned somewhat 
 more N. W. 
 
 Friday, I4th of September. 
 
 That day they navigated, on their westerly course, day 
 and night, twenty leagues, counting a little less. Here those 
 
92 DISCOFERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 of the caravel Nina reported that they had seen a tern and a 
 boatswain-bird, and these birds never go more than twenty- 
 five leagues from the land. 
 
 Saturday, 1 5th of September. 
 
 That day and night they made twenty-seven leagues 
 and rather more on their W. course ; and in the early part 
 of the night there fell from heaven into the sea a marvel 
 lous flame of fire, at a distance of about four or five leagues 
 from them. 
 
 Sunday, i6th of September. 
 
 That day and night they steered their course W., making 
 thirty-nine leagues, but the Admiral only counted thirty-six. 
 There were some clouds and small rain. The Admiral says 
 that on that day, and ever afterwards, they met with very 
 temperate breezes, so that there was great pleasure in en 
 joying the mornings, nothing being wanted but the song of 
 nightingales. He says that the weather was like April in 
 Andalusia. Here they began to see many tufts of grass 
 which were very green, and appeared to have been quite 
 recently torn from the land. From this they judged that 
 they were near some island, but not the mainland, accord 
 ing to the Admiral, "because," as he says, "I make the 
 mainland to be more distant." 
 
 Monday, I yth of September. 
 
 They proceeded on their W. course, and made over fifty 
 leagues in the day and night, but the Admiral only counted 
 forty-seven. They were aided by the current. They saw 
 much very fine grass and herbs from rocks, which came 
 from the W. They, therefore, considered that they were 
 near land. The pilots observed the N. point, and found 
 that the needles turned a full point to the W. of N. So the 
 mariners were alarmed and dejected, and did not give their 
 reason. But the Admiral knew, and ordered that the N. 
 should be again observed at dawn. They then found that 
 
THE VOYAGE TO THE WEST 
 
 93 
 
 the needles were true. The cause was that the star makes 
 the movement, and not the needles. At dawn, on that 
 Monday, they saw much more weed appearing, like herbs 
 from rivers, in which they found a live crab, which the 
 Admiral kept. He says that these crabs are certain signs 
 of land. The sea water was found to be less salt than it 
 had been since leaving the Canaries. The breezes were 
 always soft. Everyone was pleased, and the best sailers 
 went ahead to sight the first land. They saw many tunny- 
 fish, and the crew of the Nina killed one. The Admiral 
 here says that these signs of land came from the west, "in 
 which direction I trust in that high God in whose hands are 
 all victories that very soon we shall sight land." In that 
 morning he says that a white bird was seen which has not the 
 habit of sleeping on the sea, called rabo de junco [boatswain- 
 bird]. 
 
 Tuesday, i8th of September. 
 
 This day and night they made over fifty-five leagues, the 
 Admiral only counting forty-eight. In all these days the sea 
 was very smooth, like the river at Seville. This day Martin 
 Alonso, with the Pinta, which was a fast sailer, did not wait, 
 for he said to the Admiral, from his caravel, that he had seen 
 a great multitude of birds flying westward, that he hoped to 
 see land that night, and that he therefore pressed onward. 
 A great cloud appeared in the N., which is a sign of the 
 proximity of land. 
 
 Wednesday, igth of September. 
 
 The Admiral continued on his course, and during the day 
 and night he made but twenty-five leagues because it was 
 calm. He counted twenty-two. This day, at ten o clock, 
 a booby came to the ship, and in the afternoon another 
 arrived, these birds not generally going more than twenty 
 leagues from the land. There was also some drizzling 
 rain without wind, which is a sure sign of land. The 
 Admiral did not wish to cause delay by beating to windward 
 
94 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 to ascertain whether land was near, but he considered it 
 certain that there were islands both to the N. and S. of 
 his position [as indeed there were, and he was passing 
 through the middle of them] . For his desire was to press 
 onwards to the Indies, the weather being fine. For on 
 his return, God willing, he could see all. These are his 
 own words. Here the pilots found their positions. He 
 of the Nina made the Canaries four hundred and forty 
 leagues distant, the Pinta four hundred and twenty. The 
 pilot of the Admiral s ship made the distance exactly four 
 hundred leagues. 
 
 Thursday, 2Oth of September. 
 
 This day the course was W. by N., and as her head was 
 all round the compass, owing to the calm that prevailed, the 
 ships made only seven or eight leagues. Two boobies came 
 to the ship, and afterwards another, a sign of the proximity 
 of land. They saw much weed, although none was seen on 
 the previous day. They caught a bird with the hand, which 
 was like a tern. But it was a river bird, not a sea bird, the 
 feet being like those of a gull. At dawn two or three land 
 birds came singing to the ship, and they disappeared before 
 sunset. Afterwards a booby came from W. N. W., and 
 flew to the S. W., which was a sign that it left land in the 
 W. N. W. ; for these birds sleep on shore, and go to sea 
 in the mornings in search of food, not extending their flight 
 more than twenty leagues from the land. 
 
 Friday, 2ist of September. 
 
 Most of the day it was calm, and later there was a little 
 wind. During the day and night they did not make good 
 more than thirteen leagues. At dawn they saw so much 
 weed that the sea appeared to be covered with it, and it 
 came from the W. A booby was seen. The sea was 
 very smooth, like a river, and the air the best in the world. 
 They saw a whale, which is a sign that they were near 
 land, because they always keep near. the shore. 
 
VOYAGE TO THE WEST 
 
 95 
 
 Saturday, 22nd of September. 
 
 They shaped a course W. N. W. more or less, her head 
 turning from one to the other point, and made thirty leagues. 
 Scarcely any weed was seen. They saw some sandpipers 
 and another bird. Here the Admiral says : " This contrary 
 wind was very necessary for me, because my people were 
 much excited at the thought that in these seas no wind ever 
 blew in the direction of Spain." Part of the day there was 
 no weed, and later it was very thick. 
 
 Sunday, 23rd of September. 
 
 They shaped a course N. W., and at times more north 
 erly ; occasionally they were on their course, which was W., 
 and they made about twenty-two leagues. They saw a 
 dove and a booby, another river bird, and some white birds. 
 There was a great deal of weed, and they found crabs in it. 
 The sea being smooth and calm, the crew began to mur 
 mur, saying that here there was no great sea, and that the 
 wind would never blow so that they could return to Spain. 
 Afterwards the sea rose very much, without wind, which 
 astonished them. The Admiral here says: "Thus the high 
 sea was very necessary to me, such as had not appeared but in 
 the time of the Jews when they went out of Egypt and mur 
 mured against Moses, who delivered them out of captivity." 
 
 Monday, 24th of September. 
 
 The Admiral went on his W. course all day and night, 
 making fourteen leagues. He counted twelve. A booby 
 came to the ship, and many sandpipers. 
 
 Tuesday, 25th of September. 
 
 This day began with a calm, and afterwards there was 
 wind. They were on their W. course until night. The 
 Admiral conversed with Martin Alonso Pinzon, captain of 
 the caravel Pinta, respecting a chart which he had sent 
 to the caravel three days before, on which, as it would ap 
 pear, the Admiral had certain islands depicted in that sea. 
 
0,6 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Martin Alonso said that the ships were in the position on 
 which the islands were placed, and the Admiral replied that 
 so it appeared to him; but it might be that they had not 
 fallen in with them, owing to the currents which had always 
 set the ships to the N. E., and that they had not made so 
 much as the pilots reported. The Admiral then asked for 
 the chart to be returned, and it was sent back on a line. 
 The Admiral then began to plot the position on it, with 
 the pilot and mariners. At sunset Martin Alonso went up 
 on the poop of his ship, and with much joy called to the 
 Admiral, claiming the reward as he had sighted land. When 
 the Admiral heard this positively declared, he says that he 
 gave thanks to the Lord on his knees, while Martin Alonso 
 said the Gloria in excelsis with his people. The Admiral s 
 crew did the same. Those of the Nina all went up on the 
 mast and into the rigging, and declared that it was land. It 
 so seemed to the Admiral, and that it was distant twenty- 
 five leagues. They all continued to declare it was land 
 until night. The Admiral ordered the course to be altered 
 from W. to S. W., in which direction the land had ap 
 peared. That day they made four leagues on a W. course, 
 and seventeen S. W. during the night, in all twenty-one; 
 but the people were told that thirteen was the distance made 
 good: for it was always feigned to them that the distances 
 were less, so that the voyage might not appear so long. 
 Thus two reckonings were kept on this voyage, the shorter 
 being feigned, and the longer being the true one. The sea 
 was very smooth, so that many sailors bathed alongside. 
 They saw many dorados and other fish. 
 
 Wednesday, 26th of September. 
 
 The Admiral continued on the W. course until after 
 noon. Then he altered course to S. W., until he made out 
 that what had been said to be land was only clouds. Day 
 and night they made thirty-one leagues, counting twenty- 
 four for the people. The sea was like a river, the air 
 pleasant and very mild. 
 
Copyright, IQOJ, 
 
 Track of Columbus s movements during his first voyage after the landfall 
 gi-~ven in the original log, by Captain G. f^. Fox 
 
reorge Barrie & Sons. 
 
 
 
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 .TI-AOI> y 
 
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 U.^.. V 
 
 f ,- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ~*#* 
 
 \..,J: J <.~.x?. 
 
 " - ^ - 
 
 f^ y T 
 
 /^"V 
 
 ?.&2l 
 
 ,.if 
 
 1 he started on the return voyage. Prepared in accordance with the data 
 s - N., former Assistant Secretary of the Navy. 
 
THE VOYAGE TO THE WEST 
 
 97 
 
 Thursday, 2Jth of September. 
 
 The course W., and distance made good during day 
 and night twenty-four leagues, twenty being counted for 
 the people. Many dorados came. One was killed. A 
 boatswain-bird came. 
 
 Friday, 28th of September. 
 
 The course was W., and the distance, owing to calms, 
 only fourteen leagues in day and night, thirteen leagues 
 being counted. They met with little weed; but caught 
 two dorados, and more in the other ships. 
 
 Saturday, 2Qth of September. 
 
 The course was W., and they made twenty-four leagues, 
 counting twenty-one for the people. Owing to calms, the 
 distance made good during day and night was not much. 
 They saw a bird called rabiforcado [man-o -war bird] , which 
 makes the boobies vomit what they have swallowed, and eats 
 it, maintaining itself on nothing else. It is a sea bird, but 
 does not sleep on the sea, and does not go more than twenty 
 leagues from the land. There are many of them at the Cape 
 Verd Islands. Afterwards they saw two boobies. The 
 air was very mild and agreeable, and the Admiral says that 
 nothing was wanting but to hear the nightingale. The sea 
 smooth as a river. Later, three boobies and a man-o -war 
 bird were seen three times. There was much weed. 
 
 Sunday, 3Oth of September. 
 
 The western course was steered, and during the day and 
 night, owing to calms, only fourteen leagues were made, 
 eleven being counted. Four boatswain-birds came to the 
 ship, which is a great sign of land, for so many birds of 
 this kind together is a sign that they are not straying or 
 lost. They also twice saw four boobies. There was much 
 weed. Note that the stars which are called las guardias [the 
 Pointers], when night comes on, are near the western point, 
 and when dawn breaks they are near the N. E. point; so 
 
98 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 that, during the whole night, they do not appear to move 
 more than three lines or nine hours, and this on each night. 
 The Admiral says this, and also that at nightfall the needles 
 vary a point westerly, while at dawn they agree exactly with 
 the star. From this it would appear that the North Star has 
 a movement like the other stars, while the needles always 
 point correctly. 
 
 Monday, 1st of October. 
 
 Course W., and twenty-five leagues made good, counted 
 for the crew as twenty leagues. There was a heavy shower 
 of rain. At dawn the Admiral s pilot made the distance 
 from Hierro five hundred and seventy-eight leagues to the 
 west. The reduced reckoning which the Admiral showed 
 to the crew made it five hundred and eighty-four leagues; 
 but the truth which the Admiral observed and kept secret 
 was seven hundred and seven. 
 
 Tuesday, 2nd of October. 
 
 Course W., and during the day and night thirty-nine 
 leagues were made good, counted for the crew as thirty. 
 The sea always smooth. Many thanks be given to God, 
 says the Admiral, that the weed is coming from E. to W., 
 contrary to its usual course. Many fish were seen, and one 
 was killed. A white bird was also seen that appeared to 
 be a gull. 
 
 Wednesday, 3rd of October. 
 
 They navigated on the usual course, and made good 
 forty-seven leagues, counted as forty. Sandpipers appeared, 
 and much weed, some of it very old and some quite fresh and 
 having fruit. They saw no birds. The Admiral, therefore, 
 thought that they had left the islands behind them which 
 were depicted on the charts. The Admiral here says that he 
 did not wish to keep the ships beating about during the last 
 week, and in the last few days when there were so many 
 signs of land, although he had information of certain islands 
 
VOYAGE TO THE WEST 
 
 99 
 
 in this region. For he wished to avoid delay, his object 
 being to reach the Indies. He says that to delay would 
 not be wise. 
 
 Thursday, 4th of October. 
 
 Course W., and sixty-three leagues made good during 
 the day and night, counted as forty-six. More than fort) 
 sandpipers came to the ship in a flock, and two boobies, 
 and a ship s boy hit one with a stone. There also came a 
 man-o -war bird and a white bird like a gull. 
 
 Friday, 5th of October. 
 
 The Admiral steered his course, going eleven miles an 
 hour, and during the day and night they made good fifty- 
 seven leagues, as the wind increased somewhat during the 
 night: forty-five were counted. The sea was smooth and 
 quiet. "To God," he says, "be many thanks given, the air 
 being pleasant and temperate, with no weed, many sand 
 pipers, and flying-fish coming on the deck in numbers." 
 
 Saturday, 6th of October. 
 
 The Admiral continued his W. course, and during day 
 and night they made good forty leagues, thirty-three being 
 counted. This night Martin Alonso said that it would be 
 well to steer S. of W., and it appeared to the Admiral that 
 Martin Alonso did not say this with respect to the island 
 of Cipango. He saw that if an error was made the land 
 would not be reached so quickly, and that consequently 
 it would be better to go at once to the continent and after 
 wards to the islands. 
 
 Sunday, Jth of October. 
 
 The W. course was continued ; for two hours they went 
 at the rate of twelve miles an hour, and afterwards eight 
 miles an hour. They made good twenty-three leagues, 
 counting eighteen for the people. This day, at sunrise, the 
 caravel Nina, which went ahead, being the best sailer, and 
 
100 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 pushed forward as much as possible to sight the land first, so 
 as to enjoy the reward which the Sovereigns had promised to 
 whoever should see it first, hoisted a flag at the mast head 
 and fired a gun, as a signal that she had sighted land, for 
 such was the Admiral s order. He had also ordered that, 
 at sunrise and sunset, all the ships should join him; because 
 those two times are most proper for seeing the greatest dis 
 tance, the haze clearing away. No land was seen during 
 the afternoon, as reported by the caravel Nina, and they 
 passed a great number of birds flying from N. to S. W. 
 This gave rise to the belief that the birds were either going 
 to sleep on land, or were flying from the winter which 
 might be supposed to be near in the land whence they were 
 coming. The Admiral was aware that most of the islands 
 held by the Portuguese were discovered by the flight of birds. 
 For this reason he resolved to give up the W. course, and 
 to shape a course W. S. W. for the two following days. 
 He began the new course one hour before sunset. They 
 made good, during the night, about five leagues, and twenty- 
 three in the day, altogether twenty-eight leagues. 
 
 Monday, 8th of October. 
 
 The course was W. S. W., and eleven and one-half or 
 twelve leagues were made good in the day and night; and 
 at times it appears that they went at the rate of fifteen 
 miles an hour during the night [if the handwriting is not 
 deceptive] . The sea was like the river at Seville. " Thanks 
 be to God," says the Admiral, " the air is very soft, like the 
 April at Seville; and it is a pleasure to be here, so balmy 
 are the breezes." The weed seemed to be very fresh. There 
 were many land birds, and they took one that was flying to 
 the S. W. Terns, ducks, and a booby were also seen. 
 
 Tuesday, Qth of October. 
 
 The course was S. W., and they made five leagues. The 
 wind then changed, and the Admiral steered W. by N. four 
 leagues. Altogether, in day and night, they made eleven 
 
VOYAGE TO THE WEST IQI 
 
 leagues by day and twenty and one-half leagues by night; 
 counted as seventeen leagues altogether. Throughout the 
 night birds were heard passing. 
 
 Wednesday, loth of October. 
 
 The course was W. S. W., and they went at the rate of 
 ten miles an hour, occasionally twelve miles, and some 
 times seven. During the day and night they made fifty- 
 nine leagues, counted as no more than forty-four. Here 
 the people could endure no longer. They complained of the 
 length of the voyage. But the Admiral cheered them up 
 in the best way he could, giving them good hopes of the 
 advantages they might gain from it. He added that, how 
 ever much they might complain, he had to go to the Indies, 
 and that he would go on until he found them, with the help 
 of our Lord. 
 
 Thursday, nth of October. 
 
 The course was W. S. W., and there was more sea than 
 there had been during the whole of the voyage. They saw 
 sandpipers, and a green reed near the ship. Those of the 
 caravel Pinta saw a cane and a pole, and they took up 
 another small pole which appeared to have been worked 
 with iron; also another bit of cane, a land plant, and a 
 small board. The crew of the caravel Nina also saw 
 signs of land, and a small branch covered with berries. 
 Everyone breathed afresh and rejoiced at these signs. The 
 run until sunset was twenty-six leagues. 
 
 After sunset the Admiral returned to his original W. 
 course, and they went along at the rate of twelve miles an 
 hour. Up to two hours after midnight they had gone ninety 
 miles, equal to twenty-two and one-half leagues. As the 
 caravel Pinta was a better sailer, and went ahead of the Ad 
 miral, she found the land, and made the signals ordered by 
 the Admiral. The land was first seen by a sailor named 
 Rodrigo de Triana. But the Admiral, at ten in the previous 
 night, being on the castle of the poop, saw a light, though 
 
102 DISCOVER T AND EXPLORATION 
 
 it was so uncertain that he could not affirm it was land. 
 He called Pedro Gutierrez, a gentleman of the King s bed 
 chamber, and said that there seemed to be a light, and that 
 he should look at it. He did so, and saw it. The Admiral 
 said the same to Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia, whom the 
 King and Queen had sent with the fleet as inspector, but 
 he could see nothing, because he was not in a place whence 
 anything could be seen. After the Admiral had spoken he 
 saw the light once or twice, and it was like a wax candle 
 rising and falling. It seemed to few to be an indication of 
 land; but the Admiral made certain that land was close. 
 When they said the Salve, which all the sailors were accus 
 tomed to sing in their way, the Admiral asked and admon 
 ished the men to keep a good lookout on the forecastle, and 
 to watch well for land ; and to him who should first cry out 
 that he saw land, he would give a silk doublet, besides the 
 other rewards promised by the Sovereigns, which were ten 
 thousand maravedis to him who should first see it. At two 
 hours after midnight the land was sighted at a distance of 
 two leagues. They shortened sail, and lay by under the 
 mainsail without the bonnets. The vessels were hove to, 
 waiting for daylight; and on Friday they arrived at a small 
 island of the Lucayos, called, in the language of the Indians, 
 Guanahani. Presently they saw naked people. The Ad 
 miral went on shore in the armed boat, and Martin Alonso 
 Pinzon, and Vicente Yanez, his brother, who was captain of 
 the Nina. The Admiral took the royal standard, and the 
 captains went with two banners of the green cross, which 
 the Admiral took in all the ships as a sign, with an F and 
 a Y and a crown over each letter, one on one side of the 
 cross and the other on the other. Having landed, they saw 
 trees very green, and much water, and fruits of diverse kinds. 
 The Admiral called to the two captains, and to the others 
 who leaped on shore, and to Rodrigo Escovedo, secretary 
 of the whole fleet, and to Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia, and 
 said that they should bear faithful testimony that he, in 
 presence of all, had taken, as he now took, possession of the 
 
THE VOYAGE TO THE WEST 
 
 103 
 
 said island for the King and for the Queen, his Lords making 
 the declarations that are required, as is more largely set forth 
 in the testimonies which were then made in writing. 
 
 Presently many inhabitants of the island assembled. 
 What follows is in the actual words of the Admiral in his 
 book of the first navigation and discovery of the Indies. 
 "I," he says, "that we might form great friendship, for I 
 knew that they were a people who could be more easily 
 freed and converted to our holy faith by love than by force, 
 gave to some of them red caps, and glass beads to put round 
 their necks, and many other things of little value, which 
 gave them great pleasure, and made them so much our 
 friends that it was a marvel to see. They afterwards came 
 to the ship s boats where we were, swimming and bringing 
 us parrots, cotton threads in skeins, darts, and many other 
 things; and we exchanged them for other things that we 
 gave them, such as glass beads and small bells. In fine, 
 they took all, and gave what they had with good will. It 
 appeared to me to be a race of people very poor in every 
 thing. They go as naked as when their mothers bore them, 
 and so do the women, although I did not see more than one 
 young girl. All I saw were youths, none more than thirty 
 years of age. They are very well made, with very hand 
 some bodies, and very good countenances. Their hair is 
 short and coarse, almost like the hairs of a horse s tail. 
 They wear the hair brought down to the eyebrows, except 
 a few locks behind, which they wear long and never cut. 
 They paint themselves black, and they are the color of 
 the Canarians, neither black nor white. Some paint them 
 selves white, others red, and others of what color they 
 find. Some paint their faces, others the whole body, some 
 only round the eyes, others only on the nose. They neither 
 carry nor know anything of arms, for I showed them 
 swords, and they took them by the blade and cut them 
 selves through ignorance. They have no iron, their darts 
 being wands without iron, some of them having a fish s 
 tooth at the end, and others being pointed in various ways. 
 
104 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 They are all of fair stature and size, with good faces, and 
 well made. I saw some with marks of wounds on their 
 bodies, and I made signs to ask what it was, and they gave 
 me to understand that people from other adjacent islands 
 came with the intention of seizing them, and that they 
 defended themselves. I believed, and still believe, that 
 they come here from the mainland to take them prisoners. 
 They should be good servants and intelligent, for I observed 
 that they quickly took in what was said to them, and I 
 believe that they would easily be made Christians, as it 
 appeared to me that they had no religion. I, our Lord being 
 pleased, will take hence, at the time of my departure, six 
 natives for your Highnesses, that they may learn to speak. 
 I saw no beast of any kind except parrots, on this island." 
 The above is in the words of the Admiral. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE (Continued} 
 
 EXPLORATION 
 
 IT appears marvellous that Columbus, after he had seen 
 the nature of the country he had discovered, the condition 
 of the inhabitants, and their savage manner of life, should 
 have continued to imagine that he was in the neighborhood 
 of the rich and splendid island of Cipango and near the 
 dominions of the Great Khan. But as Las Casas remarks 
 in his Historic! de las Indias : " It is a wonderful thing how 
 when man desires anything greatly and has firmly seated it 
 in his imagination, everything he may see and hear at each 
 step he judges it without reflection to be in his favor." In 
 the entry under date of November ist, the admiral attests 
 his belief that he was before Zayto and Guinsay, one hun 
 dred leagues a little more or a little less. These two cities 
 were imagined by him to be the capitals of Cathay. Indeed, 
 he went so far as to despatch two men, a sailor and a 
 Christian Jew, with the letter of the sovereigns to the Great 
 Khan. When these men returned, after an expedition of 
 twelve leagues into the interior of the island of Cuba, it 
 may well be supposed that Columbus would have been con 
 vinced that he was in error regarding the location of his dis 
 coveries. But so deeply rooted was his conviction that he 
 had reached the outskirts of Asia, that, in spite of all he saw 
 during this and his later voyages, he died in the same belief. 
 
 The admiral never gave his prime consideration to scien 
 tific investigation. We notice, under date of October I3th, 
 
 105 
 
1 6 DISCOVER T AND EXPLORATION 
 
 that on the very inception of his discoveries, as soon as he 
 reached land, he began his ardent quest for gold. The 
 small pieces of the precious metal which he saw suspended 
 from the noses of some of the inhabitants had a more imme 
 diate interest for him than the configuration of the coun 
 try. It has been a subject of somewhat heated discussion 
 and diverse opinion as to whether or not this arose from 
 Columbus s own cupidity. When we notice the unremit 
 ting eagerness with which he pressed on the natives, wherever 
 he encountered them, the question as to the whereabouts 
 of gold, it is not easy to avoid an opinion prejudicial to his 
 motive. Nevertheless, Las Casas endeavors earnestly to 
 acquit the admiral of this unworthy imputation. In this 
 the bishop is an eminently trustworthy witness, for no one 
 saw so clearly and deplored so deeply as did he the terrible 
 effects of the avarice of the Spaniards on the unfortunate 
 natives. According to him, Columbus felt under the abso 
 lute necessity of justifying his expedition and securing the 
 continued support of the sovereigns of Spain by making 
 the voyage profitable. It was not an interest in geography 
 or any other science that had induced them at some expense 
 to send him out. They had been made participators in his 
 belief that the way to the wealth and profitable commerce 
 of India and Cathay lay across the western sea. New 
 charts and an extended knowledge of the surface of the 
 earth would never be to them sufficient repayment for their 
 expense. Only wealth-increasing dominion would satisfy 
 Ferdinand and Isabella. Moreover, Columbus was never 
 allowed to forget the fact that at the court he had enemies 
 who were doing their utmost to induce the sovereigns to 
 doubt his theories, belittle his accomplishment, and with 
 draw their support. Says Las Casas : " For this cause the 
 admiral never thought, never watched, never labored in any 
 thing else than trying to bring about the receipt of profits 
 and revenues for the Sovereigns, fearing always that such a 
 great enterprise would be prevented, because he saw that 
 if the Sovereigns became tired of making expenditures, or 
 
EXPLORATION 
 
 I0 7 
 
 became displeased, they would not carry it to an end." 
 This is a very plausible explanation of Columbus s zealous 
 quest for gold and precious stones. But over against this 
 we have at least the fact and it can hardly be made to 
 appear creditable to the admiral that, although Rodrigo 
 de Triana was the first actually to see land, and could justly 
 claim the promised annuity of ten thousand maravedies, Co 
 lumbus appropriated the reward on the ground of his having 
 seen a light on the night of October nth. De Triana was 
 so impressed by the injustice done himself, that he went to 
 Africa and became a Mohammedan. 
 
 When on the island of Cuba, the discoverer narrowly 
 missed the object of his search, through a misapprehension 
 of the signs by which alone he could hold intercourse with 
 the natives. They indicated to him the direction in which 
 lay a region they called " Cubanacan." By this they meant 
 the middle part of the island; but Columbus supposed it 
 to refer to a great city, which he could not find. In this 
 Cubanacan, Las Casas tells us, were very rich gold mines. 
 But through this misapprehension they were reserved for later 
 adventurers. During this first voyage, however, Columbus 
 did become acquainted with two commodities now held in 
 universal approbation and more distinctively connected with 
 the New World than is gold. He found a land " full of 
 4 niames, which are like carrots and taste like chestnuts." 
 These, though difficult to identify as such by this descrip 
 tion, Las Casas declares to be u patatas." It was also on 
 the island of Cuba that the discoverers first saw " men and 
 women with a half-burned weed in their hands, and herbs 
 to smoke, which they are in the habit of doing." In his 
 Historia, Las Casas inserts a note on this entry from the 
 journal, in which he says "the men with the half-burned 
 weed in their hands and certain herbs in order to take their 
 smokes, which are some dry herbs put in a certain leaf, also 
 dry, in the manner of a musket made of paper, like those 
 the boys make on the day of the Passover of the Holy 
 Ghost; and having lighted one part of it, by the other they 
 
108 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 suck, absorb or receive that smoke inside with the breath, 
 by which they become benumbed and almost drunk, and so 
 it is said that they do not feel fatigue." 
 
 The people of the New World excited keen interest in 
 the mind of Columbus. His descriptions of them are full 
 and accurate. A particularly careful account of the natives 
 is entered in his journal for 
 
 Saturday, I3th of October. 
 
 "As soon as dawn broke, many of these people came to 
 the beach, all youths, as I have said, and all of good stature, 
 a very handsome people. Their hair is not curly, but loose 
 and coarse, like horse hair. In all the forehead is broad, 
 more so than in any other people I have hitherto seen. 
 Their eyes are very beautiful and not small, and themselves 
 far from black, but the color of the Canarians. Nor should 
 anything else be expected, as this island is in a line E. and 
 W. from the island of Hierro in the Canaries. Their legs 
 are very straight, all in one line, and no belly, but very well 
 formed. They came to the ship in small canoes, made out 
 of the trunk of a tree like a long boat, and all of one piece, 
 and wonderfully worked, considering the country. They 
 are large, some of them holding forty to forty-five men, 
 others smaller, and some only large enough to hold one man. 
 They are propelled with a paddle like a baker s shovel, and 
 go at a marvellous rate. If the canoe capsizes they all 
 promptly begin to swim, and to bale it out with calabashes 
 that they take with them. They brought skeins of cotton 
 thread, parrots, darts, and other small things which it would 
 be tedious to recount, and they give all in exchange for 
 anything that may be given to them. I was attentive, and 
 took trouble to ascertain if there was gold. I saw that 
 some of them had a small piece fastened in a hole they 
 have in the nose, and by signs I was able to make out that 
 to the S., or going from the island to the S., there was 
 a king who had great cups full, and who possessed a great 
 quantity. I tried to get them to go there, but afterwards 
 
EXPLORATION 
 
 109 
 
 I saw that they had no inclination. I resolved to wait until 
 to-morrow in the afternoon and then to depart, shaping 
 a course to the S. W., for, according to what many of 
 them told me, there was land to the S., to the S. W., and 
 N. W., and that the natives from the N. W. often came to 
 attack them, and went on to the S. W. in search of gold 
 and precious stones. 
 
 "This island is rather large and very flat, with bright 
 green trees, much water, and a very large lake in the centre, 
 without any mountain, and the whole land so green that it 
 is a pleasure to look on it. The people are very docile, 
 and 4or the longing to possess our things, and not having 
 anything to give in return, they take what they can get, 
 and presently swim away. Still, they give away all they 
 have got, for whatever may be given to them, down to 
 broken bits of crockery and glass. I saw one give sixteen 
 skeins of cotton for three ceotis of Portugal, equal to one 
 blanca of Spain, the skeins being as much as an arroba of 
 cotton thread. I shall keep it, and shall allow no one to 
 take it, preserving it all for your Highnesses, for it may be 
 obtained in abundance. It is grown in this island, though 
 the short time did not admit of my ascertaining this for a 
 certainty. Here also is found the gold they wear fastened 
 in their noses. But, in order not to lose time, I intend to 
 go and see if I can find the island of Cipango. Now, as 
 it is night, all the natives have gone on shore with their 
 canoes." 
 
 Sunday, I4th of October. 
 
 "At dawn I ordered the ship s boat and the boats of the 
 caravels to be got ready, and I went along the coast of 
 the island to the N. N. E., to see the other side, which was 
 on the other side to the E., and also to see the villages. 
 Presently I saw two or three, and the people all came to 
 the shore, calling out and giving thanks to God. Some of 
 them brought us water, others came with food, and when 
 they saw that I did not want to land, they got into the sea, 
 
HO DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 and came swimming to us. We understood that they asked 
 us if we had come from heaven. One old man came into 
 the boat, and others cried out, in loud voices, to all the 
 men and women, to come and see the men who had come 
 from heaven, and to bring them to eat and drink. Many 
 came, including women, each bringing something, giving 
 thanks to God, throwing themselves on the ground and 
 shouting to us to come on shore. But I was afraid to land, 
 seeing an extensive reef of rocks which surrounded the 
 island, with deep water between it and the shore forming a 
 port large enough for as many ships as there are in Chris 
 tendom, but with a very narrow entrance. It is true that 
 within this reef there are some sunken rocks, but the sea 
 has no more motion than the water in a well. In order to 
 see all this I went this morning, that I might be able to give 
 a full account to your Highnesses, and also where a fortress 
 might be established. I saw a piece of land which appeared 
 like an island, although it is not one, and on it there were 
 six houses. It might be converted into an island in two 
 days, though I do not see that it would be necessary, for 
 these people are very simple as regards the use of arms, as 
 your Highnesses will see from the seven that I caused to 
 be taken, to bring home and learn our language and return ; 
 unless your Highnesses should order them all to be brought 
 to Castille, or to be kept as captives on the same island; 
 for with fifty men they can all be subjugated and made to 
 do what is required of them. Close to the above peninsula 
 there are gardens of the most beautiful trees I ever saw, 
 and with leaves as green as those of Castille in the months 
 of April and May, and much water. I examined all that 
 port, and afterwards I returned to the ship and made sail. 
 I saw so many islands that I hardly knew how to determine 
 to which I should go first. Those natives I had with me 
 said, by signs, that there were so many that they could not 
 be numbered, and they gave the names of more than a 
 hundred. At last I looked out for the largest, and re 
 solved to shape a course for it, and so I did. It will be 
 
EXPLORATION 1 1 1 
 
 distant five leagues from this of San Salvador, and the 
 others some more, some less. All are very flat, and all 
 are inhabited. The natives make war on each other, 
 although these are very simple-minded and handsomely- 
 formed people." 
 
 Monday, I5th of October. 
 
 " I had lain by during the night, with the fear of reaching 
 the land to anchor before daylight, not knowing whether the 
 coast was clear of rocks, and at dawn I made sail. As the 
 island was more than five leagues distant and nearer seven, 
 and the tide checked my way, it was noon when we arrived 
 at the said island. I found that side facing towards the 
 island of San Salvador trended N. and S. with a length 
 of five leagues, and the other which I followed ran E. and 
 W. for more than ten leagues. As from this island I saw 
 another larger one to the W., I clued up the sails, after 
 having run all that day until night, otherwise I could not 
 have reached the western cape. I gave the name of Santa 
 Maria de la Conception to the island, and almost as the sun 
 set I anchored near the said cape to ascertain if it contained 
 gold. For the people I had taken from the island of San 
 Salvador told me that here they wore very large rings of gold 
 on their arms and legs. I really believed that all they said 
 was nonsense, invented that they might escape. My de 
 sire was not to pass any island without taking possession, so 
 that, one having been taken, the same may be said of all. 
 I anchored, and remained until to-day, Tuesday, when I 
 went to the shore with the boats armed, and landed. The 
 people, who were numerous, went naked, and were like 
 those of the other island of San Salvador. They let us go 
 over the island, and gave us what we required. As the 
 wind changed to the S. E., I did not like to stay, and re 
 turned to the ship. A large canoe was alongside the Nina, 
 and one of the men of the island of San Salvador, who was 
 on board, jumped into the sea and got into the canoe. In 
 the middle of the night before, another swam away behind 
 
H2 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 the canoe, which fled, for there never was boat that could 
 have overtaken her, seeing that in speed they have a great 
 advantage. So they reached the land and left the canoe. 
 Some of my people went on shore in chase of them, but 
 they all fled like fowls, and the canoe they had left was 
 brought alongside the caravel Nina, whither, from another 
 direction, another small canoe came, with a man who wished 
 to barter with skeins of cotton. Some sailors jumped into 
 the sea, because he would not come on board the caravel, 
 and seized him. I \vas on the poop of my ship, and saw 
 everything. So I sent for the man, gave him a red cap, 
 some small beads of green glass, which I put on his arms, 
 and small bells, which I put in his ears, and ordered his 
 canoe, which was also on board, to be returned to him. I 
 sent him on shore, and presently made sail to go to the 
 other large island which was in ; sight to the westward. I 
 also ordered the other large canoe, which the caravel Nina 
 was towing astern, to be cast adrift ; and I soon saw that it 
 reached the land at the same time as the man to whom I had 
 given the above things. I had not wished to take the skein 
 of cotton that he offered me. All the others came round 
 him and seemed astonished, for it appeared clear to them 
 that we were good people. The other man who had fled 
 might do us some harm, because we had carried him off, 
 and for that reason I ordered this man to be set free and 
 gave him the above things, that he might think well of us, 
 otherwise, when your Highnesses again send an expedition, 
 they might not be friendly. All the presents I gave were 
 not worth four maravedis. At ten we departed with the 
 wind S. W., and made for the S., to reach that other 
 island, which is very large, and respecting which all the 
 men that I bring from San Salvador make signs that there 
 is much gold, and that they wear it as bracelets on the 
 arms, on the legs, in the ears and nose, and round the neck. 
 The distance of this island from that of Santa Maria is 
 nine leagues on a course E. to W. All this part of the island 
 trends N. W. and S. E., and it appeared that this coast 
 
(iUrrtDfrasLienls 
 
 jmvntane 9&m4x.-jkiPsn5VnM*t>z ft 4Vcrt-^l|^i 
 
 avii&ncL @v <xmt 
 %&i* enntVA cl m te 
 
 Royal letters patent issued by the Catholic kings granting Columbus, 
 as Admiral of the Indies, the same rights ami privileges as the Admiral 
 of Castile. From the original in possession of the Duke of Veragua. 
 
EXPLORATION 113 
 
 must have a length of twenty-eight leagues. It is very flat, 
 without any mountain, like San Salvador and Santa Maria, all 
 being beach without rocks, except that there are some sunken 
 rocks near the land, whence it is necessary to keep a good 
 lookout when it is desired to anchor, and not to come to 
 very near the land; but the water is always very clear, and 
 the bottom is visible. At a distance of two shots of a lom- 
 bard, there is, off all these islands, such a depth that the 
 bottom cannot be reached. These islands are very green 
 and fertile, the climate very mild. They may contain many 
 things of which I have no knowledge, for I do not wish to 
 stop, in discovering and visiting many islands, to find gold. 
 These people make signs that it is worn on the arms and 
 legs; and it must be gold, for they point to some pieces 
 that I have. I cannot err, with the help of our Lord, in 
 finding out where this gold has its origin. Being in the 
 middle of the channel between these two islands, that is to 
 say, that of Santa Maria and this large one, to which I give 
 the name of Fernandina, I came upon a man alone in a 
 canoe going from Santa Maria to Fernandina. He had 
 a little of their bread, about the size of a fist, a calabash of 
 water, a piece of brown earth powdered and then kneaded, 
 and some dried leaves, which must be a thing highly valued 
 by them, for they bartered with it at San Salvador. He 
 also had with him a native basket with a string of glass 
 beads, and two blancas, by which I knew that he had come 
 from the island of San Salvador, and had been to Santa 
 Maria, and thence to Fernandina. He came alongside the 
 ship, and I made him come on board as he desired, also 
 getting the canoe inboard, and taking care of all his property. 
 I ordered him to be given to eat bread and treacle, and 
 also to drink: and so I shall take him on to Fernandina, 
 where I shall return everything to him, in order that he 
 may give a good account of us, that, our Lord pleasing, 
 when your Highnesses shall send here, those who come 
 may receive honor, and that the natives may give them all 
 they require." 
 
114 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Tuesday, i6th of October. 
 
 " I sailed from the island of Santa Maria de la Concepcion 
 at about noon, to go to Fernandina island, which appeared 
 very large to the westward, and I navigated all that day 
 with light winds. I could not arrive in time to be able to 
 see the bottom, so as to drop the anchor on a clear place, 
 for it is necessary to be very careful not to lose the anchors. 
 So I stood off and on all that night until day, when I came 
 to an inhabited place where I anchored, and whence that 
 man had come that I found yesterday in the canoe in mid- 
 channel. He had given such a good report of us that there 
 was no want of canoes alongside the ship all that night, 
 which brought us water and what they had to offer. I or 
 dered each one to be given something, such as a few beads, 
 ten or twelve of those made of glass on a thread, some 
 timbrels made of brass such as are worth a maravedi in 
 Spain, and some straps, all which they looked upon as most 
 excellent. I also ordered them to be given treacle to eat 
 when they came on board. At three o clock I sent the 
 ship s boat on shore for water, and the natives with good 
 will showed my people where the water was, and they 
 themselves brought the full casks down to the boat, and did 
 all they could to please us. 
 
 " This island is very large, and I have determined to sail 
 round it, because, so far as I can understand, there is a 
 mine in or near it. The island is eight leagues from Santa 
 Maria, nearly E. and W. ; and this point I had reached, as 
 well as all the coast, trends N. N. W. and S. S. E. I saw at 
 least twenty leagues of it, and then it had not ended. Now, 
 as I am writing this, I made sail with the wind at the S., 
 to sail round the island, and to navigate until I find Samaot, 
 which is the island or city where there is gold, as all the 
 natives say who are on board, and as those of San Salvador 
 and Santa Maria told us. These people resemble those 
 of the said islands, with the same language and customs, 
 except that these appear to me a rather more domestic 
 and tractable people, yet also more subtle. For I observed 
 
EXPLORATION 115 
 
 that those who brought cotton and other trifles to the ship 
 knew better than the others how to make a bargain. In 
 this island I saw cotton cloths made like mantles. The 
 people were better disposed, and the women wore in front 
 of their bodies a small piece of cotton which scarcely cov 
 ered them. 
 
 " It is a very green island, level and very fertile, and I have 
 no doubt that they sow and gather corn all the year round, 
 as well as other things. I saw many trees very unlike those 
 of our country. Many of them have their branches grow 
 ing in different ways and all from one trunk, and one twig 
 is one form, and another in a different shape, and so unlike 
 that it is the greatest wonder in the world to see the great 
 diversity; thus one branch has leaves like those of a cane, 
 and others like those of a mastick tree : and on a single tree 
 there are five or six different kinds. Nor are these grafted, 
 for it may be said that grafting is unknown, the trees being 
 wild, and untended by these people. They do not know 
 any religion, and I believe they could easily be converted to 
 Christianity, for they are very intelligent. Here the fish 
 are so unlike ours that it is wonderful. Some are the shape 
 of dories, and of the finest colors in the world, blue, yellow, 
 red, and other tints, all painted in various ways, and the 
 colors are so bright that there is not a man who would 
 not be astonished, and would not take great delight in 
 seeing them. There are also whales. I saw no beasts 
 on the land of any kind, except parrots and lizards. A 
 boy told me that he saw a large serpent. I saw neither 
 sheep, nor goats, nor any other quadruped. It is true 
 I have been here a short time, since noon, yet I could 
 not have failed to see some if there had been any. I will 
 write respecting the circuit of this island after I have been 
 round it." 
 
 Wednesday, I yth of October. 
 
 "At noon I departed from the village off which I was 
 anchored, and where I took in water, to sail round this 
 
Il6 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 island c/ Fernandina. The wind was S. W. and S. My 
 wish was to follow the coast of this island to the S. E., 
 from where I was, the whole coast trending N. N. W. and 
 S. S. E. \ because all the Indians I bring with me, and others, 
 made signs to this southern quarter, as the direction of the 
 island they call Samaot, where the gold is. Martin Alonso 
 Pinzon, captain of the caravel Pinta, on board of which 
 I had three of the Indians, came to me and said that one of 
 them had given him to understand very positively that the 
 island might be sailed round much quicker by shaping a 
 N. N. W. course. I saw that the wind would not help 
 me to take the course I desired, and that it was fair for 
 the other, so I made sail to the N. N. W. When I was 
 two leagues from the cape of the island, I discovered a very 
 wonderful harbor. It has one mouth, or, rather, it may 
 be said to have two, for there is an islet in the middle. 
 Both are very narrow, and within it is wide enough for a 
 hundred ships, if there was depth and a clean bottom, and 
 the entrance was deep enough. It seemed desirable to 
 explore it and take soundings, so I anchored outside, and 
 went in with all the ship s boats, when we saw there was 
 insufficient depth. As I thought, when I first saw it, that 
 it was the mouth of some river, I ordered the water casks 
 to be brought. On shore I found eight or ten men, who 
 presently came to us and showed us the village, whither 
 I sent the people for water, some with arms, and others 
 with the casks : and, as it was some little distance, I waited 
 two hours for them. 
 
 " During that time I walked among the trees, which was 
 the most beautiful thing I had ever seen, beholding as much 
 verdure as in the month of May in Andalusia. The trees 
 are as unlike ours as night from day, as are the fruits, the 
 herbs, the stones, and everything. It is true that some of 
 the trees bore some resemblance to those in Castille, but 
 most of them are very different, and some were so unlike 
 that no one could compare them to anything in Castille. 
 The people were all like those already mentioned : like 
 
EXPLORATION 1 17 
 
 them naked, and the same size. They give what they 
 possess in exchange for anything that may be given to them. 
 I here saw some of the ship s boys bartering broken bits 
 of glass and crockery for darts. The men who went for 
 water told me that they had been in the houses of the 
 natives, and that they were very plain and clean inside. 
 Their beds and bags for holding things were like nets of 
 cotton. The houses are like booths, and very high, with 
 good chimneys. But, among many villages that I saw, 
 there was none that consisted of more than from twelve to 
 fifteen houses. Here they found that the married women 
 wore clouts of cotton, but not the young girls, except a few 
 who were over eighteen years of age. They had dogs, 
 mastiffs and hounds, and here they found a man who had 
 a piece of gold in his nose, the size of half a castellano, on 
 which they saw letters. I quarrelled with these people 
 because they would not exchange or give what was re 
 quired; as I wished to see what and whose this money 
 was; and they replied that they were not accustomed to 
 barter. 
 
 " After the water was taken I returned to the ship, made 
 sail, and shaped a course N. W., until I had discovered all 
 the part of the coast of the island which trends E. to W. 
 Then all the Indians turned round and said that this island 
 was smaller than Samaot, and that it would be well to turn 
 back so as to reach it sooner. The wind presently went 
 down, and then sprang up from W. N. W., which was con 
 trary for us to continue on the previous course. So I turned 
 back, and navigated all that night to E. S. E., sometimes to 
 E. and to S. E. This course was steered to keep me clear 
 of the land, for there were very heavy clouds and thick 
 weather, which did not admit of my approaching the land 
 to anchor. On that night it rained very heavily from mid 
 night until nearly dawn, and even afterwards the clouds 
 threatened rain. We found ourselves at the S. W. end of 
 the island, where I hoped to anchor until it cleared up, so 
 as to see the other island whither I have to go. On all 
 
1 1 8 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORAriON 
 
 these days, since I arrived in these Indies, it has rained 
 more or less. Your Highnesses may believe that this land 
 is the best and most fertile, and with a good climate, level, 
 and as good as there is in the world." 
 
 Thursday, i8th of October. 
 
 "After it had cleared up I went before the wind, ap 
 proaching the island as near as I could, and anchored when 
 it was no longer light enough to keep under sail. But I did 
 not go on shore, and made sail at dawn. . . . " 
 
 Friday, iQth of October. 
 
 " I weighed the anchors at daylight, sending the cara 
 vel Plnta on an E. S. E. course, the caravel Nina S. S. E., 
 while I shaped a S. E. course, giving orders that these 
 courses were to be steered until noon, and that then the 
 two caravels should alter course so as to join company with 
 me. Before we had sailed for three hours we saw an island 
 to the E., for which we steered, and all three vessels 
 arrived at the north point before noon. Here there is an 
 islet, and a reef of rocks to seaward of it, besides one 
 between the islet and the large island. The men of San 
 Salvador, whom I bring with, me, called it Saomete, and I 
 gave it the name of Isabella. The wind was N., and the 
 said islet bore from the island of Fernandina, whence I 
 had taken my departure, E. and W. Afterwards we ran 
 along the coast of the island, westward from the islet, and 
 found its length to be twelve leagues as far as a cape, which 
 I named Cabo Hermoso, at the western end. The island is 
 beautiful, and the coast very deep, without sunken rocks 
 off it. Outside the shore is rocky, but further in there is 
 a sandy beach, and here I anchored on that Friday night 
 until morning. This coast and the part of the island I saw 
 is almost flat, and the island is very beautiful; for if the 
 other islands are lovely, this is more so. It has many very 
 green trees, which are very large. The land is higher than 
 in the other islands, and in it there are some hills, which 
 
EXPLORATION no, 
 
 cannot be called mountains; and it appears that there is 
 much water inland. From this point to the N. E. the 
 coast makes a great angle, and there are many thick and 
 extensive groves. I wanted to go and anchor there, so as 
 to go on shore and see so much beauty; but the water was 
 shallow, and we could only anchor at a distance from the 
 land. The wind also was fair for going to this cape, where 
 I am now anchored, to which I gave the name of Cabo 
 Hermoso, because it is so. Thus it was that I do not 
 anchor in that angle, but as I saw this cape so green and so 
 beautiful, like all the other lands of these islands, I scarcely 
 knew which to visit first; for I can never tire my eyes iri 
 looking at such lovely vegetation, so different from ours. 
 I believe that there are many herbs and many trees that are 
 worth much in Europe for dyes and for medicines ; but I 
 do not know, and this causes me great sorrow. Arriving 
 at this cape, I found the smell of the trees and flowers so 
 delicious that it seemed the pleasantest thing in the world. 
 To-morrow, before I leave this place, I shall go on shore 
 to see what there is at this cape. There are no people, 
 but there are villages in the interior, where, the Indians I 
 bring with me say, there is a king who has much gold. 
 To-morrow I intend to go so far inland as to find the vil 
 lage, and see and have some speech with, this king, who, 
 according to the signs they make, rules over all the neigh 
 boring islands, goes about clothed, and wears much gold 
 on his person. I do not give much faith to what they say, 
 as well because I do not understand them as because they 
 are so poor in gold that even a little that this king may 
 have would appear much to them. This cape, to which 
 I have given the name of Cabo Hermoso, is, I believe, on an 
 island separated from Saomete, and there is. another small 
 islet between them. I did not try to examine them in detail, 
 because it could not be done in fifty years. For my desire 
 is to see and discover as much as I can before returning to 
 your Highnesses, our Lord willing, in April. It is true that 
 in the event of finding places where there is gold or spices 
 
1 20 DISCOVER T AND EXPLORATION 
 
 in quantity I should stop until I had collected as much as I 
 could. I, therefore, proceed in the hope of coming across 
 such places." 
 
 Saturday, 2Oth of October. 
 
 " To-day, at sunrise, I weighed the anchors from where I 
 was with the ship, and anchored off the S. W. point of the 
 island of Saomete, to which I gave the name of Cabo de la 
 Laguna, and to the island Isabella. My intention was to 
 navigate to the N. E. and E. from the S. E. and S., where, 
 I understood from the Indians I brought with me, was the 
 village of the king. I found the sea so shallow that I could 
 not enter nor navigate in it, and I saw that to follow a route 
 by the S. E. would be a great round. So I determined to 
 return by the route that I had taken from the N. N. E. 
 to the western part, and to sail round this island to ... 
 
 "I had so little wind that I never could sail along the 
 coast, except during the night. As it was dangerous to 
 anchor off these islands except in the day, when one can 
 see where to let go the anchor, for the bottom is all 
 in patches, some clear and some rocky, I lay to all this 
 Sunday night. The caravels anchored because they found 
 themselves near the shore, and they thought that, owing to 
 the signals that they were in the habit of making, I would 
 come to anchor, but I did not wish to do so." 
 
 Sunday, 2ist of October. 
 
 "At ten o clock I arrived here, off this islet, and anchored, 
 as well as the caravels. After breakfast I went on shore, 
 and found only one house, in which there was no one, and 
 I supposed they had fled from fear, because all their prop 
 erty was left in the house. I would not allow anything 
 to be touched, but set out with the captains and people to 
 explore the island. If the others already seen are very beau 
 tiful, green, and fertile, this is much more so, with large trees 
 and very green. Here there are large lagoons with won 
 derful vegetation on their banks. Throughout the island 
 
EXPLORATION 121 
 
 all is green, and the herbage like April in Andalusia. The 
 songs of the birds were so pleasant that it seemed as if a 
 man could never wish to leave the place. The flocks of 
 parrots concealed the sun; and the birds were so numer 
 ous, and of so many different kinds, that it was wonderful. 
 There are trees of a thousand sorts, and all have their 
 several fruits ; and I feel the most unhappy man in the 
 world not to know them, for I am well assured that they 
 are all valuable. I bring home specimens of them, and also 
 of the land. Thus walking along round one of the lakes I 
 saw a serpent, which we killed, and I bring home the skin 
 for your Highnesses. As soon as it saw us it went into the 
 lagoon, and we followed, as the water was not very deep, 
 until we killed it with lances. It is seven palmos long, and I 
 believe that there are many like it in these lagoons. Here 
 I came upon some aloes, and I have determined to take ten 
 quintals on board to-morrow, for they tell me that they are 
 worth a good deal. Also, while in search of good water, 
 we came to a village about half a league from our anchor 
 age. The people, as soon as they heard us, all fled and left 
 their houses, hiding their property in the wood. I would 
 not allow a thing to be touched, even the value of a pin. 
 Presently some men among them came to us, and one came 
 quite close. I gave him some bells and glass beads, which 
 made him very content and happy. That our friendship 
 might be further increased, I resolved to ask him for some 
 thing; I requested him to get some water. After I had 
 gone on board, the natives came to the beach with cala 
 bashes full of water, and they delighted much in giving it 
 to us. I ordered another string of glass beads to be pre 
 sented to them, and they said they would come again to 
 morrow. I wished to fill up all the ships with water at this 
 place, and, if there should be time, I intended to search the 
 island until I had had speech with the king, and seen whether 
 he had the gold of which I had heard. I shall then shape 
 a course for another much larger island, which I believe to 
 be Cipango, judging from the signs made by the Indians I 
 
I2 2 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 bring with me. They call it Cuba, and they say that there 
 are ships and many skilful sailors there. Beyond this island 
 there is another called Bosio, which they also say is very 
 large, and others we shall see as we pass, lying between. 
 According as I obtain tidings of gold or spices I shall settle 
 what should be done. I am still resolved to go to the main 
 land and the city of Guinsay, and to deliver the letters of 
 your Highnesses to the Gran Can, requesting a reply and 
 returning with it." 
 
 Monday, 22nd of October. 
 
 "All last night and to-day I was here, waiting to see 
 if the king or other person would bring gold or anything of 
 value. Many of these people came, like those of the other 
 islands, equally naked, and equally painted, some white, 
 some red, some black, and others in many ways. They 
 brought darts and skeins of cotton to barter, which they 
 exchanged with the sailors for bits of glass, broken crockery, 
 and pieces of earthenware. Some of them had pieces of 
 gold fastened in their noses, which they willingly gave for 
 a hawk s bell and glass beads. But there was so little that 
 it counts for nothing. It is true that they looked upon any 
 little thing that I gave them as a wonder, and they held our 
 arrival to be a great marvel, believing that we came from 
 heaven. We got water for the ships from a lagoon which 
 is near the Cabo del Isleo [Cape of the Islet] , as we named 
 it. In the said lagoon Martin Alonso Pinzon, captain of 
 the Pinta, killed another serpent seven palmos long, like the 
 one we got yesterday. I made them gather here as much 
 of the aloe as they could find." 
 
 Tuesday, 23rd of October. 
 
 " I desired to set out to-day for the island of Cuba, which 
 I think must be Cipango, according to the signs these people 
 make indicative of its size and riches, and I did not delay 
 any more here nor . . . round this island to the resi 
 dence of this king or lord, and have speech with him, as I 
 
EXPLORATION 123 
 
 had intended. This would cause me much delay, and I see 
 that there is no gold mine here. To sail round would need 
 several winds, for it does not blow here as men may wish. 
 It is better to go where there is great entertainment, so I 
 say that it is not reasonable to wait, but rather to continue 
 the voyage and inspect much land, until some very profit 
 able country is reached, my belief being that it will be rich 
 in spices. That I have no personal knowledge of these 
 products causes me the greatest sorrow in the world, for I 
 see a thousand kinds of trees, each one with its own special 
 fruit, all green now as in Spain during the months of May 
 and June, as well as a thousand kinds of herbs with their 
 flowers ; yet I know none of them except this aloe, of which 
 I ordered a quantity to be brought on board to bring to your 
 Highnesses. I have not made sail for Cuba, because there 
 is no wind, but a dead calm with much rain. It rained a 
 great deal yesterday without causing any cold. On the 
 contrary, the days are hot and the nights cool, like May in 
 Andalusia." 
 
 Wednesday, 24th of October. 
 
 u At midnight I weighed the anchors and left the anchor 
 age at Cabo del Isleo, in the island of Isabella. From the 
 northern side, where I was, I intended to go to the island 
 of Cuba, where I heard of the people who were very great, 
 and had gold, spices, merchandise, and large ships. They 
 showed me that the course thither would be W. S. W., and 
 so I hold. For I believe that it is so, as all the Indians of 
 these islands, as well as those I brought with me in the 
 ships, told me by signs. I cannot understand their language, 
 but I believe that it is of the island of Cipango that they 
 recount these wonders. On the spheres I saw, and on the 
 delineations of the map of the world, Cipango is in this 
 region. So I shaped a course W. S. W. until daylight, but 
 at dawn it fell calm and began to rain, and went on nearly 
 all night. I remained thus, with little wind, until the after 
 noon, when it began to blow fresh. I set all the sails in the 
 
124 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 ship, the mainsail with two bonnets, the foresail, spritsail, 
 mizzen, main topsail, and the boat s sail on the poop. So I 
 proceeded until nightfall, when the Cabo Verde of the island 
 of Fernandina, which is at the S. W. end, bore N. W. dis 
 tant seven leagues. As it was now blowing hard, and I did 
 not know how far it was to this island of Cuba, I resolved 
 not to go in search of it during the night ; all these islands 
 being very steep-to, with no bottom round them for a dis 
 tance of two shots of a lombard. The bottom is all in 
 patches, one bit of sand and another of rock, and for this 
 reason it is not safe to anchor without inspection with the 
 eye. So I determined to take in all the sails except the fore 
 sail, and to go on under that reduced canvas. Soon the wind 
 increased, while the route was doubtful, and there was very 
 thick weather, with rain. I ordered the foresail to be furled, 
 and we did not make two leagues during the night." 
 
 Thursday, 25th of October. 
 
 " I steered W. S. W. from after sunset until nine o clock, 
 making five leagues. Afterwards I altered course to W., 
 and went eight miles an hour until one in the afternoon ; and 
 from that time until three made good forty-four miles. Then 
 land was sighted, consisting of seven or eight islands, the 
 group running N. and S., distant from us five leagues." 
 
 Friday, 26th of October. 
 
 "The ship was on the S. side of the islands, which 
 were all low, distant five or six leagues. I anchored there. 
 The Indians on board said that thence to Cuba was a voy 
 age in their canoes of a day and a half ; these being small 
 dugouts without a sail. Such are their canoes. I departed 
 thence for Cuba, for by the signs the Indians made of its 
 greatness, and of its gold and pearls, I thought that it must 
 be Cipango." 
 
 Saturday, 2jth of October. 
 
 " I weighed from these islands at sunrise, and gave them 
 the name of Las Is/as de Arena, owing to the little depth the 
 
EXPLORATION 
 
 125 
 
 sea had for a distance of six leagues to the southward of 
 them. We went eight miles an hour on a S. S. W. course 
 until one o clock, having made forty miles. Until night we 
 had run twenty-eight miles on the same course, and before 
 dark the land was sighted. At night there was much rain. 
 The vessels, on Saturday until sunset, made seventeen 
 leagues on a S. S. W. course." 
 
 Sunday, 28th of October. 
 
 u I went thence in search of the island of Cuba on a 
 S. S. W. coast, making for the nearest point of it, and 
 entered a very beautiful river without danger of sunken 
 rocks or other impediments. All the coast was clear of 
 dangers up to the shore. The mouth of the river was 
 twelve brazos across, and it is wide enough for a vessel to 
 beat in. I anchored about a lombard-shot inside." The Ad 
 miral says that u he never beheld such a beautiful place, with 
 trees bordering the river, handsome, green, and different 
 from ours, having fruits and flowers each one according to 
 its nature. There are many birds, which sing very sweetly. 
 There are a great number of palm trees of a different 
 kind from those in Guinea and from ours, of a middling 
 height, the trunks without that covering [bark] , and the 
 leaves very large, with which they thatch their houses. 
 The country is very level." The Admiral jumped into his 
 boat and went on shore. He came to two houses, which he 
 believed to belong to fishermen who had fled from fear. In 
 one of them he found a kind of dog that never barks, and 
 in both there were nets of palm fibre and cordage, as well 
 as horn fishhooks, bone harpoons, and other apparatus u for 
 fishing, and several hearths. He believed that many people 
 lived together in one house. He gave orders that nothing 
 in the houses should be touched, and so it was done." The 
 herbage was as thick as in Andalusia during April and May. 
 He found much purslane and wild amaranth. He returned 
 to the boat and went up the river for some distance, and he 
 says it was great pleasure to see the bright verdure, and the 
 
I 2 6 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 birds, which he could not leave to go back. He says that 
 this island is the most beautiful that eyes have seen, full of 
 good harbors and deep rivers, and the sea appeared as if it 
 never rose ; for the herbage on the beach nearly reached the 
 waves, which does not happen where the sea is rough. [Up 
 to that time they had not experienced a rough sea among 
 all those islands.] He says that the island is full of very 
 beautiful mountains, although they are not very extensive 
 as regards length, but high \ and all the country is high like 
 Sicily. It is abundantly supplied with water, as they gath 
 ered from the Indians they had taken with them from the 
 island of Guanahani. These said by signs that there are 
 ten great rivers, and that they cannot go round the island 
 in twenty days. When they came near land with the ships, 
 two canoes came out; and when they saw the sailors get 
 into a boat and row about to find the depth of the river 
 where they could anchor, the canoes fled. The Indians say 
 that in this land there are gold mines and pearls, and the 
 Admiral saw a likely place for them and mussel shells, 
 which are signs of them. He understood that large ships 
 of the Gran Can came here, and that from here to the main 
 land was a voyage of ten days. The Admiral called this 
 river and harbor San Salvador. 
 
 Monday, 2Qth of October. 
 
 The Admiral weighed anchor from this port and sailed 
 to the westward, to go to the city, where, as it seemed, the 
 Indians said that there was a king. They doubled a point 
 six leagues to the N. W., and then another point, then E. 
 ten leagues. After another league he saw a river with no 
 very large entrance, to which he gave the name of Rio de 
 la Luna. He went on until the hour of vespers. He saw 
 another river much larger than the others, as the Indians 
 told him by signs, and near he saw goodly villages of houses. 
 He called the river Rio de Mares. He sent two boats on 
 shore to a village to communicate, and one of the Indians 
 he had brought with him, for now they understood a little, 
 
EXPLORAriON 
 
 I2 7 
 
 and showed themselves content with the Christians. All 
 the men, women, and children fled, abandoning their houses 
 with all they contained. The Admiral gave orders that 
 nothing should be touched. The houses were better than 
 those he had seen before, and he believed that the houses 
 would improve as he approached the mainland. They were 
 made like booths, very large, and looking like tents in a 
 camp without regular streets, but one here and another 
 there. Within they were clean and well swept, with the 
 furniture well made. All are of palm branches beautifully 
 constructed. They found many images in the shape of 
 women, and many heads like masks, very well carved. It 
 was not known whether these were used as ornaments, or 
 to be worshipped. They had dogs which never bark, and 
 wild birds tamed in their houses. There was a wonderful 
 supply of nets and other fishing implements, but nothing 
 was touched. He believed that all the people on the coast 
 were fishermen, who took the fish inland, for this island is 
 very large, and so beautiful, that he is never tired of prais 
 ing it. He says that he found trees and fruits of very 
 marvellous taste; and adds that they must have cows or 
 other cattle, for he saw skulls which were like those of 
 cows. The songs of the birds and the chirping of crickets 
 throughout the night lulled everyone to rest, while the air 
 was soft and healthy, and the nights neither hot nor cold. 
 On the voyage through the other islands there was great 
 heat, but here it is tempered like the month of May. He 
 attributed the heat of the other islands to their flatness, 
 and to the wind coming; from the E., which is hot. The 
 
 O 
 
 water of the rivers was salt at the mouth, and they did not 
 know whence the natives got their drinking water, though 
 they have sweet water in their houses. Ships are able to 
 turn in this river, both entering and coming out, and there 
 are very good leading marks. He says that all this sea ap 
 pears to be constantly smooth, like the river at Seville, and 
 the water suitable for the growth of pearls. He found large 
 shells, unlike those of Spain. Remarking on the position 
 
128 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 of the river and port, to which he gave the name of San 
 Salvador, he describes its mountains as lofty and beauti 
 ful, like the Pena de las Enamoradas, and one of them has 
 another little hill on its summit, like a graceful mosque. 
 The other river and port, in which he now was, has two 
 round mountains to the S. W., and a fine low cape running 
 out to the W. S. W. 
 
 Tuesday, 3Oth of October. 
 
 He left the Rio de Mares and steered N. W., seeing; a 
 
 1 O 
 
 cape covered with palm trees, to which he gave the name 
 of Cabo de Palmas, after having made good fifteen leagues. 
 The Indians on board the caravel Pinta said that beyond 
 that cape there was a river, and that from the river to Cuba 
 it was four days journey. The captain of the Pinta re 
 ported that he understood from that that this Cuba was a 
 city, and that the land was a great continent trending far 
 to the north. The king of that country, he gathered, was 
 at war with the Gran Can, whom they called Cami^ and his 
 land or city Fava, with many other names. The Admiral 
 resolved to proceed to that river, and to send a present, 
 with the letter of the Sovereigns, to the king of that land. 
 For this service there was a sailor who had been to Guinea, 
 and some of the Indians of Guanahani wished to go with 
 him, and afterwards to return to their homes. The Admiral 
 calculated that he was forty-two degrees to the north of 
 the equinoctial line [but the handwriting is here illegible] . 
 He says that he must attempt to reach the Gran Can, who 
 he thought was here or at the city of Cathay, which belongs 
 to him, and is very grand, as he was informed before 
 leaving Spain. All this land, he adds, is low and beautiful, 
 and the sea deep. 
 
 Wednesday, 3ist of October. 
 
 All Tuesday night he was beating to windward, and he 
 saw a river, but could not enter it because the entrance was 
 narrow. The Indians fancied that the ships could enter 
 
The commission given to Columbus creating .urn Admiral of the Indies 
 From the ordinal in possession of the Duke of Veravua. 
 
EXPLORATION 129 
 
 wherever their canoes could go. Navigating onwards, he 
 came to a cape running out very far, and surrounded by 
 sunken rocks, and he saw a bay where small vessels might 
 take shelter. He could not proceed because the wind had 
 come round to the N., and all the coast runs N. W. and 
 S. E. Another cape further on ran out still more. For 
 these reasons, and because the sky showed signs of a gale, 
 he had to return to the Rio de Mares. 
 
 Thursday, ist of November. 
 
 At sunrise the Admiral sent the boats on shore to the 
 houses that were there, and they found that all the people 
 had fled. After some time a man made his appearance. 
 The Admiral ordered that he should be left to himself, and 
 the sailors returned to the boats. After dinner, one of the 
 Indians on board was sent on shore. He called out from 
 a distance that there was nothing to fear, because the 
 strangers were good people and would do no harm to any 
 one, nor were they people of the Gran Can, but they had 
 given away their things in many islands where they had been. 
 The Indian then swam on shore, and two of the natives 
 took him by the arms and brought him to a house, where 
 they heard what he had to say. When they were certain 
 that no harm would be done to them they were reassured, 
 and presently more than sixteen canoes came to the ships 
 with cotton thread and other trifles. The Admiral ordered 
 that nothing should be taken from them, that they might 
 understand that he sought for nothing but gold, which they 
 call nucay. Thus they went to and fro between the ships 
 and the shore all day, and they came to the Christians on 
 shore with confidence. The Admiral saw no gold whatever 
 among them, but he says that he saw one of them with a 
 piece of worked silver fastened to his nose. They said, by 
 signs, that within three days many merchants from inland 
 would come to buy the things brought by the Christians, 
 and would give information respecting the king of that land. 
 So far as could be understood from their signs, he resided 
 
1 30 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 at a distance of four days journey. They had sent many 
 messengers in all directions, with news of the arrival of the 
 Admiral. "These people," says the Admiral, "are of 
 the same appearance and have the same customs as those 
 of the other islands, without any religion so far as I know, 
 for up to this day I have never seen the Indians on board 
 say any prayer ; though they repeat the Salve and Ave Maria 
 with their hands raised to heaven, and they make the sign 
 of the cross. The language is also the same, and they 
 are all friends; but I believe that all these islands are at 
 war with the Gran Can, whom they called Cavila, and 
 his province Bafan. They all go naked like the others." 
 This is what the Admiral says. "The river," he adds, "is 
 very deep, and the ships can enter the mouth, going close 
 to the shore. The sweet water does not come within a 
 league of the mouth. It is certain," says the Admiral, " that 
 this is the mainland, and that I am in front of Zayto and 
 Guinsay, a hundred leagues, a little more or less, distant the 
 one from the other. It is very clear that no one before has 
 been so far as this by sea. Yesterday, with wind from the 
 N. W., I found it cold." 
 
 Friday, 2nd of November. 
 
 The Admiral decided upon sending two Spaniards, one 
 named Rodrigo de Jerez, who lived in Ayamonte, and the 
 other Luis de Torres, who had served in the household of 
 the Adelantado of Murcia, and had been a Jew, knowing 
 Hebrew, Chaldee, and even some Arabic. With these 
 men he sent two Indians, one from among those he had 
 brought from Guanahani, and another a native of the 
 houses by the riverside. He gave them strings of beads 
 with which to buy food if they should be in need, and 
 ordered them to return in six days. He gave them speci 
 mens of spices, to see if any were to be found. Their 
 instructions were to ask for the king of that land, and they 
 were told what to say on the part of the Sovereigns of 
 Castille, how they had sent the Admiral with letters and a 
 
EXPLORATION 13! 
 
 present, to inquire after his health and establish friendship, 
 favoring him in what he might desire from them. They 
 were to collect information respecting certain provinces, 
 ports, and rivers of which the Admiral had notice, and 
 ascertain their distances from where he was. 
 
 This night the Admiral took an altitude with a quadrant, 
 and found that the distance from the equinoctial line was 
 forty-two degrees. He says that, by his reckoning, he finds 
 that he was gone over one thousand one hundred and forty- 
 two leagues from the island of Hierro. He still believes 
 that he has reached the mainland. 
 
 Saturday, 3rd of November. 
 
 In the morning the Admiral got into the boat, and, as 
 the river is like a great lake at the mouth, forming a very 
 excellent port, very deep, and clear of rocks, with a good 
 beach for careening ships, and plenty of fuel, he explored it 
 until he came to fresh water at a distance of two leagues 
 from the mouth. He ascended a small mountain to obtain 
 a view of the surrounding country, but could see nothing, 
 owing to the dense foliage of the trees, which were very 
 fresh and odoriferous, so that he felt no doubt that there 
 were aromatic herbs among them. He said that all he saw 
 was so beautiful that his eyes could never tire of gazing 
 upon such loveliness, nor his ears of listening to the songs 
 of birds. That day many canoes came to the ships, to 
 barter with cotton threads and with the nets in which they 
 sleep, called hamacas. 
 
 Sunday, 4th of November. 
 
 At sunrise the Admiral again went away in the boat, and 
 landed to hunt the birds he had seen the day before. After 
 a time, Martin Alonso Pinzon came to him with two pieces 
 of cinnamon, and said that a Portuguese, who was one of 
 his crew, had seen an Indian carrying two very large bundles 
 of it; but he had not bartered for it, because of the pen 
 alty imposed by the Admiral on anyone who bartered. He 
 
1^2 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 further said that this Indian carried some brown things like 
 nutmegs. The master of the Pinta said that he had found 
 the cinnamon trees. The Admiral went to the place, and 
 found that they were not cinnamon trees. The Admiral 
 showed the Indians some specimens of cinnamon and pepper 
 he had brought from Castille, and they knew it, and said, 
 by signs, that there was plenty in the vicinity, pointing to 
 the S. E. He also showed them gold and pearls, on which 
 certain old men said that there was an infinite quantity in 
 a place called Bohio^ and that the people wore it on their 
 necks, ears, arms, and legs, as well as pearls. He further 
 understood them to say that there were great ships and 
 much merchandise, all to the S. E. He also understood 
 that, far away, there were men with one eye, and others 
 with dogs noses who were cannibals, and that when they 
 captured an enemy they beheaded him and drank his blood. 
 The Admiral then determined to return to the ship and 
 wait for the return of the two men he had sent, intending 
 to depart and seek for those lands, if his envoys brought 
 some good news touching what he desired. The Admiral 
 further says : " These people are very gentle and timid ; 
 they go naked, as I have said, without arms and without 
 law. The country is very fertile. The people have plenty 
 of roots called zanahorias [yams] , with a smell like chest 
 nuts; and they have beans of kinds very different from 
 ours. They also have much cotton, which they do not sow, 
 as it is wild in the mountains, and I believe they* collect it 
 throughout the year, because I saw pods empty, others full, 
 and flowers all on one tree. There are a thousand other 
 kinds of fruits which it is impossible for me to write about, 
 and all must be profitable." All this the Admiral says. 
 
 Monday, 5th of November. 
 
 This morning the Admiral ordered the ship to be ca 
 reened, afterwards the other vessels, but not all at the same 
 time. Two were always to be at the anchorage, as a 
 precaution; although he says that these people were very 
 
EXPLORATION 
 
 33 
 
 safe, and that without fear all the vessels might have been 
 careened at the same time. Things being in this state, the 
 master of the Nina came to claim a reward from the Ad 
 miral because he had found mastick, but he did not bring 
 the specimen, as he had dropped it. The Admiral promised 
 him a reward, and sent Rodrigo Sanchez and Master Diego 
 to the trees. They collected some, which was kept to pre 
 sent to the Sovereigns, as well as the tree. The Admiral 
 says that he knew it was mastick, though it ought to be 
 gathered at the proper season. There is enough in that dis 
 trict for a yield of one thousand quintals every year. The 
 Admiral also found here a great deal of the plant called aloe. 
 He further says that the Puerto de Mares is the best in the 
 world, with the finest climate and the most gentle people. 
 As it has a high, rocky cape, a fortress might be built, so 
 that, in the event of the place becoming rich and important, 
 the merchants would be safe from any other nations. He 
 adds : " The Lord, in whose hands are all victories, will 
 ordain all things for his service. An Indian said by signs 
 that the mastick was good for pains in the stomach." 
 
 Tuesday, 6th of November. 
 
 "Yesterday, at night," says the Admiral, u the two men 
 came back who had been sent to explore the interior. 
 They said that after walking twelve leagues they came to a 
 village of fifty houses, where there were a thousand inhabit 
 ants, for many live in one house. These houses are like 
 very large booths. They said that they were received with 
 great solemnity, according to custom, and all, both men 
 and women, came out to see them. They were lodged in 
 the best houses, and the people touched them, kissing their 
 hands and feet, marvelling and believing that they came 
 from heaven, and so they gave them to understand. They 
 gave them to eat of what they had. When they arrived, 
 the chief people conducted them by the arms to the prin 
 cipal house, gave them two chairs on which to sit, and all 
 the natives sat round them on the ground. The Indian 
 
134 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 who came with them described the manner of living of the 
 Christians, and said that they were good people. Presently 
 the men went out, and the women came sitting round them 
 in the same way, kissing their hands and feet, and look 
 ing to see if they were of flesh and bones like themselves. 
 They begged the Spaniards to remain with them at least 
 five days." The Spaniards showed the natives specimens 
 of cinnamon, pepper, and other spices which the Admiral 
 had given them, and they said, by signs, that there was 
 plenty at a short distance from thence to S. E., but that 
 there they did not know whether there was any. Finding 
 that they had no information respecting cities, the Span 
 iards returned; and if they had desired to take those who 
 wished to accompany them, more than five hundred men and 
 women would have come, because they thought the Spaniards 
 were returning to heaven. There came, however, a princi 
 pal man of the village and his son, with a servant. The Ad 
 miral conversed with them, and showed them much honor. 
 They made signs respecting many lands and islands in 
 those parts. The Admiral thought of bringing them to 
 the Sovereigns. He says that he knew not what fancy 
 took them; either from fear, or owing to the dark night, 
 they wanted to land. The ship was at the time high and 
 dry, but, not wishing to make them angry, he let them go 
 on their saying that they would return at dawn, but they 
 never came back. The two Christians met with many 
 people on the road going home, men and women with a 
 half-burnt weed in their hands, being the herbs they are 
 accustomed to smoke. They did not find villages on the 
 road of more than five houses, all receiving them with 
 the same reverence. They saw many kinds of trees, herbs, 
 and sweet-smelling flowers; and birds of many different 
 kinds, unlike those of Spain, except the partridges, geese, 
 of which there are many, and singing nightingales. They 
 saw no quadrupeds except the dogs that do not bark. The 
 land is very fertile, and is cultivated with yams and several 
 kinds of beans different from ours, as well as corn. There 
 
EXPLORATION 
 
 35 
 
 were great quantities of cotton gathered, spun, and worked 
 up. In a single house they saw more than five hundred 
 arrobas, and as much as four thousand quintals could be 
 yielded every year. The Admiral said that "it did not ap 
 pear to be cultivated, and that it bore all the year round. It 
 is very fine, and has a large boll. All that was possessed by 
 these people they gave at a very low price, and a great bundle 
 of cotton was exchanged for the point of a needle or other 
 trifle. They are a people," says the Admiral, u guileless and 
 unwarlike. Men and women go as naked as when their 
 mothers bore them. It is true that the women wear a very 
 small rag or cotton cloth, and they are of very good appear 
 ance, not very dark, less so than the Canarians. I hold, 
 most serene Princes, that if devout religious persons were 
 here, knowing the language, they would all turn Christians. 
 I trust in our Lord that your Highnesses will resolve upon 
 this with much diligence, to bring so many great nations 
 within the Church, and to convert them; as you have de 
 stroyed those who would not confess the Father, the Son, 
 and the Holy Ghost. And after your days, all of us being 
 mortal, may your kingdoms remain in peace, and free from 
 heresy and evil, and may you be well received before the 
 eternal Creator, to whom I pray that you may have long 
 life and great increase of kingdom and lordships, with the 
 will and disposition to increase the holy Christian religion 
 as you have done hitherto. Amen ! " 
 
 u To-day I got the ship afloat, and prepared to depart on 
 Thursday, in the name of God, and to steer S. E. in search 
 of gold and spices, and to discover land." 
 
 These are the words of the Admiral, who intended to 
 depart on Thursday, but, the wind being contrary, he could 
 not go until the I2th of November. 
 
 Monday, I2th of November. 
 
 The Admiral left the port and river of Mares before 
 dawn to visit the island called Babeque, so much talked of 
 by the Indians on board, where, according to their signs, 
 
i 3 6 
 
 DISCO VER Y AND EXPLORA riON 
 
 the people gather the gold on the beach at night with 
 candles, and afterwards beat it into bars with hammers. 
 To go thither it was necessary to shape a course E. by S. 
 After having made eight leagues along the coast, a river was 
 sighted, and another four leagues brought them to another 
 river, which appeared to be of great volume, and larger than 
 any they had yet seen. The Admiral did not wish to stop 
 nor to enter any of these rivers, for two reasons: the first 
 and principal one being that wind and weather were favor 
 able for going in search of the said island of Babeque; the 
 other, that, if there was a populous and famous city near 
 the sea, it would be visible, while, to go up the rivers, small 
 vessels are necessary, which those of the expedition were 
 not. Much time would thus be lost; moreover, the explora 
 tion of such rivers is a separate enterprise. All that coast 
 was peopled near the river, to which the name of Rio del 
 Sol was given. 
 
 The Admiral says that, on the previous Sunday, the nth 
 of November, it seemed good to take some persons from 
 amongst those at Rio de Mares, to bring to the Sovereigns, 
 that they might learn our language, so as to be able to tell 
 us what there is in their lands. Returning, they would be 
 the mouthpieces of the Christians, and would adopt our 
 customs and the things of the faith. " I saw and knew," 
 says the Admiral, " that these people are without any re 
 ligion, not idolaters, but very gentle, not knowing what is 
 evil, nor the sins of murder and theft, being without arms, 
 and so timid that a hundred would fly before one Spaniard, 
 although they joke with them. They, however, believe and 
 know that there is a God in heaven, and say that we have 
 come from heaven. At any prayer that we say, they repeat, 
 and make the sign of the cross. Thus your Highnesses 
 should resolve to make them Christians, for I believe that, 
 if the work was begun, in a little time a multitude of nations 
 would be converted to our faith, with the acquisition of 
 great lordships, peoples, and riches for Spain. Without 
 doubt, there is in these lands a vast quantity of gold, and 
 
EXPLORATION 137 
 
 the Indians I have on board do not speak without reason 
 when they say that in these islands there are places where 
 they dig out gold, and wear it on their necks, ears, arms, 
 and legs, the rings being very large. There are also pre 
 cious stones, pearls, and an infinity of spices. In this river 
 of Mares, whence we departed to-night, there is undoubtedly 
 a great quantity of mastick, and much more could be raised, 
 because the trees may be planted, and will yield abundantly. 
 The leaf and fruit are like the mastick, but the tree and 
 leaf are larger. As Pliny describes it, I have seen it on 
 the island of Chios in the Archipelago. I ordered many of 
 these trees to be tapped, to see if any of them would yield 
 resin; but, as it rained all the time I was in that river, I 
 could not get any, except a very little, which I am bringing 
 to your Highnesses. It may not be the right season for 
 tapping, which is, I believe, when the trees come forth after 
 winter and begin to flower. But when I was there the fruit 
 was nearly ripe. Here also there is a great quantity of 
 cotton, and I believe it would have a good sale here without 
 sending it to Spain, but to the great cities of the Gran Can, 
 which will be discovered without doubt, and many others 
 ruled over by other lords, who will be pleased to serve your 
 Highnesses, and whither will be brought other commodities 
 of Spain and of the Eastern lands; but these are to the 
 west as regards us. There is also .here a great yield of 
 aloes, though this is not a commodity that will yield great 
 profit. The mastick, however, is important, for it is only 
 obtained from the said island of Chios, and I believe the 
 harvest is worth fifty thousand ducats, if I remember right. 
 There is here, in the mouth of the river, the best port I 
 have seen up to this time, wide, deep, and clear of rocks. 
 It is an excellent site for a town and fort, for any ship 
 could come close up to the walls ; the land is high, with a 
 temperate climate, and very good water. 
 
 "Yesterday a canoe came alongside the ship, with six 
 youths in it. Five came on board, and I ordered them to 
 be detained. They are now here. I afterwards sent to a 
 
138 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 house on the western side of the river, and seized seven 
 women, old and young, and three children. I did this 
 because the men would behave better in Spain if they had 
 women of their own land, than without them. For on 
 many occasions the men of Guinea have been brought to 
 learn the language in Portugal, and afterwards, when they 
 returned, and it was expected that they would be useful in 
 their land, owing to the good company they had enjoyed 
 and the gifts they had received, they never appeared after 
 arriving. Others may not act thus. But, having women, 
 they have the wish to perform what they are required to do ; 
 besides, the women would teach our people their language, 
 which is the same in all these islands, so that those who 
 make voyages in their canoes are understood everywhere. 
 On the other hand, there are a thousand different languages 
 in Guinea, and one native does not understand another. 
 
 "The same night the husband of one of the women came 
 alongside in a canoe, who was father of the three children 
 one boy and two girls. He asked me to let him come 
 with them, and besought me much. They are now all con 
 soled at being with one who is a relation of them all. He 
 is a man of about forty-five years of age." All these are the 
 words of the Admiral. He also says that he had felt some 
 cold, and that it would not be wise to continue discoveries 
 in a northerly direction in the winter. On this Monday, 
 until sunset, he steered a course E. by S., making eighteen 
 leagues, and reaching a cape, to which he gave the name 
 Cabo de Cuba. 
 
 Tuesday, I3th of November. 
 
 This night the ships were on a bowline, as the sailors 
 say, beating to the windward without making any progress. 
 At sunset they began to see an opening in the mountains, 
 where two very high peaks were visible. It appeared that 
 here was the division between the land of Cuba and that of 
 Bohio, and this was affirmed by signs, by the Indians 
 who were on board. As soon as the day had dawned, the 
 
EXPLORATION 
 
 Admiral made sail towards the land, passing a point which 
 appeared at night to be distant two leagues. He then 
 entered a large gulf, five leagues to the S. S. E., and there 
 remained five more, to arrive at the point where, between 
 two great mountains, there appeared to be an opening; but 
 it could not be made out whether it was an inlet of the sea. 
 As he desired to go to the island called Babeque, where, 
 according to the information he had received, there was 
 much gold ; and as it bore E., and as no large town was in 
 sight, the wind freshening more than ever, he resolved to 
 put out to sea, and work to the E. with a northerly wind. 
 The ship made eight miles an hour, and from ten in the 
 forenoon, when that course was taken, until sunset, fifty- 
 six miles, which is fourteen leagues to the eastward from 
 the Cabo de Cuba. The other land of Bohio was left 
 to leeward. Commencing from the cape of the said gulf, 
 he discovered, according to his reckoning, eighty miles, 
 equal to twenty leagues, all that coast running E. S. E. and 
 W. N. W. 
 
 Wednesday, I4th of November. 
 
 All last night the Admiral was beating to windward (he 
 said that it would be unreasonable to navigate among those 
 islands during the night, until they had been explored), for 
 the Indians said yesterday that it would take three days to 
 go from Rio de Mares to the island of Babeque, by which 
 should be understood days journey in their canoes equal to 
 about seven leagues. The wind fell, and, the course being E., 
 she could not lay her course nearer than S. E., and, owing 
 to other mischances, he was detained until the morning. At 
 sunrise he determined to go in search of a port, because the 
 wind had shifted from N. to N. E., and if a port could 
 not be found, it would be necessary to go back to the ports 
 in the island of Cuba, whence they came. The Admiral 
 approached the shore, having gone over twenty-eight miles 
 E. S. E. that night. He steered S. . . . miles to the 
 land, where he saw many islets and openings. As the wind 
 
140 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 was high and the sea rough, he did not dare to risk an at 
 tempt to enter, but ran along the coast W. N. W., looking 
 out for a port, and saw many, but none very clear of rocks. 
 After having proceeded for sixty-four miles, he found a very 
 deep opening, a quarter of a mile wide, with a good port and 
 river. He ran in with her head S. S. W., afterwards S. to 
 S. E. The port was spacious and very deep, and he saw so 
 many islands that he could not count them all, with very 
 high land covered with trees of many kinds, and an infinite 
 number of palms. He was much astonished to see so many 
 lofty islands; and assured the Sovereigns that the moun 
 tains and isles he had seen since yesterday seemed to him to 
 be second to none in the world; so high and clear of clouds 
 and snow, with the sea at their bases so deep. He believes 
 that these islands are those innumerable ones that are de 
 picted on the maps of the world in the Far East. He 
 believed that they yielded very great riches in precious 
 stones and spices, and that they extend much further to the 
 south, widening out in all directions. He gave the name 
 of La Mar de Nuestra Senora, and to the haven, which is 
 near the mouth of the entrance to these islands, Puerto del 
 Principe. He did not enter it, but examined it from out 
 side, until another time, on Saturday of the next week, as 
 will there appear. He speaks highly of the . fertility, beauty, 
 and height of the islands which he found in this gulf, and 
 he tells the Sovereigns not to wonder at his praise of them, 
 for that he has not told them the hundredth part. Some 
 of them seemed to reach to heaven, running up into peaks 
 like diamonds. Others have a flat top like a table. At 
 their bases the sea is of a great depth, with enough water 
 for a very large carrack. All are covered with foliage and 
 without rocks. 
 
 Thursday, I5th of November. 
 
 The Admiral went to examine these islands in the ships 
 boats and speaks marvels of them, how he found mastick, 
 and aloes without end. Some of them were cultivated with 
 
EXPLORATION 141 
 
 the roots of which the Indians make bread ; and he found 
 that fires had been lighted in several places. He saw no 
 fresh water. There were some natives, but they fled. In 
 all parts of the sea where the vessels were navigated he 
 found a depth of fifteen or sixteen fathoms, and all basa, 
 by which he means that the ground is sand, and not rocks j 
 a thing much desired by sailors, for the rocks cut their 
 anchor cables. 
 
 Friday, i6th of November. 
 
 As in all parts, whether islands or mainlands, that he 
 visited, the Admiral always left a cross; so, on this occa 
 sion, he went in a boat to the entrance of these havens, and 
 found two very large trees on a point of land, one longer 
 than the other. One being placed over the other, made a 
 cross, and he said that a carpenter could not have made it 
 better. He ordered a very large and high cross to be made 
 out of these timbers. He found canes on the beach, and 
 did not know where they had grow r n, but thought they must 
 have been brought down by some river, and washed up on 
 the beach [in which opinion he had reason] . He went 
 to a creek on the S. E. side of the entrance of the port. 
 Here, under a height of rock and stone like a cape, there 
 was depth enough for the largest carrack in the world close 
 in shore, and there was a corner where six ships might lie 
 without anchors as in a room. It seemed to the Admiral 
 that a fortress might be built here at small cost, if at any 
 time any famous trade should arise in that sea of islands. 
 
 Returning to the ship, he found that the Indians who 
 were on board had fished up very large shells found in those 
 seas. He made the people examine them, to see if there 
 was mother-o -pearl, which is in the shells where pearls 
 grow. They found a great deal, but no pearls, and their 
 absence was attributed to its not being the season, which is 
 May and June. The sailors found an animal which seemed 
 to be a taso, or taxo. They also fished with nets, and, 
 among many others, caught a fish which was exactly like a 
 
142 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 pig, not like a tunny, but all covered with a very hard shell, 
 without a soft place except the eyes. It was ordered to be 
 salted, to bring home for the Sovereigns to see. 
 
 Saturday, i;th of November. 
 
 The Admiral got into the boat, and went to visit the 
 islands he had not yet seen to the S. W. He saw many 
 more very fertile and pleasant islands, with a great depth 
 between them. Some of them had springs of fresh water, 
 and he believed that the water of those streams came from 
 some sources at the summits of the mountains. He went 
 on, and found a beach bordering on very sweet water, 
 which was very cold. There was a beautiful meadow and 
 many very tall palms. They found a large nut of the kind 
 belonging to India, great rats, and enormous crabs. He 
 saw many birds, and there was a strong smell of musk, 
 which made him think it must be there. This day the 
 two eldest of the six youths brought from the Rio de Mares, 
 who were on board the caravel Nina, made their escape. 
 
 Sunday, i8th of November. 
 
 The Admiral again went away with the boats, accom 
 panied by many of the sailors, to set up the cross which he 
 had ordered to be made out of the two large trees at the 
 entrance to the Puerto del Principe, on a fair site cleared 
 of trees, whence there was an extensive and very beautiful 
 view. He says that there is a greater rise and fall there 
 than in any other port he has seen, and that this is no 
 marvel, considering the numerous islands. The tide is the 
 reverse of ours, because here, when the moon is S. S. W., 
 it is low water in the port. He did not get under weigh, 
 because it was Sunday. 
 
 Monday, iQth of November. 
 
 The Admiral got under weigh before sunrise, in a calm. 
 In the afternoon there was some wind from the E., and he 
 shaped a N. N. E. course. At sunset the Puerto del Principe 
 
EXPLORATION 
 
 bore S. S. W. seven leagues. He saw the island of Babeque 
 bearing due E. about sixty miles. He steered N. E. all that 
 night, making sixty miles, and up to ten o clock of Tuesday 
 another dozen; altogether eighteen leagues N. E. by W. 
 
 Tuesday, 2Oth of November. 
 
 They left Babeque, or the islands of Babeque, to the 
 E. S. E., the wind being contrary; and, seeing that no 
 progress was being made, and the sea was getting rough, 
 the Admiral determined to return to the Puerto del Principe, 
 whence he had started, which was twenty-five leagues dis 
 tant. He did not wish to go to the island he had called 
 Isabella, which was twelve leagues off, and where he might 
 have anchored that night, for two reasons : one was that he 
 had seen two islands to the S. which he wished to explore; 
 the other, because the Indians he brought with him, whom 
 he had taken at the island of Guanahani, which he named 
 San Salvador, eight leagues from Isabella, might get away, 
 and he said that he wanted them to take to Spain. They 
 thought that, when the Admiral had found gold, he would 
 let them return to their homes. He came near the Puerto del 
 Principe, but could not reach it, because it was night, and 
 because the current drifted them to the N. W. He turned 
 her head to N. E. with a light wind. At three o clock in 
 the morning the wind changed, and a course was shaped 
 E. N. E., the wind being S. S. W., and changing at dawn 
 to S. and S. E. At sunset the Puerto del Principe bore 
 nearly S. W. by W. forty-eight miles, which are twelve 
 leagues. 
 
 Wednesday, 2ist of November. 
 
 At sunrise the Admiral steered E., with a southerly wind, 
 but made little progress, owing to a contrary sea. At ves 
 pers he had gone twenty-four miles. Afterwards the wind 
 changed to E., and he steered S. by E., at sunset having 
 gone twelve miles. Here he found himself forty-two degrees 
 N. of the equinoctial line, as in the port of Mares, but he 
 
DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 says that he kept the result from the quadrant in suspense 
 until he reached the shore, that it might be adjusted [as it 
 would seem that he thought this distance was too great, and 
 he had reason, it not being possible, as these islands are 
 only in ... degrees] . 
 
