THE CASE 
 FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 BY 
 
 MAXIMO M. KALAW 
 
 WITH INTRODUCTION BY 
 MANUEL L. QUEZON 
 
 RESIDENT COMMISSIONER FROM THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 THE CENTURY CO. 
 
 1916
 
 Copyright, 1916, by 
 THE CENTURY Co. 
 
 Published, May, 1916
 
 OS 
 
 TO 
 
 MY COMRADES, THE RISING GENERATION OF FILIPINOS, 
 
 WHO, THOUGH BENEFICIARIES OF AN ALIEN 
 
 GOVERNMENT, HAVE NOBLY KEPT 
 
 FAITH WITH THEIR 
 
 FOREFATHERS. 
 
 825844
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 For more than one reason this book should be 
 read by those who are interested in Philippine af- 
 fairs. It accurately presents the different stages 
 through which American public opinion on the so- 
 called Philippine question has passed. It is more- 
 over the first attempt of a young Filipino educated 
 in American schools to write in the English lan- 
 guage. Most important of all, it echoes the voice 
 of a generation of Filipinos that has grown to ma- 
 turity during the period of American sovereignty 
 over the Islands. 
 
 Mr. Kalaw fairly represents the generation of 
 Filipinos that is about to become an important 
 factor in shaping the future of the archipelago. 
 He, like other millions of boys who were of school 
 age when the American flag became the symbol of 
 sovereignty in the Philippines, has been educated 
 in public schools taught by American teachers who 
 have endeavored to instil into the mind of their 
 pupils the belief that it is the destiny of the Filipino 
 people to remain forever under the control of the 
 
 Government of the United States and that with the 
 
 vii
 
 viii INTRODUCTION 
 
 realization of this destiny are bound up their well- 
 being, their prosperity, and their individual liberty. 
 Up to the time that Honorable Francis Burton Har- 
 rison became Governor-General of the Philippine 
 Islands, independence was a forbidden topic in 
 Philippine public schools. In dealing with Philip- 
 pine history American teachers were particularly 
 careful to place emphasis upon the benefits ac- 
 corded to the people of the Islands by the Govern- 
 ment of the United States. The merits of the 
 American occupation were painted in the most 
 glowing colors. No effort was spared to make 
 American control appear almost as a gift from 
 heaven. It was the belief among those who were 
 responsible for this policy in the schools that the 
 rising generation of Filipinos would advocate the 
 permanent continuance of the existing political 
 relationship between the United States and the 
 Philippine Islands. 
 
 Mr. Kalaw's book makes it clear that this policy 
 has failed. The Filipino youth is even stronger in 
 its aspiration for independence than the generation 
 that is passing by. It is therefore absolutely be- 
 yond question that the desire for national independ- 
 ence cannot be eradicated from the hearts of the 
 Filipino people. Such being the case, every con- 
 sideration of statesmanship goes to show that there 
 is but one wise course by which the Government of
 
 INTRODUCTION ix 
 
 the United States may govern its action with re- 
 gard to the Philippine Islands; namely, that of 
 granting them a speedy independence. This fol- 
 lows not only from the American principle that 
 " just governments derive their powers from the 
 consent of the governed " but also from the invari- 
 able lesson of history that governments cannot en- 
 dure unless they are based upon the consent of the 
 governed. 
 
 Maximo M. Kalaw was born at Lipa, Batangas 
 Province, Philippine Islands, in 1891. He at- 
 tended the public schools of his native town, and 
 later came to Manila where he entered the Uni- 
 versity of the Philippines. He is distinctly a pro- 
 duct of the American system of education estab- 
 lished in the Islands. In his second year at the 
 University of the Philippines, he became editor-in- 
 chief of the " The College Folio " the University 
 magazine. His management of this journal ex- 
 hibited such marked ability as to attract attention. 
 He came with the writer to Washington in 1911 as 
 private secretary and manager of " The Filipino 
 People " devoted to the cause of Philippine inde- 
 pendence. He has, therefore, been connected with 
 the Philippine independence movement in the 
 United States for five years. He was graduated in 
 law at Georgetown University in 1914. 
 
 In 1912 he addressed the annual session of the
 
 x INTRODUCTION 
 
 Lake Mohonk Conference of the Indian and Other 
 Dependent Peoples, Mohonk Lake, New York, and 
 his presentation .of the cause of his people elicited 
 such favorable attention as to call forth favorable 
 comment even from the opposition newspapers. 
 The " Boston Transcript," one of the most persis- 
 tent enemies of Philippine freedom, had this to 
 say of Mr. Kalaw's speech: 
 
 " This youth delivered an oration it was not a 
 speech of such force and beauty of expression as has 
 seldom fallen upon the ears of a Mohonk audience. He 
 advocated independence for his people; he said they 
 were all for it ; he complimented our work and sacrifices, 
 but he craved that boon of liberty. At the conclusion 
 of his speech the applause was long continued. In con- 
 trast with the ' set speeches ' of many American travel- 
 ers in the Islands this effort of the native orator carried 
 refreshing frankness and force. Certainly, if the Is- 
 lands can furnish such men to plead for them, the day 
 of their liberty is not far distant." 
 
 MANUEL L. QUEZON. 
 Washington, D. C., 
 March 23, 1916.
 
 PEEFACE 
 
 In this volume I have sought to present the so- 
 called Philippine question as it appears to a Fili- 
 pino and from an angle rather different from that 
 at which other books on the subject have regarded 
 it. The ordinary course taken in the discussion 
 of the Philippine problem is this : If the writer be 
 an advocate of Philippine retention, after hastily 
 disposing, in his first few pages, of Philippine ac- 
 quisition as an inevitable God-sent incident of the 
 Spanish-American War, he usually devotes the rest 
 of his work to an exhaustive discussion of American 
 achievements in the Islands, the improvements in 
 education, roads, and public buildings, the exten- 
 sion of sanitary measures, and the fostering of com- 
 merce and industry ; belittling, ignoring, or denying 
 the cooperation given by the Filipinos in accom- 
 plishing these results; often depicting them in the 
 darkest colors, if not, indeed, flagrantly misrepre- 
 senting them, ridiculing their characteristics, ex- 
 ploiting their supposed ignorance, and exaggerat- 
 ing, if not entirely creating new, native vices and 
 
 shortcomings. He, too, often takes the greatest 
 
 xi
 
 xii PREFACE 
 
 pains to expose the mistakes of some locality or the 
 crimes of some individual, and, by adroit innuen- 
 does, indicates them as the prevailing tendencies 
 of the Filipinos. Nothing in such volumes is 
 spared to prejudice the American people against 
 the Filipinos, so that he may close the volume with 
 the conclusion that American domination must con- 
 tinue indefinitely and that Philippine independence, 
 if any such thing ever be possible, is yet a long 
 way off. On the other hand, if the writer be an 
 advocate of independence, he takes the opposite 
 view, and after making a much more appreciative 
 study of the Philippine Government, established at 
 Malolos, he enumerates in detail the unmistakable 
 signs of capacity manifested by the Filipinos dur- 
 ing American occupation, and then urges the grant- 
 ing of independence without any further delay. 
 This discussion has been going on for well-nigh 
 seventeen years, volumes enough to fill a library 
 have already been written on the subject, and yet 
 through this very confusion of authorities the 
 American people are perhaps more hazy now as to 
 Philippine conditions than ever before. 
 
 It is not, however, necessary for the American 
 nation to know and she can never thoroughly 
 know the minute details of Philippine conditions, 
 in order to be able to settle, once and for all, the 
 Philippine question. She did not have to know
 
 PEEFACE xiii 
 
 the characteristics and the skulls of the people of 
 Santiago de Cuba, or whether the city of Havana 
 could honestly use the Australian ballot, before she 
 declared that Cuba should be free and independent. 
 It was enough to realize that an entire people were 
 desperately fighting for liberty and that for that 
 cause thousands were starving in reconcentrado 
 camps. Without stopping to learn the racial dif- 
 ferences separating the inhabitants of the Island or 
 the great ignorance of the masses much greater 
 than in the Philippines and even before they had 
 been rescued from tyranny, the principle to be 
 adopted toward that people had been proclaimed to 
 the world that they were and of right ought to 
 be free and independent. 
 
 One fact must be conceded in studying the Phil- 
 ippine question : the Filipinos are a people, like the 
 Cubans or the Irish or the French a distinct po- 
 litical entity, with a consciousness of kind and with 
 national feelings and aspirations, no matter how 
 poorly developed they may be in some directions. 
 Once this fact is conceded, the real issue to be dealt 
 with then becomes not the success or failure of 
 American experiments in the Islands or the fitness 
 or unfitness of the Filipinos to establish American 
 institutions, but the relations that should exist be- 
 tween the American people and the Filipino people. 
 What is the present political status of the Philip-
 
 xiv PREFACE 
 
 pines? How did they come to be under American 
 rule? What do they now ask of America? Can it 
 be granted without impairing American interests 
 in the Islands? 
 
 It is the purpose of the present volume to review 
 American relations with the Filipino people the 
 acquisition of the Philippines by America, the mo- 
 tives underlying that acquisition, the frame of mind 
 of the American people at the time, the vain pro- 
 tests of the Filipinos against their forcible subjec- 
 tion, the refusal of the American Congress to make 
 a declaration of its purpose towards them, the pub- 
 licity campaign carried on by the advocates of re- 
 tention, the appeals of the Filipino people, and the 
 factors that have brought about the recent legisla- 
 tive attempt to liberate the Islands. The passage 
 in the Senate of the United States of a bill granting 
 independence to the Philippines within four years 
 closes a very interesting chapter in the history of 
 Filipino-American relations. 
 
 This book, however, is not intended solely for 
 Americans. It is hoped that through this volume 
 the Filipino people may have a glimpse of the drama 
 of their national future as it is staged in America 
 the attitude of the American people toward 
 them, the continuous struggle for their rights as a 
 people, the efforts of many Americans in behalf of 
 their cause, the work done by the deadly foes of
 
 PREFACE xv 
 
 their national freedom, and the concessions that are 
 being made to the Filipinos themselves. Such 
 knowledge is necessary not only because it is a part 
 of their history as a nation, but also because it is in- 
 dispensable to them in their present task of devel- 
 oping their country and preparing it for the ever- 
 widening opportunities of the future. 
 
 M. M. K.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 FAOB 
 
 INTRODUCTION BY HON. MANUEL L. QUEZON . . . vii 
 PREFACE xi 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 I THE BIRTH OF THE CUBAN REPUBLIC ... 3 
 
 II THE ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES . . 18 
 
 III REFUSALS TO DISCLOSE AMERICA 's PURPOSE . 42 
 
 IV THE PROTEST OF THE FILIPINOS .... 61 
 V PRESIDENT McKiNLEY 's INSTRUCTIONS . . 82 
 
 VI IMPERIALISM AS THE "PARAMOUNT ISSUE" . 98 
 
 VII THE STRUGGLE OVER A LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 119 
 
 VIII PUBLICITY CAMPAIGN OF THE RETENTIONISTS 147 
 
 IX THE VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE . . . 174 
 
 X THE JONES PHILIPPINE BILL . . . . . 204 
 
 XI THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 219 
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 A. Treaty of Peace between the United States 
 
 and Spain 249 
 
 B. President McKinley 's Instructions to the Taf t 
 
 Commission 260 
 
 C. Organic Act of the Philippine Islands . . 272 
 
 D. Utterances of Republican Presidents and 
 
 Povernors-General on the Philippines . . 322 
 
 E. Democratic Platforms on the Philippines . 337 
 
 F. President Wilson's Position on the Philip- 
 
 pines 340 
 
 G. Resolution of the Philippine Assembly . . 348 
 
 INDEX 355 
 
 xvii
 
 THE CASE 
 FOR THE FILIPINOS
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE BIRTH OF THE CUBAN REPUBLIC 
 
 AS si result of the Spanish-American War, the 
 American nation became the arbiter of the 
 destinies of the Cubans and the Filipinos. It was 
 the first time that the United States had had to de- 
 cide the fate of two alien peoples, constituting dis- 
 tinct political entities, possessing a civilization 
 different from her own as well as independent char- 
 acteristics, and aspiring to be, not members of the 
 American Union, but self-governing and inde- 
 pendent nations. 
 
 Cuba is no longer a problem for the United 
 States. She has attained, through the magnanim- 
 ity of the American people, that for which she 
 long fought national independence. The Phil- 
 ippines still remain a problem. They are not yet 
 independent. From the very beginning of the dis-
 
 4 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 cussion of the Philippine problem people have ques- 
 tioned why there should be such a difference be- 
 tween the fate of the Cubans and that of the 
 Filipinos, and why there is already a Cuban re- 
 public while the Philippines still remain under 
 American sovereignty. To understand, therefore, 
 the whole Philippine question, and to comprehend 
 the past and present attitude of the American peo- 
 ple toward the Philippines, some knowledge of 
 Cuban-American relations is indispensable. The 
 American flag, moreover, could not have reached 
 the shores of the Philippines had it not been for the 
 struggles of the Cuban people against Spain. 
 
 For many years before the Spanish-American 
 War broke out, the American people had been in 
 sympathy with Cuban aspirations for independence. 
 They extended both moral and material help to 
 their struggling neighbors. Revolutionary prepa- 
 rations were made on American soil, supplies and 
 munitions were shipped from American cities, and 
 expeditions were fitted out in American ports. 
 This attitude of the American nation was so mani- 
 fest to the world that Spain time and again pro- 
 tested against alleged violations of the neutrality 
 laws of the United States. In 1896, General Wey- 
 ler began his infamous reconcentration system in 
 Cuba, and destruction of life and property became 
 daily more and more alarming. American public
 
 BIRTH OF THE CUBAN REPUBLIC 5 
 
 opinion in favor of Cuba's freedom was constantly 
 growing, and on April 6, 1896, the Congress of the 
 United States, by a large majority, passed a joint 
 resolution recognizing the belligerency of the Cu- 
 ban insurgents. President Cleveland, however, ig- 
 nored this resolution completely, preferring to file 
 his protest against the atrocities* in Cuba through 
 diplomatic correspondence. President McKinley, 
 upon his assumption of office, renewed the protest 
 of his predecessor through the same channel; but 
 the only answer he received from Spain was that if 
 the United States would enforce the neutrality laws 
 with greater vigor, peace would be soon restored in 
 Cuba. A temporizing policy was characteristic of 
 the Spanish Government and the President soon 
 became convinced of the fruitlessness of his diplo- 
 matic endeavors. In his first annual message 
 President McKinley suggested the possibility of in- 
 tervention; but, a new Spanish ministry having 
 come into power under the leadership of Sagasta, 
 he advocated the continuation of a policy of 
 " watchful waiting " to see what the new Spanish 
 administration would do. Sagasta did promise au- 
 tonomy for Cuba, recalled Weyler, and proposed 
 a modification of the reconcentration system. But 
 the reform came too late. The Cuban people were 
 tired of promises. The American people were de- 
 manding the recognition of Cuban independence.
 
 6 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 The atrocities of the Weyler system were con- 
 stantly exposed in American newspapers. Scenes 
 of death, devastation, and misery were pictured to 
 the American people. Senator Proctor of Vermont 
 during this troublous time made a special trip to 
 the war-ridden island of Cuba, and his report on 
 the conditions he there found intensified Amer- 
 ican feeling for intervention. Outside of Havana, 
 he said, there was neither peace nor war, but " deso- 
 lation and distress, misery and starvation." " Con- 
 ditions are unmentionable in this respect," he con- 
 tinued. " Torn from their homes, with foul earth, 
 foul air, foul water, and foul food or none, what 
 wonder that one half have died and that one quar- 
 ter of the living are so diseased that they cannot 
 be saved?" His speech, free from any jingoistic 
 or sensational taint, created a profound sensation 
 throughout the country. 
 
 Two later incidents hastened American interven- 
 tion. One was the discovery and publication of a 
 letter sent home by the Spanish minister in which 
 he described the President as a kid-glove politician, 
 a mere " bidder for the admiration of the crowd." 
 For this indiscretion he was promptly recalled. 
 Hardly had the excitement due to this diplomatic 
 blunder subsided when the battleship Maine was 
 mysteriously blown up in the harbor of Havana. 
 Upon the report of the Investigation Committee
 
 BIETH OF THE CUBAN KEPTJBLIC 7 
 
 that the destruction was caused by a mine, the 
 American people could restrain their war spirit no 
 longer and, with the cry of " Remember the Maine," 
 they pressed upon Congress insistent demands for 
 intervention. Finally, after further temporizing 
 by the Spanish Government, the President was 
 forced on April 11, 1898, to send a message, point- 
 ing out that forcible intervention offered the only 
 feasible solution of the situation. He laid bare to 
 Congress the unspeakable situation of the Cubans, 
 their misery and starvation, conditions which 
 " shocked the sensibilities and offended the humane 
 sympathies " of the American people. 
 
 " Our people," he said, " have beheld a once-pros- 
 perous community reduced to comparative want, 
 its lucrative commerce virtually paralyzed, its ex- 
 ceptional productiveness diminished, its fields laid 
 waste, its mills in ruins, and its people perishing 
 by tens of thousands from hunger and destitution. 
 We have found ourselves constrained, in the ob- 
 servance of that strict neutrality which our laws 
 enjoin, and which the law of nations commands, to 
 police our own waters and watch our own seaports 
 in prevention of any unlawful act in aid of the 
 Cubans. . . ." "The only peace that condition 
 would beget," he continued, " was that of the wil- 
 derness and the grave." He disclaimed any inten- 
 tion of self-aggrandizement and upheld the humani-
 
 8 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 tarian motive of his suggestion for intervention 
 when he uttered the well-known phrase that " for- 
 cible annexation, according to American code of 
 morals, would be criminal aggression." 
 
 Nine days after the reading of the message, the 
 fateful Teller resolution was passed by Congress 
 and war was practically declared. The resolution 
 is as follows : 
 
 Whereas, the abhorrent conditions which have existed 
 for more than three years in the island of Cuba, so 
 near our own borders, have shocked the moral sense of 
 the people of the United States, have been a disgrace 
 to Christian civilization, culminating as they have, in 
 the destruction of a United States battle-ship with two 
 hundred and sixty six of its officers and crew, while 
 on a friendly visit in the harbor of Habana, and can 
 no longer be endured, as has been set forth by the Presi- 
 dent of the United States in his message to Congress of 
 April eleventh, eighteen hundred and ninety eight, upon 
 which the action of Congress was invited : Therefore, 
 
 Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives 
 of the United States of America, in Congress assembled : 
 First. That the people of the island of Cuba are, and 
 of right ought to be, free and independent. 
 
 Second. That it is the duty of the United States to 
 demand, and the Government of the United States does 
 hereby demand, that the Government of Spain at once 
 relinquish its authority and government in the island of 
 Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba 
 and Cuban waters. 
 
 Third. That the President of the United States be,
 
 BIRTH OF THE CUBAN REPUBLIC 9 
 
 and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the 
 entire land and naval forces of the United States, and 
 to call into the actual service of the United States the 
 militia of the several States, to such extent as may be 
 necessary to carry these resolutions into effect. 
 
 Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaims any 
 disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdic- 
 tion, or control over said island except for the pacifica- 
 tion thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is 
 accomplished, to leave the government and control of the 
 Island to its people. 
 
 Never perhaps was a war started with a more 
 lofty or humane purpose. It was the product of a 
 people's righteous indignation against shocking 
 barbarities. Senator Hoar of Massachusetts phil- 
 osophically pictured America's position at the be- 
 ginning of the war in the following language : 
 
 If there have been any hasty or unwise utterances 
 of impatience in such a cause as that, and I think there 
 have been, they have been honest, brave, humane utter- 
 ances. But when I enter upon this war, I want to enter 
 upon it with a united American people President and 
 Senate and House, and army and navy, and Democrat 
 and Republican all joining hands and all marching 
 one way. I want to enter upon it with the sanction of 
 international law, with the sympathy of all humane and 
 liberty-loving nations, with the approval of our own con- 
 sciences and with a certainty of the applauding judg- 
 ment of history. 
 
 I confess I do not like to think of the genius of Amer- 
 ica, angry, snarling, shouting, screaming, kicking, claw-
 
 10 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 ing with hand-nails. I like rather to think of her august 
 and serene beauty, inspired by a sentiment even toward 
 her enemies, not of hate, but of love, perhaps a little pale 
 in the cheek and a dangerous light in her eye, but with a 
 smile on her lips as sure, determined, unerring, invinci- 
 ble as was the archangel Michael when he struck down 
 and trampled upon the Demon of Darkness. 
 
 The outcome of the war every one knows. The 
 United States came into complete control of the 
 Island, and, by the treaty of Paris, Spain agreed 
 to relinquish " all claims of sovereignty over, and 
 title to, Cuba." 
 
 The Spanish troops soon evacuated the Island 
 and left it to the military authorities of the United 
 States. America was now ready to redeem her 
 pledge to the Cuban people. Yet in spite of the al- 
 most sacred character of America's duty to recog- 
 nize Cuban independence, a campaign for the re- 
 tention of that island began. " There has been no 
 lack of counselors," said Senator Hoar, " to whisper 
 in the ear of the President and Senate and House 
 the dishonorable counsel that w r e should hold on to 
 Cuba, without regard to our pledges or our prin- 
 ciples, and that the resolution of the Senator from 
 Colorado (Mr. Teller) was a great mistake." 
 
 Happily the movement for the retention of Cuba 
 did not prosper and as soon as the Spaniards had 
 evacuated the Island, early in 1899, work for the 
 establishment of a stable government preparatory
 
 BIRTH OF THE CUBAN REPUBLIC 11 
 
 to its transfer to the Cuban people was begun. 
 This work was entrusted to Gen. Leonard Wood, 
 who was appointed military governor of the Island. 
 
 The first step was a census, to ascertain the popu- 
 lation and the number of possible voters. It was 
 ascertained that 66 per cent, of the inhabitants 
 could neither read nor write, so that unrestricted 
 suffrage was out of the question, and it was deter- 
 mined that a voter must have either property quali- 
 fication or literary qualification, or must have be- 
 longed to the army, having thus shown his " pa- 
 triotism to fight for his country." On June 16, 
 1900, a general election of municipal officers was 
 held. Then, with municipal governments firmly 
 established, a constitutional convention was called 
 on July 25, 1900, " to frame and adopt a constitu- 
 tion for the people of Cuba and, as a part thereof, 
 to provide for and agree with the Government of the 
 United States upon the relations to exist between 
 that Government and the Government of Cuba, and 
 to provide for the election by the people of officers 
 under such constitution and the transfer of govern- 
 ment to the officers so elected." 
 
 The election was " wholly under the charge of the 
 Cubans, without any participation by officers or 
 troops of the United States." Thirty-one members 
 of the Constitutional Convention met at Habana 
 and began to draft a Cuban constitution.
 
 12 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 Meanwhile question arose in Washington as to 
 the relations that Cuba should bear to the United 
 States. Congress decided this question in the so- 
 called " Platt Amendment " adopted on March 2, 
 1901. That declaration reads as follows: 
 
 1. That the Government of Cuba shall never enter 
 into any treaty or other compact with any foreign power 
 or powers which will impair or tend to impair the in- 
 dependence of Cuba, nor in any manner authorize or 
 permit any foreign power or powers to obtain by coloni- 
 zation or for military or naval purpose or otherwise, 
 lodgment in or control over any portion of said Island. 
 
 2. That said Government shall not assume or con- 
 tract any public debt, to pay the interest upon which, 
 and to make reasonable sinking fund provision for the 
 ultimate discharge of which, the ordinary revenues of 
 the Island, after defraying the current expenses of gov- 
 ernment, shall be inadequate. 
 
 3. That the Government of Cuba consents that the 
 United States may exercise the right to intervene for 
 the preservation of Cuban independence, the mainte- 
 nance of a government adequate for the protection of life, 
 property, and individual liberty, and for discharging 
 the obligations with respect to Cuba imposed by the 
 Treaty of Paris on the United States, now to be assumed 
 and undertaken by the Government of Cuba. 
 
 4. That all acts of the United States in Cuba during 
 its military occupancy thereof are ratified and validated, 
 and all lawful rights acquired thereunder shall be main- 
 tained and protected. 
 
 5. That the Government of Cuba will execute, and, as
 
 BIRTH OF THE CUBAN REPUBLIC 13 
 
 far as necessary, extend the plans already devised, or 
 other plans to be mutually agreed upon, for the sanita- 
 tion of the cities of the Island, to the end that a recur- 
 rence of epidemic and infectious diseases may be pre- 
 vented, thereby assuring protection to the people and 
 commerce of Cuba, as well as the commerce of the south- 
 ern ports of the United States and the people residing 
 therein. 
 
 6. That the Isle of Pines shall be omitted from the 
 proposed constitutional boundaries of Cuba, the title 
 thereto being left to future adjustment by treaty. 
 
 7. That to enable the United States to maintain the 
 independence of Cuba, and to protect the people thereof, 
 as well as for its own defense, the Government of Cuba 
 will sell or lease to the United States lands necessary for 
 coaling or naval stations at certain specified points, to be 
 agreed upon with the President of the United States. 
 
 8. That by way of further assurance the Government 
 of Cuba will embody the foregoing provisions in a per- 
 manent treaty with the United States. 
 
 The word " intervention " described in the third 
 clause of the Platt Amendment was afterwards ex- 
 plained by Mr. Root, then Secretary of War, in a 
 cable message to Governor Wood, as being "not 
 synonymous with intermeddling or interference 
 with the affairs of the Cuban Government, but the 
 formal action of the Government of the United 
 States based upon just and substantial grounds for 
 the preservation of Cuban independence and the 
 maintenance of a government adequate for the
 
 14 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 protection of life, property, and individual liberty, 
 and adequate for discharging the obligations with 
 respect to Cuba imposed by the treaty of Paris on 
 the United States." 
 
 The Platt Amendment was incorporated in the 
 Cuban Constitution, which was accepted by the 
 Government of the United States. On December 
 31, 1901, the Cuban people elected a President, a 
 Vice-President, Senate, and House of Representa- 
 tives. Then followed one of the most interesting 
 and inspiring events in the history of free institu- 
 tions. The flag of the Stars and Stripes, which had 
 been planted in Cuban soil at the expense of Amer- 
 ican treasure and American blood, was to be volun- 
 tarily hauled down to give way to the flag of a new- 
 born nation. With music and song, banners and 
 flowers, and while forty-five guns were being fired 
 as a salute to the American flag, in the presence of 
 a hundred thousand grateful Cubans, the military 
 governor, representing the President of the United 
 States, read the fateful instrument which trans- 
 ferred to " the duly elected representatives of the 
 people of Cuba the government and control of the 
 Island," and declared " the occupation of Cuba by 
 the United States and the military government of 
 the Island to be ended." 
 
 The following correspondence, exchanged be- 
 tween President Roosevelt and Secretary Root on
 
 BIRTH OF THE CUBAN REPUBLIC 15 
 
 one side and President Palma on the other, will de- 
 scribe better than anything else this interesting 
 episode of the birth of the Cuban nation. 
 
 FROM PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT TO PRESIDENT PALMA 
 White House, 
 
 Washington, D. C., May 10, 1902. 
 
 To the President and Congress of the Republic of Cuba. 
 Sirs: 
 
 On the 20th of this month the military governor of 
 Cuba will, by my direction, transfer to you the control 
 and government of the Island of Cuba, to be thenceforth 
 exercised under the provisions of the Constitution 
 adopted by your Constitutional Convention as on that 
 day promulgated; and he will thereupon declare the 
 occupation of Cuba by the United States to be at an end. 
 
 At the same time I desire to express to you the sincere 
 friendship and good wishes of the United States, and 
 our most earnest hopes for the stability and success of 
 your government, for the blessings of peace, justice, pros- 
 perity, and ordered freedom among your people, and for 
 enduring friendship between the Republic of the United 
 States and the Republic of Cuba. 
 
 (Sgd.) THEODORE ROOSEVELT, 
 President of the United States. 
 
 ACCEPTANCE OP THE GOVERNMENT BY PRESIDENT 
 PALMA 
 
 Habana, May 20, 1902. 
 Hon. General Leonard Wood, 
 
 Sir: As president of the Republic of Cuba, I hereby 
 receive the government of the island of Cuba which you
 
 16 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 transfer to me in compliance with orders communicated 
 to you by the President of the United States, and take 
 note that by this act the military occupation of Cuba 
 ceases. 
 
 I take this solemn occasion, which marks the fulfil- 
 ment of the honored promise of the Government and 
 people of the United States in regard to the Island of 
 Cuba, and in which in our country is made a ruling na- 
 tion, to express to you, the worthy representative of that 
 grand people, the immense gratitude which the people of 
 Cuba feel toward the American nation, towards its illus- 
 trious President, Theodore Roosevelt, and toward you 
 for the efforts you have put forth for the successful ac- 
 complishment of such a precious ideal. 
 
 (Sgd.) T. ESTRADA PALMA. 
 
 MESSAGE OF GRATITUDE FROM PRESIDENT PALMA TO 
 PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT 
 
 Habana, May 20, 1902. 
 Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington : 
 
 The government of the Island having been just trans- 
 ferred, I, as Chief Magistrate of the Republic, faithfully 
 interpreting the sentiments of the whole people of Cuba, 
 have the honor to send you and the American people tes- 
 timony of our profound gratitude and the assurance of 
 an enduring friendship, with wishes and prayers to the 
 Almighty for the welfare and prosperity of the United 
 States. 
 
 (Sgd.) T. ESTRADA PALMA.
 
 BIRTH OF THE CUBAN REPUBLIC 17 
 
 FROM SECRETAKY ROOT TO PRESIDENT PALMA 
 
 Washington, May 20, 1902. 
 President of the Republic of Cuba : 
 
 Believe in my heartfelt congratulations upon the in- 
 auguration of the republic which the people of Cuba and 
 the people of the United States have fought and labored 
 together to establish. With confidence in your unselfish 
 patriotism and courage and in the substantial civic vir- 
 tues of your people, I bid you god-speed, and on this 
 happy day wish for Cuba for all time liberty and order, 
 
 peace and prosperity. _, 
 
 (Sgd.) ELIHU ROOT, 
 
 Secretary of War. 
 
 FROM PRESIDENT PALMA TO SECRETARY ROOT 
 
 Habana, May 21, 1902. 
 Elihn Root, Secretary of War, Washington: 
 
 I am deeply moved by your heartfelt message of con- 
 gratulation on the inauguration of the Republic of Cuba, 
 to the birth of which the people and the Government of 
 the United States have contributed with their blood and 
 treasure. Rest assured that the Cuban people can never 
 forget the debt of gratitude they owe the great republic, 
 with which we will always cultivate the closest relations 
 of friendship and for the prosperity of which we pray to 
 the Almighty. 
 
 (ggd } T 
 
 Such was America's brief record of her mag- 
 nanimity towards the Cuban people. No gold 
 can buy such imperishable glory!
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 THE acquisition of the Philippines by the 
 United States was the most unforeseen event 
 in the history of American expansion. It is often 
 suggested that God himself put the Islands in the 
 care of the American people and therefore they 
 should be regarded as a sacred trust. Yet, before 
 Dewey's victory at Cavite, the majority of the Amer- 
 ican people did not even know that there was such 
 a thing as the Philippine Archipelago. Senator 
 Williams of Mississippi once remarked that as a 
 member of the House Committee on Foreign Rela- 
 tions during the Spanish-American War it was one 
 of his arduous tasks to climb upon a stool and point 
 out the Islands on the map for the benefit of his 
 colleagues. It would be interesting to know when 
 American statesmen first conceived the probability 
 and desirability of acquiring the Philippines. We 
 should be unreasonable were we to believe that, with 
 war with Spain imminent, no American public men 
 ever thought of the Philippines, garrisoned, as they 
 were, by Spanish soldiers. To military and naval 
 
 18
 
 ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES 19 
 
 experts, at least, must have occurred the idea of 
 attacking the Spanish fleet and garrisons in the 
 Islands. 
 
 Admiral Dewey was then in the Gulf of Cali- 
 fornia in command of the Narragansett, when he 
 received the news of the possibility of the war, and 
 the idea of taking the Philippines at once struck 
 him. His officers felt gloomy at the prospect of 
 being caught by the war while in the Gulf, but he 
 at once said, " If war with Spain was declared, the 
 Narragansett will take Manila." This was not 
 said purely in a jocose spirit, for Dewey had really 
 made up his mind to attack the Spaniards in Ma- 
 nila. " In command of an efficient force in the Far 
 East," he said, " with a free hand to act, in conse- 
 quence of being so far away from Washington, I 
 could strike promptly and successfully at the 
 Spanish force in the Philippines." * With this end 
 in view, he sought the commandership of the Asiatic 
 squadron, which he subsequently obtained with the 
 help of Mr. Koosevelt, then Assistant Secretary of 
 the Navy. 
 
 While the American people were all excitement 
 over the Cuban question, their indignation increas- 
 ing every day because of the atrocities committed 
 by the Spaniards in their neighboring island of 
 Cuba, Dewey was busy fitting out his squadron, de- 
 
 i Dewey, Autobiography, p. 168.
 
 20 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 termined to destroy the Spanish forces in Manila. 
 He supplied himself with all available informa- 
 tion about the Philippines, took on board all the 
 books relating to the Islands he could secure, and 
 began to study the people and the country. He lit- 
 tle dreamed that what he proposed to accomplish 
 would divert the thought of the American people 
 into an entirely new channel, change their national 
 ideals, and break down their traditional isolation. 
 He sailed on December 7, 1897. While the public 
 mind was absorbed by the troubles in Cuba, naval 
 authorities in Washington were watching Dewey's 
 movements with interest. On February 25, 1898, 
 Dewey received the following significant order from 
 Assistant Secretary Koosevelt : 
 
 Dewey, 
 
 Hongkong. 
 
 Order the squadron except the Monocacy to Hong- 
 kong. Keep full of coal. In the event of declaration of 
 war with Spain, your duty will be to see that the Spanish 
 squadron does not leave the Asiatic coast, and offensive 
 operations in Philippine Islands. Keep Olympia until 
 further orders. 
 
 ROOSEVELT. 
 
 Six \veeks elapsed after this order was given, be- 
 fore the final break came and he received the order 
 to proceed to Manila and destroy the Spanish fleet. 
 
 What happened on that morning of May first is
 
 ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES 21 
 
 now a familiar story in America. It was flashed 
 that same day to every American home. It electri- 
 fied the whole American people into a realization of 
 the significance of that victory. The privations of 
 the Cuban people were temporarily forgotten, and 
 attention was drawn to the other side of the ocean 
 where an American success was in full progress. 
 It was the first battle waged by Americans outside 
 of their own hemisphere. To many of them it was 
 the sign of their entry into the arena of world poli- 
 tics. America, in their conception, was now in 
 reality a world power. Almost in a moment she 
 had crushed the navy of what had once been the 
 greatest of world empires. The way was, therefore, 
 now clear for the fulfilment of America's new role. 
 A limitless horizon was open. America's " mani- 
 fest destiny " was on the way to fulfilment. Who 
 would shirk such a future? Who would pull down 
 the flag raised in Manila Bay? "Who dares halt 
 it now," challenged Senator Beveridge " now 
 when history's largest events are carrying it for- 
 ward now when we are at last one people, strong 
 enough for any task, great enough for any glory 
 destiny can bestow? Blind is he who sees not the 
 hand of God in events so vast, so harmonious, so 
 benign ! " The movement for the retention of the 
 Philippines was thus set on foot. It was " the 
 natural impulse of a people full of exultation and
 
 22 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 pride over the completeness, without precedent in 
 naval wars, of the victory that Dewey had achieved 
 with a skill and intrepidity that conferred splendor 
 upon American arms. It was the spontaneous out- 
 burst of simplest patriotism to ask that that flag, 
 so valiantly planted, might float there forever in 
 memory of the heroes who raised it." 2 
 
 But glory and power were not the only incentives 
 leading to the retention of the Philippines. People 
 thought they saw also visions of vast commercial 
 possibilities. The land of eight million people 
 would be a market for American goods not to be 
 despised. As a distributing center, the Philippines 
 would be even more alluring. They were at the 
 very portals of Asia, whose teeming millions are so 
 much sought after by all European trade. Who 
 would give up such an advantageous position ac- 
 quired "without the slighest premeditation"? 
 Glowing pictures of the rich fields for American 
 enterprise were painted in imagination. There 
 was a glamour of romance in the grand project. 
 China was supposedly on the verge of partition and 
 America's possession of the Philippines would cer- 
 tainly strengthen her sphere of influence in that 
 country. 3 
 
 2 Henry Watterson, History of the Spanish- American War, 
 p. 277. 
 
 3 "The movement for the partition of China was well under 
 way when the United States went to war with Spain and the
 
 ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES 23 
 
 " Together with the Islands of the Japanese 
 Empire, since the acquirement of Formosa," Mr. 
 Vanderlip said, "the Philippines are the pickets 
 of the Pacific, standing guard at the entrances 
 to trade with the millions of China and Korea, 
 French Indo-China, the Malay Peninsula, and the 
 islands of Indonesia to the south. Australia may 
 even be regarded as in the line of trade. The 
 possession of the Philippines by a progressive, 
 commercial power, if the Nicaragua Canal project 
 should be completed, would change the course of 
 ocean navigations as it concerns a large percentage 
 of the water-borne traffic of the world. The project 
 is alluring. In the undeveloped resources of the 
 Philippines the sanguine radicals see a great op- 
 portunity for our genius. They recognize that in 
 a decade we might make a change greater than has 
 been wrought since Magellan's discovery until the 
 present time. They see great development com- 
 panies formed to cultivate tobacco and sugar by 
 modern methods, others formed to test the richness 
 of the unknown mineral deposits, and still others to 
 
 Philippine Islands came within its grasp. To seize a sphere 
 of influence in China seemed utterly repugnant to the tradi- 
 tional policy of the United States, and would not have been 
 acquiesced in by the Senate ; but the occupation of the Philip- 
 pines would give a point of vantage from which the American 
 Government could still exercise a decisive influence in the 
 Orient. Such considerations were probably the main factor 
 In President McKinley's decision to retain the Philippines." 
 J. H. Latane, America as a World Power, p. 102.
 
 24 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 develop transportation or to reap the treasures of 
 the forest." 4 
 
 So sudden was this rise of the unforeseen im- 
 perialistic tide, so great was the desire for vast 
 colonial possessions, that many even sought to re- 
 tain Cuba despite America's most solemn declara- 
 tion that the Cuban people " are and of right ought 
 to be free and independent." 
 
 What the Filipino people might have to say of 
 this policy apparently never entered the minds of 
 the rank and file of the American people. In that 
 proud hour of national rejoicing over a glorious 
 victory the American people failed to see on the 
 other side of the Pacific anything but the splen- 
 dor of their arms. Their eyes were fixed not on 
 the solid earth but on the tropic sky where waved 
 for the first time their national emblem. Annex- 
 ing the Philippines was like any other previous 
 act of American expansion, save that it signified 
 a much greater thing America's rise into the 
 position of a world power. There was no concep- 
 tion of the existence in the Islands of any native, 
 well-defined political entity that might oppose such 
 annexation. The Philippines were nothing save a 
 geographical expression; and a few months before 
 the decisive victory of Manila Bay had not been 
 even a " geographical expression," for the majority 
 
 * Frank A. Vanderlip, " Century Magazine," August, 1898 
 cited in Sen. Doc. 62, Pt. I, 55th Cong., 3d ses., p. 561.
 
 ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES 25 
 
 of the American people were then unable to locate 
 the Islands on the map. 
 
 American public men were evidently puzzled at 
 this sudden turn of public sentiment. It was un- 
 expected. The Spanish-American War was at first 
 waged simply as a protest against Spain's iniqui- 
 tous imperialistic policy. The American people 
 viewed that war as a war for humanity and not for 
 territorial aggrandizement. No more vigorous 
 spokesman of this sentiment was there than Presi- 
 dent McKinley himself. His public utterances 
 were fraught with protestations of America's un- 
 selfish purposes. He had said that forcible annexa- 
 tion was not to be thought of, for according to 
 American standards it would be criminal aggres- 
 sion. 5 Even before he had entered the White 
 House he was a determined champion of human 
 rights. " Human rights and constitutional privi- 
 leges/' he had proclaimed, " must not be forgotten 
 in the race for wealth and commercial supremacy. 
 The government by the people must be by the peo- 
 ple and not by a few of the people. It must rest 
 upon the free consent of the governed, and of all the 
 governed. Power, it must be remembered, which 
 is secured by oppression, or usurpation, or by any 
 form of injustice, is soon dethroned." 6 
 
 s Message of April 11, 1898. 
 
 Speech at the New England dinner, New York City, 1890.
 
 26 THE CASE FOB THE FILIPINOS 
 
 It took, however, several months completely to 
 visualize the sentiment and movement for the re- 
 tention of the Philippines ; and upon the signing of 
 the peace protocol of August 12, 1898, the President 
 was still undecided as to what course he should 
 take with regard to the Islands. He was rather 
 inclined not to annex them. The French ambas- 
 sador, who negotiated the protocol, was quoted as 
 saying that during the negotiations he was made 
 to understand that the exercise of sovereignty over 
 the Philippines was to suffer no change. The 
 protocol simply stated that " the United States will 
 occupy and hold the city, bay, and harbor of Ma- 
 nila, pending the conclusion of the treaty which 
 shall determine the control, disposition, and govern- 
 ment of the Philippines." 7 
 
 The day after the signing of the protocol, the 
 President, however, caused a very significant cable- 
 gram to be sent by the navy department to Admiral 
 Dewey. This was indicative of the fact that the 
 President was beginning to heed the growing popu- 
 lar demand to secure the Philippines for naval and 
 commercial purposes. The cable read as follows: 
 
 Dewey, 
 
 c/o American Consul, Hongkong. 
 
 The President desires to receive from you any impor- 
 tant information you may have of the Philippines, the 
 
 i Article III of the protocol.
 
 ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES 27 
 
 desirability of the several islands, the character of their 
 population, coal, and other mineral deposits, their harbor 
 and commercial advantages, and, in a naval and com- 
 mercial sense, which would be the most advantageous. 
 If you have other information which may be of value 
 to the Government in their negotiations, the President 
 may desire your presence here. If he should request you 
 to come, take quickest route of travel. 
 
 ALLEN, Secretary. 
 
 On the same day that the above cablegram was 
 sent, Manila fell into the hands of the American 
 troops. This event must have stimulated the al- 
 ready strong passion for the possession of the Phil- 
 ippines. Of the five commissioners appointed to 
 negotiate the final treaty with Spain, three were 
 already known to favor the acquisition of territory 
 in the Far East. They were the Hon. Cushman C. 
 Davis, chairman of the Senate Committee on For- 
 eign Relations, the Hon. William P. Frye, member 
 of the same committee, and the Hon. Whitelaw 
 Reid, formerly envoy extraordinary and minister 
 plenipotentiary of the United States to France. 
 The other members were the Hon. William R. Day, 
 Secretary of State, who acted as president of the 
 Commission, and the Hon. George Gray, member of 
 the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Five 
 weeks after the signing of the protocol, the Presi- 
 dent handed to the American commissioners the 
 instructions that would guide them in negotiating
 
 28 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 the treaty of peace. A marked change had now ap- 
 peared in his attitude toward the Philippines. He 
 first explained the attack on Manila, saying that 
 notice of the protocol was sent as soon as possible 
 but that when it reached the Islands, Manila had 
 already been taken. Manila was, therefore, accord- 
 ing to the Administration's viewpoint, held by the 
 United States not primarily by virtue of the proto- 
 col but by conquest. " In view of what has taken 
 place," the instructions continued, " it is necessary 
 now to determine what shall be our future rela- 
 tions to the Philippines. Before giving you specific 
 instruction on this subject it is my desire to present 
 certain general considerations." President Mc- 
 Kinley then reiterated the humane objects of the 
 war. " It is my earnest wish," he said, " that the 
 United States in making peace should follow the 
 same high rule of conduct which guided it in facing 
 war. . . . The luster and the moral strength at- 
 taching to a cause which can be properly rested 
 upon the considerate judgment of the world should 
 not under any illusion of the hour be dimmed by 
 ulterior designs which might tempt us into exces- 
 sive demands or into adventurous departure on 
 untried paths." Evidently these general consid- 
 erations, pregnant with lofty thoughts and ideals, 
 referred only to Spain's territories in the Western 
 Hemisphere, for, turning back to the subject of the
 
 ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES 29 
 
 Philippines, the President said : " The Philippines 
 stand upon a different basis. It is none the less 
 true, however, that, without any original thought 
 of complete or even partial acquisition, the pres- 
 ence and success of our arms at Manila impose upon 
 us obligations which we cannot disregard. The 
 march of events rules and overrules human action. 
 Avowing unreservedly the purpose which has ani- 
 mated all our effort, and still solicitous to adhere 
 to it, we cannot be unmindful that, without any de- 
 sire or design on our part, the war has brought us 
 new duties and responsibilities which we must meet 
 and discharge as becomes a great nation whose 
 growth and career from the beginning the Ruler of 
 nations has plainly written the high command and 
 pledge of civilization." This, however, was de- 
 signed only as an introduction to the expression of 
 the President's real desire with regard to the Phil- 
 ippines. The next paragraph would indicate that 
 Mr. McKinley was not blind to his people's vision 
 of commercial greatness. " Incidental to our ten- 
 ure in the Philippines," he continued, " is the com- 
 mercial opportunity to which American statesman- 
 ship cannot be indifferent. It is just to use every 
 legitimate means for the enlargement of American 
 trade, but we seek no advantages in the Orient 
 which are not common to all. Asking only the open 
 door for ourselves, we are ready to accord the open
 
 30 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 door to others." Then as a logical sequence of the 
 foregoing considerations the finale came in the 
 form of a demand for " the cession in full right and 
 sovereignty of the island of Luzon." 
 
 The Spanish and American commissioners met 
 in Paris on October 1, 1898. Several days after- 
 wards General Merritt arrived with statements on 
 conditions in the Philippine Islands from General 
 Greene, Major Bell, Admiral Dewey, Colonel Jew- 
 ett, and the Belgian consul, Andre. These state- 
 ments of Philippine conditions were to guide the 
 American commissioners in deciding the fate of 
 'the Philippines. The papers read were practically 
 of the same tenor that it would not be wise to 
 return all of the Islands or perhaps even some of 
 them to Spain, that the natives would not offer 
 much resistance to American rule, and that, above 
 all, the cession of the entire archipelago would be 
 a " good business proposition " for the American 
 nation. The opinion which probably weighed most 
 on the American commissioners as coming from an 
 impartial observer was that of the Belgian consul 
 in Manila, Mr. Andre. He said: 
 
 The United States can assure a steady government 
 in these Islands, and in their hands the country will in- ' 
 crease in wealth, and will, in a short time, be able to 
 return to the United States the money laid out; and it
 
 ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES 31 
 
 would be certainly much cheaper and more humane to 
 take the entire Philippines than to keep only part of it 
 and to run the risk of a second war with Spain for the 
 very same reason that provoked the present conflict. It 
 is the duty of the United States to do so and to protect 
 the entire country. 8 
 
 John Foreman, the well-known writer on the 
 Philippines, was also asked his opinion, and he said 
 that it would be best to take all of the Philippine 
 Islands. 
 
 The information received failed, however, to har- 
 monize the conflicting views of the American com- 
 missioners as to the disposition of the Philippines, 
 and on October 25, 1898, the commissioners cabled 
 their different opinions to Washington. The three 
 commissioners who had been, even before the treaty, 
 reported as favoring American acquisition in the 
 East earnestly urged the cession of all the Islands. 
 Mr. Day favored the cession of Luzon only as a test 
 of America's capacity for colonial rule. Senator 
 Gray was opposed to the cession of the whole archi- 
 pelago or of part of it. His was a strong anti-ex- 
 pansionist plea. He telegraphed to Washington 
 as follows: 
 
 The undersigned cannot agree that it is wise to take 
 Philippine Islands in whole or in part. To do so 
 
 s Sen. Doc. 62, 55th Cong., 3rd ses., p. 389.
 
 32 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 would be to reverse accepted continental policy of the 
 country, declared and acted upon throughout our history. 
 Propinquity governs the case of Cuba and Porto Rico. 
 Policy proposed introduces us into European politics 
 and the entangling alliances against which Washington 
 and all American statesmen have protested. It will 
 make necessary a navy equal to largest of powers ; a 
 greatly increased military establishment; immense sums 
 for fortifications and harbors; multiply occasions for 
 dangerous complications with foreign nations, and in- 
 crease burdens of taxation. Will receive in compensa- 
 tion no outlet for American labor in labor market al- 
 ready overcrowded and cheap; no area for homes for 
 American citizens; climate and social conditions demor- 
 alizing to character of American youth; new and dis- 
 turbing questions introduced into our politics; church 
 question menacing. On whole, instead of indemnity 
 injury. 
 
 The undersigned cannot agree that any obligation 
 incurred to insurgents is paramount to our own manifest 
 interests. Attacked Manila as legitimate war against 
 Spain. If we had captured Cadiz and Carlists had 
 helped, would not owe duty to stay by them at the con- 
 clusion of war. On the contrary, interests and duty 
 would require us to abandon both Manila and Cadiz. 
 No place for colonial administration or government of 
 subject people in American system. So much from 
 standpoint of interests; but even conceding all benefits 
 claimed for annexation, we thereby abandon the in- 
 finitely greater benefit to accrue from acting the part of 
 a great, powerful, and Christian nation; we exchange 
 the moral grandeur and strength to be gained by keep-
 
 ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES 33 
 
 ing our word to the nations of the world and by exhibit- 
 ing a magnanimity and moderation in the hour of vic- 
 tory, that becomes the advanced civilization we claim, 
 for doubtful material advantages and shameful stepping 
 down from high moral position boastfully assumed. 
 We should set examples in this respect, not follow in 
 the selfish and vulgar greed for territory which Eu- 
 rope has inherited from medieval times. Our declara- 
 tion of war upon Spain was accompanied by a solemn 
 and deliberate definition of our purpose. Now that we 
 have achieved all and more than our object, let us sim- 
 ply keep our word. Third article of the protocol leaves 
 everything concerning the control of the Philippine 
 Islands to negotiation between the parties. 
 
 It is absurd now to say that we will not negotiate 
 but will appropriate the whole subject matter of nego- 
 tiation. At the very least let us adhere to the Presi- 
 dent's instructions and if conditions require the keep- 
 ing of Luzon forego the material advantages claimed in 
 annexing other islands. Above all let us not make a 
 mockery of the injunction contained in those instruc- 
 tions, where, after stating that we took up arms only 
 in obedience to the dictates of humanity and in the ful- 
 filment of high public and moral obligations, and that 
 we had no design of aggrandizement and no ambition 
 of conquest, the President among other things eloquently 
 says: 
 
 " It is my earnest wish that the United States in mak- 
 ing peace should follow the same high rule of conduct 
 which guided it in facing war. It should be as scru- 
 pulous and magnanimous in the concluding settlement as 
 it was just and humane in its original action."
 
 34 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 This and more, of which I earnestly ask a reperusal, 
 binds my conscience and governs my action. 
 
 GEORGE GRAY. 
 Wednesday, 12:30, night. 
 
 The next day, October 26, however, came a final 
 and definite reply from Mr. Hay: 
 
 MR. HAY TO MR. DAY 
 
 October 26, 1898. 
 
 The information which has come to the President 
 since your departure convinces him that the acceptance 
 of the cession of Luzon alone, having the rest of the 
 Islands subject to Spanish rule, or to be the subject of 
 future contention, cannot be justified on political, com- 
 mercial, or humanitarian grounds. The cession must be 
 of the whole archipelago or none. The latter is wholly 
 inadmissible, and the former must therefore be re- 
 quired. 9 
 
 Thus the third and last stage was reached in the 
 process of Philippine acquisition. During the first 
 stage the President was free not to take and had 
 no intention of taking the Islands, then he gave in- 
 structions to demand the cession of Luzon, and 
 lastly he asked the whole or none. 
 
 All these communications had passed before the 
 subject of the Philippines came up for formal dis- 
 cussion in the conference. 
 
 In the meanwhile a critical situation had been 
 
 Foreign Relations, 1898, p. 935.
 
 ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES 35 
 
 reached in the conference, for the Spanish commis- 
 sioners insisted that the United States should as- 
 sume the Cuban debt, and the American commis- 
 sioners were determined not to assume it. A break 
 of the conference was now imminent. In the eve- 
 ning of October 26, the Spanish ambassador called 
 on Mr. Reid for an informal conversation. Mr. 
 Reid again assured the ambassador that the Amer- 
 ican Government could not assume the Cuban debt, 
 the American people being strongly against it. 
 Then the ambassador " urged the question to be laid 
 aside until it could be seen if some concessions 
 elsewhere might not be found which would save the 
 Spanish commission from utter repudiation at 
 home." The ambassador then begged Mr. Reid to 
 search for some possible concession somewhere and 
 inquired about the Philippine Islands. Appar- 
 ently this informal talk smoothed matters a little, 
 for the next day the Spanish commissioners an- 
 nounced that they accepted the draft of Articles I 
 and II, by which it was agreed that Spain would 
 relinquish her sovereignty over Cuba and Porto 
 Rico without any reference being made as to the 
 Cuban debt, but that this acceptance would be 
 " subject to agreement being reached on all the ar- 
 ticles which the treaty should contain." Evidently 
 they expected better treatment in the case of the 
 Philippines.
 
 36 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 The formal demand for the cession of the Phil- 
 ippine Islands was offered on October 31. The de- 
 mand stated further that the American commis- 
 sioners were prepared " to insert in the treaty a 
 stipulation for the assumption by the United States 
 of any existing indebtedness of Spain incurred for 
 pubic works and improvements of a pacific char- 
 acter in the Philippines." The Spanish Commis- 
 sion received this demand with expressions of great 
 surprise and immediately rejected it. They main- 
 tained that such an offer was not warranted by the 
 peace protocol. At the signing of this document, 
 they claimed, President McKinley " not only had 
 no idea that Spain would have to cede the Philip- 
 pine archipelago to the United States but enter- 
 tained, on the contrary, an opposite idea, namely, 
 that Spain would retain her sovereignty over it." 10 
 They further contended that the words " control, 
 disposition, and government " ( le controle, la dis- 
 position, et la gouvernement) used in Article III 
 of the protocol did not embrace the subject of sov- 
 ereignty. The American commissioners naturally 
 took the opposite view, saying that the protocol 
 meant that the treaty would decide what was to be 
 done with the Philippines. 
 
 One of the claims of President McKinley was 
 that the sovereignty of the Philippines could be de- 
 
 10 Sen. Doc. 62, pt. 1, 55th Cong., 3rd ses., p. 121.
 
 ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES 37 
 
 manded by right of conquest. After a careful 
 study, however, of the question by the American 
 commissioners, the majority of them became con- 
 vinced that such a position was unwarrantable and 
 on November 3 wired the President accordingly. 
 
 Although the cession of the whole group of is- 
 lands was demanded, the individual commissioners 
 had still different views as to what the United 
 States should have. On November 11, each com- 
 missioner cabled his individual opinion to the Presi- 
 dent. Mr. Day was inclined to think that the Phil- 
 ippines would be more of a burden than benefit to 
 the United States and that the only service it would 
 render would be that of a naval and commercial 
 basis. He suggested the taking of Luzon and its 
 adjacent islands only. If the whole group should 
 be demanded, he was of the opinion that a lump sum 
 should be paid for them, knowing that he and his 
 colleagues were dealing " with a bankrupt nation.'' 
 
 Mr. Frye said : " I favor the taking of the entire 
 group and paying $10,000,000 in gold, a fair esti- 
 mate of debt properly chargeable to the Philippine 
 Islands. If necessary to secure a treaty, and, I 
 believe, it is, I would take Luzon, Mindoro, Pala- 
 wan, also Ponape, of the Carolines, paying from 
 $5,000,000 to $10,000,000." 
 
 Mr. Gray still adhered to his former opinion that 
 the United States should not take either the whole
 
 38 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 or a part ; but added : " Believing that the result 
 of a failure to obtain a treaty would be the possible 
 seizure of the whole Philippine Islands group, an 
 event greatly to be deprecated as inconsistent with 
 the traditions and civilization of the United States, 
 I would be willing to take the Islands by the ces- 
 sion of a treaty of peace, and I would, to that end, 
 make such reasonable concessions as would com- 
 port with the magnanimity of a great nation dealing 
 with a weak and prostrate foe. I mean that I 
 would prefer the latter alternative to the former, 
 not that I have changed my mind as to the policy 
 of taking the Philippine Islands at all." 
 
 Mr. Eeid felt that Spain should repay indemnity 
 with territory inasmuch as she had no money. But 
 to secure a definite treaty of peace, he would take 
 the Philippine Islands and Carolines, paying for 
 the latter and for pacific expenditures in the former 
 from |12,000,000 to f 15,000,000. He would not in- 
 sist on the inclusion of Mindanao and Zulu. 
 
 Mr. Davis' opinion was the most uncompromising 
 of all. He said that the United States should de- 
 mand the Philippine Islands, Porto Eico, Guam, 
 and the sovereignty of Cuba without offering a 
 money payment. 
 
 The President's final instructions were sent on 
 November 13. He reiterated that the United States 
 was fully entitled to indemnity for the cost of the
 
 ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES 39 
 
 war. If Spain could pay the cost of the war and 
 the claims of American citizens, give a suitable 
 guaranty to the people of the Philippines, and grant 
 the United States naval and telegraph concessions 
 and other trade advantages, then she might retain 
 the sovereignty of the Philippine Islands. " From 
 the standpoint of indemnity," the President con- 
 tinued, " both the archipelagoes are insufficient to 
 pay our war expenses; but, aside from this, do we 
 not owe an obligation to the people of the Philip- 
 pines which will not permit us to return them to 
 the sovereignty of Spain? Could we justify our- 
 selves in such a course, or could we permit their 
 barter to some other power? Willingly or not, we 
 have the responsibility of duty which we cannot 
 escape." The Commission was in conclusion fi- 
 nally and definitely instructed to demand the whole 
 of the Philippine Islands and, if necessary, pay 
 Spain from $10,000,000 to $20,000,000. 
 
 The humanitarian argument for the first time ap- 
 peared in the course of this proposal to take all the 
 Philippines. We shall hear more of this argument 
 later on. The commissioners had never for a 
 moment thought of the future of the Filipino 
 people. Everything had been a " business proposi- 
 tion " to them. Mr. Gray's objection to the plan of 
 taking the Philippines was likewise made on the 
 purely business ground that it would not pay to
 
 40 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 keep the Islands and that it was a dangerous policy 
 to embark upon a colonial scheme. The other com- 
 missioners acted and rightly simply as busi- 
 ness agents of Mr. McKinley under instructions, 
 first, to demand Luzon and then the whole of the 
 Philippines. After hearing the information fur- 
 nished by American and other witnesses who had 
 come from the Islands, most of the commissioners 
 came to the conclusion that the entire archipelago 
 should be taken. " It was first thought," said Mr. 
 Davis, "that it would be sufficient for naval and 
 strategic purposes to take the island of Luzon only ; 
 but the best military and naval authorities laid the 
 situation before us from a military, naval, and stra- 
 tegic point of view, and made it perfectly clear that 
 we must either take the entire archipelago or aban- 
 don it entirely ; that the situs of those islands as to 
 each other was such that the acquisition of one, 
 with a hostile power, or a foreign power of what- 
 ever disposition, holding any of the others, would 
 only reproduce the conditions of Cuba as against 
 the United States and create a perpetual threat and 
 danger in the waters of the East." Besides the 
 strategic point referred to, Senator Davis added 
 that it was of the utmost importance that the 
 United States should have also " a commanding 
 commercial position " in the waters of the East " in 
 view of the astounding changes which the Chinese
 
 ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES 41 
 
 Empire has been subjected to and is destined to 
 further undergo." " I am interested that this 
 country shall have its share of trade of that great 
 empire/' continued Senator Davis. " California, 
 Washington, and Oregon have scarcely more than 
 two millions of people. I want to see the com- 
 mercial development of that part of our country 
 expand until there shall be twenty millions of peo- 
 ple there; and I do honestly and sincerely believe, 
 from all I have studied and thought on that subject, 
 that the retention of the Philippine Islands, and 
 their adjustment to our needs and destiny, is a 
 necessary and indispensable step in the advance- 
 ment to which I have so alluded." 
 
 In accordance with the final instructions, re- 
 ceived by the commissioners from Washington, 
 there w r as put forward an ultimate proposal for 
 the cession of the whole archipelago and the pay- 
 ment by the United States of |20,000,000. Realiz- 
 ing that this proposal admitted of no other alter- 
 native and that they must accept it or break off 
 negotiations, the Spanish commissioners finally 
 submitted to what they called " the law of the vic- 
 tor " and on November 29 formally agreed to the 
 proposal. The treaty was finally signed on De- 
 cember 10, 1898.
 
