'' '' '' '' '' '' '' ''Pett, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 10, No. 1, pp. 1-12 May 18, 1911 PHONETIC CONSTITUENTS OF THE NATIVE LANGUAGES OF CALIFORNIA BY A. L. KROEBER BERKELEY THE UNIVERSITY PRESS ''UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY The following publications dealing with archaeological and ethnological subjects issued under the direction of the Department of Anthropology are sent in exchange for the publi- cations of anthropological departments and museums, and for journals devoted to general anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology. They are for sale at the prices stated, which include postage or express charges. Exchanges should be directed to The Exchange Depart- ment, University Library, Berkeley, California, U. S. A. be addressed to the University Press. . Vol. 1. Vol. 2. Vol. 3. Vol. 4. Vol. 5. Vol. 6. Vol. 7. 1. Life and Culture of the Hupa, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-88; plates 1-30. September, 1903 2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 89-368. March, 1904 Index, pp. 369-378. “1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William J. Sinclair. Pp. 1-27; plates 1-14. April, 1904 2. The Languages of the Coast of California South of San Francisco, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 29-80, witha map. June, 1904 ~..WW2. 3. Types of Indian Culture in California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 81-103. June, 1904 4, Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 105-164; plates 15-21. January, 1905 2-002... 5. The Yokuts Language of South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 165-377. January, 1907 Index, pp. 379-393. __ The Morphology of the Hupa Language, by Pliny Harle Goddard. 344 pp. June, 1905 1. The Harliest Historical Relations between Mexico and Japan, from original documents preserved in Spain and Japan, by Zelia Nuttall. : Pp. 1-47. April, 1906 2. Contribution to the Physical Anthropology of California, based on col- lections in the Department of Anthropology of the University of California, and in-the U. S. National Museum, by Ales Hrdlicka. Pp. 49-64, with 5 tables; plates 1-10, and map. June, 1906 ............. 3. The Shoshonean Dialects of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 65-166. February, 1907 : 4, Indian Myths from South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 167-250. May, 1907 5. The Washo Language of East Central California and Nevada, by A. L. mroeber,- Pp, 201-318. September, 1907 2.....42 6. The Religion of the Indians of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 319- 856. September, 1907 Index, pp. 357-374. 1. The Phonology of the Hupa Language; Part I, The Individual Sounds, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-20, plates 1-8. March, 1907 ............ 2. Navaho Myths, Prayers and Songs, with Texts and Translations, by Washington Matthews, edited by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 21-63. September, 1907 3. Kato Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 65-238, plate 9. December, 1909 4, The Material Culture of the Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians of Northeastern California and Southern Oregon, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 239-292, plates 10-25. June, 1910 5. The Chimariko Indians and Language, by Roland B. Dixon. Pp. 293- 880. August, 1910 Index, pp. 381-384. 1. The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Indians, by Sam- uel Alfred Barrett. Pp. 1-332, maps 1-2. February, 1908 ............... 2. The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians, by Samuel Alfred Barrett. Pp. 333-368, map 3. 8. On the Evidence of the Occupation of Certain Regions by the Miwok Indians, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 369-380. Nos. 2 and 3 in ome Cover. 3 February, 1908 Index, pp. 381-400. : 1. The Emeryville Shellmound, by Max Uhle. Pp. 1-106, plates 1-12, with 88 text figures. June, 1907 2. Recent Investigations bearing upon the Question of the Occurrence of Neocene Man in the Auriferous Gravels of California, by William J. Sinclair. Pp. 107-130, plates 13-14. February, 1908 ...-.........-.....- 3. Pomo Indian Basketry, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 133-306, plates 15-30, 231 text figures. December, 1908 4, Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region, by N. C. Nelson. Pp. 309-356, plates 32-34. December, 1909 -...........-.-.--.----------------1---- 5. The Ellis Landing Shellmound, by N. C. Nelson. Pp. 357-426, plates 86-50. April, 1910 Index, pp. 427-441. All orders and remittances should Price © $1.25 3.00 40 -60 -25 “75 2.25 3.50 50 15 1.50 15 15 .50 30 15 2.50 <0 1.00 3.25 50 Aa 1.75 50 75 ''UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY VOLUME 10 A. L. KROEBER EDITOR UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY : 1911-1914 ''Am. Arch. Ethn. 1. y Pub a es ''CONTENTS Numper 1.—Phonetic Constituents of the Native Languages of California, A. L. Kroeber, pages 1-12. NuMBER 2.—The Phonetic Elements of the Northern Paiute Language, T. T. Waterman, pages 13-44, plates 1-5. NuMBER 3.—The Phonetic Elements of the Mohave Language, A. L. Kroeber, pages 45-96, plates 6-20. NumBEer 4.—The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians, J. Alden Mason, pages 97-240, plates 21-37. NumBer 5.—Papago Verb Stems, Juan Dolores, pages 241-263. Number 6.—Notes on the Chilula Indians of Northwestern California, Pliny Earle Goddard, pages 265-288, plates 38-41. NumBer 7.—Chilula Texts, Pliny Earle Goddard, pages 289-379. INDEX, pages 381-385. ERRATA, page 385. OOOO '' '' UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 10, No. 1, pp. 1-12 May 18, 1911 PHONETIC CONSTITUENTS OF THENATIVE LANGUAGES OF CALIFORNIA BY A. L. KROEBER. Until recently but little exact attention was paid to the sounds of American Indian languages. Some of the most valuable gram- matical study has been conducted in spite of an uncertain pho- netic basis. A large part of the linguistic investigations made have been carried on by men primarily ethnologists, many of whom had their training in biological or other sciences remote from linguistics. Of late, however, the principles and methods of phonetic research established by European scholars have begun to be applied to American Indian languages, largely through the entrance into this field of several students trained in the study of Indo-European philology. The consequence has been so gratifying, that, while work of this nature is still in its infancy so far as native American speech as a whole is concerned, it is already worth while to discuss certain results. The aboriginal languages of California are those with which the writer is most familiar. Careful phonetic examinations of several of these idioms have been made by Dr. P. E. Goddard, Dr. E. Sapir, and Mr. T. T. Waterman, and aural observations are available for others by several authors. Since the number of unrelated languages in the area is large, there is opportunity to establish principles and tendencies common to diverse tongues. Conclusions arrived at may therefore be of use in the phonetic study of languages not yet examined, especially in the Californian ''2 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 field, but also elsewhere, and may serve to enlighten the funda- mental problem whether the linguistic families of America pos- sess any underlying or general features peculiar to themselves as a class. In vowels, open qualities prevail markedly over close in the languages of California. This is certain in practically every instance for e and o, and in most cases fori and u. The Athabas- can dialects and Yana are the only ones for which any observer who has given definite attention to this point reports close sounds, and in Yana these are only i and u. So far as Yurok, Yuki, Wintun, Yokuts, Salinan, Yuman Mohave, and the Sho- shonean dialects are concerned, e, 0, i, and u are all invariably open. E and o are open also in Karok, Chimariko, Pomo, Maidu, Miwok, Costanoan, Washo, and probably in Wiyot, Shasta, and Chumash. In most of these languages i and u have also been heard as open, but it is possible that their close qualities may occur in addition. It is usually more difficult to distinguish close and open i or u than close and open e or o. This practical uniformity in regard to vowel qualities raises the question whether a similar tendency may not be character- istic of North American languages in general. The descriptions ordinarily given of Indian vowels, as of u ‘‘like English 00’’ or by the orthography i, are no evidence, unless emanating from a recorder having the distinction of quality clearly in mind. An English or German speaking person inevitably assumes all long vowels to be close unless he deliberately checks his unconscious impulse to perceive as he is accustomed to speak. The inaccuracy has frequently been perpetrated in California, not to the least extent by the present writer; and yet, greater care reveals the presence of scarcely any close vowel qualities; so that a sceptical attitude seems justified as regards many other American languages. It is hardly necessary to add that a tendency for length to be associated with closeness and brevity with openness, or the reverse, has not been established in a single instance. The predominance of open vowels accords well with the gen- eral reluctance toward lip movements frequently ascribed to the ''1911] Kroeber: Phonetic Constituents of Califorma Languages. 3 North American Indians and observable among those of Cali- fornia. Rounding of the lips is particularly lax. Greater breath or aspiration in vowels than is customary in European languages is present in certain cases in Hupa, Kato, and Yana, in the opinion of Dr. Goddard and Dr. Sapir, and always in northern Paiute according to Mr. Waterman.* The author has found that the vowels of Mohave, Luisefio, and Papago are quite uniformly spoken with stronger breath than are the vowels of European languages. Other observations are not at hand, but it seems likely that these instances also are only examples of a widely spread or even universal tendency. It is possible that the ‘‘laryngeal intonation’’ sometimes ascribed to American languages generally, is to be interpreted as consisting of this phenomenon. The typically Shoshonean vowels 6 and ii have been found in four other Californian families, Maidu, Miwok, Yokuts, and Chu- mash. The fact has been noted that these languages are all in immediate geographical contact with Shoshonean, and have there- fore apparently borrowed the sounds from that family. Mr. Waterman has found, however, that northern Paiute possesses in reality only one sound, written by him ti, which is easily apper- ceived as either ii or 6. The same conclusion was reached by the author in regard to Papago, of the so-called Piman family, but actually related genetically to Shoshonean. On the other hand another Shoshonean dialect, Luisefio, distinctly shows both 6 and ii in a few instances, though in general the sounds have been lost. In Yokuts also both occur, ti being related to 6 in the system of vocalic harmony characterizing Yokuts in the same way as i is to e, and u too. Maidu seems to agree with Yokuts, but in Miwok and Chumash the author’s writing of ti and 6 has been so incon- sistent as to force the suspicion that they may be one vowel. A tolerable degree of acquaintance with a language seems prere- 1 This account was prepared after the completion of a study of the phonetics of the Northern Paiute language by Mr. T. T. Waterman. In the course of circumstances attending printing, the writer’s paper is ap- pearing first, but it is only just to acknowledge that without Mr. Water- man’s previous examination of Paiute, as well as his study of Salinan, there would not have been sufficient exact material extant on several points to have made their present comparative discussion possible. ''4 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 quisite to decide the question, as both sounds are strange to Indo- European ears and mechanical experiments hardly feasible. In all cases, however, the vowel or two vowels are produced with less rounding of the lips than in German or French close or open 6 or ti; and the general method of formation seems to involve the tongue in position for u, the lips for i, or the inverse of the position for forming ii familiar to Europeans. The ‘‘impure’”’ uw and o that have been written in some of the above languages are probably only ii and 6, or open u and o. Nasalized vowels, familiar from Siouan, are rare in Califor- nia. As easily recognizable organically distinct sounds they seem to occur only in certain Yuki dialects. Some tendency toward nasalization has been noted in Athabasean and Salinan. The vocalic interjection meaning yes is however often more or less nasal, even in languages that appear to possess no nasalizing im- pulse in the vowels of formal parts of speech. Frequently associated with vowels are glottal stops. These have been ascertained to occur in Hupa, Kato, Yurok, Wiyot, Yuki, Yana, Wintun, Maidu, Miwok, Yokuts, Salinan, the Paiute and Luisefio dialects of Shoshonean, and Yuman Mohave. They probably occur also in Chimariko, Shasta, Pomo, Washo, Cos- tanoan, and Chumash. No language in California is as yet known to be without them, a circumstance that accords with their ap- parently normal occurrence throughout the continent. In Yurok and probably some other languages, glottal stops which follow a vowel produce a more or less distinct echo or reverberation of the vowel after the release of the glottis; in Mohave and northern Paiute this is not the case. Stopped or plosive consonants accompanied by glottal closure are for the most part easily recognized and have long been known in American languages. Their nature has however generally not been clearly understood by Americanists. Experiment as well as observation have shown that instead of being strongly stressed, that is, vigorously aspirated, they lack aspiration almost entirely. Some students have even thought of inspiration or suction. It is true that these sounds are produced with distinctly greater muscular pressure for the closure, and probably with greater violence of muscular release, than ordinary stops, so that the ''1911] Kroeber: Phonetic Constituents of California Languages. 5 name ‘‘fortes’’ is not inappropriate; but vigorous articulation of course is not the same as vigorous expulsion of the breath. The essential characteristic of the class seems to be that the im- pulse toward closure of the mouth by the lips or tongue is accom- panied by a synchronous impulse toward general contraction of the muscles used in speech, at least as far down as the glottis; so that the occlusion by the lips or tongue for p, t, or k is paral- leled by an occlusion by the glottis. One would expect that the impulse for release would also be simultaneous for mouth and glottis; but this seems doubtful. Some inquirers claim to observe a perceptible interval between the release of the tongue or lips and that of the throat; and the proved lack of aspiration seems to corroborate this opinion. The interval is however certainly very brief; and it is difficult to understand the frequency and readiness with which such a delicate correlation, as releasing one organ of speech the merest small fraction of a second before another, is produced, if this succession is necessary to the pro- duction of the sound. Certainly the acquirement of the ability to make these stops is not difficult even to one who has not used them before. It is possible, however, that the impulses to close and to release are contemporaneous for mouth and throat, but that the glottis lags a little behind the lips or tongue in both instances. At the closing this would have no special effect; but at the release it would permit of the lack of aspiration, or even suction, on which most students are agreed. In any event, the most correct designation of the group seems to be ‘‘stops with accompanying glottal stop,’’ and the most appropriate ortho- graphy the symbols for the unvoiced stops of the same articula- tion with a superposed glottal stop. This orthography is how- ever typographically difficult ; so that a stop followed by a glottal stop is perhaps the most successful approximation ordinarily available. The point of exclamation after the stop expresses the ‘‘fortis’’ or muscularly pressed quality, but fails to render the all-important glottal action, and is open to cavil on the ground that to most Europeans it would suggest increased force of breath rather than the true quality of the sounds. Stops ‘with glottal closure have been found in Athabascan, Yurok, Chimariko, Yuki, Wintun, Yana, Maidu, Yokuts, and ''6 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 Salinan. They probably occur also in Wiyot, Shasta, Washo, Pomo, and Chumash. They are lacking in Karok, Costanoan, Miwok, and in all Shoshonean and Yuman dialects as yet ex- amined. Wherever found in California, they are produced with but moderate stress of articulation; the corresponding sounds in the languages of the Pacific Coast farther north certainly possess the ‘‘fortis’’ quality to a much more marked degree. The ‘‘fortes’’ affricatives tS, ts, and tl also occur. It would seem that the entire combination of stop and continuant is in these cases accompanied by glottal closure, the throat not being opened until after the completion of the continuant S78, ort This would indicate that the release of the glottis has no direct connection with the release of the tongue, and is further evidence that the opening of mouth and throat in the pure stop ‘*fortes’”’ is not simultaneous. It also follows that the continuant member of the affricative fortes must be very brief, and the sound-com- plex a real unit. This circumstance, in turn, strengthens the conviction that the ordinary ‘‘non-fortes’’ affricatives are each essentially single sounds, in spite of their containing two ele- ments. It should be added that ‘‘fortis’’ tl is as yet established for but few languages in California, though common farther north, but that ts or tS oceurs with ‘‘fortis’’ quality in almost all languages that possess ‘‘fortis’’ p, t, or k. Lengthened or doubled stop consonants, that is, p, t, or k with occlusion protracted appreciably beyond the ordinary, occur in northern Paiute, probably in Miwok, and very likely in other languages. In Miwok the phenomenon seems to be only part of a more general tendency, nasals, fricatives, and laterals appearing both in long and short form. Mohave lengthens con- tinuants, but not stops. The writing of doubled consonants in itself is little evidence of their existence, on account of the natural English impulse to employ them as a designation of brevity of the preceding vowel. Most of the doubled consonants recorded in Hupa by Dr. Goddard are probably due to measured syllabification resulting from unusually successful efforts at clearness of pronunciation. Probably the greatest phonetic difficulty encountered by students of North American languages has been the task of dis- ''1911] Kroeber: Phonetic Constituents of California Languages. i tinguishing between surd and sonant stops. This has long been recognized, and led first to the theory of ‘‘alternating’’ or un- stable pronunciation, later to that of alternating apperception due to the existence of sounds ‘‘intermediate’’ between those familiar to the hearer. Investigators in California have en- countered their share of the problem. To begin with, it is obvious that so far as sonancy alone is concerned, a sound cannot be really intermediate between a d and at, ora b anda p. It must either be voiced or unvoiced. It might however be voiced during occlusion or explosion only and unvoiced during the other part of its formation; or it might be accompanied by more or less breath pressure than is found respectively in sonant and surd stops in European languages, and thereby appear to depart from one type and approach the other. In writing the Papago dialect of Arizona, the conclusion was reached that stops preceding a vowel normally resembled English sonant stops, but that those at the ends of words or syllables were surd and strongly aspirated. Mechanical experiments by Dr. Goddard confirmed this decision, and brought to light the further fact that the stops in initial position were voiced only during the explosion, their vocalization beginning immediately after the explosion. Subsequently the same status was deter- mined for a related though quite distinct language, the Luisefio of southern California, and so far as the ear and observation alone are to be relied on, for Yuki. In Mohave also the initial stops are voiced during the explosion but final stops are unvoiced and more strongly aspirated. The Yurok stops have generally been heard as surds, but since surd stops in English words are pronounced almost like English sonants by the Yurok, while final stops are more aspirated than initial ones, it seems probable that this language is to be included in the same class. This relation of surd and sonant, or more exactly, the differentiation of what is organically one class of stops into weakly aspirated intermediates and strongly aspirated surds according to position, therefore characterizes several languages, and is likely to be found in others, both in and out of California. Even where precisely this relation does not exist, intermediate ''8 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 or explosion-voiced stops occur. This has been experimentally demonstrated for northern Paiute, Wintun, and Salinan by Mr. Waterman, and seems probable for Karok. In Pomo, Yukian Wappo, Chimariko, Maidu, Washo, Miwok, and Yokuts, sonant stops have been written, but in all of these languages heard by the author, surds and sonants are more difficult to distinguish than in English. This cireumstance may in some instances be due to other causes, but it is safe to hazard the prediction that in most of these cases it will ultimately be explained by the surdness of the voiced stops during their occlusion, that is to say, their ‘‘intermediateness.’’ In short, this type of sound prob- ably occurs in the majority of California languages. It may therefore be presumed that it is by no means rare in other American idioms, and recognition of the type should prove to be the solution, in many instances, of the vexing problem of sonant versus surd stops. The appended table shows the prevalence, in California, of intermediate stops, coupled in most cases with the occurrence of pure aspirated surds. It is also significant that fully voiced stops are almost lacking. In the one language in the area, Paiute, for which they have been experimentally determined, the sonant stops occur only medially and are so brief in closure as to be almost fricatives. There seems to be also some tendency for the sonancy of con- sonants of all classes to be determined by position. In organi- eally voiced continuants, the first portion is sometimes surd when they stand at the beginning of a word or syllable, and the last portion when they are at the end. In Papago not only stops but nearly all continuant consonants gain markedly in breath and lose in voice when they are not followed by a vowel. In other words, many of the consonants of this tongue are organi- cally indeterminate, and become sonant or surd solely according to position. Yurok surd m, n, and r are also evidently only sonants that have lost their voice through standing isolated after a glottal stop. This phenomenon is another that promises to prove to be of more general occurrence than has been suspected. In many American languages, particularly those of the Pacific coast north of the Columbia river, k and allied sounds have been ''OTA] Kroeber: Phonetic Constituents of California Languages. OccURRENCE OF STOPPED CONSONANTS. EEE g : aa 5 8 Z Hi if gg B°8 Ba gs § Hupa + Be Kato + ae Yurok + + Yuki +? +2 Pomo oe +3 Yana + 4 op Wintun + ate ae Salinan os oe Yokuts +8 a8 Luisefio 42 43 Mohave +? +? Papago +? oes Chimariko +3 +1 Washo Le ae ' Maidu +3 +1 Miwok +3 ar Costanoan +3 +17 Karok +3 N. Paiute +5 +° * Possibly unaspirated surd. * Organically one sound, determined by position. * Indicated by orthography. 