 This day Martin Alonso Pinzon parted company with 
 the caravel Pinta, in disobedience to and against the 
 wish of the Admiral, and out of avarice, thinking that an 
 Indian who had been put on board his caravel could show 
 him where there was much gold. So he parted company, 
 not owing to bad weather, but because he chose. Here the 
 Admiral says : " He had done and said many other things 
 to me." 
 
 Thursday, 22nd of November. 
 
 On Wednesday night the Admiral steered S. S. E., w r ith 
 the wind E., but it was nearly calm. At three it began to 
 blow from N. N. E.; and he continued to steer S. to see 
 the land he had seen in that quarter. When the sun rose 
 he was as far off as the day before, owing to adverse cur 
 rents, the land being forty miles off. This night Martin 
 Alonso shaped a course to the E., to go to the island of 
 Babeque, where the Indians say there is much gold. He 
 did this in sight of the Admiral, from whom he was distant 
 sixteen miles. The Admiral stood towards the land all 
 night. He shortened sail, and showed a lantern, because 
 Pinzon would thus have an opportunity of joining him, the 
 night being very clear, and the wind fair to come, if he 
 had wished to do so. 
 
 Friday, 23rd of November. 
 
 The Admiral stood towards the land all day, always 
 steering S. with little wind, but the current would never 
 let them reach it, being as far off at sunset as in the morn 
 ing. The wind was E. N. E., and they could shape a 
 southerly course, but there was little of it. Beyond this 
 cape there stretched out another land or cape, also trending 
 
EXPLORATION 
 
 E., which the Indians on board called Bohio. They said 
 that it was very large, and that there were people in it who 
 had one eye in their foreheads, and others who were canni 
 bals, and of whom they were much afraid. When they 
 saw that this course was taken, they said that they could 
 not talk to these people, because they would be eaten, and 
 that they were very well armed. The Admiral says that 
 he well believes that there were such people, and that if 
 they are armed they must have some ability. He thought 
 that they may have captured some of the Indians, and 
 because they did not return to their homes the others 
 believed that they had been eaten. They thought the same 
 of the Christians and of the Admiral when some of them 
 first saw the strangers. 
 
 Saturday, 24th of November. 
 
 They navigated all night, and at three they reached the 
 island at the very same point they had come to the week 
 before, when they started for the island of Babeque. At 
 first the Admiral did not dare to approach the shore, because 
 it seemed that there would be a great surf in that mountain- 
 girded bay. Finally he reached the sea of Nuestra Senora, 
 where there are many islands, and entered a port near the 
 mouth of the opening to the islands. He says that if he 
 had known of this port before he need not have occupied 
 himself in exploring the islands, and it would not have 
 been necessary to go back. He, however, considered that 
 the time was well spent in examining the islands. On 
 nearing the land he sent in the boat to sound; finding a 
 good sandy bottom in six to twenty fathoms. He entered 
 the haven, pointing the ship s head S. W. and then W., the 
 flat island bearing N. This, with another island near it, 
 forms a harbor which would hold all the ships of Spain 
 safe from all winds. This entrance on the S. W. side is 
 passed by steering S. S. W., the outlet being to the W. 
 very deep and wide. Thus a vessel can pass amidst these 
 islands, and he who approaches from the N., with a 
 
146 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 knowledge of them, can pass along the coast. These 
 islands are at the foot of a great mountain chain running 
 E. and W., which is longer and higher than any others 
 on this coast, where there are many. A reef of rocks out 
 side runs parallel with the said mountains, like a bench, 
 extending to the entrance. On the side of the flat island, 
 and also to the S. E., there is another small reef, but be 
 tween them there is great width and depth. Within the 
 port, near the S. E. side of the entrance, they saw a large 
 and very fine river, with more volume than any they had 
 yet met with, and fresh water could be taken from it as far 
 as the sea. At the entrance there is a bar, but within it is 
 very deep, nineteen fathoms. The banks are lined with 
 palms and many other trees. 
 
 Sunday, 25th of November. 
 
 Before sunrise the Admiral got into the boat, and went 
 to see a cape or point of land to the S. E. of the flat island, 
 about a league and a half distant, because there appeared to be 
 a good river there. Presently, near to the S. E. side of the 
 cape, at a distance of two crossbow-shots, he saw a large 
 stream of beautiful water falling from the mountains above, 
 with a loud noise. He went to it, and saw some stones 
 shining in its bed like gold. He remembered that in the river 
 Tejo, near its junction with the sea, there was gold; so it 
 seemed to him that this should contain gold, and he ordered 
 some of these stones to be collected, to be brought to the 
 Sovereigns. Just then the sailor boys called out that they 
 had found large pines. The Admiral looked up the hill, and 
 saw that they were so wonderfully large that he could not 
 exaggerate their height and straightness, like stout yet fine 
 spindles. He perceived that here there was material for 
 great store of planks and masts for the largest ships in Spain. 
 He saw oaks and arbutus trees, with a good river, and the 
 means of making water power. The climate was temper 
 ate, owing to the height of the mountains. On the beach 
 he saw many other stones of the color of iron, and others 
 
EXPLORATION 
 
 that some said were like silver ore, all brought down by the 
 river. Here he obtained a new mast and yard for the mizzen 
 of the caravel Nina. He came to the mouth of the river, 
 and entered a creek which was deep and wide, at the 
 foot of that S. E. part of the cape, which would accom 
 modate a hundred ships without any anchor or hawser. 
 Eyes never beheld a better harbor. The mountains are 
 very high, whence descend many limpid streams, and all 
 the hills are covered with pines, and an infinity of diverse 
 and beautiful trees. Two or three other rivers were not 
 visited. 
 
 The Admiral described all this, in much detail, to the 
 Sovereigns, and declared that he had derived unspeakable 
 joy and pleasure at seeing it, more especially the pines, 
 because they enable as many ships as is desired to be built 
 here, bringing out the rigging, but finding here abundant 
 supplies of wood and provisions. He affirms that he has 
 not enumerated a hundredth part of what there is here, and 
 that it pleased our Lord always to show him one thing 
 better than another, as well on the ground and among the 
 trees, herbs, fruits, and flowers, as in the people, and always 
 something different in each place. It had been the same as 
 regards the havens and the waters. Finally, he says that 
 if it caused him who saw it so much wonder, how much 
 more will it affect those who hear about it; yet no one can 
 believe until- he sees it. 
 
 Monday, 26th of November. 
 
 At sunrise the Admiral weighed the anchors in the haven 
 of Santa Catallna, where he was behind the flat island, and 
 steered along the coast in the direction of Cabo del Pico, which 
 was S. E. He reached the cape late, because the wind failed, 
 and then saw another cape, S. E. by E. sixty miles, which, 
 when twenty miles off, was named Cabo de Campana, but it 
 could not be reached that day. They made good thirty- 
 two miles during the day, which is eight leagues. During 
 this time the Admiral noted nine remarkable ports, which all 
 
148 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 the sailors thought wonderfully good, and five large rivers; 
 for they sailed close along the land, so as to see everything. 
 All along the coast there are very high and beautiful moun 
 tains, not arid or rocky, but all accessible, and very lovely. 
 The valleys, like the mountains, were full of tall and fine 
 trees, so that it was a glory to look upon them, and there 
 seemed to be many pines. Also, beyond the said Cabo del 
 Pico to the S. E. there are two islets, each about two leagues 
 round, and inside them three excellent havens and two large 
 rivers. Along the whole coast no inhabited places were 
 visible from the sea. There may have been some, and 
 there were indications of them, for, when the men landed, 
 they found signs of people and numerous remains of fires. 
 The Admiral conjectured that the land he saw to-day S. E. 
 of the Cabo de Campana was the island called by the Indians 
 Bohio: it looked as if this cape was separated from the 
 mainland. The Admiral says that all the people he has 
 hitherto met with have very great fear of those of Canlba 
 or Gamma. They affirm that they live in the island of 
 Bohio, which must be very large, according to all accounts. 
 The Admiral understood that those of Caniba come to take 
 people from their homes, they being very cowardly, and 
 without knowledge of arms. For this cause it appears that 
 these Indians do not settle on the seacoast, owing to being 
 near the land of Caniba. When the natives who were on 
 board saw a course shaped for that land, they feared to speak, 
 thinking they were going to be eaten ; nor could they rid 
 themselves of their fear. They declared that the Canibas 
 had only one eye and dogs faces. The Admiral thought they 
 lied, and was inclined to believe that it was people from the 
 dominions of the Gran Can who took them into captivity. 
 
 Tuesday, 2jth of November. 
 
 Yesterday, at sunset, they arrived near a cape named 
 Campana by the Admiral; and as the sky was clear and 
 the wind light, he did not wish to run in close to the land 
 and anchor, although he had five or six singularly good 
 
EXPLORATION 149 
 
 havens under his lee. The Admiral was attracted on the 
 one hand by the longing and delight he felt to gaze upon 
 the beauty and freshness of those lands, and on the other 
 by a desire to complete the work he had undertaken. For 
 these reasons he remained close hauled, and stood off and 
 on during the night. But, as the currents had set him more 
 than five or six leagues to the S. E. beyond where he had 
 been at nightfall, passing the land of Campana, he came in 
 sight of a great opening beyond that cape, which seemed to 
 divide one land from another, leaving an island between 
 them. He decided to go back, with the wind S. E., steer 
 ing to the point where the opening had appeared, where he 
 found that it was only a large bay; and at the end of it, 
 on the S. E. side, there was a point of land on which was 
 a high and square-cut hill, which had looked like an island. 
 A breeze sprang up from the N., and the Admiral con 
 tinued on a S. E. course, to explore the coast and discover 
 all that was there. Presently he saw, at the foot of the 
 Cabo de Campana, a wonderfully good port, and a large 
 river, and, a quarter of a league on, another river, and a 
 third, and a fourth to a seventh at similar distances, from the 
 furthest one to Cabo de Campana being twenty miles S. E. 
 Most of these rivers have wide and deep mouths, with ex 
 cellent havens for large ships, without sandbanks or sunken 
 rocks. Proceeding onwards from the last of these rivers, 
 on a S. E. course, they came to the largest inhabited place 
 they had yet seen, and a vast concourse of people came 
 down to the beach with loud shouts, all naked, with their 
 darts in their hands. The Admiral desired to have speech 
 with them, so he furled sails and anchored. The boats of 
 the ship and the caravel were sent on shore, with orders 
 to do no harm whatever to the Indians, but to give them 
 presents. The Indians made as if they would resist the 
 landing, but, seeing that the boats of the Spaniards con 
 tinued to advance without fear, they retired from the beach. 
 Thinking that they would not be terrified if only two or 
 three landed, three Christians were put on shore, who told 
 
I 5 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORAriON 
 
 them not to be afraid, in their own language, for they had 
 been able to learn a little from the natives who were on 
 board. But all ran away, neither great nor small remain 
 ing. The Christians went to the houses, which were of 
 straw, and built like the others they had seen, but found no 
 one in any of them. They returned to the ships, and made 
 sail at noon in the direction of a fine cape to the east 
 ward, about eight leagues distant. Having gone about half 
 a league, the Admiral saw, on the S. side of the same bay, a 
 very remarkable harbor, and to the S. E. some wonderfully 
 beautiful country like a valley among the mountains, whence 
 much smoke arose, indicating a large population, with signs 
 of much cultivation. So he resolved to stop at this port, 
 and see if he could have any speech or intercourse with the 
 inhabitants. It was so that, if the Admiral had praised 
 the other havens, he must praise this still more for its lands, 
 climate, and people. He tells marvels of the beauty of the 
 country and of the trees, there being palms and pine trees; 
 and also of the great valley, which is not flat, but diversified 
 by hill and dale, the most lovely scene in the world. Many 
 streams flow from it, which fall from the mountains. 
 
 As soon as the ship was at anchor the Admiral jumped 
 into the boat, to get soundings in the port, which is the 
 shape of a hammer. When he was facing the entrance he 
 found the mouth of a river on the south side of sufficient 
 width for a galley to enter it, but so concealed that it is not 
 visible until close to. Entering it for the length of the boat, 
 there was a depth of from five to eight fathoms. In passing 
 up it the freshness and beauty of the trees, the clearness 
 of the water, and the birds, made it all so delightful that 
 he wished never to leave them. He said to the men who 
 were with him that to give a true relation to the Sovereigns 
 of the things they had seen, a thousand tongues would not 
 suffice, nor his hand to write it, for that it was like a scene 
 of enchantment. He desired that many other prudent and 
 credible witnesses might see it, and he was sure that they 
 would be as unable to exaggerate the scene as he was. 
 
EXPLORATION 151 
 
 The Admiral also says : " How great the benefit that is 
 to be derived from this country would be, I cannot say. It 
 is certain that where there are such lands there must be an 
 infinite number of things that would be profitable. But I 
 did not remain long in one port, because I wished to see as 
 much of the country as possible, in order to make a report 
 upon it to your Highnesses; and besides, I do not know 
 the language, and these people neither understand me nor 
 any other in my company; while the Indians I have on 
 board often misunderstand. Moreover, I have not been 
 able to see much of the natives, because they often take to 
 flight. But now, if our Lord pleases, I will see as much 
 as possible, and will proceed by little and little, learning and 
 comprehending; and I will make some of my followers 
 learn the language. For I have perceived that there is only 
 one language up to this point. After they understand the 
 advantages, I shall labor to make all these people Chris 
 tians. They will become so readily, because they have no 
 religion nor idolatry, and your Highnesses will send orders 
 to build a city and fortress, and to convert the people. I 
 assure your Highnesses that it does not appear to me that 
 there can be a more fertile country nor a better climate 
 under the sun, with abundant supplies of water. This is 
 not like the rivers of Guinea, which are all pestilential. I 
 thank our Lord that, up to this time, there has not been a 
 person of my company who has so much as had a headache, 
 or been in bed from illness, except an old man who has 
 suffered from the stone all his life, and he was well again in 
 two days. I speak of all three vessels. If it will please 
 God that your Highnesses should send learned men out 
 here, they will see the truth of all I have said. I have re 
 lated already how good a place Rio de Mares would be for 
 a town and fortress, and this is perfectly true; but it bears 
 no comparison with this place, nor with the Mar de Nues- 
 tra Senora. For here there must be a large population, and 
 very valuable productions, which I hope to discover before 
 I return to Castille. I say that if Christendom will find 
 
152 
 
 DISCO VER T AND EX PL OR A TION 
 
 profit among these people, how much more will Spain, to 
 whom the whole country should be subject. Your High 
 nesses ought not to consent that any stranger should trade 
 here, or put his foot in the country, except Catholic Chris 
 tians, for this was the beginning and end of the undertaking; 
 namely, the increase and glory of the Christian religion, 
 and that no one should come to these parts who was not a 
 good Christian." 
 
 All the above are the Admiral s words. He ascended 
 the river for some distance, examined some branches of it, 
 and, returning to the mouth, he found some pleasant groves 
 of trees, like a delightful orchard. Here he came upon a 
 canoe, dug out of one tree, as big as a galley of twelve 
 benches, fastened under a boat house made of wood, and 
 thatched with palm leaves, so that it could neither be injured 
 by the sun nor by the water. He says that here would be 
 the proper site for a town and fort, by reason of the good 
 port, good water, good land, and abundance of fuel. 
 
 Wednesday, 28th of November. 
 
 The Admiral remained during this day, in consequence 
 of the rain and thick weather, though he might have run 
 along the coast, the wind being S. W., but he did not 
 weigh, because he was unacquainted with the coast beyond, 
 and did not know what danger there might be for the ves 
 sels. The sailors of the two vessels went on shore to wash 
 their clothes, and some of them walked inland for a short 
 distance. They found indications of a large population, 
 but the houses were all empty, everyone having fled. They 
 returned by the banks of another river, larger than that 
 which they knew of, at the port. 
 
 Thursday, 2Qth of November. 
 
 The rain and thick weather continuing, the Admiral did 
 not get under weigh. Some of the Christians went to 
 another village to the N. W., but found no one, and noth 
 ing in the houses. On the road they met an old man who 
 
EXPLORATION 
 
 could not run away, and caught him. They told him that 
 they did not wish to do him any harm, gave him a few 
 presents, and let him go. The Admiral would have liked 
 to have speech with him, for he was exceedingly satisfied 
 with the delights of that land, and wished that a settle 
 ment might be formed there, judging that it must support a 
 large population. In one house they found a cake of wax, 
 which was taken to the Sovereigns, the Admiral saying that 
 where there was wax, there were also a thousand other 
 good things. The sailors also found, in one house, the 
 head of a man in a basket, covered with another basket, 
 and fastened to a post of the house. They found the same 
 things in another village. The Admiral believed that they 
 must be the heads of some founder, or principal ancestor 
 of a lineage, for the houses are built to contain a great num 
 ber of people in each ; and these should be relations, and 
 descendants of a common ancestor. 
 
 Friday, 3Oth of November. 
 
 They could not get under weigh to-day because the wind 
 was E., and dead against them. The Admiral sent eight 
 men well armed, accompanied by two of the Indians he had 
 on board, to examine the villages inland, and get speech 
 with the people. They came to many houses, but found 
 no one and nothing, all having fled. They saw four youths 
 who were digging in their fields, but, as soon as they saw 
 the Christians, they ran away, and could not be overtaken. 
 They marched a long distance, and saw many villages and a 
 most fertile land, with much cultivation and many streams of 
 water. Near one river they saw a canoe dug out of a single 
 tree ninety-five palmos long, and capable of carrying one 
 hundred and fifty persons. 
 
 Saturday, ist of December. 
 
 They did not depart, because there was still a foul wind, 
 with much rain. The Admiral set up a cross at the en 
 trance of this port, which he called Puerto Santo, on some 
 
154 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 bare rocks. The point is that which is on the S. E. side 
 of the entrance; but he who has to enter should make 
 more over to the N. W. ; for at the foot of both, near the 
 rock, there are twelve fathoms and a very clean bottom. At 
 the entrance of the port, towards the S. E. point, there is a 
 reef of rocks above the water, sufficiently far from the shore 
 to be able to pass between if it is necessary; for both on 
 the side of the rock and the shore there is a depth of twelve 
 to fifteen fathoms; and, on entering, a ship s head should 
 be turned S. W. 
 
 Sunday, 2nd of December. 
 
 The wind was still contrary, and they could not depart. 
 Every night the wind blows on the land, but no vessel need 
 be alarmed at all the gales in the world, for they cannot 
 blow home by reason of a reef of rocks at the opening to 
 the haven. A sailor boy found, at the mouth of the river, 
 some stones which looked as if they contained gold; so 
 they were taken to be shown to the Sovereigns. The 
 Admiral says that there are great rivers at the distance of a 
 lombard-shot. 
 
 Monday, 3rd of December. 
 
 By reason of the continuance of an easterly wind the 
 Admiral did not leave this port. He arranged to visit a 
 very beautiful headland a quarter of a league to the S. E. 
 of the anchorage. He went with the boats and some armed 
 *Vnen. At the foot of the cape there was the mouth of a 
 fair river, and on entering it they found the width to be 
 a hundred paces, with a depth of one fathom. Inside they 
 found twelve, five, four, and two fathoms, so that it would 
 hold all the ships there are in Spain. Leaving the river, they 
 came to a cove in which were five very large canoes, so well 
 constructed that it was a pleasure to look at them. They 
 were under spreading trees, and a path led from them to 
 a very well built boat house, so thatched that neither sun 
 nor rain could do any harm. Within it there was another 
 
EXPLORATION 155 
 
 canoe made out of a single tree like the others, like a galley 
 with seventeen benches. It was a pleasant sight to look 
 upon such goodly work. The Admiral ascended a mountain, 
 and afterwards found the country level, and cultivated with 
 many things of that land, including such calabashes as it 
 was a glory to look upon them. In the middle there was 
 a large village, and they came upon the people suddenly; 
 but, as soon as they were seen, men and women took to 
 flight. The Indian from on board, who was with the 
 Admiral, cried out to them that they need not be afraid, as 
 the strangers were good people. The Admiral made him 
 give them bells, copper ornaments, and glass beads, green 
 and yellow, with which they were well content. He saw 
 that they had no gold nor any other precious thing, and that 
 it would suffice to leave them in peace. The whole district 
 was well peopled, the rest having fled from fear. The 
 Admiral assures the Sovereigns that ten thousand of these 
 men would run from ten, so cowardly and timid are they. 
 No arms are carried by them, except wands, on the point 
 of which a short piece of wood is fixed, hardened by fire, 
 and these they are very ready to exchange. Returning to 
 where he had left the boats, he sent back some men up the 
 hill, because he fancied he had seen a large apiary. Before 
 those he had sent could return, they were joined by many 
 Indians, and they went to the boats, where the Admiral 
 was waiting with all his people. One of the natives ad 
 vanced into the river near the stern of the boat, and made 
 a long speech, which the Admiral did not understand. At 
 intervals the other Indians raised their hands to heaven, 
 and shouted. The Admiral thought he was assuring him 
 that he was pleased at his arrival; but he saw the Indian 
 who came from the ship change the color of his face, and 
 turn as yellow as wax, trembling much, and letting the 
 Admiral know by signs that he should leave the river, as 
 they were going to kill him. He pointed to a crossbow 
 which one of the Spaniards had, and showed it to the 
 Indians, and the Admiral let it be understood that they 
 
156 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 would all be slain, because that crossbow carried far and 
 killed people. He also took a sword and drew it out of 
 the sheath, showing it to them, and saying the same, which, 
 when they had heard, they all took to flight; while the 
 Indian from the ship trembled from cowardice, though he 
 was a tall, strong man. The Admiral did not want to 
 leave the river, but pulled towards the place where the 
 natives had assembled in great numbers, all painted, and as 
 naked as when their mothers bore them. Some had tufts 
 of feathers on their heads, and all had their bundles of darts. 
 The Admiral says: "I came to them, and gave them 
 some mouthfuls of bread, asking for the darts, for which I 
 gave in exchange copper ornaments, bells, and glass beads. 
 This made them peaceable, so that they came to the boats 
 again, and gave us what they had. The sailors had killed 
 a turtle, and the shell was in the boat in pieces. The 
 sailor boys gave them some in exchange for a bundle of 
 darts. These are like the other people we have seen, and 
 with the same belief that we came from heaven. They 
 are ready to give whatever thing they have in exchange for 
 any trifle without saying it is a little; and I believe they 
 would do the same with gold and spices if they had any. 
 I saw a fine house, not very large, and with two doors, as 
 all the rest have. On entering, I saw a marvellous work, 
 there being rooms made in a peculiar way, that I scarcely 
 know how to describe it. Shells and other things were 
 fastened to the ceiling. I thought it was a temple, and 
 I called them and asked, by signs, whether prayers were 
 offered up there. They said that they were not, and one 
 of them climbed up and offered me all the things that were 
 there, of which I took some." 
 
 Tuesday, 4th of December. 
 
 The Admiral made sail with little wind, and left that 
 port, which he called Puerto Santo. After going two leagues, 
 he saw the great river of which he spoke yesterday. Pass 
 ing along the land, and beating to windward on S. E. and 
 
EXPLORATION 157 
 
 W. N. W. courses, they reached Cabo Lindo, which is 
 E. S. E. five leagues from Cabo del Monte. A league and a 
 half from Cabo del Monte there is an important but rather 
 narrow river, which seemed to have a good entrance, and 
 to be deep. Three-quarters of a league further on, the 
 Admiral saw another very large river, and he thought it 
 must have its source at a great distance. It had a hun 
 dred paces at its mouth, and no bar, with a depth of eight 
 fathoms. The Admiral sent the boat in, to take soundings, 
 and they found the water fresh until it enters the sea. 
 
 This river had great volume, and must have a large 
 population on its banks. Beyond Cabo Lindo there is a 
 great bay, which would be open for navigation to E. N. E. 
 and S. E. and S. S. W. 
 
 Wednesday, 5th of December. 
 
 All this night they were beating to windward off Cabo 
 Lindo, to reach the land to the E., and at sunrise the 
 Admiral sighted another cape, two and a half leagues to 
 the E. Having passed it, he saw that the land trended S. 
 and S. W., and presently saw a fine high cape in that direc 
 tion, seven leagues distant. He would have wished to go 
 there, but his object was to reach the island of Babeque, 
 which, according to the Indians, bore N. E. ; so he gave 
 up the intention. He could not go to Babeque either, because 
 the wind was N. E. Looking to the S. E., he saw land, 
 which was a very large island, according to the information 
 of the Indians, well peopled, and called by them Bohio. 
 The Admiral says that the inhabitants of Cuba, or Juana, 
 and of all the other islands, are much afraid of the inhabit 
 ants of Bohio, because they say that they eat people. The 
 Indians related other things, by signs, which are very won 
 derful; but the Admiral did not believe them. He only 
 inferred that those of Bohio must have more cleverness and 
 cunning to be able to capture the others, who, however, are 
 very poor-spirited. The wind veered from N. E. to N., 
 so the Admiral determined to leave Cuba, or Juana, which, 
 
1 5 g DISCOVER T AND EXPLORA riON 
 
 up to this time, he had supposed to be the mainland, on 
 account of its size, having coasted along it for one hundred 
 and twenty leagues. He shaped a course S. E. by E., the 
 land he had sighted bearing S. E.; taking this precaution 
 because the wind always veered from N. to N. E. again, 
 and thence to E. and S. E. The wind increased, and he 
 made all sail, the current helping them ; so that they were 
 making eight miles an hour from the morning until one 
 in the afternoon [which is barely six hours, for they say 
 that the nights were nearly fifteen hours] . Afterwards they 
 went ten miles an hour, making good eighty-eight miles by 
 sunset, equal to twenty-two leagues, all to the S. E. As 
 night was coming on, the Admiral ordered the caravel 
 Nina, being a good sailer, to proceed ahead, so as to sight 
 a harbor at daylight. Arriving at the entrance of a port 
 which was like the bay of Cadiz, while it was still dark, 
 a boat was sent in to take soundings, which showed a 
 light from the lantern. Before the Admiral could beat 
 up to where the caravel was, hoping that the boat would 
 show a leading mark for entering the port, the candle in 
 the lantern went out. The caravel, not seeing the light, 
 showed a light to the Admiral, and, running down to him, 
 related what had happened. The boat s crew then showed 
 another light, and the caravel made for it ; but the Admiral 
 could not do so, and was standing off and on all night. 
 
 Thursday, 6th of December. 
 
 When daylight arrived the Admiral found himself four 
 leagues from the port, to which he gave the name of Puerto 
 Maria, and to a fine cape bearing S. S. W. he gave the 
 name of Cabo del Estrella. It seemed to be the furthest 
 point of the island towards the S., distant twenty-eight miles. 
 Another point of land, like an island, appeared about forty 
 miles to the E. To another fine point, fifty-four miles to the 
 E., he gave the name of Cabo del Elefante, and he called 
 another, twenty-eight miles to the S. E., Cabo de Cinquin. 
 There was a great opening or bay, which might be the 
 
EXPLORAriON 
 
 159 
 
 mouth of a river, distant twenty miles. It seemed that 
 between Cabo del Elefante and that of Cinquin there was a 
 great opening, and some of the sailors said that it formed an 
 island, to which the name of Is/a de la Tortuga was given. 
 The island appeared to be very high land, not closed in with 
 mountains, but with beautiful valleys, well cultivated, the 
 crops appearing like the wheat on the plain of Cordova in 
 May. That night they saw many fires, and much smoke, 
 as if from workshops, in the daytime; it appeared to be a 
 signal made by people who were at war. All the coast 
 of this land trends to the E. 
 
 At the hour of vespers the Admiral reached this port, to 
 which he gave the name of Puerto de San Nicolas, in honor 
 of St. Nicholas, whose day it was; and on entering it he 
 was astonished at its beauty and excellence. Although 
 he had given great praise to the ports of Cuba, he had no 
 doubt that this one not only equalled, but excelled them, 
 and none of them are like it. At the entrance it is a 
 league and a half wide, and a vessel s head should be 
 turned S. S. E., though, owing to the great width, she may 
 be steered on any bearing that is convenient; proceeding 
 on this course for two leagues. On the S. side of the 
 entrance the coast forms a cape, and thence the course is 
 almost the same as far as a point where there is a fine 
 beach, and a plain covered with fruit-bearing trees of many 
 kinds; so that the Admiral thought there must be nut 
 megs and other spices among them, but he did not know 
 them, and they were not ripe. There is a river falling into 
 the harbor, near the middle of the beach. The depth of this 
 port is surprising, for, until reaching the land, for a dis 
 tance of ... the lead did not reach the bottom at forty 
 fathoms ; and up to this length there are fifteen fathoms 
 with a very clean bottom. Throughout the port there is a 
 depth of fifteen fathoms, with a clean bottom, at a short dis 
 tance from the shore; and all along the coast there are 
 soundings with clean bottom, and not a single sunken rock. 
 Inside, at the length of a boat s oar from the land, there are 
 
160 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 five fathoms. Beyond the limit of the port to the S. S. E. 
 a thousand carracks could beat up. One branch of the 
 port to the N. E. runs into the land for a long half-league, 
 and always the same width, as if it had been measured with 
 a cord. Being in this creek, which is twenty-five paces 
 wide, the principal entrance to the harbor is not in sight, 
 so that it appears land-locked. The depth of this creek is 
 eleven fathoms throughout, all with clean bottom; and 
 close to the land, where one might put the gangboards on 
 the grass, there are eight fathoms. 
 
 The whole port is open to the air, and clear of trees. 
 All the island appeared to be more rocky that any that had 
 been discovered. The trees are smaller, and many of them 
 of the same kinds as are found in Spain, such as the ilex, 
 the arbutus, and others, and it is the same with the herbs. 
 It is a very high country, all open and clear, with a very 
 fine air, and no such cold has been met with elsewhere, 
 though it cannot be called cold except by comparison. 
 Towards the front of the haven there is a beautiful valley, 
 watered by a river; and in that district there must be many 
 inhabitants, judging from the number of large canoes, like 
 galleys, with fifteen benches. All the natives fled as soon 
 as they saw the ships. The Indians who were on board had 
 such a longing to return to their homes that the Admiral 
 considered whether he should not take them back when he 
 should depart from here. They were already suspicious, 
 because he did not shape a course towards their country; 
 whence he neither believed what they said, nor could he 
 understand them, nor they him, properly. The Indians on 
 board had the greatest fear in the world of the people of 
 this island. In order to get speech of the people it would 
 be necessary to remain some days in harbor; but the 
 Admiral did not do so, because he had to continue his dis 
 coveries, and because he could not tell how long he might 
 be detained. He trusted in our Lord that the Indians he 
 brought with him would understand the language of the 
 people of this island; and afterwards he would communicate 
 
EXPLORAriON 161 
 
 with them, trusting that it might please God s Majesty that 
 he might find trade in gold before he returned. 
 
 Friday, 7th of December. 
 
 At daybreak the Admiral got under weigh, made sail, and 
 left the port of San Nicolas. He went on with the wind 
 in the W. for two leagues, until he reached the point which 
 forms the Carenero, when the angle in the coast bore S. E., 
 and Cabo de la Estrella was twenty-four miles to the 
 S. W. Thence he steered along the coast eastward to Cabo 
 de Cinquin about forty-eight miles, twenty of them being 
 on an E. N. E. coast. All the coast is very high, with a 
 deep sea. Close in shore there are twenty to thirty fathoms, 
 and at the distance of a lombard-shot there is no bottom; 
 all which the Admiral discovered that day, as he sailed 
 along the coast with the wind S. W., much to his satisfac 
 tion. The cape, which runs out in the port of San Nicolas 
 the length of a shot from a lombard, could be made an 
 island by cutting across it, while to sail round it is a circuit 
 of three or four miles. All that land is very high, not 
 clothed with very high trees, but with ilex, arbutus, and 
 others proper to the land of Castille. Before reaching Cabo 
 de Cinquin by two leagues, the Admiral discovered an open 
 ing in the mountains, through which he could see a very 
 large valley, covered with crops like barley, and he therefore 
 judged that it must sustain a large population. Behind 
 there was a high range of mountains. On reaching Cabo 
 de Cinquin, Cabo de la Tortuga bore N. E. thirty-two 
 miles. Off Cabo de Cinquin, at the distance of a lombard- 
 shot, there is a high rock, which is a good landmark. The 
 Admiral being there, he took the bearing of Cabo del Ele- 
 fante, which was E. S. E. about seventy miles, the inter 
 vening land being very high. At a distance of six leagues 
 there was a conspicuous cape, and he saw many large valleys 
 and plains, and high mountains inland, all reminding him 
 of Spain. After eight leagues he came to a very deep but 
 narrow river, though a carrack might easily enter it, and the 
 
1 62 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 mouth without bar or rocks. After sixteen miles there was 
 a wide and deep harbor, with no bottom at the entrance, 
 nor, at three paces from the shore, less than fifteen fathoms ; 
 and it runs inland a quarter of a league. It being yet very 
 early, only one o clock in the afternoon, and the wind being 
 aft and blowing fresh, yet, as the sky threatened much rain, 
 and it was very thick, which is dangerous even on a known 
 coast, how much more in an unknown country, the Admiral 
 resolved to enter the port, which he called Puerto de la Con- 
 cepcion. He landed near a small river at the point of the 
 haven, flowing from valleys and plains, the beauty of which 
 was a marvel to behold. He took fishing nets with him; 
 and, before he landed, a skate, like those of Spain, jumped 
 into the boat, this being the first time they had seen fish re 
 sembling the fish of Castille. The sailors caught and killed 
 others. Walking a short distance inland, the Admiral found 
 much land under cultivation, and heard the singing of 
 nightingales and other birds of Castille. Five men were 
 seen, but they would not stop, running away. The Ad 
 miral found myrtles and other Spanish plants, while land 
 and mountains were like those of Castille. 
 
 Saturday, 8th of December. 
 
 In this port there was heavy rain, with a fresh breeze 
 from the N. The harbor is protected from all winds 
 except the N. ; but even this can do no harm whatever, 
 because there is a great surf outside, which prevents such 
 a sea within the river as would make a ship work on her 
 cables. After midnight the wind veered to N. E., and 
 then to E., from which winds this port is well sheltered by 
 the island of Tortuga, distant thirty-six miles. 
 
 Sunday, 9th of December. 
 
 To-day it rained, and the weather was wintry, like Octo 
 ber in Castille. No habitations had been seen except a 
 very beautiful house in the Puerto de San Nicolas, which was 
 better built than any that had been in other parts. "The 
 
EXPLORATION 163 
 
 island is very large," says the Admiral; "it would not be 
 much if it has a circumference of two hundred leagues. All 
 the parts he had seen were well cultivated. He believed 
 that the villages must be at a distance from the sea, whither 
 they went when the ships arrived; for they all took to 
 flight, taking everything with them, and they made smoke 
 signals, like a people at war." This port has a width of a 
 thousand paces at its entrance, equal to a quarter of a league. 
 There is neither bank nor reef within, and there are scarcely 
 soundings close in shore. Its length, running inland, is three 
 thousand paces, all clean, and with a sandy bottom; so that 
 any ship may anchor in it without fear, and enter it without 
 precaution. At the upper end there are the mouths of two 
 rivers, with the most beautiful campaign country, almost 
 like the lands of Spain : these even have the advantage ; for 
 which reasons the Admiral gave the name of the said island 
 Is/a Espanola. 
 
 Monday, loth of December. 
 
 It blew hard from the N. E., which made them drag 
 their anchors half a cable s length. This surprised the 
 Admiral, who had seen that the anchors had taken good 
 hold of the ground. As he saw that the wind was foul for 
 the direction in which he wanted to steer, he sent six men 
 on shore, well armed, to go two or three leagues inland, 
 and endeavor to open communications with the natives. 
 They went and returned without having seen either people 
 or houses. But they found some hovels, wide roads, and 
 some places where many fires had been made. They saw 
 excellent lands, and many mastick trees, some specimens 
 of which they took; but this is not the time for collecting 
 it, as it does not coagulate. 
 
 Tuesday, nth of December. 
 
 The Admiral did not depart, because the wind was still 
 E. and S. E. In front of this port, as has been said, is 
 the island of La Tortuga. It appears to be a large island. 
 
164 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 with the coast almost like that of Espanola, and the distance 
 between them is about ten leagues. It is well to know that 
 from Cabo de Cinquin, opposite Tortuga, the coast trends 
 to the S. The Admiral had a great desire to see that 
 channel between these two islands, and to examine the 
 island of Espanola, which is the most beautiful thing in 
 the world. According to what the Indians said who were 
 on board, he would have to go to the island of Babeque, 
 They declared that it was very large, with great mountains, 
 rivers, and valleys; and that the island of Bohio was larger 
 than Juana, which they call Cuba, and that it is not sur 
 rounded by water. They seem to imply that there is main 
 land behind Espanola, and they call it Caritaba, and say it 
 is of vast extent. They have reason in saying that the 
 inhabitants are a clever race, for all the people of these 
 islands are in great fear of those of Caniba. So the Admiral 
 repeats, what he has said before, that Caniba is nothing else 
 but the Gran Can, who ought now to be very near. He 
 sends ships to capture the islanders; and as they do not 
 return, their countrymen believe that they have been eaten. 
 Each day we understand better what the Indians say, and 
 they us, so that very often we are intelligible to each other. 
 The Admiral sent people on shore, who found a great deal 
 of mastick, but did not gather it. He says that the rains 
 make it, and that in Chios they collect it in March. In 
 these lands, being warmer, they might take it in January. 
 They caught many fish like those of Castille dace, salmon, 
 hake, dory, gilt heads, skates, corbinas, shrimps, and they saw 
 sardines. They found many aloes. 
 
 Wednesday, I2th of December. 
 
 The Admiral did not leave the port to-day, for the same 
 reason : a contrary wind. He set up a great cross on the 
 west side of the entrance, on a very picturesque height, "in 
 sign," he says, "that your Highnesses hold this land for 
 your own, but chiefly as a sign of our Lord Jesus Christ." 
 This being done, three sailors strolled into the woods to see 
 
EXPLORATION 165 
 
 the trees and bushes. Suddenly they came upon a crowd 
 of people, all naked like the rest. They called to them, and 
 went towards them, but they ran away. At last they caught 
 a woman; for I had ordered that some should be caught, 
 that they might be treated well, and made to lose their fear. 
 This would be a useful event, for it could scarcely be other- 
 wise, considering the beauty of the country. So they took 
 the woman, who was very young and beautiful, to the ship, 
 where she talked to the Indians on board; for they all 
 speak the same language. The Admiral caused her to be 
 dressed, and gave her glass beads, hawks bells, and brass 
 ornaments ; then he sent her back to the shore very cour 
 teously, according to his custom. He sent three of the 
 crew with her, and three of the Indians he had on board, 
 that they might open communications with her people. The 
 sailors in the boat, who took her on shore, told the Admiral 
 that she did not want to leave the ship, but would rather 
 remain with the other women he had seized at the port of 
 Mares, in the island of Juana or Cuba. The Indians who 
 went to put the woman on shore said that the natives came 
 in a canoe, which is their caravel, in which they navigate 
 from one place to another; but when they came to the 
 entrance of the harbor, and saw the ships, they turned 
 back, left the canoe, and took the road to the village. The 
 woman pointed out the position of the village. She had a 
 piece of gold in her nose, which showed that there was gold 
 in that island. 
 
 Thursday, I3th of December. 
 
 The three men who had been sent by the Admiral with 
 the woman returned at three o clock in the morning, not 
 having gone with her to the village, because the distance ap 
 peared to be long, or because they were afraid. They said 
 that next day many people would come to the ships, as they 
 would have been reassured by the news brought them by 
 the woman. The Admiral, with the desire of ascertaining 
 whether there were any profitable commodities in that land, 
 
1 66 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 being so beautiful and fertile, and of having some speech 
 with the people, and being desirous of serving the Sover 
 eigns, determined to send again to the village, trusting in the 
 news brought by the woman that the Christians were good 
 people. For this service he selected nine men well armed, 
 and suited for such an enterprise, with whom an Indian went 
 from those who were on board. They reached the village, 
 which is four and one-half leagues to the S. E., and found 
 that it was situated in a very large and open valley. As soon 
 as the inhabitants saw the Christians coming they all fled 
 inland, leaving all their goods behind them. The village 
 consisted of a thousand houses with over three thousand 
 inhabitants. The Indian whom the Christians had brought 
 with them ran after the fugitives, saying that they should 
 have no fear, for the Christians did not come from Cariba, 
 but were from heaven, and that they gave many beautiful 
 things to all the people they met. They were so impressed 
 with what he said, that upwards of two thousand came close 
 up to the .Christians, putting their hands on their heads, 
 which was a sign of great reverence and friendship; and 
 they were all trembling until they were reassured. The 
 Christians related that, as soon as the natives had cast off 
 their fear, they all went to the houses, and each one brought 
 what he had to eat, consisting of niames, which are roots 
 like large radishes, which they sow and cultivate in all their 
 lands, and are their staple food. They make bread of them, 
 and roast them. They have the smell of a chestnut, and any 
 one would think he was eating chestnuts. They gave their 
 guests bread and fish, and all they had. As the Indians 
 who came in the ship had understood that the Admiral 
 wanted to have some parrots, one of those who accom 
 panied the Spaniards mentioned this, and the natives brought 
 out parrots, and gave them as many as they wanted, without 
 asking anything for them. The natives asked the Spaniards 
 not to go that night, and that they would give them many 
 other things that they had in the mountains. While all 
 these people were with the Spaniards, a great multitude was 
 
EXPLORATION 167 
 
 seen to come, with the husband of the woman whom the 
 Admiral had honored and sent away. They wore hair over 
 their shoulders, and came to give thanks to the Christians 
 for the honor the Admiral had done them, and for the gifts. 
 The Christians reported to the Admiral that this was a 
 handsomer and finer people than any that had hitherto been 
 met with. But the Admiral says that he does not see how 
 they can be a finer people than the others, giving to under 
 stand that all those he had found in the other islands were 
 very well conditioned. As regards beauty, the Christians 
 said there was no comparison, both men and women, and 
 that their skins are whiter than the others. They saw two 
 girls whose skins were as white as any that could be seen 
 in Spain. They also said, with regard to the beauty of the 
 country they saw, that the best land in Castille could not be 
 compared with it. The Admiral also, comparing the lands 
 they had seen before with these, said that there was no 
 comparison between them, nor did the plain of Cordova 
 come near them, the difference being as great as between 
 night and day. They said that all these lands were culti 
 vated, and that a very wide and large river passed through 
 the centre of the valley, and could irrigate all the fields. 
 All the trees were green and full of fruit, and the plants tall 
 and covered with flowers. The roads were broad and good. 
 The climate was like April in Castille; the nightingale and 
 other birds sang as they do in Spain during tnat month, 
 and it was the most pleasant place in the world. Some 
 birds sing sweetly at night. The crickets and frogs are 
 heard a good deal. The fish are like those of Spain. They 
 saw much aloe and mastick, and cotton fields. Gold was 
 not found, and it is not wonderful that it should not have 
 been found in so short a time. 
 
 Here the Admiral calculated the number of hours in the 
 day and night, and from sunrise to sunset. He found that 
 twenty half-hour glasses passed, though he says that here 
 there may be a mistake, either because they were not turned 
 with equal quickness, or because some sand may not have 
 
1 68 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 passed. He also observed with a quadrant, and found that 
 he was thirty-four degrees from the equinoctial line. 
 
 Friday, I4th of December. 
 
 The Admiral left the Puerto de la Concepcion with the 
 land breeze, but soon afterwards it fell calm [and this is 
 experienced every day by those who are on this coast]. 
 Later an E. wind sprang up, so he steered N. N. E., and 
 arrived at the island of Tortuga. He sighted a point which 
 he named Punta Pierna, E. N. E. of the end of the island 
 twelve miles; and from thence another point was seen and 
 named Punta Lanzada, in the same N. E. direction sixteen 
 miles. Thus from the end of Tortuga to Punta Aguda the 
 distance is forty-four miles, which is eleven leagues E. N. E. 
 Along this route there are several long stretches of beach. 
 The island of Tortuga is very high, but not mountainous, 
 and is very beautiful and populous, like Espanola, and the 
 land is cultivated, so that it looked like the plain of Cordova. 
 Seeing that the wind was foul, and that he could not steer 
 for the island of Babeque, he determined to return to the 
 Puerto de la Concepcion whence he had come; but he 
 could not fetch a river which is two leagues to the E. of 
 that port. 
 
 Saturday, I5th of December. 
 
 Once more the Admiral left the Puerto de la Concepcion, 
 but, on leaving the port, he was again met by a contrary 
 E. wind. He stood over to Tortuga, and then steered 
 with the object of exploring the river he had been unable 
 to reach yesterday; nor was he able to fetch the river this 
 time, but he anchored half a league to leeward of it, where 
 there was clean and good anchoring ground. As soon as 
 the vessels were secured, he went with the boats to the 
 river, entering an arm of the sea, which proved not to be 
 the river. Returning, he found the mouth, there being only 
 one, and the current very strong. He went in with the 
 boats to find the villagers that had been seen the day before. 
 
EXPLORAriON 169 
 
 He ordered a towrope to be got out and manned by the 
 sailors, who hauled the boats up for a distance of two 
 lombard-shots. They could not get further, owing to the 
 strength of the current. He saw some houses, and the large 
 valley where the villages were, and he said that a more 
 beautiful valley he had never seen, this river flowing through 
 the centre of it. He also saw people at the entrance, but 
 they all took to flight. He further says that these people 
 must be much hunted, for they live in such a state of fear. 
 When the ships arrived at any port, they presently made 
 smoke signals throughout the country; and this is done 
 more in this island of Espaiiola and in Tortuga, which is 
 also a large island, than in the others that were visited 
 before. He called this valley Valle del Paraiso, and the river 
 Guadalquivir ; because he says that it is the size of the 
 Guadalquivir at Cordova. The banks consist of shingle, 
 suitable for walking. 
 
 Sunday, i6th of December. 
 
 At midnight the Admiral made sail with the land breeze 
 to get clear of that gulf. Passing along the coast of 
 Espanola on a bowline, for the wind had veered to the E., 
 he met a canoe in the middle of the gulf, with a single 
 Indian in it. The Admiral was surprised how he could 
 have kept afloat with such a gale blowing. Both the Indian 
 and his canoe were taken on board, and he was given glass 
 beads, bells, and brass trinkets, and taken in the ship, until she 
 was off a village seventeen miles from the former anchorage, 
 where the Admiral came to again. The village appeared 
 to have been lately built, for all the houses were new. The 
 Indian then went on shore in his canoe, bringing the news 
 that the Admiral and his companions were good people; 
 although the intelligence had already been conveyed to the 
 village from the place where the natives had their interview 
 with the six Spaniards. Presently more than five hundred 
 natives with their king came to the shore opposite the ships, 
 which were anchored very close to the land. Presently 
 
DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 one by one, then many by many, came to the ship without 
 bringing anything with them, except that some had a few 
 grains of very fine gold in their ears and noses, which they 
 readily gave away. The Admiral ordered them all to be 
 well treated ; and he says : " for they are the best people in 
 the world, and the gentlest; and above all I entertain the 
 hope in our Lord that your Highnesses will make them all 
 Christians, and that they will all be your subjects, for as 
 yours I hold them." He also saw that they all treated the 
 king with respect, who was on the seashore. The Admiral 
 sent him a present, which he received in great state. He 
 was a youth of about twenty-one years of age, and he had 
 with him an aged tutor, and other councillors who advised 
 and answered him, but he uttered very few words. One of 
 the Indians who had come in the Admiral s ship spoke to 
 him, telling him how the Christians had come from heaven, 
 and how they came in search of gold, and wished to find 
 the island of Babeque. He said that it was well, and that 
 there was much gold in the said island. He explained to 
 the Alguazil of the Admiral that the way they were going 
 was the right way, and that in two days they would be 
 there; adding, that if they wanted anything from the shore 
 he would give it them with great pleasure. This king, and 
 all the others, go naked as their mothers bore them, as do 
 the women, without any covering, and these were the most 
 beautiful men and women that had yet been met with. 
 They are fairly white, and if they were clothed and pro 
 tected from the sun and air they would be almost as fair as 
 people in Spain. This land is cool, and the best that words 
 can describe. It is very high, yet the top of the highest 
 mountain could be ploughed with bullocks ; and all is 
 diversified with plains and valleys. In all Castille there 
 is no land that can be compared with this for beauty and 
 fertility. All tnis island, as well as the island of Tortuga, 
 is cultivated like the plain of Cordova. They raise on these 
 lands crops of yams, which are small branches, at the foot 
 of which grow roots like carrots, which serve as bread. 
 
EXPLORATION I 7 ! 
 
 They powder and knead them, and make them into bread; 
 then they plant the same branch in another part, which 
 again sends out four or five of the same roots, which are 
 very nutritious, with the taste of chestnuts. Here they 
 have the largest the Admiral had seen in any part of the 
 world, for he says that they have the same plant in Guinea. 
 At this place they were as thick as a man s leg. All the 
 people were stout and lusty, not thin, like the natives that 
 had been seen before, and of a very pleasant manner, with 
 out religious belief. The trees were so luxuriant that the 
 leaves left off being green, and were dark-colored with 
 verdure. It was a wonderful thing to see those valleys, 
 and rivers of sweet water, and the cultivated fields, and land 
 fit for cattle, though they have none, for orchards, and for 
 anything in the world that a man could seek. 
 
 In the afternoon the king came on board the ship, where 
 the Admiral received him in due form, and caused him to 
 be told that the ships belonged to the Sovereigns of Castille, 
 who were the greatest Princes in the world. But neither 
 the Indians who were on board, who acted as interpreters, 
 nor the king believed a word of it. They maintained that 
 the Spaniards came from heaven, and that the Sovereigns 
 of Castille must be in heaven, and not in this world. They 
 placed Spanish food before the king to eat, and he ate a 
 mouthful, and gave the rest to his councillors and tutor, and 
 to the rest who came with him. 
 
 "Your Highnesses may believe that these lands are so 
 good and fertile, especially these of the island of Espanola, 
 that there is no one who would know how to describe them, 
 and no one who could believe if he had not seen them. And 
 your Highnesses may believe that this island, and all the 
 others, are as much yours as Castille. Here there is only 
 wanting a settlement and the order to the people to do what 
 is required. For I, with the force I have under me, which is 
 not large, could march over all these islands without oppo 
 sition. I have seen only three sailors land, without wishing 
 to do harm, and a multitude of Indians fled before them. 
 
172 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 They have no arms, and are without warlike instincts ; they 
 all go naked, and are so timid that a thousand would not 
 stand before three of our men. So that they are good to 
 be ordered about, to work and sow, and do all that may be 
 necessary, and to build towns, and they should be taught to 
 go about clothed and to adopt our customs." 
 
 Monday, iyth of December. 
 
 It blew very hard during the night from E. N. E., but 
 there was not much sea, as this part of the coast is enclosed 
 and sheltered by the island of Tortuga. The sailors were 
 sent away to fish with nets. They had much intercourse 
 with the natives, who brought them certain arrows of the 
 Caribas or Canibales. They are made of reeds, pointed with 
 sharp bits of wood hardened by fire, and are very long. 
 They pointed out two men who wanted certain pieces of 
 flesh on their bodies, giving to understand that the Canibales 
 had eaten them by mouthfuls. The Admiral did not believe 
 it. Some Christians were again sent to the village, and, in 
 exchange for glass beads, obtained some pieces of gold 
 beaten out into fine leaf. They saw one man, whom the 
 Admiral supposed to be governor of that province, called 
 by them cacique, with a piece of gold leaf as large as a 
 hand, and it appears that he wanted to barter with it. He 
 went into his house, and the other remained in the open 
 space outside. He cut the leaf into small pieces, and each 
 time he came out he brought a piece and exchanged it. 
 When he had no more left, he said by signs that he had 
 sent for more, and that he would bring it another day. The 
 Admiral says that all these things, and the manner of doing 
 them, with their gentleness and the information they gave, 
 showed these people to be more lively and intelligent than 
 any that had hitherto been met with. In the afternoon a 
 canoe arrived from the island of Tortuga with a crew of 
 forty men; and when they arrived on the beach all the 
 people of the village sat down in sign of peace, and nearly 
 all the crew came on shore. The cacique rose by himself, 
 
EXPLORATION ^ 
 
 and, with words that appeared to be of a menacing char 
 acter, made them go back to the canoe and shove off. He 
 took up stones from the beach and threw them into the 
 water, all having obediently gone back into the canoe. He 
 also took a stone and put it in the hands of my Alguazil, 
 that he might throw it. He had been sent on shore with 
 the Secretary to see if the canoe had brought anything of 
 value. The Alguazil did not wish to throw the stone. 
 That cacique showed that he was well disposed to the 
 Admiral. Presently the canoe departed, and afterwards 
 they said to the Admiral that there was more gold in Tor- 
 tuga than in Espanola, because it is nearer to Babeque. 
 The Admiral did not think that there were gold mines either 
 in Espanola or Tortuga, but that the gold was brought from 
 Babeque in small quantities, there being nothing to give in 
 return. That land is so rich that there is no necessity to 
 work much to sustain life, nor to clothe themselves, as they 
 go naked. He believed that they were very near the source, 
 and that our Lord would point out where the gold has its 
 origin. He had information that from here to Babeque was 
 four days journey, about thirty-four leagues, which might 
 be traversed with a fair wind in a single day. 
 
 Tuesday, i8th of December. 
 
 The Admiral remained at the same anchorage, because 
 there was no wind, and also because the cacique had said 
 that he had sent for gold. The Admiral did not expect 
 much from what might be brought, but he wanted to under 
 stand better whence it came. Presently he ordered the ship 
 and caravel to be adorned with arms and dressed with flags, 
 in honor of the feast of Santa Maria de la O . . ., or 
 commemoration of the Annunciation, which was on that 
 day, and many rounds were fired from the lombards. The 
 king of that island of Espanola had got up very early and 
 left his house, which is about five leagues away, reaching 
 the village at three in the morning. There were several 
 men from the ship in the village, who had been sent by the 
 
174 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Admiral to see if any gold had arrived. They said that 
 the king came with two hundred men; that he was carried 
 in a litter by four men; and that he was a youth, as has 
 already been said. To-day, when the Admiral was dining 
 under the poop, the king came on board with all his people. 
 The Admiral says to the Sovereigns : " Without doubt, 
 his state, and the reverence with which he is treated by 
 all his people, would appear good to your Highnesses, though 
 they all go naked. When he came on board, he found that 
 I was dining at a table under the poop, and, at a quick 
 walk, he came to sit down by me, and did not wish that I 
 should give place by coming to receive him or rising from 
 the table, but that I should go on with my dinner. I 
 thought that he would like to eat of our viands, and ordered 
 them to be brought for him to eat. When he came under 
 the poop, he made signs with his hand that all the rest 
 should remain outside, and so they did, with the greatest 
 possible promptitude and reverence. They all sat on the 
 deck, except the men of mature age, whom I believe to be 
 his councillors and tutor, who came and sat at his feet. 
 Of the viands which I put before him, he took of each as 
 much as would serve to taste it, sending the rest to his 
 people, who all partook of the dishes. The same thing in 
 drinking: he just touched with his lips, giving the rest to 
 his followers. They were all of fine presence and very few 
 words. What they did say, so far as I could make out, 
 was very clear and intelligent. The two at his feet watched 
 his mouth, speaking to him and for him, and with much 
 reverence. After dinner, an attendant brought a girdle, 
 made like those of Castille, but of different material, which 
 he took and gave to me, with pieces of worked gold, very 
 thin. I believe they get very little here, but they say that 
 they are very near the place where it is found, and where 
 there is plenty. I saw that he was pleased with some dra 
 pery I had over my bed, so I gave it him, with some very 
 good amber beads I wore on my neck, some colored shoes, 
 and a bottle of orange-flower water. He was marvellously 
 
EXPLORATION 175 
 
 well content, and both he and his tutor and councillors 
 were very sorry that they could not understand me, nor I 
 them. However, I knew that they said that, if I wanted 
 anything, the whole island was at my disposal. I sent for 
 some beads of mine, with which, as a charm, I had a gold 
 excelente^ on which your Highnesses were stamped. I showed 
 it to him, and said, as I had done yesterday, that your 
 Highnesses ruled the best part of the world, and that there 
 were no Princes so great. I also showed him the royal 
 standards, and the others with a cross, of which he thought 
 much. He said to his councillors what great lords your 
 Highnesses must be to have sent me from so far, even from 
 heaven to this country, without fear. Many other things 
 passed between them which I did not understand, except 
 that it was easy to see that they held everything to be very 
 wonderful." 
 
 When it got late, and the king wanted to go, the Admiral 
 sent him on shore in his boat very honorably, and saluted him 
 with many guns. Having landed, he got into his litter, and 
 departed with his two hundred men, his son being carried 
 behind on the shoulders of an Indian, a man highly respected. 
 All the sailors and people from the ships were given to eat, 
 and treated with much honor wherever they liked to stop. 
 One sailor said that he had stopped in the road and seen all 
 the things given by the Admiral. A man carried each one 
 before the king, and these men appeared to be among those 
 who were most respected. His son came a good distance 
 behind the king, with a similar number of attendants, and 
 the same with a brother of the king, except that the brother 
 went on foot, supported under the arms by two honored 
 attendants. This brother came to the ship after the king, 
 and the Admiral presented him with some of the things 
 used for barter. It was then that the Admiral learnt that a 
 king was called cacique in their language. This day little 
 gold was got by barter, but the Admiral heard from an old 
 man that there were many neighboring islands, at a dis 
 tance of a hundred leagues or more, as he understood, in 
 
176 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 which much gold was found; and there was even one island 
 that was all gold. In the others there was so much that it 
 was said they gather it with sieves, and they fuse it and 
 make bars, and work it in a thousand ways. They explained 
 the work by signs. This old man pointed out to the Ad 
 miral the direction and position, and he determined to go 
 there, saying that if the old man had not been a principal 
 councillor of the king he would detain him, and make him 
 go, too; or if he knew the language he would ask him, and 
 he believed, as the old man was friendly with him and the 
 other Christians, that he would go of his own accord. But 
 as these people were now subjects of the King of Castille, 
 and it would not be right to injure them, he decided upon 
 leaving him. The Admiral set up a very large cross in the 
 centre of the square of that village, the Indians giving much 
 help; they made prayers and worshipped it, and, from the 
 feeling they show, the Admiral trusted in our Lord that all 
 the people of those islands would become Christians. 
 
 Wednesday, iQth of December. 
 
 This night the Admiral got under weigh to leave the gulf 
 formed between the islands of Tortuga and Espanola, but 
 at dawn of day a breeze sprang up from the E., against 
 which he was unable to get clear of the strait between the 
 two islands during the whole day. At night he was unable 
 to reach a port which was in sight. He made out four 
 points of land, and a great bay with a river, and beyond he 
 saw a large bay, where there was a village, with a valley 
 behind it among high mountains covered with trees, which 
 appeared to be pines. Over the Two Brothers there is a 
 very high mountain range running N. E. and S. W., and 
 E. S. E. from the Cabo de Torres is a small island to which 
 the Admiral gave the name of Santo Tomas, because to 
 morrow was his vigil. The whole circuit of this island 
 alternates with capes and excellent harbors, so far as could 
 be judged from the sea. Before coming to the island on 
 the W. side, there is a cape which runs far into the sea, 
 
EXPLORATION 
 
 177 
 
 in part high, the rest low; and for this reason the Admiral 
 named it Cabo alto y bajo. From the road [Cabo] of Torres 
 to E. S. E. sixty miles, there is a mountain higher than any 
 that reaches the sea, and from a distance it looks like an 
 island, owing to a depression on the land side. It was 
 named Monte Caribata, because that province was called 
 Carlbata. It is very beautiful, and covered with green 
 trees, without snow or clouds. The weather was then, as 
 regards the air and temperature, like March in Castille, 
 and as regards vegetation, like May. The nights lasted 
 fourteen hours. 
 
 Thursday, 2Oth of December. 
 
 At sunrise they entered a port between the island of 
 Santo Tomas and the Cabo de Caribata, and anchored. 
 This port is very beautiful, and would hold all the ships in 
 Christendom. The entrance appears impossible from the 
 sea to those who have never entered, owing to some reefs 
 of rocks which run from the mountainous cape almost to 
 the island. They are not placed in a row, but one here, 
 another there, some towards the sea, others near the land. 
 It is therefore necessary to keep a good lookout for the en 
 trances, which are wide and with a depth of seven fathoms, 
 so that they can be used without fear. Inside the reefs there 
 is a depth of twelve fathoms. A ship can lie with a cable 
 made fast, against any wind that blows. At the entrance 
 of this port there is a channel on the W. side of a sandy 
 islet with seven fathoms, and many trees on its shore. But 
 there are many sunken rocks in that direction, and a look 
 out should be kept up until the port is reached. Afterwards 
 there is no need to fear the greatest storm in the world. 
 From this port a very beautiful cultivated valley is in sight, 
 descending from the S. E., surrounded by such lofty moun 
 tains that they appear to reach the sky, and covered with 
 green trees. Without doubt there are mountains here 
 which are higher than the island of Tenerife in the Cana 
 ries, which is held to be the highest yet known. On this side 
 
178 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 of the island of Santo Tomas, at a distance of a league, there 
 is another islet, and beyond it another, forming wonderful har 
 bors j though a good lookout must be kept for sunken rocks. 
 The Admiral also saw villages, and smoke made by them. 
 
 Friday, 2ist of December. 
 
 To-day the Admiral went with the ship s boats to ex 
 amine this port, which he found to be such that it could 
 not be equalled by any he had yet seen; but, having praised 
 the others so much, he knew not how to express himself, 
 fearing that he will be looked upon as one who goes beyond 
 the truth. He therefore contents himself with saying that 
 he had old sailors with him who say the same. All the 
 praises he has bestowed on the other ports are true, and that 
 this is better than any of them is equally true. He further 
 says : u I have traversed the sea for twenty-three years, with 
 out leaving it for any time worth counting, and I saw all 
 in the east and the west, going on the route of the north, 
 which is England, and I have been to Guinea, but in all 
 those parts there will not be - found perfection of har 
 bors . . . always found . . . better than an 
 other; that I, with good care, saw written; and I again 
 affirm it was well written, that this one is better than all 
 others, and will hold all the ships of the world, secured 
 with the oldest cables." From the entrance to the end is a 
 distance of five leagues. The Admiral saw some very well 
 cultivated lands, although they are all so, and he sent two 
 of the boat s crew to the top of a hill to see if any village 
 was near, for none could be seen from the sea. At about 
 ten o clock that night, certain Indians came in a canoe to 
 see the Admiral and the Christians, and they were given 
 presents, with which they were much pleased. The two 
 men returned, and reported that they had seen a very large 
 village at a short distance from the sea. The Admiral 
 ordered the boat to row towards the place where the vil 
 lage was until they came near the land, when he saw 
 two Indians, who came to the shore apparently in a state 
 
EXPLORATION 
 
 I 79 
 
 of fear. So he ordered the boat to stop, and the Indians that 
 were with the Admiral were told to assure the two natives 
 that no harm whatever was intended to them. Then they 
 came nearer the sea and the Admiral nearer the land. As 
 soon as the natives had got rid of their fear, so many came 
 that they covered the ground, with women and children, 
 giving a thousand thanks. They ran hither and thither to 
 bring us bread made of yams, which they call ajes, which is 
 very white and good, and water in calabashes, and in earthen 
 jars made like those of Spain, and everything else they had 
 and that they thought the Admiral could want, and all so 
 willingly and cheerfully that it was wonderful. " It cannot 
 be said that, because what they gave was worth little, there 
 fore they gave liberally, because those who had pieces of 
 gold gave as freely as those who had a calabash of water; 
 and it is easy to know when a thing is given with a hearty 
 desire to give." These are the Admiral s words. "These 
 people have no spears nor any other arms, nor have any of 
 the inhabitants of the whole island, which I believe to be 
 very large. They go naked as when their mothers bore 
 them, both men and women. In Cuba and the other 
 islands the women wear a small clout of cotton in front, as 
 well as the men, as soon as they have passed the age of 
 twelve years, but here neither old nor young do so. Also, 
 the men in the other islands jealously hide their women 
 from the Christians, but here they do not." The women 
 have very beautiful bodies, and they were the first to come 
 and give thanks to heaven, and to bring what they had, 
 especially things to eat, such as bread of ajes [yams] , nuts, 
 and four or five kinds of fruits, some of which the Admiral 
 ordered to be preserved, to be taken to the Sovereigns. He 
 says that the women did not do less in other ports before 
 they were hidden ; and he always gave orders that none of 
 his people should annoy them ; that nothing should be taken 
 against their wills, and that everything that was taken should 
 be paid for. Finally, he says that no one could believe that 
 there could be such good-hearted people, so free to give, 
 
180 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 anxious to let the Christians have all they wanted, and, 
 when visitors arrived, running to bring everything to them. 
 Afterwards the Admiral sent six Christians to the village 
 to see what it was like, and the natives showed them all the 
 honor they could devise, and gave them all they had; for 
 no doubt was any longer entertained that the Admiral and 
 all his people had come from heaven; and the same was 
 believed by the Indians who were brought from the other 
 islands, although they had now been told what they ought 
 to think. When the six Christians had gone, some canoes 
 came with people to ask the Admiral to come to their village 
 when he left the place where he was. Canoa is a boat in 
 which they navigate, some large and others small. Seeing 
 that this village of the chief was on the road, and that many 
 people were waiting there for him, the Admiral went there ; 
 but, before he could depart, an enormous crowd came to 
 the shore, men, women, and children, crying out to him 
 not to go, but to stay with them. The messengers from 
 the other chief, who had come to invite him, were waiting 
 with their canoes, that he might not go away, but come to 
 see their chief, and so he did. On arriving where the 
 chief was waiting for him with many things to eat, he 
 ordered that all the people should sit down, and that the 
 food should be taken to the boats, where the Admiral was, 
 on the seashore. When he saw that the Admiral had 
 received what he sent, all or most of the Indians ran to the 
 village, which was near, to bring more food, parrots, and 
 other things they had, with such frankness of heart that it 
 was marvellous. The Admiral gave them glass beads, brass 
 trinkets, and bells : not because they asked for anything in 
 return, but because it seemed right, and, above all, because 
 he now looked upon them as future Christians, and subjects 
 of the Sovereigns, as much as the people of Castille. He 
 further says that they want nothing except to know the lan 
 guage and be under governance; for all they may be told to 
 do will be done without any contradiction. The Admiral 
 left this place to go to the ships, and the people, men, 
 
EXPLORATION 181 
 
 women, and children, cried out to him not to go, but remain 
 with them. After the boats departed, several canoes full 
 of people followed after them to the ship, who were re 
 ceived with much honor, and given to eat. There had 
 also come before another chief from the W., and many 
 people even came swimming, the ship being over a good 
 half-league from the shore. I sent certain persons to the 
 chief, who had gone back, to ask him about these islands. 
 He received them very well, and took them to his village, 
 to give them some large pieces of gold. They arrived at 
 a large river, which the Indians crossed by swimming. 
 The Christians were unable, so they turned back. In all 
 this district there are very high mountains which seem to 
 reach the sky, so that the mountain in the island of Tenerife 
 appears as nothing in height and beauty, and they are all 
 green with trees. Between them there are very delicious 
 valleys, and at the end of this port, to the S., there is 
 a valley so large that the end of it is not visible, though no 
 mountains intervene, so that it seems to be fifteen or twenty 
 leagues long. A river flows through it, and it is all inhab 
 ited and cultivated, and as green as Castille in May or June; 
 but the night contains fourteen hours, the land being so 
 far N. This port is very good for all the winds that can 
 blow, being enclosed and deep, and the shores peopled by a 
 good and gentle race without arms or evil designs. Any 
 ship may lie within it without fear that other ships will enter 
 at night to attack her, because, although the entrance is over 
 two leagues wide, it is protected by reefs of rocks which 
 are barely awash; and there is only a very narrow channel 
 through the reef, which looks as if it had been artificially 
 made, leaving an open door by which ships may enter. In 
 the entrance there are seven fathoms of depth up to the shore 
 of a small flat island, which has a beach fringed with trees. 
 The entrance is on the W. side, and a ship can come 
 without fear until she is close to the rock. On the N. W. 
 side there are three islands, and a great river a league from 
 the cape on one side of the port. It is the best harbor in the 
 
l% 2 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 world, and the Admiral gave it the name of Puerto de la 
 mar de Santo Tomas, because to-day it was that Saint s day. 
 The Admiral called it a sea, owing to its size. 
 
 Saturday, 22nd of December. 
 
 At dawn the Admiral made sail to shape a course in 
 search of the islands which the Indians had told him con 
 tained much gold, some of them having more gold than 
 earth. But the weather was not favorable, so he anchored 
 again, and sent away the boat to fish with a net. The 
 lord of that land, who had a place near there, sent a large 
 canoe full of people, including one of his principal attend 
 ants, to invite the Admiral to come with the ships to his 
 land, where he would give him all he wanted. The chief 
 sent, by this servant, a girdle which, instead of a bag, had 
 attached to it a mask with two large ears made of beaten 
 gold, the tongue, and the nose. These people are very 
 open-hearted, and whatever they are asked for they give 
 most willingly; while, when they themselves ask for any 
 thing, they do so as if receiving a great favor. So says 
 the Admiral. They brought the canoe alongside the boat, 
 and gave the girdle to a boy ; then they came on board with 
 their mission. It took a good part of the day before they 
 could be understood. Not even the Indians who were on 
 board understood them well, because they have some differ 
 ences of words for the names of things. At last their 
 invitation was understood by signs. The Admiral deter 
 mined to start to-morrow, although he did not usually sail 
 on a Sunday, owing to a devout feeling, and not on account 
 of any superstition whatever. But in the hope that these 
 people would become Christians through the willingness 
 they show, and that they will be subjects of the Sovereigns 
 of Castille, and because he now holds them to be so, and 
 that they may serve with love, he wished and endeavored 
 to please them. Before leaving, to-day, the Admiral sent 
 six men to a large village three leagues to the westward, 
 because the chief had come the day before and said that he 
 
EXPLORATION 183 
 
 had some pieces of gold. When the Christians arrived, 
 the Secretary of the Admiral, who was one of them, took the 
 chief by the hand. The Admiral had sent him, to prevent 
 the others from imposing upon the Indians. As the Indians 
 are so simple, and the Spaniards so avaricious and grasping, 
 it does not suffice that the Indians should give them all they 
 want in exchange for a bead or a bit of glass, but the Span 
 iards would take everything without any return at all. The 
 Admiral always prohibits this, although, with the exception 
 of gold, the things given by the Indians are of little value. 
 But the Admiral, seeing the simplicity of the Indians, and 
 that they will give a piece of gold in exchange for six beads, 
 gave the order that nothing should be received from them 
 unless something had been given in exchange. Thus the 
 chief took the Secretary by the hand and led him to his 
 house, followed by the whole village, which was very large. 
 He made his guests eat, and the Indians brought them many 
 cotton fabrics, and spun cotton in skeins. In the afternoon 
 the chief gave them three very fat geese and some small 
 pieces of gold. A great number of people went back with 
 them, carrying all the things they had got by barter, and 
 they also carried the Spaniards themselves across streams 
 and muddy places. The Admiral ordered some things to 
 be given to the chief, and both he and his people were 
 very well satisfied, truly believing that the Christians had 
 come from heaven, so that they considered themselves for 
 tunate in beholding them. On this day more than one 
 hundred and twenty canoes came to the ships, all full of 
 people, and all bringing something, especially their bread and 
 fish, and fresh water in earthen jars. They also brought 
 seeds of good kinds, and there was a grain which they put 
 into a porringer of water and drank it. The Indians who 
 were on board said that this was very wholesome. 
 
 Sunday, 23rd of December. 
 
 The Admiral could not go with the ships to that land 
 whither he had been invited by the chief, because there 
 
184 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 was no wind. But he sent, with the three messengers who 
 were waiting for the boats, some people, including the Secre 
 tary. While they were gone, he sent two of the Indians 
 he had on board with him to the villages which were near 
 the anchorage. They returned to the ship with a chief, who 
 brought the news that there was a great quantity of gold in 
 that island of Espanola, and that people from other parts 
 came to buy it. They said that here the Admiral would 
 find as much as he wanted. Others came, who confirmed 
 the statement that there was much gold in the island, and 
 explained the way it was collected. The Admiral under 
 stood all this with much difficulty; nevertheless, he con 
 cluded that there was a very great quantity in those parts, 
 and that, if he could find the place whence it was got, there 
 would be abundance; and, if not, there would be nothing. 
 He believed there must be a great deal, because, during the 
 three days that he had been in that port, he had got several 
 pieces of gold, and he could not believe that it was brought 
 from another land. " Our Lord, who holds all things in 
 
 * O 
 
 his hands, look upon me, and grant what shall be for his 
 service." These are the Admiral s words. He says that, 
 according to his reckoning, a thousand people had visited 
 the ship, all of them bringing something. Before they come 
 alongside, at a distance of a crossbow-shot, they stand up in 
 the canoe with what they bring in their hands, crying out: 
 "Take it! take it!" He also reckoned that five hundred 
 came to the ship swimming, because they had no canoes, 
 the ship being near a league from the shore. Among the 
 visitors, five chiefs had come, sons of chiefs, with all their 
 families of wives and children, to see the Christians. The 
 Admiral ordered something to be given to all, because such 
 gifts were all well employed. " May our Lord favor me 
 by his clemency, that I may find this gold, I mean the 
 mine of gold which I hold to be here, many saying that 
 they know it." These are his words. The boats arrived 
 at night, and said that there was a grand road as far as they 
 went, and they found many canoes, with people who went 
 
EXPLORATION 
 
 185 
 
 to see the Admiral and the Christians, at the mountain of 
 Caribatan. They held it for certain that, if the Christmas 
 festival was kept in that port, all the people of the island 
 would come, which they calculated to be larger than Eng 
 land. All the people went with them to the village, which 
 they said was the largest, and the best laid out with streets, 
 of any they had seen. The Admiral says it is a part of the 
 Punta Santa, almost three leagues S. E. The canoes go 
 very fast with paddles; so they went ahead to apprise the 
 cacique, as they call the chief. They also have another 
 greater name Nitayno; but it was not clear whether they 
 used it for lord, or governor, or judge. At last the cacique 
 came to them, and joined them in the square, which was 
 clean swept, as was all the village. The population num 
 bered over two thousand men. This king did great honor to 
 the people from the ship, and every inhabitant brought them 
 something to eat and drink. Afterwards the king gave each 
 of them cotton cloths such as the women wear, with parrots 
 for the Admiral, and some pieces of gold. The people also 
 gave cloths and other things from their houses to the sailors; 
 and as for the trifles they got in return, they seemed to look 
 upon them as relics. When they wanted to return in the 
 afternoon, he asked them to stay until the next day, and all 
 the people did the same. When they saw that the Span 
 iards were determined to go, they accompanied them most 
 of the way, carrying the gifts of the cacique on their backs 
 as far as the boats, which had been left at the mouth of 
 the river. 
 
 Monday, 24th of December. 
 
 Before sunrise ^he Admiral got under weigh with the 
 land breeze. Among the numerous Indians who had come 
 to the ship yesterday, and had made signs that there was 
 gold in the island, naming the places whence it was col 
 lected, the Admiral noticed one who seemed more fully 
 informed, or who spoke with more willingness, so he asked 
 him to come with the Christians and show them the position 
 
1 86 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 of the gold mines. This Indian has a companion or rela 
 tion with him, and among other places they mentioned 
 where gold was found, they named Cipango, which they 
 called Civao. Here they said that there was a great quan 
 tity of gold, and that the cacique carried banners of beaten 
 gold. But they added that it was very far off to the eastward. 
 
 Here the Admiral addresses the following words to the 
 Sovereigns: "Your Highnesses may believe that there is 
 no better nor gentler people in the world. Your High 
 nesses ought to rejoice that they will soon become Chris 
 tians, and that they will be taught the good customs of 
 your kingdom. A better race there cannot be, and both 
 the people and the lands are in such quantity that I know 
 not how to write it. I have spoken in the superlative 
 degree of the country and the people of Juana, which they 
 call Cuba, but there is as much difference between them 
 and this island and people as between day and night. 
 I believe that no one who should see them could say less 
 than I have said, and I repeat that the things and the great 
 villages of this island of Espanola, which they call Bohio, 
 are wonderful. All here have a loving manner and gentle 
 speech, unlike the others, who seem to be menacing when 
 they speak. Both men and women are of good stature^ 
 and not black. It is true that they all paint, some with 
 black, others with other colors, but most with red. I 
 know that they are tanned by the sun, but this does 
 not affect them much. Their houses and villages are 
 pretty, each with a chief, who acts as their judge, and 
 who is obeyed by them. All these lords use few words, 
 and have excellent manners. Most of their orders are 
 given by a sign with the hand, which is understood with 
 surprising quickness." All these are the words of the 
 Admiral. 
 
 He who would enter the sea of Santo Tome ought to 
 stand for a good league across the mouth to a flat island in 
 the middle, which was named La Amiga, pointing her head 
 towards it. When the ship is within a stone s throw of it 
 
EXPLORATION 187 
 
 the course should be altered to make for the eastern shore, 
 leaving the W. side, and this shore, and not the other, 
 should be kept on board, because a great reef runs out from 
 the W., and even beyond that there are three sunken 
 rocks. This reef comes within a lombard-shot of the 
 Amiga island. Between them there are seven fathoms at 
 least, with a gravelly bottom. Within, a harbor will be 
 found large enough for all the ships in the world, which 
 would be there without need of cables. There is another 
 reef, with sunken rocks, on the E. side of the island of 
 Amiga, which are extensive and run out to sea, reaching 
 within two leagues of the cape. But it appeared that 
 between them there was an entrance, within two lombard- 
 shots of Amiga, on the W. side of Monte Caribatan, where 
 there was a good and very large port. 
 
 Tuesday, 25th of December. Christmas. 
 
 Navigating yesterday, with little wind, from Santo Tome 
 to Punta Santa, and being a league from it, at about eleven 
 o clock at night the Admiral went down to get some sleep, 
 for he had not had any rest for two days and a night. As 
 it was calm, the sailor who steered the ship thought he 
 would go to sleep, leaving the tiller in charge of a boy. 
 The Admiral had forbidden this throughout the voyage, 
 whether it was blowing or whether it was calm. The boys 
 were never to be intrusted with the helm. The Admiral 
 had no anxiety respecting sandbanks and rocks, because, 
 when he sent the boats to that king on Sunday, they had 
 passed to the E. of Punta Santa at least three leagues and 
 a half, and the sailors had seen all the coast, and the rocks 
 there are from Punta Santa, for a distance of three leagues 
 to the E. S. E. They saw the course that should be taken, 
 which had not been the case before during this voyage. 
 It pleased our Lord that, at twelve o clock at night, when 
 the Admiral had retired to rest, and when all had fallen 
 asleep, seeing that it was a dead calm and the sea like glass, 
 the tiller being in the hands of a boy, the current carried 
 
1 88 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 the ship on one of the sandbanks. If it had not been 
 night the bank could have been seen, and the surf on it 
 could be heard for a good league. But the ship ran upon 
 it so gently that it could scarcely be felt. The boy, who 
 felt the helm and heard the rush of the sea, cried out. The 
 Admiral at once came up, and so quickly that no one had 
 felt that the ship was aground. Presently the master of 
 the ship, whose watch it was, came on deck. The Ad 
 miral ordered him and others to launch the boat, which was 
 on the poop, and lay out an anchor astern. The master, 
 with several others, got into the boat, and the Admiral 
 thought that they did so with the object of obeying his 
 orders. But they did so in order to take refuge with the 
 caravel, which was half a league to leeward. The caravel 
 would not allow them to come on board, acting judiciously, 
 and they therefore returned to the ship; but the caravel s 
 boat arrived first. When the Admiral saw that his own 
 people fled in this way, the water rising and the ship being 
 across the sea, seeing no other course, he ordered the masts 
 to be cut away and the ship to be lightened as much as 
 possible, to see if she would come off. But, as the water 
 continued to rise, nothing more could be done. Her side 
 fell over across the sea, but it was nearly calm. Then the 
 timbers opened, and the ship was lost. The Admiral went 
 to the caravel to arrange about the reception of the ship s 
 crew, and as a light breeze was blowing from the land, and 
 continued during the greater part of the night, while it was 
 unknown how far the bank extended, he hove her to until 
 daylight. He then went back to the ship, inside the reef; 
 first having sent a boat on shore with Diego de Arana of 
 Cordova, Alguazil of the Fleet, and Pedro Gutierrez, gen 
 tleman of the King s bed chamber, to inform the king, who 
 had invited the ships to come on the previous Saturday. 
 His town was about a league and a half from the sand 
 bank. They reported that he wept when he heard the 
 news, and he sent all his people with large canoes to un 
 load the ship. This was done, and they landed all there 
 
EXPLORATION 189 
 
 was between decks in a very short time. Such was the 
 great promptitude and diligence shown by that king. He 
 himself, with his brothers and relations, were actively assist 
 ing as well in the ship as in the care of the property when 
 it was landed, that all might be properly guarded. Now and 
 then he sent one of his relations weeping to the Admiral, to 
 console him, saying that he must not feel sorrow or annoy 
 ance, for he would supply all that was needed. The Ad 
 miral assured the Sovereigns that there could not have been 
 such good watch kept in any part of Castille, for that there 
 was not even a needle missing. He ordered that all the 
 property should be placed by some houses which the king 
 placed at his disposal, until they were emptied, when every 
 thing would be stowed and guarded in them. Armed 
 men were placed round the stores to watch all night. 
 "The king and all his people wept. They are a loving 
 people, without covetousness, and fit for anything; and 
 I assure your Highnesses that there is no better land nor 
 people. They love their neighbors as themselves, and 
 their speech is the sweetest and gentlest in the world, 
 and always with a smile. Men and women go as naked as 
 when their mothers bore them. Your Highnesses should 
 believe that they have very good customs among them 
 selves. The king is a man of remarkable presence, and 
 with a certain self-contained manner that is a pleasure to 
 see. They have good memories, wish to see everything, 
 and ask the use of what they see." All this is written by 
 the Admiral. 
 
 Wednesday, 26th of December. 
 
 To-day, at sunrise, the king of that land came to the 
 caravel Nina, where the Admiral was, and said to him, 
 almost weeping, that he need not be sorry, for that he 
 would give him all he had ; that he had placed two large 
 houses at the disposal of the Christians who were on shore, 
 and that he would give more if they were required, and as 
 many canoes as could load from the ship and discharge on 
 
190 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 shore, with as many people as were wanted. This had all 
 been done yesterday, without so much as a needle being 
 missed. "So honest are they," says the Admiral, "without 
 any covetousness for the goods of others, and so above all 
 was that virtuous king." While the Admiral was talking 
 to him, another canoe arrived from a different place, bring 
 ing some pieces of gold, which the people in the canoe 
 wanted to exchange for a hawk s bell; for there was noth 
 ing they desired more than these bells. They had scarcely 
 come alongside when they called and held up the gold, 
 saying Cbuq chuq for the bells, for they are quite mad about 
 them. After the king had seen this, and when the canoes 
 which came from other places had departed, he called the 
 Admiral and asked him to give orders that one of the bells 
 was to be kept for another day, when he would bring four 
 pieces of gold the size of a man s hand. The Admiral 
 rejoiced to hear this, and afterwards a sailor, who came 
 from the shore, told him that it was wonderful what pieces 
 of gold the men on shore were getting in exchange for 
 next to nothing. For a needle they got a piece of gold 
 worth two castellanos, and that this was nothing to what it 
 would be within a month. The king rejoiced much when 
 he saw that the Admiral was pleased. He understood that 
 his friend wanted much gold, and he said, by signs, that he 
 knew where there was, in the vicinity, a very large quan 
 tity; so that he must be in good heart, for he should have 
 as much as he wanted. He gave some account of it, espe 
 cially saying that in Cipango, which they call Civao, it is 
 so abundant that it is of no value, and that they will bring 
 it, although there is also much more in the island of Espa- 
 nola, which they call Bohio, and in the province of Caritaba. 
 The king dined on board the caravel with the Admiral and 
 afterwards went on shore, where he received the Admiral 
 with much honor. He gave him a collation consisting of 
 three or four kinds of yams, with shellfish and game, and 
 other viands they have, besides the bread they call cazavt. 
 He then took the Admiral to see some groves of trees near 
 
EXPLORATION 
 
 191 
 
 the houses, and they were accompanied by at least a thou 
 sand people, all naked. The lord had on a shirt and a pair 
 of gloves, given to him by the Admiral, and he was more 
 delighted with the gloves than with anything else. In his 
 manner of eating, both as regards the high-bred air and 
 peculiar cleanliness, he clearly showed his nobility. After 
 he had eaten, he remained some time at table, and they 
 brought him certain herbs, with which he rubbed his hands. 
 The Admiral thought that this was done to make them soft, 
 and they also gave him water for his hands. After the 
 meal he took the Admiral to the beach. The Admiral then 
 sent for a Turkish bow and a quiver of arrows, and took a 
 shot at a man of his company, who had been warned. The 
 chief, who knew nothing about arms, as they neither have 
 them nor use them, thought this a wonderful thing. He, 
 however, began to talk of those of Caniba, whom they call 
 Caribes. They come to capture the natives, and have bows 
 and arrows without iron, of which there is no memory in 
 any of these lands, nor of steel, nor any other metal, except 
 gold and copper. Of copper the Admiral had only seen very 
 little. The Admiral said, by signs, that the Sovereigns of 
 Castille would order the Caribs to be destroyed, and that all 
 should be taken with their heads tied together. He ordered 
 a lombard and a hand gun to be fired off, and seeing the 
 effect caused by its force and what the shots penetrated, 
 the king was astonished. When his people heard the ex 
 plosion they all fell on the ground. They brought the 
 Admiral a large mask, which had pieces of gold for the eyes 
 and ears and in other parts, and this they gave, with other 
 trinkets of gold that the same king had put on the head and 
 round the neck of the Admiral, and of other Christians, to 
 whom they also gave many pieces. The Admiral received 
 much pleasure and consolation from these things, which 
 tempered the anxiety and sorrow he felt at the loss of the 
 ship. He knew our Lord had caused the ship to stop here, 
 that a settlement might be formed. u From this," he says, 
 "originated so many things that, in truth, the disaster was 
 
10,2 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 really a piece of good fortune. For it is certain that, if 
 I had not lost the ship, I should have gone on without 
 anchoring in this place, which is within a great bay, having 
 two or three reefs of rock. I should not have left people 
 in the country during this voyage, nor even, if I had desired 
 to leave them, should I have been able to obtain so much 
 information, nor such supplies and provisions for a fortress. 
 And true it is that many people had asked me to give them 
 leave to remain. Now I have given orders for a tower and 
 a fort, both well built, and a large cellar, not because I 
 believe that such defences will be necessary. I believe that 
 with the force I have with me I could subjugate the whole 
 island, which I believe to be larger than Portugal, and the 
 population double. But they are naked and without arms, 
 and hopelessly timid. Still, it is advisable to build this 
 tower, being so far from your Highnesses. The people may 
 thus know the skill of the subjects of your Highnesses, and 
 what they can do; and will obey them with love and fear. 
 So they make preparations to build the fortress, with pro 
 vision of bread and wine for more than a year, with seeds 
 for sowing, the ship s boat, a caulker and carpenter, a 
 gunner and cooper. Many among these men have a great 
 desire to serve your Highnesses and to please me, by finding 
 out where the mine is whence the gold is brought. Thus 
 everything is got in readiness to begin the work. Above 
 all, it was so calm that there was scarcely wind nor wave 
 when the ship ran aground." This is what the Admiral 
 says; and he adds more to show that it was great good 
 luck, and the settled design of God, that the ship should be 
 lost in order that people might be left behind. If it had not 
 been for the treachery of the master and his boat s crew, 
 who were all or mostly his countrymen, in neglecting to 
 lay out the anchor so as to haul the ship off in obedience 
 to the Admiral s orders, she would have been saved. In 
 that case, the same knowledge of the land as has been 
 gained in these days would not have been secured, for the 
 Admiral always proceeded with the object of discovering, 
 
EXPLORATION 193 
 
 and never intended to stop more than a day at any one 
 place, unless he was detained by the wind. Still, the ship 
 was very heavy and unsuited for discovery. It was the 
 people of Palos who obliged him to take such a ship, by not 
 complying " with what they had promised to the King and 
 Queen, namely, to supply suitable vessels for this expedi 
 tion. This they did not do. Of all that there was on board 
 the ship, not a needle, nor a board, nor a nail was lost, for 
 she remained as whole as when she sailed, except that it 
 was necessary to cut away and level down in order to get 
 out the jars and merchandise, which were landed and care 
 fully guarded." He trusted in God that, when he returned 
 from Spain, according to his intention, he would find a ton 
 of gold collected by barter by those he was to leave behind, 
 and that they would have found the mine, and spices in 
 such quantities that the Sovereigns would, in three years, be 
 able to undertake and fit out an expedition to go and con 
 quer the Holy Sepulchre. "Thus," he says, "I protest to 
 your Highnesses that all the profits of this my enterprise 
 may be spent in the conquest of Jerusalem. Your High 
 nesses may laugh, and say that it is pleasing to you, and 
 that, without this, you entertain that desire." These are 
 the Admiral s words. 
 
 Thursday, 2/th of December. 
 
 The king of that land came alongside the caravel at sun 
 rise, and said that he had sent for gold, and that he would 
 collect all he could before the Admiral departed; but he 
 begged him not to go. The king and one of his brothers, 
 with another very intimate relation, dined with the Admiral, 
 and the two latter said they wished to go to Castille with 
 him. At this time the news came that the caravel Pinta 
 was in a river at the end of this island. Presently the 
 cacique sent a canoe there, and the Admiral sent a sailor in 
 it. For it was wonderful how devoted the cacique was to 
 the Admiral. The necessity was now evident of hurrying 
 on preparations for the return to Castille. 
 
10,4 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Friday, 28th of December. 
 
 The Admiral went on shore to give orders and hurry on 
 the work of building the fort, and to settle what men should 
 remain behind. The king, it would seem, had watched him 
 getting into the boat, and quickly went into his house, dis 
 simulating, sending one of his brothers to receive the Ad 
 miral, and conduct him to one of the houses that had been 
 set aside for the Spaniards, which was the largest and best 
 in the town. In it there was a couch made of palm mat 
 ting, where they sat down. Afterwards the brother sent an 
 attendant to say that the Admiral was there, as if the king 
 did not know that he had come. The Admiral, however, 
 believed that this was a feint in order to do him more 
 honor. The attendant gave the message and the cacique 
 came in great haste, and put a large soft piece of gold he 
 had in his hand round the Admiral s neck. They re 
 mained together until the evening, arranging what had to 
 be done. 
 
 Saturday, 2()th of December. 
 
 A very youthful nephew of the king came to the caravel 
 at sunrise, who showed a good understanding and disposi 
 tion. As the Admiral was always working to find out the 
 origin of the gold, he asked every one, for he could now 
 understand somewhat by signs. This youth told him that, 
 at a distance of four days journey, there was an island to 
 the eastward called Guarionex, and others called Macorix, 
 Mayonic, Fuma, Civao, and Coroay, in which there was plenty 
 of gold. The Admiral wrote these names down, and now 
 understood what had been said by a brother of the king, 
 who was annoyed with him, as the Admiral understood. 
 At other times the Admiral had suspected that the king had 
 worked against his knowing where the gold had its origin 
 and was collected, that he might not go away to barter in 
 another part of the island. For there are such a number 
 of places in this same island that it is wonderful. After 
 nightfall the king sent a large mask of gold, and asked 
 
EXPLORAriON 
 
 for a washhand basin and jug. The Admiral thought he 
 wanted them for patterns to copy from, and therefore sent 
 them. 
 
 Sunday, 3Oth of December. 
 
 The Admiral went on shore to dinner, and came at a 
 time when five chiefs had arrived, all with their crowns, who 
 were subject to this king, named Guacanagari. They repre 
 sented a very good state of affairs, and the Admiral says 
 to the Sovereigns that it would have given them pleasure to 
 see the manner of their arrival. On landing, the Admiral 
 was received by the king, who led him by the arms to 
 the same house where he was yesterday, where there were 
 chairs, and a couch on which the Admiral sat. Presently 
 the king took the crown off his head and put it on the Ad 
 miral s head, and the Admiral took from his neck a collar of 
 beautiful beads of several different colors, which looked very 
 well in all its parts, and put it on the king. He also took 
 off a cloak of fine material, in which he had dressed him 
 self that day, and dressed the king in it, and sent for some 
 colored boots, which he put on his feet, and he put a large 
 silver ring on his finger, because he had heard that he had 
 admired greatly a silver ornament worn by one of the sailors. 
 The king was highly delighted and well satisfied, and two 
 of those chiefs who were with him came with him to where 
 the Admiral was, and each gave him a large piece of gold. 
 At this time an Indian came and reported that it was two 
 days since he left the caravel Pinta in a port to the east 
 ward. The Admiral returned to the caravel, and Vicente 
 Anes, the captain, said that he had seen the rhubarb plant, 
 and that they had it on the island Amiga, which is at the 
 entrance of the sea of Santo Tome, six leagues off, and that 
 he had recognized the branches and roots. They say 
 that rhubarb forms small branches above ground, and fruit 
 like green mulberries, almost dry, and the stalk, near the 
 root, is as yellow and delicate as the best color for painting, 
 and underground the roots grow like a large pear. 
 