 
 ? r \ | r 
 
 . r 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 REFUSALS TO DISCLOSE AMERICA'S PURPOSE 
 
 THE peace commissioners returned to Amer- 
 ica well satisfied with the work they had 
 accomplished. The American people were more en- 
 thusiastic than ever over the acquisition of the Phil- 
 ippines. President McKinley had just returned 
 from a trip through the Western States, where he 
 found the imperialistic fever at its height. Every- 
 where he went he was met by enthusiastic crowds 
 asking that he should never haul down the flag at 
 Manila. It might have been thought that such an 
 attitude was out of place in the progressive States 
 of the West but, as one American writer puts it, 
 breathing the spirit of pioneer life, with the cry of 
 " Westward ho ! " of the days of prairie migration 
 still ringing in their ears, they were more prone to 
 hail Philippine retention with alacrity, thinking 
 that this was like another Louisiana Purchase and 
 nothing more. In the heat of their enthusiasm the 
 results that such a policy might entail never oc- 
 curred to them, nor was serious consideration given 
 the fact that in thus acting they would deprive a 
 
 42
 
 REFUSALS TO DISCLOSE PURPOSE 43 
 
 people of the right to its own independent existence. 
 President McKinley returned to Washington con- 
 vinced that the entire American people wanted to 
 retain the Islands, and he thereupon endeavored to 
 bring about that result. 
 
 After the holiday recess of Congress the treaty 
 was submitted to the Senate, and it was at once re- 
 ferred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. 
 But its ratification was by no means an easy task. 
 Strong opposition had already arisen in the Senate 
 to the acquisition of the Philippines. As Senator 
 Lodge cleverly put it, the complaint against the 
 peace commissioners was not their having secured 
 too little from Spain, but their having secured too 
 much. 
 
 There were several objections to the treaty. One 
 was that the United States had no constitutional 
 power to acquire territories for the purpose of gov- 
 erning them as colonies. It was argued, on the 
 other side, that the constitutionality of the treaty 
 should be dealt with by the courts and not by the 
 Senate. Again this argument was answered to the 
 effect that the constitutional purpose of any an- 
 nexation was within the political and not the judi- 
 cial jurisdiction of the nation and that the govern- 
 ment of foreign peoples against their will was not 
 a constitutional purpose but a purpose forbidden in 
 the Constitution. Just two days after the signing
 
 44 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 of the treaty of Paris, Senator Vest introduced a 
 resolution which declared that under the Consti- 
 tution the United States Government had no power 
 " to acquire territory to be held and governed per- 
 manently as colonies/' for all territories designed 
 to be acquired must be acquired and governed " with 
 the purpose of ultimately organizing such territory 
 into States suitable for admission into the Union." 
 Senator Mason, who spoke for the resolution, con- 
 tended that the United States Government could 
 not acquire any territory without the consent of 
 the people thereof, for governments derive their 
 just powers from the consent of the governed. 
 Senator Teller replied that that principle held good 
 only when there was a political entity in the terri- 
 tory that could make itself heard. " It is impos- 
 sible," said Senator Teller, "to treat them (the 
 Filipinos) as a nation, because there is no govern- 
 ment there, no recognized power to speak for them." 
 Senator Hoar's position, on the other hand, was 
 that there was a native political entity to be reck- 
 oned with in the Islands. 
 
 But it was evident at the time that, to the ma- 
 jority of senators, the vital question was not 
 whether there was such a thing as a Philippine na- 
 tion or not, but whether the United States were to 
 be led into a policy of colonization, or whether they 
 were to remain true to their traditional policy of
 
 REFUSALS TO DISCLOSE PURPOSE 45 
 
 holding no peoples whatever as subjects. The Ad- 
 ministration was not prepared to favor the exten- 
 sion to the Filipinos of American citizenship, yet 
 it persisted in the desire to retain the Philippines 
 indefinitely, against the will of their inhabitants. 
 Whether President McKinley admitted it or not, 
 that was certainly an imperialist policy, necessarily 
 leading to the establishment of an American colo- 
 nial system. Strong opponents of such a course 
 naturally appeared. They called themselves Anti- 
 imperialists. They contended that the principles of 
 the American republic and the holding of colonies 
 were incompatible ; that the American nation could 
 have no subjects since she was composed of free 
 citizens; that their Government could not consist- 
 ently rule a people without their consent. 
 
 In order to save America from such a policy, the 
 opponents of the treaty proposed to amend it or to 
 pass a resolution declaring that the Philippines 
 would be ultimately, if not immediately, given 
 their independence. They declared that if such a 
 resolution were to be passed first or a similar 
 amendment accepted, they would support the 
 treaty. A number of resolutions were introduced 
 to accomplish that purpose, chief among which were 
 those of Senator Bacon, which read as follows: 
 
 1. That the Government and people of the United 
 States have not waged the recent war with Spain for
 
 46 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 conquest and for the acquisition of foreign territory, but 
 solely for the purpose set forth in the resolution of 
 Congress making the declaration of said war, the acquisi- 
 tion of such small tracts of lands or harbors as may be 
 necessary for governmental purposes being not deemed 
 inconsistent with the same. 
 
 2. That in demanding and in receiving the cession 
 of the Philippine Islands, it is not the purpose of the 
 Government of the United States to secure and main- 
 tain dominion over the same as a part of the territory 
 of the United States or to incorporate the inhabitants 
 thereof as citizens of the United States, or to hold said 
 inhabitants as vassals or subjects of this Government. 
 
 3. That whereas at the time of the declaration of war 
 by the United States against Spain and prior thereto, 
 the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands were actively 
 engaged in war with Spain to achieve their independ- 
 ence, and whereas said purpose and the military opera- 
 tions thereunder have not been abandoned but still be- 
 ing actively prosecuted thereunder; therefore, in recog- 
 nition and in obedience to the vital principle announced 
 in the great declaration that ' ' governments derive their 
 just powers from the consent of the governed, ' ' the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States recognizes that the peo- 
 ple of the Philippine Islands are, and of a right ought 
 to be free and independent; that with this view and to 
 give effect to the same, the Government of the United 
 States has required the Government of Spain to relin- 
 quish its authority and government in the Philippine 
 Islands, and to withdraw its land and naval forces from 
 the Philippine Islands and from the waters thereof. 
 
 4. That the United States hereby disclaim any dis-
 
 REFUSALS TO DISCLOSE PURPOSE 47 
 
 position or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdic- 
 tion, or control over said islands, and their determina- 
 tion when a stable and independent Government shall 
 have been duly erected therein entitled to recognition 
 as such, to transfer to such Government, upon terms 
 which shall be reasonable and just, all rights secured 
 under the cession by Spain, and to thereupon leave the 
 government and control of the Islands to their people. 
 
 Many of the opponents of ratification felt that 
 the treaty was an injustice to the Filipinos and 
 therefore opposed it. They did not understand why 
 the Cubans should be treated differently from the 
 Filipinos, more so when Admiral Dewey repeatedly 
 asserted that the Filipinos were better qualified for 
 self-government than the Cubans. " Tell me why," 
 asked Senator Mason, " we should adopt one plan 
 for Cuba and another for the Philippines? Do you 
 say with the explosionists I mean the expansion- 
 ists We promised we would not steal Cuba, but 
 we did not promise not to steal the Philippines? 
 Do you say with Shylock, Is it so nominated in 
 the bond? You remember Jack in the Two Or- 
 phans was charged with stealing a coat. He said, 
 6 You lie ; it was a cloak.' Will you tell me, please, 
 how grand larceny and criminal aggression in Cnba 
 become high Christian civilization in the Philip- 
 pines? Is there some place in the Pacific Ocean 
 where we change the code of ethics and good morals
 
 48 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 as we change the calendar and the ship's clock in 
 crossing? " 
 
 There were senators and congressmen who were 
 fearful lest the ratification of the treaty might mean 
 the introduction of the Filipino people into the 
 American body politic. The very idea was repug- 
 nant to them. Senator McLaurin, for instance, de- 
 clared that he was entirely against " the incorpora- 
 tion of a mongrel and semi-barbarous population 
 into our body politic," a population that, so far as 
 he could ascertain, " is inferior to, but akin to, the 
 Negro in moral and intellectual qualities and in 
 capacity for self-government." Senator White, on 
 January 23, 1899, expressed similar abhorrence at 
 the idea of annexing a land tenanted by " an heter- 
 ogeneous compound of inefficient Oriental human- 
 ity. If they were so fitted, they should be permitted 
 to establish a free government; if they are not so 
 fitted, they should not be brought into an alliance 
 with us ; we do not in that event want them. Those 
 who are incompetent to control themselves should 
 not be of us." 
 
 In the meanwhile the situation in the Philippines 
 was growing every day more delicate and compli- 
 cated. Even admitting that no definite promise to 
 recognize Philippine independence had ever been 
 authorized by the government, the American rep- 
 resentatives in the Orient certainly acted, to say the
 
 REFUSALS TO DISCLOSE PURPOSE 49 
 
 very least, in a way that would certainly assure, 
 and did assure, the Filipinos that the United States 
 had no desire to acquire the Philippines but rather 
 wished to help the people to obtain their independ- 
 ence. How could they have acted otherwise when 
 they knew full well that the Spanish-American War 
 was waged for the humanitarian purpose of free- 
 ing Cuba? When those American representatives 
 found out that their Government had a different 
 intention toward the Philippines, they naturally 
 changed their attitude toward the Filipinos into 
 one of sudden frigid indifference approaching hos- 
 tility. American soldiers were arriving in the 
 Islands, and the Filipinos were becoming ap- 
 prehensive every day concerning America's real 
 intent. The famous " benevolent assimilation " 
 manifesto of December 21, 1898, issued by President 
 McKinley, already claiming sovereignty over the 
 Philippines even before the ratification of the 
 treaty of Paris, confirmed the suspicion of the Fili- 
 pino people. This warlike attitude of the Admin- 
 istration toward the Filipinos was viewed with 
 alarm by many senators. Legally, the protocol of 
 peace, signed on August 12, 1898, was still in force, 
 pending the ratification of the treaty, and the 
 United States had no authority to claim sover- 
 eignty over the Philippines, much less to wage war 
 on the Filipinos. On January 11, 1899, Senator 
 
 /
 
 50 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 Allen introduced a resolution declaring that " any 
 aggressive action by army or navy on the part of 
 the United States against the Filipinos would be 
 an act of war unwarranted on the part of the Presi- 
 dent and the exercise of constitutional power vested 
 exclusively in Congress." Senator Bacon saw 
 across the ocean the situation in Manila laden with 
 trouble. " While there is no declaration of war," 
 he said, " while there is no avowal of hostile intent, 
 with two such armies fronting each other with such 
 diverse intents and resolves, it will take but a spark 
 to ignite the magazine which is to explode." * 
 There was, therefore, in the opinion of Mr. Bacon, 
 an urgent necessity to declare the intention of the 
 United States towards the Filipinos. " They are 
 opposed to the occupation of their islands by the 
 United States troops," exclaimed the Senator, " be- 
 cause of the apprehension that it is the purpose of 
 the United States Government to maintain per- 
 manent dominion over those islands ; and whenever 
 we shall, by such resolutions as these, say solemnly 
 to the world that such is not our purpose, there is 
 no longer any danger or difficulty." 
 
 At last on January 25, it was agreed that a vote 
 on the treaty should take place on February 6. The 
 opponents of ratification were quite confident that 
 
 i The opening of hostilities on February 4 showed how true 
 was this prophecy.
 
 REFUSALS TO DISCLOSE PURPOSE 51 
 
 the Administration could not carry two thirds. In 
 the midst of this struggle Mr. Bryan came to Wash- 
 ington and urged the Democratic senators to sup- 
 port the treaty. Mr. Bryan contended that the 
 treaty committed the United States to no policy and 
 that after the ratification the issue of imperialism 
 should be brought before the American people for 
 decision. " The ratification of the treaty," he 
 said, " instead of committing the United States to 
 a colonial policy, really clears the way for the 
 recognition of a Philippine Republic. Lincoln, in 
 his first inaugural message, condensed an unan- 
 swerable argument into a brief question when he 
 asked, e Can aliens make treaties easier than friends 
 can make laws ? ' The same argument is repre- 
 sented in the question, Could the independence of 
 the Filipinos be secured more easily by diplomacy 
 from a foreign and hostile nation than it can 
 through laws passed by Congress and voicing the 
 sentiments of the American people? If independ- 
 ence is more desirable to our people than a co- 
 lonial policy, who is there or what is there to pre- 
 vent the recognition of Philippine independence? 
 It is absurd to say that the United States can be 
 transformed from a republic into an empire with- 
 out consulting the voters." 2 
 
 This step of Mr. Bryan's was resented by many 
 
 2 At the Democratic Banquet, Saint Paul, Minn., February 14, 
 1899.
 
 52 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 opponents of the treaty. Senators Hoar and 
 Turner were specially strong in their disapproval 
 of Mr. Bryan's position. They maintained that 
 the main issue was the ratification of the treaty, for 
 such ratification would commit the United States 
 to a policy of indefinite retention. " We have cov- 
 enanted with Spain," contended Senator Turner, 
 " to admit her ships and merchandise to the ports 
 of the Philippine Islands on the same terms as our 
 own for the period of ten years. We have made 
 divers and sundry stipulations, having no limita- 
 tion of time, for the security of property and indi- 
 vidual right in all territory ceded or relinquished 
 by Spain, including ecclesiastical property, which 
 necessarily presupposes continued sovereignty. 
 We have made stipulations concerning judicial pro- 
 ceedings, which presupposes the same thing. We 
 have covenanted to admit certain articles of Span- 
 ish production free of duty in the Philippines for 
 ten years. And, finally, we limit these limitations 
 so far as they apply to Cuba to the time of our 
 occupancy of that island, but we make no such 
 limitation concerning the Philippines." 3 
 
 The speech of Senator Lodge was probably the 
 ablest presentation of those who favored ratifica- 
 tion. He appealed to the wisdom and patriotism 
 of the American people, to whom, he said, could be 
 
 3 Speech in the Senate, January 19, 1899.
 
 REFUSALS TO DISCLOSE PURPOSE 53 
 
 left the final decision of the future of the Philip- 
 pines. He virtually told the opponents of the 
 treaty that the time for deciding the question of 
 policy would be after the ratification. He said in 
 part: 
 
 There is only one question demanding actual and im- 
 mediate decision now before Congress and people, and 
 that is whether the treaty with Spain shall be ratified 
 or not. I have heard no opposition expressed to any 
 part of the treaty except such portion of it as relates to 
 the Philippines, and that, therefore, is the sole point 
 upon which I desire to touch. In our war with Spain 
 we conquered the Philippines, or, to put it more exactly, 
 we destroyed the power of Spain in those islands and 
 took possession of their capital. The treaty ceded the 
 Philippines to us. It is wisely and skilfully drawn. It 
 commits us to no policy, to no course of action whatever 
 in regard to the Philippines. 
 
 "When that treaty is ratified we have full power and 
 are absolutely free to do with those islands as we please, 
 and the opposition to its ratification may be summed up 
 in a single sentence that the American people and 
 the American Congress are not to be trusted with that 
 power and with that freedom of action in regard to the 
 inhabitants of those distant islands. Every one of the 
 resolutions thus far offered on this subject is an ex- 
 pression of distrust in the future and in our dealings 
 with other people. It is a well-meant effort to make us 
 give bonds to Fate by means of a congressional resolu- 
 tion. 
 
 We must either ratify the treaty or reject it, for
 
 54 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 I cannot suppose that any one would seriously advance 
 the proposition that we should amend the treaty in such 
 a way as to make pledges to Spain, and Spain alone, and 
 give bonds to Spain, and Spain alone, for our good con- 
 duct in a matter which will be wholly our own to de- 
 cide. Let us look, then, at the two alternatives. Sup- 
 pose we ratify the treaty. The Islands pass from the 
 possession of Spain into our possession without commit- 
 ting us to any policy. I believe we can be trusted as a 
 people to deal honestly and justly with the Islands and 
 their inhabitants thus given to our care. What our pre- 
 cise policy shall be I do not know, because I for one am 
 not sufficiently informed as to the conditions there to 
 be able to say what it will be best to do; nor, I may 
 add, do I think any one is. But I believe that we shall 
 have wisdom not to attempt to incorporate those islands 
 with our body politic, or make their inhabitants part of 
 our citizenship, or set their labor alongside of ours and 
 within our tariff to compete in any industry with Amer- 
 ican workmen. 
 
 It is for us to decide the destiny of the Philippines, 
 not for Europe ; and we can do it alone and without as- 
 sistance. 
 
 Take, now, the other alternative. Suppose we re- 
 ject the treaty or strike out the clause relating to the 
 Philippines. That will hand the Islands back to Spain, 
 and I cannot conceive that any American should be 
 willing to do that. Suppose we reject the treaty, what 
 follows? Let us look at it practically. We continue 
 the state of war, and every sensible man in the coun- 
 try, every business interest, desires the reestablishment 
 of peace in law as well as in fact. At the same time
 
 REFUSALS TO DISCLOSE PURPOSE 55 
 
 we repudiate the President and his action before the 
 whole world, and the repudiation of the President in 
 such matter as this, is, to my mind, the humiliation of 
 the United States in the eyes of civilized mankind and 
 brands us as a people incapable of treating affairs or 
 of taking rank where we belong as one of the greatest of 
 the great world powers. 
 
 At last the decisive day, the 6th day of February, 
 arrived. Every attempt to pass any of the resolu- 
 tions declaring America's purpose towards the Is- 
 lands had failed. Many of those who would other- 
 wise have opposed retention took the view expressed 
 in Mr. Lodge's speech. They did not w r ant to give 
 " bonds to Spain " for their " good conduct " in a 
 matter wholly their own to decide. They were 
 promised that once the legal title to the Philippines 
 was secure, the Senate would immediately proceed 
 to decide w r hat should be done to the Islands. TW T O 
 days before the day set for the vote on the treaty, 
 the Filipino- American War broke out, the Filipinos, 
 it was claimed, having treacherously began the hos- 
 tilities. This, together with Mr. Bryan's support, 
 decided the fate of the treaty. In spite, however, 
 of this favorable turn of events for the supporters 
 of the treaty, when the Senate met in executive ses- 
 sion on February 6, the Administration was not 
 sure of victory. It needed two thirds of the votes, 
 and it had only 58 sure votes, 29 being against, the
 
 56 
 
 remaining 3 doubtful. Within an hour two of the 
 doubtful votes were declared to be for the treaty, 
 and the third was cast for it after two roll calls, the 
 final vote being 61-29 (including pairs). There 
 was only one vote to spare. 4 
 The vote was as follows: 
 
 FOB RATIFICATION 
 
 Aldrich 
 
 Faulkner 
 
 McBride 
 
 Ross 
 
 Allen 
 
 Foraker 
 
 McEnery 
 
 Sewell 
 
 Allison 
 
 Frye 
 
 McLaurin 
 
 Shoup 
 
 Baker 
 
 Gallinger 
 
 McMillan 
 
 Simon 
 
 Burrows 
 
 Gear 
 
 Mantle 
 
 Spooner 
 
 Butler 
 
 Gray 
 
 Mason 
 
 Stewart 
 
 Carter 
 
 Hanna 
 
 Morgan 
 
 Sullivan 
 
 Chandler 
 
 Hansbrough 
 
 Nelson 
 
 Teller 
 
 Clark 
 
 Harris 
 
 Penrosc 
 
 Thurston 
 
 Clay 
 
 Hawley 
 
 Perkins 
 
 "Warren 
 
 Cullom. 
 
 Jones (Ne- 
 
 Pettus 
 
 Wellington 
 
 
 vada) 
 
 Platt (Conn.) 
 
 Wolcott 
 
 Davis 
 
 Kenney 
 
 Platt (New 
 
 
 Deboe 
 
 Kyle 
 
 York) 
 
 
 Elkins 
 
 Lindsay 
 
 Pritchard 
 
 
 Fairbanks 
 
 Lodge 
 
 Quay 
 
 Total 57 
 
 AGAINST RATIFICATION 
 
 Bacon 
 Bate 
 
 Chilton 
 Cockrell 
 
 Hale 
 Heitfeld 
 
 Mallory 
 Martin 
 
 Berry 
 Caffery 
 
 Daniel 
 Gorman 
 
 Hoar 
 Jones (Ar- 
 kansas) 
 
 Mills 
 Mitchell 
 
 * Lodge, War with Spain, p. 23.
 
 57 
 
 Money Pettigrew Smith Turner 
 
 Murphy Rawkins Tillman Vest 
 
 Pasco Roach Turley 
 
 Total 27 
 
 ABSENT AND PAIRED 
 
 Messrs. Cannon and "Wilson, for, with Mr. White, 
 against, and Messrs. Proctor and Wetmore, for, with 
 Mr. Turpie, against. 
 
 So the title such as it was of the United 
 States to the Philippines was completed. Ameri- 
 can annexation became an accomplished fact. 
 There are differences of opinion as to whether Mr. 
 Bryan's influence did change some Democratic 
 votes. Senator Hoar was positive that it did, while 
 Mr. Erving Winslow, of the Anti-Imperialist 
 League, believes that what changed the deciding 
 votes was the outbreak in Manila two days before. 
 
 Immediately after the ratification the opponents 
 of colonization endeavored to press for action the 
 series of resolutions that had been presented before 
 the ratification. It was agreed to take up first the 
 resolution introduced by Mr. McEnery, which was 
 as follows: 
 
 Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives, 
 etc. That by the ratification of the treaty of peace with 
 Spain it is not intended to incorporate the inhabitants 
 of said islands into citizenship of the United States, nor 
 is it intended to permanently annex said islands as an
 
 58 THE CASE FOB THE FILIPINOS 
 
 integral part of the territory of the United States. But 
 it is the intention of the United States to establish on 
 said islands a government suitable to the wants and con- 
 ditions of the inhabitants of said islands, to prepare them 
 for local self-government, and in due time to make such 
 disposition of said islands as will best promote the inter- 
 ests of the citizens of the United States and the inhabi- 
 tants of said islands. 
 
 This resolution was not by any means satisfactory 
 to the opponents of colonialism. It did not prom- 
 ise independence and was very vague as to the final 
 disposition of the Islands. Senator Bacon there- 
 upon offered the following amendment: 
 
 Resolved, further, That the United States hereby dis- 
 claim any disposition or intention to exercise perma- 
 nent sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said 
 islands, and assert their determination, when a stable 
 and independent Government shall have been erected 
 therein, entitled in the judgment of the Government of 
 the United States to recognition as such, to transfer to 
 said Government, upon terms which shall be reasonable 
 and just, all rights secured under the cession by Spain, 
 and to thereupon leave the government and control of 
 the Islands to their people. 
 
 Here was the issue, plainly put, whether the Phil- 
 ippines were to be ultimately independent or not. 
 Unfortunately the Filipino-American War had 
 started and this afforded a reason for refraining 
 to announce any definite policy. " We will not tell
 
 REFUSALS TO DISCLOSE PURPOSE 59 
 
 the Filipinos what we propose to do with them, 
 until they lay down their arms," was the argument 
 now advanced by the advocates of Philippine reten- 
 tion. In vain did that gallant defender of Filipino 
 rights, Senator Hoar, in reply to such arguments, 
 thunder in the Senate : 
 
 Was it ever heard before that a civilized, human, and 
 Christian nation made war upon a people and refused to 
 tell them what they wanted of them ? You refuse to tell 
 these people this year or next year or perhaps for twenty 
 years, whether you mean in the end to deprive them of 
 their independence or no. You say you want them to 
 submit. To submit to what? To mere military force? 
 But for what purpose or for what end is that military 
 force to be exerted? You decline to tell them. Not 
 only you decline to say what you want of them, except 
 bare and abject surrender, but you will not even let them 
 tell you what they ask of you. 
 
 The vote on the Bacon Amendment was a tie, and 
 Vice-President Hobart defeated it with his decid- 
 ing vote, the original McEnery resolution being fi- 
 nally adopted. The House, however, failed to act 
 on it, and so it died a premature death. 
 
 Thus the Filipinos were again left at sea as to 
 their ultimate and definite political status. 5 
 
 s " One vote, more than once, would have saved the country 
 from what I think is its wretched policy in regard to the 
 Philippine Islands. There was just one vote to spare when 
 the Spanish treaty was ratified. One senator waited before 
 voting until the roll-call was over and the list of the votes
 
 60 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 read by the clerk, before he finally voted for the treaty. He 
 said he did not wish to butt his head against the sentiment 
 of his State if he could do no good; but if his vote would 
 defeat it, he should vote against it. If there had been one 
 less vote, his vote would have defeated it. The treaty would 
 have been lost, in my opinion, if Senator Gray, one of the 
 commissioners who made it, who earnestly protested against 
 it, but afterwards supported it, had not been a member of the 
 commission. The resolution of Mr. Bacon, declaring our pur- 
 pose to recognize the independence of the Philippine people, 
 if they desired it, was lost by a single vote. The Philippine 
 treaty would have been lost but for Mr. Bryan's interposition 
 in its behalf. It would have been defeated, in my judgment, 
 if Speaker Reed, a man second in influence and in power in this 
 country to President McKinley alone, had seen it to be his 
 duty to remain in public life, and lead the fight against it." 
 Hoar, Autobiography of Seventy Years, Vol. II, p. 110.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE PROTEST OF THE FILIPINOS 
 
 SOON after the establishment of the Philip- 
 pine Revolutionary Government at Malolos 
 under the presidency of General Aguinaldo, a 
 commission was appointed to work abroad for the 
 recognition by the other nations of the Philippine 
 Republic. This commission was composed of 
 Felipe Agoncillo, president; General Emilio Riego 
 de Dios, vice-president; Gregorio Araneta, secre- 
 tary; Benito Legarda, Juan Luna, Jose" Lozada, 
 Pedro P. Roxas, Antonio Regidor, Felix Roxas, 
 and Jose Albert, members. 
 
 Mr. Agoncillo proceeded at once to Paris to rep- 
 resent the interests of the Filipinos before the 
 treaty conference; but the peace commissioners re- 
 fused to see him. As we have seen in the foregoing 
 chapters, the American commissioners acted more in 
 the capacity of business agents of the Washington 
 Government with the mission of securing the best 
 terms for the United States. The interests of the 
 Filipino people did not enter into their minds at 
 
 61
 
 62 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 all. Upon the signing of the treaty, Mr. Agoncillo 
 entered a formal protest, but to no avail. He 
 thereupon set out for Washington to see if some 
 understanding could be had with the American 
 Government. Upon reaching Washington, he se- 
 cured the legal services of Attorney Jackson H. 
 Ralston, an able attorney of the city. 
 
 On January 5, 1899, Mr. Agoncillo's secretary, 
 Mr. Sixto Lopez, addressed a letter to the Secre- 
 tary of State requesting that Mr. Agoncillo be ac- 
 corded the privilege of an audience with him to ar- 
 range for the presentation to the President of the 
 envoy's letters of credentials, and suggesting the 
 advisability of an understanding between the re- 
 spective nations. Inclosed in the letter was a mem- 
 orandum on the Philippine Republic. In reply to 
 this, not even a letter of acknowledgment was re- ( 
 ceived, and on January 11, another letter was sent 
 to the Secretary of State, this time signed by Mr. 
 Agoncillo himself. " In view of the present status 
 of affairs in the Philippine Islands," wrote Mr. 
 Agoncillo, "and the fact that in the present 
 strained position, the impetuous action of a Fili- 
 pino or the overzeal of an American soldier, acts 
 based on the impulse of the moment, may create a 
 condition resulting in grievous loss of life, as well 
 as a memory that both nations might carry with
 
 THE PKOTEST OF THE FILIPINOS 63 
 
 them for years, I again urge upon you the necessity 
 of early and frank communication between the rep- 
 resentatives of the countries in question." No an- ix 
 swer having been received to this letter and trouble 
 between Filipinos and Americans looming ever 
 larger and larger in Manila, Mr. Agoncillo again, 
 on January 24, addressed a communication to the 
 Secretary of State confirming his earlier fear that 
 the amassing of American troops in the Islands 
 while no understanding was reached between the 
 two Governments was fast creating an actual con- 
 dition of war. Mr. Agoncillo's letters were entirely 
 ignored. The newspapers even had it that no such 
 communications were ever received in the state 
 department. On January 30, a memorial was sent 
 to the Secretary of State with the request that it 
 be presented to the Senate of the United States, the 
 fight as to the treaty being then at its height in 
 the Senate. This document was perhaps the most 
 interesting of all the state papers issued by the 
 Filipino junta on behalf of the Filipino people. 
 It sets forth the history of the relations between 
 the Americans and Filipinos and the grounds upon 
 which the Philippine Republic based its claim for 
 recognition. In order to know the exact position 
 of the Filipino people, a close perusal of it is nec- 
 essary. It is as follows:
 
 64 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 MEMORIAL TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 ACCOMPANYING LETTER TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE 
 
 OF DATE JANUARY 30, 1899 
 
 The interest of my country requires, because of the 
 pendency of the peace treaty before your honorable body, 
 that I present to you some considerations bearing upon 
 the relations between the United States and the Philip- 
 pine Islands. 
 
 It would be impertinent in me, and I shall not at- 
 tempt, to make any suggestions relative to the treatment 
 of the documents in question. At the same time, I must 
 be understood as protesting as the representative of the 
 independent Philippine Republic that the United States 
 has no jurisdiction, natural or acquired, through any of 
 its agencies to adjudicate in any manner upon the rights 
 of my country and people. The fact remains, however, 
 that action is contemplated, which, we are informed, is 
 proposed, if deemed necessary, to be the basis of military 
 operations against the latest addition to the republics of 
 the world, such action being, as I shall herein point out, 
 without foundation in justice. 
 
 Lest it may be thought in addressing you, I am ex- 
 ceeding the just rights of those whom I have the honor 
 to represent, I may be pardoned for calling your atten- 
 tion to the fact that the Constitution of the United 
 States provides in substance that no person, howsoever 
 humble he may be, shall be deprived of his life, liberty, 
 or property, except by due process of law meaning 
 after the preferment of charges, their careful examina- 
 tion by a tribunal competent, and of acknowledged au- 
 thority to deal therewith, and at a trial where the ac-
 
 cused or defendant may be present in person or by 
 attorney. This constitutional declaration is not the 
 origin, but the expression of a principle a right in- 
 herent in the nature of things and which receives no 
 added moral sanctity because of its recognition in writ- 
 ten papers, and is of no less application because circum- 
 stances require it to be called into play by a nation seek- 
 ing the recognition of its independence. 
 
 I cannot believe that in any possible action on the 
 part of the American republic towards my country there 
 is an intent to ignore, as to the ten millions of human 
 beings I represent, the right the free government of 
 America preserves to the lowliest of her inhabitants; 
 but rather prefer to think that in the rush of arms this 
 right for a moment may have been obscured in the minds 
 of some of America's liberty-loving and enlightened citi- 
 zens. 
 
 My justification for addressing you is that I am 
 solicitous, lest by any inadvertence or omission of my 
 own, a specious foundation may be laid, by virtue of 
 which the rights of my countrymen may be jeopardized 
 and injuries inflicted upon them, redounding here- 
 after, with added force, against the well-being of Amer- 
 ica. 
 
 In presenting the considerations I desire now to sub- 
 mit, it seems necessary for me first to refer to the his- 
 torical fact that a large number of my countrymen have 
 never been subdued by Spanish power, and, as against 
 their liberties, the oppressive arm of Spain has never 
 been able to sustain itself; that the remainder, because 
 of their adhesion to the cause of liberty, have been in 
 almost constant insurrection against the Government of
 
 66 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 Spain ; these conflicts existing continuously with greater 
 or less fury for the past hundred years. 
 
 The impression has been created in America that at 
 the time of the declaration of war between America and 
 Spain, the Philippine revolution no longer existed. 
 Upon this point I may not appeal to the authority of my 
 countrymen for contradiction, but prefer to invite your 
 attention to a letter written by Mr. Williams, United 
 States consul-general at Manila, under date of March 28, 
 1898: 
 
 " Rebellion never more threatening to Spain. Rebels 
 getting arms, money, and friends and they outnumber 
 the Spaniards, resident and soldiery, probably a hun- 
 dred to one." 
 
 Again on March 31, 1898, he wrote referring to the 
 then condition of the conflict: 
 
 " The British shipmaster there (at Cape Bolinao) at 
 the time reports about forty killed and forty wounded. 
 After surrender, the Spanish put the dead and wounded 
 together in a house and by burning cremated all." 
 
 Under the same date he writes of the desertion of an 
 entire regiment of the Spanish forces to the insurgents, 
 saying further: 
 
 " Now five thousand armed rebels, which for days have 
 been in camp near Manila and have been reinforced from 
 the mountains, plan to attack the city to-night. All is 
 excitement and life uncertain." 
 
 On April 28, 1898, Mr. Pratt wrote a letter to Mr. 
 Day in which he speaks of " learning from General 
 Aguinaldo the state and object sought to be obtained by 
 the present insurrectionary movement, which, though ab- 
 sent from the Philippines, he was still directing."
 
 THE PROTEST OF THE FILIPINOS 6T 
 
 Without additional authority, it must be evident to 
 your honorable body that an extensive revolution existed 
 in the Philippine Islands at the time of the declaration 
 of war by America against Spain. 
 
 This revolutionary movement found at its head Gen- 
 eral Aguinaldo, now President of the Philippine Re- 
 public, of whom Mr. Pratt wrote Mr. Day: " General 
 Aguinaldo impressed me as a man of intellectual abil- 
 ity, courage, and worthy of the confidence that had been 
 placed in him," while again he said that " no close ob- 
 server of what has transpired in the Philippines dur- 
 ing the past four years could have failed to recognize 
 that General Aguinaldo enjoyed, above all others, the 
 confidence of the Philippine insurgents and the respect 
 alike of the Spanish and foreigners in the Islands, all 
 of which vouched for his justice and high sense of 
 honor "; and Mr. Williams wrote Mr. Moore on July 
 18, 1898: " General Aguinaldo, Agoncillo, and Sandico 
 are all men who would all be leaders in their separate 
 departments in any country." 
 
 The purpose of the Filipino patriots in conducting 
 this revolution was to secure the complete independ- 
 ence of their country, and in this effort they achieved 
 the encouragement of the United States ; and were never 
 informed that the obtention and preservation of such 
 independence would be regarded as a hostile act by 
 America, and they never believed that their struggle in 
 such a cause would lead to enormous aggregations of 
 American armies and navies at their doors. 
 
 As early as May 20, 1898, Mr. Pratt inclosed to Mr. 
 Day the manifesto of the Filipinos; beginning as fol- 
 lows:
 
 68 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 " Compatriots: Divine Providence is about to place 
 independence within our reach, and in a way a free and 
 independent nation could hardly wish for." 
 
 Had the United States declared or intended that the 
 victory of the Filipinos when gained, should, like Dead 
 Sea fruit, turn to ashes in their grasp? Surely at this 
 moment America ought not to have been reticent. 
 
 Later, and on June 10, 1898, General Aguinaldo ap- 
 pealed directly to President McKinley, his letter hav- 
 ing been forwarded under date of July 8, urging that 
 the United States should make no endeavor to deliver the 
 possession of the Philippines to England, but leave his 
 country " free and independent, even if you make peace 
 with Spain." 
 
 Again General Aguinaldo was not informed that it 
 was the purpose of America, if possible, to purchase the 
 Philippine Islands from an expelled tyrant without con- 
 sulting the wishes of the inhabitants, who had estab- 
 lished and were maintaining successfully a government 
 satisfactory to them. 
 
 On June 8, 1898, and before the declaration of inde- 
 pendence of the Filipinos, the Filipinos of Singapore 
 presented an address to Mr. Pratt, the American con- 
 sul, in which they said: 
 
 " Our countrymen at home and those of us residing 
 here refugees from Spanish misrule and tyranny in 
 our beloved native land hope that the United States, 
 your nation, persevering in its humane policy, will ef- 
 ficaciously second the program arranged between you, 
 sir, and General Aguinaldo in this port of Singapore, 
 and secure to us our independence under the protection 
 of the United States."
 
 THE PROTEST OF THE FILIPINOS 69 
 
 Consul Pratt did not dissent from this understand- 
 ing of his compact with General Aguinaldo. The state 
 department was informed of this affair before July 20, 
 1898, and directed caution on the part of Mr. Pratt, but 
 did not disavow his action to the parties most con- 
 cerned, permitting them to continue to believe, as they 
 had already an ample reason for believing, that the re- 
 sult of their struggle would be the independence of their 
 native land. 
 
 In addition to the facts already enumerated, for the 
 period of four months in and out of the harbor of Ma- 
 nila, vessels passed floating the flag of the Philippine 
 Republic, saluting and being saluted by American men- 
 of-war, and these acts continued, without let or hin- 
 drance until the month of October, 1898. 
 
 I have taken occasion in a communication to the Sec- 
 retary of State to point out that by the rule of inter- 
 national law, maintained without exception by the Amer- 
 ican Government, the Philippine Republic has been for 
 many months entitled to national recognition, possessing, 
 as it has, since June 18, 1898, a government both de 
 facto and de jure, capable of enforcing its laws at home, 
 or carrying out its undertakings with foreign Govern- 
 ments, and of maintaining itself against Spain. 
 
 Before the appointment of the peace commissioners 
 on September 12, 1898, American officials had fully rec- 
 ognized and had communicated to their Government the 
 fact that it was no longer possible for Spain under any 
 circumstances to regain possession of the Philippines; a 
 point most essential to be considered in determining 
 whether a new, independent nation should be recog- 
 nized.
 
 70 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 In a memorandum concerning the Philippine Islands, 
 made August 27, 1898, by General F. V. Greene, he 
 states : 
 
 ' ' The Spanish Government is completely demoralized, 
 and Spanish power is dead, beyond the possibility of 
 resurrection. Spain would be unable to govern these 
 islands if we surrender them." 
 
 Under date of August 29, Major J. F. Bell reported 
 to General Merritt as follows: 
 
 " I have met no one cognizant of the conditions now 
 existing in these islands and in Spain who believes that 
 Spain can ever again bring the Philippine Islands under 
 subjection to its Government." 
 
 From the foregoing, it must appear that the Philip- 
 pine nation had achieved its independence free from any 
 danger of losing it at the hands of the Spaniards, prior 
 even to the signing of the protocol. This is shown by 
 the Executive Document No. 62, now before the Senate, 
 which document contains much testimony concerning the 
 productive capacity of the Philippine Islands, and their 
 mineral and agricultural wealth, but little evidence 
 touching the probability of maintaining the American 
 government in these islands irrespective of the desires 
 of their people, and no direct testimony whatever as to 
 the wishes of the people themselves, although it does 
 contain evidence that the American Government had 
 known from the beginning that the Filipinos were strug- 
 gling for independence and with success, and including 
 copies of the declaration of independence of the Philip- 
 pine Eepublic and of the laws passed pursuant thereto, 
 and showing that the Government knew that there was 
 in existence a regularly organized and constituted re-
 
 THE PEOTEST OF THE FILIPINOS 71 
 
 publican government controlling the Islands and having 
 General Aguinaldo at its head. 
 
 I have already alluded to the fact that Spain had no 
 power to deliver possession to the United States of the 
 Philippine Islands, having been driven from these 
 islands by the just wrath of their inhabitants; and by 
 way of illustration of this point, I venture to file here- 
 with a map of the Philippine Archipelago, designating 
 the principal islands under the control of the respective 
 nations, and showing that America is in actual pos- 
 session at this time of one hundred and forty-three 
 square miles of territory, with a population of three 
 hundred thousand, while the Philippine Government is 
 in possession and control of 167,845 square miles, with 
 a population of 9,395,000, and only a few scattered gar- 
 risons are to be found in islands having an area of 
 51,693 square miles, with a population of 305,000. The 
 figures as to the Spanish possession should be dimin- 
 ished, and those of the Philippine Government enlarged 
 by virtue of the fact that the inhabitants of the islands 
 where Spanish troops yet remain have practically con- 
 fined such troops to the narrow quarters of their garri- 
 son towns. 
 
 >pain, therefore, having been driven away, as I 
 have stated, and the inhabitants having established a 
 government satisfactory to themselves and maintaining 
 order throughout the territories under its control, what 
 justification can any other nation advance for interfer- 
 ing with my country or refusing to extend toward it the 
 obligations of international law? Could Spain give to 
 any nation a better right than she possessed ? She could 
 not confer possession, for she did not enjoy it, and any
 
 72 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 foreign right of possession claimed by her had been ex- 
 tinguished by the destruction of her sovereignty over 
 my country. She could not create by treaty or other- 
 wise, as against the Philippine Islands, any right, except 
 it be the right to conquer them, and if such right be 
 claimed, it exists not because of cession on the part of 
 Spain, but because of its own inherent force, and must 
 be as powerful on behalf of any other nation as it is on 
 behalf of the United States. If, therefore, America 
 claims the right to make war upon my countrymen for 
 the purpose of conquering them, and thus destroying 
 another republic, so equally may Germany, France, and 
 England, or any other powerful nation, claim the same 
 right. 
 
 It may be said that the United States has purchased 
 from Spain by treaty " all the buildings, wharves, bar- 
 racks, forts, structures, public highways, and other im- 
 movable property, which in conformity with law belong 
 to the crown of Spain." But it was not possible for 
 Spain to yield any right as to property of this nature as 
 against the Government of the Philippine Islands, for 
 by all authorities upon the subject of international law, 
 public property goes to the captor of the country, and 
 may not be transferred by an expelled nation to a foreign 
 government against the right of the nation which has 
 gained possession of the country by conquest. It, there- 
 fore, follows that the public buildings, etc., recited as 
 ceded by Spain to the United States could not have been 
 so ceded but of right and by international law belong 
 to the successor of the Spanish power in the Philippines ; 
 that is to say, to the Philippine Government represent- 
 ing the independent people of these islands.
 
 THE PROTEST OF THE FILIPINOS 73 
 
 In the further discussion of the question whether the 
 American Government could acquire any right in the 
 Philippines from Spain by treaty, I am fortunately able 
 to invite your attention to several notable and exact 
 American precedents, and I could ask for my country no 
 better fortune than to have the republic of America, as 
 at present constituted, adhere to the teachings of inter- 
 national law as laid down by soine of its founders, to 
 whom we appeal with the utmost confidence. 
 
 When it becomes necessary, as it did in 1792, for the 
 American Government to appoint commissioners to ne- 
 gotiate a treaty with the court of Spain, Mr. Thomas 
 Jefferson, under date of March 18, 1792, among other 
 things wrote as follows: 
 
 " Spain was expressly bound to have delivered up the 
 possession she had taken within the limits of Georgia 
 (during the Revolutionary War as an ally of the United 
 States) to Great Britain, if they were conquests on 
 Great Britain, who was to deliver them over to the United 
 States ; or rather, she should have delivered them to the 
 United States themselves, as standing quoad hoc in the 
 place of Great Britain. And she was bound by natural 
 right to deliver them to the same United States on a 
 much stronger ground, as the real and only proprietors 
 of those places which she had taken possession of in a 
 moment of danger, without having had any cause of war 
 with the United States, to whom they belonged, and 
 without having declared any ; but, on the contrary, con- 
 ducting herself in other respects as a friend and asso- 
 ciate. Vattel, 1, 3, 122. ... It is still more palpable 
 that a war existing between two nations as Spain and 
 Great Britain, could give to neither the right to seize and
 
 74 THE CASE FOB THE FILIPINOS 
 
 appropriate the territory of a third, which is even neu- 
 tral, much less which is an associate in the war, as the 
 United States were with Spain," citing Grotius, Puffen- 
 dorf, and Vattel. 
 
 Again Mr. Pinckney, on August 10, 1795, wrote to the 
 Duke of Alcudia among other matters as follows: 
 
 " But it has been said (referring to the contention of 
 Spain that she was entitled to retain territory within the 
 limits of the United States, the possession of which was 
 obtained by her during the war against Great Britain) 
 that Spain had pretensions for passing the limits above 
 mentioned by the right of conquest, her troops having, 
 during the war, seized a certain portion of territory 
 beyond that limit; but the answer to this pretension is 
 that the territory conquered must have belonged, before 
 the war, either to the United States or to Great Britain. 
 If it belonged to the United States, it is very clear that 
 Spain could have no right to make conquests on a na- 
 tion with whom she was not at war, and I will not, for a 
 single moment, admit an idea so disrespectful to Spain as 
 to imagine that she could pretend to be the friend of the 
 United States; to have succored them in the war; to 
 have even lent them money for maintaining it, at the 
 same time she was depriving them of their property." 
 
 As will be seen on a careful examination of the fore- 
 going citations, the cases cited are to all intents parallel 
 with that before us. Spain was, during the American 
 Revolution, engaged in warfare with Great Britain, 
 from which country the United States was seeking inde- 
 pendence, as were the Filipinos in the recent war with 
 Spain, and she had by her arms obtained possession of 
 portions of the United States. Her right to them was
 
 THE PROTEST OF THE FILIPINOS 75 
 
 denied successfully by America. The only possible dif- 
 ference between the two cases is that in the first, posses- 
 sion was claimed by virtue of conquest, and as to the 
 Philippines, the United States claims possession by vir- 
 tue of cession from an expelled power ; but whether the 
 apparent title be based upon conquest or cession it is 
 clearly shown by Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Pinckney that 
 it is contrary to the law of nations for one nation en- 
 gaged in a common cause with another to despoil its 
 associate. Mr. Pinckney thought the idea of such a thing 
 disrespectful to Spain, and was unable to imagine that 
 she could pretend to be a friend of the United States 
 and to have helped them while at the same time she was 
 seeking to rob them of their property. 
 
 That the view taken by Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Pinck- 
 ney was the correct view is shown by the decision of the 
 Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Har- 
 court vs. Gailliard, 12 Wheaton, page 523 : 
 
 " War," says the Supreme Court, " is a suit prose- 
 cuted by the sword and where the question to be decided 
 is one of original claim to territory grants of soil made 
 flagrante ~bello by the party that fails can only derive 
 validity from treaty stipulation." 
 
 We have before us a case of a grant of territory under- 
 taken to be made by Spain during the existence of a 
 war between her and the Philippine Islands, such a grant 
 as the Supreme Court of the United States under paral- 
 lel circumstances stated could only derive validity by 
 reason of treaty stipulation, meaning in the case before 
 the Supreme Court, treaty stipulation between England 
 and America, and meaning as to the present case treaty 
 stipulations between the Philippine Islands and Spain.
 
 76 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 I venture to summarize the foregoing as follows : 
 
 1. The United States, not having received from the 
 inhabitants of the Philippine Islands authority to pass 
 laws affecting them, its legislation as to their welfare, 
 I respectfully submit, possesses no binding force as 
 against my people. 
 
 2. American authorities herein cited demonstrate that 
 the Philippine revolution was never more threatening 
 than immediately before the breaking out of the Spanish- 
 American War, five thousand revolutionists being en- 
 camped near Manila three weeks before the American 
 declaration of war, this army acting (though he was 
 personally absent) under the direction of General 
 Aguinaldo, in whom the consular representatives of the 
 United States reposed the highest confidence. 
 
 3. The purpose of the revolution was independence, 
 and understanding this, the United States encouraged 
 the revolutionists to believe their desires would attain 
 fruition. This is shown by citations from the archives 
 of the state department and the incidents above re- 
 lated. 
 
 4. The Philippine Eepublic was entitled to receive 
 from the United States recognition as an independent 
 nation before the signing of the protocol with Spain, 
 that Government knowing that Philippine independence 
 had been proclaimed in June, a government de facto and 
 de jure established, laws promulgated, and Spain's 
 further domination impossible, being acquainted with all 
 these facts immediately upon their happening, through 
 documents and written reports submitted to it by its 
 officers. 
 
 5. The American Government for months has had in
 
 THE PROTEST OF THE FILIPINOS 77 
 
 its possession, as herein shown, evidence of the actual in- 
 dependence of the Filipinos. 
 
 6. Spain could not deliver possession of the Philip- 
 pines to the United States, being herself ousted by their 
 people, and in fact at the present moment the United 
 States holds only an entrenched camp, controlling one 
 hundred and forty-three square miles, with 300,000 
 people, while the Philippine Republic represents the 
 destinies of nearly 10,000,000 souls, scattered over an 
 area approaching 200,000 square miles. 
 
 7. Spain having no possession (except minor garrison 
 posts) and no right of possession in the Philippines, 
 could confer no right to control them. 
 
 8. American purchase of public buildings, etc., in the 
 Philippine Islands was ineffective, because the Islands, 
 having been lost by Spain to the Philippine Republic, 
 the last-named Government had already by conquest ac- 
 quired public property. 
 
 9. Secretaries of state of your country (including Mr. 
 Jefferson and Mr. Pinckney) have denied the right of an 
 ally of America to acquire by conquest from Great 
 Britain any American territory while America was strug- 
 gling for independence. The United States Supreme 
 Court has sustained this view. We deny similarly the 
 right of the United States to acquire Philippine terri- 
 tory by cession from Spain while the Filipinos were 
 yet at war with that power. 
 
 In concluding this communication with the expression 
 of the earnest hope that the representations I have thus 
 ventured to make to you will receive your grave consid- 
 eration before you finally set upon the treaty that con- 
 tains so much of consequence to my people, and if you
 
 78 
 
 do this, as I cannot for a moment doubt you will in the 
 spirit that has ever characterized your deliberations 
 when discussing questions affecting the lives and liber- 
 ties of individuals or of nations, I am assured that the 
 just and high aspirations of my countrymen will receive 
 the prompt recognition and approval of your honorable 
 body. 
 
 Respectfully submitted, 
 
 (Sgd.) FELIPE AGONCILLO. 
 
 The prophecy contained in the correspondence 
 of the Filipino representatives to the effect that 
 trouble was sure to come in the Islands if an un- 
 derstanding were not reached between the two peo- 
 ples was soon seen to be true, for on February 4, 
 or five days after the sending of the memorial al- 
 ready cited, actual war was begun. The Filipinos 
 were blamed for the hostilities, and this assured the 
 ratification of the treaty. It happened that on 
 the eve of the fatal fourth of February, Mr. 
 Agoncillo, alarmed by the press attacks upon him 
 and the statements that he was likely to be ar- 
 rested, fled to Canada. Administration senators 
 and congressmen took advantage of this coin- 
 cidence to accuse him of having secretly urged the 
 attack upon the American troops. 
 
 Hostilities having begun, Mr. Agoncillo's work 
 as an envoy was ended. His secretary, Mr. Sixto 
 Lopez, nevertheless remained in America and did
 
 THE PKOTEST OF THE FILIPINOS 79 
 
 notable campaign work for Philippine independ- 
 ence. 
 
 It was often asked why, seeing that victory over 
 American arms was impossible, the Filipinos per- 
 sisted in their desperate struggle until the very 
 last. The brains of that " revolution " and the 
 greatest character of that epoch, Apolinario Ma- 
 bini, expressed the sentiments of his countrymen 
 as follows : 
 
 The Filipinos realize that they cannot expect any vie- 
 tory over the American forces ; they are fighting to show 
 the American people that they are sufficiently intelligent 
 to know their rights despite any pretense to hide these 
 rights with able sophistry. They hope that this strug- 
 gle will remind the American people of the struggle their 
 forefathers waged against Great Britain for the emanci- 
 pation of the colonies which are now free States of North 
 America. Then the Americans occupied the position 
 that the Filipinos now occupy. If the American cause 
 of that time found supporters in France, the Filipinos 
 expect to find friends of their cause in the American 
 people themselves when the American people become con- 
 vinced that this struggle is not based on race hatred but 
 on the same principles sealed with the blood of their 
 forefathers. . . . 
 
 The Filipinos maintain their fight against the Ameri- 
 can troops, not because of an especial hatred, but in 
 order to show to the American people that, far from 
 being indifferent as to their political situation, they know 
 how to sacrifice themselves for a government which as-
 
 80 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 sures them their individual liberty and which governs 
 them in conformity with the wishes and the needs of the 
 people. They have been unable to avoid that fight, ow- 
 ing to the fact that they have been unable to obtain from 
 the American Government any kind of formal and clear 
 promise regarding the establishment of such a kind of 
 government. 
 
 Mabini further proposed the following plan for 
 the cessation of hostilities : 
 
 The present condition and state of war deprives the 
 people of the chance to manifest freely their aspirations ; 
 therefore the Filipinos desire most ardently that the 
 Congress of the United States provide for some means to 
 listen, to them before adopting a resolution that would 
 mean a definite decision regarding their future. 
 
 To bring that about, the Filipinos request the Congress 
 that it nominate either an American commission, which 
 would have to find ways and means to meet such Filipinos 
 who enjoy a positive influence both with the peaceful 
 part and with that part of the nation, which is now in 
 arms, or that it call for a commission composed of such 
 Filipinos, in order to be informed by them directly as to 
 the wishes and needs of the people. 
 
 In order to provide a possibility of receiving a com- 
 plete information of this sort and in order that the work 
 of the Commission, whichever may be its composition, 
 have for a final result the establishment of peace, it is 
 requested that the American army of occupation do not 
 interfere with the free and unhampered manifestation 
 of the opinion of the people in either the press or in 
 peaceful meetings; that the same suspend for the time
 
 THE PROTEST OF THE FILIPINOS 81 
 
 being their attacks on the Filipino posts, while, of course, 
 also the latter would bind themselves not to undertake 
 anything whatever against the American troops, and, 
 further, that the commissioners be given the greatest 
 liberty to communicate with the revolutionists. 
 
 In view of the obvious success of the American arms, 
 even the least rational Filipino cannot help admitting 
 that all concessions of the class would mean nothing else 
 but an act of liberality on the side of the North American 
 people, which appears to me to be one additional reason 
 why the Congress should show benevolence and indul- 
 gence. 
 
 I confidently hope that when the Americans and 
 Filipinos have come to know each other better not only 
 the present conflict will come to an end, but that also any 
 future ones will be avoided. The opinion prevailing 
 among the impartial part of the American nation ap- 
 pears to tend toward adhering to its old traditions and 
 the spirit of justice and humanity, which constitute at 
 the present time the sole hope of all upright Filipinos.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 PRESIDENT MCKINLEY'S INSTRUCTIONS 
 
 ONCE convinced that the American people de- 
 sired to hold the Philippines, President Mc- 
 Kinley decided to extend American sovereignty 
 over the Islands at the earliest possible moment 
 and even before he had any legal right to claim 
 that sovereignty. He completely ignored, as we 
 have just seen, what the Filipino people might say 
 on this question. He refused to tell them what 
 he proposed as their ultimate political status. 
 Six weeks before the treaty was ever ratified he 
 had already taken the position that the Philippines 
 were a part of the United States. " With the sig- 
 nature of the treaty of peace," he said in his proc- 
 lamation of December 21, 1898, sent to the Fili- 
 pino people, "the future control, disposition, and 
 government of the Philippine Islands are ceded 
 to the United States." In the same proclamation 
 he instructed the military authorities to extend by 
 force American sovereignty over the Philippines. 
 He thus virtually took in his own hands the treaty- 
 
 82
 
 McKINLEY'S INSTRUCTIONS 83 
 
 making power of the United States ; for before the 
 ratification of the treaty of peace by the Senate, 
 the legal status of the Philippines was determined 
 only by the protocol of August 12, 1898, which read 
 thus : " The United States will occupy and hold 
 the city, bay, and harbor of Manila, pending the 
 conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall deter- 
 mine the control, disposition, and government of 
 the Philippines." The treaty was not yet con- 
 cluded, its ratification being pending in the Senate, 
 but the President was already claiming sovereignty 
 over the Philippines. He did not take into con- 
 sideration that the Senate of the United States 
 could, if it chose, reject the entire treaty and thus 
 renounce sovereignty over the Philippines. 
 
 But leaving aside the constitutionality of the 
 proclamation its ratification having been sub- 
 sequently effected the points that should inter- 
 est us most in this document are those which re- 
 ferred to the policy he planned to pursue toward 
 the Philippines. " In performing this duty," he 
 said, " the military commander of the United 
 States is enjoined to make known to the inhabitants 
 of the Philippine Islands that in succeeding to the 
 sovereignty of Spain, in severing the former po- 
 litical relations, and in establishing a new political 
 power, the authority of the United States is to be 
 exerted for the securing of the persons and prop-
 
 84 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 erty of the people of the Islands and for the con- 
 firmation of all their private rights and relations. 
 It will be the duty of the commander of the forces 
 of occupation to announce and proclaim in the most 
 public manner that we come not as invaders or 
 conquerors, but as friends, to protect the natives in 
 their homes, in their employments, and in their 
 personal and religious rights. All persons who, 
 either by active aid or by honest submission, co- 
 operate with the Government of the United States 
 to give effect to these beneficent purposes will re- 
 ceive the reward of its support and protection. 
 All others will be brought within the lawful rule 
 we have assumed, with firmness if need be, but 
 without severity, so far as possible." . . . 
 
 " Finally, it should be the earnest wish and para- 
 mount aim of the military administration to win 
 the confidence, respect, and affection of the in- 
 habitants of the Philippines by assuring them in 
 every possible way that full measure of individual 
 rights and liberties which is the heritage of free 
 peoples, and by proving to them that the mission 
 of the United States is one of benevolent assimila- 
 tion, substituting the mild sway of justice and right 
 for arbitrary rule." 
 
 From this document, despite its sugar-coated 
 promises and its beguiling phrases, the Filipino 
 people learned in an unmistakable manner that
 
 McKINLEY'S INSTRUCTIONS 85 
 
 they were to be deprived of the boon for which 
 they were fighting independence. They realized 
 what they had never for a moment dreamed in the 
 beginning, that their bloody struggle had brought 
 them only a change of masters; and, what was 
 more, that these new masters were their former 
 allies against Spain. True it is that in the mani- 
 festo they were promised individual rights and pro- 
 tection of rights to property, but these promises ; 
 implied not inherent rights, but mere grants from 
 an absolute sovereign. According to Prof. A. H. 
 Tolman of Chicago, " this manifesto takes not the 
 slightest notice of any rights on the part of the 
 people of these islands except what we are gra- 
 ciously pleased to grant them ; it contains no recog- 
 nition of their long struggle against Spain, their 
 arduous struggle for liberty, no recognition of their 
 long sufferings under her rule, no acknowledgment 
 of their fitness for self-government, no expression 
 of our desire or even of our willingness that they 
 should govern themselves. Mr. McKinley simply 
 promises to the Filipinos protection ' in their per- 
 sonal and religious rights ' and a ' full measure of 
 individual rights and liberties.' Nothing is said 
 about those political rights for which our ancestors 
 fought as these people are now fighting. There is 
 not one word in this document, not one, which 
 says or suggests that Filipinos will be permitted
 
 86 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 to have self-government at any time, either soon or 
 late, either as a right or as a privilege." 
 
 When General Otis, the commander of the 
 American forces in Manila, received this manifesto, 
 he was at a loss what to do, as he knew that its 
 publication would only enrage the Filipino people 
 and widen the gap between them and the Ameri- 
 cans. "After fully considering the President's 
 proclamation," General Otis explained, "and the 
 temper of the Tagalos with whom I was daily dis- 
 cussing political problems and the friendly inten- 
 tions of the United States Government towards 
 them, I concluded that there were certain words 
 and expressions therein such as l sovereignty,' 
 'right of cession,' and those which directed imme- 
 diate occupation, etc., though most admirably em- 
 ployed, and tersely expressive of actual conditions, 
 might be advantageously used by the Tagalo war 
 party to incite widespread hostilities among the 
 natives. The ignorant classes have been taught to 
 believe that certain words as 'sovereignty,' 'pro- 
 tection,' etc., had a peculiar meaning disastrous to 
 their welfare and significant of future political 
 domination, like that from which they had recently 
 been freed." In view of these considerations, he 
 felt justified in amending the manifesto so that 
 the ideas of " sovereignty " and " right of cession " 
 might be as little suggested as possible. The au-
 
 McKINLEY'S INSTRUCTIONS 87 
 
 thentic text of the manifesto, however, was pub- 
 lished in Iloilo. It is now acknowledged by most 
 writers that this manifesto precipitated the Fili- 
 pino-American War. 
 
 Not content with this manifesto, "in order to 
 facilitate the most humane, pacific, and effective 
 extension of authority throughout the Islands and 
 to secure, with the least possible delay, the benefits 
 of a wise and generous protection of life and prop- 
 erty," * President McKinley sent the first Ameri- 
 can Commission composed of Jacob G. Schurman, 
 Rear- Admiral George Dewey, Major General El- 
 well S. Otis, Charles Denby, and Dean C. Worces- 
 ter. The commissioners were instructed to exer- 
 cise in all their relations with the inhabitants of 
 the Philippines " due respect for all the ideals, 
 customs, and institutions of the tribes which com- 
 posed the population, emphasizing upon all oc- 
 casions the just and beneficent intentions of the 
 Government of the United States." 2 They were 
 to be the " bearers of the good-will, the protection, 
 and the richest blessings of a liberating rather than 
 a conquering nation." The other duty of this 
 commission, besides the expression of America's 
 good-will, was to investigate and report back the 
 
 i From President McKinley's instructions to the Schurman 
 Commission. 
 * Ibid.
 