4 Secondary only. * Doubtful. * Probable. "Uncertain whether unaspirated or aspirated surd. * Between vowels only. * Initially only. Surd, with pro- longed occlusion +' Fortis: acecom- + + + t+ t+ + + + 4+ danving glottal + + ''10 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 found to occur in two positions, which may be designated as palatal and velar. In California the tendency in this direction seems to be less marked. In nearly all languages k sounds differ in position according to the vowels with which they are in con- tact, but this of course is a phenomenon familiar from English and other languages. Very few California dialects have been proved to have k sounds in organically distinct positions. Hupa and Kato possess velar k in addition to palatal or postpalatal k, but the posterior sound is rare. Luisefo and Mohave have both, probably Chimariko and Shasta also. Gatschet has recorded two k sounds for Klamath. In Pomo and Yurok, velars have often been heard; but it is not impossible that these tongues possess only one k, which is habitually formed rather far back in the mouth and in extreme cases is therefore likely to be heard as a velar sound. Northern Paiute and most Shoshonean dialects, Yokuts, Miwok, Wintun, Maidu, Yana, Yuki, and Karok seem to be of this type. For the t class of sounds, position of articulation is more easily observed, and evidence of the presence of two series more abundant. Where such occur, the anterior is alveolar, dental, or interdental, the posterior alveolar or palatal. see hae emer ee tae ae ee a UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 10, No. 2, pp. 13-44, pls. 1-5 November 15, 1911 THE PHONETIC ELEMENTS OF THE NORTHERN PAIUTE LANGUAGE BY T. T. WATERMAN CONTENTS PAGE Introduction 13 The Individual Sounds 15 Vowels 15 Dipthongs i Consonants 17 Labials Li Dentals 20 Alveolars 22 Palatals 23 Labialized Palatal 24 Other Sounds 24 Aspirations 25 Summary 26 General Features 26 INTRODUCTION The following notes on the phonetic system of the Paiute Indian language were obtained in August and September, 1910, with the help of a full blood, middle-aged Paiute named Dick Mahwee. This informant lived during his childhood in the vicinity of Long Valley, California, near Honey Lake. He now belongs to the group of people who live on Pyramid Lake Reser- vation, Nevada, but he spends the summers in Reno and else- where. His dialect seems to be almost identical with the Paiute language spoken in Oregon, except that it differs phonetically ''14 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 in minor points, particularly in the occasional substitution of ty for ts. There are two ‘‘Paiute’’ languages, both spoken in the Great Basin area and constituting part of the Shoshonean family. The southern or ‘‘true’’ Paiutes inhabit a large territory including southern Nevada, southwestern Utah, and northwestern Arizona. Their dialect belongs to the Ute type, being almost identical in structure with Ute and Chemehuevi. An outline of the phonetics and morphology of Ute has been published by Dr. E. Sapir.t The northern Paiute, who do not admit that this is their name, and employ the term only as they have learned it from the whites, live in northwestern Nevada, the border of California east of the Sierra Nevada, and in southeastern Oregon. The term Paviotso has sometimes been applied to them, though this is no more their own tribal name than the former is. Their language is practically identical with that of the Bannock of southern Idaho, and is very similar to the speech of the Mono, who live on the high western slopes of the Sierra Nevada. The present “*Paiute’’ dialect belongs therefore to what has been described as the Mono-Paviotso or Mono-Bannock division of the Shoshonean family, and is not to be confounded with the ‘‘Paiute’’ as spoken by the Ute-Chemehuevi people.” The apparatus used in analyzing the sounds consisted of a recording cylinder of a diameter of 13.3 em., described elsewhere in this series of publications.2 The cylinder was used in con- Junction with tambours and recording needles of the usual type, and was driven at a uniform rate of seven revolutions per minute. The records illustrated below consist of double tracings, one from the lips and the other from the glottis. The lip-positions for various vowel sounds are represented by photographs. The information embodied in the present paper was obtained while working in collaboration with Dr. W. L. Marsden, of Burns, Oregon, who speaks the Paiute language and has recorded much information about it. 1 Science, n.s. xxxi (1910), 350-352. 2 Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., tv, 97, 1907; Am. Anthr., n.s. x1, 267, 1909. 3P. E. Goddard, in Uniy. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., v, 2, 1907; also in Boas Memorial Volume (1906), 137. Le ''TET in ON NS OS aR gm ren rene en te eee e e ee 1911] Waterman: Phonetic Elements of the Northern Paiute Language. 15 The sounds of Paiute may be represented tabularly as follows : Vowels Diphthongs U; U, 0) 8, ©, 1 ai Consonants Stop Fricative Affricative Nasal Surd Sonant Doubled Surd Sonant Surd Sonant Da bial see ey p b p: m Dental oe) sree ls t d t: $s, (ty) dz) ou Alveolar 2. 10 s Z Palatalie ce e0es k g k: (x) fi Labialized palatal....kw (gw) (kw:) y,w,h,’ THE INDIVIDUAL SOUNDS VOWELS U The vowel represented by this symbol has something of the quality of oo in English book, but the lip position is more open pl. 1, fig. 1). At times the sound seems almost to approach i (as in English boot), but this seems to be due to the effect on the ear of the lack of opening, combined with occasional actual looseness or variability of lip-positon. In duration (pl. 4, fig. 6) it is noticeably short. 0 The symbol o represents the sound of aw in English law, produced with the slight lip movement noted below as a prom- inent characteristic of all Paiute vowels. The lips (pl. 1, fig. 2) are more open and less rounded than in u. In duration o is usually short compared to English o, but is at times (for example, po, pl. 4, fig. 8) as long as the preceding sound. a This sound, to employ a well-worn figure, has approximately the quality of a in father. It is the most open of all the vowel sounds in the language, showing (pl. 1, fig. 3) considerable more opening than e (fig. 4), i (fig. 5), or ti (fig. 6). While not as brief on the whole as o usually is, it is comparable (pl. 2, fig. 5) ''16 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 to the English sound of a in father* in being at times of very brief duration. e In quality the sound represented by this symbol approaches e in met. Occasionally it is heard as having almost the closeness of e in they. It is however normally open (as in pl. 1, fig. 4), more open as a matter of fact than any vowel with the exception of a. In duration, e (as illustrated in pl. 3, fig. 7) is decidedly _brief, showing rather less than half the length of ii wherever tracings of the two have been compared. The sound is rare. i This symbol represents a vowel of similarly open lip-position, having something of the quality of i in pin. The lip-positions for this and the preceding vowel are as a matter of fact (pl. 1, figs. 4 and 5) almost identical. In duration also (pl. 4, fig. 3) it bears a close analogy to e. i This is an obscured vowel sound, produced with the lips in position for an i-sound and the tongue in position approximately for u (pl. 1, fig. 6). It has to the ear in spite of its other characteristics a rather definite i quality and for that reason ean hardly be called indeterminate or neutral. That the vowel quality is obscured is due to an elevation in the back part of the tongue, so that friction is produced by the passage of the breath between the tongue and the back of the palate. If this elevation were more pronounced, a soft velar r or g continuant would result. In actual fact, however, the tongue is raised only enough to obseure or thicken the sound slightly, and its vocalic timbre is maintained throughout. The larynx during the process of speaking this sound is lowered, as shown by the action of the exterior throat muscles. This results in an increased resonancy. It is of course hard to specify exactly what takes place in pro- ducing this sound, or any sound of its general type, for the phenomena involved do not lend themselves to investigation by 4E. W. Scripture, Elements of Experimental Phonetics (New York, 1902), 489 ff. ''1911] Waterman: Phonetic Elements of the Northern Paiute Language. vy graphic methods. The above, however, seem to be its chief characteristics. In the matter of duration (pl. 2, fig. 1), ti seems to be quite anomalous, having noticeably greater length than either u or i (pl. 4, figs. 8 and 6), which it most nearly resembles. DIPHTHONGS al _ This sound, having the quality of ai in aisle, is extremely long in quantity, having as great or greater duration than the ti de- scribed above. The appended tracing (pl. 4, fig. 1), representing the word kai, no, illustrates its extreme length. CoNSONANTS Labials Pp The sound represented by this symbol is a stop consonant of very weak and short occlusion, involving at the same time very much less aspiration than the p in English words as spoken by Americans. The sonancy begins approximately at the same moment as the explosion. In this respect the sound is of course markedly different from American English p (pl. 2, fig. 2), in which the sonancy is strongly postplosive. It differs from b as used by Americans in speaking English (fig. 3), in that in this latter sound the sonancy antedates the explosion by a consider- able period. The results obtained by analyzing the Paiute sound graphically are not entirely consistent. There seems to be some uncertainty in the usage of the informant. For instance in fig. 1, pl. 3, the sonancy of p in puni, to see, begins consider- ably in advance of the explosion. In the following tracing of the same sound (fig. 2), the sonancy and the explosion are quite synchronous. In the third figure, finally (fig. 3), the sonancy follows the explosion after a short but well-marked interval. A number of tracings were taken of this sound in the course of the experiments, and such variabilty was found to persist through- out. The sonancy even where preplosive, however, is not as strong nor as long continued as in the corresponding sound of ''18 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 10 American English. The main characteristics of the labial stop as it occurs in Paiute are therefore three in number—first, a brief, normally surd occlusion, second, an explosion of slight aspiration, and third, some lack of uniformity as regards the point where sonancy begins. The sound occurs only initially in words. b The labial stop just described assumes a somewhat different character when occurring medially. Under these conditions it becomes fully voiced (pl. 3, fig. 4). This full and complete sonancy is perhaps its essential characteristic and is a striking instance of Paiute laziness in speech.’ The fact of sonancy is however attended by other changes. The mere presence of vocal- ization in the sound tends according to the well-recognized law to weaken the explosion, and this in turn involves a lessening of the lip pressure in occlusion. We have already seen that the most essential character of the initial stop, from which the present sound seems to be a derivative, is a relatively weak explosion as compared with that of English lip surds. When the sound is still further weakened as the result of sonancy due to medial position in a word, the occlusion becomes so abbreviated and the actual contact of the lips so light that the stop verges toward a continuant. It has as an actual fact often been recorded as a bilabial v. Graphic analysis shows however that the occlusion, while brief, never actually disappears. For purposes of com- parison a fairly representative tracing of ‘“nabanaki,’’ the plural of panaki, ‘‘Bannock’’ (pl. 3, fig. 4), is set alongside of a tracing of a bilabial v (fig. 5), as made by Dr. Marsden, who was assist- ing in the experiment. With these should be compared also the b of English ‘‘boy’’ (fig. 3). It will be observed that the curve which represents the explosive period of the Paiute b articula- tion is sharper than that for the continuant bilabial v, but not so abrupt or of such marked amplitude as that of the more strongly occluded English b. The occlusion in the Paiute medial sound 5 Seripture, op. cit., 360. 6 See James Mooney, Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Ethn., x1v, pt. 2, pp. 10, 53 ff, 1896. ''1911] Waterman: Phonetic Elements of the Northern Paiute Language. 19 under discussion is however undeniably brief and light, and under certain circumstances the native Paiute informant probably slips over into a real continuant sound. The study of fourteen tracings of this sound, all of which resemble in character figure 4, seem to offer convincing evidence that the sound is organically a stop. p: Another labial consonant is a stop of double length, repre- sented by p:, which however never occurs initially. It is uncer- tain whether or not this sound in process of word-building ever stands for the initial p described above. All that can be said is that the labial stops occurring medially are of two types, either fully sonant as just described, or purely surd with a double length of occlusion, as is the case with the sound now under discussion. ‘Whether these two sounds are primary in the language, or both alike derived from the p as an effect of composition, can only be stated when the morphology is completely understood. The second of the two sounds is quite analogous to the sound described by Dr. Sapir in Yana’ and Ute® and written by him p+ and pp. The tracing in pl. 2, fig. 4, reflects clearly its main characteristics —a double length of occlusion and a complete absence of vocal- ization. The extraordinary length of occlusion is clearly re- flected in this tracing of the Paiute word kap:a, bed, as com- pared with that of an ordinary undoubled medial surd, such as the p in English tipping (pl. 3, fig. 7), which of course is ‘“doubled’’ only typographically. The Paiute sound is there- fore seen to be a really doubled consonant, in the sense in which the expression is employed regularly in phonetic discussions, although ‘‘lengthened consonant’’ seems on the whole the better term.’ That the length of occlusion is attended by a correspond- ingly vigorous explosion is shown by the fact that the breath curve is very much higher for the medial than for the initial type of p. Compare pl. 2, figs. 1 and 5. 7 Univ. Calif. Publ. Am, Arch, Ethn., 1x, 5, 1910. 8 Science, loc. cit. 9 Scripture, op. cit., p. 466; Scholle and Smith, Elementary Phonetics (London, 1903), p. 142. ''20 Unwersity of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 m This sound, represented in pl. 2, fig. 5, seems to offer few features of note, except that it is possibly of somewhat shorter duration than English m. In this of course it merely shares the briefness of occlusion characteristic in general of Paiute con- sonants. Dentals t The chief characteristic of the sounds of the dental series, namely t, d, t:, ts, dz, and n (but not s and z, which in Paiute are alveolars) is that they are formed with the tongue against the teeth. This lends them a semi-aspirate effect (see the amplitude of explosion, pl. 4, fig. 2), due to the fact that the greater part of the blade of the tongue is in contact with the gum just be- fore release. The effect of the release is therefore quite notice- able. This is particularly striking, owing quite probably to the contrast offered to the other Paiute consonants which are pro- nounced without marked aspiration. It seems unlikely on the whole that the Paiute sounds are formed with any greater mus- cular effort than are the English sounds. The difference prob- ably lies in the different surfaces approximated in the two types of enunciation. In the matter of sonancy the sound represented by t is closely analogous to the p discussed above. d This symbol represents the sonant corresponding to t, and like b, the sonant form of p, occurs only medially. The remarks already made concerning b apply with equal force to the dental sonant d. The occlusion, namely, is very brief, so brief in fact that it often seems to be completely lacking (pl. 2, fig. 6). The sound was at first heard by the present writer as a briefly trilled r. The tongue as a matter of fact, in producing this sound, is not pressed against the palate, but merely flicked against it. The only difference between this sound and a weakly trilled r is that the r consists of a succession of rapidly repeated ‘‘flaps,’’ while in the present sound there is only one. ''1911] Waterman: Phonetic Elements of the Northern Paiute Language. 21 its Closely analogous to p: in its general characteristics, the dental surd represented by the present symbol differs in involv- ing as a rule rather more explosive force, marked by an increase in aspiration (pl. 4, fig. 4, as compared with p: of pl. 2, fig. 4). In this feature of course the sound resembles t, as described above. ts There occurs among the dental sounds an affricative, i.e., a stop with a surd occlusion, followed by a continuant release (pl. 4, fig. 3). Like the surd t, it occurs only initially, being replaced in medial position by dz. It is noticeable that the present in- formant alters the character of the affricative consonant which occurs in the Paiute spoken in the Malheur Lake region of Oregon. That is to say, he rarely articulates ts, substituting for it in most instances ty, replacing by a glide the sibilant release of northern Paiute. The two sounds are however closely related as regards tongue position, and it is moreover not at all certain that this shift is not an individual habit. dz This symbol, as already mentioned, represents a sonant, occurring medially, corresponding to a ts occurring in intial position (pl. 5, fig. 7). No noteworthy features were brought out by the present study, beyond those already discussed as generally typical of medial sonants. n The nasal sound of the dental series (pl. 4, fig. 5) is rather closely similar to the corresponding sound of English, with the exception that, like the Paiute m noted above, it is, as concerns its duration, rather brief. ty The dental stops are occasionally modified by the substitution of a y-glide at the close of the regular dental articulation. This ''22 Unwersity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 10 would seem to constitute a consonantal cluster, were it not for the fact that the sound occurs as a variant of ts, which is of course a simple sound. In the speech of other localities, this ty is replaced by ts uniformly. Alweolars 8 The only alveolar sounds in Paiute are, as already noted, s and its corresponding sonant z (pl. 5, figs. 2 and 5). The first of these sounds is formed by an approximation of the tip of the tongue to the alveolar ridge. The fact that the breath escapes around a point instead of through a restricted passage between the tongue and the front wall of the palate, as in the sh of English ‘‘show,’’ for instance, removes from the sound the thick quality which characterizes the English sound, which the Paiute sound would otherwise resemble. In addition, the lips are re- tracted instead of protruded as in English sh, and the opening between them is not perceptibly narrowed. This fact still further prevents friction of the escaping air and tends to render the Paiute sound clearer in quality and correspondingly shorter in duration than English sh. It is certain that the tongue as a whole is further retracted into the mouth cavity than in English sh, and that the surface is somewhat concave instead of convex.’® Perhaps the most obvious difference of all is that there is a wide opening between the upper and lower teeth. That there is only one organic sound in Paiute is rendered almost certain by the fact that the informant is unable to distinguish s and sh in English, pronouncing such English words as ‘‘boys’’ and ‘‘face’’ somewhat as though they were spelled boysh and fashe. Z This symbol has the value approximately of z in azure. It is the sonant form of s, just described, and is probably made in closely similar positon. It therefore at times sounds like z im zone. There is no reason, however, for supposing that there are really two sounds. 10 A similar sound in other languages has sometimes been described as ‘ xe & z zt ep S/> ‘ S y 2 ''UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 10, No. 3, pp. 45-96, plates 6-20 November 11, 1911 PHONETIC ELEMENTS OF THE MOHAVE LANGUAGE BY A. L. KROEBER CONTENTS PAGE Introduction ‘ 45 IO WONS) os led eee age 47 Labials 52 Interdentals Ba 54 Dental-Alveolars ...... 55 Alveolar-Prepalatals ........ 57 Postpalatals and Velars 59 Breaths and Glottal Stops ................ 62 Stress and Pitch Accent 63 Explanations of ‘Plates. oo ia ae ' INTRODUCTION The present description of the sounds of the Mohave language, one of the members of the Yuman family in the southwestern United States, is based on an intermittent acquaintance of ten years, supplemented by experimental studies made in 1910. Certain suggestions, such as the orthography adopted for the h-sounds, are due to Mr. John P. Harrington, with whom the phonetics of the language have been discussed. The ethnology of the Mohave has been under investigation by the writer at various times since 1900. No special study of the language was attempted, except so far as made necessary by ethnological inquiries; but the desire of recording proper and common names correctly, and repeated acquaintance with the ''46 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 10 tongue, led to a determination of many of its phonetic features. When it was recognized as desirable, more recently, to extend to a wider range the phonetic methods first applied to American languages’ by Dr. P. E. Goddard in his essay on the phonology of the Hupa language, the general familiarity acquired with Mohave made this tongue seem a satisfactory one for experi- mental determinations. The Mohave employed for this purpose were Captain Jack Jones, designated hereafter as informant one, and Achora- hanyava, who will be known as informant two. The former speaks English, the latter Spanish, but as both are more than fifty years old, and Mohave is their habitual speech as well as mother-tongue, the results arrived at are unquestionably typical for this language. Palatal contacts were taken only of inform- ant one, with a false palate of aluminum. After this had been marked with intersecting lines, it was photographed without reduction. The records taken were immediately drawn on prints previously made from this photograph of the blank palate. While such a free-hand method does not attain to the accuracy of a photograph made of each record, the corresponding lines on the palate and the print insure a very close approximation to an absolutely correct reproduction; and as no two palatograms of the same sound are exactly alike, it seemed better to compare several guided drawings of as many contacts of one sound, than to depend on the one or two photographs of palatal impressions which could be taken in the same period. The most correct method obviously is to secure a series of photographs of impres- sions and to select the most nearly normal or average for each sound; but such a course involves the expenditure of much time. The present informant has two of his teeth reduced to the roots; the second molar on the right and the last on the left side. These ‘gaps appear as protuberances respectively on the left and right sides of the palatal diagrams, but do not seem to have interfered with normal utterance. The subject’s palate, besides being asymmetrical, is rather high, so that the false palate, from the side on which the tongue touches it, is deep, and the view of its 1 Present series of publications, v, 1-20, 1907. ''1911] Kroeber: Phonetic Elements of the Mohave Language. 47 sides, especially toward the rear, is considerably foreshortened. The speech of informant two is rapid and his voice rather high-pitched. For this reason the kymograph tracings made by him are less clear, with the tambours used, than those obtained from his companion. His laryngeal tracings in particular show such small amplitude of vibration as to be difficult to reproduce. A number of the clearest tracings from the mouth of this informant are however appended for comparison. The audible elements of the Mohave language are 28 in number, without counting long vowels and several doubled con- sonants, whose greater length may or may not be original and organic. Vowels: Me 01, 8) erik Consonants : 2 no - ro oO . ' ae Bb eS g qs q 5 5 a at Oo + 5 a = Ss A aS a s Pgs D © ns 5 BE Ba o n oo Cee eee ae ee ee ee oO od - + ° Go Sea Pe Vee ee Say Ce re cay ea Ie Sa Om. | Se Sse A ae Bae BB ee Te ae ae ee om Se a Ss oo a 2 a nae wD 2 el eae a ae 4 ics eS 7, Labial p v m Ww Dental sa 0 6 ney be Alveolar t s te n 1 us : Prepalatal t. ny ly r y Postpalatal k kw d Velar q qw a Glottal 7 i$ VOWELS The vowels of Mohave are all characterized by slight lip movement, especially in the direction of rounding or retraction, resulting in an invariably open quality; and by containing more aspiration than the vowels of European languages. To at least some extent both of these habits are prevalent among all the Indians of California, and appear to recur more or less typically in many North American languages. As regards lip position, a noticeable difference exists between those photographically recorded from the two subjects. Inform- ant one (figs. 1-5) has accustomed himself to unusually careful enunciation for purposes of phonetic recording. He possesses ''48 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [ Vol. 10 also unusual mobility and control of the muscles used in speech, as shown by a considerable mimic ability. The photographs of his lips therefore show extreme positions, such as would but rarely be attained in actual speech, even by himself. The lip positions of informant two (figs. 6-10), which differ much less from one another, accordingly reproduce much more accurately the normal exterior articulations of Mohave vowels; but those of informant one show to what extent the movements of the lips can be exaggerated, or it would be better to say, performed with- out abridgment, without appreciably affecting the characteristic qualities of the several vowels. As regards aspiration, all final vowels, whether accented or unaccented, and many of those before consonants, are spoken with much breath. In the tracings, this breath usually increases in strength toward the end. This may in part be due to a gradual accumulation of expelled breath in the tube connecting the mouth and the tambour, but is certainly not the principal cause, since the mouthpiece used did not tightly enclose the lips, and was provided with perforations closed only lightly with cotton. More- over practically every final vowel shows toward its end, if it is long enough, a distinct and often sharp rise, with which it con- cludes. During this rise, which of course means increased stress of breath, the voice-vibrations lose in amplitude, usually ceasing at the moment the breath attains its maximum force (figs. 64, 72). In vowels followed by a consonant, the curve: is often similar. In this case the voice vibrations also cease at the crest of the breath explosion, so far as appears from the breath trac- ings; but simultaneous glottal tracings reveal that in most instances the vocal chords continue to vibrate until the needle indicating the breath movements has again fallen to normal level, when the glottal vibrations cease or change in character for the ensuing surd or sonant consonant (figs. 66, 67). In any event the breath rise is in the vowel, not after it; and where a tracing appears to show the opposite, it is only that the apparatus is not attuned to sufficient delicacy to indicate the diminishing vibra- tions of the vocal chords. That these should diminish is natural, since the structure of the glottis tends to make the amount of ''1911] Kroeber: Phonetic Elements of the Mohave Language. 