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In offering tlie foUo"0'ing historical and social account of Burmese policy and importance, it may be permitted me to make a few remarks on the subject of the war now proceeding in that country. Unfortunate as any war always is, and must be, yet in contending with an unprincipled and tyrannical govern- ment like that of Burmah, there is a grain of satisfaction in knowing that we thereby shake the despotic thrones of the East, and thus add something to the cause of liberty and peace. Such, too, is the only advantage of a conten- tion with the king of Ava. If we cannot liumanizc by fair means, — of course, under fair means I do not intend to comprehend many of the so-called missionary labours, which cause more harm in a short while than all diplomatic fiddling will do in the course of years, — we must, vl et armix, carry civilisation into the country, and openly defy the custom-house of tyranny. The two courses to be adopted with respect to Burmah seem to be these ; — the one is to erect the Pegu province into a kingdom ; the other, to annex the country ourselves, placing it under Anglo-Indian rule ; and I cannot help believing that any fair investigation of the subject will produce the above conviction ; but time and the diplomatists must decide on the precise course. For the cause of religious truth and civil liberty, it is to VI FEEFACE. be hoped that the missionary system at present pursued may be altered ; for the sake of peace, it is to be hoped that the utmost caution will be pursued in framing laws for these countries, wliieh must at last, in some way, become allies or tributaries of the imperial crown of Great Britain. It will be seen in the following pages, where I hare endeavoured to indicate rather than enlarge upon the social condition of the Burmese, that they have many admirable customs ; that they are industrious ; that their moral propensities are as yet undefiled ; and that their country presents a fine field for the development both of commercial and agricultural interests. Now, when even the colonies in the south are overstocked, or rather crowded vrith persons not capable, as a general rule, of occupying a responsible condition m life, there is a necessity for a new and yet old place. In Burmah we have it. Under the rule of an independent sovereign, Pegu would form a fine place, where our vessels could lie ; and the teak of the country would make Bassein and Hangoon of great im- portance to our shipping interests. If Burmah should be incorporated with our own dominions, why, then at least the same degree of elevation in the intellectual world would be obtained, as in Hindustan, or in Siam, where, ns JS'eale informs us, the king reads " Pickwick" in English, and enjoys it. In some respects the following character of the English, drawn by the Burmese themselves, is so just, that I shall hardly be wrong in submitting it to the reader : — " The English are the inhabitants of a small and remote island : what business have they to come in ships from so great a distance to dethrone kings, and take possession of countries they have no right toP They contrive to conquer and govern the black foreigners, the people of castes, who have puny frames and no courage : they have never yet PEEFACE. VU fouglit with so strong and brave a people as the Burmas^ skilled in the use of the sword and spear. If they once fight with us, and we have an opportunity of manifesting our bravery, it will be an example to the black nations, which are now slaves to the English, and will encourage them to throw off the yoke."(l) The fact is, that the English never had any business in India, and their only title to it now consists in their long possession and occupation of the territory. The world has forgotten that, or overlooked it from the first. The nation is brave and intelligent, but hasty and inconsiderate, and so blind is it when excited, that, at such time, like Captain Absolute, it could cut its own throat, " or any other person's, with the greatest pleasure in the world." I trust this little work may serve as a guide to the many valuable and interesting volumes to which I have been indebted, and that the reader may not count the hours spent in its perusal lost. My literary engagements have somewhat hurried the close, but nothing of im- portance has been omitted ; indeed, by the kindness of several friends, I have been able, here and there, to add new illustrations and comments. KENNETH E. H. MACKENZIE. (!) Judson, in Documents, pp. 223, 22l>. CONTENTS. BOOK I. BURMAN CIVILISATION. CHAPTER I. Geographical sketch — Character of the country — Climate — The river Irawadi — The Petroleum Welh — The Salueu, &c. — Forests — Plants — Minerals — Animals — Races of Burraah — Character of the Burmese nation 1 CHAPTER II. The King absolute — Instances of despotism — Titles— Forms of government — Offices — The Law Courts — Theiriniquity — Instances — The Book of the Oath epitomized — The oath — Laws — Police- Revenues — Petroleum — Family-tax— Imports and exports — Ex- actions — Army — Equipments — Cowardice — March — The Invul- nerables — Discipline — Military character — White elephants — De- scription of an early traveller — Its high estimation — Treatment — Funeral 16 CHAPTER III. Cosmography — The Burman hells — Definition of a Nat, by Hesiod — Buddha — Gaudama — His probable history — Buddhism — Priests — Temples — Curious cave near Prome — Monasteries — Ceremonies — Funeral — Concluding remarks 45 CHAPTER IV. Language — Literature — Manuscripts — The Aporazabon — Su- perstitions — Divination — The Deitton — Astronomy — Division of time 60 CONTENTS. CHAPTER V. Currency — Weights — Commerce — Ports — Teak-\vood — Houses — Tanks — Dress — Food — Marriages — Child-birth — Funerals — j^rts — Slavery — The Drama — Chess — Games — Music — Fire- works 81 CHAPTER VI. Ancient history — Pegu — Character of the Burmese — Con- •cluding reflections '• 99 BOOK 11. BURMAN HISTORY. CHAPTER I. 1G87— 17G0. i Alompra, the liberator of Burmah 108 I CHAPTER II. " 1760—1819.' Anaundopra — Zempiuscien— Chenguza— Paongoza— Menta- ra-gyee ^^'^ CHAPTER III. 1760—1824. British intercourse with Ava— Alves's mission— Symes's mis- sion — Canning— King Nun-Sun— Rise of the Burman war— Its origin in official aggression — Evacuation of Cachar 145 CHAPTER IV. 1824. Bundoola— Retreat of Captain Noton — Defeat at Ramoo — Repulse of the Burmans — Burmese nrcount of the war— Rangoon expedition— Description of Rangoon 156 CONTENTS. XI CHAPTER V. 1824. Arrival at Rangoon — Taking of that town — Position of the troops — State of the neighbourhood — Confidence of the king of Ava — Attack of Loazong — Burmese embassy — Capture of Kemen- dine — Reinforcements from ^Madras — Sickness of the army — Endurance of the British soldier 161) CHAPTER VI. 1824. Encounters with the Burmese — Capture of Kummeroot — Taking of Syriam — Storming of Dalla — Conquest of Tenaaserim province — The Invulnerables 181 CHAPTER VII. 1824—1825. Battle of Kykloo — Thantabain — Maha Bundoola — Successes of the British — Discomfiture of Maha Bundoola — Campbell marches into the interior — Arrival at Donabew — Repulse — Death of Bun- doola — Capture of Donabew 189 CHAPTER VIII. 1825—1826. Arrival at Prome — Prome under English nile — Re-assembly of the Burmese army — Negotiations for peace— Battle of Meaday — McUoon — Yandabo — Treaty of peace 197 Ai W( <;1 BURxMAH: AN HISTOEICO-SOCIAL SKETCH. EOOK I. BURMAN CIVILISATION. CHAPTER I. Geographical sketch — Character of the country — Climate — The river Irawadi— The Petroleum wells — The Salneii, ^c. — Forests — Plants — Minerals — Animals — Races of Burmah — Character of the Burmese nation. Before tlie war in 1821, 1825, and 1820, tlic empire of Burmali -was tlie most considerable amonf^ those of tlie Indo-Cliinese nations inliabilini^ the farther penmsula of India. Previous to the events of that campaign it com- prehended the whole of the extensive region lying be- tween the latitudes 9' and 27° N. At present, however, its limits are lat. \iV and 27° or 28° N., and long. 93'^ and 99^ E. Its nortlieru boundnry is, even at th(i })resent day, imperfectly known ; and we are in still greater uncer- tainty concerniug the frontier to the east, in Upper Laos, partly subject to the king of Ava or Burmah. Berghaus is probably the most correct in following Sir Francis Hamilton, (1) who has done far more for the geography of these countries than any one else, and extending it to 100'-' E. long., about the parallel of 22° N. It is bounded (1) Or Dr. l^uelianan. Sec lus pai)cr n\ tliQ Edinburgh Philosophical Journfti, vol. ii. j). t)°N. ; but from thence to the 22^ it assumes a hilly aspect, and beyond that it rises into mountains. Burmah is inclosed on the east and west by two branch ranges of the Himalaya ; other ranges run down, in general, from north to south, gra- dually decreasing in height toward the south. The upper portion of Burmah is mountainous. The scenery is among the most beautiful in the world. Plains and mountains, lovely valle3-s and gaping chasms, present themselves to the wondering eye of the traveller. JN^ow there is a space of level ground, covered witli straggling underwood ; plants trail along tlie eartli, the high dis- orderly grass of the jungle waves, and the wild stunted trees stretch their deformed limbs toward heaven, as if to pray that the hand of civilised man might at length re- lieve them. The waving grass is gone, and we are again amid the mountains, clothed with majestic trees, arching gloriously over the weary traveller's head, and concealing from his view llie wild animals that house there. Such is the greater part of Burmah, thus uninhabited and neg- lected; such the condition of a region belonging to an unenergetic people ; and such it vn\l remain, until the nations can recognise the vast wealth that the gorges and abysses of the mountains contain, llich and unexhausted 1. 1.] lEAWADI lilVEE. 3 is the land ; but tkc race that shall gather its treasures, and turn its wild|wastes into populous cities, is not, and will never be, that of the Burman ! The coasts and rivers are well studded with towns and villa<2;es, and the busy hum of the healthy labourers is heard everywhere. Yet there is a blank place in the maps for many portions still. No European voice has listened in the wildernesses of the Naga tribes, or in those of the Murroos. The land whence the human race first came is now left silent. In tlie maritime portions of the country the year has two seasons, — the dry and the wet. The latter always begins about the tenth of May, with showers gradually growing more frequent, for several weeks. It afterwards rains almost daily until about the middle of September, "svhen it as gradually goes off, and in the course of a month entirely ceases. During this time from one hun- dred and fifty to two hundred inches of water fall. This is the only time when the country is unhealthy for foreigners, and even then, there are many places where persons may reside with impunity. In other parts of the country there are three seasons. In the highest and wildest provinces there are severe winters. Amidst these mountain-passes rises the great and sacred river Irawadi, named from the elephant of Indra, which, like the stream of history, flows down from amidst obscurity and uncertainty. The sources of the Irawadi are yet undiscovered ; but Lieutenant AVilcox, who explored a considerable portion of Burmah, was informed, that they were not far distant from that " of the Burampooter, or Brahmapootra. It has a course of more than twelve hun- dred miles to the sea ; and passing through the whole of the empire, it falls into the Gulf of Martaban, by a great num- ber of mouths, in the kingdom of Pegu. Its breadth varies from one to three, and even five miles in various parts of its course. How different from its narrowest width of eighty 5'ards, at about forty miles from its supposed source. The river issues from the mountains, and enters an extensive valle}', occupied by the tribes of the Khun- oongs. At this early point of its course, the country is jjcrfectly level, and is partly cultivated, while the remainder is studded with small woods of bamboo. The Irawadi is little more than eighty yards broad at the town of Manchec, and is quite fordable. The plain of B 2 4 IBAWADI EIVEE. [I. 1. Manclico Is 1,S55 feet above the level of the sea. After passing through this plain, it runs through countries very little known to Europeans, for about 120 miles. Kugged mountain-chains here form the banks of the river, some- times diversified by a plain of some extent. Eamoo is the first place of consequence on the river after Manchee, and is about 350 miles distant from the latter town. The level of the river falls 1,300 feet between the two places. At some distance from 13amoo, near a village called Kauntoun, the river suddenly turns west- wards but soon runs south-west again. A little above Hentha it takes a direction due south, so continuing to Amarapura. From Bamoo to Amarapura the country is only navigable for small boats. " With the change of the river the face of the country is changed. Issuing from the narrow valley, it enters a very wide one, or rather a plain. Along its banks, and especially on the southern side, the level country extends for many miles, in some places even to thirty, and even then is not bounded by high mountains, but b}^ moderate hills, which increase in height as they recede farther from the river. Considerable portions of these plains are covered by the inundations of the river in the wet season. On the north side of the river the hills are at no great distance from the banks, and here the ground is impregnated with muriate of soda, and with nitre, of which great quantities arc extracted." (1) The Irawadi now rolls its majestic floods towards the ocean, and receives an accession in the confluence of the Kyan Duayn, a river which first receives that name near the Danghii hills ; it then continues its course, and arrives at the former boundary of the kingdoms of Ava and Pegu, the promontory of Kyaok-ta-rau. " The valley of the Irawadi, south of its confluence with the Kyan Duayn, to the town of Melloon (south of 20"^ N. lat.), is, in its general aspect, hilly and very uneven ; but the hills rise to no great height, at least not near the river, and are in many places separated by tracts of flat country, which in some places are extensive and well eiiltivated. South of Melloon the hills approach nearer tlio river, and often form its banks. They arc in most places covered with forest trees cf considerable size ; amon<; (n Penny Cyclop^Uja, vol, iv. p. 130 t^. I. 1.] PETROLEtTM WELLS. 5 M liicli ioak-trees are frcqmnit. Cultivation is confined to llie narrow Hat tracts wliicli licre and there separate tlie liills from the river." (1) In this neighbourhood are situated the famous Petro- leum wells, at a village called Ho-nau-khaung, from three to four miles from the river. Colonel Symes did not visit the intercstinn- spot at that time, but he has given us an excellent idea of the locality, by his brief but vigorous sketch : — " The country," he tells us,(2)" now displayed an aspect different from any we had yet seen ; the siu'face was broken into small separate hills, entirely barren and desti- tute of vegetation, except some stunted bushes that grew on the declivities, and in the dells, and a few unhealthy trees immediately in the neighbourhood of the villages : the clay was discoloured, and had the appearance of red ochre. We were informed, that the celebrated wells of petroleum, which supply the whole empire, and many parts of India, with that useful product, were five miles to the east of this place. The Seree brought me a piece of stone, which he assured me was petrified wood, and wliich c^^rtainly had much the appearance of it. In walk- ing about, I picked up several lumps of the same, in which the grain of the wood was plainly discernible ; it was hard, siliceous, and seemed composed of different lamina. The Birmans said it was the nature of the soil that caused this transmutation ; and added, that the petri- fying quality of the earth at this place was such, that leaves of trees shaken off by the wind were not unfre- quently changed into stone before they could be decayed by time. The face of the country was altered and the banks of the river were totally barren ; the ground was superficially covered with quartz gravel, and concreted masses of the same material were thickly scattered. The mouth of the creek was crowded with large boats, waiting to receive a lading of oil ; and immense pyramids of earthen jars were raised within and arflund the village, disposed in the same manner as shot and shells are pih*d iu an arsenal. This place is inhabited only by potters, who cany on an extensive manufactory, and liiid I'ull em- ployment. The smell of the oil was extremely offensive ; we saw several thousand jars filled with it ranged along (1) Penny Cycloprcdia, vol. iv. ]). 1:17. (2) Embassy to Avu, vol. ii. p. -il,! sq. 6 PETEOLEUM WELLS. [I. 1. the bank ; some of tlicso were continually breakino^, and the contents, mingling with the sand, formed a very filthy consistence." On the colonel's return, hoTvever, he and Dr. Buchanan rode over to the wells ; and their account of their visit is too interesting to be omitted here :(1) — "The face of the country was cheerless and sterile ; the road, which wound among rocky eminences, was barely wide enough to admit the passage of a single cart ; and in many places the track in which the wheels must run was a foot and a half lower on one side than the other : there were several of these lanes, some more circuitous than others, according to the situation of the small hdls among which they led. Vehicles, going and returning, were thus enabled to pursue different routes, except at particular places where the nature of the ground would only admit of one road : when a cart came to the entrance of such a defile, the driver hallooed out, to stop any that might interfere with him from the opposite side, no part being sufficiently wide for two carts to pass. The hills, or rather hillocks, were covered with gravel, and yielded no other vegetation than a few stunted bushes. The wheels had worn ruts deep into the rock, which seemed to be rather a mass of concreted gravel than hard stone, and many pieces of petrified Avood lay strewed about. It is remark- able, that wherever these petrifactions were found the soil was unproductive, and the ground destitute of A'erdure. The evening being far advanced, we met but few carts ; those which we did observe, were drawn each by a pair of oxen, of a length disproportionate to the breadth, to allow space for the earthen pots that contained the oil. It was a matter of surprise to us how they could convey such brittle ware, with any degree of safety, over so rug- ged a road : each pot was packed in a sepai'ate basket and laid on straw ; notwithstanduig which precaution, the ground all the way was strewed with the fragments of the vessels, and wet with oil ; for no care can prevent the frac- ture of some in every journey. As we approached the pits, which were more distant than we had imagined, the country became less uneven, and the soil produced herb- age : it was nearly dark when we reached them, and the labourers had retired from work. There seemed to be a (1) Embassy to Ava, vol. iii. p. 233 sq. I. 1.] PETROLEUM, OR EARTH-OIL. 7 orreat many pits within a small compass : walking to the nearest, we found the aperture about foiu* feet sqiiare, and the sides, as far as we could see down, were lined with tim- ber ; the oil is drawn up in an ii'on pot, fastened to a rope passed over a wooden cylinder which revolves on an axis supported by two upright posts. When the pot is filled, two men take the rope by the end, and rim down a decli- vity, which is cut in the ground to a distance equivalent to the depth of the weU : thus, when they reach the end of the track the pot is raised to its proper elevation ; the contents, water and oil together, are then discharged into a cistern, and the water is afterwards drawn off through a hole in the bottom." It is impossible to read this, without stopping to smile at the backwardness of the people, who, having invented all the machinery for a well, should still remain at that distance from the application of this discovery, as to resort to such a complicated and cumbersome arrangement, as cutting a trackway equal in length to the depth of the well ! How easy to have applied the winch and coiled the rope, as other nations as far back in civilisation have done, in the way with which we are acquainted ! But it is such little hitches that impede a nation's progress ! (1) But to continue the narrative of the envoy. " Our guide, an active, intelligent man, went to a neigh- bouring house and procured a well-rope, by means of which we were enabled to measure the depth, and ascertained it to be thirty-seven fathoms ; but of the quantity of oil at the bottom we could not judge. The owner of the rope, who followed our guide, affirmed, that when a pit yielded as much as came up to the waist of a man, it was deemed tolerably productive ; if it reached to his neck, it was abun- dant ; but that which rose no higher than the knee was accounted indifferent. When a well is exhausted, they re- store the spring by cutting deeper into the rock, which is extremely hard in those places where the oil is produced. Government farms out the ground that supplies this useful commodity; and it is again let to adventurers, who dig wells at their own hazard, by which they sometimes gain and often lose, as the labour and expense of digging are considerable. The oil is sold on the spot for a mere trifle ; I think two or three hundred pots for a tackal, or half a crown. The (I) Near Amarapura, however, Symes obsen'Cd a man in a plantation using a wheel to a well. See Ixis Ava, vol. ii. p. 87, small edition. 8 MOUTHS OF THE TRAWADI. [I. 1. principal cliarj^o is incurred by llio transportation and purchase of vessels. We had but half gratified our curiosity, when it grew dark, and our guide urged us not to remain any longer, as the road was said to be infested by tigers, that prowled at niglit among the rocky unin- habited ways through wliich we had to pass. We fol- lowed his advice, and returned, with greater risk, as I thought, of breaking our necks from the badness of the road than of being devoured by wild beasts. At ten o'clock we reached our boats without any misadventure." Captain Hiram Cox, the British resident at Eangoon in 179(5-7, describes the town of Ile-nau-kh5^aung, or as he spells it, Ramanghong, meaning the ioicn throuffh wliich jiows a river of earth-oil, as " of mean appearance ; and several of its temples, of wliich there are great numbers, falling to ruins ; the inhabitants, however," he continues, *' are well dressed, many of them with golden spiral ear ornaments. "(1) Altogether the town or village, and its environs, are as bleak as bleak can be, if we may trust the description. We shall hereafter return to the considera- tion of the Petroleum trade as a source of revenue to the government. The most important place about this portion of the course of the Irawadi is Prome, a city which we shall here- after have to mention as one of those celebrated in the ancient history of the country ; we will therefore omit further notice of it here. Exclusive of the Delta of the Irawadi, to which we must now turn our attention, there is very little low land in the Burman territory. Like the Delta of the Nile it is exceedingly fruitful, and it produces abundant crops of rice. It is, too, the commercial highway of the laud. Malcom, who travelled in the country, expresses his astonishment at the number of boats ever passing up and down the river. It would seem that the navigation is very tedious; for, according to the same traveller, the boats are genc^'ally from three to four months ascending from the Delta to the city of Ava.(2) The Irawadi finally embouches into the Bay of Bengal by several mouths, of which the chief are, the Bassein river, the Dallah, the Chinabuckecr, and the Eangoou or Syriam river. (P Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 127 sq. (2) Malcom, Travels in South-Eastcru Asia, vol. i. p. oG sq. I. 1.] niYEES OF ErEM.vn. 9 Tlio Sahion or INTartaban river rises in llie same range of mountain wlience the Biirampooter, the Irawach, and the great Knniboja rivers originate. In tlic early part of its course, it is named Nou-Kiang by the Chinese, through whose territory it at first flows. It disembogues into the Gulf of Poolooghoon opposite the island of that name. The Kyan Duayn is a river which, rising near the sources of the Irawadi, traverses the Kubo valley, and falls into that river in lat. 21° 35' N., long. 95° 10' E. ; forming several islands at the junction. The principal of these is Alakyun. The river Setang makes a grand appearance, as Malcom says, upon the map, still it is of little use, as its depth is only four feet, though at diflerent places it has a depth of from ten to fifteen feet. It must at one time have been deeper and navigable, for the ancient capital of Tongho, in the kingdom of that name, is built upon it. There is a bore of three feet on the Setang. The other rivers of Burmah are of little consequence. There are but few lakes, and the most considerable will be noticed hereafter. The fruits of Burmah are very varied in their character, and though they surpass their neighboui's in the article of timber, yet the fruit-trees are far inferior. A very complete list is given in Malcom's comprehensive work, to which I must refer the reader. (1) The teak forests, whose produce forms no inconsiderable article in Burmese commerce, are situated in the province of Sarawadi, in the hilly mountain- ous district east and north-east of Bangoon, The forests in this part of Asia, like the woody and uncultivated parts of Hindostan, are extremely pestiferous, and even though the wood-cutters be a hardy and active race of men, on ■whom climate and suffering would seem to have little efl'ect, yet they never attain to any considerable age, and are very short-lived. Dr. Wallich, on his visit to Burmah in 1820, collected specimens of upwards of sixteen thousand difl'erent sorts of trees and plants. I need only refer the reader to his learned and magnificent work for a description and classi- fication of them. The mineral riches of the land, whicli are considerable, are not sufficiently attended to. The head-waters of the vai'ious rivers contain gold-dust, and from Bamoo, on the frontier of China, much gold has been obtained. Malcom (1) Malcom, vol. i. p. 173 sqq. ; and Wallicli, Planta Itariures, SiC. 10 MINES. [I. 1. suggests tliat want of enterprise and capital lias alone pre- vented these sources of prosperity from being worked. Yes, it has been that curse ! From the earliest ages they liave laboured under it, and time seems not to have taught them the important lesson that all the world beside are learning and repeating every day, — the necessity of pro- gress. Much of their gold is drawn from China, and their love for using it in gilding edifices resembles the taste of the Incas, who, richer in tlie metal, plated their temples with gold.(l) What is not used for this purpose is em- ployed in the setting of the jewels of tlie great, and as in Peru, remains in the hands of the Inca lords. It is rarely used as currency, and then in ingots. Notwithstanding that there is much, silver elsewhere, the only mines worked are in Laos, and there even the mines are not wrought by the Burmese, but by natives of China and Laos, to the number of about a thousand, Tlie estimated produce does not seem large, amounting annually to only one hundred thousand pounds, on which the con- tractors pay a tax of five thousand pounds. The diamonds are all small, and emeralds are wanting. Hubics are found in great quantities, however, at about five days' journey from Ava, near the villages of Mo-gout and Kyat-pyen. Malcom saw one for which the owner asked no less than four pounds of pure gold. The king is reported to have some which weigh from one hundred and twenty to one himdred and fifty grains. Sapphires, too, abound. " Some hare been obtained," Malcom assures us, " weighing from three thousand to nearly four thou- sand grains." (2) Many other precious stones are to be foimd in this wealthy country. Much amber is found round the Hu-kong valley, on the Assam frontier. Iron, tin, lead, and many of those staples of commerce which form the real wealth and resources of every countr)^ abound, and coal is to be found in the inland provinces, (13) Marble, and of the finest, also exists in the land ; better than which there would seem to be none in the world. AVliat might such a country be in the hands of an energetic and intel- ligent people ! , (1) Prescott's Conquest of Peru, vol. ii. p. 101-3, (2) Malcom, vol. i. j). Ifi;. (3) See Journal of the Asiatic Society of Beng'al. vol. iv, p. 704, On the Further Discovery of Coalbeds in As.sani, by Capt. F. .Fenkins; also vol. viii, p, 385. The existence of coal has, however, been disputed. I. 1.] RUBY-MTNES OF KYAT-rYEN. 11 I subjoin a translation of a description of the mines of precious stones in Kyat-p5''en, from tlio orisjinal of Pere Giuseppe d'Amato.(l) It gives a clearer and conciser account of tlie mines than I can meet with elsewhere, and I therefore offer it to the reader in an abridged form. " The territory of Kyat-pyen [written Chia-ppien by d'ilmato] is situated to the east, and a little to the south of the town of Mon-tha (lat. 22° 16' N.), distant about seventy miles. It is surrounded by nine mountains. The soil is uneven and full of marshes, forming seventeen small lakes, each having a particular name. It is this soil which is so rich in mineral treasures. It shoiJd be noticed, however, that the dry ground alone is mined. The miners dig square wells, supporting the sides with piles and cross-pieces. These wells are sunk to the depth of fifteen or twenty cubits. When it is secure, the miner descends with a basket, which he fills with loose earth, the basket is drawn up, and the jewels are picked out and washed in the brooks in the neighbouring hills. They continue working the wells laterally till two meet, when the place is abandoned. There are very few accidents. •The precious stones that are found there consist of rubies, sapphires, topazes, and other crystals. Many fabidous stories are related concerning the origin of the mines at Kyat-pyen." An anecdote was told Amato, as he says, " by a person of the highest credit," of two masses {amas) of rubies at Kyat-pyen. One weighed eighty viss. (2) "When the people were taking them to Ava to the king, a party of robbers attacked the convoy, and made off with the smaller one ; the other, injured by fire, was brought to Ava. The animals of the country arc very numerous. The domestic quadrupeds of the Burmans are the ox, the buffalo, the horse, and the elephant. The two first arc very much used throughout the country. They are both of a very good species, and generally well kept. The ox is to them an expensive animal, as their religion forbids its use as food, and they have, therefore, no profitable manner of disposing of the disabled cattle. This, probably, led to the taming of the buffalo, an animal which has been in use among them from time immemorial. It is less (1) Jounial of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. ii. p. 7a sq. (2) The viss is equal to 3i pounds. The Burmese word is peik-tha. 13 ANIMALS. ^ [I. 1. expensive to roar, and is contcntcJ with coarser food. But it is not so valual)lo in some respects, for tliouijli stronger, it is not so hardy, and cannot endure long- continued exertion. The liorse is never full-sized in Burmah, as in every Asiatic tropical country east of Bengal, and it somewhat resembles the Canadian pony. The animal is expensive, and rarely used except for the saddle. In some parts of the country it is almost un- known. The elephant, well named the Apis of tlie Buddhists by M. Dubois de Jancigny,(l) is now much more the object of royal luxury and ostentation tlian anything else, and I shall, when speaking of the religious eeremonies of the Burmans, again refer to the place it occupies in their estimation. It is only used in Laos as a beast of burden. Hogs, dogs, cats, besides asses, sheep, and goats, which last are but little known, arc little cared for, and they are allowed to pm'sue their own paths unmolested. The camel, an animal, which as Mr. Crawfurd says, is " sufficiently well suited to the upper portions of the country," is unknown to the Burmese. (2) Wild animals of many descriptions abound in Bm'mah, still it is a remarkable fact, noticed by Crawfurd, that neither wolves, jackals, foxes, nor hyenas, are to bo found in the countr3^ Many species of winged game abound, as also hares. The Indo-Chinese nations are considered by Prichard (3) to consist of various races, while Pickermg (1) seems to be able to detect but two, the Malay, and, in an isolated position, the Telingan. It is therefore dilficult with such contradictory evidence to arrive at the probable result. But as, without a slight sketch of this important subject, my work would fall under the just imputation of incom- pleteness, I shall venture to give some account of the races of Burmali, and I the rather take Pricliard as my chief guide, as his research is the completer of the two, notwithstanding that Pickering has shown himself well able through his work to distinguish the Malay race from every other, in the most difficult and delicate cases. I shall not trouble the reader with any account of the (1) Japon, Indo-Chine, et Ceylan, par M. Dubois de Jancigny, p. 236. (•2) Crawfurd's Ava, vol. ii. p. 2-22, to whom I am mainly indebted. (:e Researches into the Physical History of Mankind, vol. iv. p. 499. (1) Races of Man, p. 137. " tjeo his Etliiiolo{,'iciiil map. I. 1.] KACES. 13 adjacent races, but occupy myself solely ^vitIl the prin- cipal nations under the Burman dominion. And first of the people of Pegu : (1) they inhabit the Delta of the Ira^vadi, and the low coast which terminates in the hilly country of the Burnians or Maramas. They are called by the Burmans, Tiilain ; but their own name for themselves is jMan or J\I6n. The Pegu race, we shall see in the course of its history, was once very powerful, and its ascendancy remained for many years, and during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the empire of Pegu is often spoken of in the Portuguese chronicles as power- ful and magnificent. Their language is entirely different from that of the Burmese and Siamese, as Leyden judged, (2) and Low has since amply proved. (3) In Low's opinion, the Man is the most original of the Lido- Chinese language. They use the Pali alphabet, and pro- bably had it before the Burmans. The Kariau race inhabits the borders and low plains in Bassein province, but do not present any salient points for consideration. The Maramas or Burmans inhabit the high lands above Pegu, where they created a powerful empire for them- selves in very ancient times. They are some of that valiant Malay stock Avho subsequently colonized so large a portion of tlie globe, and passed by way of Polynesia to the American continent. They, like the Incas of Peru, boast a celestial origin ; and the similarity of some of their institutions lead to no unfair presumption of their being of the same original family. (1) They are the most ex- tended race in the Burman empires, reaching from the frontiers of Laos and Siam westward to Arakhan. The country of Arakhan, which next claims our atten- tion, and concludes om- consideration of the races of Burmah, stretches along the eastern vshore of the Gulf of Bengal, from about 21^ to 18° of north latitude. Having in ancient times formed a portion of the empire of ]\la- gad'ha, they were for centuries connected with India. The Burmans tliemselves derive'their origin from tliem ; l)ut this is only indirectly true. The solution of the problem remains yet to bo told. The opinion of the Burmans re- (1) Prirhard, vol. iv. p. r>oCt. {2) Asiat. Rcs. vol. x. p. 210. (?.) Liiw's (iraminar of tho T'hay. (•»> See my rpmarkii in I3ucHlt7's Grcut Cities of llic Auciciit Wgrlfl, p. 3tiy. 14 BUBMESE CHAEACTEE. [I. 1. garding tlie antiquity 'of the Eiiklicng, or Ai'aklian dialect, is fully borne out by Dr. Leyden. The chief modifications it has undergone are traceable to the Pali.(l) The ethnology of the Burman empire is neither so in- tricate or so unsatisfactory as some otliers. There does not seem to have been a similar extent of change of race, and probably to that very circumstance do they owe the feebleness of character, which, however willingly we w'ould omit seeing, docs not fail to make itself conspicuous in a consideration of their prowess, social institutions, and advancement. The very fact of their quiescent state has debarred from progress, as the most mixed race is ever the most energetic. AYitness our own, where so many various bloods have commingled, and formed a nation, which, emphatically speaking, is a progressive one, and now more than ever. The Burmans have not made the advancement they might have made. There has been sluggish, age-lasting improvement in their empire, and it has been the want of a stimulating and decisive energy alone that has kept them back. Simplicity forms, too, no inconsiderable part of the national character, and this, by leading them to accept various doctrines without examination — a quality usually observable in semi-civilised races — has not given them au)^ reason to think and to look around. Like the American races, they proceeded to a certain point, and then improved but little. Colonel Symes, who was inclined to magnify the im- portance of the nation in every way, applied some remarks to them, which, however applicable now, Avere certaiuly not then. With those remarks I shall terminate this chapter, leaving their truth or falsehood to be discovered in the course of the w^ork. " The Birmans," observes he,(2) " are certaiuly rising fast in the scale of Oriental nations ; and it is to be hoped that a long respite from foreign wars will give them leisure to improve their natural advantages. Knowledge in- creases with commerce ; and as they are not shackled by any prejudices of castes restricted to hereditary occupa- tions, or forbidden from participating with strangers in (1) 111 concluiliny: this subject, allow mc to refer tlic reader to some useful observations on Ethnology by Dr. Prirliard, in the Admiralty Manual of Scicntilic liKjuiiy, edited by Sir Joint (Icrscliel, p. J'2.J-444. (2) Euibassy to Ava, vol. i. p. '2S6 sq. ; later edition, vol. i. p. 148. / I. 1.] SYMES ON THE BUEMESE. 