1 9 6 DISCOVER T AND EXPL OR A riON 
 
 Monday, 3ist of December. 
 
 To-day the Admiral was occupied in seeing that water 
 and fuel were taken on board for the voyage to Spain, to 
 give early notice to the Sovereigns, that they might despatch 
 ships to complete the discoveries. For now the business ap 
 peared to be so great and important that the Admiral was 
 astonished. He did not wish to go until he had examined 
 all the land to the eastward, and explored the coast, so as 
 to know the route to Castille, with a view to sending sheep 
 and cattle. But as he had been left with only a single vessel, 
 it did not appear prudent to encounter the dangers that are 
 inevitable in making discoveries. He complained that all 
 this inconvenience had been caused by the caravel Pmta 
 having parted company. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 JOURNAL OF THE FIRST rOTAGE (Continued) 
 
 THE TRIUMPHANT RETURN 
 
 THE first Christmas Day Columbus spent in the New 
 World was not a merry one for him, for on December 24th 
 occurred a disaster which might easily have resulted in 
 frustrating all his ambitions. As recorded in the journal, 
 while at Cape Haitien the Santa Maria was wrecked and 
 irreparably lost : this left Columbus with only the Nina, 
 the smallest vessel of the little fleet. On the 2ist of No 
 vember, Martin Alonso Pinzon had sailed away without 
 consulting the admiral or appointing a rendezvous. His 
 evident intention was to exercise absolute control of the 
 vessel he commanded. Whether his further intention was 
 to prosecute the work of exploration on his own account 
 or to return immediately to Spain, the admiral could not 
 determine. This brings to our attention one of the difficul 
 ties attending this narrative of the first voyage. What were 
 the true relations existing between Columbus and Pinzon ? 
 The journal throws much blame on the conduct of the 
 latter. In the entry for November 2ist, it is said that 
 Pinzon took his departure through avarice. He had re 
 ceived information from an Indian of a locality where he was 
 led to believe that gold might be found in greater quanti 
 ties than had yet come to their knowledge. This is the 
 statement of Las Casas. That writer whose intention of 
 speaking the truth can be absolutely trusted quotes Colum- 
 bus s own words when he says: " He [Pinzon] has done 
 
198 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 and said many other things to me." Evidently there was 
 no little friction between the admiral and his chief subordi 
 nate. Some students have explained this by considerations 
 which lead to the conclusion that Pinzon, in knowledge 
 and importance, was far nearer the level of Columbus than 
 is the position allotted him by the traditional account. (See 
 Vignaud s Toscanelli and Columbus, 233.) It is well estab 
 lished that Pinzon had been of very great service to Colum 
 bus, so much so, indeed, that it was through him alone that 
 the admiral, after having received the commission of the 
 sovereigns, was enabled to obtain the needed ships. But 
 that Pinzon was jealously anxious to participate to at least 
 an equal extent in the honors of success is equally clear. 
 He rejoined Columbus on the 6th of January, and was able 
 to furnish but lame excuses for his absence. He had in the 
 meantime discovered Haiti, or San Domingo. It had been 
 the admiral s intention to continue his explorations on his 
 homeward course; but owing to his distrust of the Pinzons, 
 who seem to have attached a party to themselves, he deter 
 mined to return to Spain as quickly as possible, lest he 
 might be forestalled. The two vessels started together on 
 the homeward voyage; but during a severe storm the Pmta 
 sailed away from the little Nina, and Pinzon was the first 
 to reach the coast of Spain. From Bayona in Galicia he 
 sent word to the sovereigns of his return ; but he was not 
 allowed by them to approach the court without Columbus. 
 That Martin Alonso Pinzon died shortly after this is true; 
 but that his death was caused by chagrin is probably more 
 in accord with Las Casas s view of his deserts than with 
 the real facts of the case. 
 
 It is entirely characteristic of Columbus s belief that he 
 was under the direct guidance of Providence when he argues 
 a good fortune out of the loss of the Santa Maria. Had it 
 not been for this mishap, he said, he would not have landed 
 at La Navidad. Nor would he have left a company of 
 men there who, as he hoped, would accumulate u a ton 
 of gold," by trading with the natives, by the time of his 
 
THE TRIUMPHANT: RETURN 199 
 
 return. His piety is also attested by the fact that he had 
 long since devoted his share of this expected fortune to a 
 crusade for the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre. But 
 in this he was doomed to bitter disappointment. The his 
 tory of the men whom he left in the fortress constructed 
 out of the wreckage of the Santa Maria is not given in the 
 journal. It is the beginning of the sad story of the occu 
 pation of the western world by the Spaniards. Unheeding 
 the wise parting counsel of the admiral, the men he left 
 courted and incurred their own destruction. The natives 
 among whom they resided were wonderfully peaceful and 
 kindly disposed. But the Spaniards were the offscourings 
 of their own land. Though shown every favor by Gua- 
 canagari, they brutally robbed his subjects, gave free rein to 
 every lust, quarrelled among themselves, became insubordi 
 nate to their commander, and finally a small party wandered 
 into a territory ruled by a fierce Carib chief. This savage, 
 after destroying the invading band, attacked La Navidad, 
 and, though the Spaniards were assisted by the natives whom 
 they had abused, the fort was razed to the ground and every 
 white man killed. 
 
 The narrative of the return voyage, with its perils by 
 storm, and hindrances, friendly and otherwise, by the Portu 
 guese, we will leave the journal to tell. 
 
 Tuesday, 1st of January, 1493. 
 
 At midnight the Admiral sent a boat to the island Amiga 
 to bring the rhubarb. It returned at vespers with a bundle 
 of it. They did not bring more, because they had no spade 
 to dig it up with; it was taken to be shown to the Sover 
 eigns. The king of that land said that he had sent many 
 canoes for gold. The canoe returned that had been sent 
 for tidings of the Pinta, without having found her. The 
 sailor who went in the canoe said that twenty leagues 
 from there he had seen a king who wore two large plates 
 of gold on his head, but when the Indians in the canoe 
 spoke to him he took them off. He also saw much gold 
 
200 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 on other people. The Admiral considered that the King 
 Guacanagari ought to have prohibited his people from selling 
 gold to the Christians, in order that it might all pass through 
 his hands. But the king knew the places, as before stated, 
 where there was such a quantity that it was not valued. 
 The spicery also is extensive, and is worth more than pepper 
 or manegueta. He left instructions to those who wished to 
 remain that they were to collect as much as they could. 
 
 Wednesday, 2nd of January. 
 
 In the morning the Admiral went on shore to take leave 
 of the King Guacanagari, and to depart from him in the 
 name of the Lord. He gave him one of his shirts. In 
 order to show him the force of the lombards, and what 
 effect they had, he ordered one to be loaded and fired into 
 the side of the ship that was on shore, for this was apposite 
 to the conversation respecting the Caribs, with whom Gua 
 canagari was at war. The king saw whence the lombard- 
 shot came, and how it passed through the side of the ship 
 and went far away over the sea. The Admiral also ordered 
 a skirmish of the crews of the ships, fully armed, saying to 
 the cacique that he need have no fear of the Caribs even 
 if they should come. All this was done that the king might 
 look upon the men who were left behind as friends, and 
 that he might also have a proper fear of them. The king 
 took the Admiral to dinner at the house where he was 
 established, and the others who came with him. The Ad 
 miral strongly recommended to his friendship Diego de 
 Arana, Pedro Gutierrez, and Rodrigo Escovedo, whom he 
 left jointly as his lieutenants over the people who remained 
 behind, that all might be well regulated and governed for 
 the service of their Highnesses. The cacique showed 
 much love for the Admiral, and great sorrow at his de 
 parture, especially when he saw him go on board. A rela 
 tion of that king said to the Admiral that he had ordered a 
 statue of pure gold to be made, as big as the Admiral, and 
 that it would be brought within ten days. The Admiral 
 
THE TRIUMPHANT: RETURN 2 oi 
 
 embarked with the intention of sailing presently, but there 
 was no wind. 
 
 He left on that island of Espanola, which the Indians call 
 Bohio, thirty-nine men with the fortress, and he says that they 
 were great friends of Guacanagari. The lieutenants placed 
 over them were Diego de Arana of Cordova, Pedro Gutier 
 rez, gentleman of the King s bed chamber, and Rodrigo 
 Escovedo, a native of Segovia, nephew of Fray Rodrigo 
 Perez, with all the powers he himself received from the 
 Sovereigns. He left behind all the merchandise which had 
 been provided for bartering, which was much, that they might 
 trade for gold. He also left bread for a year s supply, wine, 
 and much artillery. He also left the ship s boat, that they, 
 most of them being sailors, might go, when the time seemed 
 convenient, to discover the gold mine, in order that the 
 Admiral, on his return, might find much gold. They were 
 also to find a good site for a town, for this was not altogether 
 a desirable port; especially as the gold the natives brought 
 came from the east; also, the farther to the east the nearer 
 to Spain. He also left seeds for sowing, and his officers, 
 the Alguazil and Secretary, as well as a ship s carpenter, 
 a caulker, a good gunner well acquainted with artillery, a 
 cooper, a physician, and a tailor, all being seamen as well. 
 
 Thursday, 3rd of January. 
 
 The Admiral did not go to-day, because three of the 
 Indians he had brought from the islands, and who had stayed 
 behind, arrived, and said that the others with their women 
 would be there at sunrise. The sea also was rather rough, 
 so that they could not land from the boat. He determined 
 to depart to-morrow, with the grace of God. The Admiral 
 said that if he had the caravel Pint a with him he could 
 make sure of shipping a ton of gold, because he could then 
 follow the coasts of these islands, which he would not do 
 alone, for fear some accident might impede his return to 
 Castille, and prevent him from reporting all he had dis 
 covered to the Sovereigns. If it was certain that the 
 
202 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 caravel Pinta would arrive safely in Spain with Martin 
 Alonso Pinzon, he would not hesitate to act as he desired; 
 but as he had no certain tidings of him, and as he might 
 return and tell lies to the Sovereigns, that he might not 
 receive the punishment he deserved for having done so 
 much harm in having parted company without permission, 
 and impeded the good service that might have been done, 
 the Admiral could only trust in our Lord that he would 
 grant favorable weather, and remedy all things. 
 
 Friday, 4th of January. 
 
 At sunrise the Admiral weighed the anchor, with little 
 wind, and turned her head N. W. to get clear of the reef, 
 by another channel wider than the one by which he entered, 
 which, with others, is very good for coming in front of the 
 Villa de la Navidad, in all which the least depth is from 
 three to nine fathoms. These two channels run N. W. 
 and S. E., and the reefs are long, extending from the Cabo 
 Santo to the Cabo de Sierpe for more than six leagues, and 
 then a good three leagues out to sea. At a league outside 
 Cabo Santo there are not more than eight fathoms of depth, 
 and inside that cape, on the E. side, there are many sunken 
 rocks, and channels to enter between them. All this coast 
 trends N. W. and S. E., and it is all beach, with the land 
 very level for about a quarter of a league inland. After 
 that distance there are very high mountains, and the whole 
 is peopled with a very good race, as they showed themselves 
 to the Christians. Thus the Admiral navigated to the E., 
 shaping a course for a very high mountain, which looked 
 like an island, but is not one, being joined to the mainland 
 by a very low neck. The mountain has the shape of a 
 very beautiful tent. He gave it the name of Monte Cristi. 
 It is due E. of Cabo Santo, at a distance of eighteen 
 leagues. That day, owing to the light wind, they could 
 not reach within six leagues of Monte Cristi. He dis 
 covered four very low and sandy islets, with a reef extend 
 ing N. W. and S. E. Inside, there is a large gulf, which 
 
THE TRIUMPHANT RETURN 203 
 
 extends from this mountain to the S. E. at least twenty 
 leagues, which must all be shallow, with many sandbanks, 
 and inside numerous rivers which are not navigable. At 
 the same time, the sailor who was sent in the canoe to get 
 tidings of the Plnta reported that he saw a river into which 
 ships might enter. The Admiral anchored at a distance 
 of six leagues from Monte Cristi, in nineteen fathoms, and 
 so kept clear of many rocks and reefs. Here he remained 
 for the night. The Admiral gives notice to those who 
 would go to the Villa de la Navidad that, to make Monte 
 Cristi, he should stand off the land two leagues, etc. [But 
 as the coast is now known it is not given here.] The Ad 
 miral concluded that Cipango was in that island, and that 
 it contained much gold, spices, mastick, and rhubarb. 
 
 Saturday, 5th of January. 
 
 At sunrise the Admiral made sail with the land breeze, 
 and saw that to the S. S. E. of Monte Cristi, between it and 
 an island, there seemed to be a good port to anchor in that 
 night. He shaped an E. S. E. course, afterwards S. S. E., 
 for six leagues round the high land, and found a depth of 
 seventeen fathoms, with a very clean bottom, going on for 
 three leagues with the same soundings. Afterwards it shal 
 lowed to twelve fathoms up to the morro of the mountain, 
 and off the morro, at one league, the depth of nine fathoms 
 was found, the bottom clean, and all fine sand. The Ad 
 miral followed the same course until he came between the 
 mountain and the island, where he found three and one- 
 half fathoms at low water, a very good port, and here he 
 anchored. He went in the boat to the islet, where he found 
 remains of fire and footmarks, showing that fishermen had 
 been there. Here they saw many stones painted in colors, or 
 a quarry of such stones, very beautifully worked by nature, 
 suited for the building of a church or other public work, like 
 those he found on the island of San Salvador. On this islet 
 he also found many plants of mastick. He says that this 
 Monte Cristi is very fine and high, but accessible, and of a 
 
204 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 very beautiful shape, all the land round it being low, a very 
 fine plain, from which the height rises, looking at a distance 
 like an island disunited from other land. Beyond the moun 
 tain, to the E., he saw a cape at a distance of twenty-four 
 miles, which he named Cabo del Becerro, whence to the moun 
 tain for two leagues there are reefs of rocks, though it ap 
 peared as if there were navigable channels between them. 
 It would, however, be advisable to approach in daylight, and 
 to send a boat ahead to sound. From the mountain east 
 ward to Cabo del Becerro, for four leagues, there is a beach, 
 and the land is low, but the rest is very high, with beauti 
 ful mountains and some cultivation. Inland, a chain of 
 mountains runs N. E. and S. W., the most beautiful he had 
 seen, appearing like the hills of Cordova. Some other very 
 lofty mountains appear in the distance towards the S. and 
 S. E., and very extensive green valleys with large rivers : 
 all this in such quantity that he did not believe he had 
 exaggerated a thousandth part. Afterwards he saw, to the 
 eastward of the mountain, a land which appeared like that 
 of Monte Cristi in size and beauty. Further to the E. 
 and N. E. there is land which is not so high, extending for 
 some hundred miles or near it. 
 
 Sunday, 6th of January. 
 
 That port is sheltered from all winds, except N. and 
 N. W., and these winds seldom blow in this region. Even 
 when the wind is from those quarters, shelter may be found 
 near the islet in three or four fathoms. At sunset the Ad 
 miral made sail to proceed along the coast, the course being 
 E., except that it is necessary to look out for several reefs 
 of stone and sand, within which there are good anchorages, 
 with channels leading to them. After noon it blew fresh 
 from the E. The Admiral ordered a sailor to go to the 
 mast head to look out for reefs, and he saw the caravel 
 Plnta coming, with the wind aft, and she joined the Ad 
 miral. As there was no place to anchor, owing to the rocky 
 bottom, the Admiral returned for ten leagues to Monte Cristi, 
 
THE TRIUMPHANT RETURN 
 
 205 
 
 with the Pinta in company. Martin Alonso Pinzon came 
 on board the caravel Nina, where the Admiral was, and 
 excused himself by saying that he had parted company 
 against his will, giving reasons for it. But the Admiral 
 says that they were all false; and that on the night when 
 Pinzon parted company he was influenced by pride and 
 covetousness. He could not understand whence had come 
 the insolence and disloyalty with which Pinzon had treated 
 him during the voyage. The Admiral had taken no notice, 
 because he did not wish to give place to the evil works of 
 Satan, who desired to impede the voyage. It appeared that 
 one of the Indians, who had been put on board the caravel 
 by the Admiral with others, had said that there was much 
 gold in an island called Babeque, and, as Pinzon s vessel 
 was light and swift, he determined to go there, parting 
 company with the Admiral, who wished to remain and ex 
 plore the coasts of Juana and Espanola, with an easterly 
 course. When Martin Alonso arrived at the island of 
 Babeque he found no gold. He then w~ent to the coast 
 of Espanola, on information from the Indians that there 
 was a great quantity of gold and many mines in that island 
 of Espanola, which the Indians call Bohio. He thus arrived 
 near the Villa de Navidad, about fifteen leagues from it, 
 having then been absent more than twenty days, so that the 
 news brought by the Indians was correct, on account of 
 which the King Guacanagari sent a canoe, and the Admiral 
 put a sailor on board; but the Pint a must have gone before 
 the canoe arrived. The Admiral says that the Pinta ob 
 tained much gold by barter, receiving large pieces the size 
 of two fingers in exchange for a needle. Martin Alonso 
 took half, dividing the other half among the crew. The 
 Admiral then says: "Thus I am convinced that our Lord 
 miraculously caused that vessel to remain here, this being 
 the best place in the whole island to form a settlement, 
 and the nearest to the gold mines." He also says that he 
 knew "of another great island, to the S. of the island 
 of Juana, in which there is more gold than in this island, so 
 
206 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 that they collect it in bits the size of beans, while in Espa 
 nola they find the pieces the size of grains of corn." They 
 call that island Tamaye. The Admiral also heard of an island 
 further E., in which there were only women, having been 
 told this by many people. He was also informed that 
 Yamaye and the island of Espanola were ten days journey 
 in a canoe from the mainland, which would be about 
 seventy or eighty leagues, and that there the people wore 
 clothes. 
 
 Monday, yth of January. 
 
 This day the Admiral took the opportunity of caulking 
 the caravel, and the sailors were sent to cut wood. They 
 found mastick and aloes in abundance. 
 
 Tuesday, 8th of January. 
 
 As the wind was blowing fresh from the E. and S. E., 
 the Admiral did not get under weigh this morning. He 
 ordered the caravel to be filled up with wood and water and 
 with all other necessaries for the voyage. He wished to 
 explore all the coasts of Espanola in this direction. But 
 those he appointed to the caravels as captains were brothers, 
 namely, Martin Alonso Pinzon and Vicente Anes. They 
 also had followers who were filled with pride and avarice, 
 considering that all now belonged to them, and unmindful 
 of the honor the Admiral had done them. They had not 
 and did not obey his orders, but did and said many unworthy 
 things against him; while Martin Alonso had deserted him 
 from the 2ist of November until the 6th of January, with 
 out cause or reason, but from disaffection. All these things 
 had been endured in silence by the Admiral in order to 
 secure a good end to the voyage. He determined to return 
 as quickly as possible, to get rid of such an evil company, 
 with whom he thought it necessary to dissimulate, although 
 they were a mutinous set, and though he also had with him 
 many good men; for it was not a fitting time for dealing 
 out punishment. 
 
THE rRIUMPHANr RErURN 207 
 
 The Admiral got into the boat and went up the river 
 which is near, towards the S. S. W. of Monte Cristi, a good 
 league. This is where the sailors went to get fresh water 
 for the ships. He found that the sand at the mouth of the 
 river, which is very large and deep, was full of very fine 
 gold, and in astonishing quantity. The Admiral thought 
 that it was pulverized in the drift down the river, but in a 
 short time he found many grains as large as horse beans, 
 while there was a great deal of the fine powder. 
 
 As the fresh water mixed with the salt when it entered 
 the sea, he ordered the boat to go up for the distance of a 
 stone s throw. They filled the casks from the boat, and 
 when they went back to the caravel they found small bits 
 of gold sticking to the hoops of the casks and of the barrel. 
 The Admiral gave the name of Rio del Oro to the river. 
 Inside the bar it is very deep, though the mouth is shallow 
 and very wide. The distance to the Villa de la Navidad is 
 seventeen leagues, and there are several large rivers on the 
 intervening coast, especially three which probably contain 
 much more gold than this one, because they are larger. This 
 river is nearly the size of the Guadalquivir at Cordova, and 
 from it to the gold mines the distance is not more than 
 twenty leagues. The Admiral further says that he did not 
 care to take the sand containing gold, because their High 
 nesses would have it all as their property at their town of 
 Navidad; and because his first object was now to bring the 
 news and to get rid of the evil company that was with him, 
 whom he had always said were a mutinous set. 
 
 Wednesday, 9th of January. 
 
 The Admiral made sail at midnight, with the wind S. E., 
 and shaped an E. N. E. course, arriving at a point named 
 Punta Roja, which is sixty miles E. of Monte Cristi, and 
 anchored under its lee three hours before nightfall. He 
 did not venture to go out at night, because there are many 
 reefs, until they are known. Afterwards, if, as will prob 
 ably be the case, channels are found between them, the 
 
2o8 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 anchorage, which is good and well sheltered, will be profit 
 able. The country between Monte Cristi and this point 
 where the Admiral anchored is very high land, with beauti 
 ful plains, the range running E. and W., all green and 
 cultivated, with numerous streams of water, so that it is 
 wonderful to see such beauty. In all this country there are 
 many turtles, and the sailors took several when they came on 
 shore to lay their eggs at Monte Cristi, as large as a great 
 wooden buckler. 
 
 On the previous day, when the Admiral went to the Rio 
 del Oro, he saw three mermaids, which rose well out of the 
 sea; but they are not so beautiful as they are painted, though 
 to some extent they have the form of a human face. The 
 Admiral says that he had seen some, at other times, in 
 Guinea, on the coast of Manequeta. 
 
 The Admiral says that this night, in the name of our 
 Lord, he would set out on his homeward voyage without 
 any further delay whatever, for he had found what he sought, 
 and he did not wish to have further cause of offence with 
 Martin Alonso until their Highnesses should know the news 
 of the voyage and what had been done. Afterwards he 
 says : u I will not suffer the deeds of evil-disposed persons, 
 with little worth, who, without respect for him to whom 
 they owe their positions, presume to set up their own wills 
 with little ceremony." 
 
 Thursday, loth of January. 
 
 He departed from the place where he had anchored, and 
 at sunset he reached a river, to which he gave the name of 
 Rio de Gracia, three leagues to the S. E. He came to at 
 the mouth, where there is good anchorage on the E. side. 
 There is a bar with no more than two fathoms of water, 
 and very narrow across the entrance. It is a good and well- 
 sheltered port, except that there it is often misty, owing to 
 which the caravel Pinta, under Martin Alonso, received a 
 good deal of damage. He had been here bartering for 
 sixteen days, and got much gold, which was what Martin 
 
THE TRIUMPHANT RETURN 209 
 
 Alonso wanted. As soon as he heard from the Indians that 
 the Admiral was on the coast of the same island of Espa- 
 nola, and that he could not avoid him, Pinzon came to him. 
 He wanted all the people of the ship to swear that he had 
 not been there more than six days. But his treachery was 
 so public that it could not be concealed. He had made a 
 law that half of all the gold that was collected was his. 
 When he left this port he took four men and two girls by 
 force. But the Admiral ordered that they should be clothed 
 and put on shore to return to their homes. "This," the 
 Admiral says, u is a service for your Highnesses. For all 
 the men and women are subjects of your Highnesses, as 
 well in this island as in the others. Here, where your 
 Highnesses already have a settlement, the people ought to 
 be treated with honor and favor, seeing that this island has 
 so much gold and such good spice-yielding lands." 
 
 Friday, nth of January. 
 
 At midnight the Admiral left the Rio de Gracia with the 
 land breeze, and steered eastward until he came to a cape 
 named Belprado, at a distance of four leagues. To the S. E. 
 is the mountain to which he gave the name of Monte de 
 Plata, eight leagues distant. Thence from the cape Bel- 
 prado to E. S. E. is the point named Angel, eighteen leagues 
 distant; and from this point to the Monte de Plata there is 
 a gulf, with the most beautiful lands in the world, all high 
 and fine lands which extend far inland. Beyond there is a 
 range of high mountains running E. and W., very grand 
 and beautiful. At the foot of this mountain there is a very 
 good port, with fourteen fathoms in the entrance. The 
 mountain is very high and beautiful, and all the country is 
 well peopled. The Admiral believed there must be fine 
 rivers and much gold. At a distance of four leagues 
 E. S. E. of Cabo del Angel there is a cape named Punta del 
 Hierro, and on the same course, four more leagues, a point 
 is reached named Punta Seca. Thence, six leagues further 
 on, is Cabo Redondo, and further on Cabo Frances, where a 
 
2io DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 large bay is formed, but there did not appear to be anchorage 
 in it. A league further on is Cabo del Buen Tiempo, and 
 thence, a good league S. S. E., is Cabo Tajado. Thence, to 
 the S., another cape was sighted at a distance of about fifteen 
 leagues. To-day great progress was made, as wind and tide 
 were favorable. The Admiral did not venture to anchor 
 for fear of the rocks, so he was hove to all night. 
 
 Saturday, I2th of January. 
 
 Towards dawn the Admiral filled and shaped a course 
 to the E. with a fresh wind, running twenty miles before 
 daylight, and in two hours afterwards twenty-four miles. 
 Thence he saw land to the S., and steered towards it, 
 distant forty-eight miles. During the night he must have 
 run twenty-eight miles N. N. E., to keep the vessels out 
 of danger. When he saw the land, he named one cape 
 that he saw Cabo de Padre y Htjo, because at the E. point 
 there are two rocks, one larger than the other. Afterwards, 
 at two leagues to the eastward, he saw a very fine bay 
 between two grand mountains. He saw that it was a very 
 large port with a very good approach; but, as it was 
 very early in the morning, and as the greater part of the 
 time it was blowing from the E., and then they had a 
 N. N. W. breeze, he did not wish to delay any more. He 
 continued his course to the E. as far as a very high and 
 beautiful cape, all of scarped rock, to which he gave the 
 name of Cabo del Enamorado, which was thirty-two miles 
 to the E. of the port named Puerto Sacro. On rounding 
 the cape, another finer and loftier point came in sight, like 
 Cape St. Vincent in Portugal, twelve miles E. of Cabo 
 del Enamorado. As soon as he was abreast of the Cabo del 
 Enamorado, the Admiral saw that there was a great bay 
 between this and the next point, three leagues across, and 
 in the middle of it a small island. The depth is great at 
 the entrance close to the land. He anchored here in twelve 
 fathoms, and sent the boat on shore for water and to see 
 if intercourse could be opened with the natives, but they 
 
THE TRIUMPHANT RETURN 2 1 1 
 
 all fled. He also anchored to ascertain whether this was all 
 one land with the island of Espanola, and to make sure that 
 this was a gulf, and not a channel, forming another island. 
 He remained astonished at the great size of Espanola. 
 
 Sunday, I3th of January. 
 
 The Admiral did not leave the port, because there was 
 no land breeze with which to go out. He wished to shift 
 to another better port, because this was rather exposed. He 
 also wanted to wait, in that haven, the conjunction of the 
 sun and the moon, which would take place on the seven 
 teenth of this month, and their opposition with Jupiter and 
 conjunction with Mercury, the sun being in opposition to 
 Jupiter, which is the cause of high winds. He sent the 
 boat on shore to a beautiful beach to obtain yams for food. 
 They found some men with bows and arrows, with whom 
 they stopped to speak, buying two bows and many arrows 
 from them. They asked one of them to come on board 
 the caravel and see the Admiral ; who says that he was very 
 wanting in reverence, more so than any native he had yet 
 seen. His face was all stained with charcoal, but in all 
 parts there is the custom of painting the body different 
 colors. He wore his hair very long, brought together and 
 fastened behind, and put into a small net of parrots feathers. 
 He was naked, like all the others. The Admiral supposed 
 that he belonged to the Caribs, who eat men, and that the 
 gulf he had seen yesterday formed this part of the land into 
 an island by itself. The Admiral asked about the Caribs, 
 and he pointed to the E., near at hand, which means that 
 he saw the Admiral yesterday before he entered the bay. 
 The Indian said there was much gold to the E., pointing 
 to the poop of the caravel, which was a good size, meaning 
 that there were pieces as large. He called gold tuob, and 
 did not understand caona, as they call it in the first part of 
 the island that was visited, nor nozay, the name in San Sal 
 vador and the other islands. Copper is called tuob in Espa 
 nola. He also spoke of the island of Goanin, where there 
 
212 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 was much tuob. The Admiral says that he had received 
 notices of these islands from many persons; that in the 
 other islands the natives were in great fear of the Caribs, 
 called by some of them Caniba, but in Espanola Carib. He 
 thought they must be an audacious race, for they go to all 
 these islands and eat the people they can capture. He 
 understood a few words, and the Indians who were on board 
 comprehended more, there being a difference in the lan 
 guages owing to the great distance between the various 
 islands. The Admiral ordered that the Indian should be 
 fed, and given pieces of green and red cloth, and glass 
 beads, which they like very much, and then sent on shore. 
 He was told to bring gold if he had any, and it was believed 
 that he had, from some small things he brought with him. 
 When the boat reached the shore there were fifty-five men 
 behind the trees, naked, and with very long hair, as the 
 women wear it in Castille. Behind the head they wore 
 plumes of feathers of parrots and other birds, and each man 
 carried a bow. The Indian landed, and signed to the others 
 to put down their bows and arrows, and a piece of a staff, 
 which is like . . ., very heavy, carried instead of a 
 sword. As soon as they came to the boat the crew landed, 
 and began to buy the bows and arrows and other arms, in 
 accordance with an order of the Admiral. Having sold two 
 bows, they did not want to give more, but began to attack 
 the Spaniards, and to take hold of them. They were run 
 ning back to pick up their bows and arrows where they had 
 laid them aside, and took cords in their hands to bind the 
 boat s crew. Seeing them rushing down, and being pre 
 pared, for the Admiral always warned them to be on their 
 guard, the Spaniards attacked the Indians, and gave one a 
 stab with a knife in the buttocks, wounding another in the 
 breast with an arrow. Seeing that they could gain little, 
 although the Christians were only seven and they numbered 
 over fifty, they fled, so that none were left, throwing bows 
 and arrows away. The Christians would have killed many, 
 if the pilot, who was in command, had not prevented them. 
 
THE TRIUMPHANT RETURN 
 
 2I 3 
 
 The Spaniards presently returned to the caravel with the 
 boat. The Admiral regretted the affair for one reason, 
 and was pleased for another. They would have fear of 
 the Christians, and they were no doubt an ill-conditioned 
 people, probably Caribs, who eat men. But the Admiral 
 felt alarm lest they should do some harm to the thirty-nine 
 men left in the fortress and town of Navidad, in the event 
 of their coming here in their boat. Even if they are not 
 Caribs, they are a neighboring people, with similar habits, 
 and fearless, unlike the other inhabitants of the island, who 
 are timid, and without arms. The Admiral says all this, 
 and adds that he would have liked to capture some of 
 them. He says that they lighted many smoke signals, as 
 is the custom in this island of Espanola. 
 
 Monday, I4th of January. 
 
 This evening the Admiral wished to find the houses of 
 the Indians and to capture some of them, believing them to 
 be .Caribs. For, owing to the strong E. and N. E. winds 
 and the heavy sea, he had remained during the day. Many 
 Indians were seen on shore. The Admiral, therefore, 
 ordered the boat to be sent on shore, with the crew well 
 armed. Presently the Indians came to the stern of the 
 boat, including the man who had been on board the day 
 before, and had received presents from the Admiral. With 
 him there came a king, who had given to the said Indian 
 some beads in token of safety and peace for the boat s 
 crew. This king, with three of his followers, went on 
 board the boat and came to the caravel. The Admiral 
 ordered them to be given biscuit and treacle to eat, and 
 gave the chief a red cap, some beads, and a piece of red 
 cloth. The others were also given pieces of cloth. The 
 chief said that next day he would bring a mask made of 
 gold, affirming that there was much here, and in Carib and 
 Matinmo. They afterwards went on shore well satisfied. 
 
 The Admiral here says that the caravels were making 
 much water, which entered by the keel; and he complains 
 
2I 4 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 of the caulkers at Palos, who had caulked the vessels very 
 badly, and ran away when they saw that the Admiral had 
 detected the badness of their work and intended to oblige 
 them to repair the defect. But, notwithstanding that the 
 caravels were making much water, he trusted in the favor 
 and mercy of our Lord, for his high Majesty well knew 
 how much controversy there was before the expedition 
 could be despatched from Castille, that no one was in the 
 Admiral s favor save Him alone who knew his heart, and 
 after God came your Highnesses, while all others were 
 against him without any reason. He further says: "And 
 this has been the cause that the royal crown of your High 
 nesses has not a hundred cuentos of revenue more than after 
 I entered your service, which is seven years ago in this very 
 month, the 2Oth of January. The increase will take place 
 from now onwards. For the almighty God will remedy all 
 things." These are his words. 
 
 Tuesday, I5th of January. 
 
 The Admiral now wished to depart, for there was nothing 
 to be gained by further delay, after these occurrences and 
 the tumult with the Indians. To-day he had heard that 
 all the gold was in the district of the town of Navidad, 
 belonging to their Highnesses; and that in the island of 
 Carib there was much copper, as well as in Matinino. The 
 intercourse at Carib would, however, be difficult, because 
 the natives are said to eat human flesh. Their island would 
 be in sight from thence, and the Admiral determined to go 
 there, as it was on the route, and thence to Matinino, 
 which was said to be entirely peopled by women, without 
 men. He would thus see both islands, and might take 
 some of the natives. The Admiral sent the boat on shore, 
 but the king of that district had not come, for his village 
 was distant. He, however, sent his crown of gold, as he 
 had promised; and many other natives came with cotton, 
 and bread made from yams, all with their bows and arrows. 
 After the bartering was finished, four youths came to the 
 
THE rRIUMPHANr RETURN 215 
 
 caravel. They appeared to the Admiral to give such a 
 clear account of the islands to the eastward, on the same 
 route as the Admiral would have to take, that he deter 
 mined to take them to Castille with him. He says that 
 they had no iron or other metals; at least none was seen, 
 but it was impossible to know much of the land in so 
 short a time, owing to the difficulty with the language, which 
 the Admiral could not understand except by guessing, nor 
 could they know what was said to them, in such a few days. 
 The bows of these people are as large as those of France 
 or England. The arrows are similar to the darts of the 
 natives who have been met with previously, which are made 
 of young canes, which grow very straight, and a vara and 
 a half or two varas in length. They point them with a 
 piece of sharp wood, a palmo and a half long, and at the 
 end some of them fix a fish s tooth, but most of them 
 anoint it with an herb. They do not shoot as in other 
 parts, but in a certain way which cannot do much harm. 
 Here they have a great deal of fine and long cotton, and 
 plenty of mastick. The bows appeared to be of yew, 
 and there is gold and copper. There is also plenty of aji, 
 which is their pepper, which is more valuable than pepper, 
 and all the people eat nothing else, it being very wholesome. 
 Fifty caravels might be annually loaded with it from Espa- 
 iiola. The Admiral says that he found a great deal of 
 weed in this bay, the same as was met with at sea when he 
 came on this discovery. He therefore supposed that there 
 were islands to the eastward, in the direction of the position 
 where he began to meet with it; for he considers it certain 
 that this weed has its origin in shallow water near the land, 
 and, if this is the case, these Indies must be very near the 
 Canary Islands. For this reason he thought the distance 
 must be less than four hundred leagues. 
 
 Wednesday, i6th of January. 
 
 They got under weigh three hours before daylight, and 
 left the gulf, which was named Golfo de las Flechas, with 
 
216 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 the land breeze. Afterwards there was a W. wind, which 
 was fair to go to the island of Carib on an E. N. E. course. 
 This was where the people live of whom all the natives of 
 the other islands are so frightened, because they roam over the 
 sea in canoes without number, and eat the men they can 
 capture. The Admiral steered the course indicated by one 
 of the four Indians he took yesterday in the Puerto de las 
 Flechas. After having sailed about sixty-four miles, the 
 Indians made signs that the island was to the S. E. The 
 Admiral ordered the sails to be trimmed for that course, 
 but, after having proceeded on it for two leagues, the wind 
 freshened from a quarter which was very favorable for the 
 voyage to Spain. The Admiral had noticed that the crew 
 were downhearted when he deviated from the direct route 
 home, reflecting that both caravels were leaking badly, and 
 that there was no help but in God. He therefore gave up 
 the course leading to the islands, and shaped a direct course 
 for Spain E. N. E. He sailed on this course, making forty- 
 eight miles, which is twelve leagues, by sunset. The In 
 dians said that by that route they would fall in with the 
 island of Matinino, peopled entirely by women without 
 men, and the Admiral wanted very much to take five or 
 six of them to the Sovereigns. But he doubted whether 
 the Indians understood the route well, and he could not 
 afford to delay, by reason of the leaky condition of the 
 caravels. He, however, believed the story, and that, 
 at certain seasons, men came to them from the island 
 of Carib, distant ten or twelve leagues. If males were 
 born, they were sent to the island of the men, and if 
 females, they remained with their mothers. The Admiral 
 says that these two islands cannot have been more than 
 fifteen or twenty leagues to the S. E. from where he altered 
 course, the Indians not understanding how to point out the 
 direction. After losing sight of the cape, which was named 
 San Tkeramo, which was left sixteen leagues to the W., 
 they went for twelve leagues E. N. E. The weather was 
 very fine. 
 
Gore-map showing the track of Magellan 1 s circumn; 
 
 York Public Li 
 
on ot the world. From the unique original in the Ne-iv 
 , Lenox Branch. 
 
TRIUMPHANT RETURN 
 
 2I 7 
 
 Thursday, iyth of January. 
 
 The wind went down at sunset yesterday, the cara 
 vels having sailed fourteen glasses, each a little less than 
 half an hour, at four miles an hour, making twenty-eight 
 miles. Afterwards the wind freshened, and they ran all 
 that watch, which was ten glasses. Then another six 
 until sunrise at eight miles an hour, thus making alto 
 gether eighty-four miles, equal to twenty-one leagues, to 
 the E. N. E., and until sunset forty-four miles, or eleven 
 leagues, to the E. Here a booby came to the caravel, 
 and afterwards another. The Admiral saw a great deal 
 of gulf weed. 
 
 Friday, i8th of January. 
 
 During the night they steered E. S. E., with little wind, 
 for forty miles, equal to ten leagues, and then thirty miles, 
 or seven and one-half leagues, until sunrise. All day they 
 proceeded with little wind to E. N. E. and N. E. by E., 
 more or less, her head being sometimes N. and at others 
 N. N. E., and, counting one with the other, they made 
 sixty miles, or fifteen leagues. There was little weed, but 
 yesterday and to-day the sea appeared to be full of tunnies. 
 The Admiral believed that they were on their way to the 
 tunny fisheries of the Duke, at Conil and Cadiz. He also 
 thought they were near some islands, because a frigate- 
 bird flew round the caravel, and afterwards went away 
 to the S. S. E. He said that to the S. E. of the island 
 of Espanola were the islands of Carib, Matinino, and 
 many others. 
 
 Saturday, igth of January. 
 
 During the night they made good fifty-six miles N. N. E., 
 and sixty-four N. E. by N. After sunrise they steered N. E. 
 with the wind fresh from S. W., and afterwards W. S. W. 
 eighty-four miles, equal to twenty-one leagues. The sea 
 was again full of small tunnies. There were boobies, 
 frigate-birds, and terns. 
 
2i 8 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORAriON 
 
 Sunday, 2Oth of January. 
 
 It was calm during the night, with occasional slants of 
 wind, and they only made twenty miles to the N. E. After 
 sunrise they went eleven miles S. E., and then thirty-six 
 miles N. N. E., equal to nine leagues. They saw an im 
 mense quantity of small tunnies, the air very soft and 
 pleasant, like Seville in April or May, and the sea, for 
 which God be given many thanks, always very smooth. 
 Frigate-birds, sandpipers, and other birds were seen. 
 
 Monday, 2ist of January. 
 
 Yesterday, before sunset, they steered N. E. by E., with 
 the wind east, at the rate of eight miles an hour until mid 
 night, equal to fifty-six miles. Afterwards they steered 
 N. N. E. eight miles an hour, so that they made one hun 
 dred and four miles, or twenty-six leagues, during the night 
 N. E. by N. After sunrise they steered N. N. E. with the 
 same wind, which at times veered to N. E., and they made 
 good eighty-eight miles in the eleven hours of daylight, or 
 twenty-two leagues : except one that was lost by delay caused 
 by closing with the Pmta to communicate. The air was 
 colder, and it seemed to get colder as they went further N., 
 and also that the nights grew longer owing to the narrowing 
 of the sphere. Many boatswain-birds and terns were seen, 
 as well as other birds, but not so many fish, perhaps owing 
 to the water being colder. Much weed was seen. 
 
 Tuesday, 22nd of January. 
 
 Yesterday, after sunset, they steered N. N. E. with an E. 
 wind. They made eight miles an hour during five glasses, 
 and three before the watch began, making eight glasses, 
 equal to thirty-two miles, or eight leagues. Afterwards they 
 went N. E. by N. for six glasses, which would be another 
 eighteen miles. Then, during four glasses of the second 
 watch N. E. at six miles an hour, or three leagues. From 
 that time to sunset, for eleven glasses, E. N. E. at six 
 miles an hour, equal to seven leagues. Then E. N. E. 
 
THE rRIUMPHANr RErURN 
 
 2I 9 
 
 until eleven o clock, thirty-two miles. Then the wind fell, 
 and they made no more during that day. The Indians swam 
 about. They saw boatswain-birds and much weed. 
 
 Wednesday, 23rd of January. 
 
 To-night the wind was very changeable, but, making the 
 allowances applied by good sailors, they made eighty-four 
 miles, or twenty-one leagues, N. E. by N. Many times 
 the caravel Nina had to wait for the Pinta, because she 
 sailed badly when on a bowline, the mizzen being of little 
 use owing to the weakness of the mast. If her captain, 
 Martin Alonso Pinzon, had taken the precaution to pro 
 vide her with a good mast in the Indies, where there are 
 so many and such excellent spars, instead of deserting his 
 commander from motives of avarice, he would have done 
 better. They saw many boatswain-birds and much weed. 
 The heavens have been clouded over during these last days, 
 but there has been no rain. The sea has been as smooth 
 as a river, for which many thanks be given to God. After 
 sunrise they went free, and made thirty miles, or seven and 
 one-half leagues N. E. During the rest of the day E. N. E. 
 another thirty miles. 
 
 Thursday, 24th of January. 
 
 They made forty-four miles, or eleven leagues, during 
 the night, allowing for many changes in the wind, which 
 was generally N. E. After sunrise until sunset E. N. E. 
 fourteen leagues. 
 
 Friday, 25th of January. 
 
 They steered during part of the night E. N. E. for thir 
 teen glasses, making nine and one-half leagues. Then 
 N. N. E. six miles. The wind fell, and during the day 
 they only made twenty-eight miles E. N. E., or seven 
 leagues. The sailors killed a tunny and a very large shark, 
 which was very welcome, as they now had nothing but 
 bread and wine, and some yams from the Indies. 
 
220 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Saturday, 26th of January. 
 
 This night they made fifty-six miles, or fourteen leagues, 
 E. S. E. After sunrise, they steered E. S. E., and some 
 times S. E., making forty miles up to eleven o clock. After 
 wards they went on another tack, and then on a bowline, 
 twenty-four miles, or six leagues, to the N., until night. 
 
 Sunday, 2jth of January. 
 
 Yesterday, after sunset, they steered N. E. and N. E. 
 by N. at the rate of five miles an hour, which in thirteen 
 hours would be sixty-five miles, or sixteen and one-half 
 leagues. After sunrise they steered N. E. twenty-four 
 miles, or six leagues, until noon, and from that time until 
 sunset three leagues E. N. E. 
 
 Monday, 28th of January. 
 
 All night they steered E. N. E. thirty-six miles, or nine 
 leagues. After sunrise until sunset E. N. E. twenty miles, 
 or five leagues. The weather was temperate and pleasant. 
 They saw boatswain-birds, sandpipers, and much weed. 
 
 Tuesday, 29th of January. 
 
 They steered E. N. E. thirty-nine miles, or nine and one- 
 half leagues, and during the whole day eight leagues. The 
 air was very pleasant, like April in Castille, the sea smooth, 
 and fish they call dorados came on board. 
 
 Wednesday, 3Oth of January. 
 
 All this night they made six leagues E. N. E., and in the 
 day S. E. by S. thirteen and one-half leagues. Boatswain- 
 birds, much weed, and many tunnies. 
 
 Thursday, 3ist of January. 
 
 This night they steered N. E. by N. thirty miles, and 
 afterwards N. E. thirty-five miles, or sixteen leagues. From 
 sunrise to night E. N. E. thirteen and one-half leagues. 
 They saw boatswain-birds and terns. 
 
THE TRIUMPHANT RETURN 2 2l 
 
 Friday, ist of February. 
 
 They made sixteen and one-half leagues E. N. E. during 
 the night, and went on the same course during the day 
 twenty-nine and one-quarter leagues. The sea very smooth, 
 thanks be to God. 
 
 Saturday, 2nd of February. 
 
 They made forty miles, or ten leagues, E. N. E. this 
 night. In the daytime, with the same wind aft, they went 
 seven miles an hour, so that in eleven hours they had gone 
 seventy-seven miles, or nineteen and one-quarter leagues. 
 The sea was very smooth, thanks be to God, and the air 
 very soft. They saw the sea so covered with weed that, 
 if they had not known about it before, they would have been 
 fearful of sunken rocks. They saw terns. 
 
 Sunday, 3rd of February. 
 
 This night, the wind being aft and the sea very smooth, 
 thanks be to God, they made twenty-nine leagues. The 
 North Star appeared very high, as it does off Cape St. Vin 
 cent. The Admiral was unable to take the altitude, either 
 with the astrolabe or with the quadrant, because the rolling 
 caused by the waves prevented it. That day he steered his 
 course E. N. E., going ten miles an hour, so that in eleven 
 hours he made twenty-seven leagues. 
 
 Monday, 4th of February. 
 
 During the night the course was N. E. by E., going 
 twelve miles an hour part of the time, and the rest ten 
 miles. Thus they made one hundred and thirty miles, or 
 thirty-two leagues and a half. The sky was very threaten 
 ing and rainy, and it was rather cold, by which they knew 
 that they had not yet reached the Azores. After sunrise the 
 course was altered to E. During the whole day they made 
 seventy-seven miles, or nineteen and one-quarter leagues. 
 
 Tuesday, 5th of February. 
 
 This night they steered E., and made fifty-five miles, or 
 thirteen and one-half leagues. In the day they were going ten 
 
222 DISCOVER Y AND EXPLORATION 
 
 miles an hour, and in eleven hours made one hundred and ten 
 miles, or twenty-seven and one-half leagues. They saw sand 
 pipers, and some small sticks, a sign that they were near land. 
 
 Wednesday, 6th of February. 
 
 They steered E. during the night, going at the rate of 
 eleven miles an hour, so that in the thirteen hours of the 
 night they made one hundred and forty-three miles, or 
 thirty-five and one-quarter leagues. They saw many birds. 
 In the day they went fourteen miles an hour, and made 
 one hundred and fifty-four miles, or thirty-eight and one- 
 half leagues; so that, including night and day, they made 
 seventy-four leagues, more or less. Vicente Anes said that 
 they had left the island of Flores to the N. and Madeira 
 to the E. Roldan said that the island of Fayal, or San 
 Gregorio, was to the N. N. E. and Puerto Santo to the E. 
 There was much weed. 
 
 Thursday, yth of February. 
 
 This night they steered E., going ten miles an hour, so 
 that in thirteen hours they made one hundred and thirty 
 miles, or thirty-two and one-half leagues. In the daytime the 
 rate was eight miles an hour, in eleven hours eighty-eight 
 miles, or twenty-two leagues. This morning the Admiral 
 found himself sixty-five leagues S. of the island of Flores, 
 and the pilot Pedro Alonso, being further N,, according 
 to his reckoning, passed between Terceira and Santa Maria to 
 the E., passing to windward of the island of Madeira, twelve 
 leagues further N. The sailors saw a new kind of weed, 
 of which there is plenty in the islands of the Azores. 
 
 Friday, 8th of February. 
 
 They went three miles an hour to the eastward for some 
 time during the night, and afterwards E. S. E., going twelve 
 miles an hour. From sunrise to noon they made twenty- 
 seven miles, and the same distance from noon till sunset, 
 equal to thirteen leagues S. S. E. 
 
THE TRIUMPHANT: RETURN 223 
 
 Saturday, gth of February. 
 
 For part of this night they went three leagues S. S. E., 
 and afterwards S. by E., then N. E. five leagues until ten 
 o clock in the forenoon, then nine leagues E. until dark. 
 
 Sunday, roth of February. 
 
 From sunset they steered E. all night, making one hun 
 dred and thirty miles, or thirty-two and one-half leagues. 
 During the day they went at the rate of nine miles an hour, 
 making ninety-nine miles, or twenty-four and one-half 
 leagues, in eleven hours. 
 
 In the caravel of the Admiral, Vicente Yanez and the 
 two pilots, Sancho Ruiz and Pedro Alonso Nino, and Rol- 
 dan, made charts and plotted the route. They all made the 
 position a good deal beyond the islands of the Azores to 
 the E., and, navigating to the N., none of them touched 
 Santa Maria, which is the last of all the Azores. They 
 made the position five leagues beyond it, and were in the 
 vicinity of the islands of Madeira and Puerto Santo. But 
 the Admiral was very different from them in his reckoning, 
 finding the position very much in rear of theirs. This night 
 he found the island of Flores to the N., and to the E. he 
 made the direction to be toward Nafe in Africa, passing 
 to leeward of the island of Madeira to the N. 
 leagues. So that the pilots were nearer to Castille than the 
 Admiral by one hundred and fifty leagues. The Admiral 
 says that, with the grace of God, when they reach the land 
 they will find out whose reckoning was most correct. He 
 also says that he went two hundred and sixty-three leagues 
 from the island of Hierro to the place where he first saw 
 the gulf weed. 
 
 Monday, nth of February. 
 
 This night they went twelve miles an hour on their 
 course, and during the day they ran sixteen and one-half 
 leagues. They saw many birds, from which they judged 
 that land was near. 
 
22 4 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Tuesday, 1 2th of February. 
 
 They went six miles an hour on an E. course during 
 the night, altogether seventy-three miles, or eighteen and 
 one-quarter leagues. At this time they began to encounter 
 bad weather with a heavy sea; and, if the caravel had not 
 been very well managed, she must have been lost. During 
 the day they made eleven or twelve leagues with much 
 difficulty and danger. 
 
 Wednesday, I3th of February. 
 
 From sunset until daylight there was great trouble with 
 the wind, and the high and tempestuous sea. There was 
 lightning three times to the N. N. E. a sign of a great 
 storm coming either from that quarter or its opposite. They 
 were lying to most of the night, afterwards showing a little 
 sail, and made fifty-two miles, which is thirteen leagues. 
 In the day the wind moderated a little, but it soon increased 
 again. The sea was terrific, the waves crossing each other, 
 and straining the vessels. They made fifty-five miles more, 
 equal to thirteen and one-half leagues. 
 
 Thursday, I4th of February. 
 
 This night the wind increased, and the waves were ter 
 rible, rising against each other, and so shaking and straining 
 the vessel that she could make no headway, and was in 
 danger of being stove in. They carried the mainsail very 
 closely reefed, so as just to give her steerageway, and pro 
 ceeded thus for three hours, making twenty miles. Mean 
 while, the wind and sea increased, and, seeing the great 
 danger, the Admiral began to run before it, there being 
 nothing else to be done. The caravel Pinta began to run 
 before the wind at the same time, and Martin Alonso ran 
 her out of sight, although the Admiral kept showing lan 
 terns all night, and the other answered. It would seem 
 that she could do no more, owing to the force of the tem 
 pest, and she was taken far from the route of the Admiral. 
 He steered that night E. N. E., and made fifty-four miles, 
 
OF THi 
 
Frontispiece of the earliest known edition of Dati s metrical version 
 of Columbus s letter dated June 15, 1493. From the unique original 
 in the Biblioteca Columbina in Seville. 
 
TRIUMPHANT RETURN 225 
 
 equal to thirteen leagues. At sunrise the wind blew still 
 harder, and the cross sea was terrific. They continued to 
 show the closely reefed mainsail, to enable her to rise from 
 between the waves, or she would otherwise have been 
 swamped. An E. N. E. course was steered, and after 
 wards N. E. by E. for six hours, making seven and one- 
 half leagues. The Admiral ordered that a pilgrimage should 
 be made to Our Lady of Guadaloupe, carrying a candle of 
 six pounds of weight in wax, and that all the crew should 
 take an oath that the pilgrimage should be made by the man 
 on whom the lot fell. As many beans were got as there 
 were persons on board, and on one a cross was cut with 
 a knife. They were then put into a cap and shaken up. 
 The first who put in his hand was the Admiral, and he 
 drew out the bean with a cross, so the lot fell on him; and 
 he was bound to go on the pilgrimage and fulfil the vow. 
 Another lot was drawn, to go on a pilgrimage to Our Lady 
 of Loreto, which is in the march of Ancona, in the Papal 
 territory, a house where Our Lady works many and great 
 miracles. The lot fell on a sailor of the port of Santa 
 Maria, named Pedro de Villa, and the Admiral promised to 
 pay his travelling expenses. Another pilgrimage was agreed 
 upon, to watch for one night in Santa Clara at Moguer, and 
 have a Mass said, for which they again used the beans, in 
 cluding the one with a cross. The lot again fell on the 
 Admiral. After this the Admiral and all the crew made a 
 vow that, on arriving at the first land, they would all go in 
 procession, in their shirts, to say their prayers in a church 
 dedicated to Our Lady. 
 
 Besides these general vows made in common, each sailor 
 made a special vow ; for no one expected to escape, hold 
 ing themselves for lost, owing to the fearful weather from 
 which they were suffering. The want of ballast increased 
 the danger of the ship, which had become light, owing 
 to the consumption of the provisions and water. On ac 
 count of the favorable weather enjoyed among the islands, 
 the Admiral had omitted to make provision for this need, 
 
226 DISCOVER Y AND EXPL ORA riON 
 
 thinking that ballast might be taken on board at the island 
 inhabited by women, which he had intended to visit. The 
 only thing to do was to fill the barrels that had contained 
 wine or fresh water with water from the sea, and this 
 supplied a remedy. 
 
 Here the Admiral writes of the causes which made him 
 fear that he would perish, and of others that gave him hope 
 that God would work his salvation, in order that such news 
 as he was bringing to the Sovereigns might not be lost. It 
 seemed to him that the strong desire he felt to bring such 
 great news, and to show that all he had said and offered to 
 discover had turned out true, suggested the fear that he 
 would not be able to do so, and that each stinging in 
 sect would be able to thwart and impede the work. He 
 attributes this fear to his little faith, and to his want of 
 confidence in Divine Providence. He was comforted, on 
 the other hand, by the mercies of God in having vouchsafed 
 him such a victory, in the discoveries he had made, and in 
 that God had complied with all his desires in Castille, after 
 much adversity and many misfortunes. As he had before 
 put all his trust in God, who had heard him and granted all 
 he sought, he ought now to believe that God would permit 
 the completion of what had been begun, and ordain that he 
 should be saved. Especially as He had freed him on the 
 voyage out, when he had still greater reason to fear, from 
 the trouble caused by the sailors and people of his company, 
 who all with one voice declared their intention to return, 
 and protested that they would rise against him. But the 
 eternal God gave him force and valor to withstand them 
 all, and in many other marvellous ways had God shown his 
 will in this voyage besides those known to their Highnesses. 
 Thus he ought not to fear the present tempest, though his 
 weakness and anxiety prevent him from giving tranquil 
 lity to his mind. He says further that it gave him great 
 sorrow to think of the two sons he had left at their studies 
 in Cordova, who would be left orphans, without father or 
 mother, in a strange land; while the Sovereigns would not 
 
THE TRIUMPHANT RETURN 
 
 22 7 
 
 know of the services he had performed in this voyage, nor 
 would they receive the prosperous news which would move 
 them to help the orphans. To remedy this, and that their 
 Highnesses might know how our Lord had granted a victory 
 in all that could be desired respecting the Indies, and that 
 they might understand that there were no storms in those 
 parts, which may be known by the herbs and trees which 
 grow even within the sea; also that the Sovereigns might 
 still have information, even if he perished in the storm, he 
 took a parchment and wrote on it as good an account as 
 he could of all he had discovered, entreating anyone who 
 might pick it up to deliver it to the Sovereigns. He rolled 
 this parchment up in waxed cloth, fastened it securely, 
 ordered a large wooden barrel to be brought, and put it 
 inside, so that no one else knew what it was. They 
 thought that it was some act of devotion, and so he ordered 
 the barrel to be thrown into the sea. Afterwards, in the 
 showers and squalls, the wind veered to the W., and they 
 went before it, only with the foresail, in a very confused 
 sea, for five hours. They made two and one-half leagues 
 N. E. They had taken in the reefed mainsail, for fear 
 some wave of the sea should carry all away. 
 
 Friday, I5th of February. 
 
 Last night, after sunset, the sky began to clear towards 
 the W., showing that the wind was inclined to come from 
 that quarter. The Admiral added the bonnet to the main 
 sail. The sea was still very high, although it had gone 
 down slightly. They steered E. N. E., and went four miles 
 an hour, which made eleven leagues during the eleven hours 
 of the night. After sunrise they sighted land. It appeared 
 from the bows to bear E. N. E. Some said it was the 
 island of Madeira, others that it was the rock of Cintra, 
 in Portugal, near Lisbon. Presently the wind headed to 
 E. N. E., and a heavy sea came from the W., the caravel 
 being five leagues from the land. The Admiral found by 
 his reckoning that he was close to the Azores, and believed 
 
228 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 that this was one of them. The pilots and sailors thought 
 it was the land of Castille. 
 
 Saturday, i6th of February. 
 
 All that night the Admiral was standing off and on to 
 keep clear of the land, which they now knew to be an 
 island, sometimes standing N. E., at others N. N. E., until 
 sunrise, when they tacked to the S. to reach the island, 
 which was now concealed by a great mist. Another island 
 was in sight from the poop, at a distance of eight leagues. 
 Afterwards, from sunrise until dark, they were tacking to 
 reach the land against a strong wind and head sea. At the 
 time of repeating the Salve, which is just before dark, some 
 of the men saw a light to leeward, and it seemed that it 
 must be on the island they first saw yesterday. All night 
 they were beating to windward, and going as near as they 
 could, so as to see some way to the island at sunrise. That 
 night the Admiral got a little rest, for he had not slept nor 
 been able to sleep since Wednesday, and his legs were very 
 sore from long exposure to the wet and cold. At sunrise 
 he steered S. S. W., and reached the island at night, but 
 could not make out what island it was, owing to the thick 
 weather. 
 
 Monday, i8th of February. 
 
 Yesterday, after sunset, the Admiral was sailing round 
 the island, to see where he could anchor and open commu 
 nications. He let go one anchor, which he presently lost, 
 and then stood off and on all night. After sunrise he again 
 reached the N. side of the island, where he anchored, 
 and sent the boat on shore. They had speech with the 
 people, and found that it was the island of Santa Maria, 
 one of the Azores. They pointed out the port to which 
 the caravel should go. They said that they had never seen 
 such stormy weather as there had been for the last fifteen 
 days, and they wondered how the caravel could have 
 escaped. They gave many thanks to God, and showed 
 
THE TRIUMPHANT RETURN 229 
 
 great joy at the news that the Admiral had discovered the 
 Indies. The Admiral says that his navigation had been 
 very certain, and that he had laid the discoveries down on 
 the chart. Many thanks were due to our Lord, although 
 there had been some delay. But he was sure that he was 
 in the region of the Azores, and that this was one of them. 
 He pretended to have gone over more ground, to mislead 
 the pilots and mariners who pricked off the charts, in order 
 that he might remain master of that route to the Indies, as, 
 in fact, he did. For none of the others kept an accurate 
 reckoning, so that no one but himself could be sure of the 
 route to the Indies. 
 
 Tuesday, iQth of February. 
 
 After sunset three natives of the island came to the beach 
 and hailed. The Admiral sent the boat, which returned 
 with fowls and fresh bread. It was carnival time, and they 
 brought other things which were sent by the captain of the 
 island, named Juan de Castaneda, saying that he knew 
 the Admiral very well, and that he did not come to see him 
 because it was night, but that at dawn he would come with 
 more refreshments, bringing with him three men of the 
 boat s crew, whom he did not send back owing to the great 
 pleasure he derived from hearing their account of the voyage. 
 The Admiral ordered much respect to be shown to the 
 messengers, and that they should be given beds to sleep in 
 that night, because it was late, and the town was far off. 
 As on the previous Thursday, when they were in the midst 
 of the storm, they had made a vow to go in procession to a 
 church of Our Lady as soon as they came to land, the 
 Admiral arranged that half the crew should go to comply 
 with their obligation to a small chapel, like a hermitage, 
 near the shore; and that he would himself go afterwards 
 with the rest. Believing that it was a peaceful land, and 
 confiding in the offers of the captain of the island, and in the 
 peace that existed between Spain and Portugal, he asked 
 the three men to go to the town and arrange for a priest to 
 
230 DISCO7ERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 come and say Mass. The half of the crew then went in 
 their shirts, in compliance with their vow. While they 
 were at their prayers, all the people of the town, horse and 
 foot, with the captain at their head, came and took them 
 all prisoners. The Admiral, suspecting nothing, was wait 
 ing for the boat to take him and the rest to accomplish 
 the vow. At eleven o clock, seeing that they did not come 
 back, he feared that they had been detained, or that the boat 
 had been swamped, all the island being surrounded by high 
 rocks. He could not see what had taken place, because 
 the hermitage was round a point. He got up the anchor, 
 and made sail until he was in full view of the hermitage, 
 and he saw many of the horsemen dismount and get into 
 the boat with arms. They came to the caravel to seize the 
 Admiral. The captain stood up in the boat, and asked for 
 an assurance of safety from the Admiral, who replied that 
 he granted it ; but, what outrage was this, that he saw none 
 of his people in the boat? The Admiral added that they 
 might come on board, and that he would do all that might 
 be proper. The Admiral tried, with fair words, to get hold 
 of this captain, that he might recover his own people, not 
 considering that he broke faith by giving him security, be 
 cause he had offered peace and security, and had then 
 broken his word. The captain, as he came with an evil 
 intention, would not come on board. Seeing that he did 
 not come alongside, the Admiral asked that he might be 
 told the reason for the detention of his men, an act which 
 would displease the King of Portugal, because the Portu 
 guese received much honor in the territories of the King of 
 Castille, and were as safe as if they were in Lisbon. He 
 further said that the Sovereigns had given him letters of 
 recommendation to all the Lords and Princes of the world, 
 which he would show the captain if he would come on 
 board; that he was the Admiral of the Ocean Sea, and 
 Viceroy of the Indies, which belonged to their Highnesses, 
 and that he would show the commissions signed with their 
 signatures, and attested by their seals, which he held up 
 
THE rRIUMPHANr RErURN 
 
 231 
 
 from a distance. He added that his Sovereigns were in 
 friendship and amity with the King of Portugal, and had 
 ordered that all honor should be shown to ships that came 
 from Portugal. Further, that if the captain did not sur 
 render his people, he would still go on to Castille, as he had 
 quite sufficient to navigate as far as Seville, in which case 
 the captain and his followers would be severely punished 
 for their offence. Then the captain and those with him 
 replied that they did not know the King and Queen of 
 Castille there, nor their letters, nor were they afraid of them, 
 and they would give the Admiral to understand that this 
 was Portugal, almost menacing him. On hearing this the 
 Admiral was much moved, thinking that some cause of 
 disagreement might have arisen between the two kingdoms 
 during his absence, yet he could not endure that they should 
 not be answered reasonably. Afterwards he turned to the 
 captain, and said that he should go to the port with the cara 
 vel, and that all that had been done would be reported to 
 the King his Lord. The Admiral made those who were 
 in the caravel bear witness to what he said, calling to the 
 captain and all the others, and promising that he would not 
 leave the caravel until a hundred Portuguese had been taken 
 to Castille, and all that island had been laid waste. He 
 then returned to anchor in the port where he was first, the 
 wind being very unfavorable for doing anything else. 
 
 Wednesday, 2Oth of February. 
 
 The Admiral ordered the ship to be repaired, and the casks 
 to be filled alongside for ballast. This was a very bad port, 
 and he feared he might have to cut the cables. This was 
 so, and he made sail for the island of San Miguel; but there is 
 no good port in any of the Azores for the weather they then 
 experienced, and there was no other remedy but to go to sea. 
 
 Thursday, list of February. 
 
 Yesterday the Admiral left that island of Santa Maria for 
 that of San Miguel, to see if a port could be found to shelter 
 
2 3 2 
 
 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 his vessel from the bad weather. There was much wind 
 and a high sea, and he was sailing until night without being 
 able to see either one land or the other, owing to the thick 
 weather caused by wind and sea. The Admiral says he was 
 in much anxiety, because he only had three sailors who 
 knew their business, the rest knowing nothing of seaman 
 ship. He was lying to all that night, in great danger and 
 trouble. Our Lord showed him mercy in that the waves 
 came in one direction, for if there had been a cross sea 
 they would have suffered much more. After sunrise the 
 island of San Miguel was not in sight, so the Admiral 
 determined to return to Santa Maria, to see if he could 
 recover his people and boat, and the anchors and cables he 
 had left there. 
 
 The Admiral says that he was astonished at the bad 
 weather he encountered in the region of these islands. In 
 the Indies he had navigated throughout the winter with 
 out the necessity for anchoring, and always had fine weather, 
 never having seen the sea for a single hour in such a state 
 that it could not be navigated easily. But among these 
 islands he had suffered from such terrible storms. The same 
 had happened in going out as far as the Canary Islands, but 
 as soon as they were passed there was always fine weather, 
 both in sea and air. In concluding these remarks, he 
 observes that the sacred theologians and wise men said well 
 when they placed the terrestrial paradise in the Far East, 
 because it was a most temperate region. Hence these 
 lands that he had now discovered must, he says, be in the 
 extreme East. 
 
 Friday, 22nd of February. 
 
 Yesterday the Admiral came to off Santa Maria, in the 
 place or port where he had first anchored. Presently a 
 man came down to some rocks at the edge of the beach, 
 hailing that they were not to remain there. Soon after 
 wards the boat came with five sailors, two priests, and a 
 scrivener. They asked for safety, and when it was granted 
 
THE TRIUMPHANT: RETURN 
 
 233 
 
 by the Admiral, they came on board, and, as it was night 
 they slept on board, the Admiral showing them all the 
 civility he could. In the morning they asked to be shown 
 the authority of the Sovereigns of Castille, by which the 
 voyage had been made. The Admiral felt that they did 
 this to give some color of right to what they had done, and 
 to show that they had right on their side. As they were 
 unable to secure the person of the Admiral, whom they in 
 tended to get into their power when they came with the boat 
 armed, they now feared that their game might not turn out 
 so well, thinking, with some fear, of what the Admiral had 
 threatened, and which he proposed to put into execution. 
 In order to get his people released, the Admiral displayed 
 the general letter of the Sovereigns to all Princes and Lords, 
 and other documents, and having given them of what he 
 had, the Portuguese went on shore contented, and presently 
 released all the crew and the boat. The Admiral heard 
 from them that if he had been captured also, they never 
 would have been released, for the captain said that those 
 were the orders of the King his Lord. 
 
 Saturday, 23rd of February. 
 
 Yesterday the weather began to improve, and the Admiral 
 got under weigh to seek a better anchorage, where he could 
 take in wood and stones for ballast j but he did not find one 
 until late. 
 
 Sunday, 24th of February. 
 
 He anchored yesterday in the afternoon, to take in wood 
 and stones, but the sea was so rough that they could not 
 land from the boat, and during the first watch it came on 
 to blow from the W. and S. W. He ordered sail to be 
 made, owing to the great danger there is off these islands in 
 being at anchor with a southerly gale, and as the wind was 
 S. W. it would go round to S. As it was a good wind 
 for Castille, he gave up his intention of taking in wood and 
 stones, and shaped an easterly course until sunset, going 
 
234 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 seven miles an hour for six hours and a half, equal to forty- 
 five and one-half miles. After sunset he made six miles an 
 hour, or sixty-six miles in eleven hours, altogether one hun 
 dred and eleven miles, equal to twenty-eight leagues. 
 
 Monday, 2fth of February. 
 
 Yesterday, after sunset, the caravel went at the rate of 
 five miles an hour on an easterly course, and in the eleven 
 hours of the night she made sixty-five miles, equal to six 
 teen and one-quarter leagues. From sunrise to sunset they 
 made another sixteen and one-half leagues with a smooth 
 
 O 
 
 sea, thanks be to God. A very large bird, like an eagle, 
 came to the caravel. 
 
 Tuesday, i6th of February. 
 
 Yesterday night the caravel steered her course in a smooth 
 sea, thanks be to God. Most of the time she was going 
 eight miles an hour, and made a hundred miles, equal to 
 twenty-five leagues. After sunrise there was a little wind 
 and some rain showers. They made about eight leagues 
 E. N. E. 
 
 Wednesday, 2jth of February. 
 
 During the night and day she was off her course, owing 
 to contrary winds and a heavy sea. She was found to be 
 one hundred and twenty-five leagues from Cape St. Vincent, 
 and eighty from the island of Madeira, one hundred and six 
 from Santa Maria. It was very troublesome to have such bad 
 weather just when they were at the very door of their home. 
 
 Thursday, 28th of February. 
 
 The same weather during the night, with the wind from 
 S. and S. E., sometimes shifting to N. E. and E. N. E., and 
 it was the same all day. 
 
 Friday, ist of March. 
 
 To-night the course was E. N. E., and they made twelve 
 leagues. During the day, twenty-three and one-half leagues 
 on the same course. 
 
TRIUMPHANT RETURN 235 
 
 Saturday, 2nd of March. 
 
 The course was E. N. E., and distance made good twenty- 
 eight leagues during the night, and twenty in the day. 
 
 Sunday, 3rd of March. 
 
 After sunset the course was E. ; but a squall came down, 
 split all the sails, and the vessel was in great danger; but 
 God was pleased to deliver them. They drew lots for 
 sending a pilgrim in a shirt to Santa Maria de la Cinta at 
 Huelva, and the lot fell on the Admiral. The whole crew 
 also made a vow to fast on bread and water during the first 
 Saturday after their arrival in port. They had made sixty 
 miles before the sails were split. Afterwards they ran under 
 bare poles, owing to the force of the gale and the heavy 
 sea. They saw signs of the neighborhood of land, finding 
 themselves near Lisbon. 
 
 Monday, 4th of March. 
 
 During the night they were exposed to a terrible storm, 
 expecting to be overwhelmed by the cross seas, while the 
 wind seemed to raise the caravel into the air, and there was 
 rain and lightning in several directions. The Admiral 
 prayed to our Lord to preserve them, and in the first watch 
 it pleased our Lord to show land, which was reported by 
 the sailors. As it was advisable not to reach it before it 
 was known whether there was any port to which he could 
 run for shelter, the Admiral set the mainsail, as there was 
 no other course but to proceed, though in great danger. 
 Thus God preserved them until daylight, though all the 
 time they were in infinite fear and trouble. When it was 
 light, the Admiral knew the land, which was the rock of 
 Cintra, near the river of Lisbon, and he resolved to run in 
 because there was nothing else to be done. So terrible was 
 the storm, that in the village of Cascaes, at the mouth of the 
 river, the people were praying for the little vessel all that 
 morning. After they were inside, the people came off, 
 looking upon their escape as a miracle. At the third hour 
 
2 3 6 
 
 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 they passed Rastelo, within the river of Lisbon, where they 
 were told that such a winter, with so many storms, had never 
 before been known, and that twenty-five ships had been lost 
 in Flanders, while others had been wind-bound in the river 
 for four months. Presently the Admiral wrote to the King 
 of Portugal, who was then at a distance of nine leagues, to 
 state that the Sovereigns of Castille had ordered him to enter 
 the ports of his Highness, and ask what he required for pay 
 ment, and requesting that the King would give permission 
 for the caravel to come to Lisbon, because some ruffians, 
 hearing that he had much gold on board, might attempt a 
 robbery in an unfrequented port, knowing that they did not 
 come from Guinea, but from the Indies. 
 
 Tuesday, 5th of March. 
 
 To-day the great ship of the King of Portugal was also 
 at anchor off Rastelo, with the best provision of artillery 
 and arms that the Admiral had ever seen. The master of 
 her, named Bartolome Diaz, of Lisbon, came in an armed 
 boat to the caravel, and ordered the Admiral to get into 
 the boat, to go and give an account of himself to the agents 
 of the king and to the captain of that ship. The Admiral 
 replied that he was the Admiral of the Sovereigns of Castille, 
 and that he would not give an account to any such persons, 
 nor would he leave the ship except by force, as he had not 
 the power to resist. The master replied that he must then 
 send the master of the caravel. The Admiral answered 
 that neither the master nor any other person should go 
 except by force, for if he allowed anyone to go, it would be 
 as if he went himself; and that such was the custom of the 
 Admirals of the Sovereigns of Castille, rather to die than to 
 submit, or to let any of their people submit. The master 
 then moderated his tone, and told the Admiral that if that 
 was his determination he might do as he pleased. He, 
 however, requested that he might be shown the letters of 
 the King of Castille, if they were on board. The Admiral 
 readily showed them, and the master returned to the ship and 
 
THE TRIUMPHANT RETURN 
 
 2 37 
 
 reported what had happened to the captain, named Alvaro 
 Dama. That officer, making great festival with trumpets 
 and drums, came to the caravel to visit the Admiral, and 
 offered to do all that he might require. 
 
 Wednesday, 6th of March. 
 
 As soon as it was known that the Admiral came from the 
 Indies, it was wonderful how many people came from Lisbon 
 to see him and the Indians, giving thanks to our Lord, and 
 saying that the heavenly Majesty had given all this to the 
 Sovereigns of Castille as a reward for their faith and their 
 great desire to serve God. 
 
 Thursday, yth of March. 
 
 To-day an immense number of people came to the cara 
 vel, including many knights, and amongst them the agents 
 of the king, and all gave infinite thanks to our Lord for so 
 wide an increase of Christianity granted by our Lord to the 
 Sovereigns of Castille; and they said that they received it 
 because their Highnesses had worked and labored for the 
 increase of the religion of Christ. 
 
 Friday, 8th of March. 
 
 To-day the Admiral received a letter from the King of 
 Portugal, brought by Don Martin de Norona, asking him 
 to visit him where he was, as the weather was not suitable 
 for the departure of the caravel. He complied, to prevent 
 suspicion, although he did not wish to go, and w T ent to pass 
 the night at Sacanben. The king had given orders to his 
 officers that all that the Admiral, his crew, and the caravel 
 were in need of should be given without payment, and that 
 all the Admiral wanted should be complied with. 
 
 Saturday, Qth of March. 
 
 To-day the Admiral left Sacanben, to go where the king 
 was residing, which was at Valparaiso, nine leagues from 
 Lisbon. Owing to the rain, he did not arrive until night. 
 
238 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 The king caused him to be received very honorably by the 
 principal officers of his household; and the king himself 
 received the Admiral with great favor, making him sit 
 down, and talking very pleasantly. He offered to give 
 orders that everything should be done for the service of the 
 Sovereigns of Castille, and said that the successful termina 
 tion of the voyage had given him great pleasure. He said 
 further that he understood that, in the capitulation between 
 the Sovereigns and himself, that conquest belonged to him. 
 The Admiral replied that he had not seen the capitulation, 
 nor knew more than that the Sovereigns had ordered him 
 not to go either to Lamina or to any other port of Guinea, 
 and that this had been ordered to be proclaimed in all the 
 ports of Andalusia before he sailed. The king graciously 
 replied that he held it for certain that there would be no 
 necessity for any arbitrators. The Admiral was assigned 
 as a guest to the Prior of Crato, who was the principal 
 person present, and from whom he received many favors 
 and civilities. 
 
 Sunday, loth of March. 
 
 To-day, after Mass, the king repeated that if the Admiral 
 wanted anything he should have it. He conversed much 
 with the Admiral respecting his voyage, always ordering 
 him to sit down, and treated him with great favor. 
 
 Monday, nth of March. 
 
 To-day the Admiral took leave of the king, who in 
 trusted him with some messages to the Sovereigns, and 
 always treated him with much friendliness. He departed 
 after dinner, Don Martin de Norona being sent with him, 
 and all the knights set out with him, and went with him 
 some distance, to do him honor. Afterwards he came to a 
 monastery of San Antonio, near a place called Villafranca, 
 where the queen was residing. The Admiral went to do 
 her reverence and to kiss her hand, because she had sent 
 to say that he was not to go without seeing her. The 
 
THE TRIUMPHANT RETURN 
 
 239 
 
 duke and the marquis were with her, and the Admiral was 
 received with much honor. He departed at night, and 
 went to sleep at Llandra. 
 
 Tuesday, I2th of March. 
 
 To-day, as he was leaving Llandra to return to the 
 caravel, an esquire of the king arrived, with an offer that, 
 if he desired to go to Castille by land, he should be sup 
 plied with lodgings, and beasts, and all that was necessary. 
 When the Admiral took leave of him, he ordered a mule to 
 be supplied to him, and another for his pilot, who was with 
 him, and he says that the pilot received a present of twenty 
 espadines. He said this that the Sovereigns might know all 
 that was done. He arrived on board the caravel that night. 
 
 Wednesday, I3th of March. 
 
 To-day, at eight o clock, with the flood tide, and the wind 
 N. N. W., the Admiral got under weigh and made sail for 
 Seville. 
 
 Thursday, I4th of March. 
 
 Yesterday, after sunset, a southerly course was steered, 
 and before sunrise they were ofF Cape St. Vincent, which is 
 in Portugal. Afterwards he shaped a course to the E. for 
 Saltes, and went on all day with little wind, " until now 
 that the ship is off Furon." 
 
 Friday, I5th of March. 
 
 Yesterday, after sunset, she went on her course with 
 little wind, and at sunrise she was off Saltes. At noon, 
 with the tide rising, they crossed the bar of Saltes and 
 reached the port which they had left on the 3rd of August 
 of the year before. The Admiral says that so ends this 
 journal, unless it becomes necessary to go to Barcelona by 
 sea, having received news that their Highnesses are in that 
 city, to give an account of all his voyage which our Lord 
 had permitted him to make, and saw fit to set forth in him. 
 
240 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 For, assuredly, he held with a firm and strong knowledge 
 that his high Majesty made all things good, and that all is 
 good except sin. Nor can he value or think of anything 
 being done without His consent. u I know respecting this 
 voyage," says the Admiral, "that He has miraculously shown 
 His will, as may be seen from this journal, setting forth the 
 numerous miracles that have been displayed in the voyage, 
 and in me who was so long at the court of your Highnesses, 
 working in opposition to and against the opinions of so 
 many chief persons of your household, who were all against 
 me, looking upon this enterprise as folly. But I hope, in 
 our Lord, that it will be a great benefit to Christianity, for 
 so it has ever appeared." These are the final words of the 
 Admiral Don Cristoval Colon respecting his first voyage to 
 the Indies and their discovery. 
 
TlKelaattii?erdade 
 
 raaostrabalboSq 
 
 bo ouernado: 
 
 fouto i cer 
 ttfftdal 
 
 po:tuguefe5 paflarom 
 noflfcbrimeto t>a 
 
 Kda. 
 nouamete feitaper bn 
 
 Cf o^vilta po; bo feno;inqmftdo:. 
 
 Titlc-jiage of the Relaxant Verdadeira, printed at Evora in Portu 
 gal, 1557, giving the first account of De Soto s discovery and explora 
 tion of Florida. From the excessively rare original in the New York 
 Public Library, Lenox Branch. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 THE orHER VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS OF 
 COLUMBUS 
 
 ON Friday, the I5th of March, 1493, a ft er an absence 
 of seven months and eleven days, Columbus again crossed 
 the bar of Saltes. Hope had now given way to assurance, 
 and he was elated with what he regarded as the complete 
 success of his undertaking. From the Canary Islands 
 Columbus had written to Luis de Santangel and also to 
 the sovereigns, announcing his return, and describing the 
 islands he had discovered and the character and customs 
 of their inhabitants. Although the material gains of the 
 expedition were small in comparison with its hazards and 
 outlays, national pride and the promise of a vast extension 
 of empire outweighed any deficiency in tangible results. 
 Spain and her court were prepared to render him the wel 
 come deserved by his success. His reward was meted out 
 to him in no niggardly fashion; indeed, almost the only 
 praiseworthy action that history records relating to Spain 
 and her early connection with the New World is that she 
 duly honored its discoverer; though in after years this be 
 coming action was sadly tarnished by the unworthy course 
 pursued when he was perfidiously cheated of his guaran 
 teed honors and emoluments. The glowing picture of the 
 Genoese admiral s reception at the court of Castile has 
 oftentimes been drawn and is familiar to most persons. For 
 the facts we are indebted mainly to his son Ferdinand, whose 
 pride in his father s honor is natural, even though at times 
 
 241 
 
2 4 2 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 it perceptibly colored his statements. He says: "The Ad 
 miral then proceeded toward Seville, intending to go from 
 there to Barcelona, where their Catholic majesties were. 
 He was compelled to tarry a little along the way thither, 
 though it were ever so little, to satisfy the curiosity of the 
 people where he went, who came from the neighboring 
 towns to the road along which he journeyed to see him, 
 the Indians, and the other things he brought. Proceeding 
 in this manner, he reached Barcelona about the middle of 
 April, having previously sent their highnesses an account 
 of the good fortune attending his voyage, which exceed 
 ingly pleased them, and they appointed him a most impress 
 ive reception, as a man that had performed for them an 
 extraordinary commission. All the court and city went 
 out to meet him. Their Catholic majesties sat in public 
 in great state, on costly chairs, under a canopy of gold 
 cloth; and when he approached to kiss their hands they 
 arose as to a great lord, and were unwilling to give him 
 their hands, and caused him to sit down by them. When 
 he had given them a brief account of his voyage, they 
 permitted him to retire to his apartment, to which he was 
 attended by all the court. And he was so highly honored 
 and favored by their highnesses, that when the king rode 
 about Barcelona, the Admiral was on one side of him, and 
 the Infante Fortuna on the other, for before this, no one 
 rode by the side of his majesty but the Infante, who was 
 his near kinsman." 
 
 In order to understand better the part played by Spain in 
 the discoveries in the New World, we should consider the 
 conditions which prevailed in that country at the close of 
 the fifteenth century. The dominant force in the national 
 and social life was the Inquisition, the power of whose 
 officers was almost unlimited. The sombre acts of this 
 institution tarnished the history of the Roman Catholic 
 Church and unhappily gave to the national religion in Spain 
 an imperishable record of infamy. Far from spreading the 
 spirit of justice, mercy, and truth, it encouraged the most 
 
THE OTHER VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS 
 
 243 
 
 fanatical superstition and cruelty. To this baneful influence, 
 then, may be traced the inconsistent elements of the national 
 character; it actuated the Castilian explorers of the New 
 World, who exhibited a brilliant but lurid mingling of 
 dashing bravery and abominable cruelty, bigoted piety and 
 conscienceless avarice: they were the exponents of the 
 controlling spirit of the nation at that period. 
 
 Spain was now emerging from a position of inferiority 
 among the nations, and the national mind was exalted with 
 a sense of greatness that naturally predisposed to aggrandize 
 ment of empire. Previous to the conquest of Granada and the 
 unification of Aragon and Castile in the persons of Ferdinand 
 and Isabella, Spain had presented to the world little more than 
 the spectacle of a group of weak and warring provinces. 
 Suddenly, and as a consequence of these three events, the 
 conquest of the Moors, the union of the thrones of Aragon 
 and Castile, and the discovery of America, Spain astonished 
 Europe by attaining a foremost position among the nations 
 and in the arena of diplomacy. Naturally, her chief rival 
 was Portugal, owing to close neighborhood and the fact of 
 the maritime activity of the latter country. In those times, 
 it was commonly accepted that all heathen lands unclaimed 
 by Christian nations were by right of his office under the con 
 trol of the Pope of Rome, and that he could present the title 
 to them to any Christian power he might choose. Pope 
 Martin V. had accordingly granted to the crown of Portugal 
 the possession of all lands that might be discovered between 
 Cape Bojador and the Indies, going eastward. Immediately 
 upon Columbus s return, an ambassador was despatched to 
 Rome with the announcement of the new discoveries and a 
 request that the papal authorization might be granted for 
 their acquirement by the Spanish realm. Pope Alexan 
 der VI. acceded to this demand all the more willingly because 
 of the sovereigns triumph over the Mohammedan power in 
 Granada, and especially because in the Spaniard s message 
 there was the suspicion of a hint that in any case he intended 
 to hold that which had fallen into his hands by discovery. 
 
244 
 
 DISCO VER Y AND EX PL ORA riON 
 
 The result of these negotiations was the famous Bull estab 
 lishing a line of demarcation on either side of which Spain and 
 Portugal might discover and appropriate lands ad infinitum, 
 so long as there remained a foot of the earth s surface which 
 had not already fallen into the possession of some Christian 
 power. The extraordinary power claimed by the Pontiff, the 
 remarkable nature of the document, and its epochal char 
 acter, are conclusive reasons for its insertion here inextenso: 
 
 The copy of the Bull or donation by the authority whereof 
 Pope Alexander the VI. of that name gave and granted to 
 the kings of Castile and their successors the Regions and 
 Islands found in the West Ocean sea by the navigations 
 of the Spaniards. 
 
 Alexander bishop, the servant of the servants of God : 
 to our most dear beloved son in Christ King Ferdinand; 
 and to our dear beloved daughter in Christ Elizabeth Queen 
 of Castile, Leon, Aragon, Sicily, and Granada, most noble 
 Princes, Greeting and Apostolic Benediction. 
 
 Among other works acceptable to the divine majesty and 
 according to our heart s desire, this certainly is the chief, 
 that the Catholic faith and Christian religion, especially 
 in this our time may in all places be exalted, amplified, and 
 enlarged, whereby the health of souls may be procured, 
 and the barbarous nations subdued and brought to the faith. 
 And therefore whereas by the favor of God s clemency 
 (although not without equal deserts) we are called to this 
 holy seat of Peter, and understanding you to be true Catholic 
 Princes as we have ever known you, and as your noble and 
 worthy acts have declared in manner to the whole world 
 in that with all your study, diligence, and industry, you have 
 spared no travels, charges, or perils, adventuring even the 
 shedding of your own blood with applying your whole 
 minds and endeavors hereunto, as your noble expeditions 
 achieved in recovering the kingdom of Granada from the 
 tyranny of the Saracens in these our days, do plainly declare 
 your facts with so great glory of the Divine Name. For 
 
THE Or HER VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS 245 
 
 the which as we think you worthy, so ought we of our own 
 free will favorably to grant you all things whereby you may 
 daily with more fervent minds to the honor of God and 
 enlarging the Christian empire, prosecute your devout 
 and laudable purpose most acceptable to the immortal God. 
 We are credibly informed that whereas of late you were 
 determined to seek and find certain Islands and firm lands 
 far remote and unknown (and not heretofore found by any 
 other) to the intent to bring the inhabitants of the same to 
 honor our Redeemer and to profess the Catholic faith, you 
 have hitherto been much occupied in the expurgation and 
 recovery of the kingdom of Granada, by reason whereof 
 you could not bring your said laudable purpose to the end 
 desired. Nevertheless as it hath pleased Almighty God, 
 the aforesaid kingdom being recovered, willing to accom 
 plish your said desire, you have, not without great labor, 
 perils, and charges, appointed our well beloved son Christo 
 pher Columbus (a man certainly well commended as most 
 worthy and apt for so great a matter) well furnished with 
 men and ships and other necessaries, to seek (by the sea 
 where hitherto no man hath sailed) such firm lands and 
 Islands far remote and hitherto unknown. Who (by God s 
 help) making diligent search in the Ocean sea, hath found 
 certain remote Islands and firm lands which were not here 
 tofore found by any other. In the which (as is said) many 
 nations inhabit living peaceably and going naked, not accus 
 tomed to eat flesh. And as far as your messengers can 
 conjecture, the nations inhabiting the aforesaid lands and 
 Islands believe that there is one God Creator in heaven ; 
 and seem apt to be brought to the embracing of the Catholic 
 faith and to be imbued with good manners : by reason 
 whereof, we may hope that if they be well instructed, they 
 may easily be induced to receive the name of our Saviour 
 Jesus Christ. We are further advertised that the fore- 
 named Christopher hath now builded and erected a fortress 
 with good munition on one of the aforesaid principal 
 Islands, in the which he hath placed a garrison of certain 
 
246 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 of the Christian men that went thither with him : as well 
 to the intent to defend the same, as also to search other 
 Islands and firm lands far remote as yet unknown. We 
 also understand, that in these lands and Islands lately found, 
 is a great plenty of gold and spices, with divers and many 
 other precious things of sundry kinds and qualities. There 
 fore all things diligently considered (especially the amplifying 
 and enlarging of the Catholic faith, as it behooveth Catholic 
 Princes following the examples of your noble progenitors 
 of famous memory) whereas you are determined by the 
 favor of Almighty God to subdue and bring to the Catholic 
 faith the inhabitants of the aforesaid lands and Islands. 
 
 We, greatly commending this your godly and laudable 
 purpose in our Lord, and desirous to have the same brought 
 to a due end, and the name of our Saviour to be known in 
 those parts, do exhort you in our Lord and by the receiving 
 of your holy baptism whereby you are bound to Apostolical 
 obedience, and earnestly require you by the bowels of 
 mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, that when you intend for 
 the zeal of the Catholic faith to prosecute the said expedi 
 tion to reduce the people of the foresaid lands and Islands 
 to the Christian religion you shall spare no labors at any 
 time, or be deterred with any perils, conceiving firm hope 
 and confidence that the omnipotent God will give good 
 success to your godly attempts. And that being authorized 
 by the privilege of the Apostolical grace, you may the more 
 freely and boldly take upon you the enterprise of so great 
 a matter, we of our own motion and not either at your 
 request or at the instant petition of any other person, but 
 of our own mere liberality and certain science, and by the 
 fulness of Apostolical power, do give, grant, and assign to 
 you, your heirs and successors, all the firm lands and Islands 
 found or to be found, discovered or to be discovered toward 
 the West and the South, drawing a line from the pole 
 Arctic to the pole Antarctic (that is) from the North to the 
 South: Containing in this donation, whatsoever firm lands 
 or Islands are found or to be found toward India or toward 
 
THE or HER FOT AGES OF COLUMBUS 247 
 
 any other part whatsoever it be, being distant from, or 
 without the foresaid line drawn a hundred leagues toward 
 the West and South from any of the Islands which are 
 commonly called De Los Azores and Cabo Verde. All 
 the Islands therefore and firm lands, found and to be found, 
 discovered and to be discovered from the said line toward 
 the West and South, such as have not actually been hereto 
 fore possessed by any other Christian king or prince until 
 the day of the nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ last past, 
 from the which beginneth this present year, being the year 
 of our Lord M. CCCC. LXX. XXIII. whensoever any 
 such shall be found by your messengers and captains. 
 
 We, by the authority of Almighty God granted unto us 
 in St. Peter, and by the office which we bear on the earth in 
 the stead of Jesus Christ, do forever by the tenor of these 
 presents, give, grant, and assign, unto you, your heirs, and 
 successors (the Kings of Castile and Leon) all those lands 
 and Islands, with their dominions, territories, cities, castles, 
 towers, places, and villages, with all the rights and jurisdic 
 tions thereunto pertaining; constituting, assigning, and de 
 puting, you, your heirs, and successors the lords thereof, 
 with full and free power, authority, and jurisdiction. De 
 creeing nevertheless by this our donation, grant, and assig 
 nation, that from no Christian Prince which actually hath 
 possessed the aforesaid Islands and firm lands until the day 
 of the nativity of our Lord beforesaid their right obtained to 
 be understood hereby to be taken away, as that it ought 
 to be taken away. 
 
 Furthermore we command you in the virtue of holy 
 obedience (as you have promised, and as we doubt not you 
 will do upon mere devotion and princely magnanimity) to 
 send to the said firm lands and Islands, honest, virtuous, 
 and learned men, such as fear God, and are able to instruct 
 the inhabitants in the Catholic faith and good manners, 
 applying all their possible diligence in the premises. 
 