49 breath and vocalization in inverse ratio. The most significant point is that the aspiration attains its maximum force while the voice-vibration, in other words the vowel, is still going on. The breath therefore is an integral part of the vowel, not an addition. The vowels of Mohave accordingly differ from those of Hupa, which are either unaspirated like those of English, or aspirated through the addition of a sustained but surd breath. Aspirated a in Hupa might therefore not improperly be written ah or a‘; but to represent Mohave a by either of these symbols would be misleading. Mr. Waterman has recently shown? that in Northern Paiute the vowels contain a similar strength of breath; and tracings made by him or the writer from Wintun, Salinan, and Luisefo informants, reveal about the same condition, so that the char- acter of the Athabascan aspirated vowels would seem to be unusual in the Californian region. Papago, an Arizona tongue of the Pima group, however possesses vowels followed by a dis- tinct surd breath. Generally speaking, Mohave vowels contain as much breath as consonants, their tracings being exceeded in height only by those of the explosions of final stops. That the tracings present much variability in this regard is due in part to the use of dif- ferent tambours, the rubber diaphragms of which vary in sensi- tiveness to vibrations of different pitch and in susceptibility to large movements such as are caused by the breath. The tracings of vowels adjacent to voiced continuants, such as w, y, r, l, ly, show a less distinct rise, and the point of demarca- tion between vowel and consonant is usually not discernible in the record (figs. 81, 82, 91, 107, 112). This indicates that in combinations like orro or elye the amount of breath is fairly constant until the final acceleration, when the voice of the ulti- mate vowel begins to die away and its aspiration increases cor- respondingly. There is no organic nasalization of vowels in Mohave, although tracings regularly show a transmission of vocalization through the nose as well as the mouth, probably in direct proportion to 2 Present series, x, 13-44, 1911. ''50 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 the stress of the vowel (figs. 47-53). This transmission may take place through the solid parts of palate and nose rather than directly through the naso-oral air-chamber. u, U The back vowel shows little lip rounding (figs. 1, 6) and is open or broad in quality. For this reason it has been indicated when long by t, the symbol i being associated, in most modern European languages, with closeness as well as length. The false palate used shows practically no contact for this sound (fig. 14). 0, O : The o sound, long or short, also is open and does not affect the palate. It will be seen that the lip position is not very dif- ferent from that of u (figs. 2,7), and in rapid or slovenly speech the two sounds are sometimes hard to distinguish. O is somewhat less common than u. a, a A (figs. 3, 8) is produced with wider lip opening than other vowels except e, and, the tongue lying flat, the palate is not touched. Long a has been represented by 4, as its quality is that usually associated with this symbol. A is the most common of the vowels. When a is unaccented and short, at the beginning and end of words and syllables, it is usually very much slurred, so as to lose much of its distinctive quality or to become entirely inaudible. This is perhaps sometimes accompanied by incomplete laying fiat of the tongue, owing to the influence of the following or preced- ing sound making itself felt in the very brief interval that the vowel lasts. The resulting short colorless vowel has usually been heard and written as possessing more of an e-timbre than any other quality ; but in every instance of slow and careful enuncia- tion such neutral e sounds are recognizable as merely brief or weakly voiced renditions of ordinary a. It is probable that every Mohave stem word, and every syn- tactical word except those closing in a few grammatical termina- tions like -k, -te, and -m, ends in a vowel. Since many words have the accent on other than the ultimate syllable, abbreviated final -a is very common. As in rapid or even in ordinary speech ''1911] Kroeber: Phonetic Elements of the Mohave Language. 51 it is usually inaudible, especially after stops, the question arises whether this a is not slurred to the extent of being whispered or even unvoiced. This does not seem to be the case; for all success- ful kymograph tracings show glottal and often even breath vibra- tions for this final sound. Ama’t-a, earth, may be heard as ama't: or even mat-, but in carefully made tracings always appears as ama’t-a. It is true that informants are likely to speak with more than usual effort at clear enunciation in producing tracings, so that even uniformity of these visible records can hardly be taken as an absolute indication of the practice followed in normal speech; but it is a fact that this final a has always been heard either as a voiced vowel or not at all, never as a surd echo. Informants have also never criticised the rendition of the sound in question by a voiced a. This contrasts markedly with the prac- tice of Papago, in which true surd final vowels occur. The dif- ference extends to other Indian languages. In the Shoshonean group, for instance, Ute is said by Dr. Sapir® to possess surd vowels. Northern Paiute,* on the other hand, shows some tendency to slur final vowels, much as does Mohave, but without their attaining surdness. The same is true of Luisefio. The situation in Mohave therefore resembles the case of Eng- lish as regards many of its short unaccented vowels. Although the slurred vowel in Mohave is always a, it remains, however, to be ascertained by comparison with related languages whether it always represents original a. Unaccented initial or final a is weakened in composition; aha, water, but almost ha-’avu'lypo and ha’-kuvilya (fig. 113), place- names; aha’t-a, domestic animal (figs. 90, 141), horse, as com- pared with (a)ha’'t--teoqa, dog (figs. 95, 140). e, é E, long é, is spoken with wider aperture of the lips than any other vowel including a, but with little retraction (figs. 4, 9). The tongue is raised until it reaches the gums in the region of the last two molars (fig. 13). E is a less common sound than i. 3 Science, n.s., XXXI, 350-352, 1910. 4 As observed from the informant reported on by Mr. Waterman in the present series, x, 13-44, 1911. ''52 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 ie The lip position for i and i is narrower than for e, but only slightly more retracted (figs. 5, 10). The tongue is considerably more raised anteriorly (fig. 11). This is the most frequent vowel next to a. LABIALS P, v, m, and w are bilabial. There are no labio-dental sounds in Mohave. P The labial stop p is invariably surd during its occlusion. The vocal chords begin to vibrate, somewhat gradually, immediately after the commencement of the explosion of the sound. In some instances this vocalization is exactly simultaneous with the release for the explosion (compare the q in fig. 54), in other cases it is synchronous with the end of the puff as indicated by the highest point reached by the tracing needle (fig. 66); but these are apparently only unintentional variations from the norm of inception of sonancy, which falls in the middle of the explosion (fig. 67). The last part of this sound is therefore voiced and it is more exactly described as an intermediate than as a surd stop. It has usually been heard as intermediate between American English b and p, and was written b nearly as often as p until its nature began to be understood. Essentially the same kind of stop has been found in various positions of articulation in Hupa, Kato, Paiute, Wintun, Salinan, Luisefio, and Papago. In Hupa and Kato entirely surd aspir- ated stops also occur, a circumstance which has led Dr. Goddard to represent the dental and palatal intermediates by the sonant symbols d and g. This should, however, be interpreted as noth- ing more than a matter of orthographic convenience. In Papago and Luisefio final stops are never intermediate but entirely surd and considerably aspirated. In these two idioms there is no question of two distinct classes of stops; the same stop is partly - gonant, or surd and aspirated, according as it does or does not stand before a vowel. This is also the Mohave rule, which is how- ever circumscribed by the fact that all stem words end in vowels, e 5 Present series, x, 7-9, 1911. ''1911] Kroeber: Phonetic Elements of the Mohave Language. 53 and that k is the only stop which, through being a grammatical ending, occurs as the termination of words. P is therefore never final. It has also not been found before the few surd continu- ants, 6, s, and h. It does, however, precede other stops, such as the -k just spoken of; and in these cases it bears no trace of sonancy (fig. 56). In the tracings the explosion of p is usually somewhat lower than that for t; it is, however, both higher and more sudden than that for k. The period of occlusion is normally longer than the period of explosion. With the sensitive tambour mostly used, the record of the occlusion is generally not a straight line, but a slight rise followed by a gentler decline and sometimes a second gradual rise before the needle suddenly rises at a sharp angle to mark the explosion (fig. 106). These membrane undulations during the occlusion probably mark nothing more than rebounds of the needle from the sharp decline at the conclusion of the preceding vowel. The first steep downward stroke of the needle at the beginning of the tracings of medial p might be inter- preted as already part of the occlusion, if simultaneous tracings from the glottis (fig. 67) were not frequently voiced during this descent of the breath needle: indicating that the sound element represented by this stroke is still part of the vowel. The occlusion of initial p and other stops is usually a straight line (fig. 66). It is in accord with what has already been said about the relative amount of breath in Mohave consonants and vowels that the tracing for p, obviously one of the most puffy and easily aspirated of all sounds, rarely surpasses the adjacent vowel curves very greatly in height and sometimes falls below them. Vv V presents no peculiarities beyond being invariably bilabial. In the tracings it is usually rather heavily voiced (figs. 77, 80, 96). In carefully articulated speech it is often reproduced by an ascending and descending curve between the end and beginn- ing of the curves marking the preceding and following vowel (figs. 96, 142). At other times, however, v shows merely a sus- tention of breath at the same level as in the adjacent vowels, or even a drop between them (figs. 113, 117). ''54 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 m M also presents no peculiarities. It is usually of the same length as stopped consonants or spirants, longer than short vowels, and shorter than long vowels. When before p, it is simultaneous with the occlusion of this sound, which is not of greater duration than ordinarily. In such cases the first part of the occlusion is voiced, the second half unvoiced (fig. 60). When m is initial, its sonancy often begins gradually, and at least sometimes does not set in until some time after the lips have been closed (figs. 54, 70). In final m the tracing often shows no explosion whatever, indicating that the lips are parted gradually or not at all (figs. 55, 65, 68). A number of words such as a’mmo, mountain-sheep (figs. 49, 72), amma’ya, sky (fig. 50), hammulye’, ashes (fig. 127), tinya’m-mot-e, not dark, contain an m with prolonged occlusion. This is somewhat less than twice the length of ordinary m. It is impossible to say whether this ‘‘doubled’’ m represents in all cases an assimilation of two consonants or is an organic constit- uent of the language distinct from m. On account of this uncer- tainty, which applies also to a similar lengthening of other con- tinuants, mm has not been reckoned as a separate phonetic element of the language. A few doubtful tracings, as of manya, you (fig. 52), perhaps show long mm in initial position. Should they be confirmed, mm would of course have to be regarded as entirely distinct from m. Like the other labials, m of course does not affect the roof of the mouth. w W is a rare sound, much less common than v, and has not yet been found at the beginning of any word. In careful enuncia- tion it can readily be distinguished from v by the greater round- ing of the lips. It does not appear to differ appreciably from the voiced w of English (figs. 88, 103, 135). INTERDENTALS 6, 8 The fricatives @ and 8, surd and sonant respectively, are ''1911] Kroeber: Phonetic Elements of the Mohave Language. 55 spoken with the tongue between the teeth or against the upper teeth. In some cases the lower part of the upper gums is also touched by the tongue, as shown by palatograms (figs. 16-18). The sounds are essentially the same as the two values of English th. The sonant, 8, is perhaps ‘‘doubled’’ in some words, as ta’8sitea, corn (figs. 61, 92). Surd @ has not yet been found lengthened. Both sounds usually show in tracings as a rounded curve, rising and falling again (figs. 86, 98, 129). In certain other Yuman dialects Mohave 6 is replaced by s. DENTAL-ALVEOLARS The dental or alveolar sounds t, s, n, 1, te, are not all formed at the same point, as the palatograms reveal. t T is usually audible as more truly dental than English t, and sometimes is clearly visible as interdental. Palatograms, how- ever, show that in all cases the tongue is in contact also with the gums (fig. 23). The small untouched anterior area, which is found in all palatal impressions made of this sound, is due to a depression in the informant’s palate which the tongue does not readily fill; but for this individuality, the t-contact would be even more posterior. As regards voice and breath, what has been said of p applies to t. S The surd fricative s is more anterior in articulation than t, the tongue position agreeing with the posterior one sometimes assumed for 6 and 6: touching the upper teeth and lower part of the gums (fig. 19). In the tracings s shows like 6 (fig. 65). In a number of Indian languages the sound has been described as between English s and sh, or somewhat different from both. To some extent this is true of Mohave s, but in its audible effect it approximates rather to s. Informant one’s pronunciation of English s and sh shows that he articulates the former like his s sound, the latter more posteriorly and with troughing of the tongue (figs. 20, 21). S is probably long or doubled in issona’, woodpecker, and appears to be of unusual length in most tracings of sa’maédik, does ''56 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 not know. In as’a’sim, nods repeatedly (fig. 65), a reduplicated form, a probable glottal stop following the first s gives the effect of length of the continuant. n The sound n also differs somewhat from t in place of articu- lation, the contact being on the gums (fig. 22), but following the teeth more regularly than for t. In all other respects n agrees with m, even to its absorption in the occlusion of stops, as in mastamho’inte (figs. 47, 83), and its lengthening in hannava’ (fig. 80) and other words. 1 This lateral sonant continuant is formed by a contact similar to that of n, the breath escaping on the side, in the case of inform- ant one, through the gap caused by the loss of his right molar (fig. 29). The anterior contact is forward of that in English 1. This position has been observed also for Luisefio 1, and in Hupa by Dr. Goddard. In tracings the beginning and end of inter- vocalic 1 can usually not be marked definitely; often the two adjacent vowels and the included | form one nearly straight line, either ascending or descending (figs. 82, 107). Near its incep- tion, however, the curve of 1 sometimes shows a distinct dip, which is even more prominent in the related sound ly. Dr. God- dard has commented on the same feature in Hupa and Kato 1, and it appears regularly in tracings of 1 in Yurok, Wintun, Paiute, Luisefio, and Papago. Dr. Goddard explains the momen- tary dip as probably due to a single lateral movement of the tongue. L is one of the continuants that are lengthened, as in ye'llaka, goose (fig. 108). te The affricative te shows a contact against the roof of the mouth almost identical with that of t (fig. 24). Its tracings re- semble those of stops, the duration of the release which contains the ¢ (8) element not being appreciably longer than the explosion of t or p (figs. 77, 78, 92, 94). The effect of this sound is the same as that of English ch. An apparent lengthened te occurs in aha'tcoqa, dog (figs. ''1911] Kroeber: Phonetic Elements of the Mohave Language. 57 95, 140), really aha’t--tcoqa, from aha’t-a, domestic animal. In a few words, such as aha’nya-mi'tsqurqa, a species of frog (fig. 87), and a’tsqeuqa, a bird (fig. 137), probably the bittern, ts was consistently heard and written. This ts is likely to be only a varying apperception of te, or possibly a modification of it by the following velar k. ALVEOLAR-PREPALATALS The alveolar-prepalatal sounds of Mohave are probably even less related to one another than the dental-alveolar class. They comprise t-, ny, ly, r, and y. t: For lack of a convenient typographical symbol, this character has been employed to designate a t formed slightly farther back than the t discussed. With careful enunciation the tongue touches the palate only over a narrow band back of the gums above the front teeth. The gums proper, as well as the teeth, are entirely free. Along the sides of the mouth, however, the tongue is less elevated than for t (fig. 26). Towards the rear of the palate, therefore, t- is more alveolar and less palatal than t. When t: is less carefully pronounced, the tongue touches the gums as well as the fore-palate (fig. 25). In such cases the palatal con- tact for t- is very similar to that for t, but can nevertheless be distinguished from it by a greater width of untouched palate in the region of the first molars. The purest contact for t- is very similar to that for r (fig. 27), which is no doubt the cause of an audible r tinge in the stop. Such words as amat-a, earth, and ahat-a, horse, were at first consistently written amarta and aharta. A back or palatal t distinct from front or dental t is found in a number of the native languages of California, including Luisefio, Yokuts, Salinan, Costanoan, Yuki, and perhaps Pomo and Miwok. In Yokuts and Salinan the r-tinge is also characteristically audible, but, in contrast to Mohave, after the t. In Yuki the r-affection is lacking, and the effect of the sound resembles that of te. T- has not been found initially in Mohave. As _ regards sonancy, aspiration, and length it is identical with t. ''58 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 ny A palatalized n, which is of course a simple sound, is as common as dental n. At the middle incisors, the tongue touches the palate but little farther back than for n. Farther to the rear, however, the tongue is more raised and in contact with a greater expanse of the roof of the mouth, until, in the region of the second molars, or the interstices between the first and second molars, the tongue touches the palate in a complete or nearly complete transverse band. From there back, the tongue becomes more and more depressed, until at the posterior end of the last molar it is in contact only with the gum. The palatograms repro- duced in figures 31 to 33 show the degree of variability in the production of this sound. Tracings of ny from the mouth sometimes evince vibrations (fig. 63), which must be referred to vocalization transmitted through the buccal opening on account of imperfect closure be- tween tongue and palate. In some words, such as ma’nya (fig. 52), ny is short as compared with the vowels; in anya’ (fig. 48) and nyamadéa’m (fig. 51) it is long. The double letter ny is of course orthographically incorrect for a simple sound. It has, however, been chosen as the only typographical facility available other than fi, the employment of which seemed undesirable on account of the almost standardized use of this character to denote ng in American languages. ly Ly is a palatalized sonant 1 which is more common than the unpalatalized sound. It corresponds to surd | or surd tl of some other Yuman dialects. The palatalization is less thorough than for ny, particularly the complete contact across the palate at the second molars being absent. Some portion of the entire length of the roof of the mouth is however touched, as the palatogram (fig. 30) shows. If this contact were simultaneous for all parts, a complete closure would be formed, resulting in a stop. The sound is however a continuant, so that one part of the contact must be made and concluded before the remainder begins. Nevertheless the sound is not merely 1 plus y, for a superposition of palatograms for 1 and y (figs. 29 and 12) gives Bie ha i Da ''OTE] Kroeber: Phonetic Elements of the Mohave Language. 