15 « every social bond, their advancement will, in all proba- bility, be rapid. At present, so far from being in a state of intellectual darkness, altkougli they have not explored the depths of science, nor reached to excellence in the finer arts, they yet have an undeniable claim to the cha- racter of a civilised and well-instructed people. Their laws are wise, and pregnant with sound morality ; their poHce is better regulated than in most European coun- tries ; their natural disposition is friendly, and hospitable to strangers ; and their manners rather expressive of manly candour than courteous dissimulation : the grada- tions of rank, and tlie respect due to station, are main- tained with a scrupidosity which never relaxes. A know- ledge of letters is so widely diffused that there are no mechanics, few of the peasantry, or even the common watermen (usually the most illiterate class), who cannot read and write in the vulgar tongue. Few, however, are versed in the more erudite volumes of science, which, containing many Shanscrit terms, and often written in the Pali text, are (like the Hindoo Shasters) above the com- prehension of the midtitude ; but the feudal system, which chcrish'es ignorance, and renders man the property of man, still operates as a check to civilisation atid im- provement. This is a bar which gradually weakens as their acquaintance A^ith the customs and manners of other nations extends ; and unless the rage of civil discord be again excited, or some foreign power imjiose an alien yoke, the Eirmans bid fair to be a prosperous, ^Acalthy, and enhghtencd people." CHAPTEll IL Tho kins: absolute — Instances of despotism — Titles — Form of government —Offices— The law courts— Their iniciuity — Instances;— The Book of the Oath epitomised— The oath— Laws — Police — Revenues- Petroleum — Family tax— Imports and exports— Exactions— Army— Equipments- Cowardice— March— The Invulnerables- Discipline— Military character —The white elephant— Det:;cription of an early traveller— Its high esti- mation — Treatment — Funeral. All -writers arc unanimous in the cry that there is no Sotcntatc upon earth equally despotic with the lord of iurmah. There is no disguise about the fact, and he openly asserts, in his titles, that he is lord, ruler, and sole possessor of the lives, persons, and property of his sub- iects. He advances and degrades ; his word alone can promote a beggar to the highest rank, and his word can also utterly displace the proudest officer of his court. His people is a capacious storehouse, whence he obtains tools to work his will. As soon as any person becomes distin- guished by his wealth or influence, then does he pay the penalty with his life. He is apprehended on some sup- posed crime, and is never heard of more. Every Burman is born the king's slave, and it is an honour to tlie subject to be so called by his sovereign. Sangermano mentions that, in approaching the royal person, the petitioner or officer is to prostrate himself before him, clasping his hands together above his head.(l) The fact is curious, and I mention it here, as it presents a striking similarity to the act of homage to which the luca race themselves were suljjected in approachmg the sacred person of the Child of the Sun. (2) They clasped their hands over their heads, and bore a burthen upon their backs. Now the usage is such here, for the manner of clasping the hands in the Burman court is typical of bear- ing a burthen, tho actual presence of which is dispensed ^ith, (1) Sanpcrmano's Description of the Uurmcsc Empire, p. 58. i'i) Prv'scott, Coiujucst of J'cru, vol, ii. j). 80. I. 2.] THE KINO OF BUBMAH. 17 It is, However, an honour both to the institntor of the Biirman laAV and the sovereign, -who, though absolute, obeyed it, to mention that no married woman can be seized on by the emissaries of the kiug. This, of course, leads tlie Burmese to contract marriages very early, cither actually or fictitiously. The property of persons who die without heirs is swept into the coffers of the state, and by law the property of unmarried foreigners is subject to the same regidation upon their death. Jetsome and flotsome belong to the king. These last provisions have not, however, been much enforced, in consequence of the urgent representa- tions of the foreigners residing at llangoou, Bassein, and other places. The king alone decides upon peace and war, and his call brings the whole populatioD to the rescue. All serve, all are conscripts. " The only effectual re- straint," as Crawfurd remarks, "on the excesses of mal- administration is the apprehension of insurrection." However, notwithstanding his being acknowledged as absolute, he, like a present president in Europe, has two nominal councils, — a public one and a cabinet. But he is neither bound to abide by their advice, nor does he. His measures are predetermined, and should they prove im- Milling to give an immediate and imconditional assent, he has been known to chase his ministers from his presence, with a drawn sword. Two instances are related of his rigour, which will sulHce to show the capriciousness of the unrestrained Oriental. The first is related by Crawfurd. (1) " The workman who built the present palace committed some professional mistake in the construction of the spire. The king re- monstrated with him, saying, that it would not stand. The architect pertinaciously insisted upon its stabihty and sufliciency, and was committed to prison for contu- macy. Shortly afterwards the spire fell in a thunder- storm, and about the same time accounts were received at court of the arrival of the British expedition ; upon which the architect was sent for from prison, taken to the place of execution, and forthwith decapitated. This," concludes the envoy, '* although upon a small scale, is a fair example both of the despotism and superstition by which this people ai'e borne down." [V. Ava, vol. ii. p. in" a\u\ m 1< C 18 I"OEM OF ADDRESS TO THE KING. [I. 2. The second instance, for the truth of wliicli I would scarcely voucli, -svas reported to Malcom,(l) uLence I quote it. " On a late occasion, for a very slight oflfence, he had forty of his his^hest olncers laid on their faces in the public street, before the palace wall ; kept for hours in a broihng sun, with a beam extended across their bodies." This is scarcely credible, and I think Malcom's informer must have been a Burmese Chartist, an Oriental Cuff'ey. However that traveller pithily observes, that he is " sel- dom allowed to know much of passing events, and parti- cularly of the delinquencies of particular officers, who arc ever ready to hush up accusations by a bribe to their im- mediate superior." Many circumstances lead me to suspect, however, that the king has httle real power, and that the officers reap the benefits of the acts of enormity which he commits at their instigation, or which they commit under the shadow of his responsibility. It has often been the case in the world's varied history, and why not here ? Facts will show. As a specimen of the pride of the Buraiese government, I shall append the fonii of addi'ess, which an Enghsh envoy received with the recommendation that he should pro- noimce it before the king. (2) " Placing above qur heads the golden majesty of the Mighty Lord, the Possessor of the mines of rubies, amber, gold, silver, and all kinds of metal ; of the Lord, under whose command are innumerable soldiers, generals, and captains ; of the Lord, who is King of many countries and provinces, and Emperor over many Hulers and Princes, 'tcho wait round the throne icith the badges oj' his authority; of the Lord, who is adorned with the greatest jjower, wis- dom, Ivnowlcdge, jjrndenee, foresight, 4*c. ; of the Lord, who is rich in the possession of elephants, and liorses, and in particidar is the Lord of many AVhite Elephants ; of the Lord, who is the greatest of kings, the 'tnost just and the most religious, the master of life and death ; we his slaves the Governor of Bengal, the officers and admi- nistrators of the Company, bowing and lowering our (1) Malcom, Ti-aviis, vol. i. p. 249. (2) My immediate autliority is Sangcrmano, p. Co. This most lucid and interesting account of tlie Uurmesc empire, containing more than its title imi)()rts, deserves the most earnest attention of the liistorian, ConipUed from Ijurmcsv Uocvuucat!>j it bears the highest worth h\ itself. I. 2.] BURMESE COUNCILS. 19 licads under llio solo of liis royal golden foot, do present to him -ftitli the greatest veneration, this our humble petition." I have, by my italics, pointed out the "richest" parts of this grandiose address, which, I think, requires no fur- ther comment. It may be as well to add, however, that the presence and attributes of the sovereign are always represented as golden. The form of the Burman administration 'may be thus brielly described. There is not here, as in other countries of the East, any official answering to the post of Vizier or Prime Minister. The place of such an officer is supplied by the councils mentioned above. The first or public council is the higher in rank, and it has received the name of Lut-d'hau or Lwat-d'hau. Its officers arc four iu number, and Saugermano adds four assistants as a staff, (1) Avhich Crawfurd omits to mention. (2) The ministers bear the olHcial name of Wun-kri (Biu'then-bearers great). It is now understood to signify figuratively any one who is responsible ; but in the days when the future colonists of Peru left the land, there is not a doubt that it was literally applied to the officers. For in the first place the designa- tion woidd be applied to them as constantly bearing bur- thens, being continually in the presence of the king ; and tJien, far from being a term of contempt, it would be a designation of honour and consideration. Thus they were literally, and are figuratively. Bearers of the Great Bur- thens. (3) The questions of state are discussed by this body, and the decision is by a majority of voices. Its sittings are held within the precincts of the palace in a spacious hall. All the royal edicts and grants pass through this council, and require its sanction ; in fact, though they are the king's acts, yet his name never appears in them. The custom is somewhat similar to our own of never men- tioning the sovereign directly by name in the houses of ]iarliaraent. The king is occasionally himself present at their deliberations. The edicts of the council are written upon palm-leaves, and a style of extreme brevity is adopted. Indeed, Sangermano assures us that "the more concise it is, the more forcible and efficacious the sentence is consi- dered." Would that our legislators and lawyers with their (1) Sangermano, p. fiJ. (2) Ava, vol. ii. p. 137. (3J In accurUaucg with my suggestions at p. lO of tl'is work, 20 BUEMESE OOTKRNMENT. [I. 2. lengthy document a thought so ! They may yet learn a lesson from barbarians- The proclamations and writings of the council all bear the dc^^cc of a sabre, to intimate the strength and swift- ness of the pmiishment awaitiug the transgressors of its decrees. The assistants or deputies are called AVun-tauk (Burthen-proppers). The literal signification was equally in force in ages gone by. Beside the Wun-tauks there are from eight to ten secretaries, called Sare-d'haukri (Scribes-ro3^al great). The second council, like the first, has deliberations with the king. But those of the Atwen-wun (Interior burtlien- bearers) are private and preliminary to those of the Wun- kri. They are considered to be inferior to tlie Wunkri, and yet they have a great deal of by-infiuence, from tlieir posi- tion in tlie royal palace. The subjects of their deliberations are precisely similar to those of the Lut-d'hau, and they exercise the same judicial functions ; and even now it is a question of some doubt as to which of the assemblies is in reality the higher. There are various officers attached to the Atwen-wim, as to the Wun-kri. The number four is retained in the next rank of officers. They are the four general commanders and surveyors of the northern, southern, eastern, and western parts of the empire respectively. Then follow many subordinate officers attached in various capacities to the administration. None of this numerous stafl" of officers receive any regu- lar salary, but their payment somewhat resembles the system of repartimientos established in the Spanish colonies of America, being assignments of the lands and labour of certain nuinbers of the people. These are granted to officers of the executive governments, in the same way as the king of Persia assigned various cities and lands to Themistocles in more ancient times. (1) To\^^ls and lands are also granted to the ladies of the king's harem, and to the other numerous members of the royal famdy. The whole country is looked upon as crown pro- perty ; and the waste and uncultivated parts are at the disposition of any one who will settle in them. The only duty incumbent on the settler is that he must inclose and cultivate it. If he do not improve the land within a cer- tain period, it reverts to the Crown, and may be settled by (1) Thucydides, lib, i. c. 138. I. 2.] JUSTICE IN BUBMAH, 21 another. Strangely enough, this does not prevent tho sale, inheritance, or leasing of land, which goes on just as in Europe, although, of course, contrary to law. The con- ditions of mortgage are simpler than with us ; for the lender takes possession of the mortgaged estate, and ho becomes the owner of it, if the borrowed amount be not returned before the expiration of three years. (1) In civil disputes the parties have the right to select their own judges, while criminal causes are tried before the chief governor of the town or village. (2) At first this system of administering justice would appear to bo a fair and equitable plan, being apparently merely an agreement to refer the matter to the consideration of umpires. This is, however, not the case. The orders of government forbid this, but nevertheless the prohibition is not observed ; the utmost corruption prevails, for any complainant goes to a sufficiently influential person in the neighbourhood, and for a bribe obtains a decision in his favour. Sangermano sarcastically remarks, " It may be easily conceived to what injustice and inconvenience this practice must necessarily lead." The severest calamity that can befall any person is *' to be put into justice." There is no small degree of wit in this Burman phrase. Crawfurd mentions an instance of the strange proceed- ing of the Burman courts, which may be interesting. (3) "In 1817, an old Burmese woman, in the service of a European gentleman, was cited before the llung-d'hau, or court of justice, of Rangoon. Her master appeared on her behalf, and was informed that her oilence consisted in having neglected to report a theft committed upon herself three years before, hy which the government officers uiere defrauded of the fees and profits which ought to have accrued from the investigation or trial. On receiving this information, he was about to retire, in order to make arrangements to exonerate her, when lie was seized by two messengers of the court, and informed, that by appearing in the business he had rendered himself responsible, and could not be released unless some other individual Avere left in pledge for liim, imtil the old woman's person were produced. A Burman lad, his servant, who accompanied him, was accordingly left in the room. In an hour he (1) Malcom, vol. i. p. 2O2. (2) Sangcnnano, p. 6(i. (3) Ava, vol. ii. p. 149 sq. 22 BUBMAN EQUITY. [I. 2. returned witli tlic accused, and found, tliat in the interval, the lad left in pledge had been put into the stocks, his ankles sciueezcd in them, and by this means, a little money \vhich lie had about his person, and a new handkerchief, extorted from him. The old woman was now put into the stocks in her turn, and detained there until all were paid, when she was discharged witZ/out any investigation whatever into the theft." One would imagine that this circumstance was much more likely to have happened in our High Court of Clian- cery, under the " sharp practice" of a Dodson and Fogg. It seems to be a mutilated Burman version of one of oui* " great" institutions made into a matter of physical force by Malcom's Oriental Chartist. I may here mention an affecting incident related by Sangermano, (1) and doubt- lessly too true. A poor widow, who was hard pinched to pay the tax demanded of her, was obliged to sell her only daughter to obtain the sum. The money was received, and heavy at heart she returned home, and put it in a box in her house, intending to lament that night, and carry the money to her inexorable creditor in the morning. But the measure of her sorrows was not yet full. Some thieves broke into the house and stole the money. In the morning she discovered her loss, and this additional circumstance caused the bounds of her grief to flow even beyond that of silence, and sitting before her door she gave herself up to loud lamentations. As she was weeping, an emissary of the city magistrate passed by, and inquired into the cause of her sorrow. He, upon hearing the sad story, related the matter to his master. The poor creature was then summoned to the court of justice, and com- manded to deliver up the thief. Of course this was im- possible. She was detained in the stocks imtil she could scrape together money enough to satisfj the rapacity of the judge. Sometimes these affairs are very comical. The same author relates another, the circumstances of which are as follows : — A woman employed in cooking fish for dinner was called away for an instant. The cat, watching lier oppor- tunity, sciiscd a half-roasted fish, and ran out of the house. (1) Page 74, I. 2.] BURMESE LAW COUETS LIKE OUR OWX. 23 The woman immediately ran after tlie cat, exclaimini;, " The cat has stolen my iish ! " A few day^s afterwards slio was summoned before the mafristrate, who demanded tho thief at her hands. It was of no use that she explained that tlie thief was a cat. The maoistrate has notliinir to do with that. His time was valuable, and the expenses of the court must be paid. The report of Captain Alves, cited in Crawfui'd,(l) contains ample accoimts of the court charges. How very similav the Burman law courts are to our own ! The followinj^ extract from the jjjood father's work will sliow it : (2) — " In civil causes, lawsuits are terminated much more expeditiously than is generally the case in our part of the world, provided always that the litigants are not rich, for then the affair is extremely long, and some- times never eonchided at all. I was myself acquainted with two rich European merchants and ship-masters, Avho ruined themselves so completely by a lawsuit, that they became destitute of the common necessaries of life, and the lawsuit withal was not decided, nor will ever be." Just like Jarndycc and Jarndyce, — the same costly affair everywhere ! Witnesses, both in the civil and criminal causes, are sometimes examined upon oath, tliough not always. Tho oath is written in a small book of palm-leaves, and is held over the head of the witness. Foreigners, however, take their own oaths. The substance of the Eook of Impreca- tions, or, as the Burmese call it, the Book of the Oath, is as follows :(3) — False witnesses, M'ho assert anything from passion, and not from love of truth, — witnesses who affirm that they have heard and seen what they have not heard or seen, may all such fiilse witnesses be severely punished with death, by that God who, through the duration of 4'00,100,U(X) worlds, has performed every species of good work, and exercised every virtue. I say, may God, who, after having acquired all knowledge and justice, obtained divinity, leaning upon the tree of Godama, may this God, with the Nat who guards him day and night, that is, the Assura Nat, and the giants, slay these false witnesses. [Here follows the invocation of many dillercnt Nats.] (1) Ava, vol. ii. jip. i:,l>-i.">(). (-2) Saiip:cM-inaiii>, p. 07- (3) My uulhurity is, as usual, the excellent Saiigfiuiano, p. (ia. 24 BOOK OF THE OATF. [I. 2. May all tlioso who, in consequence of bribery from either party, do not speak the truth, incur the eight dangers and tlio ten punishments. May they be infected with all sorts of diseases. Moreover, may they be destroyed by elephants, bitten and slain by serpents, killed and devoured by the devils and giants, the tigers, and other ferocious animals of the forest. May whoever asserts a falsehood be swallowed by the earth, may he perish by sudden death, may a thunder- bolt from heaven slay him, — the thunderbolt which is one of the arms of the Nat Deva. May false witnesses die of bad diseases, be bitten by crocodiles, be drowned. May they become poor, hated of the king. May they have calumniating enemies, may they be driven away, may they become utterly wretched, may every one ill-treat them, and raise laii'suits against them.{\) May they be killed with swords, lances, and every sort of weapon. May they be precipitated into the eight great hells and the 120 smaller ones. May they be tor- mented. May they be changed into dogs. And, if finally they become men, may they be slaves a thousand and ten thousand times. May aU their undertakings, thoughts, and desires, ever remain as worthless as a heap of cotton burnt by the fire. Such is the fearful anathema held over the head of the witness. The oath that the witness himself pronounced is very cimous, and being imique in its way, I shall insert it here. (2) The book of the oath is held over the de- ponent's head, and he says : — " I will speak the truth. If I speak not the truth, may it be through the influence of the laws of demerit, \\z., passion, anger, folly, pride, false opinion, immodesty, hard heartedness, and scepticism, so that when I and my rela- tions are on land, land animals, as tigers, elephants, bufla- loes, poisonous serpents, scorpions, *.^c.. shall seize, crush, and bite us, so that we shall certainly die. Let the cala- mities occasioned by fire, water, rulers, thieves, and enemies oppress and destroy us, till we perish and come to utter destruction. Let us be subject to all the calamities that are within the body, and all that are without the (1) This shows how the Burmans fear jtistice. How deeply seated is this disorder, and wlio can nnseat and drive it away ? (2) I am indebted to Malcom, vol. i. p. 256, and others. I. 2.] THE OATH. 25 body. May wo bo soizoiwitli madnoss, diunbnoss, blind- ness, doafnoss, leprosy, and hydrophobia. May we be struck -with thimderbolts and lightning, and come to sudden death. In the midst of not speaking truth may I be taken with vomiting clotted black blood, and sud- denly die before the assembled people. TVTien I am going by water, may the water Nats assault me, the boat be upset, and the property lost; and may alligators, por- poises, sharks, or other sea monsters, seize and crush mo to death ; and when I change worlds, may I not arrive among men or ISTats, but suffer unmixed punisliment and regret, in the utmost wretchedness, among the four states of punishment, HeU, Prita, Beasts, and Athurakai. '* If I speak the truth, may I and my relations, through the influence of the ten laws of merit, and on account of the efficacy of truth, be freed from all calamities within and without the body ; and may evils which have not yet come, be warded far away. May the ten calamities and five enemies also be Icept far away. May the thunderbolts and liglitning, the Nat of the waters, and all sea animals, love me, that I may be safe from them. May my pros- perity increase like the rising sun and the waxing moon ; and may the seven possessions, the seven laws, and the seven fmerits of the virtuous, be permanent in my person; and when I change worlds, may I not go to the four states of punishment, but attain the happiness of men and Nats, and realize merit, reward, and perfect calm." The last term requires explanation. It is the Buddhistic state of extreme delight, called nUyhan^ or niehan. A Burman rarely takes the oath, for it is not only ter- rible but expensive, as the report of Captain Alves will show:(l) — Administration of the oath ten ticals. Messenger for holding the book one tical. Two other messengers' fees two ticals. Bccorders two ticals. Pickled tea used in the ceremony half a tical. The pickled tea, as it is called, is a rough, coarse tea, chewed at the conclusion of tho ceremony, and without it no oath is binding. (1) Report ou Basseiu. 26 CODES OF LAW. [I. 2. Tlicre is anollior way in wliicli causes arc decided on very rare and special occasions, — the trial by ordeal. This is either by water or melted lead. In the first instance, the plaintiff and defendant are made to walk into the water, and whichever can hold out longest nndcr its sur- face is declared the winner. The otlier mode consists in putting the linger in boiling water or melted lead, and trying who can keep it in the longest. The stocks are a great torture in this country, for they are made to slide up and down, so that the head and shoidders touch the floor. Of the prisons, sad and disagreeable accounts are given, but they are very insecure. I may here remark, that it is an accepted truth, that the only use to be derived from the examination of the insti- tutions of other countries, is that they may be compared by us with our own, and that they may serve as a standard whereby to measure the enlightennient to which we have attained. I hope, therefore, that I shall find some one willing to excuse me for having mentioned our "noble institution," that " bulwark of our liberties," the most High Court of Chancery, in the same page with the law courts of Burmah, where so much equity and moderation prevail. Because, of course, it is only the " rabble," the "herd," the "great unwashed," that suffer, and these are of no account whatever in either nation, British or Burman, especially in the eyes of Secretaries at War. Having now ended my account of the Burmese law courts, I shall pass on to a totally different subject, — the Burmese law. The various codes of laws which are considered of authority are, according to Crawford, (1) tlic ISliwe-men, or Golden Prince, tlie Wan-da-na, and the Damawilatha, to which may be added the Damasat or Pamathat, a Bur- mese translation of the Institutes of Manu. In these law courts, however, all codes wliatever are dead let- ters, for to none docs any judge ever refer. Malcom observes :(2) — " As a great part of their income is derived from lawsuits, they [the riders] generally encourage liti- gation." The flight of a debtor does not relieve his family of the liability ; but no wife can be obligcnl to ■|)ay Ihe debts he has contracted during a former marriage. When a loan (1) Ava, vol, ii. p. 156, (.2) Travels, vol. i, j). 'j,bQ. I. 2.] LAWS. 27 is entered upon, each of tlic securities is responsible for the whole amonnt, ami the lender enn force the lirst person to pay that lie can catch. The property of insolvents must be equally shared amonjT the creditors without pre- ference. The eldest son inherits the arms, wardrobe, bed, and jewellery of his father; the rest of his property is di\nded into four equal sliares, of which the widow has three, and the family, exclusive of the eldest son, take the remainins:^ fourth. The dilferent punishments for offences are these, in- creasing]: with the enormity of the crime : — Fines, the stocks, imprisonment, labour in chains. Hogging, branding, maiming, pagoda slavery, and death. The last, whicli seldom occurs but for murder and treason, is inflicted by decapitation, drowning, or crucifixion. But killing slaves is not criminal, and is atoned by fines. A libel is punished by the infliction of the punisliment corresponding to the crime unjustly charged upon the plaintiff by the libeller : however, if the truth of the charge be proven, it is not a libel. In our country, it is a well-known fact that the truth alone is a libel, a falsehood needing no refutation. Judgments, as in England, go by default of appearance, though that is no rule in i3urman practice, whatever it may be in theory. The husband has power to chastise his wife for mis- behaviour, after repeated admonitions and remonstrances in the presence of witnesses. In the event of continued offences, he has the power to divorce her, without appeal. A woman whose husband has gone away with the army is at liberty to marry at the expiration of six years ; if his object were business, she must wait seven years ; and if he was sent on any religious mission, she must wait ten years. The slave-laws are very strict, yet favourable on the whole ; but I should imagine that judge's opinion settled the matter. Changing a landmark is heavily punished. Betting debts are recoverable from the loser, but not from any person in any way otherwise responsible. A person hurt in wrestling, or any other athletic exercise, cannot recover damages : but if he be mortally hurt, the other must pay the price of his body. An empty vehicle nmst give place before a full one ; and when two loaded men meet, he lliat has t1\e Sim at his back nuist give way. Tlie following value is set upon men, women, and children : — 28 PEICE OF THE BUEME8E. [I. 2. .€. s. (1. A new-born male infant 4 ticals = 10 A female infant 3 „ =0 7 6 Aboy 10 „ =15 Agirl 7 „ = 17 6 A young man 30 ,, = 3 15 A young woman 35 ,, =4 2 Kick persons pay in proportion to their wealth and importance. Of course the high officers of the adminis- tration thus become very valuable men, in one respect at least. The Burmese code, in its various aspects, seems most strangely inapposite for the land in which it is placed ; or, it might be more correct to say, for the officers by whom it is dispensed. The police magistrate's position is in Europe a responsible and disagreeable one ; but the case is far otherwise in Burmah, and indeed in all Oriental governments having native ministers. For, though there may be amongst them some few scrupidous men, yet, as a whole, we cannot look upon the magisterial office as other- wise than an engine of extortion, and as a means whereby to turn the weaknesses of the human disposition to the best advantage. It is, however, not very remarkable that a country should exist with good laws and bad adminis- trations, as it is not impossible for a nation to continue under the rule of obsolete ordinances and quibbling sine- curists. Many of the grievances are, however, cliargeable on the inactive and unenergetic disposition of the people. I am not, however, prepared, witli all this, to go tlie length of Crawfurd, who thus speaks :(1) — " The police is as bad as possible ; and it is notorious that in all times of which wo can speak with certainty, the country has been overrun with pirates and robbers. Ee- sponsibdity is sliifted from one person to another, and a general ignorance and want of intelligence pervades every department. (2) It is a matter well known, however con- trary to tlieory, that in consequence of this state of things even a royal order will often fail of commanding respect or attention nt tlio distance of five sliort miles from the seat of government." These are but broad, sweeping assertions, like those exactly contradictory remarks of Symes, quoted at the (1) Ava, vol. ii. \). 157, (2) This is remaxkably applicable to a certain European nation. I. 2.] CRIMINAL CONDITION OF BURMAn. 29 close of the last cliapter ; and sueli broad assertions must ever be received cum qrano sails. A middle path Ijetwcen these two must be taken. The condition of the country- is probably no worse, and no better, than in the nci<^h- bourinor empire of China, where the same iniquitous sys- tem of bribery prevails amongst the magistracy, and Avherc the actual amount of crime is not great in propor- tion to the population and extent of the country. The envoy of a government is not likely in the quick progress of his passage through the country, to bo able to examine into the condition of the people impartially, and, as they are prepared to make the best or the worst show they can to the foreign ambassador, so, too, will the foreign ambas- sador take the best or the worst view of their character. That there is much crime is undeniable ; but they are not monsters of iniquity, neither, on the other hand, are they angels of heaven. We must ever, in our judgment of imcivilised or semi-civilised races, be careful and lenient to a degree. They have not always the same advantages, and they are kept back by their rulers, ever ignorant and bigoted. Example, experience, and interest cause a nation to progress, not violence nor fanaticism. Witness the Turkish nation, formerly wild and brutish, now to be con- sidered in every way as a civilised and generous nation. And this T^as brought about by the force of example and the energy of the rider. We shall, in the history of Bur- mah, meet with a somewhat similar case in Alompra.(l) Let us now turn to the revenues accruing to the govern- ment, and first of the earth-oil. Tlie petroleum wells, once already described, are of immense value to the government as a source of revenue. The annual produce of the wells is, according to Craw- furd,(2) twenty-two millions of viss, each of ^{^ pounds avoirdupois. The wells altogether occupy a space of about (1) I should not have ventured to say as much as this, had I not found myself corroborated by Dr. Buchanan Hamilton. His remark is as fol- lows : — " 1 should certainly have been silent, had I thouf^ht that Captain Symes or Mr. Wood's inquiries on these subjects had jirepared them to give their opinions \s'ith advantage. But 1 imagine that tliis has not been the case ; and I hope the information 1 here give ma)- be of use to jirofcs- sional men." — MS. in tlic British Museum, Additional MS. Nn. i;»,H72. In the same collection of papers on Ava are a number of comnuuiications from Symes to the Maniuis of Wcllcslcy. in the course of his second em- bassy. It i-; but fair to add, that thesi' ktters appear written UJjder more just impressions than bis printed journal was. (2) Ava, vol. ii. p. '20ti. 30 rEirOLEtM WELLS, [1. 2. six: square miles. Cox, wlio visited them early in 1707, says, that at the place where he stayed to examine the Avells, there were about one hundred and eighty of them, and at the distance of four or live miles there were, he was told, three hundred and forty more.(l) I cannot do better than subjoin some few of Crawfurd's excellent remarks, in connection with his visit. He was put in possession of more correct data on which to found his calculation than his intelligent predecessor Captain Cox, and his observations are consequently of more authority, "The country here," he says, (2) "is a series of sand- hills and ravines — the latter, torrents after a fall of rain, as we now experienced, and the former either covered with a very thin soil, or altogether bare. The trees, which were rather more numerous than we looked for, did not rise beyond twenty feet in height. The surface gave no indication that we could detect of the existence of the petroleum. On the spot which we reached, there were eight or ten wells, and we examined one of the best. The shaft was of a square form, and its dimensions about four feet to a side. It was formed by sinking a frame of wood, composed of beams of the Mimosa catechu, which affords a durable timber. Our conductor, the son of the Myosugi (3) of the village, informed us that the wells were commonly from one hundred and forty to one hundred and sixty cubits deep, and that their greatest depth in any case was two hundred. He informed us that the one we were ex- amining was the private property of his father — that it was considered very productive, and that its exact depth was one hundred and forty cubits. AVe measured it with a good lead-line, and ascertained its depth to be two hun- dred and ten feet, thus corresponding exactly with the report of our conductor — a matter which we did not look for, considering the extraordinary carelessness of the Bur- mans in all matters of this description. A pot of this oil was taken up, and a good thermometer being immediately plunged into it, indicated a temperature of ninety degrees. That of the air, when we left the ship an hour before, was eighty-two degrees. To make the experiment perfectly accurate, we ought to have brought a second thermometer along with us ; but this was neglected. We looked into one or two of the wells, and could discern the bottom. CO Residence in Ava, p. 134. (2) Embassy to Ava, vol. i. p. 93 sq, (3) Governor or chief man, 1. 2.] rETKOLETTM. 31 The liquid soomotl as if boiliiifx ; but whether from tlio emission of o;aseous fhiids, or simply from the escape of the oil itself from the ground, wo had no means of deter- mining. TJie formation Mhcrc the wells are sunk con- sisted of sand, loose sandstone, and blue clay. AVben a well is dug to a considerable extent, the labourers informed us that brown earth was occasionally foimd The petro- leum itself, when first taken out of the well, is of a thin watery consistence, but thickens by keeping, and in the cold weather it coagulates. Its colour at all times is a dirty green, not much unlike that of stagnant water. It has a pungent aromatic odour, ofiensive to most people The contents of the pot are deposited for a time in a cistern. Two persons are employed in raising the oil, making the whole number of persons engaged on each well only four. The oil is carried to the village or port in carts drawn by a pair of bullocks, each cart conveying from ten to fourteen pots, of ten viss each, or from 2G5 to 371 pounds avoirdupois of the commodity The price, according to the demand, varies from four ticals of flowered silver to six ticals per 1,000 viss ; which is from fivepence to sevenpcnce halfpenny per cwt Sesa- mum oil will cost at the same place not less than three Imndred ticals for an equal weight ; but it lasts longer, gives a better light, and is more agreeable than the petro- leum, which in burning emits an immense quantity of black smoke, which soils every object near it." The oil is much used, not^^'ithstanding this last incon- venience, by the Burmans in their lamps ; and besides this there is another important service which it renders them, — that of preservmg their timber from destruction by insects, who detest it. How great must be such a blessing in a land where the detestable white ant commits its dreadful ravages ! It is chiefly consumed in the country itself, where two- thirds of it is used for burning, thirty v4ss per annum being considered a moderate consumption for a family of about five or six persons. Mr. Crawfurd, during his short stay, collected some interesting statistical information on the subject of these mines, which I abridge from his work.