THE
LIFE
AND
PONTIFICATE
OF
LEO THE TENTH.
BY WILLIAM ROSCOE.
THE THIRD EDITION, CORRECTED.
IN FOUR VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR T. CADELL, STRAND.
1827.
Tueri enim eorum memoriam, quorum mcrita multa
in homines et praeclara extiterunt, aequitatis et justitiae laudem
habet.
Jo. Mich. Brutus, ad Tingium.
J. M'Cnsery, Took* Court,
Chancery Lane, London.
I7N1VF T
i'i'A BAIiUAIJA
f?7
PREFACE.
FOR almost three centuries the curiosity of
mankind has been directed towards the age
of LEO THE TENTH. The history of that pe-
riod has not, however, yet been attempted in
a manner in any degree equal to the grandeur
and variety of the subject. Nor is this diffi-
cult to be accounted for. Attractive as such
an undertaking may at first appear, it will be
found on a nearer inspection to be surround-
ed by many difficulties. The magnitude of
such a task ; the trouble of collecting the ma-
terials necessary to its proper execution ; the
long devotion of time and of labour which it
must unavoidably require, and, above all, the
apprehensions of not fulfilling the high ex-
pectations which have been formed of it, are
some of those circumstances which have per-
haps prevented the accomplishment of a work
which has often been suggested, sometimes
closely contemplated, but hitherto cautiously
declined.
VOL. i. b
VI PREFACE.
The same considerations which have deter-
red others from engaging in so laborious and
hazardous an attempt, would in all probabi-
lity have produced a similar effect on myself,
had 1 not been led by imperceptible degrees
to a situation in which I could scarcely, with
either propriety or credit, have declined the
task. The history of the life of Lorenzo de'
Medici, the father of Leo X. had opened the
way to a variety of researches, not less con-
nected with the events of the ensuing period,
than with those of the times for which they
were immediately intended; and even that
work was considered by many, perhaps not
unjustly, as only the vestibule to a more spa-
cious building, which it would be incumbent
on the author at some future period to com-
plete. Since that publication the friendship
and liberality of several distinguished cha-
racters, both at home and abroad, have sup-
plied me with many valuable communica-
tions and original documents, which without
their countenance and favour, it would not
have been in my power to obtain. To have
withheld these materials from the public,
would have defeated the purpose for which
they were communicated ; and to have shrunk
from the task under such circumstances, would
have given occasion for a construction almost
PREFACE. Vll
as unfavourable to myself as the failure of
success. These reflections have induced me,
amidst the constant engagements of an active
life, to persevere in an undertaking, which
has occasionally called for exertions beyond
what my time, my talents, or my health could
always supply ; and I now submit to the pub-
lic the result of the labour of many years, in
the best form in which, under all circumstan-
ces, it has been in my power to offer it to
their acceptance.
Although I have entitled the following work
THE LIFE AND PONTIFICATE OF LEO X. yet I
have not only thought it excusable, but even
found it necessary to enter into the general
history of the times ; without which it would
have been impossible to give so full an idea
of the character and conduct of this celebrat-
ed pontiff, as it was my wish to communicate.
Nor can I regret the opportunity which has
thus been afforded me, of examining more ful-
ly than has perhaps hitherto been done, a pe-
riod productive of great and important events,
and which exhibits almost every diversity of
human character. Respecting the propriety
of this union of individual biography with
general history, I am well aware, that doubts
have been entertained by persons of consi-
derable eminence in literature. That there
b 2
Vlll PREFACE.
are certain limits between the province of the
historian, and that of the biographer, may
readily be admitted ; yet, as these branches
of study are equally conversant with the indi-
viduals of our own species, it will unavoidably
happen, that each of them will at times en-
croach upon the precincts of the other. In
perusing the pages of Livy or of Tacitus, of
Hume or of Gibbon, we find no parts which
interest us more than the private and personal
memorials of those great and illustrious men
who have acted a conspicuous part in the
public events of the age ; whilst, on the other
hand, it would be impossible to form a correct
idea of the character of an individual, without
considering him in those relations, by which
he stands connected with the general transac-
tions of the times in which he lived, and
which in truth have not only displayed, but
in some measure formed his character. That
these mutual concessions may admit of abuse,
cannot be doubted ; yet, if the great objects of
pleasure and utility be obtained, that criticism
would perhaps be too rigid, which would nar-
rowly restrict so advantageous an interchange.
In tracing the history of a people through any
considerable portion of time, the attention is
weakened, and the feelings are blunted, by
the rapid succession of events and characters,
PREFACE. JX
in which we might have been more deeply in-
terested, if our information respecting them
had been more minute. The history of man-
kind may be compared to the surface of the
earth, which is composed of wild woods and
trackless deserts, interspersed, however, with
cultivated spots, and peculiar appearances of
nature. The traveller passes heedlessly over
the undiversified prospect, and dwells only on
such parts as for their beauty, sublimity, or
singularity, he deems most worthy of his re-
gard.
These observations, it is hoped, may serve
as an apology for my having entered so much
at large into the history of many transactions,
which, although they were not influenced in
any eminent degree by the personal interfe-
rence of Leo X., greatly affected the fortunes
of his early years. Of this nature is the nar-
rative of the irruption of Charles VIII. into
Italy ; an enterprize which, as Mr. Gibbon as-
serts, changed the face of Europe, and of which
he at one time meditated a distinct and sepa-
rate history. The siege of Pisa, as long and as
eventful as the celebrated siege of Troy, is so
closely connected with all the political events
and negotiations of the time, and in particu-
lar with the fate of the three brothers of the
iMedici, as unavoidably to obtrude itself upon
X PREFACE.
our frequent notice. In adverting to the
pontificate of Alexander VI. it is impossible
to avoid being forcibly struck with the en-
ergy, or rather the atrocity of character by
which that pontiff and his son Caesar Borgia
were distinguished ; and the singular trans-
actions recorded of them, must occasionally
give rise to doubts, which the labours of the
most industrious and impartial inquirer will
scarcely be adequate to remove. With the
fortunes of the Medici, the effects of the me-
morable league of Cambray, which alone has
been the subject of several volumes, are still
more closely connected ; whilst the conquest
of Naples, and the expulsion of the royal fa-
mily of Aragon by the united arms of Louis
XII. and of Ferdinand of Spain, and the sub-
sequent disagreement and contests of those
monarchs for the dominion of that kingdom,
claim our attention, no less on account of their
connexion with our principal subject, than by
their intrinsic importance.
An opinion has of late been very generally
advanced both in this country and abroad,
that notwithstanding the improvement which
took place in Italy, in the age of Leo X. a
very moderate portion of it is to be attributed
to the personal exertions, talents, and patron-
age of that pontiff; and that by giving to this
PREFACE. XI
period the ostentatious title of THE AGE OF
LEO X. we deprive the other eminent patrons
of literature who flourished during the same
aera, of that praise to which they are justly
entitled. I ought not very earnestly to op-
pose an opinion, which, if espoused by my
readers, would relieve me from a great part of
my responsibility. Yet, that Leo, during his
short pontificate of less than nine years, ex-
erted himself with considerable effect in the
promotion of literature and the restoration of
the fine arts, cannot be doubted; and as his
services have never yet been sufficiently ap-
preciated, or collected into one point of view,
an attempt to supply what has hitherto been
wanting in this respect, may be entitled at least
to pardon. The effects produced by Leo on
the character of the times, will, however, be
better estimated, when the transactions of his
life shall have been more fully unfolded. I
shall afterwards return to this important and
essential part of my subject, and endeavour
to ascertain the amount of the obligations due
from posterity to Leo the Tenth.
The earliest professed history of Leo X. is
that of Paolo Giovio, better known by his
Latin appellation of Paullus Jovius. This au-
thor, the character of whose various produc-
tions is sufficiently known, had every oppor-
Xll PREFACE.
tunity of obtaining the most exact and authen-
tic information on the subject of his history.
His life of Leo X., written like the rest of his
works, in Latin, is one of the most valuable
of his productions, containing much authentic
information, and being perhaps less tinctured
than the generality of his labours with that
satirical spirit, which its author on many oc-
casions evinced.
With this history of Leo X. by Jovius, and
the Italian translation by Dominichi, printed
at Florence in 1549, the learned world seems
to have remained satisfied for upwards of two
centuries. Many incidental anecdotes and
brief memoirs of this distinguished pontiff
were in the mean time given to the public;
but the first serious intention of connecting
the life of Leo X. with the history of the re-
*/
vival of learning, appears to have arisen in
our own country, where the elegant and pa-
thetic poet William Collins, about the middle
of the last century, is said to have published
proposals for such a history. " I have heard
him speak with great kindness," says Dr.
Johnson, " of Leo X., and with keen resent-
ment of his tasteless successor ; but probably
not a page of the history was ever written."
Much as we may regret the failure of this en-
terprise, those whom nature has endowed with
PREFACE. XI ii
the capacity of feeling the charm of the ten-
der and impassioned productions of this au-
thor, will regret still more those calamities
that prevented him from increasing the num-
ber of his poetical works, which have justly
been characterized, as exhibiting "a luxuri-
ance of imagination, a wild sublimity of fancy,
and a felicity of expression so extraordinary,
that they might be supposed to be suggested
by some superior power, rather than to be the
effect of human judgment or capacity."
Among the friends of Collins, who seem to
have shared his confidence and his studies,
was Mr. Thomas Warton, by whom the de-
sign of giving a history of the restoration of
Letters in Europe was continued, or revived.
In the excellent Essay of his brother, Dr.
Warton, on the life and writings of Pope, is
the following passage: " Concerning the par-
ticular encouragement given by Leo X. to li-
terature and the fine arts, I forbear to en large ;
because a friend of mine is at present engaged
in writing the HISTORY OF THE AGE OF LEO
THE TENTH. It is a noble period, and full of
those most important events, which have had
the greatest influence on human affairs. Such
as the discovery of the West Indies by the
Spaniards, and of a passage to the East by the
Portuguese; the invention of printing; the
XIV PREFACE.
reformation of religion ; with many others ;
all of which will be insisted upon at large,
and their consequences displayed." As the
Essay which contains this passage was first
published in 1756, the same year in which
Collins died, it is possible that this notice was
intended to refer to his undertaking; but it is
also certain, that on his death, the design was
not abandoned by his surviving friends. In a
conversation which I had the pleasure of en-
joying with Dr. Warton, in the year 1797, the
progress made in an undertaking which had
been so long announced to the public, became
an object of my inquiry. By him I was in-
formed that it had been the intention of him-
self, his brother, and several of their literary
friends, to give a history of the revival of let-
ters, not only in Italy, but in all the principal
countries of Europe; and that the history of
English Poetry by Mr. Thomas Warton, was
only a part of this great design. When we
advert to the various and excellent critical
productions of these liberal and learned bro-
thers, and consider that among the names of
their coadjutors, would probably have been
found those of West, of Walpole, of Mason,
and of Gray, we cannot sufficiently lament
the wanjt of public encouragement, which was,
in all probability, the chief cause that prevent-
PREFACE. XV
ed this noble and extensive undertaking from
being carried into complete execution.
In Italy the life and transactions of Leo X.
have within these few years been the subject
of a work of no inconsiderable merit. To the
writings of the late much lamented and learn-
ed Monsignore Angelo Fabroni, Proweditore,
or Principal, of the university of Pisa, I have
before been indebted for many important facts
in the Life of Lorenzo de' Medici ; some of
which I have examined with that freedom,
which, to some authors, would have been a
cause of offence, but which a liberal mind will
always prefer to the vain homage of indiscri-
minate applause. The attempt which I then
made to illustrate a period of history, which
had been the peculiar object of his inquiry,
had the good fortune to obtain his approba-
tion. Under his auspices, the English Life of
Lorenzo de' Medici was elegantly translated
into Italian by the Cavaliero Mecherini, and
published at Pisa in the year 1799. I was
afterwards honoured by the correspondence
of Monsignore Fabroni, which was continued
until the time of his death, in the latter part of
the year 1803 ; and in the course of which he
transmitted to me his " Life of Leo X.," writ-
ten in Latin, and published at Pisa in the year
1797. In this work the learned author has
not confined himself to the account given of
Xvi PREFACE.
Leo X. by Jovius, but has collected much
original information respecting this pontiff,
and the age in which he lived. By the aid of
these resources he was enabled to throw ad-
ditional light on his subject; whilst the valu-
able collection of documents published by him
at the close of his work, not only confirms his
narrative, but supplies important materials for
future historians. As the work was not, how-
ever, intended by the author, so it must not
be expected by the public, to contain a very
full and extensive account of the progress
made during the pontificate of Leo X. in the
departments of science, of literature, or of art;
or of those very numerous and distinguished
men, to whose writings and labours the reign
of that pontiff is indebted for its principal lus-
tre.
But besides these professed histories of Leo
X., several works have appeared which are
chiefly confined to the elucidation of some
particular parts of his life, or of those of the
times in which he lived. Among these are
the history of the League of Cam bray f by
some attributed to the pen of Cardinal Polig-
nac, but more generally thought to be the
work of the Abbe Du Bos; the narrative
of the battle of the Taro, between Charles
VIII. and the allied army of Italy, by Be-
nedetti ; the lives of Alexander VI. and his
PREFACE. XVII
son Caesar Borgia, by Gordon ; the dialogue
of Raffaello Brandolini, entitled LEO; and
the commentary of Galeazzo Capella, on
the efforts made for the restoration of Fran-
cesco Sforza to the duchy of Milan : with
many other publications of a similar nature,
of which it will appear that I have frequent-
ly availed myself in the course of the fol-
lowing work.
The detached and particular histories to
which I have before adverted, contain, how-
ever, but a small portion of that immense
mass of information which remains to the
present times, respecting the public and pri-
vate character and conduct of Leo X. From
the high dignity which he enjoyed, both as a
secular and an ecclesiastical potentate, and
from the active part which he took in all
the transactions which affected the state of
Europe, his life is intimately connected with
the general history of the age; insomuch,
that there is not an author who has had occa-
sion to treat on the events of this period, in
whose work he does not occupy a conspicu-
ous station.
To these, the recorders of the political,
civil, and military events of the times, I might
add a long train of literary historians, to
whom I have been greatly indebted for that
XV111 PREFACE.
department of the following work, which is
intended to illustrate the state of letters and
of science ; among these must be distinguish-
ed the immortal work of Tiraboschi ; the no-
blest specimen of that species of composition
which any age or country has produced ; and
the accurate and comprehensive account of
the writers of Italy, by Mazzuchelli, who, in
grasping at an object too extended for human
talents, or human life, has executed in six vo-
lumes in folio a comparatively small portion
of his colossal attempt.
I shall not, on this occasion, wearv the
V
reader by enumerating the many other vari-
ous and excellent authors, either in this de-
partment, or in that of the fine arts, in which
the Italians abound beyond any other coun-
try, who have afforded their assistance in the
following pages ; but I must avail myself of
this opportunity finally to observe, that I
have made it an invariable rule, in the ac-
counts which I have found it necessary to
give of the writings and characters of men of
literary eminence, to resort for information to
their own works, as far as my opportunities
would permit, and to found my opinions, and
draw my deductions from them, rather than
from those of any subsequent writer. How
far I have been enabled thus to derive my in-
PREFACE. XIX
telligence from its primitive channels, will
sufficiently appear in the course of my work ;
in which it has been my practice to refer to
the author from whom I have actually quoted;
and who must be considered as answerable
for the accuracy of the citation when the ori-
ginal has not fallen in my way.
Such are the works relating to the life of
Leo X., and the times in which he lived,
which have already been published, and of
which I have availed myself in the course
of the ensuing narrative ; but, besides these
more ostensible sources of information, I
have, during a series of years, been enabled
to collect many original documents, which
have served to throw considerable light on
the times to which the following pages relate.
Of these, one of the most important acquisi-
tions consists of a series of letters and papers,
copied from the originals in the archives of
the Palazzo Vecchio, at Florence, and forming
two volumes in folio, of about three hundred
pages each. For this valuable collection I am
indebted to the obliging and disinterested in-
terference of a nobleman, who adds dignity
to his station, not only by the firm and con-
sistent tenor of his public conduct, but by his
encouragement of those literary studies, in
which he has himself made so distinguished
XX PREFACE.
a proficiency. The liberal views of Lord Hol-
land were seconded by the kind assistance of
Mr. Penrose, late chaplain to the British em-
bassy at Florence, and were carried into com-
plete effect by the generosity of the Grand
Duke; who directed that access should be had
at all times to the original state papers, and
every possible facility given to these researches.
The first part of this collection consists chiefly
of letters written by the great Lorenzo de'
Medici, father of the pontiff, relating princi-
pally to the promotion of his son to the rank
of cardinal. From these letters, which have
enabled me to place this event in its fullest
light, I might have given much larger ex-
tracts, but as they elucidate only this single
circumstance, it will perhaps be thought that
I have been sufficiently copious in my autho-
rities on this head. This collection also com-
prises a series of letters written by Balthazar
Turini, commonly called Balthazar, or Bal-
dassare da Pescia, then at Rome, to Lorenzo
de' Medici, the nephew of the pontiff, who
resided at Florence during the early part of
the pontificate of Leo X. From these, none
of which have heretofore been printed, it ap-
pears that the writer was appointed assistant
Datary, or Secretary, to transmit to Florence
the fullest information on every event that
PREFACE. XXI
took place at Rome, not only with respect to
public transactions, but to the private con-
cerns of every branch of the family of the
Medici. In the execution of this office he
seems to have acted under the immediate di-
rections of the cardinal Giulio de' Medici,
afterward Clement VII., who was intrusted
by Leo X. with the superintendence of the
government of the Florentine state, and to
whose suggestions Lorenzo was expected im-
plicitly to conform. These letters, although
they extend only from the month of March
to the month of September, in the second
year of the pontificate of Leo X. (1514), throw
considerable light on the characters of the
persons there mentioned, and suggest or illus-
trate many curious and important circum-
stances; but, besides these, the most material
subjects, this collection of papers is inter-
spersed with other documents of considerable
interest, not heretofore published, and which
will be more particularly noticed in the course
of the following work.
In adverting to the assistance which I have
derived from the city of Florence, that cradle
of the arts in modern times, I must not omit
to notice the favours conferred on me bv
j
the late venerable and learned Canonico An-
gelo Maria Bandini, principal librarian of the
VOL. I. c
XX11 PREFACE.
Laurentian library there. Of a character so
well known in the literary world, any com-
mendation of mine would be superfluous;
yet I cannot avoid remarking it as an extra-
ordinary circumstance, that he maintained a
high rank among the scholars of Italy dur-
ing the long space of sixty years, and that
some account of him and his early produc-
tions was given in the great work of Maz-
zuchelli, the publication of which he sur-
vived nearly half a century. During this pe-
riod he continued to enrich the republic of
letters by many other works ; some of which,
as they bear a particular reference to the his-
tory of the Medici, will be referred to in the
following pages. To this eminent man, who
retained his early and ardent love of litera-
ture to the close of his days, I am also in-
debted for the communication of several
scarce and valuable documents, both printed
and manuscript, as well as for various letters,
indicating to me, with the utmost attention
and minuteness, those sources of information
which his long and intimate acquaintance
with the subjects of the following volumes
had enabled him to point out.
In the prosecution of this work, I was,
however, well aware that the most important
information for my purpose might be derived
PREFACE. XX11I
from the immense collections of the Vatican,
and could not but regret, that from the cala-
mitous state of public affairs, the distance of
my own situation from these records, and
other circumstances, there was little probabi-
lity that I should be able to surmount the
formidable obstacles that presented themselves
to its attainment. From this state of despon-
dency I was however fortunately relieved, by
the unsolicited kindness of John Johnson,
Esquire, then on his travels through Italy,
who, with a liberality which demands my
warmest acknowledgments, obtained for me,
by means of his acquaintance with the Abate
Gaetano Marini, the learned Prefect of the
Archives of the Vatican, a considerable num-
ber of important documents, copied as well
from the manuscripts in that collection, as
from printed works of extreme rarity, which
relate to the affairs of the Roman court in the
time of Leo X. and which are, for the most
part, to be found only in that collection.
Among the former is the fragment of an un-
published life of Leo X. written in Latin, with
considerable elegance, and brought down to
the year 1516. The printed works consist
principally of letters and orations of the am-
bassadors of foreign states to Leo X., and
were probably only printed for the exclusive
XXIV PREFACE.
use of the Roman court. Besides these, I had
also the pleasure of receiving an entire copy
of the very scarce and curious tract of Jacopo
Penni, containing the most particular ac-
count which now remains of the ceremonies
and splendid exhibitions that took place in
Rome on the elevation of Leo X., which, with
many other pieces from the same authentic
quarter, the reader will find in the Appendix
to the ensuing volumes.
To the continued favour and friendly re-
commendations of the same gentleman during
his progress through Italy, I am also indebted
for my literary intercourse with the celebrated
Abate Jacopo Morelli, librarian of S. Marco
at Venice, well known to the learned world
as the author of many estimable works. From
him I have received much useful information
respecting the publications necessary for my
purpose, accompanied by some scarce tracts,
and by his own judicious and interesting re-
marks. I am sensible that in thus paying the
tribute of gratitude to the most illustrious
scholars of Italy, I may be suspected of at-
tempting to support my own weak endea-
vours upon the established reputation of their
names ; but I have not been deterred by this
consideration from discharging what I esteem
to be an indispensable obligation to the living,
PREFACE. XXV
and a sacred duty to the dead; being well
convinced that the favours conferred upon
me, can no more excuse the imperfections of
my work, than those imperfections can de-
tract from the high character, which the per-
sons to whom I have referred have so justly
and so universally obtained.
Respecting the private lives of Leo X. and
his predecessors Alexander VI. and Julius II.
considerable information is derived from the
diaries of the successive officers of the Roman
court, who were styled Masters of the Cere-
monies of the pope's chapel, and who seem to
have considered it as part of their duty to
keep a register of such transactions as oc-
curred under their own eye, or came to their
knowledge. The first of these officers whose
labours appear to have been preserved, is
Giovanni Burcardo, Broccardo, or as he is
more usually called, Burchard, a native of
Strasbourg, and dean of the church of St.
Thomas in that city. He afterwards trans-
ferred his residence to Rome, where he ob-
tained several ecclesiastical preferments, and
was appointed master of the ceremonies on
the twenty -first day of December, 1483, under
the pontificate of Sixtus IV. A few months
afterwards he commenced his journal, which
during the life of Sixtus IV. was confined to a
XXVI PREFACE.
few slight and unimportant minutes. On the
death of that pontiff he extended his plan,
and has occasionally enriched it with anec-
dotes, and adverted to circumstances not
strictly confined to the limits of his office.
His diary is written in Latin, in a pedestrian
and semi-barbarian style, but with an appa-
rent accuracy and minuteness as to facts,
which, notwithstanding the singular circum-
stances related by him, give it an air of vera-
city. Such part as adverts to the life of Alex-
ander VI. has been published almost entire.
Large extracts from it have also been given
by several authors who have been inclined to
expatiate on the enormities of this pontiff,
and particularly by Gordon, in his life of
Alexander VI. and his son Caesar Borgia,
printed at London in 1729. After the death
of Alexander, Burchard was appointed by
Julius II. bishop of Horta, in the possession
of which dignity he died on the sixteenth day
of May, 1506.
About two years before the death of Bur-
chard, he had a colleague or assistant in
Paris de Grassis, who also succeeded him as
master of the ceremonies. This officer has
also kept a diary, which commences on the
twelfth day of May, 1504, and is continued
throughout the rest of the pontificate of Ju-
PREFACE. XXVli
lius II. and the whole of that of Leo X. It
has never been printed entire, but some de-
tached parts have been published ; and it has
also been consulted by several writers who
have given extracts from it in their works.
From the narrative of Paris de Grassis, it
appears that he was a native of Bologna, of a
respectable family. His brother Achilles was,
in the year 1511, raised by Julius II. to the
dignity of the purple, and was one of the
most learned and respectable members of the
college. Another brother, Agamemnon, (for
the family names seem to have been sought
for in Homer, rather than in the books of the
Old and New Testament) was, in the year
1510, ambassador from the city of Bologna to
the Pope. The assiduities of Paris, as master
of the ceremonies, could not conciliate the
favour of that austere pontiff Julius II., but
in the vacancy of the holy see, which occurred
on the death of that pope, he obtained from
the sacred college, as a reward for his ser-
vices, the promise of the bishopric of Pesaro,
united with the abbey of Santa Croce. These
dignities were afterwards confirmed to him
by Leo X., who also nominated him a prelate
of the palace, and appointed his nephew to be
his coadjutor in the office of master of the
XXVU1 PREFACE.
ceremonies. He survived that pontiff, and
died at Rome on the tenth day of June, 1528.
The style of Paris de Grassis, like that of
his predecessor, has little pretensions to ele-
gance. It is, however, rendered interesting
by its simplicity, which gives to his narration
a character of fidelity. In the exercise of his
functions he seems to have been a more rigid
disciplinarian than even Burchard himself,
and it is somewhat amusing to observe the
importance which he frequently attaches to
his office, and the severity with which he re-
proves those relaxations from the dignity of
his high rank, in which Leo, on some occa-
sions, indulged himself.
Among the objects of my earnest inquiry,
was the unpublished part of the diary of Paris
de Grassis, which yet exists in the library of
the Vatican, and of which copies are also
found in the National Library at Paris. Of
this diary, as well as of that of Burchard, some
of the most interesting particulars have al-
ready been given to the public, in the work
entitled, Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de
la Bibliothcque du Roi, which has been conti-
nued under the title of Notices et Extraits des
Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale ; but,
as the extracts thus made are not in general
PREFACE. XXIX
given in the original Latin, but are for the
most part abridged, and translated into French,
1 have not derived from this work the ad-
vantages which I might otherwise have ob-
tained. It happened, however, fortunately
for my purpose, that in the summer of the
year 1802, my particular friend and neigh-
bour, the Reverend W. Shepherd, well known
as the author of The Life of Poggio Braccio-
lini, paid a visit to Paris. On this occasion
I scrupled not to request his assistance in ex-
amining for me the different manuscripts of
the diary of Paris de Grassis, and making
such extracts from them, in the original, as
he conceived would be most interesting. As
no one can be better qualified for such a task,
so no one could have entered upon it with
greater alacrity. During his stay at Paris, a
considerable portion of his time was passed in
these researches, in which he met with every
possible facility from the librarians; and on
his return, he brought with him several curi-
ous extracts, which have enabled me to throw
additional light on the history of Leo X., and
particularly on the singular circumstances at-
tending his death.
Nor have I, in the course of my inquiries,
wholly omitted the opportunities which even
this country affords, of collecting information
XXX PREFACE.
from unpublished documents respecting the
times in question. Among the Cottonian
Manuscripts in the British Museum, are con-
tained many original letters from the Roman
court, and the English ambassadors resident
there, to Henry VIII. and his ministers, ex-
planatory of the political transactions of the
age. I had not an opportunity of examining
these papers until my work was considerably
advanced; but by the kind assistance of my
highly respected friend, John Walker, Esq. of
Bedford-square, and by the obliging attention
of Mr. Planta, principal librarian of the Bri-
tish Museum, I have been enabled to inform
myself of such documents as were more par-
ticularly applicable to my purpose, some of
which the reader will find, either given entire
in the appendix, or referred to in the course
of the work.
Although I have for several years endea-
voured, at great expense, and with consider-
able success, to collect such printed works as
appeared to be necessary for the present under-
taking, yet I have not neglected to solicit the
assistance, or to avail myself of the offers of
several persons, on whose friendship and li-
berality I could rely, to furnish me with such
publications as I had not had the good fortune
elsewhere to obtain. To the very obliging li-
PREFACE. XXXI
berality of Richard Heber, Esq. of Hodnet,
whose library is particularly enriched by the
early editions of the works of the modern
writers of Latin poetry, I am indebted for the
use of many of the scarce publications in that
department, referred to in the following vo-
lumes, which have enabled me to discuss the
subjects to which they relate, with greater
confidence than I could possibly have done
through the secondary medium of other wri-
ters. The very select library of my early
literary associate, and long valued friend,
William Clarke, Esq. of Everton, has also
been of frequent use to me in the course of
my researches, during which I have derived
additional assistance from his extensive learn-
ing and very particular acquaintance with
the literary history of Italy. My acknow-
ledgments are also due for the use of scarce
books and manuscripts, or for other favours
in the course of my work, to Dr. James Cur-
rie, late of Liverpool, but now of Bath, well
known by his many valuable publications,
both on scientific and literary subjects, and
whom I am proud to record on this occasion,
as my long esteemed and excellent friend ;
the Rev. Wm. Parr G res well, author of Me-
moirs of Italian Scholars who have written Latin
poetry ; Sir Isaac Heard, Knight, Garter prin-
XXX11 PREFACE.
cipal King of Arms ; Mr. Wm. Srnyth, Fellow
of Peter House, Cambridge ; Henry Brown,
Esq. of Liverpool ; the Rev. Mr. Hincks, of
Cork ; the Rev. Mr. Crane, Vicar of Over, in
Cheshire ; the Rev. John Greswell, of the
college, Manchester; and to several other per-
sons, who will, I hope, excuse a more particu-
lar acknowledgment, in the confidence that I
am not insensible of their favours.
With respect to the execution of the follow-
ing work, I cannot but be well aware, that
many circumstances and characters will be
found represented in a light somewhat diffe-
rent from that in which they have generally
been viewed, and that 1 may probably be ac-
cused of having suffered myself to be induced
by the force of prejudice, or the affectation of
novelty, to remove what have hitherto been
considered as the land-marks of history. To
imputations of this kind I feel the most per-
fect indifference. Truth alone has been my
guide, and whenever she has steadily diffused
her light, I have endeavoured to delineate the
objects in their real form and colour. His-
tory is the record of the experience of man-
kind, in their most important concerns. If it
be impossible for human sagacity to estimate
the consequences of a falsehood in private life,
it is equally impossible to estimate the conse-
PREFACE. XXxiii
quences of a false or partial representation of
the events of former times. The conduct of
the present is regulated by the experience of
the past. The circumstances which have led
the way to the prosperity or destruction of
states, will lead the way to the prosperity or
destruction of states in all future ages. If
those in high authority be better informed
than others, it is from this source that their in-
formation must be drawn ; and to pollute it,
is therefore to poison the only channel through
which we can derive that knowledge, which,
if it can be obtained pure and unadulterated,
cannot fail in time to purify the intellect, ex-
pand the powers, and improve the condition
of the human race.
As in speaking of the natural world, there
are some persons who are disposed to attri-
bute its creation to chance, so in speaking of
the moral world, there are some who are in-
clined to refer the events and fluctuations in
human affairs to accident, and are satisfied
with accounting for them from the common
course of things, or the spirit of the times. But
as chance and accident, if they have any mean-
ing whatever, can only mean the operation of
causes not hitherto fully investigated, or dis-
tinctly understood, so the spirit of the times is
only another phrase for causes and circum-
XXX IV PREFACE.
stances which have not hitherto been suffi-
ciently explained. It is the province of the
historian to trace and to discover these causes,
and it is only in proportion as he accomplishes
this object, that his labours are of any utility.
An assent to the former opinion may indeed
gratify our indolence, but it is only from the
latter method that we can expect to acquire
true knowledge, or to be able to apply to fu-
ture conduct the information derived from
past events.
There is one peculiarity in the following
work, which it is probable may be considered
as a radical defect. I allude to the frequent
introduction of quotations and passages from
the poets of the times, occasionally interspers-
ed through the narrative, or inserted in the
notes. To some it may appear that the se-
riousness of history is thus impertinently bro-
ken in upon, whilst others may suppose, that
not only its gravity, but its authenticity is im-
peached by these citations, and may be in-
clined to consider this work as one of those
productions, in which truth and fiction are
blended together, for the purpose of amusing
and misleading the reader. To such impu-
tations I plead not guilty. That I have at times
introduced quotations from the works of the
poets, tor the elucidation of historical facts, I
PREFACE. XXXV
confess ; nor, when they proceed from con-
temporary authority, do I perceive that their
being in verse invalidates their credit. In this
light I have frequently cited the Decennale of
Machiavelli, and the Vergier d' honneur of An-
dre de la Vigne, which are in fact little more
than versified annals of the events of the times ;
but, in general, I have not adduced such ex-
tracts as evidences of facts, but for a purpose
wholly different. To those who are pleased
in tracing the emotions and passions of the
human mind in all ages, nothing can be more
gratifying than to be informed of the mode of
thinking of the public at large, at interesting
periods, and in important situations. Whilst
war and desolation stalk over a country, or
whilst a nation is struggling for its liberties or
its existence, the opinions of men of genius,
ability, and learning, who have been agitated
with all the hopes and fears to which such
events have given rise, and have frequently
acted a personal and important part in them,
are the best and most instructive comment.
By such means, we seem to become contem-
poraries with those whose history we peruse,
and to acquire an intimate knowledge, not
only of the facts themselves, but of the judg-
ment formed upon such facts by those who
were most deeply interested in them. Nor is
XXXV 1 PREFACE.
it a slight advantage in a work which pro-
fesses to treat on the literature of the times,
that the public events, and the works of the
eminent scholars and writers of that period,
thus become a mutual comment, and serve on
many occasions to explain and to illustrate
each other.
The practice which I have heretofore
adopted of designating the scholars of Italy
by their national appellations, has given rise
to some animadversions. In answer to which
I beg to remark, that whoever is conversant
with history, must frequently have observed
the difficulties which arise from the wanton
alterations, in the names of both persons and
places, by authors of different countries, and
particularly by the French, who, without he-
sitation, accommodate every thing to the ge-
nius of their own language. Hence, the names
of all the eminent men of Greece, of Rome,
or of Italy, are melted down, and appear again
in such a form as would not in all probability
have been recognised by their proper owners ;
Dionysius is Denys, Titus Livius Tite Live,
Horatius Horace, Petrarca Petrarque, and
Pico of Mirandola Pie de Mirandole. As the
literature which this country derived from
Italy was first obtained through the medium
of the French, our earlv authors followed
PREFACE. XXXV11
them in this respect, and thereby sanctioned
those innovations which the nature of our
own language did not require. It is still more
to be regretted that we are not even uniform
in our abuse. In the instance of such names
as are familiar to our early literature, we
adopt with the French the abbreviated ap-
pellation ; but in latter times we usually em-
ploy proper national distinctions, and instead
of Arioste, or Mttastase, we write, without he-
sitation, Ariosto, or Metastasio. This incon-
sistency is more sensibly felt when the abbre-
viated appellation of one scholar is contrasted
with the national distinction of another, as
when a letter is addressed by Petrarch to Co-
J
luccio Salutati, or by Politian to Ermolao Bar-
bara, or Baccio Ugolini. For the sake of uni-
formity, it is surely desirable that every
writer should conform as much as possible
to some general rule, which can only be found
by a reference of every proper name to the
standard of its proper country. This me-
thod would not only avoid the incongruities
before mentioned, but would be productive
of positive advantages, as it would in gene-
ral point out the nation of the person spoken
of, without the necessity of further indica-
tion. Thus, in mentioning one of the mo-
narchs of France, who makes a conspicuous
VOL. I. d
XXXV111 PREFACE.
figure in the ensuing pages, 1 have not deno-
minated him Lodovico XII. with the Italians,
nor Lewis XII. with the English, but Louis
XII. the name which he himself recognised.
And thus I have also restored to a celebrated
Scottish general, in the service of the same
monarch, his proper title of d'Aubigny, instead
of that of Obigni, usually given him by the
historians of Italv.
*/
I cannot deliver this work to the public
without a most painful conviction, that not-
withstanding my utmost endeavours, and the
most sedulous attention which it has been in
my power to bestow upon it, many defects
will still be discoverable, not only from the
omission of much important information,
which may not have occurred to my in-
quiries, but from an erroneous or imperfect
use of such as I may have had the good
fortune to obtain. Yet 1 trust, that when the
extent of the work, and the great variety of
subjects which it comprehends are considered,
the candid and judicious will make due al-
lowance for those inaccuracies against which
no vigilance can at all times effectually guard.
With this publication, I finally relinquish all
intention of prosecuting, with a view to the
public, my researches into the history and li-
terature of Italy. That I have devoted to
PREFACE. XXXIX
its completion a considerable portion of time
and of labour will sufficiently appear from
the perusal of the following pages, and it may
therefore be presumed that I cannot be indif-
ferent to its success. But, whatever induce-
ments I may have found in the hope of con-
ciliating the indulgence, or the favour of the
public, 1 must finally be permitted to avow,
that motives of a different, and perhaps of a
more laudable nature, have occasionally con-
curred to induce me to persevere in the pre-
sent undertaking. Among these, is an earnest
desire to exhibit to the present times an illus-
trious period of society ; to recal the public
attention to those standards of excellence to
which Europe has been indebted for no incon-
siderable portion of her subsequent improve-
ment ; to unfold the ever active effect of
moral causes on the acquirements and the
happiness of a people ; and thereby to raise a
barrier, as far as such efforts can avail, against
that torrent of a corrupt and vitiated taste,
which, if not continually opposed, may once
more overwhelm the cultivated nations of
Europe in barbarism and degradation. To
these great and desirable aims 1 could wish
to add others, yet more exalted and com-
mendable ; to demonstrate the fatal conse-
quences of an ill directed ambition, and to
Xl PREFACE.
deduce, from the unperverted pages of his-
tory, those maxims of true humanity, sound
wisdom, and political fidelity, which have
been too much neglected in all ages, but
which are the only solid foundations of the
repose, the dignity, and the happiness of
mankind.
ALLERTON,
8th March, 1805.
PREFACE
TO
THE THIRD EDITION.
AFTER the lapse of several years another edition of THE
LIFE AND PONTIFICATE OF LEO THE TENTH is now offered
to the Public. In the mean time the work has been fre-
quently reprinted in other countries, and translated into
the principal languages of Europe. In Germany, where
the taste for Italian literature has been cultivated to a
greater extent than in any other of the northern states, it
was translated by PROFESSOR GLASER, accompanied by va-
luable notes and dissertations by M. PHILIP HENRY CON-
RAD HENKE, and published at Leipzig in the years 1806,
1807, and 1808, in three volumes, 8vo. A translation by
M. P. F. HENRY appeared at Paris in the year 1808, in
four volumes, 8vo. of which, another and more correct edi-
tion was published in 1813. A few additional notes by the
French translator accompanied these last mentioned publi-
cations.
In Italy, a translation of the work was undertaken by
the CONTE CAVALIERO LUIGI Bossi, of Milan, a person in
every respect qualified for the purpose, which made its ap-
pearance at various intervals, in the years 1816 and 1817,
in twelve volumes, 8vo. ornamented with numerous plates
of portraits, medals, &c. Earnestly devoted to the subject,
and thoroughly acquainted with the history of his coun-
try, (which he has illustrated by a work of his own in
nineteen volumes, 8vo.) he has given additional interest to
xlil PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION.
his translation of LEO X. by numerous notes and additions,
and by various dissertations on subjects connected with the
work. The situation of Count Bossi at Milan, his ac-
quaintance with books and manuscripts relating to the
times in question, and his connexions with persons of high
literary eminence in Italy, have also enabled him to make
considerable additions to the proofs and documents which
I had before adduced in confirmation of 'my narrative.
The dispersion of an edition of 2,800 copies of this trans-
lation in Italy, may be considered as a sufficient indication
of the public opinion ; but, if any thing further were want-
ed, it might here be added, that his Holiness, Leo XII., has
thought proper to prohibit the further circulation of this
history of the most illustrious of his predecessors, and has
consigned the LIFE AND PONTIFICATE OF LEO X. to the
INDEX EXPURGATORIUS.
The notes and observations by which the before-men-
tioned translations, and particularly the German and Italian,
are accompanied, are the production of persons who have
thought for themselves on the various subjects there dis-
cussed, and have examined as well the general spirit and
tendency of the work, as the particular facts and circum-
stances which are there related. On this account the pre-
sent history has undergone an ordeal to which few works of
a similar nature have ever been subjected : and as the dif-
ferent annotators have not scrupled to bring forwards their
objections on some occasions, with the same freedom as
they have stated the reasons for their assent on others, the
author has found it incumbent on him, in giving the present
edition, (the last he will probably ever revise) to examine
their remarks with diligence and impartiality, and either to
admit their validity, or to shew the grounds of his adhe-
rence to his former opinions. The task he has thus under-
taken is not only due to the labours of those who have de-
voted to the examination of his work so great a portion of
their time and attention, but is indeed such as he could not
PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. xliii
in justice to himself avoid. Some of the subjects to which
the before-mentioned criticisms relate, are, in his estimation,
of the first importance to the character and credit of his
work, and to have passed over such objections without a
reply, would have amounted to no less than a confession of
his inability to maintain his statements, or to defend his opi-
nions. He hopes he shall therefore stand excused in refer-
ring so frequently to the remarks of the different translators
of the present work, which he is happy to do with those
feelings which ought always to accompany a debate on lite-
rary subjects, and with that satisfaction which must natu-
rally arise, from finding that very few instances have occur-
red in which he has thought it incumbent on him to make
any alteration in his narrative.
In finally submitting the present work to the indulgence
of the public, in the form in which it is intended it should
remain, it has not been thought necessary to re-publish the
preface to the second edition, the only object of which was,
to vindicate the statements in the first edition respecting the
date of a letter from Luther to Leo X. against the unfound-
ed objections of the Edinburgh Review. As that vindica-
tion has not been controverted, and as the evidence, as well
external as internal, for the date assigned to the letter will
be found condensed in that part of the present work where
the contents of it are noticed, it is presumed that the pre-
face to the second edition may now be dispensed with.
January 1, 1827.
CHAP. I.
14751493.
BIRTH of Giovanni de Medici, afterwards Leo X.
Sovereigns of Christendom Political state of Europe
Peculiarities of the Papal Government Temporal
power of lite popes Union of the spiritual and tem-
poral authority Advantages of the papal Government
Destination of Giovanni de 1 Medici to the Church
His early preferments His father endeavours to raise
him to the rank of a Cardinal Marriage of Francesco
Cibd and Maddalena de' Medici Giovanni raised to
the dignity of the purple Education of Giovanni de'
Medici Bernardo Dovizio da Bibbiena Defects in
the character of Giovanni accounted for Studies in
the Academy at Pisa His father endeavours to shorten
the term of his probation Giulio de Medici, afterwards
Clement VII. Giovanni invested with tlte insignia of
his rank Quits Florence to reside at Rome Eminent
Cardinals then in the college Zizim, brother of the Sul-
tan Bajazety delivered into the custody of the pope
Rumours of approaching calamities.
VOL. I. B
THE LIFE
OF
LEO THE TENTH
CHAPTER 1.
GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI, afterwards supreme pontiff CHAP.
by the name of LEO THE TENTH, was the second
son of Lorenzo de' Medici, called the Magnificent, A. D. 1475.
by his wife Clarice, the daughter of Giacopo Or- B i nh of .
A Giovanni
sino. He was born at Florence, on the eleventh de' Medici.
day of December, 1475; and most probably re-
ceived his baptismal name after his paternal great
uncle, Giovanni, the second son of Cosmo de'
Medici, who died in the year 14-61 ; or from
Giovanni Tornabuoni, the brother of Lucretia,
mother of Lorenzo de' Medici, who was then
living.
At the time of the birth of Giovanni, the age
of portents was not yet past ; and it has been re-
corded with all the gravity of history, that prior
to that event, his mother dreamt that she was
delivered of an enormous, but docile lion ; which
was supposed to be a certain prognostic, not only
of the future eminence of her son, but also of the
name which he was to assume on arriving at the
B2
4 THE LIFE OF
CHAT, papal dignity.(a) Whether the dream gave rise to
' the appellation, or the appellation to the dream,
A.D.1475. may admit of doubt; but although nothing ap-
pears in his infancy to justify his being compared
to a lion, in his early docility he seems at least
to have realized the supposed prognostics of his
mother.
The year in which Giovanni was born is distin-
guished in the annals of Italy as a year of peace
and tranquillity, whilst almost all the rest of Eu-
rope was involved in the calamities of internal
commotions, or of foreign war. It was also so-
lemnized as the year of Jubilee, which was thence-
forwards celebrated once in twenty-five years.
At this period the pontifical chair was filled by
sovereigns Sixtus IV. who had not yet evinced that turbulent
that time, disposition which was afterwards so troublesome
not only to the family of the Medici and the city
of Florence, but to all the states of Italy. The
kingdom of Naples was governed by Ferdinand,
the illegitimate son of Alphonso king of Naples,
Aragon, and Sicily ; who had bequeathed the first
of these kingdoms to his son, but was succeeded
in the two latter by his brother John II. the father
of another Ferdinand, who now enjoyed them,
and by his marriage with Isabella, the sister of
Henry IV. of Castile, united the kingdoms of
Aragon and Castile under one dominion. The
states of Milan were yet held by Galeazzo Maria,
the son of the great Francesco Sforza. Frederick
(a) Jovii, vita Leonis X. lib. i. Ammirato, Rilratto di Leone X.
in Opvsc. iii. 62. The same story is related by Plutarch, of
Agaristis, the mother of Pericles: Avn *MT* rat vwtat iitt
TfKim Xiorr*, xai /xiO' qptgof oAiya; ITIXS
LEO THE TENTH.
III. had long worn the imperial crown. Louis CHAP.
XI. was king of France ; Edward IV. of England; '
and the celebrated Mattia Corvino had lately been A. n. 1475.
elected by the free voice of his countrymen, to the
supreme dominion of Hungary.
The political system of Europe was as yet un-
formed. The despotic sovereign, governing a half-
civilized people, had in general only two principal
ends in view ; the supporting of his authority at
home by the depression of his powerful nobles,
and the extending of his dominion abroad by the
subjugation of his weaker neighbours. Devoted
to these objects, which frequently required all
their talents and all their resources, the potentates
of Europe had beheld with the utmost indifference
the destruction of the eastern empire, and the
abridgment of the Christian territory, by a race of
barbarians, who were most probably prevented
only by their own dissensions, from establishing
themselves in Italy, and desolating the kingdoms
of the west. It was in vain that Pius II. had
called upon the European sovereigns to unite in
the common cause. The ardour of the crusades
was past. A jealousy of each other, or of their
own subjects, was an insuperable obstacle to his
entreaties ; and the good pontiff was at length con-
vinced, that his eloquence would be better employ-
ed in prevailing on the Turkish Emperor to relin-
quish his creed and embrace Christianity, than in sti-
mulating the princes of Europe to resist his arms.(a)
(a) Pii II. Mnei Syirii Epist. ad lllustriuimum Muhumctum
Turcorum principem, inter ejus Ep. imp. per Antonium Zarothum.
Mcdiolan. 1487. From its internal evidence this letter is supposed
to have been written in 1460, or 1461.
ment.
THE LIFE OF
The establishment and long uninterrupted con-
tinuance of the papal government, may justly be
A. u. 1475. considered as amongst the most extraordinary
circumstances in the history of mankind. To the
Nature of sincere catholic this indeed is the great evidence
the papal
govern- of the truth of the religion which he professes,
the perpetual miracle which proves a constant ex-
tension of the divine favour to that church, against
which the gates of hell shall not prevail; but they
who conceive that this phenomenon, like other
events of the moral world, is to be accounted for
from secondary causes, and from the usual course
of nature, will perhaps be inclined to attribute it
to the ductility and habitual subservience of the
human mind, which, when awed by superstition,
and subdued by hereditary prejudices, can not
only assent to the most incredible propositions,
but act in consequence of these convictions with
as much energy and perseverance, as if they were
the clearest deductions of reason, or the most evi-
dent dictates of truth. Whilst the other sovereigns
of Europe held their dominions by lineal succes-
sion, by choice of election, or by what politicians
have denominated the right of conquest, the Ro-
man pontiff claimed his power as the immediate
vicegerent of God ; and experience has shewn,
that for a long course of ages, his title was consi-
dered as the most secure of any in Europe. Nor
has the papal government, in later times, received
any great trouble from the turbulence of its sub-
jects, who instead of feeling themselves degraded,
were perhaps gratified in considering themselves
as the peculiar people of a sovereign, whose
power was not bounded by the limits of his own
LEO THE TENTH. 7
dominions, but was as extensive as Christianity CHAP.
itself. L
Without entering upon a minute inquiry into A. D. 1475.
the origin of the temporal authority of the Roman
pontiffs, it may be sufficient to observe, that even |J|Jp a m o{
after they had emerged from their pristine state of i power of
... . _ the popes.
poverty and humility, they remained for many
ages in an acknowledged subordination to the Ro-
man emperors, and to their delegates, the ex-
archates of Ravenna ; to whom, when the seat of
empire was transferred to Constantinople, the go-
vernment of Italy was intrusted. As the power
of the emperors declined, that of the popes in-
creased ; and in the contests of the middle ages,
during which the Huns, the Vandals, the impe-
rialists, and the Franks, were successively masters
of Italy, a common veneration among these fero-
cious conquerors for the father of the faithful, and
the head of the Christian Church, not only secured
his safety, but enlarged his authority.(a) From
(a) The coining of money by the Roman pontiffs may be con-
sidered as a mark of sovereign and independent authority ; but
at what precise period they began to exercise this right, is not
easily ascertained. Muratori, in his Annali ) The subsequent dissensions between
ticularly discussed. All collectors -however agree in commencing
their series from Adrian I. created pope in 782, from which time
Acami has given a succession of thirty-four coins of different pon-
tiffs, some of which are however supposed to have issued from
the metropolitan sees of England, for the purpose of paying
tribute to Rome.
(a) The donation of Constantine is humourously, but boldly
placed by Ariosto, among the trumpery which, being lost on
earth, was found by Astolfo stored up in the moon ; the prayers
of the wicked, the sighs of lovers, the crowns of forgotten sove-
reigns, and the verses written in praise of great men.
" Di varj fiori ad un gran monte passa,
Ch' ebbe gia buono odore, or puzza forte ;
Questo era il dono, se perd dir lece,
Che Costantino al buon Silvestro fece."
Orl. Fur. cant. 34. st. 80.
(ft) The validity of these donations, and particularly those of
LEO THE TENTH.
the popes and the emperors, the frequent schisms CHAP.
which occurred in the church, the unwarlike na- _
ture of the papal government, and above all, the A, D. 1475.
impolitic transfer of the residence of the supreme
pontiffs from Rome to Avignon, in the fourteenth
century, combined to weaken the authority which
the popes had in the course of so many ages ac-
quired ; and in particular the cities of Romagna,
throwing off their dependence on the papal see,
either formed for themselves peculiar and inde-
pendent governments, or became subject to some
successful adventurer, who acquired his superi-
ority by force of arms. No longer able to main-
tain an actual authority, the Roman pontiffs en-
deavoured to reserve at least a paramount or
confirmatory right; and as the sanction of the
pope was not a matter of indifference to these
subordinate sovereigns, he delegated to them his
power on easy conditions, by investing them with
the title of vicars of the church.(a) It was thus
the family of Este obtained the dominion of Fer-
Pepin king of France, and of his son Charlemagne, is strongly
insisted on by Ammirato, who attempts to shew, that the autho-
rity of the popes extended far beyond the limits of Italy ; but as
he appears not to have distinguished between their temporal and
their ecclesiastical power, little reliance is to be placed on his opin-
ion. Ammir. Discorso come la Chiesa Romana tia crcscivta ne beni
temporal/. Optix. vol. ii. p. 67. Those readers who are inclined
to examine more particularly into this subject, may consult the
Fasciculus Rerun Expetendarum et Fugiendarum, torn. i. p. 124.
(a) Guicciardini Hittoria d" Italia, lib. iv. The passage here
referred to, in which the historian has traced with great ability
the rise and vicissitudes of the temporal authority of the popes, is
omitted in the general editions of his works, and even in that of
Torrentino, Flor. 1501, fo. but may be found in those of Stoer,
1636, 1645. Geneva.
VOL. 1.
10 ' THE LIFE OF
CHAP. r ara, which they had extended, in fact, to an in-
' dependent principality. Thus the cities of Ri-
A.D.H75. mini and Cesena were held by the family of Mala-
testa; Faenza and Irnola by the Manfredi; and
many other cities of Italy became subject to petty
sovereigns, who governed with despotic authority,
and by their dissensions frequently rendered that
fertile, but unhappy country, the theatre of con-
test, of rapine, and of blood.
From this period the temporal authority of the
popes was chiefly confined to the district entitled
the patrimony of St. Peter, with some detached
parts of Umbria, and the Marco, cTAncona. (a) The
claims of the church were not however suffered
to remain dormant, whenever an opportunity of
enforcing them occurred, and the recovery of its
ancient possessions had long been considered as
a duty indispensably incumbent on the supreme
pontiff. But although for this purpose he scrupled
not to avail himself of the arms, the alliances, and
the treasures of the church, yet, when the enter-
prize proved successful, it generally happened,
that the conquered territory only exchanged its
former lord for some near kinsman of the reigning
pontiff, who during the life of his benefactor, en-
deavoured to secure and extend his authority by
all the means in his power.
The Roman pontiffs have always possessed an
(a) Count Rossi, in a note on this passage," (Ital. Tr. vol. i. p. 37,)
conceives, that the dominions of the pope are too much restricted
by it; and observes that it ought also to have included the three
Legations of Bologna, Ferrara, and Ravenna, over which it for-
merly exercised a sovereign authority, and which were again
restored to it in the last political system of Italy.*
LEO THE TENTH. 11
advantage over the other sovereigns of Europe, CHAP.
from the singular union of ecclesiastical and tem-
poral power in the same person; two engines, A. D. 1475.
which long experience had taught them to use J^'^.
with a dexterity equal to that, with which the ai and tn-
., , / poral autho-
neroes of antiquity availed themselves by turns 01 rity.
the shield and the spear. When schemes of am-
bition and aggrandizement were to be pursued,
the pope, as a temporal prince, could enter into
alliances, raise supplies, and furnish his contingent
of troops, so as effectually to carry on an offensive
war ; but no sooner was he endangered by defeat,
and alarmed for the safety of his own dominions,
than he resorted for shelter to his pontifical robes,
and loudly called upon all Christendom to defend
from violation the head of the holy church.(a)
That these characters were successively assumed
with great address and advantage, will sufficiently
appear from the following pages; and although
some difficulties might occasionally arise in the
exercise of them, yet, notwithstanding the com-
plaint of one of the ablest apologists of the Ro-
man pontiffs,(&) the world has upon the whole,
(a) Bayle in his Dictionary, Art. Leon X. note P, has some
observations, rather more fanciful than solid, on this union of
spiritual and temporal authority in the same person ; which he
concludes, by relating the story of a German bishop, who was
also a count and baron of the empire, and who having attempted
to justify to a peasant the extraordinary pomp which he assumed,
by adverting to his temporal dignity, " Yes," replied the rustic,
" but u-hcn my lord the count and baron is sent to hell, where will then
be my lord the bishop f"
(/>) " Oltre a cio e si difficile 1' empier con gli altri principi
insicmc le parti di Padre nello spirituals, e di competitorc spesso
nel temporale, che talora son ripresi dalla fama come troppo inter-
cssati, o poco caritativi i pontcfici, perche hanno o difesi o ricu-
12 THE LIFE OP
CHAP, been sufficiently indulgent to their situation ; nor
has even the shedding of Christian blood been
A. D. 1475. thought an invincible objection to the conferring
on a deceased pontiff the honour of canonization,
and placing him in the highest order of sainthood
in the Roman church.(a)
It is not however to be denied, that the papal
Some ad- government, although founded on so singular a
the papal basis, and exercised with despotic authority, has
Sen been attended with some advantages peculiar to
itself, and beneficial to its subjects. Whilst the
choice of the sovereign, by the decision of a pe-
culiar body of electors, on the one hand preserves
the people from those dissensions which frequently
arise from the disputed right of hereditary claim-
ants; on the other hand, it prevents those tu-
multuous debates which too frequently result from
the violence of a popular election. By this sys-
tem the dangers of a minority in the governor are
avoided, and the sovereign assumes the command
at a time of life, when it may be presumed that
passion is subdued by reason, and experience ma-
tured into wisdom. The qualifications by which
the pope is supposed to have merited the supreme
authority, are also such as would be most likely to
direct him in the best mode of exercising it. Hu-
mility, chastity, temperance, vigilance, and learn-
ing, are among the chief of these requisites ; and
although some of them have confessedly been too
often dispensed with, yet few individuals have
ascended the pontifical throne without possessing
perati quei audditi alia cui protezione gli obliga il patto scatnbie-
vole tra '1 signore e '1 vassallo." Pallavicini, Istoria del Cone, di
Trento. c. i. p. 47. Ed. Rom. 1665.
(a) SAN LEONE IX.
LEO THE TENTH. 13
more than a common share of intellectual endow-
ments. Hence the Roman pontiffs have frequently
displayed examples highly worthy of imitation, A. D. 1475.
and have signalized themselves, in an eminent
degree, as patrons of science, of letters, and of
art. Cultivating, as ecclesiastics, those studies
which were prohibited or discouraged among the
laity, they may in general be considered as superior
to the age in which they lived; and among the
predecessors of Leo X. the philosopher may con-
template with approbation the eloquence and cou-
rage of Leo I. who preserved the city of Rome
from the ravages of the barbarian Attila; the
beneficence, candour, and pastoral attention of
Gregory I. unjustly charged with being the adver-
sary of liberal studies ; the various acquirements
of Silvester II., so extraordinary in the eyes of his
contemporaries, as to cause him to be considered
as a sorcerer ; the industry, acuteness, and learn-
ing of Innocent III. of Gregory IX. of Innocent
IV. and of Pius II. ; and the munificence and love
of literature so strikingly displayed in the charac-
ter of Nicholas V.
Notwithstanding the extensive influence ac-
quired by the Roman see, that circumstance had causes of
not, for a long course of time, induced the princes
of Europe to attempt to vest the pontifical au-
thority in any individual of their own family. th church.
Whether this forbearance was occasioned by an
idea, that the long course of humiliation by which
alone this dignity could be obtained, was too de-
grading to a person of royal birth, or by a con-
tempt for every profession but that of arms, may
be a subject of doubt ; but from whatever cause
14 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, it arose, it appears to have been, in the fifteenth
century, completely removed; almost every so-
A.D.H75. vereign in Italy, and perhaps in Europe, striving
with the utmost ardour to procure for their near-
est relations a seat in the sacred college, as a ne-
cessary step to the pontifical chair. What the
European princes endeavoured to accomplish in
the persons of their own kindred, the popular go-
vernments attempted in those of their most illus-
trious citizens ; and the favour bestowed by Paul
II. upon his countrymen the Venetians, may rea-
sonably be supposed to have operated upon the
sagacious and provident mind of Lorenzo de' Me-
dici, to induce him to attempt the establishment
of the chief ecclesiastical dignity in one of his
own family. Nor is it improbable, that whilst he
was actuated by this motive, he was impelled by
another of no less efficacy. By the resentment of
the papal see he had lost a much loved brother;
and although he had himself escaped with his life
from the dagger of the assassin, yet he had expe-
rienced, from the same cause, a series of calamities,
from which he was only extricated by one of the
most daring expedients recorded in history. To
prevent, as far as possible, the recurrence of a cir-
cumstance which had nearly destroyed the autho-
rity of his family, and to establish his children in
such situations as might render them a mutual
support and security to each other, in the high
departments for which they were intended, were
doubtless some of the motives which occasioned the
destination of Giovanni de' Medici to the church,
and produced those important effects upon the
religion, the politics, and the taste of Europe,
LEO THE TENTH. 15
which are so conspicuous in the pontificate of CHAP.
Leo X.
That it was the intention of Lorenzo, from the A. D. 1482.
birth of his son, to raise him eventually to the
high dignity which he afterwards acquired, cannot
be doubted ; and the authority which he possess-
ed in the affairs of Italy, enabled him to engage
in this undertaking with the fairest prospects of
success. Soon after he had attained the seventh
year of his age, Giovanni de' Medici had received
the tonsura, and was declared capable of ecclesias- * of Fon -
te-dolce.
tical preferment. At this early period his father
had applied to Louis XI. to confer upon him some
church living. In the reply of the French king,
which bears date the seventeenth day of February,
1482, he thus expresses himself: " I understand n.
from your letter of the thirtieth of January, the
intentions you have formed respecting your son,
which, if I had known them before the death
of the cardinal of Rohan, I should have endea-
voured to accomplish; but I have no objection
on the next vacancy of a benefice, to do for
him whatever lies in my power."(a) Accordingly,
Giovanni was, in the following year, appointed
by the king, abbot of Fontedolce ; and this was
speedily followed by the investiture of the rich
monastery of Passignano, bestowed upon him by
Sixtus IV. who, towards the close of his days, 8i liaDO
seemed desirous of obliterating from the minds
of the Medici the remembrance of his former hos-
tility. The particulars of this singular instance
of ecclesiastical promotion, and of the additional
(c) Fabronii, vita Law. Med. in adnot. 298. et . App. No. 1.
16 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, honours bestowed upon Giovanni de' Medici, are
L given by Lorenzo himself, in his Ricordi, with
A. D. 1483. great simplicity. " On the nineteenth day of May,
1483," says he, " we received intelligence, that
the king of France had, of his own motion, pre-
sented to my son Giovanni, the abbey of Fonte-
dolce. On the thirty-first, we heard from Rome,
that the pope had confirmed the grant, and had
rendered him capable of holding a benefice, he
being now seven years of age. On the first day
of June, Giovanni accompanied me from Poggio(a)
to Florence, where he was confirmed by the bishop
of Arezzo,(&) and received the tonsura ; and from
thenceforth was called Messire Giovanni. The
before-mentioned circumstances took place in the
chapel of our family. The next morning he re-
turned to Poggio. On the eighth day of June,
Jacopino, a courier, arrived with advices from the
king of France, that he had conferred upon Mes-
sire Giovanni the archbishoprick of Aix, in Pro-
vence ; on which account a messenger was des-
patched, on the same evening, to Rome, with
letters from the king to the pope and the car-
dinal di Macone. At the same time despatches
were sent to count Girolamo, which were for-
warded by Zenino the courier, to Forli. On the
eleventh, Zenino returned from the count, with
letters to the pope and the cardinal *$'. Giorgio,
which were sent to Rome by the Milanese post.
On the same day, after mass, all the children of
the family received confirmation, excepting Mes-
(a) Poggio a Cajano, a seat of Lorenzo de' Medici.
(b) Gentile d' Urbino. *. Life of Lor. de' Med.vol i. p. 72. 4to.
LEO THE TENTH. 17
sire Giovanni. On the fifteenth, at the sixth hour CHAP.
of the night, an answer was received from Rome,
that the pope had some difficulty in giving the A.D. H83.
archbishoprick to Messire Giovanni, on account
of his youth. This answer was immediately des-
patched to the king of France. On the twentieth,
we received news from Lionetto, that the arch-
bishop was not dead f On the first day of March,
1484, the abbot of Passignano died, and a message MM.
was despatched to Giovanni Vespucci, the Floren-
tine ambassador at Rome, that he should endeavour
to prevail on the pope to give the abbey to Mes-
sire Giovanni. On the second, he took possession
of it under the authority of the state, by virtue
of the reservation granted to him by Sixtus IV.
and which was afterwards confirmed by Inno-
cent VIII. when my son Piero went to pay him
obedience at Rome, on his elevation to the ponti-
ficate. ''(a) It would not be difficult to declaim
against the corruptions of the Roman see, and the
absurdity of conferring ecclesiastical preferments
upon a child ; but in the estimation of an impar-
tial observer, it is a matter of little moment whe-
ther such preferment be bestowed upon an infant
who is unable, or an adult who is unwilling, to
perform the duties of his office, and who, in fact,
at the time of his appointment, neither intends,
nor is expected, ever to bestow upon them any
share of his attention.(i)
(a) The original is given in the life of Lor. de' Medici, Appen-
dix, vol. ii. No. LXI1.
(6) On this passage the German reader may peruse the long and
interesting note of Mr. Henke, in the German translation of this
work, vol. i. p. 10. (Leips. 1800, 8vo.) *
VOL. I. C
18 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. The death of Sixtus IV., which happened on the
' thirteenth day of August, 1484, and the elevation
A.D. 1484. to the pontificate of Giambattista Cibd, by the
?ttempta e to name f Innocent VIII. opened to Lorenzo the
thl^kVf P ros P ect ^ speedy and more important advance-
cardinal, ment for his son. Of the numerous livings confer-
red on this young ecclesiastic, a particular account
has been preserved ;(a) but the views of Lorenzo
were directed towards still higher preferment. In
the month of November he despatched his eldest
son Piero to Rome, accompanied by his uncle
Giovanni Tornabuoni, with directions to promote
as much as possible the interests of his brother
Giovanni. In the instructions of Lorenzo to his
envoys at Rome, the same object was strongly in-
sisted on; and such arguments were constantly
suggested, as were most likely to induce the pope
to nominate Giovanni de' Medici, on the first op-
portunity, a member of the sacred college.
In the mean time, Lorenzo thought it advisable
(a) It appears that Giovanni was at the same time a canon of
the cathedral of Florence, of Fiesole, and of Arezzo ; rector of
Carmignano, o Giogoli, of S. Casciano, of S. Giovanni in Val-
darno, of S. Piero at Casale, and of S. Marcellino at Cacchiano ;
prior of Monte Varchi ; precentor of S. Antonio in Florence ;
proposto of Prato ; abbot of Monte Cassino, of S. Giovanni of
Passignano, of S. Maria of Morimondo, of S. Martino, of Fonte-
dolce in France, of S. Lorenzo of Coltibuono, of S. Salvadore at
Vajano, of S. Bartolommeo at Anghiari, of S. Maria at Monte
Piano, of S. Giuliano at Tours, of S. Giusto and S. Clement at
Volterra, of S. Stefano of Bologna, of S. Michele in Arezzo, of
Chiaravalle at Milan, of the diocese of Pino in Pittavia, and of the
Casa Dei at Chiararoonte ; and in 1510 he became archbishop of
Amalfi. " Bone Deus," exclaims the good Fabroni, " quot in
uno juvene cumulata sacerdotia !" Fabr. vita Leon. X. in adnot.
p. 245.
LEO THE TENTH. 19
to strengthen the friendly connexion which al-
ready subsisted between himself and the pope, by
an union between their families. Before his adopt- A.D.1484.
ing an ecclesiastical life, Innocent had several chil- Marriage
dren,(a) the eldest of whom, Francesco Cib6, coCiWand
was married in the year 1487, to Maddalena, one d e ' MeS.
of the daughters of Lorenzo, a woman of great
beauty and accomplishments, and who lived to
share the honours enjoyed by her family in the
elevation of her brother. Besides the inducements
to this measure, which the pope probably found
in the increasing influence and authority of Lo-
renzo de' Medici, the near relationship which
subsisted between Maddalena and the family of
the Orsini, was a powerful motive with him to
conclude the match. The event was such as the
pope expected. The hostility between him and
the Orsini speedily subsided; and he found, on
many subsequent occasions, the high importance
of their attachment and their services.(^)
As the advancement of Giovanni de' Medici to
the dignity of the purple, was the fortunate event
which led the way to his future elevation, and to
the important consequences of that elevation to
the Christian world, it may not be uninteresting
to trace the steps by which he acquired, so early
(a) Sanazzaro adverts to this circumstance in the following
ironical lines :
" Innocuo priscos aequum cst dcbcre quirites :
Progenie exhaustam restituit patriam."
Epigram, lib. i. Ep. 37. Ed. Comino, 1731.
and Mr. Henke has cited several epigrams of Manillas to th
same effect, v. Germ. TV. vol. i. p. 21.
(b) Muratori, Annali d' Italia, ix. 556.
C2
20
CHAP, in life, that high rank. This we are enabled to do
' with great accuracy, from the letters of Lorenzo,
A.D. 1487. and his confidential correspondents, the originals
of which are preserved in the archives of Flo-
rence, and which exhibit such a degree of policy
and assiduity on the part of that great man, as
could scarcely fail of success.
1488. From these it appears, that early in the year
Giovanni 1488, the pope, who had not before received any
appointed 1 additional members into the college, had formed
cardinal, j^g intention of making a promotion of cardinals,
and had communicated his purpose to Lorenzo, to
whom he had also transmitted a list of names, for
his remarks and approbation. Such however was
the inactivity of the pontiff, that he delayed from
time to time the execution of his plan. From the
age and infirmities of the pope, Lorenzo was fear-
ful that this measure might be wholly frustrated ;
and as he had already formed the design of pro-
curing the name of his son to be included among
those of the new cardinals, he directed his envoy
at Rome, Giovanni Lanfredini, to lose no time in
prevailing upon the pope to carry his intentions
into effect. " I observe," says he, in a letter which
bears date the sixteenth day of June, 1488,(a)
" what you mention respecting the promotion of
cardinals, to which I shall briefly reply, that this
event ought not to be delayed longer than can
possibly be avoided; for when his holiness has
completed it, he will be another pope than he has
hitherto been because he is yet a head without
limbs, surrounded by the creatures of others;
(a) MSS. Florent. v. App. No. II.
LEO THE TENTH. 21
whereas he will then be surrounded by his own. CHAP -
You will therefore importune and exhort him to '_
adopt this determination as soon as possible, be- A. D. USB
cause there is danger in delay. * * As to the A - jtt13
persons nominated, I approve all those whose
names are marked with a point ; they are the same
as you before mentioned to me. It seems better
to lay before him many, that he may have an op-
portunity of selection. He may also gratify me
if he thinks proper."
A few months afterwards, when a promotion of
cardinals was positively determined on, Lorenzo
became more strenuous in his exertions, and omit-
ted no solicitations or persuasions which might
obtain the favour, not only of the pontiff himself,
but of the cardinals, whose concurrence was, it
appears, indispensable.fa) In a letter to the pope,
which bears date the first day of October, 1488,
he most earnestly entreats, that if he is ever to
receive any benefit from his holiness, it may be
granted to him on that occasion, and requests his
favour with no less fervency than he would from
God the salvation of his soul.(^) With equal ea-
gerness, and to this, or a similar effect, he ad-
dressed himself to all the members of the sacred
(a) In the articles or concessions signed by Innocent on his
election, he had solemnly promised not to raise any person to the
dignity of a cardinal, who had not attained thirty years of age,
that such promotion should never be made in secret, that he
would not create more than one from his own family, that the
number should not in the whole exceed twenty-four, and that he
would not name any new ones till the college should be reduced
to that number. Burcard. Diarium. ap. Notices des HISS, du
Roi. i. 75.
(b) Fabr. in vita Leon. X. adnot. 245. et v. App. No. HI.
22 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, college, whose interest he thought essential to his
[ success.(a) Where he could not obtain an abso-
A. D.I 488. lute promise of support, he considered it as of
A. /Lt. 13. . . .
great importance to have prevented opposition.
" You appear to me," says he to Lanfredini,()
" to have done no little in removing the objections
of * * *. If you cannot induce him to proceed
further, I wish you to thank him for this ; and as-
sure him, that knowing his inclination, I shall
owe to him the same obligation for it, as I shall
to others for their positive favours. At the same
time, if it were possible, I should be highly grati-
fied by his assistance." On this important occa-
sion Lorenzo availed himself greatly of the servi-
ces of the cardinal Ascanio, brother of Lodovico
Sforza, and of Roderigo Borgia, then vice-chancel-
lor of the holy see. " I reply," says he, addressing
himself to Lanfredini,(c) " in a letter under my own
hand to the vice-chancellor and Monsig. Ascanio.
The letter which they have written to me, and the
trouble which, as you inform me, Monsig. Ascanio
takes every day in my behalf, merit other returns
than words. I well know, both from your inform-
ation and my own reflections, where my honour
and my hopes would have remained, had they not
been brought to life by him, and by those whom
his relationship, friendship, and connexions, have
obtained for me. The difficulty of this business,
and his constant diligence and attention, render
(a) Of these, his letter to Battista Zen, Cardinal of S. Maria
in Portico, and nephew of Paul II. may serve as a sufficient spe-
cimen. MSS. Florent. App. No. IV.
(6) MSS. Florent. App. No. V.
(c) MSS. Florent. App. No. VI.
LEO THE TENTH. 23
the benefits he has conferred on us so important, c H A p -
that they oblige not only me and M. Giovanni, but '
all those who belong to us ; for I consider this fa- A. D. 1488.
vour in no other light than if I were raised from A- *
death to life." He expresses himself respecting
the vice-chancellor with equal gratitude, desiring
Lanfredini to assure him of the sense he entertains
of his favours, which he cannot do himself, " be-
cause in effect he feels the obligation too strongly,
and is more desirous of repaying it, when in his
power, than he can possibly express."
At this critical juncture, when every hour was
pregnant with expectation, the hopes of Lorenzo
were cruelly, though unintentionally, disappointed
by Lanfredini, who, having a confidence of suc-
cess, wished to be informed by Lorenzo in what
manner he should announce the great event. To
this end he inclosed to Lorenzo the form of a pub-
lic letter, which it might be proper to send, on
such an occasion, for the inspection of the citizens
at large. Lorenzo replies,(a) " you will have time
enough to send for the form in which it may be
proper to announce the news. The method you
took had however nearly given rise to a great er-
ror ; for, as I read your inclosure before your let-
ter, and there did not appear either the word
copy, or any other indication to that effect, I
thought the information true, and was very near
making it public. It seems to me of little conse-
quence in what manner you communicate it. The
business is here so publicly spoken of, that it can-
not be more so. You can therefore send no in-
(a) MSS. Florcnt. App. No. VII.
24
CHAP, telligence that is not expected by every one ex-
' cept myself; for I know not how it is, but I have
A.D. 1488. never been able to confide in the event."
A It 13
This however seems to have been the last agony
which Lorenzo had to sustain in this long conflict ;
for, on the ninth day of the same month, he receiv-
ed the consolatory intelligence, that his son was
elevated to the dignity of a cardinal, under the title
of S. Maria in Domenica.(a) His feelings on this
occasion are best expressed in his own words, ad-
dressed to his envoy at Rome, (b) " Thanks be to
God for the good news which I received yesterday
at the ninth hour, respecting Messire Giovanni,
and which appeared to me so much the greater, as
it was the less expected, it seeming so far above
my merits, and so difficult in itself, as to be esteem-
ed impossible. I have reason to hold in remem-
brance all those who have assisted me in this bu-
siness, and shall leave a charge that they be not
forgotten by those who may succeed me ; this be-
ing the greatest honour that ever our house expe-
rienced." * * * " I know not whether his holiness
may be displeased with the demonstrations of joy
and festivity which have taken place in Florence
on this occasion ; but I never saw a more general,
or a more sincere exultation. Many other expres-
sions of it would have occurred, but I did all in
my power to prevent them, although I could not
(a) This event was communicated to him in a letter from the
cardinal of Anjou, yet preserved in the Florentine Archives. App.
No. VIII. It is also adverted to in the Latin verses of Philomu-
sus, who lias there, in a spirit of poetic prophecy, foretold the fu-
ture honours of his patron, which he also lived himself to celebrate.
Jpp. No. IX.
(b) Vide App. No. X.
,LEO THE TENTH. 25
wholly succeed. I mention this, because the ele- CHAP.
vation of M. Giovanni was intended to have re-
mained for the present a secret ; but you have made A. D. i48.
it so public in Rome, that we can scarcely incur
blame in following your example ; nor have I been
able to decline the congratulations of the city, even
to the lowest ranks. If what I have done be im-
proper, I can only say, that it was impossible for
me to prevent it, and that I greatly wish for in-
structions how to conduct myself in future, as to
what kind of life and manners M. Giovanni
ought to observe; and what his dress and his atten-
dants ought to be ; for I should be extremely sorry
to begin to repay this immense debt, by doing any
thing contrary to the intentions of his holiness. In
the mean time, M. Giovanni remains with me in the
house, which from yesterday has been continually
full of people. Advise me therefore what is to be
done with him. Inform me also, when you next
write, what signature or seal he ought to use. In
expediting the bull, you will, I am sure, use all
due diligence, and will transmit it as soon as pos-
sible, for the satisfaction of our friends. I send
you herewith the measure of his height, but in my
eyes he appears to have grown and changed since
yesterday. I trust in God you will receive due
honour for your exertions, and that his holiness
will be pleased with what he has done. I wish for
your opinion whether I should send my son Piero,
as I intended ; because it seems to me that a favour
of this magnitude calls for no less, than that I
should pay a visit to Home myself/' (a)
(a) The public thanks of the government of Florence were also
transmitted to the pope, for the honour conferred on that city by
26 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Politiano, to whom the early education of Gio-
' vanni de' Medici had been entrusted, thought it
A. D. 1488. also incumbent on himself, upon this occasion, to
' address to the pope a letter, in which he has exhi-
bited the character and early acquirements of his
pupil in a very favourable light.(a) Some allow-
ance must however be made for the partiality of
the tutor, and perhaps for the blandishments of the
courtier ; nor are we implicitly to believe, either
that Louis XL was the most pious of kings, or
that Giovanni de' Medici, although from various
circumstances his proficiency was beyond his years,
had realized in himself
" That faultless monster which the world ne'er saw."
1489. It must however be acknowledged, that if Lo-
Educatiot renzo ^ e ' Medici was indefatigable in obtaining
of Giovanni for his son the honours and emoluments of eccle-
siastical preferment, he displayed an equal degree
of assiduity in rendering him worthy of them.
The early docility and seriousness of Giovanni,
the proficiency which he had made in his studies,
and the distinctions with which he had been ho-
noured, entitled him to rank as an associate in
those meetings of men of genius and learning,
which continually took place in the palace of the
the adoption of the cardinal de' Medici into the sacred college.
The letter on this occasion was written by Bartolommeo Scala, then
chancellor of the republic, and is given in the Collectio veterum
aliquot monumentorum, ofBandini. Arezzo, 1752.
(a) Polit. Ep. lib. viii. Ep. 5. In the preceding year Politiano
had inscribed to the pope his elegant translation of Herodian, in
return for which Innocent had not only written to him, but had
presented him with 200 pieces of gold. Polit. Ep. lib. viii. ep. 1, 2,
3, 4. Politiano had also addressed to the pope, soon after bis
elevation, a fine Sapphic ode. Polit. Op. Aid. 1498.
LEO THE TENTH. 27
Medici. Among the professors of the Platonic CHAP.
philosophy, the chief place was held by Marsilio
Ficino ; the authority of Aristotle was supported A.D. HSQ.
by his countryman and warm admirer, Joannes A '
Argyropylus; in classical and polite literature,
Politiano had revived the age of Augustus ; (a)
whilst Giovanni Pico of Mirandula, united in him-
self the various kinds of knowledge which were
allotted to others only in distinct portions. Con-
versant as Giovanni de' Medici was, with these
men, and residing under the eye of his father, to
whom every production of literature and of art
was submitted, as to an infallible judge, it was im-
possible that the seeds of knowledge and of taste,
if indeed they existed, should not be early de-
veloped in his mind. Hence it is probable that
the business of education was to him, as indeed it
ought to be to every young person, the highest
amusement and gratification; and that he never
experienced those restraints and severities which
create a disgust to learning, instead of promoting
it. Amidst the extensive collections of pictures,
sculptures, medals, and other specimens of ancient
and modern art, acquired by the wealth and long
continued attention of his ancestors, he first im-
bibed that relish for productions of this nature,
and that discriminating judgment of their merits,
(a) " Nimirum ad optimum indolem optima accessit institutio,
et felicissimi ingenii tui solo, longe bellissimus obtigit cultor, po-
litissinius ille Politianvs ; cujus opera non spinosis istis ac rixosis
literis, sed veris illis, nee sine causa bonis appellatis, ac mansue-
tioribus, ut vocant, musis es initiatus, &c." Erasm. Ep. lib. ii.
Ep. 1, ad Leon. X. To the instances of confidence and friend-
ship between Lorenzo de' Medici and Politiano, I shall add a let-
ter from the latter not before published. App. No XII
ZO THE LIFE OF
CHAP, which rendered him, in his future life, no less the
' arbiter of the public taste in works of art, than he
A.D. nag. was of the public creed in matters of religion.
The youthful mind of Giovanni de' Medici was
not, however, wholly left to the chance of promis-
cuous cultivation. Besides the assistance of Po-
litiano, who had the chief direction of his studies,
he is known to have received instructions in the
Greek language from Demetrius Chalcondyles and
Petrus ^Egineta, (a) both of whom were Greeks by
birth. His education was also promoted by Ber-
nardo Michelozzi, who was one of the private se-
cretaries of his father, and eminently skilled both
in ancient and modern literature ; (b) but his prin-
Bcrnardo cipal director in his riper studies, was Bernardo
Dovizi. L x
Dovizi, better known by the name of Bernardo da
Bibbiena. This elegant scholar and indefatigable
statesman, was born of a respectable family at Bib-
biena, in the year 1470, and was sent, at the age
of nine years, to pursue his studies in Florence.
His family connexions introduced him into the
house of the Medici, and such was the assiduity
with which he availed himself of the opportunities
of instruction there afforded him, that at the age
of seventeen, he had attained a great facility of
Latin composition, and was soon afterwards se-
lected by Lorenzo, as one of his private secre-
taries. When the honours of the church were be-
stowed on Giovanni de' Medici, the principal care
(a) Mench. vita Polit. p. 98. Lettres de Langius. ap. Bayle,
Diet. Art. Leo X. Many other persons are mentioned by different
authors as having been his instructors, but perhaps without suf-
ficient foundation.
(b) Panvinii, in vita Leon. X.
LEO THE TENTH. 29
of his pecuniary concerns was intrusted to Ber- CHAP.
nardo ; in the execution of which employment he
rendered his patron such important services, and A.D. HSP.
conducted himself with so much vigilance and inte- A ' ^ Et * 14 '
grity, that some have not hesitated to ascribe to him,
in a considerable degree, the future eminence of
his pupil. Notwithstanding the serious occupa-
tions in which Bernardo was engaged, in his temper
and manners he was affable, and even facetious, as
appears by the representation given of him by Cas-
tiglione, in his Libro del Cortegiano, in which he
is introduced as one of the interlocutors. Nor did
he neglect his literary studies, of which he gave a
sufficient proof in his celebrated comedy, La Ca-
landra, which, although not, as some have assert-
ed, the earliest comedy which modern times have
produced, deservedly obtained great reputation for
its author, and merits, even at this day, no small
share of approbation. The high rank which Ber-
nardo obtained in the church, and the distinguish-
ed part which he acted in the political transactions
of the times, will frequently present him to our no-
tice. Of his character and talents, different opi-
nions have been entertained : but his title to emi-
nent merit must be admitted, whilst he claims it
under the sanction of Ariosto.(a)
But whilst it may be presumed, that the subse-
quent honours and success of Giovanni de' Medici
are to be attributed in a great degree to his early
education, and to the advantages which he posses-
sed under his paternal roof, it must be allowed,
that those defects in his ecclesiastical character,
vanni de
which were afterwards so apparent, were probably Medici.
(a) Orland. Furioso, Cant. xxvi. st. 48.
30
THE LIFE OF
CHAP, derived from the same source. The associates of
' Lorenzo de' Medici were much better acquainted
A.D. 1489. with the writings of the poets, and the doctrines of
the ancient philosophers, than with the dogmas of
the Christian faith. Of the followers of Plato, Lo-
renzo was at this time considered as the chief. He
had himself arranged and methodized a system of
theology which inculcates opinions very different
from those of the Romish church, and in a forcible
manner points out the object of supreme adora-
tion as one and indivisible. (a) Hence it is not un-
likely, that the young cardinal was induced to re-
gard with less reverence those doctrinal points of
the established creed, the belief of which is consi-
dered as indispensable to the clerical character ; and
hence he might have acquired such ideas of the Su-
preme Being, and of the duties of his intelligent
creatures, as in counteracting the spirit of bigotry,
rendered him liable to the imputation of indifference
in matters of religion. A rigid economy in his
household was certainly not one of the first qualifi-
cations of Lorenzo, and the example of the father
might perhaps counteract his precept in the esti-
mation of the son ; whose liberality in future life,
too often carried to profusion, reduced him to the
necessity of adopting those measures for the sup-
plying his exigences, which gave rise to consequen-
ces of the utmost importance to the Christian
world. From the splendid exhibitions which were
(a) V. V Altercazione, Capitolo. This, together with other
poems of Lorenzo de' Medici, and several of his contemporaries,
has been given to the public by Messrs. Nardini and Buonaiuti, in
an elegant volume, under the title of POESIE DEL MAG. LORENZO
DE* MEDICI, E DI ALTRI SUOI AMICI E CONTEMPORANEI." LondtO,
1801. 4to.
LEO THE TENTH. 31
frequently displayed in the city of Florence, he C*HAP.
probably derived that relish for similar entertain-
ments, which he is supposed to have carried, during A. D. 1489.
his pontificate, to an indecorous, if not to a culpa- ' u 14 *
ble excess ; whilst the freedom and indecency of
the songs with which the spectacles of Florence
were accompanied, (a) of many of which Lorenzo
was himself the author, could scarcely have failed
to banish at intervals that gravity of carriage
which the young cardinal was directed to support,
and to sow those seeds of dissipation, which after-
wards met with a more suitable climate in the fer-
vid atmosphere of Rome.
The nomination of Giovanni de' Medici to the
dignity of cardinal, was accompanied by a condi- Rep^rs to
tion that he should not assume the insignia of his my at Pisa.
rank, or be received as a member of the college for
the space of three years. This restriction was con-
sidered by Lorenzo as very unfavourable to his
views. His remonstrances were however ineffectu-
al ; and as the pontiff had expressed his wishes, that
during this probationary interval, Giovanni should
pursue the studies of theology and ecclesiastical ju-
risprudence, the young cardinal left Florence, and
repaired to Pisa, where, by the exertions of Lo-
renzo, the academy had lately been re-established
with great splendour. At this place he had the
advantage of receiving instructions from Filippo
Decio and Bartolommeo Sozzini, the most celebra-
ted professors of civil and pontifical law in Italy. (b)
(a) The Canti Carnascialeschi, and Canzone a hallo, of which
some account is given in the Life of Lorenzo de' Medici, vol. i. pp.
304, 307, 4to. ed.
(6) Fabr. vita Leon. X. p. 10.
32 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Whilst a resident in Florence, he had frequently
visited the monastery of Camaldoli, where he form-
A.D. 1489. ed an intimacy with Pietro Delfino, and Paullo
Justiniano ; the former of whom he regarded as
his model and instructor, the latter as a second pa-
rent.^) The advantages which he received in his
youth from this society, were not forgotten in his
riper years, when he conferred many favours on
the monastery, acknowledging with great satisfac-
tion, that " he had not only spent much of his time,
but had almost received his education there." (b)
Whilst Giovanni de' Medici, by a constant inter-
His father course with men of rank, talents, and learning, was
to shorten thus acquiring a fund of information, and a serious-
. , M. >~y
ness of deportment much beyond his years, his fa-
ther was indefatigable in his endeavours to prevail
on the pope to shorten the period of his probation.
Piero Alamanni, one of the Florentine envoys at
Rome, in a letter which bears date the eighth day
of January, 1490, (c) thus addresses Lorenzo. " I
made my acknowledgments to his holiness for the
favours received from him in the person of M. Gio-
vanni, giving him to understand how agreeable
they were to all the citizens of Florence, and how
highly they esteemed the obligation. I then ven-
tured, in terms of the utmost respect and civility,
to touch upon that part of the business, theaccom-
(a) Pietro Delfino was General of the order of Camaldoli ; his
Letters were collected and published at Venice in 1524, in folio,
and display great vivacity and learning. They are very rare, and
have been sold at an extravagant price. He died in 1525. Bos-
si, in Tr. vol. i. p. 59. *
(//) " - - Adolescentiae suae tempore, non solum versatus, sed
pene educatus fuerit." Fabr. in vita Leon. X. p. 10.
(c) Fabr. in vita Laur. Med. in adnot. p. 301.
LEO THE TENTH. 33
plishment of which is so earnestly desired, the CHAP.
public assumption of M. Giovanni; alleging all .
the reasons which you suggested to me, but at the A. D.
same time assuring him that the city of Florence,
and you in particular, would be perfectly satisfied
with his determination. In reply he spoke at con-
siderable length : in the first place observing, that
the mode which he had prescribed was intended to
answer the best purposes, as he had before explain-
ed by means of Pier Filippo (Pandolfini). He then
entered on the commendation of M. Giovanni., and
spoke of him as if he had been his own son,observ-
ing, that he understood that he had conducted
himself with great propriety at Pisa, and had ob-
tained the superiority in some disputation, which
seemed to give his holiness great pleasure. At last
he expressed himself thus : Leave the fortunes of
M. Giovanni to me, for I consider him as my own
son, and shall perhaps make his promotion public
when you least expect it ; for it is my intention to
do much more for his interest than 1 shall now ex-
press."' In order to promote this business, and to
try the temper of the cardinals, Lorenzo despatched
to Rome his kinsman Rinaldo Orsini, archbishop of
Florence; but he derived no advantage from this
measure ; and indeed from the letters of the good
prelate on this subject, it appears, that he was but
ill qualified for the intrigues of a court.(a) The
motives which induced Innocent to persevere in
the terms which he had prescribed, are more fully
disclosed in a letter from Pandolfini to Lorenzo,
dated the nineteenth day of October, 1490 ; (b)
(a) MSS. Florent. App. No. XII.
(b) Fabr. vita Laur. in adnot. p. 302 ; et p. Avp. No. XIII.
VOL. I. D
34 ?HE LIFE OF
CHAP, from which it appears, that the pope could not ad-
mit Giovanni into the college of cardinals without
A. D. 1490. either giving offence to others who had not been
\ JEt 15
received, or receiving the whole, which he did not
think proper to do ; as he considered the state of
suspense in which the college was kept, as favour-
able to his views and interests.
During the early years of Giovanni de' Medici,
Giuiio de' he had a constant companion and fellow student in
of Capua!"" 1 his cousin Giuiio, the natural son of Giuliano de'
Medici, who had been assassinated in the horrid con-
spiracy of the Pazzi. (a) The disposition of Giu-
iio leading him when young to adopt a military life,
he had been early enrolled among the knights of
Jerusalem ; and as this profession united the cha-
racters of the soldier and the priest, he was soon
afterwards, at the solicitation of Lorenzo de' Me-
dici, endowed by Ferdinand king of Naples, with
the rich and noble priory of Capua, (b) Grave in
his deportment, steady in his family attachments,
and vigilant in business, Giuiio devoted himself in a
particular manner to the fortunes of Giovanni, and
became his chief attendant and adviser throughout
all the vicissitudes of his early life. On the eleva-
tion of Giovanni to the pontificate, the services of
(a) Ammirato (Opusc. iii. 108.) places the birth of Giuiio one
month, and Macchiavelli, (Star. Fior. lib. viii.) several months, af-
ter the death of his father. It appears, however, from yet more
authentic documents, that he was born a year before that event,
viz. in 1477; and was consequently two years younger than his
cousin, Giovanni de' Medici. Life of Lorenzo de' Medici, vol. i.
p. 196, 4to. ed. Panvinius, the continuator of Platini, in his life
of Clement VII., has followed, in this respect, the erroneous ac-
counts of the Italian historians.
(6) Ammirato, Opusc. iii. 102, MSS. Florent. App. No. XIV.
LEO THE TENTH. 35
Giulio, who was soon afterwards raised to the rank
of cardinal, hecame yet more important ; and he is,
with great reason, supposed not only to have car- A.D. 1490.
ried into execution, but to have suggested, many A ' " Et l "
of the political measures adopted by Leo, and to
have corrected the levity and prodigality of the
pope by his own austerity, prudence, and regular-
ity. It did not however appear, on the subse-
quent elevation of Giulio to the pontificate, by the
name of Clement VII. that he possessed in so emi-
nent a degree those qualities for which the world
had given him credit; and, perhaps, the genius
and talents of Leo had contributed no less towards
establishing the reputation of Giulio, than the in-
dustry and vigilance of the latter had concurred in
giving credit to the administration of Leo X.
The long expected day at length arrived, which
was to confirm to Giovanni de' Medici his high dig-
nity, and to admit him among the princes of the
Christian Church. The ceremonial of the investi- Giovanni
. de' Medici
ture was intrusted to Matteo JDOSSO, superior of receives the
the monastery at Fiesole, whose probity and learn-
ing had recommended him to the favour of Loren-
zo de' Medici, and who has thus recorded the par-
ticulars of the investiture, (a) which took place on
the ninth day of March, 1492. " On the evening 1492.
of the preceding day, Giovanni ascended the hill
of Fiesole to the monastery, simply clad, and with
few companions. In the morning, being Sunday,
Giovanni Pico of Mirandula, and Jacopo Salviati,
who had married Lucretia, one of the daughters of
(a) The original is given from the Recuperationcs Fcsulana
of Matteo Bosso 7n App. to the Life of Lorenzo de' Medici, rol. ii.
No. 65.
D 2
3f} THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Lorenzo, arrived at the monastery with a notary,
' and accompanied the young cardinal to the celebra-
A.D. 1492. tion of mass, where he took the holy sacrament
u 7< with great devotion and humility. The superior
then bestowed his benediction on the sacred vest-
ments, and receiving the bull or brief of the pope,
declared that the time therein limited for the recep-
tion of the cardinal was expired ; expressing at the
same time his most fervent vows for the honour of
the church, and the welfare of the cardinal, his fa-
ther, and his country. He then invested him with
the pallium, or mantle, to which he added the bi-
retum, or cap, usually worn by cardinals, and the
galerus, or hat, the distinctive emblem of their dig-
nity, accompanying each with appropriate exhorta-
tions, that he would use them to the glory of God
and his own salvation ; after which the friars of the
monastery chaunted at the altar the hymn, Veni
Creator." The cardinal having thus received a
portion of the apostolic powers, immediately tried
their efficacy, by bestowing an indulgence on all
those who had attended at the ceremony, and on
all who should, on the anniversary of that day, vi-
sit the altar at Fiesole. The company then retired
to a repast ; after which Piero de' Medici, the elder
brother of the cardinal, arrived from the city, ac-
companied by a party of select friends, and mount-
ed on a horse of extraordinary size and spirit, ca-
parisoned with gold. In the mean time an im-
mense multitude, as well on horseback as on foot,
had proceeded from the gate of S. Gallo towards
Fiesole ; but having received directions to stop at
the bridge on the Mugnone, they were there met
by the cardinal, who was conducted by the prelates
LEO THE TENTH. 37
and chief magistrates of the city towards the palace CHAP.
of the Medici. On his arrival at the church of the L
Annum- inta, he descended from his mule, and paid ^ D 1492
his devotions at the altar. In passing the church A * A:i - 1?
of the Reparata, he performed the same ceremo-
ny, and proceeded from thence to his paternal roof.
The crowds of spectators, the acclamations, illumi-
nations, and fire-works, are all introduced by the
good abbot into his faithful picture ; and the re-
joicings on this event may be supposed to be simi-
lar to those which celebrate, with equal delight, a
royal marriage, a blood-stained victory, or a long-
wished for peace.
On the twelfth day of March, 1492, the cardinal
de' Medici quitted Florence, for the purpose of
paying his respects to the pope, and establishing
his future residence at Rome. He was accompa- Q U J U n _
nied to the distance of two miles from the city by
a great number of the principal inhabitants, and on
the evening of the same day he arrived at his abbey
of Passignano, where he took up his abode for the
night. His retinue remained at the neighbouring
town of Poggibonzo, whence they proceeded the
next morning before the cardinal, to Siena. The
inhabitants of that place being thus apprized of his
approach, sent a deputation to attend him into the
city, where, for several days, he experienced every
possible mark of attention and respect, which he
returned with a degree of urbanity and kindness
that gained him the esteem and affection of all
who saw him. From Siena he proceeded by easy
stages towards Rome, having on his way been en-
tertained by his relations of the Orsini family. At
Viterbo he was met by his brother-in-law Frances-
38 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, co Cib6, son to the pope, who with many atten-
dants had waited his approach, and accompanied
A. D. H92. him to Rome, where he arrived on the twenty-
** u 17 ' second day of March, in the midst of a most abun-
dant shower of rain. Notwithstanding the incle-
mency of the weather, he was met by many persons
of rank, who attended him to the monastery of S.
Maria in Popolo, where he reposed the first night
after his arrival. On the following morning, all
the cardinals then in Rome came to visit him, and
immediately led him to the pope, who received him
in full consistory, and gave him the holy kiss ; after
which he was greeted with a similar mark of re-
spect from each of the cardinals, and his attendants
were permitted to kiss the feet of the pope. On
his return to his residence, the rain still continued
to pour down in copious torrents, and as the lux-
urious convenience of a modern chariot was then
unknown, the cardinal and his numerous atten-
dants were almost overwhelmed in their peregrina-
tions. In the performance of these ceremonies, we
are assured by one of his countrymen, (a) that he
surpassed the expectations of the spectators ; and
that in his person and stature, no less than by the
decorum of his behaviour, and the propriety of his
language, he displayed the gravity of a man, and
supported the dignity of a prelate. Such are the
authentic particulars of the first entry into Rome,
of one who was destined to revive her ancient
splendour. The dignity of history may perhaps
reject the unimportant narrative of processions
and ceremonials ; but the character of an indivi-
dual is often strongly marked by his conduct on
(a) V. Appendix. No. XV.
LEO THE TENTH. 39
such occasions; and the interest which that con- CHAP.
duct generally excites, is a sufficient proof that it is _
considered by the public as no improbable indica- A. D. 149?.
tion of his future life and fortunes.
Notwithstanding the numerous avocations which
engaged the cardinal on his arrival at Rome, he
did not fail to communicate to his father every
particular which occurred.(a) In reply, Lorenzo
transmitted to him that excellent and affectionate
letter of paternal advice, which may with confi-
dence be referred to as a proof of the great talents,
and uncommon sagacity of its author ; and which,
as having been written only a very short time be-
fore his death, has been, not inelegantly, com-
pared to the last musical accents of the dying
swan.(d)
At the time when Giovanni de' Medici took his
seat in the sacred college, it was filled by many
men of acknowledged abilities, but of great diver- niuenc* in
sity of character ; several of whom afterwards '
acted an important part in the affairs of Europe.
The eldest member of the college was Roderigo
Borgia, who had enjoyed upwards of thirty-five
years the dignity of the purple, to which he had,
for a long time past, added that of vice-chancel-
lor of the holy see. He was descended from the
Lenzuoli, a respectable family of the city of Valen-
(a) One of these letters, preserved in the Florentine Archives f
and not before printed, will be found in the Appendix, No XVI.
As this is probably the earliest production now extant of its illus-
trious author, and was written in an unpremeditated manner, on
his first entrance into public life, it cannot be perused, unadorned
as it is, without peculiar interest.
(b) Fabr. in vita Laur. Med. App. p. 312 ; and for this letter,
v. Life of Lor. de' Med. vol. ii. p. 146, 4to. ed.
40 THE LIFE OP
CHAP, cia in Spain, but on the elevation to thepontifi-
' m _ cate of his maternal uncle, Alfonzo Borgia, by the
A. D. 1492. name of Calixtus III., he was called to Rome,
where changing his name of Lenzuoli to that of
Borgia, he was first appointed archbishop of Va-
lencia, and afterwards cardinal of S. Nicolo, being
then only twenty-five years of age. The private
life of Roderigo had been a perpetual disgrace to
his ecclesiastical functions. In adhering to his vow
of celibacy, he had alleviated its severity by an in-
tercourse with a Roman lady of the name of Va-
nozza, who, by the beauty of her person, and the
attractions of her manners, had long possessed the
chief place in his affections. His attachment to
her appears however to have been sincere and uni-
form, and although his connexion was necessarily
disavowed, he regarded her as a legitimate wife.
By her he had several children, to whose education
and advancement he paid great attention. Not-
withstanding the irregularity of his private life, his
acquaintance with the civil law, and with the poli-
tics of the times, had procured him the honour of
many important embassies, on one of which he had
been deputed by the pope to accommodate the
differences that had risen between the kings of
Portugal and of Aragon, in respect of their claims
on the crown of Castile. Roderigo was not, how-
ever, formed by nature for a mediator, and return-
ing without having effected the object of his mis-
sion, he had nearly perished by shipwreck, in the
vicinity of Pisa, one of the vessels which accompa-
nied him having been wholly lost in a violent storm,
with one hundred and eighty persons on board,
among whom were three bishops, and many other
LEO THE TENTH. 41
men of rank and learning. If the character of Ro- CHAP.
derigo, who afterwards became supreme pontiff by
the name of Alexander VI. is to be taken on the A.D. 149*2.
implicit credit of contemporary historians, this ca-
lamity was not greatly alleviated by the escape of
the cardinal ; on the contrary, had he shared the
same fate, his destruction might perhaps have been
a sufficient compensation to the world for the loss
of all the rest.
Another member of the college was Francesco
Piccolomini, the nephew of Pius II. the celebrat-
ed .-Knc-as Sylvius. He had long enjoyed his dig-
nity, having been created cardinal by his uncle in
the year 1460, when only seventeen years of age.
The purity of his life, the regularity of his conduct,
and his zeal in discharging the duties of his station,
formed a striking contrast to the profligacy and ef-
frontery of Roderigo Borgia, and occasioned him
to be chosen by his colleagues to heal those wounds
which Roderigo had, in the course of his pontifi-
cate, inflicted on the Christian world ; but the short
space of time in which he administered the affairs
of the church, under the name of Pius III. frustrat-
ed the hopes which had been formed on his eleva-
tion. Among those who had been nominated by
Sixtus IV. was Giuliano della Rovere, cardinal of
S. Pietro in Vincula. The ambition and military
spirit of this prelate seemed to have marked him
out for a different employment; but in those
days the crozier and the sword were not incompa-
tible, and Giuliano made his way by the latter, ra-
ther than the former, to the supreme dignity which
he afterwards enjoyed, by the name of Julius II.
By the same nomination there still sat in the col-
42 THE LIFE OP
CHAP. Jege, Raffaelle Riario, cardinal of S. Giorgio, who,
' . under the directions of his great uncle Sixtus IV.
A.D. 1492. had acted a principal part in the bloody conspiracy
of the Pazzi. In assuming his seat among the fa-
thers of the Christian Church, Giovanni de' Medici
therefore found himself associated with one who had
assisted in the murder of his uncle, and attempted
the life of his father ; but the youth and inexperi-
ence of Riario, had alleviated the enormity of a
crime perpetrated under the sanction of the su-
preme pontiff, and subsequent transactions had oc-
curred between the families of the pope and of the
Medici, which might have obliterated the remem-
brance of this event, had not the pallid counte-
nance of the cardinal occasionally recalled it to
mind, (a) Among those of royal or of noble birth,
the principal rank, after the death of Giovanni
d' Aragona, son of Ferdinand king of Naples, was
due to Ascanio, brother of Lodovico Sforza, who
supported the dignity of his office with great splen-
dor. The families of the Orsini and the Calonna
generally maintained a powerful interest in the
consistory, and the noble family of the CarafFa,
which has long ranked as one of the principal
in the kingdom of Naples, had also a representa-
tive in the person of Oliviero Caraffa, who had
been nominated by Paul II., and was one of the
most respectable members of the college.
Among the cardinals who had been nominated
S z er m of b the b 7 Innocent VIII. at the same time with Gio-
S D ddi- vann i de' Medici, was Pierre d' Aubusson, grand
veredinto master of Rhodes, upon whom that honour had
the pope, been conferred as a reward for having surren-
(o) V. Life of Lor. de' Med. vol. i. p. 180, 4to. ed.
LEO THE TENTH. 43
dered into the custody of the pope, an illustrious CHAP -
Turkish fugitive, who had been compelled, by the
rage of fraternal resentment, to seek for safety A. D. 1492.
among those of a different nation and a different A< jfit 17 '
faith. On the death of Mahomet, in the year 1482,
that ferocious conqueror left his extensive domi-
nions to his two sons, Bajazet and Zizim. Bajazet
was tempted to avail himself of the powerful plea of
primogeniture, to the exclusion of his brother, who
had endeavoured, by personal merit, to compensate
for the pretensions of seniority. The principal lead-
ers of the Turkish troops were divided in their
attachments to the two brothers, and perhaps that
circumstance, rather than the courage or conduct of
the duke of Calabria, delivered Italy from the de-
vastation with which it was threatened by the
Turks, when they had possessed themselves of the
city of Otranto. After a struggle of some years, and
several bloody engagements, victory declared for
the elder brother, and Zizim, to avoid the bow-
string, threw himself into the hands of the grand
master of Rhodes, whilst his wife and children
sought a refuge in Egypt, under the protection of
the Sultan. The reception which he met with was
highly honourable both to himself and his protec-
tor ; but the grand master, conceiving that his lon-
ger continuance at Rhodes might draw down upon
the island the whole power of the Turkish state,
sent him to France, whence he was soon after-
wards transferred to Rome, into which city he
made his public entry on the thirteenth day of
March, 1489. Considerations of policy, if not of
humanity, induced Innocent to receive him with
great kindness ; and Francesco Cib6, with a long
44 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, train of nobility, was deputed to attend him into
the city. On his being admitted to an audience of
A.D. 1492. the pope, in full consistory, he deranged the solem-
17. ceremon y . f or notwithstanding the in-
structions which he had received, to bend his knees,
and kiss the feet of his holiness, he marched firmly
up to him, and applied that mark of respect to his
shoulder. A chamber in the apostolic palace was
allotted for his residence, and a guard appointed,
which under the pretext of doing him honour, was
directed to prevent his escape. In this situation
an attempt was made to destroy the Turkish prince
by Cristoforo Castagno, a nobleman of the Marca
d* Ancona, who having entered into stipulations
for an immense reward, by the terms of which,
among other advantages, he was to be invested
with the government of the island of Negropont,
repaired to Rome, with the design of executing his
treacherous purpose. Some suspicions, however,
arose ; and it being discovered that he had recent-
ly returned from Constantinople, he was appre-
hended by order of the pope, and confessed, upon
the rack, his atrocious intentions. Those appre-
hensions which Bajazet could not extinguish whilst
his brother was living, he endeavoured to alleviate
by prevailing on the pope to retain him in secure
custody, for which he repaid him by the bribery of
Christian relicks, and the more substantial present
of considerable sums of money ; and Zizim accord-
ingly remained a prisoner at Rome until the en-
suing pontificate of Alexander VI. (a)
(a) On this occasion the Turkish emperor transmitted to the pope
the head of the spear which pierced the side of Jesus Christ. This re-
lick, according to an ancient chronicle, had been preserved at Con-
LEO THE TENTH. 45
Notwithstanding the tranquillity which Italy had CHAP.
for some time enjoyed, the rumours of approach-
ing calamities were not unfrequent. Those alarms A.D. 1492.
and denunciations which have generally preceded A ' "**' 1? *
great public commotions, although they may not R u u b 7 u c i!
arise from any supernatural interposition, are not mities -
always to be wholly disregarded. On the ap-
proach of the storm, the cattle, by a native in-
stinct, retire to shelter ; and the human mind may
experience a secret dread, resulting from a con-
currence of circumstances, which although not
amounting to demonstration, may afford strong
conviction of approaching evils, to a person of a
warm and enthusiastic temperament. Those im-
pressions which he is ready to impart, the public is
prepared to receive ; and the very credulity of man-
kind is itself a proof of impending danger. Whilst
the city of Florence trembled at the bold and ter-
stantinople before the capture of that place by the Turks, where it
had been concealed by a citizen, from whom it was purchased by
the emperor for 70,000 ducats. Some doubts arose among the
members of the college, as to the authenticity of this relick, it
being contended by some, that the true spear was at Nuremberg,
and by others, that it was preserved in the Sainte ChapelU at Pa-
ris ; but Innocent disregarded their objections ; and directed that
the present should be received in a solemn procession, in which it
was carried by the pope himself, on the day of ascension, inclosed
in a case of crystal. He was, however, so fatigued with the labour,
and so oppressed by the tumults of the crowd, that he was unable*
to finish the ceremony. Burchard. Diar. ap. Notices des MSS. du
Roi, i. 94. The rage for collecting relicks seems at this period
to have been at its height. In the official letters of Bartolomraeo
Scala, as chancellor of the Florentine Republic, we find one ad-
dressed to the grand Turk, requesting his interference with the in-
habitants of Ragusa, to induce them to deliver up the left arm
of St. John the Baptist, which they had intercepted in its way to
Florence. Band. Monument, p. 17.
46 LIFE OF LEO THE TENTH.
CHAP, rific harangues of Savonarola, who was at this time
_ rising to the height of his fatal popularity, a stranger
A.D. 1492. is said to have made his appearance at Rome, who
A yt 17
in the habit of a mendicant, and with the appearance
of an idiot, ran through the streets, bearing a cruci-
fix, and foretelling, in a strain of forcible eloquence
the disasters that were shortly to ensue ; particu-
larly to Florence, Venice, and Milan. With a pre-
cision, however, which a prudent prognosticator
should avoid, he ventured to fix the exact time
when these disorders were to commence ; and had
the still greater folly to add, that an angelic shep-
herd would shortly appear, who would collect the
scattered flock of true believers into the heavenly
fold. But the prescribed period having elapsed,
the predictions of the enthusiast were disregarded ;
and he had the good fortune to sink into his ori-
ginal obscurity, without having experienced that
fate, which has generally attended alike the pro-
phets and pseudo-prophets of all ages and all na-
tions.