59 a different contact. In kymograph tracings ly shows heavy voice vibrations (figs. 54, 91), and regularly presents the dip already mentioned as characteristic of 1 (figs. 1138, 117). r A short trilled r is found in Mohave. The tip of the tongue is flicked a few times against the top of the gums (fig. 27). The contact is a little lower and more forward than for t-. Figure 28 shows by contrast a palatogram of English r as spoken by the informant. In the tracings r not only appears as well voiced, but presents undulations corresponding to the movements of the tongue. In some cases the undulations begin in what seems clearly to be part of the preceding vowel (figs. 79, 111, 115, 142, 144), or continue into the following one (fig. 101). It may be that the tongue, anticipating the ensuing r, begins to ‘‘roll’’ slightly, though without touching the roof of the mouth, during the progress of the vowel. R is one of the continuants found in lengthened form, writ- ten rr. For informant one, the number of tongue movements in r varies from one (figs. 87, 111) to four (figs. 56, 79, 85, 89), averaging two (figs. 75, 94); in rr, from two to seven, with an average of three or four (figs. 59, 101). Informant two, who habitually speaks faster than his companion, makes only one or two tongue movements for r (figs. 139, 142, 144), and two (fig. 136) or sometimes three or four (fig. 125) for rr. R is a rare sound initially. y Y, which occurs both initially and medially, is formed with a somewhat greater contact of the tongue on the palate (fig. 12) than i (fig. 11). In tracings it is usually impossible to separate from the adjacent vowels (figs. 81, 132, 134). An apparent diphthong ai is resolved, in careful enunciation, into aya. Thus amma’ya (fig. 50), se’lyea’ya, usually heard as ammaii, se’lyea’i. POSTPALATALS AND VELARS k, q, kw, qw The back consonants of Mohave are all stops, but are four in number. Organic palatal k can be distinguished from or- ''60 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 ganic velar k, designated by gq. Hach of these is spoken both with the lips in normal position and with the lips rounded. Hence the labialized palatal kw and velar qw, which are simple sounds. Both in tracings and palatal position kw and qw are indistinguishable respectively from k and q. In sonancy, breath, and length, all four of these sounds agree with the stops previously described. K is the only stop that has been found finally in words. In this position it is entirely surd, and with a more strongly aspirated and longer sustained explosion than otherwise (figs. 56, 82, 105). In this it agrees with final tc. The tracings for all the k sounds differ somewhat in shape from those of p, t, t-, and tc. In most in- stances the descent of the needle to mark the beginning of the occlusion is more gradual, the horizontal line indicating the period of total closure shorter, and the ascending line produced by the explosion less nearly vertical, than for the anterior stops. In extreme cases the tracing for k or q therefore has the shape of a capital V (figs. 67, 78, 113), as compared with the vertical, horizontal, and vertical strokes produced by a p or t. This - difference indicates that the approach of the articulating parts is more gradual for k than for the anterior sounds. It is ob- vious that the lips and the tongue-end, being more mobile than the back of the tongue, make contact with more of an edge and more suddenly. When the rear of the tongue touches the back hard palate or the velum, it is one rounded surface that ap- proaches another. The greater time consumed in making the closure complete and again removing it, seems to be at the ex- pense of the closure itself: the total duration of k is the same as that of p and t. Q is audibly distinct from k chiefly in being produced with greater muscular exertion. It frequently sounds forced or labored. The contact of both k and q varies somewhat, and in many words positions can sometimes be obtained for k which are as posterior as some of the anterior contacts of q. In most in- stances, however, the average articulation of the two sounds is distinct on the false palate as well as audibly, the k-position of ''1911] Kroeber: Phonetic Elements of the Mohave Language. 61 only a few words, such as qara’é’rva (figs. 89, 142), being difficult to determine. The organic difference between k and q, or kw and qw, is of course entirely independent of the varying positions assumed by the tongue, in Mohave as in other languages, as k precedes a front or a back vowel. In k in its normal position, as before a, the tongue touches the palate from the second molar back. The false palate used was cut off squarely at the rear of the last molars. In about half of the impressions made, the contact extended entirely across the false palate, or nearly across it, in a narrow band along the hind edge (figs. 37, 38); in the other instances the contact did not show and was therefore more posterior (figs. 39, 40). The contact is apparently firmest between the middle of the tongue and the roof of the mouth; in several cases por- tions of the gum immediately adjacent to the last molar or two were touched but lightly or not at all. For k before u the posi- tion is practically identical, but probably slightly more pos- terior (figs. 35, 36). K before i, however, is much more an- terior. It did not seem feasible to obtain reliable palatograms of this sound without the following i. The impressions taken therefore include both k and i, but as the i-contact proves to be much smaller than that for ki, the whole of the latter must be regarded as due to the k (fig. 34). It can be seen that the palate is completely covered by the tongue as far forward as the second molars; and even forward of this line the k-contact rises higher up from the teeth toward the median line of the palate than that of i. In q and qw the middle of the false palate was never touched by the tongue. In many cases there was a small area of contact in the region of the hindmost teeth, but usually not adjacent to them (figs. 42, 43). In other instances, especially in the word aqa’qa, raven, whose onomatopoetic origin perhaps induces an extra effort at throaty articulation, the false palate was practically or entirely untouched (figs. 44, 45, 46). These results indicate that at least the principal contact in q and qw is really velar. ''62 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 Kw is a common sound, qw hardly less so. Q is probably not as frequent as k, but is by no means rare. The nasal continuant in k position does not occur in the language, although the Mohave pronounce it without difficulty and employ it frequently in the distorted forms which words assume in their songs. BREATHS AND GLOTTAL STOPS h and ‘ There are two h sounds in Mohave, which probably corre- spond very nearly to the two indicated by the same symbols in Yana by Dr. Sapir. The sound ‘, which has been estab- lished only as an initial, is faint, and usually escapes obser- vation until some familiarity with the language has been ac- quired. It occurs most frequently as a prefix indicating the third person possessive or subjective in nouns and verbs. In tracings ‘ is often invisible (figs. 58, 67), at other times shows as a slight and short bulge in the upward rise preceding vowels (figs. 55, 94). The sound may be compared to the Cockney h. H is medial as well as initial, and even final in syllables, as in ahma’, quail, ahta’, cane, ah’a’, cottonwood. It ordinarily presents a more pronounced and longer rise and fall than ‘ in tracings, but its curve when initial is nevertheless quite modest (figs. 93, 99). It sounds stronger when it follows a vowel, but in tracings generally only carries on the final upward curve of the preceding vowel (figs. 109, 110, 119), except when it is suc- ceeded by a consonant, which normally increases its vigor (figs. 76, 104, 118). After stopped consonants, as in ma’thak, north (figs. 70, 97), it appears as a distinct sharp rise and fall imme- diately after the explosion of the stop. It has similar quality in marho’ (fig. 115), and mastamho’inte (figs. 47, 83). A num- ber of tracings of the word hama’khava (fig. 93), however, have a different character, the explosion of the k and the h being apparently combined into one expulsion of breath, which differs from the explosion of ordinary medial k in being higher, sharper, and entirely surd. To the ear, h, especially when preceded by a vowel, has 6 Present series, 1x, 5, 1910. GS NO a aa eth ''1911] Kroeber: Phonetic Elements of the Mohave Language. 63 something of the quality of a fricative in k-position. Breath tracings also usually show distinct vibrations (figs. 76, 84, 90, 95, 110). As synchronous tracings from the larynx are how- ever entirely smooth, it is clear that the sound is purely surd and that its vibrations are due to friction produced by constric- tion at some point above the glottis. The quality of the sound makes it probable that the constriction is in the region of the rear palate. Dr. Goddard has described the same phenomenon in connection with the h of Hupa and Kato,’ Mr. Waterman has determined it for Paiute, Dr. Sapir indicates it for Yana,° and it extends also to other languages, such as Yuki.’® In all these tongues the sound has been recognized as essentially an h in spite of its approach to fricative character. A sound often heard as hw, even xw, seems to be a combi- nation of h with short unaccented o preceding another vowel: hoa’lya, hoa’mi. Glottal stops have not been heard or determined at the be- ginning or end of words, but occur as organic constituents within words and between vowels that are brought into juxta- position by the compounding of words or stems (figs. 66, 68, 78, 89, 124). In rapid speech they are likely to be slurred out of existence, especially by informant two (figs. 78, 100, 124, 142). They appear after a number of continuant consonants, as in a0’i’, salt, ah’a’, cottonwood (figs. 55, 62, 65, 120), but are doubt- ful after stops (fig. 79). A glottal stop shows in a breath trac- ing as a low, nearly level line; it is the same in a record from the glottis. STRESS AND PITCH ACCENT Many Mohave words are to our ears definitely accented on the last syllable. Such are anya’, sun, haly’a’, moon, a@’7, salt, avi’, stone, ipa’, man, kwa6i8é’, shaman, hamo’k, three, teimpa’pk, four, nyamaéai’m, tomorrow, ahmo’, mortar, melyeqe’, throat. When the stress is on any syllable preceding the final, it is some- 7 Present series, v, 12, 1907; x1. 8x, 24, 1911. 9x 5) 1910, 10 x, 11, 1911. ''64 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 times fairly well marked, as in ka’veik, south, pa’ya, all, ma’nya, you, sa’maéik, does not know, vi’ka, seven, i’‘wa, my mouth, denya’a’ka, woman; or more frequently is so evenly balanced that it seems to rest on two syllables. Thus aha’t-teoga or ahat-teo’qa, dog, a’laik or ala’ik, is bad, a’lakwisa or ala’kwisa, a tribal name, ama’t-a or a’mat-a, earth, amma’ya or a’mmaya, sky, a’mmo or ammo’, mountain-sheep, mi’ht or mihw’, your nose, a’tsqeuga or atsqe’uga, a bird, o’tura or Ott’ra, gambling poles, ma’t’ara or mat’a’ra, playground, hama’khava or ha’mak- hava, Mohave, so’qwilya or soqwi/lya, a hawk, dokupi’ta or so’kupita, owl, in each of which pairs the first form seems to the writer the more correct, though the other has also been heard. Of more importance than stress in the accentuation is pitch. While the writer’s ear is poorly trained for the observation of this quality, he finally received the impression that that syl- lable of a word which appeared to be most strongly stressed was spoken in a higher pitch than the others. Measurements of wave lengths made in a number of tracings that are of large enough size to render this procedure feasible, corroborated this subjective judgment. Thus it was ascertained that in O’tura, ‘i/ptka, ta’SSitea, vi‘ka, ammo, ama’t-a, ma’nya, mastamho'inte, orrd’, ihne’, the vowel indicated by the accent was from one to three or four full tones of the diatonic scale higher than the other vowels. The average vibration rate per second for the raised sylla- ble is twenty-five per cent, or a major third, above that of the remainder of the word, irrespective of the position of this syl- lable. The only exception was vara, no, which was always heard stressed on the first syllable, but in most of the tracings avail- able appears to have the second a higher-pitched. In words like ama’t-a, ‘i’puka, ta’8Sitca, the final short or slurred a is normally considerably lower in tone than both preceding syllables. The contrast in pitch is particularly striking in a’ha, water, ah’a’, cottonwood; and 4’ve, rattlesnake, avé’, mouse. It must be observed, however, that in ah’a’ and avé’ the higher-pitched vowel also sounds stressed; in a’ha and @’ve, on the other hand, ''1911] Kroeber: Phonetic Elements of the Mohave Language. 65 the stress on the first syllable is usually apparent only when the words are compared with their counterparts. A’mmo, tira, ama’t-a, and other words which were varyingly written while attention was being given only to force of utterance, are also uniformly spoken with higher pitch on the vowels marked. As a similar doubt as to stress rarely arose concerning words which subsequently proved to have the last syllable high-pitched, it seems probable that increased stress and higher tone coincide in words accented on the ultimate, but that when the accent falls elsewhere it consists only of a rise in pitch, which to the English ear has at first somewhat the appearance of more forc- ible utterance. Or the difference may be due to the fact that the English ear is less accustomed to a final rise and therefore notes it more readily. It is also possible that a sharply rising tone may have to be distinguished from a less noticeable high but level tone, or a circumflex one; but the tracings secured are scarcely sufficiently delicate in pitch indication to determine. At any rate it seems clear that heightened pitch rather than increased stress constitutes the normal accent in Mohave. A similar condition appears to characterize the Yurok lan- guage of the opposite end of California. This is however the only tongue in the state for which pitch-accent has as yet been definitely determined. Dr. Goddard denies any considerable function of pitch in his careful analyses of Hupa and Kato.” Dr. Sapir does not indicate the quality in his writing of Yana,” and Mr. Waterman has failed to find it in Northern Paiute.%* The writer has observed pitch inflections in Papago, but as they consist only of a regular falling of tone in the course of all words, they scarcely constitute an accent. For the other lan- guages of the area observations are however still too imperfect to be worth much, so that the status of Mohave may prove to be by no means exceptional. 11 y, 18, 1907; xr. 121x, 1-235, 1910. 18x, 13-44, 1911. ''66 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 10 PITCH VALUES OF VOWELS OF MOHAVE WORDS The number of vibrations per centimeter of tracing, corresponding to about one-fifth of a second duration, was found to be as follows in one or more tracings of the subjoined words. Many records were obtained in a low-pitched voice, to which the tambours used were more sensitive. aha: a', 003 a, a0: ah’a’: a, 32, 38, 26; 4’, 40, 41, 37. ave: 4’, 33, 35; e, 29, 29. Avé’: a, 32, 31; @’, 38, 40. vi'ka: 1’, 37; a, 23. orrd’: 0, 30, 31; 6’, 41, 44. Otura? 0%, 30;31; 0,27, 24. a’mmo: a’, 34, 48, 41; mm, 36, 43, 41; 0, 29, 38, 33. ama't.a: a, 38, 32; m, 35, 39; a’, 46, 46; a, 29, 30. ta’dditea: a’, 32; i, 29; a, 23. fipuka: 1/30; u, 27; a, 23. mastamho’inte: a, 34; a, 38; 0/1, 40. nyamaéa’m: a, 31; a, 31; a’, 38. ihne’: i, 31, 34, 31; e’, 31, 37, 34. ma’nya: 4’, 45, 50, 52; a, 45, 39, 45. va’ra: 4’, 37, 25, 34; a, 37, 27, 41. ''ae Be Ts a '' EXPLANATION OF PLATE 6 Lip-positions for vowels. Informant one: Fig. 1.—u in i’/ht, my nose. Fig. 2.—o in 160’, my tooth. Fig. 3.—a in ah’a’, cottonwood. Fig. 4.—e in ave’, mouse. Fig. 5.—i in a0’1’, salt. Informant two: Fig. 6.—u in i/hi, my nose. Fig. 7.—o in 160’, my tooth. Fig. 8.—a in ah’a’, cottonwood. Fig. 9.—e in avé’, mouse. Fig. 10.—i in a@’1,, salt. [68] '' UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN [KROEBER] REARE 6 MOHAVE LIP POSITIONS. '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 7 Palatograms from informant one. 11.—1i in avi’, mountain. 12.—y in aya’, mesquite bean. . 13.—e in Avé’, mouse. 14.—u, part of iyt’m, seeing. 15.—w in wa, part of avi’-waéa, the name of a place. 16.—#6 in 6a, part of Oara’pk, five. 17.—6 in aé, part of a6’1’, salt. 18.—6 in a6. ; 19.—s in aspa’, eagle. 20.—English s in so. 21.—English sh in show. 22.—n in na, part of na’maéa, raccoon. ''UNIV. GAEIP: PUBL: AM. ARGH. & EEN. [KROEBER] PLATE 7 19 uw ISw i6 0 [I Rey | tele Ao ‘i ci |g d TT fee eu Hi Pe PILE ZO Eng s el Eng sh PALATOGRAMS OF MOHAVE SOUNDS. '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 8 _ Palatograms from informant one. ‘Fig. 23—t in ahta’, cane. Fig. 24.te in hatea’, Pleiades. ‘Figs. 25, 26.—t- in ama’t.a, earth. Fig. 27.1 in arra’, interjection of astonishment. ; Fig. 28.—English r in row. Fig. 29.—1 in lap, part of lapala’pa, flat. 0.—ly in haly’a’, moon. 31, 32.—ny in anya’, sun. 33.—ny in ma’/nya, you. g. 84.—ki, part of ki’dik, come here! ''UNIV. CALIF. PUBL, AM, ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 10 [KROEBER] PLATE 8 p A ail [WS as Pe eer ody mee) FHT PHA HHH eee eee i ey e6t COG on an rat 7 ele ti aE [| i Ss aH (HTH YT i HH Ae VT i! 291 PALATOGRAMS OF MOHAVE SOUNDS. '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 9 Palatograms from informant one. a - ‘Figs. 35, 36.—k before u in kupo’, carrying frame. | “Fig. 37. —k in ka, part of ka’ navak, tell. Figs. 38, 39. —kw in kwa, part of kewasioe’, medicine-man. Fig. 40.—k in papk, part of teimpa’pk, four. . | Figs. 41, 42.—q, possibly k, in qa, part of qara’é’rva, name of a place. _ ‘Figs. 43, 44.—qw and q in aqwa’qa, deer. Fig. 45.—qw in qwa, part of qwalyinyo’, tule. Fig. 46.—q in aq§’qa, raven. ''UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 10 [KROEBER] PLATE 9 Sey a Sc ka | | 59 kwa 40 -k 41 qa 42aa 43 qwa Lh 44g qwa 45 qwa 46 qe PALATOGRAMS OF MOHAVE SOUNDS. '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 10 Tracings from the nose and mouth of informant one; nose above. Fig. 47.—mastamho’inte, syntactical form of mastamho’, an important mythological character. Cf. fig. 83. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. 48.— anya’, sun. 49.—a’mmo, mountain-sheep. Cf. fig. 72. 50.—amma’ya, sky. 51.—nyamaéa’m, tomorrow. Cf. fig. 86. 52.—ma’nya, you. 53.—na'maéa, raccoon. [76] ''UNIV, CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL, 10 [KROEBER] PLATE 10 WMoease Peamh ol on te 47 TRACINGS OF MOHAVE WORDS. '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 11 Tracings from the mouth and glottis of informant one; glottis below. Fig. 54.—melyeqe’, throat. Cf. fig. 91. Fig. 55.—‘iv’a’um, standing. Cf. fig. 100. Fig. 56.—éara’pk, five. Fig. 57.—ama’t.a, earth. Cf. fig. 122. Fig. 58.—‘i’puik, dead. Fig. 59.—orrd’, the nighthawk. Cf. figs. 101, 133. [78] ''UNIV, CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH, & ETHN, [KROEBER] PLATE II TRACINGS OF MOHAVE WORDS. '' '' ''Tracings from the mouth and glottis of informant one; glottis below, except Fig. EXPLANATION OF PLATE 12 in fig. 65. 60.—tcimpa’pk, four. Fig. 61.—ta‘dditea, corn. Cf. fig. 92. Fig . 62.—aG’l’, salt. Fig. 63.—inye’pa, I. Fig. Fig. 64.—vi'ka, seven. 65.—as’a’sim, nodding repeatedly. [80] ''[KROEBER] PLATE 12 UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH, & ETHN. MOHAVE WORDS. TRACINGS OF '' '' ''Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. EXPLANATION OF PLATE 13 Tracings from the mouth and glottis of informant one. 66.—pi’ipa’, somebody. Glottal tracing above. Cf. fig. 124. 67.—‘i’puka, its end or beginning. Glottal tracing above. 68.—ka’i’m, give! Glottal tracing above. 69.—a’htot.a, grape-vine. Glottal tracing above. 70.—ma’thak, wind, north. Glottal tracing above. Cf. fig. 97. 71.—ka'veik, south. Glottal tracing above. Cf. fig. 105. 72.—a’mmo, mountain-sheep. Glottal tracing below. Cf. fig. 49. 73.—A’ve, rattlesnake. Glottal tracing below. Cf. fig. 123. 74,—avé’, mouse. Glottal tracing below. [82] ''[KROEBER] PLATE 13 THN. = c UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH, & TRACINGS OF MOHAVE WORDS. '' '' '' EXPLANATION OF PLATE 14 Tracings from the mouth of informant one. Fig. 75.—0’tura, gambling poles. Cf. fig. 121. Fig. 76.—ihne’, drift-wood. Fig. 77.—va’ptite, nothing. An a that has not been heard appears be- tween the p and t. Cf. fig. 143. Fig. 78.—kwora’a’koé’vite, elder brother, from kwora’a’/ka, old man, and o’é’vite. The glottal stop in the latter word, and that which should separate the two elements of the compound, do not show in the tracing and have probably been slurred out. [84] ''UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. [KROEBER] PLATE 14 kw 0 wea ae Koy epee MU. 78 TRACINGS OF MOHAVE WORDS. '' ''ashe He Me a ''Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. EXPLANATION OF PLATE 15 Tracings from the mouth of informant one. 79.—ma’t’ara, play-ground, field. 80.—hannava’, an insect. 81.—aya’, mesquite bean. Cf. fig. 134. 82.—a’laik, bad. 83.—mastamho’inte, a mythological character. Cf. fig. 47. 84.—dta’ha, dice. 85.—va’ra, no. Cf. fig. 139. 86.—nyamaéa’m, tomorrow. Cf. fig. 51. 87.—mi'tsqurqa, part of aha’nya-mi’tsqurqa, a certain kind of frog. Ts perhaps equals te. [86] ''UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN [KROEBER] PLATE 15 mas bt am how 835 84 9! 3 ny a ona, oe 8S TRACINGS OF MOHAVE WORDS. '' '' ''Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. EXPLANATION OF PLATE 16 Tracings from the mouth of informant one. 88.—avi’-wada, name of a place. 89.—gqara’é’rva, name of a place. The initial may be k. Cf. fig. 142. 90.—aha’t-a, domestie animal, now horse. Cf. fig. 141. 91.—melyege’, throat. Cf. fig. 54. 92.—ta’dditea, corn. Cf. fig. 61. 93.—hama’/khava, Mohave. 94.‘ itcie’rqa, its excrement. 95.—aha’t-teoqa, dog. From aha’t-a (fig. 90). Cf. fig. 140. 96.—ava’, house. [88] ''UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. [KROEBER] PLATE l6 TRACINGS OF MOHAVE WORDS. '' '' ''Fig. Fig. EXPLANATION OF PLATE 17 Tracings from the mouth of informant one. 97.—ma’thak, wind, north. Cf. fig. 70. 98.—id0’-kuvai’ra, name of a place. A glottal stop has usually been heard between a and i. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. 99.—hamo’k, three. 100.—iv’a’um, standing. Cf. fig. 55. 101.—orr0’, the nighthawk. Cf. figs. 59, 133. 102.—ko're, now, well, then, come. Cf. fig. 144. 103.—i’wa, my heart. Cf. fig. 185. 104.—ahta’, cane. 105.—ka'veik, south. Cf. fig. 71. 106.—dokupi’ta, owl. [90] ''UNIV. CALIF. PUBE AM. ARCH cc EREN: VOLE. 10 PAROEBER | EAE. |? TRACINGS OF MOHAVE WORDS. '' '' ''Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. EXPLANATION OF PLATE 18. Tracings from the mouth of informant one. 107.—lilim, fiy slowly. 108.—ye'llaka, wild goose. 109.—i’hi, my nose. 110.—‘*i’ht, his nose. Cf. fig. 119. 111.—meremé’rem, straight. 112.—arra’, interjection of astonishment. Cf. fig. 136. 113.—aha’-kuvi'/lya, name of a place. 114.—arra’, interjection of surprised fear. 115.—marho’, fox. 116.—sd’qwilya, a species of hawk. 117.—ma’tavilya, a mythical character. 118.—ahmo’, mortar. [92] oka ''UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 10 [KROEBER] PLATE 18 ico tae Nae Mica ahmo WW? "8 TRACINGS OF MOHAVE WORDS. ''e eh ¥ '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 19 Tracings from the mouth of informants two and one. Informant two: Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. 119.‘ i’hi, his nose. Cf. fig. 110. 120.—ah’a’, cottonwood. 121.—0’tira, gambling poles. Cf. fig. 75. 122.—ama’t-a, earth. Cf. fig. 57. 123.—a’ve, rattlesnake. Cf. fig. 73. 124,.—-pi’ipa’, somebody. The glottal stop seems to have been slurred out. Cf. fig. 66. Informant one: Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. 125.—qi'trrim, fly fast. 126.—ahpe’, metate. 127.—hammulye’, ashes. 128.—ipa’, man. 129.—00’/msum, but. 130.—ipa’, arrow. 131.—memepi’ka, knee. Probably from i’me, my leg. 132.—pa’ya, all. [94] '' UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 10 [KROEBER] PLATE 19 12\ ae / is Rd al erg open eee i2S 124 a © ry oom Oo a ete. ts 126 129 {150 131 IS2 TRACINGS OF MOHAVE WORDS. '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 20 Tracings from the mouth of informant two. Fig. 133.—orrd’, the nighthawk. Cf. figs. 59, 101. Fig. 134.—aya’, mesquite bean. Cf. fig. 81. Fig. 135.—i'wa, my heart. Cf. fig. 103. Fig. 136.—arra’, interjection of astonishment. Cf. fig. 112. Fig. 137.—a’tsqeuqa, a bird, probably the bittern. Fig. 138.—alyha’, hermaphrodite. Fig. 139.—va’ra, no. Cf. fig. 85. Fig. 140.—aha’t-teoqa, dog. The initial a seems to have been slurred out of existence. Cf. fig. 95. Fig. 141.—aha’t-a, domestic animal, horse. Cf. fig. 90. Fig. 142.—qara’é/rva, name of a place. The glottal stop is slurred over. Cf. fig. 89. Fig. 143.—va’ptite, nothing. The word seems derived from va’ra, no (figs. 85, 189). The undulations of the tracing of 4 suggest a fol- lowing r, which however does not appear in the tracings and has not been heard. Cf. fig. 77. Fig. 144.