(l) The number of boats waiting for cargoes of oil was (1) Ava, vol. i, \K t)S sq, Sec also Cox, Rciiidencc iu Ava, pp. 3/"-45, 32 PEODUCE OF THE PETROLEUM WELLS. [I. 2. correctly taken, and found to amount to one hundred and eii^hty-tliree, of various sizes, some caiT3'mg only 1AM) viss, and others 1,40(). The average burthen of the vessels employed in this trade is about 4,(X>0 viss. They complete their carf^oes in fifteen days ; they are, therefore, renewed twenty-four times in the year; the exportation of oil, according to this estimate, will, therefore, be 17,5C)8,(X)0 viss. Deducting a third from this, used for other purposes than burning, and avc have, at the annual consumption of thirty viss for a family of live and a half individuals, a population of 2,147,200. The actual daily produce of the wells is rather uncer- tain. It was stated to vary from thirty to five himdred, the average giving about 235 viss ; the number of wells was sometimes given as low as fifty, and sometimes as high as four hundred. (1) The average made about 200, and, considering the extent of ground covered by the wells, about sixteen square miles, Mr. Crawfurd does not think this an exaggeration. This estimate would reduce the amount of the population somewhat, causing it to con- sist only of 2,066,721 persons. On Mr. Crawfurd's return in December, he again visited the weUs. His investigations did not materially aflect his previous calculations, which, on the whole, we can but consider as the most satisfactory that, under circimi- stances, have yet been attainable. I close this rather extended account of the petroleum wells, by an extract from Crawfurd's work, w^hich I fancy is the best finale that can be imagined, \dz., the duty levied on it by the Grovernment :(2) — " The celebrated petroleum wcUs afford, as I ascer- tained at Ava, a revenue to the king or his officers. The weUs are private property, and belong hereditarily to about thirty-two individuals. A duty of five parts in a hundred is levied on the petroleum as it comes from the wells, and the amount realized upon it is said to be twenty - five thousand ticals per annum. jN^o less than twenty thousand of this goes to contractors, collectors, or public officers ; and the share of the state, or five thousand, was (1) Cox, on the contrai*y, was informed that there were live hundred and twenty wells : this, however, is ably oliown to be impossible by Craw- furd, not by snappish contradiction, but by calculation. The captain wa"?, evidently, niisintonned. (2) Ava, vol. ii. p. 178. 1. 2. J EEVENUE AND TAXE?^. 33 assii^^nod duriiif^ our visil:^ as a pension of one of llic quoons." Truly, this docs not look lil:o rapacity on llic part of the kiuj^ ! Who can tell what portion is legitimately the share of the oliiecrs of the Crown ? The revenue of the Burman empire is a duty of ten per cent, upon all merchandise coming; from abroad ; of the produce of some of the mines in the Burman dominions ; export duties ; a family tax, and an excise on salt, fisheries, fruit-trees, rice, and, as before seen, on petroleum. Be- sides this, there is /a supply of money continually comini; in by the presents which the officers receive for the attain- ment of various favours. The latter, thou,0 iira/s{i) (l> Sanpermano, p. 171 . (2) Ava, vol. ii. i>. 1O2. (:i) Alvfs, quoteil in Ava, vol. ii. pp. ifi^-f). (4) A tictU is worth abuut two snilliuHs an^l sLvpeiico. This woulil be £6,250, 34 PEOPEBTY-TAX. [I. 2. on ordinary occasions, for tlic two townships of Bassein and Pantano. Bassein, the chief town of the province, was exempt from rer^ilar assessment, being subject to calls for the support of messengers or other public authorities from the capital, and for their travelling expenses. Pan- tano, and another district of the province, were exempt, as being assignments for the maintenance of their respec- tive Myo-thugyis. (1) I might probably have obtained in- formation regarding the amount of these arbitrary cesses in the other townships ; but the subject of inquiry was rather a delicate one, and might have led to the belief that its continuance was contemplated under British sway. Besides, the tax was an ever-fluctuating one ; information regarding it not very readily given ; and the purpose for which the money was often required, I was told, was too ludicrous to bear repetition to an Englishman. The amount for the other township may be inferred from the above, and was probably about 127,000 ticals. On extra- ordinary occasions there was no limit to exactions of both men and money. It does not appear that assessments could have been properly ordered for other than public purposes, or under instructions from court ; although the amount might not always find its way into the treasury of the State, it ought to have been expended in the service of the State. The principle of this tax seems to be that of a property-tax. A town or village having to pay a certain sum, the heads of wards, or principal people of the village, were called together by the Myo-thu-gyi or Thu-gyi, and informed of their quota in men and money to be furnished, and they assessed the householders agreeably to their means, or supposed means, — some having to pay, say fifty ticals, others one, or even less. I have been informed that there are tolerably correct accounts of the means of each householder ; but on such occasions poverty is often pleaded, and it too frequently happens that confinement and torture are resorted to before the collection is com- pleted. The system is obviously open to the greatest abuses, and although it is not against these abuses that the people generally exclaim, it is evident this is the most vexatious of all parts of the Burmese administration ; and its abolition or modification would have been most desir- able, had the country been retained. All persons in public (1) See Wilson's Dociimeuts of the Burmese War, AppencUx, p. xliv. I. 2.] TREE-TAX. 35 employ were exempt from this tax — also artifieers, as they had to work without pay, Avhen. required for public pur- poses, or for the business of the local officers. (1) Also the Mussulman and Chinese inhabitants at Bassein : the former, when required, beino^ made to work as tailors ; the latter, to manufacture gunpowder and fireworks. Both these classes, however, were compelled to make gunpowder, from the breaking out of the war until the arrival of the British armament at Bassein. There ought to have been no expense of collection, although it appears to have been perfectly understood, that the overplus exacted by the Thu-gyis on such occasions was their chief source of emo- lument." Tlie amount charged upon each family is in English money about twenty shillings and tenpence ; and a family consisting of six persons, the taxation per head is about three shillings and llvepence. Besides this, however, there is much to bo paid, which varies very considerably, and is apjilicd to extraordinary uses. In some portions of Burmah a tax is levied upon fruit- trees, and a fixed price is set upon each species of tree. The tax, as usual, was exorbitant, though, as the envoy remarks, " it may be stated generally that the unsettled habits of the people, and the ignorance and unskilfulness of the tax-gatherer, contribute in practice to counter- balance, in some degree, the arbitrary and oppressive cha- racter of the government in theory." (2) In Lower Pegu, a mango, a jack, (3) a cocoa-nut, and a mariam tree (a small kind of mango), paid each one-eighth of a tical (threepence three farthings) per annum. An areca and Palmyra palm paid a quarter of a tical, and a betel-vino one sixteenth. A titlie was levied in other places. Mr. Crawfurd was unable to ascertain what the total produce of the tax was. Indeed it is difficult to arrive at any determination in any of these cases, for they arc all equally wanting in point of data. The import duties, as already stated, are one-tenth of the value of the articles imported, but the custom-house has the option of levying them in money or in kind. An instance of the vexation attending the latter system was (1) But, after all, this cannot be considered as other than the substitu- tion of a lifcht or hea\'>', as the case might be, personal service for a tax in kind or specie. The tax was taken in labour, that is all the :rai>hy " a coiitradicUou? IIow c:ui uiir lanjjuage be pure under such cu'cumstanecs ? I. :].] GIFTS TO THE TEMPLES. 69 them. They are all richly gilt and carved, with a high wooden canopy over them. In each of those in the temple there was placed one or more large fifjiires of Gautama or his disciples. The figures of elephants are about a foot and a half high, stranding upon wooden pedestals Why the gifts to this temple in particular consist of elephants, I was not able to learn On the river face of this temple there arc two large houses of brick and mortar, of one story, with flat stone roofs, called Taik, by the Burmans, and purporting to be in imitation of European dwellings. These are also considered Za-yats, or caravanseras. They are comfortless places as can be, the interior being so occupied with stone pillars that there is hardly room to move about The guardian Nat of the temple now described, is Tha-kya-men, or, more cori'ectly, Sa-kya-men, or the lord Sakya. He is, ac- cording to the Burmans, the second in power of the two kings of the Nats. Of this personage there is, in a small temple, a standing figure, in white marble, not however of a very good description, measuring not less than nine feet eleven inches high. The statue seems to bo of one entire block." This temple is named Aong-mre-lo-ka, a title signifying the " place of victory." — It was bmlt by King Men-ta-ra- gyi, in the year 1144 of the Burman era, or a.d. 1782, in the second year of his reign. He was the fourth son of the energetic Alompra, the founder of the dynasty which still occupies the throne. Alompra was succeeded by his first and second brother, and by his nephew, Senku-sa, son of the latter. His uncle, however, conspired against him, raised the son of the elder brother, Maong-maong, to the regal dignity, who had been excluded from the throne, partly by reason of the law of succession, and partly by the ambition of his uncle. In a few days, how- ever, he, after drowning Senku-sa, and probably disposing in a like manner of Maong-maong, assumed the govern- ment, "and, in thanks to heaven for the success of his ambitious schemes, he built this temple on the spot whence he had commenced his successfid agitation. (1) I shall have occasion hereafter to return to the subject of the Burmese temples, in connection with the Golden Uagon temple atliangoon; I shall, therefore, say no more (I) I am indebted to Crawfurd, vol. i. p. 397. GO CAVE NEAR PBOME. [I. 3. of tliem in this place. Two cxirious monuments, however, deserve mentioning, as they have evidently some connec- tion with the ancient religion of Burmah. I shall again use the words of an eye-witness :(1) — " On the summit of a steep tongue of land I found a large circular opening, about fifty feet deep, caused by the earth having given way ; there beiug no apparent reason for this, unless an excavation existed, I immediately de- scended into the valley, in hopes of finding an opening at the side of the hill. After a short search, I discovered tliree small brick arches, about four feet high, leading into the hill ; having crept into one of these, I perceived, by a ray of light issuing from the aperture above, that there were several more passages branching ofi" from the spot where I remained ; and I therefore detennined on re- turning at some future period with a lantern, to examine the cavern. On subsequently renewing my search, I found that after creeping along the passage from the arch for about five yards, the communication entered a small chamber, sufficiently high to enable me to stand erect, whence four other passages led oflf in different directions ; and it was from one of these having given way that the chasm had been formed in the hill. As the quantity of earth requisite to fill up the passage could not have caused such a large hollow above, it may be concluded that a room of considerable dimensions must have existed there. Notwithstanding the annoyance I experienced from many bats, which were constantly flying about my face and lantern, and from the heat, which was very oppres- sive, I proceeded on my hands and knees down the other passages ; but, after going a very short distance, was obliged to return, the earth having fallen and filled tip the gaUery so very much, that it did not seem prudent to proceed further, particularly as, from the closeness of the air, I might have been rather unpleasantly situated." This same officer saw another such structure on the plain of Pagahm, among the ruins ; but finding that it was used as a robber's cavern, he did not explore it. From what he could see, it was larger, and in better repair. The priests of Burmah (2) are named Pongyees, mean- ing " great example," or " great glory." The Pali name, (1) Two Years in Ava, pp. 26-2 sqq. This most iiitcrestinp: work seems fVeer from prcjuilicc tliaii many of its more assuming bretliren. (2) I am chiefly indebted to Molconi, vol. i. p. 308 sq. I. 3.] PRIESTS. 61 " Ealian," or ''holy man," onco so miicli in use among them, is now almost obsolete. The office is Jiot hereditary, for the Burmans are unshackled by castes ; and, indeed, a priest may become a layman again, though after re-entering society he may not again assume the sacerdotal position. Thus the convenls of Burmah serve as a place where an education superior to that usually obtained in the schools may be received, and the young man, not being bound by any vow, may return to the active scenes of life, and take military or pohtieal rank. If the youth find the peaceful pursuits of the convent more to his taste, he can remain, and become a priest. The system of the priesthood is not badly managed. The Burmans have no church-rates, and 'pluralism, not being worth anything, is, of course, unknown. The priests have no political influence, and are only consulted on ecclesiastical and literary matters ; they live on the charity of their parishioners, and, on the whole, they do not appear to be badly off". The ritual, for which I must refer the reader to my fre- quently quoted authority Sangermano,(l) is very strict in regard to priests ; that, however, is of no consequence, for in the foul and corrupted Burmese empire all these institutions have fallen into disrepute. The priests live as those of the convents of the middle ages did ; and the similarity between the Roman Catholic and Buddhist ceremonies, so amply proved by MM. Hue and Gabet,(2) extends equally to the men. Their dress is of a yellow colour, and is formed by two cloths, which are so wrapped around them as to com- ?letely envelop them from the shoulders to the heels, 'heir heads are shaved, and to shade the bare poll from the burning sun, they carry a talipot or palmyra-leaf in their hands. In M. Dubois de Jancigny's Indo-Chine, and in Malcom, there are plates of the dress, which convey a very tolerable idea of the look of a priest out walking. The priesthood of Burmah is divided mto regular grades, like those of Europe. I shall quote the summary of Malcom in preference to any other. (3) " The highest functionary is the T/ia-thcna-hi/ng\ or archbishop. He resides at Ava, has jurisdiction over all the priests, and apponits tlie president of every monastery. He stands high at court, and is considcrea one of the great men of (I) Pages 89-94 J but see also Malcom, /. r. (2) Travels in Tartary. (3) Malcom, vol. i. p. 315 sq. 62 CONVENTS AND NUNNEEIES. [I. 3. the kincjdom. Next to him are the Fonghcc'^, strictly bo called, one of whom presides in each monastery. Next are the Oo-jje-zins, comprising those who have passed the noviciate, sustained a regular examination, and chosen the priesthood for life. Of this class are the teachers or pro- fessors in [the monasteries. One of them is generally vice-president, and is most likely to succeed to the head- ship on the demise of the Toncjyee. Both these orders are sometimes called Rahaiis, or Yahans. They are con- sidered to understand religion so Trell as to think for themselves, and expound the law out of their own hearts, without being obliged to follow what they have read in books. Next are the Ko-yen-ga-lay, who have retired from the world, and wear the yellow cloth, but are not all seeking to pass the examination, and become Oo-pe-zins. They have entered for an education, or a liveUhood, or to gain a divorce, or for various objects ; and many of such return annually to secular hfe. Many of this class remain for life without rising a grade. Those who remain five years honourably are called Tay, i.e. simply, priests ; and those who remain twenty, are Maha Tay, great or aged priests. They might have become Ponghees at any stage of this period if their talents and acquirements had amounted to the required standard. By courtesy, all who wear the yellow cloth arc called Ponghees." In some parts of Burmah there are also nunneries, though the Bedagat neither authorizes nor requires them ; indeed, manifestoes have been issued by several of the kings of Ava to prevent women under a certain age from entering these institutions. (1) On the subject of the khyoums, however, I cannot do better than refer to the works of MM. Hue and Gabet, Mr. Priuscp, and others. The most interesting and most characteristic ceremony of these Burmese is the funeral of a priest, as it contains a mixture of solemnity and absurdity rarely to be met witli anywhere. I shall proceed, tlierefore, to describe it. When a Bunnan priest dies, his body is embalmed. The process of embalming is conducted in the follo^wing manner. The body is opened, the intestines taken out, and the spaces filled with various descriptions of spices, the orifice being closed up again, and sewed together. After this the whole body is covered by a layer of wax, to (!) Encyclopaedia Mctropolitaiia, s.v. Budclliisra, p. 6l. I. 3.] FUNERAL OF A PRIEST. 03 prevent tlio air from injuring it ; over tlic wax is placed a layer of lac, toiijetlier with some bituminous compound, and tlic whole is covered with leaf j?old. The ceremony somewhat reminds one of the description jriven by Herodo- tus of ancient Egyptian embalming. (1) The arms are laid across the breast of the body. The preparation of the body takes place at the house. (2) About a year afterward the body is removed to a house built expressly for such purposes, where it is kept until the other priests order it to be burnt. In this house the body is disposed upon a raised stage of bamboo and wood, and the house itself is ornamented with paper and leaf gold. By the stage, the cofBn, overlaid with gold and painted with figures of death in various ways, was placed. In the courtyard of the house two four-wheel carriages await the time fixed for the burning, one being intended for the coffin, the other for the stage, with its apparatus. The carriage on which the coi-pse is placed has another stage built upon it, similar to the one in the house, with the difference of its being larger, and fixed upon an elephant in a kneeling posture. The people of the place have to prepare rockets and other fireworks, as well as images of animals to which the rockets are fixed. The images are then drawn through the streets and round the town ; all the citizens, when the ceremonies are strictly observed, being compelled to assist. The procession opens with some fiags ; then a number of dancing girls and boys follow ; after this llic carriages with the figures, drawn by boys and bullocks ; and on the occasion which Mr. Carey describes, there fol- lowed, by tlie express command of the governor, a quan- tity of young women " dancing and singing, with an older woman between each row to keep them in order." Then came the principal persons of the place under umbrellas, a sign of rank, as in ancient Nineveh, and all modem Asiatic countries. Lastly, the procession was closed by men, dancing and singing in like manner. The images on the carriages are usually very large, much larger than life, and represented buffaloes, ele- pliants, horses, and men. Each street attends its oun carriage in the procession. (0 Lib. ii. cr. s6-!)n. (2) I ain indebted to an account by Mr. Caicy in Asiatic Researches, vol. xvi. p. 186 sq. 64 ANTIQUITY OF THE BUDDHIST EELIGION. [I. 3. The followinf^ day the townspeople are divided into two parties, and strange indeed must be the sight of the mul- titude. The carriage containing the corpse has four large cables attached to it, and tlie two parties of the towns- people pull against one another, and strive to draw away the carriage and its contents. This contest is continued till superior strength puts an end to it, or till the cable breaks, and the losing party tumble head over heels. The third day is spent in discharging the rockets. The figures were fixed on carriages, and the rocks were fas- tened to strong ropes by rattan loops, in such a manner that being passed between the legs of the animals, " so that when discharged, they, slidiug on the ropes, ran along the ground." In the evening there is another grand display of fireworks. The next day the corpse is burnt in a temporary house by small rockets, which, sliding down on to the coffins along ropes in rings of rattan, set the coffin on fire. Sometimes, as we are. informed by Crawfui'd, (1) the body is blown from a cannon to convey it more quickly to heaven ! "Wliat can be said of such puerility and solemnity joined together ? How melancholy is the aspect of such things, and what can we think of the moral or religious condition of a nation who made such seeming fun (for under what other term can a large portion of the cere- mony be comprehended?) of the solemnest moment of existence, and that, too, in the burial of a minister of that God to whom, in humility and reverence, they Hfted up their hearts in prayer. Very often, however, the most solemn and the most trivial are mingled in very remark- able proportions. We have one example of that, at least, in religion, nearer home. The Buddhist religion is remarkable in many points, but decidedly the most curious circumstance connected with it, is the vast numbers of believers which own its intlucncc. That the religion is ancient, perhaps more ancient than any other "form of eastern worship, except Brahmanism, can scarcely be doubted; but that it extended so far over the earth as some would have us believe, is scarcely credible. Kcuben Burrow, a long time ago, called Stonehenge 'a Buddhist temple ; and since then the (1) Ava, vol. ii. p. V27. I. 3.] rEINCIPLES OF BUDDHISM. 65 notion has been revived by Iliggins iu liis Celtic Diniids, as well as in another work. (1) Mr. Poeoeke, too, the author of India in Greece, would persuade us that the early Greeks were Buddliists, and that Pythagoras, correctly written (according to him) 13uddha-gooroos (Buddha's spiritual teacher), was a Bud- dhist missionary ! However, let the religion be ancient or modern, in prin- ciple it is one of the best that man ever made for man. Mr. Malcom, from whom as a missionary one would of course expect rabid intolerance, bears testimony to this : — ** There is scarcely a principle, or precept, in the Bedagat, which is not found in the Bible. Did the people but act up to its principles of peace and love, oppression and injury would be known no more within their borders. Its deeds of merit are in all cases either really beneficial to mankind, or harmless. It has no mythology of obscene and ferocious deities ; no sanguinary or impure obser- vances ; no self-inflicted tortures ; no tyrannizing priest- hood ; no confounding of right and wrong, by making certain iniquities laudable in worsliip. In its moral code, its descriptions of the purity and peace of the first ages, of the shortening of man's life because of its sins, &c., it seems to have followed genuine traditions. In almost every respect it seems to be the best rehgion which man has ever invented." (2) It is true there is another side to the picture ; but why should we turn the face to tlie wall, and expose the tat- tered back ? Let us leave it as it is, but let us recollect that the ill side is there, and make the recollection atone for many faidts in the character of the worshippers of Buddha. (1) The Anacalypsis, vol. i. p. 93. I may here take occasion to remark, that the author ot India in Greece, Mr. Pococke, to whose enthusiastic labours I would do all the justice iu my power, has not, in any i)art of that work, acknowledi^ed the manifold obligations under which he lies to the author of the Anacalypsis. I make this remark more h\ self-defence than otherwise, for, upon my attention havinjc been lately turned to Godfrey Hil^rt^ns's work, I there found my own theory of the population of America anticipated, though not worked out in the mamicr it mipht be done. 1 must own this, as I am anxious to avoid the imputation of pldpiarism. However, I find myself amply corroborated in some of my own researches ; but tlie writer's whole feelings merge into a love of every kind of mystical foolery that man has ever imagined. (,2) Malcom, vol. i. p. 321 sq. CHAPTER IV. Langriiage — Literature — Manuscripts — The Aporazabon — Superstitions — Divination — The Deitton — Astronomy — Division of time. Of a literature and language so little known as tliat of Bui-mali, a notice, of course, can but be brief. The few particulars with, which we are acquainted, I will, however, oflfer to the reader. The sacred books are in a language usually called Pah, which denomination, Mr. Wilson contends, should only be apphed to the character. He proposes that the name of the language should be Magadeh or Puncrit, corresponding to the terms Magari and Sanscrit. He informs us, also, that the language differs from Sanscrit in enunciation only, , being softer, and liquifying all the harsh sounds. (1) With this language we have but little to do, as it is only the language of the priests, and not that of the whole population. A grammar of the Pali has been published at Colombo, with a vocabulary attached. (2) The Burman language is very different from the other Oriental languages. The character is very simple, and easily written. The vowels are eleven, and the con- sonants thirty-three, but the combinations are excessively numerous. All pure Burman words are monosj'llabic, so pointing to a similar fountain-head as the Chinese ; in process of time, however, polysyllables, derived from the JPali, have crept in, and given a somewhat different com- plexion to the language. Like some other languages, the number, person, mood, and tense, are formed by suffixes, a system of grammar much simpler than the difficult in- flected languages. But the great difficulty is in the number of verbs, signifying the same thing with a very slight dif- ference. Malcom well instances the verb to wash : " One (1) My immediate authority is Malcom. vol. i. p. 278. (2) Pali Granmiar, with a copious vocabulary in the same lang:uage. By the Rev. B. Clough, 8vo. Colombo. 1824. 1.4] BURMESE LITERATURE. 67 is used for wasliiniT the face, anotlier for wasliinpj tlie hands, another for washing Hnen in mere water, another for washing it with soap, another for washing dishes, &c." (1) The national Mavor is the " Them-bong-gyee," a very ancient and complete work. The books publislied by iSuropeans on the subject are, a Dictionary of the Burman Language, with explanations in English ; com- piled from the MSS. of A. Judson, &c. 8vo. Calcutta, 1826. Carey's Burman Grammar ; Serampore, 1815. Laner's Burmese Dictionary; Calcutta, 1841. Latter's Burman Grammar. " The rudiments of education," observes Malcom,(2) "are widely diffused : and most men, even common la- bourers, learn to wi'ite and read a little. But few go beyond these attainments." What a different picture does this present to the assertions of Lieutenant-Colonel Symes, who exalts tlie Burmans to such a pitch of mental cultivation. This is, however, in no slight degree owing to the character of their literature, which, however inte- resting to the observer of the rise of human civilisation, has nothing in it of permanent value to the people, as the account which I shall give of the Museum collection will amply show. I do not mean to say that they have not treatises on many subjects of science, and many interest- ing histories ; but their books, for the most part, consist of bsdlads,ilegends of Gaudama, astrology, and cosmography; an idea of the value of which has already been given. The MSS. in the British Museum of which I shall first give an account, form the Tytler Collection, as it may be called, nmning from No. 10,548 to No. 10,572 of the Additional MSS., and was presented to the library by John Tytler, Esq., on the 9th July, 1836. Unfortmiately, tlie Museum authorities are not acquainted with the contents of them ; for which reasons the reader must be contented with the meagre account I can offer. The MSS., of which we have a magnificent collection in the British Museum, are written upon palm-leaves of fifteen to eighteen inches in length. The wTiting upon them looks more like a series of scratches with a fine-pointed instrument than anytliing else. They are written upon both sides, and two spaces are left, in order to admit of strings being passed through the volume to keep the leaves together. These strings (1) Malcom, vol. i. p. 277. (2) Vol. i. p. 277- F 2 68 MANCSCKTPTS. [1.4. fasten witli "svooden tags. Occasionally a large space is left unwritten upon, and a third of the leaf is only used. The book, when closed and fastened with tags, presents a singular appearance. Ii is outwardly divided into three divisions, of which the two outside are gilt, and the middle painted with a ghstening, Hary red. A pattern ruus along the edge of the red portion. No. 10,548 contains, as nearly as I can judge, three hundred and twelve such leaves, forming a volume of about ten inches in thickness. The Museum carefully preserve these MSS. in a cardboard case, which prevents their being spoiled by dust and dirt. No. 10,550, a very thin MS., consisting of but eleven leaves, appears to contain astrological calculations. It is not nearly in such good preservation as the large one. The instrument used in writing upon these MSS. is sometimes (as one of those in the British Museum, ^i'^- sented by John Barlow Hay, Esq., in 1839) of brass, and is eighteen inches in length ; it has a decorated top, and a very sharp point. The ink-pot used would appear to be somewhat deep, as the sii/his is covered with ink for two or three inches. In one of the cases there are several gorgeous MSS., one written on five palm-leaves of about the usual length, in the Bui'mese character (which differs some\\ hat from the Pali). It is written on a gold ground, and is adorned ( ? ) with figures of Gaudama. The covers are of wood, and are ornamented. This MS. contains the fii'st book of the Kammavaca. The second is on a silver ground, in the Burmese cha- racter, on palm-leaves, and] was presented in 1771 by Mrs. Mead. There is another MS., in the same case, of the Kammavaca, the first and the fourth books. It is profusely gUded. The character is the square Pali. The , Kammavaca is one of the most esteemed rituals of the Buddhist priesthood. The other manuscripts are not so fine as those I have mentioned, and present similar characteristics to the infe- rior sort that I have described above. It is much to be regretted that we have scarcely an Orientalist in England who can unfold to us the meaning of these MSS. Never, in any institution, was a richer bait held out to the scholar than at the Musemu at the present time, and yet there are but one or two gentlemen capable of instructing us upon this interesting and important point. The Museum I. 1-.] BURMESE RITUALS. G9 authorities tlioniselvos rocjrot, "svitli tlic rest of srliolavdom, that so lav^e a ])ortion of their Oriental collection is still a dead letter to them. If the present war be produetive of no better result, let us hope that it will cause some one able to translate and comment on these MSS. to turn his attention to this subject, and give his researches to an expectant world. (1) It may not be uninteresting to append a portion of a list, kindly placed at my disposal by Sir Frederick Madden, of some of the ascertained ]3urmese Buddhistic MSS., among tlie Additional MSS. in the British Museum. 'No. 18,753: A Burmese MS. containing the Sut Silakkham, a part of the second division, or Sutrapituka, of the Buddhistic Scrip- tures, translated from the Pali. No. 15,240. Burmese translation of a portion of the Kammavaca, or Kamma- vjicha. This was presented by the earl of Enniskillen on the 10th July, 1844', and is written in dark browa letters, on an ivory plate about fifteen inches in length. No, 17,945 : The Tika Kavisara Nissaza, a Burmese trans- lation of a Pali commentary on a Buddhistic work called Kavi-Sara, or the Essence of the Poets. No. 17,700 : Part of a Burmese translation of a Buddhistic legend. This MS. is bound in wood, profusely gilt. No. 17,099 : A religious treatise in Burmese, on the dilTereut sorts of punishment in this life. •• The original," observes Buchanan, (2) " of most of the Burma books on law and religion is in the Pali, or Pale language, which, undoubtedly, is radically the same with the Sanscrit. I was assured at Amarapura that the Pali of Siam and Pegu differed considerably from that of the Burnias ; and an intelligent native of Tavay, who had been at Cingala, or Candy, the present capital of Ceylon, and at the ruins of Anuradapura, the former capital, assured me that the Pali of that island was considerably different from that of Ava. I "In many inscriptions, and in books of ceremony, such as the Kammua, the Pali language is written in a square character, somewhat resembling the Bengal Sanscrit, and called Magata. Of this a specimen may be seen in the description of the Borgian Museum by Paulinus. ('-)) But (1) I must not in this place forpct to thank the gentlemen at the Museum for the ai'l tliey so courteously and willinjjly gave me in my examination of their Burmese MSS. (2) Asiatic Researches, vol, vii. p. 305 sq. (3) Page 15. 70 MANNER OF WRITING. [1.4. in general it is written in a round character, nearly re- sembling the Burmah letters. Of this kind is the speci- men given by the accurate M. De la Loubere, and which some persons have rashly conceived to be the Burmah. There is no doubt, however, that all the different cha- racters of India, both on the west and on the east of the Ganges, have been derived from a common source ; and the Burmah writing on the whole appears to be the most distinct and beautiful. " In their more elegant books the Burmas write on sheets of ivory, or on very fine white palmira leaves. The ivory is stained black, and the margins are ornamented with gilding, while the characters are enamelled or gilded. On the palmira leaves the characters are in general of black enamel, and the ends of the leaves and margins are painted with flowers in various bright colours. In their more common books, the Burmas, with an iron style, engrave their writings on palmira leaves. A hole through both ends of each leaf, serves to connect the whole into a voliune by means of two strings, which also pass through the two wooden boards that serve for binding. In the finer binding of these kind of k^books the boards are lacquered, the edges of the leaves cut smooth and gilded, and the title is written on the upper board ; the two cords are, by a knot or jewel, secured at a little distance from the boards, so as to prevent the book from ialling to pieces, but sufficiently distant to admit of the upper leaves being turned back, while the lower ones are read. The more elegant books are in general ^vrapped up in silk cloth, and bound round by a garter, in which the Bur- mas have the art to weave the title of the book." Like the ancients, almost every Burman " carries with him a paraivaik, (1) in which he keeps his accounts, copies songs till he can repeat them from memory, and takes memorandums of anything curious. It is on these l^arawaiks that the zares or writers, in all courts and public offices, take down the proceedings and orders of the superior officers, from thence copying such parts as are necessary into books of a more durable and elegant nature. The parawaik is made of one sheet of thick and strong paper blackened over. A good one may be about eight feet long and eighteen inches wide. It is folded (1) I (lu nut know but that this ought to be written parueek,— Buchanan. I. 4.] SPECIMENS OF BURMESE WOEKS. 71 up somewhat like a fan, each fold or page being about six inches, and in length the whole breadth of the sheets. Thence, wherever the book is opened, whichever side is uppermost, no part of it can be nibbed but the two outer pages, and it only occupies a table one foot in width by eighteen inches long. The Burmas wrrite on the paraioaih with a pencil of steatites When that which has been written on a parmoaik be- comes no longer useful, the pages are rubbed over with charcoal and the leaves of a species of dolichos ; they are then clean as if new, and equally fit for the pencil." (1) It will not be amiss to pursue the usual plan that I have proposed to myself, and in every practicable case to illustrate the literature of a nation by extracts from some one of its approved works. Fortunately, the missionary Sangermano has supphed me with the means of doing so, which would otherwise have failed. I cannot do better, therefore, than quote from that ^vriter his account and extracts from one of their volumes. It will, I suppose, furnish as fair a specimen of their literature as any which can be offered. " Among these books," says Sangermano, " the one called Aporazabon deserves to be placed the first ; it is a species of romance, in which the principal character is Aporaza, an old minister, to whom the emperor, and several mandarins, put a number of questions on the science of government. To give my readers some idea of this work, I will here translate some extracts. (2) " One day the emperor asked Aporaza what he meant to do to render his kingdom flourishing and populous ; the old minister replied, that, in the first place, he must have the success of all his subjects in their affairs at heart, as much as if they were his own. 2. He should diminish the taxes and ciochi. 3. In putting on imposts he should have regard to the means of his subjects. 