CHAP II.
1492.
STATE of literature in Rome Pomponius Ltetus Cal-
limachus Experiens Paolo Cortese Serafino D'Aquila
State of literature in other parts of Italy Neapolitan
academy Giovanni Pontano His Latin poetry com-
pared with that of Politiano Giacopo Sanazzaro His
Arcadia and other umritings Enmity between the Nea-
politan and Florentine scholars' Cariteo Other mem-
bers of the Neapolitan academy State of literature in
Ferrara The two Strozzi Boiardo Ariosto Fran-
cesco Cieco Nicolo Lelio Cosmico Guidubaldo da
Montefeltri, duke of Urbino Francesco Gonzaga mar-
quis of Mantua Battista Mantuano Lodotico Sforza
encourages men of talents Lionardo da Vinci Emi-
nent scholars at the court of Milan The BentivogU of
Bologna Codrus Urceus Petrus Crinitus Aldo Ma-
nuzio, his acquaintance with Alberto Pio lord of Carpi,
and Pico of Mirandula His motives for undertaking to
print and publish the works of the ancients Establishes
his press at Venice, and founds an academy there Pro-
gress and success of his undertaking.
49
CHAPTER II.
ALTHOUGH many causes concurred to render the A. 0.1492.
A jf.t 17
City, as Rome was then emphatically called, the
! i . T ... State ofli-
cniei place in Italy, yet it was not at this time terature in
distinguished by the number or proficiency of
those scholars whom it produced or patronized.
An attempt had been made in the pontificate of
Paul II. to establish an academy, or society for
the research of antiquities, but the jealousy of that
haughty and ignorant priest had defeated its ob-
ject, and consigned the wretched scholars to the
dungeon or the rack. Among those who had sur-
vived his barbarity was Julius Pomponius Laetus, Pomponius
who by his various writings and indefatigable la-
bours, had at this early period been of no inconsi-
derable service to the cause of literature. To the
testamentary kindness of Bartolommeo Platina,
who had been his companion in his studies, and his
fellow-sufferer in his misfortunes, and who died in
the year 1481, Pomponius was indebted for a com-
modious and handsome residence in Rome, sur-
rounded with pleasant gardens and plantations of
laurel, where he yet lived at an advanced age,
devoted to the society of his literary friends, (a)
() Pomponius derived his origin from Calabria, and is sup-
posed to have been of illegitimate birth ; bdt his parentage, and
even his real name, have escaped the researches of his admirers.
The appellation of Julius Pomponius Laetus, he doubtless as-
VOL. I. E
50 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. His associate Filippo Buonaccorsi, better known
_ by his academical name, Callimachus Experiens,
A.D. 1492. had quitted Italy under the impressions of terror
Caiiim excited by the cruelty of Paul, and sought a refuge
- j n Poland ; where under Casimir and John Albert,
the successive sovereigns of that country, he en-
sumed as an academical or scholastic distinction ; but the name of
T ,;rt us was sometimes exchanged for that of Fortunatus, or Infor-
tunatus, as the circumstances of his situation seemed to require :
and Vossius supposes that Julius Pomponius Sabinus is no other
than the same person. (De Histor. Latinis, lib. iii. p. 615.)
From the letters of Politiano, it appears, that a frequent commu-
nication subsisted between these two eminent scholars, and that
Pomponius was accustomed to furnish his learned friend with
such curious monuments of antiquity as his researches supplied.
We also learn from Crinitus, that Pomponius transmitted to Lo-
renzo de 1 Medici an antique marble, which exhibited the order of
the months of the year, and of the Roman calendar ; and the fre-
quent commemoration of the family of the Medici, in the letters
of Pomponius, manifests the good understanding that subsisted
between them, which was probably increased by the arrival of the
cardinal in Rome. The works of Pomponius are very numerous,
and many of them have frequently been reprinted ; but his most
useful production is his description of the antiquities of Rome.
Erasmus commends the unaffected elegance of his style. " Pom-
ponius Laetus, elegantia Romana contentus, nihil affectavit ultra."
Bartolommeo Martiano (Diss. Voss. ii. 242.) has justly appreciated
the merits of this early scholar, whom he ranks with Tortelli and
Blondo. " Scripsere nullo pene discrimine, vera pariter et falsa,
apta atque inepta : tamen eos qui primi omnium hanc scribendi
provinciam aggressi sunt, ob earn causam non indignos laude ex-
istimavimus, quod ad plura utilioraque invenienda viam posteris
ostendisse videmus." To Pomponius we are also indebted for the
earliest editions of several of the Roman Classics, and among
others, Terentius Varro, Ven. 1474, fo. ; Silivs Italicus, Romas, 1471,
fo. ; 2nintus Curtius, Roma, per Georgium Later, absqtte anni nota ;
Columella, published with the Rei Rusticce Scriptores, Bonon.
1494, where he styles himself Pomponius Fortunatus, in conse-
quence of which he is cited by the bibliographer De Bure, as a
distinct author. Bibliogr. Instr. No. 1627. To these edition
LEO THE TENTH. 51
joyed for several years some of the chief offices of CHAP.
the state. The distinguished favours bestowed on
him by those princes, could not fail of exciting the A.D. 1402.
resentment of their subjects, who were jealous of
the interference of a foreigner and a fugitive ; but
the virtue or the good fortune of Callimachus, were
superior to the attacks of his adversaries, and he
retained his eminent station, with undiminished
honour, to the close of his days, (a)
But although the misfortunes which had befallen
this early institution, had considerably damped the
spirit of improvement at Rome, yet the disaster
of the Roman authors published by Pomponius, Count Boss! has
added that of Pompejus Festus, of which he po3sessed an edition
without date, marked at the close with the words FINIS POMPEII
FESTI QUEM POMPONIUS CORKEXIT. HANS. GLIM. Ital. TV. vol.
xii. p. 2u8.
(a) This illustrious scholar was born at San Gemignano, of a
noble family, in the year 1437. On associating himself with Pom-
ponius in the Roman academy, he relinquished his family name,
and adopted that of CalKmactitu, which he probably thought ex-
pressed in Greek the same idea as Buonaccorsi in Italian. His addi-
tion of Efpeiiens is conjectured by Zeno to have arisen from the
vicissitudes which he met with in life ; but this is to suppose, that
he did not assume it till after those vicissitudes had taken place.
It is more probable that he merely meant to infer, that all true
knowledge must be founded on experience. His flight to Poland
is thus adverted to by Cantilicio, a contemporary poet, and pre-
late of the church. It must be premised, that the name of Paul II.
was Pietro Barbo.
" Callimachus, Barbos fugiens ex urbe furores,
Barbara quae fuerant regna, Latina tacit."
His history of the affairs of Hungary, which he wrote at the in-
stance of the great Mattia Corvino, is preferred by Jovius to any
historical work which had appeared since the days of Tacitus.
Vots. de Hiit. Lot. lib. iii. p. ftlJ). Count Bossi, of Milan, pos-
sessed a MS. on vellum, of Latin epigrams of this author ; some
of which have not been printed. Ital. Tr. vol. i. p. 85. Callima-
E 2
tese.
52
CHAP, was in some degree repaired by the talents of Pao-
lo Cortese ; who, at an early period of life, had sig-
A.D. 1492. nalized himself by his dialogue Dehominibusdoctis,
A- ^ 17 - w hich he had inscribed to Lorenzo de' Medici, (a)
The approbation which Politiano expressed of this
youthful production, was such as that great scho-
lar was seldom induced to bestow ; not because he
was jealous of the talents of others, but because he
was sincere in his commendation of their works,
and was enabled, by his own proficiency, to judge
of their merits and defects. Some years after-
wards, when Cortese was appointed one of the
apostolic notaries, a new institution was formed
by him, the members of which met under his own
roof, and passed their time, without formal re-
strictions, either in the perusal of such works as
his elegant library supplied, or in conversation on
chus died at Cracow, in the year 1496. His remains were
deposited in a tomb of bronze, with the following inscription :
PHILIPPUS CALLIMACHUS EXPERIENS, natione Thuscus, vir
doctissimus, utriusque fortunes exemplum imitandum, atque om-
nis virtutis cultor pr&cipvus, diti olim CAZIMIRI et JOHANNIS
ALBERTI, Polotiice regum, secretarius acceptissimus, Relictis
ingenii, ac rerum a se gestarum, pluribus monumentis, cum
summo omnium bonorum meerore, et regice domus, attjue hvjus
reipub. incommodo, anno sulutis nostrce, MCCCCXCVI. calcndis
Novetnbris, vita decedens, hie sepultus est.
(a) The dedicatory epistle is as honourable to the talents of
the author, as to the character of the patron. The work itself
met with great applause ; and the friends of Cortese advised him to
publish it; notwithstanding which it remained in MS. till the year
1734, when it was given to the public by Manni, from a copy
found by Alex. Politi, at S. Gemignano. Some account of an-
other work by Cortese, In Sententias, or on the doctrine of faith,
is given by Mr. Hencke in a note on this passage ; in which he
highly appreciates that work. v. Germ. TV. vol. i. p. 55.
LEO THE TENTH. 53
literary topics. Besides his treatise before men- CHAP.
tioned, he was the author of many other works ;(a) '
but his premature death prevented the world from A. D. 1492.
reaping the full fruits of his talents and his la-
bours.
Among those who attended the literary meetings
of Cortese, was the poet Serafino d' Aquila. At
a time when the Italian language was yet strug-
gling to divest itself of its impurities and defects,
the works of Serafino were not without some share
of merit. He was born at Aquila, in Abruzzo,
of a respectable family, and passed a part of his
youthful years in the court of the count of Po-
tenza, where he acquired a knowledge of music.
Returning to his native place, he applied himself
for three years to the study of the works of Dante
and of Petrarca, after which he accompanied the
cardinal Ascanio Sforza to Rome. During his
whole life Serafino seems to have changed the
place of his residence as often as the favours of
the great held out to him a sufficient inducement.
Hence we find him successively in the service, or
at the courts, of the king of Naples, the duke of
Urbino, the marquis of Mantua, the duke of Mi-
lan, and finally of Caesar Borgia. Nor must we
wonder, that Serafino was sought for as a compa-
(a) Among these are his treatise De Curdinnlatu^ and several
theological works. Tirab. Storia della Lett. Itul. vol. vi. par. 1, p.
85, 232. In another department of letters, he was however ex-
celled by his brother Alessandro, who was one of the most elegant
Latin poets of that period, as appears by his heroic poem, entitled
Laudes bellicx Matthice Corvini Hungarian regis* Cann. Ulustr. Poet.
Jtal. iii. 157. From this piece it appears, that Alessandro had fol-
lowed the fortunes of this great prince, who was not excelled in
his love of literature by any monarch of his time.
54 THE LIFE OP
CHAP, nioj^ to alleviate the anxiety, or banish the languor
. of greatness; for he superadded to his talent for
A. D. 1492. poetical composition, that of singing extempore
verses to the lute, and was one of the most cele-
brated Improwisatori of his time. This circum-
stance may sufficiently explain the reason of the
superior degree of reputation which he obtained
during his lifetime, to that which he has since
enjoyed, (a)
state of H- Such was the state of literature, and the talents
terature in o f its chief professors, in the city of R ome, at the
other parts . A TIT, -/r T
of itaiy. time when the cardinal de Medici took up his re-
(a) The works of Serafino were often reprinted in the early
part of the sixteenth century. The first edition is that of Rome,
1503 j but that of the Giunti, 1C 16, is the most beautiful and cor-
rect. Amidst the hasty effusions of Serafino, we sometimes meet
with passages which prove him to have been a genuine poet ; as
in the opening of his Capitolo to sleep :
" Placido sonno, che dal ciel in terra
Tacito scendi a tranquillar la mente,
E de' sospir a mitigar la guerra !
" Ben fai tu spesso i miei desir contend ;
Che in lieto sonno a me conduci quella,
Che pasce il cor de si lunghi tormenti."
These lines seem to have been imitated by the celebrated Gio-
vanni della Casa, in the sonnet beginning,
" O sonno, o della queta, umida, ombrosa,
Notte, placido figlio."
And more evidently by Filicaja, the finest modern lyric poet of
Italy, about the year 1700, in his terzine, Al Sonno.
" Cara Morte de' sensi, oblio de' mali."
Serafino died in 1500, in his thirty-fourth year. On his tomb,
in S. Maria del Popolo, was inscribed the following hyperbolical
eulogium, by his friend Bernardo Accolti :
" Qui giace Serafin : partirti or puoi ;
Sol d'aver visto il sasso che lo serra
Assai sei debitor agli occhi tuoi."
LEO THE TENTH. 55
sidence there ; and it must be confessed that, not- c H A p -
ii.
withstanding the laudable exertions of the few '
distinguished scholars before mentioned, that place A - D - , 1492 -
had not hitherto brought forth those fruits which
might have been expected from the munificence of
Nicholas V., and the example of Pius II. Nor is
it to be denied, that in almost every other city of
Italy, the interests of letters and of science were
attended to with more assiduity than in the chief
place in Christendom. At Naples an illustrious
band of scholars had, under better auspices, insti-
tuted an academy, which had subsisted for many
years in great credit. Of this the celebrated Pon-
tano was at this time the chief director, whence
it has usually been denominated the Academy of^g^**
Pontano.(a] It was, however, originally esta-
blished in the reign of Alfonso I., by Antonio
Beccatelli, Bartolommeo Facio, Lorenzo Valla,
and other eminent men, whom that patron of let-
ters had attracted to his court. The place of as-
() On entering the Neapolitan academy, Pontano changed his
baptismal name of Giovanni for Jovianus. This custom is plea-
santly ridiculed by Ariosto, in his sixth satire, inscribed to Pietro
Bembo :
" II nome, che d' Apostolo ti clenno,
O d' alcun minor santo, i padri, quando
Christiano d' acqua, non d' altro ti fenno,
In Cosmico, in Pomponio vai mutando ;
Altri Pietro in Pierio, altri Giovanni
In Jano e in Jovian va riconciando ;
Quasi che'l nome i buon giudicj inganni,
E che quel meglio t'abbia a far Poeta
Che non fara lo studio di molt' anui."
We are informed by Count Bossi, (Ital. Tr. vol. i. p. 89) that
the Academia Pontaniuna still exists at Naples, and numbers
amongst its members many persons eminent in science and li-
terature.
56 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, sembly was denominated the Portico, and being
' situated near the residence of Beccatelli, that dis-
A.D.1492. tinguished scholar, and favourite of Alfonso, was
A ^Et 17
' its earliest and most constant visitor.(a) After the
death of Beccatelli, his friend and disciple Pon-
tano, was appointed chief of the academy, and
under his direction it rose to a considerable degree
of respectability.
Few scholars, who have Owed their eminence
merely to their talents, have enjoyed a degree of
Giovanni respect and dignity equal to Pontano. His writ-
Pontano. r J
ings, both in verse and prose, are extremely nu-
merous ; but, as they are wholly in the Latin
language, he cannot be enumerated among those,
who, at this period, laboured, with so much assi-
duity and success, in the improvement of their
native tongue. The versatility of his talents, and
the extent of his scientific acquirements, are chiefly
evinced by his works in prose ; (b) in which he
appears successively as a grammarian, a politi-
cian, an historian, a satirist, and a natural and
moral philosopher. These writings are now, how-
ever, in a great degree, consigned to oblivion;
nor is it difficult to account for the neglect which
they have experienced. His grammatical treatise
De Aspiratione, in two books, instead of exhibit-
ing a philosophical investigation of general rules,
degenerates into an ill-arranged and tiresome cata-
logue of particular examples. Nor do we feel
(a) For some account of Beccatelli, v. Life of Lor. de Medici,
vol. i. p. 51, 4to. eel.
(b) First collected and published under the directions of Pietro
Summonte, by Andrea d'Asola, at Venice, vol. i. 1518 ; vols. ii,
and iii. 1519, 8vo. afterwards published at Basil, 1538.
LEO THE TENTH. 57
more inclined to indulge such a trial of our pa- CHAP.
tience, on account of the instance which he alleges
of the orator Messala, who wrote a whole book on A. D. 1492.
the letter s. In natural philosophy his writings
chiefly relate to the science of astronomy, in which
he appears to have made great proficiency; but
they are at the same time disgraced by a frequent
mixture of judicial astrology ; and afford a con-
vincing proof that, when an author builds on false
grounds, and reasons on false principles, the greater
his talents are, the greater will be his absurdities.
His moral treatises are indeed the most valuable
of his w : ritings; but they are injured by the un-
bounded fertility of his imagination, and exhibit
rather all that can be said on the subject, than all
that ought to be said. From some scattered pas-
sages it appears, however, that he had formed an
idea of laying a more substantial basis for philoso-
phical inquiries, than the world had theretofore
known ; and had obtained, though in dim and dis-
tant prospect, a glimpse of that nobler edifice,
which about a century afterwards, was more fully
displayed to the immortal Bacon, and in compa-
rison with which the fabrics of the schoolmen,
like the magic castles of romance, have vanished
into air. (a)
Of the satirical talents of Pontano, if we take His
poetry com-
his Asinus as a specimen, no very favourable opin- pareu with
, ,' T . . , that of IV
ion can be entertamed.(0) His poetry is, however, n
(a) " De spe ita quidem mihi persuadeo, brevi fore quod dixi,
ut et philosophia clariorem formam induat, cumque una sit et
certa veritas, minime futura sit tarn varia et lubrica, et qui elo-
quentiam sequuntur habeant unde facilius hauriant, quod exornare
verbis possint." Pont, de Obedientia.
(6) This is a kind of drama, in which a traveller, an innkeeper,
58 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, entitled to great approbation, and will always rank
' him, if not the first, at least in the very first rank
A. D. 1492. of modern Latin poets. Under his control, that
A. JEt 17
language displays a facility, a grace, to which it
had been for upwards of a thousand years a stran-
ger ; and in the series of Latin writers, his works
may be placed next to those of the Augustan age,
which they will not disgrace by their proximity.
They display a great variety of elegiac, lyric, and
epigrammatic productions ; but his Hendecasyllabi
are preferred to the rest of his writings.(a) An
and a courier, are introduced, rejoicing in the restoration of
peace, which the courier attributes to the exertions of Pontano.
The blessings of peace are then chanted by a chorus of priests,
after which Altilio, Pardo, and Cariteo, three of his most inti-
mate friends, lament together the insanity of Pontano; who has
of late devoted all his time to the feeding and decorating an ass.
Pontano soon afterwards appears, accompanied by his gardener,
with whom he holds a long and serious conversation on the graft-
ing of trees, and the improvement of his garden. A boy then
brings in his favourite ass, and Pontano determines to wash and
comb him ; but beginning at the tail, is molested by a very natu-
ral circumstance. He then undertakes to perform that operation
on the head ; when in return for his kindness, the stupid animal
seizes and bites him by the hand, and Pontano finds, too late,
that they who attempt to wash the face of an ass, lose both their soap
and their labour. " Asino caput qui lavent, eos operam cum sa-
pone amittere." This piece has been said to refer to the duke of
Calabria, who, as Pontano thought, did not sufficiently repay the
services which he had performed, in effecting a peace with the
pope, in the year 1486 ; but if Pontano was capable of this gross
abuse of the son of his great patron and benefactor, whom he
constantly celebrated with the most open flattery, he deserves as
much censure for the malevolence of his purpose, as for the im-
becility of its execution.
(a) The poetical remains of Pontano were published in 2 vols.
12mo., the first by Aldo, in 1513, the second by Andrea d'Asola,
the associate and successor ,of Aldo, in 1518.
LEO THE TENTH. 59
eminent critic has not indeed hesitated to give CHAP.
Pontano the preference in point of elegance, to
Politiano himself.(a) Nor will a candid judge be A. 0.1492.
inclined to oppose this opinion, as far as relates
to ease and fluency of style ; that of Pontano be-
ing uniformly graceful and unlaboured, whilst in
that of Politiano, an attempt may at times be per-
ceived to force the genius of the language to the
expression of his own ideas. But if an inquiry
were to be instituted into the respective merits of
these great men, this circumstance alone would
not be sufficient to decide the question. The sub-
jects on which Pontano has treated, are mostly of
a general nature : amatory verses, convivial invi-
tations, or elegiac effusions. Even in his Urania,
or poem on the stars, and his Hortus Hexpciidum,
or poem on the cultivation of the orange, he sel-
dom treads at any great distance from the track of
the ancients. His sentiments are therefore rather
accommodated to the language, than the language
to his sentiments. But with Politiano the case is
reversed : with a more vigorous mind, and a wider
range of thought, he disdained to be limited to
prescriptive modes of expression, and in embody-
ing his ideas, relied on his own genius. Hence,
whilst Pontano is at one time an imitator of Vir-
gil, and at another of Horace, Catullus, or Pro-
pertius, Politiano is himself an original, and owns
no subservience to any of the great writers of an-
tiquity ; whom, however, he has shewn that he
was capable of imitating, had he chosen it, with
great exactness. Pontano may therefore be al-
(a) " Politiano adhuc politior." Borricktus de poetis, ap.
Rlottnt, Ccruura author urn. 502.
60
CHAP, lowed to take the precedence of Politiano, with
m respect to the grace and facility of his verse, with-
A.D.H92. out detracting from the intrinsic merits of that
A yt 17
sound scholar and very extraordinary man.(a)
^ ot ^ ess ce l e ^ rate d than the name of Pontano,
is that of his friend and countryman, Sanazzaro,
who is equally distinguished by the excellence of
his Latin and Italian compositions. He was born
at Naples, in the year 1458, of a respectable fa-
mily, which claimed consanguinity with San Naz-
zaro, one of the saints of the Roman church.(^)
(a) The political and literary labours of Pontano, and the chief
circumstances of his public and private life, are commemorated in
a beautiful elegiac poem of his friend Sanazzaro. Eleg. lib. i.
El. 9. Ed. Comin. 1731.
" Qui primus patrios potuit liquisse penates."
(6) By a singular coincidence, Sanazzaro was born on the very
day devoted to that saint, being the twenty-eighth day of July.
Of the opulence, the rank, and the achievements of his ancestors,
he has left in his writings many memorials. From these it ap-
pears, that his family was originally of Spain, and that Niccolo,
one of his ancestors, followed Carlo Durazzo in a high military
capacity, when he obtained possession of the kingdom of Naples.
His services were repaid by the princely reward of the castle of
Mondragone, and an extensive territory in the province of Lu-
cania, which were enjoyed by Giacopo, his son, the grandfather
of the poet, till he was deprived of them by his opposition to the
dissolute conduct, and oppressive measures, of Joanna, the sister
and successor of Ladislaus king of Naples. From that period
the possessions of his family were considered as inferior to their
rank ; and, although they still enjoyed an honourable independ-
ence, their reduced state, and lost honours, are a frequent subject
of the poet's complaint. Arcadia, prosa 7 ; Crispo, vita di San. p. 2.
His nativity, on the feast of San Nazzaro, is commemorated in
the following inscriptive lines, on dedicating a chapel to that
saint, and in many other parts of his works :
" Divo Nazario.
Natali quod, Dive, tuo, lucem editus hausi ;
Quod tua nascenti lux mihi prima fuit ;
LEO THE TENTH. 61
Under the instructions of Giuniano Majo, Sa- CHAP.
nazzaro chiefly acquired the knowledge of the
Greek and Latin languages, the latter of which A. D. 1492.
he cultivated in an eminent degree. On entering A>jEU7 -
into the Neapolitan academy, he relinquished his
appellation of Giacopo, and adopted the name of
Actius Syncerus, by which he is usually known.
The friendship of Pontano, and his own merits,
recommended him at an early age to the favour of
Ferdinand king of Naples, and of his sons, Al-
fonso and Federigo, to whom, throughout all their
calamities, he maintained an unshaken attachment.
For the amusement of these princes he is said to
have written several dramatic pieces in the Nea-
politan dialect, which highly delighted the popu-
lace ;(a) but perhaps the earliest assignable date to
any of his works, is the year 1492, when the great
events and changes which occurred in the world
by the expulsion of the Moors from Grenada, and
the discovery of Hispaniola by Columbus, at-
tracted in a high degree the public attention in
every part of Europe. It is indeed a singular co-
incidence, that in the same year in which the
Actius hoc riguo parvum cum fonte sacellum
Dedico ; tu nutu fac rata vota tuo ;
Ut quae Sextiles lux venerit ante calcndas
Quarta, sit hie generi bis celebranda meo ;
Et quod solennes revocat tua festa per aras ;
Et quod natalem contigit esse meam."
(a) "N pur oggi e fatto antico in Napoli, fra gli altri suoi
componimenti, uno, detto dal volgo di essa Citta, Gliomero, nome
conveniente all' opera, in cui si raccolgono tutte sentenze, e voci
goffe, del parlare antico Napolitano, con digressioni molto ridi-
cole, segni non oscuri della fertilita dell' ingegno di esso poeta."
Crispo, in vita San. p. 9 ; and see Mr. Joseph Cooper Walker's
Essay on the Italian Drama, p. 69.
62 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Spanish sovereigns freed their country from the
^ opprobrium of a foreign yoke, they should them-
A.D. 1492. selves have commenced a similar invasion on the
A.^Et.17. natura j r jght s O f others. The discovery of the new
world gave rise to many singular and extravagant
notions, which are striking proofs of the credu-
lity of the age.(a) But the conquest of Grenada
was celebrated throughout all Christendom ;(&) and
with particular splendour at Naples, the sove-
reigns of which were so nearly allied, both by
blood and marriage, to the reigning family of
Spain. On this occasion Sanazzaro produced a
dramatic poem, which was performed before Al-
fonso duke of Calabria, at Naples, on the fourth
day of March, 1492.(c) Nor was it only by the
labours of the pen that Sanazzaro obtained the
favour of his great patrons. The contests which
arose in Italy had called forth the military talents
of Alfonso, who after having expelled the Turks
from Otranto, fought the battles of his country
with various success. In these expeditions he was
accompanied by Sanazzaro, who in his Latin po-
ems frequently adverts to his warlike exploits,
(a) Monaldeschi Commentarii Historici, lib. xvi. Ed. Ven. 1784.
Bembo, Ittoria Venetu, lib. vi.
(6) An account of the rejoicings in London, on this occasion,
may be found in Hollinshed's Chronicle.
(c) The plan of this piece is extremely simple. Mahomet first
appears lamenting his defeat, and flying before the Christian
army ; after which, Faith and Joy successively enter the stage, in
appropriate habiliments, and exult in his defeat, and the repre-
sentation terminates with a masquerade and a dance. This Farsa,
as it appears to have been entitled by the author, remained in
MS. till the year 1719, when it was published at Naples, and has.
since been usually annexed to the Italian writings of Sanazzaro.
LEO THE TENTH. 63
with the consciousness of one whose services have CHAP.
been neither unknown nor unimportant.
Of the writings of Sanazzaro in his native Ian- A.D. 1492.
ffuaee, the most celebrated is the Arcadia, which .^''f* 17 '
*- *' liu Arc*-
for purity of style, and elegance of expression, di -
is allowed to have excelled all that Italy had
before produced.(a) This performance is also a
species of drama, in which the interlocutors ex-
press themselves in verse ; but every dialogue is
preceded by an introduction in a kind of poetical
prose, the supposed dialect of Arcadian shepherds.
If the applauses with which this piece was re-
ceived, and the commendations bestowed upon it
in the lifetime of the author, be considered as in-
adequate proofs of its merit, the numerous edi-
tions of it, which appeared in the course of the
ensuing century, are a more unequivocal testimony
of its excellence ; and the latest historian of Italian
literature acknowledges, that after the lapse of
three centuries, the Arcadia is justly esteemed as
one of the most elegant compositions in the Italian
language.(i) It must however be confessed, that
this piece is not now read without some effort
against that involuntary languor, which works of
great length, and little interest, never fail to oc-
casion. This may perhaps be attributed to the
alternate recurrence of prose and verse, a species
of composition, which has never succeeded in any
(a) On this passage Count Rossi has remarked, that I seem to
have forgotten the divine productions of Dante and Petrarca;
but 1 am here speaking of what may be called the second and ef-
fective revival of Italian literature, and I presume it will be so
understood by the reader.*
(6) Tirab. vii. par. iii. p. 74. About sixty editions of the Ar-
cadia appeared before the year 1600.
64 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. a g e> or in an y country, and which even the genius
' of La Fontaine could not raise into celebrity ;(a)
A. D. U92. to the use of poetical prose, that hermaphrodite
of literature, equally deprived of masculine. vigour
and of feminine grace; to the repetition of the
versi sdruccioli, which terminate every line with
a rapidity approaching to the ludicrous, and pre-
vent that variety of pauses which is essential to
numerous composition. If to these causes we add
the very inartificial, and almost unconnected plan
of the poem, and the total want of variety in the
sentiments and characters, we shall be at no loss
to account for the present neglect of a work, which
may however be esteemed as a production of un-
common merit at the time when it appeared, and
as having contributed in an eminent degree to form
and to refine the Italian tongue.
And other If, however, the Arcadia of Sanazzaro had ne-
ver been written, his sonnets and lyric pieces would
have secured to him the distinction of one of the
chief poets that Italy has produced. It has indeed
been supposed, that if the increasing celebrity of
Pietro Bembo, had not deprived Sanazzaro of the
hope of being considered as the principal restorer
of Italian literature, he would have pursued that
object with still greater energy and success, (b)
The rivalship of these two eminent men, whilst it
rather cemented than relaxed the friendship that
subsisted between them, eventually led them to pur-
sue, by a kind of tacit consent, each a different
path to fame ; and whilst Bembo persevered in cul-
tivating his native tongue, Sanazzaro turned all
(a) Les Amours de Psyche et de Cupidon.
(4) Crispo, Vita di San. p. 24, et not. 63.
LEO THE TENTH. 65
his powers to the improvement of his talents for CHAP.
Latin poetry, in which department his produc-
tions will occur to our future notice. A. D. 1492.
When we advert to the great degree of attention A ' Ax 17-
paid to the cultivation of polite letters, both in Na-
ples and in Florence, at this period, it may seem
extraordinary that so little intercourse subsisted be-
tween the scholars in those places. In the Epis- Fnmit . v **-
of Politiano, we find indeed a letter from Neapolitan
him to Pontano on the death of Ferdinand of Na-
pies, written in the most respectful and nattering larh *
terms ; (a) but no answer to this letter appears in
the collection, and as it was customary for Politiano
to insert the replies of his friends, we may be as-
sured, that either none was returned, or that it was
not calculated to do much honour to the person to
whom it was addressed. It also appears, that
Pontano had, on some former occasion, excused
himself from the task of correspondence, to which
Politiano, with an unusual degree of condescen-
sion, replies, " you have my full consent, as long as
I know you honour me with your esteem, not only
not to reply to my letters, but even not to read
them." This indifference on the part of Pontano,
who has, on no occasion, introduced the name of
Politiano in his works, may perhaps be taken as
no equivocal indication of his disregard, whilst his
intimacy with Scala and Marullus, the avowed
enemies of Politiano, may serve to confirm the
suspicion. But the works of Sanazzaro aiford ex-
amples of more direct hostility. In the year 1489,
Politiano published his Miscellanea, in which he
conjectures, that Catullus, under the emblem of
(a) Pol. Ep. lib. ii. ep. 7.
VOL. I. F
66 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, his sparrow, concealed an idea too indecent to
be more fully expressed, (a) Why this observation
A. D. H92. should have excited the resentment of the Neapo-
litan scholars, who were by no means remarkable
for the moral purity of their compositions, it is
not easy to discover ; (b) but among the epigrams
of Sanazzaro are some verses addressed, Ad Puli-
cianum, (a term of reproach of which Scala had set
the example) in which he with great severity alludes
to this criticism, which he treats with the utmost
ridicule and contempt, (c) Not satisfied with this
attack, he returns to the charge ; and, in another
copy of verses, bestows on the object of his re-
sentment the most unqualified abuse, (d) In other
parts of his works he inveighs against certain au-
thors, who contaminate the precincts of Parnassus
by their envy and malignity, among whom it is
highly probable that he meant to include the Flo-
rentine scholar, (e) As Politiano was, of all men
living, the most unlikely to submit to these insults
(a) This he infers from the conclusion of an epigram of Martial :
" Da mi basia, sed Catulliana,
Quae si tot fuerint quot ille dixit, .
Donabo tibi passerem Catulli."
Polit. Miscel. lib. i. cap. 6.
(A) Pontano had himself not only commented on the works of
Catullus, as appears by an epigram of Sanazzaro, De emendatione
Catulli, ad Jovianum ; but had adopted and amplified the idea of
Politiano in an epigram, which he entitles Cut donaturus sit suam
columbam. Op. Poet. i. 232.
(c) Sanazzar. Epig. lib. i. ep. 61.
" Ait nescio quis Pulicianus."
A piece much more remarkable for its indecency than its wit, and
infinitely more reprehensible than the passage to which it adverts.
(d) Ib. ep. 61.
(e) Eleg. lib. i. el. 11. In maledicos detractors*.
LEO THE TENTH. 67
without a reply, we may be allowed to conjecture CHAP.
that these hostile pieces, at whatever time they
were written, were not made public till after his A. D. ugs.
death.
Another member of the academy, and distin-
guished literary ornament of Naples, was the poet
Cariteo, whose family-name has been lost in his
poetical appellation. He is said to have been a na-
tive of Barcelona, and it appears from his own
writings, that he was connected by consanguinity
with Massimo Corvino, bishop of Massa, who also
held a place in the academy, (a) Of his friendly
intercourse with the first scholars and chief nobi-
lity of Naples, and even with the individuals of
the reigning family there, his works afford innume-
rable instances, whilst in those of Sanazzaro and
Pontano, he is frequently mentioned with particu-
lar affection and commendation, (6) His writings,
(a) " E tu, Corvino mio, poi ch'io ti mostro,
Che di sangue e d'amor son teco giunto,
Parla di me con penna, e con inchiostro."
Cariteo, contra i malcvoli, in fine,
(b Thus Sanazzaro :
" Quin et rite suos genio Chariteus honores
Praebeat, et festas concinet ante dapes." Eleg. lib. i.
And Pontano addresses Ad Chariteum, his Hendecasyllabi, in
which he celebrates the baths of Baia. Cariteo himself thus an-
ticipates the applause of his friends :
" Parla di me il Ponlan, quel bel tesoro
D' Apollo, e delle Aonide sorelle,
Che con la lingua sparge un fin me d'oro.
" Depinto io son nel opre eterne e belle
Del mio bel Sanazar, vero Syncero,
Ch' allora io giugnero fin a le stelle."
Cariteo, contra i maleroli.
He also attributes the name by which he is now known, to the
favour of Sanazzaro :
F 2
68 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, which are wholly in the Italian tongue, are charac-
terized by a vigour of sentiment, and a genuine
A. D. 1492. vein of poetry. Without rivalling the elegance of
the Tuscan poets, they possess also a considerable
share of ease and harmony. Some of these compo-
sitions refer, in a very particular manner, to the
characters of the principal persons, and to the po-
litical events of the times, (a) The animosity of
the Neapolitan scholars against those of Florence,
is further evinced by the writings of Cariteo. In
one of his Canzoni he insinuates, that the splendor
of Dante and of Petrarca has eclipsed the fame of
all their countrymen, an observation evidently in-
tended to humiliate the present race of scholars,
under a pretext of paying homage to the past ; (b)
and in his Risposta contra i malevoli, to whomso-
ever he meant to apply that appellation, he has ex-
ceeded Sanazzaro himself in expressions of his re-
sentment and abuse.
The other members, who composed the literary
" Quando di quel liquor Parthenopeo
Syncero mi pascea, dice cantando,
Con le charite, ond' io fui CHARITEO."
Cariteo, Pascha. Cant. 6, in fin.
(a) They were collected and published by his surviving friend,
Pietro Summonte, at Naples, 1509, 4to. From this edition, a
Canzone consecrated to the praise of the royal family of Naples,
and of his literary friends, and containing some passages of great
merit, is given in the Appendix. It is to be observed, however,
that the predictions of the poet were speedily reversed, by the en-
tire ruin of his great patrons, v. Appendix, No. XVII.
(b) " Se i due soli, di cui 1' Arno si gloria
Onde Beatrice e Laura hor son divine,
Offuscan 1' altre stelle Fiorentine,
Non torran a Sebeto la sua gloria.
Vivan le muse."
LEO THE TENTH. 69
institution of Naples, were arranged according to c HAP
the different districts of the city, or the realm,
and the society also associated to itself, as hono- A. D. 1492.
rary members, the most eminent scholars in other '
Other mem-
parts of Europe.(a) Among those who contri- ** n f th *
buted at this time to its credit, was Andrea Mat- academy.
teo Acquaviva, duke of Atri, on whom all the aca-
demicians of Naples have bestowed the highest
honours.(i) Pontano ^ dedicated to him his two
books DC rebus Ccelestibus ; Piero Summonte in-
scribed to him all his works. He is celebrated in
the poems of Sanazzaro, no less for his warlike
exploits, than for his literary accomplishments, (c)
Alessandro de' Alessandri dedicated to him the
first book of his Geniales Dies, and Cariteo enume-
rates him among his particular friends, (d) Of his
writings there yet remain his commentaries, called
(a) It is to be regretted, that the Neapolitan historians have
supplied us with little more than the names of those eminent men,
who at this early period did so much honour to the literature of
their country ; and even these lists are not correct, as they con-
tain the names of several persons who flourished at a later period.
We are indeed informed by Apostolo Zeno, (Disser. Voss. cap. 78,)
that Bernardo Cristoforo, a learned Neapolitan, had written the
history of this early institution, in a work entitled Academia Pon-
tani, sire vita illustrium cirorvm, qui cum Jo. Jovianv Pontano Nen-
polijloruere ; but the manuscript has been irrecoverably lost. I
cannot, however, pass over these illustrious names, without giving
such particulars respecting them as have fallen in my way.
(b) " Principem virum," says Pontano, " et in mediis philoso-
phantem belli ardoribus." Pontan. de Magnanim.
(c) " De Andrea Matthtro Aquivivo.
Cernis ut exsultet patriis Aquivivus in armis,
Duraque spumanti frena relaxet equo ?
Quis mites ilium Permessi hausisse liquores
Credat, et imbelles excoluisse lyras ?"
San. Epig. lib. ii. ep. 2.
(d) Cariteo, Risposta contra i Malevoli.
70 THE LIFE OF
c H A "p. by Paulo Giovio his Encyclopedia, and according
___J to the last mentioned author, four books of moral
A.D. 1492. disquisitions, which, as he says, contain Di bel-
lissime Sottilezze; but these are the same work,
published under different titles, (a) He lived to an
advanced age, and distinguished himself, with va-
rious success, in the wars which soon after this
period desolated his country. His example de-
scended to his posterity ; and the dukes of Atri
are celebrated as an uninterrupted series of great
and learned men. His brother, Belisario Acqua-
viva, duke of Nardi, was also a member of the so-
ciety ; and, as appears by his writings, attained
great proficiency in those studies, to which he had
been incited by the example of his near and illus-
trious relative, (b) whom he also rivalled in his mi-
litary talents, and towards whom he displayed an
act of magnanimity, which confers lasting honour
on his memory, (c)
(a) Commentarii in translationem libelli Plutarchi Ch&ron&i, de
virtute morali. Neap, ex Off". Ant. de Fritiis. 1526.
This was printed at the author's own press, at Naples ; it was
afterwards republished by his son, Antonio Donate, and entitled
Illustrium et exquisitissimarum disputationum libri quatuor, quibus
omnes Divintz et humantz sapientice, prcEserlim animi inoderatricis,
musica atq. astrologies arcana, in Plutarchi Chceroncci de virtute
morali prccceptionibus recondita, summo ingenii acumine retectapa-
tefiunt, et figuris, suo quaque loco, illustrantur. Helionopoli. ap. Jo.
Theodobaldum, 1609, 4to.
(b) The principal work of Belisario consists of his treatises De
Venatione, etde Aucupio; de Re Militari et singulari Certamine; de
iustituendis Principum Liberis, Paraphrasis in Economica Arislotelis.
First printed at Naples, 1519, folio, afterwards at Basil, 1578,
8vo. Sanazzaro, in one of his Epigrams, lib. ii. 38. De Lauro,
ad Neritinorum ducem, has celebrated his munificence in re-esta-
blishing, in his city of Nardo, the academy Del Lauro.
(c i On the descent of Charles VIII. into Naples, the duke of
Atri, being suspected of having favoured the cause of the French,
LEO THE TENTH. 71
These noblemen were of the district of Nido ; (a) CHAP.
as was also Trojano Cavanilla, count of Troja and
Montella, another splendid ornament of the Nea- A.D. 1493.
politan academy, to whom Sanazzaro has inscribed A "
his poem, entitled Salices;(b] and who, although
not enumerated by the Italian historians among
their authors, appears to have signalized himself
by his researches into antiquity, (c) From the
same district was also Giovanni di Sangro, a Nea-
politan patrician, to whom Sanazzaro, dying of
unsuccessful love, commits the care of his poetical
rites, (d)
was deprived, by his sovereign, of the fee of Cornersano, from
which he derived his title of count, which was conferred on his
brother Belisario ; but no sooner had these commotions subsided,
than Belisario voluntarily relinquished his new possessions in fa-
vour of his brother, to whom they were restored by the king ; and
Belisario was created count, and afterwards duke of Nardi.
Mazzuchelli, Scrittori d' Italia, i. 120.
(a) The origin of these divisions of the city of Naples, called
by the inhabitants Seggi, is fully explained by Giannone in his
history of Naples, lib. xx. cap. 4. to which I must refer,
(i) " Accipe flumineas properatum carmen ad undas,
O mihi non dubia, Cabanili, cognite fama ;
Sed longe varios rerum spectate per usus :
Nam tibi me doctae sic devinxere sorores,
Sic mea felici permulcent pectora cura,
Ut vix ulla queam melioris tempora vitae
Te sine, vix placidos pernoctem carpere somnos."
(c) " Ipse suae referat Cabanilius ardua Trojae
Moenia, et antiques, Appula regna, lares."
Stmaz. Eleg. lib. i. el. 11.
(d) " Proh superi, tenues ibif Syncerus in auras ?
Nee poterit nigri vincere fata rogi ?
At tu, quandoquidem Nemesis jubet, optime Sangri,
(Nee fas est homini vincere posse drain)
Accipe concussce tabulas atque arma carinae,
Naufragiique mei collige reliquias ;
72 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Of the department of Capua were Girolamo
Carbone, known to the world by his poetical wri-
A.D. 1492. tings, (a) and frequently mentioned with particular
' applause by Pontano, Sanazzaro, and Cariteo;(6)
and Tristano Carraccioli, who is commemorated
by Sanazzaro in his Arcadia, (c) and who has left
a brief memoir, in Latin, of his patron,(W) with
whom he appears to have lived on terms of great
intimacy, (e)
No one of the academicians was held in higher
esteem for his judgment in matters of taste, than
Francesco Poderico, or Puderico, of the district
of Montagna. To him Pontano and Sanazzaro
inscribed many of their works, and Pietro Sum-
Errantesque cie quocunque in littore manes ;
Taliaque in tuinulo carmina caede meo :
Actius hie jaceo, spes mecum extincta quiescit ;
Solus de nostro funere restat amor."
Sanaz. Eleg. lib. i. el. 10.
(rt) Sonetti, Scstine, ed nitre poesie di Girolamo Carbone, Cava-
itero Napolitano. Napoli. 1506, info.
(If) " At tu castaliis non inficiande choreis
Castalidos, Carbo, nunc cane regna tuae."
Sanaz. El. lib. i. el. 11.
Et v. Pontani Hendec. p. 215. De Sermons, p. 231 . Eridan.
p. 105 ; also the beautiful elegy of Pontano, inviting him to a rus-
tic supper. Eridan. i. 120, and the sonnet of Cariteo,
" Carbone, in cui scintillan bragie accese."
(c) " Ma a guisa d' un bel sol, fra tutti radia
Carracciol, ch'in sonar sampogne e cetere,
Non trovarebbe il pari in tutta Arcadia."
But perhaps some doubt may be entertained, whether this pas-
sage may not relate to Gian-Francesco Carraccioli, who lived at
this period, and whose poems were printed at Naples, in 1506.
v. Su/ulrio, ii. 222.
(d) Printed by Roberto de Sarno, at the end of his life of Pon-
tano. Napoli. 1761.
(e) Pontani, de Sermone, lib. iv. p. 231.
LEO THE TENTH. 73
monte addressed to him, after the death of its au- CHAP.
thor, the dialogue of Pontano, entitled Aetius.
Although deprived of sight, the talents of Pode- A. D 1492.
rico rendered him the delight of all his literary A>J
friends, (a) Such was the respect paid to his opi-
nion by Sanazzaro, that in the composition of his
celebrated poem De partu Virginia, which he was
twenty years in completing, he is said to have
consulted him upon every verse, and frequently
to have expressed the same verse in ten different
forms, before he could please the ear of this fasti-
dious critic, (b) Among the Tumuli of Pontano,
which his officious kindness frequently devoted to
his living friends, is one inscribed to Poderico,
from the title to which it appears, that he ranked
among the nobility of Naples, (c)
(a) Pontnni, Hcndec. lib. i. p. 206.
(b) In one of his poems, of which only a fragment remains,
Sanazzaro solicits the favour of his friend.
" Tuque ades, o nostri merces non parva laboris,
Quern Phoebus mihi, quem doctae, mea turba, puellae
Conciliant ; dumque ipse ratem de littore pello,
Da vela insinuans, pelagoque excurre patenti,
Pars animae, Puderice, meae." Sfinuz. Op. Ed. Comino, 91.
And in celebrating the day of his nativity, he has the follow-
ing passage :
41 Adde tuos, Puderice, sales ; adde inclyta patris
Eloquia ; adde animo tot bona parta tuo."
Sanfiz. Lleg. lib. ii. el. 2.
Which, however, it must be observed, is addressed to Alberico,
the son of Francesco, of whom Pontano relates the following anec-
dote: De Sfnnone, lib. iv. p. 231 : " Garriebat quispiam, nostra
in porticu, quem ferre Albericus Pudericus Francisci nostri filiu
cum non posset, nullo dato response, manu suhlata, monuit, na-
sum ut emungerit; quo e signo mirificus inter astantes exortus
est risus."
(c) Pontani, Tumul. where he is called " ex nobilitate Nea-
politana.
74 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Of the district of Porto were Pietro-Jacopo
Gianuario, of whom an Italian poem, in manu-
A.D. 1492. script, has been preserved, (a) and his son, Al-
f onso Gianuario, ofPortanova.
The only member of the academy from the dis-
trict of Porto, if we except Sanazzaro, was Ales-
sandro de r Alessandri, author of the Geniales Dies,
a work which has been esteemed, and frequently
commented on as one of the classical productions
of the Latin tongue. He was born of a noble fa-
mily of Naples, about the year 1461, and in the
early part of his life, exercised with reputation,
the profession of an advocate, at Naples and at
Rome ; but his intimacy with the learned men of his
time, seduced him from his employment, and led him
to the study of polite literature. Besides his princi-
pal work, he is said to have been the_ author of
several dissertations on dreams, spectres, and on
houses haunted by evil spirits, which are consider-
ed as proofs of childish credulity ; but it may be
doubted, whether these are any other than his chap-
ters on those subjects in his Geniales Dies, (b) Of
that collection very different opinions have been en-
tertained, and he has been accused of having stolen
even the plan of his work from Aulus GeBius. But
what is there peculiar in a plan, which consists only
in dividing a certain number of unconnected obser-
(a) Vita di Sanazzar. da Crespo. Ven. 1752, p. 8, where it ap-
pears, that this poem was formerly in the possession of Matteo
Egizio, an Italian lawyer.
(b) Tirab. Storia delta Lett. ItaL vii. par. ii. p. 240. They
were however printed separately, under the title of Alexandri Icti
Dissertationes quatuor, fyc., as has been remarked by Mr. Henke,
(in Germ. Tr. vol. i. p. 80,) from which we learn the real name of
this author. *
LEO THE TENTH. 75
vations into a certain number of books ? In truth, CHAP.
his works prove him to have been a man of exten-
sive reading, great industry, and a considerable A. 0.1492.
share of critical ability, and he was perhaps as little J
tinctured with superstition, as most of the wri-
ters of the age in which he lived, (a)
Among those who resided beyond the districts,
were Antonio Carbone, lord of Alise ; Giovanni
Elio, called also Elio Marchese;() Giuniano Majo,
the preceptor of Sanazzaro,(c) and who has left a
monument of his singular learning in his treatise
De priscorum proprietate verborum;(d} Luca Gras-
so ; Giovanni Aniso, whose Latin poems are pub-
lished under the name of Janus Anysius, and au-
thor of a tragedy entitled Protogonos ; (e) the poet
Cariteo ; Pietro Compare, frequently addressed
(a) The Geniales Dies were first published at Naples, in 1522.
In the first chapter of the second book is an interesting account
of the manner in which Sanazzaro was accustomed to entertain
his literary friends.
(b) " jElius at blandae fretus dulcedine linguae
Facunda totos conterat arte dies." Sanaz. El. lib.i. el. 11.
(c) " Nectat honorata Majus sua dicta corona,
Tamque pias ferulas regia sceptra vocet." ibid.
Cariteo also commemorates,
" Musefilo et Majo, anime argute,
Ciascune Quintiliano al secol nostro,
Moderator de I'aspra gioventute." Contra i malevoli.
(rf) First printed at Naples, in 1475, and again in 1480 ; it was
also printed at Treves, 1477 and 1480, and at Venice, 1482.
(e) Jani Anytii varia poemata et Satyra, Neap. 1531, 4to.
Ejusdeni Anysii Tragedia cui titulus, PROTOGONOS, Neap. 1536,
4to. Caelio Calcagnini thus adverts to the writings of Aniso:
" Quis non Anysii dulce carmen, et Musas
Exosculetur ? quae adeo dulce dictarunt
Carmen ; cui invidcre plurimi possint ;
Quod aemulari aut alter, aut queat nemo."
Car;//, illustr. Poet. Ital. iii. 68.
76 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, by Pontano as his associate in the rites of Bac-
ii
' chus and of Venus ; (a) Pietro Summonte, himself
A.D. 1492. an elegant writer, and to whose pious care we are
indebted for the preservation of the works of many
of his learned friends ; (b) Tomaso Fusco ; (c) Ru-
(a) Pontan. Hendec. pp. 189,213. Epigr. 233; some of which
rival Catullus, both in elegance and indecency. That Piero was
distinguished by his own writings, appears from the beautiful and
affectionate lines of Sanazzaro, on his death. Epigr. lib. ii. 15.
He is also enumerated by the poet among his particular friends,
and celebrated for his wit and vivacity :
" Nee minus et Musae repetens monimenta jocosae
Compater, argutos ingerat ore sales."
Sanaz. Eleg. lib. i. eL 11.
Pontano dedicated to him a monument in his chapel at Naples,
with the following inscription :
" PETRO COMPATRI, VIRO OFFICIOSISSIMO
PoNTANUS POSUIT, CONSTANTEM OB AMICITIAM."
(A) For which he is celebrated in the following exquisite verses
by Sanazzaro :
" Excitat obstrictas tumulis Summontius umbras ;
Impleat ut sanctae munus amicitiae :
Utque prius vivos, sic et post fata sodales
Observat ; tristes et sedet ante rogos :
Nee tantum violas cineri, ac beneolentia ponit
Serta, sed et lachrymis irrigat ossa piis.
Parva loquor : cultis reparat monumenta libellis ;
Cum possint longam saxa timere diem.
At tu, vivaci quae fulcis nomina Fama,
Poscenti gratas, Musa, repende vices ;
Ut quoniam dulces optat sic vivere amicos,
Vivat, et in libris sit sacer ille meis."
Sanaz. Epigr. lib. ii. 9.
To Summonte, Cariteo has also addressed the highly commen-
datory sonnets, beginning,
" Summontio, in dubbio sono ove nascesti."
and,
" Summontio mio, dal summo Aonio monte."
(c) To Tomaso Fusco, Sanazzaro has addressed his Elegy on
the calends of December. Lib. iii. el. 3.
LEO THE TENTH.
tilio Zenone;(a) Girolamo Angeriano, whose po-
ems have been published with those of Marullus '
and Johannes Secundus;(&) Antonio Tebaldeo, an A - D ^ 4
Italian poet of considerable eminence, who chiefly
resided at Ferrara, and whose writings will occur
to our future notice; Girolamo Borgia, a Latin
poet ; (c) and Massimo Corvino, bishop of Massa,
who had in his youth distinguished himself by his
poetical compositions, (d)
Of the Regnicoli were Gabriele Altilio, bishop
of Policastro, author of the celebrated Epithalami-
um on the marriage of Gian-Galeazzo Sforza with
Isabella of Aragon, and the frequent subject of
the panegyric of his contemporaries ; (e) Antonio
() " Certent Socraticis Zenonis scripta libellis ; ,
Cujus apis vernos intulit ore favos."
Sanaz. Eleg. lib. i. el. 11.
(ft) PoetcE tres clegantissimi ; scilicet, Michael Marullus, Hicro-
nymus Angerianus, et Joannes Secundus. Paris, 1582. Many of
his works are also inserted in the Carmina illustr. Poet. Italorum,
the merits of which he has himself well appreciated in the follow-
ing lines, entitled, Libellum (id Lectorem.
" Doctrinam si forte cupis, si forte lepores
Pierios, Domini, ne lege scripta mei ;
Dum nimis igne calet, solum describit inertes
Curas, et quanta est Celia, quantus amor."
Carm. illustr. Poet. Ital. i. 298.
(c) A favourable specimen of his writings is given in the Carm.
illustr. Poet. Ital. ii. 427. One of the Elegies of Pontano is ad-
dressed Ad Hieronymum Borgium, poetam elegantissimutn. Amorcs,
p. 129 : from which we learn, that the family of Borgia was origi-
nally of Spain, and that his ancestors, having visited Italy, on a
warlike expedition, had there taken up their abode.
(d) " Quique velut tenera surgit novus arbore ramus
Corvinus, quavis aure probanda canat." San. Eleg. i. 11.
(e) This Epithalamium is published in the Carm. illustr. Poet.
Ital. i. 129. It is also printed, with a few other pieces of the
same author, at the close of the works of Sanazzaro, by Comino,
Patav. 1731, 4to. where numerous testimonies are collected of the
78 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Galateo of Lecce, deservedly held in high estima-
tion in his profession, as a physician, and whose
A.D. 1492. attainments in natural and moral philosophy, were
much beyond the level of the age in which he
lived ; (a) and Giovanni Eliseo, of Anfratta, in
Apulia, better known as a Latin poet, by the name
of Elysius Calehtius. (b)
merits of Altilius. Some of these pieces had, however, before
been printed with the works of Sanazzaro, Daniel Cereti, and the
brothers of the Amalthei, illustrated by the notes of Peter Vla-
mingii, Amst. 1728, in one vol. 8vo. which may be united with the
variorum editions of the classics. The Epithalamium was trans-
lated into Italian by Giovanni Battista Carminati, a Venetian no-
bleman ; and published by Comino, in the year 1730, after the
death of the translator. Quadrio, ii. 587.
(a) Galateo is said to have indicated the possibility of the navi-
gation to the East by the Cape of Good Hope, in his treatise De
situ Elementorum, published in 1501, but written some years prior
to that period. Tirab. vi. 1. 166. In his moral writings, he com-
bated, with sound reason, the prevailing notions of supernatural
agency. Tirab. vi. 1. 296. He also illustrated the topography
of his native country with accurate maps and descriptions. Giovio,
Iscritt. 211. Galateo is not only celebrated in the works of the
poets of the time, for his great acquirements and amiable qualities,
but was himself also a poet of considerable merit.
(b) His works were printed at Rome, in 1503, under the title
of Opuscula Elysii Calentii, Poetce clarissimi, #c. This volume is
extremely rare ; having, as it is supposed, been suppressed, al-
though sanctioned by a privilege from the court of Rome, v. De
Bure, 2892. This author has obtained a place among the unfor-
tunate sons of literature, whom Tollius has enumerated in his Ap-
pendix to Valerianus, p. 1 1. It appears, however, that his mis-
fortunes were occasioned by his amorous propensities, which en-
grossed both his talents and his time. To this the following ele-
gant lines of Angelo Colocci refer :
" Sumpserat Elysius calamum scripturus amoris
Saevitiam, tenuem risit amor calamum :
Pectus et arrepta transfixit arundinc, dicens,
Judice te, die, quis fortior est calamus."
Coloccii vita, a Ubaldino. Rom. 1673.
LEO THE TENTH. 79
The associated strangers, whose names have CHAP.
been preserved to us, were Lodovico Montalto, _
of Syracuse ; (a) Pietro Gravina, a canon of Na- A. D. 1492.
pies, and a Latin poet of the first celebrity ; (b) A '
Marc- Antonio Flaminio, of Sicily, a distinguished
scholar, but not to be mistaken for the celebrated
Latin poet of the same name, a native of Serra-
valle ; Egidio, afterwards cardinal of Viterbo ; (c)
Bartolommeo Scala, of Florence ; (d) Basilio Zan-
chi, of Bergamo, distinguished by the elegance of
his Latin compositions, (e) and whose beautiful
verses on the death of Sanazzaro were translated
into Italian, by the great Torquato Tasso ; Jacopo
Sadoleti, afterwards secretary to Leo X. and who,
at a more advanced period of life, attained the dig-
nity of the purple; Giovanni Cotta, of Verona, who
followed the fortunes of the celebrated Venetian
General, Bartolommeo d' Alviano, and whose La-
tin poems may aspire to rank with those of Nava-
gero, Fracastoro, and Aniso, with whom he lived
(a) His praises are warmly celebrated by Sanazzaro. Eleg.
lib. ii. el. 6.
(b) The Epigrams of Gravina are preferred by Sanazzaro to
those of all his contemporaries. His poems were printed at Na-
ples, in 1532, 4to. A few of them are also inserted in the Carm.
illustr. Poet. Ital. v. 366. Among the Hendecasyllabi of Pontano
is an invitation to Gravina, to partake with him the voluptuous re-
treat of Baja. Pont. Op. p. 208.
(c) A disciple of Mariano Genazzano, and said by Giovio to
have far excelled his master in learning and eloquence. Iscrit. 161.
In his youth he cultivated Italian poetry, and his Stanze, entitled
Caccia de Amore, evince considerable poetical talents. They have
often been printed, particularly with the works of Girolamo Beni-
vieni, Ven. 1526, and with sundry poems of Benivieni and Bo-
jardo. Ven. 1537.
(d} Life of Lorenzo de' Medici, vol. ii. pp. 86, 88, 4to. ed.
(c) Published at Rome, 1540, 4to. and again at Basil, 1555, 8vo.
80 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. i n habits of friendship ; (a) Matteo Albino ; (b) Pie-
^ tro Bembo ; Antonio Michele, of Venice; Giovan-
A.D. 1492. Pietro Valeriano, of Belluno ; (c) Nicolas Grudi-
us, of Rohan ; (d) Giacomo Latino, of Flanders ;
Giovanni Pardo, often celebrated in the writings
of Sanazzaro and Pontano : (e) and Michaele
Marullus of Constantinople, who excelled all his
countrymen in the elegance of his Latin com-
positions. (/)
(a) The poems of Cotta are printed in the scarce volume of the
Carmina v. illustrium Poetarum, scilicet, Petri Reinhi, And. Nau-
gerii, Balth. Castilioni, Joannis Cotta, et M. Ant. b'laminii. Ven.
Vulgrisi, 1548, 8vo. Some of them also appear in the Carm. il-
lustr. Poet. Itul. iii. 490, and in other collections.
(6) " Et qui Pieriis resonat non ultimus antris,
Albinus, referat principis acta sui."
(c) Author of the treatise De Literutomm Infeliciiate, and a dis-
tinguished Latin poet, to whose works we shall have occasion to
advert.
(d) Probably the father of the poet Joannes Secundus, and his
two learned brothers, Nicolas and Hadrian Marius, whose works
were published together at Leyden, by Vulcanius, up. h.lz. 1G12.
(e) A few scattered productions of Pardo appear in the works
of Pontano and Sanazzaro ; which shew that he had imbibed the
same elegance of Latin composition that distinguished the other
members of the Neapolitan academy. Cariteo denominates him
" Pardo insigne, e chiaro,
Per gemino idioma al mondo altero."
Contra i malevoli.
(f) His works were published at Florence, 1497, under the
title of Hymni et Epigrammata MuruHi, 4to. The commendations
bestowed upon him by the younger Beroaldo, are highly honour-
able both to the Greek and Italian, whose countrymen were too
often jealous of the reputation of the eastern fugitives. " Ille
homo transmarinus nostrates versu provocavit ; atque in hoc stu-
dio ita enituit, ut cum quolibet non suae modo anatis vati, sed
etiam antiquorum conferri possit. Epigrammata scripsit, quibus
humanos afFectus, mores, actionesque, mire complexus est ; exe-
cutus jucunda lepide, gravia severe, inoesta flebiliter, taxanda
LEO THE TENTH. 81
Of this numerous catalogue it is but justice to CHAP.
observe, that there is scarcely an individual who
has not, by the labours of the sword or of the pen, A.D. 1492.
entitled himself to the notice of the biographer, and A ' ^ 17 '
the approbation of posterity. Nor would it be dif-
ficult to make considerable additions to it, if the
foregoing account were not amply sufficient to de-
monstrate the ardour and success with which po-
lite letters were cultivated at Naples, under the
princes of the house of Aragon. (a)
Next to the cities of Naples and Florence, per-
mordaciter, grandia audacter, sententiosa sapienter; uroniaque
haec pari ingenio. Hymnos vero primus apud Romanos, et eo
quidem spiritu conscripsit, ut ab ipsis Diis quos cclebravit, quo-
dam numine afflatus esse videatur." Beroald. Ep. ad Herm. Ben-
tivolium. in Op. Codri Urcri, p. 285.
(a) To this enumeration of the Neapolitan poets, at the close
of the fifteenth century, I must, however, be allowed to add the
name of Fillenio Gallo, of Montesano ; of whose writings a MS.
copy, of this period, is in my possession. Paullo Giovio, who,
with a laudable curiosity, collected the portraits of many of the
eminent men of his own, and preceding times, enumerates at the
close of the first book of his Elogii, the names of several distin-
guished persons, of whom he had already obtained portraits, and
whose characters he intended for his second book " che esscndo
ancora in vita, godono 1'eccelsa gloria de' lor fecondi ingegni."
Among these, he enumerates Phylundro Gallo, who may, per-
haps, be presumed to be the same person who is above, and in
his own writings, called t'illenio. With the exception of this
doubtful reference, I find no account of this author in any of the
records of Italian literature. That he lived towards the close of
the fifteenth century, abundantly appears from his writings ;
which consist of Eclogues, Sonnets, Sestini, and other lyric com-
positions. His style approaches nearer to that of Serafino d'Aquila
than any other author. In the Appendix to the present volume,
may be found a specimen of his writings, none of which have be-
fore been printed, v. App. No. XVIII.
VOL. I. G
82 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, haps no place in Italy had fairer pretensions to lite-
rary eminence than Ferrara. During the whole of
A. D. H92. the fifteenth century the family of Este, who had
A.^;t. 17. j^^ ^ sovere jg n ty o f that place for many genera-
state of H- tions, had displayed an invariable attention to the
terature in *
Ferrara. cause of letters, and had rewarded their professors
with a munificence that attracted them from all
parts of Italy, and rendered Ferrara a flourishing
theatre of science and of arts. At the close of the
century, that city, with its dependant states of Mo-
dena and Reggio, were under the government of Er-
cole I. the successor of Borso, whom the favour of
the populace had preferred to his nephew Nicolo
d' Este, the son of the celebrated Leonello. The
succession to the sceptre of Ferrara, exhibits in-
deed a striking instance of the disregard which was
then paid to the laws generally established on that
subject, and of the great attention bestowed on
personal merit. By Ercole the University of Fer-
rara was maintained in high respectability ; the
library of his family was increased ; a superb the-
atre was erected for the representation of drama-
tic performances, in which the first piece acted was
the MencEchmus of Plautus, which is said to have
been translated into Italian for that purpose by the
duke himself, (a) When such was the character of
(a) We learn from a Latin elegy of Battista Guarino, that the
representation of this piece in the year 1486, attracted the atten-
tion, and excited the wonder, of all Italy. After describing the
splendid preparations made for that purpose by the duke, he ad-
verts to the great concourse of people which it induced to visit
Ferrara
" Venit et ad magnos populosa Bononia ludos,
Et cum fmitimis Mantua principibus ;
Euganeis junctae properarunt collibus urbes,
LEO THE TENTH. 83
the sovereign, we shall not be surprised at the num- CHAP.
ber of learned men who frequented his court, and
who dignified his reign by the acknowledged ex- A. 0.1492.
cellence of their productions, (a) Not to dwell on A '" t * 17 '
the merits of Ottavio Cleofilo, Luca Riva, Lodo-
vico Bigi, Tribraco Modonese, Lodovico Carro,
and others, who cultivated Latin poetry with va-
rious success ; the works of the two Strozzi, Tito
Vespasiano, the father, and Ercole, the son, are
alone sufficient to place Ferrara high in literary
rank among the cities of Italy.
These distinguished Latin poets were of the il- * two
M P Strozzi.
lustnous family 01 the same name at Florence,
whence Nanna Strozzi, the father of Tito, passed
to Ferrara in the military service of Niccolo III.
in which he acquired great honour, (b) The rank,
the talents, and the learning of Tito, rendered him
a fit person to negotiate the affairs of Ercole duke
Quique bibunt lymphas, Arne vadose, tuas ;
Hinc plebs, hinc equites plauserunt, inde senatus,
Hinc cum Virgineo nupta caterva choro."
Pandolfo Collenucio of Pesaro, who excelled not only as a pro-
fessor of the civil law, but in other departments of literature, as
appears from the correspondence between him and Politiano, (Pol.
Ep. lib. vii. ep. 32. 35.) produced two dramatic pieces for the
theatre of Ferrara. The Anfitrione, printed at Venice, 1530, and
Joseph, in 1564. Girolamo Berardo, of Ferrara, the Count Mat-
teo Maria Boiardo, and Battista Guarino, also exerted their ta-
lents on this occasion, v. Tirab. Storia delta Lett. Itai. vi. 2. 187.
(a) A contemporary writer assures us, that poets were as plen-
tiful in the city, as frogs in the territory, of Ferrara.
" Nam tot Ferraria vates,
Quot ranas, tellus Ferraricnsis, habet "
Bartol. Pag. Prignani. ap. Tirab. Storia delta Lett. Ital. vi. 2.
218.
(b) Tit. Vesp. Strozza Epitaph, pro Nanne patre, in op. 145.
G 2
84) THE LIFE OF
CHAP. o f Ferrara, with foreign powers, and he was accor-
dingly employed as his ambassador on several im-
A.D. 1492. portant missions. He also occasionally held some
of the first offices in the state, in the execution of
which he appears to have incurred, at times, no
small share of popular odium. In the midst, how-
ever, of the occupations and storms of his public
life, he cultivated his talents for Latin poetry with
unremitting attention, and has even endeavoured
to render his compositions the vehicle of his justi-
fication to posterity, (a) The writings of Tito are
distinguished by their simplicity, and purity of
diction, rather than by their strength of sentiment
or energy of style, (b) In some of his pieces he has
celebrated the antiquity of his family, and the opu-
lence and achievements of his ancestors ; whilst in
others, he has taken occasion to acquaint posteri-
ty with some particulars of his own life and cha-
(a) The scholars of the fifteenth century thought it as neces-
sary to have an adversary, on whom they might lavish their
abuse, as a mistress, to whom they might address their amorous
effusions. The satirical talents of Tito are directed against some
person, whom he denominates Gorellus, and who, if we may
credit the poet,
" civilibus armis
Expulsus patria, jam quatuor exulat annos,
Damnatus Romae furti, se carcere fracto
Eripuisse cruci fertur, Senamque profectus,
Dum cauti, atque manu prompti Lenonis, amicarn
Pollicitus maria ac montes, abducere tentat,
Turpiter amisit, truncatis naribus, aures."
He afterwards enters into a justification of his public conduct.
v. Serm. ad. Bonav. Pistophilum. Op. 142.
(6) We are informed by Tiraboschi, that many unpublished
poems of this distinguished scholar remain in the ducal library at
Modena, " ed alcune assai piil eleganti di quelle, che han vedute
la luce." Storia della Let. Ital. vi. par. ii. p. 209.
LEO THE TENTH. 85
racier. Ercole Strozzi stands yet higher in the an- CHAP.
nals of literature, than his father. Eminently skil-
led in the Greek and Latin languages, he had not A.D. 1492.
neglected the cultivation of his own, in which he
wrote with uncommon elegance. By his fellow-ci-
tizen, Celio Calcagnini, he is celebrated for his in-
tegrity, his magnanimity, and his filial piety ; and
for all those qualities which endear a man to his
friends, and to his country, (tt) A short time be-
fore his death, Tito Strozzi had begun a Latin po-
em, in praise of Borso d' Este, of which he had
completed ten books, and which he requested his
son to finish and publish, with a correct edition of
his other poems ; but Ercole did not survive long
enough, either to complete the task imposed upon
him, by the publication of his father's writings, or
to correct his own ; having been assassinated in the
year 1508, and in the prime of life, by a nobleman
who had unsuccessfully paid his addresses to the
lady whom Ercole had married, (b] That task was
therefore intrusted by Guido and Lorenzo, his sur-
viving brothers, to the celebrated printer, Aldo
Manuzio, who in the year 1513, gave these poems
to the public in an elegant and correct edition.
In enumerating the learned men, who at this time
resided in the state of Ferrara, it would be unpar-
(a) Calcagnini, Oratio in Funere Herculu Strozza, in fine Strozz.
Op. p. 148.
(6) In one of his elegies, lib. i. p. 69, he seems not to have
been without apprehensions of his untimely fate ; after indulging
in the idea that his mistress would lament his death, he adds
" Sed jam summa venit fatis urgentibus hora,
Ah ! nee arnica mihi, nee mihi mater adest ;
Altera ut ore legal properae suspiria vitee,
Altera uti condat lumina, et ossa tegat."
86 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, donable to omit another accomplished scholar, and
' celebrated poet, who died in the year 1494, and
A.D. 1492. who will not therefore occur again to our particu-
' lar notice. The eminent Matteo Maria Boiardo,
Count of Scandiano, was born in the territory of
Ferrara, about the year 1430, and spent in that
city the chief part of his life, honoured with the fa-
vour and friendship of Borso, and Ercole d' Este,
and frequently intrusted by them, as governor of the
subordinate cities in their dominion, (a) Boiardo
is principally known by his epic romance, of Orlan-
do Innamorato, of which the yet more celebrated
poem of Ariosto, is not only an imitation, but a
continuation. Of this work, he did not live to com-
plete the third book, nor is it probable that any
part of it had the advantage of his last corrections ;
yet it is justly regarded as exhibiting, upon the
whole, a warmth of imagination, and a vivacity of
colouring, which render it highly interesting ; (b)
(a) In particular, he held the chief command for several years
at Reggio, where he died, on the twentieth day of February,
1494 ; as appears by a MS. chronicle of his contemporary, Ber-
nardino de' Zambotti, cited by Mazzuchelli. " A di 20 Feb-
braro, il Magnifico Conte Matteo Maria Bojardo, Signor di Scan-
diano, Capitano di Reggio, e della Cittadella, mori in Reggio, il
quale era valente uomo, e dotto in versi, in prosa, e in rima ;
faceto, cauto, e sapientissimo ; molto diletto al Duca nostro, e a
tutta la casa d'Este." &c. Scrittori d' Ital. v. 1438.
(6) The Orlando Innamorato was first printed in Scandiano, per
Pellegrino Pasquali, ad -istanza del Conte Camillo Boiardo, son of
the author, about the year 1495, and afterwards in Venice, about
the year 1500; which latter De Bure erroneously cites as the first
edition, Bib. Instr. No. 3377. The labours of Boiardo had ter-
minated at the ninth canto of the third book, from which period
it was continued by Niccolo degli Agostini ; and of this joint pro-
duction, numerous editions have been published.
LEO THE TENTH. 87
nor is it perhaps without reason, that the simplici- CHAP.
ty of the original has occasioned it to be preferred
to the same work, as altered or reformed by Fran- A.D. 1492.
cesco Berni, who has carried the marvellous to such Al yEt 17 '
an extreme, as to deprive his narrative of all pre-
tensions to even poetic probability, and by his ma-
nifest attempts to be always jocular, has too often
destroyed the effects of his jocularity, (a)
Less known, but not less valuable, than his epic
poem, are the three books of sonnets, and lyric
pieces by Boiardo, collected and published after his
death, under the Latin title of Amores, (b) although
wholly consisting of Italian poems. When it is
considered, that the greater part of these pieces
were written at a time when the Tuscan poetry was
in its lowest state of debasement, we may justly be
surprised at the choice of expression which they
frequently display, and the purity of style by which
they are almost invariably characterized. At the
request of his great patron, Ercole duke of Ferra-
ra, Boiardo also composed his comedy of Timone,
(a) Besides the rifacciamento of this poem by Berni, of which
the best editions are those of Calvo, Milan, 1542, and the Giunti,
Venice, 1545 ; the poem was corrected and altered by Lodovico
Dominichi, and published at Venice, by Girolamo Scotto, in 1545,
and several times afterwards.
(6) Printed at Reggio, per Maestro Francesco Mazolo, in 1499,
and at Venice, per Sessa, in 1501, 4to. " Rarissime sono amen-
due queste edizioni," says Mazzuchelli, v. 1443. Besides this
volume, Boiardo is the author of Cinque Capitoli in terza rima so-
pra il Timore, la Gelosia, la Speranza, I' Amore, ed il Trionfo del
vano mondo; which have been frequently printed, with other de-
tached poems by Benivieni and the cardinal Egidio da Viterbo, of
which editions it may be sufficient to cite that of Venice, by Ni-
colo d' Aristotele, detto Zoppino, 1537.
88 THE LIFE OF
c H AP. founded on one of the dialogues of Lucian. (a) Nor
was Boiardo only one of the most eminent poets, he
A. D. H92. was also one of the most learned men of his age.
From the Greek he translated into his native
tongue, the history of Herodotus, (b) and the Asi-
nus of Lucian. (c) Of his Latin poetry, many spe-
cimens yet remain, and Tiraboschi has mentioned
ten eclogues, in that language, inscribed to Er-
cole I. which are preserved in the ducal library of
Modena, and which, as he assures us, are full of
grace and elegance, (d)
At this time the celebrated Ariosto, who was
destined to build his immortal work upon the foun-
dation laid by Boiardo, was only eighteen years of
age ; (e) but even at this early period, he had ex-
hibited that strong inclination to the cultivation of
literature, and particularly of poetry, which distin-
(o) First printed without note of date, or place, afterwards in
Scandiano, 1500, Venice, 1504, &c. " Questa Commcdia," says
Mazzuchelli, " die e in terza rirna, divisa in cinque atti, e degna
di stima per quanto portava quel secolo; ed ha poi un pregio dis-
tinto, cioe, d' essere considerata la piu antica delle Commedic Ita-
liane, comeche il Crescimbeni la ponga piuttosto nella specie delle
Parse." Scrittori d' Italia, v. 1443.
(6) Frequently reprinted after the first edition of Venice, 1533.
(c) Printed at Venice with the Proverbj of Antonio Cornazzano,
by Zoppino, 1523, 8vo. Several other works of Boiardo are cited
by the indefatigable Mazzuchelli, ut sup.
(d) Tirab. Storia della Letter. Ital. vii. par. i. 176.
(e) His father, Niccolo di Rinaldo Ariosto, was a nobleman of
Ferrara. In a passport granted to him in the year 1471, by Lo-
dovico Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua, he is honoured with the
title of Count, and denominated the friend of the Marquis. Ti-
rab. Storia della Let. Ital. vii. par. iii, 100. Lodovico was born
in the year 1474, at the Castle of Reggio, of which place his fa-
ther was governor.
LEO THE TENTH. 89
guished him to the close of his days, and the story CHAP.
of Thisbe, as adapted by him to a dramatic form,
was represented by himself, with his brothers and A.D. 1492.
sisters, in his father's residence, (a) He was first des- A ' ' Et 17 '
tined to the study of the law ; but after five years
of irksome and unprofitable labour, he finally quit-
ted that occupation, and applied himself to the cul-
tivation of the Latin language, under the instruc-
tions of Gregory of Spoleto. (b] His predilection
for theatrical compositions, which he had further
displayed in his two comedies, entitled La Cassa-
ria, and / Sujtpositi, both written in prose, whilst
he was very young, (c) probably recommended him
to the notice of Ercole I. whom he accompanied in
the year 1491, to Milan, for the purpose of enjoy-
ing the theatrical amusements by which that place
was distinguished. From this time he devoted him-
self to the service of the family of Este, either in the
court of the duke, or in that of the cardinal Ippo-
lito, and will occur to our future notice, not only
as a poet, but as engaged in the political transac-
tions of the times.
(a) Pigna, i Romanzi, p. 7*2.
(6) " Ahi lasso, quando ebbi al Pegaseo melo
L'eta disposta, e che le fresche guancie
Non si vcdeano ancor fiorir d'un pelo,
Mio padre mi caccio con spiedi e lancie
Non che con sproni, a volger testi e chiose,
E m'occupo cinque anni in quelle ciancie."
Ariost. Sat. 6.
." Fortuna molto mi fu allora arnica,
Che mi offeree Gregorio da Spoleti,
Che ragion vuol che sempre io benedica.
Tenea d'ambe le lingue i bei secreti," &c. Ibid.
(c) They were afterwards altered into versi sdruccioli, by Ari-
osto, and have been frequently printed, as well separately as to-
gether with his other works.
90
THE LIFE OF
CHAP. The city of Ferrara may indeed be considered as
[ the cradle of modern epic poetry ; (a) for besides
A.D. H92. the celebrated authors before mentioned, that place
A Jf,t 17
might at this time have boasted of a third, whose
cieco. es writings not only obtained for him, during his life-
time, a great share of celebrity, but have afforded
passages which have since been imitated by the im-
mortal Tasso. Of their author, Francesco Cieco,
very few particulars are known. That he had en-
joyed the favour of the Cardinal Ippolito, and was
therefore, in all probability, a native of Ferrara,
may be inferred from the dedication of his epic
poem, of Mambriano, (b) published by his surviving
relation, Eliseo Conosciuti, in the year 1509. (c)
This piece, which extends to forty-five cantos, re-
lates the adventures of a king of Asia, whose name
forms the title of the work. That it long maintained
its rank with the great contemporary productions of
Italy, is sufficiently apparent ; and the neglect
which it has in later times experienced, is attribu-
ted by Zeno to its not having had the good fortune,
(a) " In a period of near three thousand years," says Mr.
Gibbon, adverting to the works of Ariosto and Tasso, in his an-
tiquities of the House of Brunswick, " five great epic poets have
arisen in the world ; and it is a singular prerogative, that two of
the five should be claimed as their own, by a short age, and a
petty state."
(b) Zeno, note al Fontanini, i. 259, where he conjectures, that
this work was written about the time of the descent of Charles
VIII. to the conquest of Naples, in 1494. It is entitled Libra
d'arme e d'amore, cognominato Mambriano, di Francesco Cieco da
Ferrara. Ferraricf, per Joannem Baciochum Mondenum, 20 Octo-
bris, 1509, 4to.
(c) " Prego che sotto il suo auspizio, Mambriano del servitore
suo venga impresso, e per suo solito benignitade non neghi alia
memoria d' esso Francescho quel favore, di che vivendo lui, quelle
tante volte gli fu liberalissimo."
LEO THE TENTH. 91
like the Orlando Innamorato of Boiardo, to meet CHAP.
with any one to continue its subject, or to reform
its style. A. 0.1492.
Few persons enjoyed at this period a higher share
of literary reputation than Nicolo Lelio Cosmico,
and few persons have so effectually lost that repu-
tation in the estimation of posterity. He is not
even enumerated by the diligent Crescimbeni as one
of the poets of Italy; yet three editions of his works
were printed in the fifteenth century, (a) and he is
the frequent subject of applause among the most
distinguished scholars of the time, (b) He was a
native of Padua, and spent some of his early years
in the court of the marquis of Mantua ; but the
chief part of his life was passed in the society of
the scholars of Ferrara. His own compositions
were principally Italian, but he also aspired to the
reputation of a Latin poet ; and Giraldi, a judi-
cious critic, whilst he censures the arrogant and sa-
tirical disposition of the author, acknowledges the
merit of his writings. The freedom of his opinions,
or of his conduct, incurred the notice of the Inqui-
sition : but the interference of Lodovico Gonzaga,
(a) Quadrio enumerates only two editions, Yen. 1478, and Vi-
cenza, 1481 ; but besides these, another edition of the fifteenth
century, appears in the catalogue of the Pinelli library.
(b) Sabellicus, inviting his poetical contemporaries to celebrate
the nativity of the Virgin, addresses himself to Cosmico
" Nee decantati toties remorentur amores
Te, mihi sed cultam, Cosmice, tende chelyn."
He is also enumerated by Platina, in his treatise De honesla Vo-
luptate, or Art of Cookery, among his temperate friends. Lib. v.
cap. i. And Giacomo delle Pellinere, Professor in Medicine and
Moral Philosophy at Padua, has apostrophized him in an epistle
in terza rima, addressed to Panfilo Sasso
" Cosmico, dove sei, col soave archetto ?"
92 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. no t only protected him in this emergency, but has
. conferred an illustrious testimony on the character
A. D. 1492 . of a writer, who is now no longer estimated from
A.vEt.17. ,. ' , .
his own works, (a)
The attention paid by the family of Este to the
promotion of literature, was emulated by that of
the Gonzaghi, marquises of Mantua, and the Mon-
tefeltri, dukes of tlrbino. The intercourse which
subsisted between these families, and which was
founded on an union of political interests, and con-
firmed by the ties of consanguinity, gave indeed
a common character to their courts. Francesco
Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua, married Isabella of
Este, the daughter of Ercole I. duke of Ferrara ;
and Elizabetta, the sister of the marquis, became
the wife of Guidubaldo da Montefeltri, duke of
Urbino.
Guidubaibo Federiffo, the father of Guidubaldo, had render-
da Monte-
feltri, duke ed his name illustrious throughout Italy, not only
as a distinguished patron of learning, but by his
military and political talents. In the rugged situ-
ation in which the city of Urbino is placed, he had
erected a palace, which was esteemed one of the
finest structures in Italy, and had furnished it in
the most sumptuous manner, with vases of silver,
rich draperies of gold and silk, and other rare and
splendid articles. To these he had added an ex-
tensive collection of statues and busts, in bronze
and marble, and of the most excellent pictures of
the times ; but the pride of his palace, and the envy
(a) In recommending Cosmico to the favour of his relation,
Antonio da Bolza, Lodovico denominates him " Uomo virtuoso,
ed existimato per tutta Italia." Tirab. Storia delta Let. Ital. vi.
par. ii. p. 225.
LEO THE TENTH.- 93
of his contemporary princes, was the superb and CHAP.
copious selection of books, in the Greek, Latin,
and other languages, with which he had adorned A. 0.1492.
his library, and which he enriched with ornaments A>jEt<17 -
of silver and of gold, (a) If, however, the father
was an admirer and a protector of literature, the
son united to these characters that of a practical and
accurate scholar. With the Latin language, we
are told, he was as conversant as others are with
their native tongue, and so intimate was his know-
ledge of the Greek, that he was acquainted with its
minutest peculiarities, and its most refined elegan-
ces. The love of study did not, however, extin-
guish in the bosom of Guidubaldo, that thirst for
military glory, by which his ancestors had been
uniformly characterized ; and if his health had not
been impaired by the gout at an early period of his
life, he would probably have acquired, in the com-
motions which soon after this period disturbed the
repose of Italy, a still higher reputation. In his
biographers and panegyrists he has been peculiarly
fortunate ; the learned Pietro Bembo has devoted
a considerable tract to the celebration of his me-
rits, (a) and Baldassare Castiglione, in his admir-
able Libra del Cortegiano, has honoured his me-
mory with an eulogium, which will probably be as
durable as the Italian language itself. His wife, Eli-
zabetta Gonzaga, is not less the subject of admira-
tion and applause to both these authors ; the latter
of whom has, in the commencement of his work,
(a) Castiglione, lib. del Cortegiano, Jib. i.
(b) P. Bembi de Guido-Ubuldo Fcretrio, deque Elisabttha Gon-
saga Urbini ducibus, liber. First printed at Venice, under the in-
spection of the author, in 1530.
94 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, given a striking picture of the vivacity, the taste,
the elegance, the tempered wit, and decorous free-
A.D. 1492. dom, by which the court of Urbino was at this
. ,Et. i . p er j 0( j distinguished, (a) Giovanna, sister of the
duke, had intermarried, in the year 1475, with Gio-
vanni della Rovere, one of the nephews of Sixtus
IV. and brother of the cardinal Giuliano della Ro-
vere, afterwards Julius II., on which occasion, Six-
tus had invested his nephew with the principality
of Sinigaglia, and the beautiful territory of Monda-
via. By him she had a son, Francesco Maria, who
was educated at the court of Urbino, and succeeded
his maternal uncle Guidubaldo, whom he, howe-
ver, resembled much more in his military charac-
ter, than in his literary accomplishments.
Francesco Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua, had
marquis of succeeded his father, Federigo, in the year 1484.
Notwithstanding the many hazardous expeditions
in which he was engaged, the numerous battles in
which he held a principal command, and the ad-
verse fortune which he on some occasions experi-
enced, he found time to apply himself to the study
of polite letters ; and there is reason to believe
that he was the author of many sonnets, capitoli,
and other verses, which have been printed in the
collections of the ensuing century. His wife,
Isabella of Este, was not less distinguished by
her elegant accomplishments and refined taste,
which led her to collect antique statues, cameos,
medallions, and other specimens of art, some of
which are celebrated in the verses of the poets of
(a) The union of the duke and duchess of Urbino was not
crowned with the expected fruits of marriage, the reasons of which
are detailed at great length by Bembo, in Op. vol. iv. p. 299.
LEO THE TENTH. 95
the time, (a) Nor was the court of Mantua de- CHAP.
prived of those honours, which the favour of the
muses could alone confer. Among the men of A. 0.1492.
talents, who either adopted that place as their
constant residence, or enlivened it by their fre-
quent visits, Giampietro Arrivabene, and Battista
Mantuano, are entitled to particular notice. The
former of these eminent men was the scholar of
Francesco Filelfo, who has addressed to him se-
veral of his letters, and who transformed his Ita-
lian name of Arrivabene, into the Greek appella-
tion of Eutychius. That he enjoyed the confi-
dential office of Latin secretary to the marquis
Francesco, might be thought to confer sufficient
honour on his memory ; but he was also a man of
blameless manners, uncommon eloquence, and a
considerable share of learning. His principal work
is his Gonzagidos, a Latin poem in four books, in
praise of Lodovico marquis of Mantua, who died
in 1478, and not in 1484, as mentioned by Maz-
zuchelli. From this work, which is said to be
written in a much more elegant style, than from
his early age might have been expected, it ap-
pears, that the author had been present at many
of the victories and transactions which he there
relates, (b)
(a) V. Tirab. Storia delta Let. Ital. vii. par. i. 53. Ariosto has
devoted several stanzas in his 37th Canto to the celebration of
the praises of the marquis, and Isabella of Este, his wife :
" Di lei degno egli, e degna ella di lui ;
Ne meglio s'accoppiaro unq' altri dui." Stan. 11.
That the marquis was distinguished by his literary productions
may be conjectured from the following lines :
" Da insieme egli materia, ond' altri scriva,
E fa la gloria altrui scrivendo viva." Stan. 10.
(6) This poem was first printed by Meuschenius, in the be-
96 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Battista Mantuano may be enumerated among
those writers who have had the good fortune to
A. D. 1492. obtain, for a long time, a reputation superior to
their merits, (a) The applause which his works
Mantuano. excited was not confined to Italy, but extended
throughout Europe, where, under the name of
Marttuanus, or Mantuan, he was considered as
another Virgil, whose writings might stand in
competition with those of his immortal country-
man. Nor can it be denied, that the productions
of Battista evince a facility of conception, and a
flow of language, which prove him to have been
possessed of considerable talents. But in admit-
ting that the native endowments of Battista might
bear some comparison with those of his great pre-
decessor, we are compelled to acknowledge, that
he was strangely defective in the method of em-
ploying his abilities to the best advantage. Of
all authors, there are perhaps few, or none, who
have been less satisfied with their own produc-
tions, than the Roman bard. However we may
estimate the powers of his imagination, or the me-
lody of his verse, his taste was still superior to
his other accomplishments; and his efforts were
ginning of the third volume of his collection, entitled Vita summo-
rum dignilale et eruditions virorum. Coburg, 1738. In the pre-
face, the editor observes, that the poem is written " elegantiori
modo, quam a sua adhuc inculta aetate vix aliquis expectare pote-
rat." Mazzvchetli, Scrittori d? Ital. ii. 1138. Tirab.vl 2. 230.
(a) It is generally believed that Battista was of illegitimate
birth ; but the attention paid by his father, Pietro Spagnuolo, to
his improvement, enabled him not only to make an early and con-
siderable proficiency in polite literature, but to arrive at the rank
of general of his order. Respecting the circumstances of his birth,
different opinions have however been entertained, which the reader
will find fully stated in the Menagiana, vol. i. p. 273.
THE TENTH. 97
unremitting, to arrive at that standard of perfec- CHAP.
tion, which he had conceived in his own mind, (a)
It is well known, that after having bestowed the A. D. 1492.
labour of twelve years on his immortal poem, the
conviction which he felt of its imperfections de-
termined him, in his last moments, to order it to
be committed to the flames ; and it was only by a
breach of his solemn testamentary injunction, that
this work has been preserved for the admiration
of posterity, (b) To the conduct of the ancient
poet, that of the modern was an exact reverse ;
and if they originally started from the same
ground, they bent their course in opposite direc-
tions. Of the productions of Battista, the earliest
are incomparably the best, and as these seem to
have gratified his readers, so it is probable they
delighted himself. As he advanced in years, he
poured out his effusions with increasing facility,
until he lost even the power of discriminating the
merit of his own productions. From his long
poem, De Calamitatibus temporum, the historian
might hope to select some passages which might
elucidate his researches ; but in this he will be
* .
(a) " Amici, familiaresque P. Virgilii, dicerc eum solitum fe-
runt, parere se versus more atque ritu ursino. Namque, ut ilia
bestia fcetuvn ederet ineffigiatum informemque, lambendoque id
postea, quod ita edidisset, conformaret et fingeret, proinde ingenii
quoque sui partus recentes rudi esse facie et imperfecta : sed dein-
ceps tractando, colendoque, reddere iis se oris et vultus linea-
menta." Aul. Gel. lib. xvii. cap. 10.
(6) " Divus Augustus carmina Virgilii cremari contra testa-
menti ejus verecundiam vetuit ; majusque ita vati testimonium
contigit, quam si ipse sua carmina probavisset." Plin. lib. vii.
cap. 30. P. Crinitus, De Poetis Latinis, lib. iii. in op. p. 447, has
cited a beautiful copy of verses addressed to Augustus on this
subject.
VOL. I. H
98 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, disappointed; the adherence of Battista to the
_ track of the ancients, having prevented him from
A.D. 1492. entering into those particulars, which would have
rendered his works interesting ; (a) whilst the
heavy commentary in which they have been en-
veloped, by Badius Ascenscius, presents them in
so formidable an aspect to the modern reader, as
fully to account for that neglect, which they have
for a long time past experienced.
Lodovico The tranquillity which had now for some years
courages reigned in Italy, had introduced into that country
Eats. an abundance, a luxury, and a refinement, almost
unexampled in the annals of mankind. Instead of
contending for dominion and power, the sove-
reigns and native princes of that happy region,
attempted to rival each other in taste, in splendor,
and in elegant accomplishments ; and it was con-
sidered as essential to their grandeur, to give
their household establishments a literary charac-
ter. Hence their palaces became a kind of polite
academy, in which the nobility of both sexes found
(a) Mr. Henke has, however, in a note on this passage (Germ.
Tr. vol. i. p. 106), pointed out some strongly expressed and ear-
nest denunciations of the corruptions of the Roman church, and
particularly of the administration of the pontiffs Innocent VIII.
aud Alexander VI.
" Petri domus polluta fluente
Marcescit luxu (nulla hie arcana revelo ;
Non ignota loquor ; liceat vulgata referre ;
Sic urbes populique ferunt, ea fama per omnem
Jam vetus Europam mores extirpat honestos)
Sanctus ager scurris, venerabilis ara cynaedis
Servit, honorandae divum Ganymedibus aedes
venalia nobis
Templa, sacerdotes, altaria, sacra, coronas,
Ignis, thura, preces, coelum est venale, Deusque." *
LEO THE TENTH. 99
a constant exercise for their intellectual talents; CHAP.
and courage, rank, and beauty, did not hesitate
to associate with taste, with learning, and with A. D. 1492.
wit. In this respect, the court of Milan was emi- A - et17 -
nently distinguished. By the ostentatious libera-
lity of Lodovico Sforza, who then held, in the
name of his nephew Galeazzo, but directed at his
own pleasure, the government of that place, seve-
ral of the most distinguished artists and scholars
of the time, were induced to fix their residence
there. Among the former of these, the celebrated
Lionardo da Vinci deservedly holds the most con- Lionardo
spicuous place. This extraordinary man, who d
united in himself the various qualifications of a
painter, a sculptor, a poet, a musician, an archi-
tect, and a geometrician, and who in short left
untouched very few of those objects which have
engaged the attention of the human faculties, was
born about the year 1443, at the castle of Vinci
in Valdarno. After having given striking indica-
tions of superior talents, he for some time availed
himself of the instructions of Andrea Verocchio,
whom he soon surpassed in such a degree, as to
render him dissatisfied with the efforts of his own
pencil. His singular productions in every branch
of art, had already excited the admiration of all
Italy, when he was invited by Lodovico, in the
year 1492, to fix his residence at Milan. By his
astonishing skill in music, which he performed on
a kind of lyre of his own invention, and by his ex-
traordinary facility as an Improvvisatore, in the
recitation of Italian verse, no less than by his pro-
fessional talents, he secured the favour of his pa-
tron, and the applauses of the Milanese court.
H 2
100 THE LIFE OP
CHAP. Lodovico had, however, the judgment to avail
" himself of the opportunity afforded him by this
A. D. 1492. great artist, to enrich the city of Milan with some
A JEt 17
of the finest productions of his pencil ; and if the
abilities of Lionardo were to be estimated by a
single effort, his panegyrist might perhaps select
his celebrated picture of the Last Supper, in the
refectory of the Dominicans, as the most valuable
of his works. In this piece it was doubtless the
intention of the painter to surpass whatever had
before been executed, and to represent not merely
the external form and features, but the emotions
and passions of the mind, from the highest degree
of virtue and beneficence in the character of the
Saviour, to the extreme of treachery and guilt in
that of Iscariot ; whilst the various sensations of
affection and veneration, of joy and of sorrow, of
hope and of fear, displayed in the countenances
and gestures of the disciples, might express their
various apprehensions of the mysterious rite. In
the midst sits the great founder, dispensing with
unshaken firmness, from either hand, the emblems
of his own approaching sufferings. The agitation
of the disciples is marked by their contrasted atti-
tudes, and various expressions. Treachery and
inhumanity seem to be concentered in the form
and features of Judas Iscariot. In representing
the countenance of Christ, he found, however, the
powers of the artist inadequate to the conceptions
of his own mind. To step beyond the limits of
earth, and to diffuse over these features a ray of
divinity, was his bold, but fruitless attempt. The
effort was often renewed, and as often terminated
in disappointment and humiliation. Despairing
LEO THE TENTH. 101
of success, he disclosed his anxiety to his friend CHAP.
and associate, Bernardo Zenale, who advised him '
to desist from all further endeavours; in conse- A.D.MW.
quence of which, this great work was suffered to
remain imperfect. Nor did Lionardo, in acknow-
ledging with Timanthes, the inefficacy of his skill,
imitate that artist in the method which he adopted
on that occasion. Agamemnon conceals his face
in his robe, and the imagination of the spectator is
at liberty to supply the defect ; but in marking
the head of his principal figure by a simple out-
line, Lionardo openly avows his inability, and
leaves us only to regret, either the pusillanimity of
the painter, or the impotence of his art. (a)
In a mind devoted to ambition, all other pas-
(a) Vatari, in vita di Lionardo. Borgliini, il Riposo, 368, etseq.
Notwithstanding the assertions of the above authors, and that of
M. Mariette in later times, Leltere sulla Pittura, Sfc. vol. ii. let. 84,
that Lionardo left the head of Christ in an unfinished state, Ri-
chardson assures us, that their information is false, and that such
part of the face as yet remains entire, is highly finished, Traitt de
la peinture, Sfc. vol. iii. The account given by Richardson is, in
like manner, accused of being grossly incorrect, by the author of
a modern description of Italy, in 4 vols. 8vo. London, 17H1. As
it can scarcely be imagined, that any of these authors would be
guilty of wilful misrepresentation on a subject of such a nature,
and in which their testimony would be always exposed to contra-
diction, may we not reasonably suppose that, according to the
united testimony of all the elder writers, the head was left unfi-
nished ; but that in the course of the repairs which the picture
has undergone, some sacrilegious hand has dared to trace those
features, from which the modest genius of Lionardo shrunk in
despair ? This suggestion appears highly probable from the notes
on the Lettere sulla Pitlura, tyc. vol. ii. p. 1H3. But further infor-
mation on this subject may be derived from the work of the Cav.
Bossi Sul cenncolo, the Mem. for the Life of Lionardo, by the Cav.
Amoretti, and the Discorso sulla erudizione degli Artisti, by Count
Bossi, the translator of the present work.
v r ,.
R A VT A T> A T? T> A r> A
10*2 'THE LIFE OF
H A p - sions and pursuits are only considered as auxiliary
- to its great object ; and there is too much reason
"A^ 14 ?? 2 ' to sus P ect tnat the apparent solicitude of Lodo-
Eminent v * co Sforza f r the promotion of letters and the
scholars at arts, was not so much the result of a disposition
the court of ; . *
Milan. sincerely interested in their success, as an instru-
ment of his political aggrandizement. That the
supplanting the elder branch of his family, and
vesting in himself and his descendants, the go-
vernment of Milan, had long been in his contem-
plation, cannot be doubted; and it is therefore
highly probable that, after ingratiating himself
with the populace, and securing the alliance and
personal friendship of foreign powers, he would
endeavour to strengthen his authority by the fa-
vour and support of men of learning, who at this
time possessed a more decided influence on the.
political concerns of the country than at any other
period. But by whatever motives Lodovico was
actuated, it is allowed, that whilst the state of
Milan was under his control, the capital was
thronged with celebrated scholars, several of whom
adopted it as their permanent residence. On Ber-
nardo Bellincione, a Florentine, he conferred the
title of his poet laureat ; and in the works of this
author, printed at Milan in 1493, are inserted
some stanzas which have been attributed to Lo-
dovico himself. Among those who at this period
contributed by their talents to give splendor to
the court of Milan, were Antonio Cornazzano, (a)
(a) A native of Piacenza, who, having adopted a military life,
held a respectable rank under the celebrated Venetian general
Bartolommeo Coglioni, of whom he has left a life, written in
Latin, and published by Burman ; but a great part of his time
LEO THE TENTH. 103
Giovanni Filoteo Achillini,(a) Gasparo Visconti,(#) c'n A p.
Benedetto da Cingoli, Vincenzo Calmeta, (c) and _
was passed at Milan, where he was highly favoured by the family A. D. 1492.
of Sforza. His works, both in Italian and Latin, in verse and in
prose, are very numerous, and his poem De re Militari, in nine
books, in tcrza rima, has frequently been printed. His sonnets
and lyric pieces, are however considered as the most valuable of
his works, and are acknowledged by Quadrio to be among the
best in the Italian language " delle migliori che abbia la volgar
poesia." In the latter part of his life he quitted the court of Mi-
lan for that of Ferrara, where he terminated his days ; having en-
joyed the patronage of the duchess Lucrezia Borgia, of whom he
makes frequent and honourable mention in his works. Cornazzano,
dc re Militari. Yen. 1526. Sonelti e Cam. Yen. 1508. Tirabosclii,
vi. nar. ii. p. 160.
(a) Author of an Italian poem in ottava rima, entitled, // Viri-
durio, printed at Bologna, 1513, and of several other works. He
also distinguished himself by his knowledge of Greek and Latin,
his proficiency in music, and his acquaintance with medals, sta-
tues, and other monuments of antiquity, of which he had formed
a large collection. He died in 1538, at 72 years of age ; but his
poetry, of which specimens appear in sundry collections, has all
the characteristic rusticity of the 15th century, when, says Cres-
cimbeni, " ando spargendo gemme tra'l fango."
(b) A nobleman of Milan, who married Cecilia, the daughter
of the celebrated Cecco Simoneta, and died at 38 years of age, in
1499. His sonnets and other verses were published at Milan in
1493, and obtained him such reputation, that he was considered,
for a time, as not inferior to Petrarca ; but posterity has formed
a different judgment. Tirab. vi. par. ii. p. 253.
(c) Benedetto da Cingoli, and Vincenzo Calmeta, are enume-
rated by Quadrio, ii. 211, among the poets who at this time ho-
noured the city of Milan by their residence, and whose verses are
found in the collections of the times. The works of the former
were also collected and published with those of his brother, Ga-
briello, at Rome, in 1503. Tirab. vi. par. ii. p. 150. And of
the latter Count Bossi has informed us that he possesses a fine
MS. of Ovid, de Arte Amnndi, translated into tcrza rima, and in-
scribed to Lodovico Sforza, by Vincenzio Calmeta CoUo ; which
contains many fine passages, and has never been printed. Ital.
Tran. vol. i. p. 148.
104 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Antonio Fregoso. (a) Nor were there wanting
' distinguished scholars in the graver departments
A.D.1492. of literature; of which number were Bartolomeo
Calchi and Giacopo Antiquario, celebrated not
only for their own acquirements, hut for their libe-
rality in promoting the improvement of others ; (b)
Donate Bossi, commemorated both as an eminent
professor of law, and an industrious historian ; (c)
Dionysius Nestor, whose early labours highly con-
tributed to the improvement of the Latin tongue ;(d)
(a) Called also Fulgoso and Campofregoso. From his love of
solitude, he also assumed the irme of P 'Idler -emo. His chief resi-
dence was at the- court of Milan, which he quitted on the expul-
sion of Lodovico Sforza, and retired to his villa at Colterano.
His Ccrva Bianclia is an Italian poem of considerable extent,
written with great facility, and occasionally interspersed with
beautiful description, and genuine poetry. For his adoption of
the ottara riitia he apologizes by the example of Lorenzo de' Me-
dici, and Agnolo Politiano. This poem has been several times
reprinted; particularly at Venice, 15*21, 1525. The first of these
editions is entitled Opera nova del magnified Cavaliero Messer An-
tonio Phileremo Fregoso, intitulata CERVA BIANCHA. His Dialogo
di Fortuna, consists of 18 capitoli, in terza riiHa, Ven. 1531. Be-
sides these, he is also the author of another poem, // riso di De-
mocrito, c it piunto d' Eraclito, in 30 cupitoli ; but this work has
hitherto eluded my researches.
(b) Respecting Giacopo Antiquario there was published at
Perugia, in 1813, by Sig. Vcrmiglioli, a volume of learned re-
searches, which contains valuable memorials of the literary history
of the age, from which Count Bossi has given some additional no-
tices of Antiquario and his friends, v. Itul. Tr. vol. i. pp. 149, 257.*
(c) His chronicle of the principal events, from the earliest re-
cords to his own times, is of occasional use, particularly with re-
spect to the affairs of Milan. This work was printed at Milan in
1492, by Antonio Zaroti, and is dedicated to the reigning duke
Giovan-Galeazzo ; not however without great commendations of
Lodovico, whose loyalty and fidelity the author particularly cele-
brates.
(d) He was a native of Novara, and a descendant of the noble
LEO THE TENTH. 105
and Pontico Virunio, deservedly held in great es- CHAP.
teem, both as a scholar and a statesman.
From the commencement of the century, theA.o.uw.
city of Bologna had endeavoured to maintain its
independence against the superior power of the
dukes of Milan, and the continual pretensions of lo g na -
the pontifical see. The chiefs of the noble family
of Bentivoglio were regarded by their fellow citi-
zens as the patrons and assertors of their liberties,
and after various struggles, in which they had fre-
quently been expelled from their native place,
they concentered in themselves the supreme au-
thority, under limitations which secured to the
people the exercise of their ancient rights. This
authority had now, for nearly half a century, been
conceded to Giovanni Bentivoglio, who was only
two years of age when his father Annibale was
treacherously murdered by the rival faction of the
Canedoli, in the year 1445, and who frequently
occurs to notice, both in the political and literary
annals of the time. The merit of Giovanni, as a
family of Avvenada. His vocabulary of the Latin tongue, printed
in folio at Milan, in 1483, and afterwards at Venice, 1488, may
be considered as one of the first attempts in modern times to faci-
litate the study of that language, and displays an intimate ac-
quaintance with the writings of the ancients, which ar diligently
cited as authorities throughout the work. To the earliest edition
is prefixed a copy of Latin verses addressed to Lodovico Sforza,
and towards the close are several poems of the same author, both
Italian and Latin. The following colophon concludes the book :
Opus Mediulani inipressum per Leunurdum Puchel et Uldericwn
Sinczenceler, de Alemannia Socios, Anno Domini M.CCCC.LXX.XIII.
pridie nonas Januarias.
The lines to Lodovico Sforza, which celebrate his importance
and recount his exploits, from this rare work, are given in the
Appendix, No. XX.
106 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, friend and promoter of learning and of art, was
' however eclipsed by that of his three sons, Hermes,
A. D. 1492. Annibale, and Galeazzo, all of whom are frequently
' commemorated in the writings of their contempo-
raries, and particularly in those of Antonio Urceo,
usually denominated Codrus Urceus, who by his
scientific and critical acquirements, deservedly held
a high rank among the scholars of Italy.
Codrus This author was born at Rubiera, in the year
1446. His appellation of Codrus was derived from
an incident that occurred to him at the city of
Forli, where happening one day to meet with Pino
degli Ordelaffi, then lord of that place, who re-
commended himself to his favour, " Good hea-
vens !" exclaimed the poet, " the world is in a
pretty state when Jupiter recommends himself to
Codrus." During his residence at Forli, where he
was intrusted with the education of Sinibaldo, the
son of Pino, he met with a disaster which had
nearly deprived him of his reason, (a) Having in-
cautiously left his study without extinguishing his
lamp, his papers took fire, by which many literary
productions, which stood high in his own estima-
tion, were destroyed ; and particularly a poem en-
titled Pastor. In the first impulse of his passion
(a) Codrus survived both his patron and his pupil, the latter of
whom was deprived of his territories by Girolamo Riario, in the
year 1480, after his family had possessed them upwards of 150
years ; and has devoted the following epitaph to their memory :
" Tertius armorum pacis quoque gloria Pinus
Ordelaphus, per quern nomina sanguis habet.
Hie nati gremio Sinibaldi continet ossa ;
Ossa ducem quinto mense secuta patrem.
^Equus uterque fuit princeps tibi, Livia, post quos
Ordelaphi sceptris mox cecidere suis."
LEO THE TENTH. 107
he vented his rage in the most blasphemous iin- CHAP.
precations, and rushing from the city, passed the
whole day in a wood in the vicinity, without nu- A. D. 1492.
triment. Compelled by hunger to return in the A> ' Et - 17 -
evening, he found the gates closed. When he
again obtained admission into the city, he shut
himself up in the house of an artiiicer, where for
six months he abandoned himself to melancholy
and grief. After a residence of about thirteen
years at Forli he was invited to Bologna, where
he was appointed professor of grammar and elo-
quence, and where he passed in great credit the
remainder of his days. Of his extraordinary learn-
ing it might be considered as a sufficient proof,
that Politiano submitted his Greek epigrams, and
other writings, to his examination and correction ;
but his talents and acquirements more fully ap-
pear in his own works, which consist of Sermonet,
or essays ; of letters to Politiano, Aldo, and others
of his learned friends, and of poems on a great va-
riety of subjects ; among which the praises of the
family of Bentivogli form the most conspicuous
part. He died in the year 1500. After his death
his productions were collected by the younger Fi-
lippo Beroaldo, who had lived with him in friendly
intimacy, and published at Bologna in the year
1502, with a preface, in which he highly extols the
poetical effusions of his friend. Succeeding critics
have however been less indulgent to his fame ;
Giraldi, whilst he admits that the writings of Co-
drus are sufficiently correct, denies to them the
charm of poetry, and Tiraboschi is of opinion,
that neither his prose nor his verse can be recom-
mended as models of elegance. That the poems
108 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. O f Codrus are not entitled to the highest rank
' among those of his contemporaries, will sufficiently
A. D. 1492. appear from the lines addressed to Galeazzo Benti-
A. JEt, 17. -.
voglio, as an acknowledgment for the honour done
to the poet in placing his portrait amongst those
of the learned men which Galeazzo had collected.