 We furthermore straitly inhibit all manner of persons, 
 of what state, degree, order, or condition soever they be, 
 
248 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 though of imperial or regal dignity, under the pain of the 
 sentence of excommunication which they shall incur if 
 they do to the contrary, that they in no case presume with 
 out special licence of you, your heirs, and successors, to 
 travel for merchandise or for any other cause, to the said 
 lands or Islands, found or to be found, discovered or to be 
 discovered, toward the West and South, drawing a line 
 from the pole Arctic to the pole Antarctic, whether the 
 firm lands and Islands found and to be found, be situate 
 toward India or toward any other part being distant from 
 the line drawn a hundred leagues toward the West from any 
 of the Islands commonly called De Los Azores and Cabo 
 Verde: Notwithstanding constitutions, decrees and Apos 
 tolical ordinances whatsoever there are to the contrary : in 
 Him from whom empires, dominions, and all good things 
 do proceed: Trusting that Almighty God directing your 
 enterprises, if you follow your godly and laudable attempts, 
 your labors and travels therein, shall in a short time attain 
 a happy end with felicity and glory of all Christian people, 
 but for as much as it should be a thing of great difficulty 
 these letters to be carried to all such places as should be 
 expedient, we will, and of like motion and knowledge do 
 decree that whithersoever the same shall be sent, or where 
 soever they shall be received with the subscription of a 
 common notary thereunto required, with the seal of any 
 person constitute an ecclesiastical court, or such as are au 
 thorized by the ecclesiastical court, the same faith and credit 
 to be given thereunto in judgment or elsewhere, as should 
 be exhibited to these presents. 
 
 It shall therefore be lawful for no man to infringe or 
 rashly to contrary this letter of our commendation, exhor 
 tation, request, donation, grant, assignation, constitution, 
 deputation, decree, commandment, inhibition, and deter 
 mination. And if any shall presume to attempt the same, 
 he ought to know that he shall thereby incur the indig 
 nation of Almighty God and his Holy Apostles Peter 
 and Paul. 
 
THE OTHER VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS 
 
 249 
 
 Given at Rome at St. Peter s : In the year of the Incar 
 nation of our Lord M. CCCC. LXX. XXIII. the fourth 
 day of the Nones of May the -first year of our seat. 
 
 This decree ceded to Spain the whole of the American 
 continent, with the exception of the Brazilian coast. But 
 Portugal was dissatisfied with the imaginary north and 
 south line of demarcation extending through a point one 
 hundred leagues from the Cape Verd Islands, and the 
 matter was adjusted by the treaty of Tordesillas, which 
 was signed by the monarchs of both countries on June 7, 
 1494, by virtue of which this line was drawn at a distance 
 of three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cape 
 Verd Islands. 
 
 The honors conferred on Columbus were powerless to 
 delay him in the further execution of his project, and, un 
 willing to consume much time in the enjoyment of his 
 triumph in Spain, he had meanwhile secured the organiza 
 tion of a new expedition under his direction. There was 
 now no difficulty in obtaining ships or sailors to man them. 
 In order to provide for the former, the sovereigns decreed 
 that all vessels belonging to Spanish subjects on the coast 
 of Andalusia should be subject to seizure by Columbus, due 
 compensation to be made to the owners. Men for the ad 
 venture were abundant; sailors and landsmen everywhere 
 were eager to view these new lands, and seek their fortunes 
 there, where incalculable wealth was reputed to exist. On 
 the 25th of September, 1493, Columbus sailed from Cadiz 
 with a fleet of seventeen vessels. No less than fifteen hun 
 dred adventurers accompanied him, and he was furnished 
 with every requisite for planting new colonies. A voyage 
 of thirty-eight days brought the admiral to the island of 
 Dominica. Thence he sailed northward and discovered 
 the island which he named Santa Maria de Guadalupe; 
 here his people went ashore, but found that the inhabit 
 ants had fled at their approach, apparently so precipitately 
 
250 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 that they left behind some of their children. The Span 
 iards tied small gifts to the arms of these infants, and thus 
 succeeded in convincing the parents of the good will of their 
 visitors and luring them to intercourse. On this island the 
 explorers found the people living in some degree of com 
 fort, for they saw in the houses "a great deal of cotton, 
 spun and unspun, and looms to weave." A less satisfac 
 tory sight was the great number of human bones strewn 
 about, which convinced Columbus and his men that they 
 had reached the islands of the Caribbeans, who were canni 
 bals. While at this island, six women came to the ships of 
 their own accord, and it was learned that they had been 
 taken captives by the fierce Caribs. These women were 
 able to indicate to Columbus the way in which the island 
 of Espaiiola lay. Taking them with him, he proceeded 
 toward that point, anxious to ascertain what fortune had 
 befallen the garrison that he had left at La Navidad from 
 the first expedition. On the way he discovered the islands 
 of Montserrat, Santa Maria la Redonda, Santa Maria la 
 Antigua, and the island of San Martin. At the last men 
 tioned," which seemed worth the finding," the explorers went 
 ashore. They found that the inhabitants here also were 
 Caribs, and, unlike the natives of Espaiiola, so courageous 
 that they disputed the Spaniards landing, some of the latter 
 being wounded in the attempt. On Thursday, the I4th of 
 November, they passed the island of Santa Cruz, and two 
 days later came to an island which was called by the natives 
 " Burenquen," now known as Porto Rico. 
 
 Columbus arrived ofF the north coast of Espanola on the 
 1 2th of November. As we have previously related, he 
 found nothing but the ruins of the fortress of La Navidad, 
 the outrageous conduct of the men he had left there having 
 brought about their complete destruction by Carib Indians. 
 That Guacanagari, the chief of the local inhabitants, 
 had remained faithful to the Spaniards was proved by the 
 fact that he was still suffering from a wound received in 
 their defence. While here, writes Dr. Chanca, who was 
 
THE orHER VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS 
 
 251 
 
 physician to the fleet, " Guacanagari s brother, and others 
 with him, came on board, bringing gold to barter: on the day 
 of our departure also they bartered a great quantity of gold. 
 There were ten women on board, of those which had been 
 taken in the Caribbee islands, principally from Burenquen, 
 and it was observed that the brother of Guacanagari spoke 
 with them; we think that he told them to make an effort 
 to escape that night; for certainly during our first sleep 
 they dropped themselves quietly into the water, and went 
 on shore, so that by the time they were missed they had 
 reached such a distance that only four could be taken by 
 the boats which went in pursuit, and these were secured 
 when just leaving the water; they had to swim considerably 
 more than half a league. The next morning the Admiral 
 sent to desire that Guacanagari would cause search to be 
 made for the women who had escaped in the night, and 
 that he would send them back to the ships. When the 
 messengers arrived they found the place forsaken and not a 
 soul there." 
 
 Columbus now planned to found a town which would 
 serve as the capital of his viceroyalty and a base for future 
 operations and explorations. With this object in view, he 
 sailed eastward on the 9th of December. A suitable spot 
 being found, " he landed with all his men, provisions and 
 implements, which he brought in the ships of the fleet, at a 
 plain, near a rock, on which a fort could easily be built. 
 Here he erected a town, and called it Isabella, in honor 
 of Queen Isabella. This place was deemed very suitable, 
 inasmuch as the harbor was very large, though exposed to 
 the northwest, and had an attractive river a bowshot from 
 it, from which canah of water might be cut to run through 
 the middle of the town, and beyond was an extensive plain, 
 from which the Indians said the mines of Cibao were not 
 very distant. For these reasons the Admiral was eager to 
 found the colony. On account of the fatigue of the voyage 
 and that caused by his labor here, he did not have time to 
 write in his journal, from day to day, what happened, as 
 
252 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 had been his habit. He also fell sick, which interrupted 
 his writing from the eleventh of December to the twelfth 
 of March, 1494. Meanwhile he administered the affairs of 
 the town according to his ability. He instructed Alonso 
 de Hojeda with fifteen men to discover the mines of 
 Cibao. Afterward, on the second of February, twelve 
 ships of the fleet set sail for Castile, under the command 
 of Antonio de Torres." (Historic del Fernando Colombo?) 
 Thus was planted the first European town in western 
 lands. 
 
 The ships carried home enough gold, found by Hojeda, 
 to make credible the reports which Columbus also sent of 
 dazzling prospects in the plain of Cibao. Chanca wrote: 
 " The party that went to Cibao saw gold in so many places 
 that one scarcely dares state the fact, for in truth they found 
 it in more than fifty streams and rivers, as well as upon 
 their banks; so that the captain said they had only to seek 
 throughout that province, and they would find as much as 
 they wished. He brought specimens from the different 
 parts, that is, from the sand of the rivers and small springs. 
 It is thought that by digging as we know how, it will be 
 found in greater pieces, for the Indians neither know how 
 to dig nor have the means of digging more than a hand s 
 depth. The other captain, who went to Niti, returned also 
 with news of a great quantity of gold in three or four 
 places; of which he likewise brought specimens. 
 
 "Thus, surely, their Highnesses the King and Queen 
 may henceforth regard themselves as the most prosperous 
 and wealthy Sovereigns in the world; never yet, since the 
 creation, has such a thing been seen or read of; for on 
 the return of the ships from their next voyage, they will be 
 able to carry back such a quantity of gold as will fill with 
 amazement all who hear of it." This prediction served 
 for a time to allay the rapacious demand in Spain for the 
 enormous profits which this discovery of what was supposed 
 to be the extremity of the Khan s domain was expected to 
 yield. Trouble, however, was beginning to loom up on 
 
OTHER VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS 
 
 253 
 
 the horizon of Columbus s life. Disaffection was begin 
 ning to manifest itself among the adventurers at Isabella. 
 There were those who were inclined to doubt that they 
 had reached the proximity of the lands described by Marco 
 Polo, or were likely to find any quantity of the fabulous 
 wealth which they had been led to expect. A faction 
 inimical to Columbus was created, but was discovered in 
 time for him to defend himself from any immediate 
 injury. 
 
 Columbus now determined to seek the mainland. Leav 
 ing, therefore, a council, with his brother Diego as president, 
 to govern the colony, he sailed on the 2Qth of April to the 
 island of Cuba. There the inhabitants, in response to his 
 questions as to where gold might be found, pointed to the 
 south; and on the 3d of May the Admiral went in search 
 of the island which they indicated. The result of this trip 
 was the discovery of Jamaica on the 5th of May, 1494. 
 At first the natives were disposed to receive the Spaniards 
 with hostility; in fact, there was a slight fray in which 
 some of the Indians were killed; but the forbearance of 
 Columbus soon won them to accept tokens of amity. Find 
 ing no gold, he returned to Cuba, determined u to coast 
 along it, intending not to return until he had sailed five or 
 six hundred leagues, and was satisfied whether it were a 
 continent or an island." It is stated that while on this 
 voyage, so convinced was he or at least anxious to have 
 all the world believe that he had reached the mainland of 
 Cathay, that he compelled everyone with him to take oath 
 before a notary that the land in sight was that of the con 
 tinent of Asia. He also threatened that if any should assert 
 to the contrary he should be punished, if an officer, by fine, 
 if a common person, by having his tongue cut out. Ac 
 cording to Peter Martyr, Columbus believed that he was at 
 that moment in the gulf of the river Ganges. Had he 
 continued his journey but two or three days longer, he would 
 have discovered the truth. But, his supplies giving out, 
 he resolved to return to Isabella, which he reached on the 
 
254 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 29th of September. The admiral was so ill at this time 
 that his men were obliged to carry him ashore j his mind 
 also was burdened with disappointment, for as yet he had 
 seen no signs of that wealth and civilization which were 
 needed to warrant his belief that he had indeed reached the 
 dominions of the Great Khan. On reaching Isabella, he 
 was surprised and cheered by finding his brother Bartholo 
 mew, who had been sent out by Ferdinand in command 
 of three ships bringing supplies. Columbus at once in 
 vested his brother with the title and authority of ade- 
 lantado, putting him in charge of the administration of the 
 colony. 
 
 The affairs of the New World were become of such 
 enlarged importance and complexity as to be beyond the 
 control of Columbus, whose mental disposition did not 
 adapt him to cope successfully with the difficulties of ad 
 ministration. Hojeda, whose restless spirit would neither 
 .allow him to abide in the peaceful pursuits of a colony 
 nor carry on active enterprises in a subordinate position, 
 had precipitated the first war with the natives. Men had 
 been sent out from Spain in official capacities in com 
 mands which neutralized Columbus s authority as viceroy. 
 These were disposed to manifest an insubordination and an 
 unwillingness to operate peacefully with the admiral s ap 
 pointees. Everything on the island of Espanola pointed 
 to a disorganization of the newly instituted Spanish govern 
 ment. What was still worse, some of the disaffected ones 
 who had come out with Columbus had returned to Spain 
 during his absence to sow the seeds of malicious intrigue 
 against the admiral and suspicious distrust of him at the 
 court. Columbus went actively to work to put down 
 the insurrection of the natives, which had been aroused 
 by the licentious and avaricious conduct of his country 
 men. This he did with a firm hand, and it must be con 
 fessed that in his future treatment of the natives there is a 
 diminished measure of that forbearance and humanity which 
 had at first characterized his conduct toward them. They 
 
THE Or HER VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS 255 
 
 were reduced to servitude and misery by the laying upon 
 them of a heavy tribute. A great number were captured 
 and sent to Spain. Indeed, Columbus recommended that a 
 profitable trade be established by the exportation of Indians 
 to supply the slave market. It must be said, however, 
 in extenuation of the discoverer that he was but acting in 
 conformity with the custom of his time, which recognized 
 slavery as a legitimate institution. 
 
 Having by these means established peace in the island 
 and placed the government of the colony in the hands of 
 his brother Bartholomew, Columbus started on the return 
 voyage to Spain on the loth of March, 1496. He carried 
 with him thirty Indians, and among them Caonabo, the 
 brave and fierce Carib chief of Haiti. This cacique was 
 spared, however, the experience and the pain of exhibition 
 in the land of the invaders of his country, he having died 
 on the voyage. 
 
 Although the admiral was cordially received by the sov 
 ereigns, he was well aware that the star of his popularity 
 was waning. Enemies had misrepresented him, and ad 
 miration of his achievements was fast giving place to envy 
 of his privileges. The glory of his discoveries was being 
 offset by the paucity of the returns. He had added new 
 lands to the realm of Spain, but they had so far proved to 
 be peopled only with savages, and there was no trace of the 
 treasures of Cathay to which he had promised to open a 
 road. Still, he had the confidence and the courage to ask 
 for another fleet with which he might return to exploit the 
 mines of Hayna in Cuba, which he assured the sovereigns 
 were no other than the Ophir referred to in Scripture. He 
 also wished to explore the mainland. Ferdinand Columbus 
 says that u the fitting out of this fleet was delayed much 
 longer than was necessary through the negligence and bad 
 management of the king s officers, and particularly of Don 
 Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, Archdeacon of Seville. Hence 
 it happened that Don Juan, who was afterward Bishop of 
 Burgos, was, from thatr time onward, a bitter enemy to the 
 
256 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Admiral and his affairs, and was the chief person among 
 those who brought him into disgrace with their Catholic 
 Majesties." But the king had also begun to cool in his 
 regard for Columbus and his work, though probably for no 
 other reason than that, so far, these western expeditions 
 had been more costly than profitable. Columbus himself 
 suffered so greatly from this result, owing to the eighth 
 share of the expense which he was bound to incur, and 
 which his discoveries had not reimbursed him, that he was 
 inextricably in debt. But Isabella again came to his aid, 
 and through her interest he obtained his fleet; and on the 
 30th of May, 1498, with six ships, he again sailed to the 
 west. When it is remembered that in order to find enough 
 men to man these vessels the government was obliged to 
 resort to granting pardon to criminals, on condition that 
 they embarked, it is very manifest how these transatlantic 
 enterprises had fallen in the popular estimation ; and this fact 
 equally explains the treatment which the natives received 
 from the adventurers. 
 
 The first land which Columbus saw on this voyage 
 was the island which he named Trinidad, for " God had 
 graciously granted him the sight of three mountains close 
 together." This was on July 31, 1498. Coasting around 
 this island, he saw land to the southward, which was in 
 fact the mouth of the Orinoco; and thus, though uncon 
 sciously, Columbus for the first time beheld the continent 
 which was to be called America. Passing between Trini 
 dad and Venezuela, which he then named Gracia, he was 
 surprised by the flood of fresh water which the Orinoco 
 pours into the Gulf of Paria; and in accordance with his 
 cherished theory that the seat of the Garden of Eden was 
 in that neighborhood, he conceived the possibility of this 
 being one of the four great rivers which in Scripture are 
 said to flow from it. A real discovery of more practical 
 value than this supposititious one was the abundance of 
 pearls worn by the natives of Trinidad and the country 
 bordering on the Gulf of Paria. 
 
THE OTHER VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS 2 $J 
 
 Columbus reached Isabella during the latter part of Au 
 gust, and found the whole island in a tumult of dissension 
 and insurrection. Where previously there had been but 
 factions, there were now antagonistic encampments. He 
 set himself to restore order. Some of the unruly Spaniards 
 he sent home, and of a few he made a salutary and well- 
 deserved example by hanging them. The men who returned 
 to Spain carried with them such reports of his rule as suited 
 their interests or their malice. The admiral s own letters 
 gave plain evidence of the demoralized condition of the 
 island. The opportunity was thus afforded the king, who 
 had always regarded Columbus with jealousy, to curtail the 
 admiral s privileges. Accordingly he sent out Bobadilla as 
 a commissioner to inquire into the nature of the disputes 
 which were vitiating the admiral s government. The letter 
 of authority given Bobadilla read as follows: "We order 
 you ... to ascertain who and what persons they 
 were who rose against the said admiral and our magistracy, 
 and for what cause; and what robberies and other injuries 
 they have committed; and furthermore, to extend your 
 inquiries to all other matters relating to the premises; and 
 the information obtained, and the truth known, whomso 
 ever you find culpable, arrest their persons, and sequestrate 
 their effects." These directions were impossible of appli 
 cation to Columbus under any circumstances; but Boba 
 dilla was a friend of Fonseca, and from the beginning was 
 prejudiced against the admiral. He may have acted con 
 scientiously, being convinced by ex parte evidence that 
 Columbus and his brothers had governed in a cruel manner. 
 But he far exceeded his authority and did gross injustice 
 in seizing the admiral s effects and sending that famous 
 man back to Spain in chains. Columbus submitted to this 
 wrong, in the determination that he would seek for justice 
 only before the person of the king. Alonso de Villejo, 
 who had command of the ships conveying him, would have 
 taken off the chains, but Columbus replied: "No, their 
 majesties commanded me by letter to submit to whatever 
 
258 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Bobadilla should order in their name; by their authority he 
 has put upon me these chains; I will wear them until they 
 shall order them to be taken off, and I will preserve them 
 afterward as relics and memorials of the reward of my 
 services." He could not have followed a course more ef 
 fective for his own vindication. When he thus arrived in 
 Cadiz, all Spain was shocked; and the sovereigns lost no 
 time in doing him justice and spared no pains in doing him 
 honor. 
 
 In the meantime, other commanders were making im 
 portant discoveries in the New World, especially Hojeda, 
 Vicente Yanez Pinzon, and Cabot; but we will leave the 
 consideration of these to another chapter and hasten to 
 the narrative of Columbus s fourth and last voyage. Vasco 
 da Gama had at last doubled Cape of Good Hope and 
 really made his way to India. This success fired Colum 
 bus with new ardor to prove his theory that the same 
 country might be reached by the transatlantic voyage. He 
 believed that the strong currents which he had noticed in the 
 Caribbean Sea were sure indications of an opening into 
 the Indian Ocean; his fourth voyage was projected in the 
 hope that he might prove this contention. On the Qth of 
 May, 1502, he sailed from Cadiz with four small caravels, 
 taking with him his brother Bartholomew and his son Fer 
 dinand, also certain persons who were expected to act as 
 interpreters when he came into the domain of the Khan. 
 The result of this voyage was the exploration of what he 
 calls the coast of Veragua, in reality the Isthmus of Panama, 
 though he did not discover that so narrow a neck of land 
 lay between him and the Pacific Ocean, which still inter 
 vened ere the Cathay of his lifelong quest might be reached. 
 On the contrary, he spoke of Veragua as " the province of 
 Mango," which, as he read in his favorite authors, "is con 
 tiguous to that of Cathay." The recollection of the incal 
 culable value of the services of the author, the recital of 
 the hardships endured, the just complaint of the old man 
 heart-wearied with the wrongs done him by those who had 
 
THE Or HER VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS 
 
 2 59 
 
 profited by his toils, make the story of this voyage, addressed 
 to the sovereigns whom he had so faithfully served, one of 
 the most pathetic documents of history; it can only be fitly 
 told in his own words. 
 
 FOURTH VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS 
 
 Most Serene, and very High and Mighty Princes, the King 
 
 and Queen our Sovereigns: 
 
 My passage from Cadiz to the Canary occupied four days, 
 and thence to the Indies, from which I wrote, sixteen 
 days. My intention was to expedite my voyage as much 
 as possible while I had good vessels, good crews and stores, 
 and because Jamaica was the place to which I was bound. 
 I wrote this in Dominica. 
 
 Up to the period of my reaching these shores I expe 
 rienced most excellent weather, but the night of my arrival 
 came in with a dreadful tempest, and the same bad weather 
 has continued ever since. On reaching the island of Espa- 
 nola I despatched a packet of letters, by which I begged as 
 a favor that a ship should be supplied me at my own cost 
 in lieu of one of those that I had brought with me, and 
 which had become unseaworthy, and could no longer carry 
 sail. The letters were taken, and your Highnesses will 
 know if a reply has been given to them. For my part, I 
 was forbidden to go on shore ; the hearts of my people failed 
 them lest I should take them further, and they said that if 
 any danger were to befall them, they should receive no 
 succor, but, on the contrary, in all probability, have some 
 great affront offered them. Moreover, every man had it in 
 his power to tell me that the new Governor would have the 
 superintendence of the countries that I might acquire. 
 
 The tempest was terrible throughout the night ; all the 
 ships were separated, and each one driven to the last ex 
 tremity, without hope of anything but death; each of them 
 also looked upon the loss of the rest as a matter of cer 
 tainty. What man was ever born, not even excepting Job, 
 
2 6o DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 who would not have been ready to die of despair at finding 
 himself as I then was, in anxious fear for my own safety, 
 and that of my son, my brother, and my friends, and yet re 
 fused permission either to land or to put into harbor on the 
 shores which by God s mercy I had gained for Spain with so 
 much toil and danger? 
 
 But to return to the ships; although the tempest had so 
 completely separated them from me as to leave me single, 
 yet the Lord restored them to me in His own good time. 
 The ship which we had the greatest fear for had put out to 
 sea for safety, and reached the island of Gallega, having lost 
 her boat and a great part of her provisions, which latter loss 
 indeed all the ships suffered. The vessel in which I was, 
 though dreadfully buffeted, was saved by our Lord s mercy 
 from any injury whatever; my brother went into the ship 
 that was unsound, and he under God was the cause of its 
 being saved. With this tempest I struggled on till I reached 
 Jamaica, and there the sea became calm, but there was 
 a strong current which carried me as far as the Queen s 
 Garden without seeing land. Hence as opportunity afforded 
 I pushed on for terra firma, in spite of the wind and a fear 
 ful contrary current, against which I contended for sixty 
 days, and after all only made seventy leagues. All this time 
 I was unable to get into harbor, nor was there any cessation 
 of the tempest, which was one continuation of rain, thunder, 
 and lightning; indeed, it seemed as if it were the end of 
 the world. I at length reached Cabo de Gracias a Dios, 
 and after that the Lord granted me fair wind and tide; this 
 was on the twelfth of September. Eighty-eight days did 
 this fearful tempest continue, during which I was at sea, 
 and saw neither sun nor stars; my ships lay exposed, with 
 sails torn, and anchors, rigging, cables, boats, and a great 
 quantity of provisions lost; my people were very weak and 
 humbled in spirit, many of them promising to lead a re 
 ligious life, and all making vows and promising to perform 
 pilgrimages, while some of them would frequently go to 
 their messmates to make confession. Other tempests have 
 
THE Or HER VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS 2 6l 
 
 been experienced, but never of so long a duration or so 
 fearful as this ; many whom we looked upon as brave men, 
 on several occasions showed considerable trepidation ; but 
 the distress of my son who was with me grieved me to the 
 soul, and the more when I considered his tender age, for he 
 was but thirteen years old, and he enduring so much toil 
 for so long a time. Our Lord, however, gave him strength 
 even to enable him to encourage the rest, and he worked 
 as if he had been eighty years at sea, and all this was a 
 consolation to me. I myself had fallen sick, and was many 
 times at the point of death, but from a little cabin that I had 
 caused to be constructed on deck I directed our course. My 
 brother was in the ship that was in the worst condition and 
 the most exposed to danger; and my grief on this account 
 was the greater that I brought him with me against his will. 
 Such is my fate, that the twenty years of service through 
 which I have passed with so much toil and danger have 
 profited me nothing, and at this very day I do not possess 
 a roof in Spain that I can call my own; if I wish to eat 
 or sleep, I have nowhere to go but to the inn or tavern, 
 and most times lack wherewith to pay the bill. Another 
 anxiety wrung my very heart-strings, which was the thought 
 of my son Diego, whom I had left an orphan in Spain, and 
 stripped of the honor and property which were due to him 
 on my account, although I had looked upon it as a cer 
 tainty that your Majesties, as just and grateful Princes, 
 would restore it to him in all respects with increase. I had 
 reached the land of Cariay, where I stopped to repair my 
 vessels and take in provisions, as well as to afford relaxation 
 to the men, who had become very weak. I myself, who, 
 as I said before, had been several times at the point of 
 death, gained information respecting the gold mines of which 
 I was in search, in the province of Ciamba; and two In 
 dians conducted me to Carambaru, where the people, who 
 go naked, wear golden mirrors round their necks, which 
 they will neither sell, give, nor part with for any considera 
 tion. They named to me many places on the seacoast 
 
262 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 where there were both gold and mines. The last that 
 they mentioned was Veragua, which was about twenty-five 
 leagues distant from the place where we then were. I 
 started with the intention of visiting all of them, but when 
 I had reached the middle of my journey I learned that there 
 were other mines at so short a distance that they might be 
 reached in two days. I determined on sending to see them. 
 It was on the eve of St. Simon and St. Jude, which was 
 the day fixed for our departure; but that night there arose 
 so violent a storm that we were forced to go wherever it 
 drove us, and the Indian who was to conduct us to the 
 mines was with us all the time. As I had found every 
 thing true that had been told me in the different places 
 which I had visited, I felt satisfied it would be the same 
 with respect to Ciguare, which, according to their account, 
 is nine days journey across the country westward ; they 
 tell me there is a great quantity of gold there, and that the 
 inhabitants wear coral ornaments on their heads, and very 
 large coral bracelets and anklets, with which article also 
 they adorn and inlay their seats, boxes, and tables. They 
 also said that the women there wore necklaces hanging 
 down to their shoulders. All the people agree in the report 
 I now repeat, and their account is so favorable that I should 
 be content with the tithe of the advantages that their de 
 scription holds out. They are all likewise acquainted with 
 the pepper plant. According to the account of these 
 people, the inhabitants of Ciguare are accustomed to hold 
 fairs and markets for carrying on their commerce, and they 
 showed me also the mode and form in which they transact 
 their various exchanges. Others assert that their ships 
 carry guns, and that the men go clothed and use bows and 
 arrows, swords, and cuirasses, and that on shore they have 
 horses which they use in battle, and that they wear rich 
 clothes and have most excellent houses. They also say 
 that the sea surrounds Ciguare, and that at ten days jour 
 ney from thence is the river Ganges. These lands appear 
 to have the same bearings with respect to Veragua as 
 
THE OTHER DOTAGES OF COLUMBUS 263 
 
 Tortosa has to Fontarabia, or Pisa to Venice. When I 
 left Carambaru and reached the places in its neighborhood, 
 which I have above mentioned as being spoken of by the 
 Indians, I found the customs of the people correspond 
 with the accounts that had been given of them, except as 
 regarded the golden mirrors : any man who had one of 
 them would willingly part with it for three hawks bells, 
 although they were equivalent in weight to ten or fifteen 
 ducats. These people resemble the natives of Espanola in 
 all their habits. They have various modes of collecting 
 the gold, none of which will bear comparison with the 
 plans adopted by the Christians. 
 
 All that I have here stated is from hearsay. This, how 
 ever, I know, that in the year ninety-four I sailed twenty- 
 four degrees to the westward in nine hours, and there can be 
 no mistake upon the subject, because there was an eclipse; 
 the sun was in Libra and the moon in Aries. What I had 
 learned by the mouth of these people I already knew in 
 detail from books. Ptolemy thought that he had satisfac 
 torily corrected Marinus, and yet this latter appears to have 
 come very near to the truth. Ptolemy places Catigara at a 
 distance of twelve lines to the west of his meridian, which 
 he fixes at two degrees and a third above Cape St. Vin 
 cent, in Portugal. Marinus comprises the earth and its 
 limits in fifteen lines, and the same author describes the 
 Indus in Ethiopia as being more than twenty-four degrees 
 from the equinoctial line, and now that the Portuguese 
 have sailed there they find it correct. Ptolemy says also 
 that the most southern land is the first boundary, and that 
 it does not go lower down than fifteen degrees and a third. 
 The world is but small; out of seven divisions of it the 
 dry part occupies six, and the seventh only is covered by 
 water. Experience has shown it, and I have written it 
 with quotations from the Holy Scripture, in other letters, 
 where I have treated of the situation of the terrestrial para 
 dise, as approved by Holy Church ; and I say that the world 
 is not so large as vulgar opinion makes it, and that one 
 
264 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 degree from the equinoctial line measures fifty-six miles 
 and two-thirds; and this may be proved to a nicety. But 
 I leave this subject, which it is not my intention now to 
 treat upon, but simply to give a narrative of my laborious 
 and painful voyage, although of all my voyages it is the 
 most honorable and advantageous. I have said that on 
 the eve of St. Simon and St. Jude I ran before the wind 
 wherever it took me, without power to resist it ; at length 
 I found shelter for ten days from the roughness of the sea 
 and the tempest overhead, and resolved not to attempt to 
 go back to the mines, which I regarded as already in our 
 possession. When I started in pursuance of my voyage it 
 was under a heavy rain, and reaching the harbor of Basti- 
 mentos I put in, though much against my will. The storm 
 and a rapid current kept me in for fourteen days, when I 
 again set sail, but not with favorable weather. After I had 
 made fifteen leagues with great exertions, the wind and the 
 current drove me back again with great fury, but in again 
 making for the port which I had quitted, I found on the 
 way another port, which I named Retrete, where I put in 
 for shelter with as much risk as regret, the ships being 
 in sad condition, and my crews and myself exceedingly 
 fatigued. I remained there fifteen days, kept in by stress 
 of weather, and when I fancied my troubles were at an 
 end, I found them only begun. It was then that I changed 
 my resolution with respect to proceeding to the mines, and 
 proposed doing something in the interim, until the weather 
 should prove more favorable for my voyage. I had already 
 made four leagues when the storm recommenced, and 
 wearied me to such a degree that I absolutely knew not 
 what to do; my wound reopened, and for nine days my 
 life was despaired of. Never was the sea seen so high, so 
 terrific, and so covered with foam; not only did the wind 
 oppose our proceeding onward, but it also rendered it highly 
 dangerous to run in for any headland, and kept me in that 
 sea which seemed to me as a sea of blood, seething like a 
 cauldron on a mighty fire. Never did the sky look more 
 
THE Or HER VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS 265 
 
 fearful; during one day and one night it burned like a fur 
 nace, and emitted flashes in such fashion that each time I 
 looked to see if my masts and my sails were not destroyed ; 
 these flashes came with such alarming fury that we all 
 thought the ship must have been consumed. All this time 
 the waters from heaven never ceased, not to say that it 
 rained, for it was like a repetition of the Deluge. The men 
 were at this time so crushed in spirit, that they longed for 
 death as a deliverance from so many martyrdoms. Twice 
 already had the ships suffered loss in boats, anchors, and 
 rigging, and were now lying bare without sails. 
 
 When it pleased our Lord, I returned to Puerto Gordo, 
 where I recruited my condition as well as I could. I then 
 once more attempted the voyage towards Veragua, although 
 I was by no means in a fit state to undertake it. The wind 
 and currents were still contrary. I arrived at nearly the 
 same spot as before, and there again the wind and currents 
 still opposed my progress; once more I was compelled to 
 put into harbor, not daring to encounter the opposition of 
 Saturn with such a boisterous sea, and on so formidable a 
 coast; for it almost always brings on a tempest or severe 
 weather. This was on Christmas Day, about the hour of 
 mass. Thus, after all these fatigues, I had once more to 
 return to the spot whence I started; and when the new 
 year had set in, I returned again to my task; but although 
 I had fine weather for my voyage, the ships were no longer 
 in a sailing condition, and my people were either dying or 
 very sick. On the day of the Epiphany, I reached Veragua 
 in a state of exhaustion; there, by our Lord s goodness, I 
 found a river and a safe harbor, although at the entrance 
 there were only ten spans of water. I succeeded in making 
 an entry, but with great difficulty; and on the following 
 day the storm recommenced, and had I been still on the 
 outside at that time, I should have been unable to enter 
 on account of the bar. It rained without ceasing until 
 the fourteenth of February, so that I could find no oppor 
 tunity of penetrating into the interior, nor of recruiting 
 
266 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 my condition in any respect whatever; and on the twenty- 
 fourth of January, when I considered myself in perfect 
 safety, the river suddenly rose with great violence to a 
 considerable height, breaking my cables and the supports to 
 which they were fastened, and nearly carrying away my 
 ships altogether, which certainly appeared to me to be in 
 greater danger than ever. Our Lord, however, brought a 
 remedy as He has always done. I do not know if anyone 
 else ever suffered greater trials. 
 
 On the sixth of February, while it was still raining, I 
 sent seventy men on shore to go into the interior, and at 
 five leagues distance they found several mines. The In 
 dians who went with them conducted them to a very lofty 
 mountain, and thence showing them the country all round, 
 as far as the eye could reach, told them there was gold in 
 every part, and that, towards the west, the mines extended 
 twenty days journey ; they also recounted the names of the 
 towns and villages where there was more or less of it. I 
 afterwards learned that the cacique Quibian, who had lent 
 these Indians, had ordered them to show the distant mines, 
 which belonged to an enemy of his; but that in his own 
 territory, one man might, if he would, collect in ten days 
 as much as a child could carry. I bring with me some 
 Indians, his servants, who can bear witness to this fact. 
 The boats went up to the spot where the dwellings of 
 these people are situated ; and, after four hours, my brother 
 returned with the guides, all of them bringing back gold 
 which they had collected at that place. The gold must 
 therefore be abundant, and of good quality, for none of 
 these men had ever seen mines before ; very many of them 
 had never seen pure gold, and most of them were seamen 
 and lads. Having building materials in abundance, I estab 
 lished a settlement, and made many presents to Quibian, 
 which is the name they gave to the lord of the country. 
 I plainly saw that harmony would not last long, for the 
 natives are of a very rough disposition, and the Spaniards 
 very encroaching; and, moreover, I had taken possession 
 
or HER 7 OT AGES OF COLUMBUS 267 
 
 of land belonging to Quibian. When he saw what we 
 did, and found the traffic increasing, he resolved upon 
 burning the houses, and putting us all to death ; but his 
 project did not succeed, for we took him prisoner, to 
 gether with his wives, his children, and his servants. His 
 captivity, it is true, lasted but a short time, for he eluded 
 the custody of a trustworthy man, into whose charge he 
 had been given, with a guard of men; and his sons escaped 
 from a ship, in which they had been placed under the 
 special charge of the master. 
 
 In the month of January, the mouth of the river was 
 entirely closed up; and in April the vessels were so eaten 
 with the teredo that they could scarcely be kept above 
 water. At this time the river forced a channel for itself, 
 by which I managed, with great difficulty, to extricate three 
 of them after I had unloaded them. The boats were then 
 sent back into the river for water and salt, but the sea 
 became so high and furious that it afforded them no chance 
 of exit; upon which the Indians collected themselves 
 together in great numbers, and made an attack upon the 
 boats, and at length massacred the men. My brother, and 
 all the rest of our people, were in a ship which remained 
 inside; I was alone, outside, upon that dangerous coast, 
 suffering from a severe fever and worn with fatigue. All 
 hope of escape was gone. I toiled up to the highest part 
 of the ship, and, with a quivering voice and fast-falling 
 tears, I called upon your Highnesses war captains from each 
 point of the compass to come to my succor, but there was 
 no reply. At length, groaning with exhaustion, I fell asleep, 
 and heard a compassionate voice address me thus : " O fool, 
 and slow to believe and to serve thy God, the God of all ! 
 what did He do more for Moses, or for David His servant, 
 than He has done for thee? From thine infancy He has 
 kept thee under His constant and watchful care. When 
 He saw thee arrived at an age which suited His designs 
 respecting thee, He brought wonderful renown to thy name 
 throughout all the land. He gave thee for thine own the 
 
268 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Indies, which form so rich a portion of the world, and thou 
 hast divided them as it pleased thee, for He gave thee 
 power to do so. He gave thee also the keys of those bar 
 riers of the ocean sea which were closed with such mighty 
 chains ; and thou wast obeyed through many lands, and hast 
 gained an honorable fame throughout Christendom. What 
 did the Most High do for the people of Israel, when He 
 brought them out of Egypt ? or for David, whom from a 
 shepherd He made to be king in Judaea? Turn to Him, 
 and acknowledge thine error His mercy is infinite. Thine 
 old age shall not prevent thee from accomplishing any great 
 undertaking. He holds under His sway the greatest pos 
 sessions. Abraham had exceeded a hundred years of age 
 when he begat Isaac; nor was Sarah young. Thou criest 
 out for uncertain help : answer, who has afflicted thee so 
 much and so often, God, or the world ? . . . Even now 
 He partially shows thee the reward of so many toils and 
 dangers incurred by thee in the service of others. . . ." 
 
 I departed, in the name of the Holy Trinity, on Easter 
 night, with the ships rotten, worm-eaten, and full of holes. 
 One of them I left at Belem, with a supply of necessaries ; 
 I did the same at Belpuerto. I then had only two left, and 
 they in the same state as the others. I was without boats 
 or provisions, and in this condition I had to cross seven 
 thousand miles of sea; or, as an alternative, to die on the 
 passage with my son, my brother, and so many of my 
 people. Let those who are in the habit of finding fault and 
 censuring, ask, while they sit in security at home: "Why 
 did you not do so and so under such circumstances?" I 
 wish they now had this voyage to make. I verily believe 
 that another journey of another kind awaits them, if there 
 is any reliance to be placed upon our holy faith. 
 
 On the thirteenth of May I reached the province of 
 Mango, which is contiguous to that of Cathay, and thence I 
 started for the island of Espanola. I sailed two days with a 
 good wind, after which it became contrary. The route that 
 I followed called forth all my care to avoid the numerous 
 
THE Or HER VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS 269 
 
 islands, that I might not be stranded on the shoals that lie 
 in their neighborhood. . . . After eight days I put to 
 sea again, and reached Jamaica by the end of June; but 
 always beating against contrary winds, and with the ships in 
 the worst possible condition. With three pumps, and the 
 use of pots and kettles, we could scarcely with all hands clear 
 the water that came into the ship, there being no remedy 
 but this for the mischief done by the ship-worm. . . . 
 
 This is the account I have to give of my voyage. The 
 men who accompanied me were a hundred and fifty in 
 number, among whom were many calculated for pilots and 
 good sailors, but none of them can explain whither I went 
 nor whence I came. The reason is very simple. I started 
 from a point above the port of Brazil; and while I was in 
 Espanola, the storm prevented me from following my in 
 tended route, for I was obliged to go wherever the wind 
 drove me; at the same time I fell very sick, and there was 
 no one who had navigated in these parts before. However, 
 after some days, the wind and sea became tranquil, and the 
 storm was succeeded by a calm, but accompanied with rapid 
 currents. I put into harbor at an island called Isla de las 
 Bocas, and then steered for terra firma-, but it is impossible 
 to give a correct account of all our movements, because I 
 was carried away by the current so many days without 
 seeing land. I ascertained, however, by the compass and 
 by observation, that I moved parallel with the coast of terra 
 firma. No one could tell under what part of the heavens 
 we were, nor at what period I bent my course for the island 
 of Espanola. The pilots thought we had come to the 
 island of St. John, whereas it was the land of Mango, four 
 hundred leagues to the westward of where they said. Let 
 them answer and say if they know where Veragua is situ 
 ated. I assert that they can give no other account than 
 that they went to lands where there was an abundance of 
 gold, and this they can certify surely enough ; but they do 
 not know the way to return thither for such a purpose; 
 they would be obliged to go on a voyage of discovery as 
 
2 ;o DISCOVER T AND EXPLORAriON 
 
 much as if they had never been there before. . . . The 
 nation of which Pope Pius writes has now been found, 
 judging at least by the situation and other evidences, ex 
 cepting the horses with the saddles and poitrels and bridles 
 of gold; but this is not to be wondered at, for the lands on 
 the seacoast are only inhabited by fishermen, and moreover 
 I made no stay there, because I was in haste to proceed on 
 my voyage. 
 
 They say that there are great mines of copper in the 
 country, of which they make hatchets and other elaborate 
 articles, both cast and soldered ; they also make of it forges, 
 with all the apparatus of the goldsmith, and crucibles. The 
 inhabitants go clothed; and in that province I saw some 
 large sheets of cotton very elaborately and cleverly worked, 
 and others very delicately pencilled in colors. They told 
 me that more inland toward Cathay they have them inter 
 woven with gold. . . . When I discovered the Indies, I 
 said that they composed the richest lordship in the world; 
 I spoke of gold and pearls and precious stones, of spices, 
 and the traffic that might be carried on in them; and be 
 cause all these things were not forthcoming at once I was 
 abused. This punishment causes me to refrain from re 
 lating anything but what the natives tell me. One thing I 
 can venture upon stating, because there are so many wit 
 nesses of it, viz., that in this land of Veragua I saw more 
 signs of gold in the first two days than I saw in Espaiiola 
 during four years, and that there is not a more fertile or 
 better cultivated country in all the world, nor one whose 
 inhabitants are more timid; . . . moreover, the road 
 hither will be as short as that to Espaiiola, because there 
 is a certainty of a fair wind for the passage. Your High 
 nesses are as much lords of this country as of Xeres or 
 Toledo, and your ships that may come here will do so with 
 the same freedom as if they were going to your own royal 
 palace. From hence they will obtain gold, and whereas if 
 they should wish to become masters of the products of 
 other lands, they will have to take them by force, or retire 
 
Or HER VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS 
 
 271 
 
 empty-handed, in this country they will simply have to trust 
 their persons in the hands of a savage. 
 
 There were brought to Solomon at one journey six 
 hundred and sixty-six quintals of gold, besides what the 
 merchants and sailors brought, and that which was paid in 
 Arabia. . . . Josephus thinks that this gold was found 
 in the Aurea; if it were so, I contend that these mines of 
 the Aurea are identical with those of Veragua, which, as I 
 have said before, extends westward twenty days journey, 
 at an equal distance from the Pole and the Line. 
 With respect to the gold which belongs to Quibian, the 
 cacique of Veragua, and other chiefs in the neighboring 
 country, although it appears by the accounts we have re 
 ceived of it to be very abundant, I do not think it would 
 be well or desirable, on the part of your Highnesses, to 
 take possession of it in the way of plunder; by fair dealing, 
 scandal and disrepute will be avoided, and all the gold will 
 thus reach your Highnesses treasury without the loss of a 
 grain. . . . 
 
 I never think of Espanola, and Paria, and the other 
 countries, without shedding tears. ... It used to be 
 the custom to give thanks and promotion to him who placed 
 his person in jeopardy; but there is no justice in allowing 
 the man who opposed this undertaking to enjoy the fruits 
 of it with his children. Those who left the Indies, avoid 
 ing the toils consequent upon the enterprise, and speaking 
 evil of it and me, have since returned with official appoint 
 ments, such is the case now in Veragua: it is an evil 
 example, and profitless both as regards the business in 
 which we are embarked, and as respects the general main 
 tenance of justice. The fear of this, with other sufficient 
 considerations, which I clearly foresaw, caused me to beg 
 your Highnesses, previously to my coming to discover these 
 islands and terra fir ma, to grant me permission to govern it 
 in your royal name. Your Highnesses granted my request ; 
 and it was a privilege and treaty granted under the royal 
 seal and oath, by which I was nominated viceroy, and 
 
272 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 admiral, and governor-general of all : and your Highnesses 
 limited the extent of my government to a hundred leagues 
 beyond the Azores and Cape Verd Islands, by a line pass 
 ing from one pole to the other, and gave me ample power 
 over all that I might discover beyond this line ; all of which 
 is more fully described in the official document. 
 
 For seven years was I at your royal court, where every 
 one to whom the enterprise was mentioned treated it as 
 ridiculous; but now there is not a man, down to the very 
 tailors, who does not beg to be allowed to become a dis 
 coverer. There is reason to believe that they make the 
 voyage only for plunder, and that they are permitted to do 
 so, to the great disparagement of my honor and the detri 
 ment of the undertaking itself. . . . The restitution 
 of my honor, the reparation of my losses, and the punish 
 ment of those who have inflicted them, will redound to the 
 honor of your royal character; a similar punishment also 
 is due to those who plundered me of my pearls, and who 
 have brought a disparagement upon the privileges of my 
 admiralty. Great and unexampled will be the glory and 
 fame of your Highnesses, if you do this, and the memory 
 of your Highnesses, as just and grateful sovereigns, will 
 survive as a bright example to Spain in future ages. The 
 honest devotedness I have always shown to your Majesties* 
 service, and the so unmerited outrage with which it has 
 been repaid, will not allow my soul to keep silence, how 
 ever much I may wish it: I implore your Highnesses to 
 forgive my complaints. I am indeed in as ruined a condi 
 tion as I have related; hitherto I have wept over others; 
 may Heaven now have mercy upon me, and may the earth 
 weep for me ! With regard to temporal things, I have 
 not even a blanca for an offering; and in spiritual things, 
 I have ceased here in the Indies from observing the pre 
 scribed forms of religion. Solitary in my trouble, sick and 
 in daily expectation of death, surrounded by millions of 
 hostile savages full of cruelty, and thus separated from the 
 blessed sacraments of our Holy Church, how will my soul 
 
( 
 
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THE OTHER FOT AGES OF COLUMBUS 
 
 2 73 
 
 be forgotten if it be separated from the body in this foreign 
 land ? Weep for me, whoever has charity, truth, and justice ! 
 I did not come out on this voyage to gain to myself honor 
 or wealth ; this is a certain fact, for at that time all hope 
 of such a thing was dead. I do not lie when I say that I 
 went to your Highnesses with honest purpose of heart, and 
 sincere zeal in your cause. I humbly beseech your High 
 nesses, that if it please God to rescue me from this place, 
 you will graciously sanction my pilgrimage to Rome and 
 other holy places. May the Holy Trinity protect your 
 Highnesses lives, and add to the prosperity of your exalted 
 position ! 
 
 Done in the Indies, in the island of Jamaica, on the 
 seventh of July, in the year one thousand five hundred and 
 three. 
 
 On September 12, 1504, Columbus set sail again for 
 Spain, which he reached on the yth of November. His 
 voyages were ended. He was now an old man, broken 
 down in health, and utterly disappointed. His remaining 
 strength during the next two years was exhausted in the 
 fruitless endeavor to gain from the calloused and faithless 
 Ferdinand a reinstatement in those rights and dignities 
 which were his due. The king was willing to grant him 
 estates and titles in Spain, but Columbus insisted that the 
 recognition of his great service should be in the form of 
 that hereditary viceroyalty over the Indies for which he had 
 expressly stipulated as the recompense and reward of the 
 immense service he had rendered to Spain and the world; 
 but to the restoration of this dignity Ferdinand would not 
 consent. Columbus s influence had been weakened, his 
 enemies had discredited him, his friends had abandoned 
 him, and on the 2Oth of May, 1506, at Valladolid, the 
 great discoverer died, a worn-out and heart-broken man. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 AMERIGO VESPUCCI AND THE DISCOVERT OF THE 
 CONTINENT 
 
 ALTHOUGH Columbus had sighted the mainland of 
 America on his third voyage, in 1498, his predetermined 
 theories and his belief in the possibility of reaching the 
 kingdom of the Great Khan by the pursuit of his plan 
 prevented his realizing the possibilities that were within his 
 grasp as the result of that glimpse of the continent obtained 
 while coasting about the isle of Trinidad. What had re 
 sulted from his voyages in the way of definite knowledge 
 of the existence and position of the New World incom 
 plete as that knowledge was, and misunderstood as was its 
 actual relation to the objects of the discoverer had quick 
 ened the life of European nations and given a new direction 
 and impetus to their energies and enterprise in its promise 
 of enlarged empire and unlimited commercial development. 
 
 We have seen in Columbus s description of his third 
 voyage that other explorers were actively seeking to extend 
 the field of discovery; moreover, a basis was being pro 
 vided whereon claims of priority in the discovery of the 
 New World were afterward to assume a controversial form. 
 The most interesting of these, because of the fact that the 
 name of the New World continent is involved therein, is 
 that of Amerigo Vespucci. Was Vespucci, in addition to 
 having received the honor of giving his name to the New 
 World, also justly entitled to the glory of being the first 
 European to discover the mainland of America ? This is 
 
 275 
 
2j6 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 one of those enigmas of history which are the cause of end 
 less discussion and in regard to which contending writers, 
 though evidently satisfied with their opposing conclusions, 
 still leave the impartial reader in the dark. The sources 
 of the contention in this instance are these : Vespucci wrote 
 a letter describing a voyage which he claims to have made 
 in 1497, b ut of which there is no corroborative evidence; 
 on the contrary, Las Casas, a contemporary and a trust 
 worthy historian, says that Vespucci did not make such a 
 voyage. Out of this has grown the controversy which as 
 yet shows no indication of being conclusively decided, and 
 which is likely to remain an unsolved problem. 
 
 In order to give this subject its due attention, it is neces 
 sary to acquaint ourselves with the facts of the life of the 
 man whose name has been given to the western continent. 
 Amerigo Vespucci was born March 9, 1451, being the son 
 of a notary at Florence named Ser Nastagio Vespucci. His 
 uncle, Fra Giorgio Antonio Vespucci, a Dominican monk, 
 was intrusted with the education of the young Amerigo, 
 and, among other things, taught him the Latin that he 
 showed such a fondness for airing in his Letters. At that 
 time the Medici owned the principal commercial interest 
 in Florence, and Amerigo Vespucci, having decided on a 
 mercantile career, found a position in this house. There 
 are many letters extant which were addressed to him on 
 business matters, all of which indicate that from 1483 to 
 1491 he lived in Florence and was absorbed in his com 
 mercial pursuits. In 1492, he was sent by the house of 
 Medici to represent their interest at Seville. In 1495, 
 an Italian merchant named Juanoto Baracdi undertook to 
 supply the Spanish government with twelve vessels for an 
 expedition to the Indies ; but dying before his contract was 
 fulfilled, Vespucci was employed to settle his affairs. Thus 
 he became engaged in the business of supplying and out 
 fitting vessels for voyages of exploration. Soon after this 
 we find him in business at Cadiz as a contractor for pro 
 visions. Munoz claimed to have discovered entries which 
 
FESPUCCPS DISCOVERT OF THE CONTINENT 277 
 
 proved that Vespucci continued in this occupation until 
 May, 1498, a year after the time when the latter, according 
 to his own testimony, had set out for the Indies. 
 
 As we have already seen, Columbus landed at Trinidad 
 and sighted the mainland of South America on the 3ist of 
 July, 1498. There he found an abundance of pearls, and 
 sent home five ships carrying news of this welcome dis 
 covery and also a chart by which the government might 
 know the way thither. This information was received by 
 Fonseca, the Superintendent of Affairs in the Indies, who, 
 being an enemy of Columbus, was quite willing to rob the 
 admiral of the advantage of his find by despatching other 
 explorers to the newly discovered land. This unfair meas 
 ure was made possible in consequence of an act of equal 
 injustice done by Ferdinand, who, contrary to the express 
 stipulation made with Columbus, permitted free navigation 
 to the Indies. Fonseca found a willing tool in Alonso de 
 Hojeda, the daring but unprincipled seaman who had been 
 with Columbus on his second voyage, but who, with others, 
 had become disloyal to the great explorer, and on his return 
 home had joined the party of Fonseca. He was now in 
 duced by the glittering prospects at Paria to organize and 
 head an expedition himself. In order to obtain funds, it 
 was necessary for him to enlist the capital of men in Spain 
 who were willing to speculate in such ventures. In this 
 way, Vespucci was brought into connection with Hojeda, 
 and probably assisted in equipping the four vessels which 
 formed the expedition with which he sailed. All this, as 
 we shall see later, is proved by Las Casas, who, as an 
 authority, must be preferred to Vespucci, seeing that he is 
 aided by corroborative evidence, of which support the Flor 
 entine is very noticeably destitute. Las Casas surmises that 
 Hojeda took Vespucci with him in the capacity of pilot a 
 not unnatural inference, in view of the latter s subsequent 
 appointment by Ferdinand. 
 
 On what ground Vespucci acquired the title and stand 
 ing of a pilot is one of the features of this enigma. That 
 
278 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 he studied cosmography and theoretical astronomy while 
 engaged in his mercantile pursuits is evident from his 
 writings, but the duties of a pilot in those days peremp 
 torily demanded a practical acquaintance with navigation. 
 On returning from his voyage with Hojeda, Vespucci, 
 apparently having given up his mercantile business, became 
 a resident of Seville. Shortly afterward, if we accept his 
 own statement, he received a message from the King of 
 Portugal inviting him to come to Lisbon; and in the ser 
 vice of the Portuguese he undertook two voyages to the 
 coast of Brazil. But trace of his appointment to any office 
 or position by the Portuguese government cannot be found 
 among the archives of that nation. While in Lisbon, 
 Vespucci wrote a letter to Pietro Soderini, Gonfalonier of 
 the republic of Florence, giving an account of the four 
 voyages which he claims to have undertaken. Soon after 
 this he returned to Spain, and in August, 1508, was ap 
 pointed to the office of chief pilot of that nation, with a 
 salary of seventy-five thousand maravedies a year. He was 
 required to prepare the Padron Real, a standard chart, from 
 which all other charts were to be copied; also, to instruct 
 and examine all pilots. 
 
 We will now turn to Vespucci s Letters. In his account 
 of his first voyage he declares that he was selected by Fer 
 dinand to accompany four ships which were despatched on 
 an expedition of discovery. They sailed from Cadiz on the 
 loth of May, 1497, g om g ^ rst to Grand Canary. From 
 thence, sailing on a west-southwest course for thirty-seven 
 days, they made the coast of the mainland in latitude 16 
 N. and longitude from Canary 70 W. Here they found 
 an Indian village, " like a little Venice," built on logs over 
 the water. From thence they proceeded eighty leagues 
 along the coast to a province that is called in the Italian 
 version of the letter u Lariab," and in the Latin, " Parias." 
 Leaving this place, he says : " We departed from this port. 
 The province is called Parias, and we navigated along the 
 coast, always in sight of land, until we had run along 
 
yEspuccrs DISCOVERT OF THE CONTINENT 279 
 
 it a distance of eight hundred and seventy leagues, always 
 towards the northwest, making many tacks and treating 
 with many tribes. In many places we discovered gold, 
 though not in any great quantity, but we did much in dis 
 covering the land, and in ascertaining that there was gold. 
 We had now been thirteen months on the voyage, and the 
 ships and gear were much worn, and the men tired. We 
 resolved, after consultation, to beach the ships and heave 
 them down, as they were making much water, and to caulk 
 them afresh, before shaping a course for Spain. When we 
 made this decision we were near the finest harbor in the 
 world, which we entered with our ships. Here we found 
 a great many people, who received us in a very friendly 
 manner. On shore we made a bastion with our boats, and 
 with casks and our guns, at which we all rejoiced. Here 
 we lightened and cleared our ships, and hauled them up, 
 making all the repairs that were necessary, the people of 
 the country giving us all manner of help, and regularly 
 supplying us with provisions. For in that port we had 
 little relish for our own, which we made fun of, for our 
 provisions for the voyage were running short, and were 
 bad. . . ." In return for this good treatment by the 
 natives, the Spaniards agreed to punish the enemies of the 
 latter a savage people living on an island "one hundred 
 leagues out at sea. 
 
 " Our ships having been repaired, we navigated for seven 
 days across the sea, with the wind between the northeast 
 and east, and at the end of the seven days we came upon the 
 islands, which were numerous, some inhabited and others 
 deserted. We anchored off one of them, where we saw 
 many people, who called it Iti. Having manned our boats 
 with good men, and placed three rounds of the lombard in 
 each, we pulled to the shore, where we found four hundred 
 men and many women, all naked. They were well made, 
 and seemed good fighting men, for they were armed with 
 bows and arrows, and lances. The greater part of them 
 also had square shields, and they carried them so that thev 
 
280 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORAriON 
 
 should not impede their using the bow. As we approached 
 the shore in the boats, at the distance of a bowshot, they all 
 rushed into the water to shoot their arrows, and to defend 
 themselves from us they returned to the land. They all 
 had their bodies painted with different colors, and were 
 adorned with feathers. The interpreters told us that when 
 they showed themselves plumed and painted, it is a sign 
 that they intend to fight. . . . The men landed with 
 their arms, and the natives came against us, and fought us 
 for nearly an hour, gaining little advantage, except that our 
 crossbowmen and gunners killed some of the natives, while 
 they wounded some of our people. They would not wait 
 for the thrust of our spears or swords ; but we pushed on 
 with such vigor at last that we came within sword thrust, and 
 as they could not withstand our arms, they fled to the hills 
 and woods, leaving us victorious on the field, with many 
 of their dead and wounded. 
 
 " Next day we saw a great number of the people on 
 shore, still with signs of war, sounding horns and various 
 other instruments used by them for defiance, and all plumed 
 and painted, so that it was a very strange thing to behold 
 them. . . . They did not oppose our landing, I be 
 lieve from fear of the guns. Forty of our men landed in 
 four detachments, each with a captain, and attacked them. 
 After a long battle, many of them being killed, the rest 
 were put to flight. We followed in pursuit until we came 
 to a village, having taken nearly two hundred and fifty 
 prisoners. We burnt the village and returned to the ships 
 with these two hundred and fifty prisoners, leaving many 
 killed and wounded. On our side no more than one 
 was killed and twenty-two were wounded, who all recov 
 ered. God be thanked ! We prepared to depart, and then 
 seven men, five of whom were wounded, took a canoe 
 belonging to the island, and with seven prisoners that we 
 gave them, four women and three men, they returned to 
 their land with much joy, astonished at our power. We 
 made sail for Spain with two hundred and twenty-two 
 
VESPUCCFS DISCOVERT OF THE CONTINENT 28 1 
 
 prisoners, our slaves, and arrived in the port of Cadiz on 
 the 1 5th of October, 1498, where we were well received, 
 and where we sold our slaves. (First Letter of Amerigo 
 ^espucci.\ 
 
 If Vespucci really made the voyage which he describes 
 in this letter as being his first, he can justly lay claim to the 
 glory of not only having been the first to reach the main 
 land, but of having explored the coast from Veragua on the 
 Isthmus of Darien to Chesapeake Bay, the latter being that 
 " finest harbor in the world " where he remained thirty-seven 
 days. But there are substantial evidences which seem to 
 refute this claim. 
 
 In the first place, it is important to prove that the second 
 voyage which, according to his own account, Vespucci 
 took was identical with that of Hojeda. This cannot be 
 shown by any credit given or reference made to the latter 
 by Vespucci; for it is an extremely singular fact that in 
 none of the accounts of his four voyages does he make any 
 mention by name of shipmates, commanding or serving. 
 But that he did sail with Hojeda is made abundantly plain 
 by the latter s testimony which he gave in a lawsuit which, 
 some years afterward, Diego Columbus brought against the 
 Crown to recover the governorship of the Indies, which 
 had been promised to the heirs of Columbus in perpetuity. 
 Inasmuch as no defence could have been more effective for 
 the Crown than to prove that Columbus had precursors in 
 his discovery of the continent, and yet not one was forth 
 coming, this is good evidence that the exploits of Vespucci, 
 as narrated in his first letter, were unknown in Spain. 
 Indeed, as is seen in the subjoined quotation from his testi 
 mony respecting his voyage of 14991500, Hojeda plainly 
 testifies that, previous to his own voyage, no one had 
 touched at any point on the coast in question. 
 
 " Alonso de Hojeda gave evidence that the true reply to the 
 question is that this witness is the said Hojeda, who was 
 the first man that went to make discoveries after the said 
 
282 DISCOFERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Admiral, and that he discovered the mainland to the south 
 and coasted it for nearly two hundred leagues to Paria, and 
 went out by the Boca del Drago, and there he knew 
 that the Admiral had been at the island of Trinidad, near the 
 mainland as far as the Gulf of Pearls and the island of 
 Margarita, where he landed, because he knew that the 
 Admiral had only sighted it, and thence he proceeded to 
 discover all the coast of the mainland from Los Frayles 
 to the Isla de los Gigantes, the Gulf of Venecia, which 
 is on the mainland, and the provinces of Quinquilacoa. 
 On all that land, from two hundred leagues beyond Paria, 
 and from Paria to the Pearls, and from the Pearls to Quin- 
 quilacoa, which this witness discovered, no one else had 
 discovered or touched at, neither the Admiral nor any other 
 person, and in this voyage, the said witness took with him 
 Juan de la Cosa and Morigo Vespuche, and other pilots, 
 and this witness was despatched for this voyage by order 
 of the said Don Juan de Fonseca, Bishop of Palencia, by 
 order of their Highnesses." 
 
 Of Hojeda s voyages we have no account written by 
 himself, and therefore can only determine what was the 
 precise part he played by such mentions and references 
 as are to be found in contemporary documents. Among 
 historians who by scholarly and exhaustive research have 
 tested the possibilities of these documents and State papers, 
 Navarrete (born in 1765, died in 1844) is the recognized 
 leader; at present we are in possession of nothing more 
 trustworthy on this subject than his conclusions. The 
 following extract from his work describes the voyage of 
 Hojeda, 14991500, and its results: 
 
 u ln December, 1498, the news arrived of the discovery 
 of Paria. The splendid ideas of the discoverer touching 
 the beauty and wealth of that region were presently made 
 known, and the spirit of maritime enterprise was revived 
 with renewed vigor. Some of those who had sailed with 
 
VESPUCCPS DISCOVERT OF THE CONTINENT 283 
 
 the Admiral, and had benefited by his instruction and ex 
 ample, solicited and obtained from the Court licences to 
 discover, at their own proper cost, the regions beyond what 
 was already known, paying into the Treasury a fourth or 
 fifth part of what they acquired. 
 
 "The first who adventured was Alonso de Hojeda, a 
 native of Cuenca. Owing to his energy and the favor 
 of the Bishop Don Rodriguez de Fonseca, he soon collected 
 the funds and the crews necessary for the equipment of 
 four vessels in the port of Santa Maria, where Juan de la 
 Cosa resided; 7 a great mariner according to popular ideas, 
 and not inferior to the Admiral himself in his own conceit. 
 He had been a shipmate and pupil of the Admiral in the 
 expedition to Cuba and Jamaica. This man was the prin 
 cipal pilot of Hojeda. They also engaged others who had 
 been in the Paria voyage. Among the other sharers in the 
 enterprise, the Florentine Americo Vespucci merits special 
 mention. 
 
 "With such useful companions Hojeda put to sea on 
 the 1 8th or the 2Oth of May, 1499. They touched at the 
 Canaries, where they took in such supplies as they needed, 
 and entered on the ocean voyage from Gomera, following 
 the route of the last voyage of the Admiral, for Hojeda was 
 in possession of the marine chart which Columbus had 
 drawn. At the end of twenty-four days they came in sight 
 of the continent of the New World, further south than the 
 point reached by the Admiral, and apparently on the coast 
 of Surinam. They sailed along in sight of the coast for 
 nearly two hundred leagues, from the neighborhood of the 
 equator to the Gulf of Paria, without landing. In passing, 
 besides other rivers, they saw two very large ones which 
 made the sea water to be fresh for a long distance, one 
 coming from south to north, which should be the river now 
 called Essequibo in Dutch Guiana, and which was for some 
 time called the Rio Dulce. The course of the other was 
 from west to east, and may have been the Orinoco, the 
 waters of which flow for many leagues into the sea without 
 
284 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 mixing with the salt water. The land on the coast was, 
 generally, low and covered with very dense forest. The 
 currents were exceedingly strong towards the N. E., fol 
 lowing the general direction of the coast. 
 
 u The first inhabited land seen by our navigators was the 
 island of Trinidad, on the south coast of which they saw a 
 crowd of astonished people watching them from the shore. 
 They landed at three different places with the launches 
 well provisioned, and twenty-two well-armed men. The 
 natives were Caribs, or Cannibals, of fine presence and 
 stature, of great vigor, and very expert in the use of bows 
 and arrows, and shields, which were their proper arms. 
 Although they showed some reluctance to come near the 
 Spaniards at first, they were very soon satisfied of the friendly 
 intentions of the strangers, and bartered with them amicably. 
 Thence they entered the Gulf of Paria, and anchored near 
 the river Guarapiche, where they also saw a populous vil 
 lage of peaceful Indians near the shore. They opened com 
 munications with the inhabitants, and, among other presents, 
 received from them a kind of cider made of fruits, as well as 
 some fruit like mirabolans, of exquisite flavor, and here some 
 pearls were obtained. They saw parrots of various colors ; 
 and they parted company with these people on friendly terms. 
 Hojeda says that they found traces of the Admiral s having 
 been in the island of Trinidad, near the Dragon s Mouth, 
 which circumstance was carefully omitted by Vespucci. 
 
 " Having passed the mouth of the terrible strait, Hojeda 
 continued his discovery along the coast of the mainland as 
 far as the Gulf of Pearls or Curiana, visiting and landing 
 on the island of Margarita, which is in front, as he knew 
 that Columbus had only sighted it in passing. In passing 
 he noticed the islets called Los Frailes, which are nine miles 
 to the east, and north of Margarita, and the rock Centinela. 
 Thence he stood in shore by the cape Isleos (now called 
 Codera), anchoring in the road which he called Aldea Ven- 
 cida. He continued to coast along from port to port, accord 
 ing to the expression of the pilot Morales, until he reached 
 
VESPUCCI S DISCO FERT OF THE CONTINENT 285 
 
 the Puerto Flechado (now Chichirivichi), where he seems 
 to have had some encounter with the Indians, who wounded 
 twenty-one of his men, of whom one died, as soon as he was 
 brought to be cured, in one of the coves that are between 
 that port and the Vela de Coro, where they remained twenty 
 days. From this place they shaped a course for the island 
 of Cura^oa, which they called Isla de los Gigantes, where 
 Americo supposed there was a race of uncommon stature. 
 Perhaps he did not understand the expressions of horror 
 with which the natives referred to the Caribs, and this 
 sufficed to make Vespucci assert that he had seen Ponta- 
 siloas and Antaeus. They then crossed to a land which 
 they judged to be an island, distant ten leagues from Cura- 
 coa, and saw the cape forming a peninsula, which they 
 named San Roman, probably because it was discovered on 
 the 9th of August, on which the feast of that saint is kept. 
 Having rounded the cape, they entered a great gulf, on the 
 eastern side of which, where it is shallow and clear of 
 rocks, they saw a great village, with the houses built over 
 the water, on piles driven into the bottom, and the people 
 communicated from one to the other in canoes. Hojeda 
 named it the Gulf of Venice, from its similarity to that 
 famous city of Italy. The Indians called it the Gulf of 
 Coquibacoa, and we know it now as the Gulf of Venezuela. 
 They explored the interior, and discovered, as it would 
 seem, on the 24th of August, the lake and port of San 
 Bartolome, now the lake of Maracaibo, where they obtained 
 some Indian women of notable beauty and disposition. It 
 is certain that the natives of this country had the fame of 
 being more beautiful and gracious than those of any other 
 part of that continent. Having explored the western part 
 of the gulf, and doubled the Cape of Coquibacoa, Hojeda 
 and his companions examined the coast as far as the Cabo 
 de la Vela, the extreme point reached in this voyage. On 
 the 3Oth of August they turned on their homeward voyage 
 for Espaiiola or Santo Domingo, and entered the port of 
 Yaquimo on the 5th of September, 1499, with the intention 
 
286 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 of loading with brasil wood, according to what Don Fernando 
 Columbus says. 
 
 " Here Hojeda had those disputes with Roldan which are 
 referred to by our historians, but, finally, with leave from 
 that chief, Hojeda removed his ships to Surana, in Febru 
 ary, 1500. According to Vespucci, in his letter to Medici, 
 they navigated from Espanola in a northerly direction for two 
 hundred leagues, discovering more than a thousand islands, 
 most of them inhabited, which would probably be the 
 Lucayos, although those are not nearly so numerous. On 
 one of these he says that they violently seized two hundred 
 and thirty-two persons for slaves, and that from thence they 
 returned to Spain by the islands of the Azores, Canary, and 
 Madeira, arriving in the Bay of Cadiz in the middle of 
 June, 1500, where they sold many of the two hundred 
 slaves that arrived, the rest having died on the voyage. 
 The truth of these events is not very certain, but it is certain 
 that the profit of the expedition was very small. According 
 to the same Vespucci, deducting costs, not more than five 
 hundred ducats remained to divide among fifty-five share 
 holders, and this when, besides the price of the slaves, they 
 brought home a quantity of pearls worthy of a place in the 
 royal treasury, of gold and some precious stones, but not 
 many, for, imitating badly the acts of the Admiral, the 
 desire to push on for discovery was greater than that for 
 the acquisition of riches." (From Navarrete, Coleccion de 
 los viajes, etc., iii, 311.) 
 
 A careful reading and comparison of this with Vespucci s 
 first and second letters will not only show that Hojeda s 
 voyage and that which Vespucci represents as his second 
 were identical, but that some things which the latter put 
 down in the account of his alleged first voyage really hap 
 pened in this expedition in which he accompanied Hojeda. 
 Roldan, who was sent by Columbus to watch Hojeda s 
 operations in Hispaniola, wrote a letter giving an account 
 of how the latter had a hostile encounter with the natives in 
 
VESPUCCPS DISCOVERT OF THE CONTINENT 287 
 
 which one Spaniard was killed and about twenty wounded. 
 This Vespucci inserts in his narrative of his first voyage. 
 He also describes in the same letter the village which 
 Hojeda discovered and named Gulf of Venice. 
 
 We have, moreover, a trustworthy contemporary witness 
 against Vespucci. Upon Las Casas, more than any other 
 writer of his time, we depend for our knowledge of the first 
 Spanish voyages. While he was a zealous advocate of the 
 rights of the Indians and blamed Columbus for much of 
 the evil which fell upon the unfortunate natives of the In 
 dies, he is yet anxious that the admiral should receive his 
 due meed of praise for his discoveries. If Vespucci really 
 undertook in 1497 a vo y a g e to the western continent at the 
 command of King Ferdinand, it is absolutely inexplicable 
 why Las Casas did not come to know of it. On the other 
 hand, if Las Casas knew of such a voyage, it is entirely 
 incredible that he should deny it, yet he constitutes him 
 self a zealous and indeed indignant opponent of Vespucci s 
 claim, for he writes: 
 
 u It is manifest that the Admiral Don Cristobal Colon 
 was the first by whom Divine Providence ordained that this 
 our great continent should be discovered, and chose him for 
 the instrument through which all these hitherto unknown 
 Indies should be shown to the world. He saw it on Wednes 
 day, the ist of August, one day after he discovered the 
 island of Trinidad, in the year of our salvation, 1498. He 
 gave it the name of Isla Santa, believing that it was an 
 island. He then began to enter the Gulf of La Ballena, 
 by the entrance called the Mouth of the Serpent by him, 
 finding all the water fresh, and it is this entrance which 
 forms the island of Trinidad, separating it from the main 
 land called Santa. On the following Friday, being the 3d 
 of August, he discovered the point of Paria, which he also 
 believed to be an island, giving it the name of Gracia. But all 
 was mainland, as in due time appeared, and still more clearly 
 now is it known that here there is an immense continent. 
 
288 D1SCOFERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 "It is well here to consider the injury and injustice which 
 that Americo Vespucci appears to have done to the Admiral, 
 or that those have done who published his Four Naviga 
 tions, in attributing the discovery of this continent to him 
 self, without mentioning anyone but himself. Owing to 
 this, all the foreigners who write of these Indies in Latin, 
 or in their own mother tongue, or who make charts or 
 maps, call the continent America, as having been first dis 
 covered by Americo. 
 
 "For as Americo was a Latinist, and eloquent, he knew 
 how to make use of the first voyage he undertook, and to 
 give the credit to himself, as if he had been the princi 
 pal captain of it. He was only one of those who were 
 with the captain, Alonso de Hojeda, either as a mariner, 
 or because, as a trader, he had contributed towards the 
 expenses of the expedition; but he secured notoriety by 
 dedicating his Navigations to King Rene of Naples. Cer 
 tainly these Navigations unjustly usurp from the Admiral 
 the honor and privilege of having been the first who, by 
 his labors, industry, and the sweat of his brow, gave to 
 Spain and to the world a knowledge of this continent, 
 as well as of all the Western Indies. Divine Providence 
 reserved this honor and privilege for the Admiral Don 
 Cristobal Colon, and for no other. For this reason no 
 one can presume to usurp the credit, nor to give it to him 
 self or to another, without wrong, injustice, and injury 
 committed against the Admiral, and consequently without 
 offence against God. 
 
 "In order that this truth may be made manifest, I will 
 here relate truthfully, and impartially, the information on 
 the subject which I possess. To understand the matter it 
 is necessary to bear in mind that the Admiral left San Lucar, 
 on his third voyage, on the 3Oth of May, 1498, and arrived 
 at the Cape Verd Islands on the 2yth of June. He sighted 
 the island of Trinidad on Tuesday, the 3ist of July, and 
 soon afterwards, on Wednesday, the 1st of August, he saw 
 the continent to the south of a strait two leagues wide, 
 
VESPUCCPS DISCOFERT OF THE CONTINENT: 289 
 
 between it and the island of Trinidad. He called this strait 
 the Boca del Sierpe, and the mainland, believing it to be an 
 island, he named Isla Sancta. Presently, on the following 
 Friday, he sighted and discovered Paria, which he called Isla 
 de Gracia, thinking that it also was an island. An account 
 of all these discoveries, with a painted outline of the land, 
 was sent by the Admiral to the Sovereigns. 
 
 " This being understood, we shall now see when Americo 
 Vespucci set out, and with whom, to discover and trade in 
 those parts. Those who may read this history must know 
 that, at that time, Alonso de Hojeda was in Castille, when 
 the account of the discovery and of the form of that land 
 arrived, which was sent by the Admiral to the Sovereigns. 
 This report and map came into the hands of the Bishop 
 Don Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, afterwards Bishop of 
 Palencia, who had charge of all business connected with 
 the Indies from the beginning, and was then Archdeacon 
 of Seville. The said Alonso de Hojeda was a great favor 
 ite of the bishop, and when the report of the Admiral and 
 the map arrived, Fonseca suggested to Hojeda to go 
 and make more discoveries in the same direction as the 
 Admiral had taken. For when the thread is discovered and 
 placed in the hand, it is an easy matter to reach the skein. 
 Hojeda was aided by the information which the Admiral 
 had collected from the Indians when he served in the first 
 voyage, that there was a continent behind the lands and 
 islands then reached. As he had the favor and good will of 
 the bishop, he looked out for persons who would fit out 
 some ships, for he himself had not sufficient funds. As he 
 was known in Seville as a brave and distinguished man, 
 he found, either theie, or perhaps at the port of Santa Maria, 
 whence he sailed, someone who enabled him to fit out four 
 ships. The Sovereigns gave him his commission and in 
 structions, and appointed him captain, for the discovery and 
 purchase of gold and pearls, a fifth being reserved as the 
 royal share, and to treat of peace and friendship with people 
 he should meet with during the expedition. 
 
290 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 "Thus the first who went to discover after the Admiral 
 was no other than Alonso de Hojeda. Those whom he 
 took, and wanted to take in this company, consisted of the 
 sailors who were acquainted with the voyage to those lands, 
 who were none others than those who had come and gone 
 with the Admiral. Those were the principal mariners of 
 the time. One of them was Juan de la Cosa, a Biscayan, 
 who went with the Admiral when he discovered this island, 
 and was afterwards with him in the Cuba and Jamaica dis 
 covery, the most laborious voyage up to that time. Hojeda 
 also took with him the pilot Bartolome Roldan, who was 
 well known in this city of San Domingo, and who built, 
 from their foundations, a great number of the houses 
 now standing in the four streets. He too had been with 
 the Admiral in his first voyage, and also in the discovery 
 of Paria and the mainland. Hojeda also took the said 
 Americo, and I do not know whether as pilot, or as a man 
 instructed in navigation and learned in cosmography. For 
 it appears that Hojeda puts him among the pilots he took 
 with him. 
 
 " I gather from the prologue he addressed to King Rene 
 of Naples, in the book of his four Navigations, that the said 
 Americo was a merchant, for so he confesses. Probably 
 he contributed some money towards the expenses of fitting 
 out the four ships, with the condition of receiving a pro 
 portionate share of the profits. Although Americo asserts 
 that the King of Castille sent out the expedition, and that 
 they went to discover by his order, this is not true. Three 
 or four, or ten, persons combined, who were possessed of 
 some money, and begged and even importuned the Sover 
 eigns for permission to go and discover and search, with the 
 object of promoting their own profits and interests. Thus 
 Hojeda, owing to his having got possession of the chart 
 which the Admiral had sent home of the mainland he had 
 discovered, for the Sovereigns, and owing to his having with 
 him the pilots and mariners who had been with the Admiral, 
 came to discover the further part of the mainland. 
 
VESPUCCI S DISCOVERT OF THE CONTINENT 
 
 291 
 
 " It is a thing well known, and established by many wit 
 nesses, that Americo went with Alonso de Hojeda, and 
 that Hojeda went after the Admiral had discovered the 
 mainland. It is also proved by Alonso de Hojeda himself. 
 He was produced as a witness in favor of the Crown, when 
 the Admiral Don Diego, next and legitimate successor 
 of the Admiral Don Cristobal Colon, had a lawsuit with 
 the Crown for all the estate of which his father had been 
 dispossessed, as he was by the same cause. Alonso de 
 Hojeda testified as follows, in his reply to the second ques 
 tion. He was asked c if he knew that the Admiral Don 
 Cristobal Colon had not discovered any part of what is 
 now called the mainland, except when he once touched 
 at the part called Paria ? The answer of Hojeda was that 
 the Admiral touched at the island of Trinidad, and passed 
 between that island and the Boca del Drago, which is 
 Paria, and that he sighted the island of Margarita. Being 
 asked how he knew this, he answered that he knew it 
 because he, the witness, saw the chart which the said Ad 
 miral sent to Castille, to the King and Queen our Lords, 
 of what he had discovered at that time: and also because 
 he, the witness, soon afterwards went on his voyage of dis 
 covery, and found that the Admiral s account of what he 
 had discovered was the truth. To the fifth question, which 
 refers to what the same Hojeda discovered himself beyond 
 Paria, he replied as follows : c I was the first to go on an 
 exploring expedition after the discovery of the Admiral, and 
 I went first nearly two hundred leagues to the south on the 
 mainland, and afterwards came to Paria, going out by the Boca 
 del Drago. There I ascertained that the Admiral had been 
 at the island of Trinidad, bordering on the Boca del Drago. 
 Further on he says : In the voyage which this witness 
 undertook, he took with him Juan de la Cosa and Americo 
 Vespucco, and other pilots. Alonso de Hojeda says this, 
 among other things, in his deposition and statement. 
 
 "Two things are thus proved by Hojeda himself. One 
 is that he took Americo with him, and the other that he 
 
292 
 
 DISCO VER T AND EX PL ORA TION 
 
 undertook his voyage to the mainland, after it had been dis 
 covered by the Admiral. The latter fact is established 
 beyond any doubt, namely, that the Admiral was the first 
 who discovered Paria, and that he was there before any 
 other Christian whatever was either there or on any other 
 part of the mainland, or had any tidings of it. The Ad 
 miral Don Diego, his son, had proof of this from sixty 
 hearsay witnesses and twenty-five eyewitnesses, as is seen 
 by the records of the lawsuit, which I have not only seen 
 but thoroughly examined. It was also proved that it was 
 owing to the Admiral s having first discovered these islands 
 of the Indies, and afterwards Paria, which is the mainland, 
 before anyone else whatever, that the others had the courage 
 to follow his example and become discoverers. It may be 
 held for certain that no one would have undertaken to go 
 on voyages of discovery, and that neither the Indies nor 
 any part of them would have been made known if the 
 Admiral had not led the way. This is proved by sixteen 
 hearsay witnesses, by forty-one who believed it, by twenty 
 who knew it, and by thirteen who gave evidence that in 
 their belief the Admiral made his discoveries before anyone 
 else whatever. Peter Martyr also gives the same testimony 
 in the first Decade, chapters 8 and 9. This author deserves 
 more credit than any of those who have written in Latin, 
 because he was in Castille at the time, and knew all the 
 explorers, and they were glad to tell him all they had seen 
 and discovered, as a man in authority; and because he made 
 his inquiries with a view to writing as we mentioned in the 
 prologue of the history. 
 
 " Americo confesses in his first Navigation that he arrived 
 at Paria during his first voyage, saying: l Et provincia ipsa 
 Parias ab ipsis nuncupata est. Afterwards he made the 
 second Navigation, also with Hojeda. 
 
 "Here it is important to note and make clear the error 
 made by the world in general respecting America. What 
 I say is this : As no one had arrived at or seen Paria before 
 the Admiral, and as the next explorer who arrived was 
 
VESPUCCrs DISCOVERT OF THE CONriNENT 
 
 293 
 
 Hojeda, it follows that either Americo was with Hojeda, 
 or came after him. If he was with Hojeda, Hojeda was 
 after the Admiral. The Admiral left San Lucar on the 
 3Oth of May, and came in sight of Trinidad and the main 
 land on the last day of July, and the ist and 3rd of August, 
 as has been proved. How, therefore, can Americo say, 
 without a perversion of the truth, that he left Cadiz in his 
 first Navigation on the loth of May of the year of our 
 salvation 1497? The falsehood is clear, and if the state 
 ment was made by him in earnest, he committed a great 
 infamy. Even if it is not an intentional falsehood, it seems 
 to be so; for he gives himself an advantage of ten days as 
 regards the Admiral, with reference to the departure from 
 Cadiz, for the Admiral left San Lucar on the 3Oth of May, 
 and Americo alleges that he departed from Cadiz on the 
 2Oth of that month, and also usurps a year, for the Admiral 
 sailed in 1498, while Americo pretends that he set out on 
 his first Navigation in the year 1497. ^ * s true tnat tnere 
 would seem to be a mistake, and not an intentional fraud 
 in this, for Americo says that his first Navigation occupied 
 eighteen months, and at the end he asserts that the date of 
 his return to Cadiz was the I5th of October, 1499. If he 
 left Cadiz on the 2Oth of May, 1497, tne voyage occupied 
 twenty-nine months: seven in the year 1497, a ^ tne y ear 
 1498, and ten months in the year 1499. It is possible 
 that 1499 may be a misprint for 1498 in treating of the 
 return to Castille, and if this was so, there can be no doubt 
 that the fraud was intentional. This fraud or mistake, 
 whichever it may have been, and the power of writing and 
 narrating well and in a good style, as well as Americo s 
 silence respecting the name of his captain, which was Ho 
 jeda, and his care to mention no one but himself, and his 
 dedication to King Rene, these things have led foreign 
 writers to name our mainland AMERICANS if Americo alone, 
 and not another with him, had made the discovery before 
 all others. It is manifest what injustice he did if he inten 
 tionally usurped what belonged to another, namely to the 
 
294 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Admiral Don Cristobal Colon, and with what good reason 
 this discovery and all its consequences should belong to 
 the Admiral, after the goodness and providence of God, 
 which chose him for this work. As it belongs more to 
 him, the said continent ought to be called c Columba, after 
 Colon, or Columbo, who discovered it, or else Sancta 
 or De Gracia, the names he himself gave it, and not 
 America, after Americo." 
 
 The conclusions to which an impartial investigation leads 
 one are as follows : Vespucci accompanied Hojeda in the 
 voyage on which he started in May, 1499. His position 
 was that of either merchant or pilot, possibly both. This 
 voyage he describes in his second letter, but without giving 
 the least credit to Hojeda as commander of the expedition, 
 or to anyone save himself. After this experience in the 
 western world, he was able to give an interesting account 
 of an imaginary voyage which he claims to have made in 
 1497. It * s impossible to find any motive for this fabri 
 cation other than a desire to appropriate to himself the honor 
 of having been the first discoverer of the mainland. Both 
 these accounts, moreover, are almost useless geographically, 
 for they consist mainly of descriptions of the natives and 
 their customs, and are exceedingly vague as to landmarks. 
 In regard to the voyages claimed to have been made by the 
 command of the King of Portugal, while it is possible that 
 they were undertaken, yet, lacking corroborative evidence, 
 their historical value is small. Vespucci, however, is not 
 to be accused of being concerned in the injustice of having 
 his name given to the newly discovered continent, save in 
 so far as this was an accident resulting from his fraudulent 
 account in his first letter. 
 
 The name "America" was first proposed by a school 
 master of Alsace, named Waldseemuller. Translating this 
 German name into the Greek Hylacomylus, he signed it to 
 a geographical work which he published in 1507. In this 
 he wrote : " And as these parts have been more widely 
 
VESPUCCI S DISCOVERT OF THE CONTINENr 295 
 
 explored, and another fourth part has been discovered by 
 Americus Vesputius, as may be perceived by the following 
 letters, I do not see why anyone may justly forbid the call 
 ing of this part Amerige, that is, the land of Americus, from 
 Americus the discoverer, a man of intelligence, since both 
 Europe and Asia have taken their names from women." 
 
 This name was copied and speedily grew into general 
 use, and thereby another injustice was added to the many 
 wrongs suffered by Columbus; or if it be contended that 
 the first commander to land on the continent should have 
 received this honor, then Hojeda was entitled to it; or, 
 again, it should have fallen to John Cabot, who discovered 
 the mainland on June 24, 1497. Spain was not alone in the 
 eager desire to extend her dominions and draw upon the re 
 sources which the westward discoveries promised. England 
 was already in the field with the Cabots, and Portugal, who 
 had pushed her explorations eastward, was also soon to turn 
 her face to the west with the expeditions of the Cortereals, 
 which with those of the Cabots next claim notice. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 DISCOVERIES OF THE CABOTS AND THE CORTEREALS 
 IN NORTH AMERICA 
 
 THE fame of Columbus s enterprise had fired the spirit 
 of princes and adventurers in the maritime nations of 
 Europe. If the actual results obtained by the admiral s 
 discoveries fell short of his expectations and the hopes of 
 his royal patrons, more than enough had been accomplished 
 to rend the mist of ignorance that had so long hung over 
 cosmographical science; and what was still more inciting, 
 the actual existence of habitable and inhabited lands, full 
 of promise of vast wealth, had been conclusively demon 
 strated, and such tangible evidences obtained of their richness 
 that there was no longer room to doubt their possibilities for 
 empire building and as fields for enterprise. Even through 
 the casual and limited intercourse that Columbus had ob 
 tained with the natives he had secured gold, that most al 
 luring inducement to European monarchs and adventurers. 
 Moreover, there was proof of rich vegetable products, a 
 glorious climate, fine harbors, commodious and practicable 
 rivers everything, in fact, to create visions of a New World 
 worth mighty efforts to secure. The spirit of emulation 
 was stirred, eager aspirants for fame and wealth were ready 
 to follow in the path that Columbus had lighted. These 
 now urged their plans of discovery and possession on more 
 willing listeners than formerly ; among them, the most note 
 worthy seeker of a western ocean course to the rich lands 
 of the Orient was soliciting the patronage of the English 
 
 297 
 
298 DISCOVER T AND EXPLORA riON 
 
 king; while another was urging at the court of Portugal a 
 less ambitious project of western discovery, if not a less 
 practical one. 
 
 Although the Pope had divided all prospective discoveries 
 between the Kings of Spain and Portugal, it was not possi 
 ble that England, under such a king as Henry VII., should 
 long remain out of these western enterprises ; it was in the 
 reign of this monarch that the seeds were sown of that 
 national spirit and policy which were eventually to ripen 
 into English colonial and commercial supremacy. Of 
 Henry, Bacon says that he was "a wonder for wise men." 
 " In that part, both of justice and policy, which is the most 
 durable part, and cut, as it were, in brass or marble, the 
 making of good laws, he did excel." He enjoyed high pres 
 tige among the other rulers of Europe, and his opinions were 
 regarded by them with as great respect as his actions 
 were looked for with watchful interest. His policy was 
 far-reaching, and his intimate acquaintance with the affairs 
 of other governments frequently astonished the ambassadors 
 and the foreigners who surrounded his court. He was a 
 lover of learning and a patron though not a generous one 
 of scholars. Above all, his mind was alert to the wisdom 
 of encouraging geographical investigation and commercial 
 adventure. For these reasons, the news of the discoveries 
 by Columbus was not received anywhere with keener in 
 terest than at the court of Henry VII. Indeed, as we 
 have seen, it was possibly only an accident which prevented 
 the Genoese mariner from being sent out by Henry of Eng 
 land. If Bartholomew Columbus had not fallen among the 
 pirates, it is possible that a message from the English court 
 reaching Christopher Columbus at a time when his hope 
 of patronage from Spain was at its lowest ebb might have 
 resulted in Henry s taking the place of Ferdinand and 
 Isabella. 
 
 In the fifteenth century, London welcomed foreigners, 
 among whom were many Italians holding important offices at 
 court ; and the banking houses of Lombard Street, conducted 
 
CABOrs AND THE CO RTE REALS 
 
 299 
 
 by men of this nationality, were the rendezvous of visitors 
 from the different Italian republics. Among these men 
 Messer Zoanne Caboto, the Venetian mariner, found many 
 of his compatriots. For years he earnestly advocated an 
 expedition in search of a northwest passage to India; but 
 it was not until the news reached the court of Henry VII. 
 that Christopher Columbus had indeed attained the lands 
 of the Great Khan by a voyage across the western sea that 
 John Cabot secured King Henry s permission to set out on 
 such a voyage in behalf of England. The following is the 
 form of the petition which was presented : 
 
 "To the kyng our souvereigne lord 
 
 " Please it your highnes of your moste noble and haboun- 
 dant grace to graunt unto John Cabotto, citezen of Venes, 
 Lewes, Sebestyan and Sancto his sonneys your gracious 
 lettres patentes under your grete scale in due forme to be 
 made according to the tenour hereafter ensuying. And 
 they shall during their lyves pray to god for the prosperous 
 continuance of your moste noble and royale astate long 
 to enduer." 
 
 On this, Henry Harrisse, in his Discovery of North America, 
 says: "We infer from the expression: according to the 
 tenour hereafter ensuying that a draft of the letters patent 
 was added by the Cabots themselves to the petition, just 
 as in certain pleadings American lawyers add the order or 
 decree which they beg the judge to grant. In that case, 
 the letters patent first published by Rymer, in 1741, set 
 forth in the Cabots own words their purpose and wishes, 
 viz.: Upon their own proper costs and charges to seek 
 out, discover, and find whatsoever isles, countries, regions, 
 or provinces of the heathen or infidels, whatsoever they be, 
 and in what part of the world soever they be, which before 
 this time have been unknown to all Christians. 
 
 It was also stipulated that the petitioners, on their return 
 from each and every voyage, should land at Bristol, and 
 
300 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 that they should pay into the king s treasury one-fifth of 
 all their gain; they and their heirs and assigns to have the 
 exclusive right of voyaging to the countries discovered and 
 trading with them. Seeing that Cabot and his sons were 
 to provide all the cost of the expedition, it would seem 
 as if it were a very small thing for the English king to 
 grant such a petition. Nevertheless, when we consider the 
 monopoly of gain secured to them in the lands they might 
 discover, and the fact that such monopolies were held to 
 be the exclusive right of the Crown, the fitting out of the 
 expedition under such circumstances does not seem to 
 illustrate so clearly the parsimony of the king. 
 
 The news of Cabot s undertaking was received at the 
 court of Spain with great interest, especially in view of 
 the exclusive grant which Ferdinand and Isabella had re 
 ceived from the Pope. In a letter to their ambassador in 
 England, Gonzales de Pueblo, referring to his communica 
 tion to them, they write : 
 
 "You say that a person like Colon has come there to 
 place before the king of England another undertaking simi 
 lar to that of the Indies, without prejudice to Spain or 
 Portugal. If in this way he helps him, he will be as free 
 to go to the Indies as we were. We believe that this 
 undertaking is thrown in the way of the king of England 
 by the king of France in order to withdraw him from his 
 other affairs. See that the king of England be not deceived 
 in this or in any similar matter. The French will endeavor 
 as best they can to lead him into such enterprises, inas 
 much as they are very uncertain, and are not easily prose 
 cuted. . . . He is not able to undertake this thing 
 without prejudice to us and the king of Portugal." 
 