4. He must be liberal. 5. He must frequently inquire into the affairs of his kinn^dom, and make himself fully acquainted with them. 6. He must love and esteem nis good and faithful servants. 7. Finally, he should show courtesy and affability, both in his manners and words, to all persons. He ought, moreover, to take measures that the population of his kingdom is augmented, and that his government (1) Huchauan, iii Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 307- (2) Description, p. 141 et sqq. 72 THE APOBAZABON. [1.4. acquire honour and respect among foreign nations ; he should not molest the rich, but, on the contrary, should encourage their industry- and promote their interests ; he should show a proper regard to his generals and minis- ters, who govern in the name of the emperor, for it is not seemly that they should be publiclj' disregarded and ill- treated ; he shoidd not despise prudent and careful men ; and, finally, he should be just and moderate in exacting tributes, and should always proportion them to the pro- ducts of agriculture and commerce. As a confirmation of this precept, he refers to the fruits of the earth, when eaten before they are ripe. ' You see,' he says, ' that the fruits which are gathered ripe from the tree, are well- flavoured and pleasant to the taste ; but when they are plucked before they have ripened, they are insipid, and sour, and bitter. Rice that is taken at its proper season is excellent food, but if it is collected before its time, it is devoid of substance and nutriment.' He then advises the emperor not to shut up his kingdom ; that is to say, that he ought to allow all foreign merchants a free entrance, to encourage their commerce, and make it flourish Another time, when two petty kings had declared war against each other, they both had recourse to the Burmese monarch for assistance. Accord- ing to his custom, the emperor sent for Aporaza, who spoke thus on the occasion : — ' It once happened that two cocks of equal strength began fighting in the presence of a countryman ; after continuing their combat for some time, they were so overcome by their exertions, that they were unable to do anything more, when the coj.mtryman sprang upon tliem, and made himself master of them ])otli. Thus ought you, O king ! to do at present. Let these two princes fight with each other till you see that their resources are exhausted, and then, pouncing upon them, seize upon their teri'itories for yourself.' "A man of mean extraction was raised by the elTorts of an old mandarin to the throne. But the mandarin after- wards became overbearing, and even tried to be in some measure the master of the emperor. The latter bore all this for some time, but at length, growing wear}- of this insolence, he determined to rid himself of his importunate minister. AVherefore, one da}^ that he was surrounded by a number of his mandarins, among whom was the one who had raised him to the throne, he directed liis dis- I. 4.] ASTROLOOICAL SCIENCE. 73 course to him, and asked him •what they do •wllli tlio zen, %\ hich are erected round the pagodas, after tlie gilding and painting are finished, for which they were raised ; for the zen is a scaflblding of bamboo, or thick cane, serving to support tlie gilders and painters of the pagodas. * They are taken down and carried away,' repHed the old man- darin, ' that tliey may not obstruct the view of the pagoda, or spoil its beauty.' " 'Just so,' replied the monarch, ' I have made use of you to ascend the throne, as the gilders and painters make use of the zen ; but now that I am firmly seated in it, and am obeyed as emperor by all, and respected by all, you are become useless to me, or rather your presence only disturbs my peace.' He then drove him from his palace, and sent him in banishment to a village. One da3^ while this mandarin was yet in banishment, a dread- ful tempest arose ; in the course of which, looking out into the country, he observed that the great trees, which resisted the force of the wind, were not bent, but broken or torn up by its fury ; while the grass and the canes, yielding before the blast, returned to their original posi- tion the moment it was gone by. ' Oh,' said the man- darin, within himself, ' if I had followed the example of these canes and this grass, I should not now be in so miserable a condition.' " Among a semi-civihsed people (and look on them as we may, the Burmans are no more), superstition ever has a powerful, almost unassailable hold upon the public mind. The vague dread of future existence, the indefinable curi- osity which tempts man to search, by his own endeavours, for the ultimate end of all his strivings on earth, is to be found more closely allied to a feeling of scientific appre- ciation among such a people than anywhere else. The imperfect comprehension of what is passing around, leads the untutored mind ever to trench on the supernatural world, of the existence of which he has an innate percep- tion. But having no clear knowledge, unable perhaps to express his forebodings in a distinct and comprehensible manner, he runs to the priest, or the learned man, and, expecting a knowledge of futurity to be part of his learning, asks what the fate may be to which he is destined. The wise man, anxious to keep up a reimtatiou for superior knowledge, invents something from the cir- cumstances in which he knows the person to be placed. 74 DIVINATION AND CHAEMS. [1.4. Subsequently he systematizes and arranges these notions, connecting them with the stars, those high and -wonderful lights that unceasingly pass on in an ever-determined cycle above our heads. Such would seem to have been the origin of astrology. Divination is universally credited by the Burmese, and Dr. Buchanan's picture, so melancholy as showing to what extent priestcraft obtained among them in his time (and it is probably not much decreased in their estimation now), is too interesting to be omitted in this place : — " No person will commence the building of a house, a journey, or the most trifling imdertaking, without con- sulting some man of skill to find a fortunate day or hour. Friday is a most unlucky day, on which no business must be commenced. I saw several men of some rank, who had got from the kin^ small boxes of thcriac, or something like it, and which they pretended would render them invulnerable. I was often asked for medicines that would render the body impenetrable to a sword or musket-ball, and on answering that I knew of none such, my medical skill was held in very low estimation. Indeed, every Burman doctor has at the end of his book some charms, and what are called magical squares of figures, which he copies, and gives to be worn by Ins patients. And although these squares are all of uneven numbers, and consequently of the easiest construction, yet the ignorant miiltitude repose great confidence in their virtue. Some men, whom we saw, had small bits of gold or jewels introduced under the skin of their arms, in order to render themselves invrdnerable ; and the tattooing on the legs and thighs of the Burma men they not only think ornamental, but a preservative against the bite of snakes." (1) Cheiromancy and oneiromancy are in as great estima- tion as divination or amulets. With all their skiU in astrology, which they practise to a great extent, they are very ignorant of astronomy, and Dr. Buchanan tells us, " Although they sometimes attempt to calculate eclipses, yet they pretend not to ascertain either the hour of their commencement or the extent of the obscuration It would indeed appear, from a treatise of JVIr. Samuel Davis, (2) that the time of the full moon, and the duration of the eclipse, found by the rides given in the Surya (1) Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 172. (2) Asiat. Res, vol. ii. p. 285. I. 4.] THE DEITTON. 75 SidcUianta, differ considerably from the truth ; and that, althouf^h the rides <^iven in the Siddhanta Raliasya, and other modern books, make a near approach, yet they are far from being correct ; so that even the Brahmens of Hindustan are not much further advanced than those of Amarapura, notwithstanding the improvements they have introduced from time to time, perhaps as they were able gradually to prociu-e a little better information from their conquerors, Mohammedans and Christians." (1) Saugermano has a few remarks on the subject of the superstitions of the Burmese, that it would not be in- appropriate to transfer to these pages. (2) " The Burmese possess a large volume containing a full accoimt of all their superstitious observances, and of the different omens of good or evil fortune to be drawn from an immense number of objects, — as from the wood with which their houses are built, from their boats and car- riages, from the aspects of the sim, moon, and planets, from the howling of dogs, and the singing of bii'ds, &c., and also from the involimtary movements of the members of one's own body. We will here translate some portions of this book, as specimens of the superstitions which paganism conducts to. '' This book, which is called Deitton, in the treatise on the woods used in building, distinguishes various kinds. Such beams as are equally large at the top as at the bottom are called males ; those which are thicker at the bottom than above are females ; the neuters are those in which the middle is thickest ; and when the greatest thickness is at the top, they are called giants ; linally, when a piece of wood, on being cut, and falling to the ground, rebounds from its place, it is called monkey- wood. Whoever lives in a house made of male wood, will be happy in all places, and at all times, and in all circimistances ; but if the wood of any person's house be neuter, continual misery will be his lot ; and if it be of the gigantic species, he will die. By dividing the two pieces of wood which form the stairs into ten com])art- ments, and observing in which the knots occur, we may also learn a man's fortune. If a knot be found in the iirst compartment, it is a sign that the master of the liouse will l)e honoured by princes ; if in the second, that (1) Asiat. Res. vol. vi. p. 174. (.2) Burmese Empire*, p. ill sq. 70 SrPERSTITIONS. [1. 4. he vrill ahound in rice, and all kinds of provisions ; but if there be one in the fourth division, then a son, or a nephew, or a slave, or an ox of the master will die ; a knot in the sixth division is a sign of riches in oxen and buffaloes ; but one in the eighth portends the death of his •wife ; and finally, one in the tenth, is an augury of great possessions in gold and silver, and such other valuables. " From the wood used in the eonstructiou of the houses, the Deitton passes to the holes in which the poles that support them are fixed ; for if these be square, it is a sign of sickness ; and divers other prognostics are drawn fi'om the manner in which they are dug, and from the difl'erent substances that are met with in making them. Ilence various rules are given for choosing a spot of ground for the foundation of houses. "• The next sources of superstition are the boats and carriages ; for from the knots that are in them, good or bad success is assigned to the possessors ; as also from the different objects they meet with on their progresses on different days of the week. " All involuntary movements of the eyes, the head, or the forehead, are considered as indications of the lot of those in whom they are observed, as their happiness, or of the honours they will receive, or of a litigious dis- position," &c. And again, a little after, our missionary continues : — " In the time of war, or during a law suit, there is a curious way of finding out the success to be expected. Three figures are made of cooked rice, one representing a lion, another an ox, and a third an elephant. These are exposed to the crows, and the augury is taken according to which is eaten. If they fall on the figure of the lion, it is a sign of victory ; if they eat that of the ox, things will be made up by accommodation ; but if they eat the ele- phant, then bad success is to be looked for. " When a dog carries any unclean thing to the top of a house, it is supposed that the master will become rich. If a hen lay her egg upon cotton, its master will become poor. If a person, who is going to conclude a law suit, meet on the road another carryuig brooms or spades, the suit will be lontr, and in the end he will be deceived. If the wind shouUl carry away any of the leaves of the betel, Avhen, according to custom, it is being carried to the house of a uewly-married woman, it is a sign I. 4.] ASTBONOMY. 77 that the marriage will be unhappy, and that separation will ensue. " If in f2:oing to war, or to prosecute a law suit, a per- son meet with a fish, there will be no war, and tJie law- suit will cease ; if he see another catchincf a gnat, the mandarins will exact many presents, the client will be deceived, and the law suit a long one ; if he meet any one carrying packages, then everything will succeed to his wishes ; if he meet a serpent, the alfair will be long ; if a dog, or a female elephant, or a person playing on the instrument called zauu, a species of cymbal, all things will go well." The good fatlier mentions some more instances of a similar kind, and thus concludes : (1) — " But we should never finish, were we to extract all the follies of this book, for they are so numerous, and at the same time so incon- sistent with common comfort, that, as one of our oldest missionaries has observed, if a man were to be entirely guided by it, he would not have a house to live in, nor a road to walk on, nor clothes to cover him, nor even rice for his food ; and yet the bhnd and ignorant Burmese place the greatest laith in it, and endeavour to regulate their actions according to its directions." I have not space to speak of all the various superstitious weaknesses which rule this people, or I would tell of the cheiro- mancy of the Burmans, their amulets and their love- philtres ; for these, however, I must refer the reader to tSangermano. Burraan astronomy is similar in most points to thap^f the Hindoos ; but a short account of it, after Buchanan (2) and Sangermano, (;3) will not be out of place here. They recognise eight planets, viz., the Sun, the Moon, Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, and another named Eahu, which is invisible. Buchanan tells us that some one discovered in it the Georgium Sidus ; but if its invisibility be taken into consideration, it is much more likely to be the recently discovered and lost ])lanet Nep- tune. A description of it from the treatise oi Buchanan, will, liowever, settle any doubts as to this star: (4) — " The form of Ivahu is thus described. His stature is 48,000 juzana ; the breadth of his breast 12,0(X) ; of his (11 Burmc-o Emiiirc, \k 113. (2) Asiatic licscarchcs, vol. vi. pp. 1RR-'2(I,">. (3) Description, pp. 11-U. (4) Buchanan, uOi auih-u, p. igi j aud Saugcrinaiio, p. l^i. 78 RAHU. [1. 4. head, 9(A) ; of Lis forehead, his nostrils, and mouth, 300 ; the thickness of his fingers, 50 juzana; of his feet and hands, 200. When this monstrous and foul planet, who, like the others, is a Nat, (1) is inflamed with envy, at the brightness of the sun or moon, he descends into their path and devours, or rather takes them into his mouth ; but he is soon obliged to spit them out, for if he retained them long, they would burst his head by the constant tendency which they have to pursue their course. At other times he covers them with his chin, or licks them with his immense tongue. In this manner the Burmah writings explain eclipses of the sun and moon, both total and partial, making the duration of the eclipse depend on the time that Rahu retains the planet in his mouth or under his chin. The Ilahiins sa)^ tliat every three years Rahu attacks the sun, and every half-year the moon. The eclipses, however, are not always visible to the inhabitants of this southern' island : but although they may be invisible here, they are not so to the inhabitants of the other islands, according as the sun and moon may be opposite to them at the time of the eclipse." This will serve as a tolerably fair specimen of Burmese abstract astronomy ; and as my limits preclude further remark, it will be well to go on to their division of time. " The Burmas," remarks Dr. Buchanan, (2) " in what- ever manner they may have obtained it, have the know- ledge of a solar year, consisting of 305 days, and com- mencing on the iSth of April. Like most nations, they akic use a week of seven days, named after the planets. Sunday, Ta-nayu-ga-nuc ; Monday, Ta-nayn-la ; Tuesday, Ayn-ga ; Wednesday, Boud-dha-hu; Thursday, Kia-sa- ba-da ; Friday, Thouk-kia ; Saturday, Tha-na. " The common year, however, of the Burmas, is lunar ; and by this year are regulated their holidays and festivals. It is composed of twelve months, which alter- nately consist of thirty and twenty-nine days, as follows : — Of Thirty Ihii/s. 1. Ta-goo. 3. Na-miaung. 5. Wap-goun. 7. Sa-deen-put. 9. Na-to. 11. Ta-bu-dna. 0/ Twenty-nine Days. 2. Kas-soon. -1. Wa-goo. 6. Ta-da-lav. S. Ta-zaung-mo. lO. Pya-zo. 12. Ta-l)6uii. (1) Sec book i. chap. iii. p. 50. (2) Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 169 sq. 1.4] DIVISION OF TIME. * 79 *' This beings eleven days shorter than their solar year, in order to make the be^nning of Ta-goo coincide with our 18th of April, the first day of their solar year, the Burmas every third year add an intercalary moon. This seems to have been the extent of chronological science in Hindustan, during the prevalence of the doctrine of Bouddha, as the Eahans will go no further. But it was soon discovered by the Brahmens, that this contrivance would not make the commencements of the lunar and solar years coincide. They, therefore, wish from time to time to introduce other intercalary moons, in order to make the festivals occur at the proper season. The pre- sent king, who is said to be a studious and intelligent prince, was convinced of the propriety of the Brahmens' advice, and persuaded the Kahans of the capital to add an intercalary moon during the year we were there. He had not, however, the same success in the more distant provinces ; for, although very strong measures were taken at Bangoun, such as ordering the people for some days not to supply the Bahans with provisions, yet, in the end, the obstinacy of the clergy prevailed, and they celebrated a great festival a month earlier at Bangoun than was done at Amarapura. To this obstinacy the Bahans were, pro- bably, in a great measure, instigated by a jealousy, which they, not without reason, entertain against' such dangerous intruders as the Brahmens ; and they were encouraged to persist by the ignorance of those about the king. Of this ignorance his majesty was very sensible, and was extremely desirous of procuring from Bengal some learned Brahmens, and proper books. None of those I saw in the empire could read Sanscrit, and all their books were in the common dialect of Bengal. " The 1st of October, 1795, was at Amarapura, Kiasa- bada, the 19th of Sadeengiut, in the year of the Burma aTa 1157, so that the reckoning, at that ])lace at least, agreed very well witli tlie solar year ; but I observed, that the Burraas in general, if not always, antedated by one day the four phases of the moon, which are their common holidays. I did not, however, learn, whether this proceeded from their being imable to ascertain tlie true time of the change of the moon, or if it was only an occasional circumstance, arising from some further con- trivance used to bring the solar and lunar years to coin- cide. In the common reckoning of time the Burmas 80 mil. ' [1.4. divide tho moon into two parts, tlic liglit and the dark moon ; the first contained the days, during \^ liich the moon is on the. increase ; and the second, those in which she is in the wane. Tims, for instance, the litli of Sadcengiut is called the lltli of tlie light moon Sadccn- ghit ; but the IGth is called the 1st of the dark moon Sadeengiut. " Whence the Burmans date their a?ra I could not from them learn. Joannes Moses, Akunvrun or collector of the land-tax for the province of Pegu, the most inteUigent man m ith whom we conversed, did not seem to know. He said that whenever the king thought the years of the rera too many, he changed it. The fact, however, I believe is, that this {cra, commencing in our year 638, is that used by the astronomers of Siam, and from them, as a more polished nation, it has passed to the Burmas, whose pride hindered them from acknowledging the truth. "(1) The common lunar year consists, however, only of twelve months ; consequently they are obliged to add an intercalary month every three j^ears, as the year is only three hundred and fifty-four days in length. Even this, however, does not supply all deficiencies, and the fur- ther rectifications are made by public proclamation. Their worship days are four every month, viz., at the new and the full moon, and half-way between these ; so that some- times the interval is seven days, and sometimes eight. Day and night are divided into four equal parts. At Kaugoon, however, the European mode of reckoning the hours is much in use, and timepieces are not wholly un- known. (2) (1) Loubere, du Royaumc de Siara, vol. ii. p. 102. (2) Malcom, vol. i. p. 275. CHAPTER V. Currency — Weig:hts — Commerce — Ports — Teak-wood — Houses — Tanks — Dress — Food — Marriages — Cliil dbirth — Funerals — Arts — Slavery — The drama — Chess — Games — Music — ^reworks. The Burmese have no coined money. At every pay- ment the money is assayed and weighed, to ascertain its value. ^Mien a bargain is to be concluded, very often the seller asks to see the money the purchaser has to offer liim. The circulating medium is lead, for small payments. Silver, however, is the standard, although gold is also in use ; it is considered seventeen times as valuable as silver. The frequent assaying process that the money undergoes has given rise to a business ; the persons following it are named Poe-za, and for a commission of two and a half f)er cent, they will assay the money. One per cent, is ost in the operation, so that if" that operation be repeated forty times, it follows that the original amount is wholly absorbed, — a fact which shows the enormous waste of the precious metals which attends this rude substitute for a currency."(l) Of course, the value of money is continually fluctuating, and Crawfurd informs us, that the alloy in silver varies from two to twenty -five per cent.. ! " The finest gold," he says, "in circulation is, according to this scale, of nine and three-quarters touch, or twenty-three and a quarter carats fine. Between this and that which is only twelve carats, or contains one-half alloy,' is to be found in use almost every intermediate degree of fineness." Malcom gives us the following scale of weights, which answers both for goods and money :(2) — 2 small mays = 1 large ruay = 1 pice. J large mays = 1 bai or ruay = 1 anna. 2 bais = 1 moo =2 annas. 2 moos ^1 mat =4 annas (02^ gr. troy). 4 mats = 1 kyat = 1 tical. 100 kyats = 1 piakthah or vis (3AV ^^^- avoird.). (1) Crawfurd, vol. ii. p. 188. (2) Malcom, vol. i. p. 27.1. 82 TRADE OF UrBMAH. [I. 5. Tlie hoad-Tvatcrs of most of the rivers, ns before re- marked,(l) yield fxold; but p^old washings are to be found in the Irawadi above Prome, and also near Iian*TOon.(2) " But the little ^old," says the missionary, " that is thus collected is far from beiiii; sufficient for the Burmese, who use great quantities of this metal, not only in their brace- lets, earrings, and other ornaments, which persons of both sexes are accustomed to wear, but much more for gilding the convents of the Talapoins, the public porticoes, and particularly the pagodas, which, being exposed to the rain and the action of the air, soon lose their gilding, and are, therefore, continually requii'ing fresh gold to repair them. To supply this demand, gold is imported from the Malay coast, from China, and other places." The silver is principally procured from the Chinese provinces of Yunnan, and the mines in Burmah are worked by natives of China. The only place in Burmah where silver-mines are worked is at Bor-twang, twelve days' journey from Bamoo. Burmah has considerable foreign trade. The natives carry on a communication for this purpose with Mergui and Chittagong. and occasionally with Calcutta, Penang, and Madras. Burmah has at present but two good har- bours remaining, namely, Eangoon and Bassein. Both of these are good, but foreign vessels never go to the latter, notwithstanding the fact that it is the better of the two. (3) The port of Rangoon is the only one, therefore, of any consideration. The exports of Burmah are teak-wood, cotton, wax, cutch, sticklac, and ivorj- ; also lead, copper, arsenic, tin, birds' nests, amber, indigo, tobacco, honey, tamarinds, gnapee, or nape, gems, orpiment, &c. The most consider- able article of commerce, however, is the teak-wood. " In- deed," says Sangermano, " it is for this wood, more than for anything else, tliat vessels of every nation come to Pegu from all parts of India, It is found also in Bombay, but in small quantities, and is excessively dear ; whereas in Pegu and Ava there are such immense forests of it that it can be sold to as many ships as arrive, at a moderate price. This wood, while it does not quickly decay, is very easily wrought, and very light. Cases have occurred of ships made of it, and laden with it, which have been filled with (1) Book i, chap. i. p. 9. (2) Sangermano, p, 16;, (3) Sangermano, p. 16;. I. 5.] POET OF RANGOON. 83 water, but yet did not sink. Ilcneo, all the sliips that come to Pegu return Mith cargoes of this Avood, Avliieh is employed in common houses, hut particularly in ship- building. Most of the ships that arrive in these ports are here careened and refitted ; and there are, besides, two or three English and French shipbuilders established at Kangoon. One reason of this is the prohibition that exists of carrying the specie out of the empire. For, as merchants, after selling their cargo, and talcing in another of teak-wood, generally have some money remaining in their hands, ihey arc obliged to employ it in building a new ship. Though, perhaps, this is not the only motive for building vessels in Eangoon ; but the quantity of teak and other kinds of wood with which the neighbouring forests abound, may also have a great influence in this way. If the port of llangoon entices strangers to build ships there, it also obliges them to sail as soon as possible. For there is a species of worm bred in the waters of the river which penetrates into the interior of the wood, and eats it away in such a manner that the vessel is exposed to the greatest danger, since the holes formed by these worms being hidden, cannot easily be stopped up. They attack every species of wood except ebony and tamarind, which are so' hard that they are used to make the mallets with which carpenters drive their chisels." These facts, together with the diihculty of entering into the harbour, should be carefully considered by the rulers of the Company's territories, and they must weigh the importance of the position against the fatal effects of the climate, and when they have the upper fertile territory of Ava almost within their grasp, they should not content themselves with the low Hats of Pegu, as some of the public press have advised. Bassein, however, which has been lately captured, should be the principal port. That it is the better, is plainly to be seen from the fact of its having been so con- sidered at an earlier period of the history of the country ; and that the Company thought so, is plam from their first factories having been in that district. Eurman domestic architecture presents many similarities with that of Polynesia, except in the temples, already described in a former chapter, wliere the diflerence is, however, very slight. (1) The houses arc constructed of (1) Uouk i. chap. iii. p, 50. Q 2 84 AECHITECTUEE. [I. 5. timbers, and bamboos fastened with ligliter pieces placed transversely. If strong posts are used, they are placed at distances of about seven feet, of coarse bamboo, and licrhter ones are placed at closer intervals. Pillars made of brick or stone supporting a frame are never seen. The sides are usually covered with mats ; but sometimes with thatch fastened by split canes. In the best houses even, the roofs are almost invariably of thatch wrought most skilfully, and forming a perfect security against both wind and rain, but sometimes they are made of thin tiles, turned up at one end.(l) The best kind of thatch is made of attap or denvice leaves, bent over canes, and attached by the same material ; a cheaper kind is made of strong grass six or seven feet long. These overlap each other from twelve to eighteen inches, much in the same manner as our tiles : they cost very little and require renewing about every three years. The floors are elevated a few feet from the earth, which makes them more comfortable than the houses of Bengal, and to render them clean, and secure ventilation, they are made of split cane. Unfortunately, the crevices between the cane often invite carelessness, and dirty hquids are allowed to run through, and not unfrequently the space becomes filled with mud and vermin, particularly among the poorer classes. The doors and windows are merely of matting in bamboo frames ; when not closed, they are propped up so as to form a shade. There are of course no chimneys. They cook in a sort of square box of earth. A house does not cost more than from sixty to a hundred rupees, many not nearly so much, and they may be put up in about three days. The houses have only one story. In some of the large towns the houses of the rich are built of wood with plank floors, and panelled doors and shutters, but neither lath, plaster, nor glass. The houses are infested with insects of various descriptions, also with lizards, but they are useful in destroying the former. The buildings not being of brick, the utmost precaution is taken against fire. The roofs of the houses are loosely thatched, and a long pile of bamboo, with a hook at the end, is provided in every dwelling to pull down the thatch, while another pole is placed ready with a grating at the end of it to put out the flame by means of pressure. But it is not only in houses and pagodas that the arehi- (1) Sangermaiiu, p. V2G. I. 5.] DRESS, 85 tectural skill of the Bunnans displays itself. Tlie nation, like the ancient Peruvians, also constructs tanks, which are of immense utility in fertilizing the country. One of these, at Moutzoboo, the birthplace of Alompra, is a very handsome work. They have also a few bridges, one of which, at Ava, is very long, and which Malcom empha- tically says, " I have not seen surpassed in India, and scarcely in Europe."(l) The arrangement of the palace at Ava, it may not be inapposite to remark, is not unlike that of the ancient palaces of Nineveh, as brought to light by Mr. Layard, and restored by Mr. Ferguson. Tlie Burmese dress is very simple. That of the men consists of a long piece of striped cotton or silk, folded round the middle, and flowing down to the feet. When they are not at work, this is loosed, and is thrown partly over the shoulder, covering the body in no ungraceful manner. It very closely resembles the modern JN^ubian dress. The higher classes add to this a jacket with sleeves, called ingee, of white muslin, or, occasionally, broadcloth or velvet, buttoning at the neck. The turban or gounhoung, of muslin, is worn by every one. Their shoes or sandals are of wood, or cowhide covered with cloth and strapped on. These are only worn abroad. The women wear a te-mine, or petticoat, of cotton or silk. It is open in front ; so that in walking the legs and a part of the thigh are exposed. But in the street, they wear a jacket like that of the men, and a mantle over it. Both sexes wear cylinders of gold, silver, horn-wood, marble, or paper in their ears. The fashionable diameter of the ear-hole is one inch. At the boring of a boy's ears, a great festival is generally held, as it is considered equal to the assumption of the toaa virilis among the ancient llomans ; yet, the period of youth and dandyism gone by, they care no more for such a decoration, and usually use the ear-hole as a cigar-rack, or flower-stand. The hair is always well taken care of, and is anointed every day with sessamum oil. The men gather it in a bunch on the top of the head, like the ISTorth American Indians, while the women tie it into a knot behind. The use of betel, which at one time was very general, is now no longer so much consumed, and the practice of staining the teeth is not so universal. (1) Malcom, vol. i. p. 211, 86 FOOD. [1. 5. "The men of this nation," says a g^ood authority,(l) "have a singular custom of tattooing their thighs, which is done by wounding the skin, and then filling the wound with the juice of certain plants, which has tlie property of producing a black stain. Some, besides both their thighs, will also stain their legs of the same colours, and others paint them all over with representations of tigers, cats, and other animals. The origin of this custom, as well as of the immodest dress of the women, is said to have been the policy of a certain queen ; who, observing that the men were deserting their wives, and giving themselves up to abominable vices, persuaded her husband to establish these customs by a royal order ; that thus by disfiguring the men, and setting ofi" the beauty of the women, the t/^ latter might regain the affections of their husbands." l In speaking of the military institutions of the Burmese, I quoted from Sangermano a passage in which the food of the soldiers was mentioned. (2) To the account then given, I have little to add here. The food of the people is mean and bad indeed ; in fact, as they eat all kinds of reptiles and insects, we may \qy\ well agree ■with Malcom,(3) and call them omnivorous. They make two meals in a day, one at about nine in the morning, and the other at sunset. The rice, or whatever the dish may be, is placed on a wooden plate, raised upon a foot, and the eaters squat round it on the bare ground, or perchance on a few mats, using their fingers in the feast. Their usual beverage is water. The bed consists of a simple mat spread on the ground, and a small piljow, or piece of wood, precisely in the man- ner of the Polynesians. The rich occasionally have a low wooden bedstead and mattresses. Their mode of kissing is again like that of the Poly- nesians. Instead of touching the lips, they apply the mouth and nose to the check, and draw in the breath, and instead of saying, " Give me a kiss," they say, " Give me a smell." Children are carried astride the hips as in some other parts of India. When a young man has made his choice of a wife, he first sends some old persons to the father to propose the marriage. If the family and the girl are agreed to the match, the bridegroom inmiediati ly goes to the house of the (1) Sangermano, p. Vl\. (2) Book i. ohap. ii. p. 38. (3) South- Eastern Asia, vol. i. p, 212. I. 5.] MAnniAGE— DEATH. 87 father-in-law, and resides there for three years. At tlio expiration of that period, he may, if he choose, take his wife and reside somewhere else. The first night of the mamage is one of considerate hazard, for a laroje mim- bcr of persons will coHect together and throw stones and logs on to the roof of the house. Sangermano, on whose authority I mention the custom, could obtain no reason forit.(l) A strange practice attends the birth of a Burmese infant. " No sooner is the infant come to light, than an immense fire is lighted in the apartment, so large that a person can hardly approach it without experiencing con- siderable hurt. Yet the woman is stretched out before it; and obliged to support its action on her naked skin, which is often bhstered from its efi*ects as badly as if the fire had been actually made for this purpose. This treatment is persevered in for ten or fifteen days without intermission, at the end of which time, as it will be easily supposed, the poor woman is quite scorched or blackened. "(2) In their treatment of the sick, they are very absurd and unskilful, but at the same time, some of their remedies are good. Space will not permit me to speak of this sub- ject, and I must refer to the copious accounts of Malcom, Sangermano, Crawfnrd, and others. At the death of any one, the following ceremonies are observed. (3) The body is immediately washed and laid in a white cloth, and visits of condolence are paid by the connections and friends. While the family give them- selves up to lamentation, these friends perform the office of preparing the coffin, assembling the musicians, getting betel and lapcch. the pickled tea, which is given to every one on the occasion. Then a great store of fruit, cotton cloths, and money is prepared for distribution among the priests and the poor. Tliis is effected by means of a burial club, which, strangely enouijli, is one of the institu- tions oi this singular country. The body is then kept a day or two, after which tlie procession is formed in the following manner. First, the alms destined for tlie priests and poor are carried along ; next, come tlie baskets of betel and lapech, borne by female priests dressed in white. These are followed by a procession of priests, walking two and two. AVlien there is music, it usually comes next. (I) Sangermano, p. 129. (2) .Sanpormano, «i« supra, p. )29. (3) My principal authority is yaiiscrmano, p. 136. 88 ARTS OF THE BURSIESE. [I. 5. Then tlie bier is carried along, borne by friends of tlie deceased. Immediately behind the bier comes the wives, children, and nearest relations, all dressed in white. The procession is closed by a concourse of people more or less connected with the departed person. Arrived at the place where the body is burnt, the senior priest delivers a ser- mon, consisting of reflections on the five secular command- ments and the ten good works. At the conclusion of the sermon, the coffin is delivered to the burners of the dead, who set fire to it, while others distribute the alms to the priests and people. The burning, however, does not always take place. Persons that have been drowned, or have died of infectious diseases, are immediately interred. On the third day after the burning, the relations go to the place and collect the ashes, which are placed in an urn and buried, and a cenotaph is erected over the re- mains. All this time a festival is kept up at the house of the deceased. Readers are engaged, who read out poetry and history. Much feasting and drinking goes on, and this is all done to keep off the thoughts of their loss from the minds of the relations. On the ninth day the con- cluding feast to the priests is given, and all is over. The arts of the Burmese are very simple, as may be ex- pected.