Such a subject was certainly calculated to call forth
all his powers, but those efforts which were intend-
ed to justify, will perhaps be thought rather to im-
peach the judgment of his patron, (a)
Among the men of talents who at this period
contributed to support the literary character of
Italy, it would be unjust to omit Piero Ricci ; or,
as he denominated himself, according to the cus-
Petrus torn of the times, Petrus Crinitus. This notice
*"*' of him is the more necessary, as little is to be
found respecting him in those works of general in-
formation, where he ought to have held a conspi-
cuous rank, and that little is for the most part er-
roneous, (b) He was descended from the noble and
opulent Florentine family of the Ricci, (c) and had
(a) As the works of Codrus are not of common occurrence,
this piece is given in the Appendix, No. XX.
(6) The notices of Crinitus by Tiraboschi, founded on the equi-
vocal testimony of Jovius and Negri, are peculiarly brief and un-
satisfactory.
(c) Jovius, absurdly enough, informs us, that Piero derived his
name from the curled locks of his father, dull' intorta fr inanellata
capillatura del padre ; but from whatever cause the family appel-
lation might originally arise, it was of much greater antiquity than
Jovius supposed. The Ricci being called by Negri, Famiglia an-
tichissima Sf nobilissima. The latter author however, with no less
absurdity than Jovius, adds, that Crinitus was, on account of his
own curled locks (arriciata bionda sua Capiglicra) called Pietro
di crispa chioma, which he transformed into the Latin name of
Crinitus. But it is apparent that this name is only his family ap-
pellation latinized.
LEO THE TENTH. 109
the good fortune when young, to avail himself of CHAP.
the instructions, and to obtain the friendship of _
Politiano. Hence he was introduced into the fa- A. D. 1492.
mily of the Medici, and became an associate in
those literary and convivial meetings at the palace
of the Medici in Florence, or at their different
seats in the country, which he has himself occa-
sionally celebrated in his writings, (a) It is not
therefore surprising, that on the death of Lorenzo
the Magnificent, he honoured his memory in a La-
tin ode, which he addressed to Pico of Mirandula ;
but it is remarkable, that in this production (if in-
deed it was written at the time to which it relates)
he has predicted in forcible terms the approaching
calamities of Italy, (b] After this event, Crinitus
still continued to' enjoy at Florence the society of
Pico and of Politiano, till the death of these dis-
tinguished scholars, which happened within two
months of each other, in the year 1494. (c) It may
serve as an instance of the negligence with which
literary memoirs are often written, and of the ne-
cessity of a more intimate acquaintance with the
general history of the times, to notice some of the
errors to which the Life of Crinitus has given rise.
By one author we are informed, that after the death
of Politiano, Crinitus was intrusted by Lorenzo
de' Medici with the instruction of his children,
(a) V. Life of Lorenzo de' Medici, vol. ii. p. 140, 4to. ed.
(6) At tu moesta novis patria lachrymis
Indulge ; nee enim cernere adhuc poles
Quantum mox miseris civibus imminet
Fatorum gravis exitus.
Nania, de obitu Laur. Med. Crin. op. p. 529.
(c) Crinitus has also consecrated a Latin poem to the memory
of each of his friends, in op. pp. 532, 5C3.
110 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, and that this example was followed by the princi-
_ pal nobility of Florence, who rejoiced in having
A. D. 1492. obtained such a successor to so accomplished a
A ] t 17
preceptor, (a) If this were true, Crinitus would be
entitled to our more particular notice, as one of
the early instructors of Leo X. but when we re-
collect, that at the time of the death of Politiano,
Lorenzo had been dead upwards of two years, we
are compelled to reject this information as wholly
groundless. Another author, who was a contem-
porary with Crinitus, has however informed us,
that at the death of Politiano, Crinitus continued
to deliver instructions to the younger branches of
the Medici family, and others of the Florentine
nobility ; (b) forgetting that the Mediei were, about
the time of the death of Politiano, expelled from
Florence, and became fugitives in different parts
of Italy, where they could not avail themselves of
the precepts of Crinitus, and where indeed they
had other occupations than the studies of litera-
ture. It is therefore more probable that Crinitus,
after this period, quitted his native place, and took
an active part in the commotions which soon af-
terwards occurred ; as he frequently refers in his
writings to the labours and misfortunes which he
has sustained, and avows his determination to
(a) " Quel gran Mecenati de' virtuosi, Lorenzo de' Medici, non
dubito confidare alia di lui direzione nelle lettere i suoi figliuoli,
dopo la morte del Poliziano ; e fu seguitato il di lui esempio da
tutta la nobile gioventu, che lo gode" successore d'un si valente
maestro." Negri, Scrittori Fiorent. p. 462.
(6) " Morto il Politiano, merito (Crinito) d'essere in grado di
compagno, e di precettore appresso quei giovani de' Medici, &
d'altri nobili, che davano opera alle buone lettere." Giovio, Iscritt.
p. 106.
LEO THE TENTH. Ill
return to his literary studies, (a) That he passed CHAP.
some part of his time at Naples may be pre- _
sumed, not only from his intimacy with Bernardo A.D. 1492.
Caraffa, Tomaso Fusco, and other Neapolitan scho-
lars, but from the particular interest which he ap-
pears to have taken on behalf of the house of Ara-
gon, and the vehemence with which he inveighs
against the French in his writings. In this re-
spect his opinions were directly opposed to those
of his friend Marullus, who openly espoused the
cause of Charles VIII. It may also be conjectured
that he passed a part of his time at Ferrara, where
having, by accident, fallen into the Po, and escaped
with safety, he addressed an ode of gratitude to the
river, (b) We are informed by Negri, that Crinitus
died about the close of the fifteenth century, at
the age of thirty-nine years ; (c) but his writings
refer to many events beyond that period ; and his
dedication of his treatise De Poetis Latinis, to
Cosmo de' Pazzi, then bishop of Arezzo, and after-
wards archbishop of Florence, nephew of Lorenzo
the Magnificent, is dated in the year 1505, which
period, it is however probable, he did not long
survive. We are also informed that his death was
occasioned by the irregularity of his conduct and
the licentiousness of his friends, one of whom, in
the frolics of a convivial entertainment, at the villa
of Pietro Martelli, poured over him a vessel of
water, with the disgrace of which he was so greatly
aifected, that he died in a few days, (d) Not to in-
() De sua quiete post multas calamitates. Crin. op. p. 531.
(6) Carmen Charisticon, ad Eridanum jluvium, pro recepta salute,
cum in eum decidisset. op. Crin, p. 543.
(c) Negri, Scrittori Fiorent. p. 462.
(d) Negri, ubi sup. Giovio Iscritt. 106.
112 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, sist merely on the improbability of such a narrative,
'_ _ a sufficient proof that the life of Crinitus was not
A. D. 1492. terminated by any sudden accident, appears in his
' beautiful and pathetic Latin ode on his long sick-
ness and approaching death, from which we find,
that he had struggled with a tiresome feverish in-
disposition, which had baffled the skill of his phy-
sicians, and in which he resigns himself to his un-
timely fate ; at the same time asserting his claim
to the esteem of posterity from the integrity of his
life and conduct, (a) From the^ame piece we also
learn, that he intended to have written a poem on
the descent of the French into Italy, but this, with
many other works was left unfinished. After the
death of Politiano, Crinitus assisted his friend Ales-
sandro Sarti, in collecting the works of that great
scholar, for the edition printed by Aldo Manuzio,
in 1498. The principal work of Crinitus De Ho-
nesta Disciplina, as well as his treatise on the La-
tin poets before-mentioned, demonstrates the ex-
tent of his learning and the accuracy of his critical
taste, () and in these respects is not unworthy the
disciple of his great preceptor, (c) His poetry, all
(a) This poem of Crinitus is given in the Appendix, No. XXI.
(6) He was the first who pointed out the mistake of the learned
respecting the supposititious elegies of Cornelius Gallus ; a subject
which has given rise to great diversity of opinion, v. Menagiana,
torn. i. p. 330.
(c) A few letters of Crinitus appear in the works of Politiano,
Ep. lib. xii. and in those of Giovanni Francesco Pico of Miran-
dula, p. 839. Andreas Dactius has commemorated him in the
following epitaph :
" Heus audi, properes licet viator,
Criniti, tumulo teguntur isto,
Dilecti cineres sacris camoenis.
Hoc scires volui. Recede felix."
LEO THE TENTH. 113
of which is in the Latin language, is also entitled CHAP.
to commendation, and will occasionally be adduced
in the following pages, as illustrating the public A. 1x1492.
transactions of the times in which he lived, (a)
It may not be improper to close this general view
of the state of literature in Italy, in the year 1492,
with some account of a person, whose incalculable
services to the cause of sound learning, present
(a) On this passage Count Bossi has found occasion to remark,
that notwithstanding the notice I have taken of the state of litera-
ture, and its professors in Italy, at the close of the fifteenth cen-
tury, I have omitted many distinguished names, even of those who
have figured upon the political theatre of the times ; an omission
which he has undertaken in some degree to supply, by citing the
names of a number of literary characters as not being particularly
noticed in my work. v. Ital. Tran. vol. i. p. 260, vol. xii. p. 211.
For this attention my best acknowledgments are due ; but at the
same time, I must be permitted to remark, that as I had only
proposed to write the Life of an individual, and not a general his-
tory of literature, I did not conceive myself justified in entering
into that subject further than was necessary to shew the literary
state and character of the age, at the time that Leo X., then the
cardinal de' Medici, first began to take an active part in it ; and
in which I fear it will be thought I have rather exceeded, than
fallen short of the object I had in view. As to the rest, I may
observe, that some of the persons mentioned by Count Bossi are
noticed in my work ; that others are omitted, because they belong
to a former period, and had been particularly distinguished in my
Life of Lorenzo de' Medici ; and that if these two classes were
deducted, the remainder would be reduced to a small amount ;
amongst which, however, are some which might justly claim a
place in the records of literature, and which demonstrate the inti-
mate acquaintance of Count Bossi with this subject. I shall only
add, that the precious manuscript which Count Bossi mentions,
containing a collection of Italian poets of the fifteenth century,
by Felice Feliciano, in which are found the works of several au-
thors not mentioned by Tiraboschi, and which MS. formerly be-
longed to Count Bossi, now forms a part of the MS. library of
Mr. Coke at Holkham. *
VOL. I. I
114
THE LIFE OF
CHAP, themselves to our notice at every step, and the prp-
' ductions of whose skill are at every moment in the
A. D. 1492. hands of the historian of this period. This can
only be referred to the eminent printer Aldo Ma-
nuzio, to whom the world is indebted, not only for
the works of many of the ancient authors, which
he either first discovered, or first published in a
correct form, but for those of many of his contem-
poraries, which without his unparalleled industry
would not have been preserved to the present day.
At this precise time he was making preparations
for his laudable purpose, and had determined to
devote his learning, his resources, his industry,
and his life, to the service of literature. But be-
fore we advert to the measures which he adopted
for this great and commendable end, it cannot be
thought uninteresting briefly to commemorate the
previous events of his life.
Aldo Manuzio was born about the year 1447, at
Bassiano, a village within the Roman territory,
whence he styles himself Aldus Manutius JBas-
sianus ; but more frequently Aldus Romanus. (a)
Maittaire justly observes, that it was a fortunate
circumstance, that the birth of so skilful an artist
should have happened at the very time when the
art itself was first meditated. Respecting his edu-
cation, he has himself informed us, that he lost a
great part of his time in acquiring the principles
of Latin grammar by the rules of Alessandro de
Villadei, (6) the book then commonly used in the
(a) In the scarce edition of the Thesaurus Cornucopia, of Va-
rino Camcrti, printed by Aldo in 1496, he styles himself Aldus
Munutius Bdssianus Romanus.
(6) This grammarian lived in the early part of the thirteenth
LEO THE TENTH. 115
schools, but this disadvantage was soon afterwards CHAP.
compensated by the instructions which he obtain-
ed in the Latin tongue, from Gasparo Veronese A. u. 1492.
at Rome, and in both Latin and Greek, from Bat-
tista Guarino, who then resided at Ferrara, at
which place Aldo also took up his abode, (a) Un-
der such tutors, the proficiency of such a scholar
was rapid, and at an early age Aldo became him-
self an instructor, having been entrusted with the
education of Alberto Pio, lord of Carpi, who was
nearly of his own age. (b) With this young noble-
man he contracted a friendship which proved
throughout his life of the greatest service to him,
and which was afterwards manifested by his disci-
century. His work is written in barbarous Latin verse, which the
pupils were compelled to repeat by memory. Manni has given,
from a MS. copy in his own possession, a specimen of this pe-
dantic, but once celebrated production, which thus commences :
" Scribere clericulis paro doctrinale novellis
Pluraque doctorum sociabo scripta meorum,
Jamque legent pueri pro nugis Maximiani
Quae veteres sociis nolebant pandere caris," &c.
Manni, vita di Aldo, p. 7, ed. Ven. 1750.
(a) Aldi Manutiipraf. ad Tkeocritum, Sfc. Ven. 1495.
() The subsequent commotions of Italy, in which Alberto
acted an important part, have probably deprived the world of the
fruits of his literary studies. Such at least is the inference which
arises from the following passage, in the dedication to him of the
Aldine edition of Lucretius, at the time when he was engaged as
the Imperial envoy at the court of Rome : " Dcus pcrdat perni-
ciosa haec bella, quae te perturbant, quae te tamdiu avortunt a
sacris studiis literarum ; nee sinunt ut quiete, ct, quod semper
cupivisti atque optasti, fruaris otio, ad eas artes, quibus a puero
deditus fuisti, celebrandas ; jam aliquem fructum dedisses studio-
rum tuorum utilem sane et nobis et posteris : qua te privari re,
ita moleste fers, ut nullam aliam ob causam, credendum sit, nuper
te Romas tarn gravi morbo laborasse, ut de salute tua et timerent
boni omnes et angerentur."
i 2
116 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. pi e conceding to him the honourable privilege of
using his family name, whence Aldus has often de-
A.D.H92. nominated himself Aldus Pius Manutius. In the
A JA. 17
year 1482, when the safety of Ferrara was threa-
tened by the formidable attack of the Venetians,
retreated to Mirandola, (a) where he contract-
or capi, e d a strict intimacy with the celebrated Giovanni
and Pico of
Pico. His intercourse with these two men of dis-
tinguished rank and learning continued with unin-
terrupted esteem, and Alberto had expressed an
intention of investing him with the government
of a part of his territory of Carpi ; but this pro-
ject was relinquished for one which proved more
honourable to Aldo and more useful to mankind.
In the friendly interviews which took place among
these individuals, the idea was gradually formed of
the great undertaking which Aldo was destined to
carry into effect, and in which, as it has been with
probability conjectured, he was to have the sup-
port and pecuniary assistance of his two illustrious
friends.
Motives of Of the liberal motives by which Aldo was ac-
Aldoforun- . V'^V'" ' V
tuated, he has left to posterity abundant evidence.
" The necessity of Greek literature is now," says
he, " universally acknowledged, insomuch, that
not only our youth endeavour to acquire it, but it
is studied even by those advanced in years. We
read but of one Cato among the Romans who stu-
died Greek in his old age, but in our times we have
many Catos, and the number of our youth, who ap-
ply themselves to the study of Greek, is almost as
great as of those who study the Latin tongue ; so
that Greek books, of which there are but few in
(a) Aldi Ep. in Ep. Polit. lib. vii.
LEO THE TENTH. H7
existence, are now eagerly sought after. But by CHAP.
the assistance of Jesus Christ, I hope ere long to
supply this deficiency, although it can only be ac A.D. MM.
complished by great labour, inconvenience, and A * t l1 '
loss of time. Those who cultivate letters must be
supplied with books necessary for their purpose,
and till this supply be obtained I shall not be at
rest." (a)
But although the publication of the Greek au- Establishes
thors appears to have been his favourite object, and
always occupied a great part of his attention, yet
he extended his labours to other languages, and to there -
every department of learning. The place which he
chose for his establishment was Venice, already the
most distinguished city in Italy for the attention
paid to the art, and where it was most probable
that he might meet with those materials and assis-
tants which were necessary for his purpose, (b) In
making the preparations requisite for commencing
his work, he was indefatigable ; (c) but the more
(a) v. AldiEpist. Aristoteli Organo 1495, prajixam ; et Maittaire,
Annal. i. 69. His magnanimity and public spirit appear also from
many other passages in his own writings.
(b) If this city has not produced many authors of the first emi-
nence, it has compensated the world by multiplying and perpetu-
ating the works of others. Yet Venice is not without its pane-
gyrists : thus Battista Mantuanus
" Semper apud Venetos studium sapientiae et omnis
In pretio doctrina fuit ; superavit Athenas
Ingeniis, rebus gestis, Lacedemona et Argos."
(c) Maittaire conjectures, that he was employed in these pre-
parations four or five years ; but from the preface of Aldus to the
Thesawrvt Cornucopia of Varino Camerti, printed in 1496, it ap-
pears that he had been occupied in this undertaking from the year
1489: "Postquam suscepi hanc duram provinciam (annus enim
agitur jam septimus) possem jurejurando affirmare, tot annos ne
Jioram quidem solickc habuissc quictis."
118 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, particular object of his wishes was the discovery of
some method, by which he might give to his pub-
A.D. 1492. lications a greater degree of correctness than had
A..t. 17. been attained by any preceding artist. To this end
he invited to his assistance a great number of dis-
tinguished scholars, whom he prevailed upon by his
own influence and that of his friends, or the stipu-
lation of a liberal reward, to take up their residence
at Venice. That he might attach them still more
to the place and to each other, he proposed the es-
tablishment of a literary association, or academy,
the chief object of which was to collate the works
of the ancient authors, with a view to their publi-
cation in as perfect a manner as possible. Of this
academy Marcus Musurus, Pietro Bembo, Ange-
lo Gabrielli, Andrea Navagero, Daniello Rinieri,
Marino Sanuto, Benedetto Ramberti, Battista Eg-
nazio, and Giambattista Ramusio, were the prin-
cipal ornaments, and will be entitled to our future
notice. For the more effectual establishment of
this institution, it was his earnest wish to have ob-
tained an Imperial diploma ; but in this respect
he was disappointed ; and the Venetian academy,
which ought to have been an object of national or
universal munificence, was left to depend upon the
industry and bounty of a private individual, under
whose auspices it subsisted during many years in
great credit, and effected, in a very considerable
degree, the beneficial purposes which its founder
had in view.
Progress Such were the motives, and such the prepara-
and success .-,-.. ....
of his un- tions for this great undertaking ; but its execution
surpassed all the expectations that its most san-
guine promoters could have formed of it. The
LEO THE TENTH. 119
first work produced from the Aldine press, was the CHAP.
poem of Hero and Leander, of Musaeus, in the year _
1494; (a) from which time, for the space of up- A. 0.1492.
wards of twenty years, during which Aldo conti-
nued his labours, there is scarcely an ancient au-
thor, Greek or Latin, of whom he did not give a
copious edition, besides publishing a considerable
number of books in the Italian tongue. In the ac-
quisition of the most authentic copies of the ancient
authors, whether manuscript or printed, he spared
neither labour nor expense ; and such was the opi-
nion entertained of his talents and assiduity by the
celebrated Erasmus, who occasionally assisted him
in revising the ancient writers, that he has endea-
voured to do justice to his merits, by asserting in
his Adagia, " that if some tutelary deity had pro-
moted the views of Aldo, the learned world would
shortly have been in possession, not only of all the
Greek and Latin authors, but even of the Hebrew
and Chaldaic ; insomuch, that nothing could have
been wanting, in this respect, to their wishes. That
it was an enterprise of royal munificence to re-esta-
blish polite letters, then almost extinct ; to disco-
ver what was hidden ; to supply what was wanting;
and correct what was defective." By the same emi-
nent scholar we are also assured, that whilst Aldo
promoted the interests of the learned, the learned
gave him in return their best assistance, and that
even the Hungarians and the Poles sent their works
to his press, and accompanied them by liberal pre-
() This work is not marked by the date of the year in which
it was printed, and Manni seems to doubt its claim to priority ;
but Maittaire had before sufficiently shewn that this opinion was
well founded. Annul. Typ. i. 70.
120 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, sents. How these great objects could be accom-
_ plished by the efforts of an individual, will appear
A.D. 1492. extraordinary; especially when it is considered, that
Aldo was a professed teacher of the Greek language
in Venice; that he diligently attended the meetings
of the academy, that he maintained a frequent cor-
respondence with the learned in all countries ; that
the prefaces and dedications of the books which he
published were often of his own composition; that
the works themselves were occasionally illustrated
by his criticisms and observations, and that he
sometimes printed his own works ; an instance of
which appears in his Latin grammar, published in
the year 1507. (a) The solution of this difficulty,
may however in some degree be obtained, by pe-
rusing the inscription placed by Aldo over the door
of his study, in which he requests his visitors to des-
patch their business with him, as expeditiously as
possible, and begone ; unless they come, as Her-
cules came to Atlas, with a view of rendering as-
sistance ; in which case there would be sufficient
(a) Mr. Heuke (in Germ. Tr. vol. i. p. 127.) has expressed an
opinion, that in estimating the merits of Aldo, I have permitted
my partiality for him to prevail over justice, and have reckoned
too little upon the great encouragement he received from many
rich and liberal patrons of literature, and particularly from the
pontiffs, Alexander VI. Julius II. and Leo X. That Aldo could
have accomplished his great object without the assistance of many
eminent men and distinguished scholars, it would be absurd to
suppose ; but it is precisely in this respect that his merits are
most apparent. In establishing his press, and forming his aca-
demy at Venice, he drew together almost all that was liberal and
learned in Italy, and thereby effected an object to the accomplish-
ment of which his own personal exertions would have been totally
inadequate. This circumstance, therefore, instead of detracting
from, may be considered as the crown of his merits.*
LEO THE TENTH. 121
employment, both for them, and as many others CHAP.
as might repair thither.
A. D. 1492.
QUISQUIS ES, ROGAT TE ALDUS ETIAM ATQUE ETIAM, A. -St. 17.
UT SIQUID EST QUOD A SE VELIS, PERPAUCIS AGAS,
DEINDE ACTUTUM ABEAS ; NISI, TAMQUAM HERCULES,
DEFESSO ATLANTE, VENERIS SUPPOSITURUS HUMEROS;
SEMPER ENIM ERIT QUOD ET TU AGAS,
ET QUOTQUOT
HUC ATTULERINT PEDES.
CHAP III.
14921494.
THE cardinal de 1 Medici returns to Florence Death of
Innocent VIII. Election of Alexander VI. Ambitious
views of Lodovico S forma He invites Charles VIII. into
Italy League between the pope, the duke of Milan, and
the Venetians Observations on the respective claims of
the houses of Anjou and Ar agon Charles accommodates
his differences with other states Negotiates with the
Florentines Alexander VI. remonstrates with him on
his attempt The king of Naples endeavours to prevail
on him to relinquish his expedition Prepares for his de-
fence Alfonso II. succeeds to the croicn of Naples
Prepares for war Views and conduct of the smaller
states of Italy Charles VIII. engages Italian stipen-
diaries Unsuccessful attempt of the Neapolitans against
Genoa Ferdinand duke of Calabria opposes the French
in Romagna Charles crosses the Alps His interview
with Gian-Galeazzo, duke of Milan Hesitates respect-
ing the prosecution of his enterprize Piero de' Medici
surrenders to Charles VIII. the fortresses of Tuscany
The cardinal de 1 Medici with his brothers Piero and
Giuliano expelled the city Pisa asserts its liberties
Retreat of the duke of Calabria before d'Aubigny
Charles VIII. enters Florence Intends to restore Piero
de' Medici Commotions in Florence and treaty with
Charles VIII. Charles enters tlie territories of the
Church The states of Italy exhorted by a contempo-
rary writer to oppose the progress of the French.
-AN : \c
125
CHAPTER III.
SCARCELY had the cardinal de' Medici gone through A. D. 1492.
the ceremonies of his admission into the consis-
tory, when he received intelligence of the death na i e de' Me-
of his father, which happened on the eighth day of J
April, 1492. His sensations on this occasion are
strongly expressed in his letters to his brother
Piero ; (a) but not satisfied with epistolary condo-
lence and advice, he prepared to pay a visit to
Florence, for the purpose of supporting, by his
presence, the credit and authority of the Medici *
in that city. In order to give him additional im-
portance on this occasion, the pope appointed him
legate of the patrimony of St. Peter, and of the
Tuscan state, (b) Before his arrival, the magis-
trates and council had, however, passed a decree,
by which they had continued to Piero all the ho-
nours which his late father had enjoyed. The ge-
neral disposition of the inhabitants was indeed so
highly favourable to the Medici, that the autho-
rity of Piero seemed to be established on as sure a
foundation as that of any of his ancestors, with the
additional stability which length of time always
gives to public opinion.
(a) v. Life of Lor. de' Hied. vol. ii. p. 247, 4to. cd. Appendix,
No. 80. Another letter written soon after this event, and hitherto
unpublished, is given in the Appendix to this volume, No. XXII.
(6) Fabronii, Vita Leon. X. p. 13, adnot. 10, and r. Appendix.
No. XXIII.
126 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. During the residence of the cardinal at Flo-
^ rence, he distinguished himself amongst his fel-
A.D. 1492. low-citizens, not only by the decorum and gravity
of his conduct as an ecclesiastic, but by his muni-
ficence to those numerous and eminent scholars,
. whom the death of his father had deprived of their
chief protector. To his favour, Marsilio Ficino
was indebted for the respectable rank of a canon
of Florence. His liberality was yet more parti-
cularly shewn to Demetrius Chalcondyles, from
whom he had formerly received instruction, and
to whom he afforded pecuniary assistance, not
only for his own purposes, but for the promotion
of his numerous offspring. In these, and similar
instances, his conduct corresponded with the sen-
timents professed by him, in the assertion which
he made, that the greatest alleviation which he
could experience of his recent loss, would be to
have it in his power to promote the interest of
those men of learning, who had been the peculiar
objects of the affection and regard of his father, (a)
In the mean time the health of the pope was ra-
pidly declining, and the cardinal received informa-
tion, which induced him to hasten with all possi-
ble expedition towards Rome. On this occasion
the magistrates of Florence directed their general,
Paolo Orisno, to accompany him to that city,
Death of with a body of horse ; but before his arrival there,
^ nocen ^ received intelligence of the death of the pontiff,
which happened on the twenty-fifth day of July,
1492.
If the character of Innocent were to be impar-
tially weighed, the balance would incline, but with
(a) Fabronii, Vita Leon. X. p. 14.
LEO THE TENTH. 127
no very rapid motion, to the favourable side. His CHAP.
native disposition seems to have been mild and
placable; but the disputed claims of the Roman A. 0.1492
see, which he conceived it to be his duty to en- i
force, led him into embarrassments, from which
he was with difficulty extricated, and which, with-
out increasing his reputation, destroyed his re-
pose. He had some pretensions to munificence,
and may be ranked with those pontiffs to whom
Rome is indebted for her more modern ornaments.
One of the faults with which he stands charged,
is his unjust distribution of the treasures of the
church among the children who had been born to
him during his secular life ; (a) but even in this
respect his bounty was restrained within moderate
limits. Instead of raising his eldest son, Fran-
cesco Cib6, to an invidious equality with the he-
reditary princes of Italy, he conferred on him the
more substantial, and less dangerous benefits of
great private wealth; and although to these he
had added the small domains of Anguillara and
Cervetri, yet Francesco, soon after the death of
his father, divested himself of these possessions
for an equivalent in money, and took up his abode
at Florence, among the kinsmen of his wife, Mad-
dalena de' Medici.
On the death of the pope, his body was carried
(a) These children were, however, illegitimate, as appears from
the evidence of Burchard, who denominates Francesco Cib6
" Filius Papae, etiam bastardus, prout Domina Theodorina."
Rurchard. Diar. ap. Notices des MSS. du Roi, i. 93. Nor was in-
continency the only crime of this pontiff, if we may judge from the
epigram of Manillas.
" Spurcities, gula, avaritia, atque ignavia descs,
Hoc, Octave, jacent quo tegeris, tumulo.''
128 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, to the church of St. Peter, attended by the cardi-
^ nal de' Medici, and four others of equal rank.
A. D. 1492. His obsequies were performed on the fifth day of
August, and on the following day the cardinals
entered the conclave, amidst the tumults of the
people, who, as usual On such occasions, aban-
doned themselves to every species of outrage and
licentiousness, (a) The chief contest appeared to
subsist between Ascanio Sforza, whose superior
rank and powerful family-connexions gave him
great credit, and Roderigo Borgia, who counter-
balanced the influence of his opponent, by his long
experience, deep dissimulation, and the riches
amassed from the many lucrative offices which he
had enjoyed. With such art did he employ these
advantages, that Ascanio himself, seduced by the
blandishments and promises of Roderigo, not only
relinquished his own pretensions, but became the
most earnest advocate for the success of his late
opponent. So openly was this scandalous traffic
carried on, that Roderigo sent four mules laden
with silver to Ascanio, and presented to another
cardinal a sum of five thousand gold crowns, as
an earnest of what he was afterwards to receive, (b)
On this occasion, the cardinal de' Medici had at-
tached himself to the cardinals Francesco Piccolo-
mini, (afterwards Pius III.) and Oliviero Caraffa,
men of great integrity and respectability, but who
were induced to relax in their opposition to the
(a) " Per Roma scorrevano a schiera i ladroni, gli omicidarii, i
banditi, ed ogni pessima sorte d'uomini ; ed i palazzi de' cardinal!
havevano le guardie di schioppettieri, e delle bombarde, perche
non fossero saccheggiate." Conclavi de' Pontef. Rom. vol. i. p. 133.
(b) Burehard Diar. ap. Notices des MSS. du Roi, i. 101.
LEO THE TENTH. 129
election of Roderigo, by the exertions of Ascanio CHAP.
Sforza. (a) Of twenty cardinals who entered the
conclave, we are informed there were only five A. 0.1492.
who did not sell their votes, (b)
On the eleventh day of Ausrust, 1492, Roderigo, Election of
_ , , J , ' Alexander
having assumed the name ot Alexander VI. made vi.
his entrance, as supreme pontiff, into the church
of St. Peter. The ceremonies and processions on
this occasion exceeded in pomp and expense all that
modern Rome had before witnessed ; and whilst
the new pontiff passed through the triumphal ar-
ches erected to his honour, he might have read
the inscriptions which augured the return of the
golden age, and hailed him as a conqueror and a
god. (c) These pageants being terminated, Alexan-
der underwent the final test of his qualifications,
which, in his particular instance, might have been
(a) Jovius, in vita Leon. X. p. 15.
(b) Burch. Diar. ap. Not. des MSS. du Roi, i. 101.
(c) Of these, the following may serve as a sufficient specimen :
" Caesare magna fuit, mine Roma est maxima, Sextus
Regnat Alexander ; ille vir, iste deus."
" Alexandro invictissimo, Alexandro pientissimo, Alexandro
magnificentissimo, Alexandro in omnibus maximo, honor et
gratia."
" Scit venisse suum, patria grata, Jovem."
Other instances of preposterous adulation may be found in
Corio, Storia di Miluno, par. vii. p. 888, &c. If, however, all
the enormities recorded of him be true, one of the Roman poets
of antiquity would have furnished him with a much more appro-
priate motto :
" Attulerat secum liquidi quoque monstra veneni,
Oris Cerberei spumas, et virus Echidnae,
Erroresque vagos, csecaeque oblivia mentis,
Et scelus, et lachrymas, rabiemque, et caedis amorem,
Omnia trita simul." Ovid. Met. lib. iv. v. 499.
VOL. I. K
130 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, dispensed with, (a) and being then admitted into
|_ the plenitude of power, he bestowed his pontifical
A. D. 1492. benediction on the people. " He entered on his
^ ! 17
office," says a contemporary historian, " with the
meekness of an ox, but he administered it with the
fierceness of a lion." (b)
The intelligence of this event being dispersed
through Italy, where the character of Roderigo
Borgia was well known, a general dissatisfaction
took place, and Ferdinand of Naples, who in his
reputation for sagacity stood the highest among the
sovereigns of Europe, is said to have declared to
his queen with tears, from which feminine expres-
sion of his feelings he was wont to abstain, even on
the death of his children, that the election of this
pontiff would be destructive to the repose, not only
of Italy, but of the whole republic of Christen-
dom : " a prognostic," says Guicciardini, " not un-
worthy of the prudence of Ferdinand ; for in Alex-
ander VI. were united a singular degree of pru-
dence and sagacity, a sound understanding, a won-
derful power of persuasion, and an incredible per-
severance, vigilance, and dexterity, in whatever he
undertook. But these good qualities were more
than counterbalanced by his vices. In his manners
he was most shameless ; wholly divested of since-
rity, of decency, and of truth ; without fidelity,
without religion ; in his avarice, immoderate ; in
(a) " Finalmente, essendo fornite le solite solennita in Sancta
Sanctorum, e domesticamente toccatogli i testicoli, e data la bene-
dizione, ritorno al palagio." Corio, Storia di Milano, par. vii.
p. 890. Respecting the origin of this custom, v. Shepherd's Life
ofPoggio Bracciolini, p. 149, note (b).
(b) " Entro nel Pontificate Alessandro vi. mansueto come bue,
e 1'ha amministrato come leone." Corio, ut sup. p. 890.
LEO THE TENTH. 131
his ambition, insatiable; in his cruelty more than CHAP.
in
barbarous ; with a most ardent desire of exalting '
his numerous children, by whatever means it might A. D. 1492.
A tt 17
be accomplished ; some of whom (that depraved
instruments might not be wanting for depraved
purposes) were not less detestable than their fa-
ther." (a) Such in the opinion of this eminent his-
torian, was the man, whom the sacred college had
chosen to be the supreme head of the Christian
Church.
The elevation of Alexander VI. was the signal
of flight to such of the cardinals as had opposed his
election. Giuliano della Rovere, who to a mar-
tial spirit united a personal hatred of Alexander,
insomuch that in one of their quarrels the dispute
had terminated with blows, thought it prudent
to consult his safety by retiring to Ostia, of which
place he was bishop. Here he fortified himself as
for a siege, alleging, that he could not trust the
traitor, by which appellation he had been accus-
tomed to distinguish his ancient adversary, (b] The
cardinal Giovanni Colonna sought a refuge in the
island of Sicily; and the cardinal de' Medici, equal-
ly inimical, but less obnoxious to Alexander, re-
tired to Florence ; where he remained till the ap-
proaching calamities of his family compelled him
to seek a shelter elsewhere, (c)
No sooner was the new pontiff firmly seated in Ambitious
the chair of St. Peter, than those jealousies, in- HS^
trigues, and disputes, among the potentates of
(a) Guicciardin. Storia d J Ital. lib. i.
(b) Muratori Annali iV Italia, vol. ix. p. 500.
(c) Ammirato, Ritratti d'uomini illustri di Casa Mcdifi. Opuxc.
vol. iii. p. 64.
K 2
132 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Italy, which had for some time past almost ceased to
m ' agitate that country, began again to revive, and pre-
.D. 1492. pared the way, not only for a long series of blood-
17 *' shed and misery, but for events which overturned
in a great degree the political fabric of Italy, and
materially affected the rest of Europe. During
the minority of his nephew, Gian-Galeazzo, Lo-
dovico Sforza had possessed the entire direction of
the government of Milan, as guardian and repre-
sentative of the young prince, (a) Gratified by the
exercise of the supreme authority, he looked for-
wards with vexation and with dread, to the time
when he was to relinquish his trust into the hands
of his rightful sovereign ; and having at length
silenced the voice of conscience, and extinguished
the sense of duty, he began to adopt such mea-
sures as he thought most likely to deprive his ne-
phew of his dominions, and vest the sovereignty
in himself. For this purpose he entrusted the com-
mand of the fortresses and strong holds of the coun-
try to such persons only, as he knew were devoted
to his interests. The revenue of the state, which
was then very considerable, (b) became in his hands
the means of corrupting the soldiery and their lea-
ders. All honours, offices, and favours, depended
upon his will ; and so completely had he concen-
trated in himself the power and resources of the
(a) From the ancient chronicle of Donate Bossi, printed at
Milan, 1492, it appears, that the Milanese government at this
time included the cities and districts of Milan, Cremona, Parma,
Pavia, Como, Lodi, Piacenza, Novara, Alessandria, Tortona,
Bobbio, Savona, Albingano, Vintimiglia, and the whole territory
of the Genoese.
(6) Corio states the ducal revenue at this period, at 600,000
ducats. Sloria di Milano, lib. vii. p. 883.
LEO THE TENTH. 133
state, that, if we may give credit to an historian of CHAP.
those times, the young duke and his consort Isa-
bella, the daughter of Alfonso, duke of Calabria, A. 0.1492.
were nearly deprived of the common necessaries of *
life, (a) With all these precautions the authority
of Lodovico was yet insecure, and the final success
of his purpose doubtful. The hereditary right of
Gian-Galeazzo to his dominions, was unimpeach-
able, and he was now of age to take upon himself
the supreme authority, (b) His wife Isabella of
Aragon, was a woman of a firm and independent
spirit, and by her he had already several chil-
dren, (c) Under these circumstances it was scarce-
ly to be supposed, that Lodovico could divest his
nephew of the government without incurring the
(a) " Ed in tal forma fu ristretta la corte Ducale, che a fatica
Giovanni Galeazzo, ed Isabella sua moglie, potevano havere il
vitto loro." Corio, Storia di Milano, lib. vii. p. 883.
(b) It appears, however, from Summonte, that Lodovico had
pretended a legal right to the sovereignty, on the plea, that Ga-
leazzo, the father of the young duke, was born before the time
that his father Francesco had obtained the dominion of Milan;
whereas Lodovico was the eldest son born after that acquisition,
and consequently, as he asserted, entitled to the succession. Sum-
monte, Storia di Napoli, vol. iii. p. 497. It is however remarka-
ble, that Donato Bossi, in his chronicle, printed in 1492, and de-
dicated to Gian-Galeazzo, expressly commends the fidelity and
loyalty of Lodovico to his sovereign. " Opus autem ipsum anna-
lium, circa quod jam ultra tria lustra versatus sum, tibi Joanni
Galeazio Sfortiae, Vicecomiti, penes quem, hominum divorumque
consensus, justissimique principis patrui tui Ludovici fides et pro-
bitas, Mediolanensis principatus, reliquarumque excelsarum ur-
bium, regimen esse voluit, dedico et dono."
(c) " La dicte fille," says Commines, speaking of Isabella, " es-
toit fort courageuse, et eust volontiers donn6 credit a son mari, si
elle eust pu ; mais il n'estoit gueres sage, et reveloit ce qu'elle lui
disoit." Mem. de Com. liv. vii. p. 188, ed. Lyons, 1559.
134 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, resentment of the princes of the house of Aragon,
who might probably also excite the other states of
A.D. 1492. Italy to avenge the cause of an injured sovereign.
A. yt. n. ^at these apprehensions were not without founda-
tion, he had already received a decisive proof. The
degraded state to which Isabella and her husband
were reduced, had compelled her to represent by
letter to her father Alfonso, their dangers and their
sufferings, in consequence of which, a formal em-
bassy had been despatched from the king of Naples
to Lodovico, to prevail upon him to relinquish the
supreme authority into the hands of his lawful
prince, (a) This measure, instead .of answering
the intended purpose, served only to demonstrate
to Lodovico the dangers which he had to appre-
hend, and the necessity of forming such alliances
as might enable him to repel any hostile attempt.
In turning his eye for this purpose towards the
other states of Italy, there was no place which he
regarded with more anxiety than the city of Flo-
rence ; not only an account of the situation of its
territory, which might open the way to a direct at-
tack upon him, but from the suspicions which he
already entertained, that Piero de' Medici had been
induced to unite his interests with those of the fa-
mily of Aragon, in preference to the house of Sfor-
za ; a suspicion not indeed without foundation, and
which some circumstances that occurred at this pe-
riod amply confirmed.
On the elevation of Alexander VI. it had been
determined to despatch an embassy from Florence
to congratulate the new pontiff. As a similar mark
(a) Corio, Storia di Milan, lib. vii. p, 883, where the letter
from Isabella to her father is given.
LEO THE TENTH. 135
of respect to the pope was adopted by all the states c HAP.
of Italy, it was proposed by Lodovico Sforza, that
in order to demonstrate the intimate union and A. 0.1492.
friendship which then subsisted among them, the J
different ambassadors should all make their public
entry into Rome, and pay their adoration to the
pope on the same day. This proposition was uni-
versally agreed to ; but Piero de' Medici, who had
been nominated as one of the Florentine envoys,
proud of his superior rank, which he conceived
would be degraded by his appearing amidst an as-
sembly of delegates, and perhaps desirous of dis-
playing in the eyes of the Roman people an extra-
ordinary degree of splendor, for which he had made
great preparations, felt a repugnance to comply
with the general determination. Unwilling, how-
ever, to oppose the project openly, he applied to
the king of Naples, requesting him, if possible, to
prevent its execution, by alleging that it would
rather tend to disturb than to confirm the repose of
Italy, and to introduce disputes respecting prece-
dency which might eventually excite jealousy and
resentment. The means by which this opposi-
tion was effected, could not however be concealed
from the vigilance pf Lodovico, to whom it seem-
ed to impute some degree of blame, in having ori-
ginally proposed the measure ; while it served to
convince him, that a secret intercourse subsisted
between Ferdinand and Piero de' Medici, which
might prove highly dangerous to his designs.
This event was shortly afterwards followed by
another, more clearly evincing this connexion. It
had long been the policy of the Neapolitan sove-
reigns, always fearful of the pretensions of the ho-
'36 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. \y S QQ f to maintain a powerful interest among the
_____ Roman nobility. On the death of Innocent VIII.
A.D. 1492. his son, Francesco Cib6, preferring the life of a
Florentine citizen, with competence and security,
to that of a petty sovereign, without a sufficient
force to defend his possessions, sold the states of
Anguillara and Cervetri, to Virginio Orsino, a near
relation of Piero de' Medici, and an avowed parti-
san of Ferdinand of Naples, at whose instance the
negotiation was concluded, and who furnished Vir-
ginio with the money necessary to effect the pur-
chase. As this measure was adopted without the
concurrence of the pope, and evidently tended to
diminish his authority, even in the papal state,
he not only poured forth the bitterest invectives
against all those who had been privy to the trans-
action, but pretended, that by such alienation, the
possessions of Francesco had devolved to the holy
see. (a) Nor was Lodovico Sforza less irritated than
the pope, by this open avowal of confidence be-
tween Piero de' Medici and the king of Naples,
although he concealed the real motives of his dis-
approbation under the plausible pretext, that such
an alliance formed too preponderating a power for
the safety of the rest of Italy.
In endeavouring to secure himself from the pe-
determines rils which he saw, or imagined, in this alliance, Lo-
to invite _ . i t i i
Charles Qovico was induced by his restless genius, to adopt
Ttaiy.' 1 the desperate remedy of inviting Charles VIII. of
France, to make a descent upon Italy, for the
pose of inforcing his claim, as representative of the
house of Anjou, to the sovereignty of Naples ; an
attempt, which Lodovico conjectured, would, if
(a) Guicciardin, Storia d' Italia, lib. i.
LEO THE TENTH. 137
crowned with success, for ever secure him from CHAP.
those apprehensions, of which he could not divest
himself, whilst the family of Aragon continued to A. D. 1493.
occupy the throne of their ancestors.
With this view, Lodovico, in the early part of League i*-
the year 1493, despatched the count di Belgioioso, pop^. the
as his confidential envoy to France ; but as the in- SlJVndXe
terference of the French monarch was regarded Venetians -
by him only as a resource in case of necessity, he
did not in the mean time neglect any opportunity
of attaching to his interests the different sovereigns
of Italy. His endeavours were more particularly
exerted to effect a closer union with the pope,
who, besides the public cause of offence which he
had received from the king of Naples, was yet
more strongly actuated by the feelings of wounded
pride, and of personal resentment. From the time
of his elevation to the pontificate, the aggrandize-
ment of his family became the leading motive of
his conduct ; and very soon afterwards he had
ventured to propose a treaty of marriage between
his youngest son, Gcoffroi, and Sancia of Aragon,
a natural daughter of Alfonso, duke of Calabria,
with whom he expected his son would obtain a
rich territory in the kingdom of Naples. Alfonso,
who abhorred the pontiff, and whose pride was
probably wounded by the proposal of such an alli-
ance, found means to raise such obstacles against
it, as wholly frustrated the views of the pope.
The common causes of resentment which Lodo-
vico Sforza and the pontiff entertained against the
family of Aragon, were mutually communicated
to each other by means of the cardinal Ascanio
Sforza, who had been promoted by Alexander to
138 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, the important office of vice-chancellor of the holy
_J see ; and on the twenty-first day of April, 1493, (a)
A.D. 1493. a league was concluded between the pope, the
duke of Milan, and the Venetians, the latter of
whom had been induced by the solicitations of
Lodovico Sforza, to concur in this measure. By
this treaty, which gave a new aspect to the affairs
of Italy, the parties engaged for the joint defence
of their dominions. The pope was also to have
the assistance of his colleagues in obtaining pos-
session of the territories and fortresses occupied
by Virginio Orsino. But although the formalities
were expedited in the name of Gian-Galeazzo, the
rightful sovereign of Milan, yet an article was in-
troduced for maintaining the authority of Lodo-
vico as chief director of the state.
The Fioren- As these proceedings could be regarded by the
king 8 of Na* family of Aragon in no other light than as preli-
minaries to direct hostilities, they excited great
rests - apprehensions in the mind of Ferdinand, who was
well aware how little cause he had to rely on the
assistance of his nobility and powerful feudatories,
in resisting any hostile attack. The direct conse-
quences of this league were, however, such as to
induce a closer union between the family of Ara-
gon and the state of Florence ; in consequence of
which, Piero de' Medici, as the chief of that re-
public, no longer hesitated to avow his connexions
with Ferdinand. In the first impulse of resent-
ment, it was proposed between Piero, and Al-
fonso, duke of Calabria, that they should join with
Prospero and Fabrizio Colonna, in a design formed
by the cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, the avowed
(a) Guicciardin. lib. i. p. 11. Murat. vol. ix. p. 568.
LEO THE TENTH. 139
adversary of Alexander, for attacking the city of CHAP.
Rome ; an enterprize to which the sanction of the
Orsini, with whom Piero de' Medici possessed A. D. 1493.
great influence, would, in all probability, have A ^ t - 18 -
given decisive success. In this daring attempt,
Ferdinand, however, refused to concur ; judging
it expedient rather to sooth the resentment, and
perhaps, in some degree, to gratify the wishes of
his adversaries, than to involve himself in a con-
test, the result of which he could not contemplate
without the most alarming- apprehensions. On
this account he not only determined to withdraw
his opposition to the pope, respecting the posses-
sions of Virginio Orsino, but found means to re-
new the treaty for an alliance between his own fa-
mily and that of the pontiff. To these proposi-
tions Alexander listened with eagerness, and the
marriage between Geoifroi Borgia and Sancia of
Aragon was finally agreed upon ; although, on ac-
count of the youth of the parties, a subsequent
period was appointed for its consummation, (a)
No sooner was the intelligence of this new alii- Charles re
solves to un-
ance, and the defection of the pope, communicated dertake the
to Lodovico Sforza, than his fears for the continu-
ance of his usurped authority increased to the
most alarming degree, and he determined to hasten,
as much as possible, the negotiation in which he
was already engaged, for inducing Charles VIII.
to attempt the conquest of Naples. This young
monarch, the only son of Louis XI. had succeeded,
on the death of his father in 1483, to the crown of
France, when only twelve years of age. Although
(a) This treaty was concluded on the 12th day of June, 1493.
Murat. An. ix. 5C9.
140 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, destined to the accomplishment of great under-
takings, he did not derive from nature the charac-
A.D. 1493. teristics of a hero, either in the endowments of his
body, or in the qualities of his mind. His stature
was low, his person ill-proportioned, his counte-
nance pallid, his head large, his limbs slender, and
his feet of so uncommon a breadth, that it was as-
serted he had more than the usual number of toes.
His constitution was so infirm as to render him, in
the general opinion, wholly unfit for hardships and
military fatigues. His mind was as weak as his
body; he had been educated in ignorance, de-
barred from the commerce of mankind, and on
some occasions he manifested a degree of pusilla-
nimity which almost exceeds belief, (a) With all
these defects, both natural and acquired, Charles
was not destitute of ambition ; but it was the am-
bition of an impotent mind, which, dazzled by the
splendor of its object, sees neither the dangers that
attend its acquisition, nor the consequences of its
attainment. On a character so constituted, the
artful representations of Lodovico Sforza were
well calculated to produce their full effect ; but as
the prospect of success opened upon Charles, his
views became more enlarged, till at length he be-
gan to consider the acquisition of Naples, as only
(a) Cotnmines gives us to understand, that Charles was not
displeased at the death of his son, at three years of age, because
he was, " bel enfant, audacieux en parole, et ne craignoit point
les choses que les autres enfans sont accoutumes a craindre," and
the king it seems was therefore afraid, that if the child lived, he
, might diminish his consequence, or endanger his authority ; " car
le roi ne fut jamais que petit homme de corps, et peu etendu ;
mais etoit si bon, qu'il ne'st pas possible de voir meilleure crea-
ture." Mem. de Com. lib. viii. p. 248.
LEO THE TENTH. 141
an intermediate step to the overthrow of the CHAP.
Turks, and the restoration in his own person, of
the high dignity of emperor of the east. This A. u. 1493.
idea, which acted at the same time on the pride A ' *" L 18
and on the superstition of the king, Lodovico en-
couraged to the utmost of his power. In order to
give greater importance to his solicitations, he
despatched to Paris a splendid embassy of the
chief nobility of Milan, at the head of which he
placed his former envoy, the count di Belgioioso.
With great assiduity and personal address, this
nobleman instigated the king to this important
enterprize, assuring him of the prompt and effec-
tual aid of Lodovico Sforza, and the favour or
neutrality of the other states of Italy ; and repre-
senting to him the inefficient resources of Ferdi-
nand of Naples, and the odium with which both
he and his son Alfonso were regarded by the prin-
cipal barons of the realm ; a truth which was con-
firmed to Charles by the princes of Salerno and
Bisignano, who had sought, in the court of France,
a refuge from the resentment of Ferdinand. These
solicitations produced the effect which Lodovico
intended, and Charles not only engaged in the at-
tempt to recover the kingdom of Naples, but, to
the surprise of all his courtiers, he determined to
lead his army in person, (a)
The respective claims of the houses of Anjou claims of
. the houses of
and Aragon upon the crown of Naples, were, in Anjou and
ii ../. i 11 i A j Aragon to
the estimation of sound sense and enlightened po- t he crown
licy, equally devoid of foundation. In all coun-
tries, the supreme authority has been supposed to
(a) Guicciard. Storia d' Ital. lib. i. Murat. Annali, ix. passim.
Coiio, Storia di Milano, par. vii. p. 890, &c.
14*2 THE LIFE OP
CHAP, be rightfully vested only in those who claim it by
' hereditary descent, or by the consenting voice of
A. D. 1493. the people ; but with respect to the kingdom of
Naples, each of the contending parties founded its
pretensions on a donation of the sovereignty to
their respective ancestors. The origin of these
contentions is to be traced to a remote assumption
of the holy see, by which it was asserted, that the
kingdom of Naples was held by its sovereigns as a
fief of the church, and in certain cases, on which
the pontiffs arrogated to themselves the right of
deciding, reverted to its actual disposal. That
dominion, which the sovereign had received as
the gift of another, it was supposed that he could
himself transfer by his voluntary act ; the consent
of the church being all that was necessary to ren-
der such transfer valid ; and to this pernicious and
absurd idea, we are to trace all the calamities
which destroyed for several centuries the repose of
Italy, and rendered it, on various occasions, the
theatre of massacre, of rapine, and of blood, (a)
To balance against each other pretensions which
are equally unsubstantial on any principle of sound
policy, or even of acknowledged and positive law,
may seem superfluous. If long prescription can be
presumed to justify that which commenced in vio-
lence and in fraud, the title of the house of Anjou
may be allowed to have been confirmed by a pos-
(a) Should the reader wish for more particular information re-
specting the claims of the contending parties to the crown of Na-
ples, he may peruse with great advantage the acute and learned
observations of Mr. Gibbon on this subject, published in the se-
cond volume of his miscellaneous works, under the title of Cri-
tical researches concerning the title of Charles VIII. to the croivn of
ffaples.
LEO THE TENTH. 143
session of nearly two centuries, in which the reins CHAP.
of government had been held by several monarchs
who had preserved the rights and secured the hap- A.D. 1493.
piness of their subjects. On the expulsion of Re-
nato, in 1442, by Alfonso of Aragon, the family
of Anjou were divested of their dominions ; and
by several successive bequests, which would scarce-
ly have had sufficient authenticity to transfer a
private inheritance from one individual to another,
in any country in Europe, the rights of the exiled
sovereigns became vested in Louis XI. from whom
they had descended to his son Charles VIII. The
title of Ferdinand was, on the other hand, open to
formidable objections ; the illegitimacy and usurpa-
tion of his ancestor Manfredo, the deduction of his
rights by the female line, the long acquiescence of
his family, and the circumstances of his own birth,
afforded plausible pretexts for the measures adopted
against him ; but it must be remembered, that the
same power which had conferred the kingdom on
the family of Anjou, had on another occasion be-
stowed it on Alfonso, the father of Ferdinand ; and
the paramount authority of the Roman see, to
which both parties alternately resorted, must in the
discussion of their respective claims, be considered
as decisive. Alfonso on his death had given it to
his son, who, whether capable or not of heredita-
ry succession, might receive a donation, which had
been transferred for ages with as little ceremony as
a piece of domestic furniture ; and if a nation is
ever to enjoy repose, Ferdinand might, at this time,
be presumed to be, both dejure and de facto, king
of Naples.
In the discussion of questions of this nature, there
144 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. j s however, one circumstance which seems not to
in
have been sufficiently attended to, either by the
A. D. 1493. parties themselves, or those who have examined
A Ht 18
their claims, and which may explain the mutability
of the Neapolitan government better than an ap-
peal to hereditary rights, papal endowments, or
feudal customs. The object of dominion is not
the bare territory of a country, but the command
of the men who possess that country. These, it
ought to be recollected, are intelligent beings, ca-
pable of being rendered happy or miserable by the
virtues or the vices of a sovereign, and acting, if
not always under the influence of sober reason,
with an impulse resulting from the nature of the
situation in which they are placed. Whilst the
prince, therefore, retains the affections of his peo-
ple ; whilst he calls forth their energies without ren-
dering them ferocious, and secures their repose
without debasing their character ; the defects of
his title to the sovereignty will disappear in the
splendor of his virtues. But when he relinquishes
the sceptre of the king for the scourge of the ty-
rant, and the ties of attachment are loosened by
reiterated instances of rapacity, cruelty, and op-
pression, the road to innovation is already pre-
pared ; the approach of an enemy is no longer con-
sidered as a misfortune, but as a deliverance ; the
dry discussion of abstract rights gives way to more
imperious considerations ; and the adoption of a
new sovereign is not so much the result of versati-
lity, of cowardice, or of treachery, as of that in-
vincible necessity, by which the human race are
impelled to relieve themselves from intolerable
calamities.
LEO THE TENTH. 145
The resolution adopted by Charles VIII. to CHAP.
attempt the conquest of Naples, was no sooner
known in France, than it gave rise to great diver- A.D. 1493
sity of opinion among the barons and principal
counsellors of the realm ; many of whom, as well
as his nearest relations, endeavoured to divert
him from his purpose, by representing to him the
impolicy of quitting his own dominions, the dan-
gers to which he must infallibly expose himself,
and, above all, the depressed state of his finances,
which were totally inadequate to the preparation
of so great an armament. They reminded him of
the prudent conduct of his father, who was al-
ways averse to the measure which he now pro-
posed to take, and unwilling to involve himself in
the intricate web of Italian politics ; of the long
established authority of Ferdinand of Naples, con-
firmed by his late triumphs over his refractory
nobles, and of the high military reputation of Al-
fonso, duke of Calabria, whose expulsion of the
Turks from Otranto, in the year 1481, had ranked
him amongst the greatest generals of the age. The
die was however cast ;. the measure of prosperity
in Italy was full ; and instead of listening to the
remonstrances of his friends, Charles bent his
mind on the most speedy means of carrying his
purpose into execution. The grandeur of the
object called forth energies which none of his
courtiers supposed that he possessed. The ardor
of the king communicated itself to the populace,
whose favour was still farther secured, by repre-
senting the conquest of Naples as only the preli-
minary step to that of the capital of the Turkish
empire, and to the diffusion of the Catholic faith
VOL. j. L
146 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, throughout the eastern world. An ignorant peo-
' pie are never so courageous, or rather so fero-
A.D. 1493. cious, as when they conceive themselves to be
A Jt 18
, ' contending in the cause of religion. Charles had
the artifice to avail himself of this propensity, and
to represent his expedition as undertaken to fulfil
a particular call from heaven, manifested by an-
cient prophecies, which had promised him, not
only the empire of Constantinople, but also the
kingdom of Jerusalem, (a) From all parts of his
dominions, his subjects of every rank voluntarily
presented themselves to share his honours, or to
partake his dangers ; and, including some bands
of mercenaries, he found himself in a short time
at the head of an army, the numbers of which
have been very differently estimated, but at the
time of his departure, it could not, in its different
detachments, have consisted of less than fifty
thousand men.
Before Charles could, however, engage with
any reasonable degree of safety in his intended
(a) This expedition was the subject of several publications in
France, some of which are cited by M. Foncemagne, in his Eclair-
cissemens hisloriques sur quelques Circonstances du Voyage de Charles
VIII. en Italic, v. Mem. de I' Academic des Inscrip. torn. xvii. p. 539.
In one of these, entitled La prophetic du roy Charles huitieme de ce
nom, par maitre Guilloche de Bourdeaux, is the following passage :
" II fera de si grants batailles
Qu'il subjugera les Ytailles.
Ce fait, d'ilec il s'en ira
Et passera dela la incr.
Entrera puis dedans la Grece,
Ou, par sa vaillant prouesse,
Sera nomme le roi des Grecs ;
En Jerusalem entrera,
Et mont Olivet montera." &c.
LEO THE TENTH. 147
expedition, some important difficulties yet re- CHAP.
mained to be overcome. The countenance, or
the acquiescence of the principal sovereigns of A. 01493.
Europe, was indispensably necessary; but al- A " Etl8>
though he was on terms of amity with the king Charles , ac -
~ commotlates
of England (Henry VII.) he was involved in quar- iisiMfer-
i 'IT-IT /<-< i * i en ces with
rels with x erdmand of Spam, and with Maximi- Ferdinand
lian, king of the Romans. The former of these fSpa "
monarchs, having had occasion to borrow a sum
of one hundred thousand ducats, had proposed to
Louis XI. that on his advancing the money, its
repayment should be secured by the possession of
the counties of Perpignan and Roussillon, which
were accordingly surrendered to him ; but when,
some years afterwards, Ferdinand offered to re-
turn the money, Louis, being unwilling to relin-
quish a district which adjoined his own domi-
nions, refused to perform the stipulations of the
agreement. This undisguised instance of perfidy
gave occasion to complaints and remonstrances
on the part of Ferdinand, to which neither Louis
nor his successor had hitherto paid the least re-
gard. But no sooner had Charles determined on
his expedition into Italy, than he proposed to re-
store these provinces to Ferdinand, in such a
manner as seemed most likely to secure his future
favour. By an embassy despatched for this pur-
pose, he represented to the Spanish monarch, that
whilst the crown of France had been attacked on
all sides by powerful enemies, and compelled to
defend itself at the same time against the late
emperor Frederic, the king of England, and the
dukes of Burgundy and Britany, both he and his
father had retained these provinces, notwithstand-
L 2
148 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. j n or the threats and remonstrances of the court of
TIT
' Spain ; but that having now repulsed or conci-
\. D. 1493, Hated all his enemies, and having nothing to ap-
prehend from any hostile attack, he had resolved
to restore these contested territories, without any
other compensation than the friendship and alli-
ance of Ferdinand. The restitution accordingly
took place, and was soon followed by a treaty be-
tween the two sovereigns, in which Ferdinand
solemnly engaged, that he would not interfere in
the concerns of Naples, notwithstanding the near
degree of relationship which subsisted between
him and the sovereign of that kingdom and his
family, to whom he was connected by the ties of
both consanguinity and affinity, (a) Charles did
not, however, consider this treaty, which had been
concluded with the ambassadors of Ferdinand at
Lyons, as an effectual security for his neutrality ;
for he soon afterwards despatched his envoys to
Madrid, who required and obtained the personal
and solemn oath, not only of Ferdinand himself,
but of his queen Isabella, and their son John,
prince of Castile, then of mature age, to the same
effect.
And with The disagreement between Charles and Maxi-
milian, king of the Romans, was of a much more
delicate nature. During the life of his father,
Charles had been betrothed to Margaretta, the
daughter of Maximilian, who was accordingly
sent to France whilst an infant, to be educated
among her future subjects ; but when the time
(a) The two sovereigns were brothers' children, and Ferdinand
of Naples had married, for his second wife, Joanna, the sister of
Ferdinand of Spain.
LEO THE TENTH. 149
approached that the nuptial ceremony should have c H A p.
taken place, circumstances occurred which in- _
duced Charles to change his intentions, and to A. u. 1493.
disregard his engagements. Francis, duke of
Bretagne, who then held his rich and extensive
domains as an independent prince, finding him-
self at open war with the French monarch, had
been led, by the hopes of a powerful alliance, to
engage his daughter Anna in marriage to Maxi-
milian. After the death of the duke, Charles per-
severed in his hostilities, and notwithstanding the
interference of Henry VII. of England, who sent
a body of troops to the relief of the young du-
chess, the greater part of her territories was oc-
cupied by the French troops, and the duchess
herself, besieged in her capital of Rennes, was at
length obliged to submit to the terms imposed by
the conqueror. The youth and beauty of the
duchess, and the important advantages which
Charles foresaw from the union of her dominions
with his own, induced him, notwithstanding his
engagements with Margaretta of Austria, to make
her proposals of marriage, and her consent being
with some difficulty obtained, the nuptials were
accordingly carried into immediate effect. Nor
can it be denied, that this union, politically con-
sidered, was highly judicious ; as it secured to
Charles the command of a country naturally formed
to be governed with his own, and at the same time,
prevented the powerful family of Austria from es-
tablishing itself in the vicinity of the French do-
minions, (a) But with respect to Maximilian, the
(a) Memoire sur le manage de Charla Dauphin, S(C. inserted in
the collection of Du Mont, vol. iii. par. ii. p. 404. Bacon. Hist.
H e n.
150 THE LIFE OP
CHAP, conduct of Charles included two indignities of
' the most unpardonable nature : the repudiating
A. D.I 493. his innocent daughter, and the depriving him of
' his betrothed wife. Maximilian was not, how-
ever, prepared for hostile measures ; and the ani-
mosity to which these events gave rise, soon be-
came a matter of negotiation, in which Lodovico
Sforza interposed his good offices. In the month
of June, 1493, a treaty was concluded between
the two sovereigns, by which it was agreed, that
Margaretta should be restored to her father, with
her intended dowry, and that Charles should be
released from his contract, (a) The disappoint-
ment of Maximilian, Lodovico alleviated by re-
commending to him his niece, Bianca Maria,
whom Maximilian soon afterwards took to wife ;
whilst his daughter Margaretta found a husband
in John, prince of Castile, the son of Ferdinand
and Isabella, and presumptive heir to the Spanish
monarchy ; after whose death, in 1497, she mar-
ried Filiberto, duke of Savoy.
Nor did Charles VIII. in preparing for his Nea-
politan expedition, implicitly rely upon the repre-
sentations of Lodovico Sforza, with respect to the
disposition of the other states of Italy. On the
contrary, he despatched his emissaries, with di-
. rect i ns to obtain, if not the assurance of their
Stance, assistance, at least the knowledge of their inten-
tions. The principal argument on which he re-
lied for conciliating their favour, was the avowal
Hen. VII. The events above related gave rise to many singular
discussions, of which some account may be found in the Appen-
dix, No. XXIV.
(a) Corio, Storia di Milan, par. vii. p. 898.
LEO THE TENTH. 151
of his determination to attempt the recovery of CHAP.
Constantinople, and the duty imposed upon all
Christendom to assist him in so magnanimous and A. u. 1493.
pious an enterprize. In order to obtain greater A ' A
credit to these assertions, he assumed the titles of
king of Sicily and Jerusalem. His chief endea-
vours were, however, employed to prevail upon
the Florentines and the pope to withdraw them-
selves from their alliance with Ferdinand. The
answer which he obtained from the former, was
equivocal and unsatisfactory. Whilst they as-
sured the king, in private, of their good wishes,
they excused themselves from a public avowal of
them, lest they should incur the resentment of
Ferdinand of Naples, who, by turning his arms
against the Tuscan territory, might render it the
seat of the war. Such were the sentiments of the
Florentine government, as sanctioned by Piero
de' Medici ; but the intelligence of the intentions
of the French monarch was received with incon-
ceivable joy, by a considerable number of the
most powerful inhabitants of Florence, who were
hostile to the views of Piero, and conceived that,
in the commotions likely to arise from such a con-
test, they should find an opportunity of divesting
him of his authority. Among these, the most dis-
tinguished by their wealth and rank were Lo-
renzo and Giovanni, the sons of Pier-Francesco
de' Medici, and grandsons of the elder Lorenzo,
the brother of Cosmo, Pater Patrice. These
young men, jealous of. the superior authority of
Piero and his brothers in the affairs of Florence,
had endeavoured, by their liberality and affability,
and above all, by avowing a decided attachment
152 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, to the liberties of the people, to establish them-
. selves in the favour of the public ; in which at-
A.D. 1493. tempt they had not been wholly unsuccessful.
' From them and their friends, the envoys of
Charles received a secret assurance, that if he
would persevere in his intentions, they would not
only promote his views to the utmost of their
power, but would also undertake to supply him
with a large sum of money, towards defraying the
expenses of his expedition. The conduct of the
two brothers was, however, regarded with a sus-
picious eye. They had already shewn a decided
partiality to the French king ; and certain infor-
mation having been obtained of a secret corre-
spondence with him, their persons were seized
upon by the orders of Piero de' Medici, who has
been accused of having entertained private causes
of resentment against them, and of wishing to
avail himself of this opportunity of gratifying his
enmity, by depriving them of their lives, (a)
Their misconduct was, however, apparent; and,
after a long discussion, and the interference of
many powerful friends, they were ordered, by a
() Nardi gives us reason to believe that there were very suf-
ficient grounds for the proceedings against the two brothers, which
he adverts to, as having fallen within his own knowledge many
years afterwards, " Ma havendo io saputo, dopo molti anni, per
qualche altra via, che poi il detto Giovanni de' Medici era stato
honorato del titolo del Maestro di Hostello, cioe Maestro di Casa,
del Re di Francia, Carlo VIII. non pero per alcuna altra instante
cagione, che per haver proccacciato, forse in tempo troppo alieno,
la gratia del Re di Francia, allora inimico della citta, ho potuto
facilmente credere, che da questo fosse proceduta la suspitione e
diffidentia, e consequentemente 1'odio che in questo fatto si dimes-
tro a questi duoi fratelli." Rardi, Hist. Fior. lib. i. p. 10,
LEO THE TENTH. 153
lenient sentence, to remain at their villas in the CHAI> -
vicinity of Florence ; but they soon broke the
conditions imposed on them, and fled to France, A. 0.1493.
A -tt 18
where, by their personal interference, they encou-
raged the king to persevere in his claims.
In order to palliate these proceedings to the Dismisses
T-t 11- ! / -iii.. their am-
rrencn king, and to conciliate, it possible, his in- bassadorsin
dulgence and favour, Gentile, bishop of Arezzo, pei
and Piero Soderini, afterwards Gonfaloniere for
life, were despatched as ambassadors of the repub-
lic to France, (a) They found the king in the city
of Thoulouse, where, being admitted to an inter-
view, they entreated him not to press the citizens
of Florence to take an immediate and decided part
in the approaching contest, and represented to him
the dangers which they must inevitably incur by
such a measure. They artfully extolled the great-
ness of his name, the extent of his dominions, and
the numbers and courage of his troops ; but they
also suggested to him, that he was separated from
Italy by the formidable barrier of the Alps, and
that, whilst he was hastening to the protection of
the Florentines, they might fall a sacrifice to the
merited resentment of Ferdinand of Naples. At
the same time they assured him, that as soon as
he should have surmounted these obstacles, and
made his appearance in Italy, he should find them
disposed to render him every assistance in their
power. The purport of this discourse was too ob-
vious to escape the animadversion of Charles,
whose indignation it excited to such a degree,
that he not only drove the ambassadors from his
presence, but threatened instantly to seize upon
(a) Anunirato, Istoric Florentine, iii. 1UO.
154 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, the property of all the Florentines within his realm,
' and to expel them from his dominions : and al-
A.D. 1493. though he was prevented, by his advisers, from
carrying this purpose into execution, he ordered
that the agents of Piero de' Medici should instantly
be sent from the city of Lyons, where the fa-
mily had carried on the business of bankers for a
long course of years ; thereby clearly manifesting,
from what quarter he conceived the opposition to
arise, (a)
Alexander For the purpose of ascertaining the views of
strateTrith Alexander VI. Charles had despatched a second
attempt!" 8 embassy to Rome, at the head of which was his
general and confidential friend D'Aubigny. The
success of this mission was highly desirable to him;
as its principal object was to obtain from Alexander
by promises on the one hand, or by threats on the
other, the formal investiture of the kingdom of Na-
ples. If, as it has been asserted by many histori-
ans, Alexander had before concurred in inciting the
king to this undertaking, he did not scruple, on
the present occasion, to change his sentiments;
and his reply was not favourable to the hopes of
Charles. He entreated him to remember, that the
kingdom of Naples had been three times conceded
by the holy see to the family of Aragon, the inves-
titure of Ferdinand having expressly included that
of his son Alfonso ; that these adjudications could
not be rendered void, unless it appeared judicially
that Charles had a superior right, which could
not be affected by these acts of investiture, in
which there was an express reservation, that they
should not prejudice the rights of any person ;
() Guicdard. Storia d' Hal. lib. i. 1. 32.
LEO THE TENTH. 155
that the dominion of Naples being under the im- CHAP.
mediate protection of the holy see, the pontiff _
could not persuade himself that his most Chris- A. 0.1493.
tian majesty would so openly oppose himself to the
church, as to hazard, without its concurrence, a
hostile attack on that kingdom ; that it would be
more consistent with his known moderation and
dignity, to assert his pretensions in a civil form ;
in which case Alexander, as the sole judge of the
right, declared himself ready to enter upon the
discussion of the claims of the respective parties.
These remonstrances he afterwards more fully in-
forced in an apostolic brief, in which he exhorted
the French monarch to unite his arms with those
of the other sovereigns of Europe, against the
common enemies of Christendom, and to submit
his claims on the kingdom of Naples to the deci-
sion of a pacific judicature, (a) Instead of altering
(a) Although Guicciardini, Rucellai, and other contemporary
authors, expressly assert that Charles VIII. was incited by Alex-
ander VI. to attempt the conquest of Naples, in which they have
beea implicitly followed by subsequent writers, I have not ven-
tured to adopt their representations in my narrative ; I. Because
Commines, who has related, at great length, the motives by which
Charles VIII. was induced to this undertaking, adverts not, in the
most distant manner, to any invitation from the pope on that sub-
ject ; on the contrary, he attributes the determination of the king
solely to the persuasions of Lodovico Sforza, and informs us, that
he sent Perron de Basche as his ambassador to Rome, apparently
to try the disposition of the pontiff, whom he erroneously names
Innocent, v. Memoires, liv. vii. chap. 2. II. In the letter from
Lodovico Sforza to Charles VIII. as given by Corio, p. 891, the
pope is not even mentioned, although several other sovereigns are
specified as being favourable to the intended enterprize. III. In
the apostolic brief issued by Alexander, and inserted by the same
author in his History, we discover no reason to infer that the pope
had, at any previous time, entertained a different opinion from
156 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, the purpose, these admonitions only excited the
. resentment of the king, who, in return, avowed
A. D. 1493. his determination to expel Alexander from the pon-
A JEt 18
tifical throne, (a)
He is en- The answers obtained by the envoys of the king,
from the duke of Savoy, the republic of Venice,
and other governments of Italy, expressed in ge-
neral terms their great respect for the French mo-
narch, and their reluctance to engage in so dange-
rous a contest ; but the duke of Ferrara, although
he had married a daughter of Ferdinand, king of
Naples, actuated, as has been supposed, by the
hope of availing himself of the aid of the French
against his powerful enemies the Venetians, did
not hesitate to encourage the French monarch, in
that which he there professes, and which is decidedly adverse to
the interference of the king in the concerns of Italy. Guicciardini,
actuated perhaps by his abhorrence of Alexander VI. has not dis-
cussed this subject with his usual accuracy ; and the reader finds
it difficult to discover, even in his copious narrative, the real pre-
disposing causes of an enterprize, which gave rise to all the im-
portant events recorded in his History. I am sorry to have occa-
sion to apply a similar remark to a celebrated modern historian,
the Cavaliero Rosmini, who in his Life of Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio
has adverted to Alexander VI. as having concurred in calling
Charles VIII. into Italy, and afterwards refused him the investi-
ture of the kingdom of Naples, (v. Jstoria di Gian- Giucopo Tri-
vulzio, vol. i. p. 234,) forgetting that he had before stated, that
Alexander had used all his efforts to induce Lodovico Sforza to
unite with him and the king of Naples in opposing the French,
and had cited a decisive original document to that effect, v. Isto-
ria, Sfc. vol. i. p. 201. Ibid. vol. ii. p. 193, and Ital. Tr. Hist, of
Leo X. vol. ii. p. 180, where Count Bossi has given the documents
which demonstrate that the pope was adverse to bringing the
French into Italy.
(a) Benedetti, Fatto d'arme del Tarro, trudotto da Domenichi,
p. 5, ed. Ven. 1545.
LEO THE TENTH. 157
the most open manner, to persevere in his claims, (a) c H A p.
The negotiations and precautions resorted to
by Charles, preparatory to his Italian expedition, A. D. 1493.
were such as a wise adviser would have suggested, A "* t * 18<
and a prudent commander would not fail to adopt.
He was also assiduous in collecting those neces- VIIL
sary supplies of warlike stores, ammunition, and ar-
tillery of various kinds, the use of which had then
been lately introduced, and on which he chiefly re-
lied for the success of his undertaking. (/>) Yet, if
(a) Respecting the conduct of the duke of Ferrara on this oc-
casion, some discordance of opinion appears among the historians
of Italy. Muratori asserts, that he exerted his efforts to dissuade
Lodovico Sforza from his imprudent design of inviting the French
into Italy. " Fu adoperato Ercole duca di Ferrara, per rimuovere
Lodovico dalla pazza sua risoluzione di tirar 1'armi Franzesi in
Italia, ne egli omise ufficio alcuno per ottener 1'intento," &c. An-
nuli, ix. 569. But Guicciardini, on the contrary, informs us, that
Ercole abetted the enterprize, and assigns his motives for it at
length. In deciding between these eminent historians, of whom
the one was a contemporary, and the other has in general drawn
his information from the documents of the times, it becomes ne-
cessary to resort to further evidence. Benedetti, in his Fatto
d'arme del Tairo, expressly asserts, that Charles was invited into
Italy by Lodovico Sforza, Ercole duke of Ferrara, the cardinal
Giuliano della Rovere, and Lorenzo (the son of Pier-Francesco)
de' Medici ; assigning as a reason for it (which strongly confirms
the idea that Alexander VI. was uniformly hostile to the measure)
that the aversion in which the pope was held by some of the car-
dinals, induced them to wish for a change in the pontificate, v. p. A.
And from the History of Ferrara, by Sardi, it appears, that Ercole
accompanied Lodovico Sforza to meet the king at Alexandria.
" Passo Carlo in Italia," says he, " incontrato dal Moro, e dal
duca Ercole, in Alessandria." Sardi, Hist. Ferr. lib. x. p. 194.
From all which, it may be clearly inferred, that the duke of Fer-
rara took an active part in bringing the French into Italy.
(6) Count Bossi, in his Ital. Tr. vol. i. p. 204, has observed,
that it could scarcely be said, that in the year 1493, the use of ar-
tillery was a recent invention ; it having been known at a period
158 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, we may believe a writer who himself acted no un-
iii .
' important part in the transactions of the times, the
A. D. 1493. conduct of the French monarch was a series of ob-
stinacy, folly, and indecision, (a) " The king,"
says he, " had neither money nor talents for such
an enterprise ; the success of which can only be
attributed to the grace of God, who shewed his
power most manifestly on this occasion." And
again, " The king was very young, weak in body,
obstinate, surrounded by few persons of prudence
or experience ; money he had none, insomuch, that
before his departure he was obliged to borrow one
hundred thousand francs from a banker at Genoa,
at an enormous interest, as well as to resort to
other places for assistance. He had neither tent
nor pavilion, and in this state he began his march
into Lombardy. One thing only seemed favoura-
ble to him ; he had a gallant company, consisting
chiefly of young gentlemen, though with little dis-
cipline. This expedition must therefore have been
the work of God, both in going and returning; for
the understanding of its conductors could render
it very little service, although it must be acknow-
ledged that it has terminated in the acquisition of
no small share of honour and glory to their mas-
ter." (b) Even at the moment of departure, al-
prior to the writings of Petrarca, and consequently before the
year 1330 ; for which he cites the authority of the Cav. Ventu-
rini, Storia dell' origine, e de" primi progressi delle moderne artigli-
erie. Milan, 1816, 4to.*
(a) Memoires de Commines, liv. vii. chap. 4, p. 192.
(b) It appears from Giustiniani, Annali di Genoa, p. 249, that
the Genoese banker was Antonio Sauli, who first advanced to the
king 70,000 ducats, and afterwards 25,000 more, at Rome. If
we may judge of the supposed risk of loss, by the rate of interest,
LEO THE TENTH. 159
though the king was unceasingly pressed by the en- c H A p.
voys of Lodovico Sforza, he displayed a strong
disinclination to commence his journey: and as he A.D. 1493.
fluctuated according to the advice of his counsel- *" ^ L 18 '
lors, he changed his purpose from day to day. At
length he determined to set forwards on his expe-
dition ; " but even then," says Commines, " when
I had begun my journey I was sent back, and told
that the attempt was relinquished." (a) How then
shall we reconcile the external demonstrations
of perseverance, prudence, and magnanimity, to
which we have before adverted, with these inter-
nal marks of imbecility and weakness of mind ? In
truth, the history of mankind issusceptible of be-
ing represented under very different aspects ; and
whilst one narrator informs us of the ostensible
conduct of sovereigns and their agents on thepub-
lic stage of life, another intrudes himself behind
the curtain, and discovers to us by what paltry
contrivances the wires are played, and by what
contemptible causes those effects, which we so
highly admire, are in fact produced.
Whilst preparations were thus making by The king of
Charles for his intended expedition, the sagacious
mind of Ferdinand of Naples had maturely com- Pf cvail
* him to
pared the probable impulse of the attack, with the
on
re-
expedition
known practicability of resistance, and the result
of his deliberations was such as to occasion to him
it was regarded as a hazardous adventure ; such interest being no
less than cent, per cent. " & gros interest pour cent de foire en
foire." Commines, liv. vii. proem, p. 184.
(a) " A la fin le Roy se delibera de partir ; et montay a cheval
des premiers, esperant passer les monts en moindre compagnie.
Toutefois je fus remande, disant que tout etoit rompu." Mem. de
Com. liv. vii. chap. 4, p. 193.
160 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, no small share of anxiety. He well knew, that
in _ the arms of the French king were not only superior
A.D. 1493. to any force which he, with his utmost exertions,
could oppose to them, but in all probability to
that of all the Italian states united. On his allies
he could place no firm reliance ; and if he did not
suspect their duplicity, or dread their inconstan-
cy, he could only expect them to act as circum-
stances might prescribe ; or in other words, to at-
tach themselves to the conquering party. From
his relative, the king of Spain, he could hope for
no assistance, for he had solemnly disavowed and
abjured his cause ; and if he resorted to the aid of
his own subjects, he only saw, on every hand, the
indications of tumult and rebellion, the natural
consequences of a severity, which had alienated the
affections of his barons, and reduced his people to
servitude. Under these circumstances, he resolved
to try whether it might not yet be possible by pru-
dent negotiation and timely submission, to avert
the dangers with which he was threatened ; and in
this respect he proposed to avail himself of the in-
terference of Carlotta, the daughter of his second
son Federigo, who was related to Charles by con-
sanguinity, and had been educated in his court, (a)
He also despatched, as his ambassador, Camillo
Pandone, who had formerly been his representa-
tive in France, with offers to Charles of a consi-
derable annual tribute, if he would relinquish his
enterprise : but the humiliation of Ferdinand ra-
ther excited the hopes, than averted the purpose,
of his adversary ; and his ambassador was remand-
fa) Federigo of Aragon married Anna, daughter of Amadeus,
duke of Savoy, who was brother of Carlotta, queen of Louis XI.
LEO THE TENTH. 161
ed without a public hearing. In his applications CHAP.
to Lodovico Sforza, although he met with an ex- _
terior civility, he was, in fact, equally unsuccess- A. D. 1493.
ful ; nor could he, indeed, reasonably hope for any
satisfactory engagement with that ever-variable
politician, who, in weaving the web for the de-
struction of others, was at length entangled in it
himself.
Nor was Ferdinand, whilst he was thus endea- Prepares for
vouring to avert, by negotiation, the dangers with h>
which he was threatened, remiss in collecting to-
gether such a force as his own states afforded for
his defence. A fleet of about forty galleys was
speedily prepared for action ; and by great exer-
tions and expense, a body of troops was collected,
which, including the various descriptions of sol-
diery, amounted to about seven thousand men. But
whilst Ferdinand was thus endeavouring to secure
himself from the approaching storm, he found a
more effectual shelter from its violence in a sudden
death, hastened, perhaps, by the joint effects of Death oi
vexation and fatigue, on the twenty-fifth day of
January, 1494, when he had nearly attained the
seventy-first year of his age. (a)
(a) Burcardo, who made a journey to Naples, soon after the
death of the king, relates, that Ferdinand, having found himself
indisposed at his villa of Trapergola, returned to Naples, where,
in dismounting from his horse, he fell senseless, and died on the
following day, without either confession or sacraments. His con-
fessor cried out to him, in vain, to repent of his sins and his op-
position to the church, for he gave not the slightest symptom of
contrition. Rurcurd. Diar. ap. A T o/. des MSS. du Roi, 1. 108.
Bernardino Rota has honoured his memory by the following lines :
" Fernandus fueram, felicis conditor aevi,
Qui pater heu patriae, qui decus orbis cram ;
VOL. I. M
162 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. The stipulations entered into between Ferdinand
' and Alexander VI. had, however, for the present,
A. D. 1494. effectually secured the favour of the pontiff, which
on this occasion, was of the greatest importance
Alfonso II. *
succeeds to to Alfonso, the son and successor of Ferdinand,
of Naples, who found no difficulty in obtaining the bull of
investiture. He was accordingly crowned, with
great pomp, at Naples, on the seventh day of
May, 1494, by Giovanni Borgia, nephew of the
pope, and cardinal of Monreale, who was sent from
Rome to perform the ceremony. Immediately
after his accession to the crown, Alfonso appoint-
ed the celebrated Pontano his chief secretary ; nor,
if we may judge from the commendations bestow-
ed on him by the Neapolitan scholars, was this
the only instance in which he shewed his respect
for literature, (a)
Quern timuere duces, reges coluere, brevis riunc
Urna habet ; humanis i modo fide bonis."
Carm. Illustr. Poet. Ital. viii. 156.
(a) To this period we may refer the beautiful Latin verses of
Sanazzaro, which celebrate the life and actions of Alfonso, and
advert to many circumstances either not noticed, or imperfectly
related by the historians of the times, v. Sanaz. Eleg. lib. ii. el. 1.
His accession to the crown is also commemorated by Cariteo, in a
Canzone, which the reader will find in the Appendix, No. XXV.
wherein he particularly refers to the meditated invasion of Naples
by the arms of the French ; to which circumstance he also alludes
in other parts of his works, with that indignation and contempt of
Charles VIII. to which the occasion may readily be supposed to
have given rise : as in the following
SONETTO.
" Cantan di chiari autor' le sacre carte,
Che li giganti stolidi, una volta,
Con temeraria voglia, audace, e stolta.
Tentar salir nella superna parte.
LEO THE TENTH. 168
Soon after the ceremonial of the coronation, the CHAP.
nuptials of Geoffroi Borgia with Sancia of Aragon
were celebrated, the bride being at that time seven- A.D. 1494.
teen, and the husband only thirteen years of age.
The magnificence of these formalities was as ill
suited to the alarming situation of the Arasronese Bor ! a w , ith
. Sancia of
family, as the expense was to their necessities. The A
pope and the king seemed ta contend with each
other which should be most lavish of his bounty ;
but Alexander dispensed only the favours and dig-
nities of the church, whilst Alfonso sacrificed the
revenues of his states, and diminished those pecu-
niary resources of which he stood so greatly in
need. Lodovico, the son of Don Henry, natural
brother of the king, was on this occasion, received
into the sacred college, and was afterwards known
by the name of the cardinal of Aragon ; and the
pope released Alfonso, during his life, from the
nominal tribute, so constantly, but ineffectually,
claimed by the holy see from the sovereigns of Na-
ples. On the other hand, the king invested Gio-
vanni Borgia, eldest son of the pope, already cre-
ated duke of Gandia, with the principality of Tri-
carica, and other rich domains in the kingdom of
Naples, of the annual value of twelve thousand du-
Onde non col favor del ferreo Marte,
Ma con la man di Giove, armata, e sciolta,
Gli fu la vita, con 1'audacia, tolta ;
E'l sangue e membra lor per terra sparte.
Dal seme de li quai, produtta in terra,
La Simia fu ; che i superi beffeggia,
Imitando i paterni impii costumi.
Non e dunque miracol che si veggia
Un brutto animaletto ancor far guerra,
Col fero volto, a li celesti numi."
M 2
164- THE LIFE OF
CHAP, cats ; to which he also added the promise of the
_|^ first of the seven great offices of state that should
A. D. 1494. become vacant. Nor was Caesar Borgia, the se-
cond son of Alexander, forgotten on this occasion ;
another grant of a considerable income from the
kingdom of Naples being thought necessary to
enable him to support the dignity of his rank, as
one of the cardinals of the church. Two hundred
thousand ducats were expended in the dowry and
paraphernalia of the bride ; and tournaments and
feasts, which were continued for several days,
seemed to afford both the people and their rulers
a short respite from their approaching calamities.
The alliance and support of the pope being thus
secured, Alfonso prepared for war ; and as a proof
that he meant, in the first instance, to resort to vi-
gorous measures, he dismissed from his capital the
Milanese ambassador, at the same time sequestra-
ting the revenues of the duchy of Bari, which had
been conferred by his father on JLodovico Sforza.
By a secret intercourse with the cardinal Fregoso,
and Obietto da Fiesco, who then enjoyed great au-
thority in Genoa, he attempted to deprive the duke
of Milan of his dominion over that state ; and that
nothing might be wanting on his part to secure
himself against the impending attack, he des-
patched ambassadors to the Sultan Bajazet, to
represent to him, that the avowed object of the
French king was the overthrow of the Ottoman
empire, and to request that he would immediately
send a strong reinforcement to his relief, (a) The
lessons of experience, which form the wisdom of
individuals, seem to be lost on the minds of rulers ;
(a) Guicciard. Storia d' Ital. lib. i. 1. 34.
LEO THE TENTH. 165
otherwise Alfonso might have discovered, that his CHAP.
most effectual safeguard was in the affections of his
people, who, if his conduct had entitled him to A. D. 1494.
their favour, would have been found sufficiently
powerful for his defence ; whilst, on the contrary,
the aversion of his own subjects, accumulated by
repeated instances of a cruel and unrelenting dis-
position, both before and after his accession to the
throne, was an internal malady which no foreign
aid could remove.
The opinions, debates, and negotiations, to
which the intended expedition gave rise among themuir
the smaller states of Italy, each of whom had their st
embassadors and partisans constantly employed,
combined to form such an intricate tissue of politi-
cal intrigue, as it would be equally useless and tire-
some to unravel. It is not, however, difficult to
perceive, that these petty sovereigns, instead of
uniting in any great and general plan of defence,
were each of them labouring to secure his private
interests, or to avail himself of any circumstance
in the approaching commotions that might con-
tribute to his own aggrandizement. In the confla-
gration that was speedily to involve the political
fabric of Italy, the contest, therefore, was not
who should most assist in extinguishing the flames,
but who should obtain the greatest share of the
spoil.
The determination of Charles VIII. to attempt Charles
the conquest of Naples, now became every day ~
more apparent. D'Aubigny, one of the most ex-
perienced commanders in the service of the French
monarch, had, after his interview with the pope,
been directed to remain in Italy ; where he had al-
166 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, ready the command of a small body of French
' troops, which had been assembled in the territories
A. D. 1494. of Milan: (a) and by the assistance of Lodovico
\. yEt 19
Sforza, and his brother, the cardinal Ascanio, se-
veral of the Italian nobility and condottieri, re->
gardless to whom they sold their services, under-
took to furnish the king with a stipulated number
of cavalry, or men at arms. Among these merce-
naries were some of the chief barons of the Ro-
man state, and particularly those of the families of
Colonna, Orsini, and Savelli. (&) This daring in-
stance of insubordination in the Roman nobility
alarmed the pontiff, and afforded too plausible a
pretext for those severities which he afterwards
exercised against them.
In order to concert together the means for their
common defence, it was proposed, between Al-
fonso and the pope, that they should meet at the
town of Vico, about twenty miles from Rome,
whither Alexander accordingly repaired, accom-
panied by many of the cardinals, the Venetian
and Florentine legates, and about five hundred
horse. He was there met by Alfonso, who, with
() Commines, who calls him " un bon et sage chevalier," says,
that he had " quelques deux cens homines d'armes," lib. vii.
chap. 5 ; but Corio, a writer of equal credit, says that he had
" mille cavalli Francesi." Storia di Milan, par. vii. p. 927. This
faithful soldier, and judicious counsellor, to whom the success of
the expedition may be chiefly attributed, was of Scottish origin,
and is denominated by Summonte, in his History of Naples, vol.
iii. p. 51(>. (Corr. 580.) " Everardo Estuardo," (Everard or
Edward Stuart) " Scozzese, per sopra nome, detto Monsignore
di Obegni."
(b) These auxiliaries are enumerated by Corio, Sloria di Mi-
lan, par. vii. p. 923.
LEO THE TENTH. 167
unavailing humility, professed his willingness to CHAP.
rest his cause on the decision of the sacred col-
lege and the ambassadors of the neutral courts, (a) A.D. 1494.
After this interview Alexander returned in haste ' '
to Rome, with the resolution of suppressing the
Roman nobility, who were now in arms, and
openly avowed their attachment to the cause of
the French; but he found them so posted, and
their numbers so considerably increased, that he
thought it advisable to relinquish the attempt for
the present, and to reserve his vengeance for a
future day.
Alfonso now determined to take the command
of his army in person, and appointed his brother
Federigo admiral of his fleet. With the former,
it was his intention to advance into Romagna, and
oppose himself to the threatened hostilities of
D'Aubigny ; whilst the latter was directed to pro-
ceed to Genoa, for the purpose of affording the
citizens of that place an opportunity of freeing
themselves from the dominion of the house of
Sforza. (b)
The cardinal Fregoso and his nephew, with
Obietto da Fiesco, and other Genoese exiles, ac-
companied the armament of Federigo, which was
provided with materials for burning the fleet in
the harbour of Genoa, and for destroying the pre-
parations which the French had, for some time
(a) Corio, Storia di Milan, partc vii. p. 025.
(b) The exertions of the monarch were celebrated by the emi-
nent scholars who adorned his court ; and Sanazzaro, at this
juncture, produced one of his finest Italian poems, in which he
has endeavoured to inspire his fellow-soldiers with courage and
resolution, in defence of their sovereign and their country. This
canzone is given in the Appendix, No. XXVI.
168 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, past, been making there. About the end of the
^ month of June the Neapolitan flotilla sailed from
A.D. 1494. Civita Vecchia, having on board four thousand
' soldiers, and a considerable quantity of artillery.
Its arrival in the gulf of Spezia was immediately
announced to Louis, duke of Orleans, who had
preceded Charles in his expedition into Italy, and
had arrived at Asti, where he was employed in
concerting with Lodovico Sforza the measures to
be adopted in commencing the war. Selecting
for his purpose a body of two thousand infantry
and five hundred light-armed horse, he repaired
to Genoa, where the partizans of the French had
prepared for service seven large ships with heavy
artillery, besides several smaller vessels, on which
they had embarked six hundred men, under the
command of the French general D'Urfe. (a) De-
tachments from Genoa were also sent to protect
the coast ; and, in an attempt made by the Ara-
gonese to possess themselves of Porto Venere,
they were repulsed with some loss, and retired to
Leghorn, to repair their damage. They soon,
however, proceeded again towards the coast of
Genoa, and effected a landing at Rapallo, where
they began to intrench themselves ; but the duke
of Orleans, having assumed the command of the
Genoese fleet, which had been reinforced by four
large ships, and having taken on board about a
thousand Swiss mercenaries, hastened towards
that place ; whilst a body of troops, under the
command of Anton-Maria da Sanseverino, and
Giovanni Adorno, were directed to proceed along
(a) Called by Corio, " Monsignore Orfeo." Storia di Milan.
par. vii. p. 927.
LEO THE TENTH. 169
the coast, and co-operate with the duke, (a) On CHAP.
the first attack the Swiss troops were repulsed
by the Neapolitans; but the detachment by land A. 0.1494.
arriving to their assistance, the engagement was
renewed ; and the Neapolitans, conceiving them-
selves likely to be surrounded, took to flight, and
abandoned their enterprize, with the loss of about
two hundred men killed, besides a considerable
number of prisoners. To this victory, the heavy
artillery of one of the French ships, which was
brought to bear upon the Neapolitan troops,
greatly contributed, (b) Such of the fugitives as
(a) Giustiniani, Annali di Genoa, lib. v. p. 249, b.
(i) It belonged to Commines, who denominates it " une grosse
galeace (qui etoit mienne) qui patronisoit un appelle Albert Mely,
sur laquelle etoit le diet due et les principaux. Et la dicte galeace
avoit grande artillerie, et grosses pieces, (car elle etoit puissante)
et s'approcha si pres de terre que 1'artillerie deconfit presque 1'en-
nemi, qui javnais n'en avoit veu de semblable, et etoit chose nou-
velle en Italic:" liv. vii. chap. 5, p. 194. The use of artillery was,
however, known in Italy about the year 1380, in the wars be-
tween the Genoese and the Venetians. Summonte, Storia di Na-
poli, iii. 497. (Corr. 5G3.) Malavolti, Storia di Siena, p. 170.
Guicciardini, lib. i. The latter author, however, acknowledges
that the French had brought this diabolical implement " questo
piu tosto diabolico che umano instrumento" to much greater
perfection, and employed it with more celerity and effect, than
had before been done. Cornazzano, in his poem De Re Militari,
narrates the discovery of fire-arms at considerable length. The
larger pieces were denominated Bombardi, the smaller Scopetti,
and Spingarde.
" Nacque cosi madonna la bombarda,
Di quel che venne le cose iterando ;
Et dui figli hcbbe, schiopetto e spingarda."
Relating the effects of the first of these implements (the bom-
barda, or cannon) he adds :
dove va in persona,
Ogni edifizio gli fa riverenza."
Cornaz. de Re Milit. lib. iii. p. 58, &c.
170 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, fell into the hands of the Genoese, after being
^ plundered, were suffered to escape ; but the Swiss
A.D. 1494. shewed no mercy to the vanquished; and not-
A.^:t.i9. withstanding the remonstrances of their allies,
stormed and plundered the town of Rapallo,
where, among other enormities, they slaughtered
even the sick in the hospitals. The indignation
which this cruelty excited at Genoa, had nearly
effected that which the Neapolitan armament had
failed to accomplish. On the return of the troops
to that city, the populace rose and massacred se-
veral of the Swiss soldiery ; and the duke of Or-
leans, instead of returning from his expedition in
triumph, was under the necessity of taking pre-
cautions for his safety before he ventured to dis-
embark, (a]
Ferdinand, In the mean time, it became necessary to check
duke of Ca- ._ . , . 11*
labria, op- the progress OI I) Aublgny, Who, having nOW COl-
French in lected a considerable force, had entered Romagna,
an( j wag p roce eding, without interruption, to-
wards the territories of Naples. The command
of the detachment intended for this purpose was
relinquished by Alfonso to his son Ferdinand,
duke of Calabria, who, at the head of a body of
troops, superior in number to the French and
their allies, took his station between the branches
of the PQ, He there presented himself for some
hours in order of battle, and by his courage and
promptitude conciliated to his cause no small
share of popular favour, (b) For some time, the
(a) Giustmiani, Annali di Genoa, lib. v. p. 250.
(b) At this time, Cariteo endeavoured to incite the states of
Italy to concord and confidence in each other, and to an united
defence against the common enemy, in an energetic canzone,
which will be found in the Appendix, No. XXVII.
LEO THE TENTH. 171
French and Neapolitan armies were encamped CHAP.
within a mile of each other ; but D' Aubigny pru-
dently declined a contest. As the enemy increased A.D. 1494.
in force, Ferdinand in his turn was compelled to
retreat. The intelligence of the disaster at Ra-
pallo, and the certainty of the approach of Charles
VIII. had contributed to dispirit the Neapolitan
troops ; and at the moment when the duke of Ca-
labria ought, by the vigour and decision of his
measures, to have confirmed the wavering minds
of the Italian potentates, he gave the omen of his
future ruin, by retiring under the walls of Faenza;
where, instead of attempting offensive operations,
he was satisfied with fortifying hims'elf against an
attack, (a)
On the twenty-second day of August, 1494, Charles
Charles took his departure from Vienne; and,
passing through Grenoble, crossed the Alps, and
arrived at Turin ; where he was received with
great honour by Bianca, widow of Charles, duke
of Savoy. Of the splendid appearance of the
duchess and her court, a particular description
is given by one of the attendants of the French
monarch, (b) Such was the profusion of jewels
(a) Guicciardini, lib. i. vol. i. p. 48.
(6) Andre de la Vigne, was secretary to Anne of Bretagne,
queen of Charles VIII. and accompanied the king on this expedi-
tion, of which he has left a journal, in prose and verse, entitled,
Le Vergier d'Honneur, which has been attributed, in part, to Oc-
tavien de St. Gelais, bishop of Angouleme; but the French critics
have determined, that the complaint on the death of Charles VIII.
and his epitaph, are the only parts of the work to which the bishop
has any pretensions. Of this work there are two editions, both
printed in Gothic characters at Paris, but without date, the one in
folio, the other in quarto ; the former of these, which has been
consulted on this occasion, is entitled :
172 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, displayed on this occasion, that Charles, whose
in
' resources were not very ample, conceived that a
A. D. 1494. favourable opportunity was afforded him for im-
A JE,t 19
proving them ; of this he accordingly availed him-
self, by borrowing a great part of these superflu-
ous ornaments, which he immediately pledged for
a sum of twelve thousand ducats. During his re-
sidence at Turin, he was entertained by such ex-
hibitions as were then esteemed the most extraor-
dinary efforts of ingenuity, (a) On the sixth day
of September he quitted that city and proceeded
to Chieri, where his progress was again retarded
for some days, by the amusements and represen-
tations which had been prepared for him, in which
the most beautiful women of Italy were selected
to congratulate him on his approach, and to crown
him Champion of the honour of the fair. (#) On
LE VERGIER D' HONNEUR, NOOVELLEMENT IMPRIME A PARIS, de
F interprinse et voyage de Naples. Auquel est comprins comment le
Toy, Charles huytiesme de ce nom, a baniere deployee, passa et re-
pasta, de journee en journee, depuis Lyon jusques a Naples, et de
Naples jusques a Lyon. Ensemble plusieurs aultrcs choses, j "aides et
composees par reverend pere en dieu Monsieur Octarien de Sainct
Gelais, evesque d'Angoulesme, et par Maistre Andry de la Vigne, se-
cretaire de la royne, et de Monsieur le due de Savoye, avec aultres.
(at) These exhibitions are thus described by Andr6 de la Vigne :
" Labeur y vis bien dehait en pourpoint ;
Et pastoreaulx chanter de contrepoint
Petis rondeaulx faits dessus leurs hystoires ;
Inventions de la loi de nature.
Pareillement de cette descripture
Bien compassees furent illic a flac
Noe, Sem, Cham, y vis en portraiture,
Et de la loi de grace leur figure ;
Puis Abraham, Jacob, et Isaac,
Plusiers histoires de Lancelot du Lac,
Celle d'Athenes du gran Cocordillac." &c.
(b) Champion de Vhonneur des dames. Of the taste of the mo-
LEO THE TENTH. 173
his arrival at Asti he was met by Lodovico Sforza, criAp.
accompanied by his duchess, Beatrice of Este, the
splendor of whose dress and equipage astonished A. 0.1494.
his followers. The attention of Lodovico had A '" Et * 19 '
here provided him with a number of beautiful
courtesans from Milan, who were honoured by
the notice, and rewarded by the liberality of the
French monarch. () At this place his expedi-
tion had, however, nearly been brought to a pre-
mature termination ; for he was seized with a dis-
order which confined him for some days to his
chamber, and is said to have endangered his
life, (b)
narch, and of the delicacy of his female attendants, some idea may
be formed from the account given of these representations; one of
which was a pretended accouchement. This exhibition is described
in the rude verses of Andre de la Vigne. v. Appen. No. XXVIII.
() " Lodovico Sforza mando al Re molte formosissime matrone
Milanese, con alcune delle quali piglio amoroso piacere, e quelle
presento di preciosi anelli. D'indi per la mutation dell'aere Carlo
*'inferm6 di varuole," &c. Coria, Sloria Milanese, lib. vii. p. 935.
(b) Historians have represented this disorder as the small-pox.
Malavolti, in his History of Siena, says, that Charles was detained
at Asti about a month ; " ritenuto da quel male che da noi e do-
mandato Vajuolo:" par. iii. p. 99. Commines also denominates
the disorder of the king, " la petite verole," and adds, that his life
was in danger. Benedetti, in his Fatto d'arme sul Tarro, p. 7,
informs us, that, from change of air, Charles was seized with a
fever, " e mando fuori alcuni segni che si chiamano f pin it tide,
(ivuvwict, night-pimples}; i nostri le chiamano Vajuole" From
the extreme licentiousness in which the king had indulged himself,
it is not, however, improbable that his complaint was of a different
nature, and that the loathsome disorder, which, within the space
of a few months afterwards, began to spread itself over Italy, and
was thence communicated to the rest of Europe, is of royal origin,
and may be dated from this event. In favour of this supposition
it may be observed, that this disease was much more violent in its
symptoms, on its first appearance, than in after times, and that its
174 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Whilst the kins remained at Asti, he received
in
' information of the success of the duke of Orleans
A.D. 1494. at Genoa, and of the retreat of Ferdinand of Ara-
gon before the arms of D'Aubigny. He did not,
however, quit that place before the sixth day of
October, when he proceeded to Casale, the capi-
tal city of the marquis of Montferrat. At this
place he met with a reception similar to that which
he had experienced at Turin, and repaid it in a
similar manner by borrowing the jewels of the
marchioness, who was the mother of the duchess
of Savoy, upon which he raised at Genoa a fur-
ther sum of money. He then hastened with his
army to Pavia, where some jealousy arose be-
tween him and Lodovico Sforza ; who consented,
as a pledge of his fidelity, to place the fortress of
iiis inter- the city in his hands. On this occasion, Charles
e- had an interview with his near relation Gian-Ga-
leazzo, the unfortunate duke of Milan,, who then
lay at the point of death, a victim to the ambi-
tion of his uncle Lodovico. The duchess Isabella
availed herself of this opportunity to throw her-
self at the feet of the monarch, to entreat his in-
terference on behalf of her husband, and his for-
bearance towards her father and family ; but the
importunities of a daughter, a wife, and a mother,
were lost on the depraved mind of Charles, and
served only to excite the unfeeling remarks of his
resemblance to the small-pox probably gave rise to the appellation
by which it has since been known.
" Protinus informes totum per corpus achores
Rumpebant, faciemque horrendam, et pectora foede
Turpebant ; species morbi nova ; pustula summae
Glandis ad effigiem, et pituita marcida pingui."
Fracastor. Syphil. lib. i. 1. 349.
LEO THE TENTH. 175
barbarian attendants, (a) The duke did not long CHAP.
survive this interview ; and Lodovico, having at-
tained the height of his wishes, was saluted by a A.D. 1494.
band of venal partisans, and a corrupt populace, A * " Et 19 '
as duke of Milan. His wife, Beatrice, daughter
of Ercole, duke of Ferrara, who had long and ar-
rogantly contended with Isabella for precedence
in rank and honours, now enjoyed a complete, but
temporary triumph over her rival, who was driven
from the court of Milan, and obliged, with her
children, to take refuge in an obscure and sickly
cell of the castle of Pavia. (b)
On the arrival of Charles at Piacenza a few days Hesitates
after this interview, he received intelligence of the
death of the duke, Gian-Galeazzo ; and although
he had not the generosity to interfere on his behalf,
he was shocked at a catastrophe which he had ta-
ken no measures to prevent, and celebrated his ob-
sequies with great state and formality, (e) That
the duke died by poison, administered to him at
the instance of Lodovico Sforza, was the general
opinion ; and Theodore of Pavia, an eminent phy-
sician, who had accompanied the king of France,
(a) " Elle avoit meilleur besoin," says . Commines, " dc prier
pour son mari et pour elle, qui toit encore belle dame et jeune."
lib. vii. chap. vi. p. 196.
(6) " Isabella co i poveri figliuoletti, vestiti di lugubri vesti-
menti, come prigioniera si richiuse in una camera, e gran tempo
stette giacendo sopra la dura terra, che non vide acre." Corio,
Histor. Milanese, part. vii. p. 936. This unfortunate princess is
introduced by Bernardo Accolti, as thus lamenting her misfor-
tunes :
" Re padre, Re fratel, Duca in consorte
Ebbi, e in tre anni, i tre rapi la morte.*
Accolti. Op. Ven. 1519.
(c) Commines, Mem. lib. vii. chap. vii. p. 179. (Corr. 197.)
176 THE LIFE OP
CHAP, in his interview with the duke, declared, that he
IIL had perceived manifest symptoms of its effects, (a)
A. D. 1494. A sudden panic seized the French monarch. The
A. &t. 19. perpetration of such a crime filled him with appre-
hensions for his own safety. He had already enter-
tained well-grounded suspicions of the fidelity of
Lodovico Sforza, and had experienced considera-
ble difficulties in obtaining the necessary supplies
for his troops. In this situation he began serious-
ly to hesitate on the expediency of prosecuting
his expedition ; and his doubts were increased by
a communication from his general and grand-ecuy-
er, D'Urfe, then at Genoa, advising him to be on
his guard against treachery. Such of his atten-
dants as had been the first to encourage him to- this
undertaking, were now the most earnest in advis-
ing him to abandon it ; and had not the Floren-
tine exiles, and particularly Lorenzo and Giovan-
ni, the sons of Pier- Francesco de' Medici, actuat-
ed by the hopes of supplanting the rival branch
of their family, at this critical juncture interposed
their solicitations, and offered their services to the
king, it is probable that Italy might yet have been
saved from her impending calamities. (&)
Determines Having recovered from his alarm, Charles quit-
by^of ted Piacenza on the twenty-fifth day of October.
Rome 1 ! 06 1 A- question of great moment now presented itself
for his consideration : whether he should proceed
through the Tuscan and Roman territories direct-
ly to Naples, or, by forcing a passage through Ro-
magna and the March of Ancona, enter that king-
dom by the district of Abruzzo. The judicious
(a) Guicciardini, lib. i. p. 49.