 As to the identity of this "person like Colon," there is 
 a peculiar passage in the despatch sent by Pedro de 1 Ayala 
 to their Spanish majesties from the court of Henry VII. 
 on July 25, 1498, relating to the reception of the news of 
 Columbus s discoveries : " For the last seven years, Bristol 
 people had sent out every year, two, three, or four caravels 
 
THE CABOrs AND THE CORTEREALS 301 
 
 in search of the island of Brazil and the Seven Cities, 
 according to the fancy of this Genoese." From other 
 sources we learn that the Genoese referred to was none 
 other than John Cabot, who was born in Genoa, but had 
 become a citizen of Venice. From this it is to be inferred 
 that from the year 1491, consequently before Columbus s 
 first voyage, John Cabot, with the aid of Bristol shipowners, 
 had been endeavoring to prosecute western discoveries. This 
 indicates that if he had been successful in his attempts the 
 honor of first discovering transatlantic lands would have 
 fallen to England. It also shows how ripe and how gen 
 erally received was the idea of sailing westward in order 
 to reach known eastern countries. Cabot himself says 
 that when in Mecca many years previous he had seen the 
 caravans loaded with spices, and was told that they had 
 come from afar, he had conceived the notion that the place 
 of their origin was a land which could be quickest reached 
 by the west. 
 
 The petition of the Cabots was granted by King 
 Henry VII. on the 5th of March, 1496, but a year elapsed 
 before they were able to secure their ships, man them, and 
 equip them for the voyage. It was an undertaking in 
 which, though many were interested, few were willing to 
 adventure their persons or their means. Not until the 
 spring of 1497 ^id Cabot set sail from the- port of Bristol, 
 and then only with two small vessels, although Harrisse, 
 relying upon the second despatch sent by Raimondo di 
 Soncino to the Duke of Milan, thinks that the expedition 
 consisted originally of but one small vessel manned by 
 eighteen men. Laying his course westward from Ireland, 
 Cabot reached land on the 24th of June, 1497. He called 
 the place of his landfall " First Land Seen," and a large 
 island near by he named "St. John," it being discovered on 
 that saint s day. Cabot, being fully imbued with the geo 
 graphic idea of his time, made no question but that the 
 country he had discovered was the much-looked-for Cathay. 
 The following description of the voyage was written in a 
 
302 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORAriON 
 
 letter by Lorenzo Pasqualigo, from London, on August 23, 
 1497, to h* s brothers in Venice: 
 
 "The Venetian, our countryman, who went with a ship 
 from Bristol to search for a new island, is returned, and 
 says that seven hundred leagues from here he discovered 
 firm land (terra firma), the territory of the Grand Khan. 
 He coasted for three hundred leagues and landed; saw no 
 human beings, but he has brought here to the king certain 
 snares which had been set to catch game, and a needle for 
 making nets ; he also found some felled trees, by which he 
 judged there were inhabitants. He returned to his ship in 
 doubt, and he was three months on the voyage, and on his 
 return saw two islands to starboard, but would not land, 
 time being precious, as he was short of provisions. This 
 has greatly pleased the king. He (Caboto) says that the 
 tides are slack there and do not flow as they do here. 
 
 "The king has promised him, in the spring, ten ships, 
 armed to his order, and at his request has conceded him all 
 the prisoners, except those confined for high treason, to 
 man his fleet. The king has also given him money with 
 which he may amuse himself until that time, and he is now 
 in Bristol with his sons and his wife, who is also a Vene 
 tian. His name is Zuam Calbot and he is called the great 
 admiral. Great honor is paid him; he dresses in silk, and 
 these English run after him like insane people, so that he 
 can enlist as many of them as he pleases, and a number of 
 our own rogues besides. 
 
 "The discoverer of these places planted on this newly 
 found land a large cross, with one flag of England, and 
 another of Saint Mark, on account of his being a Venetian, 
 so that our banner has floated very far afield." 
 
 A better and more lengthy description of the voyage is 
 that given in a letter written to the Duke of Milan on 
 the i8th of September by the above-mentioned Raimondo 
 di Soncino: 
 
THE CABOrs AND THE CORrEREALS 
 
 33 
 
 u Perhaps, your excellency in the press of so much busi 
 ness will not be disturbed to learn that his majesty [King 
 Henry VII.] has gained a part of Asia without a stroke of 
 the sword. In this kingdom is a popular Venetian called 
 Messer Zoanne Caboto, a man of considerable ability, most 
 skilful in navigation, who, having seen the most serene 
 kings, first him of Portugal, then him of Spain, that they 
 had occupied unknown islands, thought to make a similar 
 acquisition for his majesty [the King of England] . And 
 having obtained the royal privileges which gave him the use 
 of the land found by him, provided the right of possession 
 was reserved to the Crown, he departed in a little ship, from 
 the port of Bristol, in the western part of this kingdom, 
 with eighteen persons who placed their fortunes with him. 
 Passing Ibernia [Ireland] more to the west and then ascend 
 ing toward the north, he began to navigate the eastern part 
 of the ocean. Leaving (for some days) the north to the 
 right hand, and having wandered enough, he came at last to 
 firm land, where he planted the royal banner, took possession 
 for his highness, made certain marks, and returned. 
 
 " The said Messer Zoanne, as he is a foreigner and poor, 
 would not be believed, if his partners, who are all English 
 men and from Bristol, did not testify to the truth of what 
 he tells. This Messer Zoanne has the representation of 
 the world on a map, and also on a globe, which he has 
 made, and he shows by them where he arrived, and going 
 toward the east, has passed much of the country of the 
 Tanais. 
 
 "And they say that the land is fertile and temperate, and 
 think that red-wood grows there, and the silks, and they 
 affirm that there the sea is full of fish that can be taken 
 not only with nets, but with fishing-baskets, a stone being 
 placed in the basket to sink it in the water, and this, I have 
 said, is told by the said Messer Zoanne. 
 
 "And the said Englishmen, his partners, say that they 
 can bring so many fish that this kingdom will have no more 
 business with Islanda [Iceland], and that from that country 
 
304 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 there will be a very great trade in the fish which they call 
 stock-fish. But Messer Zoanne has his thoughts directed 
 to a greater undertaking, for he thinks of going, after this 
 place is occupied, along the coast farther toward the East 
 until he is opposite the island called Cipango, situate in the 
 equinoctial region, where he believes all the spices of 
 the world grow, and where there are also gems. And he 
 says that he was once at Mecca, where from remote coun 
 tries spices are carried by caravans, and that those carrying 
 them being asked where those spices grew, said they did 
 not know, but that they came with other merchandise from 
 remote countries to their home by other caravans, and that 
 the same information was repeated by those who brought the 
 spices in turn to them. And he argues that if the oriental 
 people tell to those of the south that these things are brought 
 from places remote from them, and thus from hand to hand, 
 presupposing the rotundity of the earth, it follows that the 
 last carry to the northern, toward the west. And he tells 
 this in a way that makes it quite plain to me, and I believe 
 it. And what is a greater thing, his majesty, who is learned 
 and not prodigal, places confidence in what he says, and since 
 his return, provides well for him, as this Messer Zoanne 
 tells me. 
 
 "And in the spring he says that his majesty will arm 
 some ships and will give him all the criminals, so that he 
 may go to this country and plant a colony there. And in 
 this way he hopes to make London a greater place for 
 spices than Alexandria. And the principals of the business 
 are citizens of Bristol, great mariners that now know where 
 to go. They say that the voyage will not take more than 
 fifteen days, if fortune favors them after leaving Ibernia. I 
 have talked with a Burgundian, a companion of Messer 
 Zoanne, who affirms the same, and who is willing to go, 
 since the admiral, as Messer Zoanne is already styled, has 
 given him an island, and has also given another to his bar 
 ber, a Genoese, and they regard the two as counts, and my 
 lord, the admiral, the chief. And I believe that some poor 
 
.if 
 
THE CABOTS AND THE CORTEREALS 305 
 
 Italian friars will go on the voyage, who have the promise 
 of being bishops. And I, being a friend of the admiral, if 
 I wished to go, could have an archbishopric." 
 
 In regard to the extremely interesting question as to what 
 was the precise locality of Cabot s first landfall the evidence 
 is exceedingly meagre and vague, and from the slight details 
 given us in regard to the course of sailing all that can 
 be inferred is that it was somewhere north of 51 15 N. 
 and south of 55 15 N., or, roughly speaking, between 
 the northern part of Newfoundland and somewhere near the 
 middle of the coast of Labrador. On the other hand, there 
 are topographical details which might be applied to any part 
 of the northern coast of America. The best-supported indi 
 cations, however, seem to show that the land first sighted 
 by Cabot was somewhere in the neighborhood of what is 
 now known as Hamilton Inlet, on the coast of Labrador, 
 and that he sailed thence north to Cape Chudly, and then 
 back down the Labrador coast, across Belle Isle Strait, and 
 along the east coast of Newfoundland to Cape Race. 
 
 Soon after his return, John Cabot petitioned the king to 
 grant him letters patent for the fitting out of another expedi 
 tion to more fully explore the lands that he had discovered. 
 He had not to labor long in gaining this request; for all 
 England stood in admiration of his former undertaking and 
 its success; and Henry VII. was willing to enlarge his 
 realm by whatever possibilities might lie across the Atlantic. 
 The letters patent were issued February 3, 1498. On this 
 occasion they were made out solely to John Cabot, his sons 
 names being omitted. It is important to notice this fact in 
 view of the assertion that has often been made that the 
 voyage was undertaken under the command of Sebastian 
 Cabot. Another remarkable feature is the king s granting 
 to Cabot all the criminals he needed to man his ships and to 
 colonize the newly discovered lands. This measure was not 
 adopted because it was impossible to find men enough who 
 were willing to go, as was the case with Columbus s first 
 
306 DISCOFERT AND EXPLORAriON 
 
 voyage ; rather is it England availing herself, on her earliest 
 possession of an opportunity to found a colony, of the chance 
 afforded whereby she might be rid of undesirable citizens. 
 
 The precise date on which Cabot sailed on his second 
 voyage is not ascertainable. But Pedro de Ayala, in his 
 letter written from London to Ferdinand and Isabella, and 
 dated July 25, 1498, says: "I think your Highnesses have 
 already heard that the king of England has equipped a fleet 
 in order to discover certain islands and firm land, which 
 they have been told were discovered by certain persons of 
 Bristol, who fitted out some ships during the past year for 
 the same purpose. I have seen the map which the dis 
 coverer has made, who is another QenozssiJike Colon, and 
 who has been in Seville and in Lisbon soliciting aid for this 
 undertaking. . . . The king determined to send the 
 fleet, because in the past year they brought^ certain news of 
 having found land. The fleet consists of five ships that car 
 ried provisions for one year. The news has come that the 
 vessel in which Friar Buil went has returned to Ireland in 
 great distress, the ship being leaky. The Genoese has con 
 tinued his voyage. I have seen the course he steered and 
 the extent of it, and I think that what they have found, or 
 what they are in search of, is what your Highnesses already 
 possess, for it is the cape which was given to your High 
 nesses by the convention with Portugal. It is expected 
 that they will return toward September. I write this be 
 cause the king of England has spoken to me on the sub 
 ject, and he thinks that your Highnesses will be greatly 
 interested in it. I think the land is not farther distant than 
 four hundred leagues. I told him that in my opinion the 
 land was already in the possession of your Highnesses, and 
 though I gave my reasons he did not like them. I believe 
 that your Highnesses are already informed of this matter, 
 and I do not now send the chart or map of the world which 
 that man has made, for in my opinion it is false, since it 
 makes it appear as if the land in question were not the said 
 islands." 
 
THE CABOrs AND rHE CORTEREALS 
 
 37 
 
 Nothing further is known of John Cabot; and it is most 
 probably true that his work of exploration ended with this 
 voyage. History gives no account of his death. It has 
 been asserted that he did not even go on this second voyage, 
 but Harrisse points out, and accumulates much evidence to 
 support his contention, that Sebastian Cabot was not above 
 arrogating to himself the honor that was due to his father; 
 besides, as we have already seen, the letters patent were 
 granted to John Cabot alone. The information gained 
 from contemporary sources concerning the accomplishment 
 of Sebastian is far from satisfactory. There seems to be 
 evidence that in the year 1499 ne sailed from Bristol with 
 four or five ships, fitted out by the king and the merchants 
 of London. (Stow s Chronicle of England.} Nevertheless, 
 Peter Martyr says that there were certain Spaniards who 
 denied that Sebastian Cabot ever sailed westward. This, 
 however, may have resulted from national jealousy over 
 these newly discovered domains. Peter Martyr himself, 
 who was a contemporary of Sebastian Cabot, believes that 
 he did explore what was known as "the Bacallaos country" 
 (so named from the codfish bacallaos with which the 
 seas washing the coasts of Newfoundland and Labrador 
 abound). Martyr writes in his De Orbe Novo Decades: 
 
 " He fitted out two ships in England at his own expense, 
 and with three hundred men steered toward the north, until 
 in July he found vast icebergs floating in the sea and almost 
 perpetual daylight, though on the land the snow and ice had 
 melted. Therefore he was compelled to turn the sails, as 
 he says, and to go toward the west, and yet he held to the 
 south, the shore bending, that he almost reached the degree 
 of the latitude of the strait of Hercules, and proceeded so 
 far to the west that he may have had the island of Cuba 
 on his left hand, being almost to its degree of longitude. 
 Steering along this coast, which he called Bacallaos, he 
 found, as he says, the currents of the sea running toward the 
 west, but gently as those found by the Spaniards, navigating 
 
308 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 in the southern waters. It is not only likely to be true, 
 but it may be accepted as a fact, that between these 
 regions [Bacallaos and the West Indies] there is a great 
 space still unexplored that offers a way [to the East] , where 
 the water flows from east to west. These currents, I think, 
 are made to flow round the earth by the impulsion of the 
 heavens, and are not thrown up and swallowed again by 
 Demorgorgon breathing. Perhaps they may be caused, as 
 it is said, by influx and reflux. 
 
 u Cabotto himself called these regions Bacallaos ( Bacal 
 laos Cabottus ipse terras illas appellavti), because in the sea 
 there he found great shoals of certain large fish resem 
 bling tunnies, which name was given them by the natives. 
 These fish were so numerous that sometimes they retarded 
 the progress of his ships. He found the people of these 
 regions covered only with skins, but the natives were not 
 wholly destitute of reason. He also relates that in these 
 regions there is a great number of bears which eat fish. 
 They plunge into the water where they see a shoal of fish 
 and fasten their claws between the scales of the fish, and in 
 this way convey them to the shore, where they devour them. 
 The hunger of the bears being appeased, they do not annoy 
 men. He declares further that in many places he saw 
 copper [orichalcum] among the natives." 
 
 In this account, however, Peter Martyr is simply repeat 
 ing what had been told him by Sebastian Cabot himself, 
 and, as Harrisse shows, this navigator s statements about 
 his own undertakings are not altogether trustworthy unless 
 corroborated. Consequently, it is not certain whether the 
 above account describes what was done and seen by the son 
 or by the father, accompanied by Sebastian. Still, whether 
 this exploration was commanded by John or Sebastian, it is 
 well established that the Cabots extended the line of Eng 
 lish discovery from Labrador, around the east coast of New 
 foundland, by Nova Scotia, and down the American coast as 
 far south as Florida. And what is more, to John Cabot is 
 
THE CABOrs AND THE CORTEREALS 309 
 
 due the honor of being the first to discover the mainland 
 of America. This he sighted on the 24th of June, 1497. 
 It was in August of the following year that Columbus first 
 came in sight of Paria; and, as we believe, it was not until 
 the year 1499 that Amerigo Vespucci made his first voyage 
 to the west. Sebastian Cabot s claim that he voyaged as 
 far to the south as Florida is questioned by the Spanish his 
 torian Gomara, who places the terminus of Cabot s voyage 
 at thirty-eight degrees north latitude. He says : 
 
 u But he who made this land more widely known was 
 Sebastian Gaboto, a Venetian. He equipped two ships in 
 England (he having been taken there when he was little 
 do tratava desde pequeno) at the cost of King Henry VII., 
 who desired the trade in spices the same as the king of 
 Portugal. Others say at his own expense, and that he 
 promised King Henry to go by the north to Cathay, and to 
 bring spices there in less time than the Portuguese from 
 the south. He also went to see if there was any land 
 in the Indies on which a colony might be settled. He took 
 three hundred men and steered a course by the way of Ice 
 land, above the Cape of Labrador, going as far as fifty-eight 
 degrees, though , he says much farther, stating that in the 
 month of July it was so extremely cold and that there were 
 so many icebergs floating in the sea, that he did not dare to 
 go farther. ... So Gaboto, having inspected the cold 
 and strange country, changed his course to the south, and 
 returning again to the Bacalaos (los Bacalaos\ he followed 
 the coast as far as thirty-eight degrees, and then returned 
 to England." 
 
 Of the further exploits of Sebastian Cabot and the re 
 mainder of his life there is not much that needs to be said 
 in this connection. He had gained for himself great fame 
 and respect. Harrisse is of the opinion that he furthered 
 his own interest by sedulously cultivating in the minds 
 of the governors of England and Spain an unwarranted 
 
3 io 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 belief that he knew of a northern passage to Asia. To 
 discover this he was placed in command, in 1517, of an 
 English expedition, and succeeded in reaching the entrance 
 to Hudson s Bay. In 1518, he was made Grand Pilot of 
 Spain, but eventually returned to England, where he died 
 in 1557. 
 
 The exploration of North America was continued by 
 Portugal. Although Da Gama had succeeded in reaching 
 India by rounding Cape of Good Hope, the Portuguese 
 could not rest satisfied with the accomplishment of this 
 long-sought purpose, in view of the discoveries being made 
 by Spain in the west. Consequently, in May, 1500, letters 
 patent were granted by King Manoel to Gaspar Cortereal. 
 In them occurs the following notable passage : 
 
 "Whereas Gasper Corte-Real, a nobleman of ours, for 
 merly did make great efforts, of his own free will and at 
 his own cost, with vessels and men, spending his fortune, 
 and at the peril of his life, to discover islands and a conti 
 nent; and that, hoping to succeed, he desires at present 
 to continue and do everything possible to find the said isles 
 and continent. Now therefore," etc. 
 
 The indication is that Gaspar Cortereal had for some 
 time been engaged in the endeavor to make explorations in 
 the west. Of the nature of these and their results, if any, 
 nothing is told us. This discoverer was born some time 
 about the middle of the fifteenth century; but of his early 
 life we know nothing. In 1480 we find him in Terceira, 
 one of the Azores. Here he could not help being imbued 
 with enthusiasm regarding oceanic discovery; for, as we 
 have seen, the Azores being the outposts of the Old World, 
 their inhabitants were most keenly susceptible to the casual 
 indications of unknown western lands and the resulting 
 desire to find them. Cortereal does not seem to have ac 
 complished much on his first voyage. It is probable that 
 his landfall was somewhere near Notre Dame Bay, in New 
 foundland ; and he may have coasted as far as the southeast 
 extremity of that island. Of this expedition Ramusio says: 
 
THE CABOrs AND THE CORTEREALS 311 
 
 " In the part of the New World which runs toward the 
 north and northwest, opposite our habitable part of Europe, 
 many captains have navigated, and the first (by that which 
 one knows) was Caspar Cortereal, a Portuguese, who, in 
 1500, went with two caravels, intending to find some strait 
 of the sea whence by a shorter voyage than that taken around 
 Africa he would be able to go to the Spice Islands. He 
 sailed so far forward that he came to a place where it 
 was extremely cold, and he found, in the latitude of sixty 
 degrees, a river closed with snow, to which he gave the 
 name, calling it Rio Nevado. But he had not sufficient 
 courage to pass much beyond it. The whole of this coast, 
 which runs two hundred leagues from Rio Nevado as far 
 as to the port of I^Jalyas, in fifty-six degrees, he saw full 
 of people and along it many dwellings." 
 
 Ramusio^ evidently, was not aware of the discoveries 
 made by the Cabots in that region. 
 
 In the spring of 1501, Caspar Cortereal and his brother 
 Miguel sailed with a new expedition, in two ships. On 
 this voyage they seem to have first reached land at the 
 southern extremity of Greenland. A map was made at 
 Lisbon in 1502, which sets forth the discoveries of the Cor- 
 tereals in 1501. This shows a great promontory, which, 
 though placed too far to the north, is evidently intended 
 for Greenland. Inscribed on the scroll ornamenting the 
 map are the words : " This land, which was discovered 
 by order of the most excellent Prince Dom Manoel, King 
 of Portugal, is that end of Asia. Those who made the dis 
 covery did not go ashore, but saw the land, and remarked 
 nothing but very abrupt mountains. That is the reason 
 why, following the opinion of cosmographers, it is believed 
 to be the extremity of Asia." 
 
 Pasqualigo, writing to his brothers, October 19, 1501, 
 from the court of Portugal, where he then was ambassador, 
 says : " On the 8th of the present month, one of the two 
 caravels which his most serene majesty sent the past year 
 
312 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 under the command of Caspar Corterat, arrived here, and 
 reports the finding of a country distant west and northwest 
 two thousand miles, heretofore quite unknown. 
 
 "They ran along the coast between six hundred and 
 seven hundred miles without arriving at its termination, on 
 which account they concluded it to be the same continent 
 that is connected with another land which was discovered 
 last year in the north, but which the caravel could not reach 
 on account of the ice and the vast quantity of snow, and 
 they are confirmed in this belief by the multitude of great 
 rivers they found, which certainly could not proceed from 
 an island. They report that this land is thickly peopled, 
 and that the houses are built of very long beams of tim 
 ber, and covered with the skins of fishes. They have 
 brought hither along with them seven of the inhabitants, 
 including men, women, and children; and in the other 
 caravel, which is looked for every hour, they are bringing 
 fifty more. These people, in color, figure, stature, and 
 expression, greatly resemble gypsies. They are clothed 
 with the skins of different beasts, but chiefly of the otter, 
 wearing the hair outside in summer, and next to the skin 
 in winter. These skins, too, are not sewed together, nor 
 shaped to the body in any fashion, but wrapped around 
 the arms and shoulders as they were taken from the ani 
 mals. . . . On this account their appearance is wholly 
 barbarous; yet they are very sensible to shame, gentle in 
 their manners, and better made in their arms, legs, and 
 shoulders than can be expressed. Their faces are punc 
 tured in the same manner as the Indians; some have six 
 marks, some eight, some fewer. They use a language of 
 their own, but it is understood by no one. Moreover, I 
 believe that every possible language has been addressed to 
 them. They have no iron in their country, but manufacture 
 knives out of certain kinds of stones, with which they point 
 their arrows. 
 
 "They have also brought from this island a piece of a 
 broken sword inlaid with gold, which we can pronounce 
 
THE CABOrs AND THE CORTEREALS 313 
 
 undoubtedly to have been made in Italy; and one of the 
 children had in his ears two pieces of silver, which likewise 
 appear to have been made in Venice, a circumstance in 
 ducing me to believe that their country belongs to the con 
 tinent, since it is evident that if it were an island where 
 any vessel had touched before this time we should have 
 heard of it. 
 
 " They have plenty of salmon, herring, cod, and other 
 fish of the same kind. They have an abundance of timber, 
 principally pine, fitted for masts and yards of ships, on 
 which account his serene majesty anticipates the greatest 
 profit from this country, both in providing timber for ships, 
 of which he, at present, stands in great need, and from the 
 men that inhabit it, who appear admirably fitted to endure 
 labor, and will probably be the best slaves which have been 
 found up to this time. 
 
 " This arrival appeared to me to be an event of which 
 it was right to inform you; and if on the arrival of the 
 other caravel I receive any additional information, it shall 
 be transmitted to you in like manner." 
 
 The other caravel was awaited in vain ; and in May, 1502, 
 Miguel Cortereal sailed from Lisbon with three ships, to 
 search for his brother. In the letters patent granted him 
 by King Manoel he was to own all the continent and islands 
 which he might discover that year. Of this voyage we 
 know no more than that it was unsuccessful and entirely 
 disastrous to the Cortereals. All our information is con 
 tained in the following account by Antonio Galvam: 
 
 "In this same year 1500 it is said that Caspar Corte 
 real begged permission of King Manoel to discover a New 
 Land [Terra Nova\. He departed from the island of 
 Terceira with two ships equipped at his own expense, and 
 he sailed to that region which is in the north in fifty degrees 
 of latitude, which is a land now called after his name. He 
 returned home in safety to the city of Lisbon. Sailing a 
 second time on this voyage the ship was lost in which he 
 
314 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 went, and the other vessel came back to Portugal. His 
 brother Miguel went to seek him with three ships at his 
 own cost, and when they came to that coast, and found so 
 many entrances of rivers and havens, each ship entered a 
 different river, with this regulation and command, that they 
 all three should meet again on the twentieth of August. 
 The other two ships did as commanded, and they seeing 
 that Miguel Cortereal came not on the appointed day nor 
 afterward in a certain time, returned to this realm and never 
 heard anything more concerning him. . . . But that 
 country is called Terra dos Cortereals unto this day." 
 
 Although the expeditions of the Cortereals had resulted 
 in the acquisition of important knowledge of an extensive 
 coast line of North America, including within its course 
 some of the land already discovered by Cabot, and an ac 
 quaintance with the inhabitants, they were most disastrous; 
 for, as we have seen, both brave discoverers lost their lives. 
 This event, however, did not deter the eldest brother, 
 Vasque Anes, from proposing to embark in search of them, 
 but King Manoel refused his consent to this undertaking. 
 The pioneer transatlantic discoveries of the Portuguese 
 were thus clouded with melancholy, and further efforts in 
 this direction checked. Great as Portugal had become 
 through the discoveries due to Prince Henry which had 
 added many Atlantic island jewels to the Portuguese crown, 
 how much greater lustre and glory would have been hers 
 had her monarch yielded to the solicitations of Columbus 
 before he negotiated with the Spanish sovereign ! 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 SPANISH EXPLORATION IN FLORIDA AND MEXICO 
 
 THE seeds of discovery planted by Columbus in the 
 New World had thriven wondrously for Spain. Settlements 
 were already springing up and new fields were attracting 
 her hardy adventurers. From a weak congeries of prov 
 inces that constituted the kingdom of Spain prior to the 
 close of the fifteenth century, this nation to-day but a 
 dwindling, third-rate power had, through the tireless en 
 ergy of her navigators and explorers, gained an ascendency 
 in America that made her the chief world power in the 
 sixteenth century. Hitherto the work had been one of 
 discovery; henceforth exploration was also to engage the 
 enterprise of the Spaniards. Already Spain s acquisitions 
 in the newly found continent had poured into her cities a 
 wealth which until that time had only been dreamed of in 
 Europe; and the work of exploration trained her sons in 
 that habit of ambitious enterprise, looking to territorial ex 
 pansion, by which in those days a nation was enlarged as 
 it is in these times by the extension of its commerce. 
 
 It is impossible for us now to comprehend all the puz 
 zling questions and wild anticipations with which the dis 
 covery of the transatlantic continent filled men s minds. 
 Nor is it easy for us to keep in view the fact that for a 
 long time the explorers and geographers could not decide 
 what was that land which they had found. Was it Asia 
 and the long-looked-for and much-speculated-upon Cathay ? 
 This notion, so deeply rooted in the minds of the earliest 
 
316 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 voyagers, was exceedingly tenacious. Consequently, the 
 hope of finding a way to the wealth of India and the East 
 survived until the gold of Mexico and Peru satisfied other 
 than geographical interests. And as the idea grew more 
 apparent that the lands discovered belonged to a world 
 hitherto unknown to Europe or its ancient philosophers, 
 there was no limit to the speculations as to what might be 
 discovered within its bounds. Human thought was thrown 
 so far out of its usual grooves that, even by reasonable men, 
 anticipations based on the subversion of well-known natural 
 laws were cherished. Thus in no other period of human 
 history was there such a fascinating field of adventure 
 thrown open. Every inducement was offered by which men 
 are persuaded to risk life and fortune. For the avaricious 
 there was the hope of acquiring wealth on which the imagi 
 nation needed to place no limit. For the curious there 
 were all the wondrous possibilities which a vast, new, and 
 unexplored world might provide. And for all there was 
 that motive which in the sixteenth century was of most 
 mighty force glory. 
 
 Thus influenced, the navigators of various nations, but 
 chiefly those of Spain, had by the year 1512 extended the 
 line of discovery from the frozen shores of Labrador in 
 the north to the Rio de la Plata in the south. The West 
 India and Caribbean Islands had been explored and to some 
 degree settled. Nunez de Balboa, who a year hence was 
 to cross the isthmus and from a peak of the Andes see for 
 the first time with European eyes the Pacific, was engaged 
 in colonizing Darien. But though the mariners had out 
 lined so much of the eastern coast of the continent, there 
 were vast regions which had not yet been explored; and 
 the maps and sailing charts gave little more than the great 
 promontories, and other indications which were largely of 
 the nature of suppositions. The interior of the continent 
 was still unexplored. 
 
 Cabo/ very probably had reached the southern extremity 
 of Florida; but he had not even landed on its shores. To 
 
EXPLORAriON IN FLORIDA AND MEXICO 317 
 
 Juan Ponce de Leon must be ascribed the glory of being 
 the first explorer of what for many years was known as the 
 Isle of Florida. 
 
 Ponce de Leon was born in Spain about the year 1460. 
 In 1493, ne sailed with Columbus to Hispaniola, and under 
 Ovando became governor of the eastern province of that 
 island. In 1508, he went to Porto Rico, which he ex 
 plored and partially conquered, and became, in 1510, its 
 governor. In 1513, inspired by one of those phantasmagoric 
 ideas concerning the New World to which we have alluded, 
 he went in search of the island of Bimini, where he was 
 led to believe was situated the miraculous spring of which 
 Herrera speaks in the following brief account : 
 
 "Juan Ponce de Leon, besides intending to make new 
 discoveries, as all the Spaniards at that time aspired to do, 
 was also intent on finding the fountain of Bimini and a 
 river in Florida; the Indians of Cuba and Espaiiola affirm 
 ing that old people bathing themselves in them became 
 young again, and it was a fact that many Indians of Cuba, 
 firmly believing that there was such a stream, had found 
 that island not long before the Spaniards, and had passed 
 over to Florida in search of the river, and there built a 
 town, where their descendants reside to this day. This 
 report so affected all the princes and caciques in those parts 
 that it was a hobby to find a river which wrought such a 
 wonderful change as made old people young, so that there 
 was not a river, or a brook, scarcely a lake or a puddle, in 
 all Florida, in which they did not bathe themselves." 
 
 This island was supposed to lie somewhere to the north 
 of Cuba. In 1511, Peter Martyr wrote of it to the Pope in 
 the following words : " There is an island about three hun 
 dred and twenty-five leagues from Espanola, as they say who 
 have searched for it, named Boiucam, or Aguaneo, on which 
 is a never-failing spring of running water of such marvellous 
 efficacy that when the water is drunk, perhaps, with some 
 
3 i 8 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 attention to diet, it makes old people young again. And 
 here I must beg your holiness not to think that this is said 
 jestingly or thoughtlessly, for they have reported it every 
 where as a fact, so that not only all the common people, 
 but also the educated and the wealthy believe it to be true." 
 To Ponce de Leon the discovery of this spring of peren 
 nial life seemed more desirable than the finding of mines 
 of gold that chief end of Spanish exploration. It is un 
 fortunate that we possess but little information regarding 
 the incidents of his expedition, the places where he landed, 
 or the country he traversed. It is known, however, that 
 he sailed from Porto Rico, with three vessels, on the 3d of 
 March, 1513. Herrera, continuing his brief account of the 
 voyage, says: 
 
 " On Sunday, the twenty-seventh of March, the day of 
 the Feast of the Resurrection, commonly called the Feast 
 of Flowers, they saw an island and passed by it. On Mon 
 day, the twenty-eighth, they steered in the same direction, 
 fifteen leagues, until Wednesday, when the weather became 
 foul. They then stood W. N. W. until the second of 
 April. The water grew shallower until they came into nine 
 fathoms, a league from the land, which was in thirty degrees 
 and eight minutes. Thinking this land was an island, they 
 called it La Florida, because it had a very pretty landscape 
 of many green groves, and it was level and regular, and 
 because they discovered it at the time of the Floral Feast. 
 Juan Ponce wished the name to conform to these two 
 facts. He went on land to learn the language and to take 
 possession. 
 
 u On Friday, the eighth, they sailed again the same way, 
 and on Saturday, S. by E., until the twentieth, when they 
 saw some Indian huts from the place where they had cast 
 anchor. The next day the three ships sailed along the 
 coast and entered a current which was so swift that it 
 drove them back, although they had the wind strong. The 
 two ships, near the land, dropped their anchors, but the 
 
EXPLORATION IN FLORIDA AND MEXICO 
 
 force of the stream was so great that it strained the cables. 
 The third vessel, a brigantine, being farther out, either found 
 no bottom or was not sensible of the current, which carried 
 her so far from the shore that they lost sight of her, although 
 the day was bright and the weather fine. 
 
 "Juan Ponce, being called by the Indians, went ashore, 
 and the latter at once undertook to possess themselves of 
 the boat, the oars, and the arms. This was tolerated till 
 one of the Indians stunned a sailor with a stroke of a 
 cudgel on the heacj* when the Spaniards were compelled to 
 fight. They had two of their men wounded with darts 
 and arrows pointed with sharp bones, and the Indians re 
 ceived little injury. Night parting them, Juan Ponce with 
 considerable difficulty got his men together and sailed thence 
 to a river, where they wooded and watered, and waited for 
 the brigantine. Sixty Indians came to attack them, one of 
 whom was taken to give information and to learn the Span 
 ish language. The river they called Rio de la Cruz [River 
 of the Cross] , planting there a stone cross bearing an in 
 scription." 
 
 In a map now preserved at Seville, and made in the year 
 1519, the Gulf of Mexico is shown, and a peninsula with 
 the inscription : " Florida, said to be Bimini, which was 
 discovered by Juan Ponce." Ortubia, one of De Leon s 
 lieutenants, soon afterward reported that he had found the 
 island of Bimini, but could give no account of the life- 
 giving spring. Ponce de Leon was afterward appointed 
 adelantado of Bimini and Florida. In the year 1521, 
 aroused to emulation by the successful operations of Cortes 
 in Mexico, he again sailed to Florida, with the intention 
 of colonizing the territory. But he encountered a warlike 
 people, who were disposed to resist the intrusion of the 
 Spaniard. De Leon and his men were driven with much 
 loss to their ships ; the former was wounded by an arrow 
 and shortly after died in Cuba; and thus was ended his 
 quest for the fount of perennial youth. 
 
320 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Early in the year 1517, Hernandez de Cordova, a Spanish 
 officer in Cuba, sailed with three vessels on an expedition 
 among the Bahamas to capture slaves. He was driven out 
 of his course by adverse winds, and at the end of three 
 weeks found himself near an unknown coast. This was 
 the country which became known as Yucatan. A popular 
 story explains the origin of the name thus : On landing, the 
 Spaniards endeavored to learn from the natives the name 
 of the land. The reply they received was "Tectelan"; 
 a word meaning " I do not understand you." But the 
 Spaniards accepted it as the proper information they were 
 seeking. Diaz, however, as we shall see, gives the name 
 another derivation. Cordova found here the first sign of 
 that civilization which so wonderfully distinguished Mexico 
 from the rest of the continent. Hitherto, Europeans had 
 found in the lands of their discovery nothing but untutored 
 savages living in the most barbarous and undeveloped style. 
 But here were buildings constructed of stone and mortar 
 and inhabited by a people who were clothed in well-woven 
 cotton garments. There were temples also which were 
 filled with idols and ornaments made of gold ; but these the 
 Spaniards were not to possess without much fighting and 
 loss of life, as we learn from the narration of Bernal Diaz, 
 who thus describes a fight which they had with the natives 
 at Champeton : 
 
 u Perceiving how closely we were hemmed in on all sides 
 by the enemy, who not only kept getting fresh troops but 
 were plentifully supplied in the field with meat, drink, and 
 numbers of arrows, we soon concluded that all our valiant 
 fighting would not benefit us. All of us were wounded. 
 Many were shot through the neck and more than fifty of 
 our men were killed. In this critical position we deter 
 mined to cut our way manfully through the enemy s ranks 
 and get to the boats, which fortunately lay on the coast 
 near us. We therefore resolutely closed our ranks and 
 broke through those of the enemy. You should then have 
 
Zettera di Amerigo vdpucd 
 dcilc ifole nuonamcnte 
 trouare in quattro 
 fuoi 
 
 Title-page of the original account of the four voyages of Vespucius. 
 After the original in the collection of the late Bernard 2>uaritch. 
 
EXPLORATION IN FLORIDA AND MEXICO 
 
 3 2I 
 
 heard the whizzing of their arrows, the terrible yells of the 
 Indians, and how they incited one another to fight. . . . 
 Many of our men were wounded while climbing into the 
 vessel, especially those who clung to its side, for the Indians 
 pursued us in their canoes, and persistently assailed us. 
 With the utmost exertion and the help of God we escaped 
 from the hands of this people. 
 
 Cordova, having coasted around the peninsula as far as 
 Campeche, returned to Santiago de Cuba. The news of 
 the expedition soon spread throughout San Domingo and 
 Cuba. Particular interest was shown in the crowns, the 
 golden ducks, the fish, and the idols which were brought 
 home; so that, as Diaz relates, not only were they much 
 talked of in the islands, but the report concerning them 
 reached Spain, where it was said that "none of the dis 
 covered countries were as rich as this one." Two Indians 
 had been brought back by the party; when closely ques 
 tioned by Diego Velasquez, the governor, they affirmed the 
 existence of gold mines in their country and also that gold 
 dust was there in abundance, which statement Diaz says 
 was not true, " for it is well known that there are no gold 
 mines ... in the whole of Yucatan." They were 
 shown the seed beds of the cassava plant, from whose root 
 bread is made and which in Cuba is called yuca, the ground 
 in which it is planted being called by the Indians tale, " so 
 from these two words originated the name of the country, 
 Yucatan ; for the Spaniards, who were standing around the 
 governor at the time he was speaking to the two Indians, 
 said : You see, sir, they call their country Yucatan. And 
 from this circumstance the country retained the name of 
 Yucatan, although the natives call it by a different name." 
 
 After Velasquez had heard the favorable account of the 
 newly discovered Yucatan, he fitted out another expedition 
 in 1518, consisting of four vessels. The report of the 
 "lime and stone houses" in that country and the "signs" 
 made by the Indian Melchorejo, who had returned with the 
 
3 22 
 
 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 discoverers, had aroused great enthusiasm "among the in 
 habitants and soldiers on the island [Cuba]," and two 
 hundred and twenty men were soon ready to accompany 
 this second expedition. Velasquez, believing that much gold 
 would be obtained, deemed it necessary to place the under 
 taking in charge of one on whom he could rely; he there 
 fore appointed his nephew, Juan de Grijalva, to the chief 
 command. The points reached by Cordova were revisited, 
 but the natives at first were no more friendly than before; 
 after a while, however, the Spaniards established better 
 relations and secured much gold in barter. Among the 
 evidences of civilization which attracted Grijalva were many 
 large stone crosses, which appeared to be objects of venera 
 tion by the natives, hence he named the country New 
 Spain; but the Spaniards soon found that these were no 
 indications of a religion in any way like the Christian. 
 Here they first saw the pyramidal temples of the Aztecs 
 and witnessed the horrible human sacrifices to which those 
 temples were devoted. 
 
 In their intercourse with the natives the Spaniards fre 
 quently heard the word Mexico, and especially when they 
 inquired where more gold might be found. They therefore 
 proceeded northward along the coast of Mexico, and thus 
 prepared the way for the expeditions which were soon to 
 follow. Their eager quest of gold, and how at times it 
 was disappointed, is quaintly illustrated by Bernal Diaz, 
 who was one of the explorers : 
 
 "As soon as the inhabitants of Guacasualco and the 
 neighboring districts learned that we offered our goods for 
 barter, they brought us all their golden ornaments, and took 
 in exchange green glass beads, on which they set a high 
 value. Besides ornaments of gold, each Indian had with 
 him a copper axe, which was very highly polished, with the 
 handle curiously carved, that served equally as an orna 
 ment and, on the field of battle, as a weapon. At first 
 we thought that these axes were made of an inferior kind 
 
EXPLORAriON IN FLORIDA AND MEXICO 
 
 3 2 3 
 
 of gold. Therefore we began to take them in exchange, 
 and in the space of two days collected more than six hun 
 dred, with which we were no less pleased, as long as we 
 were ignorant of their real value, than the Indians were 
 with our glass beads. . . . We set sail for Cuba, and 
 arrived there in the space of forty days. . . . We 
 were most graciously welcomed by the governor, Diego 
 Velasquez, who was highly delighted with the additional 
 gold we brought him. Altogether it was well worth four 
 thousand pesos; so that, with the sixteen thousand brought 
 over by Alvarado, the whole amounted to twenty thousand 
 pesos. Some made this sum greater, some less; but one 
 thing is certain, the crown officials took only the fifth of 
 the last-mentioned sum. When they were about to take the 
 fifth also of the Indian axes, which we had mistaken for 
 gold, they grew exceedingly angry on finding them only to 
 be of a fine quality of copper. This caused the people 
 to laugh at our trading transactions. * 
 
 Velasquez now set about the exploration and taking pos 
 session of Mexico in the most thorough manner, though, 
 as it turned out, he himself took but little part in the project. 
 He placed a new expedition in charge of Hernando Cortes, 
 and his choice could not possibly have fallen upon a man 
 better adapted to carry out its design. Born in 1485, this 
 famous explorer made his first voyage to the New World 
 in 1504. By nature he was possessed of a courage which in 
 many of its manifestations can only be described as audacity. 
 His experience with Velasquez in conquering Cuba inured him 
 to that Spanish method of treating natives which in Mexico 
 he was to employ on the largest scale and in the most memo 
 rable instance which the history of the New World affords. 
 
 On the loth of February, 1519, he sailed from Cuba 
 with eleven vessels and seven hundred men. It is said 
 that Velasquez, who was of an extremely jealous and dis 
 trustful disposition, purposed, at the last moment, to with 
 draw the command from Cortes; but the latter defeated 
 
3 2 4 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 this "object by sailing away before all the preparations were 
 completed. He took the route that had been followed by 
 Grijalva until he came to Tabasco River, which had been 
 discovered by the latter. 
 
 He was not to proceed without ceremony to the fulfil 
 ment of his plan to explore Mexico, for Montezuma had 
 despatched Teuthlille, one of his great princes, as envoy to 
 the leader of the strange visitors. The Spaniards found in 
 this important official an Indian of a type altogether differ 
 ent from any they had yet met ; they were soon made aware 
 also that they were in the midst of a country possessed of a 
 highly organized social system, whose monarch was as sen 
 sible of his dignity as was the King of Spain, and whose am 
 bassador was by no means lacking in the diplomacy which is 
 the usual mark of that office. 
 
 The envoy was accompanied by another distinguished 
 official and attended by a large retinue of Indians bearing 
 presents of fowls and plants. The salutations were marked 
 by much ceremony, and on their completion Teuthlille 
 announced that he wished, at the request of his king, to 
 learn who the Spaniards were and what they sought in the 
 country. Cortes promised a reply and meanwhile caused 
 mass to be said, at which Montezuma s representatives 
 were present; he then entertained them at dinner, and in 
 formed them at its close that the Spaniards were the subjects 
 of the greatest monarch in the world, at whose command 
 they had come to Montezuma s country, concerning which 
 and its mighty sovereign their monarch had long before 
 heard. Cortes further announced that he desired to become 
 the friend of the Mexican sovereign and that he had many 
 things to disclose to him in the name of his majesty the 
 emperor. To the end that a good understanding should 
 be established between himself and Montezuma s subjects, 
 Cortes desired to be informed of the monarch s place of 
 residence, so that he might pay his respects to him and 
 make the intended disclosures. The answer of the wary 
 ambassador, as recorded by Diaz, was imperiously uttered : 
 
EXPLORATION IN FLORIDA AND MEXICO 
 
 3 2 5 
 
 "Inasmuch as you have lately arrived in this country, it 
 would be more becoming that before desiring an interview 
 with my monarch, you should accept this present, which 
 we have brought you in his name, and then disclose your 
 wishes to me." He then presented Cortes with many gold 
 trinkets, a lot of stuffs made of cotton and feathers, and 
 many other costly presents, besides provisions, all of which 
 Cortes received "with a pleased expression, and presented 
 these gentlemen in return with glass beads resembling bril 
 liants and other things that we had brought from Spain." 
 Before taking his departure, the ambassador caused pictures 
 of all he had seen to be made by the native artists in his 
 train; he also promised to request the inhabitants to begin 
 bartering gold for the articles which the Spaniards had for 
 trading purposes. 
 
 Some days afterward, Teuthlille returned " with more than 
 a hundred Indian porters, all heavily laden" with presents 
 consisting of various cotton stuffs "beautifully manufac 
 tured," shields of exquisite cotton and feather work, a 
 helmet of carved wood, " rilled with grains of gold," gold 
 and silver lockets to the number of a thousand, shoes and 
 sandals of leather, and many other articles of the finest 
 workmanship and of rare material, the recital of which fills 
 the reader with wonder at the wealth and also the art of the 
 Aztec nation. Juan de Torquemada, a contemporary writer, 
 says : " Those who saw the splendid presents said that with 
 out considering the beautiful workmanship, the value of the 
 gold and silver alone amounted to twenty-five castellanos de 
 oro, so that the full value of these presents may be rightly 
 estimated at fifty thousand ducats." The quality of the 
 presents revealed to the crafty Cortes the culture of 
 the Mexicans, and their value filled his mind with the rich 
 prospect that opened to his audacious undertaking. Mon- 
 tezuma, in addition to the magnificence of his gifts, seems 
 to have astutely flattered Cortes by sending as a joint am 
 bassador with Teuthlille a distinguished cacique named 
 Quintalbor, who had been chosen because of the strong 
 
326 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 resemblance he bore to Cortes, a resemblance recognized by 
 all the grandees in attendance when the Spaniard s picture 
 was presented to Montezuma. 
 
 But neither flattery nor presents availed to turn Cortes 
 from his project. Rather had the sight of such wondrously 
 beautiful objects, and the yet more fascinating gold, intensi 
 fied his cupidity; again were rich gifts bestowed on him by 
 Montezuma, who, with his courtiers, was dismayed at the 
 intelligence that the Spaniard persisted in visiting the king 
 at his capital. The Spaniard had resources on which the 
 Mexicans did not count, and the latter already stood in too 
 great awe of the unwelcome intruders to compel them to 
 leave their country. Montezuma s entreaties were in vain : 
 Cortes, in his progress, first conquered and then diplomat 
 ically made friends with the people of the provinces on 
 whom the Mexicans were in the habit of laying heavy 
 tribute in human beings for the supply of their dreadful 
 sacrificial rites. These people were ready to support the 
 invader against the tyrant who oppressed them. Five of 
 their number, we learn from Diaz, had visited Cortes and 
 proffered their help against the hated Mexicans and fur 
 nished him with valuable information respecting the enemies 
 of Montezuma. Thus was the way paved for the over 
 throw of the Mexican dynasty and the acquisition of the 
 rich treasures of the country. 
 
 While busy with his explorations and his projects to 
 possess himself of the Mexican empire and its wealth,- 
 Cortes also took careful measures to establish his political 
 position and guard himself against the jealousy of Velas 
 quez. The latter had adherents in the company of Cortes ; 
 and the commander knew that if through them information 
 of his rich finding should reach Cuba, his own supremacy 
 would soon be at an end, or at least desperately disputed. He 
 therefore founded a city near Chiahuitala, which he called 
 Villa Rica de Vera Cruz. This being by him constituted 
 a Spanish municipality, he resigned his commission which 
 he had received from Velasquez, and caused himself to be 
 
EXPLORATION IN FLORIDA AND MEXICO 
 
 3 2 7 
 
 placed in supreme command by the city which he had created. 
 He also used every effort to prevent news of his movements 
 reaching Havana, but sent the most glowing accounts of his 
 discoveries to the court of Spain. 
 
 In order to compel the men with him to realize that they 
 must depend entirely upon their courage and their unanim 
 ity of purpose, Cortes, in August, 1519, formed and carried 
 out a plan which has hardly its equal in history for des 
 perate and audacious bravery. He destroyed his ships; 
 and thus made it necessary that he and his men should 
 remain in the country and support themselves in it by the 
 force of arms. 
 
 How and under what difficulties Cortes marched through 
 the country; how he made allies of the Tlascalans, first by 
 acts of prowess in war against them, and then by availing 
 himself of their natural enmity toward the Mexicans; how 
 he entered the great city of Cholula, and, though received 
 there with great honor, yet, believing that a plot was formed 
 against him, deluged the streets of the city with the blood 
 of its inhabitants, we cannot here describe in detail. Pres- 
 cott s immortal work follows the conqueror step by step. 
 We will include only the following note from Bernal Diaz, 
 giving the impressions of an eyewitness of Aztec magnifi 
 cence and those cruelties of the Mexican religion which 
 serve to mitigate our criticism of Spanish severity. 
 
 " Cholula had more than a hundred very high towers ; they 
 were all cues, or temples, in which stood idols to which 
 human sacrifices were offered. The principal temple was 
 even higher than the one in the city of Mexico, though the 
 latter was really magnificent and very high. The temple 
 (at Cholula) is said to have contained one hundred courts, 
 and an idol of enormous dimensions (the name of which I 
 have forgotten), which was in great repute, and people came 
 from various places to sacrifice human beings to it and 
 bring offerings for the dead. 1 well remember when we 
 first entered the city and beheld the elevated white temples, 
 
328 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 how the whole place reminded us all of Valladolid. . . . 
 I must add a word or two respecting the wooden cages we 
 saw in this city. They were constructed of heavy tim 
 ber, and filled with grown men and little boys, who were 
 fattening for the sacrifices and feasts. Cortes ordered these 
 diabolical cages to be pulled down, and sent the prisoners 
 to their homes." 
 
 But Cholula was not the objective point of the deter 
 mined explorer; and in spite of the protestations of the 
 monarch, Cortes was unalterable in his purpose to visit 
 the capital and see Montezuma in person. When the latter 
 learned that this was the Spaniard s resolve, he concluded it 
 to be the better policy to receive his visitor with a good grace, 
 and also with all the dignity which his barbaric civilization 
 could muster. He sent his nephew, Cacamatzin, the 
 Prince of Tezcuco, with great pomp, to bid the Spaniards 
 welcome; so, accompanied by many of the noblest caciques 
 and an innumerable train of their attendants, Cortes and his 
 men moved toward the capital. 
 
 New surprises attended their course at every step; they 
 saw an architecture, the beauty of which Diaz says u resem 
 bled the fairy castles of which we read in Amadls of Gaul; 
 so high, majestically, and splendidly did the temples, towers, 
 and houses of the city, all built of massive stone and lime, 
 rise above the water of the lake." They were amazed as 
 new evidences of wealth and culture were revealed on their 
 way. Proceeding through Iztapalapan, accompanied by the 
 royal escort, and attended by great throngs of people that 
 were constantly arriving to gaze at them, the Spaniards saw 
 city on city stretching out along the banks of Lake Tezcuco, 
 with the coveted goal, the great city of Mexico lying in all 
 its grandeur before them. Well might Diaz write : 
 
 "And we, who were beholding this spectacle, who were 
 passing through this dense concourse of human beings, 
 were a mere handful of men, in all four hundred and fiftyjw 
 
EXPLORATION IN FLORIDA AND MEXICO 329 
 
 our minds filled with the warnings of the inhabitants of 
 Huexotzinco, Tlascala, and Tlalmanalco, and the caution 
 they had given us not to expose our lives to the treachery 
 of the Mexicans. I ask the kind reader to reflect a moment, 
 and then to say whether he believes any men in this world 
 ever attempted so bold an undertaking." 
 
 Montezuma proceeded to the outskirts of his capital to 
 meet his despoilers. His state attire, retinue, all denoted his 
 wealth and importance. He was no mere barbaric chieftain 
 going to receive the strangers ; ceremony that exceeded that 
 of the Old World courts prevailed in his; the most profuse 
 politeness and royal dignity marked his reception of Cortes 
 and his party. The Spanish leader was invited to the capital, 
 whither he was conducted by two royal princes and a fol 
 lowing of grandees. Arrived within the city, the Spaniards 
 were quartered in a large building near the temples, because 
 it was supposed by the Mexicans that their visitors were of 
 a divine character and should properly dwell among the gods. 
 " The apartments and halls were very spacious," says Diaz, 
 "and those set apart for our general were furnished with 
 carpets. Each one of us had a separate bed, which could 
 not have been better furnished for a gentleman of the first 
 rank. Each apartment was swept clean, and the walls were 
 newly plastered and decorated." 
 
 On November 9, 1519, Cortes had an audience with 
 Montezuma in his palace. This most remarkable ruler is 
 thus described by Diaz : 
 
 "The mighty Montezuma may have been about this 
 time in the fortieth year of his age. He was tall, slender, 
 and thin ; but his body was well proportioned. His com 
 plexion was not very brown, almost the same as that of the 
 inhabitants. His hair was not long, excepting where it 
 hung thickly over his ears, which were hid by it. His 
 black beard, though thin, was handsome. His face was 
 somewhat long, but he had a cheerful countenance, and 
 
33 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORAriON 
 
 his fine eyes had an expression of amiability or of ill will 
 according to his humor. He was particularly clean in ap 
 pearance, and took a bath every evening. Besides a number 
 of concubines, who were all daughters of note and rank, he 
 had two lawful wives of royal extraction, whom, however, 
 he visited secretly without anyone daring to observe him, 
 except his most confidential servants." 
 
 Nothing could give a more vivid impression of the won 
 derful social system of this great nation of the New World 
 than the following description by Diaz of the market place 
 in the city of Mexico: 
 
 u Our commander, attended by the greater part of our 
 horsemen and foot soldiers, all well armed, as we were at 
 all times, proceeded to the Tlatelulco. By command of 
 Montezuma, a number of caciques met us on our way 
 thither. When we arrived in this immense market, we 
 were greatly astonished to see the vast number of people, 
 the profusion of merchandise exposed for sale, and the ad 
 mirable police system, and the order that everywhere existed. 
 The grandees who accompanied us drew our attention to 
 the smallest circumstance, and gave us an explanation of 
 all we saw. Each class of merchandise had a separate 
 place for its sale. We first visited those divisions of the 
 market set apart for the sale of gold and silver wares, jewels, 
 cloths interwoven with feathers, and other manufactured 
 goods, where also slaves of both sexes were sold. The 
 slave market was upon as great a scale as the Portuguese 
 market for negro slaves at Guinea. To prevent the slaves 
 from running away, they were fastened by halters around 
 their necks, though some were allowed to walk at large. Next 
 to these divisions were the dealers in coarser wares, cotton, 
 twisted thread, and cacao. In short, all kinds of commodi 
 ties produced in New Spain [Yucatan and Mexico] were 
 here to be found. The market reminded me of my native 
 town of Medina del Campo at fair time, where each kind 
 
EXPLORATION IN FLORIDA AND MEXICO 
 
 33 1 
 
 of merchandise has a separate street assigned for its sale. In 
 one place were sold the stuffs manufactured of nequen, as 
 ropes and sandals. In another place, the sweet maguey root, 
 ready cooked, was offered for sale, and various other things 
 made from this plant. In another part of the market were 
 exposed the skins of tigers, lions, jackals, otters, red deer, 
 wild-cats, and of other animals of prey. Some of the skins 
 were tanned. A particular space was assigned to the vendors 
 of fowls, turkeys, ducks, rabbits, hares, deer, and dogs; also 
 a space to the fruit sellers, pastry cooks, and tripemongers. 
 Not far from these were exposed all kinds of earthenware, 
 from the largest jars to the smallest pitchers. Next were the 
 dealers in honey and honey cakes, and other sweetmeats. 
 Next to these were the timber merchants, furniture dealers, 
 with assortments of tables, benches, cradles, and all kinds 
 of wooden implements, all separately arranged." 
 
 But the feature of Aztec civilization if civilization it 
 can be called -which stands out in greatest and most horri 
 fying prominence is the religious rites of the Mexicans. It 
 serves considerably to lessen our abhorrence of the treat 
 ment which Montezuma and his people received from the 
 Spanish invaders, and to dull the keenness of our sympathy 
 with the former. Diaz thus describes the principal scene 
 of these abominable rites : 
 
 " Before we ascended the steps of the great temple, 
 Montezuma, who was sacrificing on the top to his idols, 
 sent six priests and two of his principal officers to conduct 
 Cortes up the steps. There were one hundred and fourteen 
 steps to the summit, and as they feared that Cortes would 
 experience the same fatigue in mounting as Montezuma 
 had, they desired to assist him by taking hold of his arms. 
 Cortes, however, would not accept the proffered aid. When 
 we had reached the summit of the temple, we walked across 
 a platform where many large stones were lying, on which 
 those who were doomed for sacrifice were stretched out. 
 
33 2 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Near these stood a large idol, in the shape of a dragon, 
 surrounded by various other abominable figures, with a quan 
 tity of fresh blood in front of it. ... 
 
 "This infernal temple, from its great height, commanded 
 an extensive view of the surrounding country. From it 
 we could see the three causeways leading to the city, that 
 one from Iztapalapan, by which we had entered the city 
 four days before; that one from Tlacupa, along which we 
 took our flight eight months after, when we were driven 
 out of the city by the new monarch, Cuitlahuatzin; the 
 third, the one from Tepeaquilla. We also saw the aque 
 duct, which extended from Chapultepec and supplied the 
 city with fresh water. We could also distinctly see the 
 bridges across the openings in the causeways, through which 
 the waters of the lake ebbed and flowed. The lake was 
 crowded with canoes conveying provisions, manufactured 
 articles, and other merchandise to the city. We also ob 
 served that the only means of intercourse between the 
 houses in this city, and between those of all the other 
 towns built in the lake, was by drawbridges or canoes. In 
 all these cities the beautiful white-plastered temples rose 
 above the smaller ones, like many of the towers and castles 
 in our Spanish cities. The view from the top of the 
 temple, it may be imagined, was a splendid sight. 
 
 "After we had sufficiently gazed upon this magnificent pic 
 ture, we again turned our eyes toward the great market, and 
 beheld the vast number of buyers and sellers who thronged it. 
 The bustle and noise caused by this multitude of human 
 beings was so great that it could be heard at a distance of 
 more than four miles. Some of our men, who had been at 
 Constantinople and at Rome and had travelled through the 
 whole of Italy, said that they never had seen a market place 
 of such large dimensions, or which was so well regulated, or 
 so crowded with people, as this one in Mexico." 
 
 Dazzled by the magnificence and wealth now presented, 
 and realizing the prize that his exploration offered to L 
 
EXPLORATION IN FLORIDA AND MEXICO 333 
 
 cupidity, Cortes determined to secure this great empire as 
 a Spanish possession an appanage that would outweigh all 
 previous discoveries and intensify the lust of riches and 
 empire. But how to accomplish this was a question which, 
 to his credit it must be said, there are few commanders in 
 the history of the world who would have dared even to take 
 into consideration. He was accompanied by only four 
 hundred and fifty men ; he was an unwelcome, though an 
 exceedingly interesting, guest in the midst of a populous 
 and powerful nation; and was entirely without hope of 
 reinforcement or succor from the outside. The plan he 
 conceived and executed is no less illustrative of the shrewd 
 ness of his policy than it is of the audacity of his purpose : 
 he would hold Montezuma as a hostage for his safety and as 
 a pledge to be redeemed by the fulfilment of his demands. 
 
 Once determined on, Cortes quickly and completely car 
 ried out his purpose. Neither the fears of his own men 
 nor his own anxiety could restrain him. He soon found 
 or created a pretext to secure the person of Montezuma. 
 It was reported that nine Spaniards had been killed by a 
 Mexican grandee, and there were rumors of a conspiracy 
 against his own person. He distributed his forces to guard 
 his quarters, keep the streets open, and as a personal escort 
 when he called at Montezuma s palace. Long disputing 
 attended the proposal that Montezuma should accompany 
 Cortes to his quarters, a virtual prisoner; but the Spaniard 
 finally prevailed, after assuring the Mexican monarch that 
 his rule and government should not be affected by his placing 
 himself in Cortes s hands. 
 
 The story of how the Mexicans revolted when the Span 
 iards attacked their idols, although they endured the im 
 prisonment of their king; how Cortes and his few men 
 desperately and with great loss cut their way out of the 
 capital; how the Spanish commander, with a few additional 
 reinforcements of his own nationality and a horde of the 
 Tlascalans, besieged the city for nine months; how Mon 
 tezuma was slain by his own people, and Guatemotzin, his 
 
334 
 
 DISCO VERT AND EX PL OR A TION 
 
 successor, gallantly defended his capital; and finally, how 
 this prince was at last defeated and, with the shamelessness 
 characteristic of the Spaniards, put to the torture that he 
 might be compelled to divulge the hiding place of his gold, 
 is one of those authentic and important narratives that 
 taxes to the utmost the confidence of students of history, 
 while it affords perhaps the most thrilling picture presented 
 in the story of the explorations of the New World. The 
 subjugation of the Mexicans, the acquisition of the vast 
 wealth of its ruler and people, and the addition of the great 
 empire to Spain s possessions, were events that surpassed 
 the dreams of avarice, gave a new impetus to the exploita 
 tion of the New World, and certainly inscribed one of the 
 most brilliant, perhaps one of the most sinister, pages in 
 the history of the Spanish nation. 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 SPANISH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 
 
 THE discovery of Yucatan and Mexico and the great 
 reservoir of wealth which Cortes had tapped in the latter 
 country threw the Spaniards, on both sides of the Atlantic, 
 into that state of excitement which is commonly and ap 
 propriately termed the "gold fever." Something more than 
 mere scientific results had now been achieved; the material 
 success which had been urged as the motive and reward 
 of costly and hazardous expeditions had now been realized 
 even beyond promise; and vast empire power was no 
 longer only a visionary speculation. Whether these new 
 lands were the possession of the Great Khan was a ques 
 tion of minor importance, for riches equalling those of the 
 dreams which had been inspired by Marco Polo were ready 
 to the Spanish hand. Consequently, as is always the case 
 when a new country rich in mineral wealth is thrown open, 
 there was a rush to take possession; and those near by, 
 having the advantage, won the race. Among these was 
 Francisco de Garay, a veteran in West Indian discovery 
 and exploration. He had sailed with Columbus on the 
 second voyage, and in the year 1518 was Governor of 
 Jamaica under Diego Velasquez. Garay s aim was to 
 explore further the country about the river Panuco on the 
 Gulf coast, in the pursuit of which he extended his dis 
 coveries along the Florida coast. Bernal Diaz thus writes 
 of Garay s expedition : 
 
 335 
 
336 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 "In the year 1518, when the report of our having dis 
 covered this country under Cordova and Grijalva, and of 
 the twenty thousand -pesos which came into the hands 
 of Diego Velasquez, had spread through the whole of the 
 West Indies," Garay having "received the information of 
 a new expedition that was destined for New Spain, under 
 Hernando Cortes, he [Francisco de Garay] was seized with 
 a great desire likewise to discover some new countries, and 
 certainly he had more wealth at his command than we to 
 fit out a fleet for such a purpose. He had learned con 
 siderable about the riches of the new countries from our 
 old chief pilot Alaminos, and how thickly populated the 
 provinces were on the river Panuco; and as several other 
 sailors, who had accompanied us on those expeditions, con 
 firmed what Alaminos had told him, he thought that it was 
 to his advantage to request his majesty to grant him the 
 permission to make further discoveries on the river Panuco, 
 and to appoint him governor of all the lands he should dis 
 cover. For this purpose he despatched his major-domo, 
 Juan de Torralva, to Spain, with letters and presents for 
 those who at that time administered the affairs of the Indies, 
 soliciting them to procure him the appointment mentioned. 
 
 " His majesty was at the time in Flanders, and the presi 
 dent of the council of the Indies, Don Juan Rodriguez de 
 Fonseca, bishop of Burgos and titular archbishop of Rosano, 
 with the two licentiates Zapata and Vargas, and the secre 
 tary Lopez de Conchillos, managed the affairs of the Indies 
 as they pleased. Garay therefore easily obtained the ap 
 pointment of adelantado and governor of the provinces 
 bordering on the rivers San Pedro and San Pablo, and of all 
 the countries he should discover. By virtue of this appoint 
 ment he fitted out three vessels, having on board two hun 
 dred and forty men, including a strong body of cavalry, 
 crossbowmen, and musketeers. The chief command of 
 this fleet he gave to Alonso Alvarez de Pineda." Diaz goes 
 on to relate how Pineda set sail with this expedition in 1519 
 toward "the peninsula of Florida, in twenty-five degrees 
 
COSMOGRPHIAE 
 
 Capadociam/Pamphiliam/Lidiam/ Cilicia/Armi 
 nias maiore 8C minore.Colchiden/Hircaniam/Hi* 
 beriam/Albania:etprterea mFtas quas fingilatim 
 enumerate longamoraefletjtadida ab eius nomi 
 nis r cgi n a. 
 
 Nuc >?o & lif partes funt latius lu ftrata?/&: alia 
 
 quarta pars per America Ve(putiu( vc in fequenri 
 
 bus audietur )inuenta eft/qua non video cur quis 
 
 iure vetet ab Americo inuentore fagacis ingeni) vi 
 
 Amerk ro Amerigen quafi Americi terra / fiue Americam 
 
 ca dicendatcu &C Europa &T Afia a mulieribus fua for 
 
 tita fint nominaEius fitu & gentis mores ex bis bi 
 
 nis Americi nauigationibus quae fequuncliquide 
 
 tntelligidatun 
 
 Hunc in modu terra iam quadripartita cogno* 
 fcicet funt tres prime partes cotinentes /quarta eft 
 infula: cu omni quacp man circudata conlpiciaf JEt 
 licet mare vnu fit queadmodu et ipfa tellus / mul ris 
 tamen fuiibusdiftincflum / 8c innumeris replgtum 
 
 Prifcia ^ n ^ svaria fi^ no aa ff um i t:c l a 5 et ^ Cofmogra 
 phisc tabulis cofpiciunf /& Prifcianus in tralatio nc 
 Dionifij talibus enumerat verfibus* 
 Circuit Oceani gurges tamen vndic|f vaftus 
 Qwcpuisvnus fitplurima nominafumit* 
 Finibus Hefp erijs Athlanticus ille vocatur 
 At Bore^ qua gens furit Armiafpa fub armis 
 Dicic iile pig^r necao Ssitunidc Mortuus eft alfjs* 
 
 Page from Martin Waldseemiiller s Cosmographia- Introductio, pub 
 lished in May, 1507, showing the passage which first suggested calling 
 the New World by the name America. From the original in the New 
 York Public Library, Lenox Branch. 
 
SPANISH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 
 
 337 
 
 of north latitude, for Florida appeared to them to be a very 
 attractive island, and they thought that it was better to 
 settle on islands than on the mainland, because they could 
 more easily conquer the natives and keep them in subjec 
 tion. They landed, but the people of Florida killed so 
 many of them that they did not dare to settle there. They 
 then sailed along the coast and came to the river Panuco, 
 five hundred leagues from the peninsula of Florida, meas 
 ured on a course along the coast. The natives attacked 
 them at every place. Many of them were killed at Chila 
 (near the mouth of the river Panuco), where the natives 
 flayed and ate those who fell into their hands and hung up 
 the skins in their temples to commemorate their valor." 
 
 It would appear that one object which the Pineda expe 
 dition had in view was to find the strait by which it was 
 supposed that Florida, as an island, was separated from the 
 mainland. Disastrous as was the ending of this voyage, it 
 nevertheless added very greatly to the knowledge of suc 
 ceeding navigators in the Gulf of Mexico. It is difficult 
 for us to follow the course of Pineda with any precision. 
 But it seems probable that from some point on the northern 
 coast of the Gulf he sailed southward and eastward to the 
 extremity of the peninsula of Florida. Failing to double 
 this, he returned northward and westward, landing at vari 
 ous points to take formal possession in the name of Spain, 
 until he met Cortes at Tampico. On his return voyage he 
 discovered the estuary of a great river which there is little 
 reason to doubt was the Mississippi, called at that time the 
 Espiritu Santo. 
 
 In 1521, Garay received from Charles V. a grant of his 
 discoveries in Florida, which included the Gulf shore from 
 Cape Roxo in Mexico around the seaboard of Texas, 
 Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama to Pensacola Bay. 
 He, however, derived but small benefit from this grant, for 
 in 1523 he entered into a dispute with Cortes over the pos 
 session of the river Panuco, and was defeated and carried 
 
338 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 prisoner to the City of Mexico, where he died. This grant 
 has a humanitarian interest attached to it ; for it reveals the 
 fact that the emperor was moved with a desire to ameliorate 
 the condition of the Indians and prevent their abuse by the 
 Spaniards, whose ill treatment of the natives is very clearly 
 indicated by the emperor s directions that search should be 
 made whenever it were necessary to transport goods over 
 inland territory for a river, in order that the natives might 
 be relieved of the arduous task of carrying these burdens 
 on their backs; that every care should be taken to avoid 
 war with the Indians; and that the abduction of their women 
 should be sternly forbidden. 
 
 The barbarous treatment of the natives in Hispaniola by 
 the Spaniards had long since resulted in the almost entire 
 depopulation of the country. Hence, in order to obtain 
 slaves, kidnapping expeditions were despatched to the main 
 land. By the time of which we are now writing, this had 
 become a profitable industry, and was continually resorted to 
 for the purpose of reimbursing the expenses of expeditions 
 of discovery. As the result of a voyage of this description, 
 Chesapeake Bay was discovered by Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon. 
 Hearing of the possessions on the mainland which were 
 falling into the hands of other explorers, he determined also 
 to find for himself a kingdom; at least, this was included 
 in his project. Peter Martyr, writing of this expedition 
 and of the kidnapping of natives, says : 
 
 "They determined to go farther toward the north to 
 search for a new country rather than return without any 
 slaves. They reached a country called Chicora and Gual- 
 dape, in thirty-two degrees of north latitude; 
 When our men steered toward the shore, the inhabitants, 
 astonished at the sight of the ships, imagined that some 
 monster was approaching. In order to satisfy their curi 
 osity they flocked in great numbers to the shore. When 
 our people were about to land with their boats, the Indians 
 ran rapidly away. As they fled, our men pursued. Some 
 
SPANISH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 339 
 
 of the youngest and the fastest runners overtook two of the 
 natives, a man and a woman. They brought these to 
 the ships, dressed them, and gave them their liberty. Im 
 pressed by this evidence of good will, the Indians returned 
 in crowds to the beach. The king of the country, learning 
 how our men had dealt with the man and the woman, and 
 seeing the new and costly garments upon them (for the 
 Indians only clothe themselves with the skins of lions or 
 of other animals), sent fifty of his people to ours, bearing 
 the productions of the country. When visited by our 
 people he was friendly and hospitable. When they ex 
 pressed a desire to see the surrounding country he gave 
 them guides and guards. Wherever they went the inhabit 
 ants came reverently to them with presents, as unto gods to 
 be adored, especially when they saw them having beards, 
 and clothed with linen and silken garments. But what ! 
 The Spaniards violated the laws of hospitality. For by 
 craft and various cunning devices, after they had seen all 
 that they wished, they so managed that on an appointed 
 day the Indians visited the ships to inspect them. When 
 the vessels were crowded with these innocent people, the 
 anchors were weighed and the sails hoisted, and the Indians 
 were carried away mourning into servitude. Instead of 
 friends they made the people of those regions enemies, 
 and having found them contented they left them miserable, 
 having taken children from parents, and husbands from 
 wives. Of the two ships one only returned, the other was 
 never seen again. It was conjectured that all on board 
 were drowned, the guilty and the guiltless, for it was an 
 old ship. . . . 
 
 "While they were there they explored the two principal 
 regions, Chicora and Duharhe. . . . They say that 
 the people of Chicora are half-black or tawny, as our 
 farmers are, burned and tanned by the sun. The men 
 allow their hair to grow long, which often extends down 
 to their girdles. The hair of the women is much longer. 
 Both sexes bind up their hair. The men have no beards. 
 
340 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Whether or not they are so naturally or so by art is un 
 known; however, they take great pride in having smooth 
 faces. . . . Leaving Chicora they went to the other 
 side of the bay, and took possession of the region called 
 Duharhe." 
 
 It was in June, 1521, that De Ayllon s expedition, under 
 the command of Francisco Gordillo, landed upon the con 
 tinent. The country to which they had come, being in lati 
 tude 33 30 , must have been somewhere near Cape Fear, 
 in North Carolina. It was called by the natives Chicora. 
 To how great an extent the interior was explored by 
 De Ayllon s men may be judged by the stories of the re 
 markable characteristics of the natives, to which they gave 
 credit. One of these natives, who had been kidnapped, 
 became a Christian and learned to speak Spanish. He was 
 baptized under the name of Francisco Chicora. Oviedo 
 and Peter Martyr have preserved some of the remarkable 
 accounts with which this humorous native entertained the 
 credulous Spaniards. He told them that the people of 
 the neighboring province, which he called Duharhe, were 
 white, and that they had yellow hair which was so long that 
 it reached to their ankles. He said they were governed by 
 a king and queen who were enormously tall. Peter Martyr 
 gives the following account, which he learned from this 
 native, of the method by which this great stature was 
 attained : 
 
 "This king, being asked why he and his wife were so 
 remarkably tall and the other people not, replied that their 
 height was not hereditary, but that it had been caused by 
 violent treatment. While they were infants in the charge 
 of nurses their parents sent for those practising the art, 
 who anointed their limbs for a number of days with certain 
 decoctions of herbs to soften their tender bones, which in 
 time became as pliable as lukewarm wax. They then 
 stretched their limbs, often leaving them almost dead. 
 
SPANISH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 
 
 341 
 
 Thereupon, the nurses, who had been fed certain strength- 
 producing meats, suckled them, the infants being covered 
 with warm cloths. When they had again regained their 
 vigor the practitioners again twisted and pulled their bones 
 as they had previously done. This treatment was repeated 
 from time to time until their limbs were lengthened so 
 much that when they reached maturity they had the desired 
 tallness." 
 
 Another historian, Gonzales Barcia, has preserved for us 
 this account of the people of a country called Inzignanin. 
 It was also doubtless a production of Francisco Chicora s 
 lively imagination. u The inhabitants, by report of their 
 ancestors, say that a people as tall as the length of a man s 
 arm, with tails of a span long, sometimes arrived there, 
 brought thither by sea, which tail was not movable or 
 wavering as in four-footed beasts, but solid, broad above, 
 and sharp beneath, as we see in fishes and crocodiles, and 
 extends into a bony hardness. Wherefore, when they 
 desired to sit, they used seats with holes through them, or 
 wanting them, digged up the earth a span deep or a little 
 more, for they must convey their tails into the hole when 
 they rest them." 
 
 De Ayllon received from Charles V. a grant conferring 
 upon him the title of adelantado and the possession of the 
 land which he had discovered. But he acquired little profit 
 from these acquisitions, his colonists being massacred by 
 the natives, and he himself dying in 1526. Galvam says: 
 u He was lost with all his company, leaving nothing done 
 worthy of memory. And I cannot tell how it cometh to 
 pass, except it be by the just judgment of God, that of so 
 much gold and precious stones as have been gotten in the 
 Antilles by so many Spaniards, little or none remaineth, 
 but the most part is spent and consumed and no good 
 thing done." 
 
 The time had now come when the true geographical 
 nature of these newly discovered and vast tracts of land 
 
342 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 was to be revealed. The possibility of sailing around the 
 globe had hitherto been nothing more than a scientific 
 theory. It was for the Portuguese navigator Fernao de 
 Magalhaes to immortalize his name by putting this theory 
 to the test; and in thus doing he exploded the belief, 
 which was still extant, that Columbus and his followers 
 had reached the shores of Asia. His historian, Antonio 
 Pigafetta, says : 
 
 "The captain-general, Fernao de Magalhaes, had deter 
 mined to undertake a long voyage across the ocean where 
 the winds are violent and storms quite frequent. He also 
 resolved to take a course not yet explored by any navigator, 
 but this bold purpose he was cautious in disclosing lest 
 someone should try to dissuade him from it by magnifying 
 the risk he would run and thus dishearten his men. Be 
 sides the danger common to a voyage like this one was the 
 disadvantageous circumstance that the four other vessels 
 under his command were in charge of captains inimical to 
 him solely because he was a Portuguese and they were 
 Spaniards." 
 
 Magalhaes sailed from Seville on August 10, 1519. He 
 reached Rio Janeiro on the I3th of December. From thence 
 he coasted southward forty-nine degrees to Port St. Julian, 
 where he found a race of giants. This was in May, 1520. 
 He still continued southward until the 2ist of October, 
 when he discovered a strait which he named the Strait of 
 the Eleven Thousand Virgins. Bravely entering this, de 
 spite the fears and the earnest opposition of his sailors, on 
 the 28th of November, 1520, Magalhaes left the passage 
 which was afterward called by his name, and emerged upon 
 the hitherto unexplored expanse of the Pacific. This name 
 he gave to the western ocean " on account of our not having 
 experienced during this period any tempestuous weather." 
 By this he refers to the three months and twenty days 
 during which he sailed on this vast ocean. He steered 
 
SPANISH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 
 
 343 
 
 northwest by west until, after crossing the equator, he 
 changed his course to west by north. He was in search 
 of Cape Catecara, the southern extremity of India, which 
 Ptolemy had placed in one hundred and eighty degrees of 
 longitude from the Canaries and south of the equator. 
 Varying his course in search of this point, he discovered 
 the Ladrones and then the Philippine Islands in April, 1521. 
 On one of these the brave navigator was slain in an en 
 gagement with the natives. But his fleet continued its 
 journey until the 6th of November, when were discovered 
 the Moluccas, or the long sought after Spice Islands. From 
 thence one ship, the Victoria, continued the voyage by way 
 of the coast of Africa, reaching Seville on the 8th of Sep 
 tember, 1522, having sailed fourteen thousand six hundred 
 leagues. This voyage was only second in its results to 
 that of Columbus. It disabused men s minds of that enor 
 mous geographical error which prompted the hope by which 
 Columbus was induced to sail westward. It ascertained 
 and outlined the immense southern extension of the great 
 continent which lay between the Atlantic and Cathay. 
 Magalhaes was thus the pioneer in the exploration of an 
 ocean of whose existence Columbus did not dream ; indeed, 
 the Genoese held to a cosmography which afforded it no 
 room on the face of the earth. 
 
 So much of the coast outline having been explored, it 
 was now time that the vast interior of North America 
 should be traversed. If we except CorteVs invasion of 
 Mexico, comparatively little inland exploration had thus 
 far been accomplished. The first account of the crossing 
 from ocean to ocean, thrilling as it must naturally be, is 
 rendered the more romantic owing to the circumstances by 
 which it was attended. 
 
 A new expedition to Florida, projected in Spain in the 
 year 1527, was placed under the command of Panfilo de 
 Narvaez. This explorer had been the lieutenant of Velas 
 quez in Cuba, and in carrying out the latter s purposes, as 
 well as his own, had exhibited more than the ordinary 
 
344 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Spanish indifference toward the sufferings of the natives. 
 In the sequel to this new expedition he met his retribution. 
 On July 17, 1527, Narvaez set sail from San Lucar with 
 five ships and about six hundred sailors, soldiers, and colo 
 nists. With him were Cabeza de Vaca, who held the 
 office of treasurer and high sheriff, and Father Juan Xuarez, 
 commissary of the Franciscan Friars. The officers for the 
 new towns that were to be founded were all appointed and 
 endowed with their high-sounding, but as yet empty, titles. 
 These men were commissioned by the emperor to conquer 
 and settle all the country extending from the Rio de Las 
 Palmas to the Cape of Florida. A terrific hurricane struck 
 the fleet at Cuba, which caused the postponement of the 
 voyage to Florida until February, 1528. On the 2Oth of 
 that month, Narvaez set sail with four ships and a brigan- 
 tine, and a company which had been reduced to four hun 
 dred men. On April I4th, he was at the peninsula west 
 of Tampa Bay. Herrera describes how Narvaez formally 
 took possession of the territory in the name of Spain. He 
 had with him an official document which he had been com 
 manded by the government to read in the hearing of the 
 natives. It consisted of a proclamation "in behalf of 
 the Catholic Caesarean Majesty Don Carlos, King of the 
 Romans, and Emperor ever Augustus, and Dona Juana, 
 his mother, Sovereigns of Leon and Castilla, Defenders of 
 the Church, ever victors, never vanquished, and rulers 
 of barbarous nations." This document went on to recite 
 to the natives how the Lord had created the heavens and the 
 earth; how all peoples were the descendants of Adam and 
 Eve; how all nations were given by the Lord to St. Peter 
 and the popes, his successors, and how one of these popes 
 had made a present of the particular people then addressed 
 to a former King of Spain. It ended with the warning 
 that unless the natives incontinently became Christians and 
 recognized themselves as loyal subjects of Charles V., 
 Narvaez would " take the persons of yourselves, your wives 
 and your children, to make slaves, sell and dispose of you, 
 
SPANISH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 345 
 
 as their majesties shall think fit, and I will take your goods, 
 doing you all the evil and injury that I may be able, as to 
 vassals who do not obey but reject their master, resist and 
 deny him." Inasmuch as all the natives who lived near 
 the shore had immediately run away into the woods at the 
 approach of the white men, and inasmuch as this solemn 
 proclamation, even if they had stopped to listen to it, was 
 couched in the language of Castile, it is not to be presumed 
 that its reading had any noticeable effect on the Indians of 
 Florida. 
 
 Narvaez was determined to ascertain what were the 
 characteristics and the resources of his possessions. While 
 he did not, like Cortes, destroy his ships, he reached the 
 same result by deciding that they should sail along the coast 
 in search of Panuco, while the rest of the party explored 
 the shore. This determination was vigorously but unsuc 
 cessfully opposed by Cabeza de Vaca, who feared the mis 
 chance of the divided companies not being able to find each 
 other again. The sequel justified his forebodings. But it 
 must be said to the credit of this brave man that he volun 
 tarily relinquished the opportunity which was given him to 
 take the safer command of the vessels. Alvaro de la Corda, 
 upon whom this command devolved, after vainly searching, 
 first for the harbor of Panuco and then for Narvaez and 
 his company, during a whole twelvemonth, returned to 
 Spain. Narvaez, on leaving the vessels, explored the coun 
 try to the northward until they reached the river Withla- 
 coochee. This they crossed by means of rafts, and found 
 on the opposite side an Indian village where they were 
 enabled to restock with provisions, of which they stood in 
 dire need. While at the head of Tampa Bay, Narvaez had 
 seen some gold, which he understood from the natives 
 had come from a region called Appalachee. He made this 
 place the object of his assiduous search. After an arduous 
 and most trying journey, they came to an Indian town of 
 that name on June 25th. It was probably not far from the 
 present city of Tallahassee. But instead of their eyes being 
 
346 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 greeted by a rich city and natives splendidly bedizened like 
 those which had enraptured Cortes and his followers in 
 Mexico, they were sorely disappointed to find only thatched 
 huts and natives with nothing about their appearance so 
 noticeable as their lack of apparel. 
 
 From this time on, the path of the expedition was beset 
 with the most appalling hardships and disastrous misfor 
 tunes. Surrounded by hostile Indians, against whom they 
 hardly had strength to defend themselves, Narvaez and his 
 men found their number daily diminishing. Desperate 
 must have been their plight, for we are told that a horse 
 was drowned while crossing a stream; and they knew not 
 whether to rejoice more for the meat thus provided or mourn 
 the loss of a valuable helper. Disappointed in their search, 
 and disheartened by hunger and fatigue, their only hope 
 was to reach the sea. This at last they succeeded in doing, 
 coming out somewhere on Appalachee Bay. Here, despair 
 ing of meeting with their ships, they determined to build 
 boats in order to get away from so inhospitable and profitless 
 a country. This undertaking, lacking as they did material 
 and appliances, and also the means of subsistence, would 
 seem like a wild and desperate resort to the impossible. 
 But those Spanish explorers were not wont to succumb 
 easily to their fate. They constructed a rude forge, and 
 out of the iron of their armor and harness they constructed 
 what served in place of saws and hammers and nails. 
 Their shirts they transformed into sails. They killed and 
 ate their horses, making the hair of the manes and tails of 
 those animals into ropes for rigging and their hides into 
 bottles in which to store water for the projected voyage. 
 At last five boats were completed, and on the 22d of Sep 
 tember, 1528, Narvaez and the small remnant of his party 
 embarked. In all there were two hundred and forty-two 
 who had survived the hardships and the attacks of the 
 Indians. With extreme difficulty, and amid fearful dangers, 
 they coasted along the north shore of the Gulf, crossing the 
 mouth of the Mississippi, and continued until they came 
 
SPANISH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 347 
 
 near the Bay of Matagorda. Here Cabeza de Vaca and the 
 crew of one of the boats were cast ashore in a storm, while 
 the other boats went on to fall a prey at last to the Indians, 
 or to be driven out to perish at sea. The latter was the 
 fate of Narvaez. 
 
 The remainder of the story relates only to Cabeza de 
 Vaca. Cast on an island which they called Malhado, or 
 Misfortune, he and his companions remained a year living 
 with the Indians and subsisting on the roots which the latter 
 dug from under the water. For six years this indomitable 
 adventurer remained in that part of the country, until nearly 
 all his companions had perished, or had wandered away to 
 meet death by sickness or at the hands of the natives. At last, 
 with the three companions who were the sole survivors of 
 the expedition, he determined to make his escape from the 
 Indians by whom they had been enslaved. By this time 
 they were as naked and as destitute as the savages, whose 
 mode of life they were compelled by necessity to imitate. 
 The only advantage they possessed consisted in the fact 
 that the natives believed them to be endowed with the 
 power of healing. By skilfully trading upon this credulity 
 they were enabled to secure for themselves the means of 
 subsistence. They determined to travel, with the hope that 
 at last they might reach some land where they would find 
 Christians. With this slight prospect of relief in view, they 
 traversed Texas and the northern part or" Mexico, until at 
 last they reached the Gulf of California; and thus these 
 four were the first to cross the continent from the Atlantic 
 to the Pacific. They reached the City of Mexico on the 
 24th of July, 1536, over eight years from the time when 
 De Vaca and his companions were cast ashore on the island 
 of Malhado. 
 
 Cabeza de Vaca returned to Spain with the hope that he 
 might be appointed to the governorship of Florida, an an 
 ticipation which his toil and suffering in the cause of dis 
 covery might well warrant him in cherishing. But this 
 reward had already been conferred upon Hernando de Soto, 
 
348 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 whose previous labors had been more profitable to Spain, 
 and whose subsequent journeyings have been awarded a 
 greater fame in history. De Soto was born in Barcarrota 
 about the beginning of the sixteenth century. He early 
 threw himself into the stream of adventure which flowed 
 westward, served under Cordova in Nicaragua, and sub 
 sequently won great renown with Pizarro in the con 
 quest of Peru. On the 2Oth of April, 1537, the Emperor 
 Charles V. commissioned him to conquer and colonize the 
 provinces which had been granted to De Ayllon. For some 
 reason, known only to himself, Cabeza de Vaca, on his 
 return to Spain, included in his sufficiently sensational 
 story of his wanderings a graphic account of great riches 
 which he had seen. He declared that Florida was the richest 
 country in the world. This fired the Spaniards with lust 
 for the adventure, and De Soto found no difficulty in man 
 ning his expedition. High officials and grandees of Spain 
 volunteered, until the number was so great that the ships 
 could not contain them. On April 6, 1538, he sailed from 
 San Lucar with a fleet of ten vessels,, The following is 
 the account written by a participant and an eyewitness 
 of the things which De Soto did, and that which befell him 
 on this ever memorable journey : 
 
 A narrative of the expedition of Hernando de Soto, by 
 Luis Hernandez de Biedma, presented to the King and 
 Council of the Indies, 1544. 
 
 " Having arrived at the Port of Baya Honda, we landed 
 six hundred and twenty men, and two hundred and twenty- 
 three horses. As soon as we had done so, we were in 
 formed by one of the Indians we had captured that a 
 Christian was living a few leagues off", who had served in 
 the expedition of Panfilo de Narvaez. The cacique of 
 this province, on hearing we had landed, asked the Chris 
 tian if he wished to return to us. He answered in the 
 affirmative, and immediately sent him, with nine Indians, 
 to our camp. His body was naked, and in his hand he 
 
SPANISH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 349 
 
 had a bow and arrows. As soon as we perceived them 
 coming we took them for spies, and marched out to meet 
 them, but they fled in every direction. The horsemen 
 dashed after them and wounded one of the Indians, and 
 would have killed the Christian if he had not invoked the 
 Virgin Mary and made signs that he was a Christian, for 
 he had almost forgotten to speak our language. He was 
 immediately conducted to the governor. He stated that he 
 had been twelve years among the Indians, and spoke their 
 language perfectly; but that he was unacquainted with the 
 country, and was unable to tell us anything about it, except 
 that there was no gold in it. 
 
 " We now set out from the Port of Baya Honda, to pene 
 trate the interior of the country, with all the troops except 
 twenty-six horsemen and sixty foot soldiers, which we left 
 behind to defend the fort, until they should receive orders 
 from the governor to join him. We marched in a westerly 
 direction, and then northeast. We heard of a cacique who 
 received tribute from all the nations. His name was Hurri- 
 pacuxi, and lived about twelve leagues from the coast. We 
 continued to march across swamps and rivers for fifteen or 
 twenty leagues, and reached a village about which we had 
 been told strange stories. Among others, they pretended 
 that when the inhabitants shouted aloud, the birds flying in 
 the air would fall dead to the ground. We arrived at a 
 small village called Eto-cale [near the Suwanee] . Here we 
 found some Indian corn, beans, and little dogs, which was 
 not a meal for our hungry army. We remained here seven 
 or eight days, during which time we made an attempt to 
 entrap some Indians, to serve us as guides to the province of 
 Apalache. We then set out in the direction of New Spain, 
 marching ten or twelve leagues from the coast. After five 
 or six days journey, we passed some hamlets, and arrived at 
 a village called Aquacalecuen, when we found the Indians 
 had fled to the woods. 
 
 "We remained here five or six days to procure guides, 
 and took with us ten or twelve women, one of whom 
 
350 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 informed us that she was the daughter of a cacique, who 
 afterwards joined us. After six or seven days journey, we 
 met a hundred and fifty Indians armed with bows and arrows, 
 who were watching an opportunity to rescue the cacique we 
 had brought with us. We killed a few and captured others ; 
 among the latter were some who were acquainted with the 
 interior of the country. We then passed a river, and crossed 
 a country called Veachile, where we found a great many 
 deserted villages. We came to a village called Aquile, on 
 the frontier of the province of Apalache, and separated 
 from Veachile by a river [supposed to be the Suwanee] , over 
 which we threw a bridge of rafts tied together. We crossed 
 it with difficulty, for the Indians had posted themselves on 
 the opposite bank, and fought with great bravery. We 
 marched to the village of Ivi-ta-chuco, but as soon as the 
 Indians saw us they set fire to their village and fled. The 
 province of Apalache contains many villages, but we found 
 provisions very scarce there. From Apalache we marched 
 to the province of Yustaga. The governor now thought it 
 time to hear from those he had left behind at Baya Honda, as 
 it was not his intention to advance so far into the country 
 as to render it impossible to have any communication with 
 them. 
 
 "We had now travelled one hundred and ten leagues,, 
 The governor went in search of the sea, which was nine 
 leagues distant. We had now come to that part of the 
 coast where Panfilo de Narvaez had built his vessels. We 
 recognized the spot on which he had built his smithy, and 
 saw a great quantity of horses bones scattered about. The 
 Indians told us the Christians had built their vessels here. 
 As soon as Juan de Anasco had marked the trees on the 
 shore, the governor ordered him to go to Baya Honda and 
 send forward the troops he had left there, and to return 
 himself by sea with the brigantines to Apalache. As soon 
 as the brigantines had arrived, the governor sent them again 
 to sea, under the command of the Chevalier Francisco 
 Maldonado de Salamanca, to find a port to the east. He 
 
SPANISH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 351 
 
 coasted along shore until he reached a bay [probably Pensa- 
 cola] which had a good harbor. On the bank of the river 
 was an Indian village, some of whose people came to trade 
 with him. He spent two months in making this exploration. 
 As soon as he returned, the governor ordered him to take the 
 brigantines, on board of one of which was Donna Isabella 
 de Bobadilla, to Havana, and on his arrival there, to set sail 
 again with them to the river Santo Espiritu, where he agreed 
 to meet him in six months, if he should not hear from him 
 sooner. 
 
 "As soon as the brigantines had set sail for Cuba, we 
 began our march to the north, and journeyed five days 
 through a desert until we came to a large and rapid river, 
 which we crossed over in boats. This province is called 
 Acapachiqui. We observed some villages, but as the 
 country was covered with very extensive swamps, we 
 could not explore them. The Indian huts in this province 
 were differently constructed from those we had previously 
 seen. They were dug in the ground, and resembled caverns, 
 while those we had passed were above ground, and covered 
 with branches of palm trees and straw. We continued our 
 march until we came to two rivers, which we crossed by 
 making rafts of pine trees, and entered a province called 
 Otoa, where we found a much larger village than we had 
 yet seen. We captured some Indians, to serve us as guides 
 and interpreters. We took five or six days to cross this 
 country to a province called Attapaha. Here we found a 
 river which flowed towards the south, like those we had 
 already passed, and emptied into the sea where Vasquez de 
 Ayllon had landed. This province is well peopled. The 
 governor questioned the Indians about the province of Cafi- 
 tachiqui. They told him it was impossible to get there, 
 as there were no roads, or provisions of any kind which 
 he could obtain, and that he must die of hunger if he 
 attempted it. 
 