—ko’re, now, well, then, come. Cf. fig. 102. [96] ''UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH, & ERHN, VOL. 10 [KROEBER] PLATE 20 fi! pas” tf in TRACINGS OF MOHAVE WORDS. '' ''UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 10, No. 4, pp. 97-240, pls. 21-37 December 14, 1912 THE ETHNOLOGY OF THE SALINAN INDIANS BY J. ALDEN MASON CONTENTS PAGE Introduction 99 Geography 101 Nomenclature 101 Habitat and Boundaries 102 Topography 103 Divisions 104 Village and Place Names 106 History : 108 Pre-mission Period 108 Mission Period 112 Post-mission Period 116 Economic Life 117 Food 11 Hunting and Fishing 123 Architecture 125 Dress and Personal Adornment 127 Transportation 130 Material Standards 13d Currency 131 Measures 133 Numerical System 134 Manufactures 136 Work in Stone 136 Work in Other Materials 141 Basketry 143 Aesthetic Life 153 Decorative Art 153 Music 156 Social Life 159 ''98 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vou. 10 Personal Relations Birth Puberty Marriage Sickness Death Family Relations Terms of Relationship Social Relations Government Games Dances Trade Warfare Religious Life Religious Conceptions Shamanism Charms Use of Tobacco Mythology The Beginning of the World The Creation of Men and Women The Destruction of the Evil Monsters Mythological Notes Tales of the Missions Conclusion Appendix Physical Anthropology Psychological Tests San Miguel Food Materials 159 159 161 162 164 166 169 169 173 173 175 LT 179 180 181 182 183 185 185 186 190 191 192 194 195 197 202 202 204 206 ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 99 INTRODUCTION The major part of the material embodied in the present paper was collected in Monterey County, California, during the month of September, 1910, while the writer was enjoying the facilities afforded to him by the University of California as University Fellow in Anthropology at that institution. The oldest two members of the stock, Perfecta Encinales of the San Miguel, and José Cruz of the San Antonio division, afforded information through various interpreters, foremost among whom was J. Alonzo Forbes, Esq., Justice of the Peace of San Antonio Township, who performed the same service for Dr. H. W. Hen- shaw in 1884. Many thanks are due to him for his kindly aid, and also to Miss Muriel Dutton for her kind permission to inspect and photograph many objects of ethnological and archaeological interest in Dutton’s Museum, at Jolon. Indebtedness must also be acknowledged to the authorities of the Academy of Pacific Coast History—the ‘‘Bancroft Library’’—of the University of California for permission and aid in inspecting their records, and particularly to Miss M. H. Van Gulpen for permission to read her manuscript translation of Fages.1 As data on many important points was entirely missing, due to the almost complete loss of aboriginal culture among the present Indians of the northern missions, material has been incorporated from various other sources. Through the courtesy of the Bureau of American Ethnology access has been had to certain ethnological notes collected by Dr. Henshaw in 1884 from informants now deceased, and other items of importance have been gleaned from the writings of various travellers and visitors to the missions. Notable among the latter is Alexander S. Taylor, who visited the missions in 1856, sent many of his manuscripts and other material of the mission period to Wash- ington, and recounted his observations in The California Farmer in 1860. Little attempt has been made to give the scientific names of 1 See note 9. ''100 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vou. 10 plants or animals mentioned, as it was usually impossible to secure specimens or descriptions sufficiently accurate for identi- fication. Native names, when given, are generally of the San Miguel dialect. San Antonio words are accompanied by the symbol (A). As the matter of Salinan phonology and linguistics will be dealt with exhaustively in other papers, merely a brief descrip- tion of the values of characters used in native words will be given here. DP; P's: pi Intermediate-sonant, aspirate and fortis bilabial stops respectively. t, t,t! Intermediate-sonant, aspirate and fortis dental stops. t, 6%, 6! Intermediate-sonant, aspirate and fortis tongue-blade alveolar stops. These are common sounds in several stocks surrounding the Salinan. While simple sounds, they resemble a t with following r glide, and have generally been written tr by untrained English-speaking observers. They are produced by the blade of the tongue instead of the tip, and with a difference in the release, producing a semi- affricative effect approaching te. : ek il Intermediate-sonant, aspirate and fortis palatal stops. ts, ts! Intermediate-sonant and fortis dental affricatives. te, te! Intermediate-sonant and fortis alveolar affricatives (¢=—sh); s Dental sibilant, like English s. ¢e Alveolar sibilant. Acoustically midway between English s and sh. h, x Voiceless spirants of less and greater palatal friction. Tau Sonant and surd variants of lateral intermediate. The degree of sonancy depends on position in word. m, M; n, N Sonant and surd variants of nasal intermediates. The degree of sonancy depends on position in word. w, y As in English. : Glottal stop or catch. * Aspiration. : Nasalization a, e, i, 0, u Vowels possessing their usual phonetic values. They are generally and normally open. In some words a close quality is approached which has not been here differentiated. A As in English ‘‘but.’’ E Indeterminate vowel, as in English ‘‘sir’’ with sup- pressed r. ''ey 1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 101 GEOGRAPHY NOMENCLATURE The existence of the Salinan family as an independent lin- guistic stock was first definitely settled by Major J. W. Powell? in 1891 following the investigations of Dr. H. W. Henshaw among the Indians of California in 1884. In pursuance of his ideas regarding priority of nomenclature, he adopted the term Salinan from Latham® who, in 1856, had applied the name to the abor- iginal inhabitants of the drainage basin of the Salinas River. Latham, however, used the term Salinan more comprehensively than Powell, including the Esselen; the Ruslen, the Carmel, and the Soledad dialects of the Costanoan stock; and ‘‘possibly’’ the Gioloco, a Pomo people. For many years the affinities of the languages of southwest California were in dispute, but since the appearance of Powell’s Linguistic Families, the independence of the Chumashan, Salinan, Esselen, and Costanoan families from one another has not been questioned. Like many of the stocks of California, the Salinan Indians seem to have had no name for themselves, and no name for them is known in any other Indian tongue, so the name ‘‘Salinan,’’ while of European origin, must be unconditionally accepted. Duflot de Mofras* speaks of the Indians at San Antonio as Tatche or Telamé. These are easily identified as Tachi and Telamni, two neighboring tribes of the Yokuts stock, some of whom were brought to the missions. Shea® in his preface to Father Sitjar’s Vocabulary of San Antonio Mission says that Taylor calls the Salinans Sextapay, but also ‘‘gives the same name San Antonio or Sextapay in a list of the ranches of the Mutsun Mission of Soledad,’’ for which reason he hesitates to use the term. 2J. W. Powell, ‘‘Indian Linguistic Families,’’ 7th Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethn., 101-102, 1891. 3R. G. Latham, Trans. Philolog. Soc. London, 1856, 85. 4 Duflot de Mofras, Exploration du Territoire de 1’Oregon, 1, 392. 5 J. G. Shea, Vocabulary of the Language of San Antonio Mission, p. vii. ''102 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vou. 10 HABITAT AND BOUNDARIES Little is really known concerning the limits of the Salinan territory. According to Kroeber,® their country comprised ‘‘from the sea to the main ridge of the Coast Range, and from the head of the Salinas drainage to a short distance above Soledad,’’ com- prising the southern half of Monterey County, the northern part of San Luis Obispo County, and parts of San Benito County, California. These boundaries may be somewhat too extensive. The head of the Salinas drainage is within a few miles of San Luis Obispo, the native name of which was tixilini according to Taylor.’ It is not known whether the latter name is Salinan or Chumashan, but as the blood at this mission was prevailingly Chumashan with a mixture of Salinan, it may be assumed that the boundary was somewhat north of San Luis, very probably, as the writer was informed, at Santa Miguelita, or Chuquilin as identified by Taylor.® Santa Lucia Peak was probably the northern limit of the Salinan stock, it being reported to the writer that the mountain was shared equally by the Soledadefios (Costanoan), Carmelifios (Esselen?), and Antonifios (Salinan). This peak, as the largest in the region, could naturally have served as a division point, and the above statement is at least plausible. From the moun- tain the line would run generally northeast to the Yokuts boundary, and southwest to the sea in the vicinity of Lucia. Fages,® however, whose observations usually seem to have been. carefully made, gives all the country for twelve leagues around San Antonio to its dependent natives. This territory would 6A. L. Kroeber, ‘‘Salinan Family,’’ Handbook of American Indians, Bureau Am. Ethn. Bull. 30, m1, 415. 7A. 8. Taylor, ‘‘The Indianology of California,’’ California Farmer, Feb. 22, 1860. 8 Ibid., Apr. 27, 1860. On this date appeared Taylor’s article on the Indians of San Antonio Mission, and is the date to be understood when- ever reference is made to Taylor without accompanying date. 9 Probably the best account of the natives of the coast of California between San Francisco and San Diego is that written in 1775 by Don Pedro Fages, lieutenant of Portola and afterwards comandante and governor of California. A partial translation is published in Nouvelles Annales de Voyage, tome ci, Paris, 1844. A copy of the text is in the Baneroft Library. This is the work referred to whenever Fages is men- tioned. '' 1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 103 extend to Posts, and include a region generally assigned to the Esselen. Of the boundary between the Salinan and Yokuts, or Tularefio, as they are called by the present Salinans, one can do no better than to repeat the statement of Taylor’? to the effect that it is not known how far to the east the Salinan ranged. It has generally been accepted that the Salinan terri- tory extended to the crest of the Coast Range, the watershed between the Pacific and the Tulare lakes. While this conviction is based largely on the negative evidence that no Yokuts tribes are known to have lived west of the range, yet there is no clear cause for disputing the accepted theory, unless it may be the doubtful statement by one of the aged informants that the bound- ary was near San Lucas. The present town of Cholame** is at the foot of the range, though the Salinan village of that name is said to have been the nearest village to San Miguel Mission. At any rate the mountains of the Coast Range were probably merely hunting grounds and contained no permanent settlements of either stock. Nothing is known concerning the Esselen-Salinan boundary. TOPOGRAPHY The country is, generally speaking, rough. The greater part of the coast is extremely rocky and mountainous, the cliffs generally rising sheer from the water to a considerable height. 10 A. S. Taylor, op. cit., Feb. 22, 1860. 11 Cholame is the most persistent of native village names. Taylor says, ‘ chuckberries,°* Indian potatoes,°” wild grapes, prickly-pear cactus, and numerous other berries and fruits were eaten. Two species of pine-nut were known, one of them a very common variety, and the other found only in the mountains on the coast. Mushrooms were not eaten, though Fages reports that they were relished by the Costanoans at Monterey, and the Yokuts make use of them. The habit of chew- ing gum from a plant or tree, as is reported for some of the groups to the south,°* seems to have been unknown. As regards animal food, the California Indians in general are practically omnivorous. Of the larger game, bears alone, and particularly grizzly bears, are not often eaten, a fact due probably as much to their ferocity as to the supernatural shamanistic power and human resemblance imputed to them. Among the smaller animals the dog, wolf, and coyote are tabu among some groups, while among others the skunk alone is not eaten. Of the birds, owls, hawks, condors, buzzards and eagles are not eaten in some localities, due partly to reverence for them and partly to a dislike for their flesh. Like the other California natives, the Salinan Indians ate all flesh, fish, and fowl, with a very few exceptions, including most of the reptilia and some insects. Of the mammalia the skunk alone was specifically excepted, while the custom regarding the canine family is unknown. Old bears were not esteemed, but cubs were considered a delicacy. All birds without exception are said to have been eaten, as well as their eggs, which were prepared by boiling. In dietary matters the Salinans resembled the Miwok much more than the Yokuts, for the latter relish the skunk and tabu the carnivorous birds.*® The tribes of central California were less fastidious in the matter of reptilian food than were the people to the south. The 55 Cf. P. S. Sparkman, op. cit., 194, ‘‘Toyon or Christmas berry, Heteromeles or Photinia arbutifolia.’’ 56 Not identified. Possibly a corruption of ‘‘choke-cherry.’’ 57 Possibly camass. Powers, op. cit., 426, states his belief that a potato- like plant consumed by the Yokuts is a species of camass. 58 P, 8. Sparkman, op. cit., 196. 59 A. L. Kroeber, Mss. ''122 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 Shoshonean tribes of Kern River share with the southern Yokuts a dislike for all reptiles, while the northern Yokuts® and Miwok* consider them proper food. The Salinans, on the whole, shared the view of their northern neighbors. Snakes and most other reptiles were eaten, being cooked in the ashes of the fire, while frogs were eaten or not according to individual choice. The Antonifios, the more northern group, are said to have eaten lizards, but they were not relished by the people of the San Miguel moiety. Yellowjacket larvae were held individually over the fire on a spit and eaten, but other grubs were not favored. Grasshoppers were rare in the country. Sea-food doubtless furnished the major part of the sustenance of the people on the coast. Those inland probably speared salmon on the Salinas and caught trout and suckers in the smaller streams. Journeys were made to the sea and also, it is said, to Tulare Lake for fish. Bullheads and sep‘ta’L, an un- identified fish, were procured from the ocean, besides red and blue abalones, clams and sk!en’, an unidentified shell-fish. These were eaten either raw or cooked. Crabs were.eaten, as well as sea-weed. The latter was heated over the fire on a stick and eaten with mush or bread, probably for the salt flavor it imparted. Powers‘? and Goddard® have noted the eating of sea- weed among other groups of Californian Indians. All meat was prepared in one of three ways. If desired for immediate consumption it was roasted over the flames or in the coals of a fire. For gradual consumption it was baked over night in the earth-oven, after which it would keep a week or more. If it were necessary to keep it a longer time, it was dried in the air or ‘‘jerked.’’ Meat was seldom or never boiled in the cooking-basket. The ‘‘cooking-basket’’ mentioned is a water-tight basket in which boiling is done, and is found all over California. The food to be cooked is put in the basket and covered with water. Then heated stones are continually introduced until the water 60 A. L. Kroeber, Mss. 61 §. Powers, op. cit., 351. 62 Ibid., 50, (Yurok) ; 150, (Pomo) 63 Pliny Earle Goddard, Life and Culture of the Hupa, present series, I, 31, 1903. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 123 becomes hot enough to cook the food. The ‘‘earth-oven’’ is like- wise an almost universal method and is made by digging a hole in the earth which is then lined with stones and a fire built therein. When the stones are hot the fire is removed, grass laid over the stones, and the food to be cooked placed in the hole and covered with more grass. Sticks and earth and more hot stones are then laid over the hole and left for a considerable period. The heat is retained very well and the food gradually cooked. Most foods were cooked during one night, but others required a longer time, as much as two days. Fire was made by twirling a drill of poison-oak wood, t‘rnEple’”’, upon a hearth of willow. Two men to relieve each other and continue the friction were often necessary for the operation. HUNTING AND FISHING A sharp line of distinction seems to have separated the Salinan people into two divisions marked by physical, linguistical and cultural differences. Throughout most of western California a difference was noticed and recorded by the earlier travellers** between the fishing people on the coast and the hunting people inland. The latter are generally credited with being larger, better built, and more courageous. While the shore people un- doubtedly hunted game and the inland group made journeys to the ocean for sea-food, yet the one were primarily fishers and the other hunters. Although San Antonio Mission is not more than fifteen miles from the sea, yet the ruggedness of the intervening mountains renders it a journey of so much hardship and dura- tion that it is doubtful if it was undertaken often by villages of sedentary hunters. Fishing trips are said to have been made to Tulare Lake, but whether this information is applicable equally to the pre-mission and post-mission period is not known. Since game, however, is said to have been very plentiful in the Salinan mountains it probably furnished by far the greater supply of animal food. Deer were generally hunted by stalking, a method which obtained among almost all of the California natives. The hunter 64 Pages, op. cit. ''124 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [ Vou. 10 covered his head with a stuffed deer-head and cautiously ap- proached the deer under cover of the brush. The direction of the wind was ascertained by dropping a little dirt, and the deer were approached from the leeward side. A good hunter could imitate the movements of the deer so accurately that he could approach quite close and kill several before the animals sus- pected any danger. The careful hunter always chewed tobacco assiduously while approaching the game, as this tended to make it drunk and less wary. Bears were caught by putting bait near their accustomed trails or caves and hiding in holes near by, from which the animals could be shot several times with ease. Smaller game, such as rabbits and small birds, were probably caught by the use of nets, t‘e’Ltan, though this was denied by the Antonifo informant, José Cruz. The practice was admitted among the San Miguel division. Snakes were caught by means of sticks. No specific mention was made of communal hunts for deer, bears, antelope, and rabbits, but as these were practiced by all Californian Indians, there is little doubt that they were known. Nor was mention made of traps and pitfalls for larger game such as are in use over most of California, but as the use of these latter is denied by some of the Yokuts,® their existence among the Salinan may also be doubted. Salmon probably were speared on the Salinas, but the country was not a salmon region, due to the lack of rivers on the coast. Trout are found in the mountain streams, but fish on the whole are scanty in the inland country. Fish are said to have been caught in Tulare Lake by means of nets of milkweed fibre, and certain other fish, probably salmon, were speared with a fish- spear, cik'nai’. Fish were also obtained by poisoning the water of lakes and streams. For this purpose two plants were used, tepa’lomoi and téni’s (A). The former is described as a tall plant with a pungent odor. The Yokuts tribes® similarly used two plants for poisoning the water. One of these is the buckeye, the other probably the soap-root, which was often used by the California aborigines for this purpose. Fish-hooks and lines 65 A. L. Kroeber, Mss. 66 Ibid. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 125 were used by the Chumash,” and fish-traps by practically all the neighboring stocks, but the use of either is not a matter of record among the Salinan natives. It is probable that the ‘‘playano’’ | people had developed an exclusively fishing culture, and had | methods of their own for the procuring of sea-food, but their , entire disappearance has rendered our knowledge of their culture \ impossible. The knowledge of any possible hunting or fishing ceremonies or restrictions has long since disappeared. ARCHITECTURE One of the distinguishing features of the southwestern culture area is the use of communal houses sheltering four or five families. They are described®® as being fifty or sixty feet in diameter and accommodating fifty or more people. They were dome-shaped ‘‘like the half of an orange,’’ and were arranged in a semicircle in the village. In the central Californian area small houses for one family were the rule. Powers® says of the Miwok houses that they were ‘‘very rude affairs of poles and brush-wood,’’ and early travellers’? declare the same to be true of the other members of the ‘‘Mutsun’’ family, the Costanoans at Monterey. They evidently had no definite village arrange- ment. The Costanoans are said™ to have made several different kinds of houses. Some were entirely of tule, some brush shelters over excavations in the hillsides, while others were round, with a high conical roof like an inverted basket. The Yokuts tribes” made conical or wedge-shaped houses of poles and tule thatch, generally without excavation. These houses were nicely arranged in a straight row and often connected to make a communal house. Summer brush shelters were also used. Nothing is known of the Chumash sweat-houses, but those of the entire south-central region were small semi-subterranean structures used only for sweating. ~ 67U. 8. Geol. Survey, Wheeler, vil, 222, 1879. Also Diary of Anza, mss. translation by Mr. C, E. Chapman. 68 Costans6, Narrative, 48 [133]; Fages, op. cit. 69 Powers, op. cit., 350. 70 F, W. Beechy, Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific, 1, 51, 1831. 71 A. L. Kroeber, Mss. 72 Ibid. Also 8. Powers, op. cit., 370. LA ''126 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 The houses of the Salinans were also probably of several different kinds. The common house is described by native in- formants as a quadrangular but made without excavation. No standard size was mentioned, but Mr. Forbes is the authority for the statement that they averaged about ten feet square. This is about the usual size of dwellings in the central area. A post was erected at each corner and one in the center. Four roof poles connected the center and corner posts and across these other poles were laid and the whole covered with a thatch of bundles of tule or a species of rye-grass lashed on with strips of bark or withes. The walls were also made of tule. A smoke-hole was left in the center of the roof and the fire built in the middle of the house. No mention was made of sleeping stages such as were used by the Chumash at San Luis,”* nor is it known how the houses were grouped in the villages. Houses of a larger size were mentioned, but no details given. But as their erection was attended by a celebration, it is probable that they were communal houses similar to those in use by the neighboring Chumash or Yokuts people. Other houses are said to have been sometimes made of brush with roofs of tule, the door being merely an opening in the brush. By this may be meant the summer houses used by the majority of Californian Indians. Sweat-houses, kwap‘, were ordinarily small, hemispherical, partly subterranean structures. A circular excavation of about four feet in width and half a foot in depth was made and brush placed around, arching over to meet at the top. Earth was heaped on the brush to keep it in place and to retain the heat. The fire was built in the center of the house, the bath being taken in the heat and smoke, as among all California Indians. Both men and women are said to have frequented this sudatory or ‘‘temescal.’’ On the occasion of the erection of a large dwelling house, a very large sweat-house was also made and kept as a permanent place for dances and ceremonies. This use of the sweat-house for dances is usual in the northern part of the central culture 73 Fages, op. cit.; Costansé, Narrative, 47 [137]. ''1912} Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 127 area, as among the Maidu,”* but is not found among the Yokuts or the other people of the south-central and southern culture areas. Menstrual huts are claimed to have been unknown, but Taylor says that the expectant mother retired to a brush hut near a spring. Whether this was a special hut or the usual brush shelter is not known. DRESS AND PERSONAL ADORNMENT As nearly a century and a half has elapsed since Padre Sitjar commenced his task of clothing the nakedness of his flock, little reliance can be placed on the statements of the present Salinan Indians concerning the dress of their aboriginal fore- fathers, and most of our information must come from early reports. While there are many descriptions of the dress of the natives of Monterey (Costanoan) and San Luis Obispt (Chumashan), there is little on the intervening territory. There is no ground for belief that the Salinan costume dif- fered in any marked degree from that of the majority of Cali- fornian natives. Broadly speaking, in all of the central and southern part of the state men wore nothing in the summer, or at most merely a breech-clout. Women wore an apron, generally consisting of two pieces, front and back. In winter both sexes wore robes or blankets, erémi’, of fur, or of woven rabbit or otter skin. Moccasins were ordinarily not worn.”® The costume of the Salinans probably followed this general plan. Vizcaino™® makes the ambiguous statement that each rush canoe which met him off the Salinan coast contained two naked Indians who were covered with goat-skins when they came aboard. The women wore aprons of tule, according to Taylor. Neither moccasins nor any other coverings for the feet were known. Rabbit skins and more rarely otter skins were sewn together with twine and woven to make cloaks and blankets for protection in the winter. Basket hats were worn by the women 74R. B. Dixon, The Northern Maidu, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xvu, 168, 1905. 75 Costans6, Narrative, 45 [135]. H. H. Bancroft, The Native Races, 1, 367, gives many references for the dress of the California natives. 