(b) Mem. de Commines, liv. vii. chap. vii. p. 197.
LEO THE TENTH. 177
determination of the king and his advisers on this CHAP.
occasion, was of the utmost importance to the
success of his enterprize. In relinquishing the A. D. 1494.
track through Romagna, he was not deterred by A ' ' Et ' 19<
the opposition which he might there meet, from
the duke of Calabria, who had already retreated
before the arms of D'Aubigny ; but he prudently
considered, that, unless he could either secure the
alliance of the pope and the Florentines, or dis-
able them from resistance, he might, during his
contest with Alfonso in Naples, be exposed to the
hostile attack of these adjacent states. Instead,
therefore, of directing his course towards Bologna,
he ordered the duke de Mompensier, one of the
princes of the family of Bourbon, to proceed with
the advanced guard to Pontremoli, a town on the
river Magro, which divides the Tuscan territory
from that of Genoa ; to which place Charles fol-
lowed with the remainder of his army, having pass-
ed the Appenines, by the mountain of Parma.
From Pontremoli, Mompensier proceeded through
the district of Luigiano to Fivizano, a fortress
belonging to the Florentines ; and being there
joined by the Swiss mercenaries, who had return-
ed from Genoa, and brought with them several
heavy pieces of artillery, the French attacked the
castle, which they carried by storm, and put both
the garrison and inhabitants to the sword. The
town of Sarzana, which had been acquired by
the prudence, and fortified under the directions
of Lorenzo the Magnificent, next opposed their
progress ; and, although the number of soldiers em-
ployed inits defence was small, and the comman-
der of little experience or reputation, yet such
VOL. I. N
'78 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. was t ne situation and strength of the place, and of
' the adjacent citadel of Sarzanella, that the carry-
A.D. 1494. i n g them by force was regarded as a matter of con-
siderable difficulty. Nor could the French army
long have retained its position, in a situation be-
tween the sea and the mountains, where, from
the sterility of the district, they could scarcely
hope to obtain supplies. To proceed forwards*
whilst these formidable positions remained in the
hands of an enemy, was equally inconsistent with
the honour and the safety of the king, (a)
Piero de' In this emergency, the unhappy dissensions
renders to which prevailed among the citizens of Florence,
again relieved the French from their difficulties.
From the time that the approach of the king had
been announced, the resentment of the inhabitants
had been chiefly directed against Piero de' Medi-
ci, whom they considered as the principal cause
of the dangers which they were likely to incur.
On his part, Piero had endeavoured to regain their
confidence, by active preparations for resisting the
enemy ; to which end he had strengthened the city
of Pisa, and other fortified towns of the republic,
and had, particularly, provided for the defence
of Florence. These preparations were not, how-
ever, effected without expense, and the levies im-
posed upon the citizens became an additional cause
of dissatisfaction. He then endeavoured to avail
himself of the voluntary contributions of the richer
classes ; but, instead of the necessary aid, he ob-
tained only reproaches and threats. Alarmed and
dispirited, he adopted the hasty resolution of re-
(a) Guicciard. lib. i. Mem. de Commines, lib. vii. chap. 7. vol. i-
pp. 50, 51.
LEO THE TENTH. 179
pairing in person to the French camp, for the pur- CHAP.
pose of endeavouring to conciliate the favour of
Charles, by such timely concessions as circum- A.D. 1494.
stances might require. He therefore privately A "*
quitted the city, and hastened to Empoli, a few
miles distant from Florence ; whence he addres-
sed a letter to the magistrates, which is yet pre-
served, and which fully explains the motives of
his conduct at this period so critical to the fortunes
of himself and his family, (a)
" Magnificent and honoured Fat her 's,
" I shall not attempt to apologize for my sud-
den departure, because I can scarcely think my-
self culpable for taking a measure which, accor-
ding to my weak judgment, appears to be the
best remedy for restoring the tranquillity of my
country, and which at the same time is atten-
ded with less danger and inconvenience than any
other, both to the public and to individuals ; ex-
cepting only myself. I therefore intend to pre-
sent myself in person before his most Christian
majesty of France, as I may probably thus be en-
abled to appease the resentment which he has con-
ceived against this city, for the conduct which it
has hitherto been obliged to adopt, in consequence
of its engagements with other states ; it appearing
to be only his majesty's wish, that an alteration
should take place in this respect. I, who have
been blamed as the cause of this animosity, will,
therefore, either exculpate myself to his majesty,
or shall be ready to receive due punishment, ra-
ther in my own person than in the body of the
(a) The original is given in the Appendix, No. XXIX.
N 2
180 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, republic. Of this course of conduct, particular
instances have been given in my own family ; but
A. D. 1494. I consider myself as under much greater obliga-
A. JEt. 19. tions to exert myself, than any of my predeces-
sors have been ; because I have been honoured
much more beyond my merits than any of them ;
and the more unworthy I am of those honours,,
the more I feel myself bound to engage in my pre-
sent attempt, and not to shrink from labour, in-
convenience, or expense, or even the sacrifice of
my life, which I would willingly resign, for each
of you in particular, and much more for the whole
republic. This I shall probably manifest on the
present occasion, on which I shall either return
to the satisfaction of yourselves and the city, or
lose my life in the attempt. In the mean time, I
entreat you, by the fidelity and affection which you
owe to the ashes of your Lorenzo, my late father,
and the kindness which you have shewn to me,
who, in reverence and affection, am not less your
son than his, that you will remember me in your
prayers. I also have further to request, that you
will accept my recommendation of my brothers
and children, whom, if it should be the will of God
that I should not return, I bequeath wholly to
your care. I shall begin my journey from this
place tomorrow. PIERO DE' MEDICI."
" In Empoli, 26 October, 1494."
From Empoli, Piero proceeded to Pisa, whence,
on the following day, he addressed a letter to his
private secretary, Pietro da Eibbiena, in which he
directs him to assure the Neapolitan ambassadors
at Florence, of his unalterable attachment to Al-
LEO THE TENTH. 181
fonso and the house of Aragon, from whom he en- CHAP.
treats a favourable construction of the measures
which he has unfortunately been compelled to A. 0.1494.
adopt. If his letter to the magistrates contain, A -- fU9 -
as might be expected, only the more plausible
and popular motives of his conduct in this pri-
vate communication, he explicitly acknowledges,
that he has been abandoned by all the citizens of
Florence, as well his friends as his enemies ; and
that he has neither resources nor credit to support
the war, in which he has involved himself and his
country, by his adherence to his engagements with
the royal house of Naples, (a)
Under these discouraging impressions, Piero de'
Medici presented himself, with a few attendants,
at the French camp before Sarzana. On his arri-
val, two of the confidential officers of Charles,
Monsieur de Piennes, his chamberlain, and the
general Brissonet, were appointed to treat with
him. Their first request was, that the fortress of
Sarzana should be surrendered to the French arms,
with which Piero instantly complied. They then
insisted on Pisa, Leghorn, and Pietrasanta, be-
ing also delivered up to the king, on his promise
to restore them, when they were no longer neces-
sary to the success of his enterprise ; and to this
demand Piero also assented. The readiness with
which he thus delivered up places of such strength
and importance, astonished the French, who seem-
ed to have despised his weakness and ridiculed his
credulity. () As he held no ostensible rank, they
(a) For the letter to Bibbiena, v. Appendix, No. XXX.
(6) " Ceux qui traictoient avec le diet Pierre, m'ont compte, et
b plusieurs autres 1'ont dit, en se raillant et moquant de lui, qu'ils
182 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. g ave hj m the title O f H g ran Lombardo; it being
1_ in those times customary to designate all the Ita-
A.D. 1494. Hans by the general name of Lombards, (a)
This unfortunate transaction, in which Piero
The Floren- , , -.- j. . 11 * .-..
tines exas- Qc Medici professedly imitated, but with mista-
RiTranduct ken application, the example of his father in his
de v y a g e to Naples, gave irremediable offence to the
citizens of Florence ; who, although they had re-
fused to assist him in opposing the progress of
the French, conceived that he had made a wanton
sacrifice of their interests. It may, however,
well be doubted, whether this was so much the
reason as the pretext for the resentment of the
Florentines, many of whom had become impatient
of the authority of the Medici, and, being prompt-
ed by the violent harangues of Savonarola, sought
only for an opportunity of exciting the populace
to second their views. A new deputation was
nominated, consisting of five citizens, among
whom was Savonarola, who were directed to pro-
ceed to Lucca, where the king had now arrived,
and to entreat him to moderate the severity of
the terms agreed on. Charles gave them an at-
tentive audience ; but neither the persuasions nor
the threats of the priest, who represented himself
as a messenger on the part of God, could induce
the king to relax from his former stipulations, (b)
This measure, was, however, a sufficient indica-
etoient ebahis comme si tot accorda si grande chose, et a quoi ils
ne s'attendoient pas." Mem. de Comm. liv. vii. chap. vii. p. 198.
The circumstances of this interview are also related by Andre de
la Vigne, in his Vergier d'Honneur, with his usual insipidity.
(a) Nardi, Hist, di Fiorenza. lib. i. p. 11.
(b) Ibid.
LEO THE TENTH. 183
tion to Piero de' Medici, of the dissatisfaction CHAP.
which his conduct had occasioned, and of the ne-
cessity of securing himself against the effects of A. D. 1494.
that animosity which would probably be excited A " 1
against him. He therefore engaged his near re-
lation, Paolo Orsini, who then commanded a body
of troops in the service of the republic, to accom-
pany him towards the city, intending to suppress
the outrages of the populace by force of arms, and,
as his adversaries have conjectured, to take upon
himself the uncontrolled dominion of the state ;
to which he is supposed to have been incited by
his wife, Alfonsina, and her relations of the Or-
sini family, (a) On his arrival, he proceeded with
a few attendants to the palace of justice, appa-
rently for the purpose of explaining to the citi-
zens the reasons of his conduct ; but Luca Cor-
sini, Giacopo de' Nerli, and other magistrates,
met him at the gates, and with many reproaches,
opposed his admission. This circumstance occa-
sioned a general clamour and commotion, in which
the friends of the Medici, who attempted to sup-
press the tumult, were insulted and plundered;
whilst Piero with difficulty escaped the resent-
ment of the populace.
In the mean time, the cardinal, less obnoxious
to the people than his brother, endeavoured to
conciliate their favour by pacific remonstrances,
and by the cry of Palle, Palle, in reference to the
arms of his family. But the charm which had
lasted so many years, was now broken ; and these
words, which had seldom been heard without pro-
ducing a favourable effect, only served to excite
additional indignation. The clamour and violence
(a) Nardi, Hist, di Fivrenza, lib. i. p. 12.
184
THE LIFE OP
CHAP, of the populace increased ; the alarm-bell rang;
. the prisoners were set at liberty ; the farther pro-
A.D. 1494. gress of the cardinal was prevented by impene-
' trable crowds, whilst Piero and his attendants
wide' Me- were threatened with an attack of stones from the
hS'brothers wm dows and roofs of the houses. The fate of the
Piero and Medici hung on the decision of a moment; and
(jiuhano,
expelled the Piero had to determine, whether he would try the
city.
event of arms in the bosom of his native place, or
abandon the city, and seek a refuge in some other
part of Italy. Of these expedients, he adopted
the latter ; but, by an unaccountable fatality, in-
stead of resorting to the French camp, where he
would probably have obtained the favour and pro-
tection of Charles, for having complied with whose
requisitions he had been obliged to quit the city,
he passed, with his brother Giuliano, through the
gate of S. Gallo, and took the road to Bologna, (a)
The cardinal, either not equally alarmed at the
danger, or more reluctant to quit his native place,
was the last of the brothers who left the city.
Finding, however, that the populace were pro-
ceeding to the utmost extreme of violence, he di-
vested himself of the insignia of his rank, and,
assuming the habit of a Franciscan, passed, with-
out being recognized, through the midst of the
exasperated multitude, to the convent of S. Marco,
where he hoped to find a temporary shelter, in a
building erected and endowed by his ancestors.
In this, however, he was disappointed ; the monks
having, with singular ingratitude, refused to ad-
mit him within their gates. Repulsed from the
only quarter on which he relied for protection, he
(a) This event occurred on the ninth day of November, 1404.
Nardi, lib. i. p. 13.
LEO THE TENTH. 185
immediately abandoned the city, and, hastening CHAP.
into the secret recesses of the Appenines, effected
his retreat, and joined his brothers at Bologna. (a) A. D. 1494.
No sooner had the Medici quitted the city, than J
the rage of the populace broke out in open acts The pah
of violence. The palace of the Medici, and the
houses of several of the chief officers of the state, dered
who were supposed to be favourable to their
party, were attacked and plundered. The resi-
dence of the cardinal, in the district of S. Anto-
nio, experienced a similar fate ; but a circum-
stance which cannot fail to excite the regret of
every friend of the arts, is the destruction of the
garden of S. Marco, established by the liberality
and personal attention of Lorenzo the Magnifi-
cent, as an academy for the promotion of sculp-
ture ; the repository of the finest remains of anti-
quity, and the school of Michael Angelo. We
might have pardoned the expunging of the figures
of the rebels, painted on the walls of the palace, in
the year 1434, or the obliteration of the labours of
Andrea del Castagno, commemorating the conspi-
racy of the Pazzi, in 1478 ; but the destruction of
this collection was an irreparable misfortune to the
progress of true taste, as yet in its earliest infancy ;
and was poorly compensated by the figure of Ju-
dith, executed by Donatello, at the request of the
Florentines ; and placed at the gate of the palace,
() Ammiruto, Ritratti d' huomini di Cnsa Medici, Opusc. vol. iii.
p. 65. To the short period which elapsed between the death of
Lorenzo and the expulsion of his son Piero, we may refer the La-
tin poem of Lorenzo Vitelli, entitled Arborca ; in which, under
the allegory of a vigorous and fruitful tree, he describes the flou-
rishing family of the Medici ; not aware of the sudden blight which
it was shortly to experience, r. Curm.illust. Poet. Ital. vol. xi.
p. 388.
186 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, as an emblem of the destruction of a tyrant, (a)
On the same day that the brothers "of the Me-
A.D. 1494. dici were compelled to abandon their native place,
A. &i. 19. a c j rcums t a nce occurred in the city of Pisa, which,
Pisa asserts although, in its origin, of small comparative impor-
its liberties. ^ ance> became in the event a fruitful source of con-
tention and bloodshed ; and served, when the ter-
rors of a foreign enemy were removed, to disturb
the repose and protract the calamities of Italy. Ir-
reconcilably adverse to the Florentine government,
the citizens of Pisa were, at all times, ready to avail
themselves of any opportunity to assert their ancient
liberties. This restless and unconquerable spirit af-
forded a reason, or a pretext, for additional cau-
tions and severities on the part of the Florentines ;
which, without subduing the courage, excited the
resentment of the people. No sooner had Charles,
after quitting Lucca, arrived at Pisa, than he was
surrounded by a tumultuous assemblage of the in-
habitants, who, with affecting lamentations, and
grievous complaints against their oppressors, en-
treated the king to free them from their yoke. ()
(a) Ammirato, Istorie Florentine, vol. iii. p. 223. The disper-
sion of the library of Politiano followed soon after the exile of the
Medici. The learned admirers of this great man will, perhaps, be
gratified with the inventory of the MSS. and other effects, found
in his possession at the time of his death, taken by the celebrated
and learned Greek, Joannes Lascar, and which has not before
been printed, v. Appendix, No. XXXI.
(6) " Par grans monceaulx le commun populaire
Deca, dela, c'etoit voulu assire,
Pour hault crier en amour voluntaire ;
Voire si hault qu'ils ne pouvoyent taire,
Liber tate, Liber tate, chier sire ;
Qui en Francois vault autant comme dire,
Helas, sire, donnez nous liberte" Sfc.
And. de la Vigne, Vergier d'Honneur.
LEO THE TENTH. 187
The earnest and repeated solicitations of the mul- CHAP.
titude made a powerful impression on some of the
favourite attendants of the king, who observed to A. 0.1494.
him, that the request of the citizens was just and A ' ^ 19 '
reasonable ; whereupon Charles, acting under the
impulse of his immediate feelings, and forgetful or
regardless of his solemn engagement to restore the
city of Pisa to its former governors, signified his
assent to their request. This hasty and inconsi-
derate assurance was received by the citizens of
Pisa as a full emancipation from their servitude,
and their exultation was displayed by the imme-
diate demolition of the arms and insignia of the
Florentines throughout the city. The Florentine
commissioners were at the same time expelled from
Pisa, not without great apprehensions of violence
to their persons, which was prevented only by the
authority of the king and his attendants.
Whilst Charles was thus hastening, without in- Retreat of
terruption, towards the object of his destination, f
his general, D'Aubigny, had made a considerable
progress in Romagna, where he had attacked and
taken several fortresses, and had compelled Cate-
rina Sforza, widow of Girolamo Riario, who then
governed the states of Imola and Forli in the name
of her infant son Ottaviano, to relinquish the alli-
ance into which she had entered with the pope
and the king of Naples. His approach towards
Faenza, with the additional troops which had
joined his standard, alarmed the duke of Calabria,
who, quitting his entrenchments, proceeded with
his army, by the most retired and difficult paths,
to Cesena. He was there informed of the com-
motions which had arisen in Florence, and of the
surrender of the chief fortresses of the Tuscan
188 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, state to the French arms ; in consequence of which,
^ he again broke up his camp, and hastily retreated
A.D. 1494. towards Rome. By these pusillanimous measures
A.^:t.i9. j.j ie p Ower o f the French, which, like a small
stream, might have been successfully checked in
its commencement, was suffered to proceed in an
uninterrupted course, and, by a continual acces-
sion, to bear down all possibility of resistance.
Charles On the eleventh day of November, Charles left
SJIhe'St Pi sa > an d proceeded to Empoli, intending to enter
of Florence, the city of Florence ; but on his arrival at Signa,
about six miles distant, he received information of
the expulsion of the Medici, in consequence of the
surrender of the fortified towns of the republic to
his arms. Conceiving it, therefore, not improba-
ble that he might meet with resistance, he ordered
D'Aubigny, who was no longer opposed in Ro-
magna, to join him with a part of the troops un-
der his command. This measure greatly alarmed
the inhabitants of Florence, who began to suspect
that Charles intended to possess himself of the
city by force, (a) Nor were there wanting among
his followers, many who advised him to this mea-
(a) The intention of the king to attack the city, is also thus
adverted to by Andre de la Vigne :
" Au pont du Signe fut des jours cinq ou six ;
Car Florentins mutines et perdus
S'estoient centre Pierre de Medycys,
Qui leurs chateaulx avoit au roy rendus.
Dessus les champs mises ses guettes et gardes,
Et leur monstra de si bon remise,
Que tost apres vindrent les ambassades
De Florence, de Sene, et de Venice:
Fait assembler avoit ja tous ses gens,
Et amener toute I'artillerie,
Pour a Florence, sans etre negligens,
Y aller faire quelque grand dyablerie."
LEO THE TENTH. 189
sure, and who even endeavoured to prevail upon CHAP.
him to deliver it up to be plundered by the sol-
diery, on the pretence of its being the first place A. D. 1494.
that had resisted his arms, and as an example to A * A
the rest of Italy, (a) The Florentines were, how-
ever, incessant in their embassies and representa-
tions to Charles ; and perhaps the rich presents
and delicate viands, with which they supplied his
camp at Signa, might, in some degree, mitigate
his resentment. Nor did they neglect the best
precautions in their power to secure themselves
against hostilities, in case the king should prove
irreconcilable. Great numbers of armed men from
different parts of the Tuscan territory entered the
city under various pretexts, and were secretly
lodged in the houses of the citizens. The con-
dottieri in the service of the republic distributed
their troops in the most convenient stations, and
held themselves in readiness for action, on the
tolling of the great bell of the palace of justice.
These alarms, however, soon subsided, and on the
seventeenth day of November, () Charles made his
(a) Guicciardini, lib. i. vol. i. p. 58.
(b) On the same day died at Florence, in the thirty-second year
of his age, the accomplished Giovanni Pico, of Mirandula, and, if
we may credit the report of Savonarola, had the good fortune to
obtain a situation in purgatory. This igtelligence the preacher
thus announced to his audience at the conclusion of one of his ser-
mons, a few days after the death of that eminent man. " lo vi
voglio rivelare un secreto, che insino a qul non ho vohito dirlo,
perche non ho avuto tanta certezza come ho avuto da diece here
in qua. Ciascuno di voi credo che cognoscesse il contc Giovanni
della Mirandola, che stava qul in Firenre, ed morto pochi giorni
sono. Dicovi che 1'anima sua, per le orationi de' frati, ed anchc
per alcune sue buone opere, che fece in questa vita, e per altre
orationi, e nel purgatorio orate pro eo lui fu tardo a non venire
190 TfaE LIFE OP
CHAP, peaceable and public entry into the city on horse-
' back, under a rich canopy, supported by some of
A.D. 1494. his younger nobles, and attended by his barons
A.^t.19. , * TT V- I-
and men at arms. He was met on his approach
by the magistrates and principal inhabitants, who
accompanied him to the church of S. Maria del
Fiore, where he paid a visit to the great altar ;
after which he proceeded to the palace of the Me-
dici, which was magnificently prepared for his re-
ception, (a) His nobility and chief officers were
lodged in the princely houses of the richer inhabi-
tants ; and the illumination of the city, which con-
tinued every night during the stay of the king,
contributed no less to its peace and security, than
to the honour of its royal guest. Conciliated by
these attentions, Charles passed several days in
partaking of the amusements prepared for him.
Among these was the Rappresentazione of the
Annunciation of the Virgin, which was exhibited,
with great splendour and mechanical ingenuity, in
the church of S. Felice, and with which the king
was so greatly delighted, that he requested to be
gratified by a second exhibition, (b)
No sooner had the three brothers of the Me-
dici quitted the city, than Lorenzo and Giovanni,
alia religione in vita sua, come era spirato, e per6 fc in purgatorio."
The verses of Marullus, on the death of Pico, are more appropri-
ate, although less known, than the ostentatious lines inscribed on
his tomb in the church of S. Marco at Florence, v. Op. Mar. 53.
(a) Nardi Hist. Fior. i. p. 14. The entrance of the king into
Florence is one of those topics on which his poetical annalist, De
la Vigne, dwells with particular satisfaction. On this occasion
he enumerates the whole array of the French army, and all the at-
tendants of the king. v. Appendix, No. XXXII.
(b) Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. i. p. 15.
LEO THE TENTH. 191
the sons of Pier-Francesco, returned to Florence, CHAP.
and were restored to their possessions and their
rights ; (a) but the name of the Medici was now A. D. 1494.
become odious, and with a despicable servility, A "
which has been imitated in subsequent times, they
relinquished their family appellation, and adopted
that of Popolani ; at the same time removing from
their residence the insignia of their arms, and re-
placing them by those of the republic.
In the mean time, Piero and his brothers, in
their retreat to Bologna, had not experienced that J
friendly reception which they had reason to ex-
pect from Giovanni Bentivoglio, who then held
the chief authority in that place, and whose obli-
(a) Lorenzo, the son of Pier Francesco, appears to have emu-
lated his relations of the elder branch of his family, in the love of
literature and patronage of learned men, Politiano has addressed
to him his Sylva, entitled Manto, in terms of great esteem :
" Ferreus sim," says he, " si tibi quid denegem, tarn nobili adoles-
centi, tarn probo, tam mei amanti, tanto denique earn rem studio
efflagitanti." The beautiful introductory stanzas to this piece
have been elegantly translated by the Rev. Mr. Greswell, in his
Memoirs of Politiano, frc. p. 92. Lorenzo di Pier-Francesco was
also the great patron of the poet Marullus, who has inscribed to
him, at different times, his four books of epigrams, several of
which are devoted to his praise. In one of these he is thus ad-
dressed :
" Felix ingenii, felix et gratia; opumque,
Laurus, et antiquis non leve nomen avis,
Quaerenti cuidam num plura his optet ? ut, inquit,
Et prodesse queam pluribus, et cupiam." p. 42.
Marullus also addressed to Giovanni, the other son of Pier-
Francesco, a copy of Latin verses, in praise of Catcrina Sforia,
the widow of Girolamo Riario, whom Giovanni afterwards ma*
ried, and by whom he had Giovanni de' Medici, captain of the
bandc ncrc, usually called 11 gran diarolo, and father of Coemo I.
grand-duke of Tuscany. Vide Epigr. lib. iv. p. &4.
192 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, gations to their father were supposed to be a suf-
' ficient pledge for his favour. Expecting from
A. D. 1494. others that fortitude which, in the moment of ad-
versity, he did not exhibit himself, Bentivoglio,
instead of consoling them in their misfortunes, or
encouraging their hopes, reproached them for
having pusillanimously quitted a place, where they
had such influence and resources, not only with-
out the death of a single adherent, but without
even the unsheathing of a sword, or the slightest
effort in their own defence. As this remonstrance
could now be of no avail, the brothers considered
it as a sufficient indication that Bologna would
not long be a place of safety. Piero, disguised in
the habit of a valet, hastened to Venice, where he
met with an honourable reception from the se-
nate, who permitted him to wear his arms in the
city, and to be attended by fifteen or twenty of
his adherents. The cardinal, shortly afterwards,
retreated to Pitigliano, and from thence to Cas-
tello, where he found a hospitable shelter with
the Vitelli, then the lords of that place, and the
ancient friends of his family, (a)
Among the nobility who attended the French
king on his expedition, there was no one who
enjoyed a greater share of his confidence, than
Philip de Bresse, uncle to the young duke of
(a) Ammirato, Ritratti d'uomini illustri di Casa Medici, 52, 65.
Philip de Commines was at Venice when Piero de' Medici arrived,
and seems to have taken an interest in his misfortunes ; for, says
he, "j'avois aime le pere." Piero, in recounting his disasters,
particularly dwelt on the unkindness of one of his factors, who re-
fused to furnish him with apparel, to the amount of one hundred
ducats, for the use of himself and his brother. So true is it, that
ingratitude is the sting of misfortune.
LEO THE TENTH. 193
Savoy, and who succeeded at no distant period to CHAP.
the sovereignty of that state. On the arrival of
the army at Florence, this nobleman had taken A.D. 1494.
up his residence at the house of Lorenzo Torna- c ^ a
buoni, a near relation of Piero de' Medici, who ? cnd torp -
instate Pie-
found the means of influencing him in favour of ro de- .M*-
the exiled family ; insomuch that De Bresse did
not hesitate strenuously to advise the king to re-
cal Piero, and restore him to his former authority
in Florence. Nor was Charles averse to a mea-
sure, which was recommended to him no less by
the recent compliance of Piero with his request,
at so critical a juncture, than by the remembrance
of the connexion which had so long subsisted be-
tween their families, and the many services ren-
dered by the Medici to himself and his ancestors.
Despatches were accordingly sent to Bologna, re-
questing Piero to return into the vicinity of Flo-
rence, and assuring him of the speedy restoration
of his former authority ; but these letters did not
arrive till he had already taken his departure for
Venice, to which place they were forwarded by
the cardinal. Instead, however, of complying
with the requisition of the king, Piero impru-
dently laid this communication before the mem-
bers of the senate, desiring their opinion on the
measures which he ought to pursue. The advice
which they gave was such as suited their own
interest, rather than the circumstances of their
guest. Neither the promotion of the views of
the French, nor the tranquillity of the state of
Florence, were desirable objects to the Venetians.
They therefore represented to Piero the hazards
VOL. i. o
194
THE LIFE OF
C ?if ? wmc ^ ne wou ld incur by his implicit confidence in
the assurances of the king, and flattered him with
A ^ t l4 f 9 4 ' promises that, when occasion offered, they would
themselves assist in effecting his return, (a) In-
fluenced hy these representations, Piero lost the
only opportunity which ever occurred, of being
restored to his native place ; whilst the State-In-
quisitors of Venice directed that he should be
narrowly watched, so that he might not quit the
city without their consent, (b)
Commotions But, although the favourable intentions of the
in Florence, , . , ._. , , __ ... . J .
and treaty king towards Piero de Medici were thus ren-
viu. " dered ineffectual, the rumour of such a design ex-
cited a violent alarm in the city, which was in-
creased by the king's avowing his determination
to establish a civil authority, and to exercise, by
his own magistrates, a paramount jurisdiction.
On this occasion, the citizens of Florence gave a
decisive proof, that they were no less resolute in
defending their liberties, than they were solicitous,
by every reasonable concession, to conciliate the
good will of the king. The magistrates expressed
their determination to resist, to the utmost extre-
mity, rather than submit to conditions which, they
conceived, would for ever deprive them of their
rights, and afford a pretext for the monarchs of
France to consider them as their vassals. The
populace, animated with the same spirit, thronged
to the palace ; the French soldiers were under
arms ; the Swiss guards had already attacked the
(a) Guicciardini, lib. i. vol. i. p. 59.
(b) Guicciardini, lib. i. vol. i. pp. 57, 59. Nardi, Hist, di Fior.
p. 15.
LEO THE TENTH. 19.1
Borgo (Tog** Santi, oil pretence that the king (: Ar.
was in danger, but had been repulsed by the '
populace, and discomfited by showers of stones A. D. 1494.
\. /fit. 19.
thrown from the roofs and windows, (a) The tu-
mult had continued for an hour, and the whole
city was on the point of becoming a dreadful
scene of massacre and bloodshed ; when some of
the French chiefs, and a deputation from the ma-
gistrates, made their appearance, and, by their
united efforts and conciliating assurances, succeed-
ed in restoring the public tranquillity. This vi-
gorous opposition induced the king to relax in his
pretensions ; but whilst he consented to relinquish
all interference in the municipal concerns of the
Florentines, he insisted on the payment of a large
sum of money, as the price of their exemption.
On this occasion, the courage of an individual
completed what the spirit of the people had be-
gun. The conditions proposed by the king, had
been read by his secretary, who declared, that they
were the ultimate and only terms to which he
would accede ; when Piero Capponi, one of the
four deputies who had been authorized to nego-
tiate the treaty, stepped forwards, and, seizing the
paper from the hands of the secretary, tore it in
the presence of the king; at the same time ex-
claiming " If these be your terms, you may sound
(a) Guicciardini, whilst he admits that the citizens and thr
Frencli soldiery lived in mutual apprehension and distrust of
each other, asserts, that they did not proceed to acts of vio-
lence. " Niuno assaltava 1'altro o provocava ;" but Nardi, who
was also a Florentine and a contemporary, and whose History is
chiefly confined to the internal transactions of the city, informs us.
that this affray lasted more than an hour. Nardi, Hut. di Fior.
lib. i. p. lf>.
o 2
196 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. y our trumpets, and we shall ring our bells." (a)
' This act of open defiance, from a citizen of ac-
A.D. 1494. knowledged ability and integrity, and who was well
known to Charles, having resided as an ambas-
sador in his court, had an immediate effect on the
king ; who probably considered, that, although he
might succeed in subduing the inhabitants and
destroying the city, the consequences of such a
measure would be the ruin of his expedition. Af-
fecting, therefore, to receive in good part this
daring remonstrance, he directed that Capponi,
who had quitted the room in apparent anger,
should be recalled ; and the treaty was concluded
without further difficulty, (b) The principal heads
of the convention were a participation of mutual
privileges between the two countries ; that to his
title of king of France, Charles should add that of
Restorer and Protector of the Liberties of Flo-
rence ; that as a mark of gratitude, the republic
should present the king with a free-gift of one
hundred and twenty thousand florins; that the
fortresses and places surrendered to the French
should be restored, on certain specified conditions ;
that the citizens of Pisa, on receiving their par-
(a) Machiavelli has recorded this event in his first Decennale :
" Lo strepito dell' arme e de' cavalli,
Non pote far che non fosse sentita
La voce (fun Cappon fra cento Galli.
Tanto che '1 re superbo fe partita,
Poscia che la cittate essere intese
Per mantener sua libertate unita."
(6) " II re fattolo richiamare indietro, perche era suo familiare,
essendo stato oratore in Francia appresso di sua maesta, sorri-
dendo disse : Ah Ciappon, Ciappon, voi siete un mat Ciappon."
Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. i. p. 15. This royal equivoque is not
worth a translation.
LEO THE TENTH. 197
don, should return to their former obedience ; that CHAP.
the sequestration of the effects of the cardinal de* _
Medici, and his brothers Piero and Giuliano, A.D. 1494.
should be annulled, excepting that the hereditary A ' A
property of the two younger brothers should re-
main liable to the debts of the elder. That none
of the brothers should approach within a certain
distance of the city, which, with regard to Piero,
was limited to two hundred miles, and with re-
spect to the cardinal and Giuliano, to one hun-
dred ; and, lastly, that Alfonsina Orsini, the wife
of Piero, should be allowed to enjoy her dowry,
for her separate support. The treaty thus agreed
on, was ratified on the following day, being the
twenty-sixth of November, in the church of S.
Maria del Fiore, where a solemn mass was cele-
brated, and Charles swore on the word of a king,
faithfully to observe the conditions of the con-
tract, (a)
The stipulations between Charles and the Flo- charlcs
rentines being concluded, the citizens expected vm. eaten
r the ttmto-
his immediate departure from Florence ; where m* of the
the conduct of himself and his followers conti-
nued to excite great apprehensions. He did not,
however, appear to be in haste to prosecute his
expedition ; and Savonarola was again deputed to
request an interview with him, and endeavour to
(a) " Sub verbo regis." Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. i. p. 10. The
original treaty yet subsists in the Bibliotheca Nanianu, at Venice,
under the tide of, Capitula et conventiones inter Carolum VIII.
regent Francorum et populum Florentinum. Florentite, die XXVI.
Navcmbris MCCCCXCIV. jurata in Ecclcsiu cathedral* , per ipstim
regem, et priores dicta civitatis, apud altare majus, pott muut cele-
bratiancm. v. Morellii. MSS. Lot. Bib. Naniana, p. 125. Ven.
177.
198 THE LIFE OP
CHAP, prevail upon him to quit the city. The arguments
' of Savonarola on this occasion were of a very pe-
A.D. 1494. culiar kind. He reminded the king, that, during
the four preceding years, he had himself predicted
his arrival in Italy ; that God had called him to
this undertaking, for the reformation of the church;
but that unless he manifested greater zeal and ac-
tivity in the accomplishment of his labours, he
would not be found worthy of carrying them into
effect, and God would provide other instruments
for that purpose, (a) These remonstrances might,
perhaps, have lost their effect, had they not been
seconded by the earnest solicitations of the vigi-
lant and faithful D'Aubigny, who complained to
the king of his imprudence, in neglecting to avail
himself of the advantages afforded him, and in al-
lowing his adversaries so fair en opportunity of
preparing for their defence. Convinced of the
expediency of the measure, Charles immediately
prepared for his departure, and on the twenty-
eighth day of November quitted the city, to the
great joy of the inhabitants, having a few days be-
fore issued a manifesto, in which he not only as-
serted his rights to the kingdom of Naples, but
avowed his intentions, after the acquisition of that
kingdom, of avenging the injuries which the Chris-
tian world had sustained from the depredations
and cruelties of the Turks, (b) From Florence
the king proceeded to Baroncegli ; and afterwards,
passing through Certosa and Poggibonzi, arrived
at Siena, where he spent several days, indulg-
ing himself in splendid banquets and licentious
(a) Nardi, Histor. Fior. lib. i. p. 17.
(b) Liinig, Codex diplomat. Ital. 2. 1302.
LEO THE TENTH. 199
amours. (a) On quitting the Florentine territo- CHAP.
ries, the French army had denied through the pass _
of Valdarno, where it became practicable to esti- A.D. 1494.
mate its numbers with tolerable accuracy ; and it A
was the common opinion that, including cavalry,
infantry, and followers of every description, it
amounted to sixty thousand persons, (b) From
the Tuscan state, the king advanced without op-
position into the territories of the church ; and
possessing himself of Aquapendente, Viterbo, and
other places, despoiled and plundered the inhabi-
tants. At this juncture, Piero de' Medici, having
eluded the vigilance of his Venetian guards, hast-
ened through Ancona and Komagna, and made his
appearance in the French camp, where he was re-
ceived with kindness by the king, among whose
courtiers he had obtained no inconsiderable share
of favour and interest, (c)
The facility with which Charles was thus per- * *
of Italy are
mitted to proceed through the centre of Italy, on exhorted to
an expedition so hostile and dangerous to its re- pTognMof
pose, was not unobserved by many of those cmi- t!
nent literary characters with which it abounded.
In particular, the inactivity of the state of Venice,
which was then at its highest pitch of power and
splendour, excited the surprise of all the true
friends to the ancient independence of their coun-
(a) Nardi, lib. i. p, 17.
(A) Alessandro Benedetti, in his Fatto d'arme del Tarro, p. 0,
states the French army at only twenty-five thousand, viz. Horse,
five thousand, Flemish and Swiss, fifteen thousand, and the re-
mainder, infantry of various nations ; but besides these, he ad-
mits, that there was a considerable number of Italian auxilia-
ries.
(c) Nardi, lib. i. p. 17.
200 THE LIFE OP
CHAP. try. Nor were these sentiments wholly confined
' to silent lamentation and unavailing regret. About
A. D. 1494. the time that Charles quitted the territory of Flo-
A.yEt. 19. , , J
rence, an attempt was made by an anonymous in-
dividual, to rouse the Italian states to a proper
sense of their own dignity, and the dangers of their
situation. But his efforts, at this juncture, were
necessarily confined only to remonstrance and ex-
hortation, and these he chose to express in the
animated language of poetry. His production
yet remains, and throws considerable light on the
circumstances of the times, (a) Although the
(a) It is written in terza rima, and is addressed to the Doge of
Venice, Agostino Barbadico. The Italian governments are dis-
tinguished by the devices of their arms. " The serpent of the
house of Sforza has changed the current of the Tesino, and
mingled it with that of the Reno. The Florentine lion, like a
dog that has undergone correction, declines his head ; and the
wolf of Siena has wandered from her usual path." He then calls
on the Venetian state to assist the common cause.
Italia, once the praise of every tongue,
Now scarcely drags her languid steps along ;
But let thy glorious standard wide unfurl'd,
Tremendous wave before the shrinking world ;
And bid thy winged lion, at whose sight
The forest tenants seek the shades of night,
Spread his broad vans, distend his serried jaws,
Shake his strong mane, and ope his sheathed claws ;
Ferrara's Hercules shall strive in vain,
Nemean like, to stretch him on the plain ;
Though to thy matchless glory adverse still,
His power is only wanting to his will.
The lamentations of the different cities of Italy, are followed
by a spirited exhortation to a vigorous and united defence, and
the alliance and protection of Alfonso are particularly recom"
mended to the chief of the Venetian republic.
Asserter of Italia's rights and laws,
Do thou defend Alfonso's sacred cause,
LEO THE TENTH. 201
name of the author be lost, it sufficiently appears, CHAP.
from several passages, that he was one of the Ita-
lian condottieri, who had been engaged in the ser- A. u. 1494.
vice of the state of Venice ; and that he had been, A * ^
on some occasion, for a long time prisoner at Mi-
lan. That this composition should, of itself, pro-
duce any effect on the conduct of the Italian go-
vernments, is not to be supposed ; but the opi-
nions of an individual, on great public occasions,
are seldom peculiar to himself ; that which is ex-
Nor trust barbarian hordes, whose hearts of steel
Relenting pity never taught to feel ;
From foes like these, intent on spoil and strife,
Defend thy country's freedom with thy life ;
Nor let the serpent with his scaly train,
Nor Gallic cock, thy native seats profane.
This poem remained in manuscript until the year 1738, when
it was given to the public, by the learned Giovambattista Pa
risotto, in the Opuscoli of Calogera, totn. xviii. accompanied with
an introductory letter and notes by the editor. He is, however,
mistaken, in supposing, that the poem was written after Charles
VIII. had possessed himself of the kingdom of Naples ; it ap-
pearing, from several passages, to have been written whilst
Charles was on his way through Italy. I. The author mentions
Alfonso as king of Naples ; but he had abdicated the crown be-
fore the arrival of Charles. II. He expressly says, that the
French are yet in Tuscany and proceeding towards Rome :
" e gia son sopra 1'Arno,
E van per ruinar il Coloseo."
And again,
" fulminando va con gran tempesta,
Verso 1'antico suo scggio Romano."
When the author laments the condition of Romagna
" Laccrata dal vulgo aspro e feroce"
he seems to advert to the progress of the French arms in Ro-
magna, under D'Aubigny, and not to the tumults of the people,
or the tyranny of the rulers, as supposed by the editor. With
these observations, I shall submit the poem and notes to the rea-
der, r. Appendix, No. XXXIII.
202 LIFE OF LEO THE TENTH.
CHAP, pressed by one, is frequently thought by thou-
sands; and at such times, the publication of a
A.D. 1494. single person is the manifestation of a general sen-
timent, and often leads to important consequen-
ces, (a) It is certain, that from this time the Ita-
lian states began to consider with more attention
the consequences of this expedition, and to adopt
precautions for securing themselves against its ef-
fects. And although the king still continued his
progress without interruption, yet a combination
was speedily formed for intercepting him on his
return to France, which, had it been properly
conducted, might have caused him to expiate his
temerity with the loss, not only of his reputation,
but of his life.
(a) Count Bossi has enumerated several other poetical works
relating to the irruption of the French into Italy, and published
at that period ; of some of which he possessed copies, v. It. Tran.
vol. i. p. 251.*
CHAP. IV.
14941495.
ENTRY of Claries VIII. into Rome Treaty between
Charles and the pope Alfonso II. abdicates the crown
of Naples Indignation of his subjects Accession of
Ferdinand II. Charles enters the territories of Naples
Ferdinand is betrayed by Trivulzio Charles VIII.
enters the city of Naples, and assumes the government
Contemporary opinions on that event CharUs reduces
the fortresses of Naples Endeavours to obtain from
Ferdinand a surrender of his rights Conduct of Charles
at Naples The exiled family resort to the aid of Ferdi-
nand of Spain League between the Italian States and
the Spaniards Dissatisfaction of the Neapolitans with
Charles VIII. Coronation of Charles VIII. at Naples
Charles resolves to return to France Arrives at Vi-
terbo Siena Interview with Savonarola at Pisa
Eager entreaties of the inhabitants to obtain their liber-
ties Louis Duke of Orleans claims the duchy of Milan
Massacre of the inhabitants at Pontremoli Charles
passes the Appenines /* opposed by the allied army
under the marquis of Mantua Prepares for an engage-
ment Hat tie of the Taro Ferdinand II. returns to
Naples Contests bet ween the French and Neapolitans
Expulsion of the French from the kingdom of A aples
Char Us VIII. forms a new alliance with Lodovico
Sforza, and returns to France Consequences of the ex-
pedition of Charles VIII. into Italy.
2or>
CHAPTER IV.
As Charles advanced towards Rome, he found A. D. 1494.
that the terror of his arms had every where pre- A ' At * 19 '
ceded his approach, and that he had little to dread,
either from the force of the allies, or the opposi-
tion of the inhabitants. The unexampled serenity
of the season, seemed also to concur in favouring
his views, whilst the dissensions between the pope
and the powerful barons of the Roman state had
induced the latter openly to espouse his cause.
Inferior in number, and dispirited by their retreat,
the Neapolitan troops had intrenched themselves
under the walls of Rome, when Alexander VI.
alarmed at the approach of the king, and unwilling
to risk his safety on the event of an attack, de-
spatched the bishops of Concordia and Terni, and
his confessor Gratiano, with proposals to treat, on
the part of Alfonso and himself, for a cessation of
hostilities. These overtures, as far as regarded
the king of Naples, were instantly rejected by
Charles, who now saw no difficulty in the accom-
plishment of his primary object, the expulsion of
the family of Aragon ; but the favour of the pope
was of no small importance, and he therefore sent
the duke de la Tremouille, and the president Gue-
nay, to treat with him, as to his own separate in-
terests. The French deputies were accompanied
by the cardinal Ascanio Sforza, and Prospero Co-
206 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, lonna. The rejection of his first propositions had
' however induced Alexander to take measures for
A. D. 1494. the defence of the citv, and, before their arrival,
A /Et 19
he had admitted the duke of Calabria, with the
Neapolitan troops, within the walls. The cardi-
nal and Colonna were committed to prison ; and
in the commotions to which these measures gave
rise, the French deputies were also seized upon,
but were speedily liberated by the orders of the
pope. The efforts of Alexander, for the defence
of the city, were, however, fruitless. Already the
chief nobility had joined the standard of the French
monarch. Even Virginio Orsino, grand constable
of Naples, whilst he continued in the service of
the Aragonese, allowed his son to negotiate with
Charles, for the reception of the French into the
territories of his family, and for providing them
with the necessary supplies. Influenced by the
united apprehensions of external force and inter-
nal faction, Alexander renewed his treaty with the
king, for admitting him with his troops into Rome.
The deliberation was short ; and the terms being
concluded, Charles entered the city on horseback,
at the head of his army, on the last day of Decem-
ber, 1494. Alexander had offered to obtain from
Charles a safe conduct for the duke of Calabria,
through the ecclesiastical state; but Ferdinand
rejected the proposal as an indignity, and at the
very hour that the king entered the city by the
gate of S. Maria del Popolo, the duke evacuated
it with his troops, by that of S. Sebastiano. (a)
Notwithstanding the assurances of Charles, that
he would treat the pontiff with all the reverence
() Guicciard. lib. i. vol. i. p. 451, et seq.
LEO THE TENTH. 207
which his ancestors had been accustomed to pay CHAP.
to the holy see, Alexander could not, on this oc-
casion, divest himself of his fears; but flying to A. D. 1494.
the castle of S. Angelo, accompanied by the cardi-
nals Orsino and Caraffa, sought to secure his per- ji* n
sonal safety. This imprudent timidity had nearly [ Mle * ^
cost him his tiara ; as it afforded an opportunity
to his adversaries, and particularly to the cardinals
della Rovere and Sforza, of influencing the mind
of the king, by representing to him the shameful
traffic by which the pope had obtained his high
dignity, the scandalous enormities of his private
life, and his treachery in refusing to surrender the
castle of S. Angelo ; for which and similar reasons,
they contended, that to depose him would not only
be an excusable, but a commendable act, and would
entitle the king to the gratitude of the Christian
world. Twice was the artillery of the French
brought out to attack the castle ; but the crafty
pontiff at length found means to pacify the resent-
ment of the monarch ; and after long deliberation,
a treaty was concluded, which was to be the basis
of future union and mutual defence. By this
treaty, the pope consented, that Charles should
retain possession of Civita Vecchia, and other for-
tresses in the Roman state, until he had accom-
plished the conquest of Naples ; and promised to
dismiss all resentment against the Roman barons
who had espoused the cause of the French. In
i-eturn, the king engaged to restore the pope to his
authority in Rome, to perform personal obedience
to him, and not to require from him the possession
of the castle of S. Angelo. As a pledge for the
performance of this treaty, it was further agreed,
208 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, that Caesar Borgia, cardinal of Valenza, should
' accompany the king on his expedition; and that
A. D. 1495. Zizim, the brother of the sultan Baiazet, should
A JEt 20
be consigned to the care of Charles, who should
place him in safe custody at Terracina; but the
annual payment of forty thousand ducats, trans-
mitted to the pope by the sultan, as a compen-
sation for keeping his brother at Rome, was ex-
pressly reserved to the pontiff, (a) Alexander now
ventured to quit his place of refuge, and an inter-
view took place between him and the king, in the
gardens of the pontifical palace. On the approach
of the pontiff, with his cardinals, Charles twice
bent his knees, but the pope pretended not to see
him; when, however, he was about to repeat
once more this act of submission, the pope, taking
off his cap, hastened and prevented him, at the
same time saluting him with a kiss. The king
then being uncovered, the pope would not replace
his cap, until the king had restored his hat to its
station, for which purpose the pope, with great
civility, applied his hand to it, and they both co-
vered themselves at the same moment. At this
meeting it was observable that Charles did not
kiss either the feet, or the hand of the pontiff;
and there can be no doubt, that Alexander had so
contrived it, that he might not be under the neces-
sity of demanding from the king a species of ho-
mage, which, in the relative situation of their af-
(o) The minutes or heads of this treaty are given by Liinig,
Cod. Ital. Diplomat, ii. 795. Du Mont, Corps diplomat, torn. iii.
par. ii. p. 318. A copy is also preserved at Venice, which ap-
pears to be different from that which has been published, v. Mo-
rellii Cod. MS. Bib. Nanianae, p. 126.
LEO THE TENTH. 209
fairs, it was probable that he might not be inclined CHAP.
to pay. A subsequent interview was, however,
appointed for the public reception of the king, at A. D. 1495.
which Charles performed, with due humiliation,
the usual ceremonies, and professed, as a dutiful
son of the church, his submission and obedience
to the holy see. (a)
During the negotiations between the two sove-
reigns, Charles had endeavoured to prevail upon
the pope to grant him the investiture of the king-
dom of Naples ; but, although Alexander had, un-
der the first impressions of terror, incautiously as-
sented to this request ; yet he afterwards excused
himself from complying with it, alleging that it
affected the rights of others ; and only promised
that he would consult the college of cardinals, and
do all in his power for the satisfaction of the
king, (b)
(o) These, and many other particulars respecting the conduct
of the king and the pontiff, are related by Burchard in his Diary,
an extract from which is given in the Appendix, No. XXXIV.
(6) These circumstances also explicitly appear from the Diary
of Burchard above cited, and may serve to correct an error of
Guicciardini, who asserts, that the pope consented to invest
Charles with the sovereignty of Naples, " investissilo il pontefice
del Regno di Napoli," lib. i. vol. i. p. 64. The long negotiations
which afterwards took place on this subject, and which Guicciar-
dini himself relates, and the silence of the treaty on this head, are
a full confirmation, if any were yet wanting, of the veracity of
Burchard. Respecting the investiture of the French king, it may
be proper further to observe, that in the dissertation of M. de
Foncemagne, on the expedition of Charles VIII. into Italy, Mem.
de V Academic des Inscriptions, torn. xvii. p. 539, that writer has
endeavoured to shew, that at the time the pope delivered up the
Turkish fugitive, he also invested the French king with the title
of Emperor of Constantinople. In confirmation of this circum-
stance, not adverted to by any contemporary historian, he has
VOL. I. P
210 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. During the time that Charles remained at Rome,
which was about the space of a month, he appears
A. D. 1495. to have considered himself as complete master of
A.jEt.2o. an( j t() j iaye p um - sne( j offenders and exe-
cuted criminals by his own authority, (a) Brisso-
net, one of his chief favourites and bishop of St.
Maloes, was, at this time, honoured with the hat
of a cardinal ; () and we may readily credit Corn-
produced and published a document, which purports to be the act
of a notary public, transferring the empire of the East from An-
drea Paleologus to Charles ; said to have been first discovered
by the duke De St. Aignan, the French ambassador at Rome, and
presented by the pope to Louis XIV. M. de Foncemagne con-
siders it as a French lawyer would a contract for the sale of a
house ; and, not being able to discover, that the king appeared be-
fore the notary to affirm the contract, is inclined to doubt its vali-
dity. These doubts are increased by the discovery, that, six years
afterwards, Paleologus made his will, and bequeathed his empire
to Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, which it is with great simpli-
city added, he could not have done, had the previous disposition been
effectual. I shall only remark on one suspicious circumstance re-
specting this investiture, viz. : that it purports to bear date, on
the eighth day of September, 1494, nearly four months before the
arrival of Charles at Rome, and whilst the pope was avowedly
hostile to his views. In the present day, when kingdoms are
transferred without sufficient ceremony, it may be of use to the
gentlemen of the long robe, to have a precedent for conveying an
empire, by the act of a notary public. This document will be
found in the Appendix, No. XXXV.
(a) Soon after his arrival, some of his suite were insulted by
the Jews ; in consequence of which he ordered the Mareschal
de Gies to inquire into the subject, and six of them were hanged
in the Campo di Flora. He also erected gallows in different
parts of the city, and executed several malefactors :
" Par quoi Ton peut noter
Que sa puissance etoit bien singulier."
Vergier d'Honneur.
(b) This was William Brissonet, who with his brother Robert
had instigated the king to the war. Alexander VI. had already
LEO THE TENTH. 211
mines, when he informs us, that the residence of CHAP.
the king at the palace at S. Marco was the constant
resort of all the dignified ecclesiastics and most A.D.'UM.
eminent officers of the city, (a)
It might have been presumed, that the long and Alfonso n.
frequent delays of the king, in the progress of his u> e STn
expedition, would have been injurious to the sue- ol
cess of his cause ; but his negligence seems to have
been no less favourable to him than his exertions ;
and whilst he was enjoying his honours and his
pleasures in Rome, the inhabitants of many of the
districts of Naples, and particularly those of Aquila
and Abruzzo, had erected his standard, and only
waited his approach to join his arms. At the same
time, Fabrizio Colonna, one of his Italian stipen-
diaries, had occupied, in his name, the territories
of Albi and Tagliacozza. But an event yet more
important occurred at Naples ; where Alfonso, be-
ing informed of the approach of the French, and
the retreat of the Neapolitan army from Rome, and
alarmed at the universal symptoms of disaffection
amongst his subjects, resolved to relinquish his
crown to his son Ferdinand, and to seek his own
safety by flight. lie accordingly dictated to Pon-
tano, in the presence of his brother Federigo, and
some of the chief barons of the state, the instru-
ment of his renunciation ; () after which, he se-
sent him the red hat to France, but had withdrawn it, because it
was the price for which the bishop was to prevail npon the king
to change his thoughts. Now therefore he received it from the
hands of the pope, as a recompense from the king. Frizon, (*aUin
Purpur. p. 5 10. Nole of Mr. llcnke : which confirms the idea, that
the pope was, from the first, adverse to the war. *
(a) Mem. de Commines, lib. vi. chap. x. xii.
(6) Giannont, Storia di Napoli, lib. xxix. vol. iii. p. 306
p 2
212 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, cretly withdrew himself from the city ; and accom-
panied only by a few confidential attendants, re-
A. D. 1495. paired, under the most evident symptoms of terror,
to the harbour, where four galleys were provided
for his reception, in which he had privately em-
barked his most valuable effects. With these he
proceeded to the island of Sicily, and arrived at
Mazara, a villa which had been given by Ferdinand
of Spain to his sister, the queen dowager of Naples,
and mother-in-law of Alfonso ; where, in the con-
sciousness of being secure from the pursuit of his
enemies, he consoled himself for the loss of his re-
putation, his country, and his crown.
indignation As Alfonso had, on many occasions, given un-
jects. doubted proofs of his courage, his sudden flight
astonished all Italy. By some it was conjectured,
that he intended to proceed to Constantinople, to
solicit the aid of the sultan Bajazet, who, as well
as himself, was the avowed object of the resent-
ment of the French monarch. With greater pro-
bability, others imagined, that he had been induced
to this measure, by the consciousness of his own
misconduct and cruelty, and the hope that his son
Ferdinand, who had not yet attained the twenty-
fourth year of his age, and had given no such causes
of offence, would be enabled to conciliate the af-
fections of the people ; but the opinion of Corn-
mines was, that he relinquished his crown through
mere pusillanimity, for which he assigns, as a rea-
son, that " no cruel man was ever courageous ;" (a)
and in this opinion, he was probably followed by
(a) " Mon avis," says honest Commines, " fut toujours, que
ce fut par vraye laschete ; car jamais homme cruel ne fut hardi."
lib. vii. chap. ii. p. 205.
LEO THE TENTH. 213
a great majority of those who reasoned on the sub- CH A p -
ject. (a) No sooner, indeed, was the place of his
retreat discovered, than the indignation of the Ne- A. D. 1495.
apolitans was excited to the highest degree ; and
in particular those distinguished scholars, who had
celebrated his triumphs, and immortalized his name
in their works, endeavoured to expiate their error,
and prove their abhorrence of his misconduct, by
the severest reprehensions, (b) Whilst some were
(a) It was a common opinion (if, says Guicciardini, we may be
allowed not altogether to despise such reports) that the ghost of
Ferdinand, the late king, had appeared thrice to the chief sur-
geon of the court, and on his first visit had mildly requested, but
afterwards commanded him with threats, to announce to his son
Alfonso, that all attempts to resist the French arms were hope-
less : and that it was destined, that, after various misfortunes and
the loss of their kingdom, their family should become extinct.
The ghost, it seems, explained also the reason of this calamity,
which was intended as a just retribution for the enormities com-
mitted by the Aragonese against their subjects ; and particularly
for the cruelty of Ferdinand, in having, at the instigation of Al-
fonso, put to death, in the church of S. Leonardo, at Chiaia, near
Naples, many of his barons, whom he had long detained in pri-
son. There was, however, no need of a ghost to excite in the
mind of Alfonso those terrors, which were the consequences of his
guilt, and which, as Guicciardini informs us. with more probabi-
lity, tormented his dreams with the images of those whom he had
slaughtered, and with the ideas of an enraged populace dragging-
him to punishment. Guicc. lib. i. vol. i. pp. G5, GO.
(6) The following production of Sanazzaro, although not ex-
pressly applied to this event, in any edition of his works, suffi-
ciently marks the subject on which it was written.
SONNET.
O thou, so long the Muse's favourite theme,
Expected tenant of the realms of light ;
Now sunk for ever in eternal night,
Or recollected only to thy shame !
214 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, expressing their resentment against the fugitive
. monarch, others were equally earnest in soliciting
A.D. 1495. Charles to hasten his approach. In the Latin ver-
A.jt20. _ .
ses of Marullus, Italy is represented as mourning
his long delay ; and Greece, languishing under the
scourge of barbarians, expecting with impatience
her promised deliverer, (a)
Accession of Ferdinand II. began his reign in a manner the
11. who best calculated to secure himself from the dangers
Cis p defence. with which he was threatened. He set at liberty
From my polluted page thy hated name
I blot ; already on my loathing sight
Too long obtruded ; and to purer white
Convert the destin'd record of thy fame.
On thy triumphant deeds far other strains
I hop'd to raise ; but thou defraud'st the song ;
Ill-omen'd bird, that shun'st the day's broad eye.
Go then, and whilst the Muse thy praise disdains,
Oblivion's flood shall sweep thy name along,
And spotless and unstain'd the paper lie.
The original, with another sonnet, apparently on the same oc-
casion, are given in the Appendix, No. XXXVJ.
Antonio Tebaldeo has also adverted to this event in one of his
sonnets, more remarkable for good sense than poetry : " If," says
he, " a kingdom could have been defended by immense treasures,
strong walls, powerful armies, or a commander of acknowledged
talents, Alfonso might yet have maintained his sovereignty ; but
he who would reign in safety, ought to know, that it must be by
the love of his subjects, and not by their dread of him ; and who-
ever adopts a different maxim, will, in the end, discover his error."
Then, rising to a higher strain, he exclaims " Eternal disgrace to
Italy ! shall it then be read, that so powerful a kingdom could not
resist the French arms for a single month ! When Saguntum was
attacked by Hannibal, she defended herself to the last extremity ;
for death itself is sweet on behalf of a good prince." v. Appendix,
No. XXXVII.
(a) For the poem of Marullus, addressed to Charles VIII. on
this occasion, v. Appendix, No. XXXVIII.
LEO THE TENTH. 215
such of the nobles as his predecessor had impri- CHAP.
soned; he restored to every person the domains
of which he had been arbitrarily deprived, and A. 0.1495.
granted new and extensive privileges to the citizens A
of Naples. But, whatever might have been the
effect of these conciliatory measures, if sooner
adopted, they were now too late. The partisans
of the French, among whom were most of the
chief officers of the government, had pledged
themselves too far to retreat ; and the hourly ex-
pectation of the approach of the enemy had a more
powerful effect on the public mind, than either the
liberality or the remonstrances of the new sovereign.
Ferdinand, however, collected together a body of
about six thousand infantry, and fifty troops of ca-
valry, the principal command of which he intrust-
ed to Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio, an Italian Condot-
tiero of great eminence, and Nicolo Orsino, count
of Pitigliano. With these, he proceeded to S. Ger-
mano, which, from its situation, between steep
mountains on the one side, and impassable marshes
on the other, with the river Garigliano in front,
was esteemed one of the keys of the kingdom. At
the same time, he also occupied, by a detachment,
the pass of Cancella, and gave every indication of
his resolution to make a vigorous defence, (a) Nor
is it improbable, that if the shameless coward ice, or
yet more shameless perfidy, of some of his princi-
pal officers had not frustrated his efforts, he might
have made an honourable, if not an effectual resis-
tance, (b)
(a) Gvicciard. lib. i. vol. i. p. 67.
(6) At this juncture, Crinitus wrote a Latin ode, in which he
216 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. J n the mean time, Charles had quitted Rome,
and proceeded on his route towards Naples, having
A.D. 1495. received information of the abdication of Alfonso,
at the moment when he took his departure from
deplores the want of unanimity among the states and people of
Italy, and anticipates the approaching calamities of Naples.
Ah why the hated theme recal,
Or bid me sing th' imperious Gaul ?
Already tears enough are shed ;
Of slaughter'd friends, enough have bled ;
Yet, most disgraceful of our woes,
We too confed'rate with our foes ;
Our wealth, our strength, to them resign ;
And with their hostile standards join.
As thus extends the direful pest,
We perish by ourselves opprest ;
And victims of a mutual hate,
Each from the other meet our fate.
Meanwhile, his bands the conqueror calls,
And points to Rome's defenceless walls ;
And menaces the sacred band,
That round her holy altars stand ;
Whilst the fierce soldier, stain'd with blood,
Hurls his proud spear in Tyber's flood.
O ancient worth, for ever fled !
Oh manes of th' illustrious dead !
Thro' your pale bands what horror moves,
Whilst Jove the adverse cause approves !
Hence what streams of blood shall flow,
What ills shall rise, what fires shall glow ;
Whilst Naples mourns to future times,
The victim of another's crimes !
And sinks the Aragonian star,
Before the blazing god of war !
'Tis he directs th' o'erwhelming flood,
And scorns Italia's dastard brood.
Trembling, I mark the dread decree :
Ah, hapless Naples, woe to thee !
P. Appendix, No. XXXIX.
LEO THE TENTH. 217
the city. A short time afterwards, his captive, CHAP.
Zizim, terminated his unfortunate life, in conse-
quence, as some have conjectured, of poison, ad- A. D. 1495.
ministered to him by the orders of Alexander VI. A -^ U2 tri giorni
V idolo universale e 1'interesse," p. 97. Guicciardini also informs
us, that he was poisoned at the instance of Alexander VI. but
mentions Naples as the place of his death, in which last circum-
stance Corio agrees with him ; but accounts for it by the negli-
gence of the French monarch " per la indiligenzu di Carlo.''
Star. Milan, par. vii. p. 939. This latter account is also con-
firmed by the testimony of Burchard, who ascertains not only the
cause, but the day of his death 15 Feburier lejilt du (irand Tun
tnourut a Naples ex esu she potu non -convenienti naturcc sute et can-
sueto. On this subject, some curious documents remain, from
which it appears, that the pope applied to Bajazet to assist him
in repelling the attack of the French, and had represented to him
that Charles intended to obtain the custody of Zizim, in order to
promote his views upon the Ottoman state. In the reply of Ba-
jazet (if so atrocious a production can be considered as authentic)
he entreats that the pope will have the goodness to put his bro-
ther Zizim to death, in such way as he may judge best, and
thereby translate his soul to another state, where he may enjoy
greater repose. For this deliberate murder, Bajazot solemnly
promises to pay to the pope three hundred thousand gold ducats
to enable him to purchase a domain for his sons, and to allow the
Christians a free intercourse in his dominions. On another occa-
sion Bajazet recommends to the pope a proper person to be ho-
noured with the rank of a cardinal. Such was the fraternal inter-
course which at this period subsisted between the Mahometan
218 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. a t Velletri, it was also discovered, that Caesar Bor-
gia, had eloped from the army and returned to
A. D. 1495. Rome : and although the pope protested that he
was a stranger to this proceeding, and offered to
the king any further assurances for his fidelity, it
was the general opinion that this event was only
preparatory to a change of conduct in the pope,
whenever his interest might seem to require it.
Ferdinand The march of the French army towards Naples
is betrayed .- ^ . *
byTrivui- was marked by cruelty, rapine, and blood. The
ca^es to is- fortresses of Montefortino and Monte S. Giovanni
for a short time retarded their progress ; but the
attack of their artillery was irresistible, and the
soldiers employed in the defence of these places
were indiscriminately put to the sword. Apprized
of the approach of the French, and apprehensive
that his retreat to Naples might be cut off by a de-
tachment under the command of the mareschal De
Gies, whom Charles had despatched for that pur-
pose, Ferdinand abandoned his camp at S. Ger-
mano, and retired to Capua, so closely pursued by
Charles, that he left on the road a part of his artil-
lery ; and the intrenchments which he had quitted
in the morning, were occupied by the French in
the evening. On his arrival at Capua, he received
information, that an insurrection had taken place
in Naples, which required his personal interference.
Committing therefore, the chief command of his
army to Trivulzio, he hastened to his capital, intend-
ing to return the following day ; but no sooner
chief and the head of the Christian church ! v. Appendix, No. XL.
For some additional remarks as to the probability that Zizim was
poisoned by the pope, see Henke, Germ. ed. vol. i. p. 214. Bossi,
Ital. ed. vol. ii. p. 20.
LEO THE TENTH. 219
had he left the place, than Trivulzio entered into CHAP.
a treaty with Charles, to surrender the city to him,
and join his arms. This act of treachery, which A.D. MM.
stamps the character of this eminent soldier with A ' 20 *
indelible disgrace, decided the fate of the king-
dom, (a) The Neapolitan troops, throwing off all
obedience, and eager to anticipate the plunder of
the French, licentiously sacked the place ; and the
count of Pitigliano, and Virginio Orsino, who had,
under a safe conduct from the king, retired to No-
la, were made prisoners, (b) On his return from
Naples, Ferdinand was met, at the distance of two
miles from Capua, by a deputation of the inhabi-
tants, who apprized him of the calamities which
they had suffered. The surrender of this place was
followed by that of the other principal cities of the
kingdom, which seemed ingloriously to vie with
each other, which should first make its submission
to the conqueror. Betrayed by his commanders,
and abandoned by his subjects, Ferdinand retired
(a) The Cav. Rosmini, in his excellent Life of Gian-Giacopo
Trivulzio, has endeavoured at considerable length to vindicate
him against this accusation, and to shew, on the authority of Re-
bucco, the secretary and biographer of Trivulzio, that he had the
consent of Ferdinand to quit his service, and to enter into that
of the king of France. Istor. di Gian-Jncopo Trirulzio, vol. i.
cap. v. p. 231 ; cap. xiii. p. 559. Rosmini has observed that I
have, in this instance, only adopted the sentiments of Guicciardini,
which is very true ; and which I still think preferable to that of a
domestic, and probably therefore a partial narrator ; but the facts
sufficiently speak for themselves.*
(6) " Celuy jour mesmc, par maniere subtitle,
Fut prins a Nosle le domp seigneur Virgile ;
Scmblableraeni le conte Petelinne,
Qui aux Fran9oys cuydoit faire de 1'asne."
Vergier d'Homnnr.
220 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, to his residence at Castel-nuovo ; where, having
' _ assembled together many of the principal inhabi-
A.D. 1495. tants of Naples, he explained to them the motives
by which he had been actuated in assuming the
royal authority, and lamented that his endeavours
to remedy the effects of the severity and miscon-
duct of his ancestors, had been prevented by the
calamities of the house of Aragon. He then released
them from the oath of fidelity and homage which
they had so lately taken to him as their sovereign,
and gave them his permission to negotiate with the
French monarch for their safety and privileges, in
such manner as might seem expedient to them.
These sentiments were not heard by the populace
without compassion ; but all hopes of resisting the
approaching torrent, had now vanished ; and Fer-
dinand, being informed that the insurgents in the
city had attacked his palace, and being also appre-
hensive that attempts would be made to seize his
person, and deliver him a prisoner to Charles, pri-
vately withdrew from the castle, and accompanied
by his uncle Federigo, the queen dowager of Na-
ples, widow of Ferdinand I., and her daughter Joan-
na, effected his retreat to the harbour, whence he
proceeded to the island of Ischia. Adversity is
the natural parent of resignation, and, as the pros-
pect of his native place vanished from his sight, the
fugitive monarch was frequently heard to repeat
with the psalmist, " Unless God keep the city, the
vigils of the keepers are vain" (a)
On his arrival at Ischia, an incident occurred
which shewed that, notwithstanding his misfor-
(c) " Nisi dominus custodierit civitatem, frustra vigi-
lat qui custodit earn." v. Guicciard. lib. i. 1. 70.
LEO THE TENTH. 221
tunes, Ferdinand was not devoid either of courage CHAP.
or promptitude. On his demanding admission for
himself and his followers into the castle, his lieute- A.D. 1495.
nant, Giusto della Candina, who had already held A -" EL2
secret intelligence with the French, refused to re-
ceive them within the walls. A parley took place,
in which Candina at length consented that the king
should enter alone ; probably with an intention of
securing his person. The gates were accordingly
opened to him ; but the lieutenant no sooner made
his appearance, than the king, drawing a carbine
from beneath his cloak, shot him dead upon the
spot. The soldiers, alarmed at the fate of their
commander, and awed by the courage of the king,
submitted to his authority ; and his followers im-
mediately possessed themselves of the garrison.
On the twenty-second day of February, 1495, Charles
~, -iT-TTT -VT t VIII. enters
Charles VIII. entered the city 01 Naples, amidst thecityof
the rejoicings and acclamations of the inhabi-
tants. (a) On this occasion it was observed, that ?
the adherents and favourites of the Aragonese fa- dom -
mily, who had existed by their liberality, and been
exalted by their kindness, were the first to express
their attachment to the new sovereign. () But
similar situations have, in all countries, produced
similar instances of ingratitude ; and it can occa-
sion no surprise, that the creatures of a court or
a faction, who are actuated by no motives but
(a) Guicciard. lib. i. 1. 71. Mem. de Commines, liv. vi. chap,
xiii.
(l>) Vergier d'Honncur. Muratori states the number of his army,
on his entering Naples, .at thirty thousand men; independent of
the troops he had left in the Tuscan fortresses, in the states of the
church, and the other cities of the Neapolitan state. Annuli, vol.
ix. p. 579.
222 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, those of their own interest, should, under every,
change, adhere to the same rule of conduct. Be-
A.D. 1495. fore his departure, Ferdinand had committed the
A.jt.2o. comman( j o f the Cnstel-nuovo to Alfonso Davalos,
marquis of Pescara ; who amidst the defection of
all the rest of the Neapolitan nobility, continued
to defend the place with unshaken fidelity ; and
Charles, therefore, after visiting the cathedral,
was conducted to his apartments in Castel-Capu-
ano, the ancient residence of his ancestors of the
house of Anjou. Here he received the homage of
his new subjects. The Neapolitan barons express-
ed to him an uniform obedience. The remoter
cities and provinces sent deputations to acknow-
ledge their submission to his authority; and, in
the course of thirteen days from the time of his
departure from Rome, Charles had the satisfac-
tion of finding himself the acknowledged sovereign
of the kingdom of Naples.
The intelligence of this important event was re-
ceived with very different sensations by the dif-
ferent states of Italy. In Florence, whither the
king had sent the new cardinal Brissonet, to soli-
cit the pecuniary aid of the government, it was ce-
lebrated with formal processions and ostensible re-
joicings. Whatever were the feelings of Alexan-
der VI. he betrayed no external symptoms of dis-
satisfaction ; but contented himself with sarcasti-
cally observing, that the French had over-run Ita-
ly with wooden spurs, and conquered it with chalk;
alluding to a custom prevalent among their officers,
who, when riding out for their amusement, used
only pointed wood instead of spurs ; and to the
practice of their foragers, who marked with chalk
LEO THE TENTH. 223
such houses as were fixed upon for the habitations CHAP.
of the soldiery, (a)
(a) Nardi, Vita di Antonio Giacomino Tebaldini Mulespini, p. A./Et20.
18. Fior. 1597.
The pusillanimous conduct of the Italian states, received, how-
ever, a severer reprehension from the pen of Antonio Tebaldeo ;
who, with honest indignation, has thus recorded the degradation
of his country :
SONNET.
Not with so prompt a foot fierce Hannibal
Rush'd o'er thy fields ; nor e'er amid th' alarms
Of Gothic fury and barbarian arms,
Didst them so tame and unresisting fall!
Ah whence these terrors, that thy sons appal,
Inglorious Italy ! whilst forward springs
The Gallic cock, and claps his conquering wings ;
Nor hears the voice of answering vengeance call ?
Just is thy doom : for now that honour'd earth,
That gave to Scipio and Camillus birth,
Sardanapalus, Midas, Crassus claim.
Once, in thy better days, a cackling goose
From the Tarpeian rock could scare thy foes ;
Now eagles, serpents, lions all are tame.
This rude production of a contemporary poet, may at least
serve to call to recollection the elegant sonnet of Vincenzo Fili-
caja, written about two centuries afterwards, during the war of the
Spanish succession, when the French and the Imperialists made
Italy once more the theatre of their hostilities. For these son-
nets, c. Appendix, No. XLI.
SONNET.
Italia ! thou to whom in evil hour,
The fatal boon of beauty nature gave,
Yet on thy front the sentence did engrave,
That ceaseless woe should be thy only dower !
Ah were that beauty less, or more thy power !
That he who now compels thee to his arms,
Might gaze with cold indifference on thy charms.
Or tremble at thine eye's indignant lower !
Then
224 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. But although Charles VIII. had thus succeeded
in his enterprise against the kingdom of Naples,
A. D. 1495. much yet remained to be done to secure his acqui-
sitions. The Castel-nuovo, and Castello dell' Uovo,
duwsThe 6 kth fortresses of uncommon strength, yet re-
fortresses of tained their allegiance to their former sovereign.
The first attack of the French artillery was upon
the Castel-nuovo, which surrendered in a few days.
The Castello dell* Uovo made a longer resistance ;
but the impetuous cannonading of the French at
length reduced the garrison to the necessity of a
capitulation, by which they were suffered to de-
part in safety, on the thirteenth day of March, (a)
The valuable effects contained in these fortresses
were distributed by the king amongst his fol-
lowers, without discrimination ; it having been
sufficient to ask, in order to obtain a share of the
spoil, (b)
Nor was Charles yet at rest in his new posses-
sions. Whatever might be his pretensions to the
crown, the title by which he immediately held it,
was his sword ; and Ferdinand, by relinquishing
his dominions only to a superior force, was justi-
fied in attempting their recovery, whenever an
occasion should present itself. Aware of these
circumstances, Charles became desirous of enter-
Then shouldst thou not observe, in glittering line,
From the high Alps embattled throngs descend,
And Gallic herds pollute thy Po's clear wave ;
Nor, whilst encompass'd close by spears not thine,
Shouldst thou by foreign hands thy rights defend,
Conquering or conquer 'd, evermore a slave.
(a) Vergier d'Honneur.
(b) " II les donna," says Commines, " a ceux. qui les deman-
doyent/' Mem. liv. vii. chap. xiii.
LEO THE TENTH. 226
ing into a negotiation for the purpose of obtain- CHAP.
ing from Ferdinand a voluntary resignation of his n '
rights. He therefore addressed a letter to Fede- A.D. 1495.
rigo, uncle of the king, then at Ischia, requesting ^
an interview with him at Naples, and offering d ' a o
f i_ t> V obtain from
tour hostages tor his return, redengo accord- Ferdinand*
ingly proceeded to Naples, where Charles pro- hun g h^
posed, that, if the king his nephew would relin-
quish his crown, he would grant him a territory
in France, with a considerable revenue, and would
also honourably provide for Federigo, and the
rest of the family of- Aragon. In reply to this
proposition, Federigo did not hesitate to assure
the king, that he was sufficiently acquainted with
the sentiments of his nephew, to know that he
would assent to no conditions that would deprive
him of his crown, or remove him from his sub-
jects. That if these preliminaries could be con-
ceded, he should be ready to enter into further
negotiations, but that Ferdinand was determined
either to live or die a king. After a second inter-
view, equally fruitless, though conducted with
circumstances of apparent respect and civility,
Federigo took his departure, and returned to an-
nounce the result of his voyage to his nephew,
who yet remained at Ischia to wait the issue of
it. (a)
Of the manner in which Charles employed his Condoct oi
time during his residence at Naples, an exact
diary has been preserved by his faithful attendant,
Andre de la Vigne. But the observation of this
humble annalist, has seldom penetrated beyond
the external ceremonies and common occurrences
(a) Guicriard. lib. i. vol. i. p. 84.
VOL. I. Q
226 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, of the day. We may, however, discover, that
the king displayed a rigid punctuality in pay-
A.D. 1495. ing his devotions every morning in some of the
churches of Naples, and that he occasionally di-
versified his amusements, by an excursion to Pog-
gio Reale,(a) a seat of the Neapolitan sovereigns,
situated at a small distance from the city. The
king appears also to have been highly delighted
with the wonderful display of courage and agility
exhibited by a daughter of the duchess of Melfi ;
who, in the presence of her mother, rode her
courser at full speed, and afterwards went through
the various exercises of a cavalier ; insomuch, that
the annalist assures us, it was a miracle to see a
young lady perform such " outrageous feats ;"
nor can he believe that the warlike dames who op-
posed the Grecians, at the siege of Troy, could
have performed one hundredth-part of what was
then represented. On the twenty-third day of
April a solemn tournament was proclaimed ; which
was daily renewed until the first of May ; and
was attended by many distinguished persons, as
well from Florence as other parts of Italy, and
(a) " II alloit quelquefois," says Commines, translating the ap-
pellation into French, " au Mont imperiale ;" which has led his
commentator, Denis Sauvage, to conjecture, that he went "en
manteau imperiale, pour venir a ce qu'aucuns disent qu'il fut
couronne pour empereur de Constantinople." Such is the autho-
rity on which an Historiographer du tres Chretien Roi, Henri II.
would imply the pretensions of the French monarchs to the em-
pire of the east ! v. Mem. de Comm. lib. vii. chap. xiv. This pa-
lace was built by Alfonso, duke of Calabria, on his return from his
successful expedition against the Turks at Otranto. A very cu-
rious account of it is given in the Vergier d'Honneur of Andre de
la Vigne. v. Appendix, No. XLII.
LEO THE TENTH. 227
honoured by the presence of the ladies of Na- CHAP.
pies, (a) The royal hand was however employed
with more safety, if not with more efficacy, in A. D. IM.
touching those affected with the evil, who sought, A
in the condescension of the king, a remedy for
their sufferings. Thus prone have the sovereigns
of the world generally been, to disregard those
calamities which they might have alleviated, and
to attempt the relief of those which are beyond
their power to cure. On paying his devotions
in the church of St. Januarius, the head of the
martyr was exhibited to him, and the vessel pro-
duced which contained a portion of his blood,
which appeared consolidated, like a stone ; but
on being touched by the king with a silver wand,
and placed on the altar before the head of the
saint, it began to dissolve, grow warm, and boil,
to the astonishment of Charles and his attendants,
who were assured that this blood was privy to
the secrets of heaven, and never dissolved but at
the prayers of the just, (b)
Whilst the French monarch was thus consum- TV iw
ing, in the most abject superstition, or the most
puerile amusements, that time which he ought to
have devoted to the regulation and government of S P* ID -
(a) " Et apres disner alia le roy aux liccs, ou se devoyent faire
les joustes, et la trouva le roy plusieurs grans seigneurs, tant de
Florence que d'ltalie, et des dames du pays, especiel lenient de
Nappies ; et furent faites les dictes joustes en une grant rue, pr
le chasteau -nouve, devant une eglise, fondee des rois de CecilJc
(Sicily) ; c'est a scavoir de ceulx d'Anjou. Et durerent les dictes
joustes des le Mecredy, xxm. jour d'Avril, jusques au premier
jour de Mai. Et se nommerent les tenans du dedans des dirten
joustes Chastillun et Bourdillon." Vtrg- d'Honneur.
(b) Verifier d'Honneur.
Q 2
228 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. o f hi s newly acquired dominions, Ferdinand had
'_ _ proceeded from the island of Ischia to Sicily, to
A. D. 1495. consult with his father, Alfonso, on the most
likely measures for restoring the fortunes of the
family. He found him at Messina, in a convent,
surrounded by monks, passing his days in absti-
nence, and his nights in prayer. The result of
their deliberations was such as appeared likely to
answer the immediate purpose for which they
were intended, the expulsion of the French from
the kingdom of Naples ; but, in dangerous situa-
tions, there is nothing so much to be apprehended
as the recurring to expedients which are worse
than the existing evil; and a serious considera-
tion would have shewn them, that of all the means
of assistance, the support and interference of Fer-
dinand of Spain was the most to be deprecated.
The motives by which they were induced to have
recourse to his protection, are not indeed difficult
to be discovered. Ferdinand was already pos-
sessed of the island of Sicily ; (a) and the vicinity
of so powerful a neighbour as the French mo-
narch, who was avowedly meditating fresh con-
quests, could not fail to excite in his mind appre-
hensions for its ultimate safety ; whilst the near
relationship that subsisted between him and the
royal house of Naples, might be supposed to in-
duce him to take a personal interest in their mis-
fortunes. But, whilst the abdicated and exiled
(a) Dr. Robertson is mistaken in asserting that Ferdinand " ac-
quired the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, by violating the faith
of treaties, and disregarding the ties of blood.'' ' Hist, of Charles
V. book i. Ferdinand having succeeded to the undisputed sove-
reignty of Sicily, on the death of his father, John, king of Aragon
and Sicily, the brother of Alfonso I.
LEO THE TENTH. 229
monarchs were thus flattering themselves with CHAP.
the advantages to be derived from his support,
they ought also to have considered, that this am- A.U. 1495.
bitious and politic prince was the unquestionable A * "*
legitimate heir of Alfonso I. king of Aragon, Si-
cily, and Naples ; and that he might naturally re-
gard as a derogation of his hereditary rights, the
bequest of the crown of Naples by Alfonso, to his
illegitimate son, Ferdinand I. the grandfather of
its last possessor. It is true he had not only long
acquiesced in this separation of the dominions of
his house, but had married his sister to his cou-
sin, Ferdinand I. But as the fortunes of the
Neapolitan branch declined, the strength and re-
sources of the Spanish house had increased ; and
it might, therefore, justly have been suspected,
that its representative might now assert his claims,
which had been suffered to remain so long dor-
mant, not perhaps from his moderation, but from
his inability to enforce them. These obvious sug-
gestions were, however, overlooked, or disregard-
ed, in the panic occasioned by the invasion of the
French ; and the fatal resolution was adopted of
applying to Ferdinand of Spain for his assistance.
Bernardo Bernaudo, secretary to the king of Na-
ples, was the ambassador employed on this occa-
sion. He was received with great attention. The
Spanish monarch had not observed with indiffer-
ence the progress of the French arms in Italy, but
had already intimated to Charles, that he should
consider his attack on the kingdom of Naples as
an act of hostility against himself. He had in-
deed engaged, by a solemn oath, not to interfere
in this contest ; but on examining the purport of
230 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, this engagement it was discovered, that it con-
_ tained a reservation of the rights of the church,
A. D. 1495. which it was contended would be materially af-
' fected by the proceedings of Charles VIII. and
besides, the restriction against the interference of
the Spanish monarch was on condition, that Charles
was rightfully entitled to the crown of Naples ; a
proposition which it was as easy to deny as to as-
sert. A powerful armament was therefore pro-
vided, the command of which was given to Gon-
salvo Fernandez, a native of Cordova, of the fa-
mily of Aguilar, a commander of acknowledged
talents, courage, and experience ; who immediate-
ly repaired to Sicily, to be in readiness to act as
circumstances might require; and, by his subse-
quent victories, converted the appellation of The
great Captain, originally used by his countrymen
merely to designate his authority, into a title
which has ever since been attached to his name,
as expressive of his superior abilities and virtues.
Nor was the progress of the French arms re-
League be garded without jealousy and dread by the other
st& tes f I^y; and particularly by the person
states for who had been the first and most active promoter
opposing the . .
trench. of the entcrprize, the restless Lodovico Sforza.
The extraordinary talents of this misguided poli-
tician, like sharp implements in the hands of an
awkward artificer, not only, defeated his intended
purpose, but in the result generally proved in-
jurious to himself. Even before the arrival of
Charles at Naples, Lodovico had entered into ne-
gotiations with the senate of Venice, for intercept-
ing and cutting him off on his return to France ;
and on the last day of March, 1495, a league was
LEO THE TENTH. 231
concluded at Venice, among the Italian states, CHAP.
under the specious pretext of the defence of their
dominions, and the protection of Christendom A. D. 1495.
against the Turks, but in fact to oppose the French A "* L<
monarch on his return from Naples, (a) This
combination, which was called the holy league,
was acceded to, not only by the states of Venice
and of Milan, but by Alexander VI. who eagerly
availed himself of any opportunity that might pro-
tect him against the dreaded power of the French.
The emperor elect, Maximilian, and Ferdinand
of Spain, were also parties to the convention ;
and those ideas of a balance of power, by which
the Italians had regulated their respective go-
vernments, were thus extended to the countries
beyond the Alps, (b) But whilst the ostensible
views of this powerful combination were industri-
ously laid before the world, it was secretly pro-
(a) Machiavelli thus animadverts on the conduct of Lodovico,
on this occasion, in his first Decennale :
" Conobbe al lor la sua stultitia certa ;
E dubitando cader nclla fossa
Che con tanto sudor s'havea aperta,
Ne li bastando sua natural possa,
Fece quel Duca, per salvare il tutto,
Co'l Papa, Imperio, e Marco, testa grossa."
It is amusing to observe with what simplicity Philip de Corn-
mines, who was then ambassador of the French king at Venice, re-
lates the manner in which he was imposed upon by the artifices of
the Venetian Doge and senators, who flattered him with personal
attentions, and assurances of amity, till this formidable league,
which he had the mortification to see proclaimed with extraordi-
nary magnificence at Venice, was fully completed. This narra-
tion, which occupies the 15th chapter of his seventh book, is
highly interesting, and deserves an attentive perusal.
(ft) This treaty is preserved in Lunig, Codex Italia diplomati-
c5, torn. i. p. 111.
232 THE LIFE. OF
CHAP, posed, that they should unite their forces in di-
'_ m vesting Charles VIII. of the conquest which he
A.D. 1495. had so easily obtained. To this end it was agreed
A /Ft~ 20
that the Spanish monarch should assist his rela-
. tions of the house of Aragon, in the recovery of
their dominions ; that the Venetians should send
a powerful naval armament to occupy the ports
of the kingdom of Naples ; and that Lodovico
Sforza should oppose the arrival of further suc-
cours to the French through the states of Milan.
It was also stipulated, that considerable sums of
money should be advanced to Maximilian and
Ferdinand of Spain, to enable them to carry an
effective war into the provinces of France. To
the completion of this league, the concurrence of
the other states of Italy was highly desirable;
but the duke of Ferrara, with true Italian policy,
whilst he permitted his son Alfonso to join the
allies at the head of a body of horse, as a stipen-
diary to the duke of Milan, professed his determi-
nation to adhere to his former engagements ; and
the Florentines, well aware that, in case of hosti-
lities, they would be the first to experience the
resentment of the French monarch, and not less
jealous of the power of the Venetians than of the
success of the French, refused to become parties
to the convention, (a)
The exultation which the Neapolitans had ex-
pissatisfiic- pressed on the arrival of a new sovereign, was
Neapolitans not of long continuance. Notwithstanding the
vm?" S privileges and exemptions granted by Charles'to
particular cities, which had been the first to ac-
knowledge his authority, the people soon per-
(a) Guicciard. Storia d'llal. lib. ii. vol. i. p. 89.
LEO THE TENTH. 233
ceived their error, in exchanging the well-regu- CHAP.
lated, though severe government of the house of
Aragon, for the licentious misrule of the French. A. D. 1495.
The great barons of the realm, instead of receiv- J
ing those favours which they expected as the re-
ward of their ready submission, were deprived of
their offices and their domains, which, with the
exception of two or three instances, were con-
ferred by Charles, with indiscriminate liberality,
upon his ablest generals, and his most worthless
dependants, (a) The French soldiery, dispersed
through different parts of the country, were re-
strained by no considerations of either humanity,
honour, or decency ; and the Italian writers have
complained, that even the sanctuaries of religious
chastity were not always a sufficient protection
against their brutal violence, (b) Under these
circumstances it can occasion no surprise, that
the Neapolitans should have conceived a speedy
aversion to their new governors ; and Guicciar-
dini might with safety have rested their dissatis-
faction on the general principles of human na-
ture, without seeking for it in the levity and in-
stability of the people, (c)
(a) " Tous etats ct offices," says Commines, " furcnt donnes
-MIX Francois, a deux ou trois." I suspect that Giannonc has mis-
understood this passage, when he says, " Tutte le autorita e
carichi furono conferiti a due o tre Franzesi." Storia di Na-
poli, lib. xxix. chap. ii.
For a very just account of the general character of the French
in their conquests, v. Robtrtsons History of Scotland, book ii. vol.
i. p. 128.
(b) Corio, Sloria di Milano, partc vii. p. 939. Bcnedttti, Fatto
ifnrme sul Tarro, p. 9, b.
(c) " Tale la natura dc' popoli, inclinata a spcrare piu di
234 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. No sooner did Charles receive information of
the formidable league, so unexpectedly formed
A. D. 1495. between the princes of Italy and the other Eu-
ctrofad^n ropean states, than he instantly became sensible
of Charles o f the dangers of his situation, and was no less
VIII. at
Naples. impatient to quit his newly acquired dominions,
quel che si debbe, ed a tolerate manco di quel che e necessario, e
ad avere sempre in fastidio le cose presenti ; e specialmenle degli
habitatori del regno di Napoli, i quali, tra tutti i popoli d'ltalia,
sono notati di instabilita, e di cupidita di cose nuove." Guicciard.
lib. ii. vol. i. p. 90.
That the Neapolitans should express their aversion cautiously,
under the immediate pressure of a military government, cannot be
. surprising ; yet the voice of complaint was not wholly silent, and
the following lines of Crinitus, addressed to Bernardo Caraffa,
one of the chief nobility of Naples, may be considered as the ex-
pression of a national sentiment, r. Appendix, No. XLIII.
ODE.
Thy sad lament, my friend, forbear ;
Nor longer pour the fruitless tear ;
Enough to patriot sorrows given,
Think not to change the doom of heaven.
We feel the fates, and own their sway,
Whilst NAPLES sinks, a hapless prey ;
Her iron bondage doom'd to mourn,
Till that auspicious hour return,
When to his native soil restored,
She hails again her former lord ;
Him who recals her ancient fame,
And vindicates her honour'd name.
Yet when that happier dawn shall rise,
My mortal vision ill descries ;
And dubious is the voice divine,
Responsive from Apollo's shrine.
But, hark ! along the sounding poles,
Signal of hope, the thunder rolls ;
And soon th' avenging bolt shall fall
That checks the fury of the GAUL.
LEO THE TENTH. 235
and return to France, than he had lately been to CHAP.
possess himself of the crown of Naples. He now
perceived that the treaties, which he had with so A~D. u6.
much precaution, and by so many sacrifices, con-
eluded with European sovereigns, had served no
other purpose than to lead him into a snare, from
which he could not expect to extricate himself
without great difficulty. The desertion of Lodo-
vico Sforza convinced him that no reliance was to
be placed upon his Italian allies, and that his only
hopes of safety must rest on the courage of his
army, in forcing his way through the hostile
states of Italy. Critical, however, as his situa-
tion might be, he was unwilling to quit the city
of Naples without the ceremony of a coronation.
With this view he despatched an envoy to the
pope, to endeavour, by the assurance of his pro-
tection and favour, to detach him from his new
allies, and induce him to grant the bull of investi-
ture. But Alexander, who had refused to assent
to his request, when he occupied Rome at the
head of a victorious army, was not likely, after
the alliances which he had lately formed, to com-
ply with his wishes, (a) This disappointment did
(a) Summonte, Storia di Napoli, lib. vi. p. 517 (581), and after
him Giannone, (lib. xxix. cap. ii. p. 380), positively assert, that
the pope, alarmed by the threats of the king, expedited to him
the bull of investiture, and appointed a legate, who performed the
office of coronation. It is, however, highly probable, that these
two judicious and national historians, have on this occasion fallen
into an error. Benedetti, in his Fatto d'arme sul Tarro, asserts,
that Alexander positively refused to comply with the request of
the king; in consequence of which Charles, forgetting his expedi-
tion to Jerusalem, threatened to overturn the governments of
Italy, and the dominion of the pope, p. 0. The negative opi-
236 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, not, however, deter Charles from displaying to
^j the Neapolitans, before his departure, a splendid
A.D. 1495. pageant. On the twelfth day of May, the princes
an( j cjjjgf noD ility, both of France and Naples,
and the great barons from other parts of Italy,
assembled at Poggio Imperiale, and accompanied
the king in a solemn procession into the city of
Naples, where he made his public entry, as king
of France, Sicily, and Jerusalem. He was clad
in an imperial mantle ; the crown on his head ; in
his right hand he held the ball of gold, the proud
symbol of universal empire ; in his left the scep-
tre. The canopy was supported by some of the
first nobility of Naples. Gilbert de Bourbon,
duke de Mompensier, appeared as lieutenant-ge-
neral, and viceroy of the kingdom. Among those
who were habited in royal mantles, as related to
the king, were Philip de Bresse, afterwards duke
of Savoy, Monsieur de Foix, Monsieur de Luxem-
burg, and Monsieur de Vendosme. As he entered
the city, he was met by great numbers of the no-
bility and chief inhabitants, with their wives, who
presented to him their children, from the age of
eight to sixteen, requesting that he would grant
nion is also strongly confirmed by the French annalists Commines
coldly informs us, that the king was crowned, liv. vii. chap. 14;
and Andr6 de la Vigne, although he minutely describes the cere-
mony in which Charles swore to maintain the rights of the peo-
ple, and enumerates the chief of the French nobility who were
present on that occasion, neither notices the papal investiture, nor
even asserts that any coronation took place. The subsequent
flight of Alexander, on the second visit of the king to Rome, may
also be admitted as an additional proof, that he had not complied
with the wishes of the king in granting his sanction for the coro-
nation.
LEO THE TENTH. 237
them the honour of knighthood, with which he rea- CHAP.
dily complied. Jean Daunay performed on this oc-
casion the office of champion ; he was drest in com- \. D. 1495.
plete armour, and was mounted on a horse richly
caparisoned. If we may believe de la Vigne, the
citizens of Naples confessed they had never be-
fore beheld so accomplished a cavalier. Proceed-
ing to the cathedral, the king approached the
great altar, where he promised, under the sanc-
tion of a solemn oath, to maintain the rights of
his new subjects, and was gratified by the tempo-
rary assurances of their loyalty and allegiance, (a)
On this occasion the celebrated Pontano is said
to have addressed the king, as the orator of the
people of Naples ; and the tenor of his discourse,
which was supposed to inculpate the unfortunate
monarchs of the house of Aragon, by whom he
had been uniformly favoured and protected, has
stained his character with the indelible blot of in-
gratitude. As this oration has not reached the
present times, it is not easy to determine how
far the accusation against him is well founded;
but the circumstance, if true, is itself unfavourable
to the fame of the Neapolitan scholar, and it may
readily be inferred, that if he undertook an office
so inconsistent with his own honour, he would
not display much delicacy in its execution, (ft)
(a) The narrative of this transaction, from the Vcrgier d'Hon-
neur, is given in the Appendix, No. XLIV.
(l>) It was most probably also on this occasion, tliat Raffaello
Brandolini, called Lippo Bramiolini il giaoane, made a panegyric
oration before the king, which he immediately turned into verse ;
on which Charles is said to have exclaimed, Magnus orator, tum-
miu potto. ! It is certain that the monarch conferred on RaflTaello a
pension of one hundred crowns, and gave him an honourable
238 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. But although Charles did not think proper any
longer to hazard his own person in the defence of
A. D. 1496. his newly acquired dominions, he judged it expe-
e- dicnt to leave a part of his troops, under the
e ~ command of his most able generals, in possession
France. o f the carital, and of the fortresses of the king-
dom, with assurances, that he would not only
supply them with the necessary means of de-
fence, but would shortly return into Italy, at the
head of a more powerful army. Of all the mea-
sures adopted by Charles on this expedition, and
which Commines uniformly represents as a series
of errors and absurdities, this, upon which he
makes no comment, was the most imprudent, and
proved in the event the most destructive. Had
he concentered his strength in Naples, and en-
deavoured to obtain the speediest reinforcements,
either by the passes of the Alps, or by means of
his fleet, it would have given confidence and se-
curity to his adherents, and enabled him to defend
himself against the meditated attack ; or, had he
determined to relinquish his conquests as unten-
able, he might have returned at the head of his
troops, if not with honour, at least with safety to
his own dominions ; but by dividing his forces,
diploma, which bears date at Castel Capuano, the 18th May,
1495 ; in which he assigns as a reason for his bounty, the ser-
vices which Raffaello had rendered and might yet render to the
king, and that he might be enabled to pursue his studies to ad-
vantage. In this diploma he is said to have been cacus natim-
tatc ; but Mazzuchelli conjectures from his appellation of Lippo,
that he was not born blind, v. Mazz. Scrittori d'ltalia, vol. vi.
p. 2018, tit. Brandolini. It is indeed not improbable that Bran-
dolini, and not Pontano, made the oration before the king on his
coronation at Naples.
LEO THE TENTH. 239
he exposed his own person to the danger of an CHAP.
attack from the superior numbers of his enemies,
which had nearly proved fatal to him, and left A. 0.1495.
the remainder of his troops to support a hopeless Ai
and destructive contest with the arms of the al-
lies, and the partisans of the house of Aragon.
On quitting the capital, he entrusted the command
of his forces to the duke de Mompensier ; who,
notwithstanding his indolence, or his levity, had
served his master on all occasions with courage
and fidelity, (a) D'Aubigny, who had been re-
compensed for his labours with the states of Acri
and Squillazzo, and the title of grand constable of
Naples, was appointed to the chief command in
Calabria. The strong holds of the kingdom were
intrusted by Charles to his most experienced com-
manders. Of the Italian nobility, the family of
Colonna availed themselves the most effectually
of his bounty, and were appointed to the chief
offices of the state ; and it was supposed to be at
their request, that Charles retained as prisoners
the count of Pitigliano and Virginio Orsino, the
chiefs of the rival family of that name, who had
been arrested whilst under the sanction of a safe
conduct from the king. These favours did not,
however, secure the fidelity of his Roman allies,
who had already entered into a secret correspon-
dence with his enemies, and on his departure,
were the first to oppose his authority ; not per-
haps, as Commines asserts, without cause, but
because they were aware that the king, by the
(a) " Bon chevalier et hardy," says Comminca, " mais peu
sage. II ne se levoit qu'il nc fiit midi." Mem. liv. viii. chap. i.
p. 217.
240 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, imprudent division of his forces, had deprived that
authority of its necessary support, (a)
A. D. 1495.^ On the twentieth day of May, 1495, Charles
' quitted Naples, and proceeded directly towards
Rome. He was accompanied by Gian-Giacopo
Trivulzio, at the head of one hundred lances, three
hundred Swiss infantry, one thousand French, and
an equal number of Gascons. Commines estimates
his force at nine thousand men ; all of whom, as
he informs us, were young, and in high spirits, fully
persuaded that they should meet with no oppo-
nents able to take the field against them. Alexander
VI. was too sensible of the offences which he had
committed, in joining the alliance, and refusing the
bull of investiture, to trust for his safety to the as-
surances of the king ; and being apprized of his
approach, quitted the city two days before the ar-
rival of the French, and fled to Orvieto, leaving
the cardinal S. Anastasio, as his legate, to receive
the French monarch with due honour. The rest
of the college of cardinals accompanied the pope ;
who was also escorted by two hundred men at
arms, one thousand light horse, and three thou-
sancf infantry, (b) Charles, after paying his devo-
tions at the great altar of St. Peter's, (c) speedily
quitted the city without offering any violence to
the inhabitants, and directed his course towards
(a) Mem. de Commnus, liv. viii. chap. i. pp. 217, 218.
(6) Guicciard. lib. ii. vol. i. p. 94.
(c) " Lundy premier de Juing le roy entra dedans Romrae, et
fut loge au palais du cardinal Sainct Clement, * * et inconti-
nent qu'il fut a Romme, ainsi que bon et loyal cathob'que, il alia
en 1'eglise de Monsieur Sainct Pierre de Romme, faire ses of-
frandes," &c. Vergicr d'Honneur.
LEO THE TENTH. 241
Viterbo ; in consequence of which the pope left CHAP.
Orvieto, and passed on to Perugia, whence it was _
his intention, if the king approached, to retire to A.
Ancona, and take shipping for some other part of
Italy.
Charles arrived at Viterbo on the fifth day ofAmmtt
June, and remained there until the eighth day of
the same month, during which time he availed
himself of the opportunity of seeing the body of
S. Rosa, which the priests shewed him in real flesh
and blood, assuring him she was only in a trance.(a)
He here received intelligence that his advanced
guard had met with some resistance at Toscanella,
a fortified town belonging to the pope, in conse-
quence of which they had taken the place by storm,
and plundered it, with the slaughter of about six
hundred of the inhabitants ; an event which is said
to have given him great dissatisfaction ; as he was
desirous of passing through the territories of the
church in as pacific a manner as possible.
On the approach of the king towards Siena, he Amm at
was met by a deputation of the chief inhabitants,
who conducted him into the city ; where he was
received with great honour, and remained for se-
veral days, attracted by the charms of female beauty,
and gratified by the sumptuous banquets prepared
for him. He had here an interview with his am-
bassador, Philip de Commines, then just arrived
from Venice ; whom he questioned with apparent
jocularity, but perhaps not without real anxiety,
as to the preparations made for opposing his re-
fa) " Et apres la grant messe alia vcoir Ic corps de madamr
Saincte Rose, qui repose au dit Viterbe en chair et en os, .et n'est
que transie." Verier d'Honnevr.
VOL. I. R
242
THE LIFE OF
CHAP. turn, (a) The answer of Commines was not calcu-
IV.
' lated to allay his apprehensions. He assured the
A. D. 1495. king that he had been informed by the senate, that
A. A-.1, 20. . J
the united army of the Venetians and the duke of
Milan, would amount to forty thousand men ; but
that they were intended to act only on the defen-
sive, and would not pass the river Oglio, unless
the king should attack the states of Milan. Com-
mines availed himself of this opportunity to en-
treat the king to hasten his departure, before his
enemies could have assembled their forces, or re-
ceived succours from the emperor elect, who was
reported to be raising considerable levies ; but
Charles suffered himself to be detained by a nego-
tiation with the deputies of Florence, who met him
at Siena, and solicited, with the utmost eagerness,
the restoration of Pisa ; offering not only to pay
the contribution stipulated in the treaty, but to
advance him seventy thousand ducats as a loan,
and to despatch their Condottiero Francesco Secco,
with three hundred men at arms, and two thousand
infantry, to attend him, until his arrival at Asti.
The more prudent part of his followers earnestly
advised the king to accede to so advantageous a
proposal ; but the prince de Ligny, a young man,
his cousin and favourite, having observed, that it
would be a pity to deliver up the people of Pisa
into the power of their tyrants, Charles, acting
under the impulse of his feelings, and disregarding
at once his interest and his oath, rejected the
offer. () In like opposition to the advice of his
most judicious counsellors, but at the request of
(a) Commines, liv. viii. chap. ii. p. 218.
(b) Mem. de Commines, liv. viii. chap. ii. p. 220.
LEO THE TENTH. 243
some of the inhabitants of Siena, he appointed the c HAP.
prince de Ligny governor of that place ; who de- 1V -
puted his authority to Monsieur de Villeneuve as ^ D Uf)V
his lieutenant, with whom the king left an escort A. .it. 21
of three hundred men ; thereby diminishing his
forces at this critical juncture, without the possi-
bility of deriving from it the slightest advantage.
In fact the governor and his attendants were ex-
pelled the city in less than a month from his depar-
ture, (a)
It appears to have been the intention of Charles interview
to have proceeded from Siena to Florence ; for naroif a t
which purpose he advanced as far as Campana, a 1>isa
small town at no great distance from that city ; (b)
but on his arrival there, he found that, although the
Florentines had made preparations to receive him
with due honour, they had collected a considerable
number of troops, and had filled the city with armed
men. These precautions were perhaps not so much
to be attributed to their apprehensions from the
king, as to their dread of the restoration of the au-
thority of the Medici. They were already apprized
that Piero had attached himself to the cause of
the French, and that he was then actually in the
camp ; (c) and they justly feared, that if he were
admitted within the walls, he might avail himself
of their assistance to regain his former ascendency.
Unwilling to engage in a contest, Charles changed
his intentions, and directed his course towards
Pisa. In his route he passed through the town of
Poggibonza, where he had an interview with the
(a) Mem. de Commines, liv. viii. chap. ii. p. 220.
(li) Andre de la Vignc, I'ergier d'Honneur.
(f) Guicciard. lib. ii. vol. i. p. 98.
R 2
244 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, monk Savonarola, who had been sent by the Flo-
' rentines, for the express purpose of prevailing
A. D. 1495. upon him to deliver up to them the city of Pisa,
A. JEt 20
and the other fortified places of Tuscany, which
had been conditionally entrusted to him. The
persuasions of Savonarola were accompanied by
threats and denunciations, that if the king vio-
lated the oath which he had sworn, with his hand
on the evangelists, and in the sight of God, he
would incur the wrath of heaven, and meet with a
merited punishment ; but these representations,
although urged by the fanatic with his usual vehe-
mence, seem to have been little regarded by Charles;
who at some times undertook to restore the places,
and at others alleged, that prior to his oath, he had
promised the citizens of Pisa to maintain their li-
berty ; (a) thus availing himself of the inconsistent
engagements made with each of the contending
parties to frustrate the requisitions of both.
Eager en- Qn the arrival of Charles at Pisa, the same so-
treaties of
the inhabi- licitations and entreaties, with which he had been
tain their H- assailed in his route towards Naples, were again
renewed with additional importunity, and no mea-
sures were omitted, which might induce him to
take the inhabitants under his protection, and en-
able them to throw off the hateful yoke of the
Florentines. In fact, the spirit of political inde-
pendence was never more strongly evinced by any
people than by the inhabitants of this place ; who
already began to manifest that inflexible disposi-
tion, which supported them through the long and
severe trial which they were destined to undergo.
The streets of the city were lined with escutch-
eons and bannerets of the arms of France ; the
(a) Guicciard. lib. ii. vol. i. p. 98.
LEO THE TENTH. 246
principal citizens, with all their attendants, were CHAP.
ready to receive the king ; and the children, dress- _
ed in white satin, embroidered with the Jleurs A. 0.1495.
de lys, saluted him with the exclamations of A - jt:u2(1
Vive le Rot Vive la France ! As he proceeded
towards the bridge, an emblematical exhibition
was prepared, on a scaffold decorated with rich ta-
pestry, which represented a figure, mounted on
horseback, completely armed, so as to resemble
a king of France. His mantle was strewed with
lilies, and in his hand he held a naked sword, the
point turned towards Naples. Under the feet of
his horse were the figures of a lion and of a large
serpent, intended to represent the states of Flo-
rence and of Milan. On the following day, the king
was formally requested, by a large body of the in-
habitants, to take the city under his protection ;
but his answer was, as usual, equivocal and unsa-
tisfactory. Those assurances, which the citizens
could not obtain, were next solicited by their wives
and daughters ; who, cloathing themselves in
mourning, proceeded, bare-footed, through the
streets, towards the apartments of the king ; and,
being admitted to his presence, supplicated, with
loud cries and exclamations, his compassion on
their husbands, fathers, and children, entreating
him to protect them against their oppressors, (a)
In his reply, Charles assured them of his affection
for the inhabitants of Pisa, and promised so to ar-
range matters, that they should have reason to be
perfectly satisfied. The method which he took for
this purpose, was to garrison the citadel with
French soldiers, the command of whom he en-
(a) Vcrgier d'Honneur.
246 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, trusted to D'Entraghes, one of the most profligate
^ _ of his followers ; (a) who, without regarding either
A. D. 1495. the honour of his sovereign, or the wishes of the
inhabitants, availed himself of the first opportunity
of converting his trust to the purposes of his own
emolument.
Louis, duke After remaining six or seven days at Pisa,
' Charles proceeded through Lucca and Pietra
Maan. f Santa, to Sarzana. (6) On his arrival there, he
received information that the Genoese had shewn
a disposition to free themselves from the dominion
of the duke of Milan, whereupon he despatched
the duke de Bresse, with one hundred and twenty
men at arms, and five hundred infantry, to encou-
rage the attempt ; which was also to be supported
by the French fleet. The Genoese, however, re-
tained their fidelity ; the fleet was wholly defeated
and captured at Rapallo ; and the duke de Bresse
with difficulty effected a junction with the king at
Asti, when it was too late to render him any ser-
vice. In the mean time the duke of Orleans had
not only secured the town of Asti, through which
Charles was necessarily to pass, but having also
captured the city of Novara, a part of the territory
of Milan, had began to set up his hereditary pre-
tensions, as a descendant of the Visconti, to the
dominion of that duchy.