(l) Their progress in them has been very small, chiefly on account " of the great simplicity of their dress and houses." Every one builds his own house, and the females of the family can manufacture all the apparel that is required by the family. The silkworm is kept in Ava, and the products of the looms of that province, though susceptible of improvement, yet deserve high commenda- tion for the strength of the material and brilliancy of the colours. Carving in wood, an art at which a semi-civilised nation generally soon arrives, has been brought to some degree of perfection ; but painting, the kindred art, is here, as among all Oriental nations, in a very languishing condition. Lately, at a meeting of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, a very interesting picture by a Biu'mese artist was exhibited. Dr. A. Thomas, who presented it to the society, thus describes it : — " On one side of the picture is re- presented the royal palace and the royal monastery ; the priests in their sacerdotal garb, the white elephant, &c. &c. axe all shown. On the other side is a grand procession (1) My chief authority is Saogcrmaao, pp. l44-u6. I. 5.] SLAVERY. 80 showintT that a lad is about to enter into the order of priesthood." In painting flowers the Burmese are not so bad, but, Hke the Cliinese, they have very imperfect notions of drawinii^ and perspective. The betel boxes and drinking-cups are exceedingly curious. They are formed of very fine basket-work of bamboo, covered with varnish, which is brought from China in very great quantities. An interesting account of their manufacture is given by Colonel Burney in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal ; but the exact volimie has escaped me. Working in gold, as among their kindred in America, the Incas and the Mexicans, has been perfected in no slight degree. In casting bells, too, no Oriental nations can compete with them. " Such are the principal arts," concludes Sanger- mano, (1) " of the Burmese ; and if they are in a low state, this must be attributed more to the destructive despotism of their government than to the want of genius or inclination of the people, for they have in reality a great talent in this way. It is the emperor, with his mandarins, who is the obstacle in the way of the industry of his subjects ; for no sooner has any artist distinguished himself for his skill, than he is oonstrained to work for the emperor or his ministers, and this without any profit, farther than an uncertain patronage." Can there be the least doubt in the mind of any unpre- judiced person, that the British ought to annex the whole of Burmah, and so rescue the flocks that are bleeding under 'the ruffian claws of the official tigers ? Remember Prome under British justice in the last war ; and though, in every way, the Indian government is de facto a mild despotism, yet is not that better than the present state of things ? Besides, it is our interest. If we do not get this coimtry, some other nation will,j and we want no Euro- pean neighbours in the East. And this is a fitting place for an account of the treat- ment of slaves among the Burmese, a subject of no little importance to its future interests. olavery is very general in Ava and the subdued pro- vinces, and it has not yet been abolished in the territory ceded to the British in 182^. (2) It may be as well to mention this fact, as otherwise the British will get a cha- (1) Burmese Empire, p. 146- (2) Malcom, vol. i. p. 272. 90 SLAVERY. [I. 5. ractcr for inconsistency, and some one will plead, in ex- tenuation of the African slave-trade, that though such efforts arc made in the Atlantic, yet that in the tan^^iblc property of Britain, the provinces of Arakhan, Chitta- gong, Assam, and Tenasserim, the practice is not sup- pressed, notwithstanding that it might be effected with much more ease than in Africa, or on the Brazilian coast. Naturally, in so recent a possession, the measure cannot be immediately introduced ; yet it would be well for the Company to think and act, as it is necessary to be consistent throughout, even if that were the only consideration. A slight slave-trade appears to be carried on upon the frontiers ; and though the Bumians, with somewhat of a Jesuitical spirit, do not actually engage in it themselves, yet they do not hesitate to recognise and support it by purchasing the slaves thus kidnapped from home. Debtor slaves, Malcom tells us, are very numerous. When persons borrow, they mortgage themselves to their creditors till they can repay the money. In Burmah this is not done by any remuneration for the service thus ren- dered, but in our possessions it diminishes four pice per day. Their master can sell and chastise them, though he is restrained from ill-using them. However, when they can obtain the momey, and tender it to their creditor, he is not at liberty to refuse the payment. The children of slaves are free ; though this is more by usage than by the law. Under that, there would be some redemption-money to be paid. However, custom has ordanied that both mother and child are free. Husbands have the power of selling their wives, or rather borrowing money upon them ; and of course, unless the person so sold, or pawned, can obtain a sum equal to the amount borrowed, they are condemned to life-servitude. T]ie condition of slaves, however, is little different from that of a free person. The estimation, too, in whicli they are held, is high, for they are, in a popular super- stition, ranked with "a son, a nephew, and an ox;" and though the last of these appears somewhat ludi- crous to tlie ear of an European, yet we must recollect tliat tlic religious value of an ox Avas high in the land, probably from the tinge of Brnhminism with which the Burnians are dashed. It is interesting to compare the state of the slaves of I. 5.] THE BUEMESE AND THE VISIGOTHS. 91 Burmali witli tlio condition of the sanio class among tho Visirjotlis, Avlio may, in some respects, be looked upon as tlie Burmans of Europe. Prescott has given an able sketch in his " Ferdinand and Isabella : "(ij — " The lot of the A^isigothic slave was sufficiently hard. Tho oppressions -w-hich this unhappy race endurccl, were such as to lead Mr. Southey, in his excellent introduction to the ' Chronicle of the Cid,' to impute to their co- operation, in part, the easy conquest of the country by the Arabs. But, althou(;h the laws in relation to them seem to be taken up willi determining their incapacities, rather than their privik\2:es, it is probable that they secured to them, on the whole, quite as great a degree of civil consequence as was enjoyed by similar classes in the rest of Europe. By the Euer Juzoo, the slave wns allowed to acquire property for himself, and with it to purchase his own redemption. (2) A certain proportion of every man's slaves were also required to bear arms, and to accompany their master to the field. (3) But their relative rank is better ascertained by the amount of com- position (that accurate measurement of civil rights with all the barbarians of the north) prescribed for any per- sonal violence inflicted on them. Thus, by the Salic law, the life of a free lloman was estimated at only one-fifth of that of a Frank, (1) while* by the law of the Visigoths, tho life of a slave was valued at half of that of a free man. (5) In the latter code, moreover, the master was prohibited, under the severe penalties of banishment and sequestra- tion of property, from either maiming or murdering his own slave, (G) while, in other codes of the barbarians, the penalty was confined to similar trespasses on the slaves of another ; and by the Salic laAv, no higher mulct was imposed for killing than for kidnapping a slave. (7) The legislation of the Visigoths, in those particulars, seems to have regarded this unhappy race as not merely a distinct species of property ; it provided for their personal secu- rity, instead of limiting itself to the iudemniiication of their masters."- It is a curious circumstance that the malefactors, whose punishment has been commuted from death to slavery (I) Vol. i. p. 7, note. (2) Lib. v. tit. 4, ley l6. (3) Lib. i.\. tit. 2, ley 8. (4) Lex .Salica, tit. -i:}, sec. 1, 8. (5) Lib. vi. tit. 4. ley 1. (G) Lib. vi, tit. 3, Icycs 12, 13. Ij) Le.\ Salica, tit. ii, &cc. i, 3. 92 DEAMA. [I. 5. in the pagodas, arc better off than the s^enerality of the slave population ; so that, in fact, there is not such indig- nity and misery in it as some authors have represented. The Mexicans, who formed some portions of their polity on a higher model, esteemed it an honour to serve in the temples of the gods. Let us now turn to a liveUer theme — the Burman amusements. Symes, the energetic envoy, to whose work I have so often referred, gives the following curious description of a dramatic entertainment in Burmah -.(l) — " The solar year of the Birmans was now drawing to a cloSe, and the three last days are usually spent by them in merriment and feasting. "VYe were invited by the Maywoon to be present on the evening of the 10th of April, at the exhibition of a dramatic representation. " At a little before eight o'clock, the hour when the play was to commence, we proceeded to the house of the Maywoon, accompanied by Baba- Sheen, who, on all occasions, acted as master of the ceremonies. The theatre was the open court, splendidly illuminated by lamps and torches ; the Maywoon and his lady sat in a projecting balcony of his house ; we occupied seats below him, raised about two feet from the ground, and covered with car- pets ; a crowd of spectators were seated in a circle roimd the stage. The performance began immediately on our arrival, and far excelled any' Indian drama that I had ever seen. The dialogue was spirited without rant, and the action animated without being extravagant ; the dresses of the principal performers were showy and becoming. I was told that the best actors were natives of Siam, a nation which, though unable to contend with the Birmans and Peguers in war, have cultivated with more success the retined arts of peace. By way of inter- lude between the acts, a clownish buffoon entertained the audience with a recital of different passages ; and by grimace, and frequent alterations of tone and countenance, extorted loud peals of laughter from the spectators. The Birmans seem to delight in mimickry, and are very expert in the practice, possessing uncommon versatility of countenance. An eminent practitioner of this art amused us with a specimen of his skill, at our own house, and, to (1) Embassy to Ava in the year l"95, vol. ii. p. 41 sqq. ; later ed. vol. i. p. 208 sq. I. 5.] DEAMA. 93 our no small astonishment, cxliibitcd a masterly display of the passions in pantomimic looks and gestures ; the transitions he made, from pain to pleesurc ; from joy to despair ; from rage to madness ; from laughter to tears : liis expression of terror, and, above all, his look of idiot- ism, were performances of first-rate merit in their line ; and we agreed in opinion, that had his fates decreed him to have been a native of Great Britain, his genius would have rivalled that of any modern comedian of the English stage. " The plot of the drama performed this evening, I understood, was taken from the sacred text of the JRa- mnyam of Balmiec, a work of high authority amongst the Hindoos. (1) It represented the battles of the holy Ham and the impious llahwaan, chief of the ilalkuss, or demons, to revenge the rape of Seeta, the wife of Kam, who was forcibly carried away by Rahwaan, and bound under the spells of enchantment. Vicissitudes of fortune took place during the performance, that seemed highly interesting to the audience. !Ram was at length wounded by a poisoned arrow ; the sages skilled in medicine consulted on his cure ; they discovered, that on the mountain Indra- gurry grew a certain tree that produced a gum, which was a sovereign antidote against the deleterious effects of poison ; but the distance was so great that none could be foimd to undertake the journey : at length, Honymaan, (2) leader of the army of apes, offered to go in quest of it. A\Tien he arrived at the place, being uncertain which was the tree, he took up half the mountain, and transported it with ease : thus was the cure of Ram happily effected, the enchantment was broken, and the piece ended with a dance and songs of triumph." Dr. Buchanan gives us some farther particulars on this curious subject, which I subjoin : (3) " Although these entertainments, like the Italian opera, consist of music, dancing, and action, with a dialogue in recitative ; yet we understood, that no part but the songs (1) Called by Sir William Jones, Valmiec. (2) Hon>'maan is worshipped by tlic Hindoos under the form of an ape, and is one of the most frequent objects of tlieir adoration; almost every Hindoo pagoda has this figure delineated in some part of it. Honymaan (Hanuinan; is the term used by the Hindoos to denote a lar^c ape. The worship was widely extended even among the Mexicans, wlio portrayed monkeys in their picture writings. In the Coptic -Egyptian, llaanu signi> fles monkey. (3) Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 305. 04 DRAMA, [I. 5. was previously romposccl. The subject is generally taken from some oi' tlie legends of their heroes, especially of Rama ; and the several parts, songs, and actions, being assigned to the different performers, the recitative part or dialogue is left to each actor's ingenuity. If, from the eflects on the audience, we might judge of the merit of the performance, it must be very considerable, as some of the performers had the art of keeping the multitude in a roar. I often, however, suspected, that the audience were not difficult to please ; for 1 frequently observed the ]\Iyoowun of Haynthawade (the man of high rank whom we most frequently saw), thrown into immoderate laugh- ter by the most childish contrivances. These easterns are indeed a lively, merry people ; and, like the former French, dance, lau^jh, and sing, in the midst of oppres- sion and misfortune." But by far the most lucid account that we have of the Burmese drama, is in one of the dramas themselves, which Mr. Smith has translated in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal ; and he has added much to the value of the work by a few judicious observations, from which I present an extract to the reader : — '• The Eamadzat (Eamahyaua), and other ancient fabu- lous histories, form the groundwork of nearly all the favourite plays, the outline of the story being merely preserved, while the language of the play depends as much upon the fancy of the performer as the taste of the audience. Each company is presided over by a teacher or manager, who drills the actors in their tasks from rough notes, which contain only the songs and the sub- stance of the parts assigned to each performer. In every play, without perhaps a single exception, the following characters are represented, — a king, a queen, a princess, a minister of state, a himtsman, and some kind of mon- ster. (1) The female characters are usually personated by men, it being considered indecorous in a woman to appear as an actress. I have to plead as an apology for the unpolished style of this translation, the acknowledged difficulty of turning the dialogue of a play into a foreign dress ; moreover, the original, which was written from the mouth of an actor, was imperfect and OI written. I believe there are books in the palace at Umeraporee, con- (i) stock characters seem as prcviJcnt as at the Victoria or Ailelphi, I, 5.] EPITOME OF A BURMESE TLAY. 95 tainiuij the propor roadin 1. 6.] PEGU. 103 ' Children of tlic Siin ;'(1) and for this purpose the genea- logy of even Alonipra, the founder of the present dynasty, is iu's paper in No. V. of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal fur 1851 ; and in Allen's Indian .Mail, vol. x, p. 265. 110 THE VOWED TO BUDDHA. [II. 1. commercial interests at stake in the country. The war lasted long, and was doubtful enough in its character, till the Peguers, by obtaining some indUQferent arms from a few Europeans still in the country, gained some advan- tages over the Burmans, and pursuing their victorious career, they invested the city of Ava in 1752. It soon surrendered, for the Burmese were sick at heart, and utterly discouraged. The king, whose name, according to Sangermano, (1) was Chioekmen, though Symes states it to have been Dwcepdee, (2) was seized, and, together with the whole court, carried to Pegu, where, after receiv- ing kind treatment for some time, he was barbarously murdered, after witnessing the slaughter of all his wives. Two of his sons, however, escaped into Siam, where they were kindly received. Bonna Delia, or Beinga Delia, king of Pegu, assured of the tranquillity of the country under his administration, returned to Pegu, leaving Apporaza in the government of the capital of Burmah. For some time everything seemed at peace, and all seemed to submit to the new government with a good grace ; but the lull was only the temporary calm that precedes a furious tempest. The avenger of Burman independence was about to arise, and tumble the now victorious king of Pegu from his tri- umphal chariot ! The chieftain of Moutzoboo, a small place about twelve miles from the river, had given his allegiance, but he brooded over the Avrongs of this race. (3) He felt that the Peguers were as dirt under the feet of the Burmans ; and it is not to be doubted, that he foresaw in a rebellion some advantage to himself. He was ambitious, and re- solved to set aU on the cast of a die. His name, Aoing- zaya (iaya), was a good omen to him ; (4) and we may well conceive that the resolute chief coimted on the aid of the divinity, since we find him assuming the style or regal name of Alaong-B'hura, or *' The A'owed to Buddha." (5) Like Charles Edward Stuart, he seemed to resolve on victory or a death, devoted to the God of his country. When Beinga Delia reached Pegu, he caused a pro- clamation to be made throughout his territories, in which (1) Burmese Empire, p. -17. (2) Ava, vol. i. p. 12. (3) My skftch nf the Uurmese revolution is derived from Symes. (4) The first is a Burmese word signifying victory j the second, Pali, for the same. — Crawl'urd, vol. ii. p. 281. (5) Jancigriiy, Indo-Chine, p. 255. II. 1.] ALOMPEA. Ill he set forth in frrandiloquent, and insolent expressions, the results of his campaigns. The proclamation, couched in the most odious and contemptuous words, increased the hatred of the Burmans, and caused them to long the more for the hour of vengeance. Alompra, or Alaong-B'hura, had at this time about a hundred followers on whom he could depend body and soul. Upon hearing of the proclamation, he judged that it was a favourable juncture for operation ; he, therefore, in his capacity of governor of Moiitzoboo, strengthened the stockade surrounding the town, and conducted every- thing so well, that he never caused any suspicion in the minds of tho Peguers. Indeed, their attention and force was ■ concentrated on the Burmese frontier, in order to oppose and destroy any force collected by the sons of Chioekmen. It may readily be understood, therefore, that the fifty Peguers at Moutzoboo, were easily over- powered and despatched by Alompra and his adherents. Probably he availed himself of some act of oppression or licentiousness on the part of the careless soldiery, and attacked them when least expected. Not a man escaped. Alompra now showed himself to be as dexterous a poli- tician, as he was prompt in action. Immediately after this event, he wrote to Apporaza in the most humble terms, expressing the greatest sorrow for the unhappy occurrences that had taken place at Moutzoboo, repre- senting it as a provoked affair wholly unlooked for, and as transitory as it was violent in its effects. It is even probable that he lu'ged upon the governor of Ava to in- vestigate the matter, in order that his attachment to the government of Pegu might be made more apparent. In conclusion, he expressed himself individually obliged to the governor for his forbearance, and professed himself an ad- herent of Beinga Delia. This epistle had the desired effect. Alompra's only object had been to gain time, and in this he perfectly succeeded. Apporaza, deceived by his hu- mility, took no immediate measures against him, and even ([uittcd Ava, leaving the government in the hands of his nephew, Dotachew, with orders to keep Alompra in strict confijiement, when, in fact, the Peguers should be able to secure his person. The troop which had been detached for tho arrest of Alompra was considerably astonished at finding their entrance into Moutzoboo disputed. The gates of the 112 Eort OF THE rcorEBs. [IT. 1. stockade wcro closed, and on their demandinj^ an entry, they were only laufrhed at and defied. "SMiat could they dor They were ill-anned, and ill-provisioned ; their dis- cipline was lax ; their cause rotten. If they opposed the Burmans, there was little hope of success ; and if ihey ran away, the dreadful fate whieli their wives and children would suffer stared them in the face. (1) Under these circumstances it was plain to them that they could only try the issue of a battle. These thoughts may have passed in quick succession throuj^h their minds ; and while they were yet uncertain, iUompra and his gallant band burst into the midst, and attacked them furiously with missiles, swords, and spears. The affrighted Peguers, scarcely acquainted with the power of the clumsy muskets they had with them, though most probably they had none or but few of these, feeUng that now, indeed, the Devoted to Buddha and his desperate irresistible band were upon them, threw away their arms and fled ; Alom- pra and the rest pursuing them on their way for Imo miles and more. The number of the Peguers thus routed are estimated at about one thousand. How fearful must the contest have appeared to the victory-drunken sol- diers ! The Burmese host seeming tenfold the number in the gray dawn of the morning, came down like an avalanche upon them, and swept all away whom it did not destroy. After an irregular pursuit for some distance, Alompra returned to his fortress, aware of the danger of trusting himself too near to a less panic-struck population. Arrived at that place, he addressed a few words to his comrades, telling them that they had now cast their for- tunes together, and that he and they were in as great danger; he called upon them all for assistance, and he invited the Burman towns in the neighbourhood to assist him in the glorious work he had beg\in so auspiciously. The Burmans were scarcely disposed to lend a willing ear to his exhortations, yet some places gave in their adhe- sion to his government. Such was the first decisive combat that was to change the fortunes of Burmah. Dotachew, with the characteristic irresolution of a de- puty, seems to have procrastinated frightfully. Probably (1) See booki. chap. ii. p. 40. II. I.] INDECISION OF DOTACHEW. 113 he was a yountr man, utterly unacquainted with tlie art of war, and placed in the responsible position lie occupied by his uncle, merely that the important office shoidd not go out of the family ; possibly, his very inefficiency, by the stranfTc contradiction that always pervades a court, led to his promotion ; at all events ho was utterly unfit for his business, and at this time, when a few energetic measures would have crushed the rebellion at once, he was pecu- liarly unfitted by his disposition for this important duty. He was uncertain whether it would be more advisable to march against Alompra with the forces at his command, not exceeding three thousand, or to wait for reinforce- ments from Prome ; the third course was to retreat, or rather, in this case, to run away. I have not space to enter into a discussion of which the most advisable mea- sure would have been ; yet had he set lustily forward, and cheered his men by a good example, he would have led them on to a certain, though perhaps not easy, victory. However, he neither marched forward, or waited at Ava ; but discretion seeming to be the better portion of his valour, he ran away, and, terrified at the reports, no doubt exaggerated in every way, of the growing power of the enemy, he never stopped tiU he reached Pegu, toward the latter end of the autumn in the year 1753. Alompra meanwhile advanced on Ava, and, assisted by the enslaved Burmans in the capital, took the city, and put the few Peguers who had not pursued the valiant fortunes of Dotachew, to death. Alompra, however, hearing that the Peguese governor had fled, did not personally conduct the operations at Ava, but deputed this to his second son, Shembuan. himself remaining, or returning to Moutzoboo. Thus matters remained imtil Beinga Delia, the king of Pegu, afraid of losing the frontier provinces of Prome, Xeounzeik and Tambouterra, assembled a large army at Syriam under the generalship of Apporaza. This force departed up the Irawadi, in the month of January, 1754 Both France and England had, established factories at Syriam again, at this time ; and, as the English leaned toward the Burman side, that was sufficient reason for the French to espouse the cause of Beinga Delia. However, aU their aid was secret, and until their neighbourhood became the seat of war, they did not proceed to active measures. 114 ArroRAZA. [II. 1. Apporaza, over whom a species of fatality seemed to hanjr, had again chosen a most improper and unfortunate season for commencinr but slowly, the torrent being (1) Vol. i. pp. 56-57. II. 1.] CAPTAIN BAKER AND ALOMPBA. 121 svrollen and rapid. Above Prome tliey met a detachment of Burman troops proceediuf^ to Daemon and the newly- founded city of Rangoon. Captain Baker had an inter- view with the chief, who was sanguine as to the result of the war. The meeting was embarrassing on both sides ; on the part of Captain Baker, because he had the strange occurrences connected with the Enghsh vessels to account for ; and on the part of the Burman general, as he was certain of the power and influence of the English, and totally ignorant of their intentions. Captain Baker !had the farther misfortune to lose his colleague, Lieutenant North, who died of dysentery a day or two after con- tinuing his journey. On the 8th of September, however, he reached Ava, the former metropolis, where he was civilly received by the governor. On the I6th he was summoned to Moutzoboo, to attend on the Golden Foot, for Alompra had now assumed the titles of the empire, as well as the emoluments. The interview was a characteristic one on both sides. The king, with aU the pride of an Eastern potentate elevated to the throne by his own endeavours, swelled with arrogance and vaunted of his successes. He justly cen- sured the duplicity, real or apparent, of the English at Dagon, reminding the envoy that he had tv^aied them kindly during his stay ; he said that it was far from gratefid thus to break all the promises that had been made. Captain Baker rephed with expressions of regret ; he solemnly declared that Mr. Brooke knew nothing of the aflair, had been very angry at its occurrence, and that the hostile movement was utterly unauthorized by the English resident. Alompra listened with attention and seeming satisfaction. So ended the first audience. At a subsequent meeting, permission was granted by the king for the erection of factories at Dagon and Bassein ; but the English never are satisfied, and therefore Captain Baker pressed his majesty to cede the island of Negrais. Strange it is, that, -VAhen, but a few days previously, the Burman cause had been totally deserted by the English, yet, upon the strength of a few paltry professions, the I3urme8e were supposed to have had siifficient confidence in them, as to lead to the sun-ender of an island of some little extent, commanding the finest port in the dominions of Alompra. However, the king showed policy, too ; for he neither granted nor denied their request, but left it 122 THE DEVOTED TO BUDDITA. [II. 1. for future decision. Baker was then dismissed, and re- embarked for Negrais on the 29th of September. Durini; tliis time, the Perruers had attempted the cap- ture of the Burman post at Da^on, with the assistance of the Arcot, and two other English ships. Ten thousand Pe- guers marclied round by land, and three hundred war-boats, toj^ether with a French vessel, accompanied the English ships. They were again repulsed by the Bunnans, who, probably under European direction, constructed lire-rafts, by which the French ship was placed in great peril. The land-forces, weakened by their own numbers, and de- prived of the co-operation of the fleet, retreated, and ** never dared to hazard another enterprise." (1) But the Peguers were to suffer more. The Devoted to Buddha was coming, and who could stand against his bands? He attacked the fort of Svriam by land and water, and choosing the time of ebb-tide, when the French ship was aground, he attacked it with gun-boats. Upon this, Bourno desired to change sides again, and sent a letter to Alompra, oiTering fresh terms of accommoda- tion. But the Peguers suspected him of treachery, and removed him and his adherents into the fort of Svriam, leaving the factory and vessel deserted. These Alompra immediately seized, and he now let famine and disease do its work in the over-crowded place, and never quitted his position nntd the month of July, 175(3. The Peguers were gradually lulled into security, and Alompra seized a favourable opportunity, made a vigorous assault upon the place, and, though most of the garrison escaped, he made all the Europeans prisoners. " It has already appeared to have been the determined policy of the French to espouse the cause of the Peguers ; and had succours from IPondicherry arrived before the state of things became too desperate, alfairs would pro- bably have worn a different aspect, and the Peguers obtained such an addition to their strength, as would have enabled them to conclude a peace on advantageous terms. But assistance in war, to be efiectual, must be timely ; unless applied while the scales hang nearly even, it often comes too late, and is found not only to be useless, but even productive of deeper disappointment. In the ^u'esent case, the French brought th"ise supplies of wliidi the (I) Symes, vol. i. p. C;. ir. 1.] SEIZURE OF THE GALlTHIli. 123 Petjiiers had lons^ buoyed themselves with hopes, at the unfortunate moment when the communication was cut off, when no rchef could be conveyed to them, and all prospect of retrieving their disastrous fortunes liad com- pletely vanished. " Mons. Dupleix, governor of Pondicherry, a man whose comprehensive mind perceived with clearness whatever could benelit his nation at this juncture, deeply engafi^ed in the important contest that was ultimately to determine the sovereignty of the East, being aware of the conse- quence of maintaining an influence in Pegu, (1) had, not- withstanding the exigencies of his own situation, equipped two ships, the Galatkie and Diligent, vessels of force, well manned and armed, and sent them, with a supply of military stores, to the assistance of the Peguers." (2) The Galaihie speedily arrived off the Burmese coast, but in consequence of mistaking the mouth of the Setang for that of the Kangoon embouchement, it did not get there in time. Alompra's spies, however, had already informed him of the approach of the inimical vessel, and when the captain sent up a boat for a pilot, it was seized. Alompra, then, after forcing Bourno to ^vrite a letter, encouraging the Galathie to come up the river, sent it with a pilot. Unfortunately for the IFrench commander, he fell into the trap, and on an*iving at Eangoon, he first learned in what position he was placed, and how fatal the matter had been to him. The Galathie was then seized, the arms and ammunition brought on shore, and the papers proved that these supplies were intended for the Peguers. (8) Alompra, upon being assured of this treachery, ordered the instant execution of Bourno, Mar- tine, and the rest of the French prisoners. " This san- (1) Compare the following observations of a late excellent writer upon India. '* M. Dupleix's wonderful talent for diplomacy and intrigue soon obtained signal triumphs. His emissaries were everywhere ; and the native princes were all as fickle as faithless. In his intrigues with them he is said to have derived wonderful assistance from his wife, who was bom in India, and perfectly understood not only the languages, but also the character of the natives. In his union with this lady, who is described as being even more ambitious than himself, we may probably trace the cause of the essentially Oriental spirit of many of his ])roceodings." — Macfarlaiic's History of British India, chap. iii. p. ID." We sluxll, here- after, have occasion to return to this work, in connection with the Bur- mese war in 182J-26. (2) Symes, vol. i. pp. 70-72. (3) Sangcrmano, however, shows, by the orilinancc of the jiort, that the seizure of tlic vessel and its contents was uothintj remaikable.— See his Bui'mese Empire, p. 170. 124 FALL OF SYBIAM. [II. 1. giiinary mandate," concludes Symes, (1) "was obeyed with um-eleiiting promptitude ; a few seamen and Lascars alone escaped, and these were preserved for no other purpose than to be rendered of use in the further prose- cution of tlie war, and survived but to experience all the miseries of hopeless bondage." The Diligent was more fortunate. A storm had com- pelled her to take shelter at the JS^icobar islands, where she was obliged to remain some time. Adverse reports spread quickly, and the captain soon heard the sad fate of his countrymen, and he returned to Pondicherry with the evil tidings. The time had now passed, and Peguese supremacy and French ascendancy in Burmah might be numbered among the past events of history. It is strange, with the savage character that the man ever bore, that the French were the only victims on this occa- sion ; and it certainly argues more in favour of his justice than almost any action of his life. Policy, too, prevented him from offending the English at the time, though it is useless to disguise the fact, that they deserved quite as much, and even more than the French. The measures of Bourno had been infinitely more decided than those of the English, and an open enemy is ever more of a friend than a treacherous, creeping friend. But the tragedy was not at an end. Tliough the fall of Syriam " had determined the fate of the Peguers," yet they did not whoUy give up hope. I have already in a former chapter given a description of the capital of Pegu, (2) which I need not therefore repeat ; but still the following passage from Symes will prove of use in comprehending the detads of the siege : (3) — " Situated on an extensive plain, Pegue was surrounded with a high and solid wall, flanked by small towers, and strengthened on each face by demi-bastions, equidistant ; a broad ditch contained about three feet depth of water ; weUs or reservoirs supplied the to^\'n ; the stupendous pagoda of Shoemadoo,(4) nearly centrical, built on an artificial eminence, and inclosed by a substantial wall of brick, served as a citadel, and afibrded an enlarged view of tlie adjacent country. The extent, however, of the works, the troops necessary to defend them, and the nimi-^ ber of inhabitants within tlie walls, operated to the disad- (1) Vol. i. p. 74. (2) Book i. chap. vi. p. 103. (3) Symes, vol. i. p. 70. (4) Book i. chap. iii. p. 56. II. 1.] SIEGE OF PEGU. 125 vantage of tlie besiejifcd, aud aggravated Ike distresses they -were shortly to endure." For Alompra, evidently perceiving the excellence of the plan pursued at Syriam in reducing his foes, again deter- mined to avrait the natural course of events, and let star- vation do its work in the ranks of the enemy. The siege of Pegu by Alompra is not dissimilar to the siege of Mexico by Cortes, and indeed, the whole progress of the movements of Alompra are worthy of comparison with the acts of the conqueror of MexicQ. Alike indomitable in character, energetic and swift in action, and fitfully cruel, though not insensible to the gentler voice of remonstrance, they stand as nearly side by side, as the semi-civilised, impulsive, and naturally politic Oriental, and the sternly educated, calculating, though rapidly acting ]<]uropean can. This is not the place for such a discussion, or many interesting coincidences might doubtless be elicited from a comparison of both their lives. As the Mexicans could look down from their ieocalU, and behold the relentless band of Spain around their walls, so could the Pegucrs look from the pagoda of Shoe- madoo, and behold the natural foes of their race waiting without, like sheriff's officers, until the beleaguered were too weak to hold the door against the besiegers. Meinla- Mein-goung was sent with a powerful detachment to com- mence the circumvallation of the town, and in a few days the Devoted to Buddha followed with the remainder of the army, and " sat down before the city," in the month of January, 1757. For two months the Burmans persevered in this plan, and, ever viijilant, allowed none to escape. The immense multitude of J'eguers, though but a small remnant of the nation, caused want to be soon felt ; discontent and mutiny were the consequence of the scarcity of provision, and it seemed as if the nation would fly to arms against itself. The danger of open revolt became every day more immi- nent. The royal family and oiiicers looked wistfully and anxiously from the pagodas, watching for the first intima- tion of any movement among their relentless besiegers. But it was all in vain. At this juncture. Beinga Delia summoned an assembly of all the famil}' and chiefs of any consequence. Apporaza, the king's brother ; Chouparea, his son-in-law and nephew; and a general named Talabaan, were among the principal persons in the assembly. The 126 TALABAAN. [II. 1. kiiif^, after layini^ before llicm the utter hopelessness of resistance ; after remiuding them of the differences exist- ing between parties in the streets of Pegu itself; after calling upon them to avoid, by the best means in their power, the dreadful consequences of still stubbornly pro- longing their own sufferings, and feeding the rage of tlicir enemies, advised a timely submission, and offered to pre- sent his unmarried daughter to Alompra as a means of deprecating his anger. Such an act of homage, he con- cluded, was the only way he perceived of turning away the resentment of the Burraan conqueror. All heard this proposition with sorrow ; but there was nothing for it but to acquiesce. One chief present, liow- cver, ventured to remonstrate, and this was the valiant general Talabaan. He rose, and inveighing bitterly against such a course, reprobated the idea of submission ; he concluded a short but comprehensive speech, '" with an offer to sally forth at the head of six hundred chosen fol- lowers, and cither raise the siege, and procure an honour- able peace, or perisli in the attempt ; provided, iu the event of success, the king woidd promise to bestow on him his daughter as the reward of valour"(l) — for Talabaau secretly loved the maiden. The king assented to these terms, believing that Tala- baan would also perform what he had so well planned, and the council was dismissed. Apporaza, however, always indirectly or directly the cause of misfortune, having grown envious of the growing influence of Talabaan, worked upon the king's mind, representing that an alliance with Alompra was far more glorious than an alliance with such a pitiful, low-born personage as Talabaan. Overcome by the artful representations of Apporaza, seconded by the other chiefs, the king rescinded his assent. At this, Talabaau. disgusted with the ingratitude of Beinga Delia, assembled a few faithful attendants, sallied forth from the city, and forced his way through the niidst of the Burmans. He then escaped to the Setaug river, which he crossed, and then marched to his family estate of Mon- dimaa or Martaban. After the secession of Talabaan, the former measure proposed by the king of Pegu was carried out. Arrange- ments were made between the rival monarchs, and Beinga (i; Symcs, vol. i. p. 81. II. 1.] CONTINtTATION OF HOSTILITIES. 