 "Nevertheless, we continued our march until we came 
 to some caciques (Ocute and Cofoque), who gave us some 
 
352 
 
 DISCO VER T AND EXPL ORA riON 
 
 provisions, and told us that if we would declare war against 
 the Queen of Cafitachiqui they would furnish us with all 
 that we needed on the road, and warned us that they had 
 no communication with her, as they were at war with her. 
 Seeing that we were resolved on going there, they furnished 
 us with eight hundred Indians to carry our provisions and 
 baggage, and guides who took us in an easterly direction, 
 but after three days we found them deceiving us, nor did 
 we know which road to take to this province. The gov 
 ernor sent men in different directions to find a road, and 
 gave them each ten days to go and come, with orders to 
 report any villages which they might see. Those who 
 went in the direction of south, and southeast, returned four 
 days after, and reported they had found a little hamlet, and 
 some provisions. They brought with them some Indians, 
 who understood our guides, which was very fortunate for us, 
 as we had but few interpreters. We immediately marched 
 for this hamlet, to wait there until the messengers who had 
 gone in the other direction could join us. Here we found 
 fifty fanegas of Indian corn, some wheat, and a great many 
 mulberry trees, and other wild fruit. As soon as the other 
 messengers came we set out for the village of Cafitachiqui, 
 which was twelve days journey from this hamlet, situ 
 ated on the banks of a river, which we took for the Santa 
 Helena [the Tennessee] . 
 
 " When we arrived, the queen sent us one of her nieces, 
 in a litter carried by Indians. She sent the governor a 
 present of a necklace of beads, canoes to cross the river 
 with, and gave us half the village to lodge in. The gov 
 ernor opened a large temple built in the woods, in which 
 were buried the chiefs of the country, and took from it a 
 quantity of pearls, amounting to six or seven arrobas, which 
 were spoiled by being buried in the ground. We dug up 
 two Spanish axes, a chaplet of wild olive seeds, and some 
 small beads, resembling those we had brought from Spain 
 for the purpose of trading with the Indians. We conjec 
 tured they had obtained these things by trading with the 
 
Sebastian Cabot. From the painting by Chapman after the original 
 attributed to Holbein. No-iu in possession of the Historical Society of 
 Mass a cfi u setts . 
 
SPANISH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 
 
 353 
 
 companions of Vasquez de Ayllon. The Indians told us 
 the sea was only about thirty leagues distant. They also 
 informed us that Vasquez de Ayllon had not penetrated far 
 into the country, but had mostly followed the seashore, 
 until his death. That a large number of his soldiers had 
 died of hunger, and out of six hundred who had landed in 
 this country with him only fifty-seven had escaped. 
 
 " We remained ten or twelve days in the queen s village, 
 and then set out to explore the country. We marched in 
 a northerly direction eight or ten days, through a moun 
 tainous country, where there was but little food, until we 
 reached a province called Xuala [latitude 35 N., the most 
 northerly point of De Soto s travels] , which was thinly 
 inhabited. We then ascended to the source of the great 
 river, which we supposed was the Santo Espiritu. At the 
 village of Guasuli, they gave us a great many dogs, and 
 some corn to eat, which served us until we reached a village 
 called Chisca, where we found an abundance of provisions. 
 It is built on an island in the Santo Espiritu River, and 
 near its source. The Indians live here in walled villages, 
 and make a great deal of oil from nuts. We remained here 
 twenty-six or seven days, to rest our horses, which had 
 become very thin. We continued our march along this 
 river, until we arrived in the province of Costehe, where 
 the villages were likewise built on the islands of the river. 
 The province of Coca is one of the best countries we have 
 seen in Florida. The cacique came to meet us, borne in a 
 litter, and accompanied by a numerous train. But the next 
 morning his followers deserted him. We kept the cacique 
 a prisoner until he agreed to furnish us with Indians to 
 carry our baggage. In this country we found prunes resem 
 bling those of Spain, and vines which produced excellent 
 grapes. 
 
 " Leaving this province, we marched west and southwest 
 for five or six days. We passed a great number of villages, 
 and at the end of that time we entered the province called 
 Italisi. The inhabitants fled in every direction; but the 
 
354 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 cacique came soon after, and presented us with twenty-six 
 or twenty-seven women, and some deerskins. We then pro 
 ceeded south, and, passing through some villages, we arrived 
 in the province of Tuscalusa, whose cacique was of such a 
 height that we took him for a giant. On arriving at his 
 village we gave him a tournament, and offered him other 
 amusements, of which he took no notice. We requested 
 him to give us some Indians to carry our baggage, which 
 he refused with a sneer. The governor then took him a 
 prisoner, which greatly enraged him, and was the cause of 
 his treachery to us afterwards. He told us that he could 
 not give us anything here, but we must go to his village, 
 called Mauvila, where he would furnish us with all the pro 
 visions we stood in need of. We came to a large river, 
 which empties into the bay called Chuse. The Indians 
 informed us that Narvaez s vessels had touched here for 
 water, and left a Christian called Teodoro, who was still 
 among the Indians. They showed us a poignard which 
 had belonged to him. We took two days to construct a 
 raft to cross the river. In the meantime the Indians killed 
 one of the governor s guard. The governor punished the 
 cacique for it, and threatened to burn him alive if he did 
 not deliver up the murderers. He then promised to de 
 liver them up at Mauvila. This cacique had a number of 
 servants with him. He had one to brush off the flies, and 
 another to carry a sunshade. 
 
 " We arrived at Mauvila at nine o clock in the morning. 
 It was a village built on a plain, and surrounded by strong 
 walls. On the outside the Indians had pulled down their 
 huts, so as not to embarrass them. Some of the chiefs met 
 us and told us we could encamp on the plain, but the gov 
 ernor preferred going with them into the town. We saw 
 only three or four hundred Indians, who entertained us with 
 dancing and feasting, but there were hid in the town five or 
 six thousand men, to surprise us. After the dancing was 
 over, the cacique retired into one of his huts. The governor 
 requested him to come out, which he refused to do. The 
 
SPANISH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 
 
 355 
 
 captain of the governor s guard went in after him, and 
 found it filled with warriors armed with bows and arrows. 
 He reported to the governor what he had seen, and told 
 him that he suspected they were going to commit some 
 treason. The governor then sent for another cacique, who 
 also refused to come. The Indians now began to shoot 
 their arrows from the loopholes in their houses, while others 
 discharged them from the outside. We were not upon our 
 guard, as we had supposed them friends, and consequently 
 we suffered severely. We retreated to the outside of the 
 village. Our baggage remained where it had been thrown 
 down, and as soon as the Indians discovered we had fled 
 they shut the gates of the village and commenced to pillage 
 our baggage. 
 
 "The governor ordered sixty or eighty horsemen to ar 
 range themselves into four platoons and attack the village in 
 four different places. He directed the first who should enter 
 the village to set fire to the houses, while the rest of the 
 soldiers were ordered not to let any escape. We fought 
 from morning till night, without a single Indian asking for 
 quarter. When night came, only three Indians were found 
 left, guarding the twenty women who had danced before us. 
 Two of these were killed, and the other, ascending a tree, 
 took the string from his bow and hanged himself from one 
 of the limbs. We lost twenty men killed, and had two 
 hundred and fifty wounded. During the night we dressed 
 the wounded with the fat of the slain Indians, because our 
 medicine was burnt with the baggage. We remained here 
 twenty-seven or twenty-eight days, until the wounded could 
 recover. We then departed, taking with us the women, 
 whom we distributed among the wounded to nurse them. 
 
 " The Indians had told us we were more than forty leagues 
 from the sea. We desired the governor to approach it, so 
 that we might get some news from the brigantines, but he 
 dared not do it, as it was now already in the middle of No 
 vember, and he wished to find a country where there were 
 provisions, and where we could go into winter quarters. We 
 
356 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 marched north ten or twelve days, suffering intensely from 
 the cold, until at length we reached a fertile province, where 
 we went into winter quarters. The cold here is greater 
 than in Spain. This province is called Chicaca. The 
 Indians defended the rivers we had to cross, but afterwards 
 they fled to the woods. In seven or eight days after, the 
 cacique sent envoys to the governor. They were well 
 received by him, and he sent word to the cacique to present 
 himself. The cacique came in a litter, and brought with 
 him rabbits, and whatever he could procure in the country, 
 to give us to eat. At night we surprised some Indians who 
 pretended they had come into our camp to see how we 
 slept. Suspecting their motives, we increased our guards. 
 As these Indians knew how we had placed our guards, three 
 hundred entered the village and set fire to it. They killed 
 fifty-seven horses, three hundred hogs, and thirteen or four 
 teen of our men, and afterwards fled. 
 
 " We remained here the next day, in a very bad condition. 
 We had a few horses left, but we had no saddles, lances, 
 or shields, for all had been burnt. In five days after, the 
 Indians renewed the attack. They marched to battle in 
 great order, and attacked us on three sides. We went out 
 to meet them, and put them to flight. We sojourned here 
 two months, during which time we made saddles, lances, 
 and shields, after which we marched to the northwest, until 
 we reached the province of Alibamo. Here the Indians 
 had built a strong palisade, and had three hundred men to 
 defend it, with orders to die rather than to let us pass 
 through. As soon as we perceived the warriors behind the 
 palisade, we thought they had provisions, or something 
 valuable behind it. We were in great want of provisions, 
 and knew that we had to cross a great desert before we 
 could find any. We therefore arranged ourselves into 
 two divisions, and attacked the enemy. We carried the 
 palisade, but we lost seven or eight men, and had twenty- 
 five wounded. We found enough provisions behind the 
 palisade to last us our journey of ten or twelve days through 
 
SPANISH EXPLORAriON OF THE INTERIOR 35 y 
 
 the desert. The wounded and sick gave us a great deal of 
 trouble, and on the last day we very unexpectedly entered 
 a village called Quiz Quiz. The people here were poor 
 and miserable, and were working their corn fields when we 
 entered it. The village was built on the banks of the Santo 
 EspiritUo It was tributary, like many others, to the sovereign 
 of Pacaha,, 
 
 " We left the village, to encamp on the banks of the river. 
 Here we found the Indians had gathered to dispute our pas 
 sage. They had with them a great number of canoes. We 
 remained here twenty-eight or twenty-nine days, and built 
 four large pirogues, capable of containing seventy or eighty 
 men each, and five or six horses. In the meantime, every 
 day, at three o clock in the afternoon, the Indians got into 
 two hundred and fifty canoes, dressed with flags, and ap 
 proached our side of the river to shoot their arrows at us, 
 but as soon as we had finished our pirogues they made a 
 precipitate retreat. The river [Mississippi] here was about 
 a league wide, and from nineteen to twenty fathoms deep. 
 We ascended this river to the province of Pacaha, but be 
 fore we arrived there we came to another province, whose 
 sovereign was named Yeasqui. He came to us and professed 
 a great deal of friendship, but he was at war with the nation 
 we had just left. He was well received by the governor, 
 and that night we encamped on a plain in sight of his 
 village, where we remained two days. The caciques of 
 this country make a custom of raising, near their dwellings, 
 very high hills, on which they sometimes build their huts. 
 On one of these we planted the cross, and went with much 
 devotion on our knees to kiss the foot of it. On the same 
 evening we returned to our camp, and on the following 
 morning we set out for Pacaha. We journeyed two days, 
 and reached a village in the midst of a plain surrounded by 
 walls, and a ditch filled with water, which had been made 
 by the Indians. We approached it cautiously, and when 
 we got near it we saw the inhabitants going ofF. We en 
 tered it without any trouble, and took a few Indians. While 
 
358 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 we remained here the cacique whom we had left behind us 
 joined us, with a numerous troop of Indians, and offered 
 to assist us. The governor received him graciously, and 
 presented him with all the treasures we had found in the 
 village, after which he went away quietly. 
 
 " We remained at this village twenty-six or twenty-seven 
 days, anxious to learn if we could take the northern route, 
 and cross to the South Sea. We then marched northeast, 
 where we were told we would find large towns. We travelled 
 eight days through swamps, after which we met a troop of 
 Indians who lived under movable tents. They informed 
 us that there were other tribes like themselves, who pitched 
 their tents wherever they found deer, and carried their tents 
 and provisions with them on their backs from place to 
 place,, We next came to the province of Calusu The 
 natives attend but little to the cultivation of the land, and 
 live principally on fish and game. Seeing there was no way 
 of reaching the South Sea, we returned to the north, and 
 afterwards in a southwest direction, to a province called 
 Quigata [near Little Rock, Arkansas] , where we found the 
 largest village we had yet seen in our travels. It was situ 
 ated on one of the branches of a great river. We remained 
 here six or eight days to procure guides and interpreters, 
 with the intention of finding the sea. The Indians in 
 formed us there was a province, eleven days ofF, where they 
 killed buffaloes, and where we could find guides to conduct 
 us to the sea. 
 
 " We set out for this province, which they called Coligua. 
 There was no road leading to it, and every day brought us 
 to a swamp, where we feasted on fish. We then crossed 
 vast plains and high mountains, when suddenly we came 
 to the town of Coligua, where we found an abundance of 
 provisions and a quantity of dry hides. We inquired here 
 for other villages, and they directed us to go west and 
 southwest and we should find them. We accordingly fol 
 lowed their direction, and came to some scattered villages 
 bearing the name of Tatel Coya, Here we found a large 
 
SPANISH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 
 
 359 
 
 river [St. Francis] , emptying into the Rio Grande. We 
 were told that if we were to ascend this river we should 
 find a large province called Cayas, We repaired thither, 
 and found it a mountainous country, and composed of popu 
 lous villages. We then set out for the province of Tula 
 to go into winter quarters. But before reaching it we 
 had to cross very high mountains. We came to an Indian 
 village, where they defended themselves so bravely that we 
 lost seven or eight men and as many horses. The follow 
 ing morning the governor took guides, and ordered the 
 troops to be in readiness to march to the next province, 
 which the Indians called Quipana, situated at the foot of 
 very high mountains. From thence we turned towards the 
 east, and crossing these mountains we descended into an 
 inhabited plain, favorable to our designs, and where there 
 was a large village built on the banks of a river [the Ar 
 kansas] which emptied into the great river we had passed. 
 This province was called Vicanque. Here we went into 
 winter quarters, and suffered so much from the cold and 
 snow that we thought we should all have perished. 
 
 "The Christian whom we took, and who had served us 
 as an interpreter, died in this place. In the beginning of 
 March we descended this river, passing through populous 
 provinces, until we came at last to a country the Indians 
 called Anicoyanque. A cacique called Guachoyanque came 
 to see us. He lived on the banks of the Great River, 
 The governor set out immediately with the cacique for the 
 village of Guachoyanque. His village was fortified and 
 well surrounded by walls. At this place the governor had 
 determined to build some brigantines to send to Cuba, to 
 let them know that he was still alive. He sent his captain 
 to find out the direction of the sea. He returned in a 
 few days, saying that the vast swamps which the Great 
 River had formed prevented him from doing so. At length 
 the governor, finding his situation becoming every day more 
 embarrassing, and his affairs going wrong, fell sick and died. 
 He appointed Luis de Moscoso his successor. Not finding 
 
360 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 any way of reaching the sea by the Great River, Luis de 
 Moscoso determined on going by land to Mexico. When 
 we set out, we travelled twenty-seven days in a westerly 
 direction to the province of Chaviti, where the Indians 
 made salt. From thence we went in three days to the 
 province of Aguacay. 
 
 " The Indians told us here that the country beyond was a 
 wilderness and uninhabited. That to find villages we must 
 go towards the southeast. We then came to a province 
 called Nissione, then to Naudacho and Lacame. We made 
 inquiries here about the province of Xuacatino. The cacique 
 of Naudacho gave us a guide to conduct us through the 
 country. He led us accordingly into a wilderness, and 
 when we got there he told us that his master had ordered 
 him to take us to a country where we should die with 
 hunger. We now took another guide, who conducted us 
 to the province of Hais, where we saw buffaloes, but the 
 Indians prevented us from killing them. We came to 
 Xuacatino, and passed some small villages, without finding 
 any provisions. We then returned towards the south, de 
 termined to die or reach New Spain. We continued to march 
 in this direction eight or nine days more, hoping to provide 
 ourselves with provisions for the journey. We arrived at 
 last at some miserable huts, where the Indians lived by 
 hunting and fishing, and, finding that our corn must soon 
 give out, we resolved to return to the village where Gov 
 ernor de Soto had died, to build some vessels to return to our 
 country. But when we arrived there we did not find the 
 facilities we had expected, and were obliged to seek another 
 place, to go into winter quarters and build our vessels. 
 
 " God permitted us to find two villages to suit our purposes, 
 upon the Great River. These villages were fortified. We re 
 mained here six months to build seven brigantines. We 
 launched them on the river, and it was a miracle they did 
 not leak. They sailed well, although they were calked 
 with the thin bark of mulberry trees. When we embarked 
 the troops, we intended, if we could find a village on the 
 
SPANISH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 361 
 
 seashore, to stop there until we could send two brigantines 
 with despatches to the Viceroy of New Spain, to send us 
 vessels to return in to Spain. On the second day out, as 
 we were descending the river, some forty or fifty canoes 
 came towards us, in one of which were eighty warriors. 
 They shot arrows at us, and captured some of the small 
 canoes we had taken with us, in which were twelve of our 
 best soldiers. The current of the river was so rapid that 
 we could not go to their assistance. Encouraged by this 
 victory, the Indians continued to harass us until we reached 
 the sea, which took us nineteen days. They soon dis 
 covered that we had neither arquebuses nor crossbows to 
 reach them. The only arms we had were some swords 
 and shields, consequently they had nothing to fear from us. 
 We entered the sea through one of the mouths of the river, 
 and for three days and nights we could not see land, but 
 after that we came in sight of it, and took in some water 
 to drink. At length we perceived towards the west some 
 small islands, which we followed, keeping close to the 
 shore, to find something to eat, until we entered the river 
 Panuco, where we were kindly received by the inhabitants." 
 
 The wanderings of De Soto and his men covered a period 
 of four long and miserable years over the southern part of 
 what is now the United States, including, probably, portions 
 of the territory of the States of Florida, Georgia, Arkansas, 
 Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, and Texas. It was in 1541 
 that they reached Mississippi River, his company being the 
 first white men to gaze on its tawny flood above the mouth. 
 If De Soto failed to achieve the object of his undertaking, 
 if the rich countries he hoped to find had eluded his quest 
 and he was denied the honor of crossing the great continent 
 to which all eyes were turned, yet he lifted, over a large 
 area, the veil of mystery that shrouded it, and gave a definite 
 knowledge to the world of what lay behind the coast line 
 that his predecessors had traced, and his name will forever 
 be linked with those of the pioneers of western discovery. 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO FOR THE FRENCH 
 
 CONTRARY to her usual conduct in the great affairs of 
 human history, France was dilatory in taking part in the 
 discoveries in the New World. She saw the kings of Eng 
 land patronizing expeditions which added continents to the 
 known world; she saw Portugal annexing Brazil, as well 
 as the West Coast of Africa, to her realm; she saw Spain 
 carving out for herself in America domains teeming with 
 unexampled wealth, before she made any move to take 
 part in these enterprises. It was not until the year 1523 
 that France, as a nation, became awakened to the possi 
 bilities of the west. But though her rulers and leading men 
 were absorbed in other interests, the hardy mariners of 
 Brittany and the coast of Normandy were early led to turn 
 their prows in the wake of Cabot and the Cortereals. 
 Ramusio tells us that in 1504 the land now known as Nova 
 Scotia and Cape Breton was discovered by fishermen from 
 the northwest coast of France, and that the name " Cape 
 Breton" is the seal and proof of both their patriotism and 
 their enterprise. The reports which John Cabot brought 
 home of the codfbh that teemed in the waters off New 
 foundland and Labrador soon reached the fishermen of 
 Dieppe and Honfleur, and they immediately proceeded to 
 further the investigations in which the English and the 
 Portuguese had taken the lead. It was not long before it 
 became so customary for vessels from Brittany and Nor 
 mandy to frequent those shores, that it seemed to the people 
 
 363 
 
364 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 of these seafaring provinces that such had been their wont 
 from time immemorial, and in consequence a tradition arose 
 that their fishermen had not waited to be shown the way to 
 the west by Columbus and Cabot. 
 
 But the first authenticated French voyage to North 
 American shores was undertaken in 1506, when a vessel 
 sailed thither from Honfleur under the command of Jean 
 Denis, with Gamart of Rouen as pilot, but this is all the 
 information we have regarding this expedition,, Ramusio 
 also says: "The people of Dieppe continued their commer 
 cial intercourse with the West Indies. When they heard 
 of the discoveries which the Spaniards had made in America, 
 they found their emulation incited, and they equipped two 
 vessels to discover whether that part of the world did not 
 extend its coast to the north. They intrusted the command 
 of the ships to two of their most skilful captains, named 
 Thomas Aubert and Jean Verassen. These two ships 
 sailed from Dieppe at the beginning of the year 1508, and 
 discovered the same year the river which they named the 
 St. Lawrence in honor of the martyred Roman saint. They 
 explored the river for more than eighty leagues, finding the 
 inhabitants friendly, with whom they made very profitable 
 exchanges for peltries." (Ramusio, iii, 359.) The "Jean 
 Verassen" who was the subordinate commander in this 
 voyage is the Verrazano who was afterward to make him 
 self so famous by a voyage which had the same importance 
 for France that the expeditions of Cabot had for England. 
 
 Aubert and Verrazano, besides the peltries, brought back 
 from the New World specimens of its human inhabitants, 
 as we learn from a work printed in Paris in 1512, wherein^ 
 coupled with the date 1509, it is stated: "Seven wild men 
 were brought from that island (which is called the New 
 Land) to Rouen with their canoe, clothing, and weaponSo 
 They are of a sooty color, with thick lips, and bearing 
 marks on the face drawn like blue veins along the cheek 
 bones from the ear to the middle of the chin ; with black 
 hair and coarse like a horse s mane; having no beard 
 
VOYAGE OF FERRAZANO FOR rHE FRENCH 365 
 
 throughout the whole life ; no hair on any part of the body, 
 except on the head and eyebrowSo They wear a girdle to 
 cover their nakedness, in which girdle is a sort of pouch; 
 they form a dialect with their lips ; religion they have none. 
 Their canoe is bark, which a man can lift on his shoulders 
 with one hand Their weapons are large bows, the strings 
 being intestines or sinews of animals ; their arrows are canes 
 barbed with flint or fish-bone. Of bread and wine and 
 money they have not the least use. They go naked or 
 clad in the skins of beasts, bears, deer, sea-calves, and the 
 like, Their country, parallel to the seventh climate, is 
 nearer the West [the coast of Ireland] than France is farther 
 from it." (Emebil chronicon, Paris, 1512, 172.) 
 
 With the exception of the fishing expeditions and such 
 sporadic voyages as that of Aubert, nothing was attempted 
 in the way of American discovery by France until the reign 
 of Francis I. Lescarbot, in his Histoire de la Nouvelle France, 
 gives an account of how Baron de Lery, in 1518, attempted 
 to colonize Sable Island, but the only result was that, for 
 many years, the descendants of the cattle and pigs he con 
 veyed there had the island in sole possession. 
 
 In 1523, all Europe was disturbed by a war between 
 Francis I. and Charles V The former sought to harass 
 his enemy by preying upon his ships, especially those return 
 ing laden with the spoils of the West Indies, for which 
 work he commissioned Verrazano, who was one of the 
 most experienced navigators of Dieppe, having, as we have 
 seen, made a voyage to the New World. Verrazano quickly 
 justified his sovereign s choice, for he fell in with the ship 
 in which Cortes was sending to Charles V. the spoils of 
 Montezuma s palace. This he captured, and was thereby 
 enabled to carry to the French king a present to the value of 
 one million five hundred thousand dollars. The amount 
 of this treasure opened the eyes of Francis to the extent of 
 the resources which Spain had procured for herself by her 
 newly discovered acquisitions in the west. He realized 
 that the indifference of France to American exploration was 
 
366 
 
 DISCOVER T AND EXPLORE TION 
 
 a disadvantageous policy. Determined to share at first hand 
 in these gains, he addressed a letter to Charles, in his light- 
 hearted fashion, begging for information as to why he was 
 left out when the world was divided between Spain and 
 PortugaL He inquired if Father Adam had left a last will 
 and testament designating those two as his sole heirs. 
 (See Bernal Diaz, Historia de la Conquista de Nueva Espana, 
 Madrid, 1632, chap. 169.) 
 
 Not receiving any satisfactory answer to this inquiry, 
 Francis decided to despatch Verrazano to the West Indies, 
 to make discoveries to the advantage of France. This 
 famous navigator was born near Florence, about the year 
 14800 His family was of noble extraction, but Giovanni 
 was of too adventurous a disposition to remain on the 
 ancestral lands, hence he early took to the sea and travelled 
 to many parts. We hear of him trafficking in Egypt and 
 in Syria; and as early as 1505 we find him in the maritime 
 service of France, in which, as has already been noticed, he 
 gained his first experience of American seas in 15080 The 
 commission of Francis I., under which he sailed from the 
 Madeira Islands on January 17, 1524, directed him not 
 only to search for undiscovered lands yielding gold and 
 precious stones, but also to look for a passage, north of 
 Florida, opening into the sea of Cathay. The result of his 
 voyage was the exploration of the greater part of the eastern 
 coast line of the United States, including Narragansett Bay 
 and New York harbor. It should be stated that no docu 
 ments or evidence have been found in the archives of France 
 corroborating the account of Verrazano s voyage as it is set 
 forth in the following letter. For this reason its genuine 
 ness has been disputed; but all objections have been ably 
 and successfully answered by J Carson Brevoort in his Ver 
 razano the Navigator. A letter has been found among the 
 diplomatic correspondence of Portugal, written by Joao da 
 Silveyra, who was sent as ambassador to France by John III. 
 of Portugal, wherein it is said " By what I hear, Messer 
 Joao Verazano, who is going on the discovery of Cathay, 
 
FOY AGE OF FERRAZANO FOR THE FRENCH 367 
 
 has not left up to this date for want of opportunity, and be 
 cause of differences, I understand, between himself and 
 men; and on this point, although knowing nothing posi 
 tively, I have written my doubts in accompanying letters, 
 I shall continue to doubt, unless he take his departure." 
 The ambassador was endeavoring, by secret means, to pre 
 vent the sailing of Verrazano ; but the commander got off 
 with four vessels late in 1523. As appears, however, in 
 the following account, three of the ships were disabled by 
 heavy storms, and he eventually sailed on the I yth of Janu 
 ary, 1524, with the Dolphin alone. We will let the bold 
 navigator tell his own story, as given in his letter: 
 
 " To his most Serene Majesty, the King of France : 
 
 " Since the tempests which we encountered on the north 
 ern coasts, I have not written to your most Serene and 
 Christian Majesty concerning the four ships sent out by 
 your orders on the ocean to discover new lands, because I 
 thought you must have been before apprised of all that had 
 happened to us; that we had been compelled, by the 
 impetuous violence of the winds, to put into Brittany in 
 distress, with only the two ships Normandy and Dolphin; 
 and that, after having repaired these ships, we made a cruise 
 in them, well armed, along the coast of Spain, as your 
 Majesty must have heard; and also of our new plan of 
 continuing our begun voyage with the Dolphin alone. From 
 this voyage being now returned, I proceed to give your 
 Majesty an account of our discoveries,, 
 
 " On the i yth of last January we set sail from a desolate 
 rock near the island of Madeira, belonging to his most 
 Serene Majesty the King of Portugal, with fifty men ; having 
 provisions sufficient for eight months, arms, and other war 
 like munitions and naval stores. Sailing westward with a 
 light and pleasant easterly breeze, in twenty-five days we 
 ran eight hundred leagueSo On the 24th of February 
 we encountered as violent a hurricane as any ship ever 
 weathered, from which we escaped unhurt by the Divine 
 
368 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 assistance and goodness, to the praise of the glorious and 
 fortunate name of our good ship, that had been able to 
 support the violent tossing of the waves. Pursuing our 
 voyage towards the west, a little northwardly, in twenty- 
 four days more, having run four hundred leagues, we reached 
 a new country, which had never before been seen by any 
 one either in ancient or modern times. At first it appeared 
 to be very low, but on approaching it to within a quarter 
 of a league from the shore, we perceived, by the great fires 
 near the coast, that it was inhabited. We perceived that it 
 stretched to the south, and coasted along in that direction 
 in search of some port in which we might come to an 
 anchor and examine into the nature of the country ; but for 
 fifty leagues we could find none in which we could lie 
 securely. Seeing the coast still stretched to the south, we 
 resolved to change our course and stand to the northward; 
 and as we still had the same difficulty, we drew in with the 
 land, and sent a boat on shore. Many people who were 
 seen coming to the seaside fled at our approach; but occa 
 sionally stopping, they looked back upon us with astonish 
 ment, and some were at length induced by various friendly 
 signs to come to us. These showed the greatest delight 
 on beholding us, wondering at our dress, countenances, and 
 complexion. They then showed us by signs where we 
 could more conveniently secure our boat, and offered us 
 some of their provisions. That your Majesty may know 
 all that we learned, while on shore, of their manners and 
 customs of life, I will relate what we saw as briefly as 
 possible. They go entirely naked except that about the 
 loins they wear skins of small animals, like martens, fas 
 tened by a girdle of plaited grass, to which they tie, all 
 round the body, the tails of other animals, hanging down to 
 the knees All other parts of the body and the head are 
 naked. Some wear garlands similar to birds feathers,, 
 
 "The complexion of these people is black, not much 
 different from that of the Ethiopians, Their hair is black, 
 and thick, and not very long; it is worn tied back upon the 
 
DESCRIPTION 
 
 DE LA 
 
 LOUISIANA 
 
 NOUVELLEMENT DECOUVERTE 
 auSud Oiiefl dc la Nouvcllc Fiance, 
 
 PAR ORDRE DU ROY. 
 
 Avec la Carte du Pay* : Ln Mizurs 
 & la Maniere de vivre 
 de$ batwagt*. 
 
 DEDIE E A SA MAJESTE 
 
 . P.Louis HENNEPXM 
 Mifponnairc RccolUt & 
 Notairc 
 
 A PARIS, 
 
 Chez la Veuve S E B AST i EN HURE , rue 
 
 Saint Jacques, a FlmageS. Jerome, 
 
 pr^s S. Sevcrm. 
 
 M. DC. LXXXIII."" 
 PRIVILEGE DV 
 
 Title-page of the first printed account of Hennepin s discoveries in 
 America, issued in Paris, 1683. From the original in the New York 
 Public Library, Lenox Branch. 
 
VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO FOR THE FRENCH 369 
 
 head, in the form of a little tail. In person they are of 
 good proportions, of middle stature, a little above our own ; 
 broad across the breast, strong in the arms, and well formed 
 in the legs and other parts of the body. The only excep 
 tion to their good looks is that they have broad faces ; but 
 not all, however, as we saw many that had sharp ones, with 
 large black eyes and a fixed expression. They are not very 
 strong in body, but acute in mind, active and swift of foot, 
 as far as we could judge by observation. In these last two 
 particulars they resemble the people of the East, especially 
 those the most remote. We could not learn a great many 
 particulars of their usages, on account of our short stay 
 among them and the distance of our ship from the shore. 
 
 u We found not far from this people another, whose mode 
 of life we judged to be similar. The whole shore is cov 
 ered with fine sand, about fifteen feet thick, rising in the 
 form of little hills, about fifty paces broad. Ascending 
 farther, we found several arms of the sea, which make in 
 through inlets, washing the shores on both sides as the 
 coast runs. An outstretched country appears at a little 
 distance, rising somewhat above the sandy shore, in beauti 
 ful fields and broad plains, covered with immense forests 
 of trees more or less dense, too various in colors and too 
 delightful and charming in appearance to be described. I 
 do not believe that they are like the Hercynian forest, or 
 the rough wilds of Scythia ; and the northern regions full 
 of vines and common trees; but adorned with palms, 
 laurels, cypresses, and other varieties, unknown in Europe; 
 that send forth the sweetest fragrance to a great distance; 
 but which we could not examine more closely for the rea 
 sons before given, and not on account of any difficulty in 
 traversing the woods; which on the contrary, are easily 
 penetratedo 
 
 "As the East stretches around this country, I think it 
 cannot be devoid of the same medicinal and aromatic drugs, 
 and various riches of gold and the like, as is denoted by the 
 color of the ground. It abounds also in animals, as deer. 
 
DISCO 7ER T AND EX PL ORA riON 
 
 stags, hares, and many other similar, and with a great variety 
 of birds for every kind of pleasant and delightful sport. It 
 is plentifully supplied with lakes and ponds of running 
 water; and being in the latitude of 34, the air is salu 
 brious, pure, and temperate, and free from the extremes of 
 both heat and cold. There are no violent winds in these 
 regions; the most prevalent are the northwest and west. 
 In summer, the season in which we were there, the sky is 
 clear, with but little rain. If fogs and mists are at any 
 time driven in by the south wind, they are instantaneously 
 dissipated, and at once it becomes serene and bright again. 
 The sea is calm, not boisterous, and its waves are gentle. 
 Although the whole coast is low and without harbors, it is 
 not dangerous for navigation, being free from rocks, and 
 bold, so that, within four or five fathoms from the shore, 
 there is twenty-four feet of water at all times of tide; and 
 this depth constantly increases in a uniform proportion. The 
 holding ground is so good that no ship can part her cable, 
 however violent the wind, as we proved by experience; for 
 while riding at anchor on the coast, we were overtaken by a 
 gale in the beginning of March, when the winds are high, as 
 is usual in all countries; we found our anchor broken before 
 it started from its hold or moved at all. 
 
 "We set sail from this place, continuing to coast along the 
 shore, which we found stretching out to the west [east ?] ; 
 the inhabitants being numerous, we saw everywhere a mul 
 titude of fires. While at anchor on this coast, there being 
 no harbor to enter, we sent the boat on shore with twenty- 
 five men, to obtain water; but it was not possible to land 
 without endangering the boat, on account of the immense 
 high surf thrown up by the sea, as it was an open road 
 stead. Many of the natives came to the beach, indicating, 
 by various friendly signs, that we might trust ourselves on 
 shore. One of their noble deeds of friendship deserves 
 to be made known to your Majesty. A young sailor was 
 attempting to swim ashore through the surf, to carry them 
 some knickknacks, as little bells, looking glasses, and other 
 
VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO FOR THE FRENCH 371 
 
 like trifles; when he came near three or four of them he 
 tossed the things to them, and turned about to get back to 
 the boat; but he was thrown over by the waves, and so 
 dashed by them, that he lay, as it were, dead upon the 
 beach. When these people saw him in this situation, they 
 ran and took him by the head, legs, and arms, and carried 
 him to a distance from the surf. The young man, finding 
 himself borne off in this way, uttered very loud shrieks in 
 fear and dismay, while they answered as they could in their 
 own language, showing him that he had no cause for fear. 
 Afterwards they laid him down at the foot of a little hill, 
 when they took off his shirt and trousers and examined 
 him, expressing the greatest astonishment at the whiteness 
 of his skin. Our sailors in the boat, seeing a great fire 
 made up and their companion placed very near it, full of 
 fear, as is usual in all cases of novelty, imagined that the 
 natives were about to roast him for food. But as soon as 
 he had recovered his strength, after a short stay with them, 
 showing by signs that he wished to return aboard, they 
 hugged him with great affection, and accompanied him to 
 the shore, then leaving him that he might feel more secure, 
 they withdrew to a little hill, from which they watched him 
 until he was safe in the boat. This young man remarked 
 that these people were black like the others; that they had 
 shining skins, middle stature, and sharper faces, and very 
 delicate bodies and limbs; and that they were inferior in 
 strength, but quick in their minds; that is all that he 
 observed of them. 
 
 u Departing hence, and always following the shore, which 
 stretched to the north, we came, in the space of fifty 
 leagues, to another land, which appeared very beautiful and 
 full of large forests. We approached it, and going ashore 
 with twenty men, we went back from the coast about two 
 leagues, and found that the people had fled and hid them 
 selves in the woods for fear. By searching around, we 
 discovered in the grass a very old woman and a young girl 
 about eighteen or twenty, who had concealed themselves 
 
372 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 for the same reason. The old woman carried two infants 
 on her shoulders, and behind her neck a little boy eight 
 years of age. When we came up to them they began to 
 shriek and make signs to the men who had fled to the 
 woods. We gave them a part of our provisions, which 
 they accepted with delight; but the girl would not touch 
 any, everything we offered to her being thrown down in 
 great anger. We took the little boy from the old woman 
 to carry with us to France, and would have taken the girl 
 also, who was very beautiful and very tall; but it was im 
 possible because of the loud shrieks she uttered as we 
 attempted to lead her away. Having to pass some woods, 
 and being far from the ship, we determined to leave her and 
 take the boy only. We found them fairer than the others, 
 and wearing a covering made of certain plants which hung 
 down from the branches of the trees, tying them to 
 gether with threads of wild hemp. Their heads are without 
 covering and of the same shape as the others. Their food 
 is a kind of pulse, which there abounds; different in color 
 and size from ours, and of a very delicious flavor. Besides, 
 they take birds and fish for food, using snares, and bows 
 made of hard wood, with reeds for arrows, in the ends of 
 which they put the bones of fish and other animals. The 
 animals in these regions are wilder than in Europe, from 
 being continually molested by the hunters. We saw many 
 of their boats, made of one tree, twenty feet long and four 
 feet broad, without the aid of stone, of iron, or other kind 
 of metal. In the whole country, for the space of two hun 
 dred leagues, which we visited, we saw no stone of any 
 sort. To hollow out their boats, they burn out as much of 
 a log as is requisite, and also from the prow and stern, to 
 make them float well on the sea. The land, in situation, 
 fertility, and beauty, is like the other; abounding also in 
 forests, filled with various kinds of trees ; but not of such 
 fragrance, as it is more northern and colder. 
 
 " We saw in this country many vines, growing naturally, 
 which entwine about the trees and run up upon them as 
 
FOT AGE OF VERRAZANO FOR THE FRENCH 
 
 373 
 
 they do in the plains of Lombardy. These vines would 
 doubtless produce excellent wine if they were properly cul 
 tivated and attended to, as we have often seen the grapes 
 which they produce very sweet and pleasant, and not un 
 like our own. They must be held in estimation by them, 
 as they carefully remove the shrubbery from around them 
 wherever they grow, to allow the fruit to ripen better. We 
 found also wild roses, violets, lilies, and many sorts of 
 plants and fragrant flowers different from our own. We 
 cannot describe their habitations, as they are in the interior 
 of the country, but from various indications we conclude 
 they must be formed of trees and shrubs. We saw also 
 many grounds for conjecturing that they often sleep in the 
 open air, without any covering but the sky. Of their other 
 usages we know nothing; we believe, however, that all the 
 people we were among live in the same way. 
 
 " After having remained here three days, riding at anchor 
 on the coast, as we could find no harbor, we determined to 
 depart, and coast along the shore to the northeast, keeping 
 sail on the vessel only by day, and coming to anchor by 
 night. After proceeding one hundred leagues, we found a 
 very pleasant situation among some steep hills, through 
 which a very large river [the Hudson] , deep at its mouth, 
 forced its way to the sea ; from the sea to the estuary of the 
 river, any ship heavily laden might pass, with the help of 
 the tide, which rises eight feet. But as we were riding at 
 anchor in a good berth, we would not venture up in our 
 vessel, without a knowledge of the mouth; therefore, we 
 took the boat, and, entering the river, we found the country 
 on its banks well peopled, the inhabitants not differing 
 much from the others, being dressed out with the feathers 
 of birds of various colors. They came towards us with 
 evident delight, raising loud shouts of admiration, and 
 showing us where we could most securely land with our 
 boat. We passed up this river about half a league, when 
 we found it formed a most beautiful lake [New York 
 harbor], three leagues in circuit, upon which they were 
 
374 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 rowing thirty or more of their small boats, from one shore 
 to the other, filled with multitudes who came to see us. 
 All of a sudden, as is wont to happen to navigators, a 
 violent contrary wind blew in from the sea, and forced us 
 to return to our ship, greatly regretting to leave this region 
 which seemed so commodious and delightful, and which we 
 supposed must also contain great riches, as the hills showed 
 many indications of minerals. Weighing anchor, we sailed 
 eighty leagues towards the east, as the coast stretched in 
 that direction, and always in sight of it; at length we dis 
 covered an island of a triangular form, about ten leagues 
 from the mainland, in size about equal to the island of 
 Rhodes, having many hills covered with trees, and well 
 peopled, judging from the great number of fires which we 
 saw all around its shores; we gave it the name of your 
 Majesty s mother. 
 
 u We did not land there, as the weather was unfavorable, 
 but proceeded to another place, fifteen leagues distant from 
 the island, where we found a very excellent harbor. Before 
 entering it, we saw about twenty small boats full of people, 
 who came about our ship, uttering many cries of astonish 
 ment, but they would not approach nearer than within fifty 
 paces; stopping, they looked at the structure of our ship, 
 our persons and dress, afterwards they all raised a loud 
 shout together, signifying that they were pleased. By imi 
 tating their signs, we inspired them in some measure with 
 confidence, so that they came near enough for us to toss to 
 them some little bells and glasses, and many toys, which 
 they took and looked at, laughing, and then came on board 
 without fear; among them were two kings, more beautiful 
 in form and stature than can possibly be described; one 
 was about forty years old, the other about twenty-four, and 
 they were dressed in the following manner: the oldest had 
 a deer s skin around his body, artificially wrought in damask 
 figures; his head was without covering, his hair was tied 
 back in various knots; around his neck he wore a large 
 chain ornamented with many stones of different colors. 
 
FOT AGE OF PERRAZANO FOR THE FRENCH 375 
 
 The young man was similar in his general appearance. 
 This is the finest-looking tribe, and the handsomest in cos 
 tumes, that we have found in our voyage. They exceed 
 us in size, and they are of a very fair complexion ; some 
 of them incline more to a white [bronze] , and others to a 
 tawny color; their faces are sharp, their hair long and 
 black, upon the adorning of which they bestow great pains ; 
 their eyes are black and sharp, their expression mild and 
 pleasant, greatly resembling the antique. I say nothing to 
 your Majesty of the other parts of the body, which are all 
 in a good proportion, and such as belong to well-formed 
 men. Their women are of the same form and beauty, 
 very graceful, of fine countenances and pleasing appearance 
 in manners and modesty; they wear no clothing except a 
 deer skin, ornamented like those worn by the men ; some 
 wear very rich lynx skins upon their arms, and various 
 ornaments upon their heads, composed of braids of hair, 
 which also hang down upon their breasts on each side; 
 others wear different ornaments, such as the women of 
 Egypt and Syria use. The older and the married people, 
 both men and women, wear many ornaments in their ears, 
 hanging down in the Oriental manner. We saw upon 
 them several pieces of wrought copper, which is more 
 esteemed by them than gold, as this is not valued, on ac 
 count of its color, but is considered by them as the most 
 ordinary of the metals, yellow being the color especially 
 disliked by them; azure and red are those in highest esti 
 mation with them. Of those things which we gave them, 
 they prized most highly the bells, azure crystals, and other 
 toys to hang in their ears and about their necks; they 
 do not value or care to have silk or gold stuffs, or other 
 kind of cloth, or implements of steel or iron. When we 
 showed them our arms, they expressed no admiration, and 
 only asked how they were made; the same was the case 
 with the looking glasses, which they returned to us, smiling, 
 as soon as they had looked at them. They are very gen 
 erous, giving away whatever they have. We formed a 
 
376 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 great friendship with them, and one day we entered into 
 the port with our ship, having before rode at the distance 
 of a league from the shore, as the weather was adverse. 
 They came off to the ship with a number of their little boats, 
 with their faces painted in divers colors, showing us real 
 signs of joy, bringing us of their provisions, and signifying 
 to us where we could best ride in safety with our ship, and 
 keeping with us until we had cast anchor. We remained 
 among them fifteen days, to provide ourselves with many 
 things of which we were in want; during this time they 
 came every day to see our ship, bringing with them their 
 wives, of whom they were very careful ; for although they 
 came on board themselves, and remained a long while, 
 they made their wives stay in the boats, nor could we ever 
 get them on board by entreaties or any presents we could 
 make them. One of the two kings often came with his 
 queen and many attendants, to see us for his amusements, 
 but he always stopped at the distance of about two hundred 
 paces, and sent a boat to inform us of his intended visit, 
 saying they would come and see our ship, this was done 
 for safety, and as soon as they had an answer from us they 
 came off, and remained a while to look around; but on 
 hearing the annoying cries of the sailors, the king sent his 
 queen, with her attendants, in a very light boat, to wait, 
 near an island a quarter of a league distant from us, while 
 he remained a long time on board, talking with us by signs 
 and expressing his fanciful notions about everything in the 
 ship, and asking the use of all. After imitating our modes 
 of salutation, and tasting our food, he courteously took 
 leave of us. Sometimes, when our men stayed two or three 
 days on a small island near the ship for their various neces 
 sities, as sailors are wont to do, he came with seven or 
 eight of his attendants to inquire about our movements, 
 often asking us if we intended to remain long, and offering 
 us everything at his command ; and then he would shoot 
 with his bow, and run up and down with his people, making 
 great sport for us. We often went five or six leagues into 
 
VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO FOR rHE FRENCH 
 
 377 
 
 the interior, and found the country as pleasant as is possible 
 to conceive, adapted to cultivation of every kind, whether 
 of corn, wine or oil; there are often plains twenty-five or 
 thirty leagues in extent, entirely free from trees or other 
 hindrances, and of so great fertility, that whatever is sown 
 there will yield an excellent crop. On entering the woods, 
 we observed that they might all be traversed by an army 
 ever so numerous; the trees of which they were composed 
 were oaks, cypresses, and others unknown in Europe. We 
 found also apples, plums, filberts, and many other fruits, 
 but all of a different kind from ours. The animals, which 
 are in great numbers, as stags, deer, lynxes, and many other 
 species, are taken by snares and by bows, the latter being 
 their chief implement; their arrows are wrought with great 
 beauty, and for the heads of them they use emery, jasper, 
 hard marble, and other sharp stones in cutting down trees, 
 and with them they construct their boats of single logs, 
 hollowed out with admirable skill, and sufficiently commo 
 dious to contain ten or twelve persons ; their oars are short, 
 and broad at the end, and are managed in rowing by force 
 of the arms alone, with perfect security, and as nimbly as 
 they choose. We saw their dwellings, which are of a cir 
 cular form, of about ten or twelve paces in circumference, 
 made of logs split in halves, without any regularity in 
 architecture, and covered with roofs of straw, nicely put 
 on, which protect them from wind and rain. There is no 
 doubt that they would build stately edifices if they had 
 workmen as skilful as ours; for the whole seacoast abounds 
 in shining stones, crystals, and alabaster, and for the same 
 reason it has posts and retreats for animals. They change 
 their habitations trom place to place as circumstances of 
 situation and season may require. This is easily done, as 
 they have only to take with them their mats, and they have 
 other houses prepared at once. The father and the whole 
 family dwell together in one house in great numbers ; in 
 some we saw twenty-five or thirty persons. Their food is 
 pulse, as with the other tribes; which is here better than 
 
378 DISCOVER r AND EXPLORATION 
 
 elsewhere, and more carefully cultivated. In the time of 
 sowing they are governed by the moon, the sprouting 
 of grain, and many other ancient usages. They live by 
 hunting and fishing, and they are long-lived. If they fall 
 sick, they cure themselves without medicine, by the heat 
 of the fire ; and their death at last comes from extreme old 
 age. We judge them to be very affectionate and charitable 
 towards their relatives, making loud lamentations in their 
 adversity, and in their misery calling to mind all their good 
 fortune. At their departure out of life, their relations mutu 
 ally join in weeping, mingled with singing, for a long while. 
 This is all that we could learn of them. 
 
 " This region is situated in the parallel of Rome, being 
 41 40 of north latitude; but much colder, from accidental 
 circumstances, and not by nature, as I shall hereafter explain 
 to your Majesty, and confine myself at present to the de 
 scription of its local situation. It looks toward the south, 
 on which side the harbor is half of a league broad [prob 
 ably Newport] ; afterwards, upon entering it, the extent 
 between the coast and north is twelve leagues; and then 
 enlarging itself, it forms a very large bay, twenty leagues 
 in circumference, in which are five small islands of great 
 fertility and beauty, covered with large and lofty trees. 
 Among these islands any fleet, however large, might ride 
 safely, without fear of tempests or other dangers. Turning 
 towards the south, at the entrance of the harbor, on both 
 sides, there are very pleasant hills, and many streams of clear 
 water which flow down to the sea. In the midst of the 
 entrance there is a rock of freestone, formed by nature, and 
 suitable for the construction of any kind of machine or 
 bulwark for the defence of the harbor. 
 
 u Having supplied ourselves with everything necessary, on 
 the fifth of May we departed from the port, and sailed one 
 hundred and fifty leagues, keeping so close to the coast as 
 never to lose it from our sight. The nature of the country 
 appeared much the same as before; but the mountains were 
 a little higher, and all, in appearance, rich in minerals. We 
 
OF 7ERRAZANO FOR THE FRENCH 
 
 379 
 
 did not stop to land, as the weather was very favorable for 
 pursuing our voyage, and the country presented no variety. 
 The shore stretched to the east; and, fifty leagues beyond, 
 more to the north, where we found a more elevated country 
 full of very thick woods of fir trees, cypresses, and the like, 
 indicative of a cold climate. The people were entirely 
 different from the others we had seen, whom we had found 
 kind and gentle; but these were so rude and barbarous 
 that we were unable, by any signs we could make, to hold 
 communication with them. They clothe themselves in the 
 skins of bears, lynxes, seals, and other animals. Their 
 food, as far as we could judge by several visits to their 
 dwellings, is obtained by hunting and fishing, and certain 
 fruits, which are a sort of root of spontaneous growth. 
 They have no pulse, and we saw no signs of cultivation. 
 The land appears sterile, and unfit for growing of fruit 
 or grain of any kind. If we wished at any time to traffic 
 with them, they came to the seashore and stood upon the 
 rocks, from which they lowered down by a cord, to our 
 boats beneath, whatever they had to barter, continually 
 crying out to us not to come nearer, and instantly demand 
 ing from us what was to be given in exchange. They took 
 from us only knives, fishhooks, and sharpened steel. . . . 
 No regard was paid to our courtesies. When we had noth 
 ing left to exchange with them, the men at our departure 
 made the most brutal signs of disdain and contempt possi 
 ble. Against their will, we penetrated two or three leagues 
 into the interior with twenty-five men. When we came 
 to the shore, they shot at us with their arrows, raising the 
 most horrible cries, and afterwards fleeing to the woods. 
 In this region we found nothing extraordinary except vast 
 forests and some metalliferous hills, as we infer from seeing 
 that many of the people wear copper earrings. 
 
 " Departing from thence, we kept along the coast, steering 
 northeast, and found the country more pleasant and open, 
 free from woods; and distant in the interior we saw lofty 
 mountains, but none which extended to the shore. Within 
 
380 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 fifty leagues we discovered thirty-two islands, all near the 
 mainland, small, and of pleasant appearance; but high, and 
 so disposed as to afford excellent harbors and channels, 
 as we see in the Adriatic Gulf, near Illyria and Dalmatia. 
 We had no intercourse with the people; but we judge that 
 they were similar in nature and usages to those we were 
 last among. After sailing between east and north the dis 
 tance of one hundred and fifty leagues more, and finding 
 our provisions and naval stores nearly exhausted, we took 
 in wood and water, and determined to return to France, 
 having discovered five hundred and two, that is, seven 
 hundred leagues of unknown land. 
 
 "As to the religious faith of all these tribes, not under 
 standing their language, we could not discover either by 
 sign or gestures anything certain. It seemed to us that 
 they had no religion nor laws, nor any knowledge of p. First 
 Cause or Mover, that they worshipped neither the heavens, 
 stars, sun, moon, nor other planets; nor could we learn if 
 they were given to any kind of idolatry, or offered any sacri 
 fices or supplications, or if they have temples or houses of 
 prayer in their villages ; our conclusion was that they have 
 no religious belief whatever, but live in this respect entirely 
 free. All which proceeds from ignorance, as they are very 
 easy to be persuaded, and imitated us with earnestness and 
 fervor in all which they saw us do as Christians in our acts 
 of worship. 
 
 " It remains for me to lay before your Majesty a cosmo- 
 graphical exposition of our voyage. Taking our departure, 
 as I before observed, from the above-mentioned desert rocks, 
 which lie on the extreme verge of the west, as known to the 
 ancients, in the meridian of the Fortunate Islands, and in 
 the latitude of thirty-two degrees north from the equator, 
 and steering a westward course, we had run, when we first 
 made land, a distance of one thousand two hundred leagues 
 or four thousand eight hundred miles, reckoning, according 
 to a nautical usage, four miles to a league. This distance 
 calculated geometrically, upon the usual ratio of the diameter 
 
VOYAGE OF 7ERRAZANO FOR THE FRENCH 381 
 
 to the circumference of the circle, gives ninety-two degrees ; 
 for if we take one hundred and fourteen degrees as the 
 chord of an arc of a great circle, we have by the same ratio 
 ninety-five degrees as the chord of an arc on the parallel 
 of thirty-four degrees, being that on which we first made 
 land, and three hundred degrees as the circumference of the 
 whole circle, passing through this plane. Allowing, then, 
 as actual observations show, that sixty-two and one-half 
 terrestrial miles correspond to a celestial degree, we find the 
 whole circumference of three hundred degrees as just given 
 to be eighteen thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine miles, 
 which, divided by three hundred and sixty, makes the length 
 of a degree of longitude in the parallel of thirty-four de 
 grees to be fifty-two miles, and that is the true measure. 
 Upon this basis, one thousand two hundred leagues, or four 
 thousand eight hundred miles meridional distance, on the 
 parallel of thirty-four, give ninety-two degrees, and so many 
 therefore have we sailed farther to the west than was known 
 to the ancients. During our voyage we had no lunar 
 eclipses or like celestial phenomena; we therefore deter 
 mined our progress from the difference of longitude, which 
 we ascertained by various instruments, by taking the sun s 
 altitude from day to day, and by calculating geometrically 
 the distance run by the ship from one horizon to another ; 
 all these observations, as also the ebb and flow of the sea 
 in all places, were noted in a little book, which may prove 
 serviceable to navigators; they are communicated to your 
 Majesty in the hope of promoting science. 
 
 u My intention in this voyage was to reach Cathay, on 
 the extreme coast of Asia, expecting, however, to find in the 
 newly discovered land some such obstacles as they have 
 proved to be, yet did I not doubt that I should penetrate 
 by some passage to the eastern ocean. It was the opinion 
 of the ancients that our Oriental Indian Ocean is one, 
 and without any interposing land; Aristotle supports it by 
 arguments founded on various probabilities; but it is con 
 trary to that of the moderns, and shown to be erroneous by 
 
382 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 experience. The country which has been discovered, and 
 which was unknown to the ancients, is another world, com 
 pared with that before known, being manifestly larger than 
 our Europe together with Africa and perhaps Asia, if we 
 rightly estimate its extent. We shall now be briefly ex 
 plained to your Majesty. The Spaniards have sailed south 
 beyond the equator, on a meridian twenty degrees west of 
 the Fortunate Islands to the latitude of fifty-four degrees ; 
 and there still found land. Turning about, they steered 
 northward on the same meridian, and along the coast to the 
 eighth degree of latitude, near the equator, and thence along 
 the coast, more to the west and northwest, to the latitude 
 of twenty-one degrees, without finding a termination of the 
 continent. They estimated the distance run as eighty-nine 
 degrees, which, added to the twenty first run west of the 
 Canaries, make one hundred and nine degrees; and so far 
 west they sailed from the meridian of these islands. But this 
 may vary somewhat from the truth. We did not make 
 this voyage, and therefore cannot speak from experience. 
 We calculated it geometrically from the observations fur 
 nished by many navigators, who have made the voyage, 
 and affirm the distance to be one thousand six hundred 
 leagues, due allowance being made for the deviations of 
 the ship from a straight course by reason of contrary winds. 
 I hope that we shall now obtain certain information on 
 these points by new voyages to be made on the same 
 coasts. 
 
 " But to return to ourselves. In the voyage which we 
 have made by order of your Majesty, in addition to the 
 ninety-two degrees we ran towards the west, from our point 
 of departure, before we reached land in the latitude of 
 thirty-four degrees, we have to count three hundred leagues 
 which we ran northeastwardly and four hundred nearly east, 
 along the coast, before we reached the fiftieth parallel of 
 north latitude, the point where we turned our course from 
 the shore towards home. Beyond this point the Portuguese 
 had already sailed as far north as the Arctic Circle without 
 
VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO FOR THE FRENCH 383 
 
 coming to the termination of the land. Thus, adding the 
 degrees of south latitude explored, which are fifty-four, to 
 those of the north, which are sixty-six, the sum is one hun 
 dred and twenty; and therefore more than are embraced in 
 the latitude of Africa and Europe, for the north point of 
 Norway, which is the extremity of Europe, is in seventy-one 
 north; and the Cape of Good Hope, which is the southern 
 extremity of Africa, is in thirty-five south; and their sum is 
 only one hundred and six. And if the breadth of this newly 
 discovered country corresponds to its extent of seacoast, it 
 doubtless exceeds Asia in size. In this way we find that 
 the land forms a much larger portion of our globe than the 
 ancients supposed; who maintained, contrary to mathe 
 matical reasoning, that it was less than the water; whereas 
 actual experience proves the reverse. So that we judge, in 
 respect to extent of surface, the land covers as much space 
 as the water. And I hope more clearly and more satisfac 
 torily to point out and explain to your Majesty the great 
 extent of that new land, or new world, of which I have 
 been speaking. 
 
 "The continent of Asia and Africa, we know for certain, 
 is joined to Europe at the north, in Norway and Russia ; 
 which disproves the idea of the ancients, that all this part 
 had been navigated, from the Cimbric Chersonesus east 
 ward as far as the Caspian Sea. They also maintained that 
 the whole continent was surrounded by two seas situate 
 to the east and west of it; which seas, in fact, do not sur 
 round either of the two continents; for, as we have seen 
 above, the land of the southern hemisphere at the latitude of 
 fifty-four degrees, extends eastwardly an unknown distance; 
 and that of the northern, passing the sixty-sixth parallel, 
 turns to the east, and has no termination as high as the 
 seventieth. 
 
 " In a short time, I hope, we shall have more certain 
 knowledge of these things, by the aid of your Majesty, 
 whom I pray Almighty God to prosper in lasting glory, 
 that we may see the most important results of this our 
 
384 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 cosmography in the fulfilment of the holy words of the 
 Gospel. 
 
 u On board the ship Dolphin, in the port of Dieppe in 
 Normandy, the 8th of July, 1524. 
 
 " Your humble servitor, 
 
 " JANUS VERRAZZANUS." 
 
 A careful study of this narrative will reveal many facts 
 of interest. Important among them is this : that Verrazano 
 believed that Asia extended around the northern latitudes 
 to America. The later discovery of Bering Strait, show 
 ing how nearly the two continents approximate, proves the 
 correctness of the Florentine navigator s conclusions. His 
 description of the coast where he made his first landing, of 
 the natives and the flora and fauna, plainly shows that it 
 was somewhere in the Carolinas. Verrazano also crossed 
 the Virginian peninsula and came in sight of the broad 
 waters of Chesapeake Bay. The sight of this inland sea, 
 the entrance to which he had missed in the night, led him 
 to think that it was connected with the Indian Ocean, 
 and he constantly looked for a passage thither. Notwith 
 standing his failure to find such an opening, he seems to 
 have returned to France in the belief that North America 
 consisted of islands. Hakluyt, in the Epistle Dedicatory 
 to his Divers Voyages, says : " We might ... by 
 God s grace, find out that short and easy passage by the 
 Northwest, which we have hitherto so long desired, and 
 whereof we have many good and more than probable con 
 jectures. . . . It is not to be forgotten that Sebastian 
 Gabot wrote to Master Baptista Ramusius, that he verily 
 believed that all the north part of America is divided into 
 Islands. Secondly, that Master John Verazzanus, which 
 hath been thrice on that coast, in an old excellent map 
 which he gave to King Henry the eighth, and is yet in the 
 custody of Master Locke, doth so lay it out." 
 
 Verrazano s exploration continued until he came to the 
 coast of Maine, probably to Penobscot Bay; therefore, to 
 
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VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO FOR rHE FRENCH 385 
 
 him is due, to a preeminent degree, the honor of being the 
 discoverer of the shore line of the United States. 
 
 Thus step by step the newly found land was being dis 
 covered in its coast extent ; from Labrador to the Gulf of 
 Mexico, the prows of the European navigators vessels had 
 pushed their way; the West Indies had been discovered and 
 settled, Yucatan and the coast of Mexico in part determined, 
 and Mexico overrun by Spanish adventurers. Such is the 
 epitome of western maritime discovery during the little more 
 than a quarter of a century that had elapsed since Columbus 
 first sighted land at Guanahani. 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE NORTH 
 
 ALTHOUGH France, too preoccupied with her changing 
 affairs at home, allowed ten years to elapse before she 
 availed herself of the discoveries of Aubert and Verrazano 
 to extend her knowledge of the North American coast, 
 she was not deterred from so doing by any respect for the 
 claims of Spain and Portugal, which were based on the Papal 
 Bull. "Father Adam s will" had never been forthcoming; 
 and when French explorers began to penetrate the bays and 
 seas of the north they were so confident that their title 
 could not be assailed that, on their maps, they simply des 
 ignated the whole of North America as " New France." 
 Many years of hard fighting were needed before this inscrip 
 tion was rubbed out by the English; and so thoroughly did 
 France give practical effect to her claim, by occupation, 
 that to-day a large portion of North America is almost as 
 distinctively French in race, speech, and customs, as Mexico 
 is Spanish. While French enterprise dominates the early 
 history of this section, the name it has acquired is reputed 
 to be due to the Spaniards, who, having sailed along the 
 northern shores of the continent, forsook them, because 
 they discovered no gold there. Thus disappointed in their 
 search for indications of mineral wealth, they are said to have 
 exclaimed: "Acca nada ! " [nothing here] and departed. 
 When the Indians who had heard this phrase saw other 
 
 387 
 
388 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 white men visiting their shores, they repeated the expres 
 sion, and thus originated the name " Canada." Hennepin s 
 derivation is quite similar: he informs us that the Spaniards 
 call the country in derision " Cabo de Nada," that is, " Cape 
 Nothing." But it is more than likely that these derivations 
 are merely fanciful, and that " Canada" was the original 
 Indian word for " village." 
 
 Soon after Verrazano s return from his great western 
 voyage, the war between Francis I. and Charles V. ended 
 in the former s defeat and capture at Pavia. His subsequent 
 imprisonment and the measures by which he procured his 
 release being terminated, he was at last induced to redirect 
 his thought to the New World. For this, France was 
 indebted to Philip Chabot, her energetic high admiral; and 
 when the king was ready to enter into the project, Chabot 
 had the man who was especially fitted for its carrying out. 
 
 Jacques Cartier was the man whom Chabot presented to 
 Francis as eminently fitted to carry forward the work which 
 Verrazano had begun. He was born at St. Malo, Decem 
 ber 31, 1494. Coming of a race of hardy mariners and 
 brought up in a town the whole life of which centred in 
 seafaring, Jacques Cartier took to the maritime life as natu 
 rally as the ordinary man does to walking and working on 
 land. In the town hall of St. Malo is to be seen his por 
 trait, which, though greatly treasured by the inhabitants, is 
 of too late a date to justify any degree of assurance that it 
 presents the real features of the explorer. Cartier had 
 already earned a reputation : by the Spaniards he was called 
 a pirate; and doubtless the term was merited. But this 
 appellation, derogatory as it now is, only served to win for 
 him the esteem of his fellow countrymen. 
 
 On the 2Oth of April, 1534, Cartier sailed from St. Malo 
 with two ships of sixty tons each and one hundred and 
 twenty men. He followed the course well known to the 
 fishing vessels of Normandy and Brittany, and on the loth 
 of May he came in sight of Cape Bona Vista, on the New 
 foundland coast. The harbors being still blocked with ice, 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE NORTH 389 
 
 he turned southward, and, sailing round by Cape Race, 
 almost circumnavigated the island. Then he crossed the 
 Gulf of St. Lawrence to Prince Edward s Island, and thence 
 went north to a deep bay, which he named "Chaleur"; for 
 being here in July he experienced so great a heat that it 
 caused much discomfort. He explored the shores of the 
 gulf in considerable detail, and at Gaspe erected a cross and 
 took possession of the whole region in the name of the 
 King of France. 
 
 On this first voyage Cartier did not push his explorations 
 far beyond the points already known to his countrymen who 
 visited those regions for fish and furs. But he was like a 
 general who would first view the fortifications which he 
 determined later to scale. This expedition served to ac 
 quaint him with the points of approach whence, later, he 
 was to break into Canada, penetrate the mysteries and 
 reveal the grandeur of the Hochelaga, the great river of 
 St. Lawrence. Not deeming it wise to be overtaken by 
 winter in a country noted for the rigors of that season, he 
 reshaped his course eastward, and, exploring the northern 
 shore of the island of Anticosti, passed again through Belle 
 Isle Strait and spread his sails for France. He carried with 
 him, however, two natives, who were not only to serve as 
 proofs of his landing in strange regions and somewhat excite 
 the curiosity of his countrymen in regard to the same, but 
 who, after being taught to speak French, would greatly aid 
 him in necessary intercourse with the natives on the future 
 voyage which he was determined to make. 
 
 Though he was not able to carry back to France any 
 well-founded hope that the kingdom would find enrichment 
 in those northern latitudes, nor any word of splendors like 
 those of Mexico, for which Spain was envied by all the 
 world, the traders of Brittany knew, nevertheless, that the re 
 sources of Canada might be made to pay the expenses of 
 any enterprise in that direction, and, in any case, Francis 
 was willing to dispute the title of Charles to the whole of 
 the western world. Moreover, it was still believed that 
 
390 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 by dint of perseverance a way would at last be found 
 through the newly discovered continent to the ancient riches 
 of the Orient. 
 
 October, 1534, saw Cartier again preparing to make the 
 great venture. Chabot obtained for him the royal commis 
 sion, and by May of the following year he had three small 
 vessels manned and ready to sail. 
 
 In the Principal Navigations of Richard Hakluyt, the 
 story is told of the discovery of the St. Lawrence by Jacques 
 Cartier, as follows: 
 
 "On Whitsunday, the i6th of May, 1535, by command 
 of our captain, Jacques Cartier, and by common consent, 
 we confessed our sins and received the holy sacrament in 
 the Cathedral of St. Maloes ; after which, having all pre 
 sented ourselves in the choir, we received the blessing of 
 the lord bishop, being in his robes. On Wednesday fol 
 lowing, the 1 9th of that month, we set sail with a favorable 
 gale. Our squadron consisted of three ships. The Great 
 Hermina, of an hundred to an hundred and twenty tons, 
 of which Jacques Cartier was captain and general of the 
 expedition, Thomas Frosmont chief master, accompanied 
 by Claudius de Pont Briand, son to the lord of Montceuell, 
 cupbearer to the Dauphin, Charles de Pomeraies, John 
 Powlet, and other gentlemen. In the second ship, of sixty 
 tons, called the Little Hcrmina, Mace Salobert and William 
 Marie were captains under the orders of our general. The 
 third ship, of forty tons, called the Hermerillon, was com 
 manded by William Britton and James Maingare. The 
 day after we set sail, the prosperous gale was changed into 
 storms and contrary winds, with darksome fogs, in which 
 we suffered exceedingly till the 25th of June, when our 
 three ships lost sight of each other, and never rejoined again 
 till after our arrival at Newfoundland. We in the general s 
 ship continued to be tossed about by contrary winds till the 
 yth of July, when we made the Island of Birds, fourteen 
 leagues from the main of Newfoundland. This island is 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE NORTH 
 
 39 1 
 
 so full of birds that our ships might have been loaded with 
 them, and the quantity taken away not missed. We took 
 away two boatloads, to increase our sea stores. The Isle 
 of Birds is in latitude 49 40 N. 
 
 " We left this island with a fair wind on the 8th of July, 
 and came to the harbor of White Sands, or Blanc Sablon, 
 in the Grand Bay, or Baye des Chateaux, where the rendez 
 vous of the squadron had been appointed. We remained 
 here till the 26th of July, when both of the other ships 
 joined us, and we then laid in a stock of wood and water 
 for enabling us to proceed on our voyage. Everything 
 being in readiness, we set sail from White Sands early in 
 the morning of the 29th, and sailing along the northern 
 coast, which runs from S. W. to N. E., we passed by two 
 islands, lying farther out than the others, which we named 
 St. William s Islands, being twenty leagues or more from 
 the port called Brest. All the coast from the Baye des 
 Chateaux to that place lies E. and W., N. E. and S. W., 
 off which there are sundry small islands, the whole being 
 stony and barren, without soil or trees, except in a few 
 narrow valleys. Next day, we sailed twelve leagues and a 
 half westwards, in search of other islands, among which 
 there is a great bay towards the north, all full of islands and 
 great creeks, among which there seemed to be many good 
 harbors. We named these the Islands of St. Martha, off 
 which, about a league and a half farther out to sea, there is 
 a dangerous shallow, and about seven leagues from the 
 Islands of St. Martha, on the east and on the west, as you 
 pass to these islands, there are five rocks. We passed these 
 about one in the afternoon ; and from that time till mid 
 night we sailed about fifteen leagues, passing to the south- 
 eastwards of a cape of the lower islands, which we named 
 St. Germain s Islands ; about three leagues from which cape 
 there is a very dangerous shallow. Likewise between Cape 
 St. Germain s and Cape St. Martha, about two leagues from 
 the before-mentioned islands, there is a bank of sand on 
 which the water is only four fathoms deep. On account 
 
39* 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 of the dangerous nature of this coast, we struck sail and 
 came to anchor for the rest of the night. 
 
 u Next day, being the last of July, we went along all that 
 part of the coast which runs E. and W., or somewhat 
 southeasterly, all of which is beset with islands and dry 
 sands, and is consequently of very dangerous navigation. 
 The distance from Cape St. Germain s to these islands is 
 about seventeen and one-half leagues, beyond which is a 
 goodly plot of ground, surrounded by large tall trees; but 
 all the rest of the coast is encompassed with sandbanks, 
 without any appearance of harbors till we come to Cape 
 Thiennot, about seven leagues northwest from these islands. 
 Having noted this cape in our former voyage, we sailed on 
 all this night to the west and west-northwest till day; and as 
 the wind then became contrary, we looked out for a harbor 
 in which to shelter our ships, and found one for our pur 
 pose which we named Port St. Nicholas. This port lies 
 amid four islands off the mainland, and we set up a cross 
 on the nearest of these islands as a landmark or beacon. 
 In entering Port St. Nicholas, this cross must be brought 
 to bear N. E. and passed on the left hand of the steersman, 
 by which means you find six fathoms water in the passage, 
 and four within the port. Care must be taken, however, 
 to avoid two shelves which stretch out half a league to 
 seawards. 
 
 "The whole of this coast is full of dangerous shoals, 
 yet having the deceitful appearance of many good havens. 
 We remained at Port St. Nicholas till Sunday, the yth of 
 August, when we made sail and approached the land south 
 wards by Cape Rabart, which is twenty leagues from Port 
 St. Nicholas S. S. W. Next day the wind became bois 
 terous and contrary, and, as we could not find any haven 
 to the southward, we coasted along northward about ten 
 leagues beyond Port St. Nicholas, where we found a goodly 
 great gulf, full of islands, passages, and entrances, answer 
 able for any wind whatever. This gulf may easily be 
 known by a great island, resembling a cape, stretching 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE NORTH 
 
 393 
 
 somewhat farther out than the other islands, and about two 
 leagues inland there is a hill which resembles a corn rick. 
 We named this the Gulf of St. Lawrence. On the I2th 
 of the month, we sailed westwards from this gulf, and dis 
 covered a cape of land toward the south, about twenty-five 
 leagues W. and by S. from the Gulf of St. Lawrence. The 
 two savages whom we took with us on our former voyage 
 informed us that this cape formed part of the great southern 
 coast ; and that by the southern part of an island which 
 they pointed out was the way to Canada from Honguedo, 
 whence we took them last year. They said further, that at 
 two days journey from this cape and island the kingdom 
 of Saguenay began. On the north shore of this island, 
 extending towards Canada, and about three leagues off" this 
 cape, there are above one hundred fathoms water; and I 
 believe there never were as many whales seen at once as 
 we saw that day around this cape. Next day, the I5th of 
 August, having passed the strait, we had notice of certain 
 lands which we had left towards the south, which are full 
 of extensive high hills. We named the before-mentioned 
 cape the Island of Assumption; from which one cape of 
 the before-mentioned high country trends E. N. E. and 
 W. S. W. distant twenty-five leagues. The northern coun 
 try, for more than thirty leagues in length, is obviously 
 higher than that which is to the southwards. We coasted 
 along the southern lands till noon of the iyth, when the 
 wind came round to the west; after which we steered for 
 the northern coast which we had before seen, and found it 
 low toward the sea, and the northern range of mountains 
 within this low land stretch from east to west one-quarter 
 south. Our two savages informed us that Saguenay began 
 here, which is an inhabited land producing copper, which 
 they call caignetdaze. The distance between the southern 
 and northern lands is about thirty leagues, and the gulf 
 between is above two hundred fathoms deep. The savages 
 informed us likewise that the great river Hochelaga began 
 here, by which was the direct way to Canada; and which 
 
394 
 
 DISCOVER T AND EXPL ORA TION 
 
 river becomes always narrower as we approach towards 
 Canada, where the water is fresh. They said further that 
 it penetrates so far inland that they had never heard of 
 anyone who had reached its head. On considering their 
 account, our captain resolved to proceed no farther at this 
 time, more especially as they said there was no other pas 
 sage, meaning to examine in the first place the northern 
 coast between the Gulf of St. Lawrence and this great 
 river, to see if any other passage could be discovered. 
 
 " We accordingly turned back on Wednesday, the i8th of 
 August, along the northern coast, which trends from N. E. 
 to S. W. like half of a bow, and is very high land, yet not 
 so high as the southern coast. Next day we came to seven 
 high round islands, which we named the Seven Isles, which 
 stretch three or four leagues out to sea, and are forty leagues 
 from the southern shore of the gulf. Over against these, 
 the northern shore consists of good low grounds full of fine 
 trees, having various sandbanks almost dry at low water, 
 and reaching two leagues from shore. At the farther ex 
 tremity of these low lands, which continue for ten leagues, 
 there is a river of fresh water which runs with such rapidity 
 into the sea that the water is quite fresh a league from its 
 mouth. Entering this river with our boats, we had about 
 a fathom and a half water at its mouth. 
 
 "In this river we found many fishes resembling horses, 
 which our savages told us lay all day in the water and went 
 on shore at night. We set sail at daybreak of the 2ist, 
 continuing our progress along the northern coast of the 
 gulf, which we traced the whole of that day to the north 
 east, and then stood over to the Island of Assumption, being 
 assured that no passage was to be found in that direction. 
 Returning to the harbor at the Seven Isles, which has 
 nine or ten fathoms water, we were detained there by mists 
 and contrary winds till the 24th, when we stood over to 
 the southern coast, and came to a harbor about eighty 
 leagues from these islands. This harbor is over against 
 three flat islands in the middle of the river, between which 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE NORTH 
 
 395 
 
 islands and the harbor there is a very great river which runs 
 between high and low lands. For more than three leagues 
 out to sea there are many dangerous shelves, leaving not 
 quite two fathoms water, so that the entrance is very dan 
 gerous; yet near these shelves the water is from fifteen to 
 twenty fathoms deep from shore to shore. All the north 
 ern coast runs from N. E. and by N. to S. W. and by S. 
 This haven is of but small value, as it is only formed by 
 the tide of flood, and is inaccessible at low water. We 
 named the three small flat islets St. John s Isles, because 
 we discovered them on the day of St. John the Baptist s 
 decapitation. Before coming to this haven there is an island 
 about five leagues to the eastward, between which and 
 the land there is no passage except for small boats. The 
 best station for ships in this harbor is to the south of a little 
 island and almost close to its shore. The tide here flows 
 at least two fathoms, but ships have to lie aground at low 
 water. 
 
 "Leaving this harbor on the ist of September, we pro 
 posed sailing for Canada; and at about fifteen leagues 
 W. S. W. we came to three islands, over against which is a 
 deep and rapid river, which our two savages told us leads to 
 the country and kingdom of Saguenay. This river runs be 
 tween very high and steep hills of bare rock, with very little 
 soil; yet great numbers of trees grow among these rocks, 
 as luxuriantly as if upon level and fertile land, insomuch 
 that some of them would make masts for vessels of thirty 
 tons. At the mouth of this river we met four canoes full 
 of savages, who seemed very fearful of us, and some of 
 them even went away. One of the canoes, however, ven 
 tured to approach within hail, when one of our savages 
 spoke to the people, telling his name, on which they came 
 to us. Next day, leaving that river, we proceeded on for 
 Canada; and in consequence of the rapidity of the tide, we 
 found the navigation very dangerous; more especially as to 
 the southward of that river there are two islands, around 
 which for above three leagues there are many rocks and great 
 
396 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 stones, and only two fathoms water. Besides, the direction 
 of the tide among these islands and rocks is very uncertain 
 and changeable; so that if it had not been for our boats, 
 we had been in great danger of losing our pinnace. In 
 coasting along, we found above thirty fathoms water just 
 off shore, except among these rocks and islands. About 
 five leagues beyond the river Saguenay, to the S. W., there is 
 another island on the north side containing high land, where 
 we proposed to have come to anchor in waiting for the next 
 tide of flood, but we had no ground with a line of one hun 
 dred and twenty fathoms only an arrow-shot from shore ; so 
 that we were obliged to return to that island, where we had 
 thirty-five fathoms. We set sail again next morning to 
 proceed onwards; and this day we got notice of a strange 
 kind of fish which had never been seen before, which are 
 called adkothuys by the natives. They are about the big 
 ness of a porpoise, but no way like them, having well- 
 proportioned bodies and heads like a greyhound, their whole 
 bodies being entirely white without spot. There are great 
 numbers of them in this river, and they always keep in the 
 water, the natives saying that they are very savory and good 
 eating, and are nowhere else to be found but in the mouth 
 of this river. On the 6th of September we proceeded about 
 fifteen leagues farther up the river, where we found an island 
 having a small haven towards the north, around which 
 there were innumerable large tortoises. There are here 
 likewise vast numbers of the fish adhothuys, already men 
 tioned; and the rapidity of the tide at this place is as great 
 as it is at Bordeaux in France. This island is about three 
 leagues long and two broad, all of rich fertile soil, having 
 many fine trees of various kinds; among which were many 
 filbert trees, full of nuts, which we found to be larger and 
 better than ours, but somewhat harder, on which account 
 we named it Isle aux Coudres, or Filbert Island. 
 
 " On the yth of the month we went seven or eight leagues 
 up the river from Filbert Island to fourteen other islands, 
 where the country of Canada begins. One of these islands 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE NORTH 
 
 397 
 
 is ten leagues long and five broad, thickly inhabited by 
 natives who live entirely by fishing in the river. Having 
 cast anchor between this island and the northern coast, we 
 went on shore, accompanied by our two savages, whose 
 names were Taignoagny and Domagaia. At first the inhabit 
 ants of the island avoided us, till at length our two savages 
 got speech of some of them, telling who they were, on 
 which the natives seemed much rejoiced, dancing and sing 
 ing and showing many other ceremonies; many of their 
 chief men came now to our boats, bringing great numbers 
 of eels and other fishes, likewise two or three burdens of 
 great millet or maize, and many very large muskmelons. 
 On the same day many canoes filled with natives, both 
 men and women, came to visit our two savages, all of 
 whom were received in a kindly manner by our captain, 
 who gave them many things of small value, with which they 
 were much gratified. Next day the lord of Canada came 
 to our ships with twelve canoes and many people; but 
 causing ten of his canoes to go back again, he came up to 
 our ships with only two canoes and sixteen men. The 
 proper name of this person was Donnacona, but his digni 
 fied name, as a lord or chief, was Agouhanna. On coming 
 near the smallest of our ships, he stood up in his canoe and 
 made a long oration, moving his body and limbs in an 
 extraordinary manner, which among them pass for signs of 
 friendship and security. He then came up towards the 
 general s ship, in which were Taignoagny and Domagaia, 
 with whom he entered into conversation. These men 
 related to him all that they had seen in France, and what 
 good treatment they had received in that country, at all 
 which Agouhanna seemed much pleased, and desired our 
 captain to hold out his arm for him to kiss. Our captain 
 now went into Agouhanna s canoe, and made bread and 
 wine be handed down to him, which he offered to the chief 
 and his followers, with which they were much gratified. 
 \Vhen all this was over, our captain came again on board, 
 and the chief went with his canoes to his own abode. 
 
398 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 "The captain ordered all the boats to be made ready, in 
 which we went up the river against the stream for ten 
 leagues, keeping close to the shore of the island, at which 
 distance we found an excellent sound with a small river 
 and haven, in which there are about three fathoms water 
 at flood tide. As this place seemed very pleasant and safe 
 for our ships, we brought them thither, calling it the harbor 
 of St. Croix, because discovered on Holy Cross Day. Near 
 this is a village named Stadacona, of which Donnacona is 
 lord, and where he resides. It stands on a piece of as fine 
 fertile ground as one would wish to see, full of as goodly 
 trees as are to be seen in France, such as oaks, elms, ashes, 
 walnut trees, maples, cydrons, vines, and white thorns which 
 bear fruit as large as damson plums, and many other sorts 
 of trees. Under these there grows great abundance of fine 
 tall hemp, which springs up spontaneously without cultiva 
 tion. Having examined this place and found it fit for the 
 purpose, the captain proposed returning to the ships to 
 bring them to this port; but we were met, when coming 
 out of the river, by one of the chiefs of Stadacona, accom 
 panied by ma-ny men, women, and children. This chief 
 made a long oration to us, all the women dancing and sing 
 ing for joy up to the knees in water. The captain caused 
 the canoe to come alongside of his boat, and presented them 
 all with some trifles, such as knives, glass beads, and the like, 
 with which they were so much delighted that we could hear 
 them singing and dancing when we were three leagues off. 
 
 " After returning to the ships, the captain landed again on 
 the island, to examine and admire the beauty, variety, and 
 luxuriance of its trees and vegetables. On account of the 
 great number of vines which it produced everywhere in pro 
 fusion, he named it the Island of Bacchus, but it is now 
 called the Isle of Orleans. It is in length twelve leagues, 
 exceedingly pleasant and fruitful, and everywhere covered 
 with trees, except in some places where there are a few 
 huts of fishers, around which some small patches are cleared 
 and cultivated. We departed with our ships next day, and 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE NORTH 
 
 399 
 
 on the 1 4th of September we brought them up to Port 
 St. Croix, and were met on the way by the lord Donna 
 cona, accompanied by our two savages, Taignoagny and 
 Domagaia, with twenty-five canoes full of natives; all of 
 whom came to our ships with every sign of mirth and con 
 fidence, except our own two savages, who would on no 
 account come on board, though repeatedly invited, on which 
 we began to suspect some sinister intentions. On the next 
 day, the captain went on shore to give directions for fixing 
 certain piles or stakes in the water for the greater security 
 of our ships, and Donnacona with a considerable number of 
 the natives came to meet him ; but our two savages kept 
 aloof under a point or nook of land at some distance, and 
 would on no account join our company. Understanding 
 where they were, our captain went towards them, accom 
 panied by some of our men ; and after the customary salu 
 tations, Taignoagny represented that Donnacona was much 
 dissatisfied because the captain and his men were always 
 armed, while the natives were not. To this the captain 
 answered that he was sorry this should give offence; but 
 as they two who had been in France knew that this was 
 the custom of their country, he could not possibly do other 
 wise. Yet Donnacona continued to converse with our 
 captain in the most friendly manner, and we concluded that 
 Taignoagny and Domagaia had invented this pretence of 
 their own accord; more especially as Donnacona and our 
 captain entered into the strictest bonds of friendship, on 
 which all the natives set up three horrible yells, after which 
 the companies separated, and we went on board. On the 
 following day, we brought the two largest of our ships unto 
 the harbor within the mouth of the small river, in which 
 there are three fathoms water at flood tide, and only half a 
 fathom at the ebb. The pinnace, or smallest vessel, was 
 left at anchor without the harbor, as we intended to use 
 her for exploring the Hochelaga. As soon as our ships 
 were placed in safety, we saw Donnacona coming towards 
 us, accompanied by Taignoagny, Domagaia, and above five 
 
400 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORAriON 
 
 hundred natives, men, women, and children. Donnacona 
 and ten or twelve of the principal persons came on board 
 the captain s ship, where they were courteously received 
 by the captain and all of us, and many gifts of small value 
 were given them. Then Taignoagny informed our captain 
 that Donnacona was dissatisfied with our intention of ex 
 ploring the Hochelaga, and would not allow anyone to go 
 with us. The captain said, in reply, that he was resolved 
 to go there if possible, as he had been ordered by his sover 
 eign to penetrate the country in that direction as far as was 
 practicable; that if Taignoagny would go along with him, 
 as he had promised, he should be well used, and should be 
 rewarded to his satisfaction on their return. This was 
 refused by Taignoagny, and the whole of the savages 
 immediately retired. 
 
 " Next day, the I jth of September, Donnacona and his 
 company came back to us, bringing many eels and other 
 fishes, which they procure in great abundance in the river. 
 On their arrival at the ships, all the savages fell a dancing 
 and singing as usual, after which Donnacona caused all his 
 people to stand off on one side; then, making our captain 
 and all our people stand within a circle which he drew on 
 the sand, he made a long oration, holding a female child of 
 ten or twelve years old by the hand, whom he presented to 
 our captain at the end of his speech; upon which all his 
 people set up three loud howls, in token of joy and friend 
 ship, at least so we understood them. Donnacona after 
 wards presented two boys successively, who were younger 
 than the girl, accompanied by other ceremonies, among 
 which were very loud shrieks or yells as before. For 
 these presents our captain gave many hearty thanks. Then 
 Taignoagny told the captain that one of the boys was his 
 own brother, and that the girl was daughter to a sister of 
 Donnacona; and that the presents had been given on pur 
 pose to induce him not to go to Hochelaga. To this the 
 captain answered that he would certainly return the chil 
 dren, if that were the purpose of the gift; as he could on no 
 

FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE NORTH 401 
 
 account desist from going where he had been commanded 
 by his king. But Domagaia, the other savage who had been 
 in France, told the captain that the children had been pre 
 sented as a token of friendship and security, and that he, 
 Domagaia, was willing to accompany us to Hochelaga. On 
 this, high words arose between Taignoagny and Domagaia, 
 by which we inferred that the former was a crafty knave, 
 and intended to do us some treacherous act of mischief, as 
 indeed sufficiently appeared from his former conduct. The 
 captain sent the children to our ships, whence he caused 
 two swords and two brass basons to be brought, which he 
 presented to Donnacona, who was much gratified and ex 
 pressed great thankfulness, commanding all his people to 
 sing and dance. The chief then expressed a desire to have 
 one of our cannons fired off, as our two savages had told 
 him many wonderful things respecting them. He accord 
 ingly ordered twelve cannons, loaded with ball, to be fired 
 off into the woods close by, at which all the savages were 
 greatly astonished, as if heaven had fallen upon them, and ran 
 away howling, shrieking, and yelling, as if all hell had broken 
 loose. Before we went on board, Taignoagny informed us 
 that our people in the pinnace, which we had left at anchor 
 without the harbor, had slain two men by a shot from one 
 of their cannons, on which all the natives had fled away. 
 This we afterwards found to be false, as our men had not 
 fired any that day. 
 
 u The savages still endeavored to hinder us from going to 
 Hochelaga, and devised the following stratagem to induce 
 us not to go. They dressed up three men like devils, in 
 black and white dogs skins, having their faces blackened, 
 and with horns on their heads a yard long. These men 
 were put secretly into a canoe, while all the savages lay hid 
 in the wood, awaiting the tide to bring the canoe with the 
 mock devils. On the approach of that canoe, all the savages 
 came out of the wood, but did not come so near us as usual. 
 Taignoagny came forwards to salute our captain, who asked 
 if he would have a boat sent to bring him on board ; but 
 
402 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 he declined to do so then, saying that he would come on 
 board afterwards. At this time the canoe with the three 
 devils made its appearance, and on passing close by the ships, 
 one of these men stood up and made a long oration, with 
 out ever turning round to look at us. The boat floated past 
 us towards the land, on which Donnacona and all his people 
 pursued them and laid hold of the canoe, on which the three 
 devils fell down as if dead, when they were carried out into 
 the wood, followed by all the savages. We could hear 
 them from our ships in long and loud conference above 
 half an hour; after which Taignoagny and Domagaia came 
 towards us, holding their hands joined above their heads, 
 and carrying their hats under their upper garments, as if in 
 great astonishment. Taignoagny, looking up to heaven, ex 
 claimed three times: Jesus! Jesus! Jesus! Domagaia in 
 the same manner cried out : Jesus Maria ! Jacques Cartier ! 
 On seeing these gestures and ceremonies, our captain asked 
 what was the matter, and what had happened. They 
 answered that they had very ill news to tell, saying in 
 French Nenni est il bon, or it is not good. On being again 
 asked what all this meant, they said that their god Coudou- 
 agny had spoken in Hochelaga, and had sent these three 
 men to say there was so much ice and snow in that country, 
 that whoever ventured there would surely die. On this we 
 laughed, mocking them, saying that their god Coudouagny 
 was a fool, and knew not what he said; and desired them to 
 show us his messengers, saying that Christ would defend 
 them from all cold if they believed in him. They then asked 
 the captain if he had spoken with Jesus ; who answered <?, 
 but the priests had, who had assured him of fair weather. 
 They then thanked the captain for this intelligence, and 
 went into the wood to communicate it to the rest, who all 
 now rushed from the wood as if glad of the news, giving 
 three great shouts, and then fell to dancing and singing as 
 usual. Yet our two savages declared that Donnacona would 
 not allow anyone to accompany us to Hochelaga, unless 
 some hostage was left for his safe return. The captain then 
 
FRENCH EXPLORAriON OF THE NORTH 
 
 403 
 
 said if they would not go willingly they might stay, and he 
 would go without them. 
 
 " On the i gth of September we hoisted sail in the pinnace, 
 accompanied by two of our boats, the captain taking most 
 of his officers and fifty mariners along with him, intending 
 to go up the river towards Hochelaga with the tide of flood. 
 Both shores of the river, as far as the eye could see, appeared 
 as goodly a country as could be desired, all replenished with 
 fine trees, among which all along the river grew numerous 
 vines as full of grapes as they could hang, which, though 
 quite natural, seemed as if they had been planted. Yet, as 
 they were not dressed and managed according to art, their 
 bunches were not so large nor their grapes so sweet as 
 ours. We also saw many huts along the river, inhabited 
 by fishers, who came to us with as much familiarity and 
 kindness as if we had been their countrymen, bringing us 
 great quantities of fish and such other things as they had, 
 for which we paid them in trifles to their great contentment. 
 We stopped at the place named Hochelay, twenty-five 
 leagues above Canada, where the river becomes very narrow 
 with a rapid current, and very dangerous on account of 
 certain stones or rocks. Many canoes came ofF to us, in 
 one of which came the chief man of the place, who made 
 us a long oration, explaining by signs and gestures that the 
 river became more dangerous the higher we went, and 
 advising us to take good care of ourselves. This chief 
 presented two of his own children to our captain, one of 
 w r hich only he received, being a girl of seven or eight years 
 old, returning the boy, who was too young, being only two 
 or three years of age. The captain entertained this chief 
 and his company as well as he could, presenting them all 
 with some trifles, with which they returned to the shore 
 well pleased. This chief and his wife came down after 
 wards to Canada to visit their child, and brought with them 
 some small presents for our captain. 
 