(a) " Un appele Entragues, homme bien mal conditionne :" says
Commines, liv. viii. chap. iii.
(6) At Lucca, says Andre de la Vigne, the king
" Put festie moult honnorablement,
En subraettant la ville entierement :
Les corps, les biens des hommes et des femmes,
A son plaisir et bon commandement,
Pour le servir de cueur, de corps, et dames."
LEO THE TENTH. 247
The advanced guard of the French army was c 11 A p.
led by the marshal de Gies, who was accompanied
by Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio. In approaching the A. u. 1495.
fortified town of Pontremoli, advantageously si-
tuated at the foot of the Appenines, and which Massacre of
was garrisoned with three or four hundred sol- luuV '
diers, some resistance was expected ; but on the !>
approach of the French, the place was surrendered
without the necessity of an attack. On the troops
being admitted within the town, a quarrel however
arose between some of the inhabitants and a party
of German soldiers in the service of the French, in
which about forty of the latter lost their lives ; a
circumstance which so exasperated the rest of their
countrymen, that they not only attacked and mas-
sacred the inhabitants, but set fire to the place.
By this act of barbarity they consumed a consi-
derable quantity of provisions, of which the French
army then stood in the greatest need. This out-
rage, which it was not in the power of the mar-
shal de Gies to prevent, was highly resented by
the king ; not only on account of the loss of the
necessary supplies, at a time when his troops were
almost perishing for want, but of the disgrace
which it attached to his arms ; (a) and it was only
in consequence of a most essential service, which
the German auxiliaries soon afterwards rendered
to him, that they were restored to his favour.
Having quitted Sarzana, Charles now arrived at
-,.,.
the foot of the Appenines, near the town of Villa A
() " Tant pour la honte, qu'k cause de grans vivres qui y cs-
toient," says Commines, liv. viii. chap. 4, a passage which is per-
fectly intelligible ; although his commentator, Sauvagcs, suggest*
the alteration of honte to bonte.
248
THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Franca; having consumed nearly six weeks in his
. march from Naples, at a time when his safety
A. D. 1495. chiefly depended upon his passing the mountains,
before his enemies had assembled a sufficient force
to oppose his progress. The same good fortune
which had attended him on his descent to Naples,
seemed, however, to accompany him on his return,
and frequently reminded his annalist, Commines,
of an interview which he had at Florence with
Savonarola ; in whose predictions he appears to
have placed great confidence ; and who assured
him, " That God would conduct the king in safety,
without the loss of his honour ; but that, as a pu-
nishment for his neglecting the reformation of the
church, and indulging his soldiers in their licen-
tiousness, he must feel a stroke of the scourge. "(0)
In ascending the mountains, the army deviated
from its former track, and inclined to the right,
towards Parma, where they met with steep accli-
vities, which rendered the conveyance of their ar-
tillery, of which they had about forty heavy pieces,
a labour of extreme difficulty. On this occasion
the German auxiliaries offered their services to the
king, to transport the cannon by their own labour,
provided he would restore them to his favour.
Yoking themselves in couples, like beasts of bur-
then, one or two hundred to a piece of artillery,
and aided by such horses as could be spared, they
at length reached the summit of the mountains ;
but the danger and difficulty of descending were
not less than those which they had experienced in
the ascent, on account of the frequent precipices
which they were obliged to pass ; and which in-
() Comtnines, liv. viii. chap. ii. p. 220.
LEO THE TENTH. 249
duced several of the officers to advise the king to c 11 A p.
destroy his artillery, in order to expedite his pro-
gress ; but to this he would by no means consent. A> D .
It is however certain, that without the aid of the
Germans, the difficulties of conveying the artillery
over these rugged and trackless wilds, would have
been wholly insurmountable.
Charles had now passed the summit of those ,
by the allied
hills which form the northern extremity of the Ap- army under
penines, and was winding his array through the
steep and narrow defiles of the mountains ; when,
as the plains of Lombardy opened upon his sight,
he perceived, at the distance of a few miles, the
tents and pavilions of a numerous army, assembled
by the allies, to oppose his progress. Of this army,
the chief command was entrusted to Francesco Gon-
zaga, marquis of Mantua, who was assisted by his
uncle Ridolfo, a soldier of acknowledged honour
and great experience. Under the marquis, several of
the most celebrated generals in Italy led the differ-
ent bodies of which the allied army was composed.
The number is variously stated by contemporary
authors. If we may credit the Italian writers, the
amount scarcely exceeded that of the French ; but
Commines estimated them at the least at thirty-
five thousand men.
The allied army had already occupied an emi-
nence on the banks of the river Taro, one of the
numerous streams of the Appenines, which dis-
charge themselves into the Po, between Parma
and Piacenza. (a) At the distance of about three
(a) Cornazzano, in one of his sonnets, enumerates twenty of
these tributary rivers; and he might have recorded as many
more :
"Non
250 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. m ii es f rom the Italian camp, the advanced guard
of the French took possession of the small town of
A.D. 1495. Fornova. From this place the marshal de Gies
A /f**t 20
' despatched a messenger to the allied army, request-
ing that the king might be allowed to pass with-
out interruption to his own dominions, and might
be supplied with provisions, for which he was
willing to pay. On the arrival of the main body
of the French army, which encamped on the
banks of the river, between that of the allies and
the town of Fornova, these demands were re-
peated ; and Commines, who was personally ac-
quainted with the Venetian commissaries, was di-
rected to forward the negotiation. Commines,
whilst he undertook the commission, told the king,
with great sincerity, that he had little hopes of
success, as he had never known two such large ar-
mies, so near to each other, quit the field without a
trial of their strength, (a) Nor was he mistaken in
this conjecture; for the commissaries, after con-
sulting the chief officers, returned for answer, that
they could not consent to any pacification, unless
the king would first lay down his arms, and con-
sent to restore to the duke of Milan the city of
Novara, and to the pope the different places in the
papal territories which had been occupied by his
arms.
A contest was now unavoidable, and both par-
ties prepared for it with great devotional cere-
" Non ti maravigliar se'l Po vien grosso
A primavera, e cresce in Ferrarese ;
Vinti gran fiumi gli fanno le spese
Di neve alpestre, che gli scolla adosso" &c.
(a) Mem. de Commines, liv. viii. chap. vi. p. 227.
LEO THE TENTH.
251
mony, and repeated exhortations to the soldiery. CHAP.
A party of the stradiotti, or hussars, in the service '
of the Venetians, had approached towards the A. D. 1495.
French camp, and, falling in with a small detached
body, had killed several of them, and dispersed the
rest, carrying off the heads of the slain in triumph n
to the Italian camp. The approach of evening,
however, prevented the general engagement till
the following day ; but a dreadful storm of thunder,
attended by a copious fall of rain in the night,
seemed to the superstitious multitude to announce
some important event, and struck both armies with
terror. " On Monday, the sixth day of July,"
says Commines, with a simplicity almost ludicrous,
" the gallant king Charles, in complete armour,
mounted his horse Savoy, which was presented to
him by the duke of Savoy ; he was the finest horse
I ever saw ; his colour was black, he had only one
eye, was of a middle size, but well proportioned to
his rider, who seemed on this occasion to be quite
a different being from that for which nature had
intended him, both in person and countenance;
for he always appeared, and is still, timid in his
speech, having been educated among low and ef-
feminate people ; but on this occasion, his horse
gave dignity to his appearance ; his countenance
was firm, his complexion ruddy, and his expres-
sions bold and judicious ; insomuch that they re-
minded me of the promise of Savonarola, that God
would lead him by the hand, and that his honour
would still be preserved to him." (a)
The advanced guard of the French army was Battle of
first directed to pass the river with the artillery,
(o) Commines, liv. viii. chap. vi. p. 227.
252 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, which was effected with great difficulty, and by
' the aid of a considerable number of beasts of bur-
A.D.1495. den. Next came the battle, or cavalry, in the
A Jf\. 20
midst of which was the king, accompanied by the
duke de la Tremouille. The rear of the army,
with the baggage, was brought up by the count
de Foix. As the French army began to pass the
river, the Italians were in motion. The marquis
of Mantua, following close upon the French, at-
tacked their rear with great impetuosity ; whilst
the other commanders of the allied army, passing
the river in different directions, assailed the French
troops on every side. The marshal de Gies, with
the advanced guard, maintained the strictest dis-
cipline, and proceeded with little annoyance ; but
the king, being compelled to turn his front, to re-
sist the powerful attack of the marquis of Mantua,
found himself suddenly in the midst of the conflict,
and was frequently in imminent danger of falling
into the hands of his enemies ; his relation, the
bastard of Bourbon, having been made a prisoner
within twenty paces of him. In the confusion
that ensued, the commanders lost their authority.
Gonzaga, rushing furiously among the enemy,
fought his way into the midst of them ; and after
a considerable slaughter, returned in safety to his
followers. The French monarch is also said to
have performed the duty of a common soldier, (a)
Whilst the event yet remained doubtful, the count
of Pitigliano, and Virginio Orsino, availed them-
selves of the opportunity of effecting their escape,
and announced to the Italians the disorder of their
enemies, endeavouring, by every possible means,
(a) Muratori, Annali d' Italia, vol. ix. p. 581.
LEO THE TENTH. 253
to stimulate their countrymen to continue the bat- CHAP.
tie, and to avail themselves of this occasion to de-
stroy for ever the influence of the French in Italy. A.D. 1495.
Their exhortations were, however, of little avail.
More intent on plunder than on victory, the Ita-
lian soldiery were inspired with no other emula-
tion than that of acquiring the greatest share of
the immense booty which the French had brought
with them from Naples; of which having pos-
sessed themselves, they deserted their command-
ers, and took to flight in every direction; and
Charles, collecting his scattered army, was suf-
fered to proceed on his march. The royal stan-
dards, with the pavilion of the king, and a profu-
sion of spoil, fell into the hands of the allies ; (a)
but the French, having effected their passage,
claimed the honour of the victory. The number
slain on the part of the Italians was also much
greater than on that of the French, (b) Among
(a) Among this booty were some singular articles : " Vi fu
trovato un libro, nel quale, sotto diversi habiti ed eta, al naturale
erano dipinte molte femine per loro violate in molte citta, e seco il
portavano per memoria." Corio, Storia di Milano, 949. Benedetti
asserts, that he saw this invaluable treasure : " Vidi io un libro,
nel quale erano dipinte varie imagini di meretrici, sotto di verso
habito ed eta, ritratte al naturale ; secondo che la lascivia, e 1'amore
1'aveva tratto in ciascuna citta : queste portava cgli (il Re) seco
dipinte per ricordarsenc poi." P'atto d'arme del Tarro, p. 31.
(6) Summonte asserts, that two thousand of the French, and
four thousand Italians, were slain in this engagement ; Storia di
Napoli, vol. iii. p. 58*2; but the number is exaggerated. The
slaughter of the Italians was in the proportion of more than ten to
one of the French, who lost only from two to three hundred men.
This is in a great degree to be attributed to the cruelty of the
French, who massacred all those who fell into their hands, with-
out making any prisoners, whilst such of the French as were taken
by the Italians were well treated, and soon afterwards obtained
254 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, them was Ridolfo Gonzaga, with many other 110-
' blemen and officers of distinguished rank. Unac-
A.D.1495. customed to the profuse shedding of blood in bat-
A./Et. 20.
tie, the Italians seem to have considered this as a
dreadful engagement. An historian of great au-
thority admits that the event was doubtful, and
that it diminished the fear which the Italians had
entertained of the French ; (a) but Commines re-
presents it as an encounter of no great impor-
tance. "It was not however," says he, " like the
battles to which the Italians had been accustomed ;
.which sometimes continued a whole day, without
either party gaining the victory." ()
Misconduct . In judging of this engagement, which has been
described at considerable length by both the
French and Italian historians, and from which
such decisive consequences were expected, it is
their liberty. In an interview which Commines had soon after
the battle with the marquis of Mantua, that commander recom-
mended to him the prisoners, and particularly his uncle Ridolfo,
whom he supposed to be living ; " mais je S9avoye bien," says
Commines, " le contraire ; toutefois je 1'asseuroye que tous les
prisonniers seroyent bien traitez, et luy recommanday le Bastard
de Bourbon, qu'il tenoit. Les prisonniers par nous detenus es-
toyent bien aises a penser; car il n'en y avoit point. Ce qui
n'advint par adventure jamais en bataille," Mem. liv. viii. chap,
vii. p. 233.
(a) Thuamts, Hisi. sui Temp. lib. i.
(6) Mem. de Comm. liv. viii. chap. vi. p. 231. Machiavelli, in
his Decennale, i. 57, seems to concede the victory to the French :
" Di sangue il flume parea ;i vedello,
Ripien d'uomini e d'arme, e di cavagli,
Caduti sotto al Gallico coltello.
Cos) gli Italian' lasciaro andagli ;
E lor, senza temer gente avversara
Giunson in Asti, e senz' altri travagli."
LEO THE TENTH. 255
not easy to determine whether the misconduct of CHAP.
the French, or of the Italians, was the greater.
The intention of the French monarch was to pass A.D. 1495.
the river, and if possible to avoid a battle ; in con- A * A
sequence of which attempt, he was not only de-
prived of the assistance of his advanced guard, in
which he had placed almost all his infantry and ar-
tillery, but was also exposed, both in flank and in
rear, to the attack of the allies. If instead of
adopting a measure which was equally imprudent
and pusillanimous, he had opposed his enemies in
an open contest, it is easy to perceive, from the
consequences of this irregular affray, how fatal the
event must have been to the arms of the allies ;
and he might afterwards not only have pursued
his march without interruption, but in all proba-
bility have possessed himself of the whole terri-
tory of Milan. Nor was the conduct of the allies
less liable to reprehension than that of the French.
The superiority of their numbers, and the advan-
tages which they possessed, in attacking an enemy
actually on their march, and impeded by the low
and marshy banks of the river, ought to have se-
cured to them an easy and decisive victory. But
their army was divided into many detachments,
under generals >vho paid little respect to the au-
thority of the chief commander. Of these, some
were unable, from the situation of the place, and
others unwilling, to take an active part in the en-
gagement. A great number fled at the first re-
port of the French artillery ; and of the remainder,
the chief part were employed in sacking the French
camp, and securing for their private use as great a
share of the plunder as they could obtain. The
256 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, question is not, therefore, which of the contend-
ing parties obtained the greatest honour in this
A.D. 1495. engagement ; but which of them incurred the least
A.JE.t.20. ,.
disgrace.
The dread which the Italians had entertained of
the French, may in some degree be estimated by
the exultation which the event of the battle of the
Taro occasioned in Italy. The praises of the mar-
quis of Mantua resounded in every quarter, and
the works of contemporary writers yet bear am-
ple testimony to his fame. Ever hostile to the
French, Crinitus immediately addressed to him a
Latin ode. (a) Battista Mantuano has celebrated
his prowess in a poetical allusion to his baptismal
name ; (&) and Lelio Capilupi has left a Virgilian
Cento, intended as an inscription for his statue, (c)
Without prostituting his talents to national par-
tiality, or personal flattery, Fracastorius has also
adverted to this engagement in a few beautiful
lines near the close of the first book of his Syphilis,
which deserve to be recalled to more particular
notice, (d)
(a) v. Appendix, No. XLV.
(b) " Dant sua Romanis victae cognomina gentes,
Et jam patratum testificantur opus :
At nondum victi dederant tibi noraina Frunci,
Haec tibi venturae nuntia laudis erat."
(c) v. Appendix, No. XLVI.
(d) " Dii patrii, quorum Ausonia est sub numine, tuque
Tu Latii, Saturne, pater, quid gens tua tantum
Est merita? An quidquam superest dirique gravisque
Quod sit inexhaustum nobis ? Ecquod genus usquam
Aversum usque adeo coelum tulit? Ipsa labores,
Parthenope, die prima tuos, die funera regum,
Et spolia, et prasdas, captivaque colla tuorum.
An stragem infandam memorem, sparsumque cruorem
LEO THE TENTH. 257
No sooner had Ferdinand, the young king of CHAP.
Naples, received information that Charles had
quitted the city, than he made a descent on the A. a 1495.
coast of Calabria at the head of about six thou- A -^ t - 20 -
sand troops, hastily raised in Sicily, and supported Ferdinand
by a detachment of Spaniards under the command to Naples.
of Gonsalvo da Cordova ; but the gallant d'Au-
bigny, to whom the defence of that part of the
kingdom had been entrusted, was prepared for
their reception ; and in an engagement near Se-
minara, defeated them with considerable loss.
Gonsalvo fled across the mountains, and Ferdi-
nand returned to Messina, after owing his life to
the generosity of his page, Giovanni di Capua,
brother to the duke of Termini, who relinquished
his horse to the king when his own was slain un-
der him, and thereby met with that death which
would otherwise have been the fate of his master.
At Messina he fitted out a fleet, consisting of nu-
merous, but small and weakly manned vessels, and
proceeded towards Naples, where he was in hopes
that the inhabitants would have shewn some de-
monstrations of their attachment to his cause.
Disappointed in his expectations, after hovering
three days on the coast, he was proceeding to the
island of Ischia, when a bark arrived from Naples,
with information, that his return was most ar-
dently wished for by the inhabitants, who were
only prevented by the presence of the French sol-
diery from manifesting their loyalty, and that if he
Gallorumque, Italumque pari discrimine, quum jam
Sanguineum, et defuncta virum, dcfunctaque cquorum
Corpora volventem, cristasque at quo anna trahentem
Eridanus pater acciperet rapido agmine Tarrum ?"
VOL. I. S
258 THE LIFE OF
would make a second descent on the coast, they
would be ready to espouse his cause. On the day
following that of the battle of the Taro, Ferdinand
landed at Madalena, near the mouth of the river
Sebeto, within a mile of Naples ; and whilst the
duke de Mompensier led out the French troops to
oppose his progress, the inhabitants, tumultuously
taking up arms, closed the gates of the city against
their conquerors, and opened them only to receive
their former sovereign, who entered, amidst the
most joyful acclamations, into a place, which he
had quitted only a few months before, as an out-
cast and a fugitive.
The French, however, still retained possession
^ *^e * wo frt resses f Naples, the Castel-nuovo
tans. and Castel delV-Uovo, where the duke de Mom-
pensier for some time resisted the attacks of Fer-
dinand, till, being at length reduced to extremi-
ties, he effected his escape in safety to Salerno.
At this place he again raised the French stan-
dard, and reinforced his small army by the acces-
sion of several powerful partisans ; till, conceiving
himself sufficiently strengthened to hazard another
attack, he approached towards Naples, defeated a
considerable body of the Aragonese, and occa-
sioned such consternation in the city, that the king
was once more on the point of seeking his safety
by flight. A timely reinforcement from the pope,
and the powerful assistance of Prospero and Fa-
brizio Colonna, at length enabled Ferdinand to
repel his enemies ; and the provincial cities of Ca-
pua and Nola, with many other important places,
returned to their allegiance, and acknowledged
him as their sovereign. The duke de Mompen-
LEO THE TENTH. 259
sier withdrew into the city of Atella, now called CHAP.
A versa, where he strongly fortified himself; whilst
d'Aubigny still kept possession of Calabria, in the A.D. 1495.
hope of supporting himself till the promised suc-
cours should arrive from France.
Amongst the other powers to whom Ferdinand ExpuUionof
. . the French
had resorted for assistance in his necessities, he from the
had not neglected the senate of Venice; who, hav-
ing now avowed an open hostility to the -French,
sent to his succour a well-armed fleet, and a con-
siderable body of troops, under the command of
the marquis of Mantua, who had so well esta-
blished his military reputation at the battle of the
Taro. This assistance was not, however, obtained
without important sacrifices on the part of the
king ; and the Venetians were to be put in pos-
session of Brindisi, Trani, Gallipoli, Otranto, and
other places on the coast of the Adriatic, as
pledges for the performance of the conditions on
which it was furnished. On commencing the at-
tack of Atella, Ferdinand was also joined by a
body of Swiss troops, who had just arrived in
Italy to co-operate with the French ; but who
now turned their arms against their employers,
when they were no longer able to advance them
the stipulated pay. In this emergency, the duke
de Mompensier had recourse to d'Aubigny, whom
he earnestly entreated to send him immediate suc-
cours ; and although that general, then in an in-
firm state of health, had to contend with the Spa-
nish troops under the command of Gonsalvo, who
had again taken the field, yet he sent a detach-
ment to his assistance under the command of the
count de Moreto and Alberto Sanseverino. Gon-
s 2
260 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, salvo however surprised and defeated the French
' troops on their march, and made both the com-
A.D.1495. manders prisoners. He then hastened to Atella,
' and uniting his arms with those of the king,
blockaded the place so effectually, that the duke
was reduced to the necessity of proposing a capi-
tulation. A truce of thirty days was agreed on ;
and it was further stipulated, that if within that
time a considerable armament should not arrive,
the duke should not only surrender the fortress of
Atella, but all the other places dependant on the
French in the kingdom of Naples. Having se-
cured his own retreat, Charles paid little regard
to the safety of the faithful soldiers whom he had
left in Italy, (a) The expected succours did not
appear, and the treaty was accordingly concluded.
But Ferdinand, who had engaged to send the duke
and his troops by sea to Provence, led them pri-
soners to the amount of about six thousand men,
to Naples, whence they were conveyed to the
island of Procida, and other unhealthy places,
where upwards of two-thirds of them perished by
sickness, famine, and pestilence. The duke de
Mompensier shared the same fate, having died at
Pozzuolo, leaving behind him the character of a
good soldier and a faithful subject. D'Aubigny
had made some progress in Calabria ; but hearing
of the capitulation of Atella, and being again
closely pressed by Gonsalvo, he finally withdrew
his troops from the Neapolitan territory, and had
the good fortune to return with them in safety to
France.
The capture of Novara by the duke of Orleans,
(a) Mem. de Commines, liv. viii. chap. xiii.
LEO THE TENTH. 261
which had been considered as an event highly fa- CHAP.
vourable to the French, proved in the result one
of the most humiliating and destructive incidents A.D. 1495.
which had occurred during the war. Soon after A - jt:t - 20 -
the battle of the Taro, Novara was invested by "|" le *
* V 1 1 1. forms
the allies, who possessed themselves of the ap- a new aiii
preaches, and so effectually cut off all supplies,
that the duke of Orleans, with a numerous garri-
son, was reduced to the utmost extremity of fa- Franc -
mine. In this emergency, Charles had no resource
but to enter into a treaty with Lodovico Sforza,
for a temporary cessation of hostilities, which he
with great difficulty obtained ; and the duke of
Orleans and the marquis of Saluzzo, with a small
party of their friends, were suffered to visit the
king at Vercelli, under a promise of returning to
Novara, in case a final treaty was not concluded
on. This circumstance led to a more general
discussion between the adverse parties, in the
course of which, Lodovico again changed his po-
litics, and without the assent of his allies, entered
into a league of perpetual peace and amity with
the king, in which, among other articles, Lodo-
vico agreed to allow him to fit out a fleet at the
port of Genoa, and promised to grant him a free
passage on his return to Naples, and assist him
with money and troops. The bastard of Bourbon,
with the rest of the French, made prisoners at
the battle of the Taro, were set at liberty, and
power was reserved for the Venetians to enter into
the treaty within the space of two months, in
which case they were to recal their fleet from Na-
ples, and undertake not to afford any assistance to
the house of Aragon. The city of Novara was
262 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, restored to Lodovico; in consequence of which
^J _ the French garrison, after having lost upwards of
A. D. 1495. two thousand of their number by famine and dis-
A.,t.2o. ease ^ were i e d from thence to Vercelli, so ex-
hausted through want of sustenance, that many
of them perished on the road, and ' upwards of
three hundred died after their aAival. (a) No
sooner was the treaty concluded, than Commines
was again despatched to Venice, to induce the se-
nate to accede to the terms proposed ; and Charles,
taking the route of Turin, returned in the month
of October, 1495, to France, with the remains of
his army ; plundered, diseased, and reduced to
less than one- fourth of its original number.
Thus terminated the celebrated expedition of
expedition Charles VIII. against the kingdom of Naples ; an
vni.intp expedition originating in puerile ambition, con-
ducted with folly and rapacity, and ending in the
dissipation of the revenues of his crown, and in
the destruction of his army. That he accomplish-
ed his object, is the boast of the French histo-
rians ; but it is easy to perceive, that the successes
of Charles VIII. are not to be attributed so much
to his courage, or to his abilities, as to the weak
and irresolute conduct of his adversaries, the sel-
fish and temporizing policy of the Italian states,
and above all, to the odium excited against the
house of Aragon, by the cruelties exercised by
Ferdinand I. and his son Alfonso on their sub-
jects. If these advantages could have been coun-
tervailed by any misconduct of his own, the defeat
(a) The number which quitted Novara, was about five thousand
five hundred men, of whom not more than six hundred were able
to perform duty. Commines, liv. viii. chap. x.
LEO THE TENTH. 263
of Charles had been certain. Such were his neces- CHAP.
sities in the commencement of his undertaking,
and such the difficulties with which he provided A. 0.1495.
for his soldiery, that he was not only obliged to bor- A - jtt - 20 -
row money at a most exorbitant interest, but even
to plunder his friends and allies. The time chosen
for his enterprize, could riot indeed have been
more favourable to his views; for many causes
had concurred to disgust the people of Italy with
their rulers, and had led them to regard the French
as their friends and deliverers, and as a nation, on
whose honour and good faith they could place the
most perfect reliance : but this error was not of
long duration ; and the cruelty and disorder which
distinguished the march of the French army, soon
convinced their partisans and admirers, that the
expected change was not likely to promote their
happiness. The irruption of the French seemed
to be the extinction of all literature in Jtaly. (a)
The example of a weak and licentious monarch
corrupted his followers. An incredible degree of
(a) " Nescio quo fato superiore anno evencrit, quo Francorum
rex Carolus Italiam cum infesto excrcitu et instructis copiis inva-
sit, ut principes viri in literis, atque in summis disciplinis claris-
simi perierint: hoc est, Hcrmolaus Barbarus, lo. Picut Mirandulm,
et An. Politianus; qui omnes in ipso statiin Francorum adventu et
conatibus, immaturo obitu, ad superos concesserunt. Scd enim
literae ipsac, ac studium bonarum artium, simul cum Italiae liber-
tate, coeperunt paulatim extingui, barbaris ingruentibus, cum
deessent hi homines, qui ill. is, suo patrocinio, assiduisque studiis,
rairifice fovcrent. Qualis inter alios vir summa sapientia et egre-
gio ammo Laurentius Medicit * * * * Quae res monere interdum
me solet, quam brevi tempore fortunes ratio commutetur, quamque
inique nunc agatur cum boms studiis ; siquidem pro melioribus
disciplinis vitia, pro humanitatc et officiis bella et aedcs succreve-
runt." Crinitut, de honcsta Discipl. lib. xv. cap. ix.
LIFE OF LEO THE TENTH.
CHAP, debauchery and prostitution prevailed. The re-
' straints of modesty, the ties of morality, the voice
A.D. 1495. of religion, were all equally disregarded; and the
hand of Providence almost visibly interfered, to
punish by the scourge of a loathsome and destruc-
tive malady, those enormities which no other mo-
tives could restrain. Shocked at this hideous dis-
ease, the Italians and the French recriminated on
each other the disgrace of its introduction ; and
the appellations of mal de Naples, and mal Fran-
ceze, were intended by each of these nations to re-
move to the other the infamy of its origin. In
other respects, this event seems only to have served
to break down those barriers which nature had
formed to secure the repose of mankind, and to
have opened a wider field for the range of ambi-
tion, and the destruction of the human race.
CHAP. V.
14961499.
MARRIAGE of Ferdinand II. of Naples His death-
Contest respecting the dominion of Pisa Descent of the
emperor elect Maximilian into Italy The Medici at-
tempt to regain their authority in Florence Death of
Beatrice of Este Alexander VI. attacks the Roman
harons Recovers the city of Ostia Death of the duke
of Gandia, son of Alexander VI. P articular account of
that event Ccesar Borgia accused of the murder of his
brother without sufficient evidence Second attempt of the
Medici to enter the city of Florence Fatal consequences
to their partisans within the city Paolo Vitelli appointed
general of the Florentines against Pisa. The Floren-
tines form an alliance with Lodovico Sforza Death of
Charles VIII. and accession of Louis XII. Death of
Savonarola Vitelli captures the fortress of Vico Pisano
Third attempt of the Medici to regain their native
place The contest respecting Pisa submitted to the de-
cision ofErcole, duke ofFerrara His interference proves
ineffectual The inhabitants of Pisa resolce to defend
themselves Vitelli effects a breach in the walls Ne-
glects to avail himself of his advantages /* brought to
Florence and decapitated.
267
CHAPTER V.
THE death of Alfonso II. the fugitive king of A.D. 1496.
Naples, which happened at Messina on the nine- *"*
teenth day of November, 1495, had confirmed to Marriage of
Ferdinand the possession of the crown ; and being ["ki^f
now freed from the apprehensions of the French, Na P les -
he thought it expedient to enter into the matri-
monial state. For his bride he selected his aunt
Joanna, the half-sister of his father, then only four-
teen years of age, but highly distinguished by
her beauty and accomplishments. This marriage
gave great scandal to the Christian world ; (a)
but the dispensation of the pope speedily re-
moved all difficulties. Guicciardini, who supposed
that mankind are always actuated by motives of
political interest, accounts for this union by pre-
suming, that Ferdinand wished to strengthen his
connexion with the king of Spain ; but had the
ties of consanguinity been a sufficient title to his
favour, Ferdinand already stood nearly related to
him ; and it is therefore more probable, that the
motive of his choice was the 'gratification of an
amorous passion, which he had conceived for his
aunt during their voyage to Sicily. This is ren-
dered yet more probable by the accounts given of
(a) " Ce me scmble horrcur," says Comraincs, " de parlor d'un
tcl marriage ; dont on eu fait ja plusiers en cette maison." Mem.
de Commincs, liv. viii. chap. xiv. p. 251,
*268 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, the cause of his death ; which event took place
on the fifth day of September, 1496, and was said
A. D. 1496. to have been occasioned, or accelerated, by the
J 1 * excessive indulgence of his passion for his new
bride, (a) As he left no offspring, he was suc-
ceeded in his dominions by his uncle Federigo, a
prince of excellent dispositions, and considerable
talents ; but the ambition of his contemporaries,
and the unfavourable circumstances of the times,
prevented his people from enjoying that happi-
ness which they might otherwise have experienced
under his government.
contests re- Before Charles VIII. had quitted Turin, on
spectmg the
dominion of his return to France, another interview had taken
place between him and the Florentine deputies ;
who still pursued him with their solicitations and
remonstrances ; and by the advance of a large
sum of money, of which he stood greatly in need,
and many unreasonable concessions, obtained from
him a definitive assurance that Pisa should again
be restored to them, (b) Directions were accord-
ingly sent to d'Entraghes to surrender to them
the citadel ; but these directions were either ac-
companied by others of a contrary tendency, or
d'Entraghes preferred his own interest to the ho-
nour and the favour of his master ; for, instead of
complying with the orders of the king, he sold
the fortress to the inhabitants of Pisa, for the
(a) Summonte, Hist, di Napoli, iii. lib. vi. p. 583. He is com-
memorated by the following lines, in the sacristy of the church of
S. Domenico, at Naples :
" Ferrandum, Mors steva, diu fugis arma gerentem ;
Mox positis, quaenam gloria ? fraude necas."
(6) Guicciard. Storia d' Italia, lib. i. 120,
LEO THE TENTH. 269
sum of twelve thousand ducats; and, having CHAP.
received the money, relinquished it into their
hands. A. D. use.
The Florentines, thus deluded in their expecta- A * *
tions, had immediate recourse to arms. The citi-
zens of Pisa, on the other hand, not only pre-
pared to defend themselves to the last extremity,
but endeavoured, by the most earnest solicita-
tions, to obtain assistance from several of the
other states of Italy, and even of Europe; to
whom they did not hesitate to offer the dominion
of their city, provided they were freed from the
yoke of the Florentines. The Venetians, eager
to extend the limits of their territories, were
among the first to listen to their entreaties. Lo-
dovico Sforza also engaged in their defence. The
Florentine army under the command of Paolo
Vitelli, attempted to storm the city ; but after
having driven in, with great precipitation and
slaughter, the troops employed in its defence,
and possessed themselves of the suburbs, they
were, in their turn, obliged to retreat by the ar-
tillery of the citadel ; their commander being
wounded and many of the soldiery killed. En-
couraged by their success, the citizens of Pisa
took the field, and opposed themselves to the
Florentines, over whom they obtained some ad-
vantages, although no decisive engagement took
place.
In this situation of affairs a new competitor Descent of
made his appearance, with the intention of termi- the emperor
elect Maxi-
natmg at once the pretensions of inferior- powers, miiianinto
and of taking the city of Pisa under his own pro-
tection. This was no less a personage than the
270 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, emperor elect Maximilian; who, induced by the
_ offers of the citizens of Pisa, and the persuasions
A. D. 1496. of Lodovico Sforza, passed, in the month of Oc-
' tober, 1496, with a party of horse and eight regi-
ments of infantry, through the Valteline into the
territories of Milan. After having been splendidly
entertained during some days by Lodovico, he
hastened to Genoa, where he embarked with his
troops for Pisa ; but on his arrival there, he found
that the Venetians had already occupied the gar-
rison as auxiliaries to the inhabitants, and, con-
ceiving themselves equal to the defence of the
place, did not choose that he should share with
them either in the honour or the spoil. He then
sailed to Leghorn, which place he cannonaded for
several days, and where he had nearly lost his
life by a ball, which carried away a part of the
imperial robe. This place was defended by the
celebrated Tebalducci, the first of the Florentine
Condottieri who succeeded in introducing a pro-
per state of subordination and discipline amongst
the Italian soldiery, (a) During this contest the
Venetian commissaries admonished Maximilian to
desist, as they had themselves pretensions to the
possession of the place. He then determined to
attack the Tuscan territories, for the purpose of
devastation and plunder; but at this moment a
violent tempest dispersed his fleet. Finding- all
his purposes defeated, and apprehensive for his
own safety, Maximilian abandoned his enterprize,
and took the speediest route to his own domi-
nions ; where he arrived, full of animosity against
(a) Nardi. Vita d' Antonio Giacomini Tebalducci Malespini.
Fior. 1597, 4to. passim.
LEO THE TENTH. 271
the Venetians, and with no small discredit to his CHAP.
character as a military commander, (a)
Whilst the Florentines were thus contending A.D. 1496.
with powerful enemies abroad, and were distract- A '
ed by discordant opinions, and the inflammatory
harangues of Savonarola at home, the brothers of
the Medici conceived that a favourable opportu- rence *
nity was afforded them for attempting to regain
their authority in their native place. For this pur-
pose they formed the project of an attack upon the
city, in conjunction with their kinsman Virginio
Orsino, who after having escaped from the cus-
tody of the French king at the battle of the Taro,
had again begun to collect his adherents, in hopes
of retrieving the fortunes of his house by the sale
of their services. The Medici were then at Rome ;
but Virginio having flattered them with the fair-
est hopes of success, if the necessary resources
could be found for the payment of his troops, they
exerted themselves in procuring for him large sums
of money, with which he continued to increase the
number of his followers. The three brothers also
employed themselves with great industry, in col-
(a) Mr. Henkc has observed, that " it was less the deliverance
of the Pisans, than the freeing of Italy in general from the danger
of a second visit from the French, that Maximilian had in view ;
as he took a part in these transactions conformably to a still sub-
sisting treaty concluded at Venice in the preceding year. The
most accurate account of it is contained in lo. Jac. Ghilini, de Cat-
saris advcntu in Italiam Hist. torn. iii. p. 91, ed. Struvii. This
Ghilini was in the service of Lodovico Sforza, and on this account
is entitled to a greater degree of credit than Guicciardini, who
was always very zealous for the honour of his native Florence.
o. Hegcwick Hist, of Maximil. I. vol. i. p. 100." (Note of M. Henkc,
Germ. ed. vol. i. p. 261.)*
272 THE LIFE OP
CHAP, lecting together their adherents from all parts of
. Italy. Piero having obtained pecuniary assistance
A.D. 1496. from the Venetians, and being favoured in his en-
. . -iii
terpnze by the pope, raised a considerable num-
ber of troops within the papal states, with which
he advanced through the territory of Siena to the
lake of Perugia, expecting to be joined by such le-
vies as his brother Giuliano had been able to as-
semble in Romagna. A formidable body being
thus collected, Virginio and Piero de' Medici pass-
ed in the midst of winter into Umbria; and by a
toilsome march through the snow, at length reached
the baths of Rapollano. The Florentines had,
however, been apprized of the attempt, and had
withdrawn a part of their troops from Pisa for
their own defence. They had also fortified and
strengthened the cities of Arezzo and Cortona, and
continued to watch with unremitting vigilance
the adherents of the Medici within the walls of
Florence. The vigour and promptitude of these
precautions, depressed the hopes of the assailants,
who had relied more on the exertions of their
friends within the city, than on their own force,
and supposed that the appearance of a powerful
military body in the vicinity, would encourage
them to declare themselves. No disturbance was
however excited; and Virginio, instead of proceed-
ing to the attack, contented himself with plun-
dering the defenceless villages for the subsistence
of his troops. Whilst such was the hopeless state
of the expedition, he received highly advantageous
offers to induce him to relinquish his undertaking,
and join the standard of the French, then on the
pojnt of being expelled from the kingdom of Na-
LEO THE TENTH. 273
pies. Virginio did not long hesitate between his CHAP.
honour and his interest. Even his animosity to
the king of France, who had unjustly detained A.D. 1496.
him as a prisoner, gave way to the hopes of gain ;
and notwithstanding the remonstrances of Piero
and his friends, he led his troops toward Naples ;
not, however, without the most solemn promises
that, as soon as the contest respecting that king-
dom should be terminated, he would return to
Tuscany, with a more powerful armament : pro-
mises which, if sincere, he never had an oppor-
tunity of fulfilling, for, being captured with the
duke de Mompensier at Atella, he experienced the
same fate as that officer, having died whilst a pri-
soner at Naples, (a) The cardinal de' Medici and
his brother Giuliano, who had in vain endeavour-
ed to prevail upon Giovanni Bentivoglio of Bo-
logna, to assist them in their attempt, were now
obliged to retire from that place, and to seek for
shelter within the territories of Milan. (&)
Early in the year 1497, the prosperous fortunes Death of
of Lodovico Sforza were interrupted by a domes-
tic disaster, which was the harbinger of his ap-
proaching calamities. His wife Beatrice, the part-
ner of his ambition, his grandeur, and his crimes,
and of whose counsels he had on every occasion
availed himself, died in child-bed, afterhaving been
delivered of a son, who died before his birth, (c)
(a) Nardi, Histor. Fiorcnt. lib. ii. p. '28.
(b) Jovii, Vita Leon. X. lib. i. pp. 17, 19.
(c) The epitaph which Lodovico caused to be placed over the
body of his child, displays his arrogance in the midst of his grief.
Infelix partus, amisi ante vitara quam in lucem cdcrer ; infc-
VOL. I. T
274 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Though insensible, or regardless of the distress
which he had occasioned throughout Italy, Lodovi-
A.D 1497. co sunk under his misfortune in weak and unmanly
A. jt. 22. sorrow . an( j sought to alleviate his grief, and at the
same time perhaps to gratify his ostentation, by
the most expensive and splendid obsequies, which
were repeated with additional magnificence, on
the expiration of a year from the death of his wife.
During this interval he never seated himself at his
table ; but was served in a chamber hung with
black, from the hands of his attendants, (a) Such
a violent and persevering sorrow, caused him to
be considered throughout all Italy as a paragon of
conjugal fidelity; and the poets of the time sought
to assuage his grief by celebrating his affection,
and embalming the memory of his wife in their
verse. (6)
licior quod matri moriens vitam adcmi, et parentem consorte siia
orbavi. In tarn adverse fato hoc solum mihi potest jucundum esse,
QTJOD DIVI PARENTES ME LuDOVICUS, ET BEATRIX, MEDIOLANENSES
DUCES, GENUERE, 1497, TERT1O NONAS JANUARII." CoriO, StOfJU
di Milan, par. vii. p. 962.
(a) Corio, Histor. Milan, parte vii. p. 962.
(6) Among these was the Greek Marullus, who has devoted
the following hyperbolical lines to her memory :
" Solverat Eridanus tumidarum flumina aquarnm ;
Solverat, et populis non levis horror erat.
Quippe, gravis Pyrrhae metuentes tempora cladis,
Credebant simili crescere (lumen aqua.
Ille dolor fuerat saevus, lacrymaeque futuri
Funeris, et justis dona paranda novis :
Scilicet et fluvios tangunt tua acerba, BEATRIX,
Funera, nedum homines mcestaque corda VIRI."
Epigr. lib. iv.
On the same subject, the learned Pontico Virunio wrote four
books of Latin elegies, " historiis Graecorum, et fabulis reconditis
refertos, pulcherrimaque inventione digestos ;" from the perusal of
LEO THE TENTH. 572
Alexander VI. being now firmly seated in the
pontifical chair, and freed from his apprehensions
of the French, began to adopt those vigorous mea- A.D. 1497.
sures for the subjugation of the Roman nobility, "
and the aggrandizement of his own family, which
he pursued with unremitting industry during the &* Roman
remainder of his life. His eldest son Giovanni
had been honoured by Ferdinand of Spain with the
title of duke of Gandia ; Ca?sar, his second son,
had been raised to the dignity of the purple ; and
his daughter Lucrezia, who before the elevation of
her father, had been married to a Spanish gentle-
man, was soon after that event, divorced from her
husband, and became the wife of Giovanni Sforza,
lord of Pesaro. The first hostile attempt of the
pontiff was directed against the territories of the
Orsini ; who had equally disregarded his admoni-
tions and his threats, and had united their arms
with those of the French. The command of the
papal troops destined to this expedition was en-
trusted to the duke of Gandia ; who was accom-
panied by ^GuidubaldodaMontefeltri, duke of Ur-
bino, a commander of acknowledged courage and
experience. After possessing themselves of some
places of inferior importance, they commenced the
siege of Bracciano. This event first called into
action the military talents of Bartolommeo d' Al-
viano, then very young, but who afterwards esta-
blished his reputation as one of the most accom-
plished commanders of Italy. In conjunction
with Carlo, the illegitimate son of Virginio Orsi-
no, and Vitellozzo Vitelli, he vigorously attacked
which, Lodovico, it seems, derived great consolation. Zeno />.
Voss. vol. ii. p. 315. These elegies have not been printed.
T 2
275 THE LIFE OF
H ; 4P - the papal troops. The engagement continued for
' several hours ; in the result the Roman generals
A. D. 1497. were completely routed ; the duke of Urhino was
A. .-El. 22.
taken prisoner, with several other noblemen and
officers of high rank ; hut the duke of Gandia ef-
fected his escape, after having been slightly wound-
ed in the thigh. Thus 'disappointed in his at-
tempt to wrest from the family of Orsini their pa-
trimonial possessions, Alexander had recourse, for
the aggrandizement of his offspring, to another ex-
pedient. With the consent of the college of car-
dinals, he separated from the states of the church
the city of Benevento ; and erecting it into an in-
dependent duchy, conferred it, with other domains,
on his eldest son. (a)
Recovers Although Charles VIII. after his return from
ost ty his Neapolitan expedition, had relinquished to the
pope the fortresses of Civita Vecchia, Terracina,
and other places within the papal state which he
had occupied by his arms, he still retained the city
of Ostia, the command of which he had entrusted
to the cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, bishop of
that place, (b) The expulsion of the French from
Naples by the aid of the Spanish troops under the
command of Gonsalvo, had not only encouraged
the pope to attempt the recovering of this impor-
(a) " Feria quarta, septhna Junii, fuit secretum consistorium,
in quo serenissimus D. noster erexit civitatem Beneventanara in
ducatum, et de consensu omnium cardinalium qui interfuerunt,
nullo se opponente, seu minimum verbum contradicente, infeuda-
yit illustrissimum dominum Johannem Borgia, de Arragonia du-
cem Gandiae, S. R. E. capitancum generalem, filium suum caris-
simum, ct omnes successores suos, ex lumbis descendentes," &c.
Burchard. Diar.
(b) Guicciard. Storia d' Ital. lib. ii. vol. i. p. 94.
LEO THE TENTH.
lant station, but afforded him an opportunity of CHAP.
carrying his intentions into effect by the aid of
Gonsalvo, who being then unemployed, gladly ac- A.U. 149?.
cepted the lucrative offers of the pontiff to assist
in the attack. Uniting his arms with those of
the pope, Gonsalvo proceeded to bombard the
fortress ; but the cannonading had scarcely com-
menced, when Menaldo, who held the place for the
cardinal, and who by his piratical depredations had
greatly annoyed the navigation of the Tiber, sur-
rendered at discretion ; and was led by Gonsalvo
in triumph to Home. On his approach to the city,
Gonsalvo was met by the sons of the pontiff, the
cardinals and prelates of the church, and by an im-
mense concourse of the people, who were anxious
to see a man whose exploits had already extended
his fame throughout all Italy. He was immediate-
ly introduced to the pope, who received him with
the holy kiss, and bestowed upon him, in full con-
sistory, the golden rose which is annually conse-
crated by the pontiff, and presented only to sove-
reigns and great princes, who have merited the fa-
vour of the holy see. (a) On this occasion Gon-
salvo gave a proof of his magnanimity, in prevail-
ing on the pontiff to spare the life of Menaldo ;
who being set at liberty, was permitted to retire
to France. ()
The exultation of the pontiff on this occasion Death of
was not, however, of long continuance, having Janfi"^
been speedily succeeded by a most tragical event, Jj f Al an '
that not only blasted in a great degree the hopes of
his family, but branded it with a stigma, which
(a) Javii Vita magni Gonsalvi, lib. i. p. 222.
(b) Guicciard, Sloria d' Italia, lib. iii. vol. i. p. 175.
278
THE LIFE OF
CHAP. h as rendered it peculiarly odious to future times.
1 This was the death of the duke of Gandia, who,
A. D. 1497. after having passed the evening at a splendid en-
" tertainment given by his mother, was on his return
home assassinated, and his body thrown into the
Tiber : where it remained undiscovered for seve-
ral days. The perpetration of this crime has been
imputed by the Italian historians, without hesita-
tion, to Caesar Borgia ; who, being disgusted with
his ecclesiastical profession, and earnestly desirous
of signalizing himself in a military capacity, is sup-
posed to have considered his brother as having
preoccupied the station which he was desirous of
obtaining ; and to have been jealous of the supe-
rior ascendancy which the duke had acquired in
the favour of the pontiff. In examining these mo-
tives, it might indeed be observed, that the desti-
nation of the elder brother to a secular employ-
ment did not necessarily confine the younger to an
ecclesiastical state ; and that the honours bestow-
ed on the duke of Gandia, did not seem to pre-
vent the pontiff from promoting the interests of
his second son, whom he had placed in such a sta-
tion, as to afford him an opportunity of obtaining
the highest dignity in Christendom. Some authors
have, therefore, not scrupled to suggest a more
powerful cause of his supposed enmity, by assert-
ing that he was jealous of the preference which
the duke had obtained in the affections of their sis-
ter Lucrezia, with whom, it is said, that not only
the two brothers, but even Alexander, her father,
had criminal intercourse, (a) Frequently however
(a) " Era medesimamente fama, se pero e degno di credersi
tanta enormita, che nelT amor di Madonna Lucrezia concorres-
LEO THE TENTH. 279
as this charge has been repeated, and indiscrimi- CHAP.
nately as it has been believed, it might not be dif- _ '
ficult to shew, that, so far from this being with A. D. 1497.
A /Et 22
justice admitted as a proof that Caesar was the
perpetrator of the murder of his brother, the im-
putation is in itself in the highest degree improba-
ble; and this transaction must therefore be judged
of by such positive evidence as yet remains, with-
out presuming the guilt of Borgia from circum-
stances which are yet more questionable than the
crime of which he stands primarily accused, (a)
The most interesting and particular account of Particular
<^ f f account of
this mysterious event is given by Burchard ; and this event.
is in substance as follows : On the eighth day of
June, the cardinal of Valenza (Caesar Borgia), and
the duke of Gandia, sons of the pope, supped
with their mother Vauozza, near the church of S.
Pietro ad vincula ; several other persons being pre-
sent at the entertainment. A late hour approach-
sino, mm solamente i due fratelli, ma cziandio il padre medesimo."
Guicciard. Storia d' Ital. lib. in. vol. i. p. 182.
" On avoit des preuves convainquantes," says the compiler
Moreri, " que Caesar etoit 1'auteur de ce fratricide ; car, outre ses
interets d'ambition, il ne pouvoit souffrir que le due de Gandia
cut plus de part que lui aux bonnes graces de Lucrece Borgia,
leur soeur, et leur maitresse." Moreri, art. Cxs. Borgia.
(a) Gordon, in his Life of Alexander VI. (Land. 1720, /o.) not
only asserts, on the authority of Tomaso Tomasi, that Caesar was
the perpetrator of this murder, but has given at great length the
private conferences between him and the assassins hired for this
purpose, with as much accuracy as if he had himself been present
on the occasion, (p. pp. 153, &c.) In the same manner he has
also favoured us with the private conversation between Caesar and
the duke, on their last interview in the streets of Rome : " Ceesar
wished him much pleasure, and so they parted." A mode of
writing which reduces history below the level of romance.
280 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, ing, and the cardinal having reminded his brother
that it was time to return to the apostolic palace,
A. D. 1497. they mounted their horses or mules, with only a
A..t.22. f ew attendants, and proceeded together as far as
the palace of cardinal Ascanio Sforza, when the
duke informed the cardinal, that, before he return-
sd home, he had to pay a visit of pleasure. Dis-
missing therefore all his attendants, excepting his
staffiero, or footman, and a person in a mask, who
had paid him a visit whilst at supper, and who, du-
ring the space of a month, or thereabouts, previ-
ous to this time, had called upon him almost daily
at the apostolic palace, he took this person behind
him on his mule, and proceeded to the street of
the Jews, where he quitted his servant, directing
him to remain there until a certain hour ; when,
if he did not return, he might repair to the palace.
The duke then seated the person in the mask be-
hind him, and rode, I know not whither ; but in
that night he was assassinated and thrown into the
river. The servant, after having been dismissed,
was also assaulted and mortally wounded ; and al-
though he was attended with great care, yet such
was his situation, that he could give no intelligible
account of which had befallen his master. In the
morning, the duke not having returned to the pa-
lace, his servants began to be alarmed ; and one
of them informed the pontiff of the evening ex-
cursion of his sons, and that the duke had not yet
made his appearance. This gave the pope no small
anxiety ; but he conjectured that the duke had been
attracted by some courtesan to pass the night with
her, and, not choosing to quit the house in open
day, had waited till the following evening to return
LEO THE TENTH. 281
home. When, however, the evening arrived, and CHAP.
he found himself disappointed in his expectations,
he became deeply afflicted, and began to make in- A. D. 1497
quiries from different persons, whom he ordered to A - iEt - 25
attend him for that purpose. Amongst these was
a man named Giorgio Schiavoni, who, having dis-
charged some timber from a bark in the river, had
remained on board the vessel to watch it, and be-
ing interrogated whether he had seen any one
thrown into the river, on the night preceding, he
replied, that he saw two men on foot, who came
down the street, and looked diligently about to ob-
serve whether any person was passing. That see-
ing no one, they returned, and a short time after-
wards two others came and looked around in the
same manner as the former ; no person still appear-
ing, they gave a sign to their companions, when
a man came, mounted on a white horse, having be-
hind him a dead body, the head and arms of which
hung on one side, and the feet on the other side
of the horse ; the two persons on foot supporting
the body, to prevent its falling. They thus pro-
ceeded towards that part, where the filth of the city
is usually discharged into the river ; and turning
the horse with his tail towards the water, the two
persons took the dead body by the arms and feet,
and with all their strength flung it into the river.
The person on horseback then asked if they had
thrown it in, to which they replied, Signor, ',
(yes, sir). He then looked towards the river, and
seeing a mantle floating on the stream, he inquired
what it was that appeared black, to which they
answered it was a mantle ; and one of them threw
stones upon it, in consequence of which it sunk.
282 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. The attendants of the pontiff then inquired from
Giorgio, why he had not revealed this to the
A. D. 1497. governor of the city ; to which he replied, that
he had seen in his time a hundred dead bodies
thrown into the river at the same place, with-
out any inquiry being made respecting them, and
that he had not therefore considered it as a mat-
ter of any importance. The fishermen and sea-
men were then collected, and ordered to search the
river, where on the following evening they found
the body of the duke, with his habit entire, and
thirty ducats in his purse. He was pierced with
nine wounds, one of which was in his throat, the
others in his head, body, and limbs. No sooner
was the pontiff informed of the death of his son,
and that he had been thrown like filth into the
river, than giving way to his grief, he shut himself
up in a chamber and wept bitterly. The cardinal
of Segovia, and other attendants on the pope, went
to the door, and after many hours spent in persua-
sions and exhortations, prevailed upon him to ad-
mit them. From the evening of Wednesday, till
the following Saturday, the pope took no food;
nor did he sleep from Thursday morning till the
same hour on the ensuing day. At length however,
giving way to the entreaties of his attendants, he
began to restrain his sorrow, and to consider the
injury which his own health might sustain by the
further indulgence of his grief." (a)
From this account, which is in truth the only
authentic information that remains respecting the
death of the duke, it seems probable that he had
for some time been carrying on an amorous in-
(a) The original is given in the Appendix, No. XLVII.
LEO THE TENTH. 283
trigue, by the intervention of the person who so CHAP -
frequently visited him in disguise ; and it may at
the same time be concluded, that the evening on A. D. 1497.
A ytt 22
which he met with his death, he had been detect- Cssar Bor-
ed by some jealous rival, or injured husband, and
had paid with his life the forfeiture of his folly, his
presumption, or his guilt. The cardinal appears
not to have had the least share in directing the
motions of the duke ; nor does it appear from Bur-
chard, that he again left the palace, after he had
returned home on the evening when the murder
was committed. Throughout the whole narrative,
there is not the slightest indication that Caesar had
any share in the transaction ; and the continuance
of the favour of both his father and his mother, after
this event, may sufficiently prove to every impar-
tial mind, that he was not even suspected by them
as the author of the crime, (a)
The brothers of the Medici, disappointed in
their first attempt to regain their native place, Second .
now formed a more deliberate and systematic plan the Medici
for effecting their purpose. Amidst the internal
commotions which Florence had experienced since
the expulsion of the Medici, the form of its govern-
ment had undergone frequent changes, until the
populace had at length usurped the whole direc-
(a) Mr. Hcnke has discussed this subject at considerable length,
and has adduced the authority of several writers to shew that Caesar
was guilty of the murder, at which it was supposed even the pope
connived. The authors he has referred to are, Raph. Volaterr.
Commentar. Urban, lib. xxii. Onupkrius Panrinius. Vit. Alex. VL
p. 339, ed. Cologn. 1626. Petri Mart. Anglerii oput Epistolar. p.
99, ed. Amst. (r. Henke, Germ. ed. vol. i. p. 273.) Mr. Henke at-
tributes the conduct of the pope on this occasion to the apprehen-
sions he had for his own safety, from the atrocious character of hi*
284 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, tion, and, under th'e influence of Savonarola, had
' united the enthusiasm of liberty with the fanati-
A.D. 1497. cism of superstition. The violent extremes to
which they proceeded, soon however produced a
re-action favourable to their opponents. The in-
ability of a set of artisans, who left their stalls, in
the habits of their occupations, to regulate the con-
cerns of the state, became apparent ; the miscon-
duct or negligence of the rulers had been mani-
fested by an alarming scarcity of provisions ; and
at length, by the exertions of the more respectable
inhabitants, the office of gonfaloniere was confer-
red on Bernardo del Nero, a citizen of advanced
age and great authority, whose long and friendly
intercourse with the family of the Medici, gave
reason to suppose that he was well inclined to their
interest. The other offices of government were
also filled by persons who were supposed to be ad-
verse to the frateschi, or followers of Savonarola.
Encouraged by these favourable circumstances,
Piero communicated his views to the Venetians,
who promised to support him in his attempt. The
concurrence of Alexander VI. who was highly ex-
asperated against the Florentines, for the protec-
tion afforded to Savonarola, in his free censures of
the abuses of the church, was easily obtained ; nor
did Lodovico Sforza oppose an enterprize, which,
by dividing and weakening the Florentines, might
afford him an opportunity of availing himself of
their dissensions to his own advantage. The mili-
tary commander chosen by Piero de' Medici, on
this occasion, was Bartolommeo d'Alviano, who
had acquired great honour in the defence of Brac-
ciano, against the arms of the pope. By the credit
LEO THE TENTH. 285
and exertions of the three brothers, a considerable CHAP.
body of troops was raised, with which d'Alviano,
marching only by night, and through the least fire- A. D. 1497.
quented roads, proceeded to Siena. He was here
met by Piero and Giuliano, who had obtained fur-
ther succours from the inhabitants of Siena, whose
aversion to the Florentines led them to promote
every measure that was likely to increase their
internal commotions, or to weaken their political
strength, (a) A communication was secretly open-
ed between the Medici and their friends in Flo-
rence. The day was agreed upon when the Me-
dici should, early in the morning, approach the
city, and enter the gates ; at which time their ad-
herents would be ready to receive them, and to
second their efforts. In their progress towards
Florence they met with no interruption ; and ar-
riving within a few miles of the city, they took their
stations for the night ; intending to reach the walls
at the hour appointed on the following morning.
When, however, they prepared to pursue their
route, they found their order deranged, and their
progress obstructed, by the effects of an uncom-
mon fall of rain, which had continued throughout
the night ; and which, by postponing their arrival
until a late hour of the day, gave sufficient time to
their adversaries to be apprized of their intentions.
Vigorous measures were instantly adopted for the
defence of the city. Paolo Vitelli, the condottiero
of the Florentine troops, who had casually arrived
there on the preceding evening, secured the gates,
and took the command of those who were ready to
join in repelling the attack. The partisans of the
(a) Malavolti, Storia di Siena, par. 3, p. 103.
286 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Medici, some of whom had given sufficient indica-
tions of their designs, were seized upon and com-
A. D. 1497. mitted to safe custody ; insomuch, that when the
A ft 2*2
Medici arrived under the walls, instead of finding
their friends ready to receive them, they discover-
ed that every measure had been taken for resist-
ance, (a) Being thus disappointed in their expec-
tation of succeeding in their enterprize, by the aid
of their accomplices within the city, they delibe-
rated whether they should attack the gates, and
endeavour to carry the place by storm ; but, after
a consultation of four hours, they concluded that
their force was not equal to the undertaking.
Bending their course therefore towards the papal
dominions, d'Alviano and his military associates
(a) Nardi informs us that this attempt was made on the twenty-
eighth (Jay of April, 1497. According to the same author, Piero
de' Medici approached so near to the city walls, as to be seen by
the inhabitants ; who came in throngs, as to a spectacle, to take a
view of him and his associates, but gave no demonstrations of at-
tachment to his cause. He remained there about two hours ; and
being molested by the small arms from the fortress, was obliged
to take shelter behind the wall of one of the fountains in the sub-
urbs of the city. This historian, who was a great admirer of Sa-
vonarola, gives a singular instance of the folly of the magistrates,
and of his own credulity, in relating, thatGirolamo Benivieni, the
celebrated Florentine poet, who was himself a warm enthusiast,
was despatched to consult Savonarola on the attempt made by
Piero de' Medici, which had occasioned the magistrates great
alarm : When Savonarola, who was engaged in reading, raised his
head, and said to Benivieni " Modictz Jidei, quure dubitasti f
Know you not that God is with you ? Go, and inform the magis-
trates from me, that I shall pray to God for the city, and that they
may entertain no fears ; for Piero de' Medici will come as far as
the gates, and will return without having effected any thing."
" And so," says the historian, " it proved." Nardi, Hist. Fior.
lib. ii. p. 37.
LEO THE TENTH. - 287
endeavoured to recompense themselves for their CHAP.
disappointment, by plundering the inhabitants ;
whilst Piero and his brother Giuliano retired in A. 0.1497.
haste to Siena.
This affair did not, however, terminate without
uences to
que
bloodshed. No sooner were the prevailing party the
within the walls apprized of the retreat of the Me- Medici
dici, and the object of their visit, than they insti- &j m
tuted a strict inquiry as to the authors and abet-
tors of the undertaking ; in consequence of which,
four of the principal citizens, Nicolo Ridolfi, Lo-
renzo Tornabuoni, Gianozzo Pucci, and Giovanni
Cambi, were found to be implicated in the conspi-
racy and were condemned to death, (a) Bernardo
del Nero, the gonfaloniere, accused of having b6en
privy to their proceedings without disclosing them,
(a) To Lorenzo Tornabuoni, who was nearly related to the Me-
dici, Politiano had inscribed, in terms of warm commendation, his
Sylva, entitled Ambra ; at the same time applauding him for his
proficiency in the Greek language, and exhorting him to persevere
in the study of it. His untimely death is lamented in a sonnet of
Bernardo Accolti, called UUnico Aretino:
" lo che gia fu tesor de la natura,
Con man legate, scinto, c scalzo, vegno
A porre il giovin collo al duro legno,
E ricever vil paglia in sepoltura.
Pigli exemplo di me chi s'assicura
In potentia mortal, fortuna, o regno ;
Che spcsso viene al mondo, al cielo, a sdegno
Chi la felicita sua non misura.
E tu che levi a me gem me, e tesauro,
La consorte, i Bglioli, la vita mesta ;
Che piu poi troverrei un Turco, un Mauro !
Fammi una grazia almen, turba molesta,
A colei, cui tanto amo, in piatto d'auro,
Fa presentar la mia tagliata testa."
Optre d' Accolti. Ed. Kr. 1 6 14.
288 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, was adjudged to a similar fate. The persons thus
condemned appealed to the consiglio grande, or
A.D. 1497. general assembly of the people, in conformity to a
A. ^Et22. j a j. e re g u i a tj on j n the constitution, introduced by
the frateschi ; but the promoters of this salutary
law were the first to infringe it, and the conveni-
ent pretexts of public danger, and state necessity,
were alleged by the adherents of Savonarola as suf-
ficient justifications for carrying the sentence into
immediate execution, (a) The inhabitants of Flo-
rence, unaccustomed for a long course of years to
see the political errors of their fellow-citizens pu-
nished with such sanguinary severity, derived from
this transaction additional motives of dissatisfac-
tion; and the death of these citizens, who, whe-
ther guilty or not of the crime laid to their charge,
were condemned contrary to the established forms
of law, was soon afterwards avenged by the slaugh-
ter of those who had been most active in their de-
struction.
Paolo vu The siege of Pisa still continued to increase in
Sted" ge- importance, and to augment the number of the
Fbrentbes contending parties. In favour of the inhabitants,
the duke of Urbino, who had purchased his liberty
at the expense of thirty thousand ducats, d'Al-
viano, his late adversary, Paolo Orsini, Astorre
Baglioni, and several other commanders of inde-
pendent bodies of troops, took the field, having
been engaged in the cause principally by the wealth
and credit of the Venetians ; and the command of
(a) " E quel condusse in su le vostre mura
II vostro gran ribello, onde ne nacque
Di einque cittadini la sepoltura."
Macchitvel. Decennale, 1.
LEO THE TENTH. 289
the whole was entrusted to the marquis of Mantua. CHAP.
The ardour of the Florentines kept pace with that
of their enemies. They raised a considerable body A.D. 1497.
of troops within the Tuscan territories ; and seve- At A
ral experienced commanders joined their standard.
Paolo Vitelli, who had already rendered many im-
portant services to the republic, was appointed
chief general, and the bastone, or emblem of com-
mand, was delivered to him with great solemnity,
on a day fixed on for that purpose, by the rules of
astrology. On this occasion all the astrologers in
the city, who it seems formed a numerous body,
were assembled in the great court of the palace ;
and whilst one, who was in the immediate service
of Vitelli, with the rest of his fraternity, waited
with their astrological instruments in their hands
to observe the felice punto, or fortunate moment,
Marcello Virgilio, chancellor of the republic, de-
livered an oration before the magistrates in honour
of their general ; when, on a sign being given by >
the person appointed for that purpose, the orator
instantly concluded his speech, and Vitelli, on his
knees, received from the gonfaloniere the emblem
of his authority, amidst the sound of trumpets,
and the plaudits of the populace, (a) % At the same
time the Madonna dell' Imprunata was carried
through the city in a ceremonial procession; a
measure which we are told had never been resorted
to at Florence without manifest advantage, (b)
Whilst the adverse parties were thus preparing The
for a decisive contest, the inhabitants of Pisa des- an
patched a body of troops, consisting of seven
(a) Nardi, Hitt. Fior. lib. iii. p. 53.
(6) Ammirato, Hist. Fior. vol. iii. p. 2o4.
VOL. I. U
THE LIFE OF
CHAP,
hundred horse and one thousand foot, to levy
contributions upon, or to plunder the inhabitants
t 4 2 9 3 8 ' of the ^strict f Volterra. Returning with a con-
siderable booty, they were attacked in the val-
ley of S. Regolo by a party of the Florentines
under the command of the count Rinuccio, and
being thrown into disorder, were on the point of
relinquishing their spoil ; when a fresh body of
horse arriving from Pisa, changed the fortune of
the day, and the greater part of the Florentine de-
tachment was either slaughtered or made prison-
ers. This disaster was severely felt by the Flo-
rentines, who now began to apprehend that, unless
they could detach some of their adversaries from
the alliance formed against them, they might even-
tually, not only fail in their attempt to recover the
city of Pisa, but might so far exhaust their strength,
as to become themselves a prey to the ambition of
their enemies. Of these, the most formidable were
the Venetians, who were then in the zenith of their
power, and had given decisive proofs of their in-
tentions to extend their dominion into the southern
provinces of Italy. In this exigency the Floren-
tines had recourse to Lodovico Sforza, who, by
having so frequently changed the object of his
political pursuit, afforded them some hopes, that
he might not refuse to listen to their representa-
tions. Nor were they mistaken in this opinion.
Lodovico heard with attention the arguments by
which they endeavoured to convince him, that, in
affording assistance to the inhabitants of Pisa, he
was only acting a subsidiary part to the republic
of Venice, which was already too powerful for the
LEO THE TENTH. 291
other states of Italy, and would, by the acquisition ' H A p '
of Pisa and its territory become highly formidable
even to Lodovico himself. Induced by these and A / D i! 4 2?'
t A, VIA. M.
similar motives, and actuated by that instability
which characterized the whole of his conduct, Lo-
dovico entered into the proposed treaty ; and it
was agreed between the parties, that in order to
avail themselves of it to greater advantage, no ex-
ternal demonstration of it should immediately ap-
pear, but that Lodovico should take advantage of
such opportunity of withdrawing his troops, as
should be most for the interest of his new allies, (a)
From the time of the return of Charles VIII. to
his own dominions, the Italian states had been
kept in continual alarm, by rumours of great pre-
parations, said to be making for another and more
powerful descent upon the kingdom of Naples ;
but these apprehensions were suddenly dispelled Death of
by the death of that monarch, occasioned by an viii.lnd
apoplexy, whilst he was amusing himself by the
game of tennis at the castle of Amboise, in the
month of April, 1498. The exultation of the Ita-
lians on this event was not, however, well-founded,
and it is probable that the death of the king, instead
of being favourable to their repose, was the occa-
sion of their being exposed to still greater calami-
ties. Charles had little pretensions either in body
or mind to the character of a hero. He had made
a hazardous attempt, from the consequences of
which he had been extricated with difficulty ; and
there was no great probability that he would have
exposed himself to the dangers of a second expe-
(fl) Guicctard. Storia d' ItaL lib. iv. vol. i. p. 196.
U 2
292 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, dition. The longer continuance of his life would
therefore have prevented, or postponed, the hos-
A.D. 1498. tile efforts of his bolder and more active successor.
A.jt23. j. n j g successor was Louis, duke of Orleans, cousin
to Charles in the fourth degree, who, under the
name of Louis XII. assumed the crown without
opposition, and immediately after his accession
gave a striking proof of his intentions, by taking
the additional titles of duke of Milan, and king of
the two Sicilies. No sooner had he ascended the
throne, than he found a pretext for divorcing his
wife, the daughter of Louis XI. who, as he alleged,
was so devoid of personal attractions, and of so
sickly a constitution, that he had no hopes of pro-
geny from her, and chose in her stead, Anne of
Bretagne, the widow of his predecessor, Charles
VIII. who is supposed to have been the object of
his affection before her former marriage. As the
dispensation of the pope was requisite for this
union, Alexander VI. was happy in so favorable
an opportunity of gratifying the wishes of the new
sovereign ; but the king was too impatient to wait
the return of his ambassador, and presuming on
the success of his mission, celebrated the marriage
before the necessary formalities for his divorce had
been expedited from Rome. This irregularity was,
however, readily pardoned, and Ca?sar Borgia, who
had now divested himself of the rank of cardinal,
was deputed to carry to France the dispensation,
which was accompanied by the hat of a cardinal
for George of Amboise, archbishop of Rouen. The
magnificence displayed by Cassar on this embassy,
far exceeded that of royalty itself; and the king
LEO THE TENTH. 293
remunerated his services, by conferring on him the CHAP.
title of duke of Valentinois, in Dauphiny, and by a '
grant of the annual sum of twenty thousand livres ; A.D. 1498.
to \vhich was also added the promise of a territo-
rial possession in the Milanese, as soon as the king
should have completed the conquest of that coun-
try, (a) About the same time, Lucrezia, the daugh-
ter of the pontiff, was divorced from her husband,
Giovanni Sforza, lord of Pesaro, and married to
Alfonso of Aragon, a natural son of Alfonso II.
late king of Naples.
Ever since the brothers of the Medici had been
compelled to quit their native place, the Floren-
tines had exhibited a striking instance of the effects
of fanaticism, in debasing both the intellectual and
moral powers of the mind. Absurd and blasphe-
mous pretensions to the peculiar favour of heaven,
to the power of working miracles, and of predict-
ing future events, were asserted by Savonarola
and his followers, who attempted to establish the
reign of Jesus Christ, as it was impiously called,
by acts of violence and bloodshed. This sudden
, , Death of
depression occasioned however as sudden a re- Savonarola.
verse. No sooner were the Florentines convinced
of the fraudulent practices of their pretended pro-
phet, than they satiated their resentment by the
destruction of the man who had so long been the
(a) Gvicciard. lib. iv. vol. i. p. 207. On this occasion Caesar is
supposed to have carried with him an immense treasure, and even
the horses of his attendants are said to have been shod with silver.
His magnificent entrance into Chinon, is described by Brantome,
Mem. v. 227, ed. Leyde. 1 722. Gordons Life of Alex. VI. p. 180.
The divorce of Louis XII. and his marriage- contract with Anne
of Bretagne, appear in the collection of Du Mont, vol. iii. p. 2,
pp. 404, 405.
294 THE LIFE OP
CHAP, object of their admiration ; after which they com-
mitted his body, together with those of two of his
A.D. 1498. associates, to the flames, and scattered their ashes
A. ,Et.23. n ^ e r j ver Arno. (a) Respecting the charac-
ter of Savonarola, a great diversity of opinions
has arisen, as well in his own, as in subsequent
times; and whilst some have considered him as a
saint and a martyr, others have stigmatized him
as an impostor and a demagogue. It requires not,
however, any great discernment to perceive, that
Savonarola united in himself those exact propor-
tions of knavery, talents, folly, and learning, which,
combined with the insanity of superstition, com-
pose the character of a fanatic ; the motives and
consequences of whose conduct are perhaps no
(a) This circumstance is adverted to in the following sonnet,
prefixed to an Italian translation in MS. of the Life of Savonarola,
from the Latin of Giovan-Francesco Pico, one of his warmest ad-
mirers. At the close of the work is a large collection of miracles,
attributed to this extraordinary and unfortunate man. The person
referred to under the name of // Tiranno, is undoubtedly Piero
de' Medici :
" Alma citta, che al fuoco, al onda,
Vedesti in preda i tre martiri eletti,
E tra le pene acerbe, e tra dispetti,
Lieti insieme provar morte gioconda,
Godi, che d'ogni ben tosto feconda
Ti mostran di profeti i santi detti ;
E tu, che sei regina de' profeti,
Ove il fallo abondo, la grazia abonda.
II tuo ricco, onorato, altiero fiume,
Che si nasconde il gran tesoro in seno,
Di quel sacro divin cenere sparso,
Vedra morto il Tiranno, spento ed arso
Ogn' infidel, e'l vizio venir meno,
Ed apparir nuova luce, e nuovo lume."
For the particulars of the catastrophe of Savonarola, see Life of
Lor. de Medici, vol. ii. p. 269, 4to. ed.
LEO THE TENTH. 295
less obscure and inexplicable to himself, than they CHAP.
are to the rest of mankind, (a)
The secret treaty between Lodovico Sforza and A.D.
the state of Florence, was much more detrimental , A .'
ir It
to the Venetians, than it would have been if pub-
licly avowed. By his solicitations, several of the
Italian leaders, who had engaged in the defence
of Pisa, were induced to enter into the service of
the Florentines ; and the army of the republic,
under the command of Paolo Vitelli, at length
took the field, with a considerable body of horse,
and a powerful train of artillery. Having hastily
passed the Arno, Vitelli first bombarded the castle
of Buti, where the Venetians attempted to oppose
his progress. This place he carried by assault on
the second day. Thence he proceeded towards
Pisa, and having stationed several bodies of troops
in the vicinity, so as to prevent the approach of
supplies to the city, he turned his artillery against
Vico Pisano, a fortress in the neighbourhood of
Pisa, where, having made a breach in the walls, he
compelled the garrison to capitulate, and proceed-
ed, by regular approaches, to reduce the city to
submission, (b)
In the mean time the exiled brothers of the Me- Third a t-
dici, conceiving that another opportunity was now
afforded them for attempting the recovery of Flo-
rence, requested the Venetian senate to admit them
as associates in the war : representing to them the
practicability of sending a body of troops through
(a) On the character of Savonarola, Count Bossi has given a
long and interesting note, highly deserving the attention of the
Italian reader, (r. Ital. ed. vol. ii. p. 189.)*
(b) Guicciard. Storia (fltal. lib. IT. vol. i. p. 199.
296 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, the passes of the Apennines, where they would be
' joined by the numerous friends of the Medici in
A. D. 1498. that quarter, by whose assistance they might at-
tack the city before it could be provided with the
means of defence. The Venetians, at this time
closely pressed by Vitelli, willingly accepted the
offer; and a large body of infantry was immediately
collected, the command of which was given to the
duke of Urbino, and Astorre Baglioni, of Perugia.
Piero de' Medici, with his brother Giuliano, and his
cousin Giulio, having united their troops with those
of Bartolommeo d'Alviano, and Carlo Orsino, join-
ed the Venetians in the Val de Lamone, and pos-
sessed themselves of the small town of Marra.
They soon however found themselves opposed by
the Florentines, with whom Lodovico Sforza had
now united his arms ; but the duke of Urbino
pressed forwards, and, having captured the town
of Bibbiena, descended into the sterile district of
Casentino, through which the Arno continues its
course to Florence; and although his operations
were retarded no less by the severity of the wea-
ther, than by the efforts of his enemies, his ap-
proach filled the inhabitants of Florence with con-
sternation. They, therefore, directed their com-
mander Vitelli to fortify, in the best manner he
could, the places which he had occupied near Pisa,
and to proceed immediately to oppose the Medici
in Casentino. The courage and experience of the
duke of Urbino, and the ardour and rapidity of
d'Alviano, were opposed by the vigilance and
caution of Vitelli. With inconceivable industry
he fortified the passes by which alone the troops
of the Medici could approach ; he restrained their
LEO THE TENTH. 297
excursions on every side ; he weakened their forces CHAP.
in various skirmishes, and harassed them by cut- _
ting off their supplies. Unable either to procure A.D.
subsistence, or to change the situation of their
troops, the Venetian commissaries, with the bro-
thers of the Medici, secretly deserted their army,
and fled for safety to the town of Bibbiena. The
soldiers themselves were compelled to undergo
that last of all military disgraces, the compulsory
surrender of their arms ; after which they were
permitted by their conquerors to retire, dejected,
emaciated, and disgraced, to their own country, (a)
(a) It was probably on this disastrous event, that the anguish
of Piero de' Medici burst forth in the following sonnet ; which,
although incorrect and unpolished, may be considered as the ge-
nuine expression of his feelings. It is now first printed from the
original in the Laurentian library ; which appears there in a very
rude and imperfect state.
SONETTO.
" Non posso far che gli occhi non m'inacqui,
Pensando quel ch'io sono, e quel ch'io ero ;
D'aver diletto mai piu non spero
In alcun nido com' in quel ch'io nacqui.
Per certo ch'a fortuna troppo spiacqui,
E chi'l cognosca credi chel sia '1 vero ;
Sofert' ho in pace, e gia non mi dispero,
Con tutto che con 1'ira il viso imbiucqui.
lo m'assomiglio al Icgno in alto mare,
Che per fortuna 1'arbore sta torto,
Cangio le vele e sto per annegare.
Se non perisco ancor, guignero in porto.
Fortuna sa quel ch'ella sa ben fare,
Sana in un punto chi & quasi morto.
lo son fuor del mio orto,
Dice il proverbio ; odi parola adorna
Che chi non muor qualche volta ritorna."
SONNET.
298 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. During the contest respecting the city of Pisa,
v " the Florentines had at various times made over-
A. D. 1499. tures to the Venetians and their allies, for compro-
m j g j n g the differences to which it had given rise;
but the senate, conscious of their superiority, and
The contest desirous of reducing the territory of Pisa under
their own dominion, had, under various pretexts,
refused to listen to any terms of pacification. The
disgraceful defeat of their troops in Casentino,
and the vigour with which Vitelli carried on the
siege of Pisa, at length induced them to relax
in their pretensions ; and by the intervention of
Lodovico Sforza, it was, after long negotiation,
agreed, that all differences between the contend-
ing parties should be finally decided by Ercole,
duke of Ferrara. Having undertaken the office
of mediator, and heard the various representa-
tions of the different envoys, he published his de-
termination on the sixth day of April, 1 499 ; by
which he ordered, that the Venetians should im-
mediately withdraw their troops from the Floren-
SONNET.
When all my sorrows past I call to mind,
And what I am, with what I was, compare :
No more allow'd those dear delights to share,
Alone to thee, my native spot, confined,
Tears dim my eyes. Yet tho' with looks unkind
Vindictive fortune still pursues me near,
Firm as I may her injuries I bear ;
In spirit ardent, but with heart resign'd.
Like some storm-beaten bark, that o'er the deep
Dismantled drives, the sport of every blast,
I speed my way, and hourly wait my doom.
Yet when I trace the many dangers past,
Hope still revives ; my destined course I keep,
And trust to fate for happier hours to come.
LEO THE TENTH. 299
tine and Pisan territories; that the Florentines CHAP.
should pay to them one hundred and eighty thou-
sand ducats, by stated payments of fifteen thou- A. 0.1499.
sand in each year, as an indemnity for the expen- A - >Et ' 24>
ses of the war ; and that t^e city of Pisa should
return to its obedience to Florence, under certain
restrictions, by which the administration of jus-
tice, both criminal and civil, and the public re-
venue of the state, were secured to the inhabi-
tants. (a)
This determination, instead of reconciling the
contending parties, was received with disapproba- tuaf. IM
tion by all. The Venetians, disappointed in those
views of aggrandizement with which they had en-
tered into the war, considered the payment of an
annual sum as no alleviation of their vexalion and
disgrace. The Florentines murmured, that, after
the enormous expenses which they had already
sustained in the defence of their long-established
rights, they should be compelled to reimburse the
Venetians to so large an amount ; whilst their do-
minion over the city and territory of Pisa was mu-
tilated and restricted, so that they could not in-
demnify themselves in that quarter for any part of
their expenditure. But above all, the citizens of
Pisa exclaimed against the decision of the duke ;
which they contended would, in effect, deliver
them once more into the absolute power of their
oppressors, who would soon find a pretext to de-
prive them of their immunities, and to reduce
them to the same disgraceful state of vassalage,
under which they had so long laboured. It was
to no purpose that the duke attempted, by an ad-
(a) Guicdard. Storia - tt - 24 -
enter into a league with Louis XII. to assist him
in the recovery of Milan, in which a power was
reserved to Alexander VI. to become a party, (a)
Of this privilege the pope soon afterwards availed
himself ; having first stipulated, among other arti-
cles, that the states of Imola, Forli, Faenza, and
Pesaro, then under the government of their re-
spective lords, should be conquered by the arms
of the allies, and united under the sole dominion
of Caesar Borgia.
These portentous transactions were not regarded
with an inattentive eye by the cardinal de' Medici.
He had now attempted, in conjunction with his
brothers, at three different times, to effect the re-
storation of his family to their native place. The
ill fortune or misconduct of Piero had defeated all
their endeavours, and every new attempt had only
served to increase the violence of their enemies, and
to bar the gates of Florence more firmly against
cardinalem, contraxisse matrimonium cum tnagnifica Domina de
Allebretto, a die praesentis mensis ; et illud Dominica duodecima
ejusdem consummasse. * * * * * Venit alius annuncians quod in
die pentecostes nona decima hujus, Rex Franciae assumpsit Du-
cem praedictum in confratrem confraternitatis Sancti Michaelis,
quae est regia et magni honoris. Fuerant propterea ex mandato
Pontificis facti multi ignes per urbem in signum laetitize ; sed in
magnum dedecus et verecundiam Sanctissimi Domini nostri, et
ejus sanctae sedis." Burchard Diar. v. Appendix to Gordon's L\fe
of Alexander VI.
() This treaty, formed at Blois, and bearing date the fifteenth
day of April, 1499, is given in the Corps Diplomatique of Du-
mont, vol. iii. par. ii. p. 406.
310 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. them. During five years he had been compelled
to avail himself successively of the protection of
A.D. 1499. the ancient friends of his family in different parts
of Italy ; but as the hope of his restoration to Flo-
e d c e a . r Ji~ e _ rence diminished, he began to be regarded as an
tui qu 'nd ex ^ e anc * a ^ u S*^ ve an d * n tne approaching distur-
bances of Italy, it was not easy to determine in
nonpar? what part he might find a secure asylum. The city
arope. Q f R O me, which ought to have afforded him a safe
and honourable residence, was rendered irksome
to him by the vices, and dangerous by the animo-
sity of the pontiff; whilst the Florentines, in or-
der to secure themselves during the approaching
commotions, had acceded to the league with
France, and thereby cut off from the Medici all
hopes of deriving assistance from that power on
which they had hitherto relied. Impelled by these
circumstances, and perhaps also actuated by the
laudable desire of visiting foreign countries, the
cardinal determined to quit Italy, and to pass some
portion of his time in traversing the principal king-
doms of Europe, till events might arise more fa-
vourable to his views, (a)
This design he communicated to his cousin Giu-
lio de' Medici, and it was agreed to form a party
of twelve friends ; a number which they consider-
ed sufficiently large for their mutual security in the
common incidents of a journey, and too small to af-
ford any cause of alarm. Discarding, therefore, the
insignia of their rank, and equipping themselves
in an uniform manner, they passed through the
states of Venice, and visited most of the principal
(a) Ammirato, Rilratti d'huomini illustri di Casa Medici. Opvsc.
vol. iii. p. 6G.
LEO THE TENTH. 311
cities of Germany ; assuming in turn the command CHAP.
of their troop, and partaking of all the amusements
afforded by continual change of place, and the va- A. D. 1499.
rious manners of the inhabitants. On their arri- A -- tt - 24 -
val at Ulm, their singular appearance occasioned
their being detained by the magistrates ; but, on
their disclosing their quality and purpose, they
were sent under a guard to the emperor Maximi-
lian, who received the cardinal with that respect
and attention, to which, from the celebrity of his
ancestors, and his high rank in the church, -he was
so well entitled. Far from interrupting their pro-
gress, Maximilian highly commended the magna-
nimity of the cardinal in bearing his adverse for-
tune with patience ; and his judgment and pru-
dence, in applying to the purposes of useful infor-
mation, that portion of his time, of which he could
not now dispose to better advantage. Besides fur-
nishing him with an honourable passport through
the German states, Maximilian gave him letters to
his son Philip, then governor of the low countries ;
recommending the cardinal and his companions to
his protection and favour. After having passed a
considerable time in Gennany, the associated friends
proceeded to Flanders ; where they were received
by Philip, not only with hospitality, but with
magnificence. The cardinal then intended to have
taken shipping, and proceeded to England ; but
the danger of the voyage deterred his friends from
the undertaking ; and, at their entreaties, he re-
linquished his design, (a) They, therefore, bent
(a) " Dal qual finalmentc partcndo, a Torrovana su* 1' oceano
si condusse ; con pensiero di vedcr Inghilterra, se da compagni
non fosse stato dissuaso ; panrosi oltrc niodo do' Hutt i di qucl vasto
e profondissimo mare." Ammir. Ritratti, in Opusc. vol. iii. p. 66.
312 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, their course towards France. On their arrival at
VT> Rouen they were again seized upon, and detained
A. D. 1499. in custody ; and, although the cardinal, and his
A.^Et.24. cous j n Giulio, made an immediate discovery of
their rank, and represented the object of their jour-
ney to he totally unconnected with political con-
cerns ; yet, in the state of hostility that had then
commenced between the kings of France and of
Naples, there appeared to be too much ground for
suspicion, to admit of their being speedily releas-
ed ; nor was it until letters were obtained from Pi-
ero de' Medici, then in the French camp at Milan,
that they were enabled to procure their discharge.
Having again obtained their liberty, they proceed-
ed through France, visiting every place deserving
of notice, and examining whatever was remarkable
till they arrived at Marseilles. After a short stay,
they determined to proceed by sea immediately to
Rome. The winds being, however, unfavourable,
they were compelled to coast the Riviera of Genoa,
where having been driven on shore, they thought
it advisable to relinquish their voyage, and to pro-
ceed by land to Savona. On their arrival at this
place they met with the cardinal Giuliano della
Rovere, who had fled thither to avoid the resent-
ment of Alexander VI. A common enmity^to that
profligate pontiff, and a similarity of misfortunes,
rendered their meeting interesting ; and three re-
fugees sat at the same table, all of whom were af-
terwards elevated to the highest dignity in the
Christian world. The two cousins of the Medici
gave an account of the objects which they had met
with on their journey ; and related the difficulties
which they had surmounted by land, and the dan-
gers which they had encountered by sea. The
LEO THE TENTH. 313
cardinal della Rovere recapitulated in his turn the CHAP.
events which had taken place in Italy since their
departure, and in which they were so deeply in- A. 0.1499.
terested. From Savona the cardinal de' Medici
repaired to Genoa, where for some time he took
up his residence with his sister, Madalena, the
wife of Francesco Cib6, who had fixed upon that
city as the place of his permanent ahode. (a)
During the absence of the cardinal from Rome, LU* xn.
a very considerable change had taken place in the
political state of Italy. The French army under
the command of d' Aubigny had crossed the Alps ;
and, forming a junction with the troops of Gian-
Giacopo Trivulzio, who had obtained the rank of
marshal of France, occupied several of the princi-
pal towns in the Milanese, and had at length cap-
tured and sacked the capital. It was not without
difficulty that Lodovico Sforza effected his escape
into the Tyrol. Louis XII. informed of the success
of his arms, hastened to Milan, which ha entered
as sovereign, on the sixth day of October, 1499,
amidst the acclamations of the people ; who wea-
ried with the tyranny of the usurper, regarded the
French as the avengers of his crimes, and the as-
sertors of their rights, (b) On this occasion, the
rightful heir to the supreme authority fell into the
hands of Louis XII. who tore him from his mother
Isabella, and sent him into a monastery in France ;
whilst Isabella, herself, having witnessed the de-
struction of her husband and children at Milan, re-
turned to Naples to behold that of her whole fami-
ly. The arms of the French and their allies in Ita-
(a) Ammir. Ruratli, Opusc. vol. iii. p. 66.
(h) Muratori, Annali d' Italia, vol. ix. p. <500.
314 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, jy having thus far been successful, the conquering
parties began to divide the spoil. The states of
A.D. 1499. Milan and of Genoa were received into the allegiance
A vEt 24
of the king of France, (a) The city and district
of Cremona were surrendered up to the Vene-
tians, as had been previously agreed on ; and it
only remained to gratify the wishes of Alexander,
and his son Caesar Borgia, by obtaining for the
latter the dominion of the several states in Ro-
magna, which had been promised to him as a re-
compence for the concurrence of the pope in the
league with France.
Cfesar Bor- Caesar Borgia, now no longer called the cardi-
the cities of nal of Valenza, but duke of Valentinois, having
pa> obtained a considerable body of French troops,
and united them with the papal forces, proceeded
to attack the city of Imola, which he soon com-
pelled to capitulate. The fortress of Forli was
defended with great courage by Caterina Sforza,
the mother of the young prince Ottaviano Riario ;
but all resistance to so superior a force being in-
effectual, she was at length obliged to surrender ;
and being made a prisoner, was sent to the castle
of S. Angelo, at Rome. She was, however, soon
afterwards liberated in consequence of the repre-
sentations of Ivo d'Allegri, who commanded the
French troops in the service of Caesar Borgia, and
who was induced, not less from admiration of her
courage, than compassion for her sex, to interest
himself in her behalf. The further progress of
the united armies was prevented by new dis-
turbances in the Milanese, in consequences of
which d' Allegri returned with the troops under
(a) r. Machiavelli, lib. del Principe, p. 6, ed. 1550.
LEO THE TENTH. 315
his command into that district ; and Caesar, has- CHAP.
tening to Rome, entered the city on the twenty-
sixth day of February, 1500, with extraordinary A.D. isoo.
pomp, (a) A carnival was soon afterwards cele-
brated, in which he displayed his magnificence at
an incredible expense; and, as a reward for his
achievements, the pope presented him with the gol-
den consecrated rose, and dignified him with the
title of Gonfaloniere of the holy Roman church.
The period was now fast approaching in which im P non-
Lodovico Sforza, the author of so many calamities
to his country, and to mankind, was to meet with
the retribution that awaited his misdeeds. After
having in vain attempted to procure the assistance
of the emperor elect Maximilian, he resorted to
the mercenary aid of the Swiss, from whom he
engaged an army of eight thousand men. With
this force, and such additional troops as his own
exertions, and those of his brother, the cardinal
Ascanio, could raise, he suddenly descended into
Italy, and passing by the lake of Como, possessed
himself of the adjacent city. The commencement
of his undertaking was prosperous. The cruelties
and enormities practised by the French, had al-
ready convinced the people of the error into which
they had been led, by a too favourable opinion of
their conquerors. The cities of Milan opened
their gates to their former sovereign ; whose go-
vernment, though severe, appeared to them kind
and lenient, in comparison with the tyranny of the
French. Louis XII. was, however, unwilling to
relinquish his conquests without further efforts.
(a) The particulars of this splendid procession are fully given
by Burchard. v. Appendix, No. XLVIII.
316 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Fresh troops were poured over the Alps; the
T 1 ' principal part of which consisted also of Swiss
A. D. isoo. mercenaries, who, to the number often thousand,
A.vEt25. en g a g e( j to oppose their own countrymen; and
who, joined to six thousand French troops, under
the command of the duke de la Tremouille, again
threatened the destruction of the house of Sforza.
The contest between the two armies was concen-
tred at the city of Novara, from which Lodovico
had expelled the French; who still, however, kept
possession of the fortress. Whilst the event of
the war yet remained uncertain, that treachery, of
which Lodovico had so often set the example, was
now employed to his own destruction. A secret
intercourse had already taken place between the
Swiss troops in his service and the French com-
mander. At the moment when he expected to
avail himself of their assistance, they suddenly de-
serted his standard, alleging that they would not
oppose their countrymen in battle ; and, with the
privity and concurrence of the French, took the
direct road towards their own country, (a) In
attempting to effect his escape, Lodovico was, on
the tenth day of April, 1500, made prisoner, with
several of his nobility and friends, (b) His own
crimes afforded a pretext to Louis XII. for treat-
ing him with a degree of cruelty, which, in fact,
only served to gratify the resentment of the king,
(a) The treacherous conduct of the Swiss on this occasion was
notorious, and is commemorated in the works of several of the
writers of the time. v. Appendix, No. XLIX.
(b) On the same day that Sforza was made prisoner, the poet
Marullus lost his life, in attempting to pass the river Cecina, in
the district of Volterra. His untimely fate was a subject of re-
gret to several of his learned friends, v. Appendix, No. L.
LEO THE TENTH. 317
for the opposition given to his pretensions, and CHAP.
which changed the remembrance of the miscon- '
duct of Lodovico into compassion for his misfor- A.D.ISOO.
vEt.25
tunes. Conveyed to the castle of Loches, in the
duchy of Berri, () he was there inclosed in a dark
and lonely chamber ; where, daily furnished with
the means of life, but deprived of all that could
render life tolerable, he languished in solitude and
misery the remainder of his existence ; a space of
ten years.
Such were the events that had taken place in The cardi-
Italy, during the absence of the cardinal de' Me- Sici return
dici, and which speedily prepared the way to still to
more important alterations. From Genoa the car-
dinal hastened to Rome, in the expectation that
amidst the changes and commotions to which the
pretensions of Louis XII. and the ambition of
Caesar Borgia incessantly gave rise, an opportu-
nity might yet occur of restoring the Medici to
their former authority in the city of Florence. On
his arrival at Rome, the moderation of his con-
duct, and the respectability of his life, seemed to
have effected a change in the disposition of the
pope ; who, from this time, appears to have laid
aside his ill-will, and to have treated the cardinal
with the respect and attention due to his rank.
But, although this alteration in the conduct of the
pope was sufficiently observable, it was not sup-
posed, by those who had the best opportunities of
forming a just opinion of these very opposite cha-
racters, that Alexander was sincere in his profes-
sions of esteem for one whom he had so lately
(a) Guicciardini, lib. iv. voL i. p. 252. Murat. Annali, vol. ix.
p. 605.
318 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, marked as an object of his displeasure. On the
1L contrary it was conjectured, that the crafty pon-
A.D.1500. tiff was only desirous of avoiding the imputation of
having such a man as the cardinal for his enemy,
and of screening himself from the odium which he
justly deserve/1, by inducing a belief, that he lived
with him on terms of intimacy and confidence, (a)
The award of the duke of Ferrara for termina-
ting the war respecting the city of Pisa, having
been rendered ineffectual by the dissent of all the
parties, the Florentines had begun to take mea-
sures for repairing their former disasters ; and, as
they had concurred with the Venetians and the
pope, in the league with France, they conceived
that they were also entitled to derive some advan-
tage from the successes of the allies, towards which
they had contributed by sending to the aid of the
king a considerable body of troops, (b) These pre-
(a) " Cum enirn vitam moresque tuos ab ineunte aetate consi-
dero, cum castissime superatam adolescentiam, juventutem actam
gravissime atque sanctissime, cum praeterea intueor quanta animi
fortitudine atque constantia paupertatem, diuturnumque exilium
toleraveris ; qua prudentia, errore fortasse aliquo, gravem tibi ad-
versarium Alexandrum pontificem maximum, eo deduxeris facili-
tate tua et suavissimis moribus, ut non modo odium dissimulare
vellet, sed etiam ad declinandam invidiam, se tibi cuperet haberi
amicissimum," &c. Greg. Cortesii Ep. ad. Leon. X. inter ejusd. ep.
fam. p. 249. Yen. 1573.
(4) Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 254. The frequent introduction
of the " siege of Pisa," may perhaps remind the reader of the sar-
casm of Boccalini, where he pretends that the Laconic senate con-
demned an unfortunate author, who had been convicted of using
three words, where two were sufficient, to read once over the War
of Pisa by Guicciardini ; but that the culprit, after having with
great agony laboured through the first page, requested his judges
would send him to the galleys for life, rather than compel him to
LEO THE TENTH. 319
tensions were urged with great eagerness; inso- CHAP.
much, that the cardinal of Rohan, who governed
the Milanese states on behalf of Louis XII. was A.D. isoo.
at length prevailed upon to furnish the Florentines
with a body of six hundred horse, and eight thou-
sand Swiss soldiers, accompanied by a formidable
train of artillery, and a supply of ammunition, for
the purpose of reducing the citizens of Pisa to
obedience, (a) With this aid, and a considerable
additional body of Italian mercenaries, the Floren-
tines again assaulted that unfortunate city ; which
the inhabitants had fortified to the utmost of their
power. The besieged did not, however, wholly
rely either on the strength of their ramparts, or
on their own courage ; but had recourse to arti-
fice and negotiation for mitigating the violence, or
obviating the effects of the threatened attack. To
this end, they despatched their envoys to the
French governors in Milan and Genoa, as well as
to Beaumont, the commander of the French troops
destined for the assault, proposing to deliver up
the city to the French king, provided he would
receive them as his subjects, and afford them his
protection, (b) To this offer Ravestan, the go-
vernor of Genoa, expressed his assent, but Beau-
mont still persevered in the attack ; and, having
at length succeeded in demolishing a part of the
walls, he ordered his troops to commence the as-
sault. An ill-disciplined and tumultuous body of
horse and foot rushed towards the city ; but al-
go through with his labour. Boccalin. Ragguag. vi. Guicciardini
enjoys his reputation and the critic his jest.
(a) Nardi. Hist. Fior. lib. iv. p. 65, &c.
(b) Guicciard. lib. v. voL ii. p. 256
320 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, though the walls were destroyed, an immense
trench, which the industry of the inhabitants had
A. D. 1500. formed within them, with an additional rampart,
25 ' unexpectedly opposed their further progress, (a)
In one moment the daring assailants were con-
verted into astonished spectators, and the remain-
der of the day was passed without any effort to
surmount the difficulty. The offers made to the
king of France now began to produce their ef-
fects. Many of the French officers were favour-
able to the cause of the inhabitants. An amica-
ble intercourse soon took place between them,
and they who had been repulsed as enemies, were
now admitted as friends. By this communication,
and the long delay to which it gave rise, the dis-
cipline of the besieging army was wholly de-
stroyed. A general mutiny took place, in which
the soldiery seized upon the supplies intended for
the siege, sacked the camp, and took prisoner the
Florentine commissary, Luca d'Albizi, on a pre-
text that the arrears of their pay had not been
duly discharged. No sooner was the besieging
army dispersed, than the troops in the city sallied
out, and proceeding to Librafatta, a garrison-town
on the Tuscan frontier, with great intrepidity
scaled the walls, and possessed themselves of the
place; which was of the utmost importance to
their safety, as it opened to them all the country
towards Lucca, (b) Nor did the misfortunes of
the Florentines terminate here. Louis XII. ex-
asperated beyond measure at the dishonour which
the French arms had sustained in this enterprize,
(a) Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. iv. p. 56.
(b~) Gwcciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 257.
LEO THE TENTH. 32J
accused the Florentines of having rendered it CHAP.
abortive by their own parsimony and imprudence.
The Florentines were earnest to justify them- A.D. JAOI
selves ; for which purpose they despatched two * **
ambassadors to the king ; one of whom was the
celebrated Nicolo Macchiavelli ; () but their re-
presentations were of little avail ; and it was only
by the payment of a certain sum, for the support,
as the king pretended, of the Swiss troops on
their return to Milan, that they were again re-
ceived into favour. The resentment of the mo-
narch being thus pacified, he once more proposed
to afford them his assistance. But the Floren-
tines, suspecting, perhaps, that he had himself de-
signs upon the city of Pisa, or being already so
far exhausted, as to be unable to bear the expenses
which a new attempt must inevitably occasion,
thought proper to decline his further aid.
In the mean time Caesar Borgia persevered in c*sar Bor-
his attempt to subdue the cities of Romagna. By
the assistance of the French troops he soon pos-
sessed himself of Pesaro, the patrimony of Gio- states -
vanni Sforza; and of Rimini, then subject to Pan-
dolfo Malatesti. The conquest of Faenza was an
undertaking of greater difficulty. Such was the
attachment of the inhabitants to their young so-
vereign, Astorre Manfredi, then only seventeen
years of age, that the utmost efforts of the assail-
ants were unable to reduce the place until the
following year, when the city surrendered to the
French and papal arms. Even then the posses-
sion was only obtained under the sanction of ho-
nourable capitulation, by which the young prince,
(a) Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. iv. p. 7.
VOL. I. Y
322 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, who had already distinguished himself by his mi-
litary talents, was to hold a respectable rank in
A. D. 1501. the service of Caesar Borgia. 1 No sooner, how-
ever, had that implacable tyrant secured his per-
son, than he sent him, accompanied by his natu-
ral brother, to Rome ; where they were both put
to death, (a) He then turned his arms against
Bologna, where he had already a secret communi-
cation with some of the principal citizens, whom
he had seduced to espouse his cause ; but Gio-
vanni Bentivoglio, who then held the supreme
authority, having discovered the intrigue, seized
upon several of the conspirators, who were imme-
diately slaughtered by his adherents ; and, having
diligently attended to the defence of the city, pre-
vented, for a time, the further progress of the
usurper, who had intended to constitute Bologna
the capital of his new government ; of which the
pope had already granted him the investiture, by
the title of duke of Romagna. (b)
The Medici Whilst Caesar Borgia, thus checked in his career,
fourth P time was hesitating against whom he should next lead
thefr^tum the formidable body of troops, of which he had
to Florence.; obtained the command, the Medici conceived that
a favourable opportunity was once more afforded
them, of regaining their former authority in the
city of Florence. The want of ability and energy
in the government of that place became daily
more conspicuous. The city, exhausted of its
wealth, was distracted by tumults; whilst the
Tuscan territories were disgraced by dissensions
and feuds among the principal families. In this
(a) Guicciard, lib. v. vol. i. p. 262.
(6) Jovii, vita Leonis X. lib. i. p. 24.
LEO THE TENTH. 323
situation of affairs, Piero de' Medici, encouraged by c H A p.
the Venetians, and supported by the Orsini, and
by Vitellozzo Vitelli, whose animosity to the Flo- A.D. ism.
rentines on account of the death of his brother
Paolo was inextinguishable, hastened to the camp
of Caesar Borgia, and endeavoured to convince
him of the advantages which he would derive from
marching his troops into the Florentine territory,
and effecting a change in the government. () At
the same time Giuliano de' Medici suddenly pre-
sented himself at the court of Louis XII. who
was then highly displeased with the Florentines,
and, by the promise of a large subsidy for the sup-
port of the expedition against Naples, and the as-
surances of a constant devotion to the French go-
vernment, obtained from the king the promise of
his support in the intended enterprize. () But
Caesar Borgia, although he received Piero de'
Medici with apparent kindness, and even pro-
mised to promote his cause, had no object less at
heart than the restoration of the Medici to Flo-
rence ; (c) having already formed designs more
(a) " Dux Valcntinus fecit mirabilia magna solus in Flaminia,
jactaturque vulgo, et rumor increbrescit, quod ubi Faventiara,
Bononianaque expugnaverit, velit ferro aperire iter Petro Medici,
ut hie plusquani civis (facinus magnum) tantac civitati imperitet."
Aug. Vespucci Ef>. ad Nic. Mucch. tip. Rand. Coll. Vet. Mon.
p. 52.
(6) Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 283.
(c) Guicciardini, on the authority of particular and private in-
formation, relates, that Caesar had long borne a secret enmity
against Piero de' Medici, on account of a circumstance which had
occurred whilst Csesar was pursuing his studies at Pisa, before
his father was raised to the pontificate. Having occasion to re-
sort to the assistance of Piero, on behalf of one of his friends,
who was implicated in some criminal transaction, he had hastened
Y 2
324 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, conducive to his own interest. He considered,
VI - however, that, in the deranged state of the af-
A.D. 1501. fairs of Florence, he could not fail, either of oc-
CU pyj n g some desirable part of their territory, or
of obtaining such terms as might be favourable to
the prosecution of his favourite project, the es-
tablishment of the duchy of Romagna. Nor is it
improbable that he had indulged the hope of avail-
ing himself of some fortunate concurrence of cir-
cumstances to subjugate to his own authority the
whole of the Tuscan state.
About the beginning of the month of May,
1501, Caesar descended with his army, consisting
of seven thousand foot, and eight hundred horse, (a)
from Romagna, into the district of Mugello, and
pitched his camp in the vicinity of Barberino.
He was here joined by a body of troops from Bo-
logna, which had been sent to his assistance by
Bentivoglio, in pursuance of a treaty concluded
between them, (b) From Barberino, Caesar des-
but is order- patched his envoys to Florence, to acquaint the
by Aiexan- citizens with the purpose of his approach, and to
prescribe to them the terms on which alone he
would withdraw his troops. Of these proposals,
as preserved by Nardi, (c) the principal were, that
from Pisa to Florence ; but after waiting some hours for an au-
dience, whilst Piero was engaged in business, or amusement, he
had returned, not only without effecting his purpose, but without
having obtained an interview. Trivial as this incident may ap-
pear, it must be remembered, that the resentment of wounded
pride is of all others the most violent, and that the soul of Borgia
knew not how to forgive, v. Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 264.
(a) Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 264.
(6) Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. iv. p. 71.
(c) Ibid. p. 72.
LEO THE TENTH. 325
the Florentines should pay him a considerable CHAP.
stipend, as their Condottiero ; that they should
not interfere with him in his meditated attack A.D. 1501.
upon the other states of Italy, and particularly A -' Et - 26 -
that of Piombino, then under the protection of
Florence ; that they should deliver up to him six
of the principal citizens as hostages, to be named
by Vitellozzo ; and lastly, that they should re-
store Piero de' Medici to his former honours, or
should otherwise make such an alteration in the
government, as might secure on their part the
performance of the proposed treaty. No sooner
were these propositions heard in the city, than
they excited the highest indignation ; insomuch,
that the magistrates, whilst deliberating on the
measures to be adopted, could scarcely be secured
from the violence of the people. But, whilst the
negotiation was depending, and the result was yet
uncertain, Caesar received peremptory orders from
the pope, to abstain from any further proceedings
against the Florentines. In consequence of this
mandate, he unwillingly withdrew his troops ; not,
however, without obtaining the appointment of
Condottiero to the republic, with an annual in-
come of thirty-six thousand ducats, and a stipula-
tion that he should not be obliged to serve in per-
son, (a) The motives that induced Alexander VI.
thus to interfere in the designs of Caesar Borgia,
arose from the representations of Louis XII. who,
although he might have consented to the restora-
tion of the family of Medici to their former autho-
rity in Florence, was too well apprized of the cha-
racter of Alexander VI. and his son, to permit
(a) Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 266.
326 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, them to obtain such an ascendency in that city,
as must have resulted from their being the instru-
A.D. i50i. ments of such restoration. Nor was it difficult to
'' perceive, that an influence so extensive as the fa-
mily of Borgia would then have acquired, might,
in case of a rupture with the pope, have formed
an effectual barrier against the projected invasion
of the kingdom of Naples; on which account
Louis had given positive directions to his general
d'Aubigny, that in case Caesar did not, on the first
representation to him, evacuate the Florentine do-
minions, he should employ all his forces to compel
him to retreat.
Treacherous Whilst Caesar Borgia was thus industriously
Louis xii. attempting, by fraud or by force, to establish an
" independent authority in Italy, another event took
- pl ace * which surpassed his crimes, in treachery
rigo king of anc i injustice, and in the extent of the theatre on
Maples. J
which it was transacted, no less than he was him-
self surpassed in rank and importance by the per-
petrators. Federigo, king of Naples, had com-
menced his reign with the affection of his peo-
ple ; and his disposition and talents were well cal-
culated to promote their happiness. Even those
who had revolted, or quitted the country, under
the reigns of Ferdinand I. and Alfonso II. had re-
turned with confidence to their allegiance ; and
the princes of Salerno and Bisignano were among
the first to salute him as their sovereign, (a) Fe-
derigo, on his part, lost no opportunity of con-
firming the favourable opinion already entertained
of him. Instead of persecuting such of the nobi-
lity as had espoused the cause of the French, he
() Giannone, Storia di Napoli, vol. iii. p. 391.