127 Delia was reinstated in his position as king of Pegu, being, however, subject to the king of Ava. " Some clays elapsed in festive ceremonies, during which both the besiegers and the besieged had frequent and almost uninterrupted intercourse ; the guards on botli sides relaxed in their vigilance, and small parties of Birmans found their way into the city, whilst the Peguers visited the Birman camp without molestation or inquiry. Alom- pra, who, it appears, had little intention of adhering to the recent compact, privately introduced bodies of armed men, with directions to secrete themselves within the city, until their services should be required ; arms and ammunition were also conveyed and lodged in places of concealment. Matters, however, were not managed with such circum- spection as to prevent discovery ; Chouparea, the king's nephew, received intimation of the meditated treachery ; he instantly ordered the gates of the city to be closed, and having found out the repositories where the weapons were lodged, and detected many Birmans in disguise, ho gave directions to put to death every man of that nation who should be found witliin the walls, and opened a lire upon such part of the Birman camp as was most exposed to 'he artillery of the fort. " Hostilities now recommenced with exasperated fury ; Apporaza with his royal niece were detained in the Birman camp ; the uncle under close confinement, "whilst the lady was consigned to the guardians of the female apartments. The Peguers having gained no accession to their strength, and added little to their stores, during the short interval of tranquillity, were not in a better condition than before to resist the enemy. The Birmans observed the system of warfare which they at lirst adopted; so that in six weeks, famine had again reduced the garrison to a deplor- able state of wretchedness and want ; the most loathsome reptiles were eagerly sought after and devoured, and the clamours of the soldiers could no longer be appeased. A few secret hoards of grain were by chance discovered, and many more were suspected to exist ; the crowd thronged tumultuously round the quarters of Chouparea, on whom, after the secession of Talabaan, and the imprisonment of Apporaza, the care of defending the fortress entirely de- volved. In order to silence and satis ly those whom he could not restrain, he ordered a general search for grain, and granted permission to the soldiers forcibly to cuter 128 SEIZUKE OF BEINGA-DELLA. [II. 1. whatever houses fell under suspicion. This h'cense was dilifjently improved, and the house of a near relation of the king was discovered to contain more grain than eitlier the present situation of affairs or his own wants could justify. The deposit was demanded, and as resolutely refused. The crowd, authorized by the permission of Chouparea, proceeded to take by violence what was not to be obtained by entreaty ; a riot ensued, in which some lives were lost, and the prince was at len^h obliged to abandon his house. Repairing to the royal residence, he uttered violent invectives against Chouparea, whom he accused to the king of harbouring an intention to deprive his sovereign of life, and seize upon the imperial throne ; and advised his majesty rather to throw himself on the generosity of the besiegers, and obtain the best terms practicable, than hazard the danger to which his person and kingdom were exposed from the perfidy of a faitlilcss and powerful subject. The king, whose imbecilitv seems to have equalled his ill fortune, lent an ear to the com- plaints of a man stimulated by sudden rage and personal jealousy : the unhappy and distracted monarch resolved to pursue his counsel ; but being too timid openly to aVow his weakness and suspicion, he sent secret proposals to Alompra to surrender the city to him. stipulating for life alone, and leaving the rest to the discretion of the con- queror. According to the plan agreed on, the Birmans advanced to the gates, which were immediately deserted : thePeguers fled in the utmost panic ; many escaped in the confusion : tlie Pogne king was made prisoner and the citv given up to indiscriminate plunder.""(l) An affecting episode in the fate of the Peguese monar- chy was. however, yet to come. Talabaan, it will be recollected, had fled to Martaban, where his family re- sided. This cliief was as obnoxious to Alompra as anv one of the IVfrnese party. His influence was too great to admit of his being spared or forgotten. Therefore, after the reduction of Pegu, and the submission of all the comi- try around, he marched to Martaban with a considerable force. With the few adherents which still clung to the Peguese general, resistance was absurd ; he therefore fled to the woods, thinking that asxainst him alone would tiie I'csentment of Alompra be directed. Those that remained (1) Symcs, vol. i. pp. 83-8S. II. 1.] AFFAIES AT NEGEAIS. 129 were seized by the king, and the unfortunate Talabaan. hoard in his retreat, that if he himself did not surr(>nder, the innoeent members of his family would l)e saerilieed to the fury of the eonqueror. All ])ersonal feeliiiji^s of fear now faded from his bosom ; he thouf^ht no longer of the vengeance that awaited him, but surrendering himself a voluntaiy prisoner, he thus preserved the dear relations " M'hom he loved more than life." Alompra was so much struelc with the unexpected heroism of the outcast, that he pardoned him, and subsequeutly raised him to a high position in his court. At this time the settlement of Negrais was in a critical position. The actors there had changed, and a Mr. Newton had succeeded Captain Howe, resident of the East-India Company, upon ]\Ir. Brooke's retirement. To this gentleman Alompra sent a message, requiring his presence at Prome. Mr. Ne^vton deputed Ensign Lyster thither. The envoy left Negrais on the 27th of June, 1757, and proceeded to Bassein, where he had to await the arrival of Antonio, a native interpreter descended from a Portuguese family. On the 13tli of July, he was again en route, and on the 23rd he met Alompra on the Irawadi. He immediately had an audience, which led, as all first audiences do, to nothing. On the 29th, the king halted at Myan-aong, where a second audience took place. Alompra again adverted to the English treachery of Dagon, and, presenting some gifts of little value, in return for the presents from Negrais, he left the re- mainder to be settled between Lyster, Antonio, and i\\Q Acka-woon, or governor of the port of Bassein. After some boggling on both sides, the island of Negrais was ceded to the India Company in perpetuity, together with a piece of ground opposite Bassein, for a factory. The Company were to give arms and military stores in return, and aid against the king of Tavoy. This treaty, the result of bribery, according to Symes, (1) received the sanction of the king. On the 22nd of August, 1757, formal possession was taken by Ensign Lyster. After these events had taken place, Alompra returned to JMoutzoboo, the capital of the kingdom, and com- menced an expedition against the inhabitants of Cassav ; but he soon returned to the south, on learning that tlie Peguers had again revolted. (I) Ava, vol. I, p, p(}, 130 MASSACEE OF THE ENGLTSII. [11. 1. Many of that nation had fled across the frontier of Slam, whence they now returned in ^reat force, defeated Namdeoda, tlie Bumiese general, and recaptured Ran- goon, Dalla, and Syriani. But upon Alompra's dread approach, the fortune of war chanjjjed. Namdeoda re- turned, retook the towns, and after a severe engagement, again overthrew the Pcguese force. At this time, Whitehill, who supposed his treacherous deeds forgotten, went to Eangoon witli a smaU vessel, laden with such things as were fitted for the trade to that port. But Alompra had not forgotten him. His vessel was seized, and he himself Avas sent to Prome, where he met the king returning from Moutzoboo. Alom]ira, ])robably to allay all suspicions on the part of the Englij^h as to the des- f)erate game he was about to play, spared Mi\ Whitehill's ife, though he made him pay a heavy ransom, and confis- cated his vessel. He was afterwards allowed to return to IJegrais in a Dutch ship. At this time, unhappily for Negrais, Captain Newton returned to Bengal, taking Avith him all the available force. He ariived in Calcutta on the 14th of May, 1759. The Armenians, the Jews of the East, ever envious and suspicious of the progress of the colonies under European administration, looked •with an evil eye upon the settlement of !N^egrais. Among those at that port, Coja Pochas and Coja Gregory, were particulai-ly hostile to the English. In Laveene, the French youth left by Bourno as a hostage, and who had found favour in Alom- pra's eyes, Coja Gregor}^ found a fitting instrument to execute the plot that he had contrived for the ruin of English prosperity in Burmah. Whether Alompra knew of the affiiir long before, is uncertain ; but it is to be in- ferred from the tenor of his actions, that he did not, when it came to liis knowledge, condemn it. Mr. Southby, to whom the government of Bengal had committed the care of the colony, disembarked from the Victoria snow, on the 4th of October, 1759. The Shaftes- bury East-Indiaman was also in harbour, having put in for water. Antonio, the Portuguese-Bunnan iinter- preter, came down to receive Southby, and was treated well by Mr. Hope, at that time in charge of Negrais, as well as by the new resident. Antonio's errand was, of course, to superintend the conspiracy that Avas about to burst on the II. 1.] MASSACRE OF THE ENGLISH. 131 heads of tlic devoted Englishmen ; but the pretext was to deUver a letter from Alompra. " The address and secrecy with which the intended massacre was concerted, gave, no room for taking any pre- caution. Antonio, who had paid a visit to Mr. Southby on the morning of the Gth, was invited by him to dinner on the same day, at a temporary building belonging to the English. "V\ hilst the entertamment was serving up, the treacherous guest withdrew. At that instant a number of armed IBirmans rushed into the room, and put Messrs. Southby and Hope to death. This transaction took place in an upper apartment. Messrs. Robertson and Briggs happened to be below with eight Europeans of inferior note ; a separate attack was made on these by another set of assassins, in which five Europeans were slain ; the rest, with Mr. Hobertson and Mr. Briggs, shut themselves in a godown, or storeroom, where they con- tinued on the defensive until the afternoon, when, receiv- ing a solemn assurance that their lives should be spared, they surrendered, and experienced the utmost brutality of treatment from the murderers. Mr. Briggs being wounded, and unable to move with the alertness required of him, was knocked down, and a period put to his suffer- ings, by having a spear run through his body ; the rest were escorted to the water-side, where Antonio, who had retired when the massacre commenced, was waiting with a boat to receive them. This fellow had the humanity to unchain the prisoners, and pursued his journey with them to Dagon or llangoon, where he expected to find the king, and, doubtless, to receive a reward for the meritorious part he had acted. " A midshipman, of the crew of the Shaftesbury, was about to enter the house when the slaughter commenced ; but on hearing the cries of his countrymen, and perceiving the danger, he fled to the water-side, wounded by a spear that was cast at him in his retreat. The Shafteshurys pinnace brought away the midshipman, with several black people belonging to the settlement ; the fury of the murderers being indiscriminately levelled against Euro- peans and their Indian attendants. The long-boat also, that had brought on shore some of Mr. Southby 's bag- gage, was fortunate enough to push (jfT before the Bir- raans could get possession of her, and letting the ensign fly K 2 132 MANNER OF THE ENGLISH. [II. 1. with, the union downward?, p^ave intimation to the ship, by that token, of some unexpected mischance." (1) I In the whoh^ of this diabohcal affair, Laveene, the ^'ounjr Frenchman, was actively engaged. The battery being seized, was turned by him against the Shafteshiiry, and the action continued the whole day. IS^ext morning the Burmese renewed their fire, but the Shaffcshnrij had hauled beyond the range of shot, and the Victoria fol- lowed Jier example. " That Gregory, the Armenian, was the principal insti- gator, is a fact of which no native of the country, who remembers the transaction, entertains the smallest doubts, as well as that Laveene was the principal agent and in- strument of execution. It is said that the former accused Mr. Hope, who commanded after the departure of Lieu- tenant Newton, of having supplied the Peguers with pro- visions, and sold to them four or five hundred muskets ; that he had taken pains to instil into his majesty's mind a persuasion, that the English were a designing and dan- gerous people ; who, having acquired Indian territory, Brst by fraud, and afterwards by violence, meditated the practice of similar treachery upon them ; and only waited a fit opportunity to wrest from him his empire, and enslave his subjects, as they had recently done in the instance of the unsuspecting and abused Mogid. He also added, that the governor of ]N'egrais prevented vessels from going up to Bassein, by which tlie royal revenue was defrauded. These arguments, whether groundless or founded, were sufficiently plausible to produce the desired effect ; and there is but too much reason to think that some provocation had been given, though, perhaps, of a trivial nature, and certainly not sufficient to warrant a step unjustifiable by every law, human and divine." (2) That Alompra had some share in the matter, can hardly be doubted. lie had received too many crosses from the Englisli during his conquest of Burmah, to forget. Besides, the heart of the Oriental despot always rankles with envy and pride. He looked for an opportunity to make the lilnglish feel his vengeance, and he seized it. Undoubt- edl)% the Portuguese and Frenchman had not forgotten the massacre of their own nations ; and the latter, in- vested with a little brief authority, did the most that his spiteful heart could do. (1) SppB, YOh I. pp. 106- lop, (2) lb, id. pp. na-n.v IX. 1.] cUaeactee of alompra. 133 This event forms the last one of any consequence in the life of Alompva, the liberator and conqueror of Biirmah and Petju. The conquest of Tavoy slied a brief lin^lit upon lliis portion of his career, and feeling certain of success, he determined to let the Siamese feel his strength ; and he thought to have vengeance for the assistance tliat countr}^ had given to the Peguese, during his reduction of their power. He therefore sent an expedition against Mergui, and on the talcing of that place, the army pro- ceeded against Tenasserim, which soon yielded to the victorious Burmese. He now determined to march against Bangkok, the capital of Siam, and thus complete the conquest of the peninsula. However, disease overtook him ; tlie Devoted to Buddha, who had been a victor in a hundred battles, now succumbed to a single arm ; but it was the arm of death, the strong force that assails every conqueror. Alompra, though he perceived that his end was drawing near, did not lose his presence of mind, but ordered a countermarch to liis own country, that his arms might ^^^ ^^ sullied by a defeat. But he expired about the I5th of May, 1760, wlu^n witliin two days' march of Martaban. The following sketch of his character, by Symes, will form a fitting conclusion to this chapter : — " Considering the limited progress that the Birmans had yet made in arts that refine, and science tliat tends to expand the human mind, jVlompra, w^hether viewed in the light of a politician or a soldier, is undoubtedly entitled to respect. The wisdom of his councils secured what his valour liad acquired ; he was not more eager for conquest, than attentive to tlie improvement of his territories and tlu' prosperity of his people ; he issued a severe edict against gambling, and prohibited the use of spirituous liquors througliout his dominions ; he reformed the rhooms or courts of justice ; he abridged the power of magistrates, and forbade them to decide at their pri- vate houses on criminal causes, or on property where the amount exceeded a specified sum ; every process of importance was decided in public, and every decree regis- tered. His reign was short, but vigorous ; and had his life been prolonged, it is probable that his country would at this day have been farther advanced in national refine- ment and tlie liberal arts. •' Alompra did not live to complete his fiftieth year : 134 CHAEACTEE OF ALOMPEA. [II. 1. his person, strongs and weU proportioned, exceeded the middle size ; his features were coarse, his complexion dark, and his countenance saturnine ; and there was a dignity in his deportment that became his high station. In his temper, he is said to have been prone to anger ; in revenge, implacable ; and in punishing faults, remorseless and severe. The latter part of his character may, per- haps, have arisen as much from the necessities of his situation as from a disposition by nature cruel. He who acquires a throne by an act of individual boldness, is com- monly obliged to maintain it by terror : the right of assumption is guarded with more jealousy than that of prescription. If we except the last act of severity towards the English settlers, his conduct, on most occasions, seemed to be marked by moderation and forbearance ; even in that one disgraceful instance, he appeared to have been instigated by the persuasions of others, rather than by the dictates of a vindictive mind ; and it is manifest, from the expressions of his successor on a public occasion, that it never was his intention to consign the innocent, with the supposed guilty, to the same indiscriminate and sanguinary fate. " Be the private character of Alompra what it may, his heroic actions give him an indisputable claim to no mean rank among the most distinguished personages in the page of history. His firmness emancipated a whole nation from servitude, and, inspired by his bravery, the oppressed, in their turn, subdued their oppressors. Like the deliverer of Sweden, with his gallant band of Dalccarlians, he fought for that which experience tells us rouses the human breast above every other stimulant to deeds of daring valour. Private injuries, personal animosities, commercial emulation, wars of regal policy, are petty provocations compared to that which animates the resentment of a people whose liberties are assailed, whose right to govern themselves is wrested from them, and who are forced to bend beneath the tyranny of a foreign yoke." (1) (1) Syraes, vol. i. p. 120 sqq. CHAPTER 11. 1700—1819. I Anaundopra — Zempiuscien— Chcng;aza— Paongoza— Men-ta-ra-gyee. "When tlio political liistory of a country conimencea "uitli one brij^lit and sliininj; event, it is hardly possible to make the continuation of its career otherwise than " stale, flat, and unprofitable." How true this is, "was amply proved by Prescott, in the case of IMexico and Peru, when with all tiie ma<;ical charm of his eloquent pen, ho failed to give the liistory of Peru the same attractive feature that he had presented in Mexico. If it were impossible then for a master-hand like his, to invest the lluctuating events of the civil wars of Peru with the graces of romance, how difficult will it be for me to do tlie same by those of Burmah ! The great event of Burman history, the elevation of Alompra to the regal or imperial dignity, overshadows all the subsequent occurrences in tliat history, although, con- sidered by themselves, thoy form not the least interesting episodes of Oriental story. I sliall endeavour, in the fol- lowing pages, to present them, as they are, to tlie reader, begging him to bear in mind the iirst sentence of this chapter. Alompra, on his death-bed, left the succession unsettled, though, according to Sangermano, (1) he had stipulated for the successive administration of Ids seven sons. Whe- ther this was really the case, is impossil)le to say ; but tlie eldest brother seems to have ascended the throne with- out dispute. His name was Anaundopra; but, as Synies observes, " neither the mandates of law, nor the claims of equity, can curb the career of restless ambition ;"(*i) and as it had proved insufficient to restrain the father, it was (1) Burmese Empire, p. 48. (2) Ava, vol. i. p. 124. iS6 AXAUNDOPEA. [II. 2. insufficient to restrain the son. Tlicmbuan, or Zem- ]>iiiscien, whom we have seen in the government of Ava, raised a revolt against iiis brother's administration. Bnt he had not the solid talenl of his father, and his claims were scarcely recognised by his immediate followers ; con- sequently it is not very extraordinary that his rebellion fell to the ground. He hastened to give in his submis- sion, and his brother appears to have been forgiving enough, for he was soon restored to favour. But the flame of rebellion and revolution was kindled. It wanted but little to f\m it into a fornudable sheet of ilre. During the absence of Zempiuscien at Moutzoboo, the general Meinla Nuttoon, marcldng through the lo^A'er country, raised the standard of revolt, and seizing upon Tongho, marched upon Ava, which, intimidated by the force attached to his interests, immediately surrendered. It were foreign to my purpose to give a detailed account of this insurrection. I will only say, tliat it required all the strength of the king to quell it. The siege of Ava was protracted for seven months, as (Nuttoon expected assistance from Siam. " These expectations were not realized. Supplies from the country failed, and want began to make ravages within the walls, although the magazines, which at the commencement of the siege were full, had been husbanded with the utmost economy. Discontent is ever the con- comitant of distress. The governor of Mayah Oun, who had embraced Nuttoon's fortune, deserted from the fort. Flying to Mayah Oun, he collected his adherents ; but not being able to resist the royal forces, they set fire to the town, and betook themselves to the woods and jungles, whence they afterwards withdrew to the eastern pro- vinces, where the authority of the Birman monarch was yet scarcely recognised. The rebels had likewise evacu- ated the fort of Tongho. Towards the end of the year, the garrison in Ava was reduced to the greatest extremity, and their numbers diminished above one-half by sickness, famine, and desertion. In this helpless state, without any chance of relief, JS^uttoon made his escape from the fort in disguise ; but had proceeded only the distance of two days' journey, when he was discovered by some peasants, and brought back in fetters. The fort of Ava fell shortly afterwards by the flight of its commandant. Such of their uuibrtimate adherents as could not eflect their escape, II 2.] zEMnusciEN. 137 were witliout mercy put to cloatli. Nuttoon, likewise, suf- fered the doom of a traitor." (1) This was, liowever, not all. Another revolt was raised by the viceroy of Tougho, an uncle of the kin^j^'s. How- ever, Anaundopra marched to Tougho, and took the place after a siege of three months, and, according to Sanger- mano, (2) put him to death. Symes, however, infoi'ms us, that he ^A as kept a close prisoner in the fort of Ava till his death. (:3) Talahaan, too, raised a rebellion, which was, however, very soon ended by the seizure and execution of that general. " So long as that monarch [Alompra] lived, he conducted himself like a dutiful servant : the death of his sovereign, however, cancelled in Talabaan's breast tlie bonds of duty and gratitude, and, though faithful to the father, lie took the earliest opportiinity to revolt against the sou." (1) In INIarch, 1761. the king breathed his last, of the same scrofulous complaint that killed his father, leaving behind an infant son named Momien. The nu- merous rebellions against his government would lead us to expect immense strictness in his character ; but he is represented as only severe in matters of religion ; except in tliis particular, his administration was forbearing and moderate. The insurrections were more probably induced by the double reason of ambition on the part of the revolution, and by the necessary restraint which follows the unlicensed liberties of war. The people were accus- tomed to feel themselves masters of all, and now, the turbulent and unsettled reign of Alompra 'having closed, they chafed and bit at the cord like irascible dogs. Zem])iuscien, as the nearest relation to the infant mouarch, became regent of Burmah, though the authority of the child was probably never recognised, either by regent or people. After some time, mdeed, he openly assumed the crown, and, at the petition of a sister of Alompra, sent Momien to the priests, instead of murdering him, as he intended. His reign was warlike, and marked with many rebellions and revolutions, which, though raging for the moment, had no effect beyond the fury of tlie moment. The principal event and shame of his life, cannot be better told than in the words of Symes. (5) (1) Symes, vol. i. p. 147 sq. (2) Burmese Empire, p. 49. (3) Symes, vol. i. p. 150. (41 lb. id. p. 1 51. (5) lb. id. p. 191 sqq. 138 CONDEMNATION OF BEINGA DELLA. [II. 2. " Whatever respect the glory of conquest, and the wisdom of a "v^ell-rejrulated government, might attach to the reign of Shembunn, it must be wholly obscured by the cruelty exercised on the present occasion [the taking of Kangoon from the Pegucrs, who had again rebelled] towards his royal prisoner, the unhappy king of Pegue ; and this, too, like a more recent and equally inhuman regi- cide, (1) in a nation professing Christianity and enlight- ened by science, was perpetrated under the mockery of justice. Shembuan, not content with exhibiting to the humbled Peguers their venerable, and yet venerated monarch, bound in fetters, and bowed down with years and anguish, resolved to take away his life, and render the disgrace still deeper, by exposing him as a public malefactor, to suffer under the stroke of the public execu- tioner The process of law in Birman courts of justice, is conducted with as much formality as in any country on earth. Beinga Delia was brought before the judges of the Rhoom, among whom the Maywoon of Pegue presided. The late king of Pegue was there accused of having been privy to, and instrumental in exciting the late rebellion. Depositions of several witnesses, supposed to be suborned, were taken ; the prisoner denied the charge ; but his fate being determined on, his plea availed him nothing. He was found guilty ; and the proceedings, according to custom, were laid before the king, who passed sentence of death, and accompanied it by an order for speedy execution. In conformity with this cruel man- date, on the 7th of the increasing moon, in the month of Taboung, (2) the aged victim was led in public proces- sion through an insulting population, to a place called Awabock, three miles without the city, where he met his doom with fortitude, and had no distinction paid him above the meanest criminal, except that all the municipal officers attended in their robes of ceremony to witness his last moments." The death of Beinga Delia preceded his own by but a short space of time, for Zempiuscien, or Shembuan, died in the spring of 1776. His son and successor, Zinguza or Chenguza, presented very different traits of character to those of any of Alom- pra's dynasty. He ])lunged into the wildest excesses of (1) Syraes alludes to the fate of lK)uis XVI. (2) See book i. chap. iv. p. 78. II. 2.] ZINQUZA. 139 debauchery, and left the government to the mal-adminis- tration of a corrupt court. This proved fatal to him. The excesses of king and ministers did not pass by unheeded. Momien, his cousin, had not forgotten that ho had an equal right to the throne, and the disgusting murder committed on the queen, afforded a pretext for revolt. A conspiracy had been formed by one of Alompra's bro- thers, Men-ta-ra-gyee, the queen's father, and one of the ministers whom Chenguza had insulted ; Momien was used as a tool to elevate Men-ta-ra-gyee to the throne. This young man, (1) " taking advantage of his [Chenguza's] ab- sence, advanced by night to Ava, in company with about forty inhabitants of a village called Ponga, and without experiencing any resistance, made himself master of the palace. Upon which the youth of Ava, and the neigh- bouring places, came eagerly to be enrolled, and take up arms in favour of the new king ; who, in the space of five days, was in possession of the person and kingdom of Zinguza. But the usurper, whose name was Paongoza, from the long abode he had made in Paonga, by these rapid and successful advances, only served as a means to Badonsachen [the former name of Men-ta-ra-gyee], the reigning sovereign, to mount upon the throne. For scarcely had he taken possession of the palace, than he called together all his uncles and made them an offer of the kingdom ; saying, that according to the dispositions of Alompra, to them it belonged. J3ut they suspected this ingenuous declaration of Paongoza to be nothing more than a maUcious contrivance to pryj into their secret thoughts, and upon their accepting his offers, to give him a pretence for their destruction ; and therefore not only declined to receive it, but declared themselves, by drink- ing the water of the oath, his subjects and vassals Paongoza then raised them to their, former state, and restored all the honours whereof they had been deprived by Zinguza. But they, a few days later, took that by force, which, when peacefully offered, they had not dared to accept. For on the 10th of February, 1782, they sud- denly entered the palace, seized Paongoza, and placed on the throne Badonsachen, third (2) son of Alompra. He, according to custom, caused the deposed monarch to be thrown into the river, calling him in scorn the king of (1) I continue the narrative in the words of Sangermano, p. 50. (2) Accordiiig to Malcom (vol. i. p. 157), the/our//« son. 1-^10 EEVOLT OF MOMIEN. [II. 2. seven clays. (1) Paongoza at tlie time of his death, had only reached his twentieth 3*ear. On the fol- lowing day the unf.jrtunate Zinguza underwent the same fate, in liis twenty-sixth year ; and all his queens and concubines, holding their babes in their arms, were burnt alive." The particulars of the taking of Zinguza by Momien, or Moung-Moung, are as follows: (2) — Chcnguza had gone to Keoptaloum, a place on the banks of the Irawadi, about thirty miles from Ara, to celebrate a festival. As he was never regular in his time of going in or out, no one could tell when lie would return ; indeed, he was often late. Having obtained a royal di'ess, Momien presented himself at the portal shoe- dogaa. and demanded admission. But the haste of the conspirators betrayed them to the sentinel, who, opening the wicket, and then attempting to close, called out, *' Treason ! " However, it was too late, the guards were cut down, and the gate thrown open to the assailants. These, together with a body of men placed in ambuscade, occupied all the approaches to the palace, and kept it in a complete state of Ijlockade. The various court officials, on the approach of the rebels, shut themselves up within the inclosures of the palace. Consternation and fright prevailed through the city all the night ; the assailants were expected to attack them, but, in conformity with the Eastern and American custom, they did not attack the place till the morning, when they then blew open one of the palace-gates. They were gallantly met. however, by the guard, commanded by an Armenian, named Gabriel, who caused no small havoc among them, by three dis- charges of artillery from the guns on the top of the gate. However, the conspirators were too strong, or the de- fenders too uncertain as to whom thev might be con- tending with, to withstand them long. ^Tabriel was killed by the thrust of a spear, and then his party fled. Thus Momien obtained a speed}- and decisive victor}', little dreaming of the speedy fate that awaited him ! Chcnguza was now proclaimed an outlaw, and an armed force was detached to arrest him. But he had received timely notice of the fall of his administration, and, leaving (1) His rcipn, however, inclufled eleven days. — Synies, vol. i. p. '22^. (2) My chief authority is Symes, vol. i. p. 218 sq. ^ II. 2.] CONDUCT OF ZINGUZA. Ill all his court boJiind, escaped to Cliafjaing, were lie "was immediately besief|;ed. Cheuguza at lirst thought of de- fending himself; but linding that lie was deserted by those on vrhom he placed his chief reliance, after a resist- ance of four days the resolution failed, and he determined on flying to the Cassay country, there to throw himself on the protection of the Munnipoora Eaja. Tliis intention he privately communicated to his mother, the widow of Shembuan Praw, who resided in his palace m the city of Ava. Instead of encouraging her son to persevere in so pusillanimous a resolve, she earnestly dissuaded him from flight ; urging that it was far more glorious to die even by ignoble hands, within the prccincts of his own palace, than to preserve life under the ignominious clia- racter of a mendicant fed by strangers, and indebted for a precarious asylum to a petty potentate. Cheuguza yielded to his mother's counsel, and preferring death to a disgrace- ful exile, caused a small boat to be privately prepared, and kept in readiness at the gaut or landing-place ; disguising himself in the habit of a private gentleman, and attended only by two menials, he left Chagaing by break of day and embarking, rowed towards Ava, on the oppo- site shore. When the boat approached the principal gaut. at the foot of the walls, he was challenged by the sentinels on duty ; no longer desirous of concealing him- self, he called out in a loud voice, that he was '* Cheuguza Namdogy-yeng Praw ; — Chenguza, lawful lord of the palace." A conduct at once so unexpected and so resolute, struck the guards with astonishment, who, either over- awed by his presence, or at a loss how to act for want of instructions, suffered him to proceed unmolested ; the crowd, also, that so extraordinary a circumstance had by this time brouglit together, respectfidly made way for him to pass. Scarcely had he reached the gate of the outer court of the palace, when he was met by the Atta- woon, father of the princess whom he had so inhumanly slain ; Chenguza, on perceiving him, exclaimed, *' Traitor, I am come to take possession of my right, and wreak vengeance on mine enemies!" TJie Attawoon instantly snatched a sabre from an attendant officer, and at one stroke cut the unliappy Chenguza through the bowels, and laid him breathless at his feet. !Xo ^as found to prevent or avenge bis death ; be ft person ell iinla» 142 MEN-TA-BA-GYEE.. [II. 2. mcntcd, as lie had lived despised." (1) Sucli was the end of a monarch, accelerated, probably, by his own daring, which we cannot call heroism, but desperate madness. Men-ta-ra-gyee, in the forty-fourth year of his age, at a period of life at which men have generallv acquired sta- bility of character and estimation, ascendea the throne of his father, the Devoted to Buddha, whose spirit seems to have lived on in the bosoms of some of his families. But this king, under the fatal curse that seems to give the race of Alompra no rest, had no quieter reign than any of his predecessors. *' Kings," observes the ingenious writer Symcs, " have other enemies to guard against, than avowed foes or rival competitors ; the wild maniac or fanatical enthusiast, often under the influence of frenzy, directs the poignard to the breasts of monarchs. The Birman king had but a short time enjoyed the crown, when he had nearly been deprived of his life and diadem by a person of this description. Magoung. a low- born man, unconnected with, and it is said, without the privacy of any person of condition, who had always been remarkable for the regularity of his actions, and a gloomy cast of thought, had influence enough to form a con- federacy of one hundred men as visionary and desperate as himself. This troop bound themselves in secrecy and fidelity to each other by an oath ; their object was to take away the life of the king ; but to answer what end, or whom they designed to elevate, is not ascertained. These desperadoes, headed by Magoung, at daybreak in the morning, made an attack on the palace. The customary guard over the king's dwelling consists of seven hundred, who are well appointed and kept about on duty. Kot- withstanding that, the attempt had nearly succeeded : bearing down the sentinels, they penetrated into the in- terior court, and the king escapea, from the casual cir- cumstance of being in the range of apartments belonging to the women, which he was least accustomed to frequent. His guards, who at first shrunk from the fury of the onset, quickly rallied ; their courage and numbers over- powered the assassins ; and Magoung was slain, with all his associates, within the precincts of the palace." (2) Another insurrection speedilv followed. A fisherman of the name of JS atchien, a Peguer of Eangoon, proclaimed (1) Symes, vol. i. pp. 221-224. Saagcrmauo's account, it will be per- ceived, is somewhat different. (2) Ava, vol. i. p. 231. II. 2.] CITY OF AVA. 113 liimself the deliverer of the Peguers, and called upon that nation to rise jigainst the Burmans, He succeeded in raisiujL? a tumult, in which some of the officials of the l?hoon\ were slain ; however, the matter was soon put do\^■n by the Peter Laurie of the town, and an examina- tion imphcated some five hundred of the inhabitants of llangoon, who were executed. This was the last attempt made by the Peguers to throw oflf the Burman yoke. Prom this time forward his actions seem to have been offensive rather than defensive. In 1783 he commenced a war witli the independent kingdom of Arakhan, which he subdued, and added to his dominions. In 1786 he made an incursion into Siam, and secui'cd himself in the pos- session of Tavoy and Mergui. In 1810 he fitted out an enterprise against Junk Ceylon, an island belonging to the Siamese, and to which they were all so unwilling to go.