76 Vizcaino, op. cit. ''128 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 and may have been sometimes worn by the men when carrying burdens, as among some other groups. In later times they were worn by the vaqueros of the missions, while the women wore cloth turbans on their heads. The neophytes of the missions were dressed fully in cloth or buckskin.” No scarfs of any kind were made by the natives previous to the coming of the Spanish. The aboriginal coiffure is nowhere mentioned, but the abund- ance of the hair and beard is remarked by many observers.”® The latter was plucked in pre-missionary days.”® Much dis- agreement is found in the writings of early travellers®® with regard to the native Californian method of wearing the hair and beard. But since most of the observations were made subsequent to the founding of the missions, the natural suspicion is that with a few exceptions, whenever cropped hair and full beards were noted, it was due either to the universal habit of cutting the hair short during mourning, or else to the example of the whites. Possibly all of the natives of southern California wore the hair long and plucked the beard close. No yellowhammer head-bands, feather cloaks or aprons, or other feather ornaments such as are typical of California are remembered by the surviving Salinan natives. The use of feathers for decoration by the Yokuts is known to the older Salinan Indians, but they deny the existence of the custom among themselves. No mention is made by any traveller of the use of feather decorations by the Salinans, but such evidence is negative 77 A. S. Taylor, op. cit. 78 A. S. Taylor in particular noticed the pilous development. 79 Ibid. ‘‘In the old times, before becoming Christians, they pulled out their beards.’’ 80S. Powers, op. cit., 280, says that the Kombo (Yana) alone of Cali- fornians cropped their hair to within an inch of their heads; Fages, op. cit., noticed that the hair was worn loose at San Luis Obispo; Boscana op. cit., 239, states that ‘‘all Indians between Monterey and the extreme northern boundary of the Mexican domain shaved their heads’’; Palou, in Forbes’ History of California, 182, says, ‘‘All natives of Upper Cali- fornia, both men and women, cut their hair very short, particularly on the death of any of their friends or relatives’’; La Pérouse, op. cit., , 197, says that the natives of Monterey cut their hair to four or five inches, and that about half of the adults had beards. The Northwest Maidu, according to Dixon, cut their hair. Among most of the Yokuts tribes, according to Kroeber, the hair was worn long, but some of the men of other tribes cut it. The majority of other observers report long hair in California. Bancroft, op. cit., 365, gives many references on hair and beard in the state. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 129 and inconclusive; differences are quickly noted by observers, resemblances taken for granted. The sole mentions of feather ornaments by native informants are that feathers were attached to the shaman’s sticks, and that head-dresses of feathers reaching to the shoulder, with single eagle feathers extending from the fore- head forward, were used by dancers at the Kuksui dance.*! This probably applies to the ‘‘big head’’ head-dress used in the same dance by the Maidu and other central Californian natives and may be an extraneous influence. While it is very doubtful if a usage so typically Californian as the wearing of feather decora- tions could have been entirely lacking among the Salinan, yet evidences seem to point to the conclusion that it did not reach the same development here as among the other stocks of central California. Ear ornaments of abalone, kaneLt‘r’, were worn, but nose ornaments were not used, though the use of the latter by the Yokuts tribes is known to the Salinans. Tattooing was practiced by many of the neighboring tribes,** principally upon the women. Palou®*® says, ‘‘The coast people tattoo, chiefly the women, but less so than the natives of the islands.’’ The usage among the Salinans is nowhere stated, and was specifically denied by one informant, but as in the former case was probably practiced. The Salinan natives shared with the other stocks of the coast region a great fondness for painting themselves on frequent oceasions.§* Red, white, blue and yellow were the favorite colors. The red was made from cinnabar,*®> which is mined in the sur- rounding region, and the yellow from the root of a plant, possibly 81 See pp. 177, 188; also note 183. 82 Yokuts, A. L. Kroeber, Mss.; Costanoan, La Pérouse, Beechey, Petit Thouars, and others quoted in Bancroft, op. cit., 370. 83 F, Palou, in Forbes’ History, 183. 84 Costansé, Narrative, 45 [135]; Fages, op. cit.; and many other writers note the considerable use of paint and stain by the natives of the coast. 85 The Spanish word was translated by Mr. Forbes as ‘‘a mercury ore.’’ Cinnabar (mercuric sulphide) is common in the country and is generally accepted as the basis for the native red paint. Cf. Bancroft, op. cit., 370. Putnam, in Wheeler, op. cit., 22, states that the supposed cinnabar found in the graves on the Santa Barbara Channel turned out to be hematite (ferric oxide), and that Dr. Yarrow doubted the use of cinnabar on physiological reasons. Sparkman, op. cit., 209, reports the use of hematite for red paint by the Luisefio. ''130 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 Psoralea macrostachya.®* The blue may have been wad;*" the source of the white paint was not ascertained. TRANSPORTATION The Salinans were doubtless thoroughly sedentary in their habits and little given to travelling. Their habitat was restricted and mountainous and the rivers unnavigable. Occasional jour- , neys to the sea and to Tulare Lake for fish probably accounted : for most of their migrations. The inland people probably never made or used boats or rafts, though information is ambiguous on this point. It was a matter of knowledge to them, however, that tule balsas or rafts, tuwipé’, were used by the Yokuts. The ‘‘playanos’’ or fishing people of the coast must have had some variety of boat and probably made balsas of tule after the general central Californian type. In about the same latitude Vizcaino®® met a tule raft and Vancouver*® a wooden canoe with energetic and intelligent occupants. As the Chumash are known to have made wooden boats of boards, and were considered to be a superior type of native, the natural inference is that the canoe in question was made by the most northerly Chumash, while the balsa was a product of Salinan handicraft, and that in this respect at least the cultural and linguistic boundaries coincide. Burdens of all kinds.were doubtless ‘‘packed’’ on the back. The large carrying basket was carried by means of a rope of bark which went over the forehead and under the basket like a net, but it is claimed that it was used for carrying seeds alone. The use of a carrying net of hide was admitted, but later denied by the same informant. It may be that the carrying basket was set in a net to be carried, as among the Cahuilla.*° Babies were carried in the ubiquitous cradle, telaname’’. This was of a triangular shape, the framework consisting of two strong sticks with smaller sticks laid across to form a bottom or 4.86 Used by the Luisefio, Sparkman, op. cit., 209. 87 Hydrous oxide of manganese; used by the pre-historic Chumash, Wheeler, op. cit., 262. 88 Sebastian Vizcaino, op. cit. 89 George Vancouver, op. cit., Iv, 317. 90 A, Ll. Kroeber, Ethnography of the Cahuilla, present series, vil, 47, 1908. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 131 back. The child was held in by strips of rawhide, or probably originally of buckskin, with a band going over its head. This cradle is similar to one of the two types used by the Yokuts and the Maidu, the description corresponding well with cradles still in use among the latter Indians. The use of snow-shoes is unknown to the present natives and probably never was known to their ancestors. Little or no snow falls in the country. MATERIAL STANDARDS Currency*™ Beads, xe’nes, constituted the standard of wealth and value. Those of Salinan manufacture were made from mussel or abalone shells in three colors. Blue beads, kicho’tél, were valued the most, pink beads, k’mélli, so-called because of their shinyness, next, and lastly white beads, tré’pinoctu’. The most valuable beads were elongated and came from an unknown locality at a considerable distance. Two of these would make a man wealthy. These may have been either the dentalia of the northerly peoples, or the ‘‘long beads and noselets made by the ‘islanders’ ’’ as suggested by Dr. Henshaw. These latter were made of the columella of a univalve mollusc®? and were also highly valued by other natives, such as the Yokuts. Beads were put on strings, probably of sinew, and the string valued according to its length. As among all Californian Indian tribes, the strings were measured to certain standard distances on the body. Dr. Henshaw’s San Antonio informant, Hilario, gave the following units as the standards for value in beads: 1. The smallest unit was called wise’na‘ and was measured from the tip of the middle finger to the wrinkle in the middle of the palm, or more accurately, to the knuckle. A string of common white beads of this length had a value of about five cents. 91 For the following notes I am solely indebted to Dr. H. W. Henshaw, by whom they were collected in 1884, and to the Bureau of American Ethnology, by whose permission they are here presented. 92 Probably similar to those found in graves on the Santa Barbara Channel. See Wheeler, op. cit., pl. xiii. ''132 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 2. The principal unit was the distance from the base of the thumb folded against the forefinger obliquely across to the tip of the little finger. It was known as talta’so, ‘‘one its name,’’ and had a value of about ten cents. 3. The third unit ran from the base of the thumb over the tips of the fingers, around the wrist to the starting point. It was termed mawi’ya and valued at about twenty-five cents. This was the largest unit, and was merely repeated for the measurement of greater lengths. Anesmo, the San Miguel informant, gave a multiplicative system which is rather uncharacteristic of California and prob- ably due to European influence. His units were: 1. A string of beads from the tip of the middle finger to the wrinkle in the middle of the palm is called tewi’ and valued at about five cents. It is identical with the Antonifio wase’na. 2. Double the length of the tewi’ is the main unit, taiitra’so, ‘‘one its name’’; it corresponds to the Antonifio talta’so, and is valued at a like amount, ten cents. 3. kfikstra’so, ‘‘two its name,’’ is double the length of the preceding, and worth twenty-five cents. 4, kecotra’so, ‘‘four its name,’’ is double the length of the preceding, and worth fifty cents. 5. catéltra’so, ‘‘eight its name,’’ is double the length of the preceding, and worth one dollar. 6. A unit of practically the same length as the kecotra’so is the kama/wi. This was measured by passing the string of beads from between the index and middle fingers over the tip of the little finger, around the elbow and across the forearm to the starting point. This measure may have been used also by the Antonifio under the name kicatra’sko, but the information on this point is not clear. From between the index and middle fingers at the base, across the back of the hand to the tip of the little finger somewhat extended was a bead measure used in paying small gambling debts. It was known as (A) ta’Ihenna (‘‘one ”?) and (M) ki’kslumawi (‘‘two HE The reply from the Mission of San Miguel in the ‘‘ Mission Record’’®? is largely devoted to a discussion of currency. It reads, ‘‘The money of the Indians has been, and still is, beads, which they now lend without usury. In their wild state, usury consisted of the daily augmentation of the value of the amount lent, for instance a real of beads; and those who lent the real grew richer by as many reales as the original real was days in returning to their hands. This custom was practiced by those 93 A. L. Kroeber, Mission Record, 18. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 133 to the east of this mission.’’ Dr. Kroeber’s note that ‘‘No such custom of borrowing at interest has been otherwise reported from California’’ needs no further comment. Yet the report is very circumstantial and has the appearance of authority, and must have some basis. Just what this basis was can hardly be conjectured. Measures®* ‘The San Antonio Indians computed time by moons, the new moon being the point of departure. Time of day was reckoned by the height of the sun. Night was irregularly divided into intervals, as darkness, a short time after darkness, midnight, and so on until dawn.’’ Other measures are primarily for length, but may be used also for beads. These are as follows: 1. Small objects were measured by the span of the thumb and index finger extended. This was termed tdlmé’n, ‘‘one hand,’’ by the Antonifio, ma’wu by the Miguelifio. 2. A still smaller measure was used at San Antonio, the width of the thumb, tolmed’n, ‘‘one finger.’’ 3. An arm’s length measured from the tip of the thumb and forefinger joined was called tewai’yutopoka by the Antonifio. 4, The span of the outstretched arms was used as a measure by both groups. It was measured across the breast, from the tip of the thumb against the forefinger, and was known as ko’keutapoka, ‘‘two ——.’’ 5. A step or pace was called a/cilcili’ya and was used in measuring short distances. 6. Long journeys were estimated by suns. A short distance was called te’lowanayu, a long distance te’kwaona’yu. Seeds or other commodities bartered in bulk were measured in baskets of a standard size. Four different sized baskets are named, spo’kaiha, s‘la, wi’kkupt’ and kilpa’hl*. 94 The following data, exclusive of the word-derivations, are also from | the notes of Dr. Henshaw. ''134 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 Numerical System The numerals have been observed and noted by various writers” and, allowing for variations in orthography, they show practical uniformity as far as eleven. Lists collected by the writer are appended with others for comparison. San ANTONIO Sitjar Coulter Mason 1 tél kitol tS oL 2 eaquiche kakishe ka’k‘ eu 3 lappay klap’hai kua’pai 4 quicha kisha k*i’ca’ 5 ultrao ultraoh o’Lt*au 6 painel painel paya’neL 7 que*tté teh te’ 8 shaanel shaanel eaa’neL 9 tetatsoi tetatsoi te’tet‘ o”’e 10 zoe tsoeh t'o’e 11 tsosoktohl t'o”e-ta’x-t* oL 12 lapaiksha t' o”e-ta’x-ka’k‘ cu 13 lapaiksha-trekh-tol 14 huoshosho 15 lapai-ultrau 16 k’pesh San MIGUEL de la Cuesta Hale Mason 1 toi tohi toix 2 kakisu kaigsu ka’kee 3 lappai tlibahi La’paiL 4 kisa kesa k‘e’ca’ 5 ulthrat oldrato olta’to 6 payatel paiate paya’teL 7 tep tepa t*e’p 8 saatel sratel ca’t* eL 9 titithrupe teditrup te’tet' o’paL 10 thrupe trupa tt o’paL 11 thrupe-thracolop-toi 12 thrupe-tracolop-kakisu (up to two-tens, ete.) 95 Sitjar’s list is published in Shea, op. cit., p. xii; it is the oldest list, but the Spanish orthography is misleading. De la Cuesta’s list was taken in 1821; it is in Santa Barbara, but a copy was made for the Smithsonian Institute and is now in the Bureau of American Ethnology. The lists by Coulter and Hale are published in vol. m of the Transactions of the American Ethnological Society. Further available lists were those by Drs. Henshaw and Kroeber and the writer. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 135 According to Dr. Henshaw’s information, the term for one means ‘‘all alone.’’ For all purposes it is simple and unanalyz- able. Coulter’s kitol is k‘t‘on, ‘‘it is one.’? The symbol for two contains the root for four, ca’, and may mean ‘‘half of four.’’ The root for three is la’pai, the k- prefix being the sign of the intransitive verb, ‘‘it is three.’? Four seems to be the smaller unit; the root is ca’, the k- prefix as before. The term for five appears to contain the same root as ten, and is said by Dr. Henshaw to refer to the first, which is very probable. It would then be (t)o0’L-t‘a’o, ‘‘one-his-fist.’’ The terms for six are evidently derived from those for three by adding a plural suffix -a’net (A) or -a’‘ten (M). Thus paya’neL is Lapaia’/net, ‘‘threes,’’ the syllable La disappearing. The terms for seven appear simple. Hight is again caa’neL or caa/neL, ‘‘fours.’? Nine is evidently a subtractive word, ‘‘one- from-ten,’’ and ten is analogous with five and may be one of the numerous Salinan plural forms, ‘‘fists.’’ Above ten, the terms in all but Coulter’s list proceed by regular. addition, ‘‘one-and-ten,’’ ‘‘two-and-ten,’’ ‘‘two-tens,’’ etc. Coulter’s system, however, is so like similar systems among the surrounding stocks, that there is little doubt that it is the aboriginal one, the others being adapted from the European systems. Eleven is plainly ‘‘one-and-ten.’? Twelve, lapaiksha, is evidently Lapaik‘ca’, ‘‘three-it-is-four.’’ Thirteen is plainly ““twelve-and-one.’’ Fourteen, like seven, betrays no evidence of composition. Fifteen is ‘‘three-five,’’? possibly ‘‘three-fists.’’ Sixteen is a simple term as would be expected of ‘‘four-fours.’’ The k- prefix is again the verbal sign, confirming the simplicity of the term, ‘‘it-is-?’’ The simple terms of Salinan are thus seen to be one, three, four, seven, ten, fourteen, and sixteen. Two, five, six, eight, nine, eleven, twelve, thirteen, and fifteen are compounded. The system is a multiplicative quaternary one, as was determined by Dixon and Kroeber,** proceeding by four, fours, three-fours, and sixteen. The smaller unit appears to be four, the larger one sixteen. The system probably continued on to two-sixteens, 96 R. B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber, ‘‘ Numeral Systems of the Languages of California,’? Am. Anthr., n.s., 1x, 690, 1907. '' 136 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 etc., but data to prove this are lacking. The quaternary system was that in use by the neighboring Chumashan stock and by one of the Yuki languages.**’ For numerals not reached by the multiplicative quaternary system, there are other devices; of addition, as in eleven; subtraction, as in nine; multiplication, as in fifteen; and possibly division, as in two. The original system of the San Antonio dialect, with the probable deriva- tions would then probably be i t*oL ‘fall alone’’ 2 ka’k‘-ca’ ‘‘half-four’’ 3 La’pai three + k* ca’ ‘¢it-is-four’’ 5 t*o/Lt*a’o “ one-his-fist’’ 6 Lapai-a/neL ‘ All of the terms recognize the respective generations of the individuals, their relationship by blood or marriage, and whether in the lineal or collateral line. The sex of the relative is considered in about 66 per cent of the cases, the San Antonio natives adhering to this distinction more uniformly than the San Miguel. The sex of the connecting relative is considered in about 50 per cent of the terms, and generally where such a distinction is possible. The sex of the indi- vidual appears to be of importance in certain relations, though this is not certain. About 25 per cent of the terms may display this phenomenon. The relative age of the parties concerned in their generation is of more importance than is usual in Cali- fornia, nearly 40 per cent of the words being thus differentiated. The condition of the connecting relative is not considered, but there may be another class, that of grammatical person, as is displayed in the twin words for father and for mother accord- ing to whether an affixed pronoun of the first, or of the second or third person, is used. Of the actual family life, the organization of the family, and such other matters as are properly considered under the topic of family relations, absolutely no data remain. 175 A. L. Kroeber, ‘‘ Classificatory Systems of Relationship,’’ Journ. Roy. Anth. Inst., xxxix, 78, 1909. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 173 SOCIAL RELATIONS Government The ‘‘chief’’ was selected because of his bravery. The older men of the rancheria would select one of their number and submit his appointment to the other inhabitants of the village. Nothing more is remembered by the present Salinan Indians concerning aboriginal government. The relative power of the American Indian chief has been a fruitful source of polemic discussion. In California as in Mexico and elsewhere, early observers, both Spanish and English, biased by their European prejudices, found everywhere emperors, kings, and despotic chiefs. The essential democracy of Indian life, and the relation of poverty and democracy as opposed to wealth and plutocracy or autocracy, are both now recognized. Wealth reaches its greatest development on the Pacific coast and particularly in the Alaska-British Columbia area. Here the distinction between classes is well marked. The Santa Barbara Chumash seem to have had a culture in which wealth played a more important part than usual, as should be expected from the greater affluence of the people, and the reports of Costansd, Fages, and other early observers to the effect that chieftainship was hereditary, generally in the male line, and despotic, may be taken as fairly accurate. Over the greater part of California, chieftainship appears to be less autocratic and more an office of advisory character, though the greater stability of population and the greater importance of wealth which permeates the entire coast region causes a less democratic form of society in Cali- fornia than on the plains or in the eastern woodlands. There is generally a chief to each village in California, the office being either elective or normally hereditary, and the chief is ordin- arily accorded certain special privileges, though his rule is limited by a council of the older men and by public opinion. Fages merely reports of Salinan government that the people were governed similarly to the natives of the ‘‘Rio Grande de ''174 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn, [Vou. 10 San Francisco.’”7° Concerning the government of these a full and circumstantial account is given. ‘‘ Besides the chiefs of the rancherias they have in each district another chief who com- mands four or five settlements, the first named being his sub- ordinates. Each one in his settlements collects the tribute every day [sic] which the Indians pay him of their seeds and fruits and game and fish. If anyone commits a theft, the wronged one appeals to the chief and he gathers together an assembly and deliberates with all the Indians concerning the punishment and the atonement which is becoming. If the theft is as usual, some- thing to eat or some useful article, the entire penalty for the theft amounts to the restoration of the stolen object or its equivalent, but if the robbery is of a maiden, the abductor is forced to marry her, the same penalty being enforced in a case of rape, even when unaccompanied by abduction. The sub- ordinate chief is obliged to inform his superior of any news or incident whatever, sending to him any offenders with the charges against them. During the accusation the culprit, man or woman, remains standing with the hair dishevelled and falling over the face. All that the subordinate chief collects from the daily con- tributions of the villages he submits to the chief commander of the district who, every eight or fifteen days, goes out to visit his district, and the settlements receive him with ceremony. They make him presents of the best and most precious things they have and appoint a few Indians to go in his company as far as the place where he resides.”’ This account reflects a far greater development of the power of chieftainship than is usual in California and, had it come from any other part of the state, it would, despite the evident carefulness of observation, be discredited. The report in the ‘‘Mission Record’’ from San Luis Obispo,’*7 the nearest Chumashan neighbors of the Salinan, shows a similar tendency, "176 Fages wrote his account before many of the geographical points of California had been finally named, 1775. As he describes the natives in order up the coast from San Diego, and speaks of the ‘‘ Indians of the plain and Rio Grande de San Francisco and environs’’ next after those of Monterey, it is most probable that he refers to the western Costanoan, but the river referred to may be the San Joaquin and the natives the Miwok or Yokuts. The description would be very applicable to the latter if we may believe Powers’ reports. 177 A, L. Kroeber, Mission Record, 17. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 1t5 attributing great importance to the chief, even to the extent that the natives are represented as taking up arms to avenge a slight upon his dignity. The probability of the truth of this report is discounted in a note by Kroeber.