LEO THE TENTH. 327
restored to them their domains and fortresses. He CHAP.
patronized and liberally rewarded the many emi-
nent scholars, by whom the city of Naples was dis- A.D. isoi.
tinguished, and who had been injured or exiled
during the late commotions ; and, as an indica-
tion of the tenor of conduct which he meant to
adopt, he struck a medal, with a device, alluding
to the better order of things which he meant to es-
tablish, (a) But, although the reign of Federigo
commenced under the happiest auspices, it was
not destined to be of long duration ; and whilst
he supposed that every day gave additional secu-
rity to his authority, the kings of France and of
Spain had, by a secret treaty, divided between
them his dominions, and formed a scheme for
carrying their purpose into effect. This plan.
which has served as a model on subsequent occa-
sions, was, that the king of France should assert
his pretensions to the kingdom of Naples, as re-
presentative of the house of Anjou ; the infallible
consequence of which would be, that Federigo
would resort for assistance to Ferdinand and
Isabella of Spain, who should send over a consi-
derable military force, under the pretext of op-
posing the French ; but that, as soon as the latter
arrived, the Spanish troops should unite their
arms with their pretended adversaries, expel the
family of Aragon, and divide the kingdom between
(a) This device represented a book in the flames, surmounted
by the crown of Naples, with the motto, RECEDANT VKTERA. The
life, character, and conduct of Federigo are particularly noticed
by Sanazzaro, in a Latin elegy, wholly devoted to that purpose ;
and which merits perusal, no less as an interesting historical mo-
nument, than as a beautiful poem. v. Sanaz. Eleg. lib. iii. el. 1 .
328 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, the two sovereigns. By this treaty the king of
France was to possess the city of Naples, the pro-
A. D. 1501. vinces called Terra di Lavoro and Abruzzo, with a
moiety of the income arising from the pastures of
Apulia, and was to assume, in addition to his
titles of king of France and duke of Milan, that
of king of Naples and Jerusalem. The districts
of Calabria and Apulia, with the other moiety of
the income, were allotted to the king of Spain,
who was to style himself duke of those provinces.
This treaty, which bears date the eleventh day of
November, 1500, is yet extant ; (a) and, if the
moral sense of mankind be not extinguished by
the subsequent repetition of such enormities, will
consign the memory of these royal plunderers to
merited execration.
Louis xn. Preliminaries being thus adjusted, Louis XII.
territory of began openly to prepare for the intended attack,
Naples. t jj e di rec tion of which he confided to his general
d'Aubigny ; who commenced his expedition at
the head of ten thousand foot, and a thousand
horse. Federigo was no sooner apprized of this
measure than he despatched information of it to
Gonsalvo, the Spanish general, who had withdrawn
his troops into Sicily, on the pretence that he
might be in readiness, in case his assistance should
again be required in the kingdom of Naples. On
the arrival of Gonsalvo, the king confided to his
care the fortified places in Calabria, which the
Spanish general pretended were necessary for the
security of his army. Federigo had also raised a
considerable body of troops, which had been rein-
(a) Du M'mt, Corps Diplomatique, vol. iii. par. ii. p. 444.
LEO THE TENTH. 329
forced by those of the Colonna ; with which, when CHAP.
VI
joined by the Spanish army, he expected to be '
enabled to oppose an effectual barrier to the pro- A. D. 1501
gress of the French. All Italy was in suspense,
and a contest far more bloody than had of late oc-
curred, was expected to plunge that country into
new calamities. A short time, however, removed
all apprehensions on this head. No sooner had
the French troops made their appearance in the
Roman territories, than the envoys of the allied
monarchs met at Rome ; where, entering toge-
ther into the consistory, they notified to the pope
and cardinals the treaty already formed, and the
consequent division of the kingdom of Naples.
The convenient pretext of the promotion of the
Christian faith, by a war against the infidels, for
the preparations necessary to which, it was as-
serted, that kingdom afforded the most conve-
nient station, was the mask under which their
most catholic and most Christian majesties affected
to hide from the world the deformity of their
crime.
The stipulations thus agreed upon met with
no opposition from Alexander VI. who had now
an opportunity of gratifying the resentment which
he had so long harboured against the king of Na-
ples. On the twenty-fifth day of June, 1501, a
pontifical bull deprived Federigo of his domi-
nions, and divided them between the two mo-
narchs, in the shares before mentioned, (a) The
(a) The bull of Alexander VI. by which he divides the kingdom
of Naples between the French and Spanish monarchs, is published
by Rousset, in his supplement to the Corps Diplomatique of Du
Mont. vol. iii. p. 1.
330 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, intelligence of this alliance, and of its consequen-
. ces, struck Federigo with terror ; but Gonsalvo,
A. D. i50i. pretending to discredit it, continued to give him
the most positive assurances of his assistance.
No sooner, however, had the French army en-
tered the Neapolitan territory, than he avowed
his instructions, and immediately sent off from
Naples to Spain, in vessels already provided for
that purpose, the two dowager queens, one of
whom was the sister, and the other the niece of
the Spanish king. Federigo persevered in the
defence of his rights ; and intrusting the com-
mand of the city of Naples to Prospero Colonna,
determined to make his first resistance at Ca-
pua, (a) D'Aubigny had, however, already pos-
sessed himself of the adjacent country ; the king
was obliged to return with his army from Aversa
to Naples ; and Capua, being taken by assault on
the twenty-fifth day of July, was sacked by the
French, with circumstances of peculiar cruelty and
unexampled licentiousness. () The loss of Capua
was speedily followed by the capitulation of the
city of Naples, which purchased an exemption
from plunder by the payment of seventy thousand
ducats to the invaders. Federigo withdrew him-
self into the Castel-nuovo, which he refused to
surrender till he had effected a treaty with d'Au-
bigny, by which he was to be allowed to retire
to the island of Ischia, and to retain it for six
months, and was also to be at liberty to remove
(a) To this period we may apply the sonnet of Cariteo :
" Mentre che d'Aragona il sommo honore
Tra Galli e Cimbri il suo destrier raggira."
(6) Guicciurd. lib. v. vol. i. p. 268.
LEO THE TENTH. 331
from the Castel-nuovo and Castel delVUovo what- CHAP.
ever he might think proper, excepting the artil- '
lery. In negotiating for his own safety, he did A.D. isoi.
not forget that of his subjects. A general am-
nesty was to be granted of all transactions since
Charles VIII. had quitted the city of Naples ;
and the cardinals of Aragon and Colonna were to
enjoy their ecclesiastical revenues arising from
that kingdom. In the commencement of this con-
test, Federigo had sent his infant son Ferdinand,
duke of Calabria, to Tarentum, under the care of
the count of Potenza. The rest of the wretched
family of Aragon were now assembled on the
barren rock of Ischia. This family consisted of
his queen Isabella and a numerous train of chil-
dren ; his sister Beatrice, the widow of the great
Mattia Corvino, king of Hungary, and his niece,
Isabella, the widow of Gian-Galeazzo, duke of
Milan ; who, already deprived of her sovereign
rank, her husband, and her son, now saw the com-
pletion of her ruin in that of her royal relations, (a)
(a) The poet Cariteo has paid the last tribute of duty and af-
fection to his unfortunate sovereign, in the second Cantico of his
Mctamorphosi, in which he introduces the city of Naples, the
lovely Parthenope, lamenting her lost glory and happiness, and
contrasting them with the disgraceful state of servitude to which
she was reduced by her conquerors :
" Libera fui gran tempo ; hor son captiva ;
In man di feri monstri, horrendi e diri."
A considerable part of the poem is devoted to the commemoration
of the female part of the family ; four of whom, then living, had
sat upon a regal throne, and the fifth had enjoyed sovereign rank
as duchess of Milan :
" Ove siete, O Joanne, ambe rcgine,
D'Ausonia, e d'Aragonia ambe ornamento,
Per virtute e bellezze ambe divine ?
Ove
332 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. This deeply meditated act of treachery, to which
^ Federigo had fallen a victim, whilst it excited in
A.D. i50i. him the highest indignation against his perfidious
relative Ferdinand of Spain, inspired him with a
nce * Disgust of the cares and the dangers of royalty,
and induced him to seek for repose in a less envi-
able station. Having therefore obtained a pass-
port from Louis XII. he left his family at Ischia,
under the care of the marquis del Vasto, and pro-
ceeding directly to France, endeavoured to conci-
liate the favour of the king, so far as to afford him
the means of fulfilling his wishes. No longer re-
garding him as a rival, but as a suppliant, Louis
acceded to his request, and an annual income of
thirty thousand ducats, with the title of duke of
Anjou, secured to him opulence and repose dur-
ing the remainder of his days. Historians have
accused him of pusillanimity in thus relinquishing,
Ove e Beatrice ; ov' il grande increments
Del valor d'Aragon ? di re sorella,
Figlia, e consorte ? e di lor gloria augmento ?
Hor per te cresce il duolo, alma Isabella ;
Di Re feconda madre, e di virtute,
E di Re guida, orientale stella.
* * *
Verace ardente amor, constante e fiso,
Vuol ch' in 1' altra Isabella sempre io pensi,
Che i thesauri del ciel porta nel viso !
Duchessa di Milan ; di cui gli accensi
Rai di bellezza efflagran si nel volto,
Che sveglian di ciascun gli ignavi sensi," &c.
Boccalini has selected the example of this last accomplished lady
as the most unfortunate on historical record " unica nelle dis-
grazie" on which account he represents her, in his imaginary
Parnassus, as reduced to the necessity of supporting herself by
selling matches through the streets. Ragguag. di Parnaso, 75.
LEO THE TENTH. 333
for an inferior title, his pretensions to a crown, CHAP.
which, in the dissensions that soon afterwards
arose between the two successful monarchs, he A.D. isoi.
might in all probability have recovered; but Fe- A -* :t ' 26 -
derigo had sufficiently experienced the treachery
and ingratitude of mankind ; and, having in vain
attempted to promote the happiness of others, he
perhaps chose a wiser part in securing his own.
The regrets of the muses, whom he had so ge-
nerously protected during his prosperity, followed
him to his retreat. Sanazzaro, who accompanied
him on his expedition into France, seems to con-
sider the events that then took place, to be, as
indeed they afterwards proved, the final destruc-
tion of the Neapolitan branch of the house of Ara-
gon. (a)
(a) " O fatum infelix ! O sors raalcfida ! quid illic
Egimus ? O tristi^ mersa carina loco !"
Sannaz. El. lib. iii. el. 2.
Federigo died at Tours in the year 1504, at fifty-two years of
age. The Neapolitan historians feelingly regret the loss of a line
of monarchs, who had for a long course of years rendered Naples
the seat of magnificence, opulence, and learning ; and of whom
the last was the most deserving, and the most unfortunate. " Prin-
cipe cotanto saggio," says Giannone, (lib. xxix. cap. iv.) " e di
molte lettere adorno, che a lui, non men che a Ferdinando suo
padre, deve Napoli il ristoramento delle discipline, e delle buone
lettere." Sanazzaro on this occasion sold the remainder of his
hereditary possessions to relieve the necessities of his sovereign,
and remained with him to the time of his death ; having taken his
farewell of his native country in the following beautiful verses :
" Parthenope mihi culta, vale, blandissima Siren ;
Atque horti valeant, Hesperidesque tuee ;
Mergillina, vale, nostri memor ; et mea flentis
Serta cape, heu domini munera avara tui.
Maternae salvete umbrae ; salvete, paternae :
Accipite et vestris turea dona foci?.
Neve
334 THE LIFE OF
. CHAP. The last place in Naples that resisted the arms
^ _ of the Spanish monarch, was the city of Tarentum,
A. D. 1501. whither the duke of Calabria had been sent by his
A. ^Et.26. f atner ^ as to a pi ace of security. The command
of the castle was entrusted to Leonardo Napolita-
o?cdaJri k a e . no, a knight of Rhodes; but, he, being reduced
to extremities by Gonsalvo, agreed, with the con-
sent of the count of Potenza, to surrender the city
and fortress, if succour did not arrive in the
space of four months ; Gonsalvo binding himself
by the solemnity of an oath, on the holy sacrament,
that the duke of Calabria should be at liberty to
proceed whithersoever he thought proper. On
the surrender of Tarentum, the duke expressed
his intention to follow his father into France ; but
Gonsalvo, disregarding his oath, sent him to Ferdi-
nand of Spain, in which country he continued dur-
ing the life of that monarch, in a sort of honour-
able captivity, (a)
Neve nega optatos, virgo Sebethias, amnes ;
Absentique tuas del mihi somnus aquas.
Det fesso aestivas umbras sopor ; et levis aura
Fluminaque ipsa suo lene sonent strepitu ;
Exilium nam sponte sequor. Fors ipsa favebit
Fortibus haec solita est saepe et adesse viris.
Et mihi sunt comites musae; sunt numina vatum ;
Et mens laeta suis gaudet ab auspiciis,
Blanditurque animo constans sententia ; quamvis
Exilii meritum sit satis ipsa fides."
Epigr. lib. iii. ep. 7. ed. Com.
(a) On the accession of Charles V. to the Spanish monarchy,
the prince obtained the particular favour of that monarch, by re-
fusing to place himself at the head of the Spanish insurgents in
the year 1522. His wife, Mencia di Mendoza, dying without
children, Charles gave him, in a second marriage, Germana de
Foix, niece to Louis XII. of France, and widow of Ferdinand of
Aragon ; a rich bride, but not likely to bear a progeny, On the
LEO THE TENTH. 335
If the descent of Louis XII. into Italy interrupt- CHAP.
ed the progress of Caesar Borgia in effecting the
conquest of Romagna, the part which he had ta- A.D. 1501.
ken, in uniting his arms with those of the French
on this occasion, enabled him to return to his for- Ca%sar * r '
gia captures
mer undertaking with a greater prospect of sue- the states of
. r A riombino,
cess. The first object towards which he directed urbmo.and
his attention, was the city of Piombino, then held
in subjection by Jacopo d' Appiano. To the at-
tack of this place he despatched two of his generals,
Vitellozzo Vitelli, and Gian-Paolo Baglione. Ja-
copo did not, however, wait their arrival ; but,
leaving a garrison in the place, precipitately fled
into France, expecting by his representations to
Louis XII. to prevail upon that monarch to prohi-
bit the further progress of the papal arms. His en-
deavours were, however, ineffectual, and Piombino
soon afterwards capitulated to the invaders. The
territory of Urbino, consisting of four cities, and
thirty fortified places, next attracted the ambi-
tious views of the conqueror ; but the duke Gui-
dubaldo, instead of affording any pretext for hos-
tilities against him, had frequently fought the bat-
tles of the church. His courage was indisputable ;
and his amiable qualities, and excellent endow-
dcath of this prince, which happened in the year 1550, this branch
of the family of Aragon became extinct ; his two younger bro-
thers and two sisters having all died without offspring. Before
the marriage of Federigo, king of Naples, with his queen Isabella,
he had been married to Anna, daughter of Amadeus, duke of
Savoy, by whom he left a daughter, Carlotta, and from her the
dukes of Tremouille in France have claimed their descent ; in con-
sequence of which, they have in much later times asserted their
rights to the crown of Naples, v. Claimant, Storia di Napoli, lib.
xxix. cap. iv. vol. iii. p. 4U6.
336 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, ments, had secured the affections of his people.
Despairing of effecting his purpose by an open at-
A.D.1501. tack, Caesar, on this occasion, resorted to treache-
A. x.i. 26. r y jj e jnarche^ a t the head of a powerful army,
to Nocera, avowing his intention of attacking the
state of Camerino. Thence he despatched an em-
bassy to the duke of Urbino, requesting the assis-
tance of his artillery, and as many soldiers as he
could furnish. His request was instantly complied
with ; but no sooner had Caesar deprived the duke
of the means of defence, than he turned his own
arms against him ; and possessing himself of Ca-
gli, proceeded by rapid marches towards Urbino.
Alarmed, not only for his dominions but for his life,
Guidubaldo, with his nephew Francesco Maria
della Rovere, hastily quitted the city in disguise,
and, though vigilantly pursued, had the good for-
tune to escape to Mantua, where he met with his
wife Isabella ; who, after having accompanied Lu-
cretia Borgia to Ferrara, on the recent celebration
of her nuptials with Alfonso d' Este, son of the
duke, had passed to Mantua to visit the marquis
her brother. Having thus obtained the duchy of
Urbino, Caesar attacked the states of Camerino ;
and having, under pretext of a treaty, gotten in-
to his power Giulio da Varano, lord of that coun-
try, with two of his sons, he treacherously put
them to death, and rendered himself master of their
dominions, (a)
The success which attended Caesar Borgia in all
his undertakings, had attracted to his standard
many of the most eminent condottieri, or military
adventurers of Italy. Among these were Vitelloz-
(a) Muratori, Annali d' Italia, vol. x. p. 9.
LEO THE TENTH. 337
zo Vitelli lord of Citta di Castello, Francesco Or- CHAP.
sino duke of Gravina, Pandolfo Petrucci lord of
Siena, Paolo Orsino, Gian-Paolo Baglioni, and A. D. 1502.
Oliverotto da Fermo. By the assistance of these
leaders, and the exertion of his own unrivalled Ptso-
dermi pre-
talents in the art of dissimulation, he still con- sves Ho-
. ... . , , rence from
tmued to extend his conquests. Encouraged by the attacks
the number of his adherents, and the favour of
the king of France, he again turned his views to-
wards the territories of Florence, which were sud- "l
denly assailed on all sides by his arms. The city
of Cortona, the towns of Anghieri and Borgo San-
Sepolcro, and even the city of Arezzo, surrendered
to the invaders. As the difficulties of the Floren-
tines increased, the hopes of the Medici revived;
and uniting their power with their relations and aux-
iliaries, the Orsini, they joined the forces of Borgia,
whose rapid progress left no reason to doubt that
the Florentines would soon be obliged to surrender
up their city at the discretion of the conquerors. In
this alarming emergency the principal inhabitants
met together, to deliberate on the most effectual
measures for averting the dangers with which they
were threatened ; when Pietro Soderini had the
good sense to point out the only expedient that
could preserve them from ruin. After expatiating
on the deplorable state of the republic, and the im-
practicability of obtaining assistance from any
other quarter, he recommended, that an embassy
should be despatched to Louis XII. to request his
interference on their behalf, in pursuance of a
treaty lately formed between him and the Floren-
tines, (a) He did yet more; he took upon him-
(a) The treaty for protecting the republic is dated the nine-
VOL. I. Z
338 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, self the office of ambassador, and, hastening to the
king, laid before him such cogent reasons for grant-
A.D. 1502 ing his aid to the republic, as induced that mon-
tt27 ' arch to comply with his request, (a) Messengers
were immediately despatched to the pope and his
son, to admonish them against further proceedings ;
and, lest these should be ineffectual, a considera-
ble body of troops was directed to enter the Tus-
can territories, not only to repel those in the ser-
vice of Borgia, then under the command of Vi-
tellozzo, but to obtain the restitution of the places
which had submitted to his arms, (b] Measures
so decisive, from a quarter so powerful, admitted
of no opposition. Vitellozzo and the Florentine
exiles reluctantly drew off their troops ; Soderini
was regarded as the saviour of the republic, and
was soon afterwards honoured with a more exten-
sive and durable authority than any citizen had
before enjoyed, under the novel title of Gonfalo-
nierefor Life.
As the hopes of Caesar Borgia were principally
teenth day of November, 1501, at Blois. v. Lunig. vol. i. p.
1142.
(a) Ammirato, Hist. Fior. lib. xxvii. vol. iii. p. 267. Nardi,
Hist. Fior. lib. iv. p. 81.
(b) These events are commemorated by Machiavelli, in his
Decennale :
" E perche Valentin havea fatto alto
Con le sue genti a Nocera, e quindi preso
II ducato d'Urbin, sol con un salto,
Stavi co'l cuor, e con Talma sospeso,
Che co'l Vitello e' non si raccozzassi,
E con quel fusse a' vostri danni sceso,
Quando a Tun commando che si fermassi
Pe' vostri prieghi il Re di San Dionigi
A 1'altro furo i suoi disegni cassi." Deccn. lib.i. p. 65.
LEO THE TENTH. 339
founded on the favour of Louis XII. he was great- c HAP.
ly alarmed at this unexpected opposition to his
projects; and hastening in person to the king at A. D. 1502.
Asti, (a) he endeavoured to remove the unfavour-
able suspicions entertained respecting him, by
representing the prompt obedience which he had
paid to his orders, imputing the attempt upon XH.
Florence wholly to the animosity of Vitellozzo and
the Orsini against that republic, and to the desire
of the Medici to be again admitted as chiefs of the
city. Satisfied by his protestations, and desirous
of conciliating the favour of the pope, in the dis-
putes which had already arisen respecting the par-
tition of the kingdom of Naples, Louis not only
received him into favour, but formed with him a
treaty of alliance, by which the parties stipulated
to afford to each other mutual assistance ; and it
was particularly agreed, that Caesar should be fur-
nished with a troop of French horse to enable him
to enforce his claims against the feudatories of the
church, (b)
The event of this interview occasioned great Formidable
alarm to many of the principal commanders, who t^KTpro-
were engaged in the service of Borgia, and who JJSjiaT
held the supreme authority in different cities of
Italy. A diet was convoked in Perugia, at which
the cardinal, and Paolo Orsini, the duke of Gra-
vina, Vitellozzo Vitelli, Gianpaolo Baglioni, Oli-
verotto da Fermo, and others, were present; when
the conduct of Caesar Borgia was fully discussed,
and it was resolved, that decisive measures should
(a) " E'l Duca in Asti si fu prcsentato
Per giustificar se col re Luigi." Decen. lib. i. p. (Vt.
(b) Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 283.
z 2
310 THE LIFE OF
CHAT, be taken for restraining his further progress, (a)
' As the intelligence of this alliance became public,
A. D. 1502. the different states which had before submitted to
the dominion of Borgia, began to oppose his au-
thority ; and in particular the inhabitants of Ur-
bino, having seized upon the fortress of that place,
disclaimed their dependence on him, and recalled
their former prince. Deprived at once of the as-
sistance of his principal commanders, who had
suddenly avowed themselves his enemies, and of
the greater part of his troops, Borgia retreated
for safety to Imola, where his hopes were unex-
pectedly revived by an embassy from the Floren-
tines ; who, having been solicited to unite in the
league against him, had not only rejected the pro-
posal, but despatched to him their secretary, Nic-
colo Machiavelli, to assure him of their assistance
against his revolted commanders. The joint ef-
forts of these two accomplished proficients in mis-
chief, could not fail of producing some extraordi-
nary result, and accordingly a plan was adopted
for the destruction of their adversaries, to which,
in the annals of treachery, it will be difficult to
find a parallel. This transaction the Florentine
historian has thought deserving of a particular
narrative, in which he affects not to conceal the
(a) Machiavelli, the constant apologist of Caesar Borgia, thus
characterizes the members of this diet, in his first Decennale :
" E rivolti fra lor questi serpenti
Di velen pien, comminciaro a ghermirsi,
E con li ugnoni a straciarsi e co' denti.
E mal potendo il Valentin fuggirsi,
Gli bisogno per ischifarc il rischio,
Con lo scudo di Francia ricoprirsi." Dec. lib. i. p. 66.
LEO THE TENTH. 341
features of guilt under the slightest covering of CHAP.
decency. () VL
From this narrative we learn, that the troops A.D. iso-i.
of Borgia, having been attacked by those of the A ' A
Vitelli and Orsini, near Fossombrone, were put *** fn} f
. the Italian
to the rout; in consequence of which, Borgia, noWstrra-
. . . , ... ... -i . cherously
perceiving no possibility of resisting his enemies P utu> death
by force, endeavoured to engage them in a nego- sii"
tiation. As he was a most accomplished dissem-
bler, he represented to them, that the efforts which
he had made in subjugating the different states of
Romagna, were intended no less for their interest
than his own, and that, provided they would al-
low him the title of sovereign, the sovereignty
itself should remain at their direction. These
blandishments were not without their effect, and
Paolo Orsino was deputed by his colleagues to
carry on the treaty ; but Caesar, instead of relax-
ing in his preparations, continued by every possi-
ble means, to increase the number of his adhe-
rents, distributing his new levies, both of horse
and foot, in separate detachments throughout Ro-
magna, so as to avoid all cause of suspicion. The
arrival of five hundred horsemen from the king
of France was a most seasonable reinforcement ;
but although he might now have contended with
his adversaries in the field, he judged it more ex-
pedient to proceed in the execution of his plan,
and to continue the negotiation already entered
into. The terms of amity were at length agreed
upon ; in consequence of which, he received his
(a) Descriltione del modo tcnuto dal Dvca Valentino ticllo ammaz-
zure Vitflozzi Vitelli, Oliverotto da Fcrmo, il Signor Pagolo ed il
Duca di (jruvina Orsini.
342 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, former commanders again into his employ, and
agreed to pay to each of them four thousand ducats
A.D. 1502. in advance. He also engaged not to molest Gio-
vanni Bentivoglio, who had joined in the league ;
nor to require the personal attendance of his new
allies, in case it might not be agreeable to them.
On their part they promised to restore to him the
duchy of Urbino, with all the other places which
they had occupied ; to serve him in all his expe-
ditions ; and not to engage in any undertaking, or
afford their assistance to any other power, with-
out his assent.
On the conclusion of this league the duke of
Urbino again deserted his capital, and took shel-
ter at Venice, having first dismantled the fortresses
within his states, to the end that they might not
be garrisoned by his enemies, for the purpose of
keeping in subjection a people ardently devoted
to the cause of their sovereign.
This arrangement being completed, and his own
troops, with his French auxiliaries distributed
throughout Romagna, Caesar left Imola and pro-
ceeded to Cesena; where he met the envoys of
his new allies, and deliberated with them towards
what part of Italy they should next turn their
arms. No decisive measures being concluded on,
Oliverotto da Firmo was deputed by these depre-
dators to propose to Borgia another attack upon
the Tuscan states ; or, if he should not approve
of this project, to offer their concurrence in at-
tacking the city of Sinigaglia, then held by Fran-
cesco Maria della Rovere, nephew of the duke of
Urbino. With the former of these proposals Bor-
gia refused to comply, alleging, that the Floren-
LEO THE TENTH. 343
tines were his friends ; but the attack on Sinigag- CHAP.
lia met with his entire approbation. That place
was accordingly soon invested and captured ; but A.D. 1502.
the fortress held out for some time, the com-
mander being unwilling to surrender it to any one
but to Borgia himself; for which reason his allies
entreated that he would hasten to the place. This
circumstance seemed to Caesar to offer a favour-
able opportunity for executing his purpose, with-
out giving rise to suspicion ; his visit to Sinigag-
lia appearing to be at the request of his allies, and
not from his own choice. Still further to avoid
all cause of offence, he dismissed his French auxi-
liaries. Reserving only one hundred horse, under
the command of one of his relations, and quitting
Cesena about the end of December, he proceeded
to Fano, where he employed all his artifice and
sagacity to prevail upon the Vitelli and the Orsini
to wait his arrival in Sinigaglia.
Vitellozzo, who had learnt from the fate of his
brother the danger of confiding in those to whom
he had once given cause of offence, was extremely
averse to this interview ; but, being prevailed upon
by Paolo Orsino, who had engaged more deeply
in the interests of Borgia, he at length consented
to wait his approach.
On the thirtieth of December, 1502, the day
fixed upon for his departure from Fano, Caesar
communicated his project to eight of his principal
adherents, in which number were Don Michele
and Monsignor d'Euna, with instructions to this
effect; that as soon as the meeting should take
place betwixt himself and Vitellozzo, Paolo Or-
sino, the duke of Gravina, and Oliverotto, who
344 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, would come out to meet and conduct him into
' the city, they should divide their number into
A.D. 1502. pairs, and that each pair should single out his
man, and take their stations respectively on each
side of him, occupying his attention till they
reached Sinigaglia, when they were not to quit
them, till they had delivered them into safe cus-
tody at the apartments prepared for the duke. At
the same time he ordered his whole force, which
consisted of ten thousand foot, and two thousand
horse, to take their station at day-break on the
banks of the Metauro, a river about five miles
from Fano, where they should wait his further or-
ders. All things being thus arranged, Borgia ad-
vanced with the whole force towards Sinigaglia,
where Vitellozzo Vitelli, Paolo Orsino, and the
duke of Gravina, mounted upon mules, and ac-
companied by a few horse, came forwards to meet
him. Vitellozzo was unarmed, and appeared so
deeply dejected, as to excite the surprise of those
who were acquainted with his courage and past
achievements. We are also told, that when he left
his dependants to come to Sinigaglia for the pur-
pose of meeting the duke, he took a kind of last
farewell of them ; recommending to his chief offi-
cers the fortunes of his house, and admonishing
his nephews not to remember the calamities of
their family, but the courage of their ancestors.
Arriving in the presence of Borgia, they respect-
fully saluted him, and were received by him with
apparent kindness, whilst the persons to whom the
charge of them had been confided, took the sta-
tions assigned to them. Borgia, perceiving that
they were not accompanied by Oliverotto, who
LEO THE TENTH. 345
had remained with his troops at Sinigaglia, where CHAP.
he had drawn them up in the square, made a sig-
nal to Don Michele, to whom the care of Olive- A. D. 1502.
rotto had been committed, to take measures for
preventing his escape. In consequence of which,
that officer rode forwards, and coming up with
Oliverotto, told him it was not a proper time to
keep his men from their quarters, as they would,
perhaps, be occupied by the soldiers of Borgia,
and he therefore advised him to dismiss them,
and to accompany him to meet the general. These
directions having been complied with, Borgia ar-
rived, and accosted Oliverotto, who approached
and paid his respects to him. Proceeding thus to
Sinigaglia, they dismounted at the lodgings of
Borgia, and were led into a secret apartment,
where the unsuspecting victims were all made
prisoners.
Borgia immediately mounted his horse, and
gave orders for disarming the troops of Olive-
rotto and the Orsini. Those of Oliverotto were
all plundered ; but those of the Orsini and Vi-
telli, being at a distance, and having received in-
formation of the ruin of their leaders, had time to
collect themselves together, and in a firm body ef-
fected their escape, notwithstanding the opposi-
tion of their enemies, and of the surrounding in-
habitants. The soldiers of Borgia, not satisfied
with the plunder of those of Oliverotto, began to
sack the city ; and, if he had not repressed their
licentiousness, by putting many of them to death,
they would have effected their purpose. Night
approaching, and the tumult having subsided, he
thought it expedient to despatch Vitellozzo and
346 THE LIFE OF
CHAP. Oliverotto; and, bringing them together into the
^ same place, he caused them to be strangled, (a)
A. D. 1502. On this occasion, neither of them, we are told,
A. Jit. 27. ex p resse ^ themselves in a manner worthy of their
past lives ; for Vitellozzo entreated that the pope
might be applied to for a plenary indulgence of
his sins, and Oliverotto, weeping, attributed all
his offences against Borgia to the influence of Vi-
tellozzo. Paolo Orsino, and the duke of Gravina,
were suffered to live until Caesar received informa-
tion that the pope had secured the persons of the
cardinal Orsino, the archbishop of Florence, and
Jacopo di Santa Croce, after which, on the eight-
eenth day of January, they were put to death by
Borgia, in the same manner as their unfortunate
associates, (b)
(a) Ant. Franc. Raineri has commemorated the death of Vitel-
lozzo in a copy of Latin verses, the substance of which he has
compressed into the two following lines :
" Non mare me, non Mars, saeva aut mors perdidit ; at me
Perdidit omnibus his Borgius asperior."
Carm. Illust. Poet. Ital. viii. 59.
And the same event has also afforded a subject for reprobation
to Paulo Giovio ; who justly denominates Borgia
" rabidus, barbarus, impotens,
Humani generis pernicies, atque hominum lues."
Carm. Illust. Poet. Ital. v. 433.
(b) The cardinal Giambattista Orsino was detained by the pope
in the Torre Borgia till the month of February following, when he
died by poison, as it is supposed, administered to him by the di-
rection of the pope ; who caused him to be carried to the grave
uncovered, that it might appear he had died a natural death. Mu-
ratori Annali, x. 13. Besides the individuals of the family of Orsini,
mentioned by Machiavelli, the pope also seized upon Carlo Or-
sino, and the Abate d'Alviano, brother of the celebrated general
Bartolommeo d'Alviano ; but they were soon afterwards liberated.
Nardi, Hist. Fior. p. 88.
LEO THE TENTH. 347
Such is the account given of this extraordinary CHAP.
transaction by the Florentine secretary ; a trans-
action upon which he has forborne to make the A . D. iscw.
slightest observation, either of praise or of blame, A ' *** 2 *
and which he seems to have considered merely as He seizes
'on their ter-
an instance of superior talents and successful po- ritori -
licy. (a) Having thus freed himself from all ap-
prehensions from his doubtful allies, Caesar lost
no time in proceeding to Citt& di Castello, of
which place he took possession ; the remainder of
the family of Vitelli having betaken themselves to
flight. He then entered Perugia, which had been
in like manner abandoned by Gian-Paolo Bag-
lioni, who had, however, the good fortune to es-
cape from the snare laid for him at Sinigaglia.
Siena was the next place towards which he bent
(a) The presumption that Machiavelfi had a principal part in
the contrivance of this most iniquitous stratagem, is indeed ex-
tremely strong. The Florentines dreaded and abhorred both the
Orsini and the Vitelli ; the former as relations and adherents to
the Medici, the latter for exerting themselves to avenge the un-
merited fate of Paolo Vitelli, so cruelly put to death at Florence.
Borgia had retreated to Imola, where Machiavelli found him in a
state of great dejection, " pieno di paura." No sooner, however,
did the Florentine envoy appear, than lie took fresh courage, and
the plan for the destruction of their adversaries seems to have
been agreed on. It is certain, also, that Machiavelli accompanied
Caesar to Sinigaglia, and was present at the perpetration of the
deed; after which Borgia remarked to him, that "he knew the
government of Florence would be gratified by this transaction."
r>. Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. iv. p. 85. The Florentine writers ac-
knowledge, that the intelligence of it gave great satisfaction in the
city: " Resto allora la citta, morti costoro, molto sicura da quelli
suoi nemici, che tanto e si spesso la travagliavano." Nerli, Com-
mentar. lib. v. p. 94. The Florentines also sent Jacopo Salviati as
their ambassador, to congratulate Caesar on the success of his
treachery : Razzi, Vita di Pietro Sodcrini, p. 7. Padoua, 1737.
348 THE LIFE OP
CHAP, his course ; but whilst he was hovering round the
' city, and had already compelled Pandolfo Pe-
A.D. 1503. trucci, who then enjoyed the chief authority, to
quit the place, he received intelligence from the
pope, that the duke of Bracciano, with others of
the Orsini family, as well as the nobles of the
Savelli, had again taken up arms. He was there-
fore obliged to quit Siena ; and, hastening into
the papal territories, again reduced them to obe-
dience. This was the period of the highest power
of Caesar Borgia. In full possession of the ex-
tensive territory of Romagna, he regarded with
eager avidity the domains of Pisa and of Siena ;
nor were the citizens of Florence without con-
stant apprehensions from his increasing power ;
whilst the pope, equally earnest in the aggrandize-
ment of his son, had proposed to the college of
cardinals to bestow upon him the title of king of
Romagna and Umbria.
Death of But whilst every circumstance thus seemed to
vi. conspire in his favour, an unexpected reverse of
fortune suddenly overturned the fabric of his
greatness. This was the death of Alexander VI.
which happened on the eighteenth day of August,
1503. And this misfortune was increased by the
effects of a dangerous malady, under which Caesar
himself at the same time laboured, and which pre-
vented him from taking those measures for secur-
ing his authority, which he might otherwise have
adopted. The historians of this period, eager to
represent both Alexander and his son in the most
odious colours, have asserted, that the death of
the one, and the disorder of the other, were occa-
sioned by poison, prepared by them for the de-
LEO THE TENTH. 349
struction of several cardinals, of whose wealth CHAP.
they intended to possess themselves ; but which, _
by the error of an attendant, was incautiously ad- A. D. isoa.
A tt ''ft
ministered to themselves. That the horrid and
detestable practice of destroying persons by poi-
son, was frequently resorted to in these profligate
times, is certain ; and that Alexander and his son
had employed these measures for the gratification
of their avarice, their ambition, or their revenge,
is positively asserted by many historians ; but it
by no means accords with the acknowledged abi-
lity, caution, and penetration of these men, that
they would risk their lives upon the negligence or
fidelity of a servant, or place it in the power of ac-
cident to render them the victims of their own
crime. If, therefore, the death of Alexander is to
be attributed to poison, it was most probably ad-
ministered to him by some of those numerous ene-
mies whom his rapacity and violence had incited
to this deed of revenge ; but documents recently
produced, and a more dispassionate inquiry, af-
ford sufficient reason to conclude, that the death
of the pontiff was not occasioned by poison, but
was the effect of a fever, which in a few days hur-
ried him to the grave, (a)
(a) Burchard informs us, that the pope was attacked by a fever
on the twelfth day of August, 1503 ; that on the sixtcentli he was
bled, and the disorder seemed to become tertian. On the seven-
teenth he took medicine ; but on the eighteenth he became so ill
that his life was despaired of. He then received the viaticum,
during mass, which was celebrated in his chamber, and at which
five cardinals assisted. In the evening extreme unction was admi-
nistered to him, and in a few minutes afterwards he died. Bur-
chard. Diar. ap. Notices de la Bibliothequc du Roi, vol. i. p. 11H.
Muratori has produced many authorities to shew, that the death of
350 THE LIFE OP
CHAP. Were we to place implicit confidence in the Ita-
^ lian historians, no period of society has exhibited
A. D. 1503. a character of darker deformity than that of Alex-
\. 'Et 28
ander VI. Inordinate in his ambition, insatiable
Remarks on j n fojg avarice and his lust, inexorable in his cruelty.
his conduct '
and charac and boundless in his rapacity ; almost every crime
that can disgrace humanity is attributed to him
without hesitation, by writers whose works are
published under the sanction of the Roman church.
He is also accused of having introduced into his
territories the detestable practice of searching for
state offences by means of secret informers ; a sys-
Alexander was not occasioned by poison ; among which, that of
Beltrando Costabile, then ambassador of the duke of Ferrara at
. Rome, seems the most decisive. " The court of Ferrara," adds
Muratori, " which was then the residence of the daughter of Alex-
ander, may be presumed to have been well informed of the cause
of his death.".
That it was, however, the general opinion at the time of his
death that Alexander perished by poison, appears from numerous
contemporary authorities. Thus Guido Postumo, in Tumulum
Sexti :
" Quis situs hie ? Scxtus. Quis pectora plangit ? Erynnis.
Quis comes in tanto funere obit ? Vitium.
Unde pyra ? Ex crucibus, quibus Itala pectora torsit.
Quae laniata genas praefica ? Avaricies.
Quis tulit ossa? Nefas. Quis longo murmure dixit,
Nate, vale ? Mater Rixa, paterque Odium.
Qui pressere oculos ? Incendia, Stupra, Rapince.
Quis moriar dixit, hoc moriente ? Dolus.
Sed quae causa necis ? Virus. Proh numina ! virus
Humano generi vita, salusque fuit."
Quid. Post. Eleg. p. 36.
Mr. Henke has also adduced several authorities to shew that
Alexander died by poison, and in particular has given a letter
from Peter Martyr, dated Segov. 4 id. Nov. 1503, (about three
months after the death of the pontiff) relating to this event, v.
Germ. ed. vol. i, p. 335.
LEO THE TENTH. 351
tern fatal to the liberty and happiness of every CHAP.
country that has submitted to such a degradation.
As a pontiff he perverted his high office by mak- A. 0.1503.
ing his spiritual power on every occasion subser- ^
vient to his temporal interests ; and he might have
adopted as his emblem, that of the ancient Jupiter,
which exhibits the lightning in the grasp of a fero-
cious eagle, (a) His vices as an individual, al-
though not so injurious to the world, are repre-
sented as yet more disgusting ; and the records of
his court afford repeated instances of a depravity
of morals, inexcusable in any station, but abomi-
nable in one of his high rank and sacred office.
Yet with all these lamentable defects, justice re-
quires that two particulars in his favour should be
noticed. In the first place, whatever have been his
crimes, there can be no doubt but they have been
highly overcharged. That he was devoted to the
aggrandizement of his family, and that he em-
fa) To this period, when truth became a crime, we may refer the
origin of the Roman pasquinades ; of which the following lines
afford one of the earliest instances.
" Vendit Alexander claves, altaria, Christum.
Emerat ille prius ; vendere jure potest.
De vitio in vitium, de (lamina transit in ignem ;
Roma sub Hispano depcrit imperio.
>. At us Tarquinius, Sextus Nero, Sextus et iste ;
Semper sub Sextis perdita Roma fuit."
Machiavelli, although more favourable to the family of Borgia
than most other writers, accuses him of lust, simony, and cruelty :
" per aver riposo,
Portato fu fra 1'anime bcate
Lo spirto di Alessandro giorioso.
Del qual seguiro le sante pedate
Tre sue familiari e care ancille,
Lussuria, Simonia, e crudeltate."
Deccnnule, i. p. 6.
352 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, ployed the authority of his elevated station to es-
_ tablish a permanent dominion in Italy in the per-
A. D. 1503. son of his son, cannot be doubted ; but when al-
most all the sovereigns of Europe were attempting
to gratify their ambition by means equally crimi-
nal, it seems unjust to brand the character of
Alexander with any peculiar and extraordinary
share of infamy in this respect. Whilst Louis of
France and Ferdinand of Spain conspired together
to seize upon and divide the kingdom of Naples,
by an example of treachery that never can be suf-
ficiently execrated, Alexander might surely think
himself justified in suppressing the turbulent ba-
rons, who had for ages rent the dominions of the
church with intestine wars, and in subjugating the
petty sovereigns of Romagna, over whom he had
an acknowledged supremacy, and who had in ge-
neral acquired t^eir dominions by means as unjus-
tifiable as those which he adopted against them.(a)
With respect to the accusation so generally be-
lieved, of a criminal intercourse between him and
his own daughter, which has caused him to be re-
garded with a peculiar degree of horror and dis-
gust, it might not be difficult to shew its improba-
(a) Oliverotto da Fermo had obtained the chief authority in the
city, from which he derived his name, by the treacherous murder
of his uncle, and several of the principal inhabitants, whom he had
invited to an entertainment. This atrocious deed was perpetrated
on the same day in the preceding year, on which he afterwards fell
into the snare of Caesar Borgia. The other persons put to death
by Borgia, had also supported themselves by rapine, and were the
terror of all Italy. The contests of this period may in fact be v re-
garded by posterity as a combat of wild beasts, in which the strong-
est and most ferocious animal destroys the rest. v. Much. lib. del
Principe, cap. viii. pp. 21, 22.
LEO THE TENTH. 353
bility, and to invalidate an imputation which dis- CHAP.
graces human nature itself.
In the second place it may justly be observed, A.D. UXH.
that the vices of Alexander were accompanied, al- A ' A
though not compensated, by many great qualities,
which in the consideration of his character ought
not to be passed over in silence, (a) Nor, if this
were not the fact, would it be possible to account
for the peculiar good fortune which attended him
to the latest period of his life, or for the singular
circumstance recorded of him, that during his
whole pontificate no popular tumult ever endan-
gered his authority, or disturbed his repose. (&)
Even by his severest adversaries he is allowed to
have been a man of an elevated genius, of a won-
derful memory, eloquent, vigilant, and dexterous
in the management of all his concerns. The proper
supply of the city of Rome with all the necessaries
of life was an object of his unceasing attention ; and
during his pontificate his dominions were exempt
from that famine which devastated the rest of Italy.
In his diet he was peculiarly temperate, and he ac-
customed himself to but little sleep. In those hours
which he devoted to amusement, he seemed wholly
to forget the affairs of state ; but he never suffer-
ed those amusements to diminish the vigour of his
(a) " in Alexandra, ut de Annibale Livius scribit,
aequabant vitia virtutcs. Inerant namque ingenium ratio, cognitio,
memoria, diligentia, eloquentia vero qua-darn naturalis, et ad per-
suadendutn apta, ut nemo rem cautius proponeret aut acrius de-
fensitaret," &c. Raph. Volater. Anthropol. lib. xxii. p. 683. " Fu
magnanimo, et generoso, et prudente, se non chc si lascio vincere
dalT amore di figliuoli che haveva, et da troppo cupidita." Monal-
deschi. Comm. Istor. p. 148.
(b) Raph. Volater. Anthropol. lib. xxii. p. 682.
VOL. I. 2 A
354 THE LIFE OF
CHAP, faculties, which remained unimpaired to the last,
vi
Though not much devoted to the study of litera^
A. D. 1503. ture, Alexander was munificent towards its profes-
sors ; to whom he not only granted liberal salaries,
but, with a punctuality very uncommon among the
princes of that period, he took care that those sa-
laries were duly paid, (a) That he at some times
attended the representations of the comedies of
Plautus has been placed in the black catalogue of
his defects ; (ft) but if his mind had been more hu-
manized by the cultivation of polite letters, he
might, instead of being degraded almost below hu-
manity, have stood high in the scale of positive ex-
cellence. To the encouragement of the arts he
paid a more particular attention. The palace of
the Vatican was enlarged by him, and many of the
apartments were ornamented with the works of the
most eminent painters of the time ; among whom
may be particularized Torrigiano, Baldassare Pe-
ruzzi, and Bernardino Pinturicchio. As an archi-
tect, his chief favourites were Giuliano and Anto-
nio da San-Gallo ; nor does his choice in this re-
spect detract from his judgment. By their assist-
ance the mole of Hadrian, now called the castle of
S. Angelo, was fortified in the manner in which it
(a^ The cardinal Giovanni Borgia, nephew of the pontiff, was
also an encourager of literature, and condescended to receive in-
structions from Mariano Probo, of Sulmona, who distinguished
himself as a Latin poet, and died at Rome in the year 1499. His
Pnrthenias, or Life of the Virgin, in six books, was printed at Na-
ples in 1524. The preface to this rare volume by Nic. Scaevola,
contains some curious particulars of the state of learning at Rome
during the pontificate of Alexander VI.
(6) " Quapropter Comoedias Plautinas ceteraque ludicra, liben-
ter spectavit." Raph. Volater. lib. xxii. p. 685.
LEO THE TENTH. 355
yet remains. In one circumstance his encourage- CHAP.
ment of the arts is connected with a singular in- _
stance of profaneness, which it is surprising has not A. D. 1503.
hitherto been enumerated among his many offences.
In a picture painted for him hy Pinturicchio, the
beautiful Julia Farnese is represented in the sacred
character of the Virgin, whilst Alexander himself
appears in the same picture, as supreme pontiff,
paying to her the tribute of his adoration, (a)
(a) Mr. Henke has entered into copious details respecting this
Julia Farnese, or Julia Bella, as she was called ; who was the sister
of Cardinal Farnese, afterwards Paul III. and was married to one
of the Orsini family, (v. Germ. ed. vol. i. p. 242.)
I might also lay before the reader the judicious observations of
Count Bossi on the character of Alexander VI. ; but as they tend to
confirm rather than to contradict the view which I have taken of it,
I shall only refer to them in the second volume of Ital. ed. p. 194.
2 A 2
DISSERTATION
ON
THE CHARACTER
OF
LUCRETIA BORGIA.
DISSERTATION,
IF the Lucretia of ancient history has been considered as
the glory of her sex, the Lucretia of modern Home has
been alleged as an example of its disgrace and its shame.
From her own times to the present, her depravity is on
historical record ; yet many circumstances concur to raise
considerable doubts in the mind of an impartial inquirer,
whether the horrible accusations under which her memory
labours be well founded. Amidst the licentiousness that
characterized the age in which she lived, the most flagrant
charges acquire a probability which they could not in ano-
ther period obtain ; and among the vices of the times, ca-
lumny and falsehood have in general been at least as active
as the rest.
To the present day Lucretia is, for the most part, only
known as the incestuous daughter of Alexander VI., the
prostitute, in common, of her father, and of her two bro-
thers ; one of whom is supposed to have assassinated the
other from jealousy of his superior pretensions to her fa-
vour. If nothing more had been recorded respecting her
than the charges of her accusers, we must have submitted
to receive their information as true ; with those doubts only
which the abominable nature of the accusation must always
inspire. But Lucretia Borgia is known, from other sources
of information, to have been a woman of great accomplish-
ments, as well of mind as of person, and to have passed
the chief part of her life in an eminent station, not only
360 DISSERTATION.
without reproach, but with the highest honour and esteem.
If the Ethiopian cannot change his skin, nor the leopard
his spots, how are we to conceive it possible, that the per-
son who had, during so many years of her life, been sunk
into the lowest depths of guilt and of infamy, could at once
emerge to respectability and to virtue? The history of
mankind furnishes no instances of such a rapid change ;
and we are therefore naturally led to inquire upon what
evidences such charges have been made ; and as from their
nature it can scarcely be supposed that they are capable
either of positive proof, or of positive refutation, we must
be satisfied to form our belief according to the best evi-
dence of probability.
That accusations of this nature were brought against Lu-
cretia early in life, and during the pontificate of her father,
there is great reason to believe. The first traces of them
appear in the writings of the Neapolitan poets, who being
exasperated against Alexander VI, for the active part which
he had taken in the expulsion of the house of Aragon,
placed no limits to their resentment, (a) These imputations
might, however, scarcely have deserved a serious reply, had
they not received additional credit from the pen of the dis-
tinguished historian Guicciardini, who informs us, that " it
was rumoured, that not only the two brothers, but even the
father, were rivals for the love of Lucretia."(i) By these ru-
mours it is probable that he alludes to the writings of the
(a) Thus Pontano, in an epitaph for Lucretia Borgia, who, however, survived
him upwards of twenty years :
" Hie jacet in tumulo, Lucretia nomine, sed re
Thais. Alexandri filia, sponsa, nurus."
And Sanazzaro thus addresses her :
" Ergo te sempe"r cupiet, Lucretia, Sextus.
O fatum diri numinis, hie Pater est."
And this supposed intercourse is also frequently alluded to, in other parts of
the works of the last mentioned writer.
(6) " Era medesimamente fama, se pero e degno di credersi tanta enormita, che
neU' amor di Madonna Lucretia, concorressino non solamente i dui fratelli m*.
eziandio il padre medesimo." Gwtcc. Storia d' Ital. lib, iii. 1. 182.
DISSERTATION. 361
Neapolitan poets, with whose works, it is to be remarked,
he was well acquainted, as appears from the manner in
which he refers to the small river Sebeto, near Naples, so
frequently the theme of their applause, (a)
These authorities have been considered as sufficient
grounds for future historians to assert the guilt of Lucretia
in the most explicit terms ; nor have even the writers of the
Romish church hesitated to express their conviction of her
criminality in the most unqualified manner, and the tale of
her infamy has accordingly been admitted into general com-
pilations and biographical dictionaries as undoubted matter
of fact, (b) It can, therefore, occasion no surprise, that the
protestant authors have frequently expatiated on a subject
which, as they suppose, reflects such disgrace on the Ro-
man see. In the writings of Henry Stephens, (c) of Bale,(rf)
and of Gordon, (e) this accusation forms a conspicuous fea-
ture ; nor is it less decisively admitted by the discriminating
Gibbon, in his Antiquities of the House of Brunswick.^/)
" In the next generation," says this author, " the House of
Este was sullied by a sanguinary and incestuous race ; by
the nuptials of Alfonso I. with Lucretia, a bastard of Alex-
ander VI. the Tiberius of Christian Rome. This modern
Lucretia might have assumed with more propriety the name
of Messalina ; since the woman who can be guilty, who can
even be accused, of a criminal intercourse with a father and
two brothers, must be abandoned to all the licentiousness
of venal love."
Such being the evidence on which these charges have
been generally believed, it may now be proper to state such
circumstances as may throw additional light on the subject.
(a) " II piccolo piu presto rio che fiumicello, chiamato Sebeto; incognito t citt-
runo sc non gli havessino dato nome i versi de' poeti Napolitani." Gwtx. Stori*
a'ltal. lib. iii. p. 113.
(fc) r. Moreri, Diet. Hist. Art. C) On her return to Rome,
she was intrusted, during the absence of the pope, with the
management of public affairs, for which purpose she was
empowered to open all letters addressed to the pontiff, and
directed, in cases of difficulty, to consult with some of the
cardinals in the confidence ' of the pope. We may agree
with Muratori, that this mode of government conferred but
little honour on the pontiff, (c) but we can scarcely admit it
as a proof, as some have been willing to assume, of an in-
cestuous intercourse between the father and the daugh-
ter, (d) To a short time subsequent to this period, we may,
however, refer those abominable scenes of lewdness, which
are said to have been transacted within the precincts of the
apostolic palace, and which, however incredible, are re-
corded by Burchard, not only without a comment, but with
as much indifference as if they were only the usual occur-
rences of the day. (e) But it is highly important to our pre-
(a) Guicciardini expressly asserts, that the husband of Lucretia, whom he
calls Gismondo, was assassinated by Cesar Borgia, " il quale era stato amroaz-
zato dal Duca Valentino ;" and Muratori informs us, that Alfonso was first wound-
ed, and afterwards poisoned, and that Caesar Borgia was supposed to be the
perpetrator of the crime ; to which he was instigated by his attachment to the
French, and his aversion to the family of Aragon. v. Annali d'ltalia, vol. ix.
p. 606.
(fc) " Feria secunda, ultima August! Domina Lucretia olim de Aragonia Filia
Paps recessit ab urbe, itura ad civitatem Nepesinam, associata a sexcentessimis
equitibus vel circa, ut caperet aliquam consolationem propter dolorem et contur-
bationem quam habuit diebus pneteritis propter obitum illustrissimi domini Al-
fonsi de Aragonia Duels Bisiliarum, &c. mariti sui." BtircA. Dior. ap. Gordon.
(c) " Questa maniera di Governo, se facesse onore al Papa, poco ci vuole per
coDoscerlo." Mural. Annul, x. 7.
(d) Gordon' t Life of Alexander VI. p. 173, &c.
() " Dominica ultima mensis Octobris in sero fecemnt coenam cum Due*
Talentinensi in camera sua in Palatio Apostolico, quinquaginta meretrices ho-
neste, Cortegiana nuncupate, qu post coenam chore arunt, cum senritoribus et
366 DISSERTATION.
sent subject to observe, that throughout the whole narra-
tive of this loquacious master of the papal ceremonies, who
seems on no occasion to have concealed what might dis-
grace either his superiors or himself, there appears not the
most distant insinuation of that criminal intimacy between
Alexander and his daughter, or between her and her bro-
thers, which if he had known or suspected it to have ex.
isted, it is not likely, from the tenor of other parts of his
narrative, that he would have been inclined wholly to con-
ceal.
However this may be, the pope, who never for a moment
lost sight of the aggrandizement of his family, in the latter
part of the year 1501, entered into a negotiation for uniting
Lucretia in marriage to Alfonso of Este, the son of Ercole,
duke of Ferrara. This connexion was highly flattering to
the house of Borgia, as well from the elevated rank of the
husband, who was expected shortly to take a respectable
station among the sovereigns of Italy, as from his personal
character, which had already given rise to expectations, that
his future conduct abundantly confirmed, (a) In accounting
for an union which has in later times been considered as de-
grading to the family of Este, some have been inclined to
attribute it to the advantageous proposals made by the
pope, who besides an immense sum which he expended in
jewels and apparel, gave to his daughter on her marriage
one hundred thousand gold crowns, and accompanied them
with the grant of the territories of Cento and Pieve ; whilst
others have conjectured, that the princes of Este were rather
aliis ibidem existentibus, primo in vestibus suis, deinde nudas. Post ooenam po-
sita fuerunt candelabra communia mensae cum candelis ardentibus, et projects
ante candelabra per terrain castaneae, quas meretrices ipsae, super manibus et
pedibus nuds, candelabra pertranseuntes colligebant ; Papa, Duce, et Lucretia
sorore sua, prassentibus et aspicientibus. Tandem exposita dona ultima, diploides
de serico, paria caligarum, bireta et alia, pro illis qui plures dictas meretrices
carnaliter agnoscerunt, quae fuerunt ibidem in aula publice carnaliter tractate,
arbitrio praesentium, et dona distributa victoribus." Surch. Diar. op. Cord.
(a) " Principe glorioso nel mondo," says Muratori, " cte in senno e valore
ebbe pochi pan al suo tempo." Annali, vol. x. p. 262.
DISSERTATION. S67
terrified than allured to such a measure, by their apprehen-
sions from the ambition, rapacity, or resentment of the
family of Borgia, (a) The marriage ceremony was per-
formed at Rome on the nineteenth day of December, 1501,
with circumstances of uncommon magnificence, which are
related by Burchard with great minuteness, (b) Her jour-
ney thence to Ferrara, and her splendid entry into that
city, on the second day of February, 1502, are dwelt upon
at great length by contemporary writers, whose narratives
exhibit a curious picture of the manners of the age. (c)
At this period of the life of Lucretia, when she was
finally removed from the Roman court to the city of Fer-
rara, which became her residence during the remainder of
(a) Nardi, Hist. Fior. p. 75.
" The marriage articles were signed," says Mr. Gibbon (Antiq. of Brunswick,
in posth. works, vol. ii. p. 689.) " and as the bed of Lucretia was not then vacant,
her third husband, a royal bastard of Naples, was first stabbed, and afterwards
strangled in the Vatican." This is not founded on historical fact, nor as far as I
know, asserted by any other writer ; the treaty for the marriage with Alfonso of
Este, not having taken place till upwards of twelve months after the death of her
former husband.
(fc) " Feria quarta, nona Decembris, tibicines et omnia musicorum instru-
menta, parata in piano, super scalas S. Petri, inceperunt magna vehementia so-
nare, singuli instrumenta sua, prope domum Dominae Lucreti*, juxta Basilicam
S. Petri. Kxivit ipsa Domini Lucretia, in vestibus brocati auri, cirrumdatis, more
hispanioo, cum longa cauda, quam qutrdam pucll.v deferebant ; ipsa Domina
Lucretia media inter Ferdinandum a dextris, et Sigismundum a sinistris, fratres
marjti sui. Sequebantur circiter quinquaginta Romanic pulchre vestitic, et post
ill as Pedissequa? Dominse Lucretia?, et ascenderunt ad primam aulam Paulinam,
super portam Palatii ubi erat Papa, cum tredecim Cardinalibus ot Duce Valenti-
nensi ; finito sermone, fuit pmita ante Papam qurrdam mrnsa sive tabula ad
quam accederunt Ferdinandus Frater et Procurator Sponsi, et Domina Lucretia,
cui ipse Frrdinandus procuratoriu nomine Fratris sui, imposuit quemdam annu-
lum aureum, sive gemmam. Apportati deinde fuerunt per Cardinalem Kstensem
etiam Fratrem Sponsi quatuor alii annuli magni valoris, et apportata unu capsa
super dictam mrnsam posita, et de maodato pracdicti Cardinalis aperti, qui ex-
traxit ex ea multa collaria, sive torques, pulchcrrimi* lapidibus pretiosis et mar-
garitis ornatos. Item quatuor pulcherrimaB bruces, &c. oblata Sponsa per Car-
dinalem Kstensetn, verbid ornatissimis. His f.irtis retraxit se Papa ad sequen-
tem aulam sive cameram Paulinam quern secuta est Domina Lucretia cum mu -
lieribus," &c.
(c) v. Dcxrittvme dflla nma rfi I.ucrftia figltvola di Alnsandro 17. ed
d' Ette, inter Murattrri, Perum Itat. Scrip, vol. xxrii. p. 398.
S68 DISSERTATION.
her life, some reflections occur on her past conduct. That
the daughter of Alexander VI. young, beautiful, and ac-
complished, educated in the midst of a luxurious city and a
profligate court, might, on all occasions, have escaped the
general contagion, will not perhaps be readily believed ; but
with respect to the incestuous intercourse, of which she has
been so generally accused, the circumstances of her life and
conduct afford no evidence ; on the contrary, the anxiety
of her father, to avail himself of the first opportunity of
uniting her to another husband, must be considered as a
strong indication, that his own attachment to her was not of
the criminal nature before referred to. Were it also to be
granted, that the family of Este was induced to accede to
this marriage by the allurements and persuasions, or was ter-
rified into it by the dread of the vengeance of the pontiff,
it must still require a considerable portion of credulity to
believe, that either Ercole, duke of Ferrara, or Alfonso his
son, who were distinguished by their virtues and their ta-
lents, both civil and military, beyond any of the sovereigns
of the time, would have submitted to have perpetuated
their race through the contaminated blood of a known and
incestuous prostitute.
The arrival of Lucretia at Ferrara gave a new impulse
to those studies and literary amusements, by which that
place had been so long distinguished. Among the many
men conspicuous by their talents and their learning, who at
this time frequented the court, was the celebrated Pietro
Bembo. He had accompanied his father, who had visited
that city in a respectable public character, and the attrac-
tions which he had met with in the literary society of the place,
had induced him to prolong his residence there. The
reputation which Bembo had already obtained by his writ-
ings, and perhaps his personal address and accomplish-
ments, early introduced him to the notice of the duchess,
who received him with that freedom and affability for which
the Italian courts were then remarkable. At this time
DISSERTATION. 369
Bembo was about thirty years of age, and it appears from
his letters, that he had twice been the slave of an amorous
but unsuccessful passion. The extraordinary beauty, the
various endowments, the vivacity and condescension of the
duchess, were attractions too powerful for him to resist,
and there is reason to believe, that Lucretia Borgia was des-
tined to complete that amorous servitude of three lustres,
or fifteen years, of which he frequently complains. The
epistolary correspondence of Bembo contains several let-
ters addressed to the duchess of Ferrara, to which she
frequently replied, (a) But although it might be presumed
from her letters, that she was not wholly insensible to the
passion of her admirer, by whose attentions it is probable
she was highly flattered, yet it must be observed, that
Mazzuchelli, one of the most judicious critics that Italy has
produced, considers this attachment as having been regu-
lated by sentiments of propriety and honour ; (4) nor is it
indeed likely, that a friendly epistolary intercourse would
have been continued for so long a time after the termina-
tion of a connexion, which could never have been recollected
by either of the parties without sentiments of compunction
and of shame. In the letters of Bembo to the duchess of Fer-
(a) In the Ambrosian library, at Milan, a manuscript is said to exist, which
contains nine letters, in the hand-writing of Lucretia, seven of which are in Ita-
lian, and two in Spanish ; and at the close, a copy of verses, also in Spanish, all
of which are addressed to Bembo. These letters appear to have been folded in
the form of billets, and are superscribed, Al miu cariaimo M. Pietro fiembo. The
writer denominates herself I.ucrrtia Estense da Borgia, and the seals of the arms
of Este and Borgia are appended to them. At the close of the volume is a can-
zone in Spanish, of the composition and hand-writing of Bembo, and in a folding
of white vellum, tied with four ribbands, is a lock of light-coloured hair, such as
Bembo has frequently described in his poems, and which by constant tradition
has been believed to be that of Lucretia Borgia. From the description of this
singular relick, it decidedly appears, that this book formerly belonged to Bembo.
who has minuted with his own hand the dates of the letters, and had probably
inserted them in this volume, as a memorial of what he considered as the mo*t
elevated and honourable attachment of his early years. Dissertaswnt del Datt.
Baldassart Oltrocchi sopra i primi amori Hi Pietro Bembo. Raeotta d'opuxvti di
Calogera, vol. iv. p. 1.
(fe) M,i--.uch. Scrittori d'ltal. in Art. Lucrttia Borgia.
VOL. I. 2 B
370 DISSERTATION.
rara, which extend from the year 1503, to the year 1516,
he at some times communicates to her his own sorrows, and
at others congratulates her on the birth of her children ;
but the warmth of the lover, if it ever existed, soon gave
place to the respect of a friend, and the introduction of fre-
quent apologies for his neglect, or omissions, clearly indi-
cates that he had long relinquished that character, which
on their first acquaintance, he appears to have been willing
to assume.
The attachment of Bembo to Lucretia Borgia was not,
however, so cautiously concealed, as to have escaped the
notice of his friends, the two Strozzi, with whom he lived at
Ferrara on terms of the utmost intimacy, and at whose villa,
in the vicinity of that city, he passed a considerable portion
of his time. Tito, the father, has recorded this passion in
an enigmatical epigram, which it is not now difficult to ex-
plain, (a) and Ercole, the son, in confiding to Bembo his
own amours, adjures him to conceal them with the same
secrecy with which he has himself preserved those intrust-
ed to him by the confidence of his friend, (b)
From this period, the conduct of Lucretia Borgia, during
the remainder of her life, being an interval of upwards of
twenty years, was not only without reproach, but in the
highest degree commendable and exemplary. Amidst the
disturbances which agitated Italy, and which frequently
(u) " Si mutetur in X. C. tertia nominis hujus
Liters, Lw.t fiet, quod modo Luc fuerat
Retia subsequitur, cui tu htec subjunge, paratqiu;
Sic scribens, Lux hoc retia, Bembe, parat."
(b) " At tu, Bembe, meos quern non celare calores
Debueram, tanti sernina disce rnali.
Fas uni tibi nosse. decem quse me usserit annos,
Quzeque meo jussit corde latere faces.
Hanc tamen obtestor, ne te sciat indice quisquam ;
Graia tibi servet sic Telesilla fidem.
Sicmihi, quae dixti, cunctos celentur in annos ;
Nullaque non felix sic eat bora tibi."
Strmz.fil. Amor. p. 72.
DISSERTATION. 371
threatened Ferrara with destruction, she was intrusted by
the duke, during those warlike expeditions in which he so
eminently distinguished himself, with the government of the
state; in which she conducted herself so as to obtain, not only
the approbation of her husband, but the respect and affec-
tion of his subjects. By Alfonso she was the mother of three
sons, the eldest of whom succeeded to the government of
the state of Ferrara, by the name of Ercole II. (a) Towards
the close of her life, she became severely rigid in her re-
ligious duties, and devoted herself to works of benevolence
and piety. From the official letters of Leo X. it appears,
that she had applied to that pontiff, soon after his eleva-
tion, for his spiritual advice and consolation, which he con-
ceded to her in the fullest terms, with high commendations
of her exemplary life, (b) It is true, that long after she had
established a character beyond all just reproach, and when
her father was no more, and her brother was driven from
Italy, the voice of calumny did not fail to pursue her amidst
the splendour of a court ; and in the vindictive lines of
Sanazzaro, Lucretia is the heifer that wanders disconsolate
on the banks of the Po, lamenting the loss of her mate, (c)
But the motives of these accusations have already been ex-
plained, and even if Sanazzaro had been more impartial, the
(a) " Alfonso I." says Mr. Gibbon, " believed himself to be the father of three
sons. The eldest, his successor, Hercules II. expiated this maternal stain by
a nobler choice, and h'u fidelity was rewarded by mingling the blood of Kste with
that of France." Antiq. of' the Hmue of Brunswick, in post, works, vol. ii. p. 689.
The doubt which Mr. Gibbon has implied respecting the legitimacy of the eldest
son, involves the historian in some degree of inconsistency. For, if Hercules was
not in fact the offspring of Alfonso, how can he be said to have mingled the blood
of Ette with that of France ?
(b) v. Bembi Ep. nom. Lam. A", lib. iv. ep. 3.
(c) " Juvenca, solos i|iue relicta ad aggeres
Padi sonantis, heu tnaium ororibus
Omen, dolentes inter orba populos
Te te requirit, te reflagitans suum
Implet querelis nemus ; et usque mugiens
Modo hue, inixlo illuc furit, amore perdita."
. i. Epigr. 15.
372 DISSERTATION.
distance of his residence from Rome would prevent his
being considered on such an occasion as an authentic evi-
dence.
But although the charges against Lucretia Borgia ap-
pear to be wholly unsupported, either by proof or proba-
bility, it would be unjust to her talents and her character,
to close the present inquiry without adducing some of those
numerous testimonies in her favour, with which the writ-
ings of the most celebrated scholars of the age so frequently
abound. In this we need not rely on the applauses bestow-
ed on her by Ercole Strozzi, or Antonio Tebaldeo, who
may be considered as the poets-laureate of Ferrara, the
former of whom has in particular availed himself of every
opportunity of resounding her praise, (a) Still less must
we found our decision on the various poems, both in the
Latin and Italian tongue, which Bembo has consecrated to
her honour, because he may not be considered as an im-
partial judge. Yet we cannot pass unnoticed the letter, in
which he inscribes to her his romance of the Asolani, which
he completed and published at her request, and in which he
addresses her " as a princess, who was more desirous of
ornamenting her mind with excellent endowments, than her
(a) Several of the principal poems of Ercole Strozzi, as his Venatio and Gi-
gantmnachia, are inscribed to Lucretia, whom he also thus addresses at the close
of one of his elegies, in which he relinquishes all further interference in public
affairs.
" Teque meum veneror, Coelestis Borgia, Sidus,
Qua nulluni Hesperio purius orbe micat.
Tu mihi carmen ens, tu lucida callis ad astra,
Qu;l niveas animas lacteus orbis habet ;
Adsertae superis, Juno, Pallasque, Venusque,
Juno opibus, Pallas moribus, ore Venus.
Regna tibi meliora, animique nitentior ardor,
Plusque tua igniferi forma vigoris habet.
Quis neget his ccelum mentis ? tua numina quondam
Neilus, et extrema Baetis honore colent.
Templa tibi statuent, nee votis templa carebunt ;
At nostrum, inter tot grandia, majus erit."
Strozz.fil. Eleg. ad Dicam Lticretiam Bcrgiam
Femtrif Ducem, Strosa Op. p. 53.
DISSERTATION. 373
person with the decorations of dress. Applying all her lei-
sure hours to reading or composition. To the end," says
he, " that you may surpass other women, as much in the
charms of your understanding, as you already do in those
of external beauty, and may be better satisfied with your
own applause, than with that, however infinite, of the rest
of the world."
The historians of Ferrara, so far from supposing that the
family of Este was degraded by their union with Lucretia
Borgia, mention her with the highest praise. Giraldi de-
nominates her " a woman of uncommon excellence ;" (a)
and Sardi, " a most beautiful and amiable princess, adorn-
ed with every virtue." (b) Yet more honourable is the praise
of Libanori ; who describes her as " a most beautiful and
virtuous princess, endowed with every estimable quality of
the mind, and with the highest polish of understanding ;
esteemed as the delight of the time, and the treasure of the
age." (c) Caviceo, in the year 1508, dedicated to her his
work, entitled // Peregrino, and adverting to the celebrated
Isabella of Este, daughter of Ercole I. duke of Ferrara,
and wife of Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua, he
conceives that he has given her sufficient praise, in asserting
that she approaches next in excellence to Lucretia Bor-
gia, (d) If the most remote idea had been entertained, that
Lucretia had been the detestable character which the Ne-
apolitan poets have represented, is it to be conceived, that
this author would have introduced one of the first women
in Italy, in point of rank, character, and accomplishments,
as only second to her in merit ?
(a) " Ramsima Donna." Girald. Comment, drlle me iti Frrrara, p. 181.
(b) " Donna bellissima, gentile, cd ornata d'ogni virtu." Sanli, llutorie
Ferrareti, lib. x. p. 198.
(c) MtKzucltelli Scriltori d' Italia, vol. v. p. 1751.
(d) " Accede alii tua eceellentia i|uello lurae che extinguere non si puo r di
quella vera mortale Dea, Elizabetta Es tense di Gon?aga principessa Mantuana,
alia quale le Muse fanno rivcrentia." Cavicto, Ap. Quadrio Storia d 1 ogni Portia,
vol. vii. p. 70.
374 DISSERTATION,
The marriage of Lucretia, with Alfonso of Este, was ce-
lebrated in a Latin epithalamium by Ariosto ; but this may
be considered as one of those complimentary tributes, which
a youthful poet would be proud to pay to his prince. If
however the moral character of the bride had been so noto-
riously disgraceful as to render her an object of abhorrence,
it is scarcely to be supposed that Ariosto would have had
the effrontery, or the absurdity, to represent her, as " rival-
ling in the decorum of her manners, as well as in the beauty
of her person, all that former times could boast." (a) The
same author has, however, on a subsequent occasion given
a more decisive testimony of his approbation. In the forty-
second book of his immortal poem, he has raised a temple
of female excellence, the splendid niches of which are oc-
cupied by women of the greatest merit and chief distinction
in Italy ; and among these, Lucretia Borgia assumes the
first, and most conspicuous station. It is remarkable, that
in the lines devoted to her praise on this occasion, the poet
asserts that " Rome ought to prefer the modern Lucretia
to the Lucretia of antiquity, a* well in modesty as in beauty;"
a comparison which, if the aspersions under which she has
laboured, had obtained the slightest credit, could only have
been considered as the severest satire. Each of his hero-
ines is attended by two of the most distinguished poets of
Italy, as heralds of their fame ; those assigned to Lucretia
Borgia, are Ercole Strozzi and Antonio Tebaldeo. (b)
(a) " _ clari soboles Lucretia Borgiae,
Pulchro ore, et pulchris squantem moribus aut quas
Yerax fama refert, aut quas sibi fabula finxit."
Ariost. Epithal. ap. Carm. illutt. Poet. Ital. vol. i. p. 344.
(6) " La prima inscrittion ch' agli occhi occorre,
Con lungo rnor Lucretia Borgia noma;
La cui bellezza, e onesta, preporre
Deve a 1'antica la sua patria Roma.
I duo die voluto ban sopra se tone
Tanto eccellente ed onorata soma,
Noma lo scritto, Antonio Tebaldeo,
Ercole Stroiia; un Lino, ed uno Orfeo."
Can. 42. St. 83.
DISSERTATION. 375
These commendatory testimonies might be increased to
a considerable extent from the works, both in prose and
verse, which have been inscribed to her by those authors
to whom she afforded encouragement and protection; (a) but
(a) Antonio Cornazzano addressed to her his Life of the Virgin, and Life of
Christ, both in term rima, (Tirah. vol. vi. par. ii. p. 161.) and Giorgio Robusto,
of Alexandria, his poems, printed at .Milan, about the year 1500. ( QiWri<>, vol. viii.
p. 65.) To these I shall only add another testimony. Father Francesco Antonio
Zaccharia, on examining the Jesuits' library of S. Fedele, at Milan, found a
manuscript volume of poetry, the author of which, as appears by the dedication,
was Luc a Yalenziano, of Tortona. Zaccharia imagined that these poems were
unpublished, but there is extant a rare edition of them printed at Venice, by
Bernardino de' Vitali, in 1532, 8vo. under the title of Opere rotgari di M. Luca
Valemiano, Dertonese, ad istanza di Federigo di Gervasio, \.//>. The poems
in question have great merit, particularly for their pathetic simplicity ; and are
dedicated in the manuscript copy, but not in the printed work, to Lucretia Bor-
gia, in the following Latin verses :
" Ad Ditam Lucretium Borgiam Extnuan ;
Lucas I'alentiantts, Derionetuu,
" Qua- tibi pauca dainus, tali, Lucretia, (route
Suscipe nunc, quali grandia dona soles.
H;vr ego iluin canerem lacrymis rorantia, dixi ;
Prasideos nostnc, Borgia diva, lyr.r.
O tecum Alphonsus duri post pnrlia Martis,
Otia Musarum quarere tuta velit.
Sic Ca?sar, sic Rex Macediim, sic ille solebat,
Africa cui nomen, victa parente, dedit.
Hunt: legc ; perlectum longo ditabis honore ;
Tutus et a rabido dente libellus cnt."
r. Rafcolta d' Opuicali di Calogtra, vol. xliv.
That Lucretia wrote Italian poetry is believed by Crescimbrni, who informs us
that he had been assured by a person deserving of credit, and who was well ac
quainted with the early literature of Italy, that he had seen, in a collection of
poems of the sixteenth century, several pieces attributed to her, but that notwith-
standing all the researches made both at Rome and at Florence, no traces of them
could now be discovered. The annotator on C'rescimbeni is, however, of opinion,
that if this hid been the case, her works would have l>een noticed by Bembo in
the many letters addressed to her, or by Aldo, in his preface to the works of the
two Strozzi. " She was, however," adds he, " a great patroness of literature,
and by her means the court of Ferrara abounded with men distinguished even in
foreign countries ; among whom waa the before-mentioned Bembo." Maziu-
chelli has, however, cited one of the letters of Bembo ; from which it appears
that she addressed some verses to him ; but whether they were in Italian or
370 DISSERTATION.
in addition to those already adduced, it may be sufficient to
cite the grave and unimpeachable testimony of one, who,
from the respectability of his character, cannot be suspect-
ed of flattery, and who indeed cannot be supposed to have
had any other motives for his commendation, than such as
be has himself assigned ; the favour and assistance which
he afforded to every meritorious undertaking, and to every
useful art.
The person referred to, is the celebrated printer, Aldo
Manuzio. From the tenor of his address to her, prefixed to
his edition of the works of Tito and Ercole Strozzi, it ap-
pears that she had offered, not only to assist him in the
establishment of his great undertaking, but also to defray
the whole expense attending it. If the sentiments which
he attributes to her, were in fact expressed by her, of
which there appears no reason to doubt, they sufficiently
mark a great and a virtuous mind. " Your chief desire,"
says he, " as you have yourself so nobly asserted, is to
stand approved of God, and to be useful, not only to the
present age, but to future times ; so that when you quit
this life, you may leave behind you a monument that you
have not lived in vain." He then proceeds to celebrate in
the warmest terms of approbation, her piety, her liberality,
her justice, and her affability. If Lucretia was guilty of the
crimes of which she stands accused, the prostitution of her
Spanish, which latter language she frequently adopted in her poetical composir
lions, he has not ventured to decide. It may, however, be presumed, from the
following lines in one of the elegant Latin poems addressed to her by Bembo,
that she wrote Italian poetry, and it is not therefore without sufficient reason that
both Mazzuchelli and Quadrio have enumerated her among the writers of Italy.
" Te tamen in studio, et doctas traducis in artes,
Nee sinis ingenium splendida forma premat;
Sive refers lingua modulatum carmen Hetrusca,
Crederis Hetrusca nata puella solo ;
Seu calamo condis numeros et carmina sumto
Ilia novem possunt scripta decere Deas." &c.
Ad Lucretiam Borgiam, in Bemb. op. torn. iv. p. 345.
DISSERTATION. 377
panegyrists is greater than her own ; but of such a degra-
dation several of the authors hefore cited were incapable ;
and we may therefore be allowed to conclude, that it is
scarcely possible, consistently with the known laws of moral
character, that the flagitious and abominable Lucretia Bor-
gia, and the respectable and honoured duchess of Ferrara,
could be united in the same person.*
To the foregoing Dissertation on the Character of Lucretia Borgia, Mr. Henke
has, in the German Ed. (vol. i. p. 370,) added a long and interesting note ; in
which, after some commendations of the motives of the author, he regrets, " that
on a closer examination, this apology, conducted throughout with skill and bene-
volence, cannot, in a higher degree, produce the full effect which the author
seems to have promised himself." On this I must observe, that it has pro-
duced all the effect I intended ; which was merely to enable the reader, by an
authentic statement of facts, to judge for himself on the degree of credit due to
the reports respecting the conduct of Lucretia Borgia ; and to shew what might,
with truth and justice, be said in her defence. This statement Mr. Henke seems
to think insufficient for her exculpation, and has undertaken to bring additional
evidence in proof of her guilt, of a nore impartial nature and higher authority,
as he supposes, than any that has before been adduced. I cannot therefore dis-
miss the present edition, without either appearing to assent to his conclusions, or
giving his arguments that refutation, of which, as I conceive, they so readily ad-
mit ; and I must therefore intreat the indulgence of the reader whilst I offer a
few remarks on the subject
I have said, that Mr. Henke has undertaken to bring additional evidence against
the accused ; but I ought rather to have said, that he has discarded all former
testimony, and has taken upon himself the whole burthen of the charge. He
fully admits, with me, that the decision ought not to depend upon the imputa-
tions of the Neapolitan Ports, any more than on the commendations of the Ferra-
rne and other writers who have made Lucreti-4 Borgia the subject of their verses,
or have dedicated to her their works. He also admits, that the observations 1
have made respecting the testimony of Guicciardini, in this instance, are well
founded ; on which account " this witness," he says, " may also be withdrawn."
But " there remains," he observes, " one against whom neither a suspicion of
partiality, nor a reproach of credulity can take place, anjl to whom our author has
not yet afforded a hearing." " This is the celebrated Peter Martyr of Milan,
who had already written from Spain, (Kpist. 178, p. 101.) in the year 1497,
when the songsters of the Neapolitan court had not yet become very loud :
' Nuper allaUe sunt ad me liters ab urbe ; Astra-am fcrunt, vento velocius, ab
ea discessisse, aufugisseque ad superos, nee reversuram putant, Bove sceptra te-
nente ; Palatium sanctorum quondam patrum habitaculum, ubi clave* tollendi
claudendique tarn inferorum quam superorum portas insident, nrjandit pontififi-
arum natarum nuptiis, atijur profane nunc Ventri patent at. Kec fratribiu iw
partitur, tit fama tsl, nee alias utcumque proprio utnguini,' "
On this evidence, upon which Mr. Henke appears to haye placed his chief re-
378 DISSERTATION.
liance, I must observe that Peter Martyr, the elder, the writer of the letter in
question, was not a native of Milan ; but was born in the vicinity of Anghiera,
a small town in Italy, whence he was usually called Anglerius, and that he is
not to be confounded with Peter Martyr, the well known reformer ; that he was
an ecclesiastic of the Romish church, and resided during the greater part of his
life at a distance from Rome, and chiefly in Spain, under the immediate patron-
age of Ferdinand and Isabella. With respect to the letter itself, it affects to be
nothing more than the relation of a report, which the writer had heard from Rome,
and on which he cautiously abstains from giving his opinion, " Nvper aUata
sunt liters ab urbe" "ferunt Astr&um discessisse" " utfama est, fyc." in short, a
mere hearsay evidence, and such as cannot be admitted even on the most trivial
question. Mr. Henke conceives that " the concluding words of his extract speak
the more strongly, as they are expressed with the greater delicacy ;" but these
words refer only to the scandalous spectacles said to be exhibited at Rome on
the marriage of Lucretia, and to the death of the Duke of Gandia, who was sup-
posed to have been assassinated by his brother Caesar Borgia. Neither the
competency of the witness, nor the tenor of his testimony, can therefore be allowed
to have any bearing upon the present case.
In the assertion I have made that " throughout the whole narrative of Bur-
chard, (who seems on no occasion to have concealed what might disgrace his su-
periors or himself,) there appears no intimation of that criminal intercourse of
which Lucretia has been accused," Mr. Henke fully agrees ; but he at the same
time contends, that although Burchard has not, for reasons easily assignable, re-
ferred to it, he has inserted in his diary an oration, or philippic, which he calls a
writing of impeachment, printed in Germany, and sent to the Cardinal of Mo-
dena, as a seditious sermon against the pope, his family, and government ; and
which, according to Burchard, -was read before the pontiff himself. This piece Mr.
Henke observes, " is outrageous and rude, but it is also energetic, and full of
truth." Of the fact of its having been read before the pope we may judge from
the following passage, in which Alexander is described as " Proditor generis hu-
mani, qui omnem aetatem suam stupris et rapinis contaminavit ; infamis bestia ;
omnium aetatum detestabilissima vitiorum vorago, et gurges al tissimus ; ejus films
fratricida, et cardinal! sicarius," &c. Is it possible to believe that such a paper
as this was read before the pope ? and such a pope as Alexander VI. ? or is it not
more likely to be an interpolation into the annals of Burchard, manufactured in
Germany, and first printed by Eccard ? (Vol. ii. p. 2145, reference of Mr. Henke.)
For this reason I shall not reprint the long extract which Mr. Henke has given from
this oration ; but shall merely observe, that even if it could be thought authentic,
the particular passage, which he seems to think inculpates Lucretia of the crime
of which she is accused, has no necessary reference to that subject.
But whatever may be the construction put upon this additional evidence, I must
be permitted to observe, that it is only a repetition of those reports, the truth or
falsehood of which can neither be positively affirmed or denied ; whilst in what I
have stated, I have relied on facts which speak for themselves, and can neither
be perverted or misunderstood. I have shewn that Alexander, so far from having
manifested a criminal passion for his own daughter, lost no time in disposing of
her in marriage, where she was to pass her life at a distance from him. I have
shewn that at the very time when these pretended crimes are represented to have
DISSERTATION. 379
been the most flagrant, she was received as a wife by one of the most distin-
guished princes of Italy, who it cannot be supposed, would have admitted, as the
partner of his throne and of his bed, a woman publicly branded as the prosti-
tute of her father and of her brothers. I have demonstrated also that she was
worthy of the high station to which she was raised, and that she was not only
beloved by her husband for her accomplishments, but confided in, by him, for
her judgment and good sense ; and from these, and many other circumstances
stated in the foregoing dissertation, I have been led to conclude, that she could,
at no time, have been the depraved and abandoned character which the enemies of
her father (perhaps more in resentment to him than in enmity to herself,) have
represented her to be.
The Conte Cav. Luigi Bossi, the Italian translator of the present work, has
shewn himself more disposed to a favourable construction of the character of
Lucretia Borgia; and has in his edition produced several authentic and valuable
documents relating to her. Amongst these are five original letters from her to the
eminent Gian-Giorgio Trissino, the author of the Italia Liberata, and one of the
most learned and accomplished men of the time. From these letters, written
whilst she was duchess of Ferrara, it appears that she greatly depended on the
judgment of Trissino, in the education of Ercole, her eldest son, afterwards duke
of Ferrara, by the name of Ercole II. ; that on this occasion, Trissino recom-
mended Nicola Luzzarino, an eminent scholar of the time, who was accordingly
appointed preceptor, and gave great satisfaction in that office. In other respects
these letters demonstrate that the duchess well knew how to unite condescension
with dignity, and the style of a sovereign with the cordiality of a friend. These
letters, the originals of which are preserved in the collection of the noble brothers,
Trissino, Conti dal Velio d' Oro, resident in Vicenza, were copied for insertion in
the Italian edition of this work, by Sig. Francesco Testa, of the same place, and
will be found in the Appendix to the present edition, No. LJ. where I shall
also give another letter, published by Bossi, from Trissino to Bembo, both of
them great admirers of the duchess of Ferrara, which may serve to give a more
correct idea of the nature of the friendship and attachment which subsisted
amongst the parties, than any other document to which I can refer ; of this last
I shall here also give an English translation, first premising, that the duchess
had presented Trissino with a medallion of herself, (impressions of which are yet
preserved in several collections,) which Bembo was desirous of obtaining from
him ; and that being disappointed in his expectations, he had written a fretful
and complaining letter, to which Trissino returned the following reply, which
may be considered as a model of elegance, moderation, and good sense.
Gian- Giorgio Triwino to Pietro Bembo.
" I perceive that your mild and forbearing temper has been somewhat too
much ruffled by your not having obtained the medallion you requested from me,
of which I am not so unjust and avaricious an estimator, as not to be sensible
how much I ought to prefer to it your favour and satisfaction ; but having re-
ceived it on the conditions I hold it, from one who is more the owner of it than
myself, I cannot, by these means, conciliate your regard, which I would wil-
lingly purchase with any thing else of much higher value. For, if the resem-
380 DISSERTATION.
blance which this medallion gives of the lady you admire (la donna amata),
justifies in your opinion the wish to possess it, why should it not, for the same
reason, justify in me the desire to retain it ? independently of that duty which
engages me not to part with it, on any account whatever. Two strong ties, af-
fection and fidelity, dispute with me the power of making you this present, from
which, I am certain, your own worth and good sense cannot release me ; for if
you esteem and value in me any thing that is commendable, you ought, above
all things, to esteem and value that which you yourself possess in so eminent a
degree ; on which account I flatter myself, that dismissing any cause of dissa-
tisfaction, you will indulgently afford a more liberal opening for my apolo-
gies, and will not hesitate in exerting that authority which you possess of dis-
posing of me at your pleasure ; being assured that the regret which I feel, in not
being able to comply with your request, is much greater than the disappoint-
ment you experience in having made it in vain."
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX.
No. I.
(Page 15.)
lo ho inteso, per una vostra de' 30 di Gennajo, el desiderio
avete di Giovanni vostro figliuolo, il che se io avessi inteso
avanti la morte del Cardinale di Roana, mi sarei ingegnato
adempire ; ma sono ben contento, nei primi benefizj vacant i,
fare il meglio che io potro. Alia giornata di Ferrara, dove
dite haver promesso andare, v'avrei consigliato non andasse
punto, ma che guardasse bene tener sicura vostra persona,
perch non conosco e personaggi, ne il luogo dove v'avete a
trovare, et v'arei mandato uno imbasciatore di qud in vostra
excusatione ; nientedimancho poiche 1'havete promesso, me
ne rapporto a voi, et alia buona hora sia et a Dio.
LUY.
Scripta Auplesis du Parch. Die 17 Feb. 1482.
No. II.
(Page 20.)
Ex orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Florent.
Magnifico Viro maiori honorando, Johanni de LanfreJinis,
Oratori Florentine, Roma.
MAGNIFICE MAIOR HONORANDE,
Ho inteso quanto v'ha decto N. S. circa la promotions, et
di chi, et respondendo breve per essere occupatissimo, dubi-
384 APPENDIX, NO. II.
tando non essere soprastato ad rispondere per essere state
fuori, quando hebbi questo vostro adviso. A me pare, che
S. Santita non debbi differire la promotione, se non tanto
quanto e' non puo piu accelerare, perche giudico, quando S.
Santita lo hara facto, gli parera essere un' altro Pontefice
che fino qui non e stato ; perche dove e stato capo senza
membri, sia con quelli ; dove e stato factura d'altri, che akri
sia factura sua ; et pero lo confortate, et importuniate al ve-
nire a quella conclusione che debbe, prima che puo ; perche
periculum est in mora, et nel fare acquisti, et nel differire
perde. Sicche in questa parte usate tutta la vostra auctorita
perche segua questa benedecta promotione, et prima che si
puo ; che avendo mosso la cosa in Collegio non e da alien-
tare, o ritardare senza gravissima perdita della dignitd, et
commodo di sua Beatitudine.
Quanto al chi, appruovo tutti quelli segnati col punto, et
sono quelli medesimi che altre volte mi dicesti. Commendo
bene ne metta inanzi molti per tirare piu commodamente
quelli che vuole, et se puo consolare noi, se ne ricordi.
Quando la promotione si differissi per noi, diteli, facci e
sua. Se dovessi fame uno solo per cominciarne un tracto a
fare, et che paia, che possa ; et poi di tempo in tempo col
favore di quelli hara facti, non gli manchera modi di fare
degli altri, et satisfare a ciascuno, et per quella parte del
Signer Francesco mi piace la deliberatione di Nostro Signore,
et non e da ometterla, perche e tucta la important ia di questa
cosa, et la causa principale perche si viene a questo acto, et
Sua Santita absente come presente puo fare quello mede-
simo ; per questo non & da tardare, ne da torsi tempo, poi-
che Dio gliele prepara tanto oportuno. Questo e el parere
mio, aspectando con desiderio di per di quello seguira, in
che vi prego mettiate diligentia, come solete, et a voi ricordo,
che con tucto el cuore ringratiate Nostro Signore della hu-
manita che usa verso di me, et della fede mi presta beneme-
rita della servitu, et observantia mia verso Sua Santita.
LAURENTIUS DE MEDICIS.
Florentine, die xvi. Junii, 14-88.
APPENDIX, NO. III. 385
No. III.
(Page 21.)
INNOCENTIO VIII. PONT. MAX.
SANCTISSIME ac beatissime Pater et Domine. Post pedum
oscula beatorum.
Intendendo dall' imbasciatore nostro che la S. V. e in fer-
mo proposito di fare nuovi cardinal! in brevi giorne, me pa-
rebbe meritare grandissima reprensione, se io non le ricor-
dassi in questo caso 1'honore di questa citta et mio ancbora,
che per sua dementia sono certissimo, secondo mi scrivi
1'imbasciatore predetto, che quella se ne ricorda. Ringratio
la S. V. di tale sua clispositione, e supplico a quella molto
humilmente, se mai sono per ricevere alcuno rilevato benefi-
cio da quella, si degni abondantemente e con effecto porgerne
il premio della gratia sua, della quale la richieggo questa
volta con quella efficacia che farei a N. S. Dio la salute dell
anima mia. Io non credo che in tutto el tempo del pontifi-
cate suo la S. V. possa fare cosa che porti seco maggiore
obligatione di questa citta verso la S. V. perche come questa
dignita e stata molto rara, et par consequenza da uno tempo
in qua molto desiderata, cosi passerebbe con grandissima
molestia quando restassi mal contenta. Di me in particolare
non parlo, perche non potrei desiderarc piii questa cosa che
e in eftecto un desiderio ardentissimo dello honore mio, el
quale havendo sempre preposto alia vita propria, puo consi-
derare la S.V. quando seguissi altrimente ch'io speri, in
che termine mi troveria, che non mi parebbe esser piu al
mondo. L'imbasciatore nostro e informato a punto de' pen-
sieri miei, dalli quali non sono punto mutato, ne vorrei per-
dere il bene pe'l meglio, quando il meglio non si possa.
Pero non potendo obtenersi el primo, supplico la S. V. si
degni nell 1 altro tenere la mano su Io honore mio, ricordando
pero alia S. V. con ogni humilta, devotione, et fede, che in
questo caso quella non ha da havere altra legge o resistentia
VOL. i. 2 c
386 APPENDIX, NO. IV.
se non quella che lei medesima vorra per benignita ed hu-
manita sua ; perche in arbitrio di V. S. e, et absolutamente
in mano sua tutta questa cosa, et conseguendo questo im-
mortale beneficio mi chiamo per sempre satisfacto et obli-
gatissimo. Senza questo non veggo modo come sia in faculta
di V. S. di satisfare e ricomperare 1'honor mio, et la opini-
one che quella hd data che io sia nella gratia sua. Raccom-
mandomi humilmente alii piedi di V. B. e supplicola mi
habbi per excusato se io non li ho scripto di mano propria,
che Io ho facto per darle mancho molestia, non essendo
troppo buono scriptore, et anche perche me trovo impedito
da una mano, e sariami stato difficile.
V. S. Humillimus Servitor.
LAUR. DK MEDICIS.
Florentine, die 1. Oetb. 1488.
No. IV.
(Page 22.)
Ex origin, in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Florent.
Rev. Domino mio Domino Cardinali Sa. Maria in Porticu.
REV. Domine mi. Benche io sia certissimo, che con fede
et amore 1'Imbasciadore nostro facci le cose mie, et io non
me ne potrei piil confidare, pure molte experientie passate
mi fanno havere molti dubi in questa promotione di nuovi
Cardinali. Confortami la devotione mia nella Signoria V.
Rev. la quale priegho con tucto el cuore mio, che in questo
punto attenta la buona dispositione di N. S. ch' ella non
abandoni la servitu mia; ne tanta fede, et speranza quanta
io riposo in quella, resti vana, che mi reputerei sotterrato.
La Signoria V. Rev. per experientia ha sempre conosciuto,
che io ho preposto Io honore alia vita ; et quando questo
mio desiderio non succedessi, non so se mi contentassi di
piu vivere. In somma io raccomando alia Signoria V. Rev.
Io honore di questa Repubblica et mio, con quella efficacia.
APPENDIX, NO. V. 387
che farei a Dio la salute dell' anima mia. lo non parlo de'
particular!, che me ne rimetto all' Imbasciadore, et sono
fermo in quelli medesimi pensieri et non vorrei perdermi el
bene pel meglio, quando il meglio non si potessi ; non ob-
stante il desiderio, che ne mostra N. S. che sarebbe anche
il mio, quando si potessi. lo confido assai nella Signoria V.
Rev. laquale priegho tenga le mani su 1'honore mio, et a
quella me raccomando humilmente.
LAURENTIUS DE MEDICIS.
HI a mi propriaf.
Florentine, die primo Decembris.
No. V.
(Page 22.)
Ex orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor.
Magnifico Viro maiori meo honorando Jo/ianni de Low-
fredtnis Oratori Florentine, Romez.
OIRCA la promotione, havendo ricevuta la lettera di Mons.
Ascanio, mi pare havere gran pegno di questo desiderio, et
speranza mia ; con questa sara la risposta, non quale bisog-
nerebbe, ma seconda che posso, et so fare io. A me piace
tra le altre cose, che habbiate bene disposto *** ne mai in
vero hebbi altra opinione, perche non li feci mai se non
piacere, et honore, et sono apto, et disposto in ogni occa-
sione a fargliene piu che mai. Con *** non mi pare hab-
biate facto pocho a fermarlo, che non contradica ; se non
potete trarne piu, mi pare da ringratiarlo di questo, et cer-
tificarlo, che per la natura sua quello obligo har& di questo,
che con gli altri del favore manifesto ; pure quando si potessi,
mi sarebbe molto grato el consenso suo. La opera vostra,
et 1'auctorita di N. S. forse doverrebbono condurlo, pure a
ogni modo che questa cosa venga, mi sara grande, et charis-
sima. Ricordovi, quando vi pare havere le cose disposte,
non mettere dilatione nel fare lo eflfecto, et benche voi mi
2c2
388 APPENDIX, NO. VI.
diate termine in sino a Venerdi, che saremo a di xx, alle
volte si sogliono prolungare, et a me parebbe d'assicurarsene
il piii presto si puo, sanza aspectare 4. tempora. Voi ha-
vete pero governato tanto bene questa cosa, che mi pare
superfluo a ricordarvi di qua altro.
LORENZO DE' MEDICI.
Florentice, die xv. Februarii, 1488 9.
No. VI.
(Page 22.)
Ex orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor.
Magnifico Viro majori meo honorando Johanni de Lanfredi-
nis Oratori Florentine, Romce.
Jo rispondo con una lettera di mia mano alii Rev. Mons.
Vicecancelliere, et Monsign. Ascanio. La lettera, che mi
hanno scripta, e le opere, che mi scrivete voi, che tucto di
fa Mons. Ascanio in beneficio nostro, meritano altre grade
che di parole. Conosco, et per li vostri advisi, et per le mie
considerationi, ove restava lo honore et speranza mia, se
non fussi suta resuscitata dalle opere di Sua Rev. Signoria,
et quello che mi valeva e parentadi, amicitie, et fede, &c.
La difficulta di questa cosa, la diligentia, et studio di Sua
Rev. Signoria fanno tanto grande il beneficio, che non solo
obligano me, et M. Giovanni, ma tucti quelli, che saranno
mai di noi ; perche non reputo altrimente questo beneficio,
et opera di Mons. Ascanio, che se diventassi di morto vivo.
Horamai sto in buona opinione, veduto come piglia questa
cosa per me, et quello me ne hanno scripto. Sforzerommi,
se hard mai faculta, o possanza in beneficio, et honore di
Sua Rev. Signoria not vi mettere ne sale, ne olio ; et basti,
et piutosto fare con effecto, che dire molte parole.
Oltra quello, che io scrivo al Rev. Mons. Vicecancelliere
comunemente a Mons. Ascanio, desidero facciate intendere
al prefato Mons. Vicecancelliere, che io conosco molto bene
APPENDIX, NO. VII. 389
di che qualita e 1'opera, che fa per me ; et se 1'honore mlo
non fussi suto sullevato da S.Rev. Signoria reslava in pes-
simo luogo, et non so se mi fussi voluto piu vivere. Non
poteva accadere cosa, in che io conoscessi meglio 1'affectione,
et charita di Sua Rev. Signoria verso di me, et che piu me
obligassi. Offeritegli liberamente non solo la persona, et
tucte le cose mie, ma tucto quello, che potra mai M. Gio-
vanni, che sara piu suo, che mio ; et so si ricordera sempre
conseguendo quello grado haverlo da Sua Signoria Rev. et
forse acchadera, che li potra rendere qualche parte del me-
rito. Prieghovi facciate efficacissimamente intendere a Sua
Signoria Rev. quello, che non posso io scriverli ; perche in
effecto io conosco molto piu questo oblige, et molto piu de-
sidero pagarlo potendo, che non exprimere.
LORENZO DE' MEDICI.
Florentine, die xxi. Februarii, 14-88 9.
No. VII.
(Page 23.)
Ex orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor.
Magnifico Vlro majorl meo Jionorando Jo/tanni de Lanfre-
din'nt, Oratori Florentine, Romce.
Io ho indugiato all' ultimo capitolo el facto delta promotione;
perche anchora voi volentieri indugiate Io effecto. Per 1'ul-
tima vostra de' di ultimo intendo havevate gia xv. cardinal!
soscripti ; ma che N. S. ha indugiato di prolungare, non
s'intendendo altro del Fratello del Turco ; io credo questa
prolungatione sard ad ogni modo, et non me ne rallegro
punto, non tanto per el pericolo, che cosi porta, che non &
pocho, quanto per vedere **.** a mettere in ***.
In effecto io ne sto di mala voglia, et per Io exemplo mio ho
gran compassione di voi. Havetc tempo a mandare la forma
dello adviso al publico, la quale ha facto pressoche uno
grande scandalo ; perche leggendo la poliza, prima che la
ettera, et non vi essendo su copia, o altro inditio, credetti,
390 APPENDIX, NO. VIII.
che lo adviso fussi vero, et mancho poco che non lo comu-
nicai. A me pare importi pocho el modo dello advisare.
Qui se ne parla tanto publicamente, che e troppo ; et pero
non ci manderesti cosa nuova, et che non sia aspectata da
nessuno, salvo che da me ; che non so donde si nasca, che
non mi ci sono mai potuto appichare, pure per non man-
chare di quello si puo, vi mando con questa la fede del Doc-
torato di M. Giovanni, et della ovdinatione a Diacono, &c.
Mandovi anchora una lettera dell' Arcivescovo a me, et
benche sia forse passionato, pure in questi casi d'importantia
si vuole intendere ogni huomo. Se potete strignere il papa
a trarne le mani, mi pare lo dobbiate fare. Potresti usare
a questo tucti e circunstanti del papa ; perche et Doria Arri-
vabene, et gli altri che aiutano, el Castellano el Datario,
Aleria, et tucti doveresti potere muovere pure il papa a
trarne le mani. lo veggho nello indugio tanto male, che
non ardisco dirlo ; se c'e modo, come dico, cavate voi et me
di questa anxieta et sopratucto tenete di presso ***.
LORENZO DE' MEDICI.
FLor entice, die v. Martii, 1488 9.
No. VIII.
(Page 24.)
Ex. orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor.
Magnifico ac potenti viro Laurentw de Medicis, tanquam
fratri nostro carissimo.
MAGNIFICE ac potens frater noster carissime, salutem.
Quod bonum, felix, et faustum sit Reverendissimo filio
vestro, Magnificentia? Vestrae, et Civitati Florentine ! Hac
hora creatus fuit in Cardinalem, Filius Vester Reverendis-
simus D. Joannes de Medicis, quod nobis tantae voluptati
est, quanta? ulla res esse potuisset, &c.
Totus tester,
Jo. CARDINALIS. ANDEGAVENSIS.
Ronwe, viiii. Martii, 1489.
APPENDIX, NO. IX. 391
No. IX.
(Page 24.)
Ex Carmin. Illust. Poet. Ital. torn. vii. p. 182.
Exultatio ad Joannem Medicem Jilium, quod ad cardinala-
tus dignitatem assumptusfuerit.
OERA quidem, festina tamen gratatur honor!
Littera nostra tuo ; sed enim transcendere dudum
Hyberna glacie 4 obductas expalluit Alpes.
Quod si pulchra sinu tune me Florentia grato
Fovisset, properata animi monumenta benigni
Carmina cepisses, vel quae calor ille ministrat
Laetitia.superante furens, nee gaudia pectus
Attigerant moderata meum, mihi Laurus in ore,
Laurus in ardenti resonabat pectore, tales
Quae nobis tulerat generoso e germine fructus,
Perpetua quae fronde viret, semperque virebit
Florentes totum ramos sparsura per orbera.
Egregia dfe stirpe puer jam concipe dignos
His meritis animos, sensus jam sume seniles.
Christi sancta tuo stabunt sub cardine signa :
Ne succumbe, oneri fac par videare ferendo :
Spem supera, nulli major quae contigit umquam.
Qua tute hanc tantam meruisti scandere sedem.
Te patriae, virtutis amor succendat, alantque
Egregios mores laudis monumenta paternae,
Ut quandoque ctiam possis majora mereri,
Eximiumque caput sacra redimire tyara
Pontificis suinini ; proh gaudia quanta parent!
Turn dabis, et quantus inilii turn spirabit Apollo.
Jo. FRANCISC. PIIILOMUS.
392 APPENDIX, NO. X.
No. X.
(Page 24)
Ex monument. Ang. Fabronii ad vitam Laur. Med.
liiNGRAZiATo sia dio di questa buona novella, che hier-
mattina a hore 9. ricevei di Mess. Gio. nostro, la quale mi
pareva tanto maggiore, quanto per la grandezza, 1'aspec-
tavo manco: parendomi cosa molto sopra e merit! miei, et
per se difficile tanto, che sapeva quasi dell' impossibile. Ho
cagione di ricordarmi sempra di chi se n'e affaticato, et las-
ciare anchora questo ricordo a quelli che succederanno a me,
perche questa e la maggior cosa, che facessi mai casa nostra,
et a voi basta che io intendo questo, perche invero la reputo
piu che e tre quarti della diligentia, industria et amore vos-
tro. Questa parte mi riserbo in altro tempo et modo. A
N. S. mi e parso scrivere al presente una lettera di ringra-
ziamento, che sara con questa : cosi rispondo a Bala et As-
canio, da quali solamente ho per hora avuto lettere, et da
voi aspetto piu particolare adviso di piu cose, come inten-
derete appresso. Io non so se sara dispiaciuto a N. S. la
dimostrazione e festa, che qui se n' e facta universalmente,
che mai mi parve vedere piu vera e generate allegrezza.
Sarebbesene facti molti altri segni ; ma io non ho lasciato,
et questi che si sono facti, non ho potuto impedire. Diro
questo, perche essendo pronunziato Mess. Gio. secreto,
queste dimostrazioni pajono opposite a questa intentione, ma
voi publicasti questa cosa costa in modo, che forse non sara
suto carico quello che e suto facto per Io exemplo di costa,
ne io ho potuto negare o non acceptare la congratulatione di
tucta questa citta insino a minimi ; se pure e inconveniente,
era impossibile, che non fussi, e questo harei caro intendere,
come in futuro n'habbiamo a governare, et che vita e modi
ha a tenere Mess. Gio. et 1'abito et la famiglia, perche
non vorrei cominciare a pagare questo grandissimo beneficio
con usarlo male et fuora dell' intentione di N. S. Intanto
Mess. Gio. si sta in casa, la _ quale da hieri in qua e stata
APPENDIX, NO. XI. 393
continuamente piena di gente, et pero advisatemi quello hab-
biamo a fare di lui. Cosi se accadessi che havessi a scrivere,
che soscriptione o suggello ha ad usare ; et circa la Holla
sono certo harete tutti e riguardi ; quando potete mandatela
per consolatione degli amici. La misura della grandezza
sua vi mando in questa ; ma da hiermattina in qua mi pare
cresciuto et mutato. Spero in Mess. Domenedio, che vi fara
honore delle fatiche vostre, et N. S. ne sara ogni di piu con-
tento. Aspecto, se vi pare, che io mando Piero secondo vi
ho scripto ; perche a mio parere questo beneficio merite-
rebbe non che altro che io venissi in persona. Di tutto mi
governero secondo il parer vostro.
LORENZO DE' MEDICI.
No. XI.
(Page 27.)
Ex orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor.
Magntfico Laurentio Medici Patrono optima.
MAGNIFICE Patrone mi. Voi mi havete piu volte dato
animo et ricordato che io stessi intento a qualche cosa ho-
norevole, che io per me havendo horamai da vivere colla
mia brigata, et non conoscendo richiedersi, ne alia qualita
mia, ne a meriti, piu che quello mi havete dato, non haverei
havuto animo di molestarvi ulterius ; ma voi credo havete
pensato quello si convengha alia grandezza dell' animo et
fortuna vostra, che non suole essere contenta, ne debba dell'
ordinario, &c. Intendo di buon luogho, che'l figliolo di
Giovanni D'Orsino sta molto male, quello che ha la Pieve
di Laterina. Se V. M. non vi facessi su disegno per altri, me
gli ricordo. La Pieve e comoda, anzi vicina a Gruopina,
et a me sarebbe un Vescovado, che non saria cosi a un altro.
Questo solo vi ricordo, che per experientia vedrete, che li
benefici mi farete non saranno mal collocati, perche non
spendo, ne la roba, ne'l tempo, se non in cose honorevole ne
meno a V. M. che a me. Mandovi una Elegia di uno dis-
APPENDIX, NO. XII.
cendente di Dante Alighieri, che si chiama Dante quinto dal
poeta, et terzo del nome ; el quale a Verona conobbi, et
vedrete una Pistola di sua mano, dove si ricorda di me ;
m'e paruta una novellitia di cotesto luogho et tempo.