 "From the iQth to the 28th of September, we sailed up 
 this great river, never losing an hour of time, finding the 
 
404 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 whole land on both sides as pleasant a country as could be 
 desired, full of fine tall trees, as oak, elm, walnut, cedar, 
 fir, ash, box, willow, and great store of vines loaded with 
 grapes, so that when any of our people went on shore, they 
 brought back as many as they could carry. There were, 
 likewise, cranes, swans, geese, ducks, pheasants, partridges, 
 thrushes, blackbirds, finches, redbreasts, nightingales, spar 
 rows, and many other birds like those of France, in vast 
 abundance. On the 28th of September we came to a wide 
 lake, or enlargement of the river, five or six leagues broad 
 and twelve long, which we called the Lake of Angoulesme, 
 all through which we went against the tide, having only 
 two fathoms water. On our arrival at the upper extremity 
 of the lake, we could find no passage, as it seemed entirely 
 shut up, and had only a fathom and a half water, a little 
 more or less. We were therefore obliged to cast anchor 
 
 O 
 
 here with our pinnace, and went with our two boats to seek 
 out some passage; and in one place we found four or five 
 branches which seemed to come from the river of Hoche- 
 laga into the lake; but at the mouth of these branches, 
 owing to the great rapidity of the currents, there were bars 
 or shallows having only six feet water. After passing these 
 shallows, we had four or five fathoms at flood tide, this 
 being the season of the year when the water is lowest; for 
 at other times the tide flows higher by three fathoms. All 
 these four or five branches of the river surround five or six 
 very pleasant islands, which are at the head of the lake; 
 and about fifteen leagues higher up all these unite into one. 
 We landed on one of these islands, where we met five 
 natives, who were hunting wild beasts, and who came as 
 familiarly to our boats as if they had always lived amongst 
 us. When our boats were near the shore, one of these 
 men took our captain in his arms and carried him to the 
 land with as much ease as if he had been a child of five 
 years old. We found that these people had taken a great 
 number of wild rats which live in the water, which are as 
 large as rabbits and very good to eat. They gave these 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE NORTH 
 
 405 
 
 to our captain, who gave them knives and glass beads in 
 return. We asked them by signs if this were the way to 
 Hochelaga, to which they answered that it was, and that we 
 had still three days sail to go thither. 
 
 " Finding it impossible to take the pinnace any higher, the 
 captain ordered the boats to be made ready for the rest of 
 the expedition, taking on board as much ammunition and 
 provisions as they could carry. He departed with these on 
 the 29th of September, accompanied by Claudius de Pont 
 Briand, Charles de Pomeraies, John Govion, and John 
 Powlet, with twenty-eight mariners, intending to go up the 
 river as far as possible. We sailed with prosperous weather 
 till the 2nd of October, when we arrived at Hochelaga, 
 which is forty-five leagues above the head of the Lake of 
 Angoulesme, where we left the pinnace. At this place, and 
 indeed all the way up, we met with many of the natives, 
 who brought us fish and other provisions, always dancing 
 and singing on our arrival. To gratify them and keep them 
 our friends, the captain always rewarded them on these 
 occasions with knives, beads, and such trifles to their full 
 satisfaction. On approaching Hochelaga, above one thou 
 sand natives, men, women, and children, came to meet us, 
 giving us as friendly and hearty a welcome as if we had been 
 of their own nation come home after a long and perilous 
 absence, all the men dancing in one place, and the women 
 in another, and the children in a third; after which they 
 brought us great abundance of fish and of their bread made 
 of maize, both of which they threw into our boats in pro 
 fusion. Observing their gentle and friendly dispositions, 
 our captain went on shore well accompanied, on which the 
 natives came clustering about us in the most affectionate 
 manner, bringing their young children in their arms, eager 
 to have them touched and noticed by the captain and the 
 others, and showing every sign of mirth and gladness at our 
 arrival. This scene lasted above half an hour, when the 
 captain got all the women to draw up in regular order, to 
 whom he distributed many beads and baubles of tin, and 
 
406 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORAriON 
 
 gave some knives among the men. He then returned to 
 the boats to supper and passed the night on board, all the 
 people remaining on the shore as near as possible to the 
 boats, dancing merrily and shouting out aguiaze, which in 
 their language is an expression of joy and satisfaction. 
 
 " Very early next morning, the 3rd of October, having 
 dressed himself splendidly, our captain went on shore to see 
 the town in which these people dwelt, taking with him five 
 of the principal officers and twenty men, all well armed, 
 leaving the remainder of the people to take care of the 
 boats. The city of Hochelaga is six miles from the river 
 side, and the road thither is as well beaten and frequented 
 as can be, leading through as fine a country as can be seen, 
 full of as fine oaks as any in France, the whole ground 
 below being strewed over with fine acorns. When we had 
 gone four or five miles we were met by one of the chief 
 lords of the city, accompanied by a great many natives, who 
 made us understand by signs that we must stop at a place 
 where they had made a large fire, which we did accordingly. 
 When we had rested there some time, the chief made a 
 long discourse in token of welcome and friendship, showing 
 a joyful countenance and every mark of good will. On 
 this, our captain presented him with two hatchets and two 
 knives, and hung a cross from his neck, which he made 
 him kiss, with all which the chief seemed much pleased. 
 After this we resumed our march, and about a mile and a 
 half farther we found fine large fields covered with the corn 
 of the country, resembling the millet of Brasil, rather larger 
 than small pease. In the midst of these cultivated fields 
 the city of Hochelaga is situated, near and almost joined to 
 a great mountain, which is very fertile and cultivated all 
 round, to which we gave the name of Mont Royal." 
 
 Though Cartier honored St. Lawrence by giving his 
 name to the small bay on the mainland north of the island 
 of Anticosti, which he reached on August loth, he con 
 tinued to call the river Hochelaga. "Canada" was at first 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE NORTH 407 
 
 applied only to the country below Quebec, or Stadacona, 
 as the Indians called their little settlement on the spot 
 now occupied by the Lower Town. Hochelaga was more 
 important; it was the largest Indian town in that north 
 ern region. Why Donnacona, the Indian chief, was un 
 willing that Cartier and his men should proceed up the 
 river we are left unaided to conjecture. Possibly he im 
 agined that the chief motive which had prompted the white 
 men to visit his country was the distribution of beads and 
 trinkets, and consequently he was unwilling that the people 
 of Hochelaga should share in these gifts. That nothing 
 more malevolent was in his mind is shown by the fact that 
 he had recourse to the offices of his god, Coudouagny, 
 rather than to the arrows of his braves. 
 
 In Hochelaga, or Mont Royal, as it soon came to be 
 called, the Frenchmen found the best examples of the Iro- 
 quois towns of North America. The settlement was con 
 fined within a circle comprised of three palisades of logs, 
 through which there was but one entrance, which might be 
 closed with stakes and bars. By the gate, and at many 
 other points on this rude fortification, platforms were built, 
 which were reached by ladders ; on these platforms were 
 stored heaps of stones, to be used against an enemy when 
 endeavoring to storm the town. There is no means of ascer 
 taining the population of this Indian settlement; but from the 
 fact that it contained fifty long wigwams, each not less than 
 one hundred and fifty feet in length and fifty in breadth, 
 it may be judged that Hochelaga possibly contained from 
 two thousand to twenty-five hundred Indians. The Long 
 House was built of logs and covered with broad strips of 
 bark so closely fitted as to be impervious to the weather. 
 The interior was partitioned so that each separate family 
 in the communal house might have its own chamber. 
 Under the roofs of these houses was stored the corn which 
 had been harvested from the rudely tilled fields. Such was 
 Montreal as it appeared to the eyes of Jacques Cartier and 
 his Frenchmen in the autumn of 1535. 
 
408 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Not deeming it wise to winter among these people, with 
 whom the explorers had had no previous experience, they 
 returned to Stadacona. They passed the winter there, and 
 at its close so greatly had cold and sickness diminished 
 Cartier s men that in the spring he had barely sufficient 
 with whom to man one vessel. But the gateway to 
 Canada had been found, and, though it was five years before 
 another expedition sailed up the St. Lawrence, Cartier had 
 secured for his country the title to New France. 
 
 Though France was very far from gaining such profit 
 from her North American acquisitions as fell to the lot of 
 Spain in the south, she none the less endowed her new 
 possessions with highly titled dignitaries. In 1541, Francis 
 created the Sieur de Roberval Viceroy of New France, Lord 
 of Norumbega, Newfoundland, Saguenay, and Hochelaga. 
 He was to proceed to his new possessions and there estab 
 lish a colony which it was designed to govern with all the 
 fantastic appurtenances of the feudalism which was then 
 current. One principal motive for this occupation of North 
 America, as set forth in the commission granted to Roberval, 
 was the conversion of the Indians to Christianity. The 
 possibility of success in this undertaking must have seemed 
 to reasonable thinking men as very slight, seeing that the 
 viceroy was empowered, and indeed was obliged, to man his 
 fleet with criminals and malefactors drawn from the dungeons 
 of France. At this time Cartier was made captain-general 
 of New France, and there being some delay in Roberval s 
 preparations Cartier sailed with three ships in May, 1541. 
 He expected soon to be joined by Roberval with the rest of 
 the fleet and the provisions for the settlement. After im 
 patiently waiting for six weeks on the coast of Newfound 
 land, and finding that the viceroy did not come, Cartier 
 continued his journey up the St. Lawrence to the scene of 
 his former discoveries. There he found the natives less 
 friendly than they had been on his former visit, and a 
 winter of hardship was passed and little done in the way of 
 exploration. Spring came, but not Roberval, and, contrary 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE NORTH 409 
 
 to his wont, Cartier determined to abandon his project and 
 return to France. In St. John s Harbor, Newfoundland, 
 he met Roberval, but could not be induced by the latter to 
 turn back. The stern and determined viceroy, however, 
 proceeded up the St. Lawrence and endeavored to plant 
 his colony at Cap Rouge. All the machinery, material 
 and official, required by a French municipality was there; 
 only the means of subsistence were lacking. And when 
 in 1543, the king, needing Roberval in France, sent out 
 Cartier to bring him back, the whole enterprise was aban 
 doned with entire willingness on the part of all by whom it 
 had been undertaken. 
 
 The failure of Roberval s project for colonization put an 
 end to French exploration at the time, and it was not to be 
 resumed for many years to come. France was entering 
 upon that period of civil strife which was the outgrowth 
 of the Huguenot movement and the determined resistance 
 offered thereto by the Catholic party. During those days 
 neither thought nor means could be afforded to enterprises on 
 the far-off American shores. Only the Brittany fishermen 
 maintained the title of France by repairing to those coasts 
 in increasing numbers every year. But when P rance saw 
 quieter days under the rule of Henry IV., New France 
 was again brought to men s minds, and efforts were begun 
 which finally resulted in its permanent settlement. The 
 names which are prominent at the beginning of the history 
 of this revived interest are Pontgrave and Pierre Chauvin. 
 These men, becoming impressed with the conviction that 
 the fur trade might be made a source of great profit, obtained 
 a monopoly in the same, and carried it on successfully until 
 Chauvin died in 1603. 
 
 But French enterprise in Canada was not allowed to lag 
 because of the dissolution of this fur-trading partnership. 
 Henry IV., being firmly seated on his throne, was in a 
 mood to reward the men who had helped him thither. 
 Among these was Aymar de Chastes, who had put Henry 
 in possession of Dieppe, of which city he was the governor. 
 
4 j o DISCOVER T AND EX PL ORA TION 
 
 On Chauvin s death, De Chastes requested from the king 
 the gift of the fur-trading monopoly. It was readily granted, 
 and the king doubtless thought De Chastes extremely 
 moderate in his demands. But among all whose names are 
 connected with the earliest history of New France there is 
 none which stands for more unselfish motives than that of 
 the Governor of Dieppe. Patriot and devout Catholic, he 
 desired nothing more than to establish the Cross and the 
 fleur-de-lis on the banks of the St. Lawrence. Pontgrave 
 was naturally chosen by De Chastes to command the new 
 expedition. 
 
 It was the undertaking promoted by these men that 
 brought Samuel Champlain, the Father of New France, 
 upon the scene. Champlain was born in the year 1567, at 
 Brouage, near Rochelle. Though he early took to the sea 
 and became an experienced navigator, for several years 
 while Henry of Navarre was contending for the throne 
 Champlain served in his army as deputy quartermaster- 
 general. Peace having been declared, Champlain made a 
 voyage to Mexico, in command of a Spanish vessel. He 
 spent two years in New Spain, and on his return wrote a 
 Narrative of a Voyage to the West Indies and Mexico, which 
 so pleased Henry IV. that it gained for the sailor-author 
 a pension. Champlain, returning to France at the mo 
 ment when Pontgrave was about to set out on his voyage 
 to the west to establish the headquarters of his monopoly 
 at Tadousac on the St. Lawrence, was easily induced to 
 take part in the enterprise. On the I5th of March, 1603, 
 they sailed from Honfleur with two vessels. Gaining the 
 St. Lawrence, they sailed up past Tadousac, where Roberval 
 had endeavored to establish his ill-fated colony; on past 
 Quebec they went, until they saw the great mountain of 
 Hochelaga, now Montreal. But there not even the de 
 scendants of Cartier s friendly Iroquois were to be found. 
 They had been driven thence by the Algonquins. Cham- 
 plain endeavored to push his way further up the river, but 
 was for the time unable to stem the force of the rapids. 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE NORTH 
 
 411 
 
 After a short time the explorers returned to France, with 
 their curiosity whetted and with the determination to see 
 more of New France. 
 
 During this first voyage, undertaken by Pontgrave and 
 Champlain, its projector, M. de Chastes, died. His office, 
 that of Vice-admiral of the coasts of Acadia, was given to 
 the Sieur de Monts, who entered enthusiastically into the 
 project of founding a colony in Canada. He was very willing 
 to avail himself of the experience and courage of Cham- 
 plain. They sailed from Havre on the yth of March, 1604. 
 De Monts was an adherent of the Reformed religion, and 
 was accompanied by many of this persuasion ; but the 
 Catholics were also represented in considerable force, and 
 were accompanied by their priests. It was designed that 
 in the new colony toleration should prevail and every man 
 be permitted freely to choose and follow his own creed. 
 Champlain intimates that the disagreement incident to this 
 arrangement was inimical to the success of the undertaking, 
 though it may be surmised from the following statement 
 that the controversies which ensued contributed not a little 
 to the entertainment of the expeditioners. Says Champlain : 
 u I have seen the minister and our cure fight with their fists 
 about differences of religion, and I do not know which was 
 the braver or hit the harder blows, but I do very well 
 know that the minister complains sometimes to M. de 
 Monts of having been soundly beaten; and in this way they 
 cleared up the points of controversy. I leave you to think 
 if it was very pleasant to behold. The savages were some 
 times on one side, sometimes on the other; and the French, 
 divided according to their different beliefs, said everything 
 that was bad, both of one and the other religion." 
 
 The expedition lasted more than three years, all of which 
 time Champlain busied himself in the work of exploration, 
 with the result that he became fully acquainted with the 
 whole coast of Nova Scotia. He explored the Bay of 
 Fundy and coasted southward until he came to what he 
 called Cape Fortune, now known as Cape Cod. On the 
 
412 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 way thither he entered Massachusetts Bay, and was also 
 driven for shelter into what he calls Port St. Louis; known 
 to-day as Plymouth Harbor. In 1607 he returned to France 
 with De Monts; and the latter, patriot that he was, and 
 ardently desirous that his country should gain the chief fruits 
 of his toils and dangers, found that through the intrigues of 
 the Bretons his commission had been revoked and the only 
 compensation for his great expenditure was to be six thou 
 sand livres which he was to collect if he could from the 
 traders. Of those by whom this change was brought about 
 the honest Champlain exclaims : u May God pardon those 
 whom he has called to himself, and amend the living! Who 
 would ever undertake anything, if all can be revoked in 
 such a fashion, without carefully examining affairs before 
 deciding! " 
 
 But, undismayed by this experience of the bad faith of 
 the government, De Monts determined to make another 
 attempt. He chose Champlain as his deputy, and in July, 
 1608, that indefatigable explorer again found himself at 
 Quebec, as the Algonquins called the settlement which 
 name was retained by the French. He remained there 
 during the winter; and in May of the following year pro 
 ceeded to explore the river above the settlement. At this 
 time he began to put into operation a method by which he 
 secured the assistance of the natives, both in making his 
 way through their country and in forestalling danger from 
 their own hostility. In later times, it became the policy of 
 the French to take an active part in Indian politics; thus 
 they found allies among the savage tribes, but also drew 
 to themselves the inveterate enmity of those against whom 
 they lent their support. It was Champlain who inaugurated 
 this questionable course. For his own immediate purposes 
 it was advantageous, and he could not be expected to fore 
 see its unfortunate consequences. While near the point 
 where the Ste. Marie empties into the St. Lawrence, there 
 met him a band of Indians who were on their way to beg 
 him to fulfil the promise he had already made to aid them 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE NORTH 413 
 
 against the Iroquois. With them he proceeded up the 
 Riviere des Iroquois, now known as the Richelieu, and 
 after a tedious and discouraging journey arrived at the lake 
 which has ever since been known by his own name, where 
 Champlain and his allies fought a battle with the Iroquois, 
 and won it by virtue of the astonishing appearance of the 
 three Frenchmen and the deadly effect of their arquebuses. 
 
 De Monts failed to secure the renewal of his commission, 
 which had only been for one year. But so eager was he to 
 extend his explorations in the country around the upper St. 
 Lawrence that he formed a company in which he hazarded 
 what was left of his private fortune. He had found a 
 powerful friend, however, in Madame de Guercheville, 
 whose zealous admiration of the Jesuits induced her to em 
 ploy all her great influence in furthering their desire to 
 missionize New France. As the result of this combination, 
 the stirring history of the Society of Jesus in Canada had 
 its inception, and in the spring of 1611 Champlain explored 
 the country between Quebec and Mont Royal. 
 
 In March, 1612, Champlain left Quebec with two canoes 
 and his mind excited with hopes of reaching what was 
 spoken of by him as the great northern sea. This idea had 
 its source in the story of a young Frenchman named Vignau, 
 who had spent a winter with the Indians on the Ottawa. 
 On returning to Paris he averred that at the headwaters of 
 the Ottawa he had found a great lake that emptied into 
 a river which he had followed until he came to the sea. 
 Believing this tale, Champlain made no doubt but that he 
 was on the point of reaching the long-looked-for passage 
 through America to the East. But, faced by Tessouat, the 
 chief with whom he had resided, Vignau was forced to 
 confess that the estimate which Champlain made of him in 
 the latter s account of the episode was correct, viz.: that he 
 " was the most impudent liar that had been seen for a long 
 time." But the result of this hoax, which would have 
 ended in its going hard with the young Frenchman had 
 he been dealing with a man of less noble disposition, was 
 
414 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 the exploration of Ottawa River by Champlain as far up as 
 Allumette Island. In 1615, holding under the Prince of 
 Conde the office of lieutenant-governor, Champlain con 
 tinued his travels through the wilderness which comprised 
 the immensely larger part of his great domain. He reached 
 Lake Nipissing, and from thence descended by river to Lake 
 Huron. After his return from this trip, his time was occu 
 pied chiefly in looking after the interests of the colony, 
 to which he sedulously devoted himself both at Quebec and 
 also at Paris. But his ardor for exploration was unabated, 
 and when he could not go forth in person he sent brave and 
 enterprising men, of like spirit with himself, who pushed 
 up the rivers and penetrated the forests until New France 
 was known as an open book to those who wished to 
 settle therein. Champlain found a worthy successor in his 
 labors of exploration in Jean Nicolet, who for sixteen 
 years had voluntarily exiled himself from civilization and, 
 that he might know their country, allied himself with various 
 Indian tribes of North America. Champlain s mind could 
 not rest until he had settled the problem raised by the re 
 ports of great waters to the westward. These he imagined 
 might be the Pacific; but in reality they were the Great 
 Lakes. In 1634, he despatched Nicolet on an expedition 
 to the westward, with instructions to prove w r hat were the 
 facts in regard to these surmises ; he was not, however, 
 permitted to learn the results of this voyageur s journeyings, 
 for death overtook him in 1635. Nicolet made his way 
 up Ottawa River to Lake Nipissing. From there he crossed 
 to Georgian Bay and explored Lake Michigan as far as Green 
 Bay, which he reached in 1639. He also went southward 
 until he heard the Indians speak of a great river, which 
 must have been the Mississippi. But this it was reserved 
 for the missionary zeal of the Jesuits to reach. 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 
 FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 
 
 BY the time of Champlain s death, the English colonies 
 in America had at least gained a firm foothold, and the 
 Dutch were established at New Amsterdam. But these set 
 tlements were not being made the headquarters and starting 
 points for far-reaching journeys of exploration. There was 
 but little penetration into the country other than the steady 
 advance of the line of European settlement. How unlike 
 this was the mode of procedure of the colonies north and 
 south ! As soon as the Spaniards touched their newly dis 
 covered country, they overran it. The French could never 
 content themselves until they had satisfied their curiosity in 
 regard to the whole of their Canadian domain. Perhaps 
 this difference may be partly attributed to racial tempera 
 ment. But it was also very largely owing to the nature of 
 the regions that were settled. The English were farmers; 
 and they at once set about making the only use of the land 
 that its possibilities warranted and which accorded with the 
 dictates of their tastes. The Spaniards were seekers after 
 gold; and the search quickly carried them far afield. Three 
 motives were prominent in the spirit which governed the 
 French occupation of Canada: a greed for peltries, a desire 
 for geographical investigation, and a purpose to Christianize 
 the Indians. These three motives combined to stimulate 
 extensive exploration, and resulted in greatly extending 
 the knowledge of the characteristics and possibilities of the 
 French possessions during the quarter of a century following 
 Champlain s death. 
 
 415 
 
4 i 6 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 In 1664, Jean Baptiste Talon was sent to Canada as 
 Intendant. He cherished the idea that New France should 
 be made as large and all-embracing a territorial acquisition 
 as possible; and Louis XIV. fully sympathized with this 
 view and supported it, as also did Courcelle, the Governor 
 of Canada. Consequently, Talon s purpose was to thrust 
 forward his outposts as far and as quickly as possible, and 
 thus gain title to the country. As we have seen, the map 
 of New France included, after the journeyings of Nicolet, 
 Sault Ste. Marie and Green Bay. The former of these 
 places, owing to the tribal feuds of the Indians, had become 
 a great centre for the Algonquins, Hurons, and Ottawas, 
 who were forced westward by the powerful Iroquois. The 
 Jesuits, therefore, made this a mission station, and owing 
 to their zeal it also became the headquarters and starting 
 point for further expeditions. In 1669, Fathers Dablon 
 and Marquette came to Sault Ste. Marie, and they were 
 followed during the next year by Saint-Lusson and Joliet, 
 who had been despatched thither by Intendant Talon to 
 search for the copper in which it was reported the neigh 
 boring region abounded. In the presence of a great con 
 course of Indians, Saint-Lusson, in the name of Louis XIV., 
 took possession of "Saint Marie du Saut, as also of Lakes 
 Huron and Superior, the island of Manitoulin, and all coun 
 tries, rivers, lakes, and streams contingent and adjacent 
 thereto." So that now it was simply a question as to whether 
 Spain owned the whole continent by gift of the Pope, or 
 France by her own decision. 
 
 Colbert, the Minister of Louis XIV., wrote to Talon in 
 1672 : "As after the increase of the colony there is noth 
 ing more important to the colony than the discovery of a 
 passage to the South Sea [the Pacific] , His Majesty wishes 
 you to give it your attention." This order Talon, who 
 was leaving Canada, committed to the energetic and indomi 
 table Frontenac, who had just come out as governor. The 
 latter accepted Talon s choice of Joliet for the undertaking, 
 which meant primarily the finding and exploring of the 
 
ILt redyt iota vic?0r ae Oceanv 
 
 Sir Francis Drake. From the copperplate in Holland s HenMogia 
 Anglic a. After the original in the New York Public Library, Lenox 
 Branch. 
 
?n. LIBRA^J 
 
 OF THE. r 
 
 ~RS\TY j 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 
 
 417 
 
 Mississippi, which river had long been heard of, but was 
 thought to flow into the Pacific. Joliet was eminently 
 fitted for this work; having been born in New France, he 
 was inured to all its hardships and. accustomed to deal with 
 the Indians. The missionaries also took the opportunity to 
 send the Cross into those unexplored western wilds, and Mar- 
 quette was commissioned to this work. These two, though 
 their errands were different, were alike in spirit, and fitted to 
 emulate each other in courage, endurance, and perseverance. 
 
 In company with five other Frenchmen, the priest and 
 M. Joliet embarked in two canoes on May 13, 1673, taking 
 provision of Indian corn and smoked beef for their voyage. 
 With such information as they could obtain from the In 
 dians respecting the countries they sought to visit, they drew 
 up a map to guide them in their journey. 
 
 The first people they encountered were the Folles 
 Avoines, or Wild Oats Indians, better known as Menomi- 
 nees, whom Father Marquette had previously preached 
 among. These did their utmost to dissuade the explorers 
 from their purpose, warning them of the hostile tribes they 
 would encounter, the dangers of the Great River and its mon 
 strous creatures that " devoured men and canoes together," 
 and the great heat they would endure. The travellers pro 
 ceeded to the Bay of Puan [Green Bay] , whence they 
 reached a river [Fox River] "that discharges itself therein." 
 Pere Marquette, in his account of this voyage, says : "The 
 French have never before passed beyond the Bay of Puan. 
 This Bourg consists of three several nations, viz. : Miamis, 
 Mascoutens, and Kickapoos. ... As soon as we had 
 arrived we assembled the chiefs together, and informed them 
 that we had been sent by the governor to discover new coun 
 tries, and teach them the knowledge of the Creator, . . . 
 adding that we wished them to furnish us with two guides." 
 Conducted by their guides they transported their canoes 
 a short distance to Mesconsin [Wisconsin] River, along 
 which they rowed for forty leagues and reached the Missis 
 sippi on June iyth [1673]. 
 
4i 8 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 The journey down the Great River was slowly made to 
 42 N. latitude, where the aspect of the country greatly 
 changed. u There were scarcely any more woods or moun 
 tains. The islands are covered with fine trees, but we could 
 not see any more roebucks, buffaloes, bustards, and swans," 
 writes Pere Marquette. Continuing their navigation by day, 
 landing each night, on June 25th they "found traces of 
 some men upon the sand, and a path which led into a large 
 prairie." Following up this path, Joliet and Father Mar 
 quette arrived at an Indian village lying on the banks of a 
 river at a distance of about eight miles from where they had 
 left their men and the canoes, and a second village two 
 miles further on. The reception of the travellers by the 
 Indians of these villages is of interest in itself and also as 
 evidence of the disposition of the natives toward peaceful 
 visitors. We therefore quote Pere Marquette s account of 
 the circumstance: 
 
 "We now commended ourselves to God, and having 
 implored His help, we came so near to the Indians that we 
 could hear them talk. We now thought it time to make 
 ourselves known to them by screaming aloud. At the sound 
 of our voices, the Indians left their huts, and probably taking 
 us for Frenchmen, one of us having a black robe on, and 
 seeing but two of us, and being warned of our arrival, they 
 sent four old men to speak to us, two of whom brought 
 pipes, ornamented with different feathers. They marched 
 slowly, without saying a word, but presenting their pipes to 
 the sun, as if they wished it to smoke them. 
 
 " They were a long time coming from their village, but as 
 soon as they came near, they halted to take a view of us, 
 and seeing the ceremonies they performed, and especially 
 seeing them covered with cloth, we judged that they were 
 our allies. I then spoke to them, and they said they 
 were Illinois, and as a sign of friendship they presented us 
 their pipes to smoke. They invited us to their village, 
 where all the people had impatiently waited for us. ... 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 
 
 419 
 
 At the door of the cabin in which we were to be received, 
 we found an old man in a very remarkable posture, which 
 is the usual ceremony in receiving strangers. He was 
 standing up, all naked, with his hands lifted up to heaven, 
 as if he wished to screen himself from the rays of the sun 
 which nevertheless passed through his ringers to his face. 
 When we came near to him he said: What a fair day, 
 Frenchmen, this is to come to visit us ! All our people have 
 waited for thee, and thou shalt enter our cabin in peace. 
 He then took us into his, where there were a crowd of people 
 who devoured us with their eyes, but who kept a profound 
 silence. We only occasionally heard these words in a low 
 voice : These are our brothers who have come to see us. 
 
 " As soon as we sat down, they presented us, according 
 to custom, their calumet, which one must accept, or he 
 would be looked upon as an enemy, and it is sufficient to 
 place it only to your mouth and pretend to smoke. While 
 the old men smoked in our cabin to entertain us, the great 
 chief of the Illinois sent us word to come to his village, 
 where he wished to hold a council with us. We accord 
 ingly went to him, and were followed by all the people of 
 this village, for they had never seen any Frenchmen before. 
 They never appeared tired of gazing at us. They went 
 backwards and forwards to look at us, without making any 
 noise, and this they esteem as a mark of respect. Having 
 arrived at the borough of the chief, we espied him at the 
 door of his cabin, between two old men, who were likewise 
 naked, and standing, holding the calumet towards the sun. 
 He made us a short speech, to congratulate us on our 
 arrival in this country, and presented us with his calumet, 
 which we had to smoke before we could enter into his 
 cabin. This ceremony being over, he conducted us and 
 desired us to sit down upon a mat, and the old men of the 
 nation being present, I thought fit to acquaint them with 
 the subject of our voyage. 
 
 " After we sat down, the chief placed a slave near us, and 
 made us a present of the mysterious calumet, which he 
 
42O 
 
 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 thought more valuable to us than the slave. He showed to 
 us by this present his respect for our great captain, and he 
 begged us to remain among them, because of the dangers 
 to which we were exposed in our voyage. I told him that 
 we did not fear death, and that I would esteem it a happi 
 ness to lose my life in the service of God, at which he 
 seemed to be much surprised. The council being over, we 
 were invited to a feast, which consisted of four dishes. 
 The first was a dish of sagamite, that is, some Indian meal 
 boiled in water, and seasoned with grease; the master of 
 ceremonies holding a spoonful of it, which he put thrice 
 into my mouth, and then did the like to M. Joliet. The 
 second dish consisted of three fish, whereof he took a piece, 
 and having taken out the bones, and blown upon it to cool 
 it, he put it into my mouth. The third dish was a large 
 dog, which they had killed on purpose, but understanding 
 that we did not eat this animal they sent it away. The 
 fourth was a piece of buffalo meat, of which they put the 
 fattest pieces into our mouths. 
 
 "As soon as we had feasted, we were taken to a village 
 of three hundred cabins, attended by an officer, who kept 
 the people from crowding upon us. They presented us 
 with belts, garters, and other articles made of the hair of 
 bears and buffaloes. We slept in the chief s hut, and, on 
 the following morning, we took leave of him, promising to 
 return to his village in four moons. He escorted us to our 
 canoes with nearly six hundred persons, who saw us em 
 barked, evincing in every way the pleasure our visit gave 
 them. It will not be improper for me to relate here what 
 I observed of the customs and manners of this people, 
 which are very different from any I have ever before 
 visited. The word Illinois in their language signifies men; 
 as if they looked upon all other Indians as beasts. And 
 truly it must be confessed that they are more humane than 
 any others I have ever seen. The short time I remained 
 with them did not permit me to inform myself of their 
 customs and manners as much as I desired. They are 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 421 
 
 divided into several villages, some of which I have not seen. 
 They live so remote from other nations, that their language 
 is entirely different. They called themselves " Perouarca." 
 Their language is a dialect of the Algonquin. They are 
 very mild in their dispositions. They keep several wives, 
 of whom they are very jealous, and watch them closely. 
 If they behave unchastely, they cut off their ears or nose, 
 of which I saw several who carried those marks of their 
 infidelity. The Illinois are well formed and very nimble. 
 They are skilful with their bows and rifles, with which 
 they are supplied by the Indians who trade with our French 
 men. This makes them formidable to their enemies who 
 have no firearms. . . . " 
 
 Leaving the Illinois villages, the party resumed the descent 
 of the river, " looking for another called Pekitanoui" [Mis 
 souri] . Pere Marquette continues : 
 
 "As we were descending the river we saw high rocks 
 with hideous monsters painted on them, and upon which 
 the bravest Indians dare not look. They are as large as a 
 calf, with head and horns like a goat; their eyes red; beard 
 like a tiger s ; and a face like a man s. Their tails are so 
 long that they pass over their heads and between their fore 
 legs, under their belly, and end like a fish s tail. They 
 are painted red, green, and black. They are so well drawn 
 that I cannot believe they were drawn by the Indians. And 
 for what purpose they were made seems to me a great mys 
 tery. As we fell down the river, and while we were dis 
 coursing upon these monsters, we heard a great rushing and 
 bubbling of waters, and small islands of floating trees coming 
 from the mouth of the Pekitanoui with such rapidity that we 
 could not trust ourselves to go near it. The water of this 
 river is so muddy that we could not drink it. It so discolors 
 the Mississippi as to make the navigation of it dangerous. 
 This river comes from the northwest, and empties into the 
 Mississippi, and on its banks are situated a number of Indian 
 villages. We judged by the compass that the Missis 
 sippi discharged itself into the Gulf of Mexico. It would, 
 
4 22 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 however, have been more agreeable if it had discharged itself 
 into the South Sea or Gulf of California. 
 
 "After having gone about twenty leagues to the south, 
 and a little less to the southeast, we met another river called 
 Ouabouskiaou [the Ohio] , which runs into the Mississippi 
 in the latitude of 36 N. But before we arrived there, we 
 passed through a most formidable passage to the Indians, 
 who believe that a manitou, or demon, resides there, to 
 devour travellers, and which the Indians told us of to make 
 us abandon our voyage. This demon is only a bluff of 
 rocks, twenty feet high, against which the river runs with 
 great violence, and being thrown back by the rocks and 
 island near it, the water makes a great noise and flows with 
 great rapidity through a narrow channel, which is certainly 
 dangerous to canoes. The Ouabouskiaou comes from the 
 east. The Chouanous [the Shawnees] live on its banks, 
 and are so numerous that I have been informed there are 
 thirty-eight villages of that nation situated on this river; 
 they are a very harmless people. The Iroquois are con 
 stantly making war upon them, without any provocation, 
 because they have no firearms, and carrying them into 
 captivity. At a little distance above the mouth of this 
 river our men discovered some banks of iron ore, of which 
 they brought several specimens into our canoe. There is 
 also here a kind of fat earth, of three different colors, purple, 
 red, and yellow, which turns the water of the river into a 
 deep blood color. We also discovered a red sand which is 
 very heavy. I put some of it upon my oar, which dyed it 
 red. We had seen no reeds, or canes, but they now began 
 to make their appearance, and grew so thick that cattle could 
 not make their way through them. They are of an agree 
 able green color, and grow very high. Their tops are 
 crowned with long and sharp leaves." 
 
 Hitherto the explorers had not been troubled with mos 
 quitoes, but these now began to cause much annoyance. 
 The natives in consequence built their huts upon poles set 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 423 
 
 close together, on which is "a large hurdle upon which they 
 lie, instead of a floor, and under which they make a fire," 
 to drive away the mosquitoes. The travellers were com 
 pelled to use their sails for awnings, and, gliding on thus 
 with the current, they encountered Indians on the banks, 
 armed with guns, awaiting the party s landing. After some 
 mutual misunderstandings, the Indians made friendly invita 
 tions to the travellers to land, which they did, and proceeded 
 to the village, where the Frenchmen were hospitably enter 
 tained. They found that in addition to guns the natives 
 possessed knives, axes, shovels, glass beads, and bottles in 
 which they kept their powder; and learned that these were 
 bought from the Europeans who lived toward the east, and 
 who had "images and chaplets, and played upon musical 
 instruments." The Indians informed the travellers that 
 the sea was distant only ten days journey. 
 
 The journey was resumed; the river banks were lined 
 with high trees, so that the country could not be observed 
 as had hitherto been possible; after a time the bellowing of 
 buffaloes announced that prairies were near; a little later 
 the party had reached the .village of Mitchigamea [probably 
 Helena, Arkansas], whose people were evidently hostile. 
 Marquette says : 
 
 "The Indians made a great noise, and appeared in arms, 
 dividing themselves into three parties, one of which stood 
 on the shore, while the others went into their canoes to 
 intercept our retreat, and prevent our escape. They were 
 armed with bows and arrows, clubs, axes, and bucklers, and 
 commenced attacking us. Notwithstanding these prepara 
 tions, we invoked our patroness, the Holy Virgin, and rowed 
 directly for the shore. As we came near, two young men 
 threw themselves into the water to board my canoe, which 
 they would have done had not the rapidity of the current 
 prevented them ; so they returned to the shore and threw 
 their clubs at us, which passed over our heads. It was in 
 vain I showed them the calumet, and made sign to them 
 
424 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 that we had not come to fight; they continued to surround 
 us, and were about to pierce us on all sides with their 
 arrows, when God suddenly touched their hearts, and the 
 old men who stood upon the bank stopped the ardor of 
 their young men, and made signs of peace, and came down 
 to the shore, and throwing their bows and arrows into our 
 canoes, made signs for us to come ashore, which we did, 
 not, however, without some suspicions on our part. 
 
 " I spoke to them in six different languages, but they did 
 not understand any one of them. At last they brought to 
 us an old man who spoke the Illinois, whom we told that 
 we wished to go as far as the sea, and then made them 
 some presents. They understood what I meant, but I am 
 not sure they understood what I said to them of God, and 
 things concerning their salvation. It was, however, seed 
 thrown on ground which would in time become fruitful. 
 They told us that at the next great village, called Arkansea, 
 eight or ten leagues farther down the river, we could learn 
 all about the sea. They feasted us with sagamite and fish, 
 and we passed the night with them, not, however, without 
 some uneasiness. We embarked early next morning with 
 our interpreters and ten Indians, who went before us in a 
 canoe. Having arrived about half a league from Arkansea, 
 we saw two canoes coming towards us. The captain of 
 one was standing up, holding the calumet in his hand, with 
 which he made signs, according to the custom of the 
 country. He afterwards joined us, inviting us to smoke, 
 and singing pleasantly. He then gave us some sagamite and 
 Indian bread to eat, and going before, made signs for us to 
 follow him, which we did, but at some distance. They 
 had in the meantime prepared a kind of scaffold to receive 
 us, adorned with fine mats, upon which we sat down with 
 the old men and warriors. We fortunately found among 
 them a young man who spoke Illinois much better than the 
 interpreter whom we brought with us from Mitchigamea. 
 We made them some small presents, which they received 
 with great civility, and seemed to admire what I told them 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 
 
 425 
 
 about God, the creation of the world, and the mysteries of 
 our holy faith, telling us, by the interpreter, that they wished 
 us to remain with them for the purpose of instructing them. 
 
 "We then asked them what they knew of the sea, and 
 they said we were within ten days journey of it, but we 
 might perform it in five. That they were unacquainted 
 with the nations below, because their enemies had prevented 
 them from visiting them. That the hatchet, knives, and 
 beads had been sold to them by the nations of the East, 
 and were in part brought by the Illinois, who live four days 
 journey to the West. That the Indians whom we had 
 met with guns were their enemies, who hindered them 
 from trading with the Europeans, and if we persisted in 
 going any farther, we would expose ourselves to other 
 nations who were their enemies. During this conversation 
 they continued all day to feast us with sagamite, dog meat, 
 and roasted corn out of large wooden dishes. These In 
 dians are very courteous, and give freely of what they have, 
 but their provisions are but indifferent, because they are 
 afraid to go a-hunting on account of their enemies. . . . 
 
 u In the evening the chiefs held a secret council, wherein 
 some proposed to kill us; but the great chief opposed this 
 base design, and sent for us to dance the calumet, which 
 he presented us with to seal our common friendship. 
 M. Joliet and I held a council to deliberate upon what we 
 should do whether to proceed further, or return to Canada, 
 content with the discoveries we had made. 
 
 " Having satisfied ourselves that the Gulf of Mexico was 
 in latitude 31 40 , and that we could reach it in three or 
 four days journey from the Arkansea [Arkansas River] , and 
 that the Mississippi discharged itself into it, and not to the 
 eastward of the Cape of Florida, nor into the California 
 Sea, we resolved to return home. We considered that the 
 advantage of our travels would be altogether lost to our 
 nation if we fell into the hands of the Spaniards, from whom 
 we could expect no other treatment than death or slavery; 
 besides, we saw that we were not prepared to resist the 
 
426 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORAriON 
 
 Indians, the allies of the Europeans, who continually infested 
 the lower part of this river; we therefore came to the con 
 clusion to return, and make a report to those who had sent 
 us. So that, having rested another day, we left the village 
 of the Arkansea, on the seventeenth of July, 1673, having 
 followed the Mississippi from the latitude of 42 to 34, 
 and preached the Gospel to the utmost of my power to the 
 nations we visited. We then ascended the Mississippi with 
 great difficulty against the current, and left it in the latitude 
 of 38 north, to enter another river [Illinois], which took 
 us to the lake of the Illinois [Michigan] , which is a much 
 shorter way than through the river Mesconsin, by which 
 we entered the Mississippi. 
 
 " I never saw a more beautiful country than we found on 
 this river. The prairies are covered with buffaloes, stags, 
 goats, and the rivers and lakes with swans, ducks, geese, 
 parrots, and beavers. The river upon which we sailed was 
 wide, deep, and placid for sixty-five leagues, and navigable 
 most all the year around. There is a portage of only half 
 a league into the lake of the Illinois. We found on the 
 banks of this river a village called Kuilka, consisting of 
 seventy-four cabins. They received us very kindly, and we 
 promised to return to instruct them. The chief, with most 
 of the youth of this village, accompanied us to the lake, 
 from whence we returned to the Bay of Puan [Green 
 Bay] , about the end of September. If my perilous journey 
 had been attended with no other advantage than the sal 
 vation of one soul, I would think my perils sufficiently 
 rewarded. I preached the Gospel to the Illinois of Perou- 
 arca for three days together. My instructions made such 
 an impression upon this poor people, that as soon as we 
 were about to depart they brought to me a dying child to 
 baptize, which I did, about half an hour before he died, and 
 which, by a special providence, God was pleased to save." 
 
 To reach the mouth of the Mississippi was to be the 
 work of La Salle, a man whose influence in the history 
 
FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE INTERIOR 427 
 
 of North America it is difficult to overestimate. He it was 
 who gave to France Louisiana; and its first possession by 
 the French made possible its purchase later by the United 
 States. The story of La Salle s exploration of the " Father 
 of Waters" to its estuary and of the difficulties and dis 
 couragements he was compelled to overcome before he 
 could accomplish that purpose, shows him to have been 
 possessed of an enthusiasm, a courage, and an indomitable 
 will rarely exampled in history. Not until his third attempt, 
 and after being twice poisoned by his enemies, having his 
 estate seized by his creditors, and enduring unimaginable 
 labors, did he succeed in his design to reach the ocean by 
 way of the Mississippi. On his first attempt, being stranded 
 on the Illinois without supplies or means of conveyance, he 
 set out to walk to Montreal, a distance of over one thou 
 sand miles. After his second failure, he and his friend, 
 Henry de Tonty, paddled their canoes from Lake Michigan 
 to Fort Frontenac. But La Salle would not give up the 
 attempt; and at last he wrested success, as it would seem, 
 from the unwilling hand of destiny. On the Qth of April, 
 1682, at the mouth of the Mississippi, he formally declared 
 Louis XIV. in possession, by right of discovery, of all the 
 territory drained by the great river, and called it after 
 the name of the king. But La Salle s career seems to show 
 him to have been a pet of misfortune. Even the honor 
 of his achievement was stolen by Hennepin, who hastened 
 back to Paris and wrote a book in which he claimed to have 
 himself explored the Mississippi; and in March, 1687, 
 La Salle was muidered by mutineers of his own company. 
 At the time of La Salle s great achievement, France had 
 been exploring the North American continent a century 
 and a half. Her navigators had sailed along much of the 
 eastern seaboard, but these expeditions had served no lasting 
 purpose. Verrazano s fiction of a great western sea ap 
 proaching the Atlantic seacoast about midway had been 
 exploded. The expeditions of Cartier and the subsequent 
 explorations of Champlain, Nicolet, Joliet, and others proved 
 
428 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 that two great interior valleys spread out where Verrazano s 
 sea was supposed to roll. But if France had acquired little 
 influence on the eastern shores, she had gained a dominant 
 position in the region of the St. Lawrence; settlements had 
 been formed, missions planted, and trading outposts estab 
 lished. She was continually pushing forward her limits ; and 
 with the advantages of the northern outlet in the Gulf of 
 St. Lawrence and the southern in the Gulf of Mexico, she 
 enjoyed a position that was full of promise. The rinding 
 of this latter marks the term of French discovery in North 
 America. 
 
CHAPTER XV 
 
 THE ENGLISH SEA KINGS 
 
 IN after years, when England had become awakened to 
 the value of colonization, she based her claim to the lands 
 over which she disputed with Spain and France on priority 
 of discovery. With great confidence, she cited the voy 
 ages of Cabot and others, when it was convenient so to 
 do. But it nevertheless remains a fact that for seventy 
 years England paid but little attention to transatlantic ex 
 ploration. At first the discovery of the New World 
 aroused a great wonderment there, as it did all over Europe. 
 And when the Cabots returned from their western voyages 
 they received the attention and honor which their exploits 
 warranted. But seeing that they came back empty-handed, 
 and could only report that they had found a land peopled 
 with almost naked savages, the practical English soon lost 
 their interest, except as they were entertained by tales which 
 crossed the Channel of the wonders to be seen in these far- 
 off countries. Until the time of John Hawkins, England 
 did little but send a few fishing vessels to gather the spoils 
 of the sea in company with the ships of Portugal and Brit 
 tany. Being, during this period, at peace with Spain, the 
 English government respected the rights of priority which 
 that country had gained in the only parts of the New World 
 which presented the attractions of ascertained wealth. It 
 cannot be said that England was at all deterred from enter 
 ing the field of discovery by reason of the allotment made 
 
 429 
 
43 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 by Pope Alexander; for it had never been her wont to 
 permit the Church to usurp the Crown s prerogative. 
 Nevertheless, it was the Reformation, and the casting off 
 of all allegiance to Rome, that led England into the path of 
 western enterprise. The Reformation aroused and expanded 
 the spirit of the nation and thus made men ready for any 
 adventurous outlet. The Reformation also resulted in 
 placing England in a position of antagonism and rivalry 
 toward Spain, which in turn brought about the creation of 
 a British navy, trained a race of experienced and daring 
 sea rovers, and led them across the main on voyages of 
 reprisal and plunder. 
 
 The first expeditions by which Queen Elizabeth and her 
 subjects became practically interested in the gainful possi 
 bilities of America were projected for ends quite different 
 from and far less creditable than those of discovery or even 
 of harassing the Spaniards. They were nothing other than 
 slave-trading ventures. Spain, jealously reserving to her 
 self every sort of traffic with her colonists, had prohibited 
 their purchasing even slaves from foreigners. But the needs 
 of the settlers in the West Indies, Brazil, and elsewhere 
 were great; for wherever the Spaniards gained a foothold 
 their horrible barbarism destroyed the native Indian popu 
 lation. Negroes were early imported; but as Spain had no 
 African possessions the supply was very far from meeting 
 the increasing demand. In this fact John Hawkins saw 
 his opportunity; and though from the pious expressions 
 which plentifully bestrew his writings he must have been 
 taken for a godly man, the ideas of his time were not such 
 as to render the lack of any compunctions of conscience 
 on this matter inconsistent with morality. 
 
 John was the son of " Olde M. William Haukins of 
 Plimmouth, a man for his wisedome, valure, experience, 
 and skill in sea causes much esteemed, and beloued of 
 King Henry the 8, and being one of the principall Sea 
 Captaines in the West partes of England in his time."- 
 (Richard Hakluyt, London, 1589.) Old William, in his 
 
THE ENGLISH SEA KINGS 431 
 
 time, was not content to make the short voyages to which 
 the seafaring of most of his fellow mariners was cok^ned. 
 He made three trips to the coast of Brazil, calling nrst at 
 the river Sestos, in Guinea ; and though Hakluyt only 
 speaks of his trafficking with the negroes for " Olephants 
 teeth," it is suspected that he carried thence to Brazil mer 
 chandise of a darker hue and livelier nature. But whatever 
 may have been the case with the father, it is certain that 
 the son made his voyages to America by way of the Afri 
 can coast with the well-understood purpose of kidnapping 
 negroes and selling them to the Spaniards. It is also prob 
 able that Queen Elizabeth had a financial interest in these 
 ventures. Hawkins s first voyage was made in 1562. He 
 sailed with three ships and carried from the coast of Guinea 
 three hundred negroes, which he sold in Hispaniola. Though 
 little is told us of the incidents of this voyage, it is of the 
 highest importance in English maritime history, for by its 
 means the people of that nation first became directly 
 acquainted with the seas of the West Indies. 
 
 Having discovered so certain a means of profit, Hawkins 
 was not long in fitting out another squadron, for he sailed 
 again in the year 1564. It is impossible to avoid remarking 
 that the name Jesus, being that of one of his ships, is ex 
 tremely inconsonant with the nature of his business. We 
 read that he was not above aiding a negro king in his feuds, 
 in order that he might receive as pay the negro prisoners 
 taken in the war, and it is not unpleasant to learn that 
 Hawkins was tricked by the dusky potentate. He relates 
 how he hoped to share in the six hundred prisoners taken ; 
 but, as he naively complains : " The Negro (in which nation 
 is seldom or never found truth) meant nothing less: for 
 that night he removed his camp, and prisoners, so that we 
 were fain to content us with those few which we had gotten 
 ourselves." This particular occurrence happened on his 
 third voyage. On his second he had been more successful; 
 and having sold his slaves to the Spaniards in continental 
 ports, he decided to return with the Gulf Stream by the 
 
432 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 coast of Florida. The principal incidents of this voyage, 
 which served so greatly to arouse English interest in Ameri 
 can lands, we will quote in the words of Sparke, who sailed 
 with Hawkins on the expedition: 
 
 "Thus on the lyth of June [1564] we departed, and 
 on the 2Oth we fell with the west end of Cuba, called Cape 
 St. Antony, where for the space of three days we doubled 
 along, till we came beyond the shoals, which are twenty 
 leagues beyond St. Antony. And the ordinary breeze 
 taking us, which is the northeast wind, put us on the 24th 
 from the shore, and therefore we went to the northwest to 
 fetch wind, and also to the coast of Florida to have the 
 help of the current, which was judged to have set to 
 the eastward: so on the 2Qth we found ourselves in twenty- 
 seven degrees, and in the soundings of Florida, where we 
 kept ourselves the space of four days, sailing along the 
 coast as near as we could, in ten or twelve fathom water, 
 having all the while no sight of land. 
 
 " On the 5th of July we had sight of certain islands of 
 sand, called the Tortugas (which is low land) where the 
 captain went in with his pinnace, and found such a number 
 of birds, that in half an hour he laded her with them; and 
 if they had been ten boats more they might have done the 
 like. . . . Here we anchored six hours, and then a 
 fair gale of wind springing, we weighed anchor, and made 
 sail towards Cuba, whither we came on the sixth day, and 
 weathered as far as the Table, being a hill so called, be 
 cause of the form thereof; . . . This hill we thinking 
 to have been the Table, made account (as it was indeed) 
 that Havana was but eight leagues to windward, but by the 
 persuasion of a Frenchman, who made the captain believe 
 he knew the Table very well, and had been at Havana, said 
 that it was not the Table, and that the Table was much 
 higher, and nearer to the seaside, and that there was no plain 
 ground to the eastward, nor hills to the westward, but all 
 was contrary, and that behind the hills to the westward was 
 

Map showing discoveries of Henry Hudson in the 
 
 British 
 
th in 1612. From the original copperplate in the 
 iseum. 
 
ENGLISH SEA KINGS 
 
 433 
 
 Havana. To which persuasion credit being given by some, 
 and they are not of the worst, the captain was persuaded to 
 go to leeward, and so sailed along on the seventh and eighth 
 days, rinding no habitations, nor no other Table; 
 he determined to seek water, and to go farther to leeward, 
 to a place (as it is set in the card) called Rio de los Puercos, 
 which he was in doubt of, both whether it were inhabited, 
 and whether there were water or not, and whether for the 
 shoals he might have such access with his ships, that he 
 might conveniently take in the same. And while we were 
 in these troubles, and kept our way to the place aforesaid, 
 Almighty God our guide (who would not suffer us to run 
 into any further danger, which we had been like to have 
 incurred, if we had ranged the coast of Florida along as we 
 did before, which is so dangerous, by reports, that no ship 
 escapeth which cometh thither, as the Spaniards have very 
 well proved the same) sent us on the eighth day at night a 
 fair westerly wind, whereupon the captain and company con 
 sulted, determined not to refuse God s gift, but every man 
 was contented to pinch his own belly, whatsoever had hap 
 pened; and taking the said wind, on the gth day of July 
 got to the Table, and sailing the same night, unawares over 
 shot Havana ; at which place we thought to have watered : 
 but the next day, not knowing that we had overshot the same, 
 sailed along the coast seeking it, and the eleventh day in the 
 morning, by certain known marks, we understood that we 
 had overshot it twenty leagues; in which coast ranging 
 we found no convenient watering place, whereby there was 
 no remedy but to disembogue, and to water upon the coast 
 of Florida; for, to go further to the eastward we could not 
 for the shoals, which are very dangerous; and because the 
 current shooteth to the northeast, we doubted by the force 
 thereof to be set upon them, and therefore durst not ap 
 proach them ; so making but reasonable way the day afore 
 said and all the night, the twelfth day in the morning we 
 fell in with the islands upon the cape of Florida, which 
 we could scant double, by the means that fearing the shoals 
 
434 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 to the eastwards, and doubting the current coming out of the 
 west, which was not of that force that we made account of, 
 for we felt little or none till we fell with the cape, and then 
 felt such a current that, bearing all sails against the same, 
 yet were driven back again a great pace; . . . and 
 so then altogether they kept on their way along the coast 
 of Florida, and the fifteenth day came to an anchor, and 
 so from twenty-six degrees to thirty degrees and a half, 
 where the Frenchmen abode, ranging all the coast along, 
 seeking for fresh water, anchoring every night because we 
 would overshoot no place of fresh water, and in the day 
 time the captain in the ship s pinnace sailed along the shore, 
 went into every creek, speaking with divers of the Floridians, 
 because he would understand where the Frenchmen in 
 habited ; and not finding them in twenty-eight degrees, as 
 it was declared unto him, marvelled thereat, and never left 
 sailing along the coast till he found them, who inhabited in a 
 river, by them called the river of May, and standing in thirty 
 degrees and better. ... In the river of May aforesaid 
 the captain, entering with his pinnace, found a French ship 
 of fourscore ton, and two pinnaces of fifteen ton apiece by 
 her, and speaking with the keepers thereof, they told him 
 of a fort two leagues up, which they had built, in which 
 their captain, Monsieur Laudonniere, was, with certain 
 soldiers therein. To whom our captain sending to under 
 stand of a watering place, where he might conveniently take 
 it in, and to have license for the same, he straight, because 
 there was no convenient place but up the river five leagues, 
 where the water was fresh, did send him a pilot for the 
 more expedition thereof, to bring in one of his barques, 
 which, going in with other boats provided for the same 
 purpose, anchored before the fort, into the which our cap 
 tain went, where he was by the general, with other captains 
 and soldiers, very gently entertained, who declared unto 
 him the time of their being there, which was fourteen 
 months, with the extremity they were driven to for want 
 of victuals, having brought very little with them ; 
 
THE ENGLISH SEA KINGS 435 
 
 In which perplexity our captain seeing them, spared them 
 out of his ship twenty barrels of meal and four pipes of 
 beans, with divers other victuals and necessaries which he 
 might conveniently spare; and to help them the better 
 homewards, whither they were bound before our coming, 
 at their request we spared them one of our barques of fifty 
 ton. Notwithstanding the great want that the Frenchmen 
 had, the ground doth yield victuals sufficient if they would 
 have taken pains to get the same; but they, being soldiers, 
 desired to live by the sweat of other men s brows ; for while 
 they had peace with the Floridians they had fish sufficient 
 by weirs which they made to catch the same; but when 
 they grew to wars the Floridians took away the same again, 
 and then would not the Frenchmen take the pains to make 
 any more. The ground yieldeth naturally grapes in great 
 store, for in the time that the Frenchmen were there they 
 made twenty hogsheads of wine. 
 
 "From thence we departed on the 28th of July upon our 
 voyage homewards, having there all things as might be most 
 convenient for our purpose ; and took leave of the French 
 men that there still remained, who with diligence determined 
 to make as great speed after as they could. Thus, by means 
 of contrary winds oftentimes, we prolonged our voyage in 
 such manner that victuals scanted with us, so that we were 
 divers times (or rather the most part) in despair of ever 
 coming home, had not God of His goodness better provided 
 for us than our deserving. In which state of great misery 
 we were provoked to call upon Him by fervent prayer, which 
 moved Him to hear us, so that we had a prosperous wind, 
 which did set us so far shot as to be upon the bank of 
 Newfoundland on St. Bartholomew s Eve, and we sounded 
 thereupon, finding ground at a hundred and thirty fathoms, 
 being that day somewhat becalmed, and took a great num 
 ber of fresh codfish, which greatly relieved us: and being 
 very glad thereof the next day we departed, and had linger 
 ing little gales for the space of four or five days, at the 
 end of w r hich we saw a couple of French ships, and had 
 
436 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 of them so much fish as would serve us plentifully for all the 
 rest of the way, the captain paying for the same both gold 
 and silver, to the just value thereof, unto the chief owners 
 of the said ships; but they, not looking for anything at all, 
 were glad in themselves to meet with such good enter 
 tainment at sea as they had at our hands. After which 
 departure from them with a good large wind on the 2Oth 
 of September we came to Padstow, in Cornwall, God be 
 thanked, in safety, with the loss of twenty persons in all 
 the voyage, and with great profit to the venturers of the 
 said voyage, as also to the whole realm, in bringing home 
 both gold, silver, pearls, and other jewels great store. 
 
 "His name, therefore, be praised for evermore. Amen." 
 
 The French settlement which Hawkins, in 1565, so chari 
 tably succored was a Huguenot attempt at colonization ; an 
 effort made by the Protestants of France to seek that religious 
 freedom in the New World, the hope of which was afterward 
 to people North America. The river, which Jean Ribault 
 and his party had entered on May Day of 1 562, was called by 
 them the River of May ; on their arrival they were received 
 by the Indians in a most friendly manner and with much 
 hospitality; on the southern bank of the May the Frenchmen 
 erected a pillar bearing the arms of France, thereby making 
 a claim of possession, which, however, was probably but ill 
 understood by the natives. They then sailed northward and a 
 settlement was made at Port Royal, which was soon aban 
 doned. The story of Jean Ribault s venture is one of the 
 saddest in human annals. While that commander was absent 
 in France collecting recruits and provisions, Laudonniere ar 
 rived in St. John s River with a new expedition, which fared 
 no better than Ribault s. Its history is that of war with the 
 Indians, mutiny among the soldiers, and dreadful famine. 
 Immediately after Hawkins had left them, as narrated in 
 Sparke s account, Ribault arrived. But this good fortune 
 was swept away by the almost simultaneous appearance of a 
 Spanish fleet under the command of the bigoted Menendez. 
 
THE ENGLISH SEA KINGS 
 
 437 
 
 He was commissioned by the Spanish king to conquer 
 Florida, to which country Philip II. did not question 
 but that he held title. It had been invaded by French 
 heretics; therefore, the expedition of Menendez was re 
 garded as a sanctified crusade. The main events of the 
 story may be briefly told and, indeed, it is not a narrative 
 pleasant to dwell upon. The Spanish commander marched 
 overland, and surprised Fort Caroline while Ribault was 
 absent. Men, women, and children were butchered in one 
 indescribable hour of carnage which engulfed the settlement. 
 In retaliation, Ribault planned to attack the Spaniards at 
 St. Augustine. But his ships were driven ashore by a hurri 
 cane, and the Frenchmen were at Menendez s mercy. By 
 perfidious promises of safe conduct, he drew Ribault and 
 his people to surrender themselves. The Spaniard says: 
 " I caused Juan Ribao, with all the rest, to be put to the 
 knife, judging this to be necessary for the service of God 
 our Lord and of your majesty." There is but one relieving 
 feature in this gloomy story; and that is the fact that, in 
 1568, Dominique de Gourgues exacted vengeance to the 
 full on these murderers of his countrymen. He surprised 
 them in that same Fort Caroline. He hanged the prisoners 
 on the limbs of the same trees on which Menendez had 
 hanged the Huguenots; and where the Spanish commander 
 had placed the legend "Not as Frenchmen, but as heretics," 
 Gourgues placed a tablet with the words " Not as Spaniards, 
 but as murderers." It is impossible to avoid the regret that 
 at that moment Menendez was enjoying high honor for his 
 deeds in the court of Philip II. 
 
 During the third quarter of the sixteenth century Spain 
 was the mightiest power in Europe. Enriched by her vast 
 possessions in the New World and strengthened by her con 
 tinental alliances, her influence dominated Europe. England, 
 whose religious sympathies and political interests favored 
 the Netherlands in their revolt against the Spanish yoke, 
 assisted the Dutch with money and arms. Brought thus 
 into conflict, England and Spain became bitter enemies, an 
 
438 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 antagonism which took on the aspect of racial and re 
 ligious antipathies, traditional among both peoples even to 
 this day. This conflict soon displayed itself in the New 
 World, where Spain was most exposed. Sir John Hawkins, 
 by his voyages, pointed out the way by which England could 
 make the attack with most advantage to herself and weaken 
 ing effect upon Castile. He also aided in the training of one 
 who was destined to push English maritime enterprise into 
 bold competition with that nation which deemed itself the 
 proprietor, by Divine gift, of the western world. When 
 Hawkins sailed on his third slave-carrying trip, there accom 
 panied him, in command of the Judith, a young man named 
 Drake, who was afterward to win himself great renown by 
 his audacious "singeing of the king of Spain s beard." 
 
 Hawkins had contented himself by making gain in his 
 slave-dealing exploits; but the breach between England and 
 Spain was every year widening; the secret aid which Eliza 
 beth sent to the revolted Dutch, the constantly growing 
 religious enmity of the two peoples, in which Spain was 
 regarded as the champion of Catholicism and England the 
 bulwark of Protestantism, were causes rapidly making for 
 open hostility. Though nominally at peace with Spain, 
 Elizabeth looked with more than lenity upon the piratical 
 operations of Francis Drake against the Spanish galleons. 
 While on one of these buccaneering expeditions, he crossed 
 the Isthmus of Panama; and beholding the Pacific, and at 
 the same time the city of Panama, the emporium of Spanish 
 wealth, he was seized with a desire to explore that great 
 ocean, and doubted not but that means would be found to 
 make the expedition profitable. 
 
 He laid this project before Elizabeth and the statesmen 
 of England, who in private gave it their sanction, and on 
 the 1 3th of December, 1577, Drake set sail from Plymouth 
 with four ships and a pinnace. Though it was given out 
 that the destination of this fleet was Alexandria, on the 2Oth 
 of June, 1578, it was anchored in the Strait of Magellan. 
 The Spaniards felt themselves so secure in the belief that 
 
THE ENGLISH SEA KINGS 439 
 
 no hostile vessels would venture through these tempestuous 
 waters, that they left their ports on the coasts of Chili and 
 Peru totally unfortified. In these Drake found so many 
 undefended treasure vessels, that in April, 1579, "thinking 
 himself both in respect of his private injuries received from 
 the Spaniards, and also of their contempts and indignities 
 offered to our country and Prince in general, sufficiently 
 satisfied and revenged : and supposing that her Majesty at 
 his return would rest contented with his service, proposed 
 to continue no longer upon the Spanish coasts, but began to 
 consider and to consult of the best way for his Country." 
 He determined that it would not be expedient to return by 
 way of the strait, both on account of the storms which 
 prevail there and also because he conjectured that the Span 
 iards might be there awaiting him in force. He therefore 
 decided to follow the course which had previously been 
 taken by Magellan in his circumnavigation of the globe. 
 Sailing northward, he entered a harbor somewhere near San 
 Francisco, though it is very probable that he did not dis 
 cover or pass through the Golden Gate. Neither can it be 
 said that Drake was the discoverer of California, for the 
 Spaniards had long been acquainted with its southern coast, 
 and Juan Cabrillo had sailed along upper California in 1542. 
 The account by Francis Pretty, who was one of Drake s 
 company, is the first description we have of the Pacific 
 coast of the United States; and from this we will quote 
 the principal passages : 
 
 " On the 5th of June, being in forty-three degrees towards 
 the Arctic Pole, wo found the air so cold, that our men being 
 grievously pinched with the same, complained of the ex 
 tremity thereof, and the further we went, the more the cold 
 increased upon us. Whereupon we thought it best for that 
 time to seek the land, and did so, finding it not mountain 
 ous, but low plain land, till we came within thirty-eight 
 degrees towards the line. In which height it pleased God 
 to send us into a fair and good bay, with a good wind to 
 
440 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 enter the ~same. In this bay we anchored, and the people 
 of the country having their houses close by the waterside, 
 showed themselves unto us, and sent a present to our Gen 
 eral. When they came unto us, they greatly wondered at 
 the things that we brought, but our General (according to 
 his natural and accustomed humanity) courteously entreated 
 them, and liberally bestowed on them necessary things to 
 cover their nakedness, whereupon they supposed us to be 
 gods, and would not be persuaded to the contrary: the 
 presents which they sent to our General were feathers, and 
 cauls of net-work. Their houses are digged round about 
 the earth, and have from the uttermost brims of the circle, 
 clifts of wood set upon them, joined close together at the 
 top like a spire steeple, which by reason of that closeness 
 are very warm. Their bed is the ground with rushes strewed 
 on it, and lying about the house, they have the fire in the 
 midst. The men go naked, the women take bulrushes, and 
 comb them after the manner of hemp, and thereof make 
 their loose garments, which being knit about their middles, 
 hang down about their hips, having also about their shoul 
 ders a skin of deer, with the hair upon it. These women 
 are very obedient and serviceable to their husbands. . . . 
 The news of our being there spread through the country, 
 the people that inhabited round about came down, and 
 amongst them the King himself, a man of goodly stature, 
 and comely personage, with many other tall and warlike 
 men; before whose coming were sent two Ambassadors to 
 our General, to signify that their King was coming, in 
 doing of which message, their speech was continued about 
 half an hour. This ended, they by signs requested our 
 General to send something by their hand to their King, as 
 a token that his coming might be in peace; wherein our 
 General having satisfied them, they returned with glad 
 tidings to their King, who marched to us with a princely 
 majesty, the people crying continually after their manner, 
 and as they drew near unto us, so did they strive to behave 
 themselves in their actions with comeliness. 
 
THE ENGLISH SEA KINGS 44! 
 
 " In the meantime our General gathered his men together 
 and marched within his fenced place, making against their 
 approaching, a very warlike show. . . . The General 
 permitted them to enter within our bulwarks, where they 
 continued their song and dance a reasonable time. When 
 they had satisfied themselves, they made signs to our General 
 to sit down, to whom the King and divers others made sev 
 eral orations, or rather supplications, that he would take their 
 province and kingdom into his hand, and become their King, 
 making signs that they would resign unto him their right 
 and title of the whole land, and become his subjects. In 
 which, to persuade us the better, the King and the rest, with 
 one consent, and with great reverence, joyfully singing a 
 song, did set the crown upon his head, enriched his neck 
 with all their chains, and offered him many other things, 
 honoring him by the name of Hioh, adding thereunto, as it 
 seemed, a sign of triumph; which thing our General thought 
 not meet to reject, because he knew not what honor and 
 profit it might be to our country. Wherefore in the name, 
 and to the use of her majesty, he took the sceptre, crown, and 
 dignity of the said country into his hands, wishing that the 
 riches and treasure thereof might so conveniently be trans 
 ported to the enriching of her kingdom at home, as it 
 abounded in the same. 
 
 u Our necessary business being ended, our General with 
 his company travelled up into the country to their villages, 
 where we found herds of deer by thousands in a company, 
 being most large, and fat of body. 
 
 " Our General called this country New Albion, and that 
 for two causes, the one in respect of the white banks and 
 cliffs, which lie towards the sea, and the other, because it 
 might have some affinity with our country in name, which 
 sometimes was so called. There is no part of earth here 
 to be taken up, wherein there is not some probable show of 
 gold or silver. 
 
 " At our departure hence our General set up a monument 
 of our being there, as also of her majesty s right and title 
 
442 
 
 DISCO FER T AND EX PL OR A T1ON 
 
 to the same, namely, a plate, nailed upon a fair great post, 
 whereupon was engraved her majesty s name, the day and 
 year of our arrival there, with the free giving up of the 
 province and people into her majesty s hands, together with 
 her highness s picture and arms, in a piece of sixpence of 
 current English money, under the plate, whereunder was 
 also written the name of our General. 
 
 " It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had never been in 
 this part of the country, neither did ever discover the land 
 by many degrees to the southwards of this place." 
 
 By Drake s expedition, undertaken with the double object 
 of exploring the Pacific Ocean the South Sea of the Span 
 iards and of crippling England s secret enemy, the English 
 formally acquired their first territory on the western shores 
 of North America, though this acquisition was not followed 
 up. The energies of England were to be directed to the 
 exploration of the lands already discovered on the eastern 
 coasts, and to the founding of the settlements that were soon 
 to develop into well-organized and enterprising colonies. 
 
CHAPTER XVI 
 
 ENGLISH EXPLORATION IN VIRGINIA AND NEW 
 ENGLAND 
 
 WHILE brave and determined French explorers were ex 
 tending the bounds of Canada and carrying the Cross and 
 the fleur-de-lis to the mouth of the Mississippi, England 
 was not neglectful of her interest in the New World. The 
 growing and threatening power of Spain and the achieve 
 ments of Hawkins and Drake had aroused her, and under 
 Queen Elizabeth, whose liberal policies and energetic dis 
 position were in themselves a guarantee of prosperity, 
 England evoked within herself that enterprise which put 
 her on a par with the strongest nations of Europe and 
 gave her the dominion of the seas. The spirit of the times, 
 the circumstances which were forced upon the government 
 by reason of its Protestantism, and the alluring prospects 
 in the New World, brought and trained a race of seamen 
 who carried English interests to their highest possible de 
 velopment. The energy and daring of those navigators 
 moulded the subsequent history of two continents and made 
 the reign of Elizabeth an epoch which will be the admiration 
 of all time. 
 
 The real beginnings of English enterprise in North 
 America must be attributed to the half-brothers Sir Hum 
 phrey Gilbert and Sir Walter Raleigh. In 1578, Queen 
 Elizabeth granted a charter to Gilbert by which he was 
 
444 
 
 DISCO PER r AND EX PL OR A T1ON 
 
 authorized to employ the next six years in discovering and 
 becoming the proprietor of " such remote, heathen, and bar 
 barous lands, not actually possessed by any Christian prince 
 or people," as he might find. With seven vessels, one 
 of which was commanded by his half-brother Raleigh, 
 Gilbert sailed with the intention of founding a colony in 
 " Norumbega." This name has disappeared from American 
 geography, but it has an eminent place in the annals of early 
 discovery. It was surrounded by much mythical glamour, 
 there being a tradition that Norumbega, could it ever be 
 found, was as beautiful a city as the eyes of man might 
 hope to behold. Its locality was as uncertain as its descrip 
 tion was unreliable; but at last the term came to be applied 
 to the parts now known as New England. Lescarbot, 
 quoting a work published at Douay in 1607, says: "More 
 over, towards the north (saith the author, after he had 
 spoken of Virginia) is Norumbega, which is known well 
 enough by reason of a fair town, and a great river, though 
 it is not found from whence it hath his name : for the 
 Barbarians do call it Agguncia; at the mouth of this river 
 there is an Island, very fit for fishing. The region that 
 goeth along the sea doth abound with fish, and towards 
 New France there is a great number of wild beasts, and is 
 very commodious for hunting." This Norumbega Gilbert 
 intended to find, and therein settle a colony. But hostili 
 ties with the Spaniards crippled his fleet and compelled his 
 return to Plymouth. In June, 1583, he sailed again, with 
 five vessels. The narrative of this voyage was written by 
 Edward Hayes, who took part in it; and it is not only the 
 story of the first English voyage undertaken for the purpose 
 of colonization, but is a most intensely graphic picture of 
 adventurous and devoted courage. Gilbert took formal 
 possession, in the name of Elizabeth, of the island of 
 Newfoundland. In this acquisition he also purposed to 
 include Cape Breton and Nova Scotia, but winter storms 
 and consequent disaster frustrated his plan. One of his 
 largest vessels foundered and went down with all hands. 
 
ENGLISH EXPLORATION 
 
 445 
 
 Gilbert also, whose courage and piety far exceeded his sea 
 manship, was lost with the little vessel to which he had 
 committed himself. Hayes thus describes this most regret 
 table disaster: 
 
 " On Monday, the Qth of September, in the afternoon, 
 the frigate [the Squirrel^ was near cast away, oppressed by 
 waves, yet at that time recovered ; and giving forth signs 
 of joy, the General, sitting abaft with a book in his hand, 
 cried out to us in the Hind (so oft as we did approach 
 within hearing), c We are as near to Heaven by sea as by 
 land, reiterating the same speech, well beseeming a soldier 
 resolute in Jesus Christ, as I can testify he was. On the 
 same Monday night, about twelve o clock, or not long after, 
 the frigate being ahead of us in the Golden Hind, suddenly 
 her lights were out, whereof as it were in a moment we lost 
 the sight, and withal our watch cried the General was cast 
 away, which was too true; for in that moment the frigate 
 was devoured and swallowed up by the sea. Yet still we 
 looked out all that night and ever after, until we arrived 
 upon the coast of England." 
 
 It is evident that the promoters of these expeditions 
 looked further afield than was involved in the mere prospect 
 of colonizing the Atlantic seaboard. The time had not yet 
 come when they could see greater advantages in western 
 discovery than were anticipated in providing a way to the 
 East. Tangible wealth, known to exist in India and China, 
 was still the allurement, rather than the development of the 
 possibilities of the newly found land. The men of that 
 time, being unable to form any conception of the vast 
 interior of the American continent, minimized the distance 
 between the Atlantic and the Pacific to a degree which to 
 us is nothing other than amusing. Verrazano s supposed 
 sea reaching from the west toward the Atlantic had not yet 
 been fully discredited. The prevailing view is illustrated 
 in the following extract from Edward Hayes s writings, in 
 
446 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 which he gives his reasons for urging on the work of 
 American exploration: 
 
 " I will add hereunto an assured hope (grounded upon 
 infallible reasons) of a way to be made part overland, and 
 part by rivers or lakes, into the South seas into Cathay, 
 China, and those passing rich countries, lying in the east 
 parts of the world : which way or passage (supposed to be 
 beyond the uttermost bounds of America, under the frozen 
 Zone) is, nevertheless, held by the opinion of many learned 
 writers and men of judgment now living, to be in these 
 more temperate regions; and that the same shall never be 
 made known, unless we plant first ; whereby we shall learn 
 as much by inquisition of the natural inhabitants, as by 
 our own navigations. I will not herein rely upon reports 
 made in the Frenchmen s discoveries; that the sea which 
 giveth passage unto Cathay extendeth from the North, near 
 unto the river of Canada, into 44, where the same of the 
 savages is called Tadouac. 
 
 "Neither upon the discoveries of Jacques Noel, who 
 having passed beyond the three Saults, where Jacques Car- 
 tier left to discover, finding the river St. Lawrence passable 
 on the other side or branch; and afterwards, understood of 
 the inhabitants, that the same river did lead into a mighty 
 lake, which at the entrance was fresh, but beyond, was bitter 
 or salt ; the end whereof was unknown. 
 
 " Omitting therefore these hopes, I will ground my opinion 
 upon reason and nature, which will not fail. For this we 
 know already, that great rivers have been discovered a thou 
 sand English miles into that continent of America; namely, 
 that of St. Lawrence or Canada. But not regarding miles 
 more or less, most assuredly, that and other known rivers 
 there do descend from the highest parts or mountains, or 
 middle of that continent, into our North sea. And like as 
 those mountains do cast from them streams into our North 
 seas; even so the like they do into the South sea, which is 
 on the back of that continent. 
 
ENGLISH EXPLORATION 
 
 447 
 
 " For all mountains have their descents toward the seas 
 about them, which are the lowest places and proper man 
 sions of water: and waters (which are contained in the 
 mountains, as it were in cisterns) descending naturally, do 
 always resort unto the seas environing those lands: for 
 example, from the Alps confining Germany, France, and 
 Italy, the mighty river Danube doth take his course east, 
 and discharged! into the Pontique sea; the Rhine, north, 
 and falleth into the German sea; the Rhone, west, and 
 goeth into the Mediterranean sea; the Po, south, is emptied 
 into the Adriatic, or Gulf of Venice. Other instances may 
 be produced to like effect in Africa; yea, at home amongst 
 the mountains in England. 
 
 " Seeing then in nature this cannot be denied, and by expe 
 rience elsewhere is found to be so, I will show how a trade 
 may be disposed more commodiously into the South sea 
 through these temperate and habitable regions, than by the 
 frozen zones in the supposed passages of Northwest or 
 Northeast: where, if the very moment be omitted of the 
 time to pass, then are we like to be frozen in the seas, or 
 forced to winter in extreme cold and darkness like unto 
 hell : or in the midst of Summer, we shall be in peril to 
 have our ships overwhelmed or crushed in pieces by hideous 
 and fearful mountains of ice floating upon those seas. 
 Therefore four staple-places must be erected, when the 
 most short and passable way is found : that is to say, two 
 upon the North side, at the head and fall of the river; and 
 two others on the South side, at the head and fall also of 
 that other river. Provided, that ships may pass up those 
 rivers unto the staples, so far as the same be navigable unto 
 the land; and afterwards, that boats with flat bottoms may 
 also pass so high, and near the heads of the rivers unto the 
 staples, as possibly they can, even with less than two foot 
 water, which cannot then be far from the heads; as in the 
 river of Chagre. 
 
 " That neck or space of land between the two heads of 
 the same rivers, if it be one hundred leagues (which is not 
 
448 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 like) the commodities from the North and from the South 
 sea brought thither, may well be carried over the same by 
 horses, mules or beasts of that country apt to labor (as the 
 elk or buffalo) or by the aid of many Savages accustomed 
 to burdens; who shall stead us greatly in these affairs. It 
 is, moreover, to be considered, that all these countries do 
 yield (so far as is known) Cedars, Pines, Fir trees and 
 Oaks, to build, mast, and yard ships; wherefore we may 
 not doubt, but that ships may be builded on the South sea. 
 Then as the ships on the South side may go and return to 
 and from Cathay, China, and other most rich regions of the 
 East world in five months or thereabouts; even so the goods 
 being carried over unto the North side, ships may come 
 thither from England to fetch the same goods and return 
 by a voyage of four or five months usually. So as in every 
 four months may be returned into England the greatest 
 riches of Cathay, China, Japan, and the rest, which will 
 be Spices, Drugs, Musk, Pearl, Stones, Gold, Silver, Silks, 
 Clothes of gold, and all manner of precious things, which 
 shall recompense the time and labor of their transportation 
 and carriage, if it were as far and dangerous as the Moor s 
 trade is from Fess and Morocco (over the burning and 
 movable sands, in which they perish many times and suffer 
 commonly great distresses) unto the river called Niger in 
 Africa, and from thence, up the said river many hundred 
 miles ; afterwards overland again, unto the river Nilus ; and 
 so unto Cairo in Egypt, from whence they return the way 
 they came. Or if it were a voyage so far as our merchants 
 have made into Persia, even to Ormus, by the way of the 
 North, through Russia into the Caspian sea, and so forth, 
 with payment of many tolls. But this passage over and 
 through the continent of America, as the same shall be 
 always under temperate and habitable climates, and a pleas 
 ant passage after it hath been a little frequented: even so 
 it must fall out much shorter than it seemeth, by false de 
 scription of that continent, which doth not extend so far 
 into the West, as by later navigations is found and described 
 
^^ 
 
 " \jN>VE^ 
 
- 
 
 Sir Francis Drake 
 
 Reuiued : 
 
 Calling vpon this Dull or Effeminate Age, 
 to folowc his Noble Steps for Golde & Sillier, 
 
 By this Memorable Relation , of the Rare Gccurrances 
 
 (neueryct declared to the YVorld)ina Third Voyage ^ 
 
 made by him into the We(l-Indies,inthc Ycares 73. & 73. 
 
 when Nombre de1>ios was by hi to and 5 2 . others 
 
 only in his Company, furpriff d. 
 
 Faithfully taken outofthcReportcofM^C^^C^/7, 
 Hlxon, and others, who were in the fame Voyage with him. 
 
 Reviewed alfo by S r - francu Dr^hinifclfe before his Death , 
 
 6c Muchholpen and enlarged, by diuers Notes, with hisowne 
 
 hand here and there Infcited. 
 
 Set forth by$ r 
 
 (his Nephew) no w lining. 
 
 LONDON 
 Pritited by E A. for VtiAolu B<"*ne dwelling ae the 
 
 * I f~1 -a - -.// V^sLiimtrs I ft * ^ 
 
 Title-page of ft r Francis Drake Re-utved y published in 1626. From 
 the original in the New York Public Library, Lenox Branch. 
 
ENGLISH EXPLORATION 
 
 449 
 
 in more exquisite charts. Besides that, the sea extends 
 itself into the land very far in many places on the South 
 side; whereby our access unto the South ocean shall be so 
 much the shorter." 
 
 Fortunately, Raleigh had not accompanied Gilbert on the 
 ill-fated voyage to Newfoundland. He lived to devote 
 many years of earnest thought and tireless endeavor to the 
 carrying out of the enterprise in which his half-brother had 
 perished. In the meantime, he had attained to high favor 
 in Queen Elizabeth s court, had been enriched by the gift 
 of confiscated estates, and had become a high officer in the 
 queen s entourage. It was, therefore, not difficult for him 
 to obtain the duplication in his own name of the charter 
 granted to Gilbert. Raleigh, however, having learned 
 something of the resources of Florida through his associa 
 tion with Le Moyne, who had escaped when Ribault and 
 his men were massacred by Menendez, determined to seek 
 a more southerly latitude than the gaunt and fog-enshrouded 
 coasts of Newfoundland. Beginning his enterprise with 
 careful deliberation, and unwilling to expose a band of 
 colonists to the uncertain chances of any coast they might 
 happen to strike, he, in 1584, sent an expedition, consisting 
 of two vessels under the command of Arthur Barlow and 
 Philip Amadas, to reconnoitre and explore. Barlow wrote 
 an account of this voyage to Sir Walter Raleigh, from 
 which we will quote in presenting the principal features of 
 the expedition : 
 
 " On the 2yth day of April, in the year of our redemption 
 1584, we departed the west of England, with two barques 
 well furnished with men and victuals, having received our 
 last and perfect directions by your letters, confirming the 
 former instructions and commandments delivered by your 
 self at our leaving the river of Thames. . . . 
 
 "On the loth of May we arrived at the Canaries, and 
 the roth of June in this present year we were fallen with 
 
450 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORAriON 
 
 the islands of the West Indies, keeping a more southeasterly 
 course than was needful, because we doubted that the cur 
 rent of the Bay of Mexico, disboguing between the Cape 
 of Florida and Havana, had been of greater force than 
 afterwards we found it to be. 
 
 " On the 2d of July we found shoal water, where we 
 smelt so sweet and so strong a smell, as if we had been 
 in the midst of some delicate garden, abounding with 
 all kinds of odoriferous flowers, by which we were assured 
 that the land could not be far distant. And keeping good 
 watch and bearing but slack sail, the 4th of the same 
 month we arrived upon the coast, which we supposed to 
 be a continent of firm land, and we sailed along the same 
 one hundred and twenty English miles before we could find 
 any entrance or river issuing into the sea. The first that 
 appeared unto us we entered, though not without some 
 difficulty, and cast anchor about three arquebuse-shots within 
 the haven s mouth, on the left hand of the same; and after 
 thanks given to God for our safe arrival thither, we manned 
 our boats, and went to view the land next adjoining, and to 
 take possession of the same in the right of the Queen s 
 Most Excellent Majesty, as rightful Queen and Princess 
 of the same, and after delivered the same over to your use, 
 according to Her Majesty s grant and letters patent, under 
 Her Highness s great Seal. . . . 
 
 " We passed from the seaside towards the tops of the hills 
 next adjoining, being but of mean height ; and from thence 
 we beheld the sea on both sides to the north and to the 
 south, finding no end of any both ways. This land lay 
 stretching itself to the west, which after we found to be but 
 an island of twenty miles long, and not above six miles 
 broad. Under the bank or hill whereon we stood, we be 
 held the valleys replenished with goodly cedar trees, and 
 having discharged our arquebuse-shot, such a flock of 
 cranes (the most part white) arose under us, with such a cry 
 redoubled by many echoes, as if an army of men had shouted 
 altogether. . . . We remained by the side of this island 
 
ENGLISH EXPLORATION 
 
 451 
 
 two whole days before we saw any people of the country. 
 The third day we espied one small boat rowing towards us, 
 having in it three persons. 
 
 "The next day there came unto us divers boats, and in 
 one of them the king s brother accompanied with forty or 
 fifty men, very handsome and goodly people, and in their 
 behavior as mannerly and civil as any of Europe. His 
 name was Granganimeo, and the king is called Wingina; 
 the country, Wingandacoa; and now, by Her Majesty, 
 Virginia. The manner of his coming was in this sort : 
 he left his boats altogether, as the first man did, a little 
 from the ships by the shore, and came along to the place 
 over against the ships, followed with forty men. When he 
 came to the place, his servants spread a long mat upon the 
 ground, on which he sat down, and at the other end of 
 the mat four others of his company did the like; the rest 
 of his men stood round about him somewhat afar off. When 
 we came to the shore to him, with our weapons, he never 
 moved from his place, nor any of the other four, nor never 
 mistrusted any harm to be offered from us; but, sitting 
 still, he beckoned us to come and sit by him, which we 
 performed; and, being sat, he made all signs of joy and 
 welcome, striking on his head and his breast and afterwards 
 on ours, to show we were all one, smiling and making 
 show the best he could of all love and familiarity. 
 
 "After we had presented this his [the king s] brother with 
 such things as we thought he liked, we likewise gave some 
 what to the others that sat with him on the mat. But pres 
 ently he arose and took all from them and put it into his 
 own basket, making signs and tokens that all things ought 
 to be delivered unto him, and the rest were but his servants 
 and followers. . . . And after a few days overpassed, he 
 brought his wife with him to the ships, his daughter, and two 
 or three children. His wife was very well favored, of mean 
 stature, and very bashful. She had on her back a long cloak 
 of leather, with the fur side next to her body, and before 
 her a piece of the same. About her forehead she had a 
 
452 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 band of white coral, and so had her husband many times. 
 In her ears she had bracelets of pearls hanging down to her 
 middle (whereof we delivered your worship a little bracelet), 
 and those were of the bigness of good peas. 
 
 " The soil is the most plentiful, sweet, fruitful, and whole 
 some of all the world. There are above fourteen several 
 sweet-smelling timber-trees, and the most part of their 
 underwoods are bays and suchlike. They have those oaks 
 that we have, but far greater and better. After they had 
 been divers times aboard our ships, myself with seven more 
 went twenty mile into the river that runneth toward the 
 city of Skicoak, which river they called Occam; and the 
 evening following we came to an island which they called 
 Roanoke, distant from the harbor by which we entered 
 seven leagues \ and at the north end thereof was a village 
 of nine houses built of cedar and fortified round about with 
 sharp trees to keep out their enemies, and the entrance into 
 it made like a turnpike very artificially. When we came 
 towards it, standing near unto the water s side, the wife of 
 Granganimeo, the king s brother, came running out to 
 meet us very cheerfully and friendly. Her husband was 
 not then in the village. Some of her people she com 
 manded to draw our boat on shore, for the beating of the 
 billows. Others she appointed to carry us on their backs 
 to the dry ground, and others to bring our oars into the 
 house for fear of stealing. When we were come into the 
 outer room (having five rooms in her house) she caused us 
 to sit down by a great fire, and after took off" our clothes 
 and washed them and dried them again. Some of the 
 women plucked off our stockings and washed them, some 
 washed our feet in warm water, and she herself took great 
 pains to see all things ordered in the best manner she could, 
 making great haste to dress some meat for us to eat. 
 
 " After we had thus dried ourselves, she brought us into 
 the inner room, where she set on the board standing 
 along the house some wheat-like fermenty, sodden venison, 
 and roasted, fish sodden, boiled, and roasted, melons raw 
 
ENGLISH EXPLORATION 
 
 453 
 
 and sodden, roots of divers kinds, and divers fruits. . . . 
 We found the people most gentle, loving, and faithful, void 
 of all guile and treason, and such as live after the manner of 
 the golden age. The people only care how to defend them 
 selves from the cold in their short winter, and to feed 
 themselves with such meat as the soil affordeth; their meat 
 is very well sodden, and they make broth very sweet and 
 savory. Their vessels are earthen pots, very large, white, 
 and sweet; their dishes are wooden platters of sweet 
 timber. 
 
 " Beyond this island there is the mainland, and over against 
 this island falleth into this spacious water the great river 
 called Occam by the inhabitants, on which standeth a 
 town called Pomeiock, and six days journey from the same 
 is situate their greatest city, called Skicoak, which this people 
 affirm to be very great; but the savages were never at it, 
 only they speak of it by the report of their fathers and 
 other men, whom they have heard affirm it to be above 
 one hour s journey about. 
 
 u Into this river falleth another great river called Cipo, in 
 which there is found great store of mussels, in which there 
 are pearls ; likewise there descendeth into this Occam 
 another river called Nomopana, on the one side whereof 
 standeth a great town called Chawanook, and the lord of 
 the town and country is called Pgoneo. This Pooneo is 
 not subject to the king of Wingandacoa, but it is a free 
 lord. Beyond this country is there another king, whom they 
 call Menatonon, and these three kings are in league with 
 each other. Towards the southwest, four days journey, is 
 situate a town called Secotan, which is the southernmost 
 town of Wingandacoa, near unto which twenty-six years 
 past there was a ship cast away, whereof some of the people 
 were saved, and those were white people, whom the country 
 people preserved. 
 
 "And after ten days remaining in an out island unin 
 habited, called Wocokon, they, with the help of some of 
 the dwellers of Secotan, fastened two boats of the country 
 
454 
 
 DISCO VER T AND EX PL OR A riON 
 
 together, and made masts unto them, and sails of their 
 shirts, and having taken into them such victuals as the 
 country yielded, they departed after they had remained in 
 this out island three weeks ; but shortly after it seemed they 
 were cast away, for the boats were found upon the coast, 
 cast-a-land in another island adjoining. . . . Adjoin 
 ing to this country aforesaid, called Secotan, beginneth a 
 country called Pomovik, belonging to another king, whom 
 they call Piemacum, and this king is in league with the 
 next king adjoining towards the setting of the sun, and the 
 country Newsiok, situate upon a goodly river called Neus. 
 These kings have mortal war with Wingina, king of Win- 
 gandacoa ; but about two years past there was a peace made 
 between the king Piemacum and the lord of Secotan, as 
 these men which we have brought with us to England have 
 given us to understand ; but there remaineth a mortal malice 
 in the Secotans, for many injuries and slaughters done upon 
 them by this Piemacum. 
 
 " Beyond this island called Roanoke are many islands very 
 plentiful of fruits and other natural increases, together with 
 many towns and villages along the side of the continent, 
 some bounding upon the islands, and some stretching up 
 further into the land. 
 
 " When we first had sight of this country, some thought 
 the first land we saw to be the continent; but after we 
 entered into the haven, we saw before us another mighty 
 long sea, for there lieth along the coast a tract of islands 
 two hundred miles in length, adjoining to the ocean sea, 
 and between the islands two or three entrances. When 
 you are entered between them (these islands being very 
 narrow for the most part, as in some places six miles broad, 
 in some places less, in few more), then there appeareth 
 another great sea, containing in breadth in some places 
 forty, in some fifty, in some twenty miles over, before you 
 come unto the continent; and in this enclosed sea there are 
 above a hundred islands of divers bignesses, whereof one 
 is sixteen miles long, at which we were, finding it a most 
 
ENGLISH EXPLORAriON 455 
 
 pleasant and fertile ground, replenished with goodly cedars, 
 and divers other sweet woods, full of currants, of fla,x, and 
 many other notable commodities, which we at that time 
 had no leisure to view. Besides this island there are many 
 as I have said, some of two, of three, of four, of five miles, 
 some more, some less, most beautiful and pleasant to be 
 hold, replenished with deer, conies, hares, and divers beasts, 
 and about them the goodliest and best fish in the world, and 
 in greatest abundance. . . ." 
 
 In return for his success in finding a land which, for 
 its beauty and desirableness, the queen, in compliment to 
 herself, named Virginia, Raleigh received the reward of 
 knighthood. It was many years, however, before a settle- 
 tlement gained permanent and prosperous hold on the shores 
 of Pamlico. That this was at last achieved was owing to 
 the undiscouraged perseverance of Raleigh, who, so late as 
 1602, wrote of his Virginia: "I shall yet live to see it an 
 English nation." In the meantime, England s hands were 
 filled and her whole attention occupied with the work of 
 securing her own life against the "Invincible Armada," 
 with which Philip of Spain designed with one crushing 
 blow to destroy his rivals on the high seas and the rene 
 gades from the Catholic faith. A devastating hurricane 
 and English ships, manned by sailors whose hearts were no 
 less stubborn than the oak of which those vessels were con 
 structed, having warded off this blow and crippled forever 
 the power of Spain, England found herself in possession 
 of the right of way of the Atlantic and of the opportunity to 
 further her colonizing enterprises to the full extent of her 
 resources. 
 