(l) But from this place he was subsequently expelled by the enemy, and many of the Burmans were sent to Bangkok as slaves. This king, after a long, glorious, and cruel reign, of which a considerable part was directed against the priests, expired in his eighty-first year, at the beginning of 1819. It may here be not uninteresting to give some accoimt of the city of Ava, the capitiil of Burmah, whence the kingdom has sometimes been so called. (2) It lies in lat, 21° 50' N., long. 96° E., and was made the capital of the country for the third time in 1822. The original name of the place is Augwa, corrupted in Awa and Ava ; but in public writings it is always named Eatnapura, the City of Gems. Montmorency has given a description of the place, which I epitomize. The city of Ava is surrounded by a brick wall fifteen and a half feet high, and ten feet thick ; there are innu- merable embrasures at about the distance of five feet from each other. The south and west faces of the town are de- fended by a deep and rapid torrent, called the Myit-tha, leading from the Myit-nge, which is not fordable. On the east the Myit-nge forms a considerable part of the defence. The Irawadi. opposite Sagaing and Ava, is 1,091- yards broad. Tlie circumference of Ava is about five and a lialf miles, excluding the suburbs. " In general," Si\ys Craw- furd, " the houses are mere huts, thatched with grass. (1) Sec book i. chap. ii. p. 40. (2J My chief authority is Crawfiu'd, vol. ii. pp. 1-9. 141 TEMPLES OF AVA. [II. 2. Some of tlie dwellings of the chiefs arc constructed of plauks, and tiled, and there are probably in all not lialf a dozen houses constructed of brick and mortar. Poor as the houses are, they are thinly scattered over the exten- sive area of the place, and some lar^je quarters are, indeed, wholly destitute of habitations, and mere neglected com- mons. Including one large one in the suburb, lying between the town and the little river, there are eleven markets or bazaars, composed as usual of thatched huts or slieds : the three largest are called Je-kyo, Sara-wadi, and SJian- ze."{l) The temples are very numerous, and present a gorgeous appearance from a distance, " far from being realized," according to Crawfurd, " on a closer examina- tion. Some of tlie principal of these may be enumerated : the largest of all is called Lo-ga-thar-bu, and consists of two portions, or rather two distinct temples ; one in the ancient, and the other in the modern form. In the former there is an image of Gautama, in the common sitting posture, of enormous magnitude. Colonel Symes ima- gined this statue to be a block of marble ; but this is a mistake, for it is composed of sandstone. A second very large temple is called Angava Sc-kong ; and a third, Ph'ra- I'ha, or ' the beautiful.' A fourth temple, of great cele- brity, is named Maong-Hatna. This is the one m which the public officers of the government take, with great for- mality, the oath of allegiance. A fifth temple is named Maha-mrat-muni ; I inspected an addition which was made to this temple a short time before our arrival. It was merely a Zayat or chapel, and chiefly constructed of wood : it, however, exceeded in splendour everything we liad seen without the palace. The roof was supported by a vast number of pillars : these, as well as the ceihngs, were richly gilt throughout. The person, at whose ex- pense all this was done, was a I3urman merchant, or rather broker, from whom we learnt that the cost was forty thousand ticals, about £5.000 sterling. When the building was completed, he respectfully presented it to his majesty, not darivfj to take to himself the whole merit of so pious an undertaking." (2) The reader may bear in mind the similarity between these temples and those of the Peruvians. a) Av^, vol. U, p. 5, (2) lb. id. p. 6. CHAPTER III. 1760—1824. British intercourse with A va — Alves's mission — Symes's mission — Canning — King Nun-Sun — Rise of the Burmanwar — Its origin in official aggres- sion — Evacuation of Cachar. We must now return somewhat upon our steps, to observe the ehanp^es which had taken place in European relations with the native kincjs. We have to look back to the time of the decease of Alompra. Doubtless, had the Encrlish force in Burraah been adequate to the execution of such a measure, ample revenjije would have been taken, or rather, ample satisfaction would have been enforced, for the brutal massacre of the English at Negrais : but their means were not up to the mark. " Perhaps, also," as Symes remarks, " they were not ignorant that a discussion of the causes might only produce useless explanations : a conjecture that is, in some degree, cor- roliorated by there being no steps taken at any subsequent period when the British superiority in Asia had crushed all rivalry, to vindicate the national honour, and chastise the perpetrators of the cruelty." (1) Most probably, how- ever, the English government was sensible that the part their countrymen had acted had been a treacherous one, and that it would not do to have it thrown in their faces, as it undoubtedly would have been. In this case the French would have succeeded in their darling scheme of shaking the importance of the English in the country, for the acbomplishment of which they have never in any way omitted any opportunity, supporting their plans also by that form of assertion, which admits of contradiction, but can never be disproved : and a like system of falsehood had been pursued by the English. It was, however, necessary to make some appeal in behalf of the remaining Europeans, and Captain Alves, (1) Avn, vol. i. 1). 131. L 146 MISSION OF CAPTAIN ALYES. [II. 3. mIio had broiifjht the sad news to Bengal, was the man selected for the negotiation. He was charfjed with letters, which, while they show little desire to uphold the dig- nity of England, yet manifest a praiseworthy and heart- felt interest in the fate of the British. They were signed hy Mr. Holwell, the governor of Bengal, and j\Ir. Pigot, the governor of Madras. The letter of the latter gentle- man, indeed, was of a more independent character, " and intimated expectation that the murderers of the English settlers should be brought to punishment ; a requisition that was little attended to, and which the British govern- ment of India never manifested any inclination to en- force." (1) Captain Alves sailed from Madras with these letters on the 10th of May, 17()0. He did not steer direct for JN^cgrais, but addressed a letter to Gregory the Armenian, then Ackawoon of Eangoon, whom it was desirable to conciliate, and after exaggerating his influence at court, he entreated his good oifices in behalf of the captives. With these letters a present of some value was sent. On the 5th of June, he arrived at Diamond Island, near Negrais, when he reconnoitred the disposition of the natives. However, his fears were removed, and he landed. Upon this, Antony came down, and was received with hypocritical cordiality by Alves, and the interpreter tried all he could to prevent his being considered guilty. In a short time he received a letter from Mungai Narrataw, one of the royal family, inviting him to liangoon ; he thought it politic to go thither, and arrived on the 5th of August. There seemed to be little objection to the release of the prisoners, and Mr. Bobertson was permitted to accompany Captain Alves to Bassein. Meanwhile, Gre- gory the Armeuian,returned, bearing a letter from Anaun- dopra, or Namdogee-Praw. " In the translation, which Gregory, as interpreter, delivered to Captain Alves, the crafty Armenian introduced passages favourable to him- self, attributing the obtainment of any attention to his intercession ; these interpolations were fabricated, as the imperial mandate did not even mention the name of Gregory." (2) Accordingly, on the 22nd of August, Alves took his departure from Bassein, and, tliough much an- noyed by the officials, he ariived at Chagaing, the then (1) Ava, vol. i. p. 133. (2) Symcs, vol. i. p. 138, II. 3.] MISSION OF ALVBS. 117 capital, on tlio 22nd of September, -witliont any important event occurrinsx in the interim. On tlie 23rd, Alves had an audience with the Icinpf. His majesty seemed surprised that the Enj^lisli sliould desire any satisfoction for the punishment which had been dealt out aj^ainst the Company's servants in consequence of their own ill behaviour. At the same time he regretted the accident which had involved Mr. Southby in their fate, yet it was unavoidable; "for," said the king, "I suppose you have seen that in this country, in the wet season, there grows so much useless grass and weeds in the fields, that in dry weather we are forced to burn them to clear the groimd : it sometimes happens that there are salubrious herbs amongst these noxious weeds and grass, which, as they cannot easily be distinguished, are indis- criminately consumed with the others ; thus it happened to be the new governor's lot."(l) To the other demands, re'garding restitution of property, a decided refusal was returned, except as regarded the Company's goods ; but the release of the British prisoners was acceded to. " Having given an order for the release of all English subjects that were prisoners in his dominions, he desired that two of the most prudent should remain to take care of the tim- bers, and reside at Persaim,(2) where he consented to give the Company a grant of as much ground as they might have occasion to occupy, under the stipulation that their chief settlement should be at Persaim, and not at Negrais. He assigned as a reason, that at Negrais they would be ex- posed to the depredations of the French, or any other nation with whom the English might be at war, without a possibility of his extending that prolcciion to them that he wished : but of which they could always have the full henejit at Persaim. "(3) But at the same time he stipu- lated for an equivalent in arms and other goods, which were eonditional/j/ promised Knn. Falsehood and treachery rarely go unrewarded. And be it ever so well disguised, some hook ivill tear a hole in the garment and show the nakedness beneath. Sud- denly, the interpreter Gregory was discovered in his plans, and his punishment was quick, just, and severe ; indeed, he nearly lost his life. The transactions concluded, Captain Alves at length (1) Alves in Jcumal quoted by Symes, vol. i. p. lio. (2) Bassein. (3) Symes, vol. i. p. 112. L 2 148 MACFAELANE ON AVA. [II. 3. left Chagaing^ for Persaim ; and leaving Messrs. Hobert- 8on and Helass at tliat place, he proceeded to Kancjoon, •wlience lie returned \>j the 14th of November. Having completed his mission, he then sailed for Bengal, wliich lie reached before the end of the year. From this time down to 1795, under the administration of Men-ta-ra-gyee, nothing of importance occurred in the colony. And here I cannot do better than offer a few remarks of Mr. Macfarlane, tlie historian of British India, already referred to : — " Ava and the Burmese empire either held a direct sovereignty or exercised control over nearly one-half of the vast regions described in maps as India beyond the Ganges. . . By a series of conquests they had overthrown all the adjacent nations, and had advanced their frontier to the shores of the Bay of Bengal, and close to the limits of the Company's territories. They proved but trouble- some and encroaching neighbours. During Lord Wel- lesley's administration, in 1799, when the mass of the Anglo-Indian army was engaged in the last war against Tippoo Sultaun, tlie Burmese made frequent attacks, and were very troublesome on our then weak eastern fron- tier, (1) As exclusive and anti-social as the Chinese, and quite as proud and insolent in their bearing towards foreign envoys, and foreigners of all classes, it was diffi- cult to establish any intercourse with them, or to obtain, by pacific representations, any redress of grievances.- T^heir government, too, was subject to frequent and san- guinary revolutions, insurrections, and rebellions ; one tyrant being murdered, and succeeded by another." (2) In 1795, Symes was deputed to the arrogant Men-ta- ra-gyee, to remonstrate against the incursions of the Burmese troops. " In 1795," says Maefarlane, " a Bur- mese army of five thousand men pursued three rebel- lious chieis, or, Jis they termed them (and as they might be), robbers, right into the English district of Chitta- gong. A strong detachment was sent from Calcutta to oppose these Burmese ; but the officer in command had orders to negotiate — not to fight. After some tedious negotiations, which ought not to have been allowed to occupy a single hour, the violators of our frontier conde- scended to agree to retire ; and they retired, accordingly, (1) Marquis WcUoslcy's Itulian D(5spatchcs, ^-c. (2) Macfarlanc's History of British India, p. 355. II. 3.] CANNING. 149 into their own country. Nor was this all. These three men, who had taken refuge in our territories, were subse- quently given up to the Burmese, and two out of tho tliree were put to death with atrocious tortures. "(1) Little, however, came of the colonel's embassy, " except," as our historian goes on to remark, (2) " a very interest- ing book of travels." In the year 1809, a French ship attacked a small island belonging to the Burmese, and tho Golden Foot, not understanding the difference between French and English, (3) sent a sort of mission to Calcutta to expostulate against the proceeding, and to demand satisfaction. As this seemea to open the door of tho jealously-guarded court of Ava to some diplomatic inter- course. Lord Minto despatched Lieutenant Canning on. an embassy. This officer reached Hangoon ; and the king of Ava, ft*om the midst of his white elephants, decreed that the Englishman should be allowed to proceed to the capital, in all safety and honour ; but the incur- sions into the Company's territory at Chittagong of a predatory tribe of Burmese, called the Mughs, and other untoward events, broke off an intercourse which never could have promised any very satisfactory residt. Both our embassies to Ava appear to have been capital mis- takes, for they exhibited to a semi-barbarous and vain- glorious people a number of Englishmen in a very humiliating condition, and in the attitude of supplicants. " Lieutenant Canning returned to Calcutta, and disputes continued to occur on the frontiers of Chitta- gong and Tippera. As they were not met by bayonets, the Burmese grew more and more audacious ; and at the time when Lord Minto gave up his authority in India to the earl of Moira, the King of the World and the Lord of the White Elephants was threatening to march with forty thousand soldier-pilgrims, from Ava to Benares." We will now return to the history of the Bur- mese monarchy. At the death of Mcn-ta-ra-gyee, his gnindson, Nun-Sun, " The Enjoyer of the Palace," aa- (1) Macfarlane, I.e. (2) In 180*2 Symcs a^n visited Burmah for a diplomatic purpose ; but his letters, while they modify his book, add little of value to our know- ledge of the country. ^3) This is, however, very problematical. Mr. Macfarlane cannot have forgotten the whole i)revious history of European intercourse with the country, and how many distinctions and quibbUngs were brought forward at different times upon that plea. 150 KING KUN-SUN. [II. 3. cended tlie throne. His father, the heir-appareut, was the idol of the people, but an early death had deprived him of the crown to wiiich he "vras so justly entitled. Out of policy, Men-ta-ra-gyee, some of whose acts had con- tributed to render unpopular, adopted IS^un-Sun, his son, to the exclusion of the rest of the lamily. The history of this prince is thus given by Malcom : (1) — " He was married in early life to a daughter of his uncle, the Mekaru prince ; but one of his inferior wives, daughter of a comparatively humble officer, early acquired great ascendancy over his mind, and on his coming to the throne, m as publicly crowned by his side. On the same day the proper queen was sent out of the palace, and now lives in obscurity. His plan for securing the succession shows that he was aware that even the late king's will would not secure him from powerful opposition. The king's death was kept secret for some da3*s, and the interval employed to station a multitude of adherents in dilTereut parts of the city, to prevent any gatherings. On announcing the demise, the ceremony of burning Mas forthwith performed in the palace-yard, at which he appeared as king, with the queen by his side, under the white imibrella, and at once took upon himself all the fimctious of royalty. Several suspected princes were soon after executed, aud many others deprived of all their estates Two years after his accession, the king re- solved to restore the seat of government to Ava. To this he was induced, partly from the great superiority of tlie latter location ; partly from the devastation of a iire which burnt a great part of Umerapoora, a\ ith the prin- cipal public buikUngs ; partly from a desire to create a more splendid palace ; and partly (perhaps, not least) from the ill omen of a vulture lighting on the royal spire. (2) The greater part of his time, for two years, was spent at Ava, in temporary buildings, and suj)crint ending in person the erection of a palace, twice the size of the old one, and other important buildings. During this period, man}' citizens, especially those who had been burnt out, and numbers ot the court, settled in the new city, and the place became populous. On completing the palace (February, 1824), the king returned to I'merapoora, and, after brilliant parting festivities, came from thence with (1) Travels, vol. i. p. 159. (2) See Sangemiano, p. 113, II. 3.] DISSATISFACTION AT AVA. 151 great pomp and ceremony, attended by tho various governors, Chobwant, and highest oflicers. The proces- sion, in which tho -white ck^phant, decorated witli gold and gems, was conspicuous, displayed the glories of the kingdom, and great rejoicings pervaded all ranks." It was at this time that the portentous omens that had menaced the Burman monarchy found a corroboration in truth ; the glow of enmity, never to bo extinguished even in the hearts of civilised men, fiinned by the 1)roatli of presumption, had burnt into a flame that scorched and scared the weaker party. We must stay a while to con- sider the causes, and which led to the appeal to arms in 1821.. It may be imagined that an outbreak of some kind was far from being unexpected on the part of the Anglo- Indian government. There were two interests striving against each other and the world — or rather the Indian world — within the territories of Burmah. The first of these, creating more apparent commotion and less real damage, was the struggle between the dog-like royal family for the bone-like tiara ; the second, more dan- gerous and more concealed, was the envious and ava- ricious passions of the nobles, or more properly, tho olUcials employed by the Burmese government to defeat its wishes and objects ; a task Avhich the officials of every administration seldom fail to perform to the complete dis- satisfaction of all parties. This has been the true cause of many disturbances in Burmah ; and I am compelled to dissent in some degi'ee from that feeling which causes Professor Wilson to say, that, " animated b}' the reaction, which suddenly elevated the Burmaus from a subjugated and humiliated people, into conquerors and sovereigns, the era of their ambition may be dated from the recovery of their political independence ; and their liberation from the temporary yoke of the Peguers was the prelude to their conquest of all the surrounding realms." (1) This might be very true of the immediate successors of the great Alompra ; but the power of the dignitaries had, by the time of which we now speak, risen to a very great pitch, which insensibly overawed and restrained the holder of the diadem, whoever he might be ; and though, (1) Wilson's Narrative of tlie Burmese War, p. 1 of the reprint of J852. 152 DISTUBBANCES IN CHITTAGONG. [II. 3. indeed, the ** vigorous despotism" of Meu-ta-ra-^yce might temporarily set at defiance iliis incomprehensible power, yet under the goverjmient of Nun-sun, the distant viceroys llrst, and gradually the less remote officers, re- sumed their former powerful position. And though they acted in subordination to the crown, and showed a species of heroism in defending its interests, yet they had raised the storm ; and it was for them, they knew, to battle with it, and uphold that single bond, the destruction of which would have been totally ruinous to them. The organized forays into our territory of Chittagong hardly assumed any definite form until the end of 1823. " The Burmans," says Professor Wilson, " claimed the right of levying a toll upon all boats entering the mouth of the river, although upon the British side ; and on one occasion, in January, 1823, a boat laden with rice, having entered the river on the west or British side of the channel, was challenged by an armed Burman boat, v hich demanded duty. As the demand was unprecedented, the Mugs, who were British subjects, demurred paj-meut ; on which the Burmans fired upon them, killed the manjhee, or steersman, and then retired. This outrage ^Aas fol- lowed by reports of the assemblage of armed men on the Burman side of the river, for the purpose of destroying the villages on the British territory ; and in order to provide against such a contingency, as well as to ])revent the repetition of any aggression upon the boats trailicking on the Company's side of the river, the militar}^ guard at Tek-naf, or the mouth of the Naf, was strengthened from twenty to fifty men, of w hom a few were posted on the adjoining island of Shapuri; a small islet or sand- Lank at the mouth of the river on the British side, and onl^ separated from the mainland by a narrow channel, which was furdable at low water." (1) This act attracted the attention of the Arakhan viceroy, who tliereupon demanded its unconditional surrender, claiming it as the property of the Burmese government. This was certainly untrue; and the existence of many documents and facts, favourable to the British claims, caused the resident to propose a friendly discussion of the matter. The fruitless negotiation met an almost deci- Bive blow on the 21th of Septi-mber, when one thousand (1) Wilson, 1). 25. II. 3.] ISLAND OF 3HAPUIII. 153 Burnians landed and overpowered the British force, " killing three and wounding four of the sipahees sta- tioned there." " In order, however," observes Wilson, " to avoid till the last possible moment the necessity of hostilities, the government of Bengal, although determined to assert their just pretensions, resolved to afford to the court of Ava an opportunity of avoiding any collision. With this intent, they resolved to consider the forcible occupation of Shapuri as the act of the local authorities alone [as, in the first case, it probably was], and addressed a declara- tion to the Burman government, recapitulating the past occurrences, and calling upon the court of Ava to disavow its oilicers in Arakan. The declaration was forwarded by ship to Kangoon, with a letter addressed to the viceroy of Pegu. The tone of this despatch was that of firmness, though of moderation ; but when rendered into the Bur- mese language, it may, probably, have failed to convey the resolved and conciliatory spirit by which it was dic- tated, as subsequent information, of the most authentic character, established the fact of its having been mis- understood as a pusiUanimous attempt to deprecate the resentment of the Burmese ; and it was triumphantly appealed to at the court of Ava as a proof that the British government of India was reluctant to enter upon the con- test, because it was conscious of possessing neither courage nor resources to engage in it with any prospect ,of suc- cess ; it had no other effect, therefore, than that of con- firming the court of Ava in their confident expectation of reannexing the eastern provinces of Bengal to the empire, if not of expelling the English from India altogether." (1) However, the British reoccupied Shapuri, and stockaded themselves in that post, while, in retaliation, the Burmese seized upon the master and ofEcers of the Company's vessel Sophia, and sent them up the country. To continue the story in the words of Macfarlane, who has here ably epitomized the history of Wilson : — " More and more conhrmed in their idea that we were afraid, from four thousand to five thousand Burmese and Asa- mese advanced from Asam into the province of Cachar, and began to stockade themselves at a post witliin five miles of the town of Sylhet, and only two hundred and (1) Wilson, p. 20 sq. 154 COMMENCEMENT OF WAR. [II. 3. twenty-six miles from Calcutta. Major Newton, the officer commaiidinattalion of fresh troops, and assumed the command. But, iu tho 156 BURMESE FLIGHT FBOM CACHAB. [II. 3. mean Avliile, tlie Burmese had retreated from their for- midable position, and retired into their own country, evacuating the whole of Cachar." (1) Sucli uas the orijjin and early process of a war fated to be most disastrous to all parties concerned in it. AVe must not introduce so jjreat a man as the Maha Bundoola at the close of a chapter ; so we end it here. (1) Macfarlaiie's British ludia, pp. 460-452. CHAPTER IV. 1824. Bundoola — Retreat of Captain Noton — Defeat at Ramoo — Repulse of the Burmans — Burmese account of the war— Rangoon expedition — Descrip- tion of Rangoon. Maha Men-gyee Bundoola, the iDurman general, was one of the best of the subjects of the monarch of Ava. He owed his proud position, not to the empty promoting system of a European court, but, like an adventurer in a brave and warlike country, he rose from the ranks, and, pioneer-like, cut away the overhanging branches between liimself and his honourable goal. Such a change of for- tune is not uncommon in Oriental countries ; but it is uncommon to find little court favour at work in his slevation. He had fought and received honour and solid pudding, yet he had an end to expect, and the culminating point of his fame had now arrived, and cab-like, he would tiave to take care of the post at the corner. That post fvas the Anglo-Indian army, and he hazarded himself upon the chance of overthrowing it, with what success will iiterwards be seen. " It has been already noticed," says "Wilson, (1) " that I large Burman force had been assembled in Arakan, inder the command of the chief military officer of the itate of Ava, Maha Men-gyee Bundoola, an officer who i'njoyed a high reputation, and the entire confidence of :he court, and who had been one of the most strenuous idvisers of the war ; in the full confidence that it would uld a vast accession of power to his country, and glory to limself. His head-quarters were established at Arakan, ivhere, probablv, from ten to twelve thousand Burmans ^ere assembled. Early in May, a division of this force 'rossed the Naf, and advanced to Eutnapullung. about iburteeu miles south from Eamoo, where they took up (1) Burmese War, p. 52, cd. 1852. 158 CAPTATN KOTOX. [II. 4. their position, and gradually conocntrated tlicir force to the extent of about eip^lit thousand men, under the com- mand of the four rajas of Arakan, Eamrce, Sandawav, and Chcduba, assisted by four of the inferior members of the royal council, or atwenwoons, and acting under the orders of Bundoola, who remained at Arakan. " Upon information being received of the Burmans having appeared, advancing upon llutnapullung, Captain Isoton moved from Kamoo with the whole of his dis- posable force, to ascertain the strength and objects of the enemy. On arri^dng near their position, upon some hills on the left of the road, in which the Burmans had stock- aded themselves, they opened a smart fire upon the de- tachment, which, however, cleared tiie hills, and formed upon a plain bej^ond them. In consequence, however, of the mismanagement of the elephant-drivers, and the want of artillery details, the guns accompanying the division could not be brought into action ; and as without them it was not ])0ssible to make any impression on the enemy. Captain Koton judged it prudent to return to his station at Ilamoo, where he was joined by three companies of the 40th native infantry, making his whole force about one thousand strong, of whom less than half were regu- lars. With these. Captain Noton determined to await at Ivamoo the approach of the Burmans, until the arrival of reinforcements from Chittagong." In this the captain was most decidedly wrong. It was not only injudicious to retreat before the barbarian Bur- mans, but it was reprehensible on his part to give them so much encouragement and breathing-time. The Burmans always looked upon the English as " wild foreigners," and despised tliem on account of their creeping, sn^^aking policy. The first impression made on their minds by the unresented massacre of Kegrais was not forgotten ; and tlie mission of Alves, Symes, Cox, and Canning, with their undecided, un-English measures, had added to form the contempt with ^^ Inch they had learnt to regard the Anglo- Indian government into a tangible shape. These con- siderations, joined with the natural arrogance of a semi- civilised race, with the advantage of a victorious general, with the indecision of a British ofhcer, all tended to pre- pare the Burmese for the victor}' wjiicli was soon to grace their arms. Biit. in recounting the events at liamoo, it must c^'c^ be remembered, that the day was lost rather TI. 4.] EAMoo. ' 159 bv British indecision, than (gained by Eurman valour. Indeed, up to this time, it is remarkable to what extent snail policy had obtained amon"^ the Indian authorities ; and how, partly from want of accurate information, partly from this mean and truckling- spirit, the Auglo- Indian government had lost consequeuce in the eyes of the king of Ava. Undoubtedly, the overcharged work of Colonel Symes had led to an incorrect estimate of the resources of , the country ; it is well, however, that I shall hardly have occasion to return to this, for soon I shall have to record — welcome task ! — the daring scheme of Lord Amherst's administration, and its successful, though less fortunate, accomi)lishmcut. by Sir Archibald Campbell. To continue the narrative in tlie words of the Professor :(1) — " On the morning of the I3th of May, the enemy ad- vanced from the south, and occupied, as they arrived, the hills east of Ramoo, being separated from the British force by the Ivamoo river. On the evening of the llth, they made a demonstration of crossing the river, but were pre- vented by the fire from the two six-pounders with the detachment. On the morning of the loth, however, they efiected their purpose, and crossed the river upon the left of the detachment, when they advanced, and took posses- sion of a tank ; surrounded, as usual, with tanks in this situation, by a high embankment, which protected them from the fire of their opponents." However, the captain, who saw the necessity of action, soon took up a favour- able position, and " a sharp fire was kept up on the Bur- mans as they crossed the plain to the tank ; but they availed themselves with such dexterity of every kind of cover, and so expeditiously entrenched themselves, that it was much less effective than was to have been expected." Honour is certainly due to the ollicers and men so peril- ously situated ; and it gives us satisfactory proof that Captain Noton's previous retreat Mas not caused by want of courage, but by an indecision, as unaccountable as it was finally disastrous. The Professor proceeds : — " On the morning of the 17th, the enemy's trenches were advanced within twelve Eaces of the picqucts, and a heavy and destructive lire was ept up by them. At about nine a.m., the provincials and Muglevy abandoned the tank entrusted to their (1) Burmese War, p. 5 J. 160 EKTREAT AT EAMOO. [II. 4. defence, and it was immediately occupied by the enemy. The position beinf]^ now untenable, a retreat was ordered, and effected with some rcf^arity for a short distance. The increasinfj numbers and audacity of the pursuers, and the activity of a small body of horse attached to their force, by whom the men that fell off from the main body were instantly cut to pieces, fiUed the troops with an un- governable panic, which rendered the exertions of their officers to preserve order unavailing. These efforts, how- ever, were persisted in until the arrival of the party at a rivulet, when the detachment dispersed ; and the siphahis, throwing away their arms and accoutrements, plunged promiscuously into the water. In the retreat. Captains JN'oton, Trueman, and Pringle, Lieutenant Grigg, Ensign Bennet, and Assistant-surgeon Maysmore, were killed. The other officers engaged, Lieutenants Scott, Campbell, and Codrington, made their escape ; but the two former were wounded : the loss in men was not ascertained, as many of them found their way, after some interval and in small numbers, to Chittagong : according to official returns, between six hundred and eight hundred had reached Chittagong by the 23rd of May ; so that the whole loss, in killed and taken, did not exceed, probably, two hundred and fifty." (1) This was, however, enough to arouse the slumbering ire in British hearts. Colonels Shapland and James speedily revenged the death of the captain, whose imprudence had cost him so much, and whose courage and endurance had availed him so little ; soon the Burmese lost their temporary advantage, and never were they to regain it. At the end of July the enemy fled from all their positions on the Naaf. The campaign was also speedily terminated in the pro- vinces of Cachar, and the Burmese were much weakened in all their attempts upon the Anglo-Indian army. " We have thus terminated the first period of the sys- tem of defensive operations," observes the Professor, " and shall now proceed to the more important enterprises of an offensive war, to which those we have noticed were wholly subordinate. The results of the operations described were of a mixed description, but such as to leave no ques- tion of the issue of the contest. In Asam a considerable advance had been made. In Kachar, also, a forward posi- 0) Burmese War, p. ."iO sq. 11. 4] EAMOO. • 161 tion had been maintained ; altliouc^li the nature of the country, the state of the weather, and the insulUcioney of the force, prevented the campaign from closinc; with the success with which it liad bej^un. Tiie disaster at llamoo, aUhou^h it mii^ht have been avoided, perhaps, by a more decided conduct on the part of the otiicer commanding, and would certainly have been prevented by greater promptitude than was shown on the despatch of the ex- pected reinforcements, reflected no imputation upon the courage of the regular troops, and, except in the serious loss of life, was wholly destitute of any important conse- quences. In all these situations the Burmas had displayed neither personal intrepidity nor military skill. Their whole S3'stem of warfare resolved itself into a series of intrenchments, which they threw up with great readiness and ingenuity. Behind these defences, they sometimes displayed considerable steadiness and courage ; but as they studiously avoided individual exposure, they were but little formidable in the field as soldiers. Neither was much to be apprehended from the generalship that suf- fered ^e victory of Ivamoo to pass away, without making the slightest demonstration of a purpose to improve a crisis of such splendid promises, and which restricted the fruits of a battle gained to the construction of a stockade." (1) There is certainly nothing which better shows the little real self-reliance possessed by the Burmese than the idle manner in which they neglected to pursue an advantage. One thing must, however, be ahvays borne in mind, that up to this time they had always been engaged with energies whose fate might be decided by a smgle skir- mish, or one complete rout. They had yet to learn how persevering the efforts of a civilised state are in war. They had now indeed met their masters, and were about to feel their inferiority ; for the Indian government at Calcutta were already carrjnng out an excellent and well- conceived idea, the history of the progress of which it is now my oflice to relate. But first, it were not inapposite to listen to the following account of the Burmese war by the Burmese themselves ; it will afford some amusement, though its strict truth cannot fail to be somewhat doubted. " In the years 1186 and 1187," according to (1) WUsoii, p. Cl. 162 BURMESE HISTORY (JF THE WAR. [II. 4. the Hoyal Historiographer, " the Xula-pyee, or white stranj^ers of the West, fastened a quarrel upon the Lord of the Golden Palace. They landed at liangoon, took that place at Prome, and were permitted to advance as far as Yandabo ; for the king, from motives of piety and regard to life, made no effort whatever to oppose them. TLe strangers had spent vast sums of money in their enterprise ; and by the time they reached Yandabo, their resources were exhausted, and they were in great distress. They petitioned the king, who, in his clemency and generosity, sent them large sums of money to pay their expenses back, and ordered them out of the country." (1) Ere I proceed to give the English account, I think it right to let the Burmans speak for themselves ; and there- fore I have placed this before the serious history, just as, at Ilichardson's, a comic song, by way of a honne louche, is placed before the deep tragedy, " Just a-goiu' to begin." Some little time before the operations in Cachar were brou^'iit to a temporary close, Lord Amherst conceived the idea of diverting the attention of the Burmese from our possessions to their own, and of turning wliat had hitherto been a defensive war, on the part of the En^Ush, into an offensive one. Accordingly, after a formal decla- ration of war, and the promulgation of an address con- taining the details of the origin of the quarrel, the court commenced active preparations for an expedition into the enemy's territory. The idea was a good one, and it was nobly pursued ; yet, though it was successful in its ulti- mate object, it unfortunately cost the government more than its proceeds in laud can possibly repay for many years. The military resources of the Burmese were infi- nitely over-estimated, while the facihties for obtaining food and proper housing for the troops were also totally unknown, except from the work of Symes, who evidently caused tlie whole mischief, as far as the inadequate outfit was concerned. The consequences of his hasty views ought to be a warning to all travellers in countries so little known as Burmah was then, and, indeed, in many points is now. Symes sacrificed truth for the sake of making an agreeable and amusing book, which it is to be hoped no one else will do. {\) Crawfurd's Ava, vol, i. p. 30-i. II. 4] EDINBUEGH REVIEW ON BUEMAH. 