 88 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 social and political conditions of the Philippines 
 and to recommend the form of government that 
 should be established there. 
 
 These instructions, like the former proclama- 
 tion, failed to mention or even intimate what was 
 the ultimate purpose of the American people in re- 
 taining the Philippines, whether in the end they 
 were to be independent or to be forever dependen- 
 cies of the United States. When the Commission 
 reached Manila on March 4, 1899, hostilities had 
 begun. The members opened peace negotiations 
 with the insurgents, but, failing of results, they 
 proceeded to gather data for their report to the 
 President. 
 
 The ratification of the treaty of Paris legalized 
 President McKinley's claims of sovereignty. How- 
 ever, the question was at once raised as to what 
 was the real import of the treaty and what specific 
 powers the United States thereby gained over the 
 Islands. 
 
 "I assume," said Secretary of War Root . . . 
 " that the United States has all the powers in re- 
 spect of a territory it has thus acquired, and the 
 inhabitants of that territory, which any nation in 
 the world has in respect of territory which it has 
 acquired ; that, as between the people of the ceded 
 islands and the United States, the former are sub- 
 ject to the complete sovereignty of the latter, con-
 
 McKINLEY'S INSTRUCTIONS 89 
 
 trolled by no legal limitations except those which 
 may be found in the treaty of cession ; that the peo- 
 ple of the Islands have no right to have them 
 treated as States, or to have them treated as the 
 territories previously held by the United States 
 have been treated, or to assert a legal right under 
 the provisions of the Constitution ... or to as- 
 sert against the United States any legal right 
 whatever not found in the treaty." 3 
 
 Those who innocently voted for the treaty, think- 
 ing that it would pave the way for the recognition 
 of Philippine independence, now realized their 
 mistake. Senator Hoar is authority for the state- 
 ment that many of his colleagues who had favored 
 the ratification regretted their votes more than any 
 other act of their lives. 4 They were now convinced 
 that the treaty committed the United States to a 
 policy, the policy of indefinite retention, which 
 denied the Filipinos any inherent right as a nation. 
 As Senator Hoar has very well said, "The treaty 
 pledged that the Philippine Islands should be 
 governed by Congress. It undertook obligations 
 which require for their fulfilment at least ten 
 years' control of the Islands. It put the people of 
 the Islands in the attitude of abandoning the re- 
 public they had formed, and of acknowledging not 
 
 s Report of the Secretary of War, Root, 1899, p. 24. 
 
 * Hoar, Autobiography of Seventy Years, Vol. II, p. 323.
 
 90 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 only our supremacy but they were neither entitled 
 nor fit to govern themselves or to carry on the war 
 which had unfortunately broken out." 5 " The so- 
 called treaty of peace/' says Edwin Burritt Smith, 
 "thus becomes the Magna Charta, the Bill of 
 Rights, and the Constitution of the ten millions of 
 civilized human beings who are natives of the Span- 
 ish Islands. What rights, wrung for them from 
 unwilling Spain, are by this precious modern char- 
 ter of liberty guaranteed to them? These are few 
 and simple, as follows : 
 
 " ' The civil rights and political status of the na- 
 tive inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to 
 the United States shall be determined by the Con- 
 gress.' 
 
 " ' The inhabitants of the territories over which 
 Spain relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall 
 be secured in the free exercise of their religion/ 
 
 " It is also declared that the relinquishment or 
 cession of Spanish sovereignty cannot impair the 
 property or rights pertaining thereto ' of prov- 
 inces, municipalities, public or private establish- 
 ments, ecclesiastical or civil bodies, or any other 
 associations having legal capacity to acquire and 
 possess property ... or of private individuals/ 
 
 " Thus in a dozen lines of a treaty, made as we 
 are assured in their interest though without their 
 
 5 Hoar, Ibid., Vol. II, p. 323.
 
 McKINLEY'S INSTRUCTIONS 91 
 
 consent, the natives of the Spanish Islands may 
 find all their legal rights set forth. Not only so, 
 but in the same lines they may also find the claims 
 of a state church to much of the desirable property 
 of their islands carefully preserved and protected. 
 This shows great progress in the power of con- 
 densed statement. By comparison, what a waste 
 of words appears in our Magna Charta, Declara- 
 tion of Independence, Bill of Rights, and Constitu- 
 tions ! We need not wonder, as we stand with un- 
 covered head in the presence of this final charter 
 of liberty, that there are those among us who re- 
 gard our musty and verbose charters ' outgrown.' 
 
 " The simple terms and limitations of this pre- 
 cious document also bear concrete testimony to Mr. 
 McKinley's faith in what he calls t the wisdom of 
 Congress.' In this he has also made a great advance 
 over the suspicious framers of the Constitution. 
 They feared and refused to commit the liberties of 
 the three million people to the tender care of a 
 Congress of their own choice and directly respon- 
 sible to themselves. He neither fears nor hesitates 
 to commit the liberties of ten million souls to the 
 control of a Congress of another race in no way 
 representative of, or responsible to, them. He 
 says that he has every (undisclosed) reason to be- 
 lieve that his new wards share his own faith in the 
 wisdom of Congress. . . .
 
 92 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 " This l treaty of peace/ or new charter of liberty, 
 is of course to be interpreted in the light of Mr. 
 McKinley's purpose of ( benevolent assimilation/ 
 It is in this spirit that Mr. Boot, in his annual re- 
 port as Secretary of War, proceeds as follows : 
 
 " ' The people of the ceded islands have acquired 
 a moral right to be treated by the United States in 
 accordance with the underlying principles of jus- 
 tice and freedom which we have declared in our 
 Constitution, which are the essential safeguards of 
 every individual against the powers of government, 
 not because those provisions were enacted for them, 
 but because they are essential limitations inher- 
 ent in the very existence of American Govern- 
 ment.' 
 
 " Thus it appears that, by reason of a treaty in 
 the making of which they did not share, the Fili- 
 pinos have acquired rights both legal and moral in 
 character. Their rights of property and security 
 in the exercise of religion are in some sense legal. 
 Their civil rights and political status rest on moral 
 sanctions. How thankful they should be, espe- 
 cially for the assurance of Secretary Root, that they 
 have acquired a moral right to be treated by their 
 alien masters * in accordance with the underlying 
 principles of justice and freedom/ It seems that 
 but for this precious treaty they would be without 
 even moral rights. Anybody can see that by vir-
 
 McRlNLEY'S INSTRUCTIONS 93 
 
 tue of the treaty they have become entitled to 
 ' such measure of liberty as Congress shall from 
 time to time deem them fit to enjoy.' What more 
 can an 'inferior race' ask of its masters? What 
 matter if the liberty which comes without effort 
 and as a benefaction to its recipients is a plant of 
 slow growth? These people live in the tropics. 
 Whoever heard of such people caring much for 
 liberty? They may thank their lucky stars that 
 they have been committed to the tender care of 
 such good masters. If their chance of liberty is 
 slight, what they get will cost them nothing, not 
 even a thought. It ought also to be worth some- 
 thing to tropical islanders to be but one remove 
 from Mr. McKinley's ' Providence of God.' " 6 
 
 For two years after the ratification of the treaty 
 (from February 6, 1899, to March 2, 1901) Presi- 
 dent McKinley, by virtue of his being the military 
 commander-in-chief of the United States, was the 
 absolute ruler of the Philippines. He had unlim- 
 ited power. He could dispose of the lives and 
 property of the inhabitants of the Philippines. It 
 must, however, be said to the credit of President 
 McKinley and of American governmental institu- 
 tions, that real military power was allowed to be 
 continued in the Philippines only so long as civil 
 government was impracticable. His military 
 
 e Edwin Burritt Smith, Republic or Empire, pp. 18-21.
 
 94 THE CASE FOB THE FILIPINOS 
 
 power included executive, judicial, and legislative 
 authority. And in order to facilitate the estab- 
 lishment of civil government, on March 16, 1900, 
 he appointed the second Philippine Commission 
 vested with the power of exercising the legislative 
 function and of establishing courts of justice, which 
 would in turn be vested with judicial authority. 7 
 The military commanders were to continue exer- 
 cising the executive function. To this commis- 
 sion he reaffirmed his purpose to insure an orderly 
 and safe government for the Philippines. He was 
 strongly against the exploitation of the Philip- 
 pines. The only suggestion he made to Chairman 
 Cooper, of the House Committee on Insular Af- 
 fairs, upon the latter's assumption of that office, 
 was that there should be no exploitation of the Is- 
 lands. 8 He was for the rapid Filipinization of the 
 service and was particularly desirous that the na- 
 tive customs and institutions and even prejudices 
 be respected. " In all the forms of government and 
 administrative provisions which they are author- 
 ized to prescribe," the instructions read, " the 
 Commission should bear in mind that the govern- 
 ment which they are establishing is designed not 
 
 t The second Philippine Commission was composed of Hon. 
 William H. Taft, Prof. Dean C. Worcester, Hon. Luke E. Wright, 
 Hon. Henry C. Ide, and Prof. Bernard Moses. See Appendix 
 B for complete instructions to this commission. 
 
 s From Mr. Cooper's speech before a Rizal Day dinner, 
 Washington, D. C., December 30, 1914.
 
 McKINLEY'S INSTRUCTIONS 95 
 
 for our satisfaction, or for the expression of our 
 theoretical views, but for the happiness, peace, and 
 prosperity of the people of the Philippine Islands, 
 and the measures adopted should be made to con- 
 form to their customs, their habits, and even their 
 prejudices, to the fullest extent consistent with the 
 accomplishment of the indispensable requisites of 
 just and effective government." 
 
 President McKinley's military authority over 
 the Philippines terminated in 1901, with the pas- 
 sage by Congress of what is called the Spooner 
 Amendment, which vested in him all civil and 
 judicial powers necessary to govern the Philip- 
 pines until a permanent form of government could 
 be devised by Congress. 
 
 The immediate and complete establishment of 
 civil government, however, was made impossible 
 by the outbreak of the Filipino-American War. 
 When news of the tragic event of February 4, 1899, 
 reached the United States it was with the positive 
 assurance from the newspapers that the Filipino 
 soldiers were to blame for the outbreak, having 
 treacherously fired the first shot. A storm of in- 
 dignation arose from every corner of America. 
 This charge was exploited by the jingoes and the 
 advocates of retention. " We never dreamed," said 
 President McKinley, 9 " that the little body of in- 
 
 9 At Fargo, N. D., October 13, 1899.
 
 96 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 surgents whom we have just emancipated from op- 
 pression we never for a moment believed that 
 they would turn upon the flag that had sheltered 
 them against Spain." 
 
 The opponents of the treaty became also the vic- 
 tims of this indignation, for it was urged that their 
 determined opposition to the treaty was the great- 
 est incentive to the Filipino insurgents to give 
 trouble. The enemies of retention, on the other 
 hand, charged that the imperialists were to blame. 
 " The responsibility," replied Mr. Bryan, " rests, 
 not upon those who oppose the treaty, but upon 
 those who refused to disclose the nation's purpose 
 and left the Filipinos to believe that their fight 
 against Spain, instead of bringing them inde- 
 pendence, has only brought them a change of mas- 
 ters. It was the desire to be independent that led 
 the Filipinos to resist American authority, and 
 their desire for independence was not inspired by 
 any American opposition to the terms of the 
 treaty." 10 
 
 The importance of the native resistance has al- 
 ways been minimized before the American people. 
 From the very beginning of the Philippine ques- 
 tion, the retentionists endeavored to show that the 
 majority of the Filipino people were on their side, 
 
 10 From Mr. Bryan's speech before the Good Government 
 Club, Ann Arbor, Mich., February 18, 1899.
 
 McKINLEY'S INSTRUCTIONS 97 
 
 for they dared not contradict the principle that 
 wherever the American flag flies there the wishes 
 of the majority must be respected. After all, 
 every argument for the Filipino side is summed up 
 in the principle expressed in the Declaration of 
 Independence, that governments derive their just 
 powers from the consent of the governed. Mr. Mc- 
 Kinley was loudest in his assurance to his people 
 that his manifestos and the forcible extension of 
 American sovereignty were welcomed by the ma- 
 jority of the Filipino people. After nearly a year 
 of constant fighting, when most American officials 
 had confessed that they had undervalued the de- 
 termination and tenacity of the Filipino insurgents 
 and when he himself had already sent about 80,000 
 soldiers to the Islands, he still asserted that the 
 majority of the Filipino people favored American 
 rule. " I had reason to believe," he said in his 
 message of December, 1899, "and I still believe 
 that this transfer of sovereignty was in accordance 
 with the wishes and the aspirations of the great 
 masses of the Filipino people."
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 IMPERIALISM AS THE "PARAMOUNT ISSUE" 
 
 EVERYTHING so far promised that the reten- 
 tion of the Philippines would be a chief issue 
 in American politics. By securing the ratification 
 of the treaty of peace and refusing to pass any reso- 
 lution that would pledge " near " or ultimate inde- 
 pendence, while at the same time insisting that they 
 did not want to make the Filipinos citizens of the 
 United States, the Republican party had plainly 
 indicated that its policy towards the Islands was 
 a policy of imperialism. 
 
 The Democrats, in general, welcomed the issue 
 of imperialism and were willing to make it the main 
 point in the coming presidential election of 1900. 
 Among the Republicans themselves were a small 
 but fervent group of opponents of President Mc- 
 Kinley's Philippine policy. A most tenacious 
 campaign against American colonialism was the 
 one carried on by the Anti-Imperialist Leagues. 
 The first Anti-Imperialist League was formed in 
 Boston in 1898, " to oppose, as inconsistent with 
 American ideals, the forcible extension of the sov- 
 
 98
 
 THE "PARAMOUNT ISSUE" 99 
 
 ereignty of the United States over foreign people 
 and in particular to work constantly for the early 
 and complete independence of the Philippine 
 Islands." 
 
 Within a year the league had become a national 
 organization with about one hundred branches in 
 the principal American cities, chief among which 
 were New York, Philadelphia, Springfield, Chi- 
 cago, Cincinnati, Washington, D. C., and Los An- 
 geles. Among the foremost promoters of anti- 
 imperialism were : George P. Hoar, Grover Cleve- 
 land, Samuel W. McCall, George S. Boutwell, 
 George F. Edmunds, Wayne McVeagh, Andrew 
 Carnegie, J. G. Schurman, Thomas Wentworth 
 Higginson, Goldwin Smith, Edward Atkinson, Nel- 
 son A. Miles, W. D. Howells, F. B. Sanborn, Moor- 
 field Storey, John F. Shafroth, Augustus O. Bacon, 
 E. W. Carmack, Donelson Caffery, Jane Addams, 
 Edwin Burritt Smith, Thomas Mott Osborne, Her- 
 bert Welsh, Davis Starr Jordan, Henry Wade 
 Rogers, Charles A. Towne, George G. Mercer, Ed- 
 win D. Mead, James L. Slayden, Rufus B. Smith, 
 W. J. Bryan, Champ Clark, George L. Welling- 
 ton, B. R. Tillman, George Turner, R. F. Pettigrew, 
 William E. Mason, John Sharp Williams, Robert 
 L. Henry, W. A. Jones, John J. Lentz, Horatio C. 
 Potter, Francis G. Newlands, Henry D. Green, T. 
 M. Patterson, David A. DeArmond, Thomas W.
 
 100 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 Hardwick, John A. Martin, Eugene F. Kinkead, J. 
 Harry Covington, Erving Winslow, and Isidor 
 Rayner. 1 
 
 The campaign carried on by these men consisted 
 in the making of speeches and the distribution of 
 pamphlets, especially the latter. The anti-imperi- 
 alist movement will be long remembered by the 
 number and quality of pamphlets scattered all over 
 the United States. Mr. Winslow thinks that fully 
 7,000,000 of them have been distributed. The Anti- 
 Imperialist League sent investigators to study con- 
 ditions in the Islands, and these brought back re- 
 ports that have been of great use to the cause of 
 Philippine independence. The league welcomed 
 Filipino visitors to Boston and endeavored in 
 every possible way to make the desires of the Fili- 
 pino people known to the Americans. Mr. Sixto 
 Lopez long carried on his work in America under 
 the auspices of the Anti-Imperialist League. 
 
 A national conference of anti-imperialists was 
 held in Chicago on October 17 and 18, 1899, pre- 
 sided over by Edwin Burritt Smith, with about 160 
 representatives from all over the country. Here 
 the anti-imperialist movement was formed into a 
 national organization, under the name of the 
 American Anti-Imperialist League. A committee 
 
 iFrom The Anti-Imperialist League by Erving Winslow, 
 "The Filipino People," September, 1912, Vol. I, No. 1.
 
 THE "PARAMOUNT ISSUE" 101 
 
 headed by Carl Schurz prepared a declaration of 
 principles, which was passed by acclamation, 
 which was, in part, as follows : 
 
 We hold that the policy known as imperialism, is hos- 
 tile to liberty and tends towards militarism, an evil from 
 which it has been our glory to be free. We regret that 
 it has become necessary in the land of Washington and 
 Lincoln to reaffirm that all men, of whatever race or 
 color, are entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- 
 piness. We maintain that governments derive their 
 just powers from the consent of the governed. We in- 
 sist that the subjugation of any people is " criminal 
 aggression " and open disloyalty to the distinctive 
 principles of our government. . . . 
 
 We demand the immediate cessation of the war against 
 liberty, begun by Spain and continued by us. We urge 
 that Congress be promptly convened to announce to the 
 Filipinos our purpose to concede to them the independ- 
 ence for which they have so long fought and which of 
 right is theirs. . . . 
 
 We propose to contribute to the defeat of any person 
 or party that stands for the forcible subjugation of any 
 people. We shall oppose for reelection all those who, in 
 the White House or in Congress, betray American liberty 
 in pursuit of un-American ends. We still hope that both 
 our great political parties will support and defend the 
 Declaration of Independence in the closing campaign of 
 the century. 
 
 We hold with Abraham Lincoln that : "No man is 
 good enough to govern another without that other's con- 
 sent. When the white man governs himself, that is self-
 
 102 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 government; but when he governs himself and also gov- 
 erns another man, that is more than self-government 
 that is despotism. Our reliance is in the laws of liberty 
 which God has planted in us. Our defense is in the 
 spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men in 
 all lands everywhere. Those who deny freedom to 
 others deserve it not for themselves, and under a just 
 God cannot long retain it. ' ' 
 
 We cordially invite the cooperation of all men and 
 women who remain loyal to the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence and the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 A great many things, good and bad, have been 
 said of the anti-imperialists. In the course of 
 their campaign they incurred the enmity and even 
 hatred of many of their own countrymen for op- 
 posing the policy of the American Government in 
 retaining the Islands. Traitors they were called 
 when they dared raise a voice of sympathy for the 
 struggling Filipinos. But there is one thing that 
 they were never accused of, and that is personal in- 
 terest. They are now a small but very sincere 
 group of political idealists, fighting for the pres- 
 ervation of time-honored American political prin- 
 ciples, without any hope of material gain for them- 
 selves. It is true that the anti-imperialist move- 
 ment was not started purely out of love for the 
 Philippines. It was formed to check the tide of 
 imperialism which had started with the Spanish- 
 American War and which, it leaders contended,
 
 THE "PARAMOUNT ISSUE" 103 
 
 was a menace to American institutions and Govern- 
 ment. Imperialism manifested itself in the seizure 
 and retention of the Philippines by America, and 
 therefore they endeavored to free the Islands as a 
 means of keeping America from that danger. The 
 Filipinos, too, believed that their country should 
 be freed from America; so, what is more natural 
 than that there should be an alliance, as it were, 
 between these two groups of men fighting the same 
 battle? 
 
 But while to escape from imperialism was the 
 prime object of the anti-imperialists, it cannot be 
 denied that many of them, after thus espousing 
 the cause of a weak people struggling for freedom, 
 acquired a sincere interest in their welfare and 
 manifested righteous indignation at their forceful 
 subjection by the American Government. Senator 
 Daniel declared that many of his colleagues voted 
 against the treaty of Paris simply because they 
 were convinced that it was an injustice to the Fili- 
 pino people. The foremost leader of that move- 
 ment, the late Senator Hoar, whose reputation for 
 uprightness and morality has never been excelled 
 by that of any American statesman, was certainly 
 inspired by the deepest sympathy for the struggles 
 and privations of the Filipino people and by the 
 most earnest solicitude for their fortunes, their 
 liberty, and their happiness. During his declining
 
 104 THE CASE FOR TEE FILIPINOS 
 
 years, in reviewing the long and fruitful record 
 of his distinguished public life, he looked back 
 upon his efforts to arouse the conscience of his peo- 
 ple and induce them to recognize the right of the 
 people of the Philippines to self-government and 
 independence as the proudest, noblest, and most 
 sublime of his public endeavors. " I would rather 
 have," he said in his Autobiography of Seventy 
 Years, " the gratitude of the people of the Philip- 
 pine Islands, amid their sorrow, and have it true 
 that what I may say or do has brought a ray of 
 hope into the gloomy caverns in which the op- 
 pressed people of Asia dwell, than to receive a 
 ducal coronet from every monarch of Europe, or 
 command the applause of listening senates and read 
 my history in a nation's eyes." 
 
 The campaign of the anti-imperialists helped the 
 Democrats in a large measure to bring the issue 
 of imperialism to the front. Some Democrats, it 
 is true, were favorable to expansion, but most mem- 
 bers of the party welcomed the issue of imperialism 
 and were willing to stake their fortunes on it in 
 the coming presidential election. 
 
 The Republican national convention was the 
 first to be held. It took place in Philadelphia on 
 June 19-21, 1900. The dream of a vast Oriental 
 commerce and an Asiatic market that would be 
 developed through holding the Philippines as a
 
 THE "PARAMOUNT ISSUE" 105 
 
 base had not yet faded from the minds of Republi- 
 can leaders. The permanent chairman of the con- 
 vention, Senator Lodge, very frankly said : 
 
 We make no hypocritical pretense of being interested 
 in the Philippines solely on account of others. While 
 we regard the welfare of these people as a sacred trust, 
 we regard the welfare of the American people first. We 
 see our duty to ourselves as well as to others. We be- 
 lieve in trade expansion. 
 
 This spirit was manifested throughout the whole 
 proceedings. There were also vague assevera- 
 tions of American duties and responsibilities as a 
 world power, but not the remotest suggestion as to 
 when these duties and responsibilities would end. 
 "Let faint hearts anoint their fears," declared 
 Senator Beveridge, " with the thought that some 
 day American administration and American duty 
 there may end. But they never will end. Eng- 
 land's occupation of Egypt was to be temporary; 
 but events which are the commands of God are 
 making it permanent. And now God has given us 
 the Pacific empire for civilization." 2 
 
 Most Republican leaders, however, were not 
 quite sure that the American people as a whole 
 were ready to accept such sentiments as these. 
 Some of the Republicans themselves, while not so 
 radical as to join the anti-imperialist group and at- 
 
 2 Speech at Philadelphia, February 15, 1899.
 
 106 THE CASE FOB THE FILIPINOS 
 
 tack the Administration's Philippine policy, were 
 against permanent retention. In the House of 
 Representatives, for instance, in February, 1899, 
 several Republican congressmen, like Mr. Hepburn 
 of Iowa, and Mr. Henderson, declared for tempo- 
 rary occupation only. These considerations prob- 
 ably induced the Republican convention to evade 
 the issue of permanent or temporary retention, and 
 simply to declare in its platform : 
 
 Our authority could not be less than our responsibility, 
 and wherever sovereign rights were extended it became 
 the high duty of the Government to maintain its author- 
 ity; to put down armed insurrection and to confer the 
 blessings of liberty and civilization upon all the rescued 
 people. The largest measure of self-government con- 
 sistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured 
 to them by law. 
 
 But it should be noted that the Republicans did 
 not need to declare for permanent domination in 
 order to obtain it. A noncommittal policy leads 
 necessarily to permanent annexation. The Philip- 
 pines were unconditionally annexed to the United 
 States by virtue of the treaty of peace, and in order 
 that they might be permanently annexed, nothing 
 was needed but a continuation of their present 
 status as American territory. Henceforward the 
 work of the retentionists would be purely of a 
 negative character : to prevent any movement tend-
 
 THE "PARAMOUNT ISSUE" 107 
 
 ing to alienate the possession of the Islands. The 
 very platform connoted permanent ownership; it 
 did not suggest any alienation. To the Repub- 
 licans there was no such thing as a "Filipino- 
 American War"; it was no war in any sense: it 
 was only an " armed insurrection " against the 
 legal authority of the United States, just as any in- 
 surrection might start in any other part of the 
 Union. 
 
 We can view in another light the status of the 
 Filipinos as set forth in the Republican platform, 
 when we compare it with that of the Cubans. The 
 Cubans were, from the very start, declared to be 
 "free and independent" a sovereign people; 
 while the Filipinos were to remain subjects of 
 the American people and were to be given only 
 "the largest measure of self-government which 
 shall be consistent with their welfare and our 
 duties " the duties of an absolute, sovereign 
 power. 
 
 The Republican national convention nominated 
 President McKinley without difficulty. 
 
 As for the Democrats, there was never a doubt 
 as to who would be the nominee. Mr. Bryan had 
 no rival. He was generally accepted as a fit 
 spokesman of anti-imperialism . Some of the 
 strong Republican and even Democratic anti-im- 
 perialists, however, were disgusted with his sup-
 
 108 THE CASE FOB THE FILIPINOS 
 
 port of the Paris treaty, without which, they 
 thought, its ratification would not have been pos- 
 sible. On this account Senator Hoar refused to 
 support him for the Presidency. " He made it the 
 law of this land," Senator Hoar said, " that the 
 American Congress should dispose of that distinct, 
 alien people, whether they liked it or not." 
 
 But besides his intervention in the ratification 
 of the peace treaty, his ideas on coinage, the issue 
 of 1896, lost him the support of many who would 
 otherwise have opposed Mr. McKinley because of 
 his Philippine policy. While a stanch anti-im- 
 perialist champion, Mr. Bryan still remained ear- 
 nestly for the free coinage of silver. Prominent 
 Democrats impressed upon him the necessity of 
 renouncing the silver platform altogether, making 
 imperialism the main issue of the campaign, and 
 thus securing the full support of the gold Demo- 
 crats and the anti-imperialist Eepublicans ; but Mr. 
 Byran would not agree to this plan. 3 This ques- 
 tion was debated in the Committee on Eesolutions 
 of the Democratic convention, but it was finally 
 agreed to respect Mr. Bryan's wishes. 
 
 Judging from the wild enthusiasm manifested in 
 the Democratic convention over the anti-imperial- 
 ism plank of the platform, the Democrats were 
 
 s Stanwood, A History of the Presidency, 1897, 1909, Vol. II, 
 p. 57.
 
 THE "PARAMOUNT ISSUE" 109 
 
 ready to dispute the Presidential merits on this 
 single question. The platform declared : 
 
 We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of 
 the present Administration. It has embroiled the re- 
 public in an unnecessary war, sacrificed the lives of many 
 of its noblest sons, and placed the United States, pre- 
 viously known and applauded throughout the world as 
 the champion of freedom, in the false and un-American 
 position of crushing with military force the efforts of 
 our former allies to achieve liberty and self-government. 
 
 The Filipinos cannot be citizens without endangering 
 our civilization ; they cannot be subjects without imperil- 
 ing our form of government ; and as we are not willing 
 to surrender our civilization or to convert the republic 
 into an empire, we favor an immediate declaration of 
 the nation's purpose to give to the Filipinos: 
 
 1. A stable form of government. 
 
 2. Independence. 
 
 3. Protection from outside interference such as has 
 been given for nearly a century to the republics of Cen- 
 tral and South America. 
 
 The convention proclaimed imperialism as " the 
 paramount issue of the campaign." At the same 
 time it plainly stated that it took no backward 
 step from the party's former position on other ques- 
 tions. 
 
 It would, however, appear that the Democratic 
 policy toward the Philippines was not a " scuttle " 
 policy, as it is often charged with being. Briefly, it 
 desired to establish a protectorate over the Philip-
 
 110 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 pines. In his letter of acceptance, Mr. Bryan ex- 
 plicitly promised that, if elected, he would imme- 
 diately convene Congress to enact into law the 
 platform promise of making a protectorate of the 
 Philippines. "An American protectorate," he 
 said, " gives to the nation protected the advantage 
 of our strength, without making it the victim of 
 our greed. For three quarters of a century the 
 Monroe Doctrine has been a shield to neighbor-, 
 ing republics and yet it has imposed no pecuniary 
 burden upon us. After the Filipinos had aided us 
 in the war against Spain, we could not honorably 
 turn them over to their former masters; we would 
 not leave them to be the victims of the ambitious 
 designs of European nations, and since we do not 
 desire to make them a part of us or to hold them 
 as subjects, we propose the only alternative, 
 namely, to give them independence and guard them 
 against molestation from without." 
 
 This position of Mr. Bryan's was shared in sub- 
 stance by the late Senator Hoar, the most disin- 
 terested defender the Filipinos ever had in the Con- 
 gress of the United States. This was his plan for 
 the solution of the Philippine problem : 
 
 I would send General Wood or General Miles or Ad- 
 miral Dewey to Luzon. I would have him gather about 
 him a cabinet of the best men among the Filipinos who 
 have the confidence of the people and desire nothing but
 
 THE "PARAMOUNT ISSUE" 111 
 
 their welfare. In all provinces and municipalities where 
 civil government is now established possessing the confi- 
 dence of the people, I would consult with their rulers 
 and representatives. 
 
 I would lend the aid of the army of the United States 
 only to keep order. I would permit the people to make 
 laws and to administer laws, subject to some supervision 
 or inspection till the disturbed times are over and peace 
 has settled down again upon that country, insuring the 
 security of the people against avarice, ambition, or specu- 
 lation. So soon as it seems that government can main- 
 tain itself peacefully and in order, I would by degrees 
 withdraw the authority of the United States, making a 
 treaty with them that we would protect them against the 
 cupidity of any other nation and would lend our aid for 
 a reasonable time to maintain order and law. 
 
 That this proposition was no mere child of a 
 moment's inspiration and that further study of 
 the question and years of experience convinced Mr. 
 Hoar of the justice of such a measure, is shown 
 by the fact that in his Autobiography of Seventy 
 'Years, written in an atmosphere free from politi- 
 cal passion, the venerable senator said : " I be- 
 lieved then, and I believe now, that it was our duty 
 to deliver them (the Philippines) from Spain, to 
 protect them against her, or against the cupidity of 
 any other nation until their people could have tried 
 fully the experiment of self-government, in which 
 I have little doubt they would have succeeded." * 
 * Hoar, Autobiography, Vol. II, p. 315.
 
 112 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 To this proposal of a protectorate, President Mc- 
 Kinley had a ready answer. " The American peo- 
 ple are asked by our opponents," he said in his let- 
 ter of acceptance of the Republican nomination, 
 " to yield the sovereignty of the United States in 
 the Philippines to a small fraction of the popula- 
 tion, a single tribe out of eighty or more inhabiting 
 the archipelago, a faction which wantonly attacked 
 the American troops in Manila while in rightful 
 possession under the protocol with Spain, awaiting 
 the ratification of the treaty of peace by the Sen- 
 ate, and which has since been in active, open re- 
 bellion against the United States. We are asked 
 to transfer our sovereignty to a small minority in 
 the Islands without consulting the majority and 
 to abandon the largest portion of the population, 
 which has been loyal to us, to the cruelties of the 
 guerrilla insurgent bands. More than this, we are 
 asked to protect this minority in establishing a 
 government, and to this end repress all opposition 
 of the majority. We are required to set up a stable 
 government in the interest of those who have as- 
 sailed our sovereignty and fired upon our soldiers, 
 and then maintain it at any cost or sacrifice against 
 its enemies within and against those having am- 
 bitious designs from without." 
 
 While President McKinley was thus proclaim- 
 ing to the American people that American sov-
 
 THE "PARAMOUNT ISSUE" 113 
 
 ereignty was being joyfully received by the ma- 
 jority of the Filipinos, Mr. Roosevelt, the vice- 
 presidential nominee, on the other hand, was draw- 
 ing graphic pictures of Filipino civilization. 
 " The reasoning which justifies our having made 
 war against Sitting Bull," he said, " also justifies 
 our having checked the outbreaks of Aguinaldo and 
 his followers, directed, as they were, against Fili- 
 pino and American alike. ... To grant self-gov- 
 ernment to Luzon under Aguinaldo would be like 
 granting self-government to an Apache reservation 
 under some local chief." These words were not 
 said on the mere spur of the moment at some 
 political mass meeting. They are to be found 
 verbatim in Mr. Roosevelt's carefully prepared let- 
 ter of acceptance of his nomination as Vice-Presi- 
 dent, In his spectacular electoral campaign 
 tours he made extensive use of these unjust misrep- 
 resentations of Filipino life and civilization, de- 
 picting in glowing colors and with much exaggera- 
 tion the supposed similarity between Sitting Bull 
 and Aguinaldo, between an Apache reservation and 
 the home of the Filipino people. 
 
 But these were not by any means the only argu- 
 ments employed by the Republicans in 1900. The 
 imperialistic rallying cry was still attracting hear- 
 ers. Visions of military glory and commercial ad- 
 vantage had not yet faded. Some still spiritedly
 
 114 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 contended that American occupation of the Philip- 
 pines was but the next logical step of American ex- 
 pansion. The Republican campaign book con- 
 tained the following words of Senator Lodge : 
 
 All our vast growth and expansion have been due to 
 the spirit of our race, and have been guided by the in- 
 stinct of the American people, which in all great crises 
 has proved wiser than any reasoning. This mighty 
 movement westward, building up a nation and conquer- 
 ing a continent as it swept along, has not been the work 
 of chance or accident. It was neither chance nor acci- 
 dent which brought us to the Pacific and which has now 
 carried us across the great ocean even to the shores of 
 Asia, to the very edge of the cradle of the Aryans, 
 whence our far-distant ancestors started on the march 
 which has since girdled the world. 
 
 Call up your own history as witness. It was not inev- 
 itable that we should take Louisiana. We could have 
 remained shut up between the Mississippi and the At- 
 lantic and allowed another people to build the great city 
 where New Orleans stands. But it was inevitable, if we 
 followed the true laws of our being, that we should be 
 masters of the Mississippi and spread from its mouth to 
 its source. It was not inevitable that the Union of 
 States should endure. Had we so chosen we could have 
 abandoned it, but if we had abandoned it we should 
 have gone down to nothingness, a disintegrated chaos of 
 petty republics. "We determined that the Union should 
 live, and then it was inevitable that it should come to 
 what it is to-day. There was nothing inevitable about 
 the Monroe Doctrine. We need never have asserted it,
 
 THE "PARAMOUNT ISSUE" 115 
 
 need never have maintained it. Had we failed to do 
 both, we should have had Europe established all about 
 us; we should have been forced to become a nation of 
 great standing armies; our growth and power would 
 have been choked and stifled. But we have declared and 
 upheld it. We have insisted that all the world should 
 heed it, and it is one of the signs of the times that in The 
 (Hague convention we have obtained at last a formal 
 recognition of it from all the nations of Europe. . . . 
 
 Like every great nation, we have come more than once 
 in our history to where the road of fate divided. Thus 
 far we have never failed to take the right path. Again 
 are we come to the parting of the ways. Again a mo- 
 mentous choice is offered to us. Shall we hesitate and 
 make, in coward fashion, what Dante calls " the great 
 refusal "? Even now we can abandon the Monroe Doc- 
 trine, we can reject the Pacific, we can shut ourselves up 
 between our oceans, as Switzerland is inclosed among her 
 hills, and then it would be inevitable that we should sink 
 out from among the great powers of the world and heap 
 up riches that some stronger and bolder people, who do 
 not fear their fate, might gather them. Or we may fol- 
 low the true laws of our being, the laws in obedience to 
 which we have come to be what we aue, and then we shall 
 stretch out into the Pacific ; we shall stand in the front 
 rank of the world powers ; we shall give to our labor and 
 our industry new and larger and better opportunities; 
 we shall prosper ourselves; we shall benefit mankind. 
 What we have done was inevitable because it was in ac- 
 cordance with the laws of our being as a nation, in the 
 defiance and disregard of which lie ruin and retreat. 8 
 
 6 The Battle of 1900 " Issues and Platforms of all Parties," 
 p. 191.
 
 116 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 To this argument Mr. Bryan replied : 
 
 Our opponents, conscious of the weakness of their 
 cause, seek to confuse imperialism with expansion, and 
 have even dared to claim Jefferson as a supporter of 
 their policy. Jefferson spoke so freely and used lan- 
 guage with such precision that no one can be ignorant of 
 his views. On one occasion he declared : ' ' If there be 
 one principle more deeply rooted than any other in the 
 mind of every American, it is that we should have noth- 
 ing to do with conquest." And again he said: " Con- 
 quest is not in our principles ; it is inconsistent with our 
 government. ' ' 
 
 The forcible annexation of territory to be governed by 
 arbitrary power differs as much from the acquisition of 
 territory to be built up into States as a monarchy differs 
 from a democracy. The Democratic party does not op- 
 pose expansion when expansion enlarges the area of the 
 republic and incorporates land which can be settled by 
 American citizens, or adds to our population people who 
 are willing to become citizens and are capable of dis- 
 charging their duties as such. 
 
 The acquisition of the Louisiana territory, Florida, 
 Texas, and other tracts which have been secured from 
 time to time enlarged the republic and the Constitution 
 followed the flag into the new territory. It is now pro- 
 posed to seize upon distant territory more densely popu- 
 lated than our own country and to force upon the people 
 a government for which there is no warrant in our Con- 
 stitution or our laws. 
 
 All these brilliant presentations of the pros and 
 cons of imperialism were made during the earlier
 
 117 
 
 stage of the Presidential campaign. Later, as the 
 contest raged with greater fury, Mr. Bryan was 
 seen to be laying stress upon other questions. His 
 firm position on these other issues during the con- 
 vention had already alienated the support of many 
 influential men who would otherwise have sup- 
 ported his anti-imperialist attitude, no matter how 
 much they might personally have preferred Mr. 
 McKinley. The injection into the campaign of 
 questions other than imperialism doubtless de- 
 cided many such men to throw their support to Mr. 
 McKinley. The issues of the campaign were, 
 therefore, confused. There are Americans who 
 deny that " imperialism " was in effect the " para- 
 mount " issue. Many writers say that if Mr. Bryan 
 had clung to the sole issue of imperialism, the 
 American people, who at heart have always been 
 anti-imperialist, would have supported him. The 
 result of the election was, therefore, in no definite 
 sense, the expression of a desire of the American 
 people permanently to retain the Philippines. 
 
 But whatever difference of opinion there might 
 be among Americans as to what the American peo- 
 ple really meant to express when they placed the 
 Republicans again in power, outside of America 
 there was a unanimity of opinion that the result of 
 the election meant the adoption by the United 
 States of an imperialistic policy. " Let the para-
 
 118 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 mount issue for Americans be what it might," said 
 Gold win Smith, 8 " for the world at large it was 
 and is that between the commonwealth and em- 
 pire. Shall the American republic be what it has 
 hitherto been, follow its own destiny, and do what 
 it can to fulfil the special hopes which humanity 
 has founded on it ; or shall it slide into an imitation 
 of European imperialism, and be drawn, with the 
 military powers of Europe, into a career of con- 
 quest and domination over subject races, with the 
 political liabilities which such a career entails? 
 This was and is the main issue for humanity. 
 Seldom has a nation been brought so distinctly as 
 the American nation now is to the parting of the 
 ways. Never has a nation's choice been more im- 
 portant to mankind." 
 
 Gold win Smith, Commonwealth or Empire, p. 1.
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 THE STRUGGLE OVER A LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 
 
 THE opponents of Philippine retention were 
 not dismayed at the result of the 1900 elec- 
 tion. They took courage and continued their agi- 
 tation, not only because they maintained, with rea- 
 son, that the result of the election was not a cate- 
 gorical expression of the American people on the 
 Philippine question, but also because they knew 
 that all their work was not in vain. 
 
 The American people were now coming to the 
 period of second sober thought They were be- 
 ginning to realize the tremendous responsibility 
 they had assumed. America of 1898, drunk with 
 Dewey's victory, dreaming of the imperial days 
 when the vast oceans should be sprinkled with 
 American colonies, was no longer the America of 
 1901 with millions of her money spent in the war 
 of subjugation, and with 80,000 of her soldiers in 
 the wilds of the Philippines engaged in daily 
 skirmishes with insurrectos. 1 
 
 1 Mr. Bryce, in his American Commonwealth, p. 579, speaks 
 of this stage of American imperialism as the " sudden im- 
 perialistic impulse of 1895-1900." 
 
 119
 
 120 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 The powerful appeals of men of such unblem- 
 ished political character as George F. Hoar, Carl 
 Schurz, and many others, who were unwillingly 
 forced to oppose the Philippine policy of their be- 
 loved party because they were convinced that their 
 sense of justice and morality would not permit 
 them to do otherwise, could not fail to impress 
 many of their countrymen. 
 
 The following retrospect of the Philippine situa- 
 tion by Senator Hoar is worthy of a serious pe- 
 rusal, being one of the most illuminating presenta- 
 tions of the Philippine cause : 
 
 "When Aguinaldo said he did not want the war to 
 go on, and that it went on against his wish, he was told 
 by our general that he would not parley with him with- 
 out total submission. My friend from Wisconsin de- 
 clared in the Senate that we would have no talk with 
 men with arms in their hands, whether we were right or 
 wrong. The responsibility of everything that has hap- 
 pened since, which he must have foreseen if he knew 
 something of history and human nature, rests upon him 
 and the men who acted with him. 
 
 We cannot get rid of this one fact, we cannot escape 
 it, and we cannot flinch from it. You chose war instead 
 of peace. You chose force instead of conciliation, with 
 full notice that everything that has happened since 
 would happen as a consequence of your decision. Had 
 you made a declaration to Aguinaldo that you would 
 respect their title to independence, and that all you de- 
 sired was order and to fulfil the treaty and to protect
 
 THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 121 
 
 your friends, you would have disarmed that people in a 
 moment. I believe there never has been a time since 
 when a like declaration made by this chamber alone, but 
 certainly made by this chamber and the other house, with 
 the approval of the President, would not have ended this 
 conflict and prevented all these horrors. 
 
 Instead of that, gentlemen talked of the wealth of the 
 Philippine Islands, and about the advantage to our trade. 
 They sought to dazzle our eyes with nuggets of other 
 men's gold. Senators declared in the senate chamber 
 and on the hustings that the flag never shall be hauled 
 down in the Philippine Islands, and those of you who 
 think otherwise kept silent and enter no disclaimer. 
 
 It would be without avail to repeat in the Senate to- 
 day what was said at the time of the Spanish treaty, and 
 afterwards when you determined to reduce the Philip- 
 pine people by force to submission. 
 
 What your fathers said when they founded the repub- 
 lic ; the Declarations of Independence ; the great leaders 
 of every generation; our century of glorious history, 
 were appealed to in vain. Their lessons fell upon the 
 ears of men dazzled by military glory and delirious with 
 the lust of conquest. I will not repeat them now. My 
 desire to-day is simply to call attention to the practical 
 working of the two doctrines the doctrine of buying 
 sovereignty or conquering it in battle, and the doctrine 
 of the Declaration of Independence. For the last three 
 years you have put one of them in force in Cuba and the 
 other in the Philippine Islands. I ask you to think 
 soberly which method, on the whole, you like better. I 
 ask you to compare the cost of war with the cost of peace, 
 of justice with that of injustice, the cost of empire with
 
 122 THE CASE FOB THE FILIPINOS 
 
 the cost of Republican liberty, the cost of the way of 
 America and the cost of Europe, of the doctrine of the 
 Declaration of Independence with the doctrine of the 
 Holy Alliance. You have tried both, I hope, to your 
 heart's content. 
 
 When we ratified the treaty of Paris we committed 
 ourselves to one experiment in Cuba and another in the 
 Philippines. We had said already that Cuba of right 
 ought to be free and independent. So when in the treaty 
 Spain abandoned her sovereignty the title of Cuba be- 
 came at once complete. We were only to stay there to 
 keep order until we could hand over Cuba to a govern- 
 ment her people had chosen and established. 
 
 By the same treaty we bought the Philippine Islands 
 for $20,000,000 and declared and agreed that Congress 
 shall dispose of them. So, according to those who held 
 the treaty valid, it became the duty of the President to 
 reduce them to submission and of Congress to govern 
 them. 
 
 Here the two doctrines are brought into sharp an- 
 tagonism. 
 
 You have given both doctrines a three years' trial. 
 Three years is sometimes a very long time and some- 
 times a very short time in human affairs. . . . 
 
 Three years has wrought a mighty change in Cuba, 
 and it has wrought a mighty change in the Philippine 
 Islands. We have had plenty of time to try both experi- 
 ments. 
 
 Gentlemen talk about sentimentalities, about idealism. 
 They like practical statesmanship better. But, Mr. Pres- 
 ident, this whole debate for the last four years has been 
 a debate between two kinds of sentimentality. There has
 
 THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 123 
 
 been practical statesmanship in plenty on both sides. 
 Your sides have carried their sentimentalities and ideals 
 out in your practical statesmanship. The other have 
 tried and begged to be allowed to carry theirs out in 
 practical statesmanship also. . . . 
 
 You also, my imperialistic friends, have had your 
 ideals and your sentimentalities. One is that the flag 
 shall never be hauled down where it has once floated. 
 Another is that you will not talk or reason with a peo- 
 ple with arms in their hands. Another is that sov- 
 ereignty over an unwilling people may be bought with 
 gold. And another is that sovereignty may be got by 
 force of arms, as the booty of battle or the spoils of vic- 
 tory. 
 
 What has been the practical statesmanship, which 
 comes from your ideals and your sentimentalities ? You 
 have wasted six hundred millions of treasure. You 
 have sacrificed nearly 10,000 American lives the flower 
 of our youth. You have devastated provinces. You 
 have slain uncounted thousands of the people you desire 
 to benefit. You have established reconcentration camps. 
 Your generals are coming home from their harvest, 
 bringing their sheaves with them, in the shape of other 
 thousands of sick and wounded and insane to drag out 
 miserable lives, wrecked in body and mind. You make 
 the American flag in the eyes of a numerous people the 
 emblem of sacrilege in Christian churches, and of the 
 burning of human dwellings, and of the horror of the 
 water torture. Your practical statesmanship, which dis- 
 dains to take George Washington and Abraham Lincoln 
 or the soldiers of the Revolution or of the Civil War as 
 models, has looked in some cases to Spain for your ex-
 
 124 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 ample. I believe nay, I know that in general our 
 officers and soldiers are humane. But in some cases they 
 have carried on your warfare with a mixture of Ameri- 
 can ingenuity and Castilian cruelty. 
 
 Your practical statesmanship has succeeded in con- 
 verting a people who three years ago were ready to kiss 
 the hem of the garment of the American and to welcome 
 him as a liberator, who thronged after your men after 
 they landed on those islands with benediction and grati- 
 tude, into sullen and irreconcilable enemies, possessed 
 of a hatred which centuries cannot eradicate. 
 
 What have your ideals cost you, and what have they 
 bought for you? 
 
 1. For the Philippine Islands you have had to repeal 
 the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 For Cuba you had to reaffirm it and give it new luster. 
 
 2. For the Philippine Islands you have had to convert 
 the Monroe Doctrine into a doctrine of mere selfishness. 
 
 For Cuba you acted on it and vindicated it. 
 
 3. In Cuba you have got the eternal gratitude of a 
 free people. 
 
 In the Philippine Islands you have got the hatred and 
 sullen submission of a subjugated people. 
 
 4. From Cuba you have brought home nothing but 
 glory. 
 
 From the Philippine Islands you have brought home 
 nothing of glory. 
 
 5. In Cuba no man thinks of counting the cost. The 
 few soldiers who came home from Cuba wounded or sick 
 carry about their wounds and their pale faces as if they 
 were medals of honor. What soldier glories in a wound 
 or an empty sleeve which he got in the Philippines?
 
 THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 125 
 
 6. The conflict in the Philippines has cost you $600,- 
 000,000, thousands of American soldiers the flowers of 
 your youth the health and sanity of thousands more, 
 and hundreds of thousands of Filipinos slain. 
 
 This war, if you call it war, has gone on for three 
 years. It will go on in some form for three hundred 
 years, unless this policy be abandoned. You will un- 
 doubtedly have times of peace and quiet, or pretended 
 submission. You will buy men with titles or office, or 
 salaries. You will intimidate cowards. You will get 
 pretended and fawning submission. The land will smile 
 and smile and seem at peace. But the volcano will be 
 there. The lava will break out again. You can never 
 settle this thing until you settle it right. 2 
 
 Outside of America the agitation of the advo- 
 cates of Philippine independence was also received 
 with some attention. Subject peoples of other 
 climes considered their noble utterances as the 
 truer representatives of America's highest ideals. 
 A Hindu scholar expressed himself as to one of 
 Senator Hoar's speeches as follows : 
 
 The speech of Mr. Hoar, though an address to his own 
 countrymen, is a message of hope to the whole world 
 which sank with despondency at the sight of republican 
 America behaving like a cruel, tyrannical, and rapacious 
 empire in the Philippines, and particularly to the broken- 
 hearted people of Asia who are beginning to lose all con- 
 fidence in the humanity of the white races. Or is it that 
 
 2 From the speech of Senator Hoar in the Senate on May 
 22, 1902, during the discussion of the PMlippine Civil Govern- 
 ment Bill.
 
 126 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 they have lost it already? Hence all papers in Asia 
 should reprint his speech, translate it, and distribute it 
 broadcast. Let it be brought home to the Asiatic people 
 so that they may work and worship their champion and 
 his forefathers. Thanks to the awakening in America, 
 thanks to the forces that are at work to chase out the 
 degenerating, demoralizing passion for territorial ag- 
 grandizement from the noble American mind and save it 
 for itself and for the world at large from the cancer of 
 imperialism. 3 
 
 Another disquieting phase of the situation from 
 the standpoint of the imperialists was the unex- 
 pected length of the war. In spite of the monthly 
 or yearly reports of American representatives in 
 the Philippines that the situation in the Islands 
 was improving every day, that the " insurrection " 
 was to end at any minute, that the vast majority of 
 the people favored American rule, that the struggle 
 was being carried on only by "one of the eighty 
 tribes," inspired by the " sinister ambition " of a 
 leader, the war dragged on for more than three 
 years, requiring the expenditure of millions of 
 American money and the ultimate presence in the 
 Islands of some 120,000 American soldiers. Every 
 American general, when pressed for an opinion on 
 the war, had to admit that the entire population 
 was up against American sovereignty, that the " in- 
 
 Japan "Times," June 17, 1902, quoted In Senator Hoar's 
 Autobiography, p. 325.
 
 THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 127 
 
 surrection " was not the creation of the " sinister 
 ambition " of a few leaders, but the united efforts 
 of an entire people to achieve their country's free- 
 dom. General MacArthur himself had to confess 
 that he had " been reluctantly compelled to believe 
 that the Filipino masses are loyal to Aguinaldo and 
 the Government which he heads." 
 
 Still another worry for the Administration was 
 found in reports that now and then crept into the 
 newspapers of the tortures practised by the Ameri- 
 can soldiers upon the natives to extort confessions 
 as to the whereabouts of insurgents or their arms. 
 These abominable practices were indulged in, in 
 the phrase of Senator Hoar, with a mixture of 
 " Castilian cruelty and American ingenuity." 
 General Nelson A. Miles was so aroused by these 
 cruelties that he applied to the Secretary of War 
 that he be sent to the Philippines and be given the 
 charge of Philippine affairs. This request of Gen- 
 eral Miles was the more interesting when we recall 
 that he was the man most responsible for the blood- 
 less annexation of Porto Kico and that he had also 
 taken a prominent part in settling the Cuban prob- 
 lem. He was convinced that an entirely different 
 policy was being pursued in the Philippines from 
 that followed in Cuba or Porto Kico. He boldly 
 asserted that the war of subjugation was being car- 
 ried on in the Philippines " with marked sever-
 
 128 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 ity." He therefore asked that he be allowed to 
 proceed to the Philippines, taking with him ten 
 men he would select from Cuba and Porto Eico 
 " whose assistance has been found useful in pro- 
 moting friendly relations between the people of 
 those islands and the United States and who could 
 properly explain to the Filipinos the benefits their 
 people have derived through friendly relations with 
 this country." Upon his return he also desired to 
 bring back to Washington a number of Filipinos 
 in order to afford an opportunity for a full consul- 
 tation, whereby intelligent and definite action may 
 be taken concerning their future destiny." As may 
 be recalled, Mabini made an exactly indentical pro- 
 posal for the cessation of hostilities. Such sug- 
 gestions were agreeable to the Filipino people. It 
 was and is still their desire that they be ac- 
 corded the rights of a people, and, as such, that they 
 be consulted as regards their future relations with 
 America. Yet, as was to be expected, General 
 Miles's proposal was refused. Secretary of War 
 Eoot even administered to him a rebuke for his 
 boldness in making such an offer, remarking that it 
 was not within the bounds of " the propriety of a 
 military officer to review the action of the Presi- 
 dent." 
 
 Pressed by the logic of circumstances and the 
 changing mind of the American people, the im-
 
 THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 129 
 
 perialists were now seen to have softened in their 
 representations of the objects of American occupa- 
 tion in the Philippines. Glory, power, and com- 
 merce were no longer invoked to any marked ex- 
 tent. American retention of the Philippines was 
 now defended on an entirely different ground 
 philanthropy. America was in the Philippines to 
 fulfil a noble mission, the mission of educating the 
 Filipinos and preparing them for self-government. 
 " It is a significant concession to public opinion," 
 declared Senator Carmack, " that we no longer hear 
 the argument of greed and avarice and the hunger 
 for other men's possessions openly and defiantly 
 proclaimed. I cannot help thinking that some- 
 thing has been yielded and something gained when 
 the President of the United States no longer talks 
 of seizing t points of vantage' and no longer de- 
 fends our Philippine venture by glorifying Eng- 
 land's despotic rule over subject races and her 
 bloody march to empire across the bodies and 
 through the blood of slaughtered people. It may 
 not signify any change of heart or of purpose, but 
 it shows a realization of the fact that the public 
 conscience is awake, and it shows that the authors 
 of this policy begin to understand that they can- 
 not justify ( criminal aggression ' by pointing to the 
 profits of the crime. It is a cheering sign that the 
 second sober thought has come, that the better na-
 
 130 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 ture of the American people is again in the as- 
 cendant, when the party responsible for a bucaneer; 
 ing war is compelled to veil the grossness of its 
 designs." 4 
 
 The coming of "America's second sober 
 thought," this reaction against imperialism, 
 brought also a change for the better in the Philip- 
 pines. William H. Taft was sent to the Islands 
 to establish civil government, and he found an in- 
 tolerable situation there. The seed of greedy im- 
 perialism had found fertile soil among his coun- 
 trymen who had preceded him. American mer- 
 chants were convinced that the Philippines were 
 theirs to get the most out of them. Military men 
 found the Islands a stepping-stone to further glory 
 and promotion. The wishes and aspirations of the 
 Filipino people counted for naught. Any mention 
 of independence was anathema. The greatest serv- 
 ice Mr. Taft ever rendered the Filipino people was 
 his struggle against these military men and mer- 
 chants. He made them understand that Philip- 
 pine exploitation would not be tolerated at home, 
 and announced to them his ever famous motto, 
 " The Philippines for the Filipinos." The whole 
 American community rose up against him in this 
 phase of his policy. American newspapers con- 
 trolled by the American interests, of course 
 * Speech in the Senate, May 31, 1902.
 
 THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 131 
 
 spared no words in condemnation of his attitude. 
 Eeplying to a vicious attack of an American paper, 
 he said : 
 
 There are many Americans in these islands, possibly a 
 majority, and this includes all the American press, who 
 are strongly opposed to the doctrine of ' ' The Philippines 
 for the Filipinos. ' ' They have no patience with the pol- 
 icy of attraction, no patience with the attempts to con- 
 ciliate the Filipino people, no patience with the introduc- 
 tion into the government as rapidly as their fitness justi- 
 fies of the prominent Filipinos. They resent everything 
 in the government that is not American. They insist 
 that there is a necessity for a firm government here 
 rather than a popular one, and that the welfare of Amer- 
 icans and American trade should be regarded as par- 
 amount. 
 
 To gain popular favor for his policy of the 
 " Philippines for the Filipinos," Mr. Taft and his 
 associates in the Philippine Commission petitioned 
 the Congress of the United States to grant the Fili- 
 pino people a lower house of legislature so that, 
 together with an appointive higher council, if 
 might form the legislative branch of the Philippine 
 Government. They also asked that the Philippines 
 be allowed to elect two delegates to the Congress of 
 the United States. This much Mr. Taft was will- 
 ing to concede to the Filipino people. 
 
 The time was now drawing near when Congress 
 must legislate for the Philippines. The President
 
 132 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 had had a free hand in controlling the Philippine 
 Government for nearly four years. The semi-mili- 
 tary government established in the Islands was 
 shortly to be changed into a purely civil form. To 
 reinforce the petition of the Commission on the 
 prospective legislation and to inform Congress of 
 the conditions in the Philippines, Mr. Taft came to 
 Washington. He appeared before the Insular Com- 
 mittee of the House and the Philippines Com- 
 mittee of the Senate and urged upon congressmen 
 and senators the necessity of giving the Filipinos 
 a lower house and two delegates in Congress. 
 " We think that the Filipino people," he said, 
 "would accept this provision as the most indubi- 
 table evidence of the desire of the United States that 
 self-government should be given to the people in as 
 large a measure as they are capable of carrying 
 it on." 
 
 From the beginning, Mr. Taft found few sym- 
 pathizers for this concession to the Filipinos 
 among those Republican senators to whom the Ad- 
 ministration looked for support on all Philippine 
 matters. Senator Lodge, chairman of the Philip- 
 pines Committee, was entirely against the legisla- 
 tive provision, and so were Senators Beveridge, 
 Allison, Spooner, and others. In spite of Mr. 
 Taft's plea as to the necessity of such a provision in 
 order to win the sympathy of the Filipinos, they
 
 THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 133 
 
 were firm in contending that it was over-radical 
 and fraught with evil for the Filipinos since the 
 latter could have no conception of such institutions. 
 Fortunately, in the House of Representatives 
 Mr. Taft found an ally in the chairman of the In- 
 sular Committee, Mr. H. A. Cooper of Wisconsin, 
 but the Republican leaders of the House, like those 
 of the Senate, were against it. Speaker Hender- 
 son was specially interested in eliminating from 
 the bill provision for an assembly. In his own 
 committee, Mr. Cooper had to contend with many 
 strong Republicans who were also opposed to the 
 legislative assembly provision. It was said at the 
 time that the Insular was the strongest committee 
 ever formed in the House, in reality a committee of 
 chairmen of committees, a fact which showed how 
 seriously the Republicans were then studying the 
 Philippine situation. On the committee were Mr. 
 J. G. Cannon, chairman of the Appropriations 
 Committee, afterwards speaker; Mr. Payne, chair- 
 man of the Ways and Means Committee ; Col. Peter 
 Hepburn, chairman of the Committee on Inter- 
 state and Foreign Commerce; Mr. Loud of Cali- 
 fornia, chairman of the Committee on the Post- 
 offices and Post-roads; Mr. Hitt, chairman of the 
 Committee on Foreign Affairs; Mr. Moody, later 
 Mr. Justice Moody, of the United States Supreme 
 Court; Mr. Crumpacker of Indiana; and Mr. Taw-
 
 134 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 ney of Minnesota. On the Democratic side there 
 were Mr. Jones of Virginia; Mr. J. S. Williams of 
 Mississippi, now United States Senator; Mr. Mad- 
 dox of Georgia, and others. 
 
 The House and Senate Philippine bills were in- 
 troduced on the same day, January 7, 1902. There 
 were material differences between the two. Mr. 
 Cooper, in his bill, incorporated the main recom- 
 mendations of Mr. Taft. The House Bill provided 
 that after peace should have been declared and a 
 census taken, a general election should be called 
 for the selection of representatives to form a popu- 
 lar assembly. The measure also provided for the 
 election by the Assembly and commission of two 
 delegates to represent the Philippines in Washing- 
 ton. The Senate Bill did not provide either for an 
 assembly or for delegates. Instead, it directed 
 the Philippine Commission to recommend, after 
 the taking of the census, the permanent form of 
 civil government that it desired established in the 
 Philippines. 
 