 The expeditions of Sir Walter Raleigh had, so far at 
 least, resulted in training mariners who were now prepared 
 to carry the work of exploration on to manifest success. 
 In 1602, Raleigh, Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, 
 and others, combined in the equipment of the Concord, a 
 small vessel designed for the exploration and colonization 
 
456 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 of " the North part of Virginia." It was from the Tower, 
 where he had been imprisoned through the machinations 
 of jealous enemies, that Raleigh was compelled to watch 
 this new undertaking. But no misfortunes of his own 
 could diminish his interest in what he had chosen as the 
 object of his life. It is also pleasant to note that the patron 
 of Shakespeare was a partner in the equipment of a voyage 
 from which was to date the history of Anglo-Saxondom 
 in North America. In the spring of 1602, Bartholomew 
 Gosnold sailed in the Concord from Falmouth with thirty- 
 two persons, the majority of whom were to be left on the 
 Atlantic coast as colonists. After a voyage of seven weeks 
 he entered Massachusetts Bay, and probably cast anchor in 
 what is now known as Salem Harbor. From thence he 
 sailed southward to a point of land which a great catch of 
 fish induced him to designate Cape Cod. Gosnold, with a 
 few others of his men, went ashore here, and they were the 
 first Englishmen who are recorded as having trod the soil 
 of Massachusetts. They followed Nantucket Sound until 
 they came to Cuttyhunk Island, the most southwesterly of 
 the Elizabeth Islands. Here they determined to establish a 
 settlement, and made preparations to do so, but lack of 
 provisions and hostility on the part of the natives induced 
 them to abandon this purpose and return to England. 
 Though seemingly unsuccessful, the voyage was really 
 fraught with great results ; for, owing to the reports of it 
 which were circulated, intense interest was created in Eng 
 land, and soon other voyagers, with better equipment, were 
 on their way to the shores of New England. In April, 
 1603, tne merchants of Bristol sent out two vessels under 
 the command of Martin Prynne, who explored the coast 
 from Maine to Martha s Vineyard, and, after loading his 
 ships with sassafras, returned with a good report of the 
 country. In 1605, George Weymouth, who had been put 
 in command of a vessel owned and equipped by Lord 
 Southampton and Lord Wardour, penetrated fifty or sixty 
 miles into Maine, by ascending Penobscot River. 
 
ENGLISH EXPLORATION 
 
 457 
 
 Hitherto English attempts at settlement had not been 
 successful on the Atlantic coast, but a new era had dawned; 
 and as the result of the business-like methods adopted, as 
 well as of the pertinacious courage of those who partici 
 pated in those ventures, a turning point was reached. Under 
 charters granted by King James, companies were formed 
 which were granted the exclusive right to explore and 
 occupy the lands in question. The first of these was the 
 London Company. Its principal members were Sir Thomas 
 Gates, Sir George Somers, Captain Edward Maria Wing- 
 field, and the Rev. Richard Hakluyt. To the last mentioned 
 America owes an inestimable debt, both for his assiduous 
 energy in promoting the work of exploration and for his con 
 tributions to the history of those by whom it was directly 
 accomplished. There was also the Plymouth Company, the 
 charter members of which were George Popham, Raleigh 
 Gilbert, Thomas Hanham, and William Parker. But this 
 company was short-lived and failed to accomplish anything 
 of importance. Gilbert and Popham were sent out by it 
 in May, 1607, with two vessels. They explored the Maine 
 coast and endeavored to plant a settlement at the mouth of 
 the Kennebec. Misfortune, however, attended their efforts ; 
 Popham died, their stores were burned, and when Gilbert 
 was recalled to England by the death of his brother all 
 were ready to abandon the enterprise. 
 
 The time had come, however, when the great discour 
 agements attending transatlantic ventures could no longer 
 postpone the thorough exploration and initial settlement 
 by Englishmen of those lands lying between French and 
 Spanish possessions in America. On the igth of Decem 
 ber, 1606, Christopher Newport sailed from London with 
 three ships provided and equipped by the London Company. 
 He was in command of the Sarah Constant, while the cap 
 tains of the Goodspeed and the Discovery were Bartholomew 
 Gosnold and John Ratcliffe. With them went Captain 
 John Smith, the most romantic figure in the English ex 
 ploration of America. His early life had been filled with 
 
4 5 8 DISCOVER T AND EXPLORA riON 
 
 daring exploits and strange experiences in many lands. He 
 was enamored of adventure, and it would seem, from his 
 own narrative, had almost exhausted the changes and chances 
 of the Old World, when Newport s expedition offered him 
 the opportunity to seek novel experiences in the New. An 
 affair more unpleasant than interesting took place before 
 the ending of the voyage. Smith quarrelled over some 
 matter with Wingfield, who was one of the company, with 
 the result that the former was charged with mutiny and so 
 reached Virginia in irons. The little fleet arrived in Chesa 
 peake Bay on the 26th of April, 1607, driven thither by 
 storm. On the I3th of May they reached the peninsula 
 which seemed to them the proper situation for a settlement. 
 Smith was now given his liberty, but he was refused 
 admittance to the governing council of the expedition, of 
 which it was found he was a member by virtue of the 
 sealed orders which Newport had brought from England. 
 The present site of Jamestown was selected for a settle 
 ment. While a fort was being built, Smith, who was not 
 allowed to busy himself in the government of the under 
 taking, started with Captain Newport and a party of the 
 company to explore James River, and proceeded as far as 
 where Richmond now stands. On this expedition they 
 entered into friendly relations with the Indians, the Pow- 
 hatans, a tribe of the Algonquins. On their return to 
 Jamestown, however, they found that the natives in its 
 vicinity were of a different tribe and disposition. The 
 settlement had been attacked and blood had been shed. 
 This increased the gloom which beset the outlook of the 
 band, who were left with scanty provisions when Newport 
 returned to England. Previous to his sailing, John Smith, 
 having demanded a trial by jury, was acquitted of all 
 charges and given his position in the council. During the 
 months of starving which ensued before Newport returned 
 with the promised supplies, it was the tact and enterprise 
 of Smith that kept the little band of settlers in existence. 
 They were obliged to subsist on the shortest of rations, 
 
ENGLISH EXPLORATION 459 
 
 and those of a miserable sort. As Smith wrote : " Had we 
 been as free from all sins as gluttony and drunkenness, we 
 might have been canonized for saints." A small can of 
 boiled barley divided among five men was their daily allow 
 ance. But the intrepid spirit of Smith could not rest in 
 idle despair. On the loth of December he went on an 
 exploring expedition up Chickahominy River. With two 
 Englishmen and two Indian guides he proceeded as far as 
 White Oak Swamp. There he was attacked by a band of 
 Indians led by the brother of the chief of the Powhatans. 
 They captured him and tied him to a tree preparatory to 
 putting him to death by torture, when his active wit sug 
 gested the possibility of diverting their purpose by the exhi 
 bition of a pocket compass. This instrument excited their 
 wonder and had the effect of determining them to carry 
 Smith to Powhatan. In the presence of that chief he 
 would have suffered death, had not Pocahontas, Powhatan s 
 daughter, taken pity on the white stranger, and by embracing 
 him saved him from the tomahawks as they were about 
 to fall on his head. It has been the custom of late years to 
 discredit this romantic story; but the burden of disproof, 
 which rests with those who allege its falsity, has never been 
 adequately sustained, and our admiration of Pocahontas s 
 magnanimity may still with justice remain unabated. 
 
 John Smith was released, and returned to Jamestown in 
 time to join in the glad welcome which was awarded New 
 port, who on the same day arrived from England with sup 
 plies and reinforcements. In the summer of 1608, Smith 
 continued his exploration of Chesapeake Bay, and also 
 ascended the Potomac, the Patapsco, and the Susquehanna. 
 In September he was made president of the council. Yet 
 the London Company do not seem to have been satisfied 
 with his labors; for they demanded that he send them a 
 goodly sample of the gold of the land, or else find his way 
 to the Pacific Ocean. With an intractable, factious, and 
 incapable band of men for his support, John Smith was 
 likely to accomplish little that would give pleasure to the 
 
460 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 company, who were clamoring for a return for their expen 
 diture. But he struggled on until, wounded by an explo 
 sion, he was compelled to take the opportunity to return to 
 London. George Percy was left in command; but his was 
 a nerveless authority at a time when only the best judgment 
 and absolute firmness could save the colony. The small 
 stock of supplies was improvidently consumed before win 
 ter had well set in. The settlers were reduced to such 
 desperation by hunger, that a man killed his wife, and lived 
 on her body, which he salted, for many days. A band 
 deserted the settlement and, stealing a pinnace, took to the 
 sea as pirates. At Smith s departure there were five hun 
 dred persons at Jamestown ; by May these had been reduced 
 by starvation and disease to a bare sixty. Then that miser 
 able remainder determined to abandon Virginia and endeavor 
 to reach Newfoundland in their pinnaces; from thence they 
 hoped they might find passage to England at the close of 
 the fishing season. On the yth of June, 1610, they drifted 
 down the river with this intention ; but in Hampton Roads 
 they met the longboat of Lord Delaware, the Governor of 
 Virginia, who had come to their relief. Virginia was saved ; 
 and from this moment its annals pass from the history of 
 exploration into that of colonization. 
 
 With his departure from the colony in September, 1609, 
 John Smith s connection with Virginia terminated, and we 
 lose sight of him until 1614. In that year two ships were 
 fitted out by some London merchants for the purpose of 
 exploring and trading in North Virginia, as New England 
 was then called. One of these vessels was commanded by 
 Smith and the other by Captain Thomas Hunt. They 
 reached land on April 3Oth, at Manhegin, on the coast of 
 Maine. During this voyage Smith extensively explored 
 New England, and on his return home was able to present 
 to Prince Charles afterward Charles I. a map of the 
 country between Penobscot and Cape Cod. This map 
 included "barbarous names" by which the Indians desig 
 nated the points noticed. Smith asked Prince Charles to 
 
ENGLISH EXPLORATION 461 
 
 substitute others more euphonious; but it is well established 
 that he himself was the author of the name New England. 
 Hunt was left behind with instructions to load his vessel 
 with fish, which he was to dispose of in Spain ; but with the 
 deliberate object in view of rendering the Indians so hostile 
 that colonization would be impossible, he decoyed twenty- 
 four of those people on board his ship, and, sailing with 
 them to Malaga, he sold them as slaves. 
 
 On his arrival in Plymouth, England, John Smith gave 
 such an account of the resources of New England that 
 several merchant adventurers in that place were induced to 
 fit out another expedition to that country. With this, con 
 sisting of two vessels, the explorer sailed in March, 1615; 
 but a storm disabled his ships and he was obliged to put 
 back into Plymouth. He sailed again on the 24th of June, 
 accompanied by sixteen settlers besides the crew, but was 
 captured by a French pirate and carried to Rochelle, where 
 he was imprisoned for some months. 
 
 During this time, in order, as he informs us, "to keep 
 my perplexed thoughts from too much meditation of my 
 miserable estate," John Smith wrote an account of his 
 voyages to New England. In this the country is described 
 with a view to its fitness for colonization. The close 
 attention which Smith gave to those features of the land 
 which commended it as a territory for permanent settle 
 ment indicates that, notwithstanding the romantic nature, 
 of his career, he was eminently a man of practical affairs. 
 An interest attaches to this account though the narrative 
 itself hardly warrants reproduction in that it is the first 
 published recommendation of New England as being suit 
 able for colonization. In 1616, John Smith was made 
 Admiral of New England. But he had no direct share in 
 the movement which eventually peopled the shores of 
 Massachusetts, though he promoted colonization by means 
 of his many publications. 
 
CHAPTER XVII 
 
 HENRY HUDSON AND DUTCH EXPLORATION 
 
 THE time had now come when navigators could not be 
 satisfied to leave unexplored any inlet or indentation of the 
 Atlantic seaboard. With the desire for geographical exacti 
 tude as the purpose, and the hope of yet finding the passage 
 to Cathay as a strong incentive, the prows of exploring 
 craft were thrust into every opening. The famous river 
 which was destined to be the gateway to the continent was 
 no longer to flow in its unheralded beauty and mystery: its 
 waters were to receive the ship of the skilful sailor who, 
 in the service of a Dutch company, was to give his name 
 to the river he explored. 
 
 There are two errors which have made an impression 
 on the popular mind concerning Henry Hudson: first, that 
 he was a Dutchman; and secondly, that he was the original 
 discoverer of the great river which is called by his name. 
 The first misconception arises from the correlated facts that 
 his baptismal name is freqently spelled " Hendrick," and 
 that he explored the river while in the service of the Nether 
 lands. As is unfortunately the case with many of the 
 personages whose accomplishments have immortalized them 
 in history, extremely little is known of Hudson s early life. 
 His contemporaries, while intensely interested in his per 
 formances, in no degree anticipated the biographical curiosity 
 of posterity. Hence, while we have full records of Hudson s 
 voyages by various hands, there is nothing certain about his 
 birth and parentage, or his career previous to 1607. That 
 
 463 
 
464 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 
 
 he was not a Dutchman is sufficiently attested by the fact 
 that he could not read the language of Holland, and was 
 unable to make use of a nautical document written in Dutch 
 until a translation of it had been made for him into Eng 
 lish. That he was English was proved by the fact that 
 King James, after his Hudson River voyage, compelled the 
 explorer to return to the English service. 
 
 In May, 1607, Hudson made a voyage in search of the 
 northwest passage to the Orient ; and in the following year 
 he sailed to Nova Zembla, also in the hope of finding an 
 opening through the American continent. Those jour 
 neys we shall notice more fully in the succeeding chapter. 
 Though he had failed of his purpose, the fact that Hudson 
 had penetrated further north than any other navigator was 
 soon noised abroad, and more than one government sought 
 to obtain his services. 
 
 The people of Holland, having recovered from the op 
 pression which they had endured under Philip II., were 
 now, under the States General, enjoying an era of remark 
 able national prosperity. Their navy was strong enough 
 to make reprisals on Spanish vessels returning from the 
 South American colonies, and they had seized the Portu 
 guese colonies in Java and Sumatra. To reach the Spice 
 Islands by the shortest possible route was therefore a greater 
 desideratum to the Dutch than to any other nation. The 
 Dutch East India Company, a powerful joint stock asso 
 ciation, was formed in 1602, for the purpose of carrying 
 on and monopolizing trade in the East. To this company 
 a northwest passage meant very greatly increased profits 
 and quick returns. Having heard of Hudson s promising 
 attempts, they decided that in no man could they more 
 securely place their hopes of finding a northwest way to 
 the Spice Islands. They engaged him for the third voyage 
 which he made across the Atlantic; and this expedition 
 resulted far more advantageously if for only a short 
 period for the people of Holland than did the northwest 
 passage, when at last it was found, for mankind in general. 
 
Sir Walter Raleigh. From the original painting h\ /ucharo, now in the 
 National Portrait Gallery, London. 
 
HENRY HUDSON AND DUTCH EXPLORATION 465 
 
 It is reasonable to suppose that more than one or two 
 chance navigators had entered what is now New York harbor 
 and possibly sailed some distance up the river before it was 
 ascended by Hudson. Probably as early as 1498, the bay 
 was discovered by Sebastian Cabot. As we have seen, 
 Verrazano entered the harbor of New York in 1524. His 
 description of the Narrows, through which "a very large 
 river, deep at its mouth, forced its way to the sea," is 
 unmistakable; and when he draws a picture of "a most 
 beautiful lake three leagues in circuit," over which Indians 
 bedecked with feathers sped in their canoes, we are forced 
 to the conclusion that he saw the southern end of the island 
 of Manhattan. So also did Estevan Gomez in 1525. This 
 Portuguese pilot was most enthusiastic in his belief in the 
 possibility of rinding a passage to the "South Sea" some 
 where between Newfoundland and Florida. In his time 
 he was considered one of the most eminent geographers of 
 the day, though, owing to the light estimation in which, for 
 some unaccountable reason, he was held by Peter Martyr, 
 he has been somewhat neglected by later historians. He 
 went over much of the ground explored by Verrazano, and 
 left a far more intelligible chart than did the Florentine. In 
 fact, the chart made by Gomez was employed as the basis 
 of nearly all the maps of the present Maryland, New Jersey, 
 New York, and Rhode Island that were made during the 
 latter part of the sixteenth century. He sailed toward 
 the close of the year 1524, in a small vessel provided by 
 Charles V. We have it on the authority of Oviedo that he 
 made extensive explorations between the fortieth and forty- 
 first degrees of latitude. From there he sailed southward to 
 the West Indies. As it was the main purpose of his voyage 
 to search the American coast for a strait leading to the 
 Pacific, and it is known that he explored the land in the 
 neighborhood of forty and forty-one degrees, it is impos 
 sible to avoid the conclusion that he must at least have 
 entered New York Bay. In fact, on his chart he drew 
 several rivers, and one is so placed with certain islands at 
 
466 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 its mouth that it corresponds with the Hudson. At any 
 rate, Spanish seamen, who afterward followed in his course, 
 knew Hudson River as Rio de Gomez. 
 
 In 1542, Captain Jean Allefonse, who sailed with Rober- 
 val, undertook an expedition to the south, starting from 
 the Gulf of St. Lawrence. As he was also searching for 
 a western passage, it is very likely that he penetrated Hell 
 Gate. In a book published in 1559, describing his voyages, 
 he writes of the town of Norumbega, and also of the river 
 of Norumbega, which he says is salt ninety miles from its 
 mouth. In Mercator s map, made in 1569, Norumbega is 
 placed upon the island of New York. Allefonse also ex 
 presses the belief that if the river of Norumbega were 
 followed, entrance would be found into the St. Law 
 rence, In some of the early maps the Hudson and the 
 St. Lawrence are shown as thus united. 
 
 If these indications are correctly interpreted and Alle- 
 fonse s Norumbega was in reality the Hudson, that navi 
 gator may be believed to have ascended the river as far, 
 perhaps, as Poughkeepsie. But from his time until Henry 
 Hudson s voyage there is no record of its having been 
 explored. Consequently, despite the fact that he was pre 
 ceded by others, fame is not mistaken in awarding its laurels 
 to Henry Hudson as the explorer of the river which bears 
 his name. 
 
 He set out on this memorable voyage on the 4th of 
 April, 1609. Hi s one vessel, the Half Moon, was of only 
 eighty tons burden, and his crew consisted of eighteen 
 sailors. In returning from the north he sailed into Penob- 
 scot Bay on the i8th of July. There Hudson was obliged 
 to refit with a new mast. From Penobscot he went to 
 Cape Cod and then on to the Accomac peninsula. With 
 out exploring this coast, he returned northward to Delaware 
 Bay, which he reached on the 28th of August. Discover 
 ing there signs of its being the mouth of a great river, 
 and as he was looking for a transcontinental strait, he again 
 weighed anchor. 
 
HENRY HUDSON AND DUTCH EXPLORATION 467 
 
 On the ist of September, he sailed northward and sighted 
 "land from the west by north to the northwest by north, 
 all like broken islands" [Sandy Hook], along which he 
 coasted northeast by north. He found many shoals at the 
 mouth of a great bay which he judged was ten leagues dis 
 tant from the land first sighted, and the land lying north by 
 east from the bay, and u a great stream out of the bay." 
 Far to the northward u we saw high hills." Juet, who 
 accompanied Hudson and wrote an account of the voyage, 
 says : " This is a very good land to fall with, and a pleasant 
 one to see." 
 
 On the 3d, at ten in the morning, Hudson weighed 
 anchor and stood to the northward, and at three in the 
 afternoon reached "three great rivers." He "stood along 
 to the northernmost," but did not enter it, as there were but 
 ten feet of water on the bar. He then " cast about to the 
 southward," and, finding plenty of water, anchored for the 
 night. On the morning of the 4th, after sending a boat to 
 sound, he found a good harbor further up, and entered with 
 the ship. The boat "went on land [very possibly Coney 
 Island] with our net to fish." While the vessel was lying 
 to, the people of the country came aboard, " seeming very 
 glad of our coming." 
 
 On the 5th, the bay was sounded, and the ship s men 
 landed on the southern shore, where they saw "great store 
 of men, women, and children, who gave them tobacco;" 
 other natives came aboard the ship, some dressed in feather 
 mantles, others in skins and furs; hemp was also brought 
 by some of the women. On the following day "our master 
 sent John Colman, with four other men in our boat, over 
 to the north side to sound the other river, being four leagues 
 from us. They found by the way shoal water, two fath 
 oms ; but at the north of the river eighteen, and twenty 
 fathoms, and very good riding for ships ; and a narrow river 
 to the westward, between two islands. The lands, they told 
 us, were as pleasant with grass and flowers and goodly trees 
 as ever they had seen, and very sweet smells came from 
 
468 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 them. So they went in two leagues and saw an open sea, 
 and returned; and as they came back, they were set upon 
 by two canoes, the one having twelve, the other fourteen 
 men. The night came on, and it began to rain, so that 
 their match went out; and they had one man slain in the 
 fight, which was an Englishman, named John Colman, with 
 an arrow shot into his throat, and two more hurt. It grew 
 so dark that they could not find the ship that night, but 
 labored to and fro on their oars. They had so great a 
 stream, that their grapnel would not hold them. 
 
 u The yth was fair, and by ten of the clock they returned 
 aboard the ship, and brought our dead man with them, whom 
 we carried on land and buried, and named the point after 
 his name, Colman s Point. Then we hoisted in our boat, 
 and raised her side with waste boards for defence of our 
 men. So we rode still all night, having good regard to 
 our watch." 
 
 The 8th, Qth, and loth were occupied in barter with the 
 natives, who visited Hudson s ship in considerable num 
 bers, and in making soundings. On the I ith, he entered the 
 " other river" [the Hudson] and pursued his course for three 
 days, being visited by the natives without any show of fear, 
 and receiving abundance of provisions and tobacco. On 
 "the 1 4th, in the morning, being very fair weather, the wind 
 southeast, we sailed up the river twelve leagues, and had 
 five fathoms, and five fathoms and a quarter less ; and came 
 to a strait between two points, and had eight, nine, and ten 
 fathoms ; and it trended northeast by north, one league : and 
 we had twelve, thirteen, and fourteen fathoms. The river 
 is a mile broad : there is very high land on both sides [near 
 Peekskill] . Then we went up northwest, a league and a 
 half deep water. Then northeast by north, five miles; 
 then northwest by north, two leagues, and anchored. The 
 land grew very high and mountainous. The river is full 
 of fish." 
 
 By the iyth the Half Moon had reached a point which 
 was probably near Albany, where Juet says they "found 
 
HENRY HUDSON AND DUTCH EXPLORATION 469 
 
 shoals in the middle of the channel and small islands, but 
 seven fathoms water on both sides." Since his early con 
 flicts with the natives Hudson had mistrusted them, but his 
 intercourse had been of a friendly character, and they had 
 bartered freely. On the 22d, Hudson sent a boat to take 
 soundings higher up, and, rinding the river too shallow, he 
 determined to return on his course. 
 
 "The 25th was fair weather, and the wind at south a 
 stiff gale. We rode still and went on land to walk on 
 the west side of the river, and found good ground for corn 
 and other garden herbs, with great store of goodly oaks and 
 walnut trees, and chestnut trees, yew trees and trees of 
 sweet wood in great abundance, and great store of slate for 
 houses and other good stones." This was probably near 
 Catskill Landing. 
 
 The journey was interrupted by daily intercourse with 
 the natives, who are described as being most gentle and 
 lovable in their conduct and free in their hospitality. On 
 the 29th, a point was reached that corresponds to Beacon 
 Hill, below Poughkeepsie ; for "the high land hath many 
 points and a narrow channel. ... So we rode quietly 
 all night in seven fathoms water." 
 
 From the 3Oth of September till the 4th of October, 
 Hudson continued his journey back to the mouth of the 
 river, meeting with opposition from some of the natives. 
 Juet describes the conclusion of the river voyage thus: 
 
 " The 4th was fair weather, and the wind at north-north 
 west; we weighed and came out of the river, into which 
 we had run so far. Within a while after, we came out 
 also of the great mouth of the great river, that runneth up 
 to the northwest, borrowing upon the northern side of the 
 same, thinking to have deep water; for we had sounded a 
 great way with our boat at our first going in, and found seven, 
 six, and five fathoms. So we came out that way, but we 
 were deceived, for we had but eight foot and a half water: 
 and so three, five, three, and two fathoms and a half. And 
 then three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, and ten fathoms. 
 
47 
 
 DISCO VERY AND EX PL OR A riON 
 
 And by twelve of the clock we were clear of all the inlet. 
 Then we took in our boat, and set our mainsail and sprit- 
 sail, and our topsails, and steered away east-southeast, and 
 southeast by east off into the main sea : and the land on 
 the southern side of the bay or inlet did bear at noon west 
 and by south four leagues from us." 
 
 As Hudson did not give names to the points noted, and 
 Juet s description is far from being minute, it is impossible 
 to follow with any degree of certainty the progress day by 
 day up and down the river. Many students have endeavored 
 to do so by computing the distances given in the log and 
 comparing them with the topographical features mentioned. 
 But in many cases diverse conclusions are reached. When, 
 however, on the I4th of September, we find the Half Moon 
 in a strait between two points and trending northeast by 
 north, and the river above a mile wide with very high land 
 on both sides, there is good reason to suppose that Stony 
 and Verplanck Points are those mentioned and that Hudson 
 was not far from the present site of Peekskill. On the i6th, 
 when the natives brought aboard Indian corn, pompions, 
 and tobacco, they were near that part of the river which 
 was overlooked by the city of Hudson. Just how far up 
 the Half Moon went it is impossible to determine ; but it 
 was probably not far from the present site of Troy. It was 
 here that Hudson s men overcame the natives by a stratagem 
 hardly less effective, though very much less cunningly de 
 vised, than that by which the Greeks overcame the inhabit 
 ants of ancient Troy. Juet and the others plied the natives 
 with u much wine and aqua <z;//<^," to ascertain " whether 
 they had any treachery in them." The Indian disposition 
 seems to have stood the test better than did the native 
 head. 
 
 Hudson s purpose was to return to Amsterdam; but the 
 Englishmen in his crew were determined to land at Dart 
 mouth. From there he sent his report to the Dutch Com 
 pany, in whose service he was employed, and also a request 
 that he be again equipped for a northern voyage. But King 
 
HENRY HUDSON AND DUTCH EXPLORATION 471 
 
 James, hearing of his discovery, determined that England 
 could not afford to lend so valuable a seaman to Holland. 
 Hudson, therefore, was obliged to reenter the service of 
 the Muscovy Company. 
 
 The Half Moon having been sent out by the Dutch East 
 India Company, Hudson s discovery, according to the ruling 
 that was prevalent in those times, gave Holland the title to 
 the lands bordering on the river. But the directors of the 
 company did not see fit to avail themselves of this privilege. 
 Spain still claimed title to all the American coast; and the 
 Holland burghers were as yet loath to rekindle the war with 
 his Catholic majesty. But private merchants of Amster 
 dam began a trade with the Indians on Manhattan, and by 
 1613 a tiny settlement was begun, over which floated the 
 Netherlands flag ; for during that year Captain Argall, re 
 turning to Virginia from his expedition against the French 
 at Port Royal, sailed through the Narrows, and finding the 
 Dutch there compelled them to hoist the British flag. They 
 hauled it down, however, as soon as the truculent English 
 man was out of sight. In 1614, the States General adopted 
 an ordinance which gave the monopoly of trade to all ex 
 plorers in the localities which they might discover. This 
 stimulated Dutch merchants and seamen to equip and under 
 take new expeditions; and Adrian Block, Hendrick Chris 
 tiansen, and Cornelius May sailed with three vessels to 
 Manhattan. Block s ship was burnt, but he built a small 
 yacht forty-four feet in length, and sturdily set about the 
 work of exploration. He discovered East River and gave 
 the whole of it the name Hellcgat. He sailed along the 
 Sound until he came to Connecticut River, which he as 
 cended to the point now occupied by Hartford. Round 
 Cape Cod he went, and a memorial of his voyage remains 
 in the name of Block Island. There he fell in with Chris 
 tiansen, who seems to have been exploring the same waters. 
 To Captain May, who had gone southward, is due the 
 name of one of the capes at the entrance of Delaware Bay, 
 which he explored. 
 
472 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 On the strength of the discoveries and tradings of these 
 seamen the Dutch New Netherlands Company was formed, 
 and was granted a monopoly by the States General. This 
 organization was succeeded in 1621 by the West India 
 Company, to which the States General committed the right 
 and authority to colonize and govern New Netherlands. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 THE SEARCH FOR THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE 
 
 THE story of the search for a northwest passage to 
 Oriental seas covers a period from 1497, wnen the coast of 
 Labrador was explored and the entrance to Hudson Strait 
 discovered by John Cabot, down to 1854, when Captain 
 MacClure demonstrated that there is continuous but not 
 navigable water between Bering Strait on the west and 
 Melville Sound on the east. To recount the expeditions 
 sent forth, the seamen engaged, the wealth expended, the 
 courage exemplified, the toils endured, the suffering in 
 volved, the hopes destroyed, and the lives sacrificed, in this 
 fruitless though scientifically interesting quest, would re 
 quire many volumes. We shall do no more than refer to 
 some of the earlier explorers, and cite from the narratives 
 of those men whose voyages marked out the chief geo 
 graphical features of the frozen north Frobisher, Baffin, 
 and Hudson. 
 
 Eighty years had elapsed since the Cabots had failed to 
 find their way to China, before another attempt was made 
 by the first named of these men. 
 
 Sir Martin Frobisher was a mariner trained from his 
 youth up. In his early years his kinsman, Sir John Yorke, 
 " perceiving him to be of great spirit and bold courage, and 
 the natural hardness of the body, sent him to the hot coun 
 try of Guinea." It was probably on such a slave-hunting 
 
474 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 expedition as his contemporary, Sir John Hawkins, was 
 wont to make. It seems, however, that Frobisher s sea 
 faring enterprises did not place him in a position of afflu 
 ence; for in after years, when he had given long study to 
 the problem of the northwest, and had come to the con 
 clusion that such a voyage was "easy to be performed," he 
 had not the means to put his project into execution. 
 
 A curious document found among the State papers of 
 Elizabeth s reign, pertaining to the year 1575, furnishes the 
 data on which the men of that time believed in the possi 
 bility of discovering a passage through the straits out of the 
 North Sea into the South Sea. 
 
 " In the country of America towards the north, about the 
 sixty degree, there is an elbow of a land lying very far into 
 the sea, which is called the head of Laborer. And on the 
 south side there is a very broad bay lying towards the west, 
 and of such a breadth that it seemeth, both in the very 
 entry and after, to be a great sea, for it lieth out about 
 three or four hundred miles, and hath very many islands, 
 and all the year through there are in the same huge heaps 
 of ice, which bay is called Dusmendas. 
 
 " But to find out the passage out of the North Sea into 
 the South we must sail to the sixty degree, that is from 
 sixty-six unto sixty-eight. And this passage is called the 
 Narrow Sea, or Strait of the Three Brethren ; in which pas 
 sage, at no time in the year, is ice wont to be found* The 
 cause is the swift running down of sea into sea. In the 
 north side of this passage John Scolus, a pilot of Denmark, 
 was in anno 1476. 
 
 "The south side also of this passage was found of a 
 Spaniard in anno 1541, who travelling out of New Spain 
 with a certain band of soldiers was sent by the viceroy into 
 this coast; who, when he was come to this coast, found 
 certain ships in a certain haven which came thither out 
 of Cataya laden with merchandise, having in their flags 
 hanging out of the foreships certain birds painted, called 
 
SEARCH FOR THE NORTHWEST: PASSAGE 
 
 475 
 
 alcatrlza;. The mariners also declared by signs that they 
 came out of Cataya into that port in XXX. days." 
 
 It was on these grounds that Frobisher went to Queen 
 Elizabeth s court to seek aid. The narrative of his first 
 expedition was written by George Best, who accompanied 
 him, from which we quote: 
 
 " He prepared two small barques of twenty and five-and- 
 twenty tons a-piece, wherein he intended to accomplish 
 his pretended voyage. Wherefore, being furnished with 
 the foresaid two barques, and one small pinnace of ten 
 tons burden, having therein victuals and other necessaries 
 for twelve months provision, he departed upon the said 
 voyage from Blackwall, on the I5th of June, anno domini 
 1576. 
 
 u One of the barques wherein he went was named the 
 Gabriel, and the other the Michael; and, sailing northwest 
 from England, upon the nth of July he had sight of an 
 high and ragged land, which he judged to be Friesland 
 (whereof some authors have made mention), but durst not 
 approach the same by reason of the great store of ice that 
 lay along the coast, and the great mists that troubled them 
 not a little. Not far from thence he lost company of his 
 small pinnace, which, by means of the great storm, he 
 supposed to be swallowed up by the sea, wherein he lost 
 only four men. 
 
 "Also the other barque, named the Michael, mistrusting 
 the matter, conveyed themselves privily away from him, and 
 returned home, with great report that he was cast away. 
 
 "The worthy captain, notwithstanding these discom 
 forts, although his mast was sprung, and his topmast blown 
 overboard with extreme foul weather, continued his course 
 towards the northwest, knowing that the sea at length must 
 needs have an ending, and that some land should have a 
 beginning that way; and determined, therefore, at the least 
 to bring true proof what land and sea the same might be 
 
476 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 so far to the northwestwards, beyond any that man hath 
 heretofore discovered. And on the 2Oth of July he had 
 sight of an high land, which he called Queen Elizabeth s 
 Foreland, after Her Majesty s name. And sailing more 
 northerly along that coast, he descried another foreland, with 
 a great gut, bay, or passage, dividing as it were two lands or 
 continents asunder. There he met with store of exceeding 
 great ice all this coast along, and coveting still to continue 
 his course to the northwards, was also by contrary winds 
 detained overthwart these straits, and could not get beyond. 
 Within a few days after, he perceived the ice to be well 
 consumed and gone, either there engulfed in by some swift 
 currents or indrafts, carried more to the southwards of the 
 same straits, or else conveyed some other way; wherefore 
 he determined to make proof of this place, to see how far 
 that gut had continuance, and whether he might carry him 
 self through the same into some open sea on the back side, 
 whereof he conceived no small hope; and so entered the 
 same on the 2ist day of July, and passed above fifty leagues 
 therein, as he reported, having upon either hand a great 
 main or continent. And that land upon his right hand as 
 he sailed westward he judged to be the continent of Asia, 
 and there to be divided from the firm [land] of America, 
 which lieth upon the left hand over against the same. 
 
 " This place he named after his name, Frobisher s Straits, 
 like as Magellanus at the southwest end of the world, 
 having discovered the passage to the South Sea (where 
 America is divided from the continent of that land, which 
 lieth under the South Pole), and called the same straits 
 Magellan s Straits. 
 
 "After he had passed sixty leagues into this aforesaid 
 strait, he went ashore, and found signs where fire had been 
 made. 
 
 " He saw mighty deer that seemed to be mankind, which 
 ran at him, and hardly he escaped with his life in a narrow 
 way, where he was fain to use defence and policy to save 
 his life. 
 
SEARCH FOR THE NORTHWESr PASSAGE 477 
 
 " In this place he saw and perceived sundry tokens of the 
 peoples resorting thither; and, being ashore upon the top 
 of a hill, he perceived a number of small things floating in 
 the sea afar off, which he supposed to be porpoises, or seals, 
 or some kind of strange fish; but coming nearer, he dis 
 covered them to be men in small boats made of leather; 
 and before he could descend down from the hill certain of 
 those people had almost cut off his boat from him, having 
 stolen secretly behind the rocks for that purpose; where 
 he speedily hasted to his boat, and bent himself to his hal 
 berd, and narrowly escaped the danger, and saved his boat. 
 Afterwards he had sundry conferences with them, and they 
 came aboard his ship, and brought him salmon and raw 
 flesh and fish, and greedily devoured the same before our 
 men s faces; and, to show their agility, they tried many 
 masteries upon the ropes of the ship after our mariners 
 fashion, and appeared to be very strong of their arms, and 
 nimble of their bodies. They exchanged coats of seal and 
 bears skins, and such like with our men ; and received 
 bells, looking-glasses, and other toys, in recompense thereof 
 again. After great courtesy, and many meetings, our mari 
 ners, contrary to their captain s direction, began more easily 
 to trust them; and five of our men going ashore were by 
 them intercepted with their boat, and were never since 
 heard of to this day again ; so that the captain, being desti 
 tute of boat, barque, and all company, had scarcely suffi 
 cient number to conduct back his barque again. He could 
 now neither convey himself ashore to rescue his men (if he 
 had been able) for want of a boat ; and again the subtle 
 traitors were so wary, as they would after that never come 
 within our men s danger. The captain, notwithstanding, 
 desirous of bringing some token from thence of his being 
 there, was greatly discontented that he had not before appre 
 hended some of them; and therefore, to deceive the de 
 ceivers, he wrought a pretty policy ; for knowing well how 
 they greatly delighted in our toys, and specially in bells, he 
 rang a pretty low bell, making signs that he would give him 
 
478 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 the same who would come and fetch it; and because they 
 would not come within his danger for fear, he flung one 
 bell unto them, which of purpose he threw short, that it 
 might fall into the sea and be lost ; and to* make them more 
 greedy of the matter he rang a louder bell, so that in the 
 end one of them came near the ship s side to receive 
 the bell, which, when he thought to take it at the cap 
 tain s hand, he was thereby taken himself; for the captain, 
 being readily provided, let the bell fall, and caught the 
 man fast, and plucked him with main force boat and all 
 into his barque out of the sea. Whereupon, when he 
 found himself in captivity, for very choler and disdain 
 he bit his tongue in twain within his mouth; notwith 
 standing, he died not thereof, but lived until he came in 
 England, and then he died of cold which he had taken 
 at sea. 
 
 " Now with this new prey (which was a sufficient witness 
 of the captain s far and tedious travel towards the unknown 
 parts of the world, as did well appear by this strange infi 
 del, whose like was never seen, read, nor heard of before, and 
 whose language was neither known nor understood of any), 
 the said Captain Frobisher returned homewards, and arrived 
 in England in Harwich the 2nd of October following, and 
 thence came to London, 1576, where he was highly com 
 mended of all men for his great and notable attempt, but 
 specially famous for the great hope he brought of the pas 
 sage to Cathay, which he doubted nothing at all to find and 
 pass through in these parts, as he reporteth. 
 
 "And it is specially to be remembered that at their first 
 arrival in those parts there lay so great store of ice all the 
 coast along, so thick together, that hardly his boat could 
 pass unto the shore. At length after divers attempts, he 
 commanded his company, if by any possible means they 
 could get ashore, to bring him whatsoever thing they could 
 first find, whether it were living or dead, stock or stone, 
 in token of Christian possession, which thereby he took in 
 behalf of the Queen s Most Excellent Majesty, thinking 
 
SEARCH FOR THE NORrHWEST PASSAGE 
 
 that thereby he might justify the having and enjoying of the 
 same things that grew in these unknown parts. 
 
 " Some of his company brought flowers, some green grass, 
 and one brought a piece of black stone, much like to a sea- 
 coal in color, which by the weight seemed to be some kind 
 of metal or mineral. This was a thing of no account in the 
 judgment of the captain at first sight; and yet for novelty 
 it was kept in respect of the place from whence it came. 
 
 "After his arrival in London, being demanded of sundry 
 his friends what thing he had brought them home out of 
 that country, he had nothing left to present them withal but 
 a piece of this black stone. And it fortuned a gentlewoman, 
 one of the adventurers wives, to have a piece thereof, which 
 by chance she threw and burned in the fire, so long, that at 
 length being taken forth, and quenched in a little vinegar, 
 it glistened with a bright marquesite of gold. Whereupon 
 the matter being called in some question, it was brought to 
 certain gold-fillers in London to make assay thereof, who 
 gave out that it held gold, and that very richly for the 
 quantity. Afterwards the same gold-finers promised great 
 matters thereof if there were any store to be found, and 
 offered themselves to adventure for the searching of those 
 parts from whence the same was brought. Some that had 
 great hope of the matter sought secretly to have a lease at 
 Her Majesty s hands of those places, whereby to enjoin the 
 mass of so great a public profit unto their own private gains. 
 
 " In conclusion, the hope of more of the same gold ore to 
 be found kindled a great opinion in the hearts of many to ad 
 vance the voyage again. Whereupon preparation was made 
 for a new voyage against the year following, and the cap 
 tain more specially directed by commission for the searching 
 more of this gold ore than for the searching any further 
 discovery of the passage." 
 
 This second voyage was undertaken with three vessels 
 the Aid, the Michael, and the Gabriel. They sailed on the 
 26th of May, 1577. On July i6th, they reached Frobisher 
 
480 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Strait, which had been discovered on the first expedition. 
 Little was accomplished or attempted in the way of ex 
 ploration, as the sole commission was to search for ore, of 
 which they found a plenty. The vessels returned to Eng 
 land about the 23d of September, and their ladings were sub 
 mitted to a committee, who reported "that the matter of 
 the gold ore had appearance, and made show of great riches 
 and profit; and the hope of the passage to Cataya, by this 
 voyage, was greatly increased." Consequently, another ex 
 pedition was ordered, in which fifteen vessels sailed. But 
 little came of it, though Captain Best says that he discovered 
 " a great black island, where was found such plenty of black 
 ore of the same sort which was brought into England this 
 last year, that, if the goodness might answer the great plenty 
 thereof, it was thought it might reasonably suffice all the 
 gold-gluttons of the world." The last we hear of Frobisher s 
 search for gold in the northwest is in a letter written from 
 the Fleet Prison by one Michael Locke, who had subscribed 
 liberally to the equipment of the vessels for these voyages. 
 He complains that he and his fifteen children are irremediably 
 ruined, owing to the failure of Frobisher to bring home five 
 hundred tons of "a rich red ore," a sample of which had 
 "yielded one hundred and twenty pounds a ton." Frobisher 
 found more profit aboard the Spanish galleons returning from 
 the south, in helping himself to which he followed the example 
 of his piratical contemporaries, Hawkins and Drake. Soon, 
 however, the Spanish Armada gave him just opportunity to 
 diminish the wealth of Philip II.; and in that great sea fight 
 his bravery won for England as much advantage as his name 
 gained renown by his expeditions to the north. 
 
 But the main project of discovering the much-desired 
 passage was not abandoned. In the year 1585, merchants 
 of London and Plymouth joined with noblemen of the 
 court to renew the attempt. They were of the opinion 
 that the cause of failure hitherto lay in the fact that the 
 projectors had allowed themselves to be diverted from 
 the main object of the enterprise. Two barques were 
 
James Cook. After the painting by John Webber, now in the National 
 Portrait Gallery, London. 
 
SEARCH FOR THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE 481 
 
 fitted out, the Sunshine, of fifty tons burden, with a crew 
 of thirty-three persons, and the Moonshine, of thirty-five tons, 
 with nineteen hands. Among these were four musicians, 
 who were considerately engaged that the voyagers might not 
 be without cheer amid the northern gloom. Captain John 
 Davis, of Devonshire, was given the command of these 
 vessels, and sailed in the Sunshine, while William Brutum 
 had charge of her consort. They sailed from Dartmouth 
 on the yth of June, and on the 2ist of July they were 
 ofF Cape Farewell, the southern extremity of Greenland. 
 u Coasting this shore towards the south," Davis observes in 
 his account, u I found it trend towards the west. I still 
 followed the leading thereof in the same height; and after 
 fifty or sixty leagues, it failed and lay directly north, which 
 I still followed, and in thirty leagues sailing upon the west 
 side of this coast, named by me Desolation, we were past 
 all the ice, and found many green and pleasant isles border 
 ing upon the shore; but the hills of the main were still 
 covered with great quantities of snow. I brought my ship 
 along those isles, and there moored, to refresh ourselves in 
 our weary travel in the latitude of sixty-four degrees, or 
 thereabout." This spot was named by him Gilbert Sound. 
 The vessels remained there from the 2Qth of July till the 
 1st of August. They found a population of natives who 
 were very friendly; and when the sailors, being on the 
 shore with their musicians, struck up a dance, the Eskimo 
 joined in with great delight, and by their strange and ex 
 uberant antics afforded intense amusement to the English 
 men. Davis was now in the straits which bear his name. 
 He crossed this water, finding it "altogether free from the 
 pester of ice," and came to Exeter Sound, as they called 
 the harbor which they found on Cumberland Island. De 
 parting thence on the nth of August, they came to the 
 point which they named Cape Mercy. Rounding this, they 
 entered Cumberland Bay; and Davis, believing that he had 
 found the passage of which he was in search, but the ap 
 proach of wintry weather warning him that it would be 
 
482 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 dangerous to delay longer on those coasts, sailed for Eng 
 land with this news, arriving on the 3Oth of September. 
 
 On the yth of May, 1586, Davis again sailed from Dart 
 mouth with the Sunshine and the Moonshine, to which were 
 added the Mermaid, a vessel of one hundred tons, and a 
 pinnace of ten tons. They proceeded direct to Gilbert 
 Sound, and were joyfully welcomed by the natives. They 
 proceeded northward until they came to land, on the 1st of 
 August, in latitude 66 33 and longitude 70 W. Captain 
 Davis had been deserted by the Sunshine and the pinnace, 
 and at this point the Mermaid also forsook the expedition ; 
 the courage of the man is abundantly made evident in his 
 observation, " in one small barque of thirty tons, alone, 
 without further company, I proceeded on my voyage. * On 
 the 28th of August he was in latitude 67. But he was 
 again forced back by tempestuous weather, and he returned 
 to England, still cherishing " perfect hope of a passage." 
 
 A third voyage was made in 1587, with three vessels, in 
 which, on the 24th of July, Davis reached the latitude of 
 72 12 , where he says: "At midnight the compass set to 
 the variation of twenty-eight degrees to the westward." 
 He returned to England on the I5th of September, being 
 able to report that he had "been in seventy-three degrees, 
 finding the sea all open, and forty leagues between land and 
 land. The passage is most probable, the execution easy." 
 The result of Davis s voyages is summed up by Fox, a 
 later explorer, in the remark : " Davis did, I conceive, light 
 Hudson into his straits." 
 
 In the year 1602, "the Worshipful Fellowship of the 
 Merchants of London trading into the East Indies " entered 
 into a contract with Captain George Weymouth, stipulating 
 that the latter should sail toward the coast of Greenland 
 and " shall pass on forward into those seas by the Norwest, 
 or as he shall find the passage best to lie towards the parts or 
 kingdom of Cataya or China or the back side of America." 
 Weymouth gave his bond not to return until he had spent 
 at least one year in this attempt. If he succeeded, his 
 
SEARCH FOR THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE 483 
 
 reward was to be "the sum of five hundred pounds of 
 lawful English money without fraud or cozen." In case 
 of failure, he forfeited all right to either reward or wages. 
 Weymouth sailed out of the Thames on the 2d of May, 
 1602. He reached Cape Desolation on the southeast coast 
 of Greenland, and there his crew, one and all, mutinied; 
 and despite all he could do, they "bore up the helm for 
 England." The reason given by the men for this conduct 
 was that if they wintered in Davis Strait the ice would 
 not allow them to proceed until May, by which time they 
 could arrive from England better furnished with men and 
 provisions, having in the meantime spent the winter com 
 fortably at home. 
 
 The next to assail the north was the redoubtable Captain 
 Henry Hudson, whose most important discovery we have 
 already described. He sailed from Gravesend, in the Dis 
 covery, on the i yth of April, 1610; and reached Frobisher 
 Strait by the 9th of June. Instead of making his entrance 
 there, he sailed westward, thus discovering the strait to 
 which his name has been given. He emerged into Hudson 
 Bay on the 3d of August. From this time his journal 
 ceases, and we have only the summary given by Abacuk 
 Prickett : " Having spent three months in a labyrinth with 
 out end, being now the last of October, we went down to 
 the east, to the bottom of the Bay; but returned without 
 speeding of what we went for. The next day we went to 
 the south and southwest, and found a place whereunto we 
 brought our ship and haled her aground : and this was the 
 first of November. By the loth thereof we were frozen 
 in." How the long winter was spent on this desolate shore 
 we have nothing more than Prickett s extremely brief 
 narrative to show. That it was far from pleasant or har 
 monious is abundantly proved by the fact that in June, 
 when they were again able to float their vessel, a mutiny 
 broke out among the crew, which ended in their casting 
 Hudson and a number of their sick comrades into an open 
 boat, and then cutting them adrift. This being the most 
 
484 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 important discovery hitherto made in polar seas, we will 
 include in our pages the all too scanty journal of the 
 voyage kept by Hudson to the 3d of August. 
 
 "The seventeenth of April, 1610, we brake ground, and 
 went down from Saint Katharine s Poole, and fell down to 
 Blackwallj and so plied down with the ships to Lee, which 
 was the two and twentieth day. 
 
 "The two and twentieth, I caused Master Coleburne to 
 be put into a pinke bound for London, with my letter to the 
 Adventurers, importing the reason wherefore I so put him 
 out of the ship, and so plied forth. 
 
 "The second of May, the wind southerly, at even we 
 were athwart of Flamborough Head. 
 
 "The fifth, we were at the isles of Orkney, and here I 
 set the north end of the needle, and the north of the fly 
 all one. 
 
 " The sixth, we were in the latitude of fifty-nine degrees, 
 twenty-two minutes, and there perceived that the north end 
 of Scotland, Orkney, and Shetland are not so northerly as 
 is commonly set down. The eighth day we saw Faroe 
 Islands, in the latitude of sixty-two degrees, twenty-four 
 minutes. The eleventh day we fell with the eastern part 
 of Iceland, and then plying along the southern part of the 
 land we came to Westmoney, being the fifteenth day, and 
 still plied about the main island until the last of May, with 
 contrary winds, and we got some fowls of divers sorts. 
 
 " The first day of June we put to sea out of an harbor, 
 in the westernmost part of Iceland, and so plied to the west 
 ward in the latitude of sixty-six degrees, thirty-four minutes, 
 and the second day plied and found ourselves in sixty-five 
 degrees, fifty-seven minutes, with little wind easterly. 
 
 " The third day we found ourselves in sixty-five degrees, 
 thirty minutes, with wind at northeast; a little before this 
 we sailed near some ice. 
 
 " The fourth day we saw Greenland over the ice per 
 fectly, and this night the sun went down due north, and 
 
SEARCH FOR THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE 485 
 
 rose north-northeast. So plying the fifth day we were in 
 sixty-five degrees, still encumbered with much ice, which 
 hung upon the coast of Greenland. 
 
 " The ninth day we were off Frobisher s Straits, with the 
 wind northerly, and plied unto the southwestwards until 
 the fifteenth day. 
 
 " The fifteenth day we were in sight of the land, in lati 
 tude fifty-nine degrees, twenty-seven minutes, which was 
 called by Captain John Davis c Desolation, and found the 
 error of the former laying down of that land: and then 
 running to the northwestward until the twentieth day, we 
 found the ship in sixty degrees, forty-two minutes, and saw 
 much ice, and many ripplings or overfalls, and a strong 
 stream setting from east-southeast to west-northwest. 
 
 "The one and twenty, two and twenty, and three and 
 twenty days, with the wind variable, we plied to the north 
 westward in sight of much ice, into the height of sixty-two 
 degrees, twenty-nine minutes. 
 
 "The four and twenty and five and twenty days, sailing 
 to the westward about midnight, we saw land north, which 
 was suddenly lost again. So we ran still to the westward 
 in sixty-two degrees, seventeen minutes. 
 
 " The fifth of July we plied up upon the southern side, 
 troubled with much ice in seeking the shore until the fifth 
 day of July, and we observed that day in fifty-nine degrees, 
 sixteen minutes. Then we plied off the shore again, until 
 the eighth day, and then found the height of the pole in 
 sixty degrees, no minutes. Here we saw the land from the 
 northwest by west, half northerly, unto the southwest by 
 west, covered wi^h snow, a champaign land, and called it 
 Desire Provoketh. 
 
 "We still plied up the westward, as the land and ice 
 would suffer, until the eleventh day; when fearing a storm, 
 we anchored by three rocky islands in uncertain depth, 
 between two and nine fathoms; and found it an harbor 
 unsufficient by reason of sunken rocks, one of which was 
 next morning two fathoms above water. We called them 
 
486 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 the Isles of God s Mercies. The water floweth here better 
 than four fathoms. The flood cometh from the north 
 flowing eight the change day. The latitude in this place 
 is sixty-two degrees, nine minutes. Then plying to the 
 southwestward the sixteenth day, we were in the latitude 
 of fifty-eight degrees, fifty minutes, but found ourselves 
 embayed with land, and had much ice : and we plied to the 
 northwestward until the nineteenth day, and then we found 
 by observation the height of the pole in sixty-one degrees, 
 twenty-four minutes, and saw the land, which I named 
 Hold with Hope. Hence I plied to the northwestward still, 
 until the one and twentieth day, with the wind variable. 
 Here I found the sea more grown than any we had since 
 we left for England. 
 
 u The three and twentieth day, by observation the height 
 of the pole was sixty-one degrees, thirty-three minutes. 
 The five and twentieth day we saw the land, and named it 
 Magna Britannia. The six and twentieth day we observed 
 and found the latitude in sixty-two degrees, forty-four min 
 utes. The eight and twentieth day we were in the height 
 of sixty-three degrees, ten minutes, and plied southerly of 
 the west. The one and thirtieth day, plying to the west 
 ward, at noon we found ourselves in sixty-two degrees, 
 twenty-four minutes. 
 
 " The first of August we had sight of the northern shore, 
 from the north by east to the west by south ofF us: the 
 north part twelve leagues, and the western part twenty 
 leagues from us : and we had no ground there at one hun 
 dred and eighty fathoms. And I think I saw land on the sun 
 side, but could not make it perfectly bearing east-northeast. 
 Here I found the latitude sixty-two degrees, fifty minutes. 
 
 " The second day we had sight of a fair headland on the 
 northern shore, six leagues ofF, which I called Salisbury s 
 Fore-land: we ran from them west-southwest, fourteen 
 leagues : in the midway of which we were suddenly come 
 into a great and whirling sea, whether caused by meeting 
 of two streams or an overfall, I know not. Thence sailing 
 
SEARCH FOR THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE 487 
 
 west and by south seven leagues farther, we were in the 
 mouth of a strait and sounded, and no ground at one hun 
 dred fathoms: the strait being there not above two leagues 
 broad, in the passage in this western part : which from the 
 eastern part of Fretum Davis, is distant two hundred and 
 fifty leagues thereabouts. 
 
 "The third day we put through the narrow passage, after 
 our men had been on land, which had well observed there, 
 that the flood did come from the north, flowing by the shore 
 five fathoms. The head of this entrance on the south side 
 I named Cape Worsenholme; and the head on the north 
 western shore I called Cape Diggs. After we had sailed 
 with an easterly wind, west and by south ten leagues, the 
 land fell away to the southward, and the other isles, and land 
 left us to the westward. Then I observed and found the 
 ship at noon in sixty-one degrees, twenty minutes, and a 
 sea to the westward." (An abstract of the journal of Master 
 Henry Hudson, for the discovery of the northwest passage, 
 begun the seventeenth of April, 1610, ended with his end, being 
 treacherously exposed by some of the company?) 
 
 During the years 16121614, the exploration of Hudson 
 Bay was continued by Captains Button, Bylot, and Baffin, 
 the result being that the bay, or sea as it might for extent 
 be more properly called, was fairly well delineated, and the 
 conclusion was reached that it gave no promise of a north 
 west passage. Baffin, however, was not less firmly con 
 vinced that such a passage really existed; and in the year 
 1616 we find him again sailing northward, as pilot of the 
 good ship Discovery. Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Dudley Digges, 
 Alderman Jones, and the others by whom this expedition was 
 sent out, directed Baffin to keep along the coast of Green 
 land and up Davis Strait until he came to the eightieth 
 degree of latitude, unless sooner prevented by land. Then 
 he was to shape his course west and southerly to the sixtieth 
 degree of latitude. When he fell in with the land of Yedzo, 
 he was to sail southward at his own discretion, it being 
 
488 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 hoped that he would go so far south that he would touch the 
 north part of Japan. The Discovery set sail from Gravesend 
 on the 26th of March, 1616, with seventeen persons aboard, 
 and sighted land first in Davis Strait, in latitude 65 20 N. 
 How Baffin fared, and how, though he did not reach Yedzo, 
 or Japan, he discovered the bay called by his name, and 
 which in reality leads into the northwest passage, the fol 
 lowing account of his fifth recorded voyage, written by 
 himself, will best describe: 
 
 " On the fourteenth of May, in the forenoon, then six 
 of the people, being a fishing, came to us, to whom we 
 gave small pieces of iron, they keeping us company, being 
 very joyful, supposing we had intended to come to anchor; 
 but when they saw us stand off from the shore, they fol 
 lowed us a while, and then went away discontented, to our 
 seeming. 
 
 " We prosecuting our voyage, were loth to come to an 
 anchor as yet, although the wind was contrary, but still 
 plied to the northward, until we came into 70 20 ; then 
 we came to an anchor in a fair sound (near the place Master 
 Davis called London Coast). The twentieth of May at 
 evening, the people espying us, fled away in their boats, 
 getting on rocks, wondering and gazing at us, but after this 
 night we saw them no more, leaving many dogs running to 
 and fro on the island. . . . 
 
 " By the thirtieth day, in the afternoon, we came fair by 
 Hope Sanderson, the farthest land Master Davis was at, 
 lying between 72 and 73; and that evening, by a north 
 sun, we came to much ice, which we put into, plying all 
 the next day to get through it. 
 
 "The first of June, we were clear of the ice before 
 named, and not far from shore, the wind blowing very hard 
 at north-northeast, then we put in among divers islands; 
 the people seeing us, fled away in all haste, leaving their 
 tents behind, and upon a small rock they hid two young 
 maids or women. Our ship riding not far off, we espied 
 
SEARCH FOR THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE 489 
 
 them, to whom our master, with some other of our com 
 pany, went in the boat, they making signs to be carried to 
 the island, where their tents were close adjoining. When 
 they came thither they found two old women more, the one 
 very old, to our estimation little less than fourscore, the 
 other not so old. The next time we went on shore, there 
 was another woman with a child at her back, who had hid 
 herself among the rocks, till the other had told her how we 
 had used them, in giving them pieces of iron and such like, 
 which they highly esteem; in change thereof they gave us 
 seal skins ; other riches they had none, save dead seals, and 
 fat of seals, some of which fat or blubber afterward we car 
 ried aboard. The poor women were very diligent to carry 
 it to the water side, to put into our cask, making show that 
 the men were over at the main, and at another small island 
 something more eastward. Then making signs to them 
 that we would show them our ship, and set them where the 
 men were, the four youngest came into our boat; when 
 they were aboard, they much wondered to see our ship and 
 furniture; we gave them of our meat, which they tasting, 
 would not eat. Then two of them were set on the island, 
 where they supposed the men to be; the other two were 
 carried to their tents again. Those that went to seek the 
 men could not find them, but came as near the ship as they 
 could, and at evening we set them over to the other. 
 
 "This place we called Women s Island; it lieth in the 
 latitude of 72 45 r ; here the flood cometh from the south 
 ward at neap tides; the water ariseth but six or seven foot, 
 and a south-southeast moon maketh a full sea. The inhabit 
 ants are very poor, living chiefly on the flesh of seals, dried, 
 which they eat raw; with the skins they clothe themselves, 
 and also make coverings for their tents and boats, which they 
 dress very well. The women, in their apparel, are different 
 from the men, and are marked in the face with divers black 
 strokes or lines, the skin being razed with some sharp in 
 strument when they are young, and black color put therein, 
 that by no means it will be gotten forth. 
 
490 
 
 DISCO FER T AND EX PL ORA TION 
 
 " Upon the fourth day we set sail from thence, having 
 very fair weather, although the winds were contrary, and 
 plied to and from between the ice and the land, being as it 
 were a channel of seven or eight leagues broad : then on 
 the ninth day, being in the latitude of 74 4 , and much 
 pestered with ice, near unto three small islands, lying eight 
 miles from the shore, we came to anchor near one of 
 them. 
 
 "The tenth day we set sail from thence, and stood 
 through much ice to the westward, to try if that further 
 from shore we might proceed; but this attempt was soon 
 quailed, for the more ice we went through, the thicker it 
 was, till we could see no place to put in the ship s head. 
 
 "Seeing that as yet we could not proceed, we determined 
 to stand in for the shore, there to abide some few days, till 
 such time as the ice were more wasted and gone (for we 
 plainly saw that it consumed very fast) ; with this resolution 
 we stood in, and came to anchor among many islands, in 
 the latitude of 73 45% on the twelfth day, at night. Here 
 we continued two days without show or sign of any people ; 
 till, on the fifteenth day in the morning, about one o clock, 
 there came two and forty of the inhabitants in their boats 
 or canoes, and gave us seal skins, and many pieces of the 
 bone or horn of the sea unicorn, and showed us divers 
 pieces of sea morse s teeth, making signs that to the north 
 ward were many of them; in exchange whereof we gave 
 them small pieces of iron, glass beads, and such like. At 
 four several times the people came to us, and at each time 
 brought us of the aforesaid commodities, by reason thereof 
 we called this place Horn Sound. 
 
 "The first of July we were come into an open sea, in 
 the latitude of 75 40 , which anew revived our hope of a 
 passage; and because the wind was contrary, we stood off 
 twenty leagues from the shore before we met the ice; then 
 standing in again ; when we were near the land, we let fall 
 an anchor to see what tide went, but in that we found small 
 comfort. Shortly after the wind came to the southeast, and 
 
SEARCH FOR THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE 
 
 491 
 
 blew very hard, with foul weather, thick and foggy; then 
 we set sail, and ran along by the land; this was on the 
 second day, at night. The next morning we passed by a 
 fair cape or headland, which we called Sir Dudley Digges 
 Cape; it is in the latitude of 76 35 , and hath a small 
 island close adjoining to it; the wind still increasing, we 
 passed by a fair sound twelve leagues distant from the 
 former cape, having an island in the midst, which maketh 
 two entrances. Under this island we came to anchor, and 
 had not rid past two hours but our ship drove, although 
 we had two anchors at the ground ; then were we forced to 
 set sail and stand forth. This sound we called Wosten- 
 holme Sound; it hath many inlets or smaller sounds in it, 
 and is a fit place for the killing of whales. . . . 
 
 " In this sound we saw great numbers of whales, there 
 fore we called it Whale Sound, and doubtless, if we had 
 been provided for killing of them, we might have struck 
 very many. It lieth in the latitude 77 30 . All the fifth 
 day it was very fair weather, and we kept along by the land 
 till eight o clock in the evening, by which time we were 
 come to a great bank of ice, it being backed with land, 
 which we seeing, determined to stand back some eight 
 leagues to an island we called Hakluyt s Isle it lieth 
 between two great sounds, the one Whale Sound, and the 
 other Sir Thomas Smith s Sound; . . . The next day 
 we were forced to set sail, the sea was grown so high, 
 and the wind came more outward. Two days we spent and 
 could get no good place to anchor in; then, on the eighth 
 day it cleared up, and we seeing a company of islands lie 
 off from the shore twelve or thirteen leagues, we minded to 
 go to them to see if there we could anchor. When we were 
 something near, the wind took us short, and being loth to 
 spend more time, we took opportunity of the wind, and left 
 the searching of these islands, which we called Gary s Islands, 
 all which sounds and islands the map doth truly describe. 
 
 "So we stood to the westward in an open sea, with a 
 stiff gale of wind, all the next day and till the tenth day at 
 
492 
 
 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 one or two o clock in the morning, at which time it fell 
 calm and very foggy, and we near the land in the entrance 
 of a fair sound, which we called Alderman Jones s Sound. 
 This afternoon, being fair and clear, we sent our boat to 
 the shore, the ship being under sail, and, as soon as they 
 were on shore, the wind began to blow; then they returned 
 again, declaring that they saw many sea morses by the shore 
 among the ice, and as far as they were they saw no sign of 
 people, nor any good place to anchor in along the shore. 
 Then having an easy gale of wind at east-northeast, we 
 ran along by the shore, which now trendeth much south, 
 and beginneth to show like a bay. 
 
 " On the twelfth day we were open of another great 
 sound, lying in the latitude of 74 2O r , and we called it Sir 
 James Lancaster s Sound; here our hope of passage began 
 to be less every day than other, for from this sound to the 
 southward we had a ledge of ice between the shore and us, 
 but clear to the seaward, we kept close by this ledge of ice 
 till the fourteenth day in the afternoon, by which time we 
 were in the latitude of 71 i6 r , and plainly perceived the 
 land to the southward of 70 30 ; then we, having so much 
 ice round about us, were forced to stand more eastward, 
 supposing to have been soon clear, and to have kept on the 
 off side of the ice until we had come into 70, then to 
 have stood in again. But this proved quite contrary to our 
 expectation, for we were forced to run about threescore 
 leagues through very much ice, many times so fast that we 
 could go no ways, although we kept our course due east ; and 
 when we had gotten into the open sea, we kept so near the 
 ice that many times we had much ado to get clear, yet could 
 not come near the land till we came about 68, where indeed 
 we saw the shore, but could not come to it by eight or nine 
 leagues, for the great abundance of ice. This was on the four 
 and twentieth day of July ; then spent we three days more to 
 see if conveniently we could come to anchor to make trial 
 of the tides; but the ice led us into the latitude of 65 40 . 
 Then we left off seeking to the west shore, because we were 
 
SEARCH FOR rHE NORTHWEST PASSAGE 
 
 493 
 
 in the indraft of Cumberland Isles, and should know no 
 certainty, and hope of passage could be none. 
 
 " Now seeing that we had made an end of our discovery, 
 and the year being too far spent to go for the bottom of the 
 bay to search for dressed fins ; therefore we determined to 
 go for the coast of Greenland, to see if we could get some 
 refreshing for our men; Master Herbert and two more 
 having kept their cabins above eight days (besides our cook, 
 Richard Waynam, which died the day before, being the 
 twenty-six of July), and divers more of our company so 
 weak, that they could do but little labor. So the wind 
 favoring us, we came to anchor in the latitude of 65 45 , 
 at six o clock in the evening, the eighth and twentieth day, 
 in a place called Cockin Sound. 
 
 " We rode in this place three days before any of the 
 people came to us; then, on the first of August, six of 
 the inhabitants in their canoes brought us salmon peel, and 
 such like, which was a great refreshment to our men ; the 
 next day following, the same six came again, but after that 
 we saw them no more until the sixth day, when we had 
 weighed anchor, and were almost clear of the harbor; then 
 the same six and one more brought us of the like commodi 
 ties, for which we gave them glass beads, counters, and 
 small pieces of iron, which they do as much esteem as we 
 Christians do gold and silver. 
 
 " In this sound we saw such great schools of salmon 
 swimming to and fro that it is much to be admired; here 
 it floweth about eighteen foot water, and is at the highest on 
 the change day at seven o clock: it is a very good harbor, 
 and easy to be known, having three round high hills like 
 pyramids close adjoining to the mouth of it, and that in the 
 midst is lowest, and along all this coast are many good 
 harbors to be found, by reason that so many islands lie ofF 
 from the main. . . ." 
 
 The story of the discovery and exploration of North 
 America in its main features has now been told ; and in 
 
494 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 point of time we are on the threshold of the period of 
 colonization, when new communities with their expanding 
 energies and trading instincts were to thrust their outposts 
 forward into the interior at almost every point and carry 
 the work of exploration onward. Rich is the legacy of dis 
 covery left by the great navigators whose expeditions we 
 have traced to the opening years of the seventeenth century. 
 The error of early geographers as to the nearness of Asia to 
 Europe, and consequently as to the size of the globe, had 
 been established; the extent and boundaries of the great 
 continent that had blocked the way of the early voyagers 
 to rich Cathay and the Spice Islands had been in general 
 determined ; Verrazano s theory, tenaciously held for nearly 
 a century, of a great western sea stretching toward the north 
 Atlantic seaboard about midway on the coast had been prac 
 tically abandoned; and Mercator had prefigured the exist 
 ence of the great interior valleys, though he was later proved 
 to have erred in his assumption that St. Lawrence and Mis 
 sissippi Rivers had no divide. 
 
 At this moment, the nations whose navigators had won 
 from the unknown the New World had secured but an 
 inconsiderable foothold on its northern portion. Colonies 
 had indeed been planted at various places, such as those of 
 La Roche at Sable Island, of Roberval at Cap Rouge, 
 of Raleigh at Roanoke, of the Huguenots under Ribault 
 and Laudonniere at Port Royal Sound and on St. John s 
 River, and of Menendez at St. Augustine; but all these 
 had ended in disaster, as we have seen. The early adven 
 turers were not men adapted to a persevering struggle to 
 wrest by patient toil the gifts of nature. They had been 
 mainly animated by the lust of gold and riches and the ac 
 quisition of glory. Hence, it may be asserted that the main 
 fruits of the expeditions thus far had been the attainment 
 of geographical knowledge and an empty dominion rather 
 than territorial possessions and extended commerce. Spain 
 had, it is true, acquired great wealth and mighty, if insecure, 
 power through her conquests in Mexico and South America, 
 
SEARCH FOR THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE 495 
 
 but her pretensions had aroused the European nations to 
 the dangers of her aggrandizement, and with the destruction 
 of her "Invincible Armada" her maritime power had been 
 forever crippled. England and France particularly had 
 awakened to the importance of the western discoveries, 
 and were actively engaged in adopting measures to secure 
 the advantages of crowding within the opened portals of the 
 New World. 
 
 It may be convenient here to summarize briefly the work 
 accomplished through the expeditions we have traced, which 
 antedate the true colonization period, with the exception of 
 those of Champlain, Joliet and Marquette, and La Salle, the 
 importance of which in the exploration of the St. Law 
 rence and the lake system in its region, and of the course 
 and outflow of the Mississippi, gives them rank as capital 
 expeditions. 
 
 The Atlantic shore of North America was first visited by 
 the Norsemen about the close of the tenth century, their 
 ships most probably reaching Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, 
 and New England. 
 
 Cabot, in 1497, reached the coasts of Labrador and New 
 foundland. In 1498, the Cabots revisited the shores of 
 Labrador and, according to the evidences of La Cosa s 
 map, sailed as far south as Florida. 
 
 Vespucci claimed to have sailed along the Gulf of 
 Mexico, past the coast of Florida, and northward to Chesa 
 peake Bay in 1497, but tne evidence is strongly in favor 
 of this claim being false and that his voyage was undertaken 
 with Hojeda in 1499. 
 
 The Cortereals reached the coasts of Labrador and New 
 foundland in 1500 and 1501, and sailed to the entrance of 
 Hudson Strait. 
 
 Ponce de Leon sailed from Porto Rico to Florida in 
 1513; he first touched near the site of the present St. Augus 
 tine, then sailed south around the peninsula to Tampa Bay. 
 In 1521, he again landed on the coast of Florida, intending 
 to form a settlement there, but failed. 
 
496 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Gordillo landed, in 1521, on the coast of North Carolina, 
 in charge of an exploring expedition sent by De Ayllon. 
 
 Verrazano, in 1524, reached the Atlantic coast near Cape 
 Hatteras, sailed southward for some distance, then coasted 
 northward, entered New York and Newport harbors, and 
 finally, after sailing along the New England shores, he 
 reached Nova Scotia. 
 
 Estevan Gomez visited the Atlantic coast in 1525, 
 and it appears almost certain that he entered New York 
 Bay. 
 
 De Ayllon reached Chesapeake Bay in 1526, and at 
 tempted to settle a colony of Spaniards at or near the site 
 of the present Jamestown, Virginia. 
 
 Jacques Cartier sailed through the Strait of Belle Isle 
 in 1534, and explored the southern coast of Labrador. In 
 1535, he sailed through the Gulf of St. Lawrence and up the 
 river past the heights on which Quebec stands, and on to 
 the point where Montreal now lies. 
 
 Jean Ribault, with a colony of Huguenots, entered the 
 river May (St. John s River), Florida, in 1562; then coast 
 ing northward, he landed the colonists at Port Royal Sound, 
 Carolina. 
 
 Rene de Laudonniere, in 1564, reached Port Royal Sound, 
 intending to occupy the country; he sailed southward to 
 St. John s River, Florida. 
 
 Hawkins, in 1565, on his return from the West Indies 
 deviated from his course and sailed to St. John s River, 
 where he succored the distressed Huguenot colony. 
 
 Menendez de Aviles entered the mouth of St. John s 
 River, Florida, in 1565, on an expedition to destroy the 
 Huguenot colony. He then sailed south to St. Augustine, 
 of which he took formal possession. 
 
 Raleigh sent an expedition under Amadas and Barlow in 
 1584, with the view of establishing a colony, which resulted 
 in the discovery of Pamlico Sound and the exploration of 
 Roanoke and other islands. In 1585, a second expedition, 
 under Grenville, left a settlement on Roanoke Island; in 
 
Geoige Vancouver. After the painting !, v Lemuel F. Abbott, no-iv in the 
 National Portrait Gtiller\, I.onJon. 
 
SEARCH FOR THE NORTH^ESr PASSAGE 497 
 
 1587, Raleigh sent out a further body of colonists to settle in 
 Chesapeake Bay, but they were landed on Roanoke Island. 
 
 The Pacific coast of North America was first made 
 known by the adventure of Vasco Nunez de Balboa, who, 
 while on an expedition on the Isthmus of Panama, first 
 heard from an Indian chief of the existence of a great sea 
 beyond the mountains. In 1513 he beheld the waters of 
 the Pacific from the crest of the Cordilleras; shortly after, 
 he descended to the shore, and, entering the sea (la Mar del 
 Sur), took possession in the name of the Kings of Castile. 
 
 Drake, in his voyage around the world, entered the Pa 
 cific through the Strait of Magellan in 1578; and sailing 
 northward, after calling at various places to plunder Spanish 
 ships, he reached a point where the cold and ice compelled 
 him to turn south, and he put into a bay of California to 
 refit. Here he landed and took formal possession of the 
 country in the name of Queen Elizabeth, and named the 
 land New Albion. The exact place of his landing is un 
 certain, but it was not far from the Golden Gate. 
 
 Of the insular discoveries and explorations of North 
 America, the first is that of Columbus in 1492, when he 
 sighted the island of Guanahani (most probably that now 
 known as Wading), one of the Bahamas group; on the same 
 voyage he discovered and explored the north coast of Cuba, 
 and discovered Santo Domingo (Espanola). In 1494, he ex 
 plored the south coast of Cuba and discovered Jamaica. On 
 his later voyages he discovered the island of Trinidad. 
 
 Cabot, in 1497, discovered Newfoundland and, probably, 
 Cape Breton Island. 
 
 Sebastian de Ocampo, in 1508, sailed around the western 
 end of Cuba, and thus dissipated the belief, cherished by 
 Columbus till his death, that this island was part of the 
 mainland of Asia. 
 
 Jacques Cartier visited Newfoundland in 1534, sighted 
 Anticosti, which he thought to lie in the great waterway 
 leading to the much-desired Cathay, and discovered Isle de 
 St. Jean (Prince Edward Island). 
 
498 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Humphrey Gilbert, in 1583, reached Newfoundland, 
 where he intended to settle a colony; he took possession 
 in the name of Queen Elizabeth, but his colony was a 
 failure. 
 
 The interior exploration of North America began, in 
 1519, with the landing of Cortes at Vera Cruz, Mexico, 
 whence he pursued his march to the City of Mexico and 
 finally conquered the country and ruled it as New Spain. 
 
 De Narvaez, in 1528, sailed to Florida and probably 
 landed at Tampa Bay; thence, going into the interior, he 
 marched as far as the present Alabama. After much distress 
 he again reached the coast. De Narvaez was lost at sea, 
 but one of his companions, Cabeza de Vaca, crossed the 
 continent after eight years wanderings and reached New 
 Spain. In his journeying he had crossed the lower Missis 
 sippi, and had both suffered the severest hardships and re 
 ceived the greatest honors at the hands of the Indians. He 
 had met with the buffalo and heard of the "Seven Cities 
 of Cibola." 
 
 Hernando de Soto, in 1539, landed at Tampa Bay, and 
 set out to explore the country which he was to settle as 
 Governor of Florida. Though there is some uncertainty 
 as to his travels, during three years he marched along the 
 eastern slope of the Alleghany Mountains, reaching to within 
 a short distance of the southern limits of the present State 
 of Virginia; then crossing the range, he travelled west and 
 south to Mobile Bay; turning, and going north and west, he 
 reached a point near the present Vicksburg, where he crossed 
 the Mississippi in 1541. Northward to near the Missouri 
 he pushed, then again south to the junction of Red River 
 and the Mississippi, where he died. The survivors, under 
 Moscoso, descended the river, and, coasting along Texas, 
 reached New Spain. Some of the party are, however, be 
 lieved to have reached a westward point interior, near the 
 line of Coronado s return march, as an Indian woman who 
 had escaped from Coronado s expedition was found by 
 De Soto s men a few days after her flight. 
 
SEARCH FOR THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE 
 
 499 
 
 Coronado, in 1540, led an expedition from Mexico to 
 the Pueblo country in search of the "Seven Cities of 
 Cibola," of whose wealth the Spaniards had been repeatedly 
 told. Further and further north the adventurer pushed in 
 pursuit of the phantom cities, across the desert and wild 
 prairies, till with much-thinned ranks his party probably 
 reached a point somewhere about the southern limits of 
 Nebraska, and, retracing his homeward course, returned 
 from his bootless search in 1542. 
 
 The Gulf of Mexico was coasted in 1517 by Cordova, 
 who, while engaged in a slaving cruise, was driven out of 
 his course into the Gulf and reached the coast of Yucatan. 
 He was followed in 1518 by Grijalva, who extended his 
 exploration northward along the coast of Mexico. To him 
 succeeded Cortes in 1519. 
 
 Alonzo de Pineda, in 1519, explored a considerable ex 
 tent of the north coast of the Gulf of Mexico, finally 
 reaching a point near Panuco River. 
 
 Moscoso, after the death of his leader, De Soto, coasted 
 along the northern shore of the Gulf of Mexico and reached 
 the coast of Mexico in 1543. 
 
 As we have seen, Ponce de Leon, De Narvaez, and 
 De Soto also sailed along parts of the Gulf coast. 
 
 Thus it is seen that the recorded expeditions, at the period 
 we have named, had discovered the whole Atlantic coast of 
 North America; the northern shores lying about Hudson Bay; 
 the western seaboard through almost its entire length; the 
 coasts of the Gulf of Mexico in their southern and western 
 extent and a large part of their northern; the chief islands of 
 the West Indies, and the islands within the limits of the east 
 coast of North America. The confines of the continent on 
 the northwest were still terra incognita, and the northernmost 
 point of the mainland had yet to be determined. By the dis 
 covery of the great waterways of the St. Lawrence and the 
 Mississippi, the interior physical characteristics were in large 
 part determined and the way opened for that unexampled 
 development which the history of the New World exhibits. 
 
500 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Cathay and the Spice Islands, whose attempted approach 
 by the west had given to the civilized world the unlooked- 
 for habitable continent, paled in interest beside the brilliant 
 and limitless field of enterprise offered by the New World ; 
 and while the search for the northwest passage was inter 
 mittently prosecuted for nearly four centuries till success 
 crowned the endeavors, it was rather for the solution of a 
 great geographical problem as full of interest as peril than 
 for the practical value of the finding. The course to the 
 Orient by the eastern route, traced by Vasco da Gama in 
 1497, by way of Cape of Good Hope, in his voyage to the 
 western coast of India, continued to be the highway of 
 European maritime commerce with Asia. Magalhaes had 
 found the western route to Asia in 1520 by way of Cape 
 Horn, though he had failed to find the passage he had 
 looked for which he seems to have expected to discover in 
 the region of the Rio de la Plata. By this voyage the south 
 ern limits of the American continent were first determined. 
 
 The prize of possession of the New World early brought 
 about rivalry and conflict between France and England ; the 
 former claimed title through the discoveries of Verrazano 
 and the latter through those of the Cabots. As early as 
 1613, the French settlers were in conflict with the English. 
 
 With the arrival of Champlain, France began actively to 
 thrust forward her trading outposts and missionary centres 
 further and further into the unknown land, till the region 
 of the St. Lawrence and its lake system was dominated by 
 her, and the Mississippi and Ohio valleys had come within 
 the sphere of her active influence. This influence was 
 largely built on the friendship established by the French 
 traders with the Indians, and not on illusory titles such as 
 the French commandant Celoron at a later period of French 
 occupancy set up by the plates he buried along Ohio River, 
 declaring the river and the lands adjacent the possession 
 of the French king, or by such theatrical possessory cere 
 monies as that of Saint-Lusson at Sault Ste. Marie in the 
 name of his sovereign. The final struggle and the overthrow 
 
SEARCH FOR THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE 501 
 
 of French dominion in North America was to be postponed 
 till the latter half of the eighteenth century. 
 
 As the discovery of the continent of North America 
 resulted from the attempt to find a western waterway to 
 the East, so the discovery of the lost links in its coast line 
 resulted from similar endeavors. In 1728, Captain Vitus 
 Bering, in the service of Russia, attacked the problem of 
 the seaway to the north of the continent from the Pacific 
 side. After exploring the coast of Kamchatka, he proceeded 
 northward until he discovered the strait that bears his name, 
 exploring the coast to latitude 69 N.; thus he defined the 
 extreme northwestern confine of the continent. Captain 
 Cook, in 1778, explored the Pacific coast and Bering Strait 
 on both sides in his quest of a passage round the north of 
 the continent from the Pacific Ocean. With Cook was 
 Vancouver, who in 1791 continued the Pacific explorations, 
 during which he examined the coasts of Vancouver Island 
 and the mainland coasts adjacent. The western coast of 
 North America had by this time yielded up its chief secrets 
 to the indefatigable navigators; the northern outlet of the 
 Pacific Ocean had been oversailed, and the great Arctic 
 Ocean entered ; and gradually, by dint of the courage and 
 tenacious perseverance which glorifies the history of this 
 quest, the extremities of discovery were approximating. 
 
 In 1819, Lieutenant Parry penetrated to Melville Sound, 
 and three years later Sir John Franklin and others, starting 
 from the west coast of Hudson Bay, travelled by way of 
 Great Slave Lake and Coppermine River to Coronation 
 Gulf. This brought them into the Arctic Ocean from the 
 west. In 1829, Sir John Ross discovered Boothia Felix, 
 thus determining the northernmost point of the continent, 
 in latitude 72 N. In 1845, Franklin was again at the 
 head of an expedition, sent out by the British Admiralty, in 
 further quest of the baffling northwest passage; not return 
 ing, a new stimulus was given to northern exploration in 
 the endeavor to ascertain his fate. An expedition with this 
 purpose in view was sent out from England in 1850, under 
 
5 02 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 Captain MacClure. He passed through Bering Strait, and 
 then sailed eastward on the Arctic Ocean, between Banks 
 Land and Prince Albert Land, until, at a point within 
 twenty-five miles of Melville Sound, he was obliged to 
 abandon his ship. He was rescued by Captains McClintock 
 and Kellett near Melville Island. Thus, though it was not 
 navigated, the existence of a northwest passage was proved, 
 and the great problem which had exercised the minds of 
 navigators since the days of John Cabot was solved. 
 
 The quest of a way to Cathay perilously groped across 
 the unknown waste of the Atlantic in 1492 the familiar 
 coasting of the shores of a vast continent ; such are the ex 
 tremes of our story of the discovery and exploration of North 
 America. Between them, little more than a century in 
 point of years, the misconceptions of early geographers had 
 been disclosed by the revelation of the New World; a 
 changed direction had been given to Old World ambition ; 
 and a rich field of enterprise opened that stimulated the 
 keenest rivalry and promised to employ the best energies 
 of European nations. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 
 
 DATE PAGE 
 
 458. Buddhist priests alleged to have discovered 
 
 the Pacific coast 12 
 
 500600. St. Maclou and St. Brandan reputed to 
 
 have visited America 10 
 
 874. Norsemen settled in Iceland 15 
 
 876. Greenland discovered 16 
 
 9851007. Norsemen settled in Greenland and dis 
 covered America 1 736 
 
 1169. Legendary account of Prince Madoc s flight 
 
 to America 1 1 
 
 1492. Columbus set sail from Saltes 88 
 
 Guanahani (Watling Island) discovered . . 102 
 
 Cuba discovered 125 
 
 Espanola (Haiti) discovered 158 
 
 1493. Spanish settlement left at La Navidad, Espa 
 
 nola ... 201 
 
 Columbus reached Saltes 239 
 
 Bull of Pope Alexander VI. issued, granting 
 
 most of American continent to Spain . 244 
 Columbus sailed from Cadiz on his second 
 
 voyage 249 
 
 Burenquen (Porto Rico) discovered . . . 250 
 
 Town of Isabella founded at Espanola . . 251 
 
 1494. Jamaica discovered 253 
 
 Natives of Espanola shipped as slaves to 
 
 Spain 255 
 
 1496. Columbus sailed from Espanola tor Spain . 255 
 
504 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 DATE PAGE 
 
 1497. Cabot sailed from Bristol in search of a west 
 
 ern way to the Orient 301 
 
 Mainland of America discovered by John 
 
 Cabot 295 
 
 India reached by Vasco da Gama by way of 
 
 Cape of Good Hope 310 
 
 Vespucci reputed to have sailed from Cadiz 
 
 to the west 278 
 
 1498. Columbus sailed on his third voyage to the 
 
 west 256 
 
 Trinidad discovered 256 
 
 Columbus first sighted mainland of American 
 
 continent 256 
 
 Columbus returned to Spain in chains . . 257 
 1498-1499. The Cabots discovered the eastern 
 
 coast of America from Newfoundland 
 
 to Florida 308 
 
 1499. Hojeda sailed from Spain for western dis 
 
 coveries 283 
 
 Hojeda discovered the coast .of Surinam . . 283 
 
 1500. Gaspar Cortereal sailed from the Azores to 
 
 discover lands in the west 311 
 
 1502. Columbus sailed on his fourth voyage to the 
 
 west 258 
 
 1506. Death of Columbus 273 
 
 First authentic voyage of the French to North 
 
 America, made by Jean Denis . . . 364 
 
 1507. America first named 294 
 
 1513. Ponce de Leon landed in Florida . . . . 318 
 
 1517. Hernandez de Cordova discovered Yucatan . 320 
 Sebastian Cabot reached the entrance to Hud 
 son Bay 310 
 
 1518. Grijalva explored the coasts of Yucatan and 
 
 Mexico 322 
 
 1519. Cortes sailed from Cuba to explore and ac 
 
 quire Mexico 323 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 505 
 
 DATE PAGE 
 
 1519. Francisco de Garay sent an expedition to 
 
 Florida and Mexico under Pineda . . 336 
 
 1520. Magalhaes navigated the Atlantic coast of 
 
 South America and, rounding Cape Horn, 
 entered the Pacific 342 
 
 1521. De Ayllon s expedition landed on the North 
 
 Carolina coast 340 
 
 Magalhaes discovered the Philippine Islands . 343 
 
 1524. Verrazano explored the eastern coast from 
 
 the Carolinas to Maine 384 
 
 1527. Narvaez led a colonizing expedition to Flor 
 ida 344 
 
 1534, 1535. Jacques Cartier explored the coast of 
 Newfoundland and the Gulf and River 
 St. Lawrence 388 
 
 1538. Hernando de Soto landed in Florida with his 
 
 colonizing expedition 348 
 
 1541. French colonization of Canada undertaken . 408 
 
 1542. Juan Cabrillo explored the coast of upper 
 
 California 439 
 
 1562. Huguenot colony founded in Florida . . . 436 
 1565. Menendez destroyed the French colony at 
 
 Fort Caroline 437 
 
 1576, 1577. Frobisher led expeditions in search of 
 
 a northwest passage to Cathay . . 475480 
 1579. Sir Francis Drake landed on Pacific coast and 
 
 formally acquired territory for England . 441 
 
 1583. Humphrey Gilbert landed a colonizing party 
 
 on Newfoundland 444 
 
 1584. Raleigh s expedition reached Virginia . . . 451 
 
 1585. 1586, 1587. Davis made three voyages in 
 
 quest of a northwest passage . . . 480482 
 
 1602. \Veymouth undertook an expedition to dis 
 
 cover a northwest passage .... 483 
 
 1603. Champlain began his explorations in Canada . 411 
 1607. English settlement established at Jamestown . 458 
 
5 o6 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 DATE PAGE 
 
 1609. Hudson explored Hudson River .... 466 
 
 1610. Hudson, in quest of a northwest passage, dis 
 
 covered the strait and bay named after 
 
 him 483 
 
 1614. New England extensively explored by John 
 
 Smith 460 
 
 1616. Baffin discovered the bay named after him, 
 
 while seeking a northwest passage . . 488 
 1673. Joliet and Marquette discovered and explored 
 
 the Mississippi from the north . . . 417 
 1682. La Salle discovered the mouth of the Missis 
 sippi 427 
 
 1728. Bering discovered the strait of that name . 501 
 1778. Cook explored the Pacific coast and Bering 
 
 Strait 501 
 
 1791. Vancouver explored the Pacific coast . . . 501 
 1819. Lieutenant Parry reached Melville Sound . 501 
 1822. Sir John Franklin reached the Arctic from 
 
 the west 501 
 
 1829. Sir John Ross discovered the northernmost 
 
 limit of the continent 501 
 
 1845. Sir John Franklin sailed on his fatal voyage 
 
 to the Arctic Ocean 501 
 
 1850. Expedition led by MacClure demonstrated 
 
 the existence of a northwest passage . 502 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 VOLUME I 
 
 FACING PAGE 
 
 Christopher Columbus. After the painting by an unknown artist. 
 
 Now in the Museo Naval at Madrid title 
 
 That part of New England supposed to have been Vinland, with 
 the Norse names of such places as accord with the descriptions 
 in the Sagas. After the map issued by the Hakluyt Society . i j 
 
 Prince Henry of Portugal, surnamed "The Navigator. 11 After 
 the miniature in the Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest 
 of Guinea by Gomes Eames de Azurara, begun in 1448 and 
 completed in 1453. No-iv in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris 49 
 
 Track of Columbus s movements during his first voyage after the 
 landfall until he started on the return voyage. Prepared in 
 accordance with the data given in the original log, by Cap 
 tain G. V, Fox, U. S. N. , former Assistant Secretary of the 
 Navy 97 
 
 Royal letters patent issued by the Catholic kings granting Colum 
 bus, as Admiral of the Indies, the same rights and privileges 
 as the Admiral of Castile. From the original in possession 
 of the Duke of Veragua 113 
 
 The commission given to Columbus creating him Admiral of the 
 
 Indies. From the original in possession of the Duke of Veragua. 128 
 
 Gore-map showing the track of Magellan s circumnavigation of 
 the world. From the unique original in the Nevu York 
 Public Library, Lenox Branch 217 
 
 Frontispiece of the earliest known edition of Dati s metrical ver 
 sion of Columbus s letter dated June 15, 1493. From the 
 unique original in the Biblioteca Columbina in Seville . . 225 
 
 Title-page of the Rela^am Verdadeira, printed at Evora in Portu 
 gal, 1557, giving the first accoimt of De Soto s discovery 
 and exploration of Florida. From the excessively rare origi 
 nal in the Nevj York Public Library, Lenox Branch . . 240 
 
 507 
 
508 DISCOVERT AND EXPLORATION 
 
 FACING PAGE 
 
 Pages from Eximie Devotionis, the Papal Bull of Alexander VI., 
 dated May 3, 1493. This document is considered the 
 starting point of the diplomatic history of America. From 
 the Vatican Archives 273 
 
 Autograph letter of Amerigo Vespucci, dated 51511. From the 
 
 original, now in possession of the Newberryl Library, Chicago 305 
 
 Title-page of the original account of the four voyages of Vespu- 
 cius. After the original in the collection of the late Bernard 
 Quaritch 320 
 
 Page from Martin Waldseem tiller s Cosmographite Introductio, 
 published in May, 1507, showing the passage which first 
 suggested calling the New World by the name America. 
 From the original in the New York Public Library, Lenox 
 Branch 337 
 
 Sebastian Cabot. From the painting by Chapman after the 
 original attributed to Holbein. No c iv in possession of the 
 Historical Society of Massachusetts 352 
 
 Title-page of the first printed account of Hennepin s discoveries 
 in America, issued in Paris, 1683. From the original in 
 the New York Public Library, Lenox Branch . . . . 369 
 
 Type of lead plate buried by the French explorers. From the 
 
 original in possession of the Virginia Historical Society . . 384 
 
 Portraits of Martin Frobisher and Sir Humphrey Gilbert, from 
 the copperplates in Holland s Heruologia Anglica. After the 
 original in the New York Public Library, Lenox Branch . 401 
 
 Sir Francis Drake. From the copperplate in Holland s Heruologia 
 Anglica. After the original in the New York Public Library, 
 Lenox Branch 4 J 6 
 
 Map showing discoveries of Henry Hudson in the north in 1612. 
 
 From the original copperplate in the British Museum . . 433 
 
 Title-page of Sir Francis Drake Revived, published in 1626. 
 From the original in the New York Public Library, Lenox 
 Branch 449 
 
 Sir Walter Raleigh. From the original painting by Zucharo, now 
 
 in the National Portrait Gallery, London 4^4 
 
 James Cook. After the painting by John Webber, now in the 
 
 National Portrait Gallery, London 4^i 
 
 George Vancouver. After the painting by Lemuel F. Abbott, now 
 
 in the National Portrait Gallery, London 49 6 
 

 
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