163 " The Britisli p^ovcrnmcnt was driven into that war hy the iusoleneo and aggressions of the court of Ava, in- toxicated witli the uninterrupted success ■\\hich had attended all its schemes of aggrandisement from the days of Alompra. The most ambitious of our governors- general had entertained no views of conquest in that quarter. Lord Hastings had anxiously staved ofi' the contest, at the close of his administration, by a political ai-tillce. But Lord Amherst, the most moderate and pacitic, was compelled to add vast provinces, covered for the most part with trackless forests, miserably under- peopled, unhealthy, and far beyond our natural boun- daries, to our already enormous empire. In this case there was everything to dissuade from appropriation. It was known that the climate of one of the provinces was equally deadly to our European and our native troops ; it was known that many years must elapse before any of them could support their own indispensable establish- ments ; but there was no escape. It was absolutely necessary to interpose sufficient barriers between our peaceable subjects, on a frontier where it was impossible to maintain large military establishments, and their bar- barous neighbours ; to provide places of refuge for the reluctant tributaries, or half-conquered subjects of the Burmese, from whom we had received cordial assistance during the war ; and, not less, to intlict upon Ava a chas- tisement, the smart of which might protect us from future encroachment and annoyance." (1) The plan to be pursued in this campaign was to be as follows : — Hangoon, the great trading city, was to be the point assailed in the iirst instance. This place had its advantages as being the principal maritime (if it may so be called) place in the Burmese dominions ; it was also remote from the scene of war, that is, not remote enough to admit of the army remaining where it was in Araklian, and a fresh levy being made for the defence of the coast : the harbour \^ as hkewise good ; and there the advantages ceased. These manifest good qualities, in the eyes of the attacking army, were counterbalanced by the extreme unhealthiuess of the place, the difficulty of obtaining food there ; a disadvantage, however, with which the Indian authorities were not acquainted ; and the additional (1) Edinburgh Review, vol. Ixxi. p. 3(ii, July, 1840. M 2 101 EXPEDITION TO RANGOOX. [II. 4. nuisance of the Irawacli not beinjij navijjable at the time of the year selected for the expedition. Upon the acquire- ment of Rangoon, the movements of the army were to depend very much upon circumstances, but an advance was to be attempted in any case. The soldiers for the enter- prise were to be levied both in the presidency of Bengal and in that of Madras ; and the forces were to unite in the harbour of Port Cornwallis, at the Great Andaman Island, whence the whole squadron was to proceed to ]\an(TOon, under the general command of Sir Archibald Campbell. The observations of an able historian Mill prove of no little interest : — "The difficulty of collecting a sufficient force for a maritime expedition from Bengal, owing to the repugnance which the saphahis entertain to embarking on board vessels, v\here their prejudices expose them to many real privations, had early led to a communication with the presidency of Fort Saint George, where there existed no domestic call for a large force, and where the native troops were ready to undertake the voyage without re- luctance. The views of the Supreme Government were prompt]}' met by Sir Thomas Munro, the governor of Madras, and a considerable force was speedily equipped. The like activity pervaded the measures of the Bengal authorities, and by the beginning of April the m hole was ready for sea. " The period of the year at which this expedition was fitted out was recommended by various considerations of local or political weight. Agreeably to the information of all nautical men, a more favourable season for navigat- ing the coast to the eastward could not be selected; and from the account given by those who had visited Ava, it appeared that the expedition, upon arriving at Ixangoon, would be able to proceed into the interior without delay ; tlie rising of the river, and the prevalence of a south- easterly wind, rendering June or July the most eligible months for an enterprise, which could only be eftected by water conveyance, by which it was asserted that a suffi- cient force might be conveyed to Amarapura, the capital, in the course of a month or five weeks. That no time should be lost in compelling the Burmas to act upon the defensive was also apparent; as, by tlie extent of their preparations in Arakan, Asam. and Kachar. they were evidently manifesting a design, to invade the frontier with II. 1.] FOBCES. 165 a force tliat -would require the concentration of a large body of troops for the protection of the British provinces, in situations where mountains, streams, and forests, could not fail to exercise a destructive iniluence upon the physical energies of the oilicers and men, and wonld necessarily prevent the full development of the military resources of the state. To have remained throughout the rains, therefore, wholly on the defensive, would have been attended, it was thought, with a greater expense, and, under ordinary circumstances, with a greater sacrifice of lives than an aggressive movement, as well as with some compromise of national reputation. The armament, therefore, was equipped at once, and was not slow in reahzing some of the chief advantages expected from its operations." (1) The Bengal contingent amounted in all to 2.175 men, consisting of two regiments, the second battalion of the 20th (now 40th) native infantry, and two com- panies of artillery ; that of Madras was much greater, and amounted to 9,300 men. making together the some- what formidable number of 11,475 men, of whom nearly 5,000 were Europeans. In addition to the transports, there was a Bengal flotilla of twenty gun-brigs and rowing-boats, each carrying an eighteen-pounder. The shii)s in attendance were H.M.'s sloops Lame, Captain Marryatt, and Sophia, Captain Eeeves ; some Company's cruisers, and tlie Diana steam-boat. In the Madras division were comprised H.M.'s ship Liffey, Commo- dore Grant ; the Slanet/ sloop of war, and a number of transports and other vessels. Most of these arrived at Port Cornwallis about the 4th of May, and the next day the whole fleet set sail for llan^oon, and arrived off the mouth of that river on the 9th, and anchored within the bar on tlie following morning ; the vessels then proceeded witli the flood to the town ofKangoon, situated at about twenty- eight miles from the sea, and thus ably described by a visitor. " Built on tlie left bank of the river, by the great Alompra, in commemoration of his victories, Yangoon, or liangoon, oficrs but a very poor sample of Burman opulence. Its shape is oval, and round the town is a wooden stockade, formed of teak piles, driven a few (1) Wilson's Burmese War, p. Ga. 106 DESCBTPTION OF RANGOON. [II. 1. feet into the ground, and in some places twenty feet liigli. The tops of these are joined by beams transversely placed, and at every four feet is an embrasure on the summit of the walls, which gives it a good deal the appearance of an ancient fortification. A wet ditch protects the town on three sides, the other is on the bank of the river, " The interior consists of four principal streets, inter- secting each at right angles, on the sides of which are ranged, with a tolerable degree of regularity, the huts of the inhabitants. These are solely built Math mats and bamboos, not a nail being employed in their formation : they are raised invariably two or three feet from the ground, or rather swamp, in which Rangoon is situated, thereby allowing a free passage for the water with which the town is inundated after a shower, and at the same time affording shelter to fowls, ducks, pigs, and pariah dogs, an assemblage which, added to the inmates of the house, place it on a par with an Irish hovel. The few brick houses to be seen are the property of foreigners, who are not restricted in the choice of materials for building, whereas the Burmans are, on the supposition that were they to buUd brick houses, they might become points of resistance against the government. But even these build- ings are erected so very badly, that they have more the appearance of prisons than habitations. Strong iron bars usurp the place of windows, and the only communication between the upper and lower stories is by means of wooden steps placed outside. Only two wooden houses existed much superior to the rest, and these were the palace of the Maywoon, and the Rondaye, or Hall of Justice. The former of these, an old dilapidated building, would have been discreditable as a barn in England, and the latter was as bad Two miles nortli of Rangoon, on the highest point of a low range of hills, stands the stupen- dous pagoda, called the Shoe Dagon Prah, or Golden Dagon It is encircled by two brick terraces, one above the other; and on the summit rises the splendid pagoda, covered with gilding, and dazzling the eyes by the reflection of the rays of the sun. The ascent to the upper terrace is by a fl.ight of stone steps, protected from the weather by an ornamented roof The sides are de- fended by a balustrade, representing a huge crocodile, the jaws of which arc supported by two colossal figures of a II. 4] THE SHOE DAGON. 167 maJe and female PuUoo, or evil genius, who, with clubs in their hands, are emblematically supposed to be fiuarding the entrance of the temple. On the steps the Burmans had placed two guns, to enfilade the road ; and, when I first saw this spot, two British soldiers were mounting guard over them, and gave an indescribable interest to the scene : it seemed so extraordinary to view our arms thus domineering amidst all the emblems and idols of idolatry, that, by a stretch of fancy, I could almost sup- pose I saw the green monsters viewing with anger and humiliation the profanation of their sanctuaries. " After ascending the steps, which are very dark, you suddenly pass through a small gate, and emerge into the upper terrace, where the great pagoda, at about fifty yards' distance, rears its lofty head in perfect splendour. This immense octagonal gilt-based monument is surrounded by a vast number of smaller pagodas, grifilns, sphinxes, and images of the Burman deities. The height of the tee, (1) three hundred and thirty-six feet from the terrace, and the elegance with which this enormous mass is built, combine to render it one of the grandest and most curious sights a stranger can notice. From the base it assumes the form of a ball or dome, and then gracefully tapers to a point of considerable height, the summit of which is surmounted by a tee, or umbreUa, of open iron-work, from whence are suspended a number of small bells, which are set in motion by the slightest breeze, and produce a confused though not unpleasant sound. The pagoda is quite solid, and has been increased to its present bulk by repeated coverings of brick, the work of different kings, who, in pursuance of the national super- stitions, imagined that, by so doing, they were performing meritorious acts of devotion Facing each of the car- dinal points, and united with the pagoda, are smaU temples of carved wood, filled with colossal images of Gaudma. The eastern temple — or, as we call it, the golden — is a very pretty edifice. The style of building a good deal resembles the Chinese ; it is three stories high, and is surmounted by a small spire, bearing a tee ; the cornices arc covered in the most beautiful manner, and with a variety and neatness of conception scarcely to be sur- passed ; and the whole is supported by a number of gilt (1) The gilt umbrella surmouiitinp: the Iiighest puuiaclc of the pagoda. 168 THE GREAT BELL OF BA.NGOON. [II. 4. pillars Hound tlic foot of the pap^oda are ranged innumerable- small stone pillars, intended to support lamps on days of rejoicing ; and in their vicinity are large stone and wooden vases, meant for the purpose of receiving the rice and other offerings made by the pious." (1) Such is Eangoon and its great temple, and the reader will feel, as Major Snodgrass says, that after " we had been so much accustomed to hear Rangoon spoten of as a place of great trade and commercial importance, that we could not fail to feel disappointed at its moan and poor appearance. We had talked, " continues the gallant author, " of its custom-house, its dock-yards, and its harbour, until our imaginations led us to anticipate, if not splendour, at least some visible signs of a nourishing commercial city ; but however humble our expectations might have been, they must still have fallen short of the miserable and desolate picture which the place presented when first occupied by the British troops." (2) An unpardonable piece of Vandalism was attempted by the English, during their stay at this place. In the temple there was and is a great bell, famous for its in- scription, and this bell the English endeavoured to ship for Calcutta ; however, they were frustrated by the heeling over of the boat in which it was being conveyed to the ship ; the bell sunk to the bottom, but was subsequently raised and replaced. There is no extenuation for such a wanton violation of any place of worship; and though it may be excusable, and indeed proper, to preserve works of ancient art in museums, yet it was grossly wrong to take advantage of a victory, to shock the religious feelings of a people, however far from the truth they may be according to Christian ideas. The action was as reprehensible as the stealing system of that most miserable of all mean pretenders, Napoleon ; indeed, it was more so, for the bell was not even an ornament. (1) Two Years in Ava, p. 26 pq^. This intorcstinp: and wcH-wTittcn brok seems to be the prodnctidn of a naval offtccr attached to the expedition. It is by far the must altractivc narrative of the inoceedings iu 1821, with which I am acquainted. (2) Snodgrass, Burmese War, p. 12. QIIAPTEH V. 1824. Arrival at Rangoon — Taking: f>f (hat town — Position of the troops — State of the ncij^hbourhood — Contidcnce of the kin;^ of Ava — Attack of Joa/.ong: — Burmese embassy — Capture of Keniendine — Reinforcements from Madras — Sickness of the army — Endurance of the,British soldier. The country on the way to Rangoon is very flat, and consequently tlio vessels were easily seen coming up the river ; and they did not escape the rayhoon of the city. So unusual a luimber of vessels (they were forty-five in all) could not fail to arouse some dormant ideas of harm in the minds of the treacherous officials. xVt the time of their descrial, the principal European inhabitants were assembled at the house of Mr. Sarkies, an Armenian mer- chant, where they were going to dine. The rayhoon immediately sent tor them, and demanded what the ships were. The reply was, that there were some expected, and that these were probably them. As the number of ves- sels was, however, continually increasing, the governor was not satisfied, and he seized the euually ignorant Euro})eans, and threatened their immediate execution. He also sent notice of his intention to Sir Archibald Campbell, who declared his determination of destroying the town altogether if the governor carried his menace into eflfect.(l) Upon this the captives were chained and confined in different places. The L'ljfcy was the first to arrive opposite the king's quay, where a weak battery was planted, and it anchored at that place about twelve o'clock in the forenoon ; the other ships took their places in difTerent ways, so as to command the whole neighbourhood. I shall continue in the words of an eye-witness : — '* Having furled sails and beat to quarters, a pause of some minutes ensued, during which not a shot was fired; (1) See Two Years in Ava, p. 25. 170 LANDING AT RANGOON. [11.5. ou our side, humanity forbade that we should bo the first aggressors upon an almost defenceless town, containing, as we supposed, a large population of unarmed and in- offensive people; besides, the proclamations and assurances of protection which had been sent on shore the preceding day led us to hope that an offer of capitulation would still be made."(l) However, all the Burn^ans did was to pour a feeble, ill-sustained fire into the Lijfey, which, returning it with tremendous force, forced away the natives. Upon landing, after the second broadside, the author of Two Years in Ava informs us that " three men lying dead, and the broken gun-carriages, were the only vestiges of the injury done by the fire from the frigate. The town was completely deserted. It seemed indeed incredible whither the inhabitants could have fled to within such a short space of time ; and, as night was coming on, we could not proceed in search of them ; the troops, therefore, remained in and about the town, and the next morning were placed in positions, in two lines, resting on the Great Pagoda and the town. On entering the terrace of the Great Pagoda, the advanced guard discovered in a miserable dark cell four of the European residents at Hangoon, who were ironed, and had been otherwise maltreated ; the others had been released by us the evening before ; so that we had now the satisfaction of knowing that none of our countrymen were subjected to the cruelty of the Burman chieftains. "(2) After taking possession of the place, proclamations were immediately sent out among the inhabitants through a few stragglers, assuring the townspeople of protection, in the hope of inducing them to return. " The strictest orders were issued to prevent plunder, and a Burman having claimed several head of cattle which had been seized for tLe use of the army, they were immediately restored, in order to prove the sincerity of our protesta- tions ; but none of the inhabitants availed themselves of our offers, and we understood that the officers of government were driving the women and children into the interior, as hostages for the good conduct of the men."(3) The soldiers while at Rangoon were billeted in a long (1) Snodgrass, p. 6. (2) Two Years in Ava, p. 2-1. (3) rbid. J). 2f). Cf. book i. chap. ii. p. -40 of tliis work. II. 5.] FOKCES AT KAXGOON. 171 street wliicli leads from tlie Dafjon Pagoda to .l\aiij2:<^on, and in this exposed situation, without fresh supplies, they had to await the arrival of information regardinof the position assimied by the Burmese government. Space will not permit me to refer to the many anxieties which had to be considered in regard to the present position of our troops, but the reader will find. them amply discussed in Snodgrass ; (1) however, I shall lay before the reader a few remarks of that gentleman, which will amply show the many difficulties which beset the army. " The enemy's troops and new -raised levies were gra- dually collecting in our front from all parts of the king- dom ; a cordon was speedily formed around our canton- ments, capable, indeed, of being forced at every point, but possessing, in a remarkable degree, all the qualities requisite for harassing and wearing out in fruitless exer- tions the strength and energies of European or Indian troops. Hid from our crew on every side in the darkness of a deep, and, to regular bodies, impenetrable forest, far beyond which the inhabitants and all the cattle of the Eangoon district had been driven, the Burmese chiefs carried on their operations and matured their future schemes with vigilance, secrecy, and activity. Neither rumour nor intelligence of what M'as passing within his posts ever reached us. Beyond the invisible line which circumscribed our position, all was mystery or vague conjec- ture. (2) To form a correct idea of the difficulties which opposed the progress of the invading army, even had it been provided "N^th land-carriage and landed at the fine season of the year, it is necessary to make some allusion to the natural obstacles which the country presented, and to the mode of warfare generally practised by the Bur- mese. Henzawaddy, or the province of Rangoon, is a delta, formed by the mouths of the Irrawaddy, and. with the exception of some considerable plains of rice-groimds, is covered by a thick and tenacious jungle, interspersed by numerous creeks and rivers, from whose wooded banks an enemy may, unseen and unexposed, render their pas- sage difficult and dfstructive. " Eoads, or anything deserving that name, are wholly unknown in the lower provinces, rootpaths, indeed, lead through the woods in every direction, but requiring great (1) Burmese War, pp. 15-20. (2) Page 16. 172 MILITAEY EESOrnCES OF BVILMAn. [II. 5. toil and labour to render tliem applicable to military pur- poses : they are impassable during the rains, and are only known and frequented by the Carian tribes, who cultivate the lands, are exempt from military service, and may bo considered as the slaves of the soil, living in wretched hamlets by themselves, heavily taxed and oppressed by the Burmese autliorities, by whom they are treated as altogether an inferior race of beings from their country- men of Pegu The Burmese, in their usual mode of •warfare, rarely meet their enemy in the open field. In- structed and trained from their youth in the formation and defence of stockades, in which tliey display great skill and judgment, their wars have been for many years a series of conquests : every late attempt of the neigh- bouring nations to check their victorious career had failed, and the Burmese government, at the time of our landing at Eaugoon, had subdued and incorporated into their overgrown empire all the petty states by which it ■was surrounded, and stood confessedly feared and re- spected even by the Chinese, as a powerful and warlike nation. AMien opposed to our small but disciplined body of men, it may easily be conceived with how much more care and caution the system to which they owed their fame and reputation as soldiers was pursued — constructing their defences in the most dilEcult and inaccessible recesses of the jungle, from which, by constant predatory inroads and nightly attacks, they vainly imagined they would ultimately drive us from their country. "(1) The confidence which the king of Ava had in his own military resources is amply shown in' a speech reported by Snodgras8.(2) "As to llangoon," said the king. "I will take such measures as will prevent the English from even disturbing the women of the town in cooking their rice." This speech, Jiowever, only lends additional force to the remark of the Edinburgh Revie^ve^, that " the Burmese are much too arrogant even to attempt to im- prove themselves ; and such as their rabble of soldiery is now, such it will be found fifty years hence — utterly un- able to stand for a moment against British troops, even when protected by stockades. "(3) The events at present passing in the kingdom of Ava are but a practical demon- (1) Snodgrass. pp. 2n-'2'2. (2) Page 25. (3} Eilinbugh Review, vol. Ixxi. p. 358. IT. 5.] FIRE RAFTS. 173 stvatioii of tlie truth of this assertion, nowevcr, such preparations as could he made were completed. Armies ^ve^e stockaded in all directions near Kani^oon, nor was the river at all neglected. The boatmen, an enterprisin": and brave part of the community, all attached to the royal interests, were soon in readiness, and a respectable kind of fleet covered the waters of the Irawadi. Nothino^ of consequence occurred for some days. Some boats, sent up by Sir A. Campbell to gather intelligence as to the force and resources of the Burmese, were fired upon on the 15th May, near the village of Kemendine, and to prevent the recurrence of such an event, a body of men were embarked in order to drive the enemy from that place. Accordingly, after some little skirmishing and the loss of some men and officers, the detachment succeeded in their endeavours. Afterward, however, the Burmese returned, and annoyed the Anglo-Indian arni}^ very much by attempting to set the fleet on Are. " Our shipping," says an eye-witness, " were now daily and nightly exposed to a great deal of danger and annoyance from an engine of destruction much confided in by our invisible enemy, and which, if properly managed, might have caused us much injury. This Avas a large raft formed of pieces of wood and beams tied together, but loosely, so that if it came athwart a ship's bows, it would swing round and encircle her. On this were placed every sort of firewood, and other combustibles, such as jars of petroleum or eai'th oil, which, rising in a flame, created a tremendous blaze, and as this raft extended across the river, it often threat- ened to burn a great portion of our fleet. Hafts of this description were chiefly launched from Kemendine, where the greater number of them were constructed ; but fortu- nately the river made a bend a little above the anchorage, and the current running strong towards the opposite shore, the rafts were not unfrequently grounded, and thus ren- dered useless ; whilst, on the other hand, the precautions adopted by our naval officers of anchoring a number of beams across the river, in most instances efiectually ar- rested those unwieldy masses in their descent towards Eangoon."(l) During this time the confidence of the Burmese had increased, and on the 27th they actually advanced within (1) Tnvo Years in .Vva, p. 40. 171 ADVANCE TO KEMENDINE. [II. 5. sight of the picquets, and sat dovm. This was observed by Major ISnodgrass, who, desirous of knowing whether the J were merely stragglers, or part of any considerable body, immediately pursued them. He and his men found their way, however, stopped by a small stockade stretch- ing right across the road. After a few shots, the British party, only twenty -two in number, chai'ged the work, and carried it. The natives, sixty in number, immediately fled. The success which had attended this movement deter- mined iSir Archibald Campbell in his resolution to attempt a recoiinoissance in person ; a measure that was put into execution the next morning. On arriving at the stockade just mentioned, it was foujid reoccupied by the Burmese, w ho were repairing it with great rapidity. However, on perceiving the troops, they immediately fled. The same thing took place at a bridge beyond the village of Kokein, " and," observes iSnodgrass, " at every turn of the road, breastworks and half-tinished stockades, hastily abandoned, proved that so early a visit was neither anticipated nor provided for."(l) "■ Oiu- troops," says the author of Two Years in Ava,(2) " continued advancing in echellon, the light company of the thirty-eighth on the left skirting the jungle ; the grenadiers in the centre, on the plain ; and the tlui'teenth on the right : when, at a sudden turn, the light company observed a stockade about a hundred yards distant, hav- ing a ravine full of water in front of it. A dead silence pervaded the work ; and Captain Piper, instantly forming liis men in line, charged up to the stockade, and through the ravine without hiing a shot. When we were within about thirty yards, the Burmans gave a most terrific yell, accompanied by beating of di'ums, tom-toms, and other instruments, and opened a sharp and well-directed fire, by which we suflered severely. As the enemy was covered by a thick palisade, with loopholes, we saw not a man ; and even if we had, our fire could not have proved service- able, as not a single musket woiUd go olf, m consequence of the wet ; whereas the Burmans were protected from the weather by sheds, and consequently their arms were uninjured. On arriving at the foot of the work, after forcing the way through a capital abatis, the entrance was found barred up ; and the height of the work, and the (1) Bi;rmcse War, p. 27. (2) Page 43 sq. II. 5.] EMBASSY FROM BUEM».H. 175 Trant of ladders, prcventiug cscalading, tlic men were for some time, therefore, exposed to the assaults of tlie enemy, ■who threw out spears, and tried every effort to di'ive us oflf. They were unavailing : the passage was forced, and the troops rushed on with the bayonet. Finding this face of the work cai'ried, a number of Burmans rushed with their spears to the opposite side, and there awaited the approach of the assailants ; but a section dashing at them with the bayonets, annihilated almost the whole Evening was now coming on fast, we were encumbered with between thirty ana forty wounded, without any means of carrying them, except the officers' horses, and three or four doolies ;(1) and 8ir A. Campbell, therefore, determined on returning without attacking a small stock- ade a little farther on, having first made a forward move- ment with his troops to see whether the Burman line, which was still drawn up, would await our approach. It fell back as we advanced, and we then, after burning the two stockades of Joazong, recommenced the march home." In this action several officers were severely, some mortally, woimded. On the Burmese side the loss was about four hundred. The commander on the native side was the for- mer Eayhoon of Rangoon, a man of talent and experience. The enemy retired from the field during the night, after digging up and horribly mutilating the bodies of two sol- diers who had faUen there the day before ! The unexpected results of the skirmish opened the eyes of the Burmese commanders to the inefficacy of their system of warfare. Feeling their inferiority, and wishing to gain time for altering and strengthening their defences, the Burmese sent two ambassadors to the English camp. This was on the 9th June. Major Snodgrass thus de- scribes the whole interview :(2) — " The principal personage of the two, who had formerly been governor of Bassein, was a stout, elderly man, dressed in a long scarlet robe, with a red handkerchief tied round his head, in the usual Burman style. Ilis companion, although dressed more plainly, had much more intelli- gence in his countenance ; and notwithstanding his as- sumed indiiference and humble demeanour, it soon became (1) A doolie is a species of litter, used in the East to carry tlie wounded from the field of battle. (2) Burmese War, pp. 35-37. 17(3 INTERVIEW WITH THE BUEMESE. [II. 5. evident that to him the management of the interview was intrusted, though his colleague treated him in everv re- spect as an inferior. " The two chiefs, having entered the house, sat down with all the ease and familiarity of old friends ; neither constraint nor any symptom of fear appeared about either; they paid their compliments to the British officers, and made their remarks on what they saw with the utmost freedom and good-humour. The elder chief tlien opened the subject of their mission, with the question, ' Why are you come here with ships and soldiers ?' accompanied with manv professions of the good faith, sincerity, and friendly (disposition of the Burmese government. The causes of the war and the redress that was demanded were again fully explained to them. The consequences of the line of conduct pursued by their generals, in pre- venting all communication with the court, was also pointed out, and they were brought to acknowledge that a free and unreserved discussion of the points at issue could alone avert the evils and calamities with which their coun- try was threatened. Still they would neither confess that the former remonstrances of the Indian government had reached their king, nor enter into any arrangement for removing the barrier they had placed in the way of nego- tiation, but urged, with every argument they could think of, that a few days* dela}' might be granted, to enable them to confer with an officer of high rank then at some dis- tance U]) the river : they were, however, given to under- stand, that delay and procrastination formed no part of our system, and that the war would be vigorously prose- cuted, until the king of Ava thought proper to send officers with full authority to enter upon a treaty with the British commissioners. " The elder chief, who had loudly proclaimed his love of peace, continued chewing his betel-nut with much compo- sure, receiving the intimation of a continuance of hostilities with more of the air and coolness of a soldier who consi- dered war as his trade, than became the pacific character he assumed ; while his more shrewd companion vainly endeavoured to conceal his vexation at the unpleasant ter- mination of their mission, and unexpected failure of their arts and protestations. But although the visit had evi- dently been planned for no other pui'pose than that of II. 5.J ATTACK OF^KEMENDINE. 177 gaining time, the chiefs did not object to carry with them to their camp a declaration of the terms upon which peace would still be restored ; and that they might take their departure with a better grace, expressed their intention of repeating their visit in the course of a few days, for the Surpose of opening a direct communication between the Iritish general and the Burmese ministers. The elder chief, again alluding to his being no warrior, hoped that the ships had strict orders not to lire upon him ; but while he said so, in stepping into his boat, there was a con- temptuous smile upon his own face and the countenances of his men, that had more of defiance than entreaty in it." The next morning (June 10th) the British intentions regarding Kemendine were put into execution. A breach was soon made in the teak-wood stockade by the cannon, and a column of English and Indian troops stormed the place. Major jSale, T^dth his detachment, had some hot work, for the place at which he entered was full of men, who defended themselves with the bravery of despair. Thirty of the Anglo-Indians fell, though for them one hundred and sixty Burmese perished. Even when this place was taken, little had been accomplished, as the prin- cipal stockade, about half a mile distant, had yet to be besieged. " We lost no time," says an eye-witness, and actor in the affair, " in advancing to it ; and in order completely to hem the Burmahs in, the flotilla was sent up the river, beyond the works, so as to prevent their escap- ing by water ; whilst the land force proceeded through the jungle. The left of our line rested on the river, and the right was moving round the north of the stockade ; thus completing a semicircle ; when it was discovered that, in addition to the main work, two smaller ones existed further up, which it was impossible for us with our force to surround ; a space of two hundred yards was therefore unavoidably left between our right and the river, it being exposed to the fire of both stockades. Night had already approached ; the rain began to pour without intermission, and neither men nor officers were sheltered from it, or had any cover, not even of great coats. The night we passed in this situation was such as may easily be imagined. . . . The shouts of the Burmahs had a curious effect, much heightened by the wild scenery N 178 DISEASE AMONG THE TEOOPS. [II. 5. of the dark, jrloomy forest wliicli surrounded us ; first, a low murmur mitrht be heard, risiufi^ as it were f^raduallj in tone, and followed by the wild and loud huzza of thou- sands of voices ; then, again, all was silence, save now and then a straggling shot or challenge from our own sentries ; and soon after, another peal of voices would resound through the trees. This they continued all night ; but towards morning the yells became fainter and fainter, and at daybreak they totally ceased." (1) In the morning, operations were resumed ; and on the storming parties advancing to the capture, they found, to their astonishment, that the enemy had decamped ! Pos- session was immediately taken, and a regiment left in garrison, while the rest returned to cantonments, very much irritated by the loss of their opponents. Five pieces of cannon were found in the inclosure, and numbers of jinjals. Outside the upper gate lay a gilt chattah or umbrella of rank, and some distance beyond, the body of the elder chief, aaIio had visited the English camp. Major Wahab and Brigadier ]\IcCreagh returned from Cheduba and Ncgrais about this time, having ac- complished the purpose for which they were detached. The capture of these places had not been completed with- out some loss and considerable slaughter. Cheduba was expected to have proved of some use. but it \\as found that, with the exception of a few buffaloes, the supplies were not of any utility. About this time also, the force was augmented by the 89th British regiment from Madras. The effects of heavy work in the swamps now began to be seen in the fatal form of disease among the Anglo- Indian troops. *' Constantly exposed to the vicissitudes of a tropical climate, and exhausted by the lu^cessity of' un intermitted exertion, it need not be a matter of sur- prise that sickness now began to thin the ranks and impair the energies of the invaders. No rank was exempt from the operatinn of these causes ; and many ofiicers, amongst whom were the senior naval officer, Captain Marryat ; the political commissioner. Major Canning ; and the Commander-in-Chief himself, were attacked with fever, during the month of June. Amongst the privates, the Europeans especially, the sickness incident to fatigue (1) Two Yc