Vorrei che V. M. intendessi, se Maestro Pier Lione vo-
lessi durar fatica in riveder quella mia traductione di Hip-
pocrate, e Galieno, che e quasi al fine, et cosi el commento,
che fo sopra, dove dichiaro tutti e termini medicinali, che
venghono dal Greco, et truovo come si possino chiamar
Latine. Se la sua Exc. volessi durar fatica, poi al tempo
la manderei fuori piu arditamente ; che stimo sara bella cosa
et ut IK-, se 1'amor non me ne inganna. Mes. Hermolao, e'l
Conte, mostrono pur d' haverne buona opinione.
Udii cantar improvise, hierser 1'altro, Piero nostro, che
mi venne assaltare a casa, con tutti questi improvisanti, sa-
tisfecemi a maraviglia, et presertim ne' motti, et ne'l rin-
beccare, et nella facilita et pronuntia, che mi pareva tutta
via veder et udir Va. Mia. Prego Iddio ce lo mantengha
lungho tempo, hoc est semper dum vivimus, et a voi dia
vita lunghissima con questo godimento, et delli altri. Rac-
comandomi a Va. Mia.
V. M. Servulus,
ANGELUS POLITIANUS.
Florentice, die 5, Junii, 1490.
No. XII.
(Page 33.)
Ex orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor.
Al mio Magnifico Lorenzo de' Medici.
MAGNIFICO Lorenzo: addui vostre, una del far condurre
Franciocto ad Firenze, 1'altra de haver per consiglio de'
Medici proceduto al taglio, ad che non ho resposto pri-
ma, si per esser chiaro non esserli mancato nulla, che sem-
pre ho veduto V. M. amarlo come figliolo, si anche per
esser stato el dubio de la morte de N. Sre. che bisognava
APPENDIX, NO. XH. 395
pensare ed altro. Venni, e qui ad Roma, e visitai N. Sre.
el quale benche fosse senza pericolo, che havia passato un
gran ponte, pur essendo stata la infermita longa, et esserli
rimasta la quartana, et havendo la eta che ha, non obstante
non se ce veda pericolo subbito, pur in longo viagio se trova
de mal passi. Dopo visitata sua Santita, visitai alcuni Car-
dinali, et per lo debito mio, et perche spero valermene, non
mono che la M. V. et quod sit quies senectutis meae, li rec-
comandai Messer Johanni, et che volessero esserli favorevoli
allo intrare in conclai. Fome resposto multo generalmente
sub ista forma verborum : Domine Archiepiscope, ad tucte
le rasioni de Mess. Johanni, et per respecto della casa vostra
et del Patre se li havera riguardo de non offenderli. Stren-
gendoli io un poco piu, come la S. V. fa dubio non intre in
Conclai, et che non habbia voto; me repuse, non siamo
ancora ad questo ; el Papa sta bene, et quando succedesse
el caso della morte, siate certo se li ha ad havere respecto,
per li respecti ve ho dicti. Dolendome che Sua Santita me
spacciava in sul genere, me respuse : Domine Archiepiscope,
io non te posso dire altro. Con un altro cardinale d'altra
factione, o simele, o poco varia sententia ebbi. Depoi parlai
col Cardinale Ursino, dal quale ho havuto quel medesimo :
o che proceda da mia dapocagine, o vero da qualche par-
ticulare, in cosa de simile importantia, non me hanno spac-
ciato cosi pel generale. Non voglio non haver facto adver-
tente V. M. et ancora che essendo io de casa Ursina de
patre et de matre ; che tra el Cardinale, el Conte de Pitig-
liano da un canto, Virginio et li altri della casa dall 1 altro,
sia qualche rugine, Vostra M. se chiarisca con chi sia piu
espediente al favore de Messer Johanni, adcio che el Cardi-
nale, el Conte non v'abbia ad dire, nui siamo homini del
Collegio, bisogna ne andamo con esso ; el Sr. Virginio non
ve possa dire, e stato ordinato ch' io non possa intrare in
Roma. Non ho possuto piu, et pero iterum replico ad una
cosa, che tanto importa, voglia uscire del generale V. M.
alia quale me raccomando.
RAY. DE URSINIS ABCHIEPS. FLORENT.
Ex Urbc, die v. Octobris, 1490.
APPENDIX, NO. XIII.
No. XIII.
(Page 33.)
Laurentio de Medicis. Magnifice vir major honorande, 8{C.
RISPONDERO al presente piii particolarmente alia vostra de
di 15, et benche per la mia de' 14. vi scrivessi a lungo circa
le cose di M. Gio. pure vedendo quanto ne replicate di
nuovo, diro quello ne intendo. Egli e vero, che io credo,
che dalla parte dei cardinali non sia molta difficolta ad con-
sentire la pubblicatione di Mess. Gio. per li respecti che per
altre vi ho scripto, anzi mi pare esser certo la debbino desi-
derare ; ma la difficulta sara dalle parte del Papa, il quale
giudicando, che il facto di M. Gio. sia al sicuro, non credo che
volentieri si disponga a. pubblicarlo solo ; non solo perche
facendolo offenderebbe li altri, che sono nel grado suo, et
anchora e Principi, a' quali ha promesso in questa prima
pubblicatione satisfargli, ma anchora perche col tenere le
cose sospese spera havere piu facile el collegio alia voglia
sua, disegnando volerne fare ahneno uno de' sua, et quando
Ascanio procurava el Breve per assicurarsi della pubblica-
tione del Malleacense, piu volti mi disse commendando la
modestia vostra, che ad ogni modo intendeva abbreviare el
tempo, et pubblicare Messer Giovanni, imponendomi che
di questo per sua parte vi scrivessi, et cosi mi pare essere
certo habbi ad farlo, et pero nel temptarlo hora non so in
che dispositione me 1'habbi ad trovare, pure perch veggo
10 desiderate assai, et quando si potessi fare, sarebbe et ho-
norevole et uno uscire di compromesso : quando vedro il
tempo comodo, usero ogni ingegno et diligentia, et come gli
hard parlato di simile materia, vi potro dare migliore judi-
cio di quello si possi sperare. Ne crediate, che per par-
largli al presente si potessi fare alchuno frutto, che ciascuno
e advertito non gli parlare se non di cose piacevoli, et sem-
pre se gli parla col testimonio, perche il parlare secreto, et
11 cerchare di parlargli solo, denoterebbe qualche cosa d'im-
portantia. Eglie piu di uno mese, che cardinale alchuno non
APPENDIX, NO. XIII. 397
gli ha parlato excepto quelli di Palazzo. E ben vero che
alchuni prelati piacevoli, come Messer Falcone, sono stati
introdotti qualche volta al Papa, et 1' Arcivescovo nostro an-
chora per introductione del Sig. Francesco gli ha parlato, ma
di cose piacevoli, et se fara Consistorio, non se gli parlera
d'altro, che di spacciare qualche Chiesa. Et pero vi con-
cludo, che il cerchare di parlargli hora, come richiederebbe
la materia, non riuscirebbe, et se pure riuscisse, non so come
al Papa fusse grato, trovandosi ne' termini che si trova, et
dubiterei non fiissi per fargli fare qualche sinisfra opinione
di se. A me pare che al continue vadi migliorando, come
mi parra che il tempo lo patisca, gli parlero, et allora vi potro
dire qualche cosa con piu fondamento ; ma presupponete,
che 1'habbi ad stare anchora parecchi giorni. Se pure ad voi
paressi che habbi ad tenere altri modi, ne advisate et lo faro.
Ho visto quanto vi scrive 1'Arcivescovo. A me anchora
haveva decto el medesimo che scrive a voi ; et perche pos-
siate giudicare meglio lo scrivere suo, vi nominero quelli
Cardinal!, co' quali lui dice havere parlato de' facti di Mess.
Gio. et che gli hanno risposto sul generale. II primo e
Vicecancelliere, S. Maria in Portico, Napoli, Siena et Or-
sino. Et voi sapete quello v'ho scripto del Vicecancelliere,
che infra 1'altre cose m'ha decto, che volendo mi fara un
scripto di sua mano : S. Maria in Portico sapete quello vi
ha scripto oltre quello che ha decto a me. Et del Orsino
et di Napoli non vi posso dire altro se non quanto piu volte
vi ho scripto. Siena parla honorevolmente, et sapete quello
vi mando a dire per Messer Pandolfo, et pero per lo scrivere
dell' Arcivescovo non dovete mutare opinione. Et perche
replicate che una parte del Collegio e male disposta verso
el Malleacense, non credo vi possa essere scripto con fon-
damento, se non il medesimo che v'ho scripto io ; et il fon-
damento principale, che si fa per chi desiderebbe difenderlo,
e che presuppongono che lui non habbi la Bolla. Et per-
che v'ho per ogni inia affermato, che quando da principio gli
fusse facta qualche difficulta, in fine credo che abbi ad es-
sere t rat tat 1 1 nel grado di M. Giovanni, et con tutto questo
vi conforto perseguitare el consiglio delli amici, che quando
398 APPENDIX, NO. XIV.
habbi ad venire, venga solo ; pigliando quello colore che vi
parra per non generate sospecto al Sig. Lodovico, ne an-
chora a Ascanio, et crediatemi, che per uno Cardinale solo
havete da stimare Ascanio quanto alchuno altro, perche vi
e veramente affectionate, et ha auctorita et seguito d'alcuni.
Romce, xix Octobris 1490, hora 5 noctis.
No. XIV.
(Page 34.)
Ex orig. in Arckiv. Palat. Reipub. Florent.
Magnifico Viro maiori meo honorando Johanni de Lanfre-
dinis Oratori Florentine. Romce.
NON so se havete inteso a questa hora quello, che ha
risposto el Re, circa quanto li scripsi in favore vostro, della
pensione di 200 ducati sopra el Priorato di Capua, che in
effecto mostra non ve 1'avere promessa, ne havere disposi-
tione di farlo, et in su questo me ha facto intendere la Mta.
Sua, che quando io volessi acceptare il Beneficio per Julio
mio Nipote, sara contentissima di darglielo. Intendendo io
che el Beneficio e degno, et havendo facto pensiero di dare
uno simile adviamento a Julio, me paruto d' acceptarlo.
Pertanto mi pare facciate intenderlo a N. S. accioche se ne
expedisca le Bolle, et anchora che si possa fare per mezo
del gran Maestro, et che el Re se sia offerto di farmelo ex-
pedire per quella via a me pare : questa via del Papa e phi
breve et piu berta ; harete la nota della eta, et altre condi-
tion! di Julio, et v'ingegnerete farla expedire, et facto questo,
mi resta pensare a poco della famiglia mia, perche quasi
tucti sono acconci. Non manchate della diligentia vostra
in questa cosa, poiche se e offerta questa ventura a questo
fanciullo, &c.
LORENZO DE' MEDICI.
FtorentitE, die xviii. Augusti, hora iii.
APPENDIX, NO. XV. 399
No. XV.
(Page 38.)
Ex monumentis Ang. Fabronii ad vitam Laur. Med.
Guidoni Priori Angelorum.
PERSUADED mihi non deesse isthic, qui diligentissime tibi
renuncient, quae de die in diem circa nos gerantur. Ex
quo enim Florentia profecti sumus significatum fuisse quoti-
dianis nunciis et cursoribus scio Magnifico Laurentio pro-
gressum itineris filii sui, unde et tu identidem certior fieri
potuisti. Quamobrem factum est, ut tardius hac de re ad
te scribam. Quoniam vero quae nobis grata sunt, etiam
saepius repetita non displicent, et ego in perpetuo fere co-
mitatu atque obsequio colendissimi Cardinalis ad hanc usque
diem t'ui. complectar summatim quae relatu digna mihi
succurrerint, ne defuisse penitus et officio meo et desiderio
tuo videar. Igitur duodecima, ut nosti, Martii mensis die,
hora, sicut edictum fuerat, sextadecima, conscensis jumen-
tis egressus est Florentia Dominus Reverendissimus cum
familia sua, precedentibus ilium civibus spectabili pompa,
qui ad duo millia passuum ipsum deduxerunt ; redire in ur-
bem jussis, post salutationem mutuam cardinal is eo die
cum majore parte familia? ad Abbatiam suam Passignani
divertit. Nos vero et alii Podibontium pervenimus. Se-
quenti die, remorante illo animi gratia in suo monasterio,
praecessinms Senas, moniti, ut ibidem praestolaremur ad-
ventum ejus. Hora circiter vigesima occurrimus ei ad se-
cundum extra urbem lapidem. Si hie referre particulatim
voluero, quo fuerit honore a Senensibus Cardinalis noster ex-
ceptus, qua totius urbis congratulatione, quibus delitiis, non
sufficit dies. Occurrit extra urbem civium primariorum
turba, occurrit et omnis populus. Et ne cuique praesto esset
occasio continendi se domi, publico edicto imperatum est,
ut universal urbis tabernae occluderentur. Advenisse Pon-
tificem summum crederes, ita commota est universa civitas.
400 APPENDIX, NO. XV.
Haec sane Cardinal! exhibita reverentia, pietas, fides adeo
satis omnibus fecit, ut nemo Senis non contentus abierit.
Sextadecima die inde movimus omnes, pransique ad Bon-
conventum, vesperi ad S. Quiricum pervenimus. Die inse-
quenti ad Paleam accepti ad prandium sumus ; et hucusque
Senensium sumptibus semper hospitati. Ad Aquam Pen-
dentem Ecclesiae oppidum nocte requievimus. Mane pro-
feed complures Prelati, nosque itidem Viterbium applicui-
mus, retento in medio itinere ab Ursinis propinquis suis Car-
dinali colendissimo. Invenimus Viterbu Pontificis filium,
sororis cardinalis maritum, ipsius adventum praestolantem.
Postera die Cardinali occurrimus, et cum eo Viterbium in-
gressi sumus. Inde discedentes sequenti die, vesperi Bra-
tianum Ursinorum oppidum divertimus. Excepti ibidem
sumus apparatu regio in palatium Virginii comitis, qui magna
equitum turma venerat obviam nobis ad octo millia passuum.
Alterum diem Bratiani peregimus, et quidem maximo om-
nium commodo. Tandem novissimo itineris nostri die, un-
decimo scilicet Kalendis Aprilis, Romam ingressi sumus,
occurrentibus nunc his nunc illis in via ad deducendum Car-
dinalem, nulla pluviarum vi, quae magna tune erumpebat,
illos morante, quin officioso muneri satisfacerent. Ad pri-
mam urbis portam secessit Cardinalis cum' paucis in monas-
terium S. Mariae in Populo. Mane sequentis diei convenerunt
eo Cardinales omnes et nimboso quidem coelo, deduxerunt-
que ilium ad Pontificem in Consistorium publicum. Ex-
ceptus est ad osculum a Pontifice, atque ab omnibus deinceps
Cardinalibus, sicuti et nos facere consuevimus, cum aliquem
ad Religionem admittimus. Singuli quoque de Cardinalis
familia deosculari ibidem Summi Pontificis pedes. Rede-
untem domum, universa ilium comitante curia, sicuti moris
est, perpetua non deseruit atque ingens pliivia. Vix enim
egressi eramus palatium Pontificis, cum subito adeo largum
obductae ccelo nubes excussere imbrem ut torrentis more
efrusus non modo nos madefecerit, verum pene totos obruerit.
Sequentibus diebus visitavit Cardinalis Pontificem ; visitavit
Cardinales singulos clomi. Hoc peracto visitationis officio,
visitatus est et ipse vicissim domi a Cardinalibus omnibus,
APPENDIX, NO. ivr. 401
sictiti moris est. Absoluta est heri demum haec mutua visi-
tatio. Ceterum ut de ipso Cardinali aliquid tibi gratius
conscribam, scias eum satisfecisse omnibus praeter multorum
expectationem ; qui se puerulum visuros putaverant, non
tarn presentia corporali et proceriore, quam pro aetate sta-
tura, quam morum in primis gravitate, et sermone in omni-
bus maxime accommodato. Ceremoniis cardinalatus, quan-
tum ego animadvertere et domi et foris potui, adeo apte et
decenter utitur, ut in iis per annos multos versatum fuisse
facile crederes. Humanitate quoque et affabilitate preditum,
quotidie palam experimur. Verum de hoc alias. Quanti
te faciat colendissimus Protector noster, et quam grate audi-
erit secum de teloquentem, ipsius ad te litterae indicabunt;
et ego coram, ubi permiserit Dominus, plenius referam.
Commendo tibi nostra isthic negotia, quae nosti. Sumus
hie in obsequio Reverendissimi Cardinalis Medicis minus
certe apti et idonei, sed voluntarii, sed fideles. Ora pro
felici et incolumi turn ipsius, turn nostro reditu: et nos,
cum opportunum tibi fuerit, clarissimo viro Laurentio com-
menda. Tumultuario stilo, ac currenti calamo haec modo
ad te conscripsi, quoniam re vera parum nobis ocii superest.
Siquid barbare dictum invenies, excusationem admittes.
Vale.
Ex Urbe, die vii. Aprilis, 1492.
No. XVI.
(Page S9.)
Ex orig. in Archiv. Reipub. Florent.
Magnifico Viro Laurentio de Medicis Patri optima.
Florentine.
OALVUS sis. Se e non vi havessi * * * * (mancante) dare
adviso di qualche cosa. lo Venerdi mattina fui ricevuto in
publico, accompagnato da S. M. dal Populo insino apalazzo,
e da palazzo in fino in Campo di Fiore da tucti questi Car-
VOL. i. 2 D
402 APPENDIX, NO. XVII.
dinali, et da quasi tucta la Corte, et da una grande piova.
Fui visto da Nostro Signore molto gratiosamente : non gli
parlai quasi niente : el di sequente li Oratori visitarono Nos-
tro Signore ; hebbono gratissima audientia. El Papa mi ri-
servo il di sequente per udirmi, che e hoggi ; sonvi ito, et la
S. Sta. mi ha parlato tanto amorevolmente, quanto e possi-
bile ; hami ricordato, et confortato a fare qualche cosa in
queste visitationi de' Cardinali, che le ho cominciate a fare
in questi che ho visitati ; che tucti che vi scrivero un' altra
volta chi sono ; dimostrono molto di esser volti benessimo
verso voi. Delle cose passate so ne siete suta advisato. Di
me non ho da dim altro, se non che io mi sforzero di farvi
honore. De me proloqui ulterius, nefas. Io ho havuto
molto caro 1'adviso del vostro stare molto meglio ; et non ho
altro desiderio, se non di sentirlo spesso, et di questo per
insino a hora ne ringratio Ser Piero. Io mi raccomando a
voi. Non altro.
Jo. FILIUS.
Roma, die xxv. Martii, 1492.
No. XVII.
(Page 68.)
DalV Opere volgare del Cariteo.
CANZONE.
ALZA la testa al polo
Ardire ; et forza prende anima lieve,
Et T amoroso stilo homai depone.
Un altra via si deve
Tentar : per donde io possa alzarmi a volo,
E scriver il mio nome in Helicone.
Rimembra dal principio la cagione,
Perche venne in Italia dalla Iberia
Di Goti la progenie piu che humana.
Tu Musa Antiniana,
Comincia un suon conforme a la materia.
APPENDIX, NO. XVII. 403
Et voi O Nymphe piene
D' Apollo, che colete 1' alta Hesperia,
Cantate hor meco ; et voi dolci Sirene,
Dite di cio che sempre vi soviene.
L' alma formata in cielo,
Da 1' alma Creator de la natura,
Ogni cosa nel ciel chiaro comprende.
Che la substantia pura,
Separata dal nostro ombroso velo,
Quanto si fa la sil vede et intende.
Ma poi che per destin qua giu discende ;
Et per necessita d' alcuna stella,
Se'nvolve nelle humane et gravi membra,
Di nulla si rimembra ;
Poi, se del suo fattor non e" ribella,
Ricovra la memoria
De 1' alta opra del cielo ornata e bella,
Et si ricorda de 1' eterna gloria ;
Pur com' huom d' una uclita o letta historia.
Cosi quest' alma humile,
Che mentre piace al ciel mi tiene in vita,
Hebbe sua parte ancor del ben celeste ;
Ma poi che fu impedita
Di mille errori, et data al piacer vile,
Quell' opre di lassu le fur moleste.
Poi dispregiando la terrena veste,
Per fuggir di prigion si mese 1' ale ;
Et tenendo per mezzo il suo camino,
Del Palazzo divino
Comincio ricordarsi, et come et quale
Era quello ch' udiva
In quel sidereo et alto tribunale :
Da quella voce eternamente viva
Da cui ogni eloquentia alta deriva.
Tra gli alt ri un di per sorte,
L' unico Padre et Dio d' huomini et divi,
Che tempra col suo grave superciglio
Foco, aria, terra, e i rivi,
2o 2
404- APPENDIX, NO. XVII.
Aprendosi d' Olympo 1' auree porte,
Convoco gli altri Dei nel suo consiglio.
Sedendosi da la man dextra il figlio
Et volitando Amor per ogni parte,
Chiaremente li vidi insieme unire :
Come, nol posso dire,
Che non e cosa de explicare in charte.
La mente intende il vero :
Ma la lingua mortal non ha tant' arte.
Li tre perfetti in un perfetto intero
Vidi congiunti : et rivederlo spero.
Dunque quel Padre eterno,
Parlando in piedi comincio levarsi,
Et lui dicendo, ogn'un degli altri tacque.
Vidi il vento acquetarsi,
Tremar la terra insino al imo inferno,
Ove Pluton pien di superbia giacque,
Et fermarsi del mar le placide acque.
Cittadine del cielo, Alme preclare,
Udite attenti il suon di mie parole.
Sotto la luna e'l sole
Mirando quanto cinge il salso mare,
Et quanto in terra giace ;
Nulla cosa piu bella almondo appare,
Ne piu felice, e lieta, e piu ferace,
Ch' Italia degna di perpetua pace.
Ma parte delle genti
Che sempre fur discordi et inquiete,
A sua felicita contrarie trovo.
Piu giu gli occhi volgete,
In quella parte ove si stan le menti
Quete senza cercare imperio novo.
Mova vi la pieta perch' io mi movo :
Dando favore a quell' alma cittate,
Ove religion tanto si honora ;
Ove si vede ogn'hora,
Piu chiaro il sol che per 1'altre contrate.
Ivi temprando il raggio,
APPENDIX, NO. XVII. 405
Fa assidua primavera, et dolce estate.
Ivi sempre son fior, non che nel maggio ;
Ivi nasce ogni ingegno acuto e saggio.
Una Nympha sepolta
Si ritrovo nel placido paese,
Ove visse, et lasso le belle spoglie.
Et d'ella il nome prese
La Citta : nella qual canto una volta
Quel ch' a gli altri Latin la gloria toglie.
Ogni vertute unit a si raccoglie
In quel luogo gentil, salubre, amico
Di Nymphe e di Poete, e proprio hospitio ;
Ne gli huomini giudicio
Grave, e sottile ; in donne il cor pudico
Si vede, et d' honor degno.
Togliasi dunque homai dal sceptro antico
Ch' abhorrente di pace have 1'ingegno
Et la Gotica sterpe prenda il regno.
A questo ultimo accento
Le menti delli divi alte et profonde
Restaron murmurando in vario assenso.
Si come in mezzo 1'onde
Si suol sentire il suon del primo vento,
Che di nocchieri il cor fa star sospenso.
Ma chi puo contradire al Padre immenso,
Che con giusta ragion sempre si move ?
Dunque gli dei che forse eran discord i,
Si monstraron concordi,
Conoscendo il voler del sommo Giove ;
II qual nel suo conspetto
Si fe venir de 1'anime piu nove,
Et piu tranquille, un bel numero eletto,
Et diede un till parlar dal sacro petto.
Ite voi fclici Alme,
Vestitevi di Regie membra humane,
Non di materia di volgare schiera ;
Prendete in vostre mane
Le gloriose et honorate palme :
406 APPENDIX, NO. XVII.
Ite ad godere il regno che vi spera.
Et tu che prima ti dimostri altera,
Et sei per sorte prossima a la luce,
Sarai lo prime ALFONSO in quella terra.
Per te la cruda guerra
Sara conversa in pace, et sarai duce
Di gloria e di vertute.
Regnarai longo tempo, essendo luce
Di ciechi, et de li languidi salute ;
Facendo alto parlar le lingue mute.
Subito poi di questo
Regnarai, tu fortissimo, animoso,
Del Aragonia gente eterno honore.
Et se 'nanzi al riposo
S' apparecchia travaglio assai molesto,
Sarai pur finalmente vincitore.
Contr' al crudel barbarico furore
Tu starai salda inespugnabil torre ;
Tal ch' al udir del tuo famoso nome,
Staranno hirte le chiome
Del gran nemico mio che'l cielo abhorre.
Et se prende ardir tanto
Che voglia di tua man 1' imperio torre,
lo' 1 faro gir nel sempiterno pianto,
Del tribunal del Gnosio Rhadamanto.
Tu sei quel ch'ode spesso
Parthenope, che dei scender volando
Adornato de palma, oliva, et lauro ;
Tu sei quel gran FERRANDO,
Da noi tante fiate a lei promesso,
Per dare al suo valor presto ristauro.
Per te dee rinovare un secol d' auro,
Qual per campi et citta del regio Latio
In tempo di Saturno andar soleva.
Per te gia si subleva
La vertu prisca, et fa di vitii stratio :
Jano tanto laudato
Che vide inanzi e dietro in breve spatio,
APPENDIX, NO. XVII. 407
Di tua prudentia vinto et superato,
Si potra contentar sol del passato.
Le porte del suo templo,
Che soglion per la pace esser serrate,
Per tuo volere aprir non soffrirai.
Ma pero ch' invidiate
Son le vertu de cui sarai 1* esemplo,
Nol potrano i vicin pater giamai.
Cosi strage mortal venir vedrai
De la guerra civile et intestina ;
Mossa di quel Soldan nocente et vario,
Manifesto adversario
Di gente singulare et pellegrina.
Costui con voglia accesa,
Sotto color de fare opra divina,
Contr' al imperio tuo pigliara impresa ;
La qual con la mia man sara difesa.
Ch' alhor la providentia
Volando al cor del principe Romano,
Chiamara per la pace un santo et puro
Et nitido PONTANO ,
Che vincera con la dolce eloquentia
Ogn'animo feroce, acerbo, et duro.
Costui ponendo lume al petto oscuro
Del promoter d' horribili tumulti,
Unira insieme gli animi diversi.
Quest' e quel che con versi
Di grandiloquo stil sonori et culti,
Et con ornate prose
Rimembrara dal cielo i varii vulti ;
Poi discendendo nelle humane cose,
Dim le tue vertu chiare et famose.
Ne mancaranno ingegni
Imitator di questo altro Vergilio
Nel regno che t' aspetta sempre et brama.
SANNAZAR, PARDO, ALTILIO,
SUMMONTIO, di corymbo et laurea degni,
Faran cantando eterna la tua fam.i.
408 APPENDIX, NO. XVII.
Tu che sai ben come la gloria s'ama,
Temprarai con amor la signoria ;
Et con beneficentia et con giustitia,
Fuggendo 1' amicitia
D'assentatoiy che vendon la bugia,
Et con atti soavi,
Al popol di ben far darai la via ;
Ornando '1 di costumi honesti et gravi,
Et con leggi emendando i modi pravi.
Con piu tranquilla vista
Mira quell' alme in muliebre gonna,
Ambedue caste et belle, ambe leggiadre.
Questa primiera Donna,
Benche mostre la fronte mesta et trista,
Ti fara pur contento et lieto padre.
Questa sara feconda altera madre
Di Re, d' Imperatori, et di Regine.
Nascer vedrai di questa alta et felice
Fruttifera radice
Multi piante gentili et pellegrine.
Et poi che sia arrivata,
Come nave nel porto, al suo bel fine,
Dal cieco career sciolta et liberata,
Ritornara qua su lieta et beata.
L' altra che vien dapoi
Ch' ella havera lasciato il corpo exangue,
Sara per tua conaorte amata et cara ;
Di nobilta di sangue
Et d' antiqua vertu giunta con voi.
Portara teco il sceptro et la tiara.
Mira la vera forma ove s' impara
Come con castita belta s' aduna,
Piu ch' en donna d' honore et gloria degna.
Costei dolce, benegna,
Morigera, fidel, non importuna,
Ti da certa speranza
Di bella prole, et prospera fortuna.
Da costei nascera quella sembianza
APPENDIX, NO. XVII. 409
Dela belta del ciel, che 1'altre avanza.
Volgi indietro, et riguarda
Quell' aninia dignissima d' imperio
Del tuo secondo ALFONZO, altro Gradivo ;
II qual nel regno Hesperio
Regnar dee nella eta piu saggia et tarda,
I)i poi che tu sarai mutato in divo.
Miral' volto virile, audace, et vivo,
Vedi nel elmo 1' auree diademe ;
Terror d' ogni barbarica phalange.
Da V aurora, o dal Gange
Alle Gade, del mondo parti extreme,
Ne simil ne secondo
Si vedra generar d' humano seme.
Nella pace humanissimo et giocondo,
Nella pugna superbo et iracondo.
Poi che'l misero Hydronto
Da V impia gente fia direpto et preso,
Et populate inerme et d* iroproviso :
Questo interrito, acceso
D' un ardente vertute, et voler pronto,
Difendera 1' honor del Paradiso.
Anzi'l suo grave et animoso viso
Vedra cader la Plebe Machometa,
Et render la citta contra lor voglia.
Poi con 1' opima spoglia,
Intrando ovante nella patria lieta,
Et ringratiando i Dei,
Come pastor la gregge mansueta,
Menara presi 1'inimici miei ;
Carco d' honor, d'exuvie et di trophei.
L' altra che segue 1'orme,
Et nel solio Real si presto siede
Ad ogni atto gentile ardita et presta,
Sara quel caro herede,
Di noine et di corraggio a te conforrae,
Et de la vita Candida ct inodesta.
Non vedi lampeggiar sovra la testa
410 APPENDIX, NO. XVII.
Un cometa ch* a voi vittoria mostra,
A la Francese indomita barbaric
Exitio et pesti varie ?
D' animo piu viril la casa vostra
Non fia mai che si vante.
Questo in battaglia, et in palestra, et giostra,
In lettere, et in opre humane et santc,
Sempre si mostrara forte et constante.
Vuo che qui si conserbe
La gloriosa sterpe de li Goti
Con anime megliori et piu perfette.
Li figli et li nepoti
Regnaran sempre, et le genti superbe
Domaran, perdonando a le soggette.
Tacque dipoi queste parole dette,
H Rettor del Olympo ; alhor li Fati
Benigni, con le prospere fortune,
Fur d'un voler commune.
Al suo parlar con volti chiari, et grati,
Ogn'un consente et fave ;
Si come usar si suol ne' i gran senati,
Che parlando chi solo il poder have,
11 minor volgo applaude insieme et pave.
Due porte sono in quel celeste albergo,
D'eterno bene et di letitia pieno ;
L'una d'un negro et solido metallo ;
L'altra d' un bel crystallo.
Questa n' adduce il di lieto et sereno,
Quella la notte ombrosa.
Dunque il Re che del mondo tene il freno,
Per la porta piu chiara et luminosa
Uscir fe quella schiera alta et famosa.
APPENDIX, NO. XVIII. 411
No. XVIII.
(Page 81.)
Tratto da Testo a penna di Fillenio Gallo.
SONKTTO.
Phylenio al mandate libra.
JUIBRETTO et versi miei humili et bassi ;
Rime silvestre et di dolcezza prive ;
Composte al suon de le fresche acque vive,
Fra fiere, sterpi, herbette, ucegli et sassi ;
Andate al mio Signer con prompt! passi,
Che fra molti mortali, immortal vive,
Et dimonstrate come in queste rive,
Phylen, per lui servir parato stassi.
Et se tal opera ad lui fusse dischara,
Direte che ogni rivo, quasi asciutto,
Fangho produce ognihor, non acqua chiara.
Pur una casa mi conforta in tutto,
Che se la pianta (benche vil) fie cara,
Non debba con ragion sdegnare il frutto.
SONETTO.
Phylenio narra che Madonna gli parla in sogno.
NEL dolce sonno, alhor che i spirti e polsi
Son piu leggieri, trovammi in seccho prato,
Pensoso e mesto : ed eccho al dextro lato
Venir Madonna mia ; onde io mi volsi,
E tremebundo una parola sciolsi,
" Che fai tu qui ?" a che con volto irato
Nulla rispose, e'l capo havia chinato,
A guisa de horn che offende, teme, e duolsi.
012 APPENDIX, NO. XVIII.
Caminava ella, ed io seguia el passo
Miser piangendo, e lei senza voltarse
Dissemi, " Indegno ! a che pur prieghi un sasso?"
Qui tacque ; hor pensa s'el miser cor arse ;
Trovammi el pecto un fonte, e'l corpo lasso ;
Quando, a un tracto, e'l sonno e lei disparse.
SONETTO.
Phylenio scrive nullo accepto haver grata senza Madonna.
QUANDO nel bel paese ov' io son nato,
Fra parenti e amici arrival sano :
Questo m' abbracia, e quel toccha la mano,
Ciascun d' intorno a dir, sia'l ben tomato ;
Chi m'accarezza, e chi si mostra grato,
L' un benigno a me fassi, e 1' altro humano ;
Ayme ! gli e ver, che honor e robba e in vano ;
Ma contentarsi sol fa \ horn beato.
Guardavo spesso fra la turba intorno,
E non vedendo el bel Saphyr lucente,
Amar m'e stato ogni piu lieto giorno.
Se non ch' io v' avia sculpta nella mente
Saria gia morto avanti el mio ritorno,
Ne mi potea campar robba o parente.
SONETTO.
Phylenio biasma el viver longamente al Mondo.
LAUDA el vulgo insensate, e pien d' errore,
In quasta vita numerar molti anni ;
Ma non discerne ben quant' aspri affanni,
E guai, trapassa chi in vecchiezza more.
Felice e quel che escie del career fore
Prima che molti el pelo, e stracci e panni ;
Che chi compera ben 1'acquisto a i danni
Trova corto el piacer, longho el dolore.
APPENDIX, NO. XIX.
413
lo el provo, e so che'l ciel si mi nutricha
Ch'io porto invidia a che e morto in culla ;
Che stando el pesce in rete ogn'hor phi intricha.
O quanto chi piu spera in van trastulla,
E cautamente el serpe in sen nutricha.
Poi nel fin Terror crescie, e'l gaudio e nulla.
No. XIX.
(Page 105.)
Nestoris Dionysii Notariensls ordinis Minorum de observ-
antia, ad Illustrissimum principem Lodovicum Sphortiam,
in Opus ejus excellentitE dicatum, versus incipit.
ANGUIGER hunc princeps, tu qui auxiliaribus armis
Tutor ades Domino Mutinae, Lodovice, libellum
Accipe ; quern tota tibi Nestor, mente dicavi.
Strenuus ut bellis, sic donis ipse Minervse
Ingenioque valens, quando tibi quid vacat oti,
Hunc legito, hoc curas post ardua gesta levato.
Ardua gesta loquor, quis toto partus in orbe
Semper honos, nomenque tuum, laudesque manebunt.
Rebus nempe suis socium petit Itala tellus ;
Imprimis Xystus divus, summusque sacerdos,
Te quoque Parthenopes Rex, Hetruscusque senatus,
Dux Mutinseque socer, fluviique Bononia Rheni.
Gaudet et ipsa tibijunctaesse Sabaudia, et urbis
Inclytus ipse novae princeps, et classe superba
Metropolis Ligurum ; promptum teque excit in arma
Pro Socero, invicti magnum qui nomen adeptus
Herculis, invisos, te preside, conteret ausus
Hostis, et Italia? dabis aurea tcmpora pacis.
Si quibus Ausoniis fama immortalis avorum est,
Principibus parti si sunt virtute triumphi,
Ante alios leget ipsa tuos h;cc, posteraque aetas.
Ipse canet pugnas vates, et fortia dicet
Praelia, teque, tuasque sonabit carmine palmas.
414 APPENDIX, NO. XX.
Perge igitur ; superosque habeas ad vota secundos,
Di tibi dent gazas Arabum, dent Nestoris annos,
Fortunam Augusti, et sceptra imperiosa Monarchae ;
Armatasque meo hoc firmes sermone catervas.
Hectorei socii mecum durate sub armis.
Sacra etenim (si fas tamen est) per numina juro,
Stamina si geminos Lachesis mini nerit in annos
Imperitanti, hostes cogam stricto ense subactos
Lingere humum coram, et saeva prae strage dare herbas.
Turtc omnes spoliis, tune et fulgentibus armis,
Electis pariter et equis, opibusque superbis
Donabo ; ac magno (durate age) semper honore.
Hinc bellis, picta inde jocis, fulvisque micanti
(Dona ubi pensa) tholis, mecum dignabor in aula.
Jamque vale ; studioque vacet mens alta salubri ;
Aspiresque tuo, Princeps clarissime, vati,
Fratrum apud Excelsum precibus servande meorum.
No. XX.
(Page f08.)
Ad Galeatium Bentivolum, de imagine Codri.
DITIBUS in thalamis quos tu, clarissime Princeps,
Ornasti vivis nuper imaginibus,
Me quoque jussisti sapientum vivere ccetu,
Et meditabundo dicta notare statu.
Me noscunt, plauduntque mihi quicunque tuentur,
Inventumque probant, vir memorande, tuum.
Ast ego quid contra faciam ? quse dona rependam ?
Quod dignum tanto munere munus erit ?
Si vatum nunquam pereunt monumenta piorum,
Si rapiunt Stygia, quos voluere domo,
Tu quoque de nostris semper cantabere chartis,
Deque meo semper carmine vivus eris.
Bentivolus mihi carmen erit Galeatius ille,
Cui similem non fert Ausonis ora virum.
APPENDIX NO. XXI. 415
Per mea te noscent brachati carmina Medi,
Per mea te noscet cannina foris Iber.
Et Notus et Boreas gaudebunt nomina tanti
Principis in populos missa fuisse suos.
Mille canes alii quaerunt, totidemque biformes
Mulas, tu claros quaeris habere viros :
Quaesitos et habes, et scis retinere paratos
Muneribusque tuis, ingenioque tuo.
Hie inhiat genimas, atque auro congerit aurum
Pauper, et assiduo stat vigil usque metu.
Tu tua fi nna locas in amicis horrea fidis,
Atque tuas illos esse fateris opes :
Tu sequeris prudens hominum vestigia, at ille
Stultus de stul to carpere discit iter.
Nil igitur minim si te fratresque paterque
Laudant, et de te gaudia magna ferunt.
Nee mirum, si praecipue te stipat euntem,
Qui valet arte aliqua, qui valet ingenio.
Tu certe tanquam sis funis Homericus ille,
Aureus e coelo missus in arva nites :
Aut tanquam Phoebo cum descendente, coruscum
Hesperus ardenti spargit ab ore jubar.
Obruitur Codrus tanto, clarissime Princeps,
Splendore, & cceco lumine tentat iter.
Aut Jovis, aut Phcebi rutilantis lumen habendum est
Codre, tui si vis cernere facta Ducis :
Aut alio flectenda acies, ne more volantis
Pyraustae in magnam lampada forte mas.
No. XXI.
(Page 112.)
Petri Criniti, de sua eegritudine et imminenii obitu.
NIL est quod ultra sit licitum mihi
Sperare tandem, nil medicos manus
Ex imminenti ne miserum rogo
Referre incolumem queunt.
416 APPENDIX, NO. XXI.
Et jam medullis aestuat intimis
Accensa bilis, nee patitur meo
Unquam dolori finem aliquem dari,
Sed vexat raagis in dies.
Obducta frontis lumina, per genas
Delapsa tetra cum macie cutis,
Et destitutae mentis inertia,
Instare exitium monent.
P
O quantum inanes illecebrse anxia
Passim virorum pectora distrahunt !
Quantaque rerum mole peraestuat
Humani generis lues !
Quam saepe dixit, Martia principum
Cantabo gesta, et saeva per Ausones
Gallorum ab altis alpibus agmina
Educta in Latios duces !
At nunc parato funere frigidus
Per membra sudor labitur : et meum
Flammis cadaver rite puer sacris
Jam componere destinat.
Et Cypri odores, thuraque mascula
Inferre lectis ossibus, et levi
Cum rore lymphas spargere, quo sua
Reddatur cineri quies.
Ergo sub annos praevirides mihi
Solvetur atro sanguine spiritus ?
Nil est reluctandum superis ; libens
Quod fata annuerint sequor.
Non ille cuiquam flebilis occidit,
Quern vitae honestas, et fidei decor
Inter sacrarunt numina Caelitum,
Expertem gravis ambitus.
Sed fessa tandem lumina mors tegit :
Tu me, Deorum summe Parens, velis
Vatem beatis sistere sedibus,
Ut sacros referam chores.
APPENDIX, NO. XXII. 417
No. XXII.
(Page 125.)
Ex Orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor.
Magnifico Viro Petro de Medicis y fratri meo carissimo.
Florentine.
MAGNIFICE frater, &c. Per questa poco m' accade se non
significarti, che sono sano, quale in tanto vulnere decetJ
paulatim tamen me ex dolore, quantum in me est, colligo.
Sed haec missa, ne vulnus exacerbem. Ho alcune tua, per
le quali intendo 1'animo et la voglia tua. Nil eorum, quas
petis, adhuc factum est; terrotti tamen awisato del pro-
cesso di tutto d' hora in hora. Cosi di questo, come d' ogni
altra mia cosa, fa anche tu quello medesimo ; che non posso
havere cosa piu grata, che intendere spesso di voi nuove, et
come stiate tutti ; sicche non t' incresca tenermene avisato.
Questo voglio aggiugnere, che intendendo, che forse s' hara
a mutare el Proposto Di San Giovanni, ti voglio racco-
mandare Ser Francesco della Torre, quale stato per me
uno pezzo a Miramondo, et essi portato molto bene ; et
credo questo sara proprio un luogo da lui, sicche te lo rac-
comando. Preterea bisogna che io ti raccomandi Fran-
cesco degli Albizi, che desiderebbe che tu lo facessi sedere
Gonfaloniere questo Maggio : faramene piacere facendolo,
perche ho qua uno suo figliuolo, che mi serve bene : volen-
dolo fare, ti prego, gli facci intendere, te lo raccomandato,
di che me ne rimetto a te. Per altra mia ti scrivero qualche
cosa : per hora basti quello ti scrivono gl' Imbasciatori, et
questo. Raccomandomi a te, et saluta tutta la brigata per
mia parte, conteregli tutti, se non che el foglio non baste-
rebbe. Non altro.
Tuus Io. FR.
Ronus, die xix. Aprilis, 1492.
VOL. i. 2 E
418 APPENDIX, NO. XXIII.
No. XXIII.
(Page 125.)
Ex Orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Florent.
Magnifico Viro Petro de Medicis, majori meo observandis-
simo. Florentine.
MAGNIFICO Piero mio hon. Questa mattina essendo invitati
li Cardinal! all' officio, et Messa in cappella per la benedic-
tione delle palme; congregati, che furono tutti, et ante
Missarum solemnia, Nostro Signore li chiamo dentro nella
audientia sua secreta, et quivi presente tutto il Collegio
pubblico, et dichiaro Monsre. vostro Fratello Legato del
Patrimonio ; ne vi potrei dire quanto e stata grata questa
demonstratione a tutta questa Corte, et Citta. Dipoi Nostro
Signore ando in Cappella, et benedisse le palme, et cele-
brossi una Messa; la quale finita, Monsre. nostro Rmo.
parti, et fu accompagnato da tutto il Collegio insino a casa,
con grandissimo honore, et fu cosa bella a vedere. Giunta
arrivo qui hiersera, lui et Mariotto, et si raccomanda alia
M. V. et io insieme. Bene vale. .
RomcBy die xv. Aprilis, 1492.
Erami scordato di dirvi, come Nostro Signore stamani
era frescho et bello come una rosa, et ha dato il maP anno
a pift d'uno. Non sara fuori di proposito, che voi confor-
tiate Monsre. a curare con ogni diligentia di stare sano, et
voglia al piu che puo, d'accomodarsi al vivere secondo che
fanno li altri Cardinali. Questo dico, perche bisogna levarsi
la mattina per tempo, et chi vegghia la sera, assai male lo
puo fare : Saria pericolo col tempo non li facessi nocimento ;
questo non dico sanza cagione.
SERV. STEPHANUS DE CASTROCARO.
APPENDIX, NO. XXIV. 419
No. XXIV.
(Page 150.)
Acta Eruditorum, an. 1710, p. 18.
Historic de Bretagne.
Auct. Guidone Alexio Lobineau. ii. Tomes. Par. 1707, Fo.
SED facere non possumus, quin ad nuptias, quas Anna Bri-
tannica in qua linea Ducalis defecit, primum cum Maximi-
liano Romanorum, et mox, eo quidem adhuc vivo, cum Ca-
rolo Gallorum rege contraxit, paulisper subsistamus.
Sunt autem in hac historia duae quaestiones facti, a quibus
totius causae justitia dependet, quarum prior est An Maxi-
milianus matrimonium cum Anna contractum consumma-
verit ? Posterior An licec Sponsa vel Uxor Maximiliani a
Carolo Gallorum rege (viii) raptafuerit?
Quod prius concernit, Autor non negat, nuptias cum Max-
imiliano A. 1400, solennissime, sed per procuratores sal-
tern, fuisse consummatas : Legatum autem primarium post-
quam nova nupta in thalamo fuisset collocata, cubiculum
cum literis procurationis ingressum, et astantibus multis tam
viris quam fee-minis primariis, tibiam suam ad genu usque
nudatam, inter Untea nuptialia inseruisse, ut cceremonia ilia
consummationi et cognitioni actuali ccquipollere putaretur.
Ipse quidem autor non affirmat, mentionem tamen, velut in
transitu, injicit, quod Baco de Verulamio in vita Henrici
VII. singulare hoc rei gestae monumentum annotaverit;
neque quicquam praeterea addit, ex quo Verulamii relatio
vel confirmari vel in dubium vocari queat. Ad alteram
quaestionem quod attinet, si bene Autorem nostrum assecuti
sumus, inter coactionem physicarn et politicam distinguere
videtur. Nempe de crassa ilia violentia, qua Anna, cum
iter ad M aximilianum jam esset ingressa, in finibus Hanno-
niae ab armata multitudine circumventa, et obtorto velut
collo ad Carolum raptata, rerum Austriacarum scriptoribus
420 APPENDIX, NO. XXV.
quibusdam dicitur, altum in hoc opere est silentium
Sed coactionem tamen subtilem intercessisse, adeo non infi-
ciatur Lobinovius, ut.etiam suspicetur, Pontificem Roma-
num non sine causa consensum suum in literis, quarum co-
piam facit, sub hac conditione declarasse : dummodo illus-
trissima Anna propter hoc rapta nonfuerit,
Ceterum, quod turn optasse dicitur Maximilianus, ut ex
hoc monstro nuptiarum, quod ex raptu et adulterio composi-
tum esset, nulla unquam in Gallia regnet posteritas, ejus
voti damnatum fuisse Imperatorem, ex tabulis Genealogicis
in vulgus notum est.
No. XXV.
(Page 162.)
DalP Opere volgari di Cariteo-
CANZONE.
F ULGORE eterno, & gloria d' Aragona,
Heroe grande in fama, in arme ingente,
Fautor sol, anzi autor d'ogni vertute ;
Hor t' ha condotto a la real corona
La potesta de la divina mente,
Per conservarne in pace, & in salute.
Hor piace servitute
A tutti quei ch'han libertade in pregio.
Per te, Re pio, magnanimo, & perfetto,
Et per natura, & per ragione eletto,
La libertade honora il nome Regie.
Che tue vertu pensando & ripensando,
Avegna che non fussi il primo figlio
Di quel divo FERRANDO,
Saresti Re, s' al mondo e buon consiglio.
Lo strenuo cor, clemente, altero, & saggio,
Che dal un sole al altro il nome spande,
In espettatione ha posto il mondo ;
APPENDIX, NO. XXV. 421
Tal ch'io non so, qual petto o qual coraggio
Potesse superar la speme grande,
Salvo il tuo primo a nullo altro secondo.
Tu grave, tu giocondo ;
A cui piaccion gli afFanni in opre sante,
Et nel oprar consiglio. O ahna invitta,
Sola difension di gente alllitta,
Nel pericol magior salda & constante ;
Nelle dilliculta d' arguto ingegno,
Et non di fero cor nelle vittorie ;
Ma piu dolce & benegno ;
Vertuti veramente Imperatorie.
II tuo chiaro conspetto, allegro & grave,
Che piii ch' altro mortal reluce e splende,
De le vertu favor, del vitio scorno,
Atterra col suo sol le genti prave ;
Si come con suoi raggi Apollo offende
Gli augei, che van fuggendo il chiaro giorno.
Hor e nel suo soggiorno
Apollo con le nove alme sorelle ;
Hor quella insigne, sacra, alta dottrina
Chiamata humanita, sola, divina,
FerirA con la testa 1' auree stelle.
Le selve Antiniane in varii canti,
Risonaran la gloria de gli ALFONSI :
Et d' inclyti FERRANTI ;
Et le valli daran dolci responsi.
Se Tun piu ch' altro human fu liberate,
Et 1' altro forte, pien di sapientia,
Et come Jano tien gemino viso ;
Hor vedemo in un solo al sole eguale,
De la vertu celeste esperientia,
Ch' aggualia li mortali al paradiso.
Letitia, plauso, & riso,
Si celebre, ch'or tene il regno Ausonio
Un principe, anzi un dio, tra gli' altri humani,
Ch' Italia libero da Turchi immani.
Hydrunto, Europa, el mondo e testimonio,
422 APPENDIX, NO. XXV.
Come costui, intrepido, animoso,
Vinse del cielo gli nemici rei ;
Poi venne glorioso ;
Carco d'honor, d'exuvie & di trophei.
Hor altrui t' apparecchia un' altra gloria,
Se cerca provocar i Galli adversi
A la quiete Italica imminenti ;
O tu riporterai lieta vittoria,
O tu unirai in pace i cor diversi ;
Come natura accorda gli element!,
Si varii & differenti.
Chi non ritenerasi intro le porte,
Vedendo un Re, degnissimo d' imperio,
Regnar nel Regno Hesperio ?
Vedendo un nova Duca invitto & forte,
In forza & gagliardia altro Pelide,
In arme & in amor novo Gradivo,
Quel mio Aragonio Alcide
Di cui 1' inclyta fama io canto e scrivo.
Ne le sideree sedi
Volando, andrai Canzon con bianche penne ;
Di quella verita che ti conduce
Vedrai vi d' Aragon la nova luce :
Ch' e ritornata in cielo ond 'ella venne.
Digli che con ragion puo rallegrarsi,
D' haver sua parte nei celesti regni.
Ma piu dee gloriarsi
Di veder in honor, suoi dolci pegni.
APPENDIX, NO. XXVI. 423
No. XXVI.
(Page 167.)
Dalt Opere Volgari di Sanazzaro, p. 60.
CANZONE.
INCLITI spirti, a cui fortuna arride
Quasi benigna, e lieta,
Per farvi al cominciar veloci, e pronti ;
Ecco, che la sua torbida inquieta
Rota per che vi affide,
E vi spiani dinanzi e fossi, e monti,
Ecco, ch' a vostre fronti
Lusingando promette or quercia, or lauro ;
Pur ch' al suo temerario ardir vi accorde.
Ahi menti cieche e sorde
De' miseri mortali ; ahi mal nat' auro ;
Qual mai degno restauro
Esser puo di quel sangue
Del qual la terra gia bagnata suda ?
E della schiera esangue,
Ch' erra senza sepolcri afflitta, e nuda ?
Voi, che sempre fuggendo il vulgo sciocco,
E'l suo perverso errore,
Tutte le antiche carte avete volte ;
Se racquistar cercate in vita onore,
E per coturno, o socco
Sperate d' illustrar 1' ossa sepolte,
Accioche il mondo ascolte
Vostri nomi, piu bei dopo miH'anni,
Drizzate al ver cammin gli aid consigli :
E, come giusti figli
II vecchio padre, ch' or sospira i damn,
Liberate d' affanni :
Che se mai pregio eterno
Per ben far s' acquisto con lode e gloria,
424 APPENDIX, NO. XXVI.
Questo (s' io ben discerno)
Fara di voi qua giu lunga memoria.
Or, che'l vento v' aspira ; e vostra nave
Ha saldi arbori e sarte,
Sarebbe il tempo da ritrarvi in porto ;
Che poi, lasso, non val 1' ingegno, o 1' arte
Nella tempesta grave ;
Quando'l miser nocchier gia stance, e smorto,
Non trova altro conforto
Che di voltarsi a Dio con umil pianto,
Lodando 1' ozio, e la tranquilla vita.
Dunque, se'l ciel v' invita
Ad un viver sicuro, onesto, e santo,
Non v' induri il cor tanto
L' odio, lo sdegno, e 1' ira ;
Ch' al ben proprio veder vi appanne gli occhi ;
Che spesso in van sospira
Chi per sua colpa avvien ch' al fin trabocchi.
Rare fiate il Ciel le cagion giuste
Indifese abbandona :
Benche forza a ragion talor contrast!.
Indi (se'l ver per fama ancor risuona)
Le sue mura combuste
Vide al fin Troja, e i tempj rotti, e guasti,
tanti spirti casti
Per uno incesto a ferro e a foco messi :
Ne questa sol, ma mille altre vendette
Ch' avete udite, e lette ;
Popoli alteri al fin pur tutti oppressi.
Deh questo or fra voi stessi
(Ma con piu fausto inizio)
Signer, pensate ; e se ragion vi danna,
Non vogliate col vizio
Andar contra vertu ; che error v' inganna.
L' alto, e giusto Motor, che tutto vede,
E con eterna legge
Tempra le umane, e le divine cose,
Siccome ei sol la su governa e regge,
APPENDIX, NO. XXVI. 425
solo in alto siede
Fra quelle anime elette, e luminose,
Cosi qua giu propose
Chi de' mortali avesse in mano il freno :
Che mal senza rettor si guida barca.
Pero con 1' alma scarca
Di sospetto, e di sdegni, e col cor pieno
D' un piacer dolce ameno,
Al vostro stato primo
Ritornate : e'l voler del ciel si segua :
Che, s' io non falso estimo,
Tempo non vi fia poi di pace, o tregua.
Quella real, possente, intrepid' alma
Che da benigne stelle
Fu qui mandata a rilevar la gente,
Con sue vertu vi muova invitte, e belle,
Ch' ebber si chiara palma
Del barbarico popol d' Oriente,
Allor che si repente
Col solito furor la Turca rabbia
Ne' nostri dolci liti a predar venne,
La Ve poscia sostenne
II giusto giogo, in stretta, e chiusa gabbia.
Che se di tanta scabbia
II nostro almo paese
Per sua presenzia sol fu scosso, e netto ;
Che fia di vostre imprese,
Se contra voi pur arma il sacro petto ?
Ne vi muova, per Dio, che'l Tebro, e 1' Arno
Tra selve orrende, e dumi,
A bada il tegnan ; che speranza e vana.
Ritardar nol potran monti, no fiumi ;
Che mai non spiega indarno
Quella insegna felice, e piu ch' umana.
La qual cosi lontana
(Se si confessa il ver) timor vi porge ;
con 1' immagin sua vi turba il sonno.
Onde, se i fati ponno
426 APPENDIX, NO. XXVII.
Quel che per veri effetti ognor si scorge ;
Quanto piu in alto sorge
L' error che a cio v' induce,
Tanto fia del cader maggior la pena i
Che tal frutto produce
Ostinato voler, che non s' aflrena.
Cosi sola, ed inerme
Come parti, Canzon, senz' altra scorta,
(Benche ingegni vedrai superbi, e schivi)
Di '1 vero, ovunque arrivi ;
Che'n ciel nostra ragion non e ancor morta.
E se pur ti trasporta
Tanto innanzi la voglia ;
Rimordendo lor cieco e van desire,
Digli che'n pianto, e doglia,
Fortuna volge ogni sfrenato ardire.
No. XXVII.
(Page 170.)
Doll* Opere Volgari di Cariteo.
CANZONE.
QUAL odio, qual furor, qual ira immane,
Quai pianete maligni,
Han vostre voglie unite hor si divise ?
Qual crudelta vi move, o spirti insigni,
O alme Italiane,
A dare il Latin sangue a genti invise ?
Non sian homai si fise
Le vostre menti, in voglie in foco accese,
D' esser superiori a vostri eguali.
O cupidi mortali,
S* ardente honor vi chiama ad alte imprese,
Ite a spogliar quel sacro almo paese
Di Christian trophei.
APPENDIX, NO. xxvn. 427
Et tu, santa, immortal, Saturnia terra,
Madre d' huomini & dei,
Nei barbari converti hor 1' impia guerra.
O mal concord i ingegni, o da prim' anni,
Et da le prime cune,
Abhorrenti da dolce & lieta pace ;
Perche correte in un voler comune
A li comuni danni,
Et in comune colpa il mal vi piace ?
Perche non vi dispiace
Tinger nel proprio sangue hor vostre spade ?
Fu questo dato gia dal fato eterno,
Quando 1' sangue fraterno
Tinse'l muro di quella alma cittade,
Con quella fera invidia & impietade ?
Et hor qual morbo insano
Ha pollute le membra giunte in vino ?
L' una con T altra mano
Pugna, senza sperar triompho alcuno.
Se cio che per vertu far si devria
Si fa sol per argento,
Et non per gloria mai guerra s' imprende,
Quanto mal puo sperarsi ogni momento
Da liga o compagnia
Di cui lo proprio honor vende & rivende.
lo so che tal mi intende,
Che per 1' orecchi tene un lupo inico ;
Che'l lasciar nel tener non gli securo.
O petto immitr & duro,
Contra li tuoi, di tuoi nemici amico ;
Come non ti sovien del odio antico,
Che col primo Parente
Nacque ? perch& non aspiri ad un bel atto ?
Che con perfida gente
E pcriidia servar promessa o patto.
Che maladetta sia di quel Sydonio
L' ombra perversa e sonte,
Perfida alma crude), superba & dura;
APPENDIX, NO. XXVII.
La qual de 1' Alpe roppe il devio moiite,
Et nel bel piano Ausonio
Scese per forza, & fe si gran paura.
Che gia 1' alma natura
Havea munita la bella planicie
Contra '1 superbo Gallico furore.
Hor 1' infinite ardore
D' imperio, hor le private inimicitie,
Han la via trita in publica pernicie.
Nulla cosa si mostra
Difficile a mortali ; il ciel tentamo
Con la stultitia nostra ;
Fulmina Giove, & noi non paventamo.
Non parlo per cagion del proprio affanno ;
Ch' en questa humil fortuna
Riposo piu che gli altri in sommo imperio.
Ne mi move a parlar paura alcuna
D' alcun private danno,
Ma sol di pace ardente desiderio.
Che nel bel campo Hesperio,
Di monarchia io veggio un Duca degno,
De la preclara sterpe d' Aragona,
Ch' aspecta aurea corona ;
Non sol del proprio suo ma d'altrui regno.
Et duolmi che tal e de pena indegno
Che havra dolor diversi.
Che'l picciol sempre geme per discordia
Di grandi, et non dolersi
De mal d'altrui, mi par somma vecordia.
Ben fu senza pieta quel ferreo petto,
Quel animo feroce,
Che fu inventor del ferro horrendo & forte.
Dallhora incomincio la pugna atroce
La venenosa Aletto ;
Et di piu breve via per 1' impia morte
Aperse le atre porte.
Ma non fu in tutto colpa di quel primo
Che cio che lui trovo col bel sapere
APPENDIX, NO. XXVII. 429
Incontro a 1* aspre fere,
Noi nelli nostri damn hor convertimo.
Questo advien (se'l falso io non estimo)
Di fame di thesoro,
Ch' ogni petto mortal tene captivo.
Che pria che fusse 1' oro,
Non era il ferro al huom tanto nocivo.
Ai pace, ai ben di buon si desiato,
Alma pace & tranquilla,
Per cui luce la terra, e'l ciel profondo ;
Pace d' ogni citade, & d' ogni villa,
D' ogni animal create
Letitia, & gioia del siderio mondo ;
Mostra il volto giocondo,
Et con la spica e i dolci frutti in seno,
D' Italia adombra & T una & 1' altra riva
Con la frondente oliva;
Et in questo amenissimo tcrrcno
Di Napol, dove '1 cielo e piu sereno,
Ferma i tuoi piedi gravi,
Facendone fruir quiete eterna.
Et con secure chiavi
Chiude la guerra a la pregione inferna.
Canzon, tra'l Pado & 1' Alpe
Vedrai quel disdegnoso Duca altero,
Che di pace & di guerra in man le habene
(Cosi il ciel vole) hor tene.
Digli che voglia homai vedere il vero,
E svegliar quel santissimo pensero
Di publica salute ;
Che per moderne per antique historic,
S' acquista per vertute,
Et non per signoria, la vera gloria.
430 APPENDIX, NO. XXVIII.
No. XXVIII.
(Page 173.)
Vergier cT Honneur.
Entre autres Gorre que faict a racompter par excellence
plus que chose du monde, sans en ce cas me vouloir mes-
conter, laisser ne veulx de dire et racompter;
LE beau maintien, la maniere faconde,
La grant beaulte, la Constance feconde,
D'une acouchee si tresbien composee,
Que brief nature sa semblable ou seconde
N'a de son temps sur la terre posee,
Pour demonstrer le triumphe des dames
Au noble Roy naturel pere d'elles ;
Semblablement a ses nobles gendarmes
Qui en tous lieux tant de corps comme dames
De leur honneur soubscient les querelles.
Elles choisirent la plus belle d'entre elles,
Et sur ung hourt en ung beau lict couchee,
Soubz couvertures que point n'en est de telles
La firent mettre ainsi q'une acouchee.
Le ciel du lit rut d'ung fin drap d'or vert,
Larges rideaulx de demas figure ;
Le demeurant d'ung cramoisy couvert,
Et pouvoit on veoir tout a descouvert'
Ung personnaige de grace bien heuree,
Ung doulx visaige si tresbien mesure
Que mieulx n'eust sceu, vermeil et non paly ;
Somme dedans Ton se fust bien mire
Tant estoit cler frez luysant et poly.
D'ung fin veloux cramoysy avoit manches,
Pelissonnes de martres subelines,
Ses couleurs furent violettes et blanches,
Parmy posees bagues de haultes branches,
Pour faire avoir les fievres jaquelines,
Gros dyamans, turquoyses, cornalines,
APPENDIX, NO. XXVIII. 431
Perles de pris grandement estimee,
Pour decorer ses doulceurs femenines
De toutes pars elle estoit sursemee.
Aux deux costez du chevet de son lict
On avoit mis deux grans carreaux d'or trait ;
Et soubz son lict pour singulier delict
Deux d'aultre sorte d'une figure eslit,
Qu'onque au pays de telz n'en fut retret.
Homme visaige ne vit jamais pourtrait,
De marbre blanc, d'alebastre, ou paincture,
Si beau, si net, si gentement extraict,
Que lors avoit celle humble creature.
Aux quatre boutz des carreaulx et couverte
Avoit boutons, mouchetz, houpes estranges ;
Et pour mieulx voir la gorre descouverte
D'ung or de cypres avecques soye verte,
Et force perles, furent faictes les franges.
Autour la dame ung tas de faces d'anges
Plus que deesses ou sibilles plaisantes,
Pour confermer toutes haultes louanges
On le tenoit trop plus que souffrisantes.
Devant le lict estoit le jeune enfant,
Beau a merveilles, sans pleur et sans efrroy ;
D'acoustremens qu'on billebarre et fend,
Le plus gorrier et le plus triumphant
Qu'on vit jamais fusse le fils du roy^/A^V.
Pres de luy fut en singulier arroy
Une tres belle gracieuse nourrice,
Bien acoustre sans faire aulcun destoy
D'ung veloux vert tissu de haulte tice.
Dames sans nombre a faces angeliques,
Bien acoustrces de drap d'or et satin ;
Verges, carcans, bordures auctentiques,
Gros dyamans et saphirs magnitiques,
Pour enricher la gorge et le tetin.
La robbe longue, le gorgias patin,
Le corps trousse frisquement de velours.
C'estoit assez, qui entendmon latiii,
423 APPENDIX, NO. XXIX.
Pour y avoir ung tribunal d'amours.
A resjouyr 1'affection humaine,
La voyoit on gorre desmesurees,
Tant en beaulte qu'en richesse haultaine;
Oncques ne fut*si sumptueux demaine
Pour veoir autant de choses decorees.
Grans escussons a fleurs de lys doree
Sur 1'eschauffault a dextre et a senestre,
Gettans fumes de senteurs odorees.
Somme, c'estoit ung paradis terrestre.
Devant le roy ce mystere fut fait :
Tant qu'avec luy ny avoit creature
A regard er lordre de tel effect,
Qui ne fust lors royaulment et de fait
Quasi substrettes es osuvres de nature.
Au jugement d'humaine conjecture,
Que cueur desire e 1'oiel appete a voir,
Pour contenter ung homme par droicture
Possible n'est de mieulx au monde avoir.
No. XXIX.
(Page 179.)
Ex Monument. Ang. Fabronii, in vita Leon. X.
Magnijici Patres honorandi.
I o non piglio altra scusa con V. M. di questa mia subita
partita, perche non credo dovere essere imputato o ripreso
di quello, che secondo Tammo mio et debile judicio, mi e
parso el piu salutifero rimedio a conservatione della quiete
della mia patria, e di manco impedimento dello universale et
pericolo d'ogni altri, da me in fuori, et manco disagio a tutte
le occorrentie presenti, parendomi coll' offerirmi in persona
alia M. Xma. di Francia, poter meglio sedare 1' ira o odio
havessi conceputa contro cotesta citta, o stato di quella, per
le opere conservate sino a qui ad istanzia della vostra fede et
APPENDIX, NO. XXX. 433
oblighi verso altri. Perche se S. M. Xma. non vuole altro
che la mutazione delle operazioni vostre, lo che ne sono
stato incolpato, o me ne purghero con S. M. Xma. o ne pig-
liero conveniente supplicio piu presto in la persona mia che
in cotesta Rep. Per la quale, ancora che simile opera sia
peculiare gia fatta di casa mia, mi pare essere tenuto molto
piu ad affaticarmi che e miei predecessori, per essere io stato
molto piu sopra e meriti miei honorato che gli altri, che
quanto mancho ne sono stato degno, piu me obliga a questo
che fo al presente, et a non pardonare mai a fatica, disagio,
o spesa, fino alia morte inclusive. La quale mi reputerei a
beneficio se la spendessi per ciascun di voi in particulare, et
tanto piu per 1' universale di cotesta citta, come me ingegno
fare al presente, che o ne reportero el contento et vostro et
della citta, o vi lasciero la vita. In tanto prego le M. V.
per la fede et aflfectione debbono alle ossa del vostro Lo-
renzo, mio padre, et lo amore havete conservato verso di
me, non manco figliuolo vostro che suo in riverenza et affec-
tione, siate content! fare pregare Dio per me, et havere per
raccomandali miei fratelli et figliuoli, de' quali se a Dio pace
ch' io non torni, ne fo a tutti voi testamento, et me insieme
con loro vi raccomando. Io partiro di qui domattina, &c.
Di V. M.Jigliuolo,
PIERO DE' MEDICI.
In Empoli, die 26 Octobns, 1494.
No. XXX.
(Page 181.)
Ex Monument. Ang. Fabronii, in vita Leon. X.
A Pietro Bibiena.
PREGOVI di fare intendere al mio magnifico Mess. Marino,
che poi che mio padre mori, io ho servito con quella fedele
aflfectione la M. del Sig. Re Alph. ed il suo padre, che mi e
suta possibile, et mi sono condocto tanto in la con questa de-
VOL. r. 2 F
434 APPENDIX, NO. XXXI.
votione, che ora come intenderete trahor ad immolandum, et
questo u perche abbandonato da tutti cittadini Fiorentini
amici et inimici miei, non mi bastando piu ne la reputatione,
ne li denari ; ne il credito a sostenere la guerra accepta spon-
te in casa, ho preso per partito, non potendo servire colle
forze (le quali jam defecerunt) alia M. del Sig. Re Alph.
servirli almanco colla disperatione, la quale mi conduce a
darmi in potere del Re di Francia senza condizione o sper-
anza di bene alcuno, se non di havere messo la vita dopo le
altre cose mie per quello a cbi me reputavo obbligatissimo, e
mi reputero dum vivam. Pregherete S. M. se degni excu-
sarmi con la M. del Re, se prima non li ho fatto intendere
questo mio concepto, che ne e suto cagione el non essere
prima in necessita tale, ne mai havermi pensato per non
havere mai diffidato in tanti amici, et in una tale citta come
e Firenze, et me excusi S. M. che non sono el primo infermo
che si conduce all' extrema untione sanza conoscersi mor-
tale. In somma direte questo, che anche infermo conser-
vero la fede mia al S. Re Alph. et forse li sard piu utile
servitore appresso il Re di Francia, che nel primo luogo
dello Stato, che e si debole a Firenze, et se ben hora io of-
fendo in qualche parte S. M. lo fo contra mia voglia, et
forzato : Prometteteli che sent ira aliquando fidem immacu-
latam ancora in quest' atto di Piero de' Medici : simile pre-
gate S. M. faccia coll' Exc. del mio Duca di Calabria, e me
li raccomandi humilmente.
Pms,dieMOct. 1494.
No. XXXI.
(Page 186.)
Ex Orig. in Archiv. Reip. Flor.
Hoc est INVENTARIUM LIBRORUM, qui inventi sunf inter
Libros Domini ANGELI POLITIANI, quos secernendo extraxit
inde Domimis JOHANNES LASCHARI Grcecus, ex commis-
sione Dom nor urn ; coram Domino Theodora et cor am Do-
APPENDIX, NO. XXXI. 435
mino Bartholomceo de Crais; quod inventarium confection
fuit in domo Petri de Medicis, die xxiv. Octobris, 1495, vt
patet in original*.
ARISTOTELIS Poetica, et quaedam alia in Graeco. in Papyro.
GALEM de compositione pharmacorum. in Papyro. in
Graeco.
PETRI HISPANI, Dialectica et quaedam alia, in Graecum de
Latino versa, in Papyro.
Leges quaedam, cum glossis. In Membrana. glossulae vero
Mint in marginibus.
Omeliae JOHANNIS GRISOSTOMI. in Graeco.
SERVIUS, in Virgilium. in Membrana. Latinus codex.
ARISTOTELIS de Mundo, in Graeco ; simul cum POLEMONIS
meditationibus, et Aristotelis Metaphysicis. in Papyro.
Compendium trium Librorum ORIBASII ; factum per HAE-
TIUM. in Papyro.
Instituta, in Graeco. in Papyro.
Epistolae THEODORI LASCHARIS. in Papyro. In Grseco.
ACTUARII opus de Medicina, de Urinis: in Graeco. m
Papyro ; et GALENI quaedam.
GALEM quaedam in Medicina, et ejusdem liber de die to
Auctore, in Graeco. in Papyro.
ALEXANDER TRALIANUS, in Medicina, in Graeco. in Papyro.
LIBER GALENI in Medicina; cujus primum capitulum de
Cardiacis. in Papyro. In asseribus, sine operimento. In
Grseco.
GALENI de compositione pharmacorum. in Papyro. Signa-
tus No. 225. Graeco.
Liber GALENI in Medicina ; in Graeco. in Papyro. habens
primum capitulum de Theriacis Alexipharmicis. In asse-
ribtts, non opertus. Signatus No. 223.
GALENUS de usu particularum in homine, et liber ejusdem
de pulsibus. in Papyro. et Graeco. Signatus No. 215.
PRISCIANUS quidam antiquus. in Membrana. Signatus No.
347. Latinus.
PRISCIANUS iterum antiquus. in Membrana. No. 026.
Latinus.
DEMOSTHENIS Orationes. Graecae. in Papyro.
2 F 2
436 APPENDIX, NO. XXXI.
Historia ZONAR/E. in Papyro. In Graeco.
GALENI de pharmacis, secundum genus. In Graeco. in Pa-
pyro. No. 218.
PEDAGII Dioscoride Anazarbis, in Graeco. Liber de materia.
in Papyro. Signatus No. 230.
Compendium Philosophise GEORGII PROTERTIOI. In Graeco.
in Papyro.
ARISTOTELIS Metaphysica parumper, et Golem de Anato-
mia. No. 216. (hunc Codicem D. 1 o. Lascar i penes se.)
Pars POLLUCIS et quaedam alia, et POLIENIS Stratagemata.
In Graeco. in Papyro, et antique codice, volumine, me-
diocri, tecto operimento rubro. No. 91.
Excerpta quaedam ex diversis auctoribus, et proverbia, et
quaedam alia. Sine tabulis. in Papyro.
PYNDARI Olimpya, et pars Pythiorum, cum expositione. in
Papyro. In Graeco. No. 87.
XENOPHONTIS Graeciae Historia. in Papyro. Sine tabulis.
In Graeco. No. 622.
Quaedam in Physica. Primum de Climatibus Terrae, et Ex-
positio THEONIS in Arati phenomena, in Papyro. Sine
Tabulis. In Graeco. No. 139.
ARISTOTELIS Politica. In Graeco. in Papyro. Ligata in
quadam carta membranea.
ARATUS cum expositione. In Graeco. In Membranis, ligatus
in quadam carta.
Galeni Liber antiquus. In Graeco. In Membranis. In qua-
dam carta.
Vocabula quaedam Medicinalia, et quaedam alia, in Graeco.
In Papyro. In tabulis, sine operimento. Vetustissima.
No. 221.
Quaedam recollecta a Domino ANGELO POLITIANO in pue-
ritia sua. in Papyro. In Latino, et ligata simulin quadam
carta membranea.
APPENDIX, NO. XXXII. 437
No. XXXII.
(Page 190.)
Fergicr d' Honneur.
Comment le Roy fist son entree a Florence, en quel trivmphe
il y entra, F ordonance quit y Jit, et comment les bendes
marcherent les unes apres les aultres.
EN grant triumphe et en grant excellence
En bruit en los d'honneur victorieux
Le Roy des Roys entra dedans Florence,
Ou il conquist ung renom glorieux :
Car il portoit le glaive furieux
Pour son vouloir par tout executer ;
Et pour la guerre ou la paix discuter
Par haulx exploits d'emprise vertueuse,
Dont pour au vray du droit en disputer,
Declairer veulx la facon merveilleuse.
Quant les seigneurs du Roy furent venus,
Us luy baillerent les grans clefs de la porte,
Et luy priant qu'ils feussent soustenus,
Et maintenuz soubz sa haulte puissance ;
Et desormes en son obeyssance
Tres 1 in m I iln ir,-iit tous ils se maintiendroient,
Son nom gardroient, ses armes deffendroient ;
Et outre plus pour leur erreur distraire,
A telle loy quil vouldroit se joindroient
Sans jamais jour eulx ayder du contraire.
Quant leur vouloir par leur conceupt,
Sur leur requeste, a bien peu de langaige,
Benignement le bon Roy les receupt,
Sans leur vouloir faire mal ne dommaige,
Et des plus grans receupt foy et hommaige
Incontinent par grant solempnite,
En rabaissant leur temerairete,
Et leur vouloir de soubdaine chaleur
Dont ils s'estoient contre luy despite,
Bien leur monstra qu'il estoit leur seigneur.
4-38 APPENDIX, NO. XXXII.
Processions comme j'ay devant dit,
Dignes corps sainctz, precieuses relicques,
Sortirent hors sans aucun contredit,
Croix, confanons, banieres autentiques,
Cures vestus de chappes magnifiques,
Abbes, doyens, chantres, archediacres,
Pretres chantans, chanoynes, soudiacres,
Portans joyaulx de saincts, de vierges, d'anges,
Et beaulx vaisseaulx de precieulx lavacres
Vindrent vers luy pour luy rendre louenges.
Tous les estats du grant jusques au moindre,
Tant fussent ils de noblese ou clergie,
Bourgois, marchans, furent contraints d'eulx joingdre,
A ceste loy pour le plus abrege ;
Et de venir dessoubs ung train renge
Bien acoustres devers ledit seigneur:
Portans joyaulx, bagues de grant valeur,
Et beaulx habits de sumptueux arroy,
En luy faisant reverence et honneur,
Ne plus ne moins que leur souverain Roy.
Que diray je pour parler court et brief;
Quant si pres d'eulx le bon seigneur sentirent,
Quoy qu'a aulcuns le cas fust ung peu grief,
Ce neantmoins grans et petis sortirent,
Et toutes bonnes obeyssance firent
Faveur, support, subjection, souffirance,
Ce que devant en effect et substance
Ne pensoient pas Tuscains parolle tonde.
Qu'a ceste loy la ville de Florence
Eussent peu mettre tous les princes du monde.
Les Florentins a face angeliques,
Sur eschauffaulx, fenestres, et tauldis,
Venysiennes, Rommaines autenticques,
Vindrent illec veoir le Roy des hardis ;
Et leur sembloit estre a ung paradis
De veoir Francoys en leurs terres marcher,
Car bien scavent que pour enharnacher
La nef Venus d'amoureux advirons,
APPENDIX, NO. XXXII. 439
Et pour apoint ung connin embrocher
Qu'ils ny vont pas ainsi que bougerons.
Apres recueil los, honneur, reverence,
Faicte au bon Roy sans vouloir denigre,
L'on commenca de marcher vers Florence
En ordonnance de degre en degre.
Et si fut tel du bon seigneur le gre,
Que Florentins tous les premiers marchassent,
Affin que nuls les Francoys n'empeschassent ;
Mais fust a tous ceste entree famee,
Tendant a fin que Florentins goutassent
L'excellence de sa pompeuse armee.
tfensuyt comment apres que les Seigneurs tant tie T Eg-
lise que de la Ville, marchans, bourgoys et aultres mecan-
iques, furent entres, Les bendes du Roy commencerent a
marc/ier, qidfut la c/toselaplus singuliere qu'on veitjamais
pour entree de vitte.
ET PREMIEREMENT LES COULEUVRINIERS.
QUANT Florentins avec leurs instrumens,
Furent entres vestus d'habits propices,
Premierement vindrent les Allemans,
Lancequenets, foussignerans, souysses,
Portans plastrons, bracelets, escrevices,
Et mesmement tous les coulevriniers ;
Plus barboilles que poures charbonniers,
De manier leur salpestre et pouldre.
Et quant il fault ruer sur les paniers,
A doubter sont plus que tonnoirre ou fouldre.
LA BENDE DES PICQUIERS.
Apres marcherent les bende des grans picques,
Moult frisques a grans pas furieux ;
Saichans des ars marciens les pratiques,
Plus qu'autres nez a cella curieux.
Car gens y a de nom victorieux,
440 APPENDIX, NO. XXXII.
Dignes d'avoir par leurs beaulx fails maints don.
Et parmy eulx avoit fleustes, bedons,
De leurs explets sonnans les extremets ;
Sans oublier estandars ne guydons,
Le mieulx en point que Ton les veit jamais.
LA BENDE DES ARBALESTRIERS.
Apres marcha la bende aux arbalestriers,
Entremesles de grans joueurs d'espees r
Gens acharnez au sang comme loudiers,
Par lesquels sont maintes gorges coppees.
Et pour donner bauffree et lippees,
Autant expres que Ton ne saiche point ;
Tous acoustres en chausse et en pourpoint,
D'une parure et des couleurs royalles.
Lesquelles bendes, pour en parler apoint,
Ont vers le Roy tousjours este loyalles.
A son coste chascun la courte dague
De fin drap d'or, chaulses, escartelees ;
La chayne au col, et au bonnet la bague ;
Les grans perruques jusqu'au dos avallees ;
Neyves plumes de paillettes fueillees
Et sur leurs bras grans devisses de perles,
A beaulx oyseaulx comme pigeons et merles
D'orphaverie a roleaux enlacez ;
Et aultres choses singulieres et belles
Sur leurs personnes ils portoient assez.
LES CAPITAINES.
En tel estat passerent bien six mille,
Tous deux a deux, et a grans pas divers ;
Desquels fut chief comme le plus habille
Monsieur de Cleves et Conte de Nevers ;
Escartele de tort et de travers
De fin drap d'or seme de pierreries,
A grosses houppes de fine orphaverie ;
Marchant a pied aussi droit comme ung jon.
APPENDIX, NO. xxxn. 441
Avecques luy 1'escuyer d'escuyrie ;
Lornay aussi, le bailly de Dyjon.
LES ARCHIERS D*ORDONNANCES.
Apres ceulx cy les archiers d'urdonnances
Vindrent soudain a tout leurs arcs bendes :
La belle trousse a flesches de deffences ;
Hommes bien pris, bien formes, et fondes,
Tous deux a deux en belle ordre guydes.
A leurs costes le espees moult fines,
Beaulx gorgerins, dorees brigandines,
A soustenir ou escousse ou desserre.
A mon advis bien suffisans et dignes
Pour estre gens vertueulx a la guerre.
LES HOMMES D*ARMES.
Incontinent vindrent les hommes d'armes
Sur grans coursiers, sur genets et destriers,
Comme beaulx dieux reluysans en leurs armes ;
La bride au poing et le pied aux estriers,
Tous habilles non pas comme peaultriers,
Mais comme roys, princes, ou empereurs,
Et pour monstrer qu'ils estoient empareurs
D'honneur mondain a grans saulx et ruades,
Sur le pave sans estre en rien paoureux
Devant les dames firent mille pennades.
Sur leurs chevaulx d'or et d'argent sonnettes,
Orphaveries par despit mesurees,
Chanfrains dores, plumes a grans brochettes,
De pailles d'or assez desmesurees,
D'azur dacre grans bardes asurees
Estincelantes au soleil radieux ;
Et parmy eulx clairons melodieux
Trompes, cornets, et tabourins de guerre.
Brief il sembloit que deesses ou dieux
Fussent des cieulx descendus sur la terre.
442 APPENDIX, NO. XXXII.
LE NOMBRE DES HOMMES D ARMES.
Us estoient bien en nombre huyt cens lances,
Montez, bardez ainsi comme dit est,
Tous gentils hommes dignes de grans vaillances
Pour tost avoir d'ung pays le conquest :
Sans regarder au gaing ne a 1' aquest,
Mais aux honneurs et aux louenges famees,
Ainsi que gens de maisons renommees,
Progenies plains de noble vouloir,
Qui ont toujours les provinces aymees
Ou guerre gist pour eulx faire valoir.
LA BENDE DES DEUX CENS ARBALESTRIERS.
Ces huyt cens lances en tel estat passees.
Trop mieulx en point que je ne dis le tiers,
Des ordonnances frisquement compassees,
Vindrent apres deux cens arbalestriers,
Hardis, vaillans, couraigeux, et entiers,
Dessus le col 1'arbalestre bendee
Qui n'estoit pas de foiblesse fardee,
Mais par raison, grosse, puissante et forte ;
Et le garrot ou la vire fondee
Pour trespercer ung demy pied de porte.
A leur coste 1'espee longue et large,
La courte dague pour son homme aborder,
Le grant bauldrier avecques le guindage,
Pour a deux coups 1'arbalestre bender,
Et pour a point plusieurs coups desbender,
La grosse trousse de garrots et de vires
Pareils a ceulx qu'on voit en les navires,
Le plus souvent user a volunte,
H nen est point en ce monde de pires,
Pour en narrer la pure verite.
Petis chappeaulx, deschiquetes, coppes,
Trouez, percez, fretaillez, entrouvers,
Par aucuns lieux de soye envelopes.
Et de rubens, rouges, blancs, noirs, et vers,
APPENDIX, NO. XXXII. 443
Grosses taillades de tort et de travers
Petis plumars de faisans et d'ayrons,
Bien enrichis par tout les environs,
De perleries et de belles paillettes ;
Et si estoient leurs pourpoints et sayons
TOILS atachez a fer d'or d'esguillettes.
LA BENDE DBS ARCHIERS DE LA GARDE DU ROY.
Apres vindrent les archiers de la garde,
Grans et puissans, bien croises, bien fendus,
Qui ne portoient pique ne halebarde,
Fors que leurs arcs gorrierement tendus :
Leur bracelets aux pongnets estendus
Bien ataches a grans chaynes d'argent ;
Autour du col le gorgerin bien gent,
De cramoisy le plantureux pourpoint
Assez propre fusse pour ung regent
Ou grant due accoustre bien apoint ;
Dessus le chief la bien clere sallade,
A cloux dores fournis de pierrerie ;
Dessus le dos le hocqueton fort sade,
Tout surseme de fine orphaverie ;
La courte dague, 1'espee bien fourbie,
La gaye trousse a custode vermeille,
Le pied en lair aux escoutes loreille.
Brief on dLsoit tout veu et regarde,
Quoeste my pare oune grande merveille,
Et ton mirato, par le sangque de de.
Quant les archiers en leurs pompes haultaines
Furent passes, trois a trois, quatre a quatre,
Pied a pied vindrent leurs nobles capitaines,
Qui ne sont pas gens pour cropir en lastre.
Comme Cresol, et Claude de la chastre,
Avec son fils dit Monsieur Quoquebourne ;
n ordonnance chevaleureu.se et bonne ;
Par excellence habilles richement.
Brief pour planter des grans gorres la bonne
CTestoit je croy suftisant parement.
444 APPENDIX, NO. XXXII.
LA BENDE DES CENT GENTILSHOMMES DU BOY.
Ces gens passez en si pompeux arroy,
Incontinent sans servir d'aultre mets,
Vindrent les cent gentilshommes du Roy,
Les mieulx enpoint que Ton les vit jamais.
Ayans habits de divers entremets,
Tant de drap d'or comme de cramoisy
Le plus exquis qui fut oncques choisy ;
Satin de pris grant, damas figure,
En son endroit chascun 1'avoit saisy,
Pour estre mieulx des dames honnoure.
Larges sayons, decoppes, taillades,
Deca, dela, de tort, et de travers,
De pierreries farcis entrelardes,
Et de perles saulgrenes et couvers,
Par plusieurs lieux mistement entrouvers
Pour veoir dessoubz les enrichemens
De leurs harnoys, plus clers que dyamans ;
En tous endroits trop mieulx faits que cire.
Conclusion de leurs assualcemens
Possible n'est de la disme estimer.
Genets, coursiers, riches bardes, houssures,
Plumars remplis d'orphaveries fines,
Chanfrains dores a grans entrelassures,
Armets luysans, bicquoquets, capelines,
Bucques de pris, tres riches mantelines,
Venans sans plus jusqu'au dessus des fa u Ides,
A gros vubis, turquoyses emerauldes ;
Et pour attaindre aux belliques accors,
fls monstroient bien par leurs ruades bauldes
Qu'en France y a gens qui ont cueur et corps.
PAIGES D'HONNEUR ET LAQUAIS.
Sur grans chevaulx leurs pages les suyvoient,
Et a beau pied laquais de point en point,
Qui de drap d'or et de velours avoient
Le grant sayon, ou du moins le pourpoint.
APPENDIX, NO. XXXII. 445
Possibile n'est de veoir gens iniculx en point.
Le petit dard, le poignart, la rapiere,
Chausses tirantes, perruque singuliere,
De beau drap d'or la gorriere barrette,
Ou de velours, puis la bague treschiere,
Et le plumart de faisant ou d'aigrette.
DU ROY.
En bruyt, en los, et en magnificence,
En grant triumphe de pondereux arroy,
En tout estat de pompeuse excellence,
Entra dedans le treschrestien Roy.
Laquais, archiers, avoit pour le desroy,
Autour de luy, luy preparant sa voye,
Monte dessus son courcier dit Savoye,
Le mieulx en point d'ornemens de valeurs
Qu'on vit jamais, ne possibile est qu'on voye,
Fust pour cent roys ou autant d'empereurs.
Le bon seigneur vertueux et plaisant,
Plus qu'autre ne des humains honnore,
Arme estoit d'ung harnoys plus luysant
Q'ung dyamont, en plusieurs lieux dore
De grosses perles et pierres precieuses,
Tout son chief fut acoustre, decore,
Comme rubis, turquoyses sutnptueuses ;
En sa couronne une grosse escharboucle,
Et au surplus, en ses armes joyeuses
Ne luy failloit ne hardillon ne boucle.
Ses bardes furent d'ung drap d'or decopees,
Toutes chargees de riche orphaverie,
A rubens d'or frisquement agrappees,
Et grosses houppes toutes de perlerie.
Sa manteline estoit a pierrerie,
Et broderie qui avoit moult couste.
Le bel estoc autour de son coste ;
Et en son col 1'ordre des preux estoit.
Brief ie n'auroys en quinze jours compte
La grant richcssc que dessus luy portoit.
APPENDIX, NO. XXXIII.
Ung riche poille hault et droit sur la teste,
De drap d'or traict a la mode de France ;
Le tout en signe de victoire et conqueste,
De tout triumphe et de toute excellence.
Quatre seigneurs des plus grans de Florence
Luy comportoient tresmagnifiquement,
Vestuz d'abis moult sumptueusement,
Tresbien fourrez de martres subelines ;
Et si avoient dessus leurs capelines,
Rubiz, saphirs, fins balais de bigorre,
Orientalles, perles et cornalines.
Brief vivant n'est qui vit one si grant gorre.
No. XXXIII.
(Page 201.)
Raccolta cT Opuscoli di Calogera, vol. xviii. p. 38.
CAPITOTOLO D' INCERTO al Serenissimo Agostino Barbarigo
Doge di Venezia, in occasions che Carlo VIII. si por-
taca ad occupare il Regno di Napoli.
GlOVAMBATTISTA PARISOTTI A' LETTORI.
lo mi stimo colui, al quale essendo la fortuna di tanto stata
cortese, che gli fece venire alle mani Opere di chiari e va-
lorosi uomiiii, che gia da molto tempo si stavano nell' obblio
sepolte, essere da non picciolo obbligo astretto di mandarle
quanto prima alia pubblica luce, ed in tal guisa, piu non
essendogli permesso, far corre in alcun modo il frutto delle
fatiche loro a que' valentuomini, i quali, o per impotenza,
o per non curanza, o dall' avara morte prevenuti, defrauditi
furono di mandare ad effetto quanto per il bene pubblico, e
per la propria gloria avevano egregiamente operate. Credei
in tanto me essere uno di coloro, in cui un si fatto obbligo si
ritrovava ; poiche per buona sorte in poter mio pervenne un
rarissimo Mss. di Poesie tutte in terza rima d'Autori del se-
colo xv. in cui tra le altre si leggono molte terze rime d' An-
tonio Tibaldeo, le quali non furono mai stampate, siccome
APPENDIX, NO. XXXIII. 447
ho scorto dal rincontro ch' io feci a questo fine dell'ultima,
per quanto stimo, edizione fatta in Venezia per Bartolomeo
detto 1'Imperator, e Francesco Veneziano 1'anno 1554*. in 8.
e sono delle piu belle composizioni, che il Tibaldeo, seguen-
do il suo stile, abbia lasciato uscire dalla sua penna. Si
leggono oltre a cio molte rime di Francesco Nursio Veronese,
di Girolamo Berardo, di Lodovico Miliani, e di molt' altri,
i di cui nomi, per diligenza usata non si possono rilevare.
Poiche per fatalita il Mss. capito in mano o di ragazzi, o di
gente cosi ignorante, che si presero piacere di cassare tutti
i nomi degli Autori delle composizioni, fuorche quello del
Tibaldeo, e degli altri soprannomati, li quali pero, non es-
sendo affatto annullati, a gran fatica si sono potuti intendere.'
Ma quello che molto piu mi spiace si e, che non fu possibile
di capir mai ne il nome, ne il cognome dell' Autore della
composizione, le quale e il soggetto del mio discorso, poiche
non solo fu cassato con la penna, ma raso col coltello, talc-In-
ha tolto ogni speranza di saper mai 1'Autore della medesi-
ma. Io percio, vedendomi, come dissi in possesso del sud-
detto Mss. pensai da molto tempo di fame partecipe il pub-
blico, ristampando le poesie del Tibaldeo, ormai divenute
si rare, che con gran difficolta si possono, da chi le brama,
rinvenire, aggiungendovi ancore que' Capitoli del medesimo
che sono inediti appresso il Mss. ed oltre a cio il Capitolo,
di cui si parlera appresso, col fare alfine una scelta de' belli
componimenti degli altri Autori, di cui parte ci sono rimasi
i nomi, e parte par il suddetto accidente ci sono, come dis-
si, rimasi ignoti. A questo mio onesto desiderio vi si op
posero di molte cose si per la stampa, e si per essere io tal-
volta impedito per poter eseguire 1'intento mio. Sicche io
pensai, che se al presente non mi e pennesso di niandare
pienamente ad effetto quunt' io bramo, contentarmi di ve-
derne cffettuata qualche parte, pubblicando una composi-
zione in terza rima, la quale, >' io non m' inganna, e per
la bellezza del soggetto sopra cui e scritta c per il pregio
della poesia supera tutte quelle del Mss. e puo andar del
pari con qualunque altra ; sicche ella ben merita che tosto
tosto sia tolta dalle tenebre, e che ne siano fatti partecipi
tutti coloro, che godono di vedere conservate le fatiche de'
448 APPENDIX, NO. XXXIII.
chiari uomini, vale a dire tutti quegli, che sono o punto, o
troppo delle belle, e buone lettere amanti. II Capitolo in-
tanto e scritto, come si ricava dalla lettura del medesimo, ad
Agostino Barbadico Doge di Venezia nell' occasione della
famosa venuta di Carlo VIII. Re di Francia in Italia per
prendere il Regno di Napoli, che fu 1'anno 1494. anzi, per
parlare con piu verita, egli e scritto quando gia il Re aveva
occupato il Regno, mentre il Poeta, esortando all' impresa il
suddetto Doge, tra le altre cose dice, che egli non tema, poi-
che con lui se ne viene il gran Francesco Gonzaga, il quale,
come si sa dalle Storie, fu da Veneziani fatto Capo della
Lega conchiusa per impedire il vittorioso ritorno del Re in
Francia ; perche poi nell' esprimer che fa il Poeta i lament!
delle principal! Citta d' Italia sbigottite per il timore dell' im-
minente loro ruina, e nel toccare alcune altre particolarita,
egli si serve d' espressioni, che racchiudono in se 1' erudi-
zione di que' tempi, ho stimato bene, per maggior facilita, e
chiarezza di chi legge, illustrar con qualche annotazione que'
luoghi, che patir potessero alcuna oscurita.
Passando ora a discorrere qualche cosa della persona del
nostro Poeta, io dico che dalla composizione stessa si ricava,
ch' egli era Soldato, e Soldato di non poco riguardo, perche
nella fine egli prega il Doge, che 1' accetti nel numero de'
suoi Condottieri, e gli rammenta, perche non gli neghi la
grazia, come nella passata guerra fu per lui prigione a
Milano, e come non fu possibile ne per oro, ne per argento
farlo dal medesimo ribellare. Ognuno pertanto vede quan-
to ragguardevole officio nella Milizia sia quello di Condot-
tiere, e come un' ordinario Soldato non si tenta a costo d'oro
staccarlo dal suo Sovrano, facendosi si fatti tentativi solo con
Soldati di considerazione, e che possono molto cooperare per
la vittoria. Dico ancora, che da questo fatto a mio giudicio
si ricava, ch' egli non era Suddito della Repubblica, poiche
uno ch' e tale, non puo rammemorare al suo Principe per
punto di merito, non essergli nell' occasione stato ribello,
anzi facendolo non poco 1' offenderebbe, poiche e stretto
debito di un Suddito 1' essere fedele al suo Principe ; oltre
di che ordinariamente a un personaggio di riguardo non
verrebbe molto a conto a tradire il suo Sovrano, poiche al
APPENDIX, NO. XXXIII. 440
certo perderebbe ogni avere ch' egli possedesse nello State
del suo Principe ; sicche per tutte queste riflessioni parmi
al certo potere ragionevolmente concludere, che il nostro
Poeta non era Suddito della Repubblica di Venezia. Chi
poi egli si fosse non ho mai potuto per diligenza usata in
coloro, che scrivono le vite de' Poeti, rinvenire, e nel Mss.
il nome dell' Autore e come dissi talmente raso, che non e
possibile il poterlo capire : solo pare che il suo cognome,
guardandolo col Microscopic, finisca in NORI. Se da tutte
queste circostanze, che ho narrate, alcuno potesse scoprire
in qualche guisa chi si fosse 1' Autore, o pure, se si ritrovasse
appresso di se la medesima composizione, che non avesse
patita la disgrazia d' essere stato cancellato il nome di quello,
farebbe alcerto di molto utile al pubblico, se lo palesasse :
poiche da questo Capitolo si scorge che il nostro Autore e
grande, e felice nelle su idee, magnifico, e naturale insieme
nell' espressioni, forte, e vivo ne' colori, e nelle figure, tal-
che pare, ch' egli sia un vero ritratto di Dante. Se queste
prerogative in ogni Poeta sono rare ed ammirabili, molto
piu lo deono essere nel nostro, poiche egli si vivea nel Se-
colo xv. vale a dire in un tempo dove la Scuola di Dante, e
del Petrarca, era affatto abbandonata, la coltura della Lin-
gua perduta, sicche a gran fatica si puo trovare alcuno, che
in quel Secolo sodamente e purgatamente componga. Per-
tanto, se il nostro Poeta per una particolar felicita, ed eleva-
tezza d' ingegno si e in tutte queste cose distinto dagli altri
del suo tempo, egli ben merita, che ognuno adopri ogni di-
ligenza per iscoprire chi egli si sia ; mentre, fatto che fosse
questo, potrebbe succedere, che con non molta difticolta si
rinvenissero altre composizioni dello stesso ugualmente
belle, e piu. Poiche dal Capitolo si ritrae, che quando egli
lo scrisse era vecchio di molto : e percio, se in una eta, in
cui il fervore della fantasia, producitrice delle sublimi e
pellegrine idee poetiche, era presso che raffreddato, si fat-
tamente componeva, che dobbiamo noi sperare ch' esser
possano que' Componimenti da lui prodotti in un tempo che
la mente era nel maggior colmo del suo vigore ? Al certo
maravigliosi e rari dovranno essere ; sicche ciascheduno,
VOL. i. 2 G
450 APPENDIX, NO. XXXIII.
come ho detto, impieghi ogni diligenza per ritracciare chi
si sia questo valente Poeta, poiche sicuramente di molta
gloria gliene verra, e maggiore ancora se avesse la sorte di
cavar dalle tenebre altre Opere dello stesso, le quali ben
mostrano, da cio che s' e detto, dovere esser degne d' arri-
chire la Volgar Poesia.
Di Roma, It 27. April, 1737.
AD SERENISSIMUM PRINCIPEM VENETUM.
SIGNOR, sentendo che Bellona in campo
Quassa 1' orrendo, e marzial flagello,
Spargendo, come Drago, ardente vampo ;
E per troppo levar il gran martello,
Sterope suda, sospira Vulcano,
Rimbomba lo fornace in Mongibello ;
E vedendo la spada a Marte in mano,
Che fulminando va con gran tempesta
Verso 1' antique suo Seggio Romano ;
E con 1' ira al mal far credule, e presta,
Con piu di mille Navi, il Mar Tirreno, (a)
E 1' Elesponto acerbamente infesta ;
E per sparger ben tutto il suo veleno
Lo squamoso (6) Biscion fatto ha il (c) Tesino
Mutar il corso, e giungersi col Reno ;
(a) // Mar Tirreno. Qui il Poeta, per ben mostrare la futura ruina d' Italia,
comincia a dire come il Turco con 1' Armata Navale danneggiava i paesi de'
Christiani ; lo che si comprende nominando il Poeta 1' Elesponto, leggendosi
oltre a cio, per maggior confermazione, le seguenti parole nella settima, ed ultima
parte delle Storie Milanesi del Corio. I Veneziam si tcusano di dor ajuto a Carlo
VIII. perche erano sforzati con quanta forza. avevano, a resistere al Turco ne' con-
Jini di Cipro.
(6) Bixion. Gli Sforzeschi, che successero a' Visconti nel Dominio di Mi-
lano, ritennero la stessa Arme che quelli portavano, ch' era una Serpe, e percio il
Poeta nominando il Biscione, significa sempre in questo componimento Lodovico
Sforza detto il Moro, ad istigazione del quale si mosse Carlo VIII. a prendere il
Regno di Napoli. Cio fece Lodovico, perche, ritenendo egli ingiustamente il
Dominio di JMilano dovuto a Giovanni Galeazio suo Nipote, Alfonso Re di Na-
poli, a cui aveva data in moglie Isabella sua Figlia, aveva gia mossa a Lodovico
la guerra, perche a nissun modo voleva egli rinunziare il governo al detto Gale-
azzo suo Nipote.
(c) II Tesino. Qui dicendosi, che Lodorico fece unir il Tesino col Reno, non
APPENDIX, NO. XXXIII. 451
E gia(a) Marzocco sta col capo chino,
Come fa il can battuto nclla paglia,
E la Lupa (b) ha pigliato altro cammino ;
Tenio, che la ruina di Tessaglia,
Di Canne, e Trassimeno, Italia afflitta
Non senta, che 1' invidia ogni ben taglia.
Italia tanto celebrata, e scritta,
Italia gia si trionfante, e degna,
Or dolorosa appena si tien dritta.
Movi, Signer, la gloriosa insegna,
Che mossa a tutto il Mondo fa paura,
Soccorri lei, che di miseria e pregna ;
Slega il Leon, che tanto e di natura
Orrendo, e forte, ch' ogni altro animate
A lui, come la cera al foco, dura.
Ha il dente acuto, e ben pennate 1' ale,
Nervosa seta, ed unghiuta la branca ;
Non potra contra lui forza mortale.
(c) Ercol non vedi tu, che batte 1' anca,
Per far al tuo Leon, come al Nemeo,
pno significar altro, che Giovanni Bentivoglio Signer di Bologna s' era unito con
lui, e lo confermano queste parole del Corio nel sopraddetto luogo. Ercole Et-
ttiue Marchese di Ferrara, e Giovanni Bentivoglio, che di Bologna teneta il Prin-
ctpato, taffertero in tutti i mandati a Carlo.
(a) Manocco. Marzocco vuol dire propriamente Leone dipinto, o scolpito ;
percio, il Poeta con questa parola dinota Firenze, ncll' antica Anne della quale
ch' era una Croce, i Guelfi v* aggiunsero il Leone. Non puo significare al certo
Venczia, poiche alquanto dopo si vede ch' egli dipinge il Leone de' Veneziani
terhbile, e feroce siccome quello, che solo doveva liberar 1' Italia oppressa.
Nominando il Poeta subito Siena vicina a Firenze conferma maggiormente il
detto mio.
(6) la Lupa. La Lupa mostra Siena, portando essa quell' animate per Arme,
a tenorc di cui disse il Petrarca nella Canzone XI.
Oris , Lupi, Leoni, Aquile, e Serpi
Ad una gran marmorea Colonna
Fanno noja sovente, ed a so danno.
Ecco poi come qut Lmni signincano Firenze, che il nostro Poeta ha espresso con
la parola Marzocco.
(c) Ercol. Vuol dire Ercole primo Duca di Ferrara nemiro d' Veneziani si no
dall' anno 1482. nel qua! tempo essi tcntarono di torgli Ferrara con una lun-.i
guem di due anni.
2 o 2
452 APPENDIX, NO. XXXIII.
(a) Benche la forza spesso al voler manca.
Serse, Alessandro, Dario, e Tolomeo
Han fatto lega, e gia son sopra 1'Arno,
E van per ruinar il Coliseo.
Grida (b) Bren furioso, s' io non scarno
Questo mio corpo anzi il finir dell' anno,
Dimonstrero, che non combatto indarno.
Chi usa la forza, chi adopra 1' inganno ;
Non tardar piu, che spesso il tardar noce ;
Mai si provedde, quando e giunto il danno.
L' amaro pianto, e la dolente voce,
Che fa Romagna, fin al Ciel rimbomba,
Lacerata dal vulgo aspro, e feroce.
Senza colpo di spada, (c) o suon di tromba,
Fa della gente nostra il popol crudo,
Come il Falcon suol far della Colomba.
Ogni cor di valor e casso, e nudo,
Tutta la terra di Saturno trema,
Che fu gia di Bellona il primo scudo.
Non e spirto si fier, ch' ora non tema,
Nessun aspetta un sol colpo di lancia,
Par che sia giunto Italia all' ora estrema.
Posto e di Roma il Seggio alia bilancia,
Che trionfava in tanto onor, e fama,
E domata ha piu volte e Spagna, e Francia.
Giunge Fiorenza dolorosa, e grama,
Chiamando 1' ombra afflitta di Lorenzio, (d)
(a) Benche. Significa il picciolo Stato, e percio le picciole forze di quel Duca
a rispetto de' Veneziani molto potenti.
(6) Bren. Col nome di Brenno Capitano de' Galli, che presero Roma fuor-
che il Campidoglio, vuol dinotar Carlo VIII. a cui ben convenivasi il titolo di
Furioso a riguardo della prestezza, della difficolta, e de' perigli della sua impresa,
che con tanto coraggio voile eseguire. Si awerta ancora, che il Poeta fa dire
queste due parole a Brenno con uno espressione, e con un suono molto aspro,
come appunto era conveniente ad un Barbara qual era Brenno.
(c) Senia colpo di spada. Con queste parole il Poeta vuol dinotare le continue
sedizioni, e tumulti, ond" era oppressa la Romagna tutta in quel secolo, che ob-
bediva a molti piccioli Signori, li quali per lo piu la governavano da Tiranni,
come si ha dalle Storie.
(d) Lorenzio. Lorenzo de' Medici, che fu Padre di Papa Leone X. morto due
anni avanti, cioe 1' anno 1492. essendo stata la venuta di Carlo VIII. in Italia 1'
APPENDIX, NO. XXXIII. 4-53
Che cosi morto estolle, onora, ed ama ;
A tllit ta perche vede il fier Me/enzio,
E Turno andar contra il pietoso Enea,
Spargendo amaro piu che nell' assenzio.
E come in sorte acerba, iniqua e rea,
II superbo Ilione fu combusto,
Opra del crudo stral di Citerea,
Al fin sotto T Imperio iniquo, e ingiusto,
Teme star serva della turba fera,
Che perso ha di pietate il dolce gusto.
II tuo soccorso chiama la Pantera,
(a) La Pantera, che Lucca abbracia, e onora,
Perche in te sol, come in suo porto, spera.
Ahime, che piaga e questa, che m' accora,
Ove va lo mio regno, e lo mio scetro,
Qual fato contra me crudel lavora ?
O gloria umana, come sei sul vetro
Fondata, e come presto il tempo chiaro
Diventa nubiloso, oscuro, e tetro !
Debbo her un velen si forte, amaro,
Debbo servir a si spietata plebe,
A un popol del mie sangue fatto avaro ?
Chi godera le mie fiorite glebe ?
Gente senza clemenza, e senza legge,
Che una Cucina fu di Atene, e Tebe ;
Indomito, superbo, e pazzo gregge,
Che adora per suoi Dei Venere, e Bacco,
E sotto al suo trionfo se coregge.
M ciier a con gran furia a foco, e sacco
II grato ospitio, il dolce seggio, e nido,
Ovo riposo il corpo afflitto, e stracco ;
Piu di me stessa, trista, non mi fido,
anno 1494. come si e detto di sopra. II Poeta poi dice Firenza afflitU per la
morte di Lorenzo, poiche quegli, sino che visse, con la sua prudenza tenne otti-
mamente bilanciate le cose d' Italia ; e morto lui. ne insorsero quelle rovine, che
danneggiarono la sua Patria non roeno, che 1' Italia tutu ; come dicono partico-
larmente gli Storici Fiorentini.
(a) La Pantera. Anne della Repubblica di Lucca.
454 APPENDIX, NO. XXXIII.
Poiche San Marco tanto mal comporta,
E non ascolta il mio lamento, e grido.
Pallida in vista, lagrimosa e smorta,
D' affanno, di tormento, e doglia piena,
Or son, vivendo, assai peggio che morta.
Grida con voce si misera Siena,
Che farebbe spezzar un cor di sasso,
E pianger seco un Aspe la sua pena.
Dicendo or sei pur giunta a quel dur passo, (a)
Che temuto hai piu volte, o meschinella 1
Ogni tua gloria e ruinata al basso.
Sarai tra Lupi una vil pecorella,
Che quando t' aran tutto toso il pelo,
Ti straccieran con voglia irata, e fella.
Leva dagli occhi miei, leva quel velo,
Che mi turba la vista, o Leon Santo,
Torna la Primavera incontra il gelo ;
Tu solo mutar puoi 1' angoscia, e il pianto
In pace, in allegrezza, in festa, in gioja,
A te di questa impresa e dato il vanto ;
Non comportar, che pianga come Troja,
Misera, ed infelice, ch' al fin creggio,
Che tu ne patiresti affanno, e noja.
E Pisa dolorosa, al tutto veggio
Voltarsi contra me 1' aspra fortuna,
Per ruinar il mio felice seggio.
Son stato un tempo d' ogni ben digiuna,
Or ch' io credeva star contenta, e lieta,
Vedomi apparecchiar la vesta bruna.