 The Senate was first to take action on the ques- 
 tion. It passed its own bill practically as that 
 measure was reported from the Committee on the 
 Philippines. The Democratic minority of the Sen- 
 ate, supported by the Republican senators, Mr. 
 Hoar and Mr. Wellington, then filed a substitute 
 amendment in the form of a bill. This substitute
 
 THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 135 
 
 declared American sovereignty in the Islands to be 
 temporary, and provided that, upon the cessation 
 of the organized opposition to the " temporary sov- 
 ereignty " of the United States, a convention 
 should be called to elect a Senate and a House of 
 Representatives to constitute a temporary Con- 
 gress. This convention was to hold office for not 
 more than four years. Section 8 of the bill dealt 
 specifically with the duties of the convention and 
 the definite withdrawal of American sovereignty 
 as follows: 
 
 SEC. 8. That it shall be the duty of the Philip- 
 pine Congress herein provided for to prescribe rules and 
 regulations and qualifications for electors for the elec- 
 tion and holding of a constitutional convention which 
 shall be charged with the duty of framing a permanent 
 government for the people of the Philippine Archipel- 
 ago. Said constitutional convention shall be called to 
 meet at such place and at such time, not later than the 
 first Monday of January, 1905, as may be prescribed by 
 said Philippine Congress. Upon the completion of the 
 labors of said convention and the inauguration of the gov- 
 ernment consequent thereupon, it shall be the duty of 
 the President of the United States to issue his proclama- 
 tion declaring the absolute and unqualified independ- 
 ence of the people of the Philippine Archipelago and 
 that they constitute an independent State and nation, 
 and upon the issuance of said proclamation the United 
 States Government and the Philippine Government 
 shall become and be as fully separate and independent
 
 136 THE CASE FOB THE FILIPINOS 
 
 as any other independent and separate nations are: 
 Provided, however, that if the Philippine Government 
 request it, the United States Government hereby agrees 
 to assume a protectorate over the Philippine Archipelago 
 for a period additional to the period of the temporary 
 government herein provided for, said additional period 
 of protectorate not to exceed, however, the period of six- 
 teen years : Provided, further, That the said Philippine 
 Government agree during the said period of additional 
 protectorate to surrender to the keeping of the United 
 States Government the regulation and control of the for- 
 eign affairs of the Philippine Archipelago. 
 
 Of course, this independence measure had no 
 hope of passage. 
 
 When the Senate Republican Bill was sent to the 
 House, a discussion ensued in the Committee on 
 Insular Affairs whether to report it with certain 
 amendments or to strike out all after the enacting 
 clause and substitute the House Bill. Several Re- 
 publicans were in favor of the first proposition, 
 which, if followed, would mean the elimination of 
 the legislative provision. Through the aid of the 
 Democratic members the second proposition was 
 adopted, and the House Bill substituted by way of 
 amendment. 
 
 The House Democrats in their turn introduced a 
 substitute bill providing for qualified independence 
 from July 4, 1903, and for eight years afterwards, 
 and for complete and absolute independence, with-
 
 THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 137 
 
 out any guarantee of the United States, after the 
 close of the eight-year period of preparatory gov- 
 ernment. The necessity of developing a definite 
 policy was again urged by the Democrats. They 
 condemned the evasive " dodging " of the real is- 
 sue by the Kepublicans. The imperialists, they 
 contended, four years before, during the discussion 
 of the Paris treaty in the Commission, would not 
 make any declaration of purpose towards the Phil- 
 ippines because that would be giving "bonds to 
 Spain " for their conduct on a matter which they 
 alone and not Europe must decide. When after 
 the ratification attempts were again made to de- 
 clare some definite policy, the excuse was made 
 that the American people should not promise any- 
 thing until the Filipinos had laid down their arms. 
 Now war was practically over in the Philippines 
 and yet the Republicans persisted in a noncom- 
 mittal policy, and the Civil Government Bill which 
 they intended to pass was simply " an act tem- 
 porarily to provide for the administration of the 
 affairs of civil government in the Philippine 
 Islands and for other purposes." 
 
 " The chief question involved," contended the mi- 
 nority report, signed by Mr. Jones of Virginia, Mr. 
 Williams of Mississippi, now United States Sena- 
 tor, and others, " is whether under the guise of the 
 forms of civil government, a policy unjust and cruel
 
 138 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 to the people of the Philippine Islands, and in- 
 jurious and dishonoring to American citizenship, 
 shall be indefinitely, if not perpetually, continued, 
 or that there shall be substituted in its stead a more 
 righteous and humane policy, the intent and pur- 
 pose of which is to confer upon that people, within 
 the shortest practicable period, and upon certain 
 reasonable and proper terms and concessions, an 
 autonomous system of free self-government, based 
 upon the principle of an independence, modified as 
 to their foreign affairs, which modified indepen- 
 dence, after the lapse of a reasonable period (af- 
 fording that practical training and actual expe- 
 rience in the art of self-government so necessary to 
 fit them for its ultimate exercise and full enjoy- 
 ment), shall eventuate into an unqualified and 
 absolute independence. 
 
 "Recognizing that three centuries of Spanish 
 dominion have destroyed all self-government in the 
 Philippine Islands, and that its people at this time 
 are unprepared for its exercise, the theory upon 
 which this substitute measure is framed is that 
 there should be conferred upon them for a period 
 of eight years the largest possible share in the gov- 
 ernment of themselves and in the conduct of their 
 affairs consistent with our safety and best inter- 
 ests and our duty and obligations to the nations 
 of the world, in order to fit them for that absolute
 
 THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 139 
 
 independence and self-government to which the 
 minority believe them entitled." 
 
 When questioned as to why the Democrats, while 
 professing to be for Philippine independence, ad- 
 mitted in their report that the Filipinos were not 
 yet prepared for the exercise of self-government, 
 Congressman Williams answered : 
 
 Not unprepared mentally, not unprepared morally, 
 not unprepared for their measure of self-government at 
 the proper time, but having no civic institutions, hav- 
 ing no civil government except ours we having de- 
 stroyed all other we ought not to go away and ' ' scut- 
 tle " over night, leaving them without police, without 
 armies, without any conservators of the peace, without 
 any governmental frame-work, within which civilization 
 may work. For that reason the Minority Bill proposes a 
 bridge government to bridge over the interval from 
 the present despotic control on our part to their full 
 measure of self-government under a government to be 
 adopted by them such as they see fit. 
 
 A people may be unprepared for the exercise of self- 
 government at a given time, because they have no insti- 
 tutions by means of which to exercise it. Why, sir, the 
 State of Pennsylvania to-morrow, if it had not justices 
 of the peace or governor or legislature or sheriff, or 
 any other officers of any sort, would be left in chaos 
 and anarchy. True, the people of Pennsylvania, with 
 their high degree of civilization, would in three days, in 
 every township, correct that state of affairs. They 
 would form vigilance committees which would hold the 
 lawless element down until they could organize some sort
 
 140 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 of government. But for the time being there would be 
 anarchy, and no exercise of self-government. 
 
 Yet the gentleman takes hold of that clause of our 
 report and tries to say that we ourselves deny that those 
 people are capable of self-government. Surely the gen- 
 tleman must have seen the difference between the sen- 
 tence as written " three hundred years of Spanish 
 oppression have destroyed self-government " and the 
 sentence as he would have you understand it ' ' three 
 hundred years of Spanish oppression have destroyed the 
 capacity of self-government." 
 
 The Democrats, however, knew that efforts to 
 pass their bill must necessarily be fruitless. 
 
 During the course of the debate in the House on 
 the Republican Bill many prominent Republicans 
 expressed their desire to vote against the legisla- 
 tive provision. Mr. Watson, Mr. Landis of Indi- 
 ana, and Mr. Hill of Connecticut were strongly op- 
 posed to it. The idea that the Filipinos should 
 elect a lower House was ridiculed. The Filipinos 
 were pictured as just emerging from a state of 
 savagery and were therefore said to be incapable 
 of holding any election. One very prominent 
 member, a man of even international reputation 
 as an American statesman, went to the extreme of 
 calling the Filipinos "pirates," "barbarians," "in- 
 capable of civilization." It w^as at this time when 
 hope had almost gone for the passage of the bill 
 with the legislative provision that Mr. Cooper, in
 
 THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 141 
 
 a moment of inspiration, recited before the full 
 membership of the House the now classic poem 
 written by Jose Rizal, the national hero of the Phil- 
 ippines, just before he was executed by the Span- 
 iards. " I never can forget that day," Mr. Cooper 
 once said to the writer. " The seats were almost 
 all filled, and as I was reciting those wonderful 
 verses, so pathetic and yet so pregnant with lofty 
 and noble thoughts, I looked at the faces of those 
 who had been slandering your people, and I saw 
 the eyes of the man who two days before had called 
 you ' pirates ' and ' barbarians ' moist with 
 tears." 5 
 
 5 MY LAST THOUGHT 
 
 (Poem written by Jose Rizal, the national hero of the 
 Philippines, the night before he was executed on December 
 30, 1896.) 
 
 (TBANSLATION) 
 Land I adore, farewell! thou land of the southern sun's 
 
 choosing ! 
 
 Pearl of the Orient seas! our forfeited garden of Eden! 
 Joyous, I yield up for thee my sad life, and were it far 
 
 brighter, 
 Young, rose-strewn, for thee and thy happiness still would I 
 
 give it. 
 
 Far afield, in the din and rush of maddening battle, 
 Others have laid down their lives, nor wavered, nor paused in 
 
 the giving. 
 
 "What matters way or place the cypress, the lily, the laurel, 
 Gibbet or open field, the sword or inglorious torture 
 When 't is the hearth and the country that call for the life's 
 
 immolation? 
 
 Dawn's faint light bar the east, she smiles through the cowl 
 
 of the darkness, 
 Just as I die. . . .
 
 142 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 "Pirates! Barbarians! Savages! Incapable of 
 Civilization ! " Mr. Cooper exclaimed, after finish- 
 ing the recitation of the poem. " How many of 
 the civilized, Caucasian slanderers of his race 
 could ever be capable of thoughts like these, which 
 on that awful night, as he sat alone amidst silence 
 unbroken save by the rustling of the black plumes 
 of the death angel at his side, poured from the soul 
 
 Vision I followed from far, desire that spurred on and con- 
 sumed me! 
 
 Greeting! my parting soul cries, and greeting again! O my 
 country ! 
 
 Beautiful is it to fall, that the vision may rise to fulfilment, 
 
 Giving my life for thy life and breathing thine air in the 
 death-throe ; 
 
 Sweet to eternally sleep in thy lap, O land of enchantment! 
 
 If in the deep rich grass that covers my rest in thy bosom, 
 Some day thou seest upspriug a lowly tremulous blossom, 
 Lay there thy lips, 'tis my soul. . . . 
 
 And if at eventide a soul for my tranquil sleep prayeth, 
 Pray thou, too, O my fatherland ! for my peaceful reposing ; 
 Pray for those who go down to death through unspeakable 
 
 torments ; 
 
 Pray for those who remain to suffer torture in prison ; 
 Pray for the bitter grief of our mothers, our widows, our 
 
 orphans ; 
 Oh, pray, too, for thyself, on the way to thy final redemption. 
 
 When our still dwelling place wraps night's dusky mantle 
 
 about her, 
 Leaving the dead alone with the dead, to watch till the 
 
 morning, 
 
 Break not our rest, and seek not death's mystery open. 
 And if now and then thou shouldst hear the string of a lute 
 
 or a zithern, 
 Mine is the hand, dear country, and mine is the voice that is 
 
 singing.
 
 THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 143 
 
 of the martyred Filipino? Search the long and 
 bloody roll of the world's martyred dead, and 
 where on what soil, under what sky did Tyr- 
 anny ever claim a nobler victim? 
 
 " Sir, the future is not without hope for a peo- 
 ple which, from the midst of such an environment, 
 has furnished to the world a character so lofty and 
 so pure as that of Jose Bizal." 
 
 Mr. Cooper has expressed the opinion that 
 
 When my tomb, that all have forgot, no stone nor cross 
 marketh, 
 
 There let the laborer guide his plow, there cleave the earth 
 open. 
 
 So shall my ashes at last be one with thy hills and thy valleys. 
 
 Little 't will matter then, my country, that thou shouldst for- 
 get me! 
 
 I shall be air in thy streets, and I shall be space in thy 
 meadows, 
 
 I shall be vibrant speech in thine ears, shall be fragrance and 
 color, 
 
 Light and shout, and loved song, forever repeating my message. 
 
 Idolized fatherland, thou crown and deep of my sorrows, 
 Lovely Philippine Isles, once again adieu ! I am leaving 
 All with thee my friends, my love. Where I go are no 
 
 tyrants ; 
 There one dies not for the cause of his faith, there God is the 
 
 ruler. 
 
 Farewell, father and mother and brothers, dear friends of the 
 
 fireside ! 
 Thankful ye should be for me that I rest at the end of the 
 
 long day. 
 Farewell, sweet, from the stranger's land, my joy and my 
 
 comrade ! 
 Farewell, dear ones, farewell ! To die is to rest from our 
 
 labors !
 
 144 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 RizaPs poem was a perfect revelation to all the 
 members and was in no small measure influential 
 in finally securing the passage of the bill in the 
 House with a provision for a legislative assembly. 
 
 But that passage in the House was not by any 
 means the end of the contest against a Philippine 
 legislative assembly. As the Senate Bill did not 
 contain a word relating to the subject there was 
 need of a conference. Congress would adjourn in 
 a few days, and the opponents of the provision were 
 praying that Mr. Cooper would call for the con- 
 ference so that the Senate could have the original 
 papers first, and thereupon take the first action on 
 the bill. The proposed effect of this move was 
 fully explained by Mr. Cooper in a letter to the 
 then Governor Taf t, as follows : 
 
 Unquestionably, the Senate would have been against 
 the legislative features, and would have so instructed 
 their confreres. After such action by the Senate, the 
 bill would have come to the House ; and thereupon, the 
 House opponents of the legislative assembly would have 
 made a vigorous fight for a conference in the action of 
 the Senate and with every probability of success, as the 
 day of the final adjournment (July 1) had already been 
 fixed and we reached the last days of June, with a cer- 
 tainty, in any event, of a two or three days' conference 
 between the two Houses over the bill. The weather was 
 warm, the members were very anxious to get home to 
 attend to their ' ' fences ' ' and to get ready for the cam-
 
 THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 145 
 
 paign; and, under these circumstances, it would have 
 been exceedingly difficult, if not altogether impossible, 
 to save the legislative assembly. I, therefore, decided 
 not to ask for a conference, and Tawney and others 
 emphatically agreed with me in this decision. But the 
 opposition was adroit and persistent. In the evening, 
 shortly before the vote was to be taken in the House on 
 the passage of the bill, a messenger came to me, saying : 
 " The Speaker wants you not to forget to ask for a 
 conference." I replied: " Well, I will see about it." 
 After the lapse of fifteen or twenty minutes, the messen- 
 ger returned to the charge, saying, " The Speaker told 
 me to ask you not to forget to request for a confer- 
 ence. ' ' The messenger returned and delivered my reply, 
 which I have reason to believe was not specially ac- 
 ceptable. 
 
 Had the parliamentary manceuver of the Speaker 
 been successful and had Mr. Cooper called a con- 
 ference, the assembly provision would have been 
 lost. As it happened, the Senate had to call for a 
 conference. After day and night sessions had been 
 held the senators on the Conference Committee 
 finally consented to accept the plan for a legisla- 
 ture with the amended provision that the election 
 of assemblymen was to take place two years after 
 the publication of the census, provided that by that 
 time there was complete peace in the Islands. 
 
 I have emphasized the importance of the estab- 
 lishment of the Philippine Assembly because it was
 
 146 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 the first important concession ever given by the 
 American people to the Filipinos. It was in a 
 large way a signal triumph of anti-imperialist ideas. 
 Confronted with the weight of the " consent-of-the- 
 governed" argument, Mr. Taft endeavored to se- 
 cure provision for a Philippine legislature so that 
 he could say that the Filipinos would not be en- 
 tirely unheard in governmental affairs since they 
 would now have an organ in the Philippine As- 
 sembly. The somewhat notable record which the 
 Philippine Assembly afterwards made became the 
 weightiest argument which the Filipinos now wield 
 in behalf of their claim of capacity for self-govern- 
 ment
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 PUBLICITY CAMPAIGN OF THE EETENTIONISTS 
 
 WITH the passage of the Philippine Organic 
 Act the interest of the American people in 
 the future of the Philippines grew less and less. 
 Whatever fear they might have had as to the estab- 
 lishment of a truly imperialistic policy in the 
 Islands was smoothed away by loud protestations 
 of benevolent intentions repeatedly made by Re- 
 publican leaders. These Republican leaders even 
 went further: they not only repeated the principle 
 of the "Philippines for the Filipinos," but they 
 also plainly intimated that the Philippines were 
 ultimately to be given their independence. Now 
 such an idea had not been even hinted at by Presi- 
 dent McKinley, the man most responsible for Phil- 
 ippine acquisition. The word " independence " or 
 its equivalent never found place in any of his ut- 
 terances, speeches, or manifestos. He did promise 
 the Filipinos " individual rights " and, vaguely, 
 ultimate self-government in some hazy, distant fu- 
 ture, though never the complete withdrawal of 
 
 147
 
 148 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 American sovereignty from the Islands. With this 
 apparent change of attitude and intent, imperialism 
 became no longer an important issue in American 
 politics. 
 
 The Republican convention of 1904 was not ani- 
 mated by the same imperialistic tendency that had 
 inspired the Philadelphia convention four years be- 
 fore, as is seen from the following words of Senator 
 Root, spoken as chairman of that convention, 
 which undoubtedly could not have been delivered at 
 Philadelphia : 
 
 No one can foretell the future; but there seems no 
 reasonable cause to doubt that under the policy already 
 effectively inaugurated, the institutions already im- 
 planted, and the processes already begun in the Philip- 
 pine Islands, if these be not repressed and interrupted, 
 the Philippine people will follow in the footsteps of 
 the people of Cuba; that more slowly, indeed, because 
 they are not as advanced, yet as surely, they will grow 
 in capacity for self-government and, receiving power as 
 they grow in capacity, will come to bear substantially 
 such relations to the people of the United States as do 
 now the people of Cuba, differing in details as condi- 
 tions and needs differ, but the same in principle and the 
 same in beneficent results. 
 
 When we compare the foregoing words with 
 Chairman Lodge's bald statement at the convention 
 of 1900 that commercial expansion was the pri- 
 mary motive of Philippine acquisition, we cannot
 
 PUBLICITY CAMPAIGN 149 
 
 help being convinced that something had really 
 been yielded to America's sober second thought. 
 
 The first authoritative intimation from the 
 American Government that the Philippines might 
 be ultimately independent was found in the mes- 
 sage of President Koosevelt in 1908, in which he 
 said: 
 
 I trust that within a generation the time will arrive 
 when the Filipinos can decide for themselves whether it 
 is well for them to become independent or to continue 
 under the protection of a strong and disinterested power, 
 able to guarantee to the Islands order at home and pro- 
 tection from foreign invasion. 
 
 In opening the Philippine Assembly on October 
 16, 1907, Mr. Taft, then Secretary of War, likewise 
 stated : 
 
 The policy looks to the improvement of the people 
 both industrially and in self-governing capacity. As 
 this policy of extending control continues, it must log- 
 ically reduce and finally end the sovereignty of the 
 United States in the Islands, unless it shall seem wise to 
 the American and the Filipino peoples, on account of 
 mutually beneficial trade relations and possible advan- 
 tage to the Islands in their foreign relations, that the 
 bond shall not be completely severed. 
 
 In his special report to the President after the 
 inauguration of the Assembly, Mr. Taft definitely 
 interpreted President McKinley's Philippine pol-
 
 150 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 icy as meaning ultimate independence. He said, 
 in part: 
 
 It necessarily involves in its ultimate conclusion, as 
 the steps toward self-government become greater and 
 greater, the ultimate independence of the Islands; al- 
 though, of course, if both the United States and the 
 Islands were to conclude after complete self-government 
 were possible that it would be mutually beneficial to con- 
 tinue a governmental relation between them like that 
 between England and Australia, there would be nothing 
 inconsistent with the present policy in such a result. 
 
 All these, indeed, were fine promises; but they 
 have never been authoritatively stated by Congress, 
 which is the only agency that could pledge the 
 American people to that legislative program. For 
 a people like the Filipinos, who have had to experi- 
 ence so many bitter disappointments and disillu- 
 sionments, declarations from executive officers 
 alone would not be sufficient to allay their fears as 
 to their future. Those who were loudest in preach- 
 ing the doctrine of ultimate independence were also 
 most careful not to allow Congress to declare such 
 an intention. Mr. Taft was the first to oppose the 
 suggestion that Congress itself express the very 
 feelings and purpose which time and again he had 
 himself seen fit to utter. He then said that for 
 Congress to promise independence in the future 
 would mean endless and harmful political agita-
 
 THE CASE 
 FOR THE FILIPINOS
 
 PUBLICITY CAMPAIGN 151 
 
 tion in the Islands, since the Filipinos would at 
 once insist that they were now ready for independ- 
 ence and demand that therefore it be granted them 
 as if there could be a more active agitation than 
 that which has been going on for more than a dec- 
 ade and that will go on for another hundred years 
 until a final policy of independence shall be pro- 
 claimed and acted upon by the American Govern- 
 ment! The simple truth is that the majority, if 
 not all, of those who proclaimed the benevolent in- 
 tentions of the American people but who would 
 not have Congress, the only authoritative source, 
 express them, had really set their hearts on indefi- 
 nite which is equivalent to saying permanent 
 retention. They would not publicly state such 
 views since they knew that the American people 
 were not for it. In the meanwhile they had been 
 doing their best to feed the American pride with 
 glowing reports of the beneficent results of their 
 mission in the Philippines. They knew that herein 
 lay their only strength. The policy of indefinite- 
 ness, of drifting without knowing where, could be 
 maintained only by convincing the American peo- 
 ple that the enterprise in the Philippines was bring- 
 ing unprecedented results in the way of uplifting 
 a people, but that at the same time the end of that 
 mission was yet a long, long way off. 
 
 American governors of the Philippines, from Mr.
 
 152 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 Taft down to Mr. Forbes, saw to it that the Amer- 
 . lean press was constantly supplied with reports of 
 their work in the Islands. They were aided in this 
 work of publicity by the War Department. As the 
 American people read these reports, they were nat- 
 urally filled with pride over such a noble work. 
 They beheld a people alleged to be semi-barbarous 
 drawn out from the deep recesses of tropical jun- 
 gles into the sunlight of civilization ; they saw good 
 roads built where there had been, according to re- 
 port, nothing but the trails of the head-hunters; 
 costly hospitals erected where there had been dis- 
 ease-breeding huts; they pictured splendid school- 
 houses towering over vast wildernesses, children 
 recruited, pestilence stopped, commerce enhanced. 
 In every phase of this development they saw the 
 ingenious hand of the pioneer American. So con- 
 vinced were the American people of the utility of 
 the great work said to be in progress in the Philip- 
 pines that they elevated to the chief executive post 
 of the nation the man w r hose greatest claim to that 
 high office was his record as governor of the Philip- 
 pines, William H. Taft. They naturally looked 
 upon him as the final arbiter of things Philippine. 
 To them it was he who had brought order out of 
 chaos, tamed the " misguided " Filipinos, made 
 them lay down their arms, and taught them the 
 blessings of peace, liberty, and progress. The other
 
 PUBLICITY CAMPAIGN 153 
 
 governors and officials were likewise royally re- 
 ceived by their countrymen, who seemed to see 
 around their brows the wreath due to a Lord Cro- 
 mer. The Filipinos were, it was said, satisfied 
 with the American government in the Philippines ; 
 the cry of independence was raised only by a few 
 self-seeking demagogues. 
 
 For more than a decade these officials and ex- 
 officials have controlled American public opinion 
 on the Philippine question. Their central theme 
 has been the incapacity of the Filipinos to carry on 
 any decent form of government. They have belit- 
 tled, if not completely ignored, the part taken by 
 the Filipinos in bringing about what was beneficial 
 in the results of their experiments. No mention 
 whatever has been made of the splendid materials 
 for their experiment the inherent capacity of the 
 Filipinos to advance, their thirst for knowledge, 
 the money they pay for all the boasted improve- 
 ments without which no success would be pos- 
 sible in the Islands. Little has ever been said of 
 the Christian culture and civilization which the 
 islanders had gained after centuries of contact with 
 Europe through the medium of Spain. 
 
 The average American reader has taken the 
 statements of these publicity agents at face value, 
 and as a result the American people as a whole suf- 
 fer from a most deplorable lack of knowledge of
 
 154 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 the characteristics and capabilities of the Filipino 
 people. They have been led to think that these 
 islanders are entirely unfit for any form of self- 
 government because American ex-officials, who, to 
 their mind, should be most conversant with Philip- 
 pine conditions, have said so. The fact is that 
 these American officials must of necessity, con- 
 sciously or unconsciously, accept the theory of Fili- 
 pino incapacity. Before leaving America, they 
 had their minds already prepared to see and deal 
 with an incapable people. They had been ap- 
 pointed to uphold the Republican policy of indefi- 
 nite retention, which necessarily presupposes na- 
 tive incapacity. They started, therefore, already 
 with symptoms of mental myopia in that direction. 
 They were, in a sense, hired lawyers with instruc- 
 tions to find evidence for one side only. They were 
 not free to choose which side they should favor, 
 whether that of Filipino capacity or Filipino inca- 
 pacity ; the very fact that they accepted their posi- 
 tions indicated that they must be against the idea 
 of Filipino capacity, because the only excuse for 
 the Government they were serving was the inca- 
 pacity of the inhabitants of the Philippines. 
 
 Once in the Philippines, the American official 
 felt himself a thousand times more important than 
 he really was ; here he had a mission to perform : he 
 was to teach the Filipinos to do this and that. He
 
 PUBLICITY CAMPAIGN 155 
 
 saw the mechanism of that government arranged 
 so that the departments were controlled by Amer- 
 icans. It is true that there was a Philippine As- 
 sembly, but at the most it was but a negative ele- 
 ment. It had nothing to do with appointments, 
 and it had no control over the so-called non-Chris- 
 tian lands which comprised more than one third 
 of the whole archipelago. It was established only 
 in 1907 when the whole machinery of the govern- 
 ment was already in running order the extrava- 
 gant salaries established and other elements defi- 
 nitely fixed. If it wanted to reduce the appropri- 
 ations, the Commission, composed of a majority of 
 Americans, would oppose, there would be a dead- 
 lock, and the appropriations of the previous year 
 would be continued. Ever since this Assembly 
 was established, there has always been a conflict 
 between it and the Commission which is equiva- 
 lent to saying between Americans and Filipinos 
 as to the Filipinization of the service. The ques- 
 tion of Filipino capacity was the keynote of all 
 these conflicts. The American official would nat- 
 urally cling to the Commission. How could he be 
 expected to do otherwise? On that side, as an 
 American writer puts it, was his bread being but- 
 tered. Should he favor a lessening in the number 
 of places for Americans? Should he thus admit 
 Filipino capacity? How could he then justify his
 
 156 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 stay in the Islands, how could he glorify and laud 
 American experiments if he were to start with the 
 major premise that the Filipinos were capable of 
 self-government? His usefulness would then be 
 gone as a factor in government, and he would be a 
 supernumerary. 
 
 In order that I may not be deemed unfair in de- 
 lineating this mental attitude of the American offi- 
 cial in the Islands during the Republican regime, 
 and his foregone conversion to belief in the inca- 
 pacity of the Filipino people, I shall quote the con- 
 fession of an ex-official himself, a former member 
 of the Philippine Commission, the Hon. W. Mor- 
 gan Shuster. He wrote in the " Century Maga- 
 zine " for January, 1914 : 
 
 The records of our congressional committee and of 
 the war department are filled with reports, speeches, 
 letters, testimony, and statistics going to show what the 
 party then in power wanted the American people to 
 think about the Filipinos. If any one thought differ- 
 ently, he became at once, in official eyes, a dreamer, an 
 anti-imperialist, or a demagogue. His opinions were 
 taboo in high governmental circles, and he was deemed 
 an unsafe man to hold important office. This was only 
 natural, and I recall it merely to show how the opinion 
 of the American people on the question has really been 
 formed. The opinion of the ordinary American citizen 
 as to the Filipinos is largely influenced by the statements 
 or the pronouncements of the very few men in public life
 
 PUBLICITY CAMPAIGN 157 
 
 who have had, or were thought to have had, exceptional 
 facilities for knowing the real facts and situation. Thus 
 the views of Ex-Presidents Roosevelt and Taft, of Ex- 
 Secretary of War Root, of Senator Lodge, of the dif- 
 ferent Philippine governors and members of the Philip- 
 pine Commission, of the commanding generals who have 
 served in the Islands have been the real source of 
 " American public opinion." As a matter of fact, it 
 is doubtful whether the views of any of these gentle- 
 men were reached in a strictly impartial and judicial 
 manner. With the possible exception of Mr. Taft, they 
 took up the subject, as I did, with a previously formed 
 conviction that the facts were going to sustain the ac- 
 cepted government belief and policy, which were that 
 the Filipinos were not fit to be, and should not of right 
 be, independent, at least for a very long time to come. 
 How long, few ventured to predict. It is said that Mr. 
 Taft, when invited by President McKinley to go to Ma- 
 nila as head of the Civil Commission, stated that he was 
 opposed to our holding the Islands. That, however, 
 was before he had been intimately connected with ad- 
 ministrative policies already adopted, which were based 
 on the opposite belief. 
 
 But there is another reason why all these docu- 
 ments, reports, speeches, and articles contributed 
 by the retentionists are of questionable value. Be- 
 fore the policy of holding the Islands was ever pro- 
 claimed in Washington, and at a time when Amer- 
 ican representatives in the Philippines did not 
 know what the real policy was to be, the utterances
 
 158 THE CASE FOB THE FILIPINOS 
 
 of these Americans were completely at variance 
 with the opinions of those who followed them after 
 the decision to keep the Archipelago was reached. 
 The Filipinos had not then had the advantage of 
 political training under American domination, and 
 yet they were deemed by the American officials who 
 saw them at the time to be capable of and fit for 
 self-government. Thus Admiral Dewey, on June 
 27, 1898, cabled to Washington that in his opinion 
 " these people are far superior in their intelligence 
 and more capable of self-government than the na- 
 tives of Cuba." He then added that he was " fa- 
 miliar with both races." General Merritt, on his 
 arrival in Paris, in October, 1898, was reported as 
 saying the same thing. At about the same time, 
 Admiral Dewey sent Leonard Sargent, a naval ca- 
 det, and W. B. Wilcox, paymaster of the navy, to 
 investigate conditions in Northern Luxon. They 
 traveled for 600 miles and visited seven prov- 
 inces a " characteristic and important district," 
 Mr. Sargent said. The travelers reported that 
 there was order in the places visited, that the mu- 
 nicipalities were ably performing the functions of 
 government, and that they were greeted by the 
 town authorities with great decorum. "As a 
 tribute to the efficiency of Aguinaldo's govern- 
 ment," said Mr. Sargent, " and to the law-abiding 
 character of his subjects, I offer the fact that Mr.
 
 PUBLICITY CAMPAIGN 159 
 
 Wilcox and I pursued our journey throughout in 
 perfect security, and returned to Manila with only 
 the most pleasing recollections of the quiet and or- 
 derly life which we found the natives to be leading 
 under the new regime." Hon. John Barrett, at 
 the time United States minister to Siam and now 
 director-general of the Pan-American Union, saw 
 the Philippine Congress then working and re- 
 marked that it compared favorably with the Japa- 
 nese Parliament. " The executive operation of the 
 Government," said Mr. Barrett, " was made up of 
 a ministry of bright men who seemed to under- 
 stand their respective positions, while among Agui- 
 naldo's advisers were men of acknowledged ability 
 as international lawyers." 
 
 Had all the publicity work carried on by the 
 retentionists been, if not entirely unbiased, at 
 least, a dignified and dispassionate presentation 
 of their side of the question, the Filipinos would 
 doubtless have tolerated it. But such, unfortu- 
 nately, is not the case. Many of these publicity 
 agents have gone to the extreme of deliberately 
 misrepresenting conditions in the Philippines, 
 slandering the entire Filipino people, and pictur- 
 ing them as a mere conglomeration of contemptible 
 savage tribes separated from one another by age- 
 long jealousies and hatred. They sent Igorrotes to 
 the St. Louis Exposition who created in the minds
 
 160 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 of hundreds of thousands of Americans the indeli- 
 ble impression that the Filipinos have not yet 
 emerged from savagery. There was hardly a 
 magazine in the Union which did not embellish its 
 pages with photographs of " head-hunters," di- 
 rectly or indirectly conveying to the lay mind that 
 they were typical Filipinos. There was hardly a 
 newspaper that did not open its columns to bi- 
 zarre stories of the wonderful transformation of 
 these savage Filipinos that was being wrought. 
 American audiences have been regaled with the 
 same stories, supplemented by pictures and told 
 with more vividness, even with the glamour of ro- 
 mance, because the lecturer himself had been on 
 the scene of action and had participated in the 
 great enterprise! 
 
 And the men most responsible for this kind of 
 campaign have received princely salaries from the 
 pockets of the Filipino people! Once on vacation 
 trips in America, or after they have left the Phil- 
 ippine service for better places, having thus used 
 the Islands as a stepping stone, they have habit- 
 ually continued their propaganda. It is one of 
 their customs to make gratuitous prophecies for 
 they cannot be anything but mere prophecies of 
 the terrible calamity that would befall the Filipi- 
 nos should they be granted their national desire 
 and be allowed to rule themselves. " Cut loose
 
 PUBLICITY CAMPAIGN 161 
 
 from foreign political influences/' prophesied Prof. 
 Bernard Moses, an ex-Philippine commissioner, 
 " the Filipino would run a very serious risk of 
 lapsing into a state of social confusion relieved 
 only by tribal rule." x These men repeatedly pro- 
 claimed to the world that the cry of independence 
 proceeded only from the mouths of a few hungry 
 " politicos." " This group," says Professor Moses 
 in the article just quoted, " embraces the least use- , 
 ful members of the population as a whole the 
 agitators who, for their own advantage, play upon 
 the ignorance of the common people. . . . These 
 are they whom certain American politicians visit- 
 ing the Islands have flattered and encouraged by 
 calling them the Washingtons and Lincolns of the 
 Philippines." Professor Moses is rivaled, if not, 
 indeed, excelled, in his contempt for Filipino po- 
 litical leaders by another ex-commissioner, Prof. 
 Dean C. Worcester. "What have we ever gained 
 by concessions to politicians?" Mr. Worcester 
 asks. " Can any one point out a single instance in 
 which they have aroused a feeling of gratitude, or 
 even that sense of obligation which may fully jus- 
 tify the adoption of measures that would other- 
 wise be of doubtful utility? No. . . . Gratitude 
 does not enter into the make-up of the average Fili- 
 pino politician, and we must learn not to expect it. 
 i" Atlantic Monthly," May, 1913.
 
 162 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 We must do what ought to be done because it ought 
 to be done and not look for appreciation to a small 
 but very noisy body of men who curse us for stand- 
 ing between them and their prey, as we stood from 
 the day when Dewey first forbade Aguinaldo to 
 steal cattle (?) until now." 2 The above are but 
 samples of the utterances Mr. Worcester has seen 
 fit to spread broadcast in America. Unfortunately, 
 the Filipino people have reciprocated the feeling 
 of animosity that this ex-commissioner entertains 
 toward them. When Mr. Worcester recently re- 
 turned to Cebu as the head of the Visayan Eefin- 
 ing Company, he was met with the protest of the 
 entire people of Cebu, who declared that they did 
 not desire further communication with him, either 
 commercially or governmentally. This protest was 
 adhered to by the entire Filipino people as expressed 
 through a united press. It was probably the first 
 time in the history of the Philippines in which the 
 Filipinos objected to receiving a man as a resident 
 of their country, for whatever faults they may have, 
 they are certainly not lacking in hospitality. In- 
 deed, Mr. Worcester himself has spoken very 
 highly of this trait of the Filipinos. Their griev- 
 ance against Mr. Worcester must therefore be a 
 very great one. They have resented his publicity 
 campaign in America and his hostile attitude to- 
 
 2 Worcester, The Philippine Past and Present, p. 965.
 
 PUBLICITY CAMPAIGN 163 
 
 ward them. An editorial published in a Cebu 
 paper, "El Precursor," describes faithfully the 
 campaign Mr. Worcester has carried on in America 
 as viewed by the Filipino people. The editorial 
 is therefore reproduced here in part, as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 MB. WORCESTER AND THE FILIPINOS MUST PART 
 FOREVER 
 
 The issue is not between capital and the Filipino peo- 
 ple, nor between the American-Philippine Company, of 
 which the Visayan Refining Company is a branch, and 
 the Filipino people. . . . The issue is between Mr. 
 Worcester and the Filipino people. Mr. Worcester's 
 whole career in the Philippines has been a series of in- 
 dignities offered to them. 
 
 He has continuously libeled them before the Amer- 
 ican nation as a mere coterie of contemptible beings sep- 
 arated from one another by warring jealousies and 
 hatred. 
 
 While in America he has delivered lectures, exhibited 
 indecent pictures of savages, exploiting, by innuendos, if 
 not in so many words, the American prevailing con- 
 ception that the Philippines are largely peopled by sav- 
 ages who must be led into the paths of civilization by 
 the American administration. 
 
 On page 973, Volume II of his book The Philippines 
 Past and Present appears a full-page picture of a 
 half-naked Igorrote warrior, with all the paraphernalia 
 of savagery (beads, anklets, bracelets, spear, etc.), while 
 beside him lay the head of the enemy he has just cut
 
 164 THE CASE FOK THE FILIPINOS 
 
 off. Who is this man? Listen to the legend below the 
 picture: " The man with the lance could be elected 
 senator for the Mountain Province were the Jones Bill 
 to be enacted. He has the qualifications therein pre- 
 scribed as necessary to eligibility for this high office." 
 No spirit save that of blind, libelous animosity toward 
 the Filipinos could have intimated that a Philippine 
 electorate would be capable of sending to their senate 
 chamber a naked Igorrote whose greatest pride is his 
 having cut off the head of his fellow man! And this 
 picture was widely reproduced in the press of America 
 with the sensational head line of " A Possible Filipino 
 Senator." It is a conservative estimate that at least 
 half a million Americans have noticed this picture and 
 that 90 per cent, of this number, not knowing anything 
 about the Philippines, have retained the impression of 
 how our future Philippine Senate would look. (See 
 New York " American " of March 1, 1914.) 
 
 On page 14, January number, 1914, of " The Filipino 
 People " is reproduced the photograph of the announce- 
 ment of one of Mr. Worcester's lectures. On top of the 
 card is the title of the lecture " The Philippines," while 
 below it is a group of naked specimens of savagery, cre- 
 ating the impression that the main things worth seeing 
 in the Philippines are the savages. 
 
 Mr. Worcester has filled one entire number of the 
 voluminous " National Geographic Magazine " (Sep- 
 tember, 1912) with nothing but pictures of savages in- 
 habiting ' ' Northern Luzon, ' ' indirectly conveying to the 
 casual and careless reader that they are the typical in- 
 habitants of Luzon. Of course, Mr. Worcester, being, 
 as Justice Tracey puts it, a ' ' seasoned controversialist ' '
 
 PUBLICITY CAMPAIGN 165 
 
 took pains to say in a few lines that these savages do 
 not constitute the majority of the inhabitants of the 
 Philippines; but Mr. Worcester knows full well that 
 90 per cent, of the American readers would not stop to 
 read these lines but would be content with reading the 
 legends below the pictures, all of which are likenesses of 
 savage men. It should be further noticed that these il- 
 lustrations were published at a time when the American 
 people were weighing the capabilities and characteristics 
 of the Filipino people. It is so often seen that by innu- 
 endos you can calumniate an entire people ! 
 
 Mr. Worcester has recently carried on in America an 
 insidious Philippine slavery campaign, not for any de- 
 sire to correct any social evil, but to defeat the Philip- 
 pine legislation which was then being agitated in Con- 
 gress. This campaign created in the American mind the 
 idea that in the Philippines existed a recognized insti- 
 tution of slavery, likening it to the situation which pre- 
 vailed in the United States before the great Civil War. 
 
 Throughout the time when Mr. Worcester was a Phil- 
 ippine commissioner, receiving from the pockets of the 
 Filipino people a salary greater than that of an Amer- 
 ican cabinet member, he showed unmistakable hatred 
 toward the Filipinos. Not content with that, he taught 
 his " pets," the savage tribes, to hate their Chris- 
 tian brothers, their ' ' ancestral enemies. ' ' He ' ' laughed 
 at the idea that the Islands belonged to the so-called 
 civilized people and held that if the Archipelago be- 
 longed to any one it certainly belonged to its original 
 owners, the Negritos." (" Cablenews " of October 11, 
 1910, reporting his Y. M. C. A. speech.) 
 
 To Mr. Worcester our claims about the united Filipino
 
 166 THE CASE FOB THE FILIPINOS 
 
 people are mere " idle vaporings " (page 937, Philip- 
 pines Past and Present). We " consider bandits as 
 popular heroes" (page 970, Philippines Pas* and 
 Present). We are led to-day by " leaders who have re- 
 cently committed almost incredible barbarities. ..." 
 
 To him our Philippine Assembly that body which 
 has commanded the respect and admiration of each and 
 every other American who has been here, be he Repub- 
 lican or Democrat is a joke. It came " at least ten 
 years too soon," he said. " Its creation in 1907 has 
 resulted in imposing a heavy financial burden on the 
 country for which there has been no adequate compen- 
 sating return " (page 772, Philippines Past and Pres- 
 ent). It has " passed bills which, if approved by the 
 Upper House, would have brought the administration of 
 justice within the domain of politics, emptied the insu- 
 lar treasury, paralyzed health work, and gravely men- 
 aced public order." (From Mr. Worcester's article in 
 " The Independent," February 23, 1914.) 
 
 The Filipino people must, indeed, be blind not to 
 have noticed this over-cordial hatred of Mr. Worcester 
 towards them, for to his own countrymen his feelings 
 have also become apparent. 
 
 Judge James H. Blount considers him " the direst 
 calamity that has befallen the Filipinos since the Amer- 
 ican occupation, neither war, pestilence, famine, recon- 
 centration, nor tariff, wrought poverty excepted " 
 (page 571, American Occupation of the Philippines). 
 The New York "Evening Post" (April 4, 1914), a 
 non-partizan newspaper, has this to say of Mr. Worces- 
 ter's book: 
 
 ' ' Mr. Worcester devotes more than one hundred pages
 
 PUBLICITY CAMPAIGN 167 
 
 of his book to proving that nobody connected with our 
 Government ever held out false hopes to Aguinaldo. 
 What he proves for its is merely his hatred of every 
 Filipino who desires to see the independence of his coun- 
 try. All such persons he denounces as ' politicos ' 
 meaning demagogues. The present work breathes a 
 spirit of animosity not often equaled in a work intended 
 to be a permanent contribution to the annals of men's 
 struggles for free institutions." 
 
 So we believe, nay, we are convinced, that for the 
 harmony of Filipinos and Americans, both in commer- 
 cial as well as governmental fields, we must say adieu 
 to Mr. Dean C. Worcester. He cannot add to the solu- 
 tion of this, America's greatest problem in the Orient. 
 As head of the Visayan Refining Company he will nec- 
 essarily deal with the whole people of the Visayas, and 
 any relation between him and a portion of the civilized 
 Filipinos is hardly possible. If he so loves the Philip- 
 pines that he cannot live away from it, let him live 
 the secluded life of a scientist or an anthropologist. We 
 will not object to Mr. Worcester the anthropologist. 
 We will give him as many skulls to measure and as many 
 tribes to classify, but we shall request him not to use 
 his scientific investigations to calumniate, directly or by 
 innuendos, an entire people. Because we, too, love sci- 
 ence, we shall not try to eclipse any halo he may be able 
 to girdle around his head as an anthropologist of world- 
 wide renown. 
 
 The American reader may be surprised that the 
 feelings of the Filipino people have been excited to 
 such a pitch against the merciless campaign that
 
 168 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 has been carried on to baffle their national aspira- 
 tion; but he can place himself in the position of 
 the Filipino people by imagining his nation, dur- 
 ing her struggle against King George III, repre- 
 sented before the English people as being composed 
 mainly of Indian savages having no notion of any 
 form of national government. A similar impres- 
 sion is exactly what many opponents of independ- 
 ence to-day proposed to create in the American 
 mind. In order that the Filipinos may not be ac- 
 cused of being more sensitive about these repre- 
 sentations, or misrepresentations, of Philippine 
 conditions than they should be, I shall quote what 
 an American, Dr. John K. McDill, has had to say 
 about this propaganda. Dr. McDill was for thir- 
 teen years in the Philippines, first as an army man 
 and later as professor in the University of the Phil- 
 ippines. On April 9, 1913, he addressed the Mil- 
 waukee Press Club, in part, as follows : 
 
 The census of 1903 shows the population of the Islands 
 to consist of 7,600,000 people. Of these, 7,000,000 are 
 Christians and 600,000 are non-Christians. Of these 
 non-Christians half are Moros or Mohammedans, living 
 in Mindanao and the Jolo Group, and the other half 
 are uncivilized people of the mountains, in tribes, liv- 
 ing in widely separated districts. These 600,000 peo- 
 ple are really a negligible quantity in the general po- 
 litical equation, but, unfortunately, these are the people
 
 PUBLICITY CAMPAIGN 169 
 
 who, for political reasons, have been the most widely ad- 
 vertised feature of the Philippine Islands. 
 
 Their repulsive pictures and habits have been per- 
 sistently and officially portrayed in the leading maga- 
 zines of this country and by lecturers until the majority 
 of Americans regard them as typical of the Filipino peo- 
 ple. The lecturer in vogue just now in America flashes 
 on the screen a life-size rear view of a geestring-clad 
 Bontok Igorrote at the bat to show how the Filipinos 
 have taken to baseball. The picture furnished to the dig- 
 nified "Women's Club of Milwaukee last week their most 
 vivid memory of a lecture on the Philippines. Con- 
 trasted with this are pictures depicting the wonderful 
 possibilities of the Islands in hemp, copra, sugar, and 
 tobacco cultivation, with suggestions as to what has been 
 and can be done under American management. The en- 
 tire issue of last September's " National Geographic 
 Magazine " was devoted to the Head Hunters of North- 
 ern Luzon, and evidently has made a great impression 
 all over the country. This article of a hundred pages, 
 and one hundred and six wonderful illustrations, por- 
 traying the most horrible habits possible to human kind, 
 was written by a prominent government official, an 
 American member of the Philippine Upper House, the 
 man mentioned in Judge Blount's recent book as the 
 " official digger-up of non-Christian tribes " and as 
 " the direst calamity that has befallen the Filipinos 
 since the American occupation." This writer's official 
 reputation for honesty is protected in the inconspicuous 
 closing sentence, which states that " the sometimes 
 highly objectionable customs which have prevailed or 
 still prevail among the million non-Christian inhabitants
 
 170 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 must not be credited to the Filipinos, the civilized and 
 Christianized inhabitants of the Philippines, of whom 
 there are some 7,000,000." But this obscure note fails 
 to remove the false impression conveyed. The expense 
 of the collection of this and similar damaging propa- 
 ganda is paid for out of the pockets of the helpless 
 Filipino people. 
 
 An exuberant magazine article of last year, referring 
 to Brigadier-General Clarence R. Edwards' achieve- 
 ment in Philippine affairs, spoke of " the strides we 
 have made in the development of the 8,000,000 naked 
 savages, gory head-hunters, grinning Moros and what 
 not that Dewey pulled out of the wet under our star- 
 spangled umbrella." This is the sort of popular trash 
 with which Americans are blinded to the importance of 
 this great national problem. The Filipino people are not 
 the collection of ethnological curiosities they have been 
 represented to the popular mind. This is a great 
 calumny. 
 
 It may be inferred from the above that the 
 " lecturer in vogue " referred to by Dr. McDill is 
 the same person that has been the object of the re- 
 cent nation-wide protest in the Philippines Ex- 
 Commissioner Dean C. Worcester. He is consid- 
 ered to-day by many Americans as perhaps the 
 greatest authority on the Philippines ! He is gen- 
 erally introduced at all lectures as the only Amer- 
 ican with eighteen years of experience in the Is- 
 lands, and therefore the man who should best know 
 the Filipino people, as if time, no matter how
 
 PUBLICITY CAMPAIGN 171 
 
 long, spent in cultivating a spirit of deep-seated 
 animosity could ever be a reliable aid to the knowl- 
 edge of a people! Human sympathy, regard for 
 the feelings of others, respect for their customs 
 and idiosyncrasies, appreciation for their ideals 
 and aspirations these alone could open to the 
 stranger a people's life, help him to hear 
 their heart-throbbings, discover their innermost 
 thoughts, learn their mental processes, pierce into 
 their soul. Through these alone could he really 
 know a people ! 
 
 What circumstances could it be that permitted 
 the campaign of Mr. Worcester to exert an influ- 
 ence on the American people, representing as it 
 did all that was humiliating and hateful to the 
 Filipinos? What special conditions have con- 
 spired to allow him to figure in the discussion of 
 the Philippine question in America? Mr. Worces- 
 ter's Philippine career and campaign in the United 
 States, like all the grievances of subject peoples, 
 are but the natural sequence of an ill-advised pol- 
 icy. It is now the common verdict of history that 
 Warren Hastings was not so much to blame for his 
 atrocities in India as England herself, or rather 
 her imperial policy, which tolerated and even en- 
 couraged inhuman practices. What must be the 
 natural outcome of an American policy which lays 
 aside all the claims of a people for self-government
 
 172 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 and independence, rules them without their con- 
 sent on the plea that they are an incapable people 
 and that they must be governed for their own good? 
 What must be the necessary instrument in order 
 that such a policy may be accepted by the American 
 nation whose revered and traditional political doc- 
 trine is to respect the right of self-government of 
 all peoples, in all climes, everywhere? The sup- 
 porters of that policy, in order to justify it and to 
 carry it out with the approval of the American 
 nation, must necessarily subject that people to the 
 humiliation of being calumniated and described as 
 a mere conglomeration of warring tribes or a co- 
 terie of naked savages, incapable of any form of na- 
 tional self-government. Such partizan advocates 
 will necessarily paint that people in the color that 
 will best suit their purposes. They will not stop 
 at anything that might reconcile the American na- 
 tion to their policy. Hence this insidious cam- 
 paign that has been carried on for sixteen years, 
 culminating in the charges of Mr. Worcester a 
 campaign that has humiliated the Filipino people, 
 hurt their national feelings, and, instead of recon- 
 ciling them to American rule, encouraged them to 
 demand with more and more positiveness their com- 
 plete political emancipation. Through this cam- 
 paign the gulf between Americans and Filipinos in 
 the Islands has been made wider and wider. The
 
 PUBLICITY CAMPAIGN 173 
 
 Anglo-Saxon assumption of superiority was 
 strengthened by the sense of political mastery over 
 a subject and " incapable " people in the minds of 
 Americans resident in the Archipelago. The Fili- 
 pinos realized that every American sent there un- 
 der the Republican regime would be, on his return 
 to America, a publicity agent who would do his best 
 to paint them in the blackest colors. Eace preju- 
 dice found a natural breeding place in such an at- 
 mosphere. It was because of this unfortunate sit- 
 uation that Monroe Woolley, an American maga- 
 zine writer who lived in the Philippines for many 
 years, exclaimed : " Our yoke to-day is far more 
 odious to the native, educated or uneducated, than 
 any other which ever galled or chafed his neck."
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 THE VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 
 
 WE have seen that the Philippine problem has 
 been so far discussed in the United States 
 by the American people alone. The Filipino peo- 
 ple have not been allowed to participate, either di- 
 rectly or through their chosen representatives, in 
 such discussion. It is true that they found warm 
 friends in many Americans in public life who have 
 eloquently voiced their longings for independence; 
 but the retentionists, through their persistent cam- 
 paign, have drowned all these protests, denying the 
 existence not only of a Filipino people but also 
 of true national feeling in the Islands. Indeed, the 
 difficulty of the whole Philippine question lies in 
 the refusal of the American nation to treat the 
 Filipinos as a people possessing inalienable and 
 inherent rights to their own life, their property, 
 and the pursuit of their own happiness. The repre- 
 sentative of their Malolos Government was refused 
 a hearing by the American commissioners at the 
 Paris Peace Conference, and the treaty was signed 
 without even any attempt to ascertain what the 
 
 174
 
 VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 175 
 
 Filipinos might say as to their own future. The- 
 same representative found the gates of the Wash- 
 ington Government closed upon him. Hostilities 
 having begun against the desires of the Filipinos, 
 they pleaded for a cessation, requiring that con- 
 ferences be held by representatives of both the 
 American and the Filipino peoples to deal with the 
 future political relations between the two coun- 
 tries ; but the plan was rejected. President McKin- 
 ley told the American nation that it was not a Fili- 
 pino people that was opposing American rule, but 
 only one of the eighty tribes inhabiting the Islands. 
 Mr. Roosevelt reinforced that idea by likening that 
 struggle to a war on a savage Indian chief Sit- 
 ting Bull. Unconditional surrender was asked of 
 the Filipinos in arms. Sheer exhaustion was the 
 only thing, however, that brought about such un- 
 conditional surrender and complete peace. 
 
 With the laying down of their arms the Filipino 
 people continued their struggle for independence 
 with the implements of peace. The national spirit 
 that had animated them in the battle-field was soon 
 reawakened ; and the political party that had advo- 
 cated permanent annexation was relegated to ob- 
 livion. The retentionists, in the height of their 
 power and influence, failed to secure the signature 
 of a single Filipino who favored their policy of 
 indefinite retention. " When a people has felt in
 
 176 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 their hearts the revelation of their political unity 
 and is convinced that the time has come for them 
 to assume a place in the world's history " - de- 
 clared a Filipino statesman x " it is impossible to 
 detain them from their march; it is in vain to 
 amuse them with other scenes and allurements, be- 
 cause they have their eyes fixed ahead, and, invok- 
 ing the help of men and of the Almighty, they will 
 continue to follow the dictates of their inner self, 
 the voice of their destiny." 
 
 Under the Organic Act, the Philippine Assembly 
 elected by the Filipino people was allowed to 
 choose in 1907, and every four years thereafter, a 
 resident commissioner to represent the Filipino 
 people in the United States. 2 Although the Fili- 
 pino resident commissioner had only a voice and no 
 vote in Congress and even his voice is not his by 
 right but only a courtesy given him by the House - 
 the Filipino people found in him the exponent of 
 their desires before the American nation and Con- 
 
 iThe Hon. Rafael Palma, member of the Upper House, or 
 Philippine Commission, of the Philippine Government, in a 
 speech delivered in Manila, October 16, 1912. 
 
 2 The Commission was also allowed to elect a resident com- 
 missioner, but as it was then composed in its majority of 
 appointive Americans, its representative could not in any sense 
 be considered a representative of the Filipino people. The 
 present resident commissioner selected by the Commission, 
 however, the Hon. Manuel Farnshaw, has disappointed the 
 Americans who elected him by advocating Philippine inde- 
 pendence, thus joining with his colleague, the Hon. Manuel L. 
 Quezon.
 
 VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 177 
 
 gress. They have not lost hope that sooner or later 
 their voice will be heard. The first Filipino resi- 
 dent commissioner, the Hon. Pablo Ocampo, deliv- 
 ered the first plea of the Filipino independence 
 campaign at the Lake Mohonk Conference, in 1908. 
 But to his successor, one of the present commis- 
 sioners, Hon. Manuel L. Quezon, fell the honor of 
 directing the entire campaign for Philippine inde- 
 pendence in America. He has become the trusted 
 spokesman for his eight million countrymen, hav- 
 ing been twice unanimously reflected to his present 
 position, and he enjoys their full confidence and 
 esteem. He has time and again appealed to Con- 
 gress, has made frequent tours throughout Amer- 
 ica, speaking always for Philippine independence, 
 and has clashed many a time with the people and 
 the interests that are opposing the freedom of his 
 country. His position is perhaps unique in the his- 
 tory of colonization the position of a representa- 
 tive of a subject people, sitting in the Congress of 
 the metropolis, openly and fearlessly advocating 
 the complete political emancipation of his country- 
 men. Nothing can do justice to the message Mr. 
 Quezon brings from his eight million constituents 
 to the American people but his own speeches and 
 appeals. It will, therefore, be necessary to quote 
 him rather extensively. 
 
 Mr. Quezon contends that independence is the
 
 178 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 only policy America could wisely and justly follow 
 in the Philippines. He says : 
 
 American policy regarding the Philippines must be 
 based upon the theory that the United States by its tra- 
 ditions, by its history and institutions, and by the prin- 
 ciples which constitute the very foundation of its national 
 life, cannot consistently hold colonies against the avowed 
 will of the inhabitants thereof. Therefore, that policy to 
 be truly American must contemplate as a final outcome 
 either statehood or independence. 
 
 Statehood for the Philippines is not desirable, either 
 from the standpoint of the American or from that of the 
 Filipino people. Differences in race, customs, interests, 
 and the thousands of miles of water which separate both 
 countries, are insurmountable obstacles to Philippine 
 statehood. 
 
 The idea of assimilating the Filipinos and making 
 Americans out of an Asiatic people should be recog- 
 nized by any sane person as utterly impossible. It 
 could be accomplished, if at all, only by the immigra- 
 tion into the Islands of, at least, double as many Amer- 
 icans as there are Filipinos to-day, so that in the course 
 of several generations the original Filipino race would 
 have been absorbed by the Anglo-Saxon. Climatic con- 
 ditions prevent this course, and, owing to their geograph- 
 ical position, the Philippines will never be the country 
 of a white people. 
 
 That a territory inhabited by a people who constitute, 
 by themselves, a separate and distinct entity, entirely 
 foreign to the people of the United States, should become 
 an American State, is too obviously unwise to merit any 
 consideration.
 
 VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 179 
 
 On the other hand, the idea of statehood does not 
 appeal to the Filipinos. They consider themselves a 
 people, distinct from any other, constituting a nation of 
 their own, and they cannot link their destiny with that 
 of any other nation. They have their own ideals, cus- 
 toms, habits, traditions, which must mold their govern- 
 ment and national institutions, if these are to be satis- 
 factory to them. 
 
 There remains only the other solution of the problem, 
 which is independence for the Philippines. 
 
 To defer independence for the Philippines until after 
 several generations have gone by, when no living Amer- 
 ican or Filipino will see it, as Mr. Taft and those who 
 are in accord with him have suggested, is practically 
 to deny the Filipino people their right to govern them- 
 selves. Who can honestly assert that, because it is hinted 
 that the Filipinos may become an independent nation 
 within three or four generations, their control in the 
 meantime by the United States is not in violation of 
 the letter and spirit of the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence? 
 
 Independence, to be a true American policy, should 
 be recognized at once or within a reasonable time; cer- 
 tainly within the lifetime of those who are responsible 
 for the control of the Islands by the United States. 
 Such a course is the only course that will relieve this 
 country from the charge of having assumed permanent 
 control of the Philippines. 
 
 To this exposition American imperialists may re- 
 join with the familiar assertion that the Filipinos 
 do not want independence ; that it is but the cry of
 
 ISO THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 a few Filipino politicians, who, disguised as patri- 
 ots, desire to get power into their hands in order 
 that they may enslave and exploit their own peo- 
 ple ; that there is no such thing as a Filipino people. 
 To this Mr. Quezon would answer : 
 
 We all want independence and are entitled to it. 
 The argument of Filipino incapacity for self-govern- 
 ment is hypocritical. It is the veil with which the 
 American office-holder covers his desire to keep his place. 
 It is the ambush behind which lurks the company which 
 monopolizes our hemp and the sugar interest, which 
 have already acquired, in defiance of an Act of Con- 
 gress, 65,000 acres of land in one tract, and are ready 
 to get more if given time and opportunity. Or at best 
 it is the wish father to the thought of some American 
 missionaries or churchmen who mistakenly think that 
 they can make more converts among the wild men of 
 the Philippines if they are backed by American soldiers. 
 
 No intelligent man who knows the contemporaneous 
 history of the Philippine Islands and has had an inti- 
 mate contact with the people of the Philippines can hon- 
 estly say that the Filipinos do not constitute a homo- 
 geneous people, conscious of their own nationality. 
 Racially the Filipinos are more homogeneous than the 
 people of the United States, because while the Amer- 
 ican people to-day include elements coming from differ- 
 ent parts and races of Europe, the Filipinos all belong 
 to the same stock the Malay race. In religion they 
 are also more homogeneous than the people of the 
 United States, for practically all the civilized people of 
 the Philippines, numbering more than seven and a half
 
 VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 181 
 
 millions out of the total population of eight millions, 
 are Roman Catholics. Belonging to the same race, 
 molded by the same church and the same civilization for 
 the past 300 years, the Filipinos would naturally have, 
 as they have in fact, the same characteristics, customs, 
 habits, and ideas. 
 
 That they constitute a nation, that they have com- 
 mon national aspirations and feelings, is a fact proven 
 beyond any question. The pages of the contemporary 
 history of the Philippines are illuminated with the most 
 eloquent proofs of the unity of the Filipino people. In 
 the struggle for freedom the sons of the northern as 
 well as those of the southern islands have given their 
 lives. 
 
 There is not a region in the whole Philippine Archi- 
 pelago which has not been sprinkled with the blood of 
 the inhabitants of that territory in the common strug- 
 gle of the country for liberty. At the call of the Philip- 
 pine independence cause, every province in the Archipel- 
 ago, those provinces said to be inhabited by people of 
 different tribes, responded, and headed by one man, 
 whose local origin no one cared to inquire, they re- 
 volted against Spain and conquered every garrison and 
 imprisoned every Spanish soldier outside the city of Ma- 
 nila. In defense of that same independence which they 
 had so bravely wrung from their former masters and 
 under the direction of a government which they them- 
 selves had established, they opposed American domina- 
 tion in the Islands, in spite of the fact that they knew 
 but too well that their opposition would be crushed and 
 that their reward for love of country would be death. 
 The following extract from a declaration made by Ad-
 
 182 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 miral Dewey before the Senate Committee on the Phil- 
 ippines indicates how united were the Filipinos in their 
 revolution against Spain. When the Admiral was asked 
 how large was the Philippine army which revolted 
 against Spain, he said it numbered about 25,000, and 
 added : 
 
 " They could have had any number of men; it was 
 just a question of arming them. They could have had 
 the whole population. ' ' 
 
 The trouble with many right-minded Americans is 
 that they refuse to take notice of what we Filipinos 
 say. Because they have lived in the Islands for a short 
 or long period of time, they feel that they know all 
 about the Filipinos when they really don't know any- 
 thing or know very little about them. And if they 
 would ask themselves how they have acquired their al- 
 leged knowledge of the islanders they will find that theirs 
 is but second-hand information, no matter how long they 
 have lived in the Islands because American residents 
 in the Philippines do not mingle intimately with the peo- 
 ple, especially if they are men occupying high positions 
 in the Government, in the church, whether Protestant or 
 Catholic, or in business. 
 
 If you want to know how we feel and what we think, 
 you must take our words for it. You cannot learn it in 
 any other way. Do not always attribute to us selfish 
 motives. 
 
 The Philippine Assembly, the only national repre- 
 sentative body of the Archipelago, has several times pe- 
 titioned Congress to grant the Islands independence. 
 The following words of Speaker Sergio Osmena on the 
 occasion of the closing of the first Philippine Assembly
 
 VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 183 
 
 were endorsed by every province and municipality of the 
 Islands : 
 
 " Permit me, Gentlemen of the Chamber, to declare 
 solemnly before God and before the world, upon my 
 conscience as a deputy and representative of my com- 
 patriots, and under my responsibility as president of 
 this chamber, that we believe the people desire inde- 
 pendence, that it believes itself capable of leading an 
 orderly existence, efficient both in internal and external 
 affairs, as a member of the free and civilized nations; 
 and that we believe that if at this moment the United 
 States should grant the suit of the Filipino people for 
 liberty, it could discharge to the full its obligations to- 
 ward itself and toward others, without detriment to lib- 
 erty, to law, or to justice." 
 
 The opponents of Philippine independence would 
 proceed : The masses of the people in the Philip- 
 pines are in such a state of dense ignorance that 
 they know nothing and care less about independ- 
 ence. Those people are semi-civilized, if not en- 
 tirely savage. Some of them eat dogs, and for 
 proof we refer you to the St. Louis Exposition, 
 where Igorrotes were exhibited engaged in that 
 toothsome pastime. As further proof of the de- 
 plorable condition of those people, behold the 
 " moving " and " nonmoving " pictures of naked 
 natives armed with bows and arrows and spears. 
 It would be a pity to set this people adrift. The 
 Government of the United States alone can civilize
 
 184 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 them, and it must, for the sake of humanity, under- 
 take and carry to its successful termination this 
 altruistic work. Again Mr. Quezon would answer : 
 
 We know that we are a civilized people and have been 
 civilized for 300 years. We know that there are only 
 600,000 non-Christians in the Philippines, while there 
 are over 7,000,000 Christians, that 45 per cent, of the 
 adult Christians were literate before American occupa- 
 tion, and that at least fully 75 per cent, of them now are. 
 We know that we had a university in the Philippines 
 even before Harvard University was established and that 
 now we have two. We know that we had 1674 public 
 schools before American occupation, distributed among 
 900 towns, and now we have more than 4000. We know 
 that we had colleges in every important capital city and 
 several in Manila, for both men and women, before 
 American occupation, and that now the number has 
 greatly increased. We know that there are Filipinos in 
 the Supreme Court of the Islands the chief justice be- 
 ing one of them who are at least equal to their Ameri- 
 can associates. We know that two-thirds of the judges 
 of the courts of first instance are Filipinos. We know 
 that all the justices of the peace are Filipinos. We know 
 that the municipal and provincial governments are ad- 
 ministered by Filipinos elected by Filipino voters. We 
 know that the Philippine Assembly, the lower house of 
 the legislature, is composed entirely of Filipinos, also 
 elected by Filipino voters; and we know that if permit- 
 ted to elect the upper house of the legislature, we would 
 elect senators who would be equal to their task. We 
 know that we could elect a President who would be at
 
 VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 185 
 
 least as wise and patriotic as any chief executive the 
 President of the United States could appoint over us. 
 
 Our opponents end this controversy by exclaiming, 
 " Behold Mexico to-day. If you make the Philippines 
 independent, another Mexican situation, which would 
 perplex the United States with a repetition of the 
 ' watchful waiting ' policy, is sure to arise." 
 
 This Mexican argument seems effective nowadays. I 
 do not know much about Mexico and the causes that 
 lay at the root of this unfortunate disturbance in that 
 republic. But there is something I can say in connec- 
 tion with this argument. In the first place, when we 
 judge other people's affairs it is well to remember that 
 paragraph of the Scriptures which tells us, in effect, 
 that we should be fully aware of the beam in our own 
 eye before commenting on the mote in that of our neigh- 
 bor. What nation on the face of the earth has been free 
 from internal disorders or revolution? What nation 
 can say that it will ever be free from this, the most dread- 
 ful calamity that can befall any country ? 
 
 In the second place, let me give you some points re- 
 specting the principal differences between conditions in 
 Mexico and conditions in the Philippines, which may ex- 
 plain why we confidently expect that which is going on 
 in the distressed Republic of Mexico will not happen 
 in the Islands if free from the control of the United 
 States. I am making no invidious comparisons, but 
 merely stating facts. Mexico acquired its independence 
 from Spain by force of arms, and previous to that time 
 the people of Mexico took no part in the government of 
 their country. Despotic foreign absolutism was the 
 kind of government that prevailed in Mexico until then.
 
 186 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 Once independent, a democratic form of government 
 was established. The change was so radical that the 
 failure of the new government was inevitable. More- 
 over, the great majority of the people upon which, 
 democratic governments must depend did not have 
 either education or property, and therefore did not pos- 
 sess those qualifications leading to the maintenance of 
 public order and of law. To this day knowledge and 
 wealth are still the monopoly of the few. In the Phil- 
 ippines, on the contrary, the majority of the people are 
 literate and property owners. Besides, we have been 
 practising the art of self-government for seventeen years 
 under American supervision. During this time we have 
 been electing our provincial and municipal officials, mem- 
 bers of our assembly, and, although the political cam- 
 paigns in the Philippines are heated, we have abided by 
 the results of the elections or have gone to the courts 
 with our protests. We have never resorted to arms to 
 settle any controversy. 
 
 Now, these are precisely the conditions that give sta- 
 bility to a democratic government an intelligent and 
 property-owning electorate habituated to respect the will 
 of the majority. 
 
 But after all is said and done, the question as to the 
 Filipino capacity for self-government can be satisfacto- 
 rily answered only by a practical showing. 
 
 But why should not the Filipino people be con- 
 tent with American rule? Americans ask. They 
 now have a greater trade, better roads, more 
 schools, greater personal liberties, a good, efficient
 
 government. They are in reality a free people. 
 Mr. Quezon has a ready reply to this : 
 
 I will answer in the language of that great apostle of 
 human freedom, Daniel "Webster : 
 
 " No matter how easy may be the yoke of a foreign 
 power, no matter how lightly it sits upon the shoulders, 
 if it is not imposed by the voice of his own nation and 
 of his own country, he will not, he cannot, and he means 
 not to be happy under its burden. ' ' 
 
 Despite the increase of our trade, the large number 
 of our schools, the improvement of our means of com- 
 munication and transportation, and other social and 
 religious activities, we are more dissatisfied with the 
 present regime. What then do we need? What do we 
 want? We need, we want to accomplish that which 
 alone can really make a people happy ; our own self-mas- 
 tery. In the language of President Wilson, " We 
 would rather starve a free people than be fed a mere 
 thing." 
 
 In other words, it is not your philanthropy, your re- 
 ligious, commercial, or governmental aid that we need 
 or desire ; it is your recognition of our right to claim and 
 to enjoy that which is most dear to you : Freedom. 
 
 That which is good government for one people might 
 not be good for another. That is a good government 
 which best secures the happiness and prosperity of the 
 people which it governs. To accomplish this, a gov- 
 ernment must know the needs of the country and must 
 not only feel its responsibility to the country but must 
 love it as well. We give the Americans credit for try- 
 ing to do their best in the Islands to make the Filipinos
 
 188 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 happy and prosperous, but the wisest American will 
 never know the Filipino as the Filipino knows himself, 
 and the most altruistic American can never love the 
 Philippines as much as the Filipinos love their own 
 country. It is, therefore, manifestly impossible for an 
 American government in the Philippines to be as suc- 
 cessful as a Philippine independent government will be. 
 " No man is good enough to govern another without that 
 other's consent," said Lincoln. 
 
 To those who assert that the Filipinos, although under 
 American guardianship, are a free people, let me say 
 that freedom and guardianship are two incompatible 
 ideas. The fact that the Filipinos are given in the Or- 
 ganic Act the same individual rights that the American 
 citizens have, with the exception of the right to bear 
 arms and be tried by jury, does not make the Filipino 
 as free as. an American citizen, as has been alleged. A 
 free man is he whose rights are secured by himself and 
 cannot be taken away from him at will. Our so-called 
 individual rights are granted to us by Congress, which 
 has reserved the right to take them away from us at any 
 time. 
 
 The case of Canada, Australia and other self-govern- 
 ing British colonies has been cited to prove that a peo- 
 ple may not have national independence and yet be free. 
 But the people of these colonies are a free people be- 
 cause their very loose connection with Great Britain is 
 of their own will and the mother country may not inter- 
 fere with their affairs. Our status is wholly at variance 
 with the Canadians or Australians. We are not free, 
 neither as a people nor as individuals. 
 
 Mr. Quezon concludes :
 
 VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 189 
 
 Their ambition to have a national existence has been 
 the overwhelming force that made them strive to ac- 
 quire education, to better their sanitation, to increase 
 and accumulate wealth, and raise their standard of liv- 
 ing. This same force has been the magic and secret 
 cause that made possible the work of three generations 
 done in a single decade. Do not allow the present ad- 
 ministration 3 to carry out its avowed policy of granting 
 Philippine independence ; disappoint in this manner the 
 Filipino people; let them know that no one of the liv- 
 ing will see their country free and you will kill them 
 as a body politic. Their enthusiasm for advancement 
 will die out. They will not do as much business; for 
 what is the use of wealth if, we cannot look at our f el- 
 lowmen as equal to equal? Their children will lose the 
 eager interest for learning they now have; for what is 
 the use of knowing the rights of man and of people if 
 you cannot enjoy them? An educated man is more un- 
 happy if he is not free than an ignorant man under the 
 same conditions. But let us have independence and our 
 progress will receive the greatest impulse. 
 
 Conditions? You may impose what you will for the 
 granting of that boon. There is nothing that we are 
 not prepared to do or give to accomplish our national 
 ambition. Do you want to make the Philippines the 
 scene of your religious activities ? You will be perfectly 
 welcome to do so. We shall guarantee full protection 
 to your priests and ministers. Do you want our market 
 for your goods and do you wish to use it as your base 
 of supply for your Oriental trade? We shall give you 
 every facility you need. Do you want to develop our 
 
 3 Mr. Quezon means the Democratic administration.
 
 190 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 natural resources? We shall open to you our mines 
 and our forests, and shall give you our labor. Is it not 
 better for you to deal with us as friends in whatever field 
 we may meet ? 
 
 And we can be friends only, if we are not your sub- 
 jects. There can be no friendship between the ruler 
 and the ruled. There can be no friendship unless there 
 is mutual respect. And you cannot respect us, while we 
 are treated as your wards. These are no perfunctory 
 words. Every American familiar with conditions in the 
 Philippine Islands knows with what hardly concealed 
 contempt the natives are treated by the Americans 
 there. The attitude of superiority, which is natural in 
 an Anglo-Saxon, is augmented by the feeling of political 
 mastery which necessarily is felt by colonial administra- 
 tors. And this is, of course, offensive to the Filipinos, 
 and it is an offense that reaches the innermost of a man 's 
 soul. This evil can only be remedied by the recognition 
 of the right of the Filipinos to be free from all foreign 
 rule. 
 
 My closing words, therefore, are: If you want to 
 have a good market in the Philippines; if you want to 
 exercise there the influence of your ministers and 
 priests; if you want your institutions admired; if you 
 want to gain our love there is only one policy that 
 can accomplish this that of immediately taking steps 
 for the speedy granting of Philippine independence. 
 
 The Americans are a busy commercial people. 
 After the novelty of the Philippine question had 
 passed away, contrary to the expectation of the im- 
 perialists, they returned to their domestic duties
 
 VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 191 
 
 and occupied themselves with domestic questions. 
 The early cry for independence coming from across 
 the ocean 8000 miles away, they heard but faintly. 
 The casual American reader now and then finds 
 some little report in the newspapers regarding the 
 desires of the Filipino people. " Filipinos Want 
 Freedom," says the headline in some obscure cor- 
 ner of his favorite daily. " Oh, well," he remarks, 
 " they will have it when they are ready," and dis- 
 misses the subject, turning to the sporting page or 
 laying down the paper and going about his busi- 
 ness. And yet there is something in that cry for 
 independence that appeals to his Americanism. 
 On the next occasion when he sees another despatch 
 he perhaps becomes a little more interested. Then 
 come the periodical " revolts " in Luzon or Cebu. 
 A sensation is created. The word " Philippines " 
 is again on the front page. Our reader has his in- 
 terest reawakened, lets his imagination stray to 
 those far-off mountains of Luzon, and wonders if 
 that man Aguinaldo is again on the war-path. 
 Once the sensation over, the revolt is over; for 
 the promise of the confirmation of the rumor is 
 never forthcoming. Our reader again forgets that 
 there is such a thing as the Philippine Islands, un- 
 til suddenly on some dull, uninteresting day, while 
 hungering for a little excitement, he sees in the 
 glare of the footlights some hardworking " scien-
 
 192 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 tist," fresh from the backwoods of Luzon, trium- 
 phantly announcing the discovery of a strange, in- 
 sidious plant which he calls " Philippine slavery " 
 and our reader again remembers that his Govern- 
 ment sixteen years ago bought a piece of land which 
 has since become an experimental station for sci- 
 entists, missionaries, educators, experts, and what 
 not. 
 
 Thus even those things which are calculated to 
 prejudice the American mind against the Philip- 
 pines have helped to recall to Americans the ex- 
 istence of a people whose future and happiness have 
 been placed in their hands. American public 
 opinion is often strange in its workings. It has 
 its ebbs and flow. Sometimes it appears unreason- 
 able and passionate ; at other times, slow, cold, un- 
 responsive. But underneath its spasmodic, out- 
 ward manifestations there is a steady, invisible 
 undercurrent, constantly gaining in momentum, 
 likely to make itself felt when least expected. 
 
 When first the demand for independence was 
 voiced by the Filipino people in America, the re- 
 tentionists chuckled behind their desks, confident 
 in their strong position acquired after years of con- 
 stant campaigning. Despite, however, their prot- 
 estations to the contrary, the desire of the Fili- 
 pino people for independence had become a settled 
 proposition in the mind of the American people.
 
 VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 193 
 
 The stanchest enemies of independence have now 
 to admit that the Filipinos do want independence. 
 A few years ago, ex-President Taft expressed the 
 belief that the longer the Filipinos remained under 
 American rule, the less they would want inde- 
 pendence. To-day he is one of the first to admit 
 that " most of them " do want independence, per- 
 haps " 90 per cent, of the ignorant Filipinos." 
 
 The first issue which came before Congress be- 
 tween the defenders of American administration in 
 the Islands and the Filipino advocates of inde- 
 pendence, was the friar-land controversy. The 
 Mar-land estate of Mindoro, called the San Jose 
 Estate, amounting to 55,000 acres, had been sold 
 by the Philippine Government to an American cor- 
 poration. 
 
 Charges were made that administrators in the 
 Philippine Government were enriching themselves 
 by buying the best of these lands. These acts were 
 denounced by Congressman Martin, of Colorado, as 
 exploitation, pure and simple. He was stren- 
 uously supported by the Anti-Imperialist League of 
 Boston, which claimed that its original contention 
 that Philippine exploitation was the prime object 
 of Philippine occupation was now being justified. 
 It was also argued that such sales w T ere illegal in- 
 asmuch as the law explicitly provided that public 
 lands should not be sold to corporations in tracts
 
 194 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 of more than 2500 acres each, and that friar lands 
 were as much public lands as the other domains of 
 the Philippine Government. The Filipino people 
 were a unit in their disapproval of this sale, view- 
 ing it with much concern and alarm. Although 
 the House of Representatives was still controlled 
 by the Republicans, Congressman Martin succeeded 
 in having the Committee on Insular Affairs au- 
 thorized to investigate the truth of the charge. 
 Governor Forbes, Commissioner Worcester, Secre- 
 tary Carpenter, Attorney-General Villamor and the 
 late Mr. Del Pan, attorney for the Government, 
 were called to Washington to testify. They all, 
 of course, endeavored to justify the action of the 
 Philippine administration. The majority of the 
 committee made a report favorable to the Philip- 
 pine Government, but it was evident that many of 
 its members did not approve of a situation in which 
 the employees of the Philippine Government bought 
 lands which they themselves were holding prac- 
 tically as trustees of the Filipino people. It was 
 contended that friar-lands were in no sense public 
 lands; but, although the Philippine officials were 
 thus apparently vindicated, one notable thing about 
 the whole agitation was the appearance for the first 
 time of an entirely new element in the discussion 
 of Philippine questions in the United States. 
 That element was the voice of the Filipino people
 
 VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 195 
 
 expressed through their representative. On the 
 friar-land question, it was a dissent from the posi- 
 tion of the administration, and it was Mr. Quezon 
 who voiced that dissent. General Edwards, then 
 Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs, foresaw 
 other obstacles that this new element in the discus- 
 sion might place in the way of the policy of the de- 
 partment, and openly warned Mr. Quezon that 
 should he insist in continuing in that attitude, 
 every effort would be made to retire him from the 
 Resident Commissionership. 
 
 In the meanwhile the political situation was fast 
 changing in America. Democratic prospects be- 
 came brighter. The Baltimore convention was 
 held and though the Philippines were not an im- 
 portant issue during its deliberations, it ratified 
 the party's former position on imperialism. 
 The Philippine question, however, was hardly 
 touched upon during the presidential campaign of 
 1912. It was less prominent as an issue that year 
 than in any previous election. The American peo- 
 ple did not know, nor did they care to know, Mr. 
 Wilson's views on the Philippines. When asked 
 his views Mr. Wilson chose to answer that he had 
 not given the question much thought. The Ameri- 
 can people, harassed by domestic controversies, ex- 
 cited by the prospect of a change of party in power, 
 did not have the Philippines in mind when they
 
 196 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 voted in 1912. It was only after the election of 
 President Wilson that real curiosity was aroused as 
 to what he would do with the Philippines. 
 
 After several months of delay, which led to many 
 conjectures as to what this new Philippine policy 
 would really be, President Wilson, with one stroke 
 of the pen, changed the whole trend of the Philip- 
 pine experiment by appointing a majority of Fili- 
 pinos to the Commission, to the consternation of 
 the advocates of the old order who had vainly 
 fought for its continuance. It was, moreover, only 
 after he had heard what the Filipino people, 
 through their representative, had to say that he ap- 
 pointed the new executive of the Islands, a man who 
 had pronounced views on Philippine independence. 
 The new Governor-General, the Hon. Francis Bur- 
 ton Harrison, delivered, on his arrival in the 
 Islands, a message from President Wilson, contain- 
 ing the most definite promise of independence ever 
 made by a President. For the first time, the Fili- 
 pinos felt that they were being treated as a people, 
 a group of persons that could be reached as a unit 
 and could think as a unit. Governor Harrison in 
 conveying the President's message, said: 
 
 CITIZENS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: 
 
 The President of the United States has charged me 
 to deliver to you the following message on behalf of the 
 Government of our country:
 
 VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 197 
 
 " We regard ourselves as trustees acting not for the 
 advantage of the United States but for the benefit of 
 the people of the Philippine Islands. 
 
 1 ' Every step we take will be taken with a view to the 
 ultimate independence of the Islands and as a prepara- 
 tion for that independence. And we hope to move to- 
 wards that end as rapidly as the safety and the perma- 
 nent interests of the Islands will permit. After each 
 step taken experience will guide us to the next. 
 
 " The Administration will take one step at once and 
 will give to the native citizens of the Islands a majority 
 in the appointive Commission, and thus in the Upper 
 as well as in the Lower House of the Legislature a ma- 
 jority representation will be secured to them. 
 
 " We do this in the confident hope and expectation 
 that immediate proof will be given, in the action of the 
 Commission under the new arrangement, of the political 
 capacity of those native citizens who have already come 
 forward to represent and to lead their people in affairs." 
 
 This is the message I bear to you from the President 
 of the United States. With his sentiments and with his 
 policy I am in complete accord. Within the scope of 
 my office as governor-general I shall do my utmost to aid 
 in the fulfilment of our promises, confident that we shall 
 thereby hasten the coming of the day of your independ- 
 ence. For my own part I should not have accepted the 
 responsibility of this great office merely for the honor 
 and the power which it confers. My only motive in com- 
 ing to you is to serve, as well as in me lies, the people 
 of the Philippine Islands. It is my greatest hope that I 
 may become an instrument in the further spread of 
 democratic government.
 
 198 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 To every Democrat, government rests only upon the 
 consent of the governed. And we do not maintain that 
 self-government is the peculiar property of our nation, 
 or that democratic institutions are the exclusive privilege 
 of our race. On the other hand we do not believe that 
 we can endow you with the capacity for self-government. 
 That you must have acquired for yourselves. The op- 
 portunity of demonstrating it lies before you now in an 
 ever-widening field. 
 
 As for ourselves, we confidently expect of you that 
 dignity of bearing and that self-restraint which are the 
 outward evidences of daily increasing national conscious- 
 ness. In promising you on behalf of the Administration 
 immediate control of both branches of your Legislature 
 I remind you, however, that for the present we are re- 
 sponsible to the world for your welfare and for your 
 progress. Until your independence is complete we shall 
 demand of you unremitting recognition of our sover- 
 eignty. 
 
 You are now on trial before an international tribunal 
 that is as wide as the world. We who appear before this 
 august court in the light of your advocates are proud of 
 the privilege that has fallen to us and we do not shun 
 the responsibilities of our role, which is without a paral- 
 lel in history. We shall eagerly await convincing proof 
 that you are capable of establishing a stable government 
 of your own. Such a government may not necessarily 
 denote an entire reproduction of our own institutions 
 but one which guarantees to its citizens complete se- 
 curity of life, of liberty, and of property. We now in- 
 vite you to share with us responsibility for such a govern- 
 ment here. Every Filipino may best serve his country
 
 VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 199 
 
 who serves us in this endeavor. And to that end I call 
 upon every good citizen of these islands and all who 
 dwell therein, whether of native or foreign birth, for as- 
 sistance and support. 
 
 People of the Philippine Islands! A new era is 
 dawning! We place within your reach the instruments 
 of your redemption. The door of opportunity stands 
 open and, under Divine Providence, the event is in your 
 own hands. 
 
 Many of those who took at face value the state- 
 ments of Mr. Taft, that the American policy in the 
 Islands was the gradual extension of self-govern- 
 ment to the natives, were not alarmed at the change 
 President Wilson had thus inaugurated in the Com- 
 mission. They said that it was not only in line 
 with, but was the natural and immediate sequence 
 of, Mr. Taft's policy. The Filipino people had had 
 a lower house for some years, with evident success, 
 and therefore it was now time to give them con- 
 trol of the upper house. There were others espe- 
 cially those who had taken part in the administra- 
 tion of the Philippines who contended that the 
 reform gave all power to the Filipinos and thus 
 destroyed the basis of American government in the 
 Islands. There were, on the other hand, still those 
 who thought the reform not sufficiently radical to 
 satisfy the President's past pledges nor sufficiently 
 conservative to protect the interests of Americans in 
 the Islands. " All this shows," commented " The
 
 200 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 Filipino People," 4 " how slight, undeveloped, and 
 unsatisfactory is the public opinion regarding the 
 Philippine issue upon which the President can rely, 
 or to which he can appeal. He must, in short, go 
 forward with the development of a public opinion 
 bottomed upon general principles of justice and 
 equity, relying upon the soundness of underlying 
 popular judgment to sustain him. As we have 
 often said in the past, the American public is in- 
 different to, and ignorant of, actual details of gov- 
 ernment in the Philippines. It looks to its leaders 
 to inform it, to shape its opinions and to steer it 
 upon its course. It will test the soundness of the 
 advice and direction supplied it by the character of 
 the results obtained and in the meantime it will pay 
 little heed to the conflicting voices sent up from 
 selfish, uninformed, or ignorant sources." 
 
 In reality, however, Mr. Wilson's administrative 
 policy is diametrically opposed to Mr. Taft's. The 
 former President has made this clear, for he never 
 lets an opportunity slip by without a criticism of 
 the new policy. The two administrative policies 
 may be contrasted as follows: Mr. Taft would 
 control the whole Philippine Government, direct 
 the entire development of the country and the prog- 
 ress of the people, giving the natives advisory and 
 some slight legislative power while at the same time 
 
 *NoTmber, 1913.
 
 VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 201 
 
 promising them in a distant, vague future, self-gov- 
 ernment. Americans would be the directing force 
 in this formative period of Philippine nationhood; 
 the Filipinos a mere advisory or negative element. 
 Mr. Wilson, on the other hand, would give them 
 at once the control of quoting his own words 
 " the essential instruments of their life, their local 
 instrumentalities of government, their schools, all 
 the common interests of their communities," so that 
 they could " set up a government which all the 
 world will see to be suitable to a people whose af- 
 fairs are under their control." " By their counsel 
 and experience rather than by our own, we shall 
 learn how best to serve them and how soon it will 
 be possible and wise to withdraw our supervision," 
 says Mr. Wilson. He would give them, in a word, 
 " the instruments of their redemption," and, as 
 their Governor, Mr. Harrison, interpreted it, teach 
 them self-government by the exercise of self-govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Hardly had the new regime been set in working 
 order in the Islands when reports of its disastrous 
 effects began to flood the entire Union. American 
 employees, it was reported, were dismissed by the 
 hundred; their families were dying of hunger. 
 Government efficiency had become a thing of the 
 past. Governor Harrison was denounced and vili- 
 fied in the eyes of his own people as the principal
 
 202 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 source of all these evils, when his only crime was 
 his great zeal and unswerving determination to 
 help the Filipinos realize their dream of inde- 
 pendence. Business was said to be totally par- 
 alyzed. Indeed, at the very mention of Mr. Wil- 
 son's Philippine policy, the New York " Herald " 
 correspondent declared that, " like a clock in a 
 house shaken by an earthquake, that new-found 
 business expansion stopped ; like a pulse in the body 
 struck by lightning, the current of its life ceased to 
 throb." 
 
 Strange as it may seem, in spite of all these out- 
 rageous reports of conditions in the Islands, the 
 American people went on as usual with their domes- 
 tic duties, as if nothing had happened. In vain did 
 Mr. Worcester and his followers depict in most 
 glowing colors the terrible calamity that had be- 
 fallen the Islands. In vain was the plaint of the 
 " sufferers " echoed and reechoed from east to 
 west. Even the patriotism of the American people 
 failed to respond to the cry purporting to have 
 come from hundreds of gallant veterans who had 
 been ignominiously " dismissed from the Philippine 
 service." It may be said that the American people 
 displayed on this occasion that splendid optimism 
 and reliance in the principle of self-government 
 that have always characterized them. They never 
 in fact realized the nature of the government they
 
 VOICE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 203 
 
 had set up in the Philippines. An imposed, 
 bureaucratic government, irresponsible to the peo- 
 ple, is foreign to their nature, to their method of 
 thought. To them self-government is the natural 
 government of man.
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 THE JONES PHILIPPINE BILL 
 
 TO ratify President Wilson's reforms in the 
 Philippine Government and to embody into 
 law the independence pledge contained in the Balti- 
 more platform, a bill was introduced by Mr. Jones 
 of Virginia in the House of Representatives in July, 
 1914. This measure contained three main features : 
 1. A preamble in the form of a solemn legislative 
 declaration of intent on the part of the United 
 States to recognize Philippine independence as soon 
 as a stable government can be established in the 
 Islands. This preamble read as follows : 
 
 Whereas it was never the intention of the people of 
 the United States in the incipiency of the war with 
 Spain to make it a war of conquest or for territorial 
 aggrandizement; and 
 
 Whereas it is, as it has always been, the purpose of 
 the people of the United States to withdraw their sover- 
 eignty over the Philippine Islands and to recognize their 
 independence as soon as a stable government can be es- 
 tablished therein ; and 
 
 Whereas for the speedy accomplishment of such pur- 
 pose it is desirable to place in the hands of the people of 
 
 204
 
 THE JONES PHILIPPINE BILL 205 
 
 the Philippines as large a control of their domestic af- 
 fairs as can be given them without, in the meantime, im- 
 pairing the exercise of the rights of sovereignty by the 
 people of the United States, in order that, by the use and 
 exercise of popular franchise and governmental powers, 
 they may be the better prepared to fully assume the re- 
 sponsibilities and enjoy all the privileges of complete in- 
 dependence: Therefore . . . J>1 
 
 2. Provision extending the power of internal self- 
 government in the Philippines, both by the grant- 
 ing of new powers to the Government and by the 
 creation of an elective Senate. 
 
 3. Provisions specifying the nature of the rela- 
 tionship between the Philippine Government and 
 that of the United States, and giving to the Ameri- 
 can governor-general a limited, and to the Presi- 
 dent of the United States an absolute, veto power. 
 Such provisions do not relinquish any of the con- 
 trol or supervision which the United States is now 
 able to exercise over the foreign political affairs 
 
 i The words in the preamble were afterwards changed in 
 the Senate Committee to read as follows : 
 
 " Whereas it is desirable to place in the hands of the people 
 of the Philippines such an increasing control of their domestic 
 affairs as can be given them without, in the meantime, im- 
 pairing the sovereignty of the United States, in order that, 
 by the use and exercise of popular franchise and govern- 
 mental powers, they may be the better prepared to fully 
 assume the responsibilities and enjoy all the privileges of 
 complete independence, which it is the purpose of the United 
 States to grant, when, in the judgment of the United States, 
 the people of the Philippine Islands shall have shown them- 
 selves to be fitted therefor: Therefore . . ."
 
 206 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 of the Islands. The Philippine Legislature, while 
 authorized to provide its own customs duties, can- 
 not under the bill make any change in the trade 
 relations between the United States and the Islands, 
 nor, without express approval of the President, 
 change the currency and coinage laws. Neither 
 can it without such Presidential approval, alienate 
 the valuable timber, mineral, and other lands which 
 constitute a part of the public domain of the Philip- 
 pine Islands. The President would also have the 
 absolute veto power upon all legislation, and in cer- 
 tain important subjects, his prior assent must be 
 secured before the laws relating to them become 
 valid. There is expressly reserved to the Congress 
 of the United States the right to annul any or all 
 legislation enacted by the Philippine Legisla- 
 ture. 
 
 The Filipino people gave their support to this 
 bill as a great step forward but not as a finality. 
 Their over-mastering thought is the complete inde- 
 pendence of their country. Their official organ in 
 America, " The Filipino People," commented on the 
 bill as follows : 
 
 That it will be a disappointment to many who had 
 hoped that the present Administration of the United 
 States intended to effect the immediate separation of 
 the Philippines from the domination of America, we have 
 no doubt. That they will feel that the new bill repre-
 
 THE JONES PHILIPPINE BILL 207 
 
 sents far less than ought to have been conceded, that 
 they will deeply regret the failure to state the date at 
 which independence is to be definitely granted, and that 
 they will in some cases urge a policy of postponement 
 rather than the acceptance of a compromise we like- 
 wise understand. We do not, of course, regard this bill 
 as a finality. "Were it so, we should never consent to its 
 consideration or enactment. Did it debar us from con- 
 tinued agitation and effort to secure the enactment of 
 final independence legislation, we should oppose it to 
 the uttermost. But such is not the case. The issue now 
 presented is that of securing some forward step while a 
 party friendly to the aspirations of the Filipino people 
 is still in office: To adopt a measure which at least 
 represents some progress, which gives assurance that 
 ground already gained shall not be lost, is, we think, only 
 the part of wisdom, and is dictated by every considera- 
 tion of expediency and of the immediate interest of the 
 people. Were we to reject any concession, even the 
 smallest, that would advance the welfare of the people of 
 the Philippines, we should be false to our trust and neg- 
 lectful of our responsibility to public interest. If, by 
 accepting the new Jones Bill we can obtain the perma- 
 nent maintenance of the more beneficent order of things 
 in the Philippines, produced by the advent of Governor- 
 General Harrison and the greater power of self-govern- 
 ment given to the inhabitants of the Islands, we shall at 
 least prevent a recurrence to the abhorrent tyranny 
 now happily past of the imperialistic period. If, be- 
 side this immediate and practical concession, we can se- 
 cure a positive promise of independence from Congress, 
 such as is afforded in the preamble to the new Jones Bill,
 
 208 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 we shall have before us a hopeful, instead of an indefi- 
 nite and uncertain, future. 
 
 We, therefore, favor the passage of the new Jones 
 Bill, advise its acceptance by the people of the Philip- 
 pines, and pledge ourselves to its support. If enacted, 
 the measure shall have our hearty and sincere coopera- 
 tion, to the end that it shall be put into effect in good 
 faith, without reservation, and with every presumption 
 in its favor. That, both now and ever, it will be the 
 duty, as it undoubtedly is the intent, of all Filipinos to 
 continue undiminished effort for the actual practical 
 establishment of independence, free of all foreign con- 
 trol, we take for granted, and we once again solemnly 
 pledge, both to the Filipino people and to those Ameri- 
 can citizens who have steadfastly supported the cause 
 of free government, that there shall be no cessation or 
 intermission of our efforts to secure the independence 
 of the Philippines, either now. or in the future, whatever 
 Congress may do or may fail to do. Without the ulti- 
 mate accomplishment of that end, all else would be as 
 nothing, and better government, wiser management, and 
 larger generosity would but aggravate the disappoint- 
 ment of a people balked of its dearest and most legitimate 
 aspiration. 
 
 For what it is, therefore, for the sake of its genuine 
 merits, and in the hope of realizing its ultimate benefits 
 in the form of a more vigorous impulse toward complete 
 independence, we accept the new Jones Bill, but we hold 
 fast to our program unalterable, unassailable, and 
 permanent as it is. We recognize no substitute, admit 
 no alternative, concede no reduction of our righteous de- 
 mand for the absolute independence of the Philippines.
 
 THE JONES PHILIPPINE BILL 209 
 
 Anything that may fall short of that ideal must be re- 
 garded as a tentative step, affording an earnest of later 
 good, desirable no doubt in temporary effects, but no 
 more than a partial measure of progress toward a final 
 goal. 
 
 The bill was reported in the House as a strictly 
 party measure and on September 26, 1914, it 
 came up for discussion. Compared with the dis- 
 cussion of the peace treaty in the Senate or even of 
 the Organic Act in 1902, the debate on the Jones 
 Bill was uninteresting and lifeless. Few promi- 
 nent leaders actively participated in it. There was 
 hardly any interest manifest on the part of the 
 American people. If the attitude of the American 
 public toward President Wilson's insular adminis- 
 trative reforms showed how uncertain was public 
 opinion on the Philippine question, the discussion 
 of the Jones Bill showed even more plainly how 
 great is the indifference toward the whole Philip- 
 pine question in America. Probably one explana- 
 tion of this apathy of the American people toward 
 the bill was the fact that the most serious basis 
 for contention, the declaration contained in 
 the preamble, was, after all, nothing but a re- 
 newal, in a more definite and authoritative form, 
 of the repeated promises of Republican executives 
 from President Roosevelt to the last Republican 
 governor-general, to the effect that American policy
 
 210 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 in the Islands is ultimate Philippine independence. 
 We have seen that such declarations are to be found 
 both in the addresses of governors-general to the 
 Filipino people and in messages of Republican 
 Presidents to Congress. 
 
 The majority of the Republican leaders in 
 Congress did not, however, view the preamble in 
 this light. They were against its declaration. 
 While most of them perhaps favored the spirit of 
 the preamble, they did not like the words in which 
 it was expressed. These words were too ambiguous, 
 they said, and, what was more, they were in effect a 
 repetition of the Baltimore platform a political 
 pledge of the Democrats. Other Republicans, while 
 apparently in favor of ultimate independence, were 
 unwilling definitely to promise it to the Filipinos. 
 The Filipinos, they said, should show faith in the 
 American people who are always just and should 
 not demand any definite promise. There were still 
 others, like Ex-President Taft, who asserted that to 
 adopt this preamble would mean endless political 
 agitation in the Philippines, since the Filipinos 
 would at once proceed to ask immediate independ- 
 ence, contending that they were now ready for it. 
 There were still others who were frank enough to 
 say that they would themselves never grant inde- 
 pendence to the Filipinos. 
 
 Practically no opposition was manifest in Con-
 
 THE JONES PHILIPPINE BILL 211 
 
 gress to the legislative provisions of the bill. Even 
 those who were strongest in their hostility to in- 
 dependence were willing to concede a liberal form 
 of self-government to the Filipinos. Outside of 
 Congress, those few who had personally initiated the 
 Philippine experiment, who would continue to let 
 government control rest in the hands of five Ameri- 
 cans, alone could not be reconciled to the idea of 
 Philippine home-rule. During the recent hearings 
 before the Senate Philippine Committee all the wit- 
 nesses, representing every element that has had 
 any experience in the Philippines business 
 men and ex-Philippine officials with the excep- 
 tion of Ex-President Taft and Mr. Worcester, who 
 are, in a way, the initiators of the " experiment," 
 have conceded the necessity of enacting the chief 
 administrative features of the Jones Bill. It is 
 gratifying to note that, in spite of the passivity of 
 the interest of the American people in the Philip- 
 pine question, the principle of home-rule has thus 
 been practically assured the Filipinos. This is also 
 a tribute to the vigor of the campaign for inde- 
 pendence that has been carried on in America. 
 Congressman Cooper of Wisconsin, who was the 
 man most responsible for the enactment of certain 
 features of the present organic act, commented on 
 this change of the American attitude toward the 
 Philippines in the following words:
 
 212 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 As I listen to this discussion the thought keeps on oc- 
 curring to me of the astonishing change in the attitude 
 of the House and of the American people generally to- 
 ward the problem of the Philippines. . . . Twelve years 
 ago the House debated and passed the bill which became 
 the organic act establishing civil government in the 
 Philippines. One of the greatest contests was over the 
 question whether the Filipinos should have a legislature 
 and be permitted to elect the lower house. This sug- 
 gestion for an elective lower house met powerful opposi- 
 tion and was very strongly, bitterly denounced. . . . 
 The Senate Bill contained no provision for an elective 
 assembly. In so far as I have been able to learn, no 
 senator ever, on the floor of the Senate, advocated such a 
 proposition. Only the House Bill contained a provision 
 for a Philippine Assembly purely elective. . . . An elec- 
 tive assembly in the Philippines, it was predicted, would 
 result in abject failure. 
 
 And yet there is now, I think, no gentleman on this 
 floor but that is willing to vote not only for the re- 
 tention of the elective lower house, but also for the 
 establishment of an upper house of senators to be elected 
 by the people of the Philippines. 
 
 One great benefit gained from the discussion in 
 the House is that it clearly laid bare the position of 
 many of those who have hitherto been noncommittal 
 on the Philippine question. For many years, ever 
 since the " sacred mission " idea has become in- 
 trenched in the American mind, we have heard 
 little but the now hackneyed argument of the in- 
 capacity of the Filipino people for self-government
 
 THE JONES PHILIPPINE BILL 213 
 
 and the unparalleled character of the work of the 
 American Government in the Islands, directed to 
 the uplifting of the Filipino people. It was, there- 
 fore, a satisfaction to observe that at least one prom- 
 inent Republican placed his attitude against inde- 
 pendence on an entirely different ground. Such 
 an one was Mr. Mann of Illinois. Inasmuch as his 
 position may, in the opinion of the writer, be prom- 
 inently brought forward again before long, I shall 
 reproduce it here. He conceded that the Filipino 
 people were capable of self-government, and would 
 give them a larger measure of self-rule than is al- 
 lowed in the Jones Bill, but he would never give 
 them independence. He would have the Filipinos 
 want to remain under the American flag. He 
 would make them friends of the American nation 
 so that when the great Asiatic conflict, industrial 
 or otherwise, which, to his mind, is ever impending 
 in the Orient, comes, the American people may 
 count on their help. He said in part : 
 
 We command the Pacific Ocean to-day with the land 
 that we have on this side, with the islands which we pos- 
 sessed in the sea, and the Philippines on the other side. 
 Will we surrender our command ? I say no ; never. . . . 
 I assume, for the purpose of argument at least, that they 
 are capable of self-government. I am in favor of giving 
 to the Filipino people the broadest liberty of self-govern- 
 ment, retaining them under the American flag. I think 
 that in justice to our country and to those who will come
 
 214 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 after us it is our duty, first, to keep the Philippines 
 under the flag of the United States, and, second, to make 
 them our friends. It would be no great advantage to the 
 United States to own the Philippine Islands or to have 
 them a part of us in time of war if they were unfriendly 
 to us. It is our business not only to keep them under our 
 flag but to make them want to stay under our flag. 
 
 This was certainly a departure from the usual 
 arguments the retentionists have been employing 
 for more than a decade. Here the Filipinos are 
 not called barbarians incapable of civilization ; they 
 are not classified as a mere conglomeration of tribes. 
 On the contrary, their capacity for and right to 
 self-government are conceded, and they are even 
 recognized as a factor in the forthcoming struggle 
 in the Pacific. Their friendship is required for the 
 maintenance of American supremacy in the Pacific ; 
 hence remain they must under the American 
 flag. 
 
 What would the United States do, asked Mr. 
 Quezon, should the Filipino people after they have 
 been granted autonomy still demand independence? 
 Would the United States still insist in such a case 
 upon keeping the Islands against the will of their 
 inhabitants? Would the United States if necessary 
 resort to force to subject them to the American 
 flag? Would the retention of the Philippines un- 
 der such circumstances be an aid to the United
 
 THE JONES PHILIPPINE BILL 215 
 
 States in such a forthcoming struggle as is pre- 
 dicted by Mr. Mann? 
 
 Perhaps the gentleman from Illinois is right in his 
 expectations and his hope that the day will some time 
 come when the Filipino people, after having been granted 
 control of their domestic affairs and after having thus 
 lived for so many years under the American flag that 
 would then mean to them the sovereignty of a strong and 
 friendly nation, not the despotic rule of a tyrant master 
 may prefer to be permanently a self-governing colony 
 of this empire rather than a free and independent re- 
 public borne by this mother of republics. But should 
 that ever happen, it would be only after the preamble 
 of this bill had received congressional approbation; only 
 after the Filipino people had been told by the American 
 people through its constitutional representative the 
 Congress that they may if they so desire be some day 
 an independent and sovereign nation. Then, and only 
 then, the Filipino people, reassured as to your good faith, 
 convinced that whatever you may pledge yourself to do 
 is assured of fulfilment when once the pledge is given, 
 no matter whether your selfish interests do or do not dic- 
 tate otherwise then, and only then, may the Filipino 
 people of their own free will and spontaneous volition 
 decide that they prefer to maintain a permanent political 
 relationship with the United States. And then, and only 
 then, can that relationship be beneficial to both peoples, 
 a real protection to the Philippines and a source of 
 strength to the United States. 
 
 The bill passed the House on October 14, 1914, 
 with every Democratic vote for it and some fifteen
 
 216 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 Republican votes in addition a total of 211 ayes 
 and 59 noes. 
 
 The bill, however, met a different fate in the 
 Senate. It was included in the Administration's 
 legislative program for the last session of the 
 Sixty-third Congress; but its early consideration 
 was soon found to be out of the question, not be- 
 cause of any serious opposition, but because the 
 Shipping Bill, the first measure on the program 
 being an, emergency measure, met with so much op- 
 position that more than two thirds of the time of 
 the Senate was spent in fruitless debate and in 
 " filibustering." During the last days of February, 
 1915, when it became certain that the much-com- 
 bated Shipping Bill could not be passed, an effort 
 was made by prominent members of the Senate, with 
 the cooperation of the President, to secure an agree- 
 ment with the Republicans by which the Philippine 
 Bill could be brought to a vote. A vote at that 
 stage of the session could, however, be secured only 
 by the unanimous consent of the members, for Con- 
 gress had only a few days of its life remaining and, 
 due to the rule of the Senate which allows unlimited 
 debate, one or two senators would have been able 
 by protracting the discussion " to talk the bill to 
 death." When a canvass of senators was taken and 
 it was found that there would be some opposition
 
 THE JONES PHILIPriNE BILL 217 
 
 to the preamble, a compromise was offered by cer- 
 tain Republican senators whereby the word " in- 
 dependence " in the preamble would have been elim- 
 inated and " self-government " substituted. Had 
 this offer been accepted the bill would have passed 
 the Senate unanimously. It was rejected on the 
 ground that it would put the Democratic party in 
 an embarrassing position and that it would be 
 better to have no bill at all than to permit the 
 preamble to be emasculated in the way suggested 
 by the Republicans. 
 
 Other amendments suggested by the opposition 
 would have explicitly provided that the promise 
 of independence might be revoked by other Con- 
 gresses or might be fulfilled at some time in the fu- 
 ture without making the date of such fulfillment de- 
 pend upon any demonstration of fitness or unfitness 
 on the part of the Filipino people. All these pro- 
 posals, of course, were consequently rejected. It 
 was also suggested that the bill be passed without 
 preamble and that the original preamble be intro- 
 duced in the form of a joint resolution to be pressed 
 for action not at that session but at the next session 
 of. Congress. The advocates of independence ob- 
 jected to this plan. In the first place, it would have 
 meant the adoption of the bill practically as it was 
 reported from the Senate Committee without any
 
 218 THE CASE FOB THE FILIPINOS 
 
 opportunity to amend some of its provisions which 
 were not considered very satisfactory but which 
 might wisely be acquiesced in were it feasible to 
 pass the bill with the preamble.
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 
 
 ON the very day of the opening of the Sixty- 
 fourth Congress Mr. Jones of Virginia rein- 
 troduced his Philippine Bill in the House of 
 Representatives, and a few days later Senator 
 Hitchcock took similar action in the Senate with 
 his bill. Immediately upon the organization of the 
 Senate Philippine Committee, Mr. Hitchcock called 
 a meeting, and, after conducting brief hearings, on 
 December 17, 1915, filed a favorable report, with a 
 change made in the preamble whose main features 
 have already been considered. Independence, as 
 now recommended to the Senate, was to be granted 
 the Filipinos when, in the judgment of the United 
 States, it would be " to the permanent interest of 
 the people of the Philippine Islands " instead of 
 when the Filipino people should have " shown them- 
 selves to be fitted therefor," the original wording 
 of the preamble. This change was made because 
 the word " fitness " had been the subject of con- 
 stant, sometimes bitter, discussion in the Islands. 
 It was really an attempt at compromise with a view 
 
 219
 
 220 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 to placing further discussion of independence on 
 the ground of " interest " and " convenience " rather 
 than of " fitness." There was hope that ill-feeling 
 and friction between Americans and Filipinos 
 would thus be much lessened if not entirely ended, 
 because, under the new preamble, no allusion or 
 argument that was hurtful to the national pride of 
 the Filipino people would likely be made. The 
 feeling for independence had manifestly remained 
 unabated in the Islands, for 1 upon the convening of 
 the Philippine Assembly on October 16, 1915, that 
 body again unanimously passed a resolution peti- 
 tioning Congress for the enactment of an independ- 
 ence bill. " We again reiterate," the resolution 
 read, " in the name of the Filipino people, the na- 
 tional desire and purpose set forth on many former 
 occasions. . . . We wish to assure a stable future 
 for our people. We desire an increase of the ele- 
 ments of our national life and progress. We ask 
 yet more, and for that reason, in reiterating, as we 
 hereby do reiterate, our urgent petition for liberty 
 and independence for the people of the Philippine 
 Islands, we, the elected representatives of the 
 Filipino people, express our confidence that the ef- 
 forts of the President of the United States to secure 
 the fulfilment of his promises and the realization of 
 our lawful hopes will obtain early and complete 
 success."
 
 THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 221 
 
 The quick action of the Senate Philippine Com- 
 mittee at once placed the bill on the Senate calen- 
 dar, and when that body reconvened after the holi- 
 day recess, it was the first feature of the so-called 
 " administration legislative program " to be ready 
 for action. The debate began in the Senate on Jan- 
 uary 5, 1916, and attention was at once centered on 
 the preamble. Question was immediately raised as 
 to what possible interpretation could be given the 
 independence promise contained therein. Would 
 it settle in a satisfactory manner the vexatious 
 Philippine problem? Would it really pave the 
 way for the independence of the Philippines? 
 Could it not be construed to mean that the Ameri- 
 can nation was free to refuse ever to grant the 
 Filipinos their independence because of belief that 
 the permanent interests of the Islands would al- 
 ways demand the retention of the Islands by the 
 United States? In the opening speech of Senator 
 Hitchcock he was interrupted by Senator Cummins 
 of Iowa with this same inquiry. " Suppose," said 
 Mr. Cummins, " that I believe it would be better 
 for the people of the Philippine Islands to remain 
 permanently attached to the United States as a 
 State, with all the privileges of a State, or other- 
 wise, would I not fulfil the promise or assurance 
 of the preamble in voting to retain the Philippine 
 Islands as a part of the territory of the United
 
 222 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 States? " To this Mr. Hitchcock very candidly an- 
 swered, " I presume the Senator would." Here was 
 the confession of the author of the bill himself 
 that the preamble was not an explicit pledge that 
 the Philippines should be given their independ- 
 ence. 
 
 Interest was aroused by this revelation. Ameri- 
 can sentiment in favor of Philippine independence 
 has always been widespread, but was and is still 
 rather dormant, due to the lack of interest on the 
 part of most citizens in Philippine affairs, to the 
 great distances that separate them from the Islands, 
 and to the impression created among them by the 
 retentionists that the Filipinos needed generations 
 of training and trusteeship before the question of in- 
 dependence could be wisely discussed. This dor- 
 mant sentiment was now for the first time beginning 
 to take definite forms. Again the question was 
 raised by Democratic senators whether the pre- 
 amble of the bill really carried out the platform 
 pledge of the Democratic party. Would a measure 
 which merely made the Philippine Government 
 more liberal and which, according to the statement 
 of the author himself, might or might not lead to the 
 granting of Philippine independence, be really in 
 accord with Democratic platforms and promises? 
 Was it not in effect a further evasion of the ques- 
 tion of independence? Sentiment in favor of a
 
 THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 223 
 
 more definite statement of policy thereupon in- 
 creased in the Senate. Taking advantage of this 
 trend of feeling, Senator Clarke of Arkansas, on 
 January 12, 1916, made it known that he would in- 
 troduce an amendment which would grant the Fili- 
 pinos their independence in two years, would in- 
 struct the President to negotiate neutralization 
 treaties with as many nations as were willing to 
 sign such agreements, and would make the United 
 States the sole guarantor of such independence in 
 case no nation was willing to join as a signatory. 
 The President was reported to be opposed to this 
 amendment on the ground that a definite and irre- 
 vocable date when independence should be granted 
 was a most unwise provision because nobody knew 
 in w T hat situation the United States would find it- 
 self at any particular time. When Senator Clarke 
 learned of the objection of the President to the es- 
 tablishment of a definite fixed date, he modified his 
 amendment so as to make the granting of independ- 
 ence effective in not less than two and not more 
 than four years, with a further provision to the 
 effect that the President might extend the time to 
 one year more and might again submit the subject 
 to Congress. The President, thereupon, withdrew 
 his objection. Mr. Clarke further perfected his 
 amendment and, when finally passed, it had taken 
 shape as follows:
 
 224 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 The President is hereby authorized and directed to 
 withdraw and surrender all right of possession, super- 
 vision, jurisdiction, control, or sovereignty now existing 
 and exercised by the United States in and over the ter- 
 ritory and people of the Philippines, and he shall on be- 
 half of the United States fully recognize the independ- 
 ence of the said Philippines as a separate and self- 
 governing nation and acknowledge the authority and 
 control over the same of the government instituted by 
 the people thereof, and full power to take the several 
 steps necessary to institute such government is hereby 
 conferred upon the said Philippines acting by and 
 through governmental agencies created by this Act. 
 This transfer of possession, sovereignty, and governmen- 
 tal control shall be completed and become absolute not 
 less than two years nor more than four years from the 
 date of the approval of this Act, under the terms and in 
 the manner hereinafter prescribed: Provided, That if 
 the President, prior to the expiration of the said period 
 of four years, shall find that the condition of the inter- 
 nal or external affairs of said Philippines in respect to 
 the stability or efficiency of the proposed government 
 thereof is such as to warrant him in so doing, he is 
 hereby further authorized, by proclamation duly made 
 and published, to extend the said time to and including 
 the date of the final adjournment of the session of Con- 
 gress which shall convene next after the date of the ex- 
 piration of the said period of four years, and thus afford 
 the Congress an opportunity in its discretion to further 
 consider the situation in the said Philippines; but any 
 such extension of time by the President shall not otherwise 
 suspend or nullify the operative force of this Act, unless
 
 THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 225 
 
 the Congress shall hereafter so direct. For the purpose 
 of a complete and prompt compliance with this direction, 
 the President is hereby invested with full power and 
 authority to make such orders and regulations and to 
 enter into such negotiations with the authorities of said 
 Philippines or others as may be necessary to finally set- 
 tle and adjust all property rights and other relations 
 as between the United States and the said Philippines, 
 and to cause to be acknowledged, respected, and safe- 
 guarded all of the personal and property rights of citi- 
 zens or corporations of the United States and of other 
 countries resident or engaged in business in said Philip- 
 pines or having property interests therein. In any such 
 settlement or adjustment so made in respect to the rights 
 and property of the United States as against the said 
 Philippines the President may reserve or acquire such 
 lands and rights and privileges appurtenant thereto as 
 may, in his judgment, be required by the United States 
 for naval bases and coaling stations within the territory 
 of said Philippines. 
 
 Upon the motion of Senator Kenyon of Iowa 
 (Republican) the following guarantee and neutral- 
 ization provisions had been stricken out: 
 
 Immediately upon the passage of the Act, the Presi- 
 dent shall invite the cooperation of the principal nations 
 interested in the affairs of that part of the world in 
 which the Philippines are located, in the form of a treaty 
 or other character of binding agreement, whereby the co- 
 operating nations shall mutually pledge themselves to 
 recognize and respect the sovereignty and independence 
 of the said Philippines, and also to mutually obligate
 
 226 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 themselves, equally and not one primarily nor to any 
 greater extent than another, to maintain as against ex- 
 ternal force the sovereignty of said Philippines. If any 
 of the nations so invited to join the United States in such 
 undertaking shall decline to do so, then the President 
 shall include as parties to such convention or agreement 
 such nations as may be willing to join therein and to as- 
 sume such obligations; and if none are willing to so 
 unite therein, then the President is authorized to give 
 such guaranty on behalf of the United States alone for 
 the period of five years from and after the expiration of 
 said period of four years, or any extension thereof, and 
 pending the existence of such separate guaranty by the 
 United States, the United States shall be entitled to re- 
 tain and exercise such control and supervision in the 
 said Philippines as may be necessary to enforce order 
 therein and to avoid external complications. 
 
 The Clarke Amendment was adopted in the Com- 
 mittee of the Whole House of the Senate by a vote 
 of forty one to forty one, Vice-President Marshall 
 casting his deciding vote affirmatively. The final 
 vote on the bill as amended was taken on February 
 4, 1916, fifty-two ayes and twenty-four nays, the 
 Democrats solidly voting for it while six Republi- 
 cans joined with them. The result was as follows : 
 
 YEAS 52 
 
 Ashurst Broussard Clarke, Ark. 
 
 Bankhead Bryan Fletcher 
 
 Beckham Chilton Hardwick 
 
 Borah Clapp Hitchcock
 
 THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 
 
 227 
 
 'Hollis 
 
 Hughes 
 
 Husting 
 
 James 
 
 Johnson, Me. 
 
 Johnson, S. Dak. 
 
 Kenyon 
 
 Kern 
 
 La Follette 
 
 Lea, Tenn. 
 
 Lee, Md. 
 
 Lewis 
 
 Martin, Va. 
 
 Myers 
 
 Brandegee 
 
 Clark, Wyo. 
 
 Colt 
 
 Cummins 
 
 Curtis 
 
 Dillingham 
 
 Gallinger 
 
 Gronna 
 
 Newlands 
 
 Norris 
 
 'Gorman 
 
 Overman 
 
 Pittman 
 
 Pomerene 
 
 Ransdell 
 
 Reed 
 
 Robinson 
 
 Saulsbury 
 
 Shafroth 
 
 Sheppard 
 
 Shields 
 
 NAYS 24 
 
 Harding 
 
 Jones 
 
 Lippitt 
 
 Lodge 
 
 McCumber 
 
 McLean 
 
 Nelson 
 
 Page 
 
 Simmons 
 
 Smith, Ariz. 
 
 Smith, Ga. 
 
 Smith, S. C. 
 
 Stone 
 
 Swanson 
 
 Thomas 
 
 Thompson 
 
 Tillman 
 
 Vardaman 
 
 Walsh 
 
 Williams 
 
 Works 
 
 Poindexter 
 
 Smith, Mich. 
 
 Smoot 
 
 Sterling 
 
 Sutherland 
 
 Townsend 
 
 Wadsworth 
 
 Warren 
 
 The action of the Senate was the most decisive 
 step taken by either branch of the American Con- 
 gress toward the granting of Philippine independ- 
 ence. A year earlier such a result would have 
 seemed almost impossible of attainment. The fac- 
 tors that contributed to the decisive advance were, 
 of course, many and varied. Constant Filipino
 
 petitions and resolutions urging independence, to- 
 gether with the insistent agitation carried on by 
 the Filipino representatives in America, have been 
 a potent factor in bringing about the result. When 
 it was learned that the Clarke Amendment was 
 being seriously considered in the Senate, the Phil- 
 ippine Assembly immediately and unanimously 
 passed a resolution of unqualified endorsement 
 which was cabled that same day to Washington 
 and personally handed to Senator Clarke by Com- 
 missioner Quezon. The resolution read as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 Whereas, the Clarke Amendment to the Philippine 
 Bill now pending before the Senate of the United States 
 specifies the conditions under which independence shall 
 be granted to the people of the Philippine Islands, expe- 
 dites the granting of that independence, and safeguards 
 the internal and external affairs of the said Islands 
 pending the granting of said independence ; 
 
 Whereas, said amendment makes the independence 
 provision of the preamble more clear, explicit, unequivo- 
 cal, and expeditious, and fixes the responsibilities which 
 the people of the United States and the people of the 
 Philippine Islands shall respectively assume before and 
 after the granting of said independence : 
 
 Therefore, resolved that the Philippine Assembly 
 should recommend, as it does hereby respectfully recom- 
 mend, the passage of said amendment by the Congress 
 and the President of the United States.
 
 THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 229 
 
 Another encouraging sign disclosed during the 
 debate in the Senate was the kindlier appreciation 
 of Filipino life and civilization manifested by the 
 senators. Indeed, if we are to judge the advance 
 of the Filipinos from the representations made in 
 the Senate and the pictures represented fifteen 
 years ago, they must indeed have effected a wonder- 
 ful transformation. We have seen how, when the 
 Philippine Organic Act was under discussion four- 
 teen years ago, prominent members likened the Fili- 
 pinos to pirates and savages incapable of civiliza- 
 tion. The man most responsible for this changed 
 attitude of the Senate was perhaps Senator Shaf- 
 roth whose recent visit to the Islands enabled him 
 to present to the Senate first-hand information of 
 conditions there, and whose observations proved of 
 great interest to his colleagues. He said : 
 
 Some people who are opposed to Philippine independ- 
 ence often refer to photographs of natives in a seminude 
 condition as examples of Philippine civilization and ask 
 if such beings are capable of self-government. Such 
 pictures are exceptional and are usually of what are 
 termed the uncivilized inhabitants, which in population 
 bear no greater proportion to the Christian Filipinos 
 than the American Indians did to the people of the Colo- 
 nies at the time of the Revolutionary War. . . . 
 
 The Philippine people are capable of self-government 
 because they have a deep interest in their country and
 
 230 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 great love for her and possess a large highly educated 
 class, thoroughly identified with the best interests of the 
 Islands, who under the educational qualification now 
 prescribed by law will be elected to legislate and admin- 
 ister the affairs of government. 
 
 The Filipino people are not nomadic. They do not 
 live in tents or caves and rove for their subsistence ; they 
 live in houses and have farms which they cultivate. 
 They own nearly all the real estate of the Islands; only 
 6 per cent, are renters. They love their homes. Their 
 children are a pleasure to them, and the devotion of chil- 
 dren to their parents continues through life. They are 
 generous to their relatives; they will share with them 
 their household and divide with them the last morsel of 
 their food. Pauperism is almost unknown. According 
 to the last census only 1,668 paupers were a public 
 charge. They are honest, industrious, and moral. 
 Such men if left alone are sure to work out a splendid 
 destiny for their country. 
 
 The interest of the Filipinos, however, was by no 
 means the predominating factor in the growth of the 
 independence sentiment in the Senate, although it 
 is safe to say that the Clarke Amendment would 
 not have passed that body except with the support 
 of the Filipino people. The national interest of the 
 United States was undoubtedly the main considera- 
 tion of a great many senators. Never before has 
 the tremendous expense of the Philippines to the 
 American treasury been fully realized by the Ameri- 
 can nation. Estimate of the cost of Philippine re-
 
 THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 231 
 
 tention ranged from $20,000,000 to $40,000,000 a 
 year. Commercial profit derived by American 
 merchants was also shown to be utterly insignifi- 
 cant beside the tremendous expense incurred by the 
 Government. Senator Shafroth figured that the 
 profit to American commerce does not exceed two 
 and one-half million dollars a year. Granting, he 
 said, that this amount might, within a short time, 
 be doubled or trebled, it could not exceed ten mil- 
 lion dollars while the cost to the Government was 
 never below twenty million dollars. 1 
 
 Connected with the unprofitable nature of Philip- 
 pine colonization was the military weakness and 
 danger to which America was constantly exposed 
 through the retention of the Philippines. Since the 
 beginning of the present European War, the Ameri- 
 can people have realized this danger more than 
 ever. Ex-President Koosevelt, in January, 1915, 
 gave this warning : 
 
 The Philippines from a military standpoint are a 
 source of weakness to us. The present administration 
 has promised explicitly to let them go, and by its actions 
 has rendered it difficult to hold them against any serious 
 foreign foe. These being the circumstances, the Islands 
 should at an early moment be given their independence 
 without any guarantee whatever by us and without our 
 retaining any foothold in them. 
 
 i Congressional Record, January 8, 1916, page 843.
 
 232 THE CASE FOB THE FILIPINOS 
 
 This same feeling was voiced by many senators 
 during the debate. " Before this nation can enter 
 upon an era of preparedness of the United States," 
 said Senator Lewis, " there must first be determined 
 what are the limits of your nation, what country 
 have you to prepare for, what particular part of 
 your country is now to be excluded from the ex- 
 pense and obligations of preparation." It has be- 
 come a foregone conclusion among Americans that 
 the Philippines cannot and should not be defended, 
 that in case of a war it would be foolhardiness to 
 attempt to check the landing of an invading army 
 in the Islands, and that, therefore, they should be 
 excluded from such a program of preparation. 
 The money expended yearly as a result of American 
 occupation of the Philippines should be diverted to 
 the military preparation of the United States and 
 its nearby territories. Senator Lewis estimated 
 that in ten years more of American occupation, the 
 American people w r ould have expended for the Phil- 
 ippines $250,000,000. " Then," he added, " by re- 
 leasing the burden of the Philippines, we save the 
 full sum that is essential for the completest navy 
 that has been suggested for our immediate and 
 modern necessities." Economy and safety first 
 have unquestionably been the deciding considera- 
 tions in bringing about the result of the Philippine 
 vote in the Senate.
 
 THE CLAKKE AMENDMENT 233 
 
 But it was not alone the safety of America that 
 demanded separation from the Philippines. Some 
 senators at least believed that the Philippines were 
 themselves running grave danger through their 
 union with America. " While the possession of the 
 Philippines by the United States imperils the 
 United States," said Senator Clapp, " it is equally 
 true that so long as the Philippines are a part of our 
 possessions, that fact imperils the Philippine 
 Islands. The very history of those islands proves 
 that they would not have been touched by the 
 American Government had they not been a part of 
 the possessions of Spain." " The security of the 
 Islands from attacks," added Senator Robinson, 
 " may depend upon the relinquishment of control 
 by the United States rather than the retention of 
 them by the United States." 
 
 In contrast with all the Philippine measures that 
 have hitherto passed any branch of Congress, the 
 Senate Philippine Bill offers a final solution to the 
 Philippine problem. It proposes to grant the Fili- 
 pinos their independence not in some vague and 
 distant future when those who have made the prom- 
 ise shall have been dead, but within four years, al- 
 lowing merely for the time properly to transfer the 
 government to the people. It is a decisive answer 
 to those who have always ridiculed the idea of 
 Philippine self-government and independence. It
 
 234 THE CASE FOB THE FILIPINOS 
 
 now remains for the House of Representatives to 
 complete the step and convert the measure into law. 
 In the opinion of many senators, a mere declaration 
 of an independence policy as contained in Mr. 
 Hitchcock's bill settled nothing and would only 
 give the Filipinos encouragement for further, per- 
 haps fruitless and dangerous, agitation for inde- 
 pendence. It held out a promise which, they 
 claimed, could not be fulfilled. Consequently, a 
 fixed and definite date for independence would be 
 far preferable to such a declaration. " I cannot 
 conceive of a more mischievous declaration," said 
 Senator Sutherland, " because, as we all know, in 
 a very short time the people of the Islands who de- 
 sire independence will be declaring that it is for the 
 permanent interest of the people to have inde- 
 pendence, and, if Congress is not prepared to agree 
 with them, that means disappointment, ill-feeling, 
 and, very likely, insurrection." " It seems to me," 
 said Senator Lippitt, " that there are just two posi- 
 tions that can be taken by the Senate of the United 
 States; one is to give these people their independ- 
 ence now and the other is to say nothing about 
 the question of their independence. . . . We have 
 not the power to promise the Philippine people that 
 some succeeding Senate will grant them their inde- 
 pendence. It seems to me it is a very unwise posi- 
 tion for us to put ourselves in an attempt to promise
 
 THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 235 
 
 something that we have not the power to carry out. 
 It is deceiving the Filipino people into believing 
 that they have an assurance when they do not have 
 it." " We ought to adopt the amendment which the 
 Senator from Arkansas (Mr. Clarke) has sub- 
 mitted/' said Senator Borah, " or we ought to elim- 
 inate, once for all, all discussion of independence." 
 " If we are to go," said Senator Lodge, " we ought 
 to go; and if we are to stay we ought to stay and 
 keep the power." He opposed the legislative pro- 
 visions of Mr. Hitchcock's bill for it " simply weak- 
 ens the control which we ought to have if we are to 
 be responsible for the Islands in any measure." 
 Ex-Senator Root has expressed the belief that, in- 
 asmuch as the Philippine question would seem to be 
 ever under the harmful influence of American poli- 
 tics, the American people " had better give the 
 Islands their independence promptly; not promise 
 it in the future but give notice of an election and 
 turn it over as we did with Cuba." 
 
 The position of the senators quoted above would 
 seem to insure, whether they wanted it or not, the 
 most speedy enactment of the Independence Bill. 
 To them there are only two solutions to the Philip- 
 pine problem : either promptly to grant independ- 
 ence or to cease all talk of independence. Now 
 suppose we take the alternative to cease all talk 
 of independence. To do this the Filipinos will
 
 236 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 have to unlearn all the political education they 
 have had under America. The whole American ex- 
 periment in government must be recommenced. It 
 will be necessary to stamp as forbidden fruit the 
 best that js in American life and institutions 
 the Anglo-Saxon love of freedom and independence. 
 It will be unavoidable to write anew for the Fili- 
 pinos the history of America. For, as Senator 
 Clapp very eloquently put it, "the moment we 
 reached the Islands we carried to those people the 
 American history and the American schoolbook 
 the American history replete with the traditions of 
 freedom and of independence; and American his- 
 tory fails in its mission to teach its lesson, if seven- 
 teen years of study would not develop in the minds 
 of any people a desire for independence and a de- 
 sire for freedom." The books and papers printed 
 in the Islands, few pages of which are without a 
 reference to independence, would have to be de- 
 stroyed and the names of President Taft, President 
 Koosevelt, and the other American statesmen who 
 have held out hopes of independence, buried. And, 
 after all traces of independence agitation in the 
 past had been wiped out, the people would have to 
 be deprived of their rights of the press and of speech 
 and a sentinel placed at every Filipino home lest 
 the most cordial family reunion breed dangerous 
 independence germs! No sane person could be-
 
 THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 237 
 
 lieve that America will ever tolerate such a travesty 
 of her life and ideals ! 
 
 The Filipino people received the Senate vote with 
 genuine enthusiasm and relief. They welcome the 
 definite and unequivocal action contemplated by 
 the Senate Bill. Nothing is as hurtful as uncer- 
 tainty. For sixteen years they have been left at 
 sea as to America's real intention towards them. 
 For years they had kept on petitioning Congress for 
 a definite statement of policy, but on each occasion 
 the issue had been evaded. Every device had been 
 employed to avoid making known America's pur- 
 pose towards them in any final or authoritative 
 way. When the ratification of the Treaty of Paris 
 was being discussed in the Senate, a declaration of 
 purpose was refused by many legislators because 
 such action would be " giving bonds to Spain " on 
 a matter that was " wholly their own to decide " 
 and not Europe's. After the ratification of the 
 treaty, attempts were again made, as we have seen, 
 to secure a declaration of purpose. Unfortunately 
 the Filipino-American War had broken out and this 
 afforded a new excuse for the retentionists. " We 
 will not tell the Filipinos what we want to do with 
 them until they lay down their arms," was the ar- 
 gument they then advanced. When peace was re- 
 stored and Congress took up the question of estab- 
 lishing civil government, further attempts w r ere
 
 238 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 made to bring about the declaration of a definite 
 policy, but to no avail. The government that was 
 ultimately established was declared to be merely 
 temporary and this is the same government that 
 the Islands now have. It has been temporarily im- 
 posed upon them for fourteen years. They wel- 
 comed with spontaneous unanimity Mr. Jones' 
 first bill introduced in 1912 providing for inde- 
 pendence in 1921, but they were made to under- 
 stand that that bill could not be passed, that the 
 President was opposed to a definitely fixed date. 
 They were then offered a bill without fixed date 
 but with the formal and authoritative statement 
 that independence should be granted when a stable 
 government could be established in the Islands. 
 They accepted this as a first step in the right direc- 
 tion. They wanted to obtain legislative sanction 
 for the administrative reforms of President Wil- 
 son and to have the United States formally go on 
 record for an independence policy. They wanted to 
 be in a position to carry forward with greater vigor 
 their independence propaganda. They wanted to 
 have an understanding of some kind with the Ameri- 
 can people on which they might build a more cordial 
 relationship. It must not be forgotten that Ameri- 
 can sovereignty in the Islands is still based on force 
 and not upon the sanction or even acquiescence of 
 the Filipino people. The Filipinos are still ruled
 
 THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 239 
 
 by virtue of the Treaty of Paris which was made in 
 utter disregard of their interests and against their 
 earnest protest. That treaty still stands to them 
 in lieu of Magna Charta, the only source of their 
 Bill of Rights and their Constitution. They have 
 never since, of their own free will, recognized or 
 acquiesced in American sovereignty; they still con- 
 sider themselves unjustly deprived of their right 
 to manage their own affairs and to lead an inde- 
 pendent existence. The present Organic Act of the 
 Philippines was passed unasked for by the Fili- 
 pinos. They have not for a moment renounced 
 their idea of national independence, and when the 
 first Philippine Assembly met, it made the solemn 
 declaration that American rule in the Philippines 
 remained unsanctioned by the people whose greatest 
 desire, then as ever, was their complete political 
 emancipation. Political parties in the Philippines 
 are founded primarily on programs for national in- 
 dependence. No group of Filipinos has ever ex- 
 pressed its assent to, or sanction of, American 
 sovereignty. 
 
 No true political progress can exist in the Phil- 
 ippines under such anomalous conditions. The one 
 great sine qua non of political stability is respect 
 for the law brought about, not by force, but by the 
 acquiescence of the people in the State that pro- 
 mulgates the law. No people can have a genuine
 
 240 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 respect for the will of the State who have not will- 
 ingly become a part of that State. In the long run, 
 the government imposed under such circumstances 
 will work evil. Its very existence is a hindrance to 
 the natural development of the people. It may be 
 the most benevolent of foreign governments, it may 
 build schools, roads and public buildings, but while 
 it remains an alien government unsanctioned by the 
 national conscience, it will fail to secure genuine 
 respect for its laws and mandates. 
 
 Elsewhere in this volume the publicity campaign 
 of the retentionists has been dealt with at length. 
 There we saw that as a result of the policy of in- 
 definite retention, the opponents of independence, 
 in order to reconcile the American people to the 
 idea of permanent annexation, have carried on a 
 most vigorous campaign of misinformation, paint- 
 ing the Filipinos in their worst colors, ridiculing 
 their customs and characteristics, and exhibiting 
 every political mistake that they may make as a 
 sign of utter incapacity. What effect has this cam- 
 paign on the Filipino body politic? Humiliated 
 by such tactics, hurt in their most sensitive feeling 
 of national pride, they have naturally assumed an 
 attitude of self-defense. They have become guarded 
 in all their manifestations as to their own short- 
 comings and habitually refer only to what is cred- 
 itable in their civilization. Every spirit of self-
 
 THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 241 
 
 criticism has been buried. Reformers have ceased 
 to write of conditions that should be improved, un- 
 desirable habits that should be changed, antiquated 
 ideas that should be modernized, and superstitions 
 that should be wiped out. Who can deny that such 
 conditions calling for improvement exist in the 
 Philippines as they exist in every country? But 
 because of the publicity campaign carried on in 
 America by those who are ready to take advantage 
 of any incident or utterance that may be used to 
 advantage in representing the Filipinos to the 
 American people as something akin to savages, a 
 unanimous movement has been developed to cover 
 up their national defects. Thus a great force 
 for social progress self-criticism has been de- 
 barred from exerting its influence. 
 
 To remedy the whole situation the Filipinos were 
 willing to accept for the time being, as a compro- 
 mise measure, a bill which would formally recognize 
 their right to independence and which would give 
 them the governmental powers by the use of which 
 they could demonstrate their capacity for self-gov- 
 ernment. They knew that they would be equal to 
 the task and that then the American people would 
 be obliged to give them their complete freedom. 
 The bill, however, while it was adopted by the 
 House of Representatives, failed to pass in the 
 Senate. This was a great disappointment to the
 
 242 THE CASE FOB THE FILIPINOS 
 
 Filipino people. It was with great difficulty that 
 the Filipino political leaders succeeded in allaying 
 their fears and in reviving their confidence in the 
 ultimate triumph of their peaceful endeavors. 
 They were promised by the Democratic leaders that 
 the Sixty-fourth Congress would do them complete 
 justice. President Wilson's attitude toward them 
 inspired them with renewed hope. His entire for- 
 eign policy had been that of continuous and con- 
 sistent repudiation of imperialism. He refused to 
 intervene in Mexico in spite of the urgent demands 
 made upon him by large American interests for 
 such an action. He asserted that every people has 
 a right to debate and adjust its own internal affairs 
 as best it can. He had denounced the imperialistic 
 impulses that the American people have suffered 
 from in the past. " If we have had aggressive pur- 
 poses and covetous ambition," he said, in his ad- 
 dress in November, 1915, " they were the fruit of 
 our thoughtless youth as a nation and we have put 
 them aside. We shall, I confidently believe, never 
 again take another foot of territory by conquest." 
 It is now a great relief for the Filipinos to find 
 that at last a branch of the American Congress has 
 realized that continuation of the present Philippine 
 situation is extremely dangerous and unwise; that 
 uncertainty and continuous political agitation for 
 independence on the part of the Filipinos will only
 
 THE CLAKKE AMENDMENT 243 
 
 widen the gulf between them and the Americans 
 and retard the internal development of the coun- 
 try; and that the only policy that can be wisely 
 pursued is promptly to give the Filipinos their in- 
 dependence. But the unfortunate element in the 
 legislative situation is that the choice lies between 
 the Philippine Bill literally as it passed the Sen- 
 ate and perhaps no independence at all. The Phil- 
 ippine Bill as amended was passed over the head 
 of the Chairman of the Senate Committee on the 
 Philippines and any change in it which will require 
 a conference between the two Houses may endanger 
 its final passage. It is in effect a conglomeration 
 of contradictory provisions. As reported by Sen- 
 ator Hitchcock, it may be said to be a measure giv- 
 ing the Filipinos a restricted autonomy to try to 
 what extent is their capacity for self-government. 
 Their hands and actions are, to a great extent, to be 
 tied. Certain work such as sanitation, education, 
 and the care of the " wild people," is to be presuma- 
 bly under the control of an American Vice-Gov- 
 ernor, who is to be appointed by the President and 
 is to hold the portfolio of Secretary of Public In- 
 struction. The Director of Civil Service is also to 
 be appointed by the President. The indebtedness of 
 the Government is to be limited to seventeen million 
 dollars. Some laws cannot take effect without the 
 sanction of the President. The salaries of the jus-
 
 244 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 tices of the Supreme Court are fixed and cannot 
 be changed by the Philippine Legislature. On the 
 floor of the Senate another provision which would 
 embarrass the Philippine Government was adopted 
 in the amendment offered by Senator Gronna pro- 
 hibiting the sale or manufacture of alcoholic drinks 
 and penalizing such sale or manufacture. This 
 amendment was uncalled for since the Filipinos are 
 a very temperate people, while the proposal would 
 take from the revenues of the Philippine Govern- 
 ment about a million pesos every year. In addition 
 to all these restrictions is included a provision 
 which would make the Philippines independent 
 within four years. How many difficulties the Fili- 
 pinos must meet in actually preparing their coun- 
 try for independence within so brief a period of 
 transition ! 
 
 Yet, despite all these handicaps and restrictions 
 and with all the impending dangers that beset the 
 life of a small nation in a turbulent world, the 
 Filipino people earnestly hope and pray for the 
 earliest conversion into law of the Senate Philip- 
 pine Bill. Nothing short of such a measure will 
 /fully satisfy them. Let not this feeling be taken as 
 a sign of ingratitude for all America has done for 
 the Islands. 
 
 Once this act of justice is accomplished and 
 the Philippine Republic is admitted in the family
 
 245 
 
 of nations, she will be in a position to show 
 her boundless gratitude to America. There are 
 no honorable privileges and concessions that she 
 would not be willing to give. She would be only 
 too glad to have the guidance of America's advice 
 and maturer experience. She would continue to 
 develop the splendid institutions built by pioneer 
 Americans in the Islands. She would continue 
 educating her sons in the English tongue for it is 
 by the peoples using that vehicle of expression that 
 the happiest commonwealths have been built. She 
 would then be able to entertain the truest friendship 
 for America ; for only on the basis of freedom and 
 equality can true friendship exist.
 
 APPENDICES
 
 APPENDIX A 
 
 TREATY OF PEACE BETWEEN THE 
 UNITED STATES AND SPAIN 
 
 [Senate Document No. 62, part 1, Fifty-fifth Congress, third 
 session. Message from the President of the United States, 
 transmitting a treaty of peace between the United States 
 and Spain, signed at the city of Paris on December 10, 1898. 
 January 4, 1899. Read ; treaty read the first time and re- 
 ferred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and, together 
 with the message and accompanying papers, ordered to be 
 printed in confidence for the use of the Senate. January 
 11. ISM. Injunction of secrecy removed. January 13, 
 1899. Ordered printed.] 
 
 To the Senate of the United States: 
 
 I transmit herewith, with a view to its ratification, a 
 treaty of peace between the United States and Spain, 
 signed at the city of Paris on December 10, 1898, to- 
 gether with the protocols and papers indicated in the list 
 accompanying the report of the Secretary of State. 
 
 WILLIAM McKiNLEY. 
 EXECUTIVE MAKSION, 
 
 Washington, January 4, 1899. 
 
 To the President: 
 
 The undersigned. Secretary of State, has the honor 
 to lay before the President, with a view to its submission 
 to the Senate if deemed proper, a treaty of peace con- 
 
 249
 
 250 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 eluded at Paris on December 10, 1898, between the 
 United States and Spain. 
 
 Accompanying the treaty are the protocols of the con- 
 ferences of the Peace Commission at Paris, together with 
 copies of statements made before the United States com- 
 missioners, and other papers indicated in the inclosed 
 list. 
 
 Respectfully submitted. 
 
 JOHN HAT. 
 
 DEPARTMENT OP STATE, 
 
 Washington, January 3, 1899. 
 
 The United States of America and Her Majesty the 
 Queen Regent of Spain, in the name of her august son 
 Don Alfonso XIII, desiring to end the state of war now 
 existing between the two countries, have for that pur- 
 pose appointed as plenipotentiaries: 
 
 The President of the United States, 
 
 William R. Day, Cushman K. Davis, William P. Frye, 
 George Gray, and Whitelaw Reid, citizens of the United 
 States ; 
 
 And Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, 
 
 Don Eugenio Montero Rios, president of the Senate; 
 Don Buenaventura de Abarzuza, senator of the King- 
 dom and ex-minister of the Crown ; Don Jose de Garnica, 
 deputy to the Cortes and associate justice of the Supreme 
 Court; Don Wenceslao Ramirez de Villa-Urrutia, envoy 
 extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary at Brussels; 
 and Don Rafael Cereo, general of division ; 
 
 Who, having assembled in Paris, and having exchanged 
 their full powers, which were found to be in due and
 
 APPENDIX A 251 
 
 proper form, have, after discussion of the matters be- 
 fore them, agreed upon the following articles : 
 
 ARTICLE I 
 
 Spain relinquishes all claim of sovereignty over and 
 title to Cuba. 
 
 And as the Island is, upon its evacuation by Spain, to 
 be occupied by the United States, the United States will, 
 so long as such occupation shall last, assume and dis- 
 charge the obligations that may under international law 
 result from the fact of its occupation, for the protection 
 of life and property. 
 
 ARTICLE II 
 
 Spain cedes to the United States the island of Porto 
 Rico and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty 
 in the West Indies, and the island of Guam in the Mari- 
 anas or Ladrones. 
 
 ARTICLE III 
 
 Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago 
 known as the Philippine Islands, and comprehending the 
 islands lying within the following line : 
 
 A line running from west to east along or near the 
 twentieth parallel of north latitude, and through the 
 middle of the navigable channel of Bachi, from the one 
 hundred and eighteenth (118th) to the one hundred and 
 twenty-seventh (127th) degree meridian of longitude 
 east of Greenwich, thence along the one hundred and 
 twenty-seventh (127th) degree meridian of longitude 
 east of Greenwich to the parallel of four degrees and 
 forty-five minutes (4 45') north latitude, thence along
 
 252 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 the parallel of four degrees and forty-five minutes (4 
 45') north latitude to its intersection with the meridian 
 of longitude one hundred and nineteen degrees and 
 thirty-five minutes (119 35') east of Greenwich, thence 
 along the meridian of longitude one hundred and nine- 
 teen degrees and thirty-five minutes (119 35') east of 
 Greenwich to the parallel of latitude seven degrees and 
 forty minutes (7 40') north, thence along the parallel 
 of latitude of seven degrees and forty minutes (7 40') 
 north to its intersection with the one hundred and six- 
 teenth (116th) degree meridian of longitude east of 
 Greenwich, thence by a direct line to the intersection of 
 the tenth (10th) degree parallel of north latitude with 
 the one hundred and eighteenth (118th) degree meridian 
 of longitude east of Greenwich, and thence along the one 
 hundred and eighteenth (118th) degree meridian of 
 longitude east of Greenwich to the point of beginning. 
 
 The United States will pay to Spain the sum of twenty 
 million dollars ($20,000,000) within three months after 
 the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty. 
 
 ARTICLE IV 
 
 The United States will, for the term of ten years from 
 the date of the exchange of the ratifications of the pres- 
 ent treaty, admit Spanish ships and merchandise to the 
 ports of the Philippine Islands on the same terms as 
 ships and merchandise of the United States. 
 
 ARTICLE V 
 
 The United States will, upon the signature of the 
 present treaty, send back to Spain, at its own cost, the 
 Spanish soldiers taken as prisoners of war on the capture
 
 APPENDIX A 253 
 
 of Manila by the American forces. The arms of the 
 soldiers in question shall be restored to them. 
 
 Spain will, upon the exchange of the ratifications of 
 the present treaty, proceed to evacuate the Philippines, 
 as well as the Island of Guam, on terms similar to those 
 agreed upon by the commissioners appointed to arrange 
 for the evacuation of Porto Rico and other islands in the 
 West Indies, under the protocol of August 12, 1898, 
 which is to continue in force till its provisions are com- 
 pletely executed. 
 
 The time within which the evacuation of the Philip- 
 pine Islands and Guam shall be completed shall be fixed 
 by the two Governments. Stands of colors, uncaptured 
 war vessels, small arms, guns of all calibers, with their 
 carriages and accessories, powder, ammunition, live stock, 
 and materials and supplies of all kinds, belonging to 
 the land and naval forces of Spain in the Philippines 
 and Guam, remain the property of Spain. Pieces of 
 heavy ordnance, exclusive of field artillery, in the forti- 
 fications and coast defenses, shall remain in their em- 
 placements for the term of six months, to be reckoned 
 from the exchange of ratifications of the treaty ; and the 
 United States may, in the meantime, purchase such ma- 
 terial from Spain, if a satisfactory agreement between 
 the two Governments on the subject shall be reached. 
 
 ARTICLE VI 
 
 Spain will, upon the signature of the present treaty, 
 release all prisoners of war and all persons detained or 
 imprisoned for political offenses in connection with the 
 insurrections in Cuba and the Philippines and the war 
 with the United States.
 
 254 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 Reciprocally, the United States will release all per- 
 sons made prisoners of war by the American forces and 
 will undertake to obtain the release of all Spanish 
 prisoners in the hands of the insurgents in Cuba and the 
 Philippines. 
 
 The Government of the United States will, at its own 
 cost, return to Spain and the Government of Spain will, 
 at its own cost, return to the United States, Cuba, Porto 
 Rico, and the Philippines, according to the situation of 
 their respective homes, prisoners released or caused to be 
 released by them, respectively, under this article. 
 
 ARTICLE VII 
 
 The United States and Spain mutually relinquish all 
 claims for indemnity, national and individual, of every 
 kind, of either Government or of its citizens or subjects 
 against the other Government that may have arisen 
 since the beginning of the late insurrection in Cuba and 
 prior to the exchange of ratifications of the present 
 treaty, including all claims for indemnity for the cost 
 of the war. 
 
 The United States will adjudicate and settle the claims 
 of its citizens against Spain relinquished in this article. 
 
 ARTICLE VIII 
 
 In conformity with the provisions of Articles I, II, 
 and III of this treaty, Spain relinquishes in Cuba and 
 cedes in Porto Rico and other islands in the West Indies, 
 in the Island of Guam, and in the Philippine Archi- 
 pelago, all the buildings, wharves, barracks, forts, struc- 
 tures, public highways, and other immovable property
 
 APPENDIX A 255 
 
 which, in conformity with law, belong to the public do- 
 main and as such belong to the Crown of Spain. 
 
 And it is hereby declared that the relinquishment or 
 cession, as the case may be, to which the preceding para- 
 graph refers, can not in any respect impair the property 
 or rights which by law belong to the peaceful possession 
 of property of all kinds, of provinces, municipalities, 
 public or private establishments, ecclesiastical or civic 
 bodies, or any other associations having legal capacity 
 to acquire and possess property in the aforesaid terri- 
 tories renounced or ceded, or of private individuals, of 
 whatsoever nationality such individuals may be. 
 
 The aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as the case 
 may be, includes all documents exclusively referring to 
 the sovereignty relinquished or ceded that may exist in 
 the archives of the peninsula. Where any document 
 in such archives only in part relates to said sovereignty, 
 a copy of such part will be furnished whenever it shall 
 be requested. Like rules shall be reciprocally observed 
 in favor of Spain in respect of documents in the archives 
 of the islands above referred to. 
 
 In the aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as the case 
 may be, are also included such rights as the Crown of 
 Spain and its authorities possess in respect of the official 
 archives and records, executive as well as judicial, in 
 the islands above referred to, which relate to said islands 
 or the rights and property of their inhabitants. Such 
 archives and records shall be carefully preserved, and 
 private persons shall without distinction have the right 
 to require, in accordance with law, authenticated copies 
 of the contracts, wills, and other instruments forming 
 part of notarial protocols or files, or which may be con-
 
 256 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 tained in the executive or judicial archives, be the latter 
 in Spain or in the islands aforesaid. 
 
 ARTICLE IX 
 
 Spanish subjects, natives of the peninsula, residing in 
 the territory over which Spain by the present treaty re- 
 linquishes or cedes her sovereignty, may remain in such 
 territory or may remove therefrom, retaining in either 
 event all their rights of property, including the right to 
 sell or dispose of such property or of its proceeds, and 
 they shall also have the right to carry on their industry, 
 commerce, and professions, being subject in respect 
 thereof to such laws as are applicable to other foreigners. 
 In case they remain in the territory they may preserve 
 their allegiance to the Crown of Spain by making, before 
 a court of record, within a year from the date of the 
 exchange of ratifications of this treaty, a declaration of 
 their decision to preserve such allegiance; in default of 
 which declaration they shall be held to have renounced it 
 and to have adopted the nationality of the territory in 
 which they may reside. 
 
 The civil rights and political status of the native in- 
 habitants of the territories hereby ceded to the United 
 States shall be determined by the Congress. 
 
 ARTICLE X 
 
 The inhabitants of the territories over which Spain re- 
 linquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be secured in 
 the free exercise of their religion.
 
 APPENDIX A 257 
 
 ARTICLE XI 
 
 The Spaniards residing in the territories over which 
 Spain by this treaty cedes or relinquishes her sovereignty 
 shall be subject in matters civil as well as criminal to 
 the jurisdiction of the courts of the country wherein they 
 reside, pursuant to the ordinary laws governing the same ; 
 and they shall have the right to appear before such 
 courts, and to pursue the same course as citizens of the 
 country to which the courts belong. 
 
 ARTICLE XII 
 
 Judicial proceedings pending at the time of the ex- 
 change of ratifications of this treaty in the territories 
 over which Spain relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty 
 shall be determined according to the following rules : 
 
 1. Judgments rendered either in civil suits between 
 private individuals, or in criminal matters, before the 
 date mentioned, and with respect to which there is no 
 recourse or right of review under the Spanish law, shall 
 be deemed to be final, and shall be executed in due form 
 by competent authority in the territory within which 
 such judgments should be carried out. 
 
 2. Civil suits between private individuals which may 
 on the date mentioned be undetermined shall be prose- 
 cuted to judgment before the court in which they may 
 then be pending or in the court that may be substituted 
 therefor. 
 
 3. Criminal actions pending on the date mentioned 
 before the Supreme Court of Spain against citizens of the 
 territory which by this treaty ceases to be Spanish shall 
 continue under its jurisdiction until final judgment ; but,
 
 258 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 such judgment having been rendered, the execution 
 thereof shall be committed to the competent authority 
 of the place in which the case arose. 
 
 ARTICLE XIII 
 
 The rights of property secured by copyrights and 
 patents acquired by Spaniards in the Island of Cuba and 
 in Porto Rico, the Philippines, and other ceded terri- 
 tories, at the time of the exchange of the ratifications of 
 this treaty, shall continue to be respected. Spanish 
 scientific, literary, and artistic works, not subversive of 
 public order in the territories in question, shall continue 
 to be admitted free of duty into such territories for the 
 period of ten years, to be reckoned from the date of the 
 exchange of the ratifications of this treaty. 
 
 ARTICLE XIV 
 
 Spain will have the power to establish consular officers 
 in the ports and places of the territories, the sovereignty 
 over which has been either relinquished or ceded by the 
 present treaty. 
 
 ARTICLE XV 
 
 The Government of each country will, for the term of 
 ten years, accord to the merchant vessels of the other 
 country the same treatment in respect of all port charges, 
 including entrance and clearance dues, light dues, and 
 tonnage duties, as it accords to its own merchant vessels 
 not engaged in the coastwide trade. 
 
 This article may at any time be terminated on six 
 months' notice given by either Government to the other.
 
 APPENDIX A 259 
 
 ARTICLE XVI 
 
 It is understood that any obligations assumed in this 
 treaty by the United States with respect to Cuba are 
 limited to the time of is occupancy thereof; but it will 
 upon the termination of such occupancy, advise any 
 Government established in the Island to assume the same 
 obligations. 
 
 ARTICLE XVII 
 
 The present treaty shall be ratified by the President of 
 the United States, by and with the advice and consent 
 of the Senate thereof, and by Her Majesty the Queen 
 Eegent of Spain ; and the ratifications shall be exchanged 
 at Washington within six months from the date thereof, 
 or earlier if possible. 
 
 In faith whereof, we, the respective Plenipotentiaries, 
 have signed this treaty and have hereunto affixed our 
 seals. 
 
 Done in duplicate at Paris, the tenth day of December, 
 in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
 ninety eight. 
 
 [SEAL] WILLIAM K. DAY 
 
 [SEAL] CUSHMAN K. DAVIS 
 
 [SEAL] WILLIAM P. FRYE 
 
 [SEAL] GEO. GRAY 
 
 [SEAL] WHITELAW REID 
 
 [SEAL] EUGENIC MONTERO Rios 
 
 [SEAL] B. DE ABARZUZA 
 
 [SEAL] J. DE GARNICA 
 
 [SEAL] W R DE VILLA URRUTIA 
 
 [SEAL] RAFAEL CERERO
 
 APPENDIX B 
 
 PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S INSTRUCTIONS TO 
 THE TAFT COMMISSION. 
 
 WAR DEPARTMENT, 
 
 WASHINGTON, April 7, 1900. 
 
 Sir : I transmit to you herewith the instructions of the 
 President for the guidance of yourself and your associ- 
 ates as Commissioners to the Philippine Islands. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 ELIHU ROOT, 
 
 Secretary of War. 
 Hon. WILLIAM H. TAFT, 
 
 President Board of Commissioners 
 
 to the Philippine Islands. 
 
 EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 7, 1900. 
 The SECRETARY OF WAR, 
 
 Washington. 
 
 SIR: In the message transmitted to the Congress on 
 the 5th of December, 1899, I said, speaking of the Philip- 
 pine Islands : "As long as the insurrection continues 
 the military arm must necessarily be supreme. But there 
 is no reason why steps should not be taken from time to 
 time to inaugurate governments essentially popular in 
 their form as fast as territory is held and controlled by 
 our troops. To this end I am considering the advisability 
 of the return of the Commission, or such of the members 
 
 260
 
 APPENDIX B 261 
 
 thereof as can be secured, to aid the existing authorities 
 and facilitate this work throughout the Islands." 
 
 To give effect to the intention thus expressed I have 
 appointed Hon. William H. Taft, of Ohio; Prof. Dean C. 
 Worcester, of Michigan; Hon. Luke E. Wright, of Ten- 
 nessee; Hon. Henry C. Ide, of Vermont, and Prof. Ber- 
 nard Moses, of California, commissioners to the Philip- 
 pine Islands to continue and perfect the work of organiz- 
 ing and establishing civil government already commenced 
 by the military authorities, subject in all respects to any 
 laws which Congress may hereafter enact. 
 
 The commissioners named will meet and act as a board, 
 and the Hon. William H. Taft is designated as president 
 of the board. It is probable that the transfer of author- 
 ity from military commanders to civil officers will be 
 gradual and will occupy a considerable period. Its suc- 
 cessful accomplishment and the maintenance of peace and 
 order in the meantime will require the most perfect co- 
 operation between the civil and military authorities in the 
 Islands, and both should be directed during the transi- 
 tion period by the same executive department. The 
 Commission will therf ore report to the Secretary of War, 
 and all their action will be subject to your approval and 
 control. 
 
 You will instruct the Commission to proceed to the city 
 of Manila, where they will make their principal office, and 
 to communicate with the military governor of the Philip- 
 pine Islands, whom you will at the same time direct to 
 render to them every assistance within his power in the 
 performance of their duties. Without hampering them 
 by too specific instructions, they should in general be 
 enjoined, after making themselves familiar with the con-
 
 262 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 ditions and needs of the country, to devote their atten- 
 tion in the first instance to the establisment of municipal 
 governments, in which the natives of the islands, both in 
 the cities and in the rural communities, shall be afforded 
 the opportunity to manage their own local affairs to the 
 fullest extent of which they are capable, and subject to 
 the least degree of supervision and control which a careful 
 study of their capacities and observations of the workings 
 of native control show to be consistent with the mainte- 
 nance of law, order, and loyalty. 
 
 The next subject in order of importance should be the 
 organization of government in the larger administrative 
 divisions corresponding to counties, departments, or prov- 
 inces, in which the common interests of many or several 
 municipalities falling within the same tribal lines, or the 
 same natural geographical limits, may best be subserved 
 by a common administration. Whenever the Commission 
 is of the opinion that the condition of affairs in the Is- 
 lands is such that the central administration may safely 
 be transferred from military to civil control, they will re- 
 port that conclusion to you, with their recommendations 
 as to the form of central government to be established for 
 the purpose of taking over the control. 
 
 Beginning with the 1st day of September, 1900, the 
 authority to exercise, subject to my approval, through 
 the Secretary of War, that part of the power of govern- 
 ment in the Philippine Islands which is of a legislative 
 nature is to be transferred from the military governor 
 of the Islands to this Commission, to be thereafter exer- 
 cised by them in the place and stead of the military gov- 
 ernor, under such rules and regulations as you shall pre- 
 scribe, until the establishment of the civil central govern-
 
 APPENDIX B 263 
 
 ment for the Islands contemplated in the last foregoing 
 paragraph, or until Congress shall otherwise provide. 
 Exercise of this legislative authority will include the 
 making of rules and orders, having the effect of law, for 
 the raising of revenue by taxes, customs duties, and im- 
 posts ; the appropriation and expenditure of public funds 
 of the Islands; the establishment of an educational sys- 
 tem throughout the Islands; the establishment of a sys- 
 tem to secure an efficient civil service; the organization 
 and establishment of courts; the organization and estab- 
 lishment of municipal and departmental governments, 
 and all other matters of a civil nature for which the mili- 
 tary governor is now competent to provide by rules or 
 orders of a legislative character. 
 
 The Commission will also have power during the same 
 period to appoint to office such officers under the judicial, 
 educational, and civil-service systems and in the muni- 
 cipal and departmental governments as shall be provided 
 for. Until the complete transfer of control the military 
 governor will remain the chief executive head of the gov- 
 ernment of the islands, and will exercise the executive 
 authority now possessed by him and not herein expressly 
 assigned to the commission, subject, however, to the rules 
 and orders enacted by the Commission in the exercise of 
 the legislative powers conferred upon them. In the 
 meantime the municipal and departmental governments 
 will continue to report to the military governor and be 
 subject to his administrative supervision and control, 
 under your direction, but that supervision and control 
 will be confined within the narrowest limits consistent 
 with the requirement that the powers of government in 
 the municipalities and departments shall be honestly and
 
 264 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 effectively exercised and that law and order and indi- 
 vidual freedom shall be maintained. 
 
 All legislative rules and orders, establishments of gov- 
 ernment, and appointments to office by the commission 
 will take effect immediately, or at such times as they shall 
 designate, subject to your approval and action upon the 
 coming in of the Commission's reports, which are to be 
 made from time to time as their action is taken. Wher- 
 ever civil governments are constituted under the direction 
 of the Commission, such military posts, garrisons, and 
 forces will be continued for the suppression of insurrec- 
 tion and brigandage, and the maintenance of law and 
 order as the military commander shall deem requisite, 
 and the military forces shall be at all times subject under 
 his orders to the call of the civil authorities for the main- 
 tenance of law and order and the enforcement of their 
 authority. 
 
 In the establishment of municipal governments the 
 Commission will take as the basis of their work the gov- 
 ernments established by the military governor under his 
 order of August 8, 1899, and under the report of the board 
 constituted by the military governor by his order of Jan- 
 uary 29, 1900, to formulate and report a plan of munici- 
 pal government, of which his honor Cayetano Arellano, 
 president of the audiencia, was chairman, and they will 
 give to the conclusions of that board the weight and con- 
 sideration which the high character and distinguished 
 abilities of its members justify. 
 
 In the constitution of departmental or provincial gov- 
 ernments, they will give especial attention to the existing 
 government of the island of Negros, constituted, with the 
 approval of the people of that island, under the order of
 
 APPENDIX B 265 
 
 the military governor of July 22, 1899, and after verify- 
 ing, so far as may be practicable, the reports of the suc- 
 cessful working of that government, they will be guided 
 by the experience thus acquired, so far as it may be ap- 
 plicable to the condition existing in other portions of the 
 Philippines. They will avail themselves to the fullest 
 degree practicable of the conclusions reached by the pre- 
 vious Commission to the Philippines. 
 
 In the distribution of powers among the governments 
 organized by the Commission, the presumption is always 
 to be in favor of the smaller subdivision, so that all the 
 powers which can properly be exercised by the municipal 
 government shall be vested in that government, and all 
 the powers of a more general character which can be ex- 
 ercised by the departmental government shall be vested 
 in that government, and so that in the governmental 
 system, which is the result of the process, the central 
 government of the Islands, following the example of the 
 distribution of the powers between the States and the 
 National Government of the United States, shall have no 
 direct administration except of matters of purely general 
 concern, and shall have only such supervision and control 
 over local governments as may be necessary to secure 
 and enforce faithful and efficient administration by local 
 officers. 
 
 The many different degrees of civilization and varieties 
 of custom and capacity among the people of the different 
 islands preclude very definite instruction as to the part 
 which the people shall take in the selection of their own 
 officers ; but these general rules are to be observed : That 
 in all cases the municipal officers, who administer the 
 local affairs of the people, are to be selected by the people,
 
 266 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 and that wherever officers of more extended jurisdiction 
 are to be selected in any way, natives of the Islands are 
 to be preferred, and if they can be found competent and 
 willing to perform the duties, they are to receive the 
 offices in preference to any others. 
 
 It will be necessary to fill some offices for the present 
 with Americans, which, after a time, may well be filled 
 by natives of the Islands. As soon as practicable a sys- 
 tem for ascertaining the merit and fitness of candidates 
 for civil office should be put in force. An indispensable 
 qualification for all offices and positions of trust and 
 authority in the Islands must be absolute and uncondi- 
 tional loyalty to the United States, and absolute and 
 unhampered authority and power to remove and punish 
 any officer deviating from that standard must at all times 
 be retained in the hands of the central authority of the 
 Islands. 
 
 In all the forms of government and administrative 
 provisions which they are authorized to prescribe, the 
 Commission should bear in mind that the government 
 which they are establishing is designed not for our satis- 
 faction, or for the expression of our theoretical views, but 
 for the happiness, peace, and prosperity of the people of 
 the Philippine Islands, and the measures adopted should 
 be made to conform to their customs, their habits, and 
 even their prejudices, to the fullest extent consistent with 
 the accomplishment of the indispensable requisites of just 
 and effective government. 
 
 At the same time the Commission should bear in mind, 
 and the people of the Islands should be made plainly to 
 understand, that there are certain great principles of gov- 
 ernment which have been made the basis of our govern-
 
 APPENDIX B 267 
 
 mental system which we deem essential to the rule of law 
 and the maintenance of individual freedom, and of which 
 they have, unfortunately, been denied the experience 
 possessed by us; that there are also certain practical 
 rules of government which we have found to be essential 
 to the preservation of these great principles of liberty 
 and law, and that these principles and these rules of gov- 
 ernment must be established and maintained in their 
 islands for the sake of their liberty and happiness, how- 
 ever much they may conflict with the customs or laws of 
 procedure with which they are familiar. 
 
 It is evident that the most enlightened thought of the 
 Philippine Islands fully appreciates the importance of 
 these principles and rules, and they will inevitably within 
 a short time command universal assent. Upon every di- 
 vision and branch of the Government of the Philippines, 
 therefore, must be imposed these inviolable rules: 
 
 That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or 
 property without due process of law ; that private prop- 
 erty shall not be taken for public use without just com- 
 pensation; that in all criminal prosecutions the accused 
 shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be 
 informed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to 
 be confronted with the witnesses against him, to have 
 compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, 
 and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense ; that 
 excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines 
 imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted; 
 that no person shall be put twice in jeopardy for the same 
 offense, or be compelled in any criminal case to be a wit- 
 ness against himself; that the right to be secure against 
 unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated ;
 
 268 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist 
 except as a punishment for crime; that no bill of at- 
 tainder, or ex-post-facto law shall be passed ; that no law 
 shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech or of the 
 press, or the rights of the people to peaceably assemble 
 and petition the Government for a redress of grievances ; 
 that no law shall be made respecting an establishment of 
 religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, and that 
 the free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession 
 and worship without discrimination or preference shall 
 forever be allowed. 
 
 It will be the duty of the Commission to make a thor- 
 ough investigation into the titles to the large tracts of 
 land held or claimed by individuals or by religious orders ; 
 into the justice of the claims and complaints made against 
 such landholders by the people of the Island or any part 
 of the people, and to seek by wise and peaceable measures 
 a just settlement of the controversies and redress of 
 wrongs which have caused strife and bloodshed in the 
 past. In the performance of this duty the Commission is 
 enjoined to see that no injustice is done ; to have regard 
 for substantial rights and equity, disregarding technical- 
 ities so far as substantial right permits, and to observe 
 the following rules : 
 
 That the provision of the treaty of Paris, pledging the 
 United States to the protection of all rights of property 
 in the Islands, and as well the principle of our own Gov- 
 ernment which prohibits the taking of private property 
 without due process of law, shall not be violated ; that the 
 welfare of the people of the Islands, which should be a 
 paramount consideration, shall be attained consistently 
 with this rule of property right ; that if it becomes nee-
 
 APPENDIX B 269 
 
 essary for the public interest of the people of the Islands 
 to dispose of claims to property which the Commission 
 finds to be not lawfully acquired and held disposition shall 
 be made thereof by due legal procedure, in which there 
 shall be full opportunity for fair and impartial hearing 
 and judgment ; that if the same public interests require 
 the extinguishment of property rights lawfully acquired 
 and held due compensation shall be made out of the public 
 treasury therefor; that no form of religion and no min- 
 ister of religion shall be forced upon any community or 
 upon any citizen of the Islands ; that upon the other hand 
 no minister of religion shall be interfered with or mo- 
 lested in following his calling, and that the separation be- 
 tween state and church shall be real, entire, and absolute. 
 It will be the duty of the Commission to promote and 
 extend, and, as they find occasion, to improve, the system 
 of education already inaugurated by the military authori- 
 ties. In doing this they should regard as of first impor- 
 tance the extension of a system of primary education 
 which shall be free to all, and which shall tend to fit the 
 people for the duties of citizenship and for the ordinary 
 avocations of a civilized community. This instruction 
 should be given in the first instance in every part of the 
 Islands in the language of the people. In view of the 
 great number of languages spoken by the different tribes, 
 it is especially important to the prosperity of the Islands 
 that a common medium of communication may be estab- 
 lished, and it is obviously desirable that this medium 
 should be the English language. Especial attention 
 should be at once given to affording full opportunity to 
 all the people of the Islands to acquire the use of the 
 English language.
 
 270 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 It may be well that the main changes which should be 
 made in the system of taxation and in the body of the 
 laws under which the people are governed, except such 
 changes as have already been made by the military gov- 
 ernment, should be relegated to the civil government 
 which is to be established under the auspices of the Com- 
 mission. It will, however, be the duty of the Commission 
 to inquire diligently as to whether there are any further 
 changes which ought not to be delayed ; and if so, they are 
 authorized to make such changes, subject to your ap- 
 proval. In doing so they are to bear in mind that taxes 
 which tend to penalize or repress industry and enterprise 
 are to be avoided ; that provisions for taxation should be 
 simple, so that they may be understood by the people; 
 that they should affect the fewest practicable subjects of 
 taxation which will serve for the general distribution of 
 the burden. 
 
 The main body of the laws which regulate the rights 
 and obligations of the people should be maintained with 
 as little interference as possible. Changes made should 
 be mainly in procedure, and in the criminal laws to secure 
 speedy and impartial trials, and at the same time effective 
 administration and respect for individual rights. 
 
 In dealing with the uncivilized tribes of the Islands the 
 Commission should adopt the same course followed by 
 Congress in permitting the tribes of our North American 
 Indians to maintain their tribal organization and govern- 
 ment, and under which many of those tribes are now liv- 
 ing in peace and contentment, surrounded by a civiliza- 
 tion to which they are unable or unwilling to conform. 
 Such tribal governments should, however, be subjected 
 to wise and firm regulation ; and, without undue or petty
 
 APPENDIX B 271 
 
 interference, constant and active effort should be exer- 
 cised to prevent barbarous practices and introduce civ- 
 ilized customs. 
 
 Upon all officers and employees of the United States, 
 both civil and military, should be impressed a sense of 
 the duty to observe not merely the material but the per- 
 sonal and social rights of the people of the Islands, and 
 to treat them with the same courtesy and respect for 
 their personal dignity which the people of the United 
 States are accustomed to require from each other. 
 
 The articles of capitulation of the city of Manila on 
 the 13th of August, 1898, concluded with these words : 
 
 " This city, its inhabitants, its churches and religious 
 worship, its educational establishments, and its private 
 property of all descriptions, are placed under the special 
 safeguard of the faith and honor of the American army. ' ' 
 
 I believe that this pledge has been faithfully kept. 
 As high and sacred an obligation rests upon the Govern- 
 ment of the United States to give protection for property 
 and life, civil and religious freedom, and wise, firm, and 
 unselfish guidance in the paths of peace and prosperity 
 to all the people of the Philippine Islands. I charge this 
 Commission to labor for the full performance of this obli- 
 gation, which concerns the honor and conscience of their 
 country, in the firm hope that through their labors all the 
 inhabitants of the Philippine Islands may come to look 
 back with gratitude to the day when God gave victory 
 to American arms at Manila and set their land under the 
 sovereignty and the protection of the people of the 
 United States. WILLIAM McKiNLET. 
 
 The SECRETARY OP WAR. 
 
 Washington, D. C.
 
 APPENDIX C 
 
 ORGANIC ACT OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS 
 PUBLIC No. 235. 
 
 An Act temporarily to provide for the administration of the 
 affairs of civil government in the Philippine Islands, and 
 for other purposes. 
 
 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa- 
 tives of the United States of America in Congress assem- 
 bled, That the action of the President of the United 
 States in creating the Philippine Commission 1 and 
 authorizing said Commission to exercise the powers of 
 government to the extent and in the manner and form 
 and subject to the regulation and control set forth in 
 the instructions of the President to the Philippine Com- 
 mission, dated April seventh, nineteen hundred, and in 
 creating the offices of civil governor 2 and vice-governor 
 of the Philippine Islands, and authorizing said civil gov- 
 ernor and vice-governor to exercise the powers of govern- 
 ment to the extent and in the manner and form set forth 
 in the Executive order dated June twenty-first, nineteen 
 hundred and one, and in establishing four executive de- 
 partments of government in said islands as set forth in 
 
 1 Membership of Philippine Commission increased to nine 
 by act of Congress approved May 11, 1908. See p. 52. 
 
 2 Designation changed to Governor General by act of Con- 
 gress approved February 6, 1905, sec. 8. See p. 62. 
 
 272
 
 APPENDIX C 273 
 
 the Act of the Philippine Commission, entitled " An 
 Act providing an organization for the departments of 
 the interior, of commerce and police, of finance and 
 justice, and of public instruction," enacted September 
 sixth, nineteen hundred and one, is hereby approved, 
 ratified, and confirmed, and until otherwise provided by 
 law the said islands shall continue to be governed as 
 thereby and herein provided, and all laws passed here- 
 after by the Philippine Commission shall have an enact- 
 ing clause as follows : ' ' By authority of the United 
 States be it enacted by the Philippine Commission." 
 The provisions of 'section eighteen hundred and ninety 
 one of the Revised Statutes of eighteen hundred and 
 seventy eight shall not apply to the Philippine Islands. 
 
 Future appointments of civil governor, vice-governor, 
 members of said commission, and heads of executive de- 
 partments shall be made by the President, by and with 
 the advice and consent of the Senate. 
 
 SEC. 2. 3 That the action of the President of the United 
 States heretofore taken by virtue of the authority vested 
 in him as Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, as 
 set forth in his order of July twelfth, eighteen hundred 
 and ninety eight, whereby a tariff of duties and taxes as 
 set forth by said order was to be levied and collected at 
 all ports and places in the Philippine Islands upon pass- 
 ing into the occupation and possession of the forces of the 
 
 3 Sec. 2 has now ceased to be a live provision ; " the tariff 
 of duties and taxes " being fixed by the act of August 5, 1909, 
 "to raise revenue for the Philippine Islands, and other pur- 
 poses." (See also Act of Congress of June 30, 1906, p. 52.) 
 
 Respecting trade between the United States and the Philip- 
 pine Islands, the Philippine tariff act of August 5, 1909, was 
 further modified in some particulars by Sec. IV (c) of the 
 United States tariff act of October 3, 1913.
 
 274 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 United States, together with the subsequent amendments 
 of said order, are hereby approved, ratified, and con- 
 firmed, and the actions of the authorities of the govern- 
 ment of the Philippine Islands, taken in accordance with 
 the provisions of said order and subsequent amendments, 
 are hereby approved : Provided, That nothing contained 
 in this section shall be held to amend or repeal an Act 
 entitled ' ' An Act temporarily to provide revenue for the 
 Philippine Islands, and for other purposes," approved 
 March eighth, nineteen hundred and two. 
 
 SEC. 3. That the President of the United States, dur- 
 ing such time as and whenever the sovereignty and au- 
 thority of the United States encounter armed resistance 
 in the Philippine Islands, until otherwise provided by 
 Congress, shall continue to regulate and control com- 
 mercial intercourse with and within said islands by such 
 general rules and regulations as he, in his discretion, 
 may deem most conducive to the public interests and the 
 general welfare. 
 
 SEC. 4 (as amended by Act of Congress of March 23, 
 1912). That all inhabitants of the Philippine Islands 
 continuing to reside therein who were Spanish subjects 
 on the eleventh day of April, eighteen hundred and 
 ninety nine, and then resided in said Islands, and their 
 children born subsequent thereto, shall be deemed and 
 held to be citizens of the Philippine Islands and as such 
 entitled to the protection of the United States, except 
 such as shall have elected to preserve their allegiance to 
 the Crown of Spain in accordance with the provisions of 
 the treaty of peace 4 between the United States and Spain 
 
 4 Article IX of the Treaty of Peace of December 10, 1898, 
 and Protocol of March 29, 1900.
 
 APPENDIX C 275 
 
 signed at Paris December tenth, eighteen hundred and 
 ninety eight: Provided, That the Philippine Legisla- 
 ture is hereby authorized to provide by law for the 
 acquisition of Philippine citizenship by those natives of 
 the Philippine Islands who do not come within the fore- 
 going provisions, the natives of other insular possessions 
 of the United States, and such other persons residing 
 in the Philippine Islands who could become citizens of 
 the United States under the laws of the United States if 
 residing therein. 
 
 SEC. 5. That no law shall be enacted in said islands 
 which shall deprive any person of life, liberty, or prop- 
 erty without due process of law, or deny to any person 
 therein the equal protection of the laws. 
 
 That in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall 
 enjoy the right to be heard by himself and counsel, to 
 demand, the nature and cause of the accusation against 
 him, to have a speedy and public trial, to meet the wit- 
 nesses face to face, and to have compulsory process to 
 compel the attendance of witnesses in his behalf. 
 
 That no person shall be held to answer for a criminal 
 offense without due process of law ; and no person for the 
 same offense shall be twice put in jeopardy of punish- 
 ment, nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a 
 witness against himself. 
 
 That all persons shall before conviction be bailable by 
 sufficient sureties, except for capital offenses. 
 
 That no law impairing the obligation of contracts shall 
 be enacted. 
 
 That no person shall be imprisoned for debt. 
 
 That the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not 
 be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion, insurrec-
 
 276 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 tion, or invasion the public safety may require it, in 
 either of which events the same may be suspended by the 
 President, or by the governor, with the approval of the 
 Philippine Commission, wherever during such period the 
 necessity for such suspension shall exist. 
 
 That no ex post facto law or bill of attainder shall be 
 enacted. 
 
 That no law granting a title of nobility shall be en- 
 acted, and no person holding any office of profit or trust 
 in said islands, shall, without the consent of the Congress 
 of the United States, accept any present, emolument, 
 office, or title of any kind whatever from any king, 
 queen, prince, or foreign State. 
 
 That excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive 
 fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment in- 
 flicted. 
 
 That the right to be secure against unreasonable 
 searches and seizures shall not be violated. 
 
 That neither slavery, nor involuntary servitude, ex- 
 cept as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall 
 have been duly convicted, shall exist in said islands. 
 
 That no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of 
 speech or of the press, or the right of the people peace- 
 ably to assemble and petition the Government for re- 
 dress of grievances. 
 
 That no law shall be made respecting an establish- 
 ment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, 
 and that the free exercise and enjoyment of religious 
 profession and worship, without discrimination or pref- 
 erence, shall forever be allowed. 
 
 That no money shall be paid out of the treasury except 
 in pursuance of an appropriation by law.
 
 APPENDIX C 277 
 
 That the rule of taxation in said islands shall be uni- 
 form. 
 
 That no private or local bill which may be enacted into 
 law shall embrace more than one subject, and that sub- 
 ject shall be expressed in the title of the bill. 
 
 That no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause, 
 supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly de- 
 scribing the place to be searched and the person or 
 things to be seized. 
 
 That all money collected on any tax levied or assessed 
 for a special purpose shall be treated as a special fund in 
 the treasury and paid out for such purpose only. 
 
 SEC. 6. That whenever the existing insurrection in 
 the Philippine Islands shall have ceased and a condition 
 of general and complete peace 5 shall have been estab- 
 lished therein and the fact shall be certified to the Presi- 
 dent by the Philippine Commission, the President, upon 
 being satisfied thereof, shall order a census 6 of the 
 Philippine Islands to be taken by said Philippine Com- 
 mission ; such census in its inquiries relating to the popu- 
 lation shall take and make so far as practicable full re- 
 port for all the inhabitants, of name, age, sex, race, or 
 tribe, whether native or foreign born, literacy in 
 Spanish, native dialect or language, or in English, school 
 attendance, ownership of homes, industrial and social 
 statistics, and such other information separately for 
 
 s See Proclamation of President, July 4, 1902 (amnesty) as 
 to peace. 
 
 e Report of the Philippine Commission for 1907, Vol. I, pp. 
 207-214, gives certificate of Philippine Commission, Order of 
 the President to take census, proclamations of Governor Gen- 
 eral concerning taking of census, convening of Philippine 
 Assembly, etc.
 
 278 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 each island, each province, and municipality, or other 
 civil division, as the President and said Commission may 
 deem necessary: Provided, That the President may, 
 upon the request of said Commission, in his discretion, 
 employ the service of the Census Bureau in compiling 
 and promulgating the statistical information above pro- 
 vided for, and may commit to such bureau any part or 
 portion of such labor as to him may seem wise. 
 