Irato e il Cielo, e ciascun suo Pianeta
Tanto verso di me, che piu non posso
Toccar la prima mia trionfal meta ;
Stracciata m' ha la carne, e rotto 1' osso
Una bestia crudel ; or fiera gente
L' ultimo carco mi vuol porre addosso.
() Dur patso. La parola duro regolarmente non s' accorcia ; ma qui il Poeta
1' accorcio, per esprimere con la parola 1'aspro e duro stato in cui si retrovava
1' Italia : la qnal cosa si vede fatta da' piu valorosi Poeti, cioe d' accomodare
il suono delle parole al significato delle medesime.
APPENDIX, NO. XXXIII. 4-55
Con furia e mosso tutto 1' Occidente,
Guasconi, Inglesi, Piccardi, Alemani
Disposti a morte con tutta la mente ;
Galli spietati, e feroci Germani,
(a) Lingoni orrendi, e di lunghe aste armati,
e Nervj barbari inumani,
Come indomite Tigri, ed Orsi irati,
Onde mugghia Garonna, e stride Ibero,
E tutti gli altri fiumi son turbati ;
Poiche San Marco non move il suo Impero,
So che a ogni modo portero la soma,
Ne in tempo alcuno aver mai piu ben spero.
Con vesta oscura, e con incolta coma,
AfHitta, lassa, trista, e sconsolata
Miseramente si lamenta Roma ;
Ahime, dicendo, ov' e la gloria andata
De' miei trionfi, ov' e quella eccellenza,
Che mi fece Regina incoronata !
Solea portarmi onor, e riverenza
Ogni Stato, Dominio, Imperio, e Regno,
Mossi da mia real magnificenza.
E per mostrar di vera fede il segno,
Mi davan con amor tribute, e omaggio,
Seguendo ogni mia voglia, ogni disegno.
Splendeva il lume del mio chiaro raggio,
Da Scitia inculta alia felice Arabbia,
Dall' Oriente fin dove il viaggio
Finisce il Sol, e come fa la sabbia
( i ir.tr or alto, or basso, quando spira
II vento irato, con gran furia, e rabbia,
Quando di fuoco il cor mi facea 1' ira,
Tremava intorno a me tutta la terra,
Stupida, come 1' occhio, che il Sol mira.
(a) Lingoni, e Xerij. Popoli della Gallia Belgica osprcssi dJ Poeta co'
nomi antichi, i primi de' ijuali oggi sono chiamati Langrts, ed i seoondi Bamrj.
Vel Mn. poi non si puo leggere il principle del teno verso perche e row dal
tempo, ma da quello, che si puo da' vestigi riraasi comprendere, e dall' ordine
del discorso ancora, si nominavi un'altro di que' popoli ctrconvicinu
456 APPENDIX, NO. XXXIII.
Vinsi Sanniti, e Fidenati in guerra,
Toscani, Volsci, Campani, e Sabini,
E cio, ch' Abruzzo, e la Calabria serva ;
E coronai allor gli aurati crini,
Portando ancor di Romolo la gonna,
E chiusa essendo tra stretti confini ;
Quattro altri Regi poi mi fecer Donna (a)
Di grand' Imperio, e giunsero al mio fianco,
Per sostentarmi, una salda Colonna.
Era quel popol si gagliardo, e franco,
Che non durava alcun sotto sua forza,
Ne mai fu visto per battaglia stance.
Ma ben conosco che presto s'ammorza
Ogni fama mortal, et ogni gloria
Al fin si trova aver secca la scorza.
Colui, che celebrate in ogni Istoria
Piu non e meco, Cesar glorioso,
Che acquisteria, come solea, vittoria.
O Scipion magnanimo, e famoso,
Se tu vedesti Roma tua meschina,
Tu piangeresti il caso doloroso,
A terra cade con furia, e ruina
Ogni Tempio sacrato, ogni edifizio ;
La Starna e data al Falcon in rapina ;
O severe Catone, o buon Fabrizio,
La Patria tua dolente, stanca, e lassa
Non trova un sol del ver sangue Patrizio.
Un crudel Annibal, Fabio, conquassa
II seggio de' tuoi lieti, e antiqui Patri,
E non e chi per lui la lancia abbassa.
Portici, Curie, Pretorii, e Teatri,
Torri, Rocche, Colossi, aurati Tetti
Lochi presto saranno inculti, et atri ;
Feste, canti, piacer, giochi, e diletti,
Ogni solazzo, ogni piaceyolezza,
(a) Donna. II Poeta si serve del numero definite di quattro Re per esprimere
tutti gli altri Re, che in breve tempo Roma domo, Sbggiogata ch' ebbe 1' Italia
con difficili, e lunghe guerre.
APPENDIX, NO. XXXIII. 457
Muteransi in afFanni, ire, e dispetti.
Lassa, Signor, omai questa durezza,
Conforta la tua Eccelsa Signoria,
Che fuor mi cavi di tanta tristezza :
Non comportar, che il Figliuol di Maria
Veda il Vicario suo con tanta furia
Cacciar da gente truculenta, e ria.
Abbraccia (a) Alfonso tuo, che la inia curia
Si sforza d' esaltar, come ognun vede,
E vendecarmi di si grave ingiuria.
Non ti ti da r. che non si trova fede
In barbarico cor senza pietate,
Nato a sangue, tumulto, incendio, e prede.
Difendi la tua dolce libertate ;
Non patir mai, che il fier Biscion si alloggia,
il Gallo appresso della tua Cittate ;
Che il mondo andar vedresti a un' altra foggia.
Sai, che la Serpe per natura tiene
Da velenar ciascuno in cui s' appoggia.
Non temar poi, che teco armato viene
(6) Francesco illustre di Casa Gonzaga,
Che collocato ha in te tutta sua spene.
Credi alia mente mia di ben presaga,
Che questo a noi sara come Camillo,
Un' altra volta a me di pianger vaga.
Movi il vittorioso, e bel vesillo,
Augustin, anzi augusto, inclito, e sacro,
E farai il mar a tua posta tranquillo ;
Non si puo, senza il tuo chiaro lavacro,
Questa macchia purgar, e levar alto
II mondo, or di valor si nudo, e macro ;
(a) Alfonio tux. Alfonso Re de Napoli, il quale era sucresso nel Regno poco
tempo priiia a Ferdinando suo Padre morto di dolore, vedendo, che gia Carlo
VIII. contra di lui se ne veniva.
(l>) Franctxo. Vuol dire, che Francesco Gonzago Signor di Mantova aveva
posta la speranza della sicurezza del suo Stato nelP anni de' Veneziani, che 1'
avrebbero difeso dal comun nemico. Notisi poi come il detto Gonzago fu
fatto da' Veneziani Capo della Lega conchinsa contra Carlo VIII.
458 APPENDIX, NO. XXXIII.
Rompi Venezia ormai lo duro smalto,
Che come Brescia, Padoa, e Verona
Pigliasti gia con glorioso assalto,
Ancora in capo porterai corona
Di tutta Italia, e di Francia, e di Spagna,
Ch' alia giustizia il Ciel ogni ben dona ;
lo sempre a te saro fedel compagna,
Finche 1' Imperio mio durera in vita :
Chi acquista vera fede assai guadagna.
Vieni a sanarmi la crudel ferita ;
Viridomauro, e Bren caccia in esilio,
Che m 1 ha contra ragion tanto smarrita.
Facendo adunque ogni Citta concilio
Per domandar a te, Signer, soccorso,
Mi rendo certo, che, col tuo consilio,
Hai destinato di frenar il corso
Alia turba, che va senza ragione,
E porre a tal, che non si pensa, il morso ;
Ond' io che son divoto al tuo Leone,
Vorrei seguirlo, e sotto al tuo Stendardo
Star, fin ch' io fossi in vita, al paragone.
Che benche ognun di me sia phi gagliardo,
Io so che almanco son servo fedele ;
Non lassa esser la fede al vecchio tardo.
Ricordati, Signer, quanto amar fele
Gustai, per star a te servir intento,
E non voler mutar le prime vele,
E movermi per oro, e per argento,
In prigion a Milan con tanto strazio,
Che fino al giorno d' oggi ancor ne sento ;
Ma per questo non son di servir sazio
A te, Signer, anzi non saro mai
Finche avro della vita qualche spazio.
Io son stato senz' arme intorno assai ;
Quando era 1' ozio al tempo della pace
Portato ho con silenzio li miei guai,
Per dimostrar, che non era rapace
Del suo stipendio, e dedito al tesoro.
APPENDIX, NO. XXXIV. 459
Or che s' accende il foco, e la fornace,
Ti prego, che nel forte e fedel coro
De' Condottieri eccelsi, e degni Eroi,
M ' accetti, e arrendi il trionfal alloro ;
Che facilmente lo puoi far se vuoi :
E dei voler, perche mia fede il vole,
E 1' ordin degli antiqui, e forti Eroi.
Colui cerca far fatti, e non parole,
Che vedendo in battaglia Marte andare
Vol seguir lui, come Aquila fa il sole.
Desidero vederti trionfare
In pompa, in gloria, e tanto ho acceso il core,
Che per te voglio la morte abbracciare;
Che morte non estima un vero Amore.
No. XXXIV.
(Page 209.)
Diary of Burchard,from Gordons Hist, of Alexander VI.
in App.
Capitula Contentions Papce et Regis Francice, $c.
DOMINICA XI. mensis Januarii conclusum fuit et delibera-
tum inter S. D. N. et Illustriss. D. Philippum de Bressa
avunculum Regis Francia? locum tenentem ejusdem Regis,
quod S. D. N. assignare debet, Gem Sultan, fratrem magni
Turcse ad sex Menses Regi Franciae, qui ex nunc solvere
deberet Papae xx. millia ducatorum, et dare Cautionem
Mercatorum Florentinorum et Venetorum, de restituendo
ipsum Gem Sultan, ipsi Papae, elapsis sex Mensibus, sine
mora. Item coronare Regent Franciee Regem Neapolita-
num sine prejudicio, et facere securos, Cardinales S. Petri
ad Vincula, Gurcensem, Sabellum, et Columnam de non
offendendo eos : pro quorum securitatis declaratione debe-
rent convenire in sero illius diei coram Reverendo D. Car-
dinale Alexandrine, Rever. in Christo Patres D. D. Bartho-
lomaeus Nepesinus et Sutrinus Secretarius, et Jo. Perusinus
460 APPENDIX, NO. XXXIV.
Episcopus Datarius, nomine Papae ; et D. de Bressa et de
Montpensier et D. Johannes de Gannay primus Praesidens
Parliament! Parisiensis. Sed Cardinalis Sancti Petri ad
Vincula, et Gurcensis, intellecta conclusione sine eis quassia
et facta, conquesti sunt Regi de pactis ipsis per eum non
servatis, cum ipsis promisisset per coronam regiam, sine
eorum scitu et voluntate cum Pontifice non velle concordare
vel aliquid concludere. Et hoc modo conclusionem hujus-
in< idi. et ne illi ad Rev. Cardinalem Alexandrinum venirent
impediverunt.
Feria secunda, dnodecima Januarii, Rex Franciae equi-
tavit per urbem solus, et illam videndi causa, quern asso-
ciavit Rev. Cardinalis S. Dionysii longe post Regem, cum
aliis nobilibus equitans : inter ipsum et Regem equitabat qui-
dam Capitaneus peditum custodiae Regis circa ipsum ince-
dentium, curam habens quod pedites sequerentur : Seque-
batur Cardinalis cum nobilibus aliis. Sequenti die, 18 Ja-
nuarii, Rex equitavit ad Sanctum Sebastianum ab istis etiam
associatus. Aliis sequentibus diebus alibi pro libito suae
voluntatis. Feria sexta, octava decima dicti mensis Januarii,
bono mane recesserunt ex urbe Rev. Ascanius Vice-cancel-
larius, et de Lunate, Cardinales, Mediolanum ituri, ut a
nonnullis asserebatur. Eodem die in mane, Rex Franciae
equitavit ad Basilicam S. Petri, ubi audita missa in capella
Sanctae Petronillae per unum ex capellanis suis, si recte me-
mini sine cantu, missa celebrata, ascendit ad Palatium Pa-
pae, ad cameras novas pro eo paratas, ubi fecit prandium ;
deinde circa horam vigesimam Papa portatus fuit per deam-
bulatorium discoopertum in * rocclioso et capucino, Cruce
praecedente, quam portavit Dominus Raphael Diaconus Ca-
pellae cum nullus adesset Subdiaconus Apostolicus, de Cas-
tro ad Palatium praefatum. Rex adventum Papae intelligens
occurrit ei usque circa finem secundi horti secreti, de quo
ad dictum deambulatorium ascendit, deinde Cardinales se-
cuti sunt Regem, qui tune cum eo praesentes erant, et ipsi
Papam expectantes ; Papa cum esset in piano horti praedicti
praecesserunt Cardinales Regem usque ad Pontificem. Rex
viso Pontifice ad spatium cluarum cannarum genu flexit bis
APPENDIX, NO. XXXIV. 461
successive, competent! distantia, quod Papa finxit se non
videre ; sed cum Rex pro tertia genuflexione facienda appro-
pinquaret, Papa deposuit biretum suum, et occurrit Regi ad
tertiam genuflexionem venienti, ac eum tenuit ne genuflec-
teretur et deosculatus est eum. Ambo detectis capitibus
erant, sicque Rex, nee Pedem nee Manum Papa deoscula-
tus eft, Papa noluit reponere biretum suum, nisi prius se
tegeret Rex ; tandem simul capita cooperuerunt, Pontifice,
inanum bireto Regis ut cooperiretur apponente. Rex quam
primum a Pontifice, ut praemittitur, receptus fuit, rogavit
Papam, velle pronunciare Cardinalem, Episcopum Maclo-
viensem Consiliarium suum, quod Papa dixit se facturum,
mandans mihi, quod ad efFectum hujusmodi cappam unam
cardinalem, et capellum reperirent ; cappam mutavit Cardi-
nalis Sanctae Anastasiae. Rex existimans ibidem id station
fieri debere, interrogavit me ubinam et quando Papa esset
expediturus, respondi, in camera Papagalli, ad quam con-
tinuo ibant.
Papa sinistra manu Regis dextram accipiens, eum duxit
usque ad dictam cameram Papagalli ; ubi antequam intraret,
finxit se Pontifex Syncopa turbari, intus autem pervento
Papa sedit super sedem bassam ante fenestras ibi apporta-
tam, et Rex juxta eum supra scabellum ; pro quo continuo
sedem Suae Sanctitatis similem fecit apportare, me autem
instante, repugnante, et sessionem hujusmodi nequaquam
convcnire asserente ; Papa ascendit ad sedem eminentem
Consistorialem, et ibi, ordinante me, positam, dimissis prius
bireto et capucino rubro, et acceptis bireto et capucino albo,
et stola pretiosa, posita fuit sedes Papae cameralis ante dex-
tram -uuin in qua sedit Rex, retro sedem Regis et ante in
HUM him corona? posita scabella pro Cardinalibus, in quibus
sederunt Cardinales. Papa noluit sedere, nisi prius Rex
sederet, quern manu coegit prius sedere. Deinde sedit Rev.
D. Cardinalis Neapolitanus, et sedit ad dextram Papae juxta
murum in scabello, prout sedere solet Diaconus Cardinalis
a dextris in Capella Papa? existens ; alii Cardinales online
Consistoriali post eum seu prius ad ante eum, sicque Rex
non sedit recta linea inter Cardinales, sed ante eos, seu in
462 APPENDIX, NO. XXXIV.
media eorum. Omnibus sic sedentibus, Papa dixit, nuper
se vota omnium Cardinalium habuisse pro creatione Rev. D.
Episcopi Macloviensis in sanctas Romanae Ecclesiae Cardi-
nalem, quern Majestas Regis ibidem praesens instanter fieri
supplicaverat, et ipse facere paratus erat ipsis Cardinalibus
complacentibus. Respondit Rev. D. Cardinalis Neapoli-
tanus, et post eum alii, in eandem sententiam, quod non
solum id ipsis placeret, sed fieri supplicarent pro Regis
honore et voluntate. Tune vocatus per me praefatus Domi-
nus Macloviensis Cardinalis Gulielmus Bric,onnetus, depo-
sitis ibi mantello et capucino de ciambelotto nigro et bireto
nigro, induit ipsum Cappa Cardinalis Valentiniensis, in qua
coram Papa genu flexit, qui detecto capite ex ceremoniali,
pronunciavit ipsum Cardinalem per verba, auctoritate Om-
nipotentis Dei, &c. et Ecclesiam Macloviensem, et singula
ac omnia monasteria et beneficia Ecclesiastica, quae prius
in titulum et commendam obtinebat, sibi commendavit :
Macloviensis osculatus est pedem et manum Papae, et a
Pontifice elevatus, ad oris osculum est receptus, tune iterum
genuflexit, et Papa imposuit capiti suo Capellum rubrum
verbis in Ceremoniali positis. Quo facto Macloviensis egit
gratias Pontifici, qui dixit Regi agendas esse, coram quo
Rege ipse Macloviensis genuflexus, immemor novaa dignita-
tis adeptae, et Episcopalis, egit ei gratias : sic flexus sur-
rexit et a singulis Cardinalibus ad oris osculum receptus
est : mantellum preefato Domino Macloviensi exutum recepe-
runt sui, nee me advertente, Dominus Jacobus de Casanova
et Franciscus Alabagnes, secreti cubicularii, et sibi indebite
usurparunt et retinuerunt : Capucinum autem et biretum ego
retinui. Interim surrexit Pontifex, et dixit se velle Regem
usque ad regias Cameras associare : sed Rex id fieri omnino
reoisans, fuit ab omnibus Cardinalibus associatus ad hujus-
modi cameram, iter faciens per cameras paramenti et omnes
Aulas et deambulatorium Rev. Domini Cardinalis Sanctae
Anastasiae, et Aulam et Cameras novas ad quas ipse erat
inhabitaturus. Ibat autem Rex medius. inter Neapolitanuoa
a dextris, et Sancti Clementis Cardinales a sinistris, Cardi-
nalibus omnibus binis et suo ordine sequentibus.
APPENDIX, NO. XXXIV. 463
Pervento ad quartam predictam, Rex egit gratias Car-
dinalibus, qui ab eo recesserunt omnes, dempto S. Dionysii
et Macloviensi, usque ad Cameram sibi deputatam, quae fuit
olim D. Falconis, quam cum non possent intrare defectu
servitorum claves habentium, iverunt ad Cameram Episcopi
Concordiensis, ubi aliquandiu manserunt, turn venerunt ad
cameram Domini Macloviensis praedictam, ubi ante ostium
Cardinalis Sancti Dionysii ab eo licentiatus discessit. Porta
prima Palatii et omnia alia aditum ad Regem praebentia data
fuerunt Scotis pro custodia Regis deputatis, qui non per-
mittebant nisi suos aut paucissimos ex nostris intrare ; inter-
fuerunt praemissis 14. Cardinales, videlicet Rev. Dominus
Neapolitanus Episcopus ; S. dementis, Parmensis, S.
Anastasiae, Montis Regalis, Ursinus, S. Dionysii, Alexan-
drinus, Cartbaginensis, Presbyteri; Sancti Georgii, S. Se-
verini, Valentinus, Caesarinus et Germanus, Diaconi. Dedi
eadem die Rev. Domino Macloviensi Informationem com-
petentem de strenis consuetis persolvendis, per schedulam
hujusmodi tenoris :
Cubiculariis secretis S. D. N. ducatorum centum - d. 100
Scutifero Capelli d. 100
Magistris Caeremoniarum, ad voluntatem suam - d.
Servientibus Armorum ....<& 15
Magistris Officiariis - - - d. 15
Portae ferreae custodibus -------- rf. 6
Custodibus Portas Primae -------- d. 3
Custodibus horti secreti d. 3
Custodibus S. D. N. Papae d. 10
Summa ducat. 252
Dominica, 18 Januarii, le Pape dit aut Maistre des Ce-
remonies qu'il tiendroit consistoire pour la, reception du Roy
de France, et comme il la falloit faire. Comme le Pape
parloit de cela, le Roy survint, le Pape le fust recevoir et la
parlerent de la restitution du Turc. L'article portoit que le
Roydonneroitfidejussores nobilesBarones et Prelates Regni
464 APPENDIX, NO. XXXIV. %
ad voluntatem Pontificis ; le premier President de Gannay
vouloit restraindre dix personnes, le Pape en vouloit
trente ou 40. Us contesterent sur cela 3. heures. Sur cela
le Pape entra en une sale, ou il avoit de chaires, il fist seoir
le Roy dans 1' une, et luy dans 1' autre, la le traicte fust leu,
et de la part du Pape il y avoit les Cardinaux de S. Anas-
tase et Alexandrin, et pour le Roy les Cardinaux de S.
Dennis et S. M alo ; les deux Secretaires du Pape, et le Da-
taire et peu d' autres ; et furent leu les articles du Traicte ;
le Notaire pour le Pape nomme Stephanus de Narnia et
celui pour le Roy Oliverius Yvon Clericus Caenomanensis.
II fust faict deux Copies du Traicte, en Francois pour le
Roy, et en Latin pour le Pape.
19 Janvier, 1495. Destine pour la reception du Roy et
1' obedience. Le Maistre des Ceremonies envoye au Roy
luy dire ce qu'il avoit a faire, circa osculationem pedis Papae,
et obedientiam praestandam, de loco inter Cardinales seu
post primum Cardinalem. Rex ipse cum suis decrevit ibi
non sedere, sed apud Pontificem in solio stans, aliqua pauca
verba praestationis obedientiae proferre. Le Roy dit qu'il
vouloit ouir la Messe a S. Pierre, puis disner, et de la aller
veoir le Pape, et on ne peut rien obtenir de plus sur cela.
Le Pape tint conseil ; de la vint in cameram Papagalli fort
prepare, puis en la salle du consistoire public. Les Cardinaux
Alexandrin et de Carthage eurent ordre d'aller au devant
du Roy. Le Pape ne voulut pas que celuy de S. Malo le
dernier des Cardinaux en fust, quoy que ce fust 1' ordre,
mais parce qu'il estoit creature du Roy, il crut luy faire plus
d' honneur. Le Pape envoya done ces Cardinaux avertir le
Roy, qui le trouverent disnant. Le Roy adverty que Ton
1'attendoit, interrogea le Maistre des Ceremonies de ce qu'il
falloit faire, et 1'ayant escoute, il alia dans une autre cham-
bre, ou il tint conseil une demie heure, fit appeller le dit
Maistres des Ceremonies, et lui demanda encore une fois ce
qu'il falloit faire, qui luy repeta ; et de la alia trouver les
deux Cardinaux et Evesque qui 1'attendoient. Le Roy done
fust au consistoire avec ces Cardinaux, et'medius inter eos,
suivy des Princes et Grands Francois, Philippus Dom. de
APPENDIX, NO. XXXIV. 465
Bressa, Dom. de Montpensier, Dom. de Foix, Dux Clivia?,
Dux Ferrariae, et alii plures. Rege veniente, Papa assumpsit
pretiosam mit mm. Rex fecit debitas reverentias in terram,
priniam in introitu Consistorii, secundam in piano ante so-
lium Papae, tertiam in solio ante Papam, ubi genuflexus pe-
dem dein Papa? manum osculatus, quern Papa elevans, ad
oris osculum recepit. Rex stans ad sinistram Papa?, tune
Dominus Johannes de Gannay Praeses Parliamenti Parisien-
sis coram Pontifice venit, et genuflexus exposuit Regem ad
praestandam obedientiam Sanctitati sua? personaliter adve-
nisse ; velle tamen prius tres gratias a sua Sanctitate petere,
esse consuetum vassallos ante eorum pra?stationem sive ho-
magiuin investire; petebat propterea 1. omnia privilegia
Christianissimo Regi, ejus conjugi et primogenito concessa,
et omnia in quodam libro cujus titulum specificabat contenta
confirmari; 2. ipsum Regem de Regno Neapolitano in-
vestiri; 3. de dando fidejussores de restituendo fratre
magni Turci inter alia beri stipulatum cassari et aboleri.
Pontifex ad ha?c respondit se confirmare hujusmodi primo
petita quatenus essent in usu. Ad 2. quod agitur de prae-
judicio tertii, propterea oportere, cum concilio Cardinalium
super hoc maturius deliberare, et in eo velle, pro posse suo,
Regi complacere. Ad 3. velle esse cum ipso rege et Sacro
Cardinalium Collegio, non dubitans Concordes futures. Qua
responsione facta, Rex stans ad sinistram Papa? protulit
haec verba : Sainct Pere ; Je suis venu pour faire obedience
et reverence a vostre Sainctetd comme ont accustume de
faire mes predecesseurs, Roys de France. Quibus dictis,
dictus Praeses adhuc genuflexus surrexit, et stans coram
Pontifice verba Regis Latine extendit, his verbis.
Beatissime Pater ; consueverunt Principes, et praesertim
Francorum Reges Christianissimi, per suos Oratores Apos-
tolicam sedem, et in ea pro tempore sedentem, venerari.
Christianissimus vero Rex, Apostolorum Limina visitaturus,
id non per Oratores et Legatos suos facere sed in propria
persona voluntatem suam ostendere volens, statuit obser-
vare. Vos igitur, Pater Beatissime, Christianorum, sum-
mum Pontificem, verum Christi Vicarium, Apostolorum,
VOL. i. 2 H
466 APPENDIX, NO. XXXIV.
Petri et Pauli successorem, fatetur, et deditam reverentiam
et obedientiam, quam Praedecessores sui, Francorum Reges,
summis Pontificibus facere consueverunt, vobis praestat,
seque et omnia sua Sanctitati vestrae et huic Sanctae sedi
offert.
Papa sedens, et sinistra manu sua Regis dextram tenens,
respondit brevissime et convenienter propositis, Regem ip-
sum in suo responsorio hujusmodi primogenitum filium
suum appellans. Interim dum prasmissa fierent, accesserunt
ad solium Pontificis omnes Cardinales cum confiisione
propter Gallorum impetum et insolentiam. Completa Pon-
tificis responsione, surrexit Papa, et sinistra manu sua Re-
gem apprehendens, ad Cameram Papagalli reversus est, ubi
depositis sacris vestibus, fingit Regem ipsum velle associare.
Rex illi gratias agens ad cameram suam rediit, a nullo Car-
dinalium associatus. Interfuerunt omnibus praemissis 20
Cardinales.
Le 20 Janvier, le jour de S. Sebastien, le Pape voulut
celebrer Pontificalement la Messe en faveur du Roy ; le Roy
avant que d'y aller voulut disner, et le Pape 1'attendit un
quart d'heure, et vint enfin assiste de sa noblesse sans armes:
ses gardes demeurerent hors la chapelle. Rex ex commis-
sione Papas sedit in sede nuda cum cussino de brocato tan-
turn. Ordinatis pro ministranda aqua manibus Episcopi, de
Pontificis voluntate Rege D. D. de Foix, Bresse et Mont-
pensier, tamen quia eorum praecedentia mihi ignota erat,
communicavi id Regi, quern interrogavi si ipse dare aquam
vellet ; respondit id libenter facturum, si Regibus conve-
niret ; de aliis tribus quod digniorem locum D. de Bresse,
2. D. de Foix ; primo igitur dedit aquam D. de Foix, 2.
de Montpensier, 3. Dominus de Bresse, 4. Rex cui portari
feci bachtlia et credentia Papee per Dominum de Ligni
camerarium suum secretum, qui singulis noctibus cum Rege
solet dormire ; et ego portavi tobaliam pro collo usque ad
gradus solii Papae, ubi Regi ipsam imposui ; et acceptis per
Regem bacilibus, ascendit ad Papam, et dedit stans aquam
manibus Papa? ; qui voluit quod ipse Rex de aqua creden-
tiam faceret. Papa aquam post communionem, accepit de
APPENDIX, NO. XXXIV. 467
manibus Regis Francorum. DC multis interrogavit me Rex
quid hoc esset; declaravi singula ut potui, replicavit Rex ut
clarius exponerem ; nihilominus non cessavit repetere, et
non potui illi semper satisfacere.
22 Janvier, le Cardinal de Gurce reconcilie avec le Pape
en receut la Benediction, et culpam suam Pontific* agnovit;
sed in praesentia Cardinalium de Ursinis, et Sancti Georgii
crimina Pontifici objecit ; Simoniam, peccatum carnis, infor-
mationem JVJagno Turco mis&am et mutuam intelligentiam ;
asserens ipsum Pontificem magnum simulatorem et verum
deceptorera esse, si sui verum mihi retulerunt 28 Janvier,
post prandiuin le Pape monta a Cheval et le conduit aussy,
et furent a la place de Saincte Pierre, le Roy de France s'y
trouva ; qui cum Papa biretum deposuisset * amovit etiam
Papa capellum et biretum, nee voluit Papa ilia prius re-
ponere, quam Rex caput suum cooperuisset ; tenuit Papa
continuo Regem a sinistris ; Dora, de Bressa continuo equi-
tavit ad sinistram Regis; sicque Regem medium posuit inter
se et Papam : Omnes alii Principes et Nobiles equitaruot
immediate post Regem, et post eos gentes sui annorum.
28 Janvier, Gem Sultan Frater Magni Turcae, equester de
Castro Sancti Angeli associatus fuit usque ad Palatium S.
Marci, et ibidem Regi Francorum assignatus. Erecta fue-
runt per urbem duo patibula, unum in Campo Florae, alte-
rum in platea Judaeorum per officiates Regis Franciae, et
per eos ministrabatur justitia, non per officiales Papae, et
mandata publica sive banni per urbem fiebant sub nomine
dicti Regis, et non sub nomine Papae. Rex finxit se velle
pedes Papae deosculari, Papa autem non voluit. Cardinalis
Yalentinus dedit Regi sex pulcherrimos equos in frenis sine
sellis. Rex cum Cardinali Valentino a sinistra Regis equi-
tante equitarunt recta via ad Marinum ; odem sero secutus
est Regem Cardinalis Gurcensis, Frater quoque Magni
Turci.
2 ii
468 APPENDIX, NO. XXXV.
No. XXXV.
(Page 210.)
Mem. de V Academic des Inscriptions, torn. xvii.
Acte de Cession d 1 Andre Paleologue en faveur de
Charles VIII.
IN nomine Omnipotentis Dei, et individuae Trinitatis. Anno
a nativitate Domini nostri Jesu Christi 1494. Pontificatu
Sanctissimi D. N. Alexandri, divina providentia P. P. VI.
Inde. XI. mense Septembris, die Sabati sexto. Pateat om-
nibus hoc presens publicum instrumentum inspecturis, qua-
liter in conspectu et praesentia Rev. in Christo Patris Do-
mini Raymundi tituli Sancti Vitalis Praesbiteri Cardinalis
Gurcens. vulgariter nuncupati, et nostrorum notariorum
publicorum, ac testium infra scriptorum, ad haac convocato-
rum et adhibitorum, personaliter constitutus illustris Domi-
nus Andreas Paleologus Dispotus Moreorum, asserens et
affirmans se immediatum successorem Imperii Constantino-
politani, et ad ipsum ut filium fratris majorem natu per
obitum quondam bonae memoriae Constantini Paleologi sui
Patrui sine liberis defuncti, jure successionis obvenisse, ac
debitem fuisse et esse; et post lacrimabilem tanti Imperii
ammissionem, et Christianorum excidium, ac postquam in
potestatem impiorum hostium nostrae fidei, ac Turcorum
regis servitutem pervenit, etiam ipsum a suo regno Moreae
seu Peloponesso, cujus tune Dispotus erat, dejectum, spolia-
tumque extitisse, et jam annos 30 et ultra a sua patria et regno
profugum se exulasse, pro cujus Imperii, et Regnorum ab
immanissimo Turcorum praedone debellatorum et occupa-
torum recuperatione, ab omnibus Christiana? religionis prin-
cipibus ac potentatibus, totum fere terrarum orbem pera-
grando, opem auxiliumque implorasse, et nihil intentatum
reliquisse : et cum jam omni fere spe destitutus esse vide-
retur, ad suas aures gloriosam famam invicti Francorum
Regis, ac Christianissimi principis Caroli, qui veluti alter
Carolus Magnus, ex ccelo missus, divino aspirante numine,
divitibus Regnis et prole parva et conjuge et patria sua re-
APPENDIX, NO. XXXV. 469
lictis, pro universa Christianorum fidelium tutela quam cae-
teri potentates longa quadam desidia deseruerunt, justa et
sancta arma capere, et invadendum profligandumque crude-
lissimum Christianorum hostem, proprium caput objicere
non trepidavit, nullis parcendo laboribus, omnibusque se
periculis exponendo; cujus tarn ingentis expeditionis, ac
gloriosae provinciae stupore, simul ac incredibili affectus
hi-titia. jam spem ammissam resumens, etiam rei sua? bene
prospereque gerendae, hinc sibi occasionem offerri existi-
mans, planeque intelligens hunc tarn excels! animi Regem,
non minus consilio quam viribus pollere, et coeptis, foeli-
cissimisque signis favente Deo, Turcorum potentiam non
modo retundere, sed penitus profligare ac pessundare, et
subditos illi populos a misero diuturnae servitutis jugo vin-
dicate, et pristinae libertati restituere posse ; hac spe elatus,
si-rum animo cogitans, quod a se tanto principe dignuin, in
tanta ac tarn fioelici expeditione praestari posset, vel quod
sua? Celsitudini placeret vel quod ad rem fceliciter gerendaui,
hostesque ipsos Turcos facilius debellandos conduceret, et
sumrna? ipsius gloria? ac supremis honoribus accederet ; ta-
metsi quod se Imperium ipsum Constantinopolitanum pro
derelicto quodammodo haberetur, cum tamen pro deperdito
numquam babitum fuisset, tantoque Imperio ipsum invictum
Francorum Regem omnibus aliis praeferendum esse dijudi-
cans ; Deo Optimo, bonorum operuin Fautore, sic in ejus
mente aspirante, in animo suo, null' > alio promovente, con-
stitult ac decrevitjus omne quod habet ad dictum Constanti-
nopolitanum Imperium, in ipsum Screntssimum ac Christi-
anissimum Regem liberaliter transferre, et cedere. Quo-
circa idem illustris D. Andreas Paleologus Dispotus con-
stitutus ut supra, nullo juris aut facti errore ductus, ex sua
mera libera et spontanea voluntate, gratuitaque liberalitate,
ex certa animi sui scientia, deliberatoque proposito, et cau-
sis et rationibus supra expressis, irrevocanda donatione,
qua dicitur inter vivos targiendo donavit, et tittilo donationis
transtulit, cessit, concessit ac mandacit Serenissimo ac
Christianissimo Carolo, Dei gratia Francorum Regi, ab-
senti, et nobis notariis et publicis personis, praesentibus re-
cipientibus ac legitime stipulantibus pro ipso Serenissimo
470 APPENDIX, NO. XXXV.
ac Christianissimo Rege, et suis in regno legitimis successo-
ribus omnia et singula jura, quae habuit et habet in supra-
dicto Imperio Constantinopolitano, ac Trapeguntino, et
Dispotatu Cerviano, cum omni plenitudine quavumcunque
potestatum, et jurisdictionum, tarn dictae Regiae Civitatis
Constantinopolitanae, quam aliarum quarumcunque Civita-
tum, et cum omnibus potentatibus, Dispotatibus, Ducatibus,
Comitatibus, praeeminentiis, insignibus, privilegiis, praeroga-
tivis, et cum omnibus adhaerentiis, pertinentiis, usibus, uti-
litatibus, commoditabus, membris et adjentiatiis quibuscun-
que, ad dictum Imperium et Dispotatus, Civitates et Poten-
tatus, Ducatus et Comitatus spectantibus et pertinentibus,
tarn de jure quam de consuetudine, et per alios suos aucto-
res et superiores Imperatores Christianos possideri solitas
et consuetas, et cum omnibus feudis et locis feudalibus et
superioritatibus et immutatibus, necnon actionibus realibus
et personalibus, utilibus et directis, civilibus et praetoriis,
hypothecariis seu mixtis et in rem scriptis ; reservato sibi
tamen jure Dispotatus Moreae, seu Peloponnensis Provin-
ciae, cum omnibus juribus et praeeminentiis ipsius Dispota-
tus, nullo alio jure, nullaque alia actione sibi aut suis suc-
cessoribus in his quomodolibet reservatis ; Constituens ip-
sum Serenissimum et Christianissimum Regem in locum jus
et privilegium ipsius Donatoris, ac etiam constituens eum-
dem procuratorem, ut in rem suam propriam ; ita quod pro
dictis juribus agat, excipiat, utatur, experiatur utilibus et
directis actionibus, et quantum in ipso Donatore facultas
existat et extendatur dedit eidem Serenissimo Regi potes-
tatem ac facultatem intrandi, capiendi, retinendi possessi-
onem dicti totius Imperii, Dispotatuum et potentatuum et
Civitatum, propria ipsius Serenissimi et Christianissimi Re-
gis et suorum legitimorum successorum auctoritate, et abs-
que alicujus alterius jurisdictionem habentis licentia. Quam
quidem possessionem donee corporaliter et naturaliter nac-
tus fuerit et apprehenderit, constituit idem Donator se te-
nere et possidere nomine ipsius Serenissimi et Christianis-
simi Regis et suorum legitimorum successorum praedicto-
rum ; nobis Notariis praesentibus recipientibus et legitime
stipulantibus, ut supra ; asserens idem Illustris Dora. Dis-
APPENDIX, NO. XXXV. 471
potus Donator dicta jura donata ad eum spectasse ac spec-
tare, et nulli alter! donata, cessa, concessa, seu aliter alie-
nata extitisse in totum, vel pro parte. Promittens etiam
hujusmodi, et omnia et singula contenta in ea, ratain et rata,
grata et firma habere, et perpetuo tenere, et ipsam non re-
vocare ex aliqua causa, et maxime supervenientia liberorum,
nee aliter contra facere, dicere, vel venire, sub poena per-
jurii ; et renuntiavit expresse, etiain sub religione et vinculo
juramenti, solemniter tactis corporaliter sacris scripturis in
manibus nostrorum Notariorum, solemnitali a jure intro-
ductae insinuations de donatione hujusmodi fiendae, quate-
nus ipsam insinuare opporteat. Et nihilominus ad majorem
abundantioremque cautelam Procuratorem constituit eum-
dem Revm. Dom. Raymundem Cardinalem Gurcens. ad
comparandum ipsius constituents nomine coram quocunque
ordinario judice Ecclesiastico vel Seculari cujuscunque fori,
quern ipse element, cui plenam facultatem dedit eligendi
quemcunque aibi placuerit judicem, in quern ex nunc ex-
presse consensit ac conscntiit, quoad hunc voluntaries juris-
dictionis insinuationis fiendae, suo et dicto nomine dictam
insinuationem solemniter faciendum cum expressa ratifica-
tione, nee non ad petendum hujusmodi donationem in actis
public-is redigi, mandari, et solemne decretum interponendi,
ita quod perpetuas vires habeat et inviolabilis roboris lir-
mitatem obtineat, et nullo unquam tempore infringi possit,
aut valeat, tarn ex defectu insinuationis praedictae quam ex
alia causa, seu titulo, vel ex alio quocunque quaesito colore ;
Kcnuntians etiam omnibus aliis et singulis solemnitatibus,
exceptionis juris vel facti, defensionibus quibus contra fa-
cere vel venire posset. Nobis Notariis praesentibus, reci-
pientibus et legitime stipulantibus ut supra in omnibus et
singulis capitulis prsesentis contractus, pro dicto Serenissimo
ac Christianissimo Rege et suis legitimis successoribus ; de
quibus omnibus et singulb rogati fuimus, ut publicum con-
ftceremus instrumentum unum vel plura, et toties quoties
opus fuerit.
Actum Romae in Ecclesia S. Petri in Montorio post cele-
bratam Misaam Spiritus Sancti per pracfatum Revm. Dom.
472 APPENDIX, NO. XXXVI.
Cardinalem, ipsis Dmo. Cardinali, et Dmo. Dispoto exist-
entibus inter duas sacratissimas Columnas, in quo loco Bea-
tus Petrus Apostolorum princeps Sacri Martyrii coronam
suscepit ; praesentibus, audientibus, et intelligentibus vide-
licet; Venerab. viris Dom. Petro de Militibus, Domino
Dominico de Rubaeis Canonico Basilicae Principis Aposto-
lorum, Nobilibus Civibus Romanis ac Dmo. Fratre Joanne
Augustine Vercellens. Praeposito Ecclesiae S. Marias de
pace, et Dom. Fratre Jacobo Cremonens. ejusdem Ecclesiae
Vicario, Ordinis Canonicorum Regularium Congregationis
Lateranens. ac Fratre Francisco de Mediolano, Ordinis
Minorum S. Francisci, residenti in dicta Ecclesia S. Petri,
Testibus ad praemissa habitis et rogatis.
Et quia Ego Franciscus de Schracten de Florentia, Civis
Romanus, Pontificali et etiam Imperiali auctoritatibus Nota-
rius Publicus, de omnibus et singulis praemissis rogatus fui,
uno cum praeclaro U. J. Doctore Dom. Camillo de Bene in
Bene , Civi et Notario Romano, hanc Notam manu mea
propria scriptam et subscriptam per eumdem dictum Ca-
inilluin tenendam feci, et subscripsi in fidem, robur, et testi-
monium Veritatis.
No. XXXVI.
(Page 214.)
Opere Volgart di Sanaxzaro.
SONETTO.
O DI rara vertu gran tempo albergo,
Alma stimata, e posta fra gli dei ;
Or cieco abisso di vizj empj, e rei,
Ove pensando sol, m' adombro, e merge
II nome tuo da quante carte vergo
Sbandito fia ; che piu ch' i' non vorrei,
E' per me noto ; ond* or da' versi miei
Le macchie lavo, e 1 dir pulisco, e tergo.
APPENDIX, NO. XXXVII. 473
Di tuoi chiari trionfi altro volume
Ordir credea ; ma per tua colpa or manca ;
Ch' augel notturno sempre abborre il lume.
Dunque n andrai tutta assetata, e stanca,
A ber 1' obblio dell' infelice fiume ;
rimarra la carta illesa, e bianca.
SONETTO.
SCRIVA di te chi far gigli, e viole,
Del seme spera di pungent! urtiche,
Le stelle al ciel veder tutte nemiche,
E con 1' Aurora in occidente il Sole.
Scriva chi fama al mondo aver non vuole ;
A cui non fur giammai le Muse amiche :
Scriva chi perder vuole le sue fatiche,
Lo stil, 1' ingegno, il tempo, e le parole.
Scriva chi bacca in lauro mai non colse :
Chi mai non giunse a quella rupe estrema,
Ne verde fronda alle sue tempie avvolse.
Scriva in vento, ed in acqua il suo poema
La man che mai per te la penna tolse ;
E caggia il nome, e poca terra il prema.
No. XXXVII.
(Page 214.)
Opere di Antonio Tibaldeo. Ed. Ven. 1 534.
SONETTO.
Si. gran thesor, se inespugnabil mura,
Se squadre, e un capitan de astuto ingegno,
Havesser forza a mantenire un regno,
De Napoli havria Alphonso anchor la cura.
Qualunque regnar vuol senza paura,
Cerchi 1' amor de i populi, e no il sdegno,
Che chi se fonda sopra altro sostegno
Per qualche tempo, ma non molto dura.
474 APPENDIX, NO. XXXVIII.
Scorno eterno a 1' Italico paese,
Quando fia letto, che un regno si forte
Contra Frances! non si tenne un mese !
Sagunto che Annibale havea a le porte,
Per Roma, fin che puote si diffese,
Che per Principe buon dolce par morte.
No. XXXVIII.
(Page 214.)
Marulli Op. Ed. Paris. 1561.
AD CAROLUM REGEM FRANCIS.
INVICTE magni Rex Caroli genus,
Quern tot virorum tot superum pise
Sortes jacentes vindicemque
Justitiae, fideique poscunt :
Quern moesta tellus Ausonis hinc vocat,
Illinc solutis Graecia crinibus,
Et quicquid immanis profanat
Turca Asiae, Syriaeque pinguis ;
Olim virorum patria et artium,
Sedesque vera ac religio Deum,
Nunc Christiana? servitutis
Dedecus, opprobriumque turpe.
Quid Coelitum ultro fata vocantia
Morare segnis ? non ideo tibi
Victoriarum tot repente
Dii the ilrm tribuere palmam ;
Primisque in annis et puero, et patris
Favore casso, tot populos feros
Ad usque pugnaces Britannos,
Alpibus Allobrogum ab nivosis,
Jussere victos tendere brachia ;
Si te decori gloria splendidi
Nil tangit, immensumque in asvum
APPENDIX, NO. XXXIX. 475
\ omina per populos itura ;
At supplicantum tot misere exulum,
Sordesque tangant, et lacrynui? pise :
At Christianorum relicta
Ossa tot, hen, canibus lupisque :
Foedisque tangat, relligio modis
Spurcata Christi, sospite Galliae
Rectore te nobis potentis ;
Cujus avum proavumque clara
Virtus, furentem Barbariem unice
Et Sarracenos contudit impetus,
Cum saeva tempestas repente
Missa quasi, illuviesque campis.
Non occupatae finibus Africae
Contenti Hiberi, non opibus soli,
Sperare jam Gallos, et ipsum
Ausi animis Rhodanum superbis.
Sed nee bonorum tune Superum favor
Desideratus, nee tibi tarn pia
In bella eunti defuturus,
Carle, moras modo mitte inertes.
Occasionem et quam tribuunt cape :
/Cque nocentes dissimiles licet
Gnarus, patrantem, quique possit
Cum, scelus baud prohibet patrari.
No. XXXIX.
(Page 216.)
Petri Criniti Op. p. 538.
An FAUSTUM, DE CAROLO, REGE FRANCORUM, CUM AD
URBEM TENDERET CUM EXERCITU.
QUID occupatum litteris urges tuis,
Frustraque toties flagitas,
Ut impotentis Galliae fast um gravem,
Regamque die-am Carolum ?
476 APPENDIX, NO. XXXIX.
Satis superque, Fauste, dedimus lacrymis,
Clademque nostram luximus.
Et ecce rursus additur malis scelus,
Fovemus ipsi Galliam :
Ac studio inerti opes et omnem militem
Jungimus ad hostilem manum.
Irrepsit altum virus animis Italum,
Ac pervagatur latius.
Vides nefandis ut trahuntur odiis
Plerique Thuscorum duces ;
Et dum vicissim fluctuantes dimicant,
Bacchantur in caedem suam.
Sed interim Carolus ad urbis moenia
Cum copiis victor agitur :
Audaxque monstrat militi Romam suo
Et comminatur patribus.
Intorquet hastam miles in flumen sacrum,
Patremque Tybrim despicit.
O prisca virtus, o senatus Romuli,
An haec videtis Caesares ?
Vidi moventem Martios fasces Jovem,
Et annuentem Barbaris.
Quantum hinc malorum, quantum adest incendii,
Quantum cruoris effluet?
Poenarn rependet innocens Neapolis
Virtutis immemor suae ;
Et occidet Aragoniae clarum decus,
Sic Mars cruentus imperat :
Qui mine feroces Galliae tunnas fovet,
Ridens inertes Italos.
Grave est videre, Fauste, quae fata imperant.
Vae ! tibi, cave Neapolis.
APPENDIX, NO. XL. 477
No. XL.
(Page 218.)
Diary of Bur chard, from Gordons Hist, of Alex. VI. in
App. (see also the Lettere di Principi, vol. i. p. 5.)
Instructions donne.es par le Pape Alexandre an Nonce par
luy envoye a Sultan Bajaxet, Empereur des Turcs.
Item Lettres du dit Sultan au dit Alexandre VI.
SUPERIORIBUS diebus, Cardinale Gurcense referente, Do-
minus Georgius Bosardus literarum Apostolicarum Scrip-
tor per S. D. N. Papam ad magnum Turcam Nuncius Ora-
torque missus, ut ipse Cardinalis dicebat, per Illust. D.
Joannem de Rovere Almae Urbis praefectum, Illustrissimi
D. Cardinalis S. Petri ad Vincula fratrem Germanum, cap-
tus fuit, et apud Senogalliam detentus, apud quern idem
Cardinalis Gurcensis compertas fuisse dixit informationes
per eundem Sanctum D. N. sibi datas, super iis quae apud
magnum Turcam agere deberet, qua? dictus Cardinalis Gur-
censis Sanct. D. N. ad infamiam improbrabat, quarum in-
formationum Nuntii et Oratoris ad magnum Turcam tenor.
Alexander Papa Sextus.
INSTRUCTION ES tibi Georgio Bosardo Nunrio et familiari
nostro : postquam hinc recesseris, directe et quando citius
poteris, ibis ad potentissimum magnum Turcam Sultan Ba-
jazet ubicunque fuerit, quern postquam debite salutaveris,
et ad Divini Numinis timorera et amorem excitaris, sibi sig-
nificabis nomine nostro, qualiter Rex Francias properat cum
maxima potentia terrestri et maritima cum auxilio status
Mediolanensium, Britonum, Burdegalensium, Normando-
rum et cum aliis gentibus hue Romam veniens eripere e
manibus nostris Gem Sultan, fratrem Celsitudinis suae, et
acquirere regnuin Neapolitanum, et ejicere Regem Alphon-
sum cum quo sumus in strictissimo sanguinis gradu et ami-
4-78 APPENDIX, NO. XL.
citia conjunct!, et tenemur eum defendere, cum sit feuda-
tarius noster et annuatim solvat nobis censum ; et sunt anni
sexaginta tres, et ultra quod fuit investitus Rex Alphonsus
avus ejus, deinde Ferdinandus Pater, cui successit Rex, qui
per praedecessores nostros et per nos fuerunt investiti et in-
coronati de dicto regno. Ideo hac de causa praedictus Rex
Franciae effectus inimicus noster, qui non solum properabit
ut dictum Gem Sultan capiat et ipsum regnum acquirat, sed
etiam in Graeciarn transfretare et patrias Celsitudinis suae
debellare queat, prout suae M. innotescere debet : et dicunt
quod mittant dictum Gem Sultan cum classe in Turchiam.
Et cum nobis opus sit resistere et nos defendere a tanta Re-
gis Francise Potentia, omnes conatus nostros exponere opor-
tet, et se bene praeparare ; quod cum jam fecerimus, opusque
sit facere maximas impensas, cogimur ad subsidium praefati
Sultan Bajazet recurrere, sperantes in amicitia bona quam
ad invicem habemus, quod in tali necessitate juvabit nos :
quern rogabis et nomine nostro exhortaberis, ac ex te per-
suadebis, cum omni instantia ; ut placeat quam citius mittere
nobis ducatos quadraginta millia in auro Venetos pro annata
anni praesentis, quae finiet ultimo Novembris venturi, ut cum
temper e possimus nobis subvenire, in quo Majestas sua fa-
ciet nobis rem gratissimam : cui in praesentiarum nolumus
imponere aliud gravamen et * * exponendo vires et conatus
nostros in resistentia facienda ne dictus Rex Franciae ali-
' I iiam victoriam contra nos potiatur et contra fratrem S. Ma-
jestatis. Cum autem ipse Rex Franciae terra marique sit
longe potentior nobis, indigeremus auxilio Venetorum, qui
sistunt, nee volunt nobis esse auxilio, imo habent arctissi-
iiunn commercium cum inimicis nostris, et dubitamus quod
sint nobis contrarii, quod esset nobis magnum argumentum
ofFensionis, et non reperimus aliam viam convertendi ad
partes nostras tractandas, quam per viam ipsius Turcae, cui
denotabis ut supra, et quod si Franci victores forent, sua
Majestas pateretur magnum interesse ; turn propter erep-
tionem Gem Sultan fratris sui, turn etiam quia proseque-
rentur expeditionem et longe cum majori conatu contra Al-
titudincm suam, et in tali causa habebunt auxilium ab His-
APPENDIX, NO. XL.
479
panis, Anglicis, Maximiliano et Hungaris, Polonis et Bohe-
mis, qui omnes sunt potentissimi Principes. Persuadebis
et exhortaberis Majestatem suam, quam tenemur certiorem
reddere ob veram et bonam amicitiam quam habetnus ad
invicem, ne patiatur aliquod interesse ; ut statim mittat
unum Oratorcm ad dominium Venetorum, significando qua-
liter certo intellexit Regem Franciae movere se ad venien-
dum Romam ad capiendum Gem Sultan fratrem, inde reg-
num Neapolitanum, demum terraque et mari contra se prse-
parare, quod velit facere omnem resistentiam et se defendere
contra ipsum, et devitare, ne frater suus capiatur ex man i-
bus nostris, quos exhortetur et adstringat pro quanto cor-
respondet pendant cari * perdant amicitiam suam, debeant
esse adjumento et defensioni nostrae et Regis Alphonsi terra
marique, et quod omnes amicos nostros et praememoratum
Regem habebit pro bonis amicis suis, et nostros inimicos pro
inimicis ; et si dominium pollicebitur consentire tali petitioni
suae, Orator habeat mandatum de non recedendo Venetiis
quousque viderit effectum, et quod dicti Veneti declarent
fecisse amicos et adjumento nobis, et Regi Alphonso, et
esse contra amicos Francorum et aliorum adhaerenthim Regi
Franciae : et si contradixerint, Orator significet, quod non
habebit eos amicos, et postea recedat ab eis indignatus ;
quamquam credimus, quod si sua Majestas ardenter adstrin-
get eos, modo convenienti, condescendent ad faciendam vo-
luntatem M ajestatis suae. Et sic persuadeas ei multum, ut
facere hoc velit, quia istud est majus adjuvamen quod ha-
bere possumus * impetret, resistet injuriis nostris et sollici-
tabis quanto citius talem Oratorem, ut recedat ante, nam
multum importat acceleratio tua.
Denotabis pariter magno Turcae, adventum Oratoris
magni Soldani ad nos cum litteris et immeribus qua? trans-
misit nobis qnando Gem Sultan, fratrem suum * ac magnas
oblationes et promissiones quas nobis fecit de magno the-
sauro ac de multis alijs rebus, et bene scis quandoquidem
tuo medio omnia sunt pratticata, et sicut continentur in capi-
tulis qua? dictus orator fecit et dedit ; signrficabis Majestati
suae intentionem nostram in quantum sibi promishnus firmiter
480 APPENDIX, NO. XL.
tenebimus, et nunquam contraveniemus in aliqua re. Imo
nostrae intentionis est accrescere et meliorate nostram bonam
amicitiam. Bene gratum nobis esset, et de hoc multum pre-
camur et hortamur D. S. quod pro aliquo tempore non im-
pediat Hungarum neque in aliqua parte Christianitatis, et
maxime in Croatia et Civitatibus Ragusiae et Leguise ; quod
faciendo et observando nos faciemus quod Hungarus non
inferat ei aliquid damnum, et in hoc Majestas sua habebit
compassionem complacendi nobis, attento maxime motu
Francorum et aliorum Principum. Quod si in bellando
perseveraret, habeat pro comperto sua Magnitude, quod in
ejus auxilio essent quamplures Principes Christiani et dole-
ret Majestatem suam non fecisse, in ejus auxilio, secundum
auxilium quod damus sibi, primo, ex officio quando sumus
Pater et Dominus omnium Christianorum. Postea deside-
ramus quietem Majestatis suae ad bonam et mutuam amici-
tiam : quoniam si Majestas sua aliter statueret prosequi et
molestare Christianos, cogeremur rebus consulere, cum
aliter non possemus obviare maximis apparatibus qui fiunt
contra Majestatem suam. Dedimus tibi duo brevia, quae
exhibebis Turcae, in uno continetur quod facial, tibi dare et
consignare 40,000 ducatos pro Annata prcesenti : aliud est
Credential ut praestet tibi fidem, in omnibus quaecunque no-
mine nostro sibi exposueris. Habitis 40,000 ducatis, in loco
consueto, facies quietantiam secundum consuetudinem, et
venies recto tramite cum navi tuta, et cum illuc applicaveris
certiores nos reddes et expectabis responsum nostrum : Pre-
sens tua intimatio consistit in acceleratione, facies ergo dili-
gentiam hie in eundo ad Turcam in expeditione et in rede-
undo similiter.
Ego Georgius Bosardus, Nuntius et familiaris praefatae
Sanctitatis, per praes^ns scriptum et subscriptum manu mea
propri?. fidem facio et confiteor supradicta habuisse in corn-
missis ab ore praefatas Sanctitatis, Romas de mense Junii
M.CCCC.LXXXXIIII, et executum fuisse apud magnum Tur-
cam in quantum fuit mihi ordinatum, ut supra : et quantum
ad Oratorem quern requisivit Sanctitas sua a Turca mitten-
dum Venetias est obtentum, qui e vestigio debebat recedere
APPENDIX, NO. XL. 4-81
Constantinopoli de mense Septembris post me, ad exequen-
dum in quantum erat voluntas praefatae Sanctitatis cum il-
lustrissimo Domino Venetorum ; idem Georgius Bosardus
manu propria scripsi et subscripsi. Et ego Philippus de
Patriarchis Clericus Foroloviensis, Apostolica et Imperial!
Autoritate Notarius Publicus, suprascriptum inscriptionem
et instructionem Originali de Senogallia transmisso, de ver-
bo ad verbum transumpsi, et scripsi, nihil mutando aut ad-
dendo, et hoc ipsum transumptum prout jacebat ad literam
feci requisitus et rogatus ; In cujus testimonium hie me sub-
scripsi et signum meum apposui consuetum. Florentiae die
25. Novembris, anno 1494.
I.
SULTAN Bajazet Chan, Dei Gratia Rex Maximus et fm-
perator utriusque Continentis Asiaeque et Europae, Chris-
tianorum excellent! Patri et D. D. Alexandro divina Pro-
videntia Romanae Ecclesiae Pontifici dignissimo, Reveren-
tiam debitam et benevolam cum sincera dispositione. Post
convenientem et justam salutationem significamus tuo su-
premo Pontificio quemadmodum in praesenti misistis vestrum
hominem et legatum Georgium Bosardum cum literis quae
continebant de vestra salute et amore et amicitia : venit et
pervenit in optimo tempore ad meam altissimam portam, et
didicimus qua; per literas significabantur: et quae commisis-
tis ipsi dicere ex ore, retulit etiam coram magnitudine mea
integra quemadmodum tua Gloriositas ipsi mandavit. Cum
didicerimus primum nos de sahite et bona habitudinc tua-
Dominationis delectati sumus maxime, et exultavit spiritus.
meus propterea, et illis quae per ipsum significastis assensi
sumus etiam, et fecimus ipsa, et misimus etiam ad loca quae
significastis, ut mitteremus sicut volebat Magnitude vestra.
IJlterius et id quod conventum est, quamris ad nostrum ter-
minum satis tcmparis rellquum sit, tamen de quo scripsis-
tis et petiistis ipsum cum festinatione datum est. Praedictus
Legatus Georgius jam perfecit omnia bene, quaecunque re-
quirit officium Legati, undo et honoratus est digne a mea
altitudinc, ut ipsum dccct : inisimus etiam una cum ipso a>
VOL. i. 2 i
482 APPENDIX, NO. XL.
nostra altissima porta fidelem nostrum hominem Cassimen,
et data est sibi licentia, ut rursus ad tuum Pontificium re-
deat : nostra enim amicitia Dei voluntate in dies augebitur.
Nuntiis autem vestrse salutis nunquam nos privetis, ut audi-
entes magis delectemur. Datum in Aula Nostrae Sultanicae
Autoritatis in Constantinopoli 1494. anno a Jesu Prophet
Nativitate, die Octava decima Septembris.
II.
SULTAN Bajazet Chan, Dei Gratia, Rex Maximus, et
Imperator utriusque continents Asiaeque et Europae, Chris-
tianorum omnium Excellent! Patri et Domino Alexandro
divina Providentia summo Pontifici dignissimo, reverentiam
debitam et benevolentiam cum sincera dispositione : dignum
et fidelem vestrum hominem et legatum Georgium Bosar-
dum in Altissimam portam misistis : venit et attulit nuntios
de vestra salute etbona habitudine et delectavit nos mirifice;
attulit etiam et verba quae mandastis ipsi privatim et etiam
misistis integre : et didicimus, et bene commisimus et nos
ipsi sermones, ut nuntiet ipsos coram tuo Pontificio et detur
sibi fides in his : quaecunque enim dixerit, sunt verba nostra
indubitata : etiam praefatus Georgius perfecit omnia bene
quaecunque requirit Officium Legati, unde et honoratus est
digne a mea Altitudine secundum ipsius decentiam, et data
est sibi licentia, ut redeat rursus in Aulam tuae Magnitu-
dinis et manifestet illi ilia quae nos ipsi commisimus. Da-
tum in Aula nostrae Sultanicae Autoritatis in Constantino-
poli, 1494. anno a Jesu Prophetae nativitate, 18. Septem-
bris.
III.
SULTAN Bajazet Chan, Dei Gratia, &c. Alexandro Di-
vina Providentia Romanae Ecclesiae supremo Pontifici dig-
nissimo, &c. post convenientem et justam salutationem signi-
ficamus tuae Dominationi quemadmodum in praesenti fidelem
nostrum Cassimen servum cum nostris literis misimus ad
summum tuum Pontificium, ut ferat ad nos de vestra salute
et bona habitudine quod nos cupimus quotidie audire et de-
lectari ; similiter significet etiam et vobis de nostra felici
APPENDIX, NO. XL. 4S3
sanitate et amorc, ut et vos quae de nobis sunt ab ipso di-
cenda audientes delectemini sicut et nos delectamur : jussi-
mus etiam et est datum id quod est convention praedicto
servo meo Cassimi, ut perferat ipsum ad tuam gloriosita-
tem ; et cum auxilio Dei reversus fuerit rursus ad meam
Altitudinem, significet nobis vestram salutem et amicitiam,
ut inde cum audiverimus magis etiam delectemur, et quae
ipsi mandavimus nota faciet tuae magnitudini. Datae autem
ipsi fidem in his quaecunque dixerit : datum in Aula nostrae
Sultanicse Auctoritatis in Constantinopoli, 1494. anno a
Jesu Prophetas nativitate, 18. Septembris.
IV.
SULTAN Bajazet Chan, &c. Alexandro, &c. post conve-
nientem et justam salutationem notum sit tuo supremo Pon-
tificio, quemadmodum Reverend. D. Nicolaus Libo Archie-
piscopus Arelatensis est dignus et fidelis homo ipsius, et a
tempore praecedentis Papas supremi Ponlificis Domini Inno-
centii usque in hodiernum diem in tempus suae magnitudinis
continue ad pacem et amicitiam festinat, semperque anima
et corpore in fidelissima fide duabus partibus servivit, et
adhuc servit ; hujus igitur rei causa justum est a vobis de-
cerni majori in ordine ipsum esse debere, unde et rogavi-
mus supremum Pontificem, ut faceret ilium Cardinalem, et
assen&ns est nostrce petitioni, adeo ut literis et nobis signi-
ficaverit quod petitum est datum fuisse ipsi, verum, quia non
erat tempus id Septembris Mensis, non sedet in ordine suo
et ut requirit consuetude. Interea vero jussu Dei dedit
Pontifex commune debitum, et sic ipse vemansit. Ea igitur
de causa scribimus et rogamus tuam magnitudinem propter
amicitiam et pacem quam inter nos habuimus, et propter
meum cor, ut adimpleat ipsi tuum Pontificium, videlicet, ut
faciat ipsum perfectum Cardinalem : habebimus et nos id
in Magna Gratia. Datum, &c. ut supra.
Supra scripta; quaternae literae erant scriptae sermone in
carta authentica more Turcarum cum quodam signo aureo
in capite, quas literas transtulit in Latinum de verbo ad ver-
bum me excipiente et notante * auditus vir Lascaris natione
2i 2
484 APPENDIX, NO. XL.
Grsecus; assistente illi et adjuvante interpretationem Rever.
D. Aloysio Cyprio Episcopo Famagustano Illustriss. Prin-
cipis Salemitani Secretario. In cujus rei fidem et testi-
monium ego Philippus de Patriarchis Clericus Foroliviensis
Apostolica et Imperial! Autoritate Notarius Publicus omnia
supradicta manu mea propria scripsi et subscripsi, et meum
signum apposui rogatus et requisitus.
V.
SULTAN Bajazet Chan, Filius Soldani Mahumeti, Dei
Gratia Imperator Asiae, Europae et oris maritimae, Patri et
Domino omnium Christianorum Divina Providentia Papae
Alexandro sexto Romanae Ecclesiae digno Pontifici, post
debitam et meritoriam salutationem ex bono animo et pirro
eorde significamus vestrae Magnitudini per Georgium Bo-
sardum servitorem et nuntium vestrae Potentiae. InteUexi-
mire bonam convalescentiam suam, et etiam quae retulit pro
parte ejusdem vestrae magnitudinis, ex quibus laetati sumus
magnamque consolationem cepimus : inter alia mihi retulit
quomodo Rex Franciae animatus est habere Gem fratrem
nostrum, qui est in manibus vestrae Potentiae, quod esset
mult urn contra voluntatem nostram, et vestrae Magnitudinis
sequeretur maximum damnum, et omnes Christiani pate-
rentur detrimentum. Idcirco una cum praefato Georgio cogi-
tare coepimus pro quiete, utilitate, et honore vestrae poten-
tiae et adhuc pro mea satisfactione, bonum esset quod dic-
tum Gem, meum fratrem, qui subjectus est morti et deten-
tus in manibus vestrae Magnitudinis, omnino mori faceretis,
quod sibi vita esset, et potentiae vestrae utile, et quieti com-
modissimum, mihiq ; gratissimum ; et si in hoc Magnitude
vestra contenta sit complacere nobis, prout in sua prudentia
confidimus facere velle, debet pro meliori suae potentiae et
pro majori nostra satisfactione quanto citius poterit cum illo
meliori modo quo placebit vestrae Magnitudini, dictum Gem
levare facere ex angustiis istius mundi, et transferri ejus
animam in alterum saeculum, ubi meliorem habebit quietem ;
et si hoc adimplere faciet vestra potentia et mandabit nobis
corpus suum in qualicunque loco citra mare, promittimus
APPENDIX, NO. XL. 485
Nos Sultan Bajazet supradictus, in quocunque loco placu-
erit vestrae Magnitudini ducatorum 300,000. ad emenda fi-
liis suis aliqua Dominia, quae ducatorum 300,000. consig-
nare faciemus illi cui ordinabit vestra Magnitude antequam
sit nobis dictum corpus datum et per vestros meis consigna-
tum. Adhuc promitto vestrae potentiae pro meliori sua sa-
tisfactione, quod neque per me, aut per meos servos neq ;
etiam per aliquem ex patriis meis erit datum aliquot! impe-
dimentum aut damnum dominio Christianorum cujuscunque
qualitatis aut conditionis fuerit, sive in terra sive in mari,
nisi essent aliqui qui nobis aut subditis nostris facerent dam-
num. Et pro majori adhuc satisfactione vestrae Magnitudi-
nis, ut sit secura sine aliqua dubitatione de omnibus his quse
supra promitto, juravi et affirmavi omnia in praesentia, prae-
fati Georgii per verum Deum quern adoramus, et per Evan-
gelia nostra observare vestrae potentiae omnia usque ad com-
plementum, nee aliqua re deficere sine defectu aut aliqua
defectione. Et adhuc pro majori securitate vestrae Magni-
tudinis, ne ejus animus in aliqua dubitatione remaneat, imo
sit certissimus de novo, ego supra dictus Sultan Bajazet
Chan juro per Deum verum, qui creavit ccelum et terram,
et omnia quae in iis sunt, et in quern credimus et adoramus,
quod faciendo adimplere ea quae supra eidem require, Pro-
mitto per dictum juramentum servare omnia quae supra con-
tinentur et in aliqua re nunquam contra facere neque con-
travenire vestrae Magnitudini. Scriptum Constantinopoli in
Palatio nostro secundum adventum Christi, Die 12. Sep-
tembris, 149 4-.
Ego Philippus de Patriarchis Clericus Foroliviensis Apos-
tolica et Imperiali Authoritate Notarius publicus infra scrip-
tus, literas ex Originali quod erat scriptum literis Latinis,
in sermone Italico in carta oblonga Turcarum, quae habebat
in Capite Signum Magni Turcae aureum in calce nigrum,
transumsi fidelitcr de verbo ad verbum, et manu propria
rogatus et requisitus scripsi et subscripsi, signumque meum
in fidem et testimonium consuetum apposui Florentiae die
vigesima quinta Novembris, 1494. in Conventu Crucis Or*
dinis minorum.
4-86 APPENDIX, NO. XLI.
No. XLI.
(Page 223.)
Opere di Tebaldeo. Yen. 1534.
SONETTO.
NE i tuoi campi non pose il pie si presto
Annibal, che combatter li convenne,
Ne mai si afflitta il Barbaro ti tenne
Che al difender non fusse il tuo cor desto ;
Et hor, Italia, onde procede questo,
Che un picciol Gallo che 1'altri hier qui venne
Per ogni nido tuo batta le penne
Senza mai ritrovarse alcuno infesto ?
Ma giusto esser mi par ch' el ciel te abassi,
Che piu non fai Catnilli, o Scipioni,
Ma sol Sardanapali, e Midi e Crassi;
Gia una Occa tua (se guardi a i tempi buoni)
Scacciar lo puote da li Tarpei sassi,
Hor Aquile non pon, Serpi, e Leoni.
Poesie Toscane di Vincenzio da Filicaia.
SONETTO.
ITALIA, Italia, O tu, cui feo la sorte
Dono infelice di bellezza, onde hai
Funesta dote d' infiniti guai,
Che in fronte scritti per gran doglia porte ;
Deh, fossi tu men bella, o almen piu forte,
Onde assai piu ti paventasse, o assai
T'amasse men, chi del tuo bello a i rai
Par che si strugga, e pur ti sfida a morte !
Che or giu dalT Alpi non vedrei torrent!
Scender d' armati, ne di sangue tinta
Bever 1' onda del Po Gallici armenti ;
APPENDIX, NO. XLII. 487
Ne te vedrei del non tuo ferro cinta
Pugnar col braccio di straniere genti,
Per servir sempre, o vincitrice, o vinta.
No. XLII.
(Page 226.)
Vergier cTHormeur.
LE samedy son armee diverse
Assez matin se partit du diet Verce,
Et tost apres il monta a cheval
Pour aller boire dedans Pouge Real;
Qui est ung lieu de plaisance confit,
Aussi Alphons pour son plaisir le fit,
Aupres de Nappies ou en toutes manieres,
Y a des choses toutes singulieres ;
Comme maisons, amignons, fenestrages,
Grans galeries, longues, amples et larges ;
Jardins plaisans, fieurs de doulceurs remplies,
Et de beaulte sur toutes acomplies,
Petis preaulx, passaiges et barrieres
Costes, Fontaines et petites rivieres,
Pour sesjouyr et a fois sesbatre ;
Ou sont ymaiges antiques d'alabastre,
De marbre blanc, et de porphire aussi,
Empres le vif ou ne fault ca ne si ;
Ung pare tout clos ou sont maints herbes saines
Beaucoup plus grans que le bois de Vicennes :
Plains d'oliviers, orangiers, grenadiers,
Figuiers, datiers, poiriers, allemandiers,
Pommiers, lauriers, rosmarins, mariolaines,
Et girofflees sur toutes souveraines ;
Nobles heueillets, plaisantes armeries,
Qui en tous temps sont la dedans flories ;
Et de rosiers assez bien dire j'ose
Pour en tirer neuf ou dix muyts d'une rose ;
488 APPENDIX, NO. XLII.
D'aultres costes sont fosses et herbaiges
La ou que sont le grans bestes saulvaiges ;
Comme chevreulx a la course soubdains,
Cerfs haulx branchez, grosses biches et dains ;
Aussi y sont sans cordes ne ataches
Aux pastouraiges grans beufs et grasses vaches ;
Chevaulx, mulets et jumens par monceaulx,
Asnes, coehons, truyes et gras pourceaulx ;
Et puis au bout de toutes ses praeries
Sont situes les grandes metairies,
La ou que sont avec chappons, poullailles,
Toutes manieres et sortes de voulailles,
Cailles, perdris, pans, signes et faisans,
Et maints oyseaulx des yndes moult plaisans ;
Aussi a ung four a oeufs couver,
Dont Ton pourroit sans geline eslever ;
Mille poussins qui en auroit affaire,
Voire dix mille qui en vouldroit tant faire.
De ce dit pare sort une grant fontaine
Qui de vive eaue est si trescomble et plaine,
Que toute Nappies peult fournir et laver,
Et toutes bestes grandement abeuvrer.
Aussi y a vignoble d' exellence,
Dont il en sort si tresgrant habondance
De vins clairets, de vin rouge et vin blanc,
Grec et latin, que pour en parler franc
Sans les exquis muscadets et vins cuyts
Q'on y queult bien tous les ans mille muyts ;
Voire encore plus quant le bon heur revient ;
Et tout cela au prouffit du roy vient.
Et au regard des caves qui y sont
En lieu certain approprie parfont,
Si grandes sont, si longues et si larges,
Et composees de si subtils ouvraiges,
Tant en piliers comme voulsture ronde,
Qui n'en est point de pareilles au monde.
APPENDIX, NO. XLII1. 489
No. XLIII.
(Page 234.)
Petri Criniti Opera, p. 548.
AD HER. CARAPHAM, DE MALLS ATQUE CALAMITATE
NEAPOLIS.
MITTANTUR veteres tot querimoniae,
Carapha, et lacrymis pone modum tuis ;
Indulsti patriae, duin licuit, satis ;
Sed frustra superos vocas.
Nam fatis trahimur, fata Neapolim
Vexari miseris cladibus imperant,
Et duro pariter servitio premi,
Donee, non alium queat
Regem Parthenope cernere maximum,
Qui clarum propriis nomen honoribus
Sublimis liquidum tollat in aethera,
Et firmum reparet decus.
Id quando acciderit, non satis audeo
EfFari ; si quidem non clarius mihi
Per sacros tripodes certa refert Deus,
Nee servat penitus fid em.
Quod si quid liceat credere adhuc tamen,
Nam laevum tonuit, non fuerit procul
Quaerendus celeri qui properet gradu,
Et Gallum reprimat ferox.
4>90 APPENDIX, NO. XLIV.
No. XLIV.
(Page 237.)
Vergier d? Honneur.
Comment le Roy fist son entree dedans Nappies et quel
honneur on luy fist, et comment il disposa de ses af-
faires.
MARDY xii jour de May le roy en Nappies ouyt la messe
a la nunciade, et apres disner il s'en alia en Pouge Real, et
la se assemblerent les princes et seigneurs tant de France, de
Nappies que des Ytalles pour accompaigner le Roy a faire
son entree dedans Nappies comme Roy de France, de Ce-
cille et de Jherusalem, ce qu'il fist a grant triumphe et ex-
cellence en habillement imperial nomme et appelle Auguste,
et tenoit la pomme d'or ronde en sa main dextre, et a 1'autre
main son ceptre, habille d'ung grant manteau de fine escar-
late fourre et mouchete d'ermines a grant collet renverse
aussi fourre d'ermines, la belle couronne sur la teste, bien
et richement monte et housse comme a luy affiert et appar-
tient. Le poille sur luy porte par les plus grans de la seig-
neurie de Nappies, acompaigne a 1'entour de luy de ses
laquais tous habilles richement de drap d'or. Le prevost
de son hostel luy aussi acompaigne de ses archiers tous a
pied. Monsieur le seneschal de Beaucaire representant le
Connestable de Nappies. Et devant luy estoit Monsieur de
Montpencier comme vis roy et lieutenant general. Monsieur
le prince de Salerne avec d'aultres grans seigneurs de
France, chevaliers de 1'ordre et parens du Roy, comme
Monsieur de Bresse, Monsieur de Foues, Monsieur de Lu-
cembourg, Loys Monsieur de Vendosme, et sans nombre
d'aultres seigneurs ; lesquels seigneurs dessus nommes estoi-
ent habilles en manteaulx comme le Roy. Monsieur de Pien-
nes avec le maistre de la monnoye dudit Nappies eurent la
charge d'aller par toutes les rues de la dicte ville de Nappies
pour faire nos gens, tant de guerre que aultres, affin de
APPENDIX, NO. XLIV. 4-91
laisser approucher ceulx de Nappies, en especial es cinq
lieux et places ou se vont jouer et solacier les seigneurs et
dames dudict Nappies a toutes heures que bon leur semble.
En cesdicts lieux estoient les nobles de Nappies, leurs fem-
mes et aussi pareillement leurs enfans, et la plusieurs des-
dicts seigneurs en grant nombre presentoient au roy leurs
enfans de viii. x. xii. xv. et xvi. ans, requerans que il leur
donnast chevallerie, et les fist chevaliers a son entree de
sa propre main, ce qu'il fist ; que fut belle chose a veoir
et moult noble et leur venoit de grant vouloir et amour.
Comme dit est, ledit seigneur de Piennes et maistre de la
monnoye avoit lesdicts lieux cy devant nommespour faire lieu
ausdicts seigneurs de Nappies. Au regard de la compaig-
nie que le Roy avoit avec luy, c'estoit la plus gorgiase chose
et la plus triumphante qu'on vit jamais, car il avoit avec luy
grans seigneurs, chamberlans, maistres d'hostels, pension-
naires, et gentils homines sans quatre cens archiers de sa
garde, deux cens arbalestriers, tous a pied armes de leurs
habillemens acoustumes. Jehan Daunoy estoit arme de
toutes pieces, avec ce avoit ung sayon de cramoisy decoupe
bien menu sur son dit harnoys, monte sur ung grant cour-
cier de peuille bien barde de riches bardes et disoient ceulx
de Nappies que jamais n'avoient veu si belle homme d'armes.
Apres que le Roy eust este en ces cinq lieux cy devant
nomme ou il y avoit plusieurs enfans des seigneurs de Nap-
pies et d'autres seigneurs circonvoysins que estoient venus
en ladicte entree du Roy pour estre faicts chevaliers de sa
main, il fut mene en la grande et maistresse eglise de Nap-
pies au maistre autel. Et sur 1'autel de ladicte eglise estoit
le chief de monsieur Sainct Genny et son precieulx sang de
miracle, qui avoit este autrefois monstre au Roy, comme cy
devant a este declaire assez au long. Et en icelle eglise de-
vant ledit autel le Roy fist le serment a cieulx de Nappies,
c'est assavoir de les gouverner et entretenir en les droicts.
Et sur toutes choses ils luy prierent et requirent franchise
et liberte cc qu'il leur octroya et donna, dont les diets seig-
neurs se contenterent a merveilles et firent de grans soleni-
tes tant pour sa venue que pour le bien qu'il le faisoit. En
492 APPENDIX, NO. XLV.
ladicte eglise fut assez bonne piece, car les seigneurs de
1'eglise y estoient aussi tous acoustres de leurs riches orne-
mens, lesquels semblablement firent leurs requestes et de-
mandes au Roy touchant leurs cas particuliers. Ausquels
ledit seigneur, comme debonnaire et humuin, le fist et donna
responce tout en facon telle qu'ils se tindrent pour contens.
Puis tout ce faict et ordonne en la facon et maniere que dit
est, et de la se partit et s'en alia le Roy, et alia souper et
coucher a son logis.
No. XLV.
(Page 256.)
Petri Criniti Opera, p. 541.
DE LAUDE FR. GONZAG^ PRINCIPIS ILLUSTRISSIMI MANTUANI,
CUM AD TARRUM CONTRA GALLOS DIMICAV1T.
O QUIS beato carmine tarn potens,
Tantumque clara nobilis indole,
Aut dote rara polleat ingeni,
Ut hoc egregium decus
Cantare Italidum queat ?
Qui nuper audax vindice dextera
Horrenda victos repulit agmina
Gallorum ; et idem reddidit Italis
Antiquum imperium, atque opes ;
Salve o praesidium et salus.
Tu solus autor Barbaricam luem
Visendus acri ferreus agmine
Represti : et inter mille cadentium
Caedes horrificas virum,
Virtutis retines decus.
Tu praepotentis gloria Mantua 1
Tarrum cruentas caede potentior
Ferrata saevae robora Galliae
Perrumpens, simul impetu
Obtruncans aciem hostium.
APPENDIX, NO. XLVl.
Non aliter atrox diruit in Gethas
Gradivus olim ; cum clypeo gravi,
Oppressa Thracum fortia pectora,
Contrivit miseris modis,
Sese constituens Deum.
Sic tu receptis arduus Italis,
Vindex nefandi vincula serviti
Injecta rumpis ; nee pateris tuos,
Fidentes male Barbaris,
Servire imperio truci.
Hinc promerenti populifer Padus
Illapsus undis suave virentibus,
Gestit perennes reddere gratias ;
Et gramen tenerum ferens,
Acclinat capiti sacro.
Porgunt et Alpes Candida brachia,
Possint ut alto vertice clarius,
Summum tueri presidium Ausonum,
Quo stat militias gradus,
Et firmum columen suis.
Laetare tanto Mantua principe;
Et die, quiescam sub clypeo Jovis,
Donee licebit cernere sospitem,
Qui signa et veteres opes
Devictae Italia? refert.
No. XLVI.
(Page 256.)
Carm. Must. Poet. Ital. torn. iii. p. 183.
L^LH CAPILUPI.
In Effigiem Francisci Gonzagts Marchionis Mantua IV.
O DECUS Italiae, quondam dum vita manebat,
Sceptra tenens, tardis ingens ubi flexibus errat
APPENDIX, NO. XLVII.
Mincius, et tenera praetexit arundine ripas,
Semper honore meo, semper celebrabere donis,
Dum metnor ipse mei, dum spiritus hos reget artus !
Salve vera Jovis proles, Tu maximus ille es,
Unus qui nobis, magno turbante tumultu,
Ante annos animumque gerens, curamque virilem,
Ultro animos tollis dictis ; et pectore firmo,
Arduus arma tenens, fulgentes aere catervas
More furens torrentis aquae, Gallumque rebellem,
Sternis humi, campique ingentis ossibus albent.
Parthenope, merit! tanti non immemor nmquani,
Dextera caussa tua est, solio consedit avito.
Quid memorem spolia ilia tuis pendentia tectis
Jam vulgata? quibus coelo te laudibus aequem,
Flos veterum virtusque virum ? cui cura nitentes
Pascere equos, meritae expectent qui praemia palmae,
Europa, atque Asia, tantae est victoria curse ;
Tu decus omne tuis, tu servantissimus aequi
Omnibus exhaustos jam casibus, omnium egenos
Urbe, domo, socias. Tua terris dedita fama ;
Munera praeterea ex auro solidoque elephanto
Conjunxere tibi (cuncti se scire fatentur)
Regnatorem Asiae, genus insuperabile bello,
Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos :
Salve sancte parens, Italum fortissime ductor,
Felix prole virum, si quid mea carmina possunt,
Semper honos, nomenque tuum, laudesque manebunt.
No. XLVII.
(Page 282.)
Burchard. Dear, from Gordon's Life of Alex. VI. App.
De ccede Ducts Gandice.
F ERIA quarta, octava Junii Rever. D. Cardinalis Valenti-
nus et lUustrissimus Johannes Borgia de Arragonia Gandiae
APPENDIX, NO. XLVII. 495
Dux, Princeps, S. R. E. gentium Armorum videlicet Ca-
pitaneus generalis, S. D. N. Papae filii carissimi, fecerunt
coenam D. Vanotiae, matri eorum, positae prope Ecclesiam
Sancti Petri ad Vincula, cum ipsa eorum matre et aliis ;
ccena facta, nocte cursum agente, et Reverendissimo Do-
mino Cardinali Valentino reditum eorum ad Palatium Apos-
tolicum sollicitante, apud Ducem et Capitaneum fratrem
suum praedictum, ascenderunt equos sive mulas ambo ipsi
cum paucis ex suis, quoniam paucissimos servitores secum
habebant; et simul ambo equitarunt usque non longe a
palatio R. D. Ascanii Vice-Cancellarii quod olim S. D. N.
tune Vice-cancellarius inhabitare consueverat et construx-
erat ; ubi D. Dux asserens se priusquam ad Palatium re-
verteretur, alio solatii causa iturum, accepta a praedicto
Cardinali fratre venia retrocessit, remissis omnibus illis paucis
servitoribus quos secum habebat, retento solum Stafiero, et
quodam qui facie velata ad ccenam ad eum venerat, et per
mensem vel circa prius singulis vel quasi diebus eum in
Palatio Apostolico visitaverat, in mula quam ipse Dux equi-
tabat retro se accepto, equitavit ad plateam Judaeorum, ubi
praedictum Stafierum licentiavit et a se versus Palatium re-
misit, tantum committens quod ad horam vigesimam tertiam
in dicta platea expectaret, infra quam si ad eum non rever-
teretur, ad dictum palatium rediret : et his dictis praefatus
Dux cum velato in groppa suae mulae considente a Stafiero
recessit, ex quo equitavit nescio ubi, interfectus et necatus
est, et in flumen prope eum locum juxta seu prope hospitale
Sancti Hieronymi Sclavorum nuncupatum in via qua de
ponte Sancti Angeli recta via itur ad Ecclesiam beatae Ma-
rise de populo juxta fontem ex terra conductum situm, per
quern fimus super carrucis seu carretis ad ipsum flumen
projici consuevit, et projectus est. Stafierus autem praedic-
tus in plateam Judaeorum dimissus graviter vulneratus et
usque ad mortem mutilatus est, et a quodam misericorditer
exceptus et cura et impensa, qui sic perturbatus, nequic-
quam quid de Domini sui commissione et successu significa-
vit. Mane autem facto Jovis quindecima Junii, Duce pra?-
dicto ad Palatium Apostolicum non redeunte, servitores sui
496 APPENDIX, NO. XLVIL
secreto conturbantur, et unus eorum Ducis praedicti et Car-
dinalis Valentini serotinum recessum et expectatum ejus re-
ditum mane Pontifici indicat. Perturbatus exinde Pontifex
et tamen ipsum Ducem alicubi cum puella intendere luxui
sibi persuadens et ob earn causam e puellae domo exire ilia
die ipsi Duci non licere, sperabat eum in sero illius diei Jo-
vis omnino rediturum, quo deficiente, Pontifex animo con-
tristatus, ac totis visceribus commotus, incoepit omnibus co-
natibus causam inquirere apud quoscunque per plures ex
suis ad hoc appellatos. Inter inquisitos quidam Georgius
Sclavus, qui ligna habebat supra fontem prope designatum,
in Tyberis littore ex nave exonerata, et ut illam custodiret,
ne sibi in nocte a quoquam furarentur, in naviculam ibidem,
in Tyberi natantem, se quieti dederat, interrogatus si quid-
quam vidisset in nocte Mercurii tune proxime praeteriti in
flumen projici,interrogantibus fertur tale responsum dedisse:
Quod nocte ilia ligna sua ipso custodiente et in dicta navi-
cula quiescente, venerunt duo pedites per viculum sinistrum
dicti hospitalis Sclavorum et Sancti Hieronymi contiguum
circa horam quintam super viam publicam dicto flumini con-
tiguam, et hinc inde, ne quisquam forsitan esset transiturus,
diligenter perspexerunt ; ac nemine viso, retrocesserunt per
eumdem viculum: intermisso modico temporis intervallo
duo alii eumdem viculum exiverunt et fecerunt idem quod
primi fecerant, et nemine comperto, dato signo sociis, venit
unus equestris in equo albo retro se habens cadaver hominis
defuncti, cujus caput et brachia ab una et pedes ab alia
parte dependebant, penes quod cadaver duo pedites primi
praedicti ambulabant, hinc inde cadaver ipsum ne de equo
caderet sustinentes ; recesseruntque ac equitarunt supra lo-
cum per quern fimus ad flumen projicitur superius specifica-
tum, ac circa finem ejusdem loci constitutum equum verte-
runt, ut caudam verteret flumini, et duo alii pedites praedicti
cadaver observantes alter per manus et brachia, alter vero
per pedes et crura cadaver ipsum ex equo detraxerunt et ad
partem sustulerunt brachiis, et ad flumen ipsum cum omni
vi et potentia projecerunt.
Interrogavit eos astans insidens equo, si dejecissent 5 illi
APPENDIX, NO. XLVII.
497
autein responderunt, Signor si; respexit tune insidens in
equo in flumen, et mantellum introjecti vidit natantem supra
fluraen, et interrogavit pedites quid esset nigrum illud natans
quod videtur ; illi responderunt mantellum ; ad quod alter
lapides projecit ut mergeret in profundum, quo facto man-
tello merso recesserunt omnes quinque, nam pedites alii duo
qui secundo stratellam praedictam exiverant prospicientes si
quis pertransiret, se equiti praedicto et aliis duobus associ-
avenint, eosque comitati sunt, et per alium viculum qui ad
hospitale Sancti Jacobi dat ad it urn, iter arripuerunt et ultra
non comparuerunt. Interrogaverunt Pontificis servitores,
cur ipse Georgius tantum crimen non revelasset gubernatori
urbis, respondit se vidisse suis diebus centum varie occisos
in flumen projici per locum praedictum et nunquam aliqua
eorum ratio habita fuit, propterea de causa hujusmodi aesti-
mationem aliquam non fecisse. His intellectis vocati sunt
piscatores et nauta> per urbem et eis ejus hominis piscatio
commissa : convenerunt piscatores et nautae, ut intellexi,
tres vel circa, qui omnes suis instrumentis per fluminis al-
veum projectis circa horam vesperarum reperierunt ducem
cum omni adhuc habitu suo, videlicet calceis, caligis, diploi-
de, vestello, mantello vestitutum, sub cingulo habens chiro-
tecas suas cum Ducatis triginta, vulneratus novem vulne-
ribus, quorum unum erat in collo per guttur, alia octo in
capite, corpore, et cruribus : compertus Dux naviculae im-
positus est et ad castrum Sancti Angeli ductus in quo ex-
utus, lotum est ejus cadaver et pannis militaribus indutum,
Socio meo Bernardino Gutterii Clcrico ceremoniarum omnia
ordinante. In sero illius diei, circa horam vigesimam qunrtam,
cadaver portatum est per familiares nobiles suos, si recte me-
mini, ex dicto castro ad Ecclesiam beatae Marias de populo
praecedentibus intorcitiis circiter centum et viginti, et omni-
bus praelatis palatii, cubiculariis et scutiferis Papa? ipsum
comitantibus cum magno flutu et ululatu sine ordine ince-
dentibus, publice portabatur cadater in Cataletto honori-
fice, et videbatur non mortuus sed dormiens. In Ecclesia
praedicta factum est ei depositum, et in eo reconditum ubi
manet usque ad hodiernum diem. Pontifex ut intellexit
VOL. i. 2 K
498 APPENDIX, NO. XLV1II.
Ducem interfectum et in flumen, ut stercus projectum com-
pertum esse ; commota sibi fuerunt omnia viscera, et prse
dolore et cordis amaritudine reclusit se in quadam camera,
et flevit amarissime ; Reverendissimus Dominus Cardinalis
Segobiensis cum certis aliis servitoribus Sanctitatis suae adi-
erunt ostium camera?, et tot exortantibus et rogantibus sup-
plicaverunt et persuaserunt Pontificem, ut tandem plures
post horas aperto ostio eos intromitteret : non comedit nee
bibit Pontifex ex sero die Mercurii quatuordecima, usque
ad praedictum Sabbatum sequens, nee a mane Jovis usque
ad diem sequentem ad punctum quidem horae quievit ; per-
suasu tandem multiplici et continue praefatorum victus pos-
tremo incoepit pro posse luctui finem imponere, majus dam-
num et periculum quod personae suae evenire exinde posset
considerans.
No. XL VIII.
(Page 315.)
Bur chard. Diar.from Gordons Life of Alex. VI. in App.
Ingressus Borgice Romam.
FERIA quarta, vigesima sexta dicti mensis Februarii, inti-
matum est de mandato Sanctissimi Domini nostri omnibus
Cardinalibus, quod dicta die hora nona decima mitterent fa-
milias suas extra portam beatae Marias de populo obviam
Duci Valentino venienti : et omnibus Oratoribus conserva-
toribus et officialibus urbis et Romanae Curiae Abbreviatori-
bus, Scriptoribus, quod personaliter irent obviam eidem.
Die Veneris proxime praeterita, vigesima prima hujus, Car-
dinalis Ursinus venit obviam Duci praedicto usque ad Civi-
tatem Castellanam, et die Sabbati vigesima secunda Cardi-
nalis de Farnesio ivit obviam eidem usque ad eumdem lo-
cum, omnes urbis Ordines extra pontem Milvium, ad tria
vel quatuor milliaria equitarunt usque ad prata, ibidem Du-
cem expectantes; pulsata hora nona decima Cardinalis
APPENDIX, NO. XLVIII. 499
Sam-tit- Praxedis recessit de palatio et equitavit anteDomum
Cardinalis Ursini, qui ibidem in mula eum expectavit in via ;
equitarunt simul ad Ecclesiam beatae MaritB de Populo, ubi
expectarunt Ducem, qui intravit portam inter vigesimam
secundam et vigesimam tertiam horam, et receptus fuit ab
omnibus familiis, oratoribus et officialibus. Cardinales nni--
dicti intelligentes Ducem appropinquare portas, ascende-
runt mulas, et expectaverunt eum ante portam in loco con-
sueto, ubi detectis capitibus receperunt Ducem, detecto
capite eis gratias agentem, qui equitavit medius inter dictos
Cardinales usque ad palatium, via recta ad Ecclesiam Beatae
Maria? in via lata, Minervam, domum de maximis, campum
Florae, inde recta via ad palatium. Ego non potui ordinare
familiares, quia erant pedites Ducis circiter mille, quini et
quini incedentes suo ordine, Suicenses et Guascones sub
quinque vexillis armorum Ducis, qui non curarunt ordinem
nostrum. Dux habuit circa se centum stafieros singuli sin-
gulos Roncones deferentes. Indutus erat veste velluti nigri
usque ad genua collanam habens satis simplicem; habuit
multos tibicines omnes cum armis suis et duos araldos suos
et unum Regis Franciae, qui volebat omnino ire post servi-
entes armorum ; conquestus fuit Duel, qui mandavit ei quod
iret ante eos, quod fecit male libenter. Post nos equitarunt
Dux Bisiliariim a dextris, et Princeps Squillaci films Papas
a sinistris, quos secutus est Dux medius inter Cardinales
praedictos : post eos Archiepiscopus Ragusinus a dextris,
et Episcopus Sygoviensis Orator Romanorum Regis a si-
nistris. Archiepiscopus Cusentinus a dextris, Episcopus
Trecorensis Orator Regis Francice a sinistris, Episcopus
Zamorensis a dextris, et Orator Regis Hispanic? a sinistris
successive, et alii eodem ordine. Duo Oratores Regis Na-
carrce contenderunt cum Oratore Regis Neapolitan* et
Anglice qui se illis animose opposuerunt ; victi tamen illi
duo Regis Navarrae cesserunt et recesserunt. Papa stetit
supra Indian) in camera supra portam palatii et cum eo Car-
dinales Montis Regalis, Alexandrinus, Capuanus, Cesarinus,
et Farnesius, postquam Dux venit ad cameram paramenti,
Papaaccessit ad cameram Papagalli, apportari fecit quinque
2K 2
500 APPENDIX, NO. XLIX.
cussinos de broccato auri, unum poni ad sedem eminentem
in qua sedit, unum sub pedibus suis et tria alia in terrain per
ordinem in trans versum ante scabellum pedum suorum;
aperto ostio intraverunt omnes nobiles Ducis et post eos
inter Cardinales Dux qui genuflexus ante Pontificem fecit
brevem orationem ad ipsum in vulgari Hispanico, agens
sibi gratiam quod sibi absenti dignatus est facere tantam gra-
tiam nescio quam, Papa respondit et in eodem vulgari, cum
dux osculatus est pedes ambos Papa? et manum dextram,
receptus a Pontifice ad osculum oris et post ducem nobiles
qui volebant osculati sunt pedem.
No. XLIX.
(Page 316.)
Petri Criniti Opera, p. 546.
DE LUDOVICO SFORTIA PRINCIPE CLARISSIMO QUI PRODI-
TUS EST PER HELVETIOS.
OLIM vigebat Sfortiadum genus,
Et praepotenti milite nobilis
Princeps et astu, et consilio fuit :
Qui nunc Helvetium dolis
Vinctus nefanda compede, proh pudor,
Nequicquam inertes advocat Insubres :
Ut impudenter perfidus Allobrox
Stringendum dedit hostibus.
An haec sacrata? fbedera dexterae ?
Quid jura belli sancta refringitis ?
O non ferendum flagitium insolens ;
Quid cu 1 1 nun sceleri additis ?
Non hoc decebat Martia pectora.
Sed tuta nusquam est heu miseris fides.
Fortuna, certis nescia viribus
Tutari veterem gradum,
APPENDIX, NO. L. 501
Cur tain procaci lubrica gaudio
Gestis potentum vota repellere,
Et celsa diro concutis impetu ?
Ne virtus nimium sibi
Confidat, aut jactet proprium bonum,
Si quando summis pollet honoribus ?
Tu nunc catenas, Sfortia, principum
Immortale decus, teris.
Circunligarunt undique barbara
Nodis revinctum vincla tenacibus,
Ne possit ullo tempore liberum
Monstrare Italia- caput.
No.L.
(Page 316.)
Carm. illustr. Poet. Ital. torn. i. p. 358.
LUDOVICI AREOSTI,
Ad Herculcm Strozzam.
AUDIVI, et timeo, ne veri nuncia fama
Sit, quae multomra pervolat ora frequens.
Scin verum quaeso ? scin tu Strozza ? eja age fare,
Major quam populi, Strozza, fides tua sit.
An noster fluvio misere ? heu timeo omnia : at ilia
Dii prohibete, et eant irrita verba mea.
Et redeat sociis bilari ore, suasque Marullus
Ante obitum ridens audiat inferias.
Fama, tamen vatem sinuoso vortice raptum
Dulciloquam fluvio flasse, refert, animam,
Scin verum quaeso? scin tu Strozza? eja age fare
Major quam populi, Strozza, fides tua sit.
Ut timeo ! nam vana solet plerumque referre
Fama bonum, at nisi non vera referre malum.
2K 3
502 APPENDIX, NO. L.
Quamque magis referat saevum, crudele, nefandum,
Proh superi, est illi tarn mage habenda fides ;
Quod potuit gravius deferri hoc tempore nobis,
Qui sumus in Phoebi, Pieridumque fide,
Quam mors clivini (si vera est fama) Marulli ?
Juppiter, ut populi murmura vana fluant !
Scin verum quaeso ? scin tu Strozza ? eja age fare,
Major quam populi, Strozza, fides tua sit.
Nam foret haec gravior jactura mihique, tibique,
Et quemcumque saerae Phocidos antra juvent,
Quam vidisse mala tempestate (improba saecli
Conditio) clades, et Latii interitum,
Nuper ab occiduis illatum gentibus, olim
Pressa quibus nostro colla fuere jugo.
Quid nostra ? an Gallo Regi ? an servire Latino ?
Si sit idem, hinc atque bine, non leve servitium.
Barbaricone esse est pejus sub nomine, quam sub
Moribus ? at ducibus Dii date digna malis ;
Quorum quam imperium gliscente Tyrannide, tellus
Saturni Gallos pertulit ante truces,
Et servate diu doctumque, piumque Marullum ;
Redditeque actutum sospitem eum sociis ;
Qui poterit dulci eloquio, monitisque severis,
Quos musarum haustu plurimo ab amne tulit,
Liberam, et immunem (vincto et si corpore) mentem
Reddere, et omne animo tollere servitium.
Sit satis abreptum nuper flevisse parentem ;
Ah grave tot me uno tempore damna pati !
Tarchoniota aura aetheria vescatur, et inde
Cetera sint animo damna ferenda bono.
Scin verum quaeso ? scin tu Strozza ? eja age fare,
Major quam populi, Strozza, fides tua sit.
At juvat hoc potius sperare, quod opto, Marullum
Jam videor laeta fronte videre mcuni.
An quid obest sperare homini dum grata sinit res ?
Heu lacrimis semper sat mora longa datur.
APPENDIX, NO. LI. 503
ANTONII TEBALDEI.
Hie situs est Celebris cithara, gladioque Marullus,
Qui Thusco (heu facinus) liquit in amne animam ;
Neptune immitis ! meruit si mergier ille,
Mergier Aonio flumine debuerat.
No. LI.
(Page 379.)
(Hal. Ed. vol. vii. p. 300.)
No. I.
Lettere di Lucrezia Borgia, Duchessa di Ferrara, a Gian-
Giorgio Trissino.
MAONIFICE Amice Nr. Carissime: havendo facto inten-
der allo Ill.ino Signor Nro. Consorte tutto el ragionamento
havessimo de lo Illmo. D. Hercule nro figliolo carissimo,
Sua Ex. ne ha riceputo grandissimo contento, et perche lei
desideraria chel puto intertanto no perdesse tempo la seria
contenta, che per vro mezzo segli ritrovasse uno M.ro in
gramatica. Cosi a detto de parlarvine, et noi havemo vo-
luto anticiparvi cum questo adviso pregandovi, conoscendo
maxime che questo non torna a disonore ne incommodo al-
trimenti vro a volervi disponer a satisfar al P.to S.or N.ro
et a noi principando cum questo il pigliare del governo et
cura del P.to N.ro figliolo, e quanto piu presto 1' haveremo
tanto piu grato, et se non simo stata piu presta a darvi tale
adviso 1* e proceduto, che^prima di adesso non havemo po-
tuto ritrovarsi col P.to S.or nro. il quale questa setta e par-
tito de qui, et offerimone di bon core alii vri beneplaciti.
Belriguardi XVUI. Sept. 1515.
A HIM et vra. satisfactione havemo parlato col S.r Her-
cule da Camerino, che vienc a Ferrara, il quale piu particu-
larmente vi dira di cio lo uno nro.
LUCRETIA, Ducissa Ferrariae.
Tergo.
Mag. Amico Nro. Car .mo Dno. lo. Georgio Trissino.
504 APPENDIX, NO. LI.
No. II.
Mag.ce ac doctissime Vir amice N.r Car .me. Mandas-
sirao la vra. Ira per nro. Cavallaro a posta a quel D. Nic.o
Lazarino ; et aprissimo la resposta, ch' esso mandava p. sa-
pere quel che diceva, e poi la rimettessimo all' Illmo. S.or
Nro. Consorte, dal quale non sapemo se vi fu mandata : essa
contenia solo, che ditto, D. Nic.o pigliava certo termino
breve a venir a nostri servitii : il qual passato noi havemo
rimandato altro nro. Cavallaro a sollicitarlo : et esso ha ris
posto a Noi in manera, che d' ora in hora lo expettamo : et
a voi scrive la qui alligata, pensando forsi, che voi fussi a
Ferrara : havemo voluto ch' el tutto vi sia noto : havemo
piacer intender per vre Ire come state ; et a vri beneplaciti
ci offerimo sempre. Ferrae XXII. Nobris 1515.
Pregovi, che vi piacqua raccomandarmi al R. mo
Car. le Gurcensis.
LUCRETIA, Ducissa Ferrariae.
Tergo.
Mag.co Doctiss.o Amico Nro. Carmo.
Dno Joan. Georgio Trissino S. D. N. Nuntio apud
Caesarem.
No. III.
M.co Mess. Jo. Georgio N.ro Car.mo Havendo inteso
da vro Cognato exhibitore di una vra a noi la diligente, et
amorevele opera fatta da Voi a nra satisfactione, e stata allo
Illmo S.re N.ro, al quale lungamente, et minutamente hab-
biamo comunicato el tutto, e parimente a Noi di rariss.o
contento, et veramente meritoria col dimostrato buon animo
vro di quella obbligatione, che 1' uno e 1' altro di Noi ve ne
sente. Et perche haveressimo anco molto desiderio di poter
partialmente parlar cum Voi nel ritorno vro di cose, che
sarebbe di molta opera, e di poco contento vro el scriverle,
mi fareste piacer molto singulare ad trasferirve sin qua;, il
che facendo Voi sera piu presto passata, che dimora. Et
da mo restando Noi in expectatione, di molto cor vi si offe-
riamo. Et bene valete.
. APPENDIX, NO. LI. 505
Tergo.
Mag. Amico Nro. Car.mo loanni Georgio Trissino.
Romae.
In Ferrara XXVI. di Martio MDXVI.
La vra Duchessa di Ferrara.
No. IV.
Magnifice Amice Nr. Carissime : stando in expectatione
di haver qualche nova di voi havemo havuta la vra, la quale
mi e stata gratissima. E' vero, che mi seria stato molto piu
la persona, la quale speravamo dovesse esser piu presto di
quello voi significasi per la vra, se ben poi con molta huma-
nita, et cortesia la remettete in nro arbitrio, del che n. po-
temo si n. ringratiarvene grandem.e ; Qtunche a noi non
para licito discontiarvi tanto quanto mostrati, che ve ne im-
porti certe vre cose lie : havemo ben ultra modo gratissimo,
che quando el tempo non sia superfluo lungo, expediti che
siano quelli vri negotii vogliati omnino venirvene qua, et
conservar non voglio dire la promessa, ma la speranza, che
ci deste, quando ultimamente fusti qua, di havervi qualche
tempo ; et in quel mezio pigliarvi quella cura dell' Illmo
nostro figliolo che Noi cum tanto afecto vi raccomandas-
simo, et di che lo Illmo. S.or N.ro, ed Noi non ne potiamo
star con magiore desiderio : et in questo proposito a vro
contento vi advisiamo come el suo preceptore fino adesso
non potria restare di lui piu satisfacto, ne cum magiore spe-
ranza de reportarvi honore, et cum facilita, secundo che
pensiamo habiate anche inteso per sue Ire, per il che non ci
extenderemo altrimente si non recordarvi, et certificarvi,
che non siamo mai per mancar del nro bon amo verso di voi,
et cosi ce vi offeriamo di bon core. Belriguardi p.o Junii
1516.
La vra Duchessa di Ferrara.
Tergo.
Mag.co Amico Nro Car.mo Joanni Georgio Trissino.
Romae.
506 APPENDIX, NO. LI.
No.V.
M. Giovan Giorgio mio Car.mo Ho ricevuto 1' ultima
vra la quale per haverme dato scientia di Voi, quel che som-
mamente desiderava, mi e stata gratissima, posto che mol-
to piu mi sarebbe stata la presentia vra. Ma come ho ha-
vuto dispiacere, ch' Ella mi sia stata dalli allegati negotii nel
vro venire contesa, cosi havro caro, che mi sia nel vro ritorno
da voi concessa. Alle altre parte de detta vra, et a quanto
me ha referto a bocca satisfara vro Cognato nel riporto vi
fara di me, la quale di molto cuore me vi offero, et racco.o
Di Ferrara el di XV. di Ottobre MDXVIH.
La vra Duchessa di Ferrara.
Tergo.
Mag. co Dno. Jo. Georgio Trissino Amico
Nro Carmo.
Lettera del Trissino al Bembo. Dal Segr. del. sig. Panfilo
Persico stampato in Venetia, 1620, p. 246.
(Ital. Ed. vol. x. p. 195.)
Vedo che la soave e modesta natura di V. S. s' e non-
dimeno alquanto sopra il dovere commossa dal non ha-
ver otte'nuto da me la medaglia richiestami ; della qual io
non son cosi ingiusto o avaro estimatore, che non conosca
quanto piu di gran lunga si deva prestar la vostra gratia, e
sodisfattione. Ma 1' haverla sotto la conditione, ch' io 1' ho,
da chi n' e piu padrone, che non son io, non permette, ch 1
io possa far con essa quest' acquisto dell' amor di V.S. che
comprarei con altro qual si voglia maggior prezzo. Che se
la somiglianza, che vi rende questa medaglia della donna
amata, v' ha fatto stimar giusto il desiderio d' haverla in
vostra balia, perche non dovete stimar giusto altresi il me-
desmo rispetto in me di ritenerla, oltre la fede, che m' ob-
bliga a non la separar da me per alcun caso ? Duo forti
legami amor e fede mi contendono il poter fare a Vostra
Signoria questo dono, da' quali mi rendo certo, che non mi
vorra sciorre il giudicio e la bonta di lei che s' ama o prezza
in me parte alcuna, che buona sia, deve sopra tutte amare,
APPENDIX, NO. LI. 507
e prezzar queste, che in lei sono in grade cosi eccellente.
Onde mi persuade, che lasciate adietro le cagioni, che vi
par d' havere di querelarvi di me, farete appresso la vostra
gentilezza piu cortese adito alle mie sense ; ne vi rimarrete
d' essercitar sopra di me quell' auttorita, che havete di dis-
porre a vostro piacere, persuadendovi, che maggiore e in me
il risentimento di non haver potuto servir Vostra Signoria,
che non e stata in lei la noia d' havermi richiesto indarno.
END OF VOL. I.
J. M'Creery, Took* Court,
Chnrry Lute, London.
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