 SEC. 7. That two years after the completion and pub- 
 lication of the census, in case such condition of general 
 and complete peace with recognition of the authority of 
 the United States shall have continued in the territory 
 of said islands not inhabited by Moros or other non- 
 Christian tribes and such facts shall have been certified 
 to the President by the Philippine Commission, the 
 President upon being satisfied thereof shall direct said 
 commission to call, and the Commision shall call, a gen- 
 eral election 7 for the choice of delegates to a popular 
 assembly of the people of said territory in the Philippine 
 Islands, which shall be known as the Philippine Assem- 
 bly. After said assembly shall have convened and or- 
 ganized, all the legislative power heretofore conferred on 
 the Philippine Commission in all that part of said is- 
 lands not inhabited by Moros or other non-Christian 
 tribes shall be vested in a legislature consisting of two 
 houses The Philippine Commission and the Philippine 
 Assembly. Said assembly shall consist of not less than 
 fifty nor more than one hundred members, to be appor- 
 tioned by said commission among the provinces as nearly 
 as practicable according to population : Provided, That 
 no province shall have less than one member : And pro- 
 
 7 Act No. 2045, sec. 1, of Philippine Legislature amends.
 
 APPENDIX C 279 
 
 vided further, That provinces entitled by population to 
 more than one member may be divided into such con- 
 venient districts as the said Commission may deem best. 
 
 Public notice of such division shall be given at least 
 ninety days prior to such election, and the election shall 
 be held under rules and regulations to be prescribed by 
 law. The qualification of electors in such election shall 
 be the same as is now provided by law in case of electors 
 in municipal elections. The members of assembly shall 
 hold office for two years from the first day of January 8 
 next following their election, and their successors shall be 
 chosen by the people every second year thereafter. No 
 person shall be eligible 9 to such election who is not a 
 qualified elector of the election district in which he may 
 be chosen, owing allegiance to the United States, and 
 twenty-five years of age. 
 
 (As amended ~by Act of Congress of February 27, 
 1909.} The legislature shall hold annual sessions, com- 
 mencing on the first Monday of February 10 in each year 
 and continuing not exceeding ninety days thereafter 
 (Sundays and holidays not included) and the first meet- 
 ing of the legislature shall be held upon the call of the 
 governor within ninety days after the first election: 
 Provided, That the Philippine Legislature after its first 
 meeting as herein provided may by law fix a date other 
 than the first Monday of February in each year for the 
 commencement of its annual sessions : 10 And provided 
 further, That if at the termination of any session the 
 
 s See Act of Congress of February 15, 1911, amending sec. 7, 
 p. 53. 
 
 Act No. 2045, see. 7, of Philippine Legislature amends. 
 
 10 Act No. 2114, of Philippine Legislature changes date to 
 October 16.
 
 280 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 appropriations necessary for the support of government 
 shall not have been made, an amount equal to the sums 
 appropriated in the last appropriation bills for such pur- 
 poses shall be deemed to be appropriated ; and until the 
 legislature shall act in such behalf the treasurer may, 
 with the advice of the governor, make the payments 
 necessary for the purposes aforesaid. [33 Stat. L., 659.] 
 
 The legislature may be called in special session at any 
 time by the civil governor for general legislation, or for 
 action on such specific subjects as he may designate. No 
 special session shall continue longer than thirty days, ex- 
 clusive of Sundays. 
 
 The assembly shall be the judge of the elections, re- 
 turns, and qualifications of its members. A majority 
 shall constitute a quorum to do business, but a smaller 
 number may adjourn from day to day and may be 
 authorized to compel the attendance of absent members. 
 It shall choose its speaker and other officers, and the 
 salaries of its members and officers shall be fixed by law. 
 It may determine the rule of its proceedings, punish its 
 members for disorderly behavior, and with the concur- 
 rence of two thirds expel a member. It shall keep a 
 journal of its proceedings, which shall be published, and 
 the yeas and nays of the members on any question shall, 
 on the demand of one fifth of those present, be entered 
 on the journal. 
 
 SEC. 8. That at the same time with the first meeting 
 of the Philippine legislature, and biennially thereafter, 
 there shall be chosen by said legislature, each house 
 voting separately, two Resident Commissioners X1 to the 
 United States, who shall be entitled to an official recog- 
 
 11 For change of tenure of office to four years, salary, ex-
 
 APPENDIX C 281 
 
 nition as such by all departments upon presentation to 
 the President of a certificate of election by the civil 
 governor of said islands, and each of whom shall be en- 
 titled to a salary payable monthly by the United States 
 at the rate of five thousand dollars per annum, and two 
 thousand dollars additional to cover all expenses: Pro- 
 vide d, That no person shall be eligible to such election 
 who is not a qualified elector of said islands, owing alle- 
 giance to the United States, and who is not thirty years 
 of age. 
 
 SEC. 9. That the Supreme Court 12 and the courts of 
 first instance of the Philippine Islands shall possess and 
 exercise jurisdiction as heretofore provided and such 
 additional jurisdiction as shall hereafter be prescribed 
 by the Government of said islands, subject to the power 
 of said Government to change the practice and method 
 of procedure. The municipal courts of said islands shall 
 possess and exercise jurisdiction as heretofore provided 
 by the Philippine Commission, subject in all matters to 
 such alteration and amendments as may be hereafter en- 
 acted by law ; and the chief justice and associate justices 
 of the Supreme Court shall hereafter be appointed by 
 the President, by and with the advice and consent of the 
 Senate, and shall receive the compensation heretofore 
 
 penses, etc., act of Congress of February 15, 1911, see sec. 2, 
 p. 53. 
 
 12 For pay, vacancies, and traveling expenses of justices of 
 Supreme Court, act of Congress of February 6, 1905, sec. 7, 
 see p. 62. 
 
 Supreme Court given original jurisdiction in actions involv- 
 ing railroad construction by act of Congress of February 6, 
 1905, sec. 4, par. 13, see p. 61. 
 
 Terms of court fixed by joint resolution, April 9, 1910, see 
 p. 56.
 
 282 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 prescribed by the Commission until otherwise provided 
 by Congress. The judges of the court of first instance 
 shall be appointed by the civil governor, by and with 
 the advice and consent of the Philippine Commission: 
 Provided, That the admiralty jurisdiction of the Supreme 
 Court and courts of first instance shall not be changed 
 except by act of Congress. 
 
 SEC. 10. That the Supreme Court of the United States 
 shall have jurisdiction to review, revise, reverse, modify, 
 or affirm the final judgments and decrees of the supreme 
 court of the Philippine Islands in all actions, cases, 
 causes, and proceedings now pending therein or here- 
 after determined thereby in which the Constitution or 
 any statute, treaty, title, right, or privilege of the United 
 States is involved, or in causes in which the value in con- 
 troversy exceeds twenty-five thousand dollars, or in 
 which the title or possession of real estate exceeding in 
 value the sum of twenty-five thousand dollars, to be 
 ascertain by the oath of either party or of other com- 
 petent witnesses, is involved or brought in question ; and 
 such final judgments or decrees may and can be reviewed, 
 revised, reversed, modified, or affirmed by said Supreme 
 Court of the United States on appeal or writ of error by 
 the party aggrieved, in the same manner, under the same 
 regulations, and by the same procedure, as far as appli- 
 cable, as the final judgments and decrees of the circuit 
 courts of the United States. 
 
 SEC. 11. That the Government of the Philippine Is- 
 lands is hereby authorized to provide for the needs of 
 commerce by improving the harbors and navigable 
 waters of said islands and to construct and maintain in 
 said navigable waters and upon the shore adjacent thereto
 
 APPENDIX C 283 
 
 bonded warehouses, wharves, piers, light-houses, signal 
 and life-saving stations, buoys, and like instruments of 
 commerce, and to adopt and enforce regulations in re- 
 gard thereto, including bonded warehouses wherein 
 articles not intended to be imported into said islands nor 
 mingled with the property therein, but brought into a 
 port of said islands for reshipment to another country, 
 may be deposited in bond and reshipped to another 
 country without the payment of customs duties or 
 charges. 
 
 SEC. 12. That all the property and rights which may 
 have been acquired in the Philippine Islands by the 
 United States under the treaty of peace with Spain, 
 signed December tenth, eighteen hundred and ninety 
 eight, except such land or other property as shall be 
 designated by the President of the United States for mili- 
 tary and other reservations of the Government of the 
 United States, are hereby placed under the control of the 
 Government of said Islands to be administered for the 
 benefit of the inhabitants thereof, except as provided in 
 this act. 
 
 SEC. 13. That the Government of the Philippine Is- 
 lands, subject to the provisions of this act and except as 
 herein provided, shall classify according to its agricul- 
 tural character and productiveness, and shall imme- 
 diately make rules and regulations for the lease, sale, or 
 other disposition of the public lands other than timber or 
 mineral lands, but such rules and regulations shall not 
 go into effect or have the force of law until they have 
 received the approval of the President and when ap- 
 proved by the President they shall be submitted by him 
 to Congress at the beginning of the next ensuing session
 
 284 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 thereof and unless disapproved or amended by Congress 
 at said session they shall at the close of such period have 
 the force and effect of law in the Philippine Islands: 
 Provided, That a single homestead entry shall not ex- 
 ceed sixteen hectares in extent. 
 
 SEC. 14. That the Government of the Philippine Is- 
 lands is hereby authorized and empowered to enact rules 
 and regulations 13 and to prescribe terms and conditions 
 to enable persons to perfect their title to public lands in 
 said islands, who, prior to the transfer of sovereignty 
 from Spain to the United States, had fulfilled all or some 
 of the conditions required by the Spanish laws and royal 
 decrees of the Kingdom of Spain for the acquisition of 
 legal title thereto yet failed to secure conveyance of 
 title; and the Philippine Commission is authorized to 
 issue patents, without compensation, to any native of 
 said islands, conveying title to any tract of land not more 
 than sixteen hectares in extent, which were public lands 
 and had been actually occupied by such native or his 
 ancestors prior to and on the thirteenth of August, 
 eighteen hundred and ninety eight. 
 
 SEC. 15. That the Government of the Philippine Is- 
 lands is hereby authorized and empowered, on such terms 
 as it may prescribe, by general legislation, to provide for 
 the granting or sale and conveyance to actual occupants 
 and settlers and other citizens of said islands such parts 
 and portions of the public domain, other than timber and 
 mineral lands of the United States in said islands as it 
 may deem wise, not exceeding sixteen hectares to any 
 one person, and for the sale and conveyance of not more 
 than one thousand and twenty-four hectares to any cor- 
 f's See rules and regulations issued by Philippine Commission.
 
 APPENDIX C 285 
 
 poration or association of persons: Provided: That 
 the grant or sale of such lands, whether the purchase 
 price be paid at once or in partial payments, shall be 
 conditioned upon actual and continued occupancy, im- 
 provement, and cultivation of the premises sold for a 
 period of not less than five years, during which time the 
 purchaser or grantee can not alienate or encumber said 
 land or the title thereto; but such restriction shall not 
 apply to transfers of rights and title of inheritance under 
 the laws for the distribution of the estates of dece- 
 dents. 
 
 SEC. 16. That in granting or selling any part of the 
 public domain under the provisions of the last preceding 
 section, preference in all cases shall be given to actual 
 occupants and settlers; and such public lands of the 
 United States in the actual possession or occupancy of 
 any native of the Philippine Islands shall not be sold by 
 said Government to any other person without the consent 
 thereto of said prior occupant or settler first had and ob- 
 tained: Provided, That the prior right hereby secured 
 to an occupant of land, who can show no other proof of 
 title than possession, shall not apply to more than sixteen 
 hectares in one tract. 
 
 SEC. 17. That timber, trees, forests, and forest prod- 
 ucts on lands leased or demised by the Government of 
 the Philippine Islands under the provisions of this act 
 shall not be cut, destroyed, removed, or appropriated ex- 
 cept by special permission of said Government and under 
 such regulations as it may prescribe. 
 
 All moneys obtained from lease or sale of any portion 
 of the public domain or from licenses to cut timber by 
 the Government of the Philippine Islands shall be cov-
 
 286 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 ered into the insular treasury and be subject only 
 to appropriation for insular purposes according to 
 law. 
 
 SEC. 18. That the forest laws and regulations now in 
 force in the Philippine Islands, with such modifications 
 and amendments as may be made by the Government of 
 said islands, are hereby continued in force, and no tim- 
 ber lands forming part of the public domain shall be 
 sold, leased, or entered until the Government of said is- 
 lands, upon the certification of the forestry bureau that 
 said lands are more valuable for agriculture than for 
 forest uses, shall declare such lands so certified to be agri- 
 cultural in character: Provided, That the said Govern- 
 ment shall have the right and is hereby empowered to 
 issue licenses to cut, harvest, or collect timber or other 
 forest products on reserved or unreserved public lands 
 in said islands in accordance with the forest laws and 
 regulations hereintofore mentioned and under the pro- 
 visions of this act, and the said Government may lease 
 land to any person or persons holding such licenses, suf- 
 ficient for a mill site, not to exceed four hectares in ex- 
 tent, and may grant rights of way to enable such person 
 or persons to get access to the lands to which such licenses 
 apply. 
 
 SEC. 19. That the beneficial use shall be the basis, the 
 measure, and the limit of all rights to water in said 
 islands, and the Government of said islands is hereby au- 
 thorized to make such rules and regulations 14 for the use 
 of water, and to make such reservations of public lands 
 for the protection of the water supply, and for other 
 
 i* For these rules and regulations, see Act No. 2152 of Philip- 
 pine Legislature.
 
 APPENDIX C 287 
 
 public purposes not in conflict with, the provisions of 
 this act, as it may deem best for the public good. 
 
 MINERAL LANDS 
 
 SEC. 20. That in all cases public lands in the Philip- 
 pine Islands valuable for minerals shall be reserved from 
 sale, except as otherwise expressly directed by law. 
 
 SEC. 21. That all valuable mineral deposits in public 
 lands in the Philippine Islands, both surveyed and un- 
 surveyed, are hereby declared to be free and open to 
 exploration, occupation, and purchase, and the land in 
 which they are found to occupation and purchase, by 
 citizens of the United States, or of said islands: Pro- 
 vided, That when on any lands of said islands entered 
 and occupied as agricultural lands under the provisions 
 of this act, but not patented, mineral deposits have been 
 found, the working of such mineral deposits is hereby 
 forbidden until the person, association, or corporation 
 who or which has entered and is occupying such lands 
 shall have paid to the Government of said islands such 
 additional sum or sums as will make the total amount 
 paid for the mineral claims or claims in which said de- 
 posits are located equal to the amount charged by the 
 Government for the same mineral claims. 
 
 SEC. 22 (as amended by Sec. 9, Act of Congress of 
 February 6, 1905). That mining claims upon land con. 
 taining veins or lodes of quartz or other rock in place- 
 bearing gold, silver, cinnabar, lead, tin, copper, or other 
 valuable deposits located after the passage of this act, 
 whether located by one or more persons qualified to lo- 
 cate the same under the preceding section, shall be lo- 
 cated in the following manner and under the following
 
 288 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 conditions: Any person so qualified desiring to locate 
 a mineral claim shall, subject to the provisions of this 
 act with respect to land which may be used for mining, 
 enter upon the same and locate a plat of ground meas- 
 uring, where possible, but not exceeding three hundred 
 meters in length by three hundred meters in breadth, 
 in as nearly as possible a rectangular form; that is to 
 say, all angles shall be right angles, except in cases where 
 a boundary line of a previously surveyed claim is 
 adopted as common to both claims, but the lines need not 
 necessarily be meridional. In defining the size of a min- 
 eral claim it shall be measured horizontally, irrespective 
 of inequalities of the surface of the ground. 
 
 SEC. 23 (as amended by Sec. 9, Act of Congress of Feb- 
 ruary 6, 1905). That a mineral claim shall be marked 
 by two posts, placed as nearly as possible on the line of 
 the ledge or vein, and the posts shall be numbered one 
 and two, and the distance between posts numbered one 
 and two shall not exceed three hundred meters, the line 
 between posts numbered one and two to be known as the 
 location line; and upon posts numbered one and two 
 shall be written the name given to the mineral claim, the 
 name of the locator, and the date of the location. Upon 
 post numbered one there shall be written, in addition to 
 the foregoing, " Initial post," the approximate compass 
 bearing of post numbered two, and a statement of the 
 number of meters lying to the right and to the left of the 
 line from post numbered one to post numbered two, 
 thus: " Initial post. Direction of post numbered two 
 
 meters of this claim lie on the right and 
 meters on the left of the line from number one to num- 
 ber two post." All the particulars required to be put on
 
 APPENDIX C 289 
 
 number one and number two posts shall be furnished by 
 the locator to the provincial secretary, or such other offi- 
 cer as by the Philippine Government may be described, 
 as mining recorder, in writing, at the time the claim is 
 recorded, and shall form a part of the record of such 
 claim. 
 
 SEC. 24 (as amended by Sec. 9, Act .of Congress of Feb- 
 ruary 6, 1903). That when a claim has been located the 
 holder shall immediately mark the line between posts 
 numbered one and two so that it can be distinctly seen. 
 The locator shall also place a post at the point where he 
 has found minerals in place, on which shall be written 
 ' ' Discovery Post ' ' : Provided, That when the claim is 
 surveyed the surveyor shall be guided by the records of 
 the claim, the sketch plan on the back of the declaration 
 made by the owner when the claim was recorded, posts 
 numbered one and two, and the notice on number one, 
 the initial post. 
 
 SEC. 25 (as amended by Sec. 9, Act of Congress of Feb- 
 ruary 6, 1905} . That it shall not be lawful to move num- 
 ber one post, but number two post may be moved by the 
 deputy mineral surveyor when the distance between 
 posts numbered one and two exceeds three hundred 
 meters, in order to place number two post three hundred 
 meters from number one post on the line of location. 
 When the distance between posts numbered one and two 
 is less than three hundred meters, the deputy mineral 
 surveyor shall have no authority to extend the claim be- 
 yond number two. 
 
 SEC. 26. That the " location line " shall govern the di- 
 rection of one side of the claim, upon which the survey 
 shall be extended according to this act.
 
 290 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 SEC. 27. That the holder of a mineral claim shall be 
 entitled to all minerals which may lie within his claim, 
 but he shall not be entitled to mine outside the boundary 
 lines of his claim continued vertically downward: Pro- 
 vided, That this act shall not prejudice the rights of claim 
 owners nor claim holders whose claims have been located 
 under existing laws prior to this act. 
 
 SEC. 28. That no mineral claim of the full size shall be 
 recorded without the application being accompanied by 
 an affidavit made by the applicant or some person on his 
 behalf cognizant of the facts that the legal notices and 
 posts have been put up; that mineral has been found 
 in place on the claim proposed to be recorded; that the 
 ground applied for is unoccupied by any other person. 
 In the said declaration shall be set out the name of the 
 applicant and the date of the location of the claim. The 
 words written on the number one and number two posts 
 shall be set out in full, and as accurate a description as 
 possible of the position of the claim given with reference 
 to some natural object or permanent monuments. 
 
 SEC. 29 (as amended by Sec. 9, Act of Congress of Feb- 
 ruary 6, 1905}. That no mineral claim which, at the date 
 of its record, is known by the locator to be less than a 
 full-sized mineral claim, shall be recorded without the 
 word " fraction " being added to the name of the claim, 
 and the application being accompanied by an affidavit 
 or solemn declaration made by the applicant or some 
 person on his behalf cognizant of the facts: That the 
 legal posts and notices have been put up; that mineral 
 has been found in place on the fractional claim proposed 
 to be recorded ; that the ground applied for is unoccupied 
 by any other person. In the said declaration shall be set
 
 APPENDIX C 291 
 
 out the name of the applicant and the date of the location 
 of the claim. The words written on the posts numbered 
 one and two shall be set out in full, and as accurate a 
 description as possible of the position of the claim given. 
 A sketch plan shall be drawn by the applicant on the 
 back of the declaration, showing as near as may be the 
 position of the adjoining mineral claims and the shape 
 and size, expressed in meters, of the claim or fraction 
 desired to be recorded: Provided, That the failure on 
 the part of the locator of a mineral claim to comply with 
 any of the foregoing provisions of this section shall not 
 be deemed to invalidate such location if, upon the facts, 
 it shall appear that such locator has actually discov- 
 ered mineral in place on said location and that there has 
 been on his part a bona fide attempt to comply with the 
 provisions of this act, and that the nonobservance of the 
 formalites hereinbefore referred to is not of a character 
 calculated to mislead other persons desiring to locate 
 claims in the vicinity. 
 
 SEC. 30. That in cases where, from the nature or 
 shape of the ground, it is impossible to mark the loca- 
 tion line of the claim as provided by this act then the 
 claim may be marked by placing posts as nearly as possi- 
 ble to the location line, and noting the distance and di- 
 rection such posts may be from such location line, which 
 distance and direction shall be set out in the record of 
 the claim. 
 
 SEC. 31 (as amended by Sec. 9, Act of Congress of Feb- 
 ruary 6, 1905). That every person locating a mineral 
 claim shall record the same with the provincial secretary, 
 or such other officer as by the Government of the Philip- 
 pine Islands may be described as mining recorder of
 
 292 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 the district within which the same is situate, within 
 thirty days after the location thereof. Such record shall 
 be made in a book to be kept for the purpose in the office 
 of the said provincial secretary or such other officer as 
 by said government described as mining recorder, in 
 which shall be inserted the name of the claim, the name 
 of each locator, the locality of the mine, the direction of 
 the location line, the length in meters, the date of loca- 
 tion, and the date of the record. A claim which shall 
 not have been recorded within the prescribed period shall 
 be deemed to have been abandoned. 
 
 SEC. 32. That in case of any dispute as to the location 
 of a mineral claim the title to the claim shall be recog- 
 nized according to the priority of such location, subject 
 to any question as to the validity of the record itself and 
 subject to the holder having complied with all the terms 
 and conditions of this act. 
 
 SEC. 33. That no holder shall be entitled to hold in 
 his, its, or their own name or in the name of any other 
 person, corporation, or association more than one mineral 
 claim on the same vein or lode. 
 
 SEC. 34. That a holder may at any time abandon any 
 mineral claim by giving notice, in writing, of such inten- 
 tion to abandon, to the provincial secretary or such other 
 officer as by the Government of the Philippine Islands 
 may be described as mining recorder ; and from the date 
 of the record of such notice all his interest in such claim 
 shall cease. 
 
 SEC. 35. That proof of citizenship under the clauses 
 of this act relating to mineral lands may consist, in the 
 case of an individual, of his own affidavit thereof ; in the 
 case of an association of persons unincorporated, of
 
 APPENDIX C 293 
 
 the affidavit of their authorized agent, made on his own 
 knowledge or upon information and belief; and in the 
 case of a corporation organized under the laws of the 
 United States, or of any State or Territory thereof, or 
 of the Philippine Islands, by the filing of a certified copy 
 of their charter or certificate of incorporation. 
 
 SEC. 36 (as amended by Sec. 9, Act of Congress of 
 February 6, 1905). That the United States Philippine 
 Commission or its successors may make regulations, not 
 in conflict with the provisions of this act, governing the 
 location, manner of recording, and amount of work nec- 
 essary to hold possession of a mining claim, subject to the 
 following requirements: 
 
 On each claim located after the passage of this act, 
 and until a patent has been issued therefor, not less than 
 two hundred pesos' worth of labor shall be performed or 
 improvements made during each year: Provided, That 
 upon a failure to comply with these conditions the claim 
 or mine upon which such failure occurred shall be open 
 to relocation in the same manner as if no location of the 
 same had ever been made, provided that the original 
 locators, their heirs, assigns, or legal representatives have 
 not resumed work upon the claim after failure and be- 
 fore such location. Upon the failure of any one of sev- 
 eral coowners to contribute his proportion of the ex- 
 penditures required thereby, the coowners who have 
 performed the labor or made the improvements may, at 
 the expiration of the year, give such delinquent co- 
 owners personal notice in writing, or notice by publica- 
 tion in the newspaper published nearest the claim, and 
 in two newspapers published at Manila, one in the Eng- 
 lish language and the other in the Spanish language, to
 
 294 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 be designated by the chief of the Philippine insular bu- 
 reau of public lands, for at least once a week for ninety 
 days, and if, at the expiration of ninety days after such 
 notice in writing or by publication, such delinquent shall 
 fail or refuse to contribute his proportion of the expendi- 
 ture required by this section, his interest in the claim shall 
 become the property of his coowners who have made the 
 required expenditures. The period within which the 
 work required to be done annually on all unpatented 
 mineral claims shall commence on the first day of January 
 succeeding the date of location of such claim. 
 
 SEC. 37 (as amended by Sec. 9, Act of Congress of 
 February 6, 1905). That a patent for any land claimed 
 and located for valuable mineral deposits may be obtained 
 in the following manner: Any person, association, or 
 corporation authorized to locate a claim under this act, 
 having claimed and located a piece of land for such pur- 
 poses, who has or have complied with the terms of this 
 act, may file in the office of the provincial secretary, or 
 such other officer as by the Government of said islands 
 may be described as mining recorder of the province 
 wherein the land claimed is located, an application for a 
 patent, under oath, showing such compliance, together 
 with a plat and field notes of the claim or claims in 
 common, made by or under the direction of the chief of 
 the Philippine insular bureau of public lands, showing 
 accurately the boundaries of the claim, which shall be 
 distinctly marked by monuments on the ground, and 
 shall post a copy of such plat, together with a notice of 
 such application for a patent, in a conspicuous place on 
 the land embraced in such plat previous to the filing of 
 the application for a patent, and shall file an affidavit of
 
 APPENDIX C 295 
 
 at least two persons that such notice has been duly 
 posted, and shall file a copy of the notice in such office, 
 and shall thereupon be entitled to a patent for the lands, 
 in the manner following: The provincial secretary, or 
 such other officer as by the Philippine Government may 
 be described as mining recorder, upon the filing of such 
 application, plat, field notes, notices, and affidavits, shall 
 publish a notice that such an application has been made, 
 once a week for the period of sixty days, in a newspaper 
 to be by him designated as nearest to such claim, and in 
 two newspapers published at Manila, one in the English 
 language and one in the Spanish language, to be desig- 
 nated by the chief of the Philippine insular bureau of 
 public lands; and he shall also post such notice in his 
 office for the same period. The claimant at the time of 
 filing this application, or at any time thereafter within 
 the sixty days of publication, shall file with the provincial 
 secretary, or such other officer as by the Philippine Gov- 
 ernment may be described as mining recorder, a certifi- 
 cate of the chief of the Philippine insular bureau of 
 public lands that one thousand pesos' worth of labor has 
 been expended or improvements made upon the claim 
 by himself or grantors ; that the plat is correct, with such 
 further description by such reference to natural objects 
 or permanent monuments as shall identify the claim, 
 and furnish an accurate description to be incorporated in 
 the patent. At the expiration of the sixty days of pub- 
 lication the claimant shall file his affidavit, showing that 
 the plat and notice have been posted in a conspicuous 
 place on the claim during such period of publication. If 
 no adverse claim shall have been filed with the provincial 
 secretary, or such other officer as by the Government of
 
 296 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 said islands may be described as mining recorder, at the 
 expiration of the sixty days of publication, it shall be 
 assumed that the applicant is entitled to a patent upon 
 the payment to the provincial treasurer, or the collector 
 of internal revenue, of twenty-five pesos per hectare, and 
 that no adverse claim exists ; and thereafter no objection 
 from third parties to the issuance of a patent shall be 
 heard, except it be shown that the applicant has failed 
 to comply with the terms of. this act: Provided, That 
 where the claimant for a patent is not a resident of or 
 within the province wherein the land containing the 
 vein, ledge, or deposit sought to be patented is located, 
 the application for patent and the affidavits required to 
 be made in this section by the claimant for such patent 
 may be made by his, her, or its authorized agent where 
 said agent is conversant with the facts sought to be, es- 
 tablished by said affidavits. 
 
 SEC. 38. That applicants for mineral patents, if resid- 
 ing beyond the limits of the province or military depart- 
 ment wherein the claim is situated, may make the oath 
 or affidavit required for proof of citizenship before the 
 clerk of any court of record, or before any notary public 
 of any province of the Philippine Islands, or any other 
 official in said islands authorized by law to administer 
 oaths. 
 
 SEC. 39 (as amended by Sec. 9, Act of Congress of 
 February 6, 1905). That where an adverse claim is filed 
 during the period of publication it shall be upon oath of 
 the person or persons making the same, and shall show 
 the nature, boundaries, and extent of such adverse claim, 
 and all proceedings, except the publication of notice and 
 making and filing of the affidavits thereof, shall be stayed
 
 APPENDIX C 297 
 
 until the controversy shall have been settled or decided 
 by a court of competent jurisdiction or the adverse claim 
 waived. It shall be the duty of the adverse claimant, 
 within thirty days after filing his claim, to commence 
 proceedings in a court of competent jurisdiction to deter- 
 mine the question of the right of possession and prose- 
 cute the same with reasonable diligence to final judg- 
 ment, and a failure so to do shall be a waiver of his ad- 
 verse claim. After such judgment shall have been ren- 
 dered the party entitled to the possession of the claim, 
 or any portion thereof, may, without giving further no- 
 tice, file a certified copy of the judgment roll with the 
 provincial secretary, or such other officer as by the Gov- 
 ernment of the Philippine Islands may be described as 
 mining recorder, together with the certificate of the chief 
 of the Philippine insular bureau of public lands that the 
 requisite amount of labor has been expended or improve- 
 ments made thereon, and the description required in 
 other cases, and shall pay to the provincial treasurer or 
 the collector of internal revenue of the province in which 
 the claim is situated, as the case may be, twenty-five 
 pesos per hectare for his claim, together with the proper 
 fees, whereupon the whole proceedings and the judgment 
 roll shall be certified by the provincial secretary, or such 
 other officer as by said Government may be described as 
 mining recorder, to the secretary of the interior of the 
 Philippine Islands, and a patent shall issue thereon for 
 the claim, or such portion thereof as the applicant shall 
 appear, from the decision of the court, rightly to possess. 
 The adverse claim may be verified by the oath of any 
 duly authorized agent or attorney in fact of the adverse 
 claimant cognizant of the facts stated; and the adverse
 
 298 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 claimant, if residing or at the time being beyond the 
 limits of the province wherein the claim is situated, may 
 make oath to the adverse claim before the clerk of any 
 court of record, or any notary public of any province or 
 military department of the Philippine Islands, or any 
 other officer authorized to administer oaths where the ad- 
 verse claimant may then be. If it appears from the de- 
 cision of the court that several parties are entitled to 
 separate and different portions of the claim, each party 
 may pay for his portion of the claim, with the proper 
 fees, and file the certificate and description by the chief 
 of the Philippine insular bureau of public lands, where- 
 upon the provincial secretary or such other officer as by 
 the Government of said islands may be described as min- 
 ing recorder shall certify the proceedings and judgment 
 roll to the secretary of the interior for the Philippine 
 Islands, as in the preceding case, and patents shall issue 
 to the several parties according to their respective rights. 
 If, in any action brought pursuant to this section, title 
 to the ground in controversy shall not be established by 
 either party, the court shall so find, and judgment shall 
 be entered accordingly. In such case costs shall not be 
 allowed to either party, and the claimant shall not pro- 
 ceed in the office of the provincial secretary or such 
 other officer as by the Government of said islands may 
 be described as mining recorder or be entitled to a pat- 
 ent for the ground in controversy until he shall have 
 perfected his title. Nothing herein contained shall be 
 construed to prevent the alienation of a title conveyed 
 by a patent for a mining claim to any person whatever. 
 SEC. 40. That the description of mineral claims upon 
 surveyed lands shall designate the location of the claim
 
 APPENDIX C 299 
 
 with reference to the lines of the public surveys, but need 
 not conform therewith; but where a patent shall be 
 issued for claims upon unsurveyed lands the chief of the 
 Philippine insular bureau of public lands in extending 
 the surveys shall adjust the same to the boundaries of 
 such patented claim according to the plat or description 
 thereof, but so as in no case to interfere with or change 
 the location of any such patented claim. 
 
 SEC. 41. That any person authorized to enter lands 
 under this act may enter and obtain patent to lands that 
 are chiefly valuable for building stone under the provi- 
 sions of this act relative to placer mineral claims. 
 
 SEC. 42. That any person authorized to enter lands 
 under this act may enter and obtain patent to lands con- 
 taining petroleum or other mineral oils and chiefly valu- 
 able therefor under the provisions of this act relative to 
 placer mineral claims. 
 
 SEC. 43. That no location of a placer claim shall ex- 
 ceed sixty-four hectares for any association of persons, 
 irrespective of the number of persons composing such 
 association, and no such location shall include more than 
 eight hectares for an individual claimant. Such loca- 
 tions shall conform to the laws of the United States 
 Philippine Commission, or its successors, with reference 
 to public surveys, and nothing in this section contained 
 shall defeat or impair any bona fide ownership of land 
 for agricultural purposes or authorize the sale of the im- 
 provements of any bona fide settler to any purchaser. 
 
 SEC. 44. That where placer claims are located upon 
 surveyed lands and conform to legal subdivisions, no 
 further survey or plat shall be required, and all placer 
 mining claims located after the date of passage of this
 
 300 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 act shall conform as nearly as practicable to the Philip- 
 pine system of public-land surveys and the regular sub- 
 division of such surveys; but where placer claims can 
 not be conformed to legal subdivisions, survey and plat 
 shall be made as on unsurveyed lands ; and where by the 
 segregation of mineral lands in any legal subdivision a 
 quantity of agricultural land less than sixteen hectares 
 shall remain, such fractional portion of agricultural land 
 may be entered by any party qualified by law for home- 
 stead purposes. 
 
 SEC. 45. That where such person or association, they 
 and their grantors, have held and worked their claims for 
 a period equal to the time prescribed by the statute of 
 limitations of the Philippine Islands, evidence of such 
 possession and working of the claims for such period 
 shall be sufficient to establish a right to a patent thereto 
 under this act, in the absence of any adverse claim ; but 
 nothing in this act shall be deemed to impair any lien 
 which may have attached in any way whatever prior to 
 the issuance of a patent. 
 
 SEC. 46. That the chief of the Philippine insular bu- 
 reau of public lands may appoint competent deputy 
 mineral surveyors to survey mining claims. The ex- 
 penses of the survey of vein or lode claims and of the 
 survey of placer claims, together with the cost of publi- 
 cation of notices, shall be paid by the applicants, and 
 they shall be at liberty to obtain the same at the most 
 reasonable rates, and they shall also be at liberty to em- 
 ploy any such deputy mineral surveyor to make the sur- 
 vey. The chief of the Philippine insular bureau of pub- 
 lic lands shall also have power to establish the maximum 
 charges for surveys and publication of notices under this
 
 APPENDIX C 301 
 
 act; and in case of excessive charges for publication he 
 may designate any newspaper published in a province 
 where mines are situated, or in Manila, for the publica- 
 tion of mining notices and fix the rates to be charged by 
 such paper ; and to the end that the chief of the bureau 
 of public lands may be fully informed on the subject 
 such applicant shall file with the provincial secretary or 
 such other officer as by the Government of the Philip- 
 pine Islands may be described as mining recorder, a 
 sworn statement of all charges and fees paid by such 
 applicant for publication and surveys, and of all fees 
 and money paid the provincial treasurer or the collector 
 of internal revenue, as the case may be, which statement 
 shall be transmitted with the other papers in the case, to 
 the secretary of the interior for the Philippine Islands. 
 SEC. 47. That all affidavits required to be made under 
 this act may be verified before any officer authorized to 
 administer oaths within the province or military depart- 
 ment where the claims may be situated, and all testimony 
 and proofs may be taken before any such officer, and, 
 when duly certified by the officer taking the same, shall 
 have the same force and effect as if taken before the 
 proper provincial secretary or such other officer as by 
 the Government of the Philippine Islands may be de- 
 scribed as mining recorder. In cases of contest as to the 
 mineral or agricultural character of land the testimony 
 and proofs may be taken as herein provided on personal 
 notice of at least ten days to the opposing party; or if 
 such party can not be found, then by publication at 
 least once a week for thirty days in a newspaper to be 
 designated by the provincial secretary or such other 
 officer as by said Government may be described as min-
 
 302 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 ing recorder published nearest to the location of such 
 land and in two newspapers published in Manila, one in 
 the English language and one in the Spanish language, 
 to be designated by the chief of the Philippine insular 
 bureau of public lands; and the provincial secretary or 
 such other officer as by said Government may be de- 
 scribed as mining recorder shall require proofs that such 
 notice has been given. 
 
 SEC. 48. That where nonmineral land not contiguous 
 to the vein or lode is used or occupied by the proprietor 
 of such vein or lode for mining or milling purposes, such 
 nonadjacent surface ground may be embraced and in- 
 cluded in an application for a patent for such vein or 
 lode, and the same may be patented therewith, subject 
 to the same preliminary requirements as to survey and 
 notice as are applicable to veins or lodes ; but no location 
 of such nonadjacent land shall exceed two hectares, and 
 payment for the same must be made at the same rate as 
 fixed by this act for the superficies of the lode. The 
 owner of a quartz mill or reduction works not owning a 
 mine in connection therewith may also receive a patent 
 for his mill site as provided in this section. 
 
 SEC. 49. That as a condition of sale the government 
 of the Philippine Islands may provide rules for working, 
 policing, and sanitation of mines, and rules concerning 
 easements, drainage, water rights, right of way, right of 
 government survey and inspection, and other necessary 
 means to their complete development not inconsistent 
 with the provisions of this act, and those conditions shall 
 be fully expressed in the patent. The Philippine Com- 
 mission or its successors are hereby further empowered 
 to fix the bonds of deputy mineral surveyors.
 
 APPENDIX C 303 
 
 SEC. 50. That whenever by priority of possession 
 rights to the use of water for mining, agricultural, man- 
 ufacturing, or other purposes have vested and accrued 
 and the same are recognized and acknowledged by the 
 local customs, laws, and the decisions of courts, the pos- 
 sessors and owners of such vested rights shall be main- 
 tained and protected in the same, and the right of way 
 for the construction of ditches and canals for the pur- 
 poses herein specified is acknowledged and confirmed, but 
 whenever any person, in the construction of any ditch 
 or canal, injures or damages the possession of any settler 
 on the public domain, the party committing such injury 
 or damage shall be liable to the party injured for such 
 injury or damage. 
 
 SEC. 51. That all patents granted shall be subject to 
 any vested and accrued water rights, or rights to ditches 
 and reservoirs used in connection with such water rights 
 as may have been acquired under or recognized by the 
 preceding section. 
 
 SEC. 52. That the Government of the Philippine Is- 
 lands is authorized to establish land districts and provide 
 for the appointment of the necessary officers wherever 
 they may deem the same necessary for the public con- 
 venience, and to further provide that in districts where 
 land offices are established proceedings required by this 
 act to be had before provincial officers shall be had be- 
 fore the proper officers of such land offices. 
 
 SEC. 53 (as amended by Sec. 9, Act of Congress of 
 February 6, 1905}. That every person above the age of 
 twenty-one years who is a citizen of the United States or 
 of the Philippine Islands, or who has acquired the right 
 of a native of said islands under and by virtue of the
 
 304 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 treaty of Paris, or any association of persons severally 
 qualified as above, shall, upon application to the proper 
 provincial treasurer, have the right to enter any quality 
 of vacant coal lands of said islands, not otherwise appro- 
 priated or reserved by competent authority, not exceed- 
 ing sixty-four hectares to such individual person, or one 
 hundred and twenty-eight hectares to such association 
 upon payment to the provincial treasurer or the collector 
 of internal revenue, as the case may be, of not less than 
 fifty pesos per hectare for such lands, where the same 
 shall be situated more than twenty-five kilometers from 
 any completed railroad or available harbor or navigable 
 stream, and not less than one hundred pesos per hectare 
 for such lands as shall be within twenty-five kilometers 
 of such road, harbor, or stream : Provided, That such en- 
 tries shall be taken in squares of sixteen or sixty-four 
 hectares, in conformity with the rules and regulations 
 governing the public-land surveys of the said islands in 
 plotting legal subdivisions. 
 
 SEC. 54. That any person or association of persons, 
 severally qualified as above provided, who have opened 
 and improved, or shall hereafter open and improve, any 
 coal mine or mines upon the public lands, and shall be in 
 actual possession of the same, shall be entitled to a prefer- 
 ence right of entry under the preceding section, of the 
 mines so opened and improved. 
 
 SEC. 55. That all claims under the preceding section 
 must be presented to the proper provincial secretary 
 within sixty days after the date of actual possession and 
 the commencement of improvements on the land by the 
 filing of a declaratory statement therefor ; and where the 
 improvements shall have been made prior to the expira-
 
 APPENDIX C 305 
 
 tion of three months from the date of the passage of this 
 act, sixty days from the expiration of such three months 
 shall be allowed for the filing of a declaratory statement ; 
 and no sale under the provisions of this act shall be al- 
 lowed until the expiration of six months from the date 
 of the passage of this act. 
 
 SEC. 56. That the three preceding sections shall be 
 held to authorize only one entry by the same person or 
 association of persons ; and no association of persons, any 
 member of which shall have taken the benefit of such 
 sections, either as an individual or as a member of any 
 other association, shall enter or hold any other lands 
 under the provisions thereof; and no member of any 
 association which shall have taken the benefit of such 
 section shall enter or hold any other lands under their 
 provisions; and all persons claiming under section fifty 
 eight shall be required to prove their respective rights 
 and pay for the lands filed upon within one year from 
 the time prescribed for filing their respective claims ; and 
 upon failure to file the proper notice or to pay for the 
 land within the required period, the same shall be sub- 
 ject to entry by any other qualified applicant. 
 
 SEC. 57. That in case of conflicting claims upon coal 
 lands where the improvements shall be commenced after 
 the date of the passage of this act, priority of possession 
 and improvement, followed by proper filing and con- 
 tinued good faith, shall determine the preference right to 
 purchase. And also where improvements have already 
 been made prior to the passage of this act, division of the 
 land claimed may be made by legal subdivisions, which 
 shall conform as nearly as practicable with the subdivi- 
 sions of land provided for in this act, to include as near
 
 306 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 as may be the valuable improvements of the respective 
 parties. The Government of the Philippine Islands is 
 authorized to issue all needful rules and regulations for 
 carrying into effect the provisions of this and preceding 
 sections relating to mineral lands. 
 
 SEC. 58 (as amended ~by Sec. 9, Act of Congress of 
 February 6, 1905}. That whenever it shall be made to 
 appear to the secretary of any province or the commander 
 of any military department in the Philippine Islands that 
 any lands within the province are saline in character, it 
 shall be the duty of said provincial secretary or com- 
 mander, under the regulations of the Government of the 
 Philippine Islands, to take testimony in reference to such 
 lands, to ascertain their true character, and to report the 
 same to the secretary of the interior for the Philippine 
 Islands ; and if upon such testimony the secretary of the 
 interior shall find that such lands are saline and incapa- 
 ble of being purchased under any of the laws relative to 
 the public domain, then and in such case said lands shall 
 be offered for sale at the office of the provincial secretary, 
 or such other officer as by the said Government may be 
 described as mining recorder of the province or depart- 
 ment in which the same shall be situated, as the case may 
 be, under such regulations as may be prescribed by said 
 Government and sold to the highest bidder for cash at a 
 price of not less than six pesos per hectare; and in case 
 such lands fail to sell when so offered, then the same shall 
 be subject to private sale at such office, for cash, at a price 
 not less than six pesos per hectare, in the same manner as 
 other lands in the said islands are sold. All executive 
 proclamations relating to the sales of public saline lands 
 shall be published in only two newspapers, one printed
 
 APPENDIX C 307 
 
 in the English language and one in the Spanish language, 
 at Manila, which shall be designated by said Secretary 
 of the Interior. 
 
 SEC. 59. That no act granting lands to provinces, dis- 
 tricts, or municipalities to aid in the construction of 
 roads, or for other public purposes, shall be so construed 
 as to embrace mineral lands, which, in all cases, are re- 
 served exclusively, unless otherwise specially provided 
 in the act or acts making the grant. 
 
 SEC. 60. That nothing in this act shall be construed to 
 affect the rights of any person, partnership, or corpora- 
 tion having a valid, perfected mining concession granted 
 prior to April eleventh, eighteen hundred and ninety 
 nine, but all such concessions shall be conducted under 
 the provisions of the law in force at the time they were 
 granted, subject at all times to cancelation by reason of 
 illegality in the procedure by which they were obtained, 
 or for failure to comply w r ith the conditions prescribed as 
 requisite to their retention in the laws under which they 
 were granted: Provided, That the owner or owners of 
 every such concession shall cause the corners made by its 
 boundaries to be distinctly marked with permanent mon- 
 uments within six months after this act has been promul- 
 gated in the Philippine Islands, and that any concessions 
 the boundaries of which are not so marked within this 
 period shall be free and open to explorations and pur- 
 chase under the provisions of this act. 
 
 SEC. 61. That mining rights on public lands in the 
 Philippine Islands shall, after the passage of this act, be 
 acquired only in accordance with its provisions. 
 
 SEC. 62. That all proceedings for the cancelation of 
 perfected Spanish concessions shall be conducted in the
 
 308 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 courts of the Philippine Islands having jurisdiction of 
 the subject-matter and of the parties, unless the United 
 States Philippine Commission, or its successors, shall 
 create special tribunals for the determination of such 
 controversies. 
 
 AUTHORITY FOB THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS GOVERNMENT TO 
 PURCHASE LANDS OF RELIGIOUS ORDERS AND OTHERS AND 
 ISSUE BONDS 15 FOR PURCHASE PRICE. 
 
 SEC. 63. That the Government of the Philippine Is- 
 lands is hereby authorized, subject to the limitations and 
 conditions prescribed in this act, to acquire, receive, 
 hold, maintain, and convey title to real and personal 
 property, and may acquire real estate for public uses by 
 the exercise of the right of eminent domain. 
 
 SEC. 64. That the powers hereinbefore conferred in 
 section sixty three may also be exercised in respect of 
 any lands, easements, appurtenances, and hereditaments 
 which, on the thirteenth of August, eighteen hundred 
 and ninety eight, were owned or held by associations, 
 corporations, communities, religious orders, or private 
 individuals in such large tracts or parcels and in such 
 manner as in the opinion of the Commission injuriously 
 to affect the peace and welfare of the people of the Philip- 
 pine Islands. And for the purpose of providing funds 
 to acquire the lands mentioned in this section said Gov- 
 ernment of the Philippine Islands is hereby empowered 
 to incur indebtedness, to borrow money, and to issue, and 
 to sell at not less than par value, in gold coin of the 
 
 i s Bonds exempted from taxation, see sees. 64, 67, and 71 of 
 this act and sec. 1, act of February 6, 1905, pp. 31, 32, 34, 
 and 59.
 
 APPENDIX C 309 
 
 United States of the present standard value or the equiva- 
 lent in value in money of said islands, upon such terms 
 and conditions as it may deem best, registered or coupon 
 bonds of said Government for such amount as may be 
 necessary, said bonds to be in denominations of fifty dol- 
 lars or any multiple thereof, bearing interest at a rate 
 not exceeding four and a half per centum per annum, 
 payable quarterly, and to be payable at the pleasure of 
 said Government after dates named in said bonds, not less 
 than five nor more than thirty years from the date of 
 their issue, together with interest thereon, in gold coin of 
 the United States of the present standard value or the 
 equivalent in value in money of said islands; and said 
 bonds shall be exempt from the payment of all taxes or 
 duties of said Government, or any local authority therein, 
 or of the Government of the United States, as well as 
 from taxation in any form by or under state, municipal, 
 or local authority in the United States or the Philippine 
 Islands. The moneys which may be realized or received 
 from the issue and sale of said bonds shall be applied by 
 the Government of the Philippine Islands to the acqui- 
 sition of the property authorized by this section, and to 
 no other purposes. 
 
 SEC. 65. That all lands acquired by virtue of the pre- 
 ceding section shall constitute a part and portion of the 
 public property of the Government of the Philippine Is- 
 lands, and may be held, sold, and conveyed, or leased 
 temporarily for a period not exceeding three years after 
 their acquisition by said Government on such terms and 
 conditions as it may prescribe, subject to the limitations 
 and conditions provided for in this act : Provided, That 
 all deferred payments and the interest thereon shall be
 
 310 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 payable in the money prescribed for the payment of 
 principal and interest of the bonds authorized to be 
 issued in payment of said lands by the preceding section 
 and said deferred payments shall bear interest at the 
 rate borne by the bonds. All moneys realized or re- 
 ceived from sales or other disposition of said lands or by 
 reason thereof shall constitute a trust fund for the pay- 
 ment of principal and interest of said bonds, and also 
 constitute a sinking fund for the payment of said bonds 
 at their maturity. Actual settlers and occupants at the 
 time said lands are acquired by the Government shall 
 have the preference over all others to lease, purchase, or 
 acquire their holdings within such reasonable time as 
 may be determined by said Government. 
 
 MUNICIPAL BONDS 16 FOR PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS. 
 
 SEC. 66 (as amended by Sec. 3, Act of Congress of 
 February 6, 1905). That for the purpose of providing 
 funds to construct necessary sewer and drainage facili- 
 ties, to secure a sufficient supply of water and necessary 
 buildings for primary public schools in municipalities, 
 the Government of the Philippine Islands may, where 
 current taxation is inadequate for the purpose, under 
 such limitations, terms, and conditions as it may pre- 
 scribe, authorize, by appropriate legislation, to be ap- 
 proved by the President of the United States, any mu- 
 nicipality of said islands to incur indebtedness, borrow 
 money, and to issue and sell (at not less than par value 
 in gold coin of the United States) registered or coupon 
 
 i Bonds exempted from taxation, see sees. 64, 67, and 71 of 
 this act and sec. 1, Act of February 6, 1905, pp. 31, 32, 34 
 and 59.
 
 APPENDIX C 311 
 
 bonds, in such amount and payable at such time as may 
 be determined to be necessary by the Government of said 
 islands, with interest thereon not to exceed five per 
 centum per annum : Provided, That the entire indebted- 
 ness of any municipality shall not exceed five per centum 
 of the assessed valuation of the real estate in said mu- 
 nicipality, and any obligation in excess of such limit 
 shall be null and void. 
 
 SEC. 67. That all municipal bonds shall be in denomi- 
 nations of fifty dollars, or any multiple thereof, bearing 
 interest at a rate not exceeding five per centum per 
 annum, payable quarterly, such bonds to be payable at 
 the pleasure of the Government of the Philippine Islands, 
 after dates named in said bonds not less than five nor 
 more than thirty years from the date of their issue, to- 
 gether with the interest thereon, in gold coin of the 
 United States of the present standard value, or its equiva- 
 lent in value in money of the said islands ; and said bonds 
 shall be exempt from the payment of all taxes or duties 
 of the Government of the Philippine Islands, or any local 
 authority therein, or the Government of the United 
 States. 
 
 SEC. 68. That all moneys which may be realized or 
 received from the issue and sale of said bonds shall be 
 utilized under authorization of the Government of the 
 Philippine Islands in providing the municipal improve- 
 ments and betterment which induced the issue and sale 
 of said bonds, and for no other purpose. 
 
 SEC. 69. That the Government of the Philippine Is- 
 lands shall, by the levy and collection of taxes on the 
 municipality, its inhabitants and their property, or by 
 other means, make adequate provision to meet the obli-
 
 312 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 gallon of the bonds of such municipality, and shall create 
 a sinking fund sufficient to retire them and pay the in- 
 terest thereon in accordance with the terms of issue: 
 Provided, That if said bonds or any portion thereof shall 
 be paid out of the funds of the Government of said 
 islands, such municipality shall reimburse said Govern- 
 ment for the sum thus paid, and said Government is 
 hereby empowered to collect said sum by the levy and 
 collection of taxes on such municipality. 
 
 SEC. 70. That for the purpose of providing funds to 
 construct sewers in the city of Manila and to furnish it 
 with an adequate sewer and drainage system and supply 
 of water the Government of the Philippine Islands, with 
 the approval of the President of the United States first 
 had, is hereby authorized to permit the city of Manila to 
 incur indebtedness, to borrow money, and to issue and 
 sell (at not less than par value in gold coin of the United 
 States), upon such terms and conditions as it may deem 
 best, registered or coupon bonds of the city of Manila to 
 an amount not exceeding four million dollars lawful 
 money of the United States, payable at such time or 
 times as may be determined by said Government, with 
 interest thereon not to exceed five per centum per annum. 
 
 SEC. 71. That said coupon or registered bonds shall be 
 in denominations of fifty dollars or any multiple thereof, 
 bearing interest at a rate not exceeding five per centum 
 per annum, payable quarterly, such bonds to be payable 
 at the pleasure of the Government of the Philippine 
 Islands, after dates named in said bonds not less than 
 five nor more than thirty years from the date of their 
 issue, together with the interest thereon in gold coin of 
 the United States of the present standard value, or the
 
 APPENDIX C 313 
 
 equivalent in value in money of the said islands; and 
 said bonds shall be exempt from the payment of all taxes 
 or duties of the Government of the said islands, or of any 
 local authority therein, or of the Government of the 
 United States. 
 
 SEC. 72. That all moneys which may be realized or 
 received from the issue and sale of said bonds shall be 
 utilized under authorization of said Government of the 
 Philippine Islands in providing a suitable sewer and 
 drainage system and adequate supply of water for the 
 city of Manila and for no other purpose. 
 
 SEC. 73. That the Government of the Philippine Is- 
 lands shall, by the levy and collection of taxes on the 
 city of Manila, its inhabitants and their property, or by 
 other means, make adequate provision to meet the obli- 
 gation of said bonds and shall create a sinking fund 
 sufficient to retire them and pay the interest thereon in 
 accordance with the terms of issue: Provided, That if 
 said bonds or any portion thereof shall be paid out of 
 the funds of the Government of said islands, said city 
 shall reimburse said Government for the sum thus paid, 
 and said Government is hereby empowered to collect said 
 sum by the levy and collection of taxes on said city. 
 
 FRANCHISES. 17 
 
 SEC. 74. 18 That the Government of the Philippine Is- 
 lands may grant franchises, privileges, and concessions, 
 including the authority to exercise the right of eminent 
 domain, for the construction and operation of works of 
 
 i? See sees. 4 and 5, act of February 6, 1905, for authority 
 for railroad concession, pp. 60-C2. 
 is See par. 14, sec. 4, act of February 6, 1905, affecting, p. 61.
 
 314 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 public utility and service, and may authorize said works 
 to be constructed and maintained over and across the 
 public property of the United States, including streets, 
 highways, squares, and reservations, and over similar 
 property of the Government of said islands, and may 
 adopt rules and regulations under which the provincial 
 and municipal Governments of the Islands may grant the 
 right to use and occupy such public property belonging 
 to said provinces or municipalities: Provided, That no 
 private property shall be taken for any purpose under 
 this section without just compensation paid or tendered 
 therefor, and that such authority to take and occupy 
 land shall not authorize the taking, use, or occupation of 
 any land except such as is required for the actual neces- 
 sary purposes for which the franchise is granted, and that 
 no franchise, privilege, or concession shall be granted to 
 any corporation except under the conditions that it shall 
 be subject to amendment, alteration, or repeal by the 
 Congress of the United States, and that lands or rights 
 of use and occupation of lands thus granted shall revert 
 to the Governments by which they were respectively 
 granted upon the termination of the franchises and con- 
 cessions under which they were granted or upon their 
 revocation or repeal. That all franchises, privileges, or 
 concessions granted under this act shall forbid the issue 
 of stock or bonds except in exchange for actual cash or 
 for property at a fair valuation equal to the par value of 
 the stock or bonds so issued; shall forbid the declaring 
 of stock or bond dividends, and, in the case of public- 
 service corporations, shall provide for the effective regu- 
 lation of the charges thereof, for the official inspection 
 and regulation of the books and accounts of such corpora-
 
 APPENDIX C 315 
 
 tions, and for the payment of a reasonable percentage of 
 gross earnings into the treasury of the Philippine Islands 
 or of the province or municipality within which such 
 franchises are granted and exercised : Provided further, 
 That it shall be unlawful for any corporation organized 
 under this act, or for any person, company, or corpora- 
 tion receiving any grant, franchise, or concession from 
 the Government of said islands, to use, employ or con- 
 tract for the labor of persons claimed or alleged to be held 
 in involuntary servitude; and any person, company, or 
 corporation so violating the provisions of this act shall 
 forfeit all charters, grants, franchises, and concessions 
 for doing business in said islands, and in addition shall 
 be deemed guilty of an offense, and shall be punished by 
 a fine of not less than ten thousand dollars. 
 
 SEC. 75. That no corporation shall be authorized to 
 conduct the business of buying and selling real estate or 
 be permitted to hold or own real estate except such as 
 may be reasonably necessary to enable it to carry out 
 the purposes for which it is created, and every corpora- 
 tion authorized to engage in agriculture shall by its 
 charter be restricted to the ownership and control of 
 not to exceed one thousand and twenty-four hectares of 
 land ; and it shall be unlawful for any member of a cor- 
 poration engaged in agriculture or mining and for any 
 corporation organized for any purpose except irrigation 
 to be in any wise interested in any other corporation en- 
 gaged in agriculture or in mining. Corporations, how- 
 ever, may loan funds upon real-estate security and pur- 
 chase real estate when necessary for the collection of 
 loans, but they shall dispose of real estate so obtained 
 within five years after receiving the title. Corporations
 
 316 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 not organized in the Philippine Islands and doing busi- 
 ness therein shall be bound by the provisions of this sec- 
 tion so far as they are applicable. 
 
 COINAGE. 19 
 
 SEC. 76. That the Government of the Philippine Is- 
 lands is hereby authorized to establish a mint at the 
 city of Manila, in said islands, for coinage purposes, and 
 the coins hereinafter authorized may be coined at said 
 mint. And the said Government is hereby authorized to 
 enact laws necessary for such establishment: Provided, 
 That the laws of the United States relating to mints and 
 coinage, so far as applicable, are hereby extended to the 
 coinage of said islands. 
 
 SEC. 77 (as amended by Sec. 4, Act of Congress of 
 March 2, 1903}. That the Government of the Philippine 
 Islands is authorized to coin for use in said islands a coin 
 of the denomination of fifty centavos and of the weight of 
 two hundred and eight grains, a coin of the denomination 
 of twenty centavos and of the weight of eighty-three and 
 ten one-hundredths grains, and a coin of the denomination 
 of ten centavos and of the weight of forty-one and fifty- 
 five one-hundredths grains; and the standard of said 
 silver coins shall be such that of one thousand parts, by 
 weight, nine hundred shall be of pure metal and one hun- 
 dred of alloy, and the alloy shall be of copper. 
 
 (Sec. 78 repealed by Sec. 13, Act of March 2, 1903, 
 below.) 
 
 SEC. 13. That section seventy eight of the Act of July first, 
 nineteen hundred and two, and all Acts and parts of Acts in- 
 
 19 See further coinage acts of March 2, 1903, and June 23, 
 1906, pp. 56-59.
 
 APPENDIX C 317 
 
 consistent with the provisions of this Act, and all provisions 
 of law in force in the Philippine Islands making any form of 
 money legal tender after December thirty-first, nineteen hun- 
 dred and three, except as provided in this Act, are hereby 
 repealed. [32 Stat. L., 952. J 
 Approved, March 2, 1903. 
 
 SEC. 79. That the Government of the Philippine Is- 
 lands is also authorized to issue minor coins of the denom- 
 inations of one-half centavo, one centavo, and five een- 
 tavos, and such minor coins shall be legal tender in said 
 islands for amounts not exceeding one dollar. The alloy 
 of the five-centavo piece shall be of copper and nickel, to 
 be composed of three-fourths copper and one-fourth 
 nickel. The alloy of the one-centavo and one-half -cen- 
 tavo pieces shall be ninety-five percentum of copper and 
 five per centum of tin and zinc, in such proportions as 
 shall be determined by said Government. The weight of 
 the five-centavo piece shall be seventy-seven and sixteen- 
 hundredths grains troy, and of the one-centavo piece 
 eighty grains troy, and of the one-half -centavo piece forty 
 grains troy. 
 
 SEC. 80. That for the purchase of metal for the sub- 
 sidiary and minor coinage, authorized by the preceding 
 sections, an appropriation may be made by the Govern- 
 ment of the Philippine Islands from its current funds, 
 which shall be reimbursed from the coinage under said 
 sections; and the gain or seigniorage arising therefrom 
 shall be paid into the treasury of said islands. 
 
 SEC. 81. That the subsidiary and minor coinage herein- 
 before authorized may be coined at the mint of the Gov- 
 ernment of the Philippine Islands at Manila, or arrange- 
 ments may be made by the said Government with the 
 Secretary of the Treasury of the United States for their
 
 318 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 coinage at any of the mints of the United States, at a 
 charge covering the reasonable cost of the work. 
 
 SEC. 82. That the subsidiary and minor coinage herein- 
 before authorized shall bear devices and inscriptions 
 to be prescribed by the Government of the Philippine 
 Islands and such devices and inscriptions shall express 
 the sovereignty of the United States, that it is a coin of 
 the Philippine Islands, the denomination of the coin, and 
 the year of the coinage. 
 
 SEC. 83. That the Government of the Philippine Is- 
 lands shall have the power to make all necessary appro- 
 priations and all proper regulations for the redemption 
 and reissue of worn or defective coins and for carrying 
 out all other provisions of this act relating to coinage. 
 
 SEC. 84. That the laws relating to entry, clearance, 
 and manifests of steamships and other vessels arriving 
 from or going to foreign ports shall apply to voyages 
 each way between the Philippine Islands and the United 
 States and the possessions thereof, and all laws relating 
 to the collection and protection of customs duties not in- 
 consistent with the act of Congress of March eighth, nine- 
 teen hundred and two, ' ' temporarily to provide revenue 
 for the Philippine Islands," shall apply in the case of 
 vessels and goods arriving from said islands in the United 
 States and its aforesaid possessions. 
 
 The laws relating to seamen on foreign voyages shall 
 apply to seamen on vessels going from the United States 
 and its possessions aforesaid to said islands, the customs 
 officers there being for this purpose substituted for con- 
 sular officers in foreign ports. 
 
 The provisions of chapters six and seven, title forty 
 eight, Revised Statutes, so far as now in force, and any
 
 APPENDIX C 319 
 
 amendments thereof, shall apply to vessels making voy- 
 ages either way between ports of the United States or its 
 aforesaid possessions and ports in said islands; and the 
 provisions of law relating to the public health and quar- 
 antine shall apply in the case of all vessels entering a port 
 of the United States or its aforesaid possessions from 
 said islands, where the customs officers at the port of 
 departure shall perform the duties required by such law 
 of consular officers in foreign ports. 
 
 Section three thousand and five, Revised Statutes, as 
 amended, and other existing laws concerning the transit 
 of merchandise through the United States, shall apply to 
 merchandise arriving at any port of the United States 
 destined for any of its insular and continental possessions, 
 or destined from any of them to foreign countries. 
 
 Nothing in this act shall be held to repeal or alter any 
 part of the act of March eighth, nineteen hundred and 
 two, aforesaid, or to apply to Guam, Tutuila, or Manua, 
 except that section eight of an act entitled " An act to 
 revise and amend the tariff laws of the Philippine Archi- 
 pelago," enacted by the Philippine Commission on the 
 seventeenth of September, nineteen hundred and one, and 
 approved by an act entitled " An act temporarily to pro- 
 vide revenues for the Philippine Islands, and for other 
 purposes," approved March eighth, nineteen hundred 
 and two, is hereby amended so as to authorize the civil 
 governor thereof in his discretion to establish the equiva- 
 lent rates of the money in circulation in said islands with 
 the money of the United States as often as once in ten 
 days. 
 
 SEC. 85. That the treasury of the Philippine Islands 
 and such banking associations in said islands with a paid
 
 320 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 up capital of not less than two million dollars and 
 chartered by the United States or any State thereof as 
 may be designated by the Secretary of War and the 
 Secretary of the Treasury of the United Sates shall be 
 depositories of public money of the United States, subject 
 to the provisions of existing law governing such deposi- 
 tories in the United States : Provided, That the treasury 
 of the Government of said islands shall not be required to 
 deposit bonds in the Treasury of the United States, or to 
 give other specific securities for the safe-keeping of 
 public money except as prescribed, in his discretion, by 
 the Secretary of War. 
 
 SEC. 86. That all laws passed by the Government of the 
 Philippine Islands shall be reported to Congress, which 
 hereby reserves the power and authority to annul the 
 same, and the Philippine Commission is hereby directed 
 to make annual report of all its receipts and expenditures 
 to the Secretary of War. 
 
 BUREAU OF INSULAR AFFAIRS. 
 
 SEC. 87. That the Division of Insular Affairs of the 
 War Department, organized by the Secretary of War, is 
 hereby continued until otherwise provided, and shall 
 hereafter be known as the Bureau of Insular Affairs of 
 the War Department. The business assigned to said 
 bureau shall embrace all matters pertaining to civil gov- 
 ernment in the island possessions of the United States 
 subject to the jurisdiction of the War Department ; 20 
 and the Secretary of War is hereby authorized to detail 
 
 20 See Act of Congress and Executive Order of the President 
 of July 15, 1909, imposing further duties upon the Bureau of 
 Insular Affairs by placing Porto Rico under its supervision.
 
 APPENDIX C 321 
 
 an officer of the army whom he may consider especially 
 well qualified, to act under the authority of the Secretary 
 of War as the chief of said bureau ; and said officer while 
 acting under said detail shall have the rank, pay, and 
 allowances of a colonel. 21 
 
 SEC. 88. That all acts and parts of acts inconsistent 
 with this act are hereby repealed. [32 Stat. L., 691.] 
 
 Approved, July 1, 1902. 
 
 21 See acts of Congress of June 25, 1906, March 2, 1907, and 
 March 23, 1910, concerning the chief of bureau and assistants, 
 their rank, etc.
 
 APPENDIX D 
 
 UTTERANCES OF REPUBLICAN PRESIDENTS 
 
 AND GOVERNORS-GENERAL ON 
 
 THE PHILIPPINES 1 
 
 In President McKinley's instructions to the first 
 Philippine Commission, on the 20th of January, 1899, 
 he expressed the hope that these commissioners would 
 be received as bearers of " the richest blessings of a 
 liberating rather than a conquering nation." In his 
 message to Congress in the same year, among other 
 things concerning the Philippines, he said: 
 
 " We shall continue, as we have begun, to open the 
 schools and the churches, to set the courts in operation, 
 to foster industry and trade and agriculture, and in 
 every way in our power, to make these people whom 
 Providence has brought within our jurisdiction feel that 
 it is their liberty and not our power, their welfare and 
 not our gain we are seeking to enhance." 
 
 And again he said: 
 
 " The Philippines are ours, not to exploit, but to de- 
 velop, to civilize, to educate, to train in the science of 
 self-government. This is the path of duty which we 
 must follow or be recreant to a mighty trust committed 
 to us." 
 
 Upon another occasion he said : 
 
 i Taken chiefly from Secretary Garrison's statement before 
 the Senate Committee on the Philippines, January 11, 1915. 
 
 322
 
 APPENDIX D 323 
 
 ' We accepted the Philippines from high duty in 
 the interest of their inhabitants and for humanity and 
 civilization. Our sacrifices were with this high motive. 
 We want to improve the condition of the inhabitants, 
 securing them peace, liberty, and the pursuit of their 
 highest good." 
 
 In the instructions sent to one of the commissions 
 created by him he directed: 
 
 ' That in all cases the municipal officers who admin- 
 ister the local affairs of the people are to be selected 
 by the people, and that wherever officers of more ex- 
 tended jurisdiction are to be selected in any way na- 
 tives of the Islands are to be preferred, and if they can 
 be found competent and willing to perform the duties 
 they are to receive the offices in preference to any others. 
 It will be necessary to fill some offices for the present 
 with Americans, which after a time may well be filled 
 by natives of the Islands. ' ' 
 
 President Taft, while civil governor of the Philippine 
 Islands, on the 17th of December, 1903, said: 
 
 " From the beginning to the end of the state papers 
 which were circulated in these islands as authoritative 
 expressions of the Executive, the motto that ' the Phil- 
 ippines are for the Filipinos ' and that the Govern- 
 ment of the United States is here for the purpose of 
 preserving the ' Philippines for the Filipinos,' for their 
 benefit, for their elevation, for their civilization, again 
 and again and again appear." 
 
 And upon the same occasion, and in response to a 
 particularly vicious newspaper attack which was then 
 being made upon him by the American papers pub- 
 lished in the Islands, he said :
 
 324 THE CASE FOB THE FILIPINOS 
 
 " Some of our young lions of the local press have 
 spoken of the ' childish slogan,' ' The Philippines for 
 the Filipinos.' It is unnecessary to comment on the 
 adjective used, but it is sufficient to say that, whether 
 childish or not, the principle makes up the web and the 
 woof of the policy of the United States with respect to 
 these islands as it has been authoritatively declared by 
 two Presidents of the United States for President 
 Roosevelt has followed sedulously the policy of President 
 McKinley and by the interpretation of the supreme 
 popular will, the Congress of the United States. ' ' 
 
 He points out that the actions of the President and the 
 instructions thereof have, by an act of Congress, been 
 expressly approved. In further reference to this doc- 
 trine he said : 
 
 " The doctrine as interpreted in the light of these 
 authoritative declarations assumes that the Filipino peo- 
 ple are of future capacity but not of present fitness for 
 self-government, and that they may be taught by the 
 gradual extension of self-government to exercise the con- 
 servative self-restraints without which popular govern- 
 ment is impossible. . . . 
 
 " The doctrine does not include, necessarily, the inde- 
 pendence of the Filipino, nor any particular degree of 
 autonomy. It is entirely consistent with the principle to 
 object to an immediate extension of popular government 
 on the ground that we are going too fast for the political 
 digestion of the people, and that it is not, therefore, for 
 their good. Whether an autonomy or independence or 
 quasi independence shall ultimately follow in these is- 
 lands ought to depend solely on the question, Is it best 
 for the Filipino people and their welfare ? . . .
 
 325 
 
 " I think I have demonstrated by what I have quoted 
 and the instances I have cited that the doctrine ' The 
 Philippines for the Filipinos ' is one which the honor of 
 the United States requires it to enforce throughout these 
 islands. Not only was it promised to the Filipinos when 
 the Americans came, after they had been here, during the 
 insurrection, and at its close, but I do not think it too 
 much to say that the reiteration of the promises as shown 
 in legislation carrying out these principles had much to 
 do with bringing about the present tranquillity in these 
 islands ..." 
 
 It is interesting to note his next direct reference to 
 this matter, because it shows that the conditions which 
 existed in December of 1903 are still existent. He said : 
 
 ' ' There are many Americans in these islands, possibly 
 a majority, and this includes all the American press, who 
 are strongly opposed to the doctrine of ' The Philippines 
 for the Filipinos.' They have no patience with the 
 policy of attraction, no patience with attempts to con- 
 ciliate the Filipino people, no patience with the intro- 
 duction into the government as rapidly as their fitness 
 justifies of the prominent Filipinos. They resent every- 
 thing in the government that is not American. They in- 
 sist that there is a necessity for a firm government here 
 rather than a popular one, and that the welfare of 
 Americans and American trade should be regarded as 
 paramount. It is possible to trace the history of the 
 formation of these views." 
 
 And he then proceeds to do so, in the course of which 
 he says: 
 
 " With the lack of logic, so characteristic of human 
 nature, the merchant who finds hard times coming on,
 
 326 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 the business man whose profits are not so great, looks 
 about for a scapegoat and an explanation, and he finds 
 it in the wicked civil government which has been en- 
 couraging the natives as far as it could ; has been taking 
 the native into the government as far as he seemed fitted ; 
 is doing what it can to elevate the Filipino people and 
 provide for their welfare, and has not taken the Ameri- 
 can merchant under its especial wing. ' ' 
 
 It is particularly interesting, in view of the recent 
 exaggerated accounts of a petty disturbance in the Is- 
 lands, to read what Mr. Taft said concerning such occur- 
 rences in his time : 
 
 " The attitude of the American press and of the 
 American merchant in his hostility to the Filipino and 
 in the consequent hostility to the civil government was 
 led into the error at one time of emphasizing in every 
 possible way, by letters and representations of all sorts, 
 that the condition of the country as to tranquillity was 
 so bad that the whole of the Islands was still in a state 
 of war. Every small ladrone fight, every discomfiture 
 which the constabulary suffered, was exaggerated and 
 made the basis for inference that the conditions in the 
 country were retrograding rather than improving. Such 
 incidents were seized upon and made as much of as head- 
 lines and general statements could make them." 
 
 And further on, adverting to the same general subject 
 matter, he said : 
 
 " When one's feelings of enmity are very much 
 aroused, it is difficult to set the limit to the expression 
 of them. So it is that we have the young lions of the 
 American press, of the three newspapers who are sup- 
 posed to speak the American public opinion in these
 
 APPENDIX D 327 
 
 islands, holding the Filipino up to contempt, exposing 
 all his supposed vices and giving him no credit whatever 
 for any virtues, and it may be that this represents the 
 feeling of the majority of the resident Americans in 
 Manila. But can we not in the end be just and give to 
 the whole Filipino people their due? Should we wish 
 the Filipino people to judge of Americans by the drunken 
 truculent American loafers who infest the small towns 
 of these islands, living on the fruits of the labor of 
 Filipino women, and give us more trouble than any other 
 element in the Islands? Should we wish the Filipino 
 people to judge of American standards of honesty by 
 reading the humiliating list of American official and 
 unofficial defaulters in these islands? I think not." 
 
 In referring to the characteristics of the Filipinos, 
 Mr. Taft said: 
 
 " Contrast the Filipinos with other Malays and the 
 oriental peoples, and I ask you to name a people offering 
 more opportunities for development along the lines which 
 American ideals require than the people of these is- 
 lands. . . . The Filipino people as a people have breathed 
 in through their educated leaders the inspiration of 
 liberty and free government. Many of them have fought, 
 bled, and given up their lives in a struggle for independ- 
 ence. . . . Their intense desire for education, their ap- 
 preciation of European and American improvements in 
 dress and bodily comforts, their artistic ambitions, their 
 quick desire and power to imitate the good they see and 
 understand, their openness to the reception of new and 
 better things, their political aspirations for liberty and 
 popular government, however lacking in a political 
 knowledge of its difficulties and real essence all these
 
 328 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 traits, added to a peculiar social sense and charm, make 
 them a people peculiarly subject to the good and develop- 
 ing influence of a friendly and sympathetic government 
 in which they are given a gradually increasing part, 
 and justify an entirely different policy in dealing with 
 them and promoting their welfare from that which Eng- 
 land has found it necessary to pursue with Mohammedan 
 and Buddhist peoples, having neither sympathy with, 
 nor understanding of, modern European ideas." 
 
 Finally, in referring to the condition of tranquillity 
 which it is necessary to preserve in order that the capi- 
 tal which is imperatively needed to stimulate commerce 
 should come to the Islands ; he said : 
 
 " Now, what has produced the present tranquillity? 
 I say without hesitation that the chief element to-day is 
 the confidence which the conservative people of the Is- 
 lands have in the promises of the United States to make 
 the welfare of the Filipinos its chief purpose in remain- 
 ing here and to assist them sincerely in learning the 
 secret of self-government by gradually enlarging their 
 political power. . . . How long is it thought we could 
 avail ourselves of this popular support if we repudiated 
 our national promises and adopted the policy of re- 
 pulsion and repression, dignified under the name ' the 
 policy of a firm hand, ' and if we said to the people, ' You 
 are not to be trusted ; the offices must all go to Ameri- 
 cans; you are an inferior race and are sufficiently re- 
 warded by having a superior race to come here and run 
 your government for you'? " 
 
 President McKinley, in referring to the characteristics 
 of the Filipinos, said :
 
 APPENDIX D 329 
 
 ' The Filipinos are a race quick to learn and to profit 
 by knowledge. He would be rash who, with the teach- 
 ings of contemporaneous history in view, would fix a 
 limit to the degree of culture and advancement yet within 
 the reach of these people if our duty toward them be 
 faithfully performed. ' ' 
 
 In adverting to the Philippines in his message on De- 
 cember 6, 1904, President Roosevelt said: 
 
 ' We are endeavoring to develop the natives them- 
 selves so that they shall take an ever-increasing share in 
 their own government, and as far as is prudent we are 
 already admitting their representatives to a govern- 
 mental equality with our own. ... If they show that 
 they are capable of electing a legislature which in its 
 turn is capable of taking a sane and efficient part in the 
 actual work of the government, they can rest assured that 
 a full and increasing measure of recognition will be given 
 them." 
 
 And in 1906 he said : 
 
 ' ' We are constantly increasing the measure of liberty 
 accorded the islanders, and next spring, if conditions 
 warrant, we shall take a great stride forward in testing 
 their capacity for self-government by summoning the 
 first Filipino legislative assembly ; and the way in which 
 they stand this test will largely determine whether the 
 self-government thus granted will be increased or de- 
 creased ; for if we have erred at all in the Philippines it 
 has been in proceeding too rapidly in the direction of 
 granting a large measure of self-government. 
 
 In 1908, after the Philippine Assembly had been 
 opened, President Roosevelt, in his message, said :
 
 ' ' Real progress toward self-government is being made 
 in the Philippine Islands." And in referring to the 
 assembly, he said: 
 
 " Hitherto this Philippine Legislature has acted with 
 moderation and self-restraint and has seemed, in prac- 
 tical fashion, to realize the eternal truth that there must 
 always be government, and that the only way in which 
 any body of individuals can escape the necessity of being 
 governed by outsiders is to show that they are able to re- 
 strain themselves, to keep down wrongdoing and dis- 
 order. The Filipino people, through their officials, are 
 therefore making real steps in the direction of self-gov- 
 ernment. I hope and believe that these steps mark the 
 beginning of a course which will continue till the Fili- 
 pinos become fit to decide for themselves whether they 
 desire to be an independent nation. . . . All we can do is 
 to give them the opportunity to develop the capacity for 
 self-government. . . . We can not give them self-gov- 
 ernment save in the sense of governing them so that 
 gradually they may, if they are able, learn to govern 
 themselves. ' ' 
 
 He adverts to the fact that they are gradually acquir- 
 ing the character which lies at the basis of self-govern- 
 ment and then says : 
 
 " I trust that within a generation the time will arrive 
 when the Filipinos can decide for themselves whether it 
 is well for them to become independent or to continue 
 under the protection of a strong and disinterested power, 
 able to guarantee to the Islands order at home and pro- 
 tection from foreign invasion." 
 
 When Mr. Taft was Secretary of War, in April, 1904, 
 in the course of a speech upon the Philippines, he said :
 
 APPENDIX D 331 
 
 ' When they have learned the principles of successful 
 popular self-government from a gradually enlarged ex- 
 perience therein, we can discuss the question whether 
 independence is what they desire and grant it, or whether 
 they prefer the retention of a closer association with the 
 country which, by its guidance, has unselfishly led them 
 on to better conditions." 
 
 In 1905 Mr. Taft, in the course of an article upon the 
 Philippines, wrote: 
 
 " We said that we were there for the benefit of the 
 Filipino people ; we said that we were there to give them 
 as much of self-government as they could stand, and we 
 did it. We may have given them a little more, but it is 
 a good deal better to extend it a little beyond what they 
 can stand and teach them the lesson and then say to 
 them, ' When you do educate yourselves up to this we 
 will extend it a little more ' (as we have had occasion to 
 do in a number of provinces) than it is to give them the 
 impression that we were deceiving them in what we said 
 we wished to do for them. One of the chief character- 
 istics of the orientals indeed, one of the chief char- 
 acteristics of all nations that are ignorant is sus- 
 picion and distrust, and the primary rule of policy in 
 dealing with them is absolute honesty and straightfor- 
 wardness. ' ' 
 
 On August 11, 1905, Mr. Taft, then Secretary of War, 
 speaking in Manila and expressing, he said, the senti- 
 ments of President Roosevelt throughout, among other 
 things, said: 
 
 " The American people have examined into, as far as 
 may be, the capacity of the Filipino people to be de- 
 veloped into a self-governing nation ; and while they ad-
 
 332 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 mit that the proposition to make them a self-governing 
 people is an experiment, never before tried with a 
 tropical Malay or oriental people, they believe the cir- 
 cumstances to be such that if the high national purpose 
 of treating them as sacred wards of the United States 
 and of dealing with them in every way for their benefit, 
 for their own elevation and for their own education, 
 shall be pursued, free from a desire for selfish exploita- 
 tion or gain, that the experiment will be a success. ' ' 
 
 In opening the Philippine Assembly on the 16th of 
 October, 1907, Mr. Taft, then Secretary of War, said : 
 
 " The avowed policy of the National Administration 
 under these two Presidents has been and is to govern 
 the Islands, having regard to the interest and welfare of 
 the Filipino people, and by the spread of primary gen- 
 eral and industrial education and by practice in partial 
 political control to fit the people themselves to maintain 
 a stable and well-ordered government affording equality 
 of right and opportunity to all citizens. The policy 
 looks to the improvement of the people both industrially 
 and in self-governing capacity. As this policy of ex- 
 tending control continues, it must logically reduce and 
 finally end the sovereignty of the United States in the 
 Islands, unless it shall seem wise to the American and 
 the Filipino peoples, on account of mutually beneficial 
 trade relations and possible advantages to the Islands in 
 their foreign relations, that the bond shall not be com- 
 pletely severed." 
 
 In a special report made by Secretary Taft on the 
 Philippines and their political future, with special refer- 
 ence to the policy which had been pursued there, he 
 said:
 
 APPENDIX D 333 
 
 " The conditions in the Islands to-day vindicate and 
 justify that policy. It necessarily involves in its ulti- 
 mate conclusion as the steps toward self-government be- 
 come greater and greater the ultimate independence of 
 the Islands ; although, of course, if both the United States 
 and the Islands were to conclude after complete self- 
 government were possible, that it would be mutually 
 beneficial to continue a governmental relation between 
 them like that between England and Australia, there 
 would be nothing inconsistent with the present policy in 
 such a result. ' ' 
 
 In that report he dwells upon the necessity of the edu- 
 cation of the masses of the people with a view of en- 
 abling them intelligently to exercise the force of public 
 opinion, without which popular self-government is im- 
 possible, and said that it was reasonable then to say 
 that such a condition could not be reached until at least 
 one generation should have been subject to the process 
 of primary and industrial education. He adverts to 
 the fact that the great majority of the people undoubt- 
 edly desired immediate independence, but he thinks that 
 that was not an intelligent judgment based upon a knowl- 
 edge of what independence means, or on what the re- 
 sponsibilities of a popular government are. He states as 
 his belief that at that time so relatively a small number 
 were sufficiently educated to comprehend self-govern- 
 ment that they would be practically an oligarchy and 
 there would not be real popular self-government partici- 
 pated in by the mass of the people, and that the further 
 presence and authority of the Americans was necessary 
 in the Islands to develop these lower classes and preserve 
 their rights ; saying, in this connection :
 
 334 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 " If the American Government can only remain in 
 the Islands long enough to educate the entire people, to 
 give them a language which enables them to come into 
 contact with modern civilization, and to extend to them 
 from time to time additional political rights so that by 
 the exercise of them they shall learn the use and re- 
 sponsibilities necessary to their proper exercise, inde- 
 pendence can be granted with entire safety to the peo- 
 ple. I have an abiding conviction that the Filipino 
 people are capable of being taught self-govern- 
 ment. . . ." 
 
 Further on he says : 
 
 " Thus far the policy of the Philippines has worked. 
 It has been attacked on the ground that we have gone too 
 fast, that we have given the natives too much power. 
 The meeting of the assembly and the conservative tone of 
 that body thus far disclosed makes for our view rather 
 than that of our opponents ; but had the result been en- 
 tirely different with the assembly, and had there been a 
 violent outbreak at first in its deliberations and attempts 
 at obstruction, I should not have been in the least dis- 
 couraged, because ultimately I should have had confi- 
 dence that the assembly would learn how foolish such ex- 
 hibitions were and how little good they accomplished for 
 the members of the assembly or the people whom they 
 represented. The fact that this natural tendency was 
 restrained is an indication of the general conservatism of 
 the Filipino people." 
 
 In a message delivered on the 6th of December, 1912, 
 President Taft said: 
 
 " We should . . . endeavor to secure for the Filipinos 
 economic independence and to fit them for complete self-
 
 APPENDIX D . 335 
 
 government, with the power to decide eventually, accord- 
 ing to their own largest good, whether such self-govern- 
 ment shall be accompanied by independence." 
 
 On the 1st of March, 1913, President Taft adverted 
 to the Democratic platform with reference to the Philip- 
 pines and quoted that portion of it which referred to the 
 purpose of the United States to ' ' recognize the independ- 
 ence of the Philippine Islands as soon as a stable govern- 
 ment can be established," and said that this was " an 
 affirmation of policy only slightly differing from that 
 repeatedly announced by this and preceding Republi- 
 can administrations." 
 
 Governor General W. Cameron Forbes, in his farewell 
 speech before leaving the Islands, made the statement 
 " that the platforms of both parties reached the same 
 general conclusion in regard to the granting of independ- 
 ence when a stable government should be established." 
 He subsequently, in a published speech in this country, 
 corrected this statement to the extent of substituting the 
 word " policies " for the word " platforms." 
 
 In an article published in " Everybody's Magazine " 
 for January, 1915, Mr. Roosevelt said: 
 
 " The first and most important thing for us as a 
 people to do in order to prepare ourselves for self-de- 
 fense is to get clearly in our minds just what our policy 
 is to be, and to insist that our public servants shall make 
 their words and their deeds correspond. For example, 
 the present administration was elected on the explicit 
 promise that the Philippines should be given their inde- 
 pendence, and it has taken action in the Philippines 
 which can only be justified on the theory that their inde- 
 pendence is to come in the immediate future. I be-
 
 336 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 lieve that we have rendered incalculable service to the 
 Philippines, and that what we have there done has 
 shown in the most striking manner the extreme mischief 
 that would have followed if in 1898 and in subsequent 
 years we had failed to do our duty in consequence of 
 following the advice of Mr. Bryan and the pacificists or 
 anti-imperialists of that day. 
 
 " But this good has been to the Philippines them- 
 selves. The only good that has come to us as a nation 
 has been the good that springs from knowledge that a 
 great deed has been worthily performed. Personally, I 
 think it is a fine and high thing for a nation to have done 
 such a deed with such a purpose. But we can not taint 
 it with bad faith. If we act so that the natives under- 
 stand us to have made a definite promise, then we should 
 live up to that promise. The Philippines from a mili- 
 tary standpoint are a source of weakness to us. The 
 present administration has promised explicitly to let 
 them go, and by its actions has rendered it difficult to 
 hold them against any serious foreign foe. These being 
 the circumstances, the Islands should at an early mo- 
 ment be given their independence without any guarantee 
 whatever by us and without our retaining any foothold 
 in them.'*
 
 APPENDIX E 
 
 1900 
 
 We declare again that all governments instituted 
 among men derive their just powers from the consent 
 of the governed; that any government not based upon 
 the consent of the governed is a tyranny, and that to 
 impose upon any people a government of force is to sub- 
 stitute the methods of imperialism for those of a re- 
 public. 
 
 We assert that no nation can long endure half republic 
 and half empire, and we warn the American people that 
 imperialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to 
 despotism at home. 
 
 We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of 
 the present Administration. 
 
 The Filipinos cannot be citizens without endangering 
 our civilization; they cannot be subjects without im- 
 periling our form of government ; and as we are not will- 
 ing to surrender our civilization nor to convert the re- 
 public into an empire we favor an immediate declara- 
 tion of the nation's purpose to give the Filipinos, first, a 
 stable form of government; second, independence; and 
 third, protection from outside interference, such as has 
 
 337
 
 338 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 given for nearly a century to the republics of Central 
 and South America. 
 
 1904 
 
 We oppose, as fervently as did George Washington 
 himself, an indefinite, irresponsible, discretionary, and 
 vague absolutism and a policy of colonial exploitation, 
 no matter where or by whom invoked or exercised. We 
 believe, with Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, that no 
 government has a right to make one set of laws for those 
 " at home " and another and a different set of laws, 
 absolute in their character, for those " in the colonies." 
 All men under the American flag are entitled to the 
 protection of the institutions whose emblem the flag is. 
 If they are inherently unfit for those institutions, then 
 they are inherently unfit to be members of the Ameri- 
 can body politic. Wherever there may exist a people in- 
 capable of being governed under American laws, in 
 consonance with the American Constitution, the territory 
 of that people ought not to be part of the American do- 
 main. 
 
 We insist that we ought to do for the Filipinos what 
 we have done already for the Cubans, and it is our duty 
 to make that promise now and upon suitable guarantees 
 of protection to citizens of our own and other countries 
 resident there at the time of our withdrawal, set the 
 Filipino people upon their feet, free and independent to 
 work out their own destiny. 
 
 1908 
 
 We condemn the experiment in imperialism as an in- 
 excusable blunder which has involved us in enormous
 
 APPENDIX E 339 
 
 expenses, brought us weakness instead of strength, and 
 laid our nation open to the charge of abandoning a 
 fundamental doctrine of self-government. We favor an 
 immediate declaration of the nation's purpose to recog- 
 nize the independence of the Philippine Islands as soon 
 as a stable government can be established, such independ- 
 ence to be guaranteed by us as we guarantee the inde- 
 pendence of Cuba, until the neutralization of the Islands 
 can be secured by treaty with other powers. In recog- 
 nizing the independence of the Philippines our Govern- 
 ment should retain such land as may be necessary for 
 coaling stations and naval bases. 
 
 1912 
 
 We reaffirm the position thrice announced by the 
 Democracy in national convention assembled against a 
 policy of imperialism and colonial exploitation in the 
 Philippines or elsewhere. We condemn the experiment 
 in imperialism as an inexcusable blunder, which has in- 
 volved us in enormous expenses, brought us weakness 
 instead of strength, and laid our nation open to the 
 charge of abandonment of the fundamental doctrine of 
 self-government. We favor an immediate declaration 
 of the nation's purpose to recognize the independence 
 of the Philippine Islands as soon as a stable government 
 can be established, such independence to be guaranteed 
 by us until the neutralization of the Islands can be se- 
 cured by treaty with our powers. 
 
 In recognizing the independence of the Philippines 
 our Government should retain such land as may be neces- 
 sary for coaling stations and naval bases.
 
 APPENDIX F 
 
 PRESIDENT WILSON'S POSITION ON THE 
 PHILIPPINES 
 
 Self-government is not a mere form of institutions, 
 to be had when desired, if only proper pains be taken; 
 it is a form of character. It follows upon the long 
 discipline which gives the people self-possession, self- 
 mastery; the habit of order and business and common 
 counsel, and reverence for law which alone follow when 
 they themselves become the makers of law ; the steadiness, 
 the self-control of political maturity and these things 
 cannot be had without long discipline. 
 
 The distinction is of vital concern to us in respect to 
 practical choices of policy which we must make, and 
 make very soon. We have dependencies to deal with, 
 and must deal with them in the true spirit of our own 
 institutions. We can give the Filipinos constitutional 
 government, a government which they may count upon 
 to be just a government based upon some clear and 
 equitable understanding, intended for their good and 
 not for our aggrandizement but we must ourselves for 
 the present supply that government. It would, it is true, 
 be an unprecedented operation, reversing the process of 
 Runnymede, but America has before this shown the 
 world enlightened policies of politics that were without 
 precedence. It would have been within the choice of 
 King John to summon his barons to Runnymede of his 
 
 340
 
 APPENDIX F 341 
 
 own initiative and enter into a constitutional under- 
 standing with them, and it is within our choice to do a 
 similar thing, at once and wise and generous in the gov- 
 ernment of the Philippine Islands. 
 
 But we can not give them self-government. Self-gov- 
 ernment is not a thing that can be given to any people, 
 because it is a form of character and not a form of 
 constitution. No people can be given the self-control of 
 maturity. Only the long apprenticeship of competence 
 can secure them the precious possession a thing no 
 more to be bought than given. They cannot be pre- 
 sented with the character of a community ; but it can be 
 confidently hoped that they will become a community 
 under the wholesome operation of just laws and a sympa- 
 thetic administration ; that they will, after a while, un- 
 derstand and master themselves, if in the meantime they 
 are understood and served in good conscience by those 
 set over them in authority. 
 
 "We, of all people in the world, should know these 
 fundamental things and should act upon them, if only 
 to illustrate the mastery in politics which belongs to us 
 of hereditary right. To ignore them would be not only 
 to fail and fail miserably but to fail ridiculously, and to 
 belie ourselves. Having ourselves gained self-govern- 
 ment by a definite process which can have no substitute, 
 let us put the peoples dependent upon us in the right way 
 to gain it also. 
 
 From his book on " Constitutional Government " pub- 
 lished in 1908. 
 
 In dealing with the Philippines, we should not allow 
 ourselves to stand upon any mere point of pride, as if,
 
 342 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 in order to keep our countenance in the family of na- 
 tions, it were necessary for us to make the same blunders 
 of selfishness that other nations have made. We are not 
 owners of the Philippine Islands. We hold them in trust 
 for the people who live in them. They are theirs for the 
 uses of their life. We are not even their partners. It 
 is our duty as trustees, to make whatever arrangement 
 of government will be most serviceable to their freedom 
 and development. Here, again, we are to set up the rule 
 of justice and of right. 
 
 From his speech of acceptance of the Democratic nomina- 
 tion, 1912. 
 
 The Philippines are at present our frontier, but I hope 
 we presently are to deprive ourselves of that frontier. 
 From a report of his speech at Staunton, Virginia, Dec- 
 ember 28, 1912. 
 
 We regard ourselves as trustees acting not for the 
 advantage of the United States but for the benefit of the 
 people of the Philippine Islands. 
 
 Every step we take will be taken with a view to the 
 ultimate independence of the Islands and as a prepara- 
 tion for that independence. And we hope to move to- 
 ward that end as rapidly as the safety and the perma- 
 nent interests of the Islands will permit. After each 
 step taken, experience will guide us to the next. 
 
 The administration will take one step at once and will 
 give to the native citizens of the Islands a majority in 
 the appointive commission, and thus in the upper as well 
 as in the lower house of the legislature a majority repre- 
 sentation will be secured to them.
 
 APPENDIX F 343 
 
 We do this in the confident hope and expectation that 
 immediate proof will be given, in the action of the Com- 
 mission under the new arrangement, of the political 
 capacity of those native citizens who have already come 
 forward to represent and to lead their people in affairs. 
 Message to the Filipino people delivered by Governor 
 Harrison in Manila, October 6, 1913. 
 
 Outside the charmed circle of our own national life 
 in which our affections command us, as well as our con- 
 sciences, there stand out our obligations toward our 
 territories over sea. Here we are trustees. Porto Eico, 
 Hawaii, the Philippines, are ours, indeed, but not ours 
 to do what we please with. Such territories, once re- 
 garded as mere possessions, are no longer to be selfishly 
 exploited; they are part of the domain of public con- 
 science and of serviceable and enlightened statesman- 
 ship. We must administer them for the people who 
 live in them and with the same sense of responsibil- 
 ity to them as toward our own people in our domestic 
 affairs. No doubt we shall successfully enough bind 
 Porto Rico and the Hawaiian Islands to ourselves by 
 ties of justice and interest and affection, but the per- 
 formance of our duty toward the Philippines is a more 
 difficult and debatable matter. We can satisfy the obli- 
 gations of generous justice toward the people of Porto 
 Rico by giving them the ample and familiar rights and 
 privileges accorded our own citizens in our own terri- 
 tories and our obligations toward the people of Hawaii 
 by perfecting the provisions for self-government already 
 granted them, but in the Philippines we must go fur- 
 ther. W must hold steadily in view their ultimate in-
 
 344 THE CASE FOE THE FILIPINOS 
 
 dependence, and we must move toward the time of that 
 independence as steadily as the way can be cleared 
 and the foundations thoughtfully and permanently 
 laid. 
 
 Acting under the authority conferred upon the Presi- 
 dent by Congress, I have already accorded the people of 
 the Islands a majority in both houses of their legislative 
 body by appointing five instead of four native citizens 
 to the membership of the Commission. I believe that in 
 this way we shall make proof of their capacity in counsel 
 and their sense of responsibility in the exercise of polit- 
 ical power, and that the success of this step will be sure 
 to clear our view for the steps which are to follow. Step 
 by step we should extend and perfect the system of self- 
 government in the Islands, making test of them and 
 modifying them as experience discloses their successes 
 and their failures; so that we should more and more 
 put under the control of the native citizens of the archi- 
 pelago the essential instruments of their life, their local 
 instrumentalities of government, their schools, all the 
 common interests of their communities, and so by counsel 
 and experience set up a government which all the world 
 will see to be suitable to a people whose affairs are under 
 their own control. At last, I hope and believe, we are 
 beginning to gain the confidence of the Filipino people. 
 By their counsel and experience, rather than by our 
 own, we shall learn how best to serve them and how soon 
 it will be possible and wise to withdraw our supervision. 
 Let us once find the path and set out with firm and con- 
 fident tread upon it and we shall not wander from it nor 
 linger upon it. 
 
 From his Message to Congress, December 2, 1913.
 
 APPENDIX F 345 
 
 There is another great piece of legislation which awaits 
 and should receive the sanction of the Senate: I mean 
 the bill which gives a larger measure of self-government 
 to the people of the Philippines. How better, in this 
 time of anxious questioning and perplexed policy, could 
 we show our confidence in the principles of liberty, as 
 the source as well as the expression of life, how better 
 could we demonstrate our own self-possession and stead- 
 fastness in the courses of justice and disinterestedness 
 than by thus going calmly forward to fulfil our promises 
 to a dependent people, who will now look more anxiously 
 than ever to see whether we have indeed the liberality, 
 the unselfishness, the courage, the faith we have boasted 
 and professed. I cannot believe that the Senate will let 
 this great measure of constructive justice await the 
 action of another Congress. Its passage would nobly 
 crown the record of these two years of memorable labor. 
 
 From his Message to Congress, December 8, 1914. 
 
 Our principles are well known. It is not necessary 
 to avow them again. "We believe in political liberty 
 and founded our great Government to obtain it, the 
 liberty of men and of peoples of men to choose their 
 own lives and of peoples to choose their own allegiance. 
 Our ambition, also, all the world has knowledge of. It 
 is not only to be free and prosperous ourselves, but also 
 to be the friend and thoughtful partizan of those who 
 are free or who desire freedom the world over. 
 
 If we have had aggressive purposes and covetous am- 
 bitions, they were the fruit of our thoughtless youth 
 as a nation and we have put them aside. We shall, I 
 confidently believe, never again take another foot of
 
 346 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 territory by conquest. We shall never in any circum- 
 stances seek to make an independent people subject to 
 our dominion; because we believe, we passionately be- 
 lieve, in the right of every people to choose their own 
 allegiance and be free of masters altogether. 
 
 For ourselves we wish nothing but the full liberty of 
 self-development ; and with ourselves in this great mat- 
 ter we associate all the peoples of our own hemisphere. 
 "We wish not only for the United States, but for them 
 the fullest freedom of independent growth and of action, 
 for we know that throughout this hemisphere the same 
 aspirations are everywhere being worked out, under 
 diverse conditions, but with the same impulse and ulti- 
 mate object. 
 
 From his Address to the Manhattan Club at New York, 
 November 4, 1915. 
 
 There is another matter which seems to me to be very 
 intimately associated with the question of national safety 
 and preparation for defense. That is our policy toward 
 the Philippines and the people of Porto Rico. Our 
 treatment of them and their attitude toward us are mani- 
 festly of the first consequence in the development of our 
 duties in the world and in getting a free hand to per- 
 form those duties. "We must be free from every unneces- 
 sary burden or embarrassment; and there is no better 
 way to be clear of embarrassment than to fulfil our 
 promises and promote the interests of those dependent 
 on us to the utmost. Bills for the alteration and reform 
 of the government of the Philippines and for rendering 
 fuller political justice to the people of Porto Rico were 
 submitted to the Sixty-third Congress. They will be
 
 APPENDIX F 347 
 
 submitted also to you. I need not particularize their 
 details. You are most of you already familiar with 
 them. But I do recommend them to your early adoption 
 with the sincere conviction that there are few measures 
 you could adopt which would more serviceably clear the 
 way for the great policies by which we wish to make 
 good, now and always, our right to lead in enterprises of 
 peace and good will and economic and political freedom. 
 From his Message to Congress, December 7, 1915.
 
 APPENDIX G 
 
 THIRD PHILIPPINE LEGISLATURE 
 PHILIPPINE ASSEMBLY 
 
 SECOND SESSION 
 
 RESOLUTION FORWARDING TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, THROUGH THE GOVERNOR- 
 GENERAL OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, A MESSAGE 
 FROM THE PHILIPPINE ASSEMBLY, IN THE NAME OF 
 THE PEOPLE OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 WHEREAS the President of the United States has, 
 through the Governor-General, Honorable Francis Bur- 
 ton Harrison, sent a message to the people of the Philip- 
 pine Islands, which message was duly communicated on 
 the sixth day of October, nineteen hundred and thirteen, 
 and reads as follows: 
 
 " We regard ourselves as trustees acting not for the 
 advantage of the United States but for the benefit of the 
 people of the Philippine Islands. 
 
 " Every step we take will be taken with a view to 
 the ultimate independence of the Islands and as a prepa- 
 ration for that independence, and we hope to move to- 
 wards that end as rapidly as the safety and the perma- 
 nent interests of the Islands will permit. After each 
 step taken experience will guide as to the next. 
 
 " The administration will take one step at once and 
 
 348
 
 APPENDIX G 349 
 
 will give to the native citizens of the Islands a majority 
 in the appointive Commission and thus in the Upper as 
 well as in the Lower House of the Legislature a ma- 
 jority representation will be secured to them. 
 
 ' We do this in the confident hope and expectation 
 that immediate proof will be given, in the action of the 
 Commission under the new arrangement, of the political 
 capacity of those native citizens who have already come 
 forward to represent and to lead their people in affairs." 
 
 Now, therefore, be it 
 
 Resolved, That the Philippine Assembly, in the name 
 of the people of the Philippine Islands, do, and hereby 
 does, request the Chief Executive thereof to be pleased 
 to transmit to the President of the United States the 
 following Keply-Message : 
 
 ' We, the Representatives of the Filipino people, con- 
 stituting the Philippine Assembly, solemnly declare : 
 
 ' That it is evident to us that the Filipino people has 
 the right to be free and independent, so that, in advanc- 
 ing alone along the road of progress, it will on its own re- 
 sponsibility work out its prosperity and manage its own 
 destinies for all the purposes of life. This was the as- 
 piration of the people when it took up arms against 
 Spain, and the presence of the American flag, first on 
 Manila Bay, and then in the interior of the Archipelago, 
 did not modify, but rather encourage and strengthen 
 the aspiration, despite all the reverses suffered in war 
 and difficulties encountered in peace. Being called to 
 the ballot box, the people again and again ratified this 
 aspiration, and since the inauguration of the Assembly, 
 the national representative body has been acting in 
 accordance with the popular will only. Thus, in the
 
 350 THE CASE FOR THE FILIPINOS 
 
 midst of the most adverse circumstances, the ideal of the 
 people never wavered and was respectfully and frankly 
 brought before the powers of the sovereign country 
 on every propitious occasion. 
 
 " On the other hand, our faith in the justice of the 
 American people was as great and persistent as our 
 ideal. We have waited in patience, confident that 
 sooner or later all errors and injustices would be re- 
 dressed. The message of the President of the United 
 States to the Filipino people is eloquent proof that we 
 have not waited in vain. 
 
 ' ' We accept said message with love and gratitude and 
 consider it a categorical declaration of the purpose of 
 the American nation to recognize the independence of 
 the Islands. The immediate step of granting us a ma- 
 jority on the Commission places in our hands the instru- 
 ments of power and responsibility for the establishment 
 by ourselves of a stable Filipino Government. We fully 
 appreciate and are deeply grateful for the confidence 
 reposed in us by the Government of the United States. 
 We look upon the appointment of the Honorable Francis 
 Burton Harrison as governor-general as the unmistak- 
 able harbinger of the new era, in which we expect the 
 attitude of the people to be one of decided cooperation 
 and support. We believe that happily the experiments 
 of imperialism have come to an end, and that colonial ex- 
 ploitation has passed into history. The epoch of mis- 
 trust has been closed, and the Filipinos, upon having 
 thrown open to them the doors of opportunity, are re- 
 quired to assume the burden of responsibility, which it 
 would be inexcusable cowardice on their part to avoid 
 or decline. Owing to this, few days have sufficed to
 
 APPENDIX G 351 
 
 bring about a good understanding between Americans 
 and Filipinos, which it had been impossible to establish 
 during the thirteen years past. "We are convinced that 
 every onward step, while relieving the American Gov- 
 ernment of its responsibilities in the Islands, will, as in 
 the past, fully demonstrate the present capacity of the 
 Filipino people to establish a government of its own and 
 guarantee in a permanent manner the safety under such 
 government of the life, property, and liberty of the resi- 
 dents of the Islands, national as well as foreign. We 
 do not wish to say by this that there will not be diffi- 
 culties and embarrassments. Nor do we even expect that 
 the campaign, open or concealed, of the enemies of the 
 Filipino cause will cease soon, but we feel sure that 
 through a conservative use of the powers entrusted to us, 
 the Filipino people will, with God's favor and the help 
 of America, emerge triumphantly from the test, however 
 difficult it may be." 
 
 Resolved, further, That a committee of seven, ap- 
 pointed by the Speaker of the Assembly, wait upon the 
 Governor-General in his office and deliver to him this 
 resolution, duly certified. 
 
 Adopted, October 16, 1913. 
 
 I hereby certify that the foregoing Resolution (A. R. 
 No. 87) was adopted by the Assembly on October 16, 
 1913. 
 
 TEODORO M. KALAW, 
 Secretary, Philippine Assembly.
 
 INDEX
 
 INDEX 
 
 (Phils. Philippines; Phil. Philippine; Fils. Filipinos.) 
 Acquisition of the Phils., 18- Barrett, John, 159. 
 
 41 ; commercial considera- 
 tions in, 22-24. 
 
 Agoncillo, Felipe, flight of, to 
 Canada, 78; letters of, to 
 State Department, 62, 63; 
 memorial of, to Senate, 64- 
 78; mission of, abroad, 61. 
 
 Aguinaldo, Emilio, character 
 of, 67; compared to Sitting 
 Bull, 113; government of, 
 158 ; letter of, to McKinley, 
 68. 
 
 Allen, Senator, 50. 
 
 Allison, Senator, 132. 
 
 Andre, Consul, 30, 31. 
 
 Anti-Imperialist League, ac- 
 tivities of, 100; attitude of, 
 towards the Fils., 102-105; 
 foundation of, 98; on friar 
 land question, 193 ; growth 
 of, 99; opposition of, to 
 treaty of Paris, 45; plat- 
 form of, 101-102; support- 
 ers of, 99, 100. 
 
 Assembly, Phil., establish- 
 ment of, 132-146; resolu- 
 tions of, petitioning inde- 
 pendence, 182, 220, 239, 348- 
 351. 
 
 Bacon, Senator, prophecy of, 
 as to opening of hostilities, 
 50; independence resolution 
 of, 45-47. 
 
 Bell, Major, 30, 70. 
 
 " Benevolent assimilation " 
 proclamation, 49, 82-87. 
 
 Beveridge, Senator, 21, 132. 
 
 Bryan, William J., on causes 
 of outbreak of Filipino- 
 American War, 96; on im- 
 perialism, 116; Phil, views 
 of, in 1900, 108, 110, 117; 
 support of, to the treaty of 
 Paris, 51, 55. 
 
 Canada's status compared 
 with that of Phils., 188. 
 
 Capacity of Fils. (See Fil., ca- 
 pacity of, for self-govern- 
 ment). 
 
 Carmack, Senator, 129. 
 
 Carpenter, Frank, 194. 
 
 China, partition of, as motive 
 for Phil, retention, 22. 
 
 Clapp, Senator, 233, 236. 
 
 Clarke Amendment to Jones 
 Bill, 223-245; full text of, 
 224, 225 ; indorsement of, by 
 Phil. Assembly, 228; objec- 
 tion to, by the President, 
 223 ; passage of, in the Sen- 
 ate, 226, 227. 
 
 Cleveland, President, 5, 99. 
 
 Commercial considerations in 
 Phil, acquisition, 22-24. 
 
 Commission, First Phil., 87; 
 Second Phil., 94. 
 
 355
 
 356 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Cooper, Congressman Henry 
 A., as chairman of Insular 
 Affairs Committee, 133; on 
 progress of independence 
 cause, 211, 212 ; supports es- 
 tablishment of Phil. Assem- 
 bly, 133, 142-145. 
 
 Cost of Phil, retention, 125, 
 230, 231. 
 
 Cuba, relations of, with United 
 States, 3-17; Cuban and 
 Phil, questions compared, 3, 
 4, 107. 
 
 Cummins, Senator, 221. 
 
 Day, William R., 27, 31, 34, 
 37. 
 
 Davis, Cushman C., 27, 38, 40. 
 
 Del Pan, Rafael, 194. 
 
 Democratic Party, attitude of, 
 towards the Phils., 98, 104, 
 107-110, 195, 337-339. 
 
 Denby, Charles, 87. 
 
 Dewey, Admiral, 30, 182; 
 cable to, re Phil, informa- 
 tion, 26, 27; on Filipino ca- 
 pacity for self-government, 
 47, 158; plan of, to take 
 Manila, 19, 20; victory of, 
 on Manila Bay, 20, 21. 
 
 Earnshaw, Manuel, 176. 
 Education among the Fils., 
 
 184, 230. 
 Edwards, General, 195. 
 
 Filipino-American War, be- 
 ginning of, 55, 87, 95 ; length 
 of, 126; tortures practised 
 during, 127. 
 
 Filipino capacity for self-gov- 
 ernment, attitude of Amer- 
 
 ican employees towards, 
 153-157; Barrett on, 159; 
 Dewey on, 47, 158; McDill 
 on, 168-170; McKinley on, 
 328, 329; Merritt on, 158; 
 Moses, Prof., on, 161 ; 
 Quezon on, 184-186; Roose- 
 velt on, 113, 175 ; Sargent 
 on, 158; Shafroth on, 229, 
 230; Shuster on, 156, 157; 
 Taft on, 326, 327; Wilcox 
 on, 158 ; Worcester on, 161- 
 173. (See also Independ- 
 ence for the Phils.) 
 
 Fils., desire of, for independ- 
 ence, 180-183, 189, 190, 220, 
 239, 348-351. 
 
 Fils. not a free people, 187, 
 188. 
 
 Forbes, W. Cameron, 152, 194, 
 335. 
 
 Foreman, John, 31. 
 
 Friar land question, 193-195. 
 
 Frye, William P., 27, 37. 
 
 Gray, Senator, 27, 31-34, 37. 
 Greene, General, 30, 70. 
 
 Harcourt v. Gaillard, 75. 
 
 Harrison, Francis Burton, ap- 
 pointment of, as Governor- 
 General, 196 ; attacks on, 
 201-203; inaugural address 
 of, 196-199 ; policy of, in the 
 Phils., 201-203. 
 
 Hay, Secretary, 34. 
 
 Henderson, Congressman, 106. 
 
 Hepburn, Congressman, 106. 
 
 Hill, Congressman, 140. 
 
 Hitchcock, Gilbert M., 221, 
 222, 234, 243; amendments 
 of, to the Jones Bill, 219. 
 
 Hoar, Senator, 134 ; on at-
 
 INDEX 
 
 357 
 
 tempts to annex Cuba, 10; 
 on Bryan's Phil, policy, 52, 
 108; interest of, in Phils., 
 103, 104 ; plan of, to free the 
 Phils., 110, 111 ; retrospect 
 of, on Filipino-American re- 
 lations, 120-125 ; on Spanish- 
 American war, 9 ; on subju- 
 gation of Fils., 59 ; on treaty 
 of Paris, 44, 57, 89. 
 Hobart, Vice-President, 59. 
 
 Imperialism, American, begin- 
 nings of, 20-41 ; Bevericlge 
 on, 21; Bryan on, 11G; 
 Bryce on, 119; decline of, 
 119, 128-130; foreign views 
 on, 117, 118, 125, 120; Hoar 
 on, 120-125; Lodge on, 52- 
 55, 105, 114, 115; McKin- 
 ley on, 29, 30; paramount 
 issue of, 98-118. (See also 
 Independence for the Phils.) 
 
 Independence for the Phils., 
 American attitude towards, 
 190-192, 202, 203, 209, 222; 
 Anti-Imperialist attitude to- 
 wards, 102-105; Borah on, 
 235 ; Bryan on, 108, 110, 117 ; 
 campaign against, 147-173, 
 191, 192, 240, 241 ; Clapp on, 
 233 ; Democratic party on, 
 98, 104, 107-110, 195, 337- 
 339 ; effect of cessation of 
 agitation for, 235-237; Fili- 
 pino petitions for, 180-183, 
 220, 239, 348-351; Hoar on, 
 110, 111, 120-125; Lewis on, 
 232 ; Lippitt on, 234 ; Lodge 
 on, 235; McKinley on, 147, 
 149, 322, 323 ; Mann on, 213, 
 214 ; military preparedness 
 and, 231, 232; Quezon on, 
 
 178, 179, 187-190, 214, 215; 
 reluctance of Congress to 
 declare a policy of, 42-60, 
 120-125, 134-144, 237, 238; 
 Republican party on, 96, 
 104-107, 113-115, 148-150, 
 210; Robinson on, 233; 
 Roosevelt on, 149, 329-330, 
 335, 330 ; Root on, 148, 235 ; 
 Sutherland on, 234 ; Taft on, 
 193, 323, 324, 330, 335 ; Wil- 
 son on, 195, 190, 197, 223, 
 340-347. (See also Jones 
 Bill.) 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas, 73, 75. 
 
 Jewett, Colonel, 30. 
 
 Jones Bill, introduction of, in 
 G3rd Congress, 204; pream- 
 ble to, 204, 205; legislative 
 provisions of, 204-200; Fili- 
 pino attitude towards, 200- 
 209, 241 ; discussion and pas- 
 sage of, in the House, 209- 
 210; defeat of, in the Sen- 
 ate, 210-218; reintroduction 
 of, in the 04th Congress, 
 219 ; discussion and passage 
 of, in the Senate, 221-235; 
 Clarke Amendment to, 224, 
 225. 
 
 Jones, Congressman W. A., 
 134 ; early independence bills 
 of, 130-139, 238. 
 
 Kenyon, Senator, 225. 
 
 Landis, Congressman, 140. 
 Letane, J. II., 22, 23. 
 Lewis, Senator, 232. 
 Lincoln, 188. 
 
 Literacy among the Fils., 184. 
 Lodge, H. C., 50, 132, 235 ; on
 
 358 
 
 INDEX 
 
 treaty of Paris, 52-55; on 
 Imperialism, 105, 114, 115. 
 Lopez, Sixto, 62, 78, 100. 
 
 McDill, John R., 168-170. 
 
 McKinley, President, 45 ; abso- 
 lute power of, over the 
 Phils., 93 ; Aguinaldo's letter 
 to, 68; "benevolent assimi- 
 lation " proclamation of, 49, 
 82-87; claim of, as to sov- 
 ereignty over the Phils., 36, 
 82 ; on commercial oppor- 
 tunities of the Phils., 29, 30 ; 
 demands cession of all is- 
 lands, 34 ; on exploitation of 
 Phils., 94; on Filipino re- 
 sistance to American rule, 
 95, 97, 175; hesitation of, 
 to take the Phils., 26, 36 ; on 
 human rights, 25; instruc- 
 tions of, to military com- 
 manders, 83, 84; to peace 
 commissioners, 27-30, 38, 
 39 ; to Schurman Commis- 
 sion, 87, 88; to Taft Com- 
 mission, 94, 260-271 ; on pro- 
 tectorate over the Phils., 
 112 ; protests to Spain of, for 
 Cuban atrocities, 5; Span- 
 ish minister's letter re, 6; 
 suggests intervention in 
 Cuba, 5, 7 ; utterances of, on 
 American policy towards the 
 Phils., 147, 322, 323; west- 
 ern trip of, 42. 
 
 McLaurin, Senator, 48. 
 
 Mabini, Apolinario, on Fili- 
 pino resistance to American 
 rule, 79; suggestion of, for 
 cessation of hostilities, 80, 
 81. 
 
 MacArthur, General, 127. 
 
 Maine, blowing up of, 6. 
 
 Manifesto of Fils., 67, 68. 
 
 Mann, James R., on independ- 
 ence, 213, 214. 
 
 Marshall, Vice-President, 226. 
 
 Martin, Congressman, 193. 
 
 Mason, Senator, 44, 47. 
 
 Merritt, General, 30. 
 
 Miles, Nelson A., on cruelties 
 of Phil, campaign, 127, 128. 
 
 Moses, Prof., 161. 
 
 Ocampo, Pablo, 177. 
 
 Organic Act, debate on, 134- 
 144; full text of, 272-321; 
 House minority substitute 
 to, 136-140; influence of 
 Rizal's poem on passage of, 
 143, 144; opposition to As- 
 sembly provision of, 132- 
 146 ; Senate minority substi- 
 tute to, 134-136. 
 
 Osmena, Sergio, 182, 183. 
 
 Otis, General, on " benevolent 
 assimilation " proclamation, 
 86. 
 
 Palma, Rafael, 176. 
 
 Paluia, President T. E., corre- 
 spondence of, with General 
 Wood, President Roosevelt, 
 and Secretary Root, 15-17. 
 
 " Paramount issue " of imperi- 
 alism, 98-118. 
 
 Paris, Treaty of, commission- 
 ers to, 27; conflicting views 
 of Commissioners to, 31- 
 34, 37, 38 ; full text of, 249- 
 259; opposed by Fils., 61- 
 78, 174; President McKin- 
 ley's instructions to Com- 
 missioners to, 27-30, 37-39; 
 ratification of, in the Senate,
 
 INDEX 
 
 359 
 
 43-57; real meaning of, 88, 
 89, 90-93, 239. 
 
 " Phils, for Fils.," 130. 
 
 Phil, independence (see Inde- 
 pendence for the Phils.). 
 
 Phil. Republic, grounds for 
 recognition of, 64-78. 
 
 Pinckney, 74, 75. 
 
 Platt amendment, 12-14. 
 
 Population of Phils., 184. 
 
 Pratt, Consul, 66, 67; under- 
 standing of, with Fils., 68, 
 69. 
 
 Preamble to Jones Bill, 204, 
 205, 219. 
 
 Precursor, El, 163-167. 
 
 Proctor, Senator, 6. 
 
 Quezon, Manuel L., 195; on 
 Filipino capacity and desires 
 for independence, 180-186, 
 228; on independence, 178, 
 179, 187-190, 214, 215; on 
 Mexico and the Phils., 185; 
 mission of, in America, 177. 
 
 Ralston, Jackson H., 62. 
 
 Reid, Whitelaw, 27, 35, 38. 
 
 " Remember the Maine," 7. 
 
 Republican party, attitude of, 
 towards the Phils., 98, 104- 
 107, 113-115, 148-150, 210. 
 
 Retentionists, publicity cam- 
 paign of, 150-173, 240, 241. 
 
 Revolution against Spain, 66- 
 68. 
 
 Rizal, Jos, 141. 
 
 Robinson, Senator, 233. 
 
 Roosevelt, on Aguinaldo, 113; 
 on Filipino people, 113, 175 ; 
 on independence, 149, 209, 
 231, 236, 335, 336 ; letter of, 
 to President Palma, 15; on 
 
 military weakness of the 
 Phils., 231. 
 
 Root, on cruelties of Phil, 
 campaign, 127, 128; on in- 
 dependence, 148, 235; letter 
 of, to President Palma, 17; 
 on Platt amendment, 13 ; on 
 treaty of Paris, 88, 89, 92. 
 
 Sagasta, 5. 
 
 Sargent, Leonard, 158. 
 Schurman, J. G., 87. 
 Schurz, Carl, 101, 120. 
 Self-government, capacity for. 
 
 (See Fils., capacity of, for 
 
 self-government. ) 
 Shafroth, Senator, 99, 229-231. 
 Shuster, W. M., 156, 157. 
 Smith, Edwin B., 90-93, 100. 
 Spooner amendment, 95. 
 Spooner, Senator, 132. 
 Sutherland, Senator, 234. 
 
 Taft, W. H., on establishment 
 of Phil. Assembly, 131-133; 
 views of, on Phil, question, 
 146, 149, 150, 193, 199-201, 
 211, 236, 323-326, 328, 330- 
 335; work of, in the Phils., 
 130, 131, 152. 
 
 Teller, Senator, 8, 44, 
 
 Tolman, A. H., 85, 86. 
 
 Turner, Senator, 52. 
 
 Vanderlip, 23, 24. 
 
 Vest, Senator, resolution of, 
 
 44. 
 Villamor, Ignacio, 194. 
 
 Watson, Congressman, 140. 
 Webster, Daniel, 187. 
 Wellington, Senator, 134. 
 Weyler, General, 4, 5, 6.
 
 360 INDEX 
 
 White, Senator, 48. Wood, General, 11, 15. 
 Wilcox, 158. Wooley, Monroe, 173. 
 Williams, Consul, 66. Worcester, Dean C., 194, 202, 
 Williams, John S., 18, 134, 137. 211 ; Filipino attitude to- 
 Wilson, President, 187, 238, wards, 102-173; protest of 
 242 ; attitude of , towards the Cebu against, 102-167; pub- 
 Phils., 195-197, 242, 340- licity campaign of, 161- 
 347; policy of, contrasted 173. 
 with Taft's, 199-201.
 
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