*7® The Yokuts tribes are said by Powers‘”® to have had an organizeion much similar to this reported by Fages, being in fact, the only stock in the state, so far as is known, to merit the designation of tribe. Here, due possibly to the necessity of opposing the advances of the Shoshonean tribes, the villages were organized on a more or less military basis into tribes, with a tribal chief to whom the ‘‘eapitans’’ of the rancherias were responsible, and to whom they made regular reports. The power and importance of the chief is thus seen to be greater among the San Luis Obispo Chumash, the San Antonio Salinan, and certain of the Costanoan groups than is usual, and the general social organization, particularly among the Salinan, seems to have followed the Yokuts plan of tribal solidarity. Whether or not the Chumashan custom prevailed of allowing the chief the privilege of polygyny among other privileges is not known. Taylor says that the villages were named from the chiefs, but it is probable that it was not so until the Spanish began calling the villages, ‘‘rancheria of chief a Games Amusements of various kinds occupied much of the time of the Californian native. The rancherias were permanent; wars were few, and acorns and game plentiful and near at hand. Most of the amusements were games of chance in which gambling was prominent, but games of skill, strength, and endurance were also enjoyed. The ubiquitous bone game, pei‘, common to practically all of western America,'®° was very popular and often played by the Salinan. The objects were made of either an eagle’s bone or of three shells joined, and one of them was plain, the other with a fibre-string wound around the middle of it. The players 179 8, Powers, op. cit., 370. 180 Stewart Culin, Games of the North American Indians, Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Ethn., xxiv, 267-327, 1907. ''‘176 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vot. 10 formes two ‘‘sides’’ but the actual playing was limited to two men on wther side. One pair of bones only was used, each of the players hiding one bone, while the opposite side endeavored to guess the location of the plain one. Both men on the inactive side guessed at each ovcaxion and paid for their incorrect guesses with counters. Ten or twelve of these counters were used and much betting done by the respective sides. If both players guessed incorrectly two counters were paid to the opposing side; if one guess was correct, they paid one counter. It was said that the sides alternated in hiding the bones, but the general method of changing sides only when both men had been guessed correctly was probably the accepted custom. When a man had a long run of poor luck he resigned his place to another member of his side. Women likewise sometimes took their husbands’ places in the game when the latter were unlucky. They also often played the game among themselves. The game was played by the Costanoan'*! in a manner nearly identical to this. The game was probably attended with as much excitement as is usual elsewhere. Inter-rancheria games and games played with ceremonial significance are not reported, but may have been played. A ‘‘head-man,’’ possibly the chief of the village, built a ceremonial fire and kept it going and kept the tally of the counters. Songs were sung by the players and possibly by all the participants and spectators during the progress of the game. Special gambling songs existed for these occasions and are still remembered by some of the older Indians. Unfortunately it was impossible to obtain a record of any of them. The women had a game, tecoiny’, played with ten bones which they threw with a basket. This is probably the common women’s dice game played with walnut-kernels, acorns, or split and burned sticks, over much of western America.*** The rela- tive number of obverse and reverse sides showing decides the count. It is the most common gambling game for women. The games wherein the interest is primarily in the skill, and where gambling is a secondary or negligible element, are not as 181 A, L. Kroeber, Mss. 182 §. Culin, op. cit., 144, ete. 1s2a [bid., 420. 182b Ibid., 527. ''1912} Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 177 prominent among the sedentary people of California as among the more active and virile Indians to the east. The hoop-and- pole game'*** was played at the boys’ puberty ceremonies by the novitiates with a semi-ceremonial significance. According to Henshaw, me’nakwa’‘kwa was a game played by two persons who locked their middle fingers and pulled to see which one was the stronger. The ring and pin game’*”” was not remembered by any of the informants nor was the football race, but as both of the latter were very widespread in California they probably were known in early days. Dances Practically every occasion of social gathering in California is attended by some variety of dance. Not that the desire for dancing is any less widespread than the human race itself, but the custom appears to be particularly well developed in this sec- tion of North America. Dancing supplies much of the shaman’s mysterious powers, aids him in employing and in overcoming magic, in thwarting death and in communing with spirits. It often is in itself a power in religion, and it supplies much of the social amusement of the people. Naturally all dances of a religious significance were strictly forbidden by the Spanish missionaries and have largely been forgotten. Most of the Salinan dances were performed by individuals, the other spectators supplying the music and singing. Indi- vidual dances seem to be most common in the southern part of the state. The music was supplied by rattles of split sticks, cocoons, or rattlesnake rattles, and by rasps and whistles. Cocoon rattles are said to have been used solely by singers at a dance. Rattlesnake rattles were used by all participants. The flute and possibly other instruments may have been used at dances. The dance called kuksu’i_ seems to have been the most popular one in this region and is performed by many of the other Californian peoples, having been observed among the Pomo, Wintun, Maidu, and either the Costanoan or Miwok.18? 188 A. L, Kroeber, The Religion of the Indians of California, present series, Iv, 338, 1907; Indian Myths of South Central California, present series, Iv, 189, 1907. Also pages 129 and 188, notes 81, 112, 207. ''178 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vou. 10 Two dancers impersonate Kuksui and his wife, who are now generally identified with Satan and his consort. The singers sat in a row and sang and clapped their hands, no rattles or other musical instruments being used. In front of the row the two dancers performed, naked except for a breech-clout and painted red, white, and yellow. A headdress of feathers was worn, reach- ing to the shoulders and with eagle feathers extending from the forehead forward. This was probably the same as the enormous ‘‘big-head’’ headdress worn in the same dance by the . Pomo and Maidu.1** Various animal dances were performed, the Owl, Deer, Coyote, and Bear dances being known. These were individual dances, the performers imitating the action and the ery of the animal. Each of these dances had its own songs, some of which are still remembered. When it was suggested to the informant, José Cruz, that the purpose of the dances may have been to increase the number of animals, he readily agreed. Dr. Henshaw noted the words used in several of the dances with their meanings. The Bear dance was performed in August if the prospects of a plentiful crop of acorns were good. hau’/—wa—ya he’—ne—ye hau’/—wa—ya he’—ne—ye he’—ne—ye hau’/—wa—ya he’—ne—ye (‘‘There’s plenty, we are glad’’) ta—we’—ye—he’ ta—we’—ye—he’ (‘‘We’re chewing acorns’’) hi’/—hii’—hi’ The Owl dance was a favorite with the Miguelifios in the month of April. pa’—na—ta pa’—na—ta co’—ko—nai pa’—na—ta pa’—na—ta co’—ko—nai (‘‘ Dance, dance, owl’’) tro/—ki—kup’—ic—tun tro’/—ki—kup’—ic—tun tro’/—ki—kup’—ie—tun tro’/—ki—kup’—ie—tun (‘In the cave, In the cave’’) hi’/—hii’/—hi’ hi’—hi’—hi’ 184 A. L. Kroeber, Religion California Indians, 337. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 179 Dancing in groups was also enjoyed on occasions. Both men and women participated. The latter evidently did not engage in dances among the Chumash to the south, as Fages particularly noted that it was near the foot of the Santa Lucia Mountains near San Luis that the first dances in which women participated were held, and consequently they named the village ‘‘ pueblo de las bailarinas.’’*> The dance among the Salinans consisted of a row of men and a row of women alternately dancing, and then resting. The men’s part was termed hiwé’i, the women’s part lolé’i. Eight or ten singers with rattles supplied the music. Similar dances have been noted among the Pomo, Wintun, Maidu and Miwok’** and may have been in vogue among other stocks. They are not reported from the Yokuts tribes, the Salinans in this respect showing affiliations with the north- central Californian area. Among the Maidu’®? a dance known as the he’si is performed by the men alone and another distinct dance, known as the lo’li, is restricted to women. It may be with these that the Salinan dances are related. One occasion when festivities and dances were indulged in was on the completion of a communal dwelling-house. Then a large sweathouse was also built and all the inhabitants of the neighborhood gathered there for festivities, songs, and dances. The day following the festivities in the sweathouse, the dwelling- _ house was occupied, but the sweathouse was permanently kept for reunions, dances, and other ceremonies which would be held therein. Trade Considerable intercourse existed between the Salinan and the Yokuts natives and commodities were doubtless exchanged. Visits were frequently made by either stock to the country of the other and an ‘‘entente cordiale’’ evidently existed. The Salinans probably manufactured shell beads which could not be obtained by the Yokuts except by trade. What other products were bartered can only be surmised. The extent of trade with ~~ 185 Costans6, Diary, 58, notes the same incident, but locates it only a short distance north of Point Concepcion, 34° 33’. 186 A. L. Kroeber, Religion California Indians, 338. 187 R, B. Dixon, Maidu, 288 ff. ''180 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 the Chumash, Esselen, and Costanoan is not known, but was probably not great. Univalve columella ornaments were prob- ably imported from the Chumash, as well as steatite vessels, wooden dishes, and other articles of peculiarly Chumashan manufacturer. Other objects such as the stone maul (cf. p. 140) give indications of trade from even greater distances. The general impression given one, however, is that there was a strict line of demarcation between the Salinan and the Chumash and Costanoan, and that little trade and considerable hostility existed between the several groups. Warfare (~ The natives of the Santa Lucia Mountains were eternally at war with each other, said Fages, contrasting them with the inhabitants of the shores of Monterey Bay, who were smaller and more cowardly, and with the natives of the valley of the ‘‘San Francisco River,’’ who were the least savage of all. Other observers also note the greater virility and courage of the inhabitants of the coast mountains as opposed to the meekness of the fishing people on the shores.18* ‘‘They give no quarter to strangers,’’ Fages continues, ‘‘and those in the neighborhood of Monterey practice the custom of having the parents of the slayer eat the flesh of his victim.’’ This refers to the Costanoan or Esselen. ‘‘They are in continual war with their neighbors and before starting out on any warlike expedition both men and women meet for conference in the house of the chief, from whence the men leave for the conflict with their instructions. The war consists in setting fire to some settlement of the oppon- ents, sacking it and bringing back some women, married or single.’’ Taylor says of them: ‘‘In war they took scalps from their enemies, to use in their war dance; they also had the singular custom of cutting off the heads and arms of the enemy’s braves, so as to inspire them with valor.’’ The above notes, which compose the entirety of what can be learned concerning Salinan warfare, give a probably correct idea of the method of warfare, but an exaggerated one of its import- ance. Californian warfare seldom rose to any considerable 188 Duflot de Mofras, op. cit. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 181 consequence and its part in the native scheme of life is insignifi- cant when compared with the all-absorbing role played by war on the plains and in the eastern woods. The Yana*®® and the Mono’ alone are credited with a warlike nature, and the only serious opposition to the seizure of their lands by the whites was afforded by the Modoc, who are rather an Oregon people. A lack of any feeling of tribal unity in California, except pos- sibly among some of the southeastern stocks, precluded a develop- ment of any warlike propensities, and most of the so-called ““wars’’ in the state were hostilities of a few days or weeks’ duration between two or more rancherias and, while attended with some cruelty, were generally settled quickly with the shedding of very little blood.) Such was probably the state of warfare among the Salinan villages. More or less hostility, open or veiled, probably existed among them continually and raids between rancherias were to be expected at any time, accom- panied by torture of any unfortunate prisoners. The Indians who were afterwards gathered into Soledad Mission, the south- ernmost Costanoan, are said to have been the greatest extra- tribal enemies of the Salinan natives and the most northerly Chumash doubtless also shared Salinan enmity. As mountain- eers, the Salinans probably were more warlike than the coast and valley people surrounding them, but proof of this supposition is ( entirely lacking. re RELIGIOUS LIFE The care of the dead and the belief in disembodied spirits of the deceased which prevails not only all through California but throughout practically the entire world is significant of a universal belief in immortality. In addition to these ‘‘ghosts’’ there are also other unembodied spirits of ignoble or lofty con- ception, and persons and even inanimate objects endowed with superhuman powers. In California both the higher conception of omnipotent gods and the lower belief in powerful fetiches and idols are practically lacking. The belief in the power of the 189 S. Powers, op. cit., 275. _ 190 [bid., 397. ''a a a nent 182 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 shaman or ‘‘medicine-man”’ is as strongly, if not more strongly developed in this region than is usual. The all-pervading influ- ence of religion in primitive life is such that it must enter into the discussion of practically every phase of life, economic, aesthetic, social, or mythological. RELIGIOUS CONCEPTIONS For data on Salinan religion the principal source must be the writings of early observers, and they, unfortunately, were generally biased by their accustomed point of view, and observed native customs through prejudiced eyes. Taylor reports that, ““The Indians of San Antonio believed in a Superior Being; they believed he made the sun, moon, stars, earth, men and other visible things. One of their modes of adoration was, when smok- ing tobacco (indigenous), they raised their heads to heaven and blew the smoke upwards.’’ This statement by Taylor concern- ing Salinan deity is open to very great doubt, as the ideas expressed are foreign to any known religious belief of California, if not of North America, unless the ‘‘Superior Being’’ is recog- nized aS a personified mythological animal. Fages, whose observations have the appearance of reliability, displaying intellectual power far above most of the chroniclers of his time, says the following on Salinan religion. ‘‘Idolatry is greater and more open here than in the former places,’™ it being well under- stood that this report includes twelve leagues in the vicinity of the mission of San Antonio. I say that it is greater on account of the difference and plurality of the gods which they adore; these are the sun, the water, acorns, certain kinds of seeds, and, not content with these, they have raised certain old Indians of their village to the rank of gods, in whom they appear to have placed great confidence; offering them adoration with ceremony and various other gifts, they ask them that it may rain, that the sun may shine, that the crops may yield, etc.’’ The Chumashan Indians for twelve leagues radius from San Luis Obispo, and the Costanoan and Esselen for twenty leagues around Monterey are also said, both by Fages and by other 191 i.e., than to the south, among the Chumash, Shoshonean, and Yuman. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 183 writers, to have been sun worshippers, who greeted the sun with demonstrations and offerings. This testimony can hardly be ignored, and the offering of presents to the sun, if substantiated, would indicate a true sun worship. But water, acorns, and seeds were probably never worshipped as such, nor can the Salinans be charged with idolatry on that account. Most of the early writers, such as Palou, take a broader view and properly state that idolatry did not exist in the mission region.*®? A belief in a previous as well as a future life appears to have been part of the Salinan religious creed. Fages’ statement to the effect that the Monterey Costanoan believed in transmigra- tion of souls—that the dead went to an island in the ocean and were later born again, would probably be equally applicable to the Salinan. The belief in a western island of the dead is found in all the neighboring region; Dr. Kroeber’®* has found it among the Yokuts, and Dr. Henshaw obtained a short myth proving it to be the belief of the Salinan (cf. p. 195). SHAMANISM The California shaman owes his importance to the peculiar per- sonal, magical relation which he has attained with supernatural beings, objects, and forces. This power is attained in different ways among different groups of natives. The exact method of obtaining this power among the Salinan Indians is not known but probably was the same, or a similar method to that fol- lowed in obtaining an amulet or charm. Shamans, ta’k#, or ‘‘witches,’? as they are now termed by the natives who still remember them, are said to have been very numerous at the missions and many tales of their powers and deeds are told. Medicine women were.unknown. A shaman’s stick with power- ful magical properties waS used by him in his incantations, as well as charms and other material objects. His pipe was similar in size and shape to those used by the other natives, but it was decorated with paint, and doubtless most of his other possessions were differentiated from those of ordinary persons. He possessed no bull-roarer, nor was he the sole possessor of cocoon rattles, 192 Francisco Palou in Forbes’ History of California, 194. 193 A. L. Kroeber, Mss. ''184 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 according to the writer’s informants. The place and office of the shaman was generally misunder- stood by the Spanish. The missionaries generally believed him to be in league with the father of all evil for the principal purpose of opposing their teachings, and even the lay mind accredited him with malice. Fages speaks of the medicine man as the god created by the natives themselves. His remarks on the Salinan shamans have already been quoted on page 182. The office of the shaman centers principally about the cure of disease. With the Salinan natives as elsewhere, the cause of disease, or at least disease of any consequence, is always believed to be personal malice by means of witchery, which can be counter- acted by the shaman alone. Thus Palou,!** speaking of the mis- sions in general, says, ‘‘Sickness is always believed to be due to magic.’’ When called to treat a patient, the doctor made a cut, generally on the arm or at the point of pain, with a flint. He sucked at the cut and drew out small sticks or stones or other small objects which were supposed to be the cause of the com- plaint. In the case of wounds he chewed an herb and spit it on the hurt. Dancing and singing are said to have been also prac- ticed as means of cure, but according to Henshaw’s informant, the San Miguel Indians did not dance and sing around the sick, though such was known to be the custom among other stocks. According to information secured by Kroeber’ from the Tachi Yokuts, it appears that the northern Yokuts preferred the use of herbs and the practice of sucking, while the southern tribes placed more dependence on the dances and songs of the shaman. The Salinan would seem to follow the northern preference, and it is probable that the Chumash preferred the practice of the southern Yokuts and southern missions. The shaman appears to have been very much feared and no violence was attempted against him even in event of repeated losses of patients. The customary California belief in special grizzly-bear doctors and in the power of the shaman to control the fall of rain seems to have obtained among the Salinan natives.. 194 Francisco Palou in Forbes’ History, 195. 195 A. L. Kroeber, Mss. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 185 CHARMS The belief in the possession of supernatural power by material objects is universal in California, as well as common over the entire world. Charms, amulets, and other helpful objects are possessed by most of the aborigines as well as by the shamans. These are probably the ‘‘idols’’ referred to whenever idolatry is mentioned in California, though the majority of the early writers recognize this distinction and agree with Palou!* in his statement, ‘‘Idolatry is found in none of the missions, only superstitions and vain observances and pretensions to super- natural power.”’ The most important charm was the stick of the shaman. This is said to have been made of the feathers of eagles, owls, and crows fastened on a stick. This charm was carried by the shaman in dances and used in his conjuries. Other charms possessed by the common people were for protection from bears and other dangers. Dr. Henshaw collected the following notes on San Miguel charms and amulets: “To obtain an amulet or charm, a San Miguel Indian goes into the sweathouse and then retires to an unfrequented spot and fasts for four days. During his sleep he dreams of the thing which is to be his amulet, and on awakening, he finds it in his hand. The nature of the object he keeps secret and never shows it to anyone. The value of the amulets lies in the safety which they insure the possessor from harm of all kinds and from disease. When held in the hand and pushed out towards a thunder cloud, the thunder will stop. Moistened with saliva and rubbed over the seat of pain a cure is effected. An amulet will render its possessor invisible when desired, as when a prisoner, and by its aid the captive may walk away unperceived in the midst of his enemies. ’’ USE OF TOBACCO Throughout California a semi-magical power is ascribed to tobacco. This is particularly well developed in the southwestern region. Among the coast peoples of the Yuman, Shoshonean, 196 F, Palou in Forbes’ History, 194. ''186 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 and Chumashan stocks, tobacco is smoked in many ceremonies.1%" It is blown on the body at death, in sickness, and at other im- portant periods, and is blown into the air as a part of many ceremonies. That it was used in this connection by the Salinan is shown by the already-quoted passage from Taylor,’®* and the usage among the Costanoan also is proven by the report from San Carlos in the Mission Record.**®? Its magical power is shown also in its use by deer-hunters to intoxicate the game. Its use in disease is probably due as much to its imputed magical powers as to its narcotic effect, though the former may be again directly due to the latter. MYTHOLOGY The Indian myths of south-central California have been treated under that title by Dr. Kroeber.?°° His material, however, is nearly exclusively from the peoples of the interior of the state, the Miwok and the Yokuts. Six short myths from the Monterey Costanoan are given, but no material was available on the Salinan or Chumash. The mythology of the latter is still entirely unknown and no further contributions have been made to that of the Costanoan. At the time of the appearance of the article mentioned, the sole statement on Salinan mythology was by Taylor that ‘‘They had a superstition or tradition of a deluge of water which covered the land in the old times and had their priests who were the sorcerers. One of their superstitions was that the humming-bird (chuparosa) was first brother to the coyote and he was first brother to the eagle.’’ On this evidence Kroeber” quite justly deduced that the Salinan ideas of creation were similar to those held by the Monterey Costanoan. The surpassing importance of cosmogonical myths in Cali- fornia is well proved by their survival from the wreck of abor- iginal concept. Closely similar myths of origin are among the 197 T, T. Waterman, op. cit., 335; C. G. DuBois, op. cit., 99, etc.; P. Fages, op. cit. 198 Cf. p. 166. 199 A. L. Kroeber, Mission Record, 22. 200 A. L. Kroeber, Indian Myths, 167-250. 201 Ibid.. 190. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 187 few collected by both Dr. Henshaw and the writer. The former account contains the common incident of the flood and the diving for earth, the peculiarity of which lies in the fact that, together with one of the following shorter myths, it displays evidence of the belief in an antediluvian world. This must, however, mncur the suspicion of missionary influence; the conception has not before been reported from the state. The actual creation of the world from earth by several animals stamps the origin myths as of the south-central Californian type. The trinity of creators, however, are not the eagle, coyote, and humming-bird, as at Monterey”? and as reported by Taylor, but the eagle, coyote, and kingfisher. The humming-bird appears to belong exclusively to the Costanoan and is replaced by other characters among the Salinan, Miwok, and Yokuts. The actual diving, moreover, is done by the kingfisher instead of by the duck, mud-hen, or turtle as among other stocks. The eagle, as is general in the region, is a relatively lofty concept and the coyote is more a subsidiary character, a helper and messenger, rather than a marplot. The major parts of both versions of creations are, however, concerned not so much with the actual creation of the world as with the creation of man and woman, and with their discovery of their sexual relations. This idea is found elsewhere in California mythology, appearing in the creation myths of the Rumsien Costanoan?* and the Yauelmani Yokuts.2* The creation of people from bones or sticks and their separation into linguistic stocks and groups is likewise an incident of common occurrence in the region. The only other myth of any size is of considerable interest as a type not common in this region, but more typical of the north- central and southwestern sections. Animals as usual are the characters, and these, the raven, hawk, crow, and shrike, play important parts in the mythologies of the other groups of the region. The peculiar features are the supernatural characters involved: the Rock, the Wind, the Two-headed Serpent, and the One-footed Cannibal are all foreign to the mythology of the sur- 202 Ibid., 191. 208 Ibid., 199. 204 Ibid., 231. ''188 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [ Vou. 10 rounding peoples. The local, topical character of this myth is also of interest. In addition to the cosmogonical myths and the story of myth- ical adventure, two other types are illustrated in the present brief collection. First are short incidents or mythological notes which may be excerpts from forgotten longer myths. These are mainly brief tales of personified animals and show the tendencies native to the south-central region. The animals are in general the same as those found in the mythologies of the surrounding Indians. The bald eagle, condor, vulture, raven, hawk, crow, shrike, woodpecker, kingfisher, coyote, and skunk are all pre- sented. The great preponderance of birds among the mythical characters is noticeable. The humming-bird of Costanoan and the prairie-falcon of Yokuts mythology are absent, and the king- fisher and shrike introduced. The raven was revered because of his services to mankind, and was not associated with the Chungichnish cult of the southern missions.2°% The typical coyote story of the Plateau region is conspicuously absent, but is not necessarily therefore foreign. Secondary to these animal tales are stories of shamans’ adventures. While displaying much civilized influence in detail, and therefore termed ‘‘Tales of the Missions,’’ they remain essentially native in concept. The Kuksui dance mentioned on page 177 is an example of a mythological character of notably wide range, for a region whose population was so sedentary and so diverse as that of California. Kuksui is a prominent mythical character among the Pomo, Wintun, Maidu, either the Costanoan or Miwok,?%* and possibly other families of Indians, and dances in his im- personation are held by these groups. Kuksui is claimed to be a clown, but is generally identified to-day with Satan. Unfor- tunately the evidence is not above suspicion here, for the old Indian who gave the information concerning Kuksui was well versed in the customs of the San Jose Indians (Costanoan), where the Kuksui dance is known to have been a great favorite,?" and he may have been slightly confused. But as he distinguished 205 G, Boseana, C. G. DuBois, P. 8S. Sparkman, T. T. Waterman, etc., op. cit. 206 Cf. note 183. 207 A. L. Kroeber, Indian Myths, 189. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 189 other such differences, his information would appear to be correct. The explanatory tendency which has been adduced in theory as the cause for the development of all mythology is strongly represented in the myths given and is therefore of considerable interest. Thus in the few myths collected, explanations are given for the existence of different languages, death in childbirth, mescal, of the phenomena at sunset, of a rock of a peculiar shape, and for the gray eyes of the raven and the black breast of the woodpecker. Together with the usual belief in the former existence of animals in human shape, an idea of evolution or rather of trans- migration seems to have obtained, though only a vague impres- sion of it could be secured. Some reference to a great fall of stars was made, and a regular development from earth and rocks through birds and animals to men was suggested, and the statement made that the present race of men will again become animals and eventually develop into a race of men of a superior type. No theft of fire myth, a typical one in California, was ob- tained. Henshaw was informed that the Eagle obtained fire for the Indians. Mr. Forbes was told by elder natives, long since deceased, that fire was brought to them by a man who came in a ‘‘white-winged boat,’’ and that in a natural amphitheatre termed the ‘‘Devil’s Canyon,’’ facing out on the ocean, the natives used to watch for the return of this benefactor. It was further reported to Mr. Forbes that the Indians who held their cere- monies in this place belonged to the Bear ‘‘totem’’ and that they furnished the renegades of the mission, resisted the padres, and never became entirely converted, while the other ‘‘totem,’’ the Deer, became ready converts. The information is too circum- stantial to be entirely rejected, and while totems are unknown in California, the information may refer to some possible secret society. This information is reminiscent of the story of Agueda, which is often referred to by the early Spanish missionaries and is thus reported by Palou.?* Immediately after the founding of San Antonio Mission an old woman named Agueda requested 208 Francisco Palou, Life of Junipero Serra, 124. ''190 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 immediate baptism. ‘‘Being interrogated as to why she desired baptism, she answered that while young her parents had fre- quently told her of a man dressed in a habit similar to theirs who had not come to them walking as other men, but flying, and had preached the same truths they were preaching. All assured them it was true—they had heard so from their ancestors and the coming of the missionaries was a general tradition among them.’’ Taylor? mentions the same legend at Santa Cruz. Whether there is any connection between the two legends, or any grain of truth in either, is problematical. THE BEGINNING OF THE WORLD (Collected by Dr. H. W. Henshaw, 1884.) After the deluge the animals wished to get some earth. First the diving ducks dived into the water but failed to bring up any earth. Then the Eagle put a heavy weight on the back of the Kingfisher and he dived into the water for the earth and suc- ceeded in reaching the bottom. But the sea was so deep that when he came to the surface, he was dead. Between his claws the Eagle found some earth, and after reviving the Kingfisher he took the dirt and made the world. Then he revived all the other animals who had been drowned in the deluge, the Coyote next after the Kingfisher. When the Coyote found himself alive again, he shouted out for joy and ran around reviving the rest of the animals that he found dead, and then sending them to the Eagle. From some of the earth brought up by the Kingfisher, Eagle made man, and then made woman from one of man’s ribs.??? Then he sent the newly made couple out into the world, but they did not seem to thrive very well, so at last he sent Coyote to bring them to him again. When they came before him Eagle said, ‘‘What have you been doing?’’ ‘‘Merely living’’ was the reply. ‘‘What have you been thinking about?’’ ‘‘O, nothing! Just living!’’ So Eagle told Coyote to go back with them and consider some way by which they could have more company. 209 A. S. Taylor, op. cit., April 5, 1860. 210 Possibly a Biblical influence, but cf. T. T. Waterman, op. cit., 339, note 149. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 191 ‘‘Well,’’ said Coyote to the man, ‘‘you had better make some more men!’’ ‘‘How?’’ asked the latter. ‘‘Why, with the woman,’’ replied Coyote. ‘‘That is what she is for!’’ Then he told them to lie down together. ‘‘Well, why don’t you com- mence?’’ ‘‘I don’t know how!’’ replied the man. ‘‘ Why, lie close together!’’ But they did not succeed in finding a way. So Coyote went back to Eagle and reported the failure, and was sent back again with further instructions. ‘‘The Eagle is very angry,’’ he reported, ‘‘and says you must increase.’’ Then he told them the way that Eagle said men were to be made. After several mistakes the couple at last found the proper method, and Coyote ran and reported to Eagle that all was going well. Coyote was then sent to find more people. ‘‘If you can’t find anything but bones,’’ said Eagle, ‘‘bring them.’’ Many bones were lying around and these the Coyote brought to the Eagle, who made a man out of each. Each of these bone-men had a different language of his own, and that is why we have so many different tribes and languages. Then Eagle sent Coyote back again to the original couple to inquire about them. ‘‘I feel a little heavy,’’ said the woman. Then Coyote told her that she had other people within her, and that under certain circumstances she might die in bringing them forth. That is why women sometimes die in childbirth. THE CREATION OF MEN AND WOMEN ‘When the world was finished, there were as yet no people, but the Bald Eagle was the chief of the animals. He saw that the world was incomplete and decided to make some human beings. So he took some clay and modelled the figure of a man and laid him on the ground. At first he was very small but grew rapidly until he reached normal size. But as yet he had no life; he was still asleep. Then the Bald Eagle stood and admired his work. ‘‘It is impossible,’’ said he, ‘‘that he should be left alone; he must have a mate.’? So he pulled out a feather and laid it beside the sleeping man. Then he left them and went off a short distance, for he knew that a woman was being formed from the feather. But the man was still asleep ''192 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 and did not know what was happening. When the Bald Eagle decided that the woman was about completed, he returned, awoke the man by flapping his wings over him and flew away. The man opened his eyes and stared at the woman. ‘‘ What does this mean?’’ he asked. ‘‘I thought I was alone!’’ Then the Bald Eagle returned and said with a smile, ‘‘I see you have a mate! Have you had intercourse with her?’’ ‘‘No,’’ replied the man, for he and the woman knew nothing about each other. Then the Bald Eagle called to Coyote who happened to be going by and said to him, ‘‘Do you see that woman? Try her first!’’ Coyote was quite willing and complied, but immediately after- wards lay down and died. The Bald Eagle went away and left Coyote dead, but presently returned and revived him. ‘‘How did it work?’’ said the Bald Eagle. ‘‘Pretty well, but it nearly kills a man!’’ replied Coyote. ‘‘ Will you try it again?’’ said the Bald Eagle. Coyote agreed, and tried again, and this time survived. Then the Bald Eagle turned to the man and said, “*She is all right now; you and she are to live together.’’ THE DESTRUCTION OF THE EVIL MONSTERS Years ago, when all the animals were men, the country was full of monsters who preyed on the people. Finally the Hawk, realizing the gravity of the situation, persuaded the Raven to help him rid the country of the creatures. First they set out against a great rock named xu'i. This rock had the habit of catching people and killing them by throwing them back over his head where a flock of little birds would feed on the bodies. From their custom of living on fat, these birds had become entirely black, and were called ka'tcatsani‘L. Furthermore the Crow and Shrike acted as sentinels for the rock. The Hawk and the Raven came peacefully up to the rock and the Raven, in a spirit of bravado, rubbed his eyes against the rock. They have been gray ever since. Then the allies went a short distance off on a hill. ‘‘Now is the time!’’ said the Hawk. “‘T am ready,’’ replied the Raven. ‘‘But you had better go first!’? So the Hawk approached the rock which easily threw him over his head, but the Hawk carried with him a Little flute, and when he stood on it, he always alighted gently on the ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 193 ground. Then the Hawk beckoned to the Raven and said, ‘‘Come along!’’ The Raven was likewise easily thrown over by the rock, but as he had his little guitar"! with him, he fell lightly on that without any harm. ‘‘ Well, we have escaped this time,’’ said the Hawk. ‘‘That’s so,’’ answered the Raven. ‘‘This time T’ll take the first shot.’’ And he threw a stone at the rock which left a dent in his head. Then the Hawk took his turn and knocked the rock’s head off. Then they chased away all the little black birds. Xu’i with his head missing may still be seen not many miles above the ruins of Mission San Antonio. Hawk and Raven then went hunting for more monsters, and sought a terrible two-headed snake. When they approached, the snake, taliyn’ ka’ tapelta, was sound asleep. ‘‘Now is_ the time! He is asleep!’’ said the Hawk to the Raven. They made arrows from some reeds growing there and shot at the snake. First the Hawk hit him on one side and then the Raven hit the other. ‘‘Let us go before he gets up!’’ said the Hawk and they flew away. They travelled swiftly in the direction of Morro Rock?!” on the seacoast, but the snake came swiftly after them, breaking down all the trees in his way. ‘‘Come on! Don’t be afraid!’’ the Hawk who was in the lead kept calling to the Raven. Now the dust was close behind, but the Hawk said,. ‘When we reach the Morro we’ll be safe. The wind will help us there!’’ At last they reached the Morro, but in spite of the wind’s efforts to foil him by breaking off pieces of rock, the snake encircled the rock and began to rise up. ‘‘Now’s the time! We are going to die! Watch him come!”’ said the Hawk. ‘What are we going to do now?’’ said the Raven. ‘‘Don’t ask me that but just get ready !’’ replied the Hawk, as he pulled out a knife and began to hack away at the snake. Then the Raven did the same on the other side of the rock, and the snake began to fall in pieces. When he was entirely dead, they went to destroy more of the man-killing monsters. ‘‘Here’s another one, and he has a very powerful weapon,’’ said the Hawk. They went and found the Skunk in his hole, but when he heard the noise he came out and turned his tail to them. 211 Possibly aboriginally ‘‘ musical bow.’’ 212 A well-known landmark on the shores of Esteros Bay; mentioned by most early navigators and travellers, but probably in Chumashan territory. ''194 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 ‘Now is the time,’’ whispered the Hawk. ‘‘Now be ready,’’ said the Raven. ‘‘I’m going to try first,’’ and he threw a stone at the Skunk. The latter turned his tail and fired. Hawk and Raven got their flute and guitar while a crowd of people came up behind. Suddenly the Skunk made a great smoke. ‘‘ Look out! Get away before the smoke reaches you!’’ At last they managed to kill the Skunk and went in search of new victims. ‘“There is one more,’’ said the Hawk, ‘‘a dreadful one-footed eannibal.’’ The creature was sound asleep when they arrived at his home. ‘‘There he is! I’ll try first,’’ said the Raven. ‘‘If I don’t kill him, you take a turn.’’ The one-legged cannibal woke up and sang a song when he saw them.?"* ‘‘Let’s shake hands,’’ said he. So the friends went up, seized his hands both together and threw him into a pool of tar.?4* Then they held a consul- tation as to the best means of disposing of him. Finally they adopted the Hawk’s suggestion to fire the tar. They put some fire on the ends of their arrows and hit him on both shoulders at once. ‘‘What are you doing, boys?’’ he cried. ‘‘You are treating me as if you weren’t my relatives!’’ Then he started to run, and at every place where the burning tar dropped the mescal began to sprout. Thus was the land rid of the wicked monsters and enriched by the useful mescal, and the Hawk and the Raven are revered by all the Indians for their good deeds. MYTHOLOGICAL NOTES (Collected by Dr. Henshaw, 1884.) Before the deluge, two mussels lived in a lake, and every once in a.while they caused the waters to rise until a man was thrown in. Finally the Indians became so reduced in numbers that they refused to throw any more men in. Then the mussels caused the waters of the lake and the ocean to unite and the deluge ensued. 218 The song was sung here, but it was impossible to get a transcription or record. 214 Probably asphaltum, which was plentiful at San Luis Obispo. ''—— 1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 195 Tibe’kenni’c lives where the sun sets. All the dead, good or bad, go there.”**> He swam to the west to escape the deluge, and there he will remain until the end of the world, when he will return. He alone knows when the sea will again rise and over- whelm the world once more. At sunset the dead with Tibe’kenni’e toss the sun up in play. That is what causes the rays of the sun to shoot up in undulations. The red sky is caused by great fires which the people there light to play by. The Eagle was the originator of all things. It was he who gave fire to the Indians. The Skunk was once a wizard. His weapon was his urine and with that he was able to kill any living being. The Red-shafted Flicker has black on the breast as a sign of mourning (sic). A savage animal was pursuing some Indians and when he found he could give no help, this bird cried out, and the black was put on his breast as a sign. The Condor, tite, and the Red-headed Vulture, xopne’L, are relatives; they speak to each other and the first cuts and tears open the dead carcass for the weaker one. Many supernatural beings formerly inhabited the country. Among these were dwarfs who left invisible footprints and aided the medicine men in their conjuries. TALES OF THE MISSIONS The Rainmaker Atswen was an old shaman at Mission San Antonio who claimed to be able to produce rain. Once there was a great: drought and the Padre sent for Atswen and put him in the jail, telling him he would keep him there until it rained. Then when the entire population had gathered inside of the Mission, the chief filled four barrels of water at the spring. He gave Atswen a sack and threatened him. Then he let him out and when the people came out of the church it was raining.?*¢ The Rival Shamans Ramejio and Pasquale were rival shamans, and each claimed to be the stronger. So they agreed to try to bewitch each other. 215 Page 183. 216 The shaman as rain-maker. Cf. page 184. ''196 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vou. 10 Pasquale lay down while Ramejio sang and danced over him, but Ramejio could not affect him. Then Pasquale sang and danced over Ramejio so that he could not arise. Then he bewitched Ramejio’s dog also. An Aboriginal Faust Fruito was an inveterate gambler. One night after he had lost everything but his breech-cloth he felt so angry that he went to the grave-yard to see the Capitan. He knelt at the foot of a cross and soon he heard a noise like a great number of rats. Amid a great light the Capitan of the grave-yard appeared, but turned his back on Fruito and presently disappeared without saying a word. ‘‘I wonder why he did not speak to me?”’ remarked Fruito. The next night at the same hour, eight o’clock after the curfew had sounded, Fruito went to the grave-yard again and when the Capitan appeared said to him, ‘‘I came to speak to you; I want to get instructions from you how to beat this other man gambling.’’ ‘‘Come to-morrow night,’’ said the Capitan, ‘Cand beside the gate you will find a little bone. If you have that you will always win. And now how are you going to pay me?’’? ‘I will pay you with myself,’’ said Fruito. “Very well,’’ replied the Capitan. ‘‘When you are through, leave the bone where you found it.’’ Fruito got the bone and hunted for the other man. They spread out a blanket and started playing, and soon Fruito had all his opponent’s goods—his clothes and his house. A month or so later the Capitan of the grave-yard appeared to Fruito while he was sleeping. ‘‘Let us go,’’ he said. ‘‘All right,’’ said Fruito, ‘‘I’m ready to fulfill my agreement.’’ But first he went to see the Padre. ‘‘It’s too late!’’ said he. “‘You must do what you agreed.’’ And Fruito immediately died. The Powerful Charm The brother-in-law of José Cruz was a shaman. One day his father seized his charm and put it in an oak tree. But the charm was so strong that it broke down the tree. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 197 The Grizzly Bear Shaman A famous shaman was able to turn into a grizzly bear.*** His nephew came to see him one day and he said to the boy, ‘‘ Would you like to turn into a grizzly bear?’’ ‘‘Yes,’’ said the boy. ‘‘Very well! To-morrow we will go after blackberries.’’ The following day they went and suddenly the boy missed his uncle. He looked around and saw a grizzly bear eating blackberries. ‘‘O! That’s my uncle!’’ he said. The next day they went out again near a spring. The uncle gave the boy some tobacco and said to him, ‘‘Chew this and swallow the juice.’’ When he had done so the boy fell senseless, and on recovering, saw a large frog. ‘‘Catch that frog and eat it,’’ said his uncle, but the boy thought that was too much. He ran away and did not become a grizzly bear. The Shrike A long time ago a woman went out to gather some medicine when she spied a grizzly bear. Almost as soon as she saw it, a shrike saw it also and at once attacked it. The grizzly bear put his head between his paws, but the moment he lifted it to see, the little bird pecked both of his eyes out. Then the woman caught the bear and made medicine of its entrails. Anesmo when out hunting once shot an antelope and a shrike lit on its horns and plucked out its eyes as it ran. This he saw. It is the bravest of all the birds. CONCLUSION In a region of such great diversity as California, where differences in culture as well as in language characterize the smallest divisions of the many families, it is very difficult to segregate and formulate the characteristics of any stock. Par- ticularly is-this true when, as in the case of the Salinan, merely the outlines of the old culture are recollected by the few surviv- ing natives. It has been necessary, therefore, in this paper to 217 The grizzly bear shaman. Ibid. ''198 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 present all the data pro and con with regard to the various phases of aboriginal culture, to discuss hypotheses, and to en- deavor to reconstruct the main features of this culture by means of probabilities. The task of reconstructing the life of the Salinan people has been at once increased and rendered of greater interest by their geographical position. Had we been working with a stock such as the southern Wintun, who appear to have constituted the center of the great main Californian culture region,”'* the exist- ence of certain practices and economic features could have been assumed practically without proof. From this geographical point appear to radiate the main features of the central Califor- nian culture area. To the south, on the Santa Barbara Channel, is the center of another culture area, that of the Chumash and certain of their Shoshonean neighbors, a more restricted area and one of less influence than that of the central culture, but still radiating its influence to some extent to the adjacent stocks to the north and east. This culture we know only in outline, but its main features are sufficient to differentiate it from that of the central area. To the immediate north of this area is found the Salinan stock, separating it from the other stocks of the purer central culture to the north. From Lake Tahoe two lines may be drawn to the great cities of California. One, running slightly south of west to San Fran- cisco would follow with considerable accuracy the division line between the Wintun and Maidu on the north and the Miwok and Costanoan on the south. The other, running slightly east of south to Los Angeles, corresponds roughly with the boundary separating the typical Californian stocks to the west from the culturally extra-Californian Shoshonean people to the east. Three areas of nearly equal size are thus delineated, a northern and a southern typically Californian area and an eastern un- Californian area. The greatest inequality exists between these areas as regards ethnological knowledge. While the Tahoe—San Francisco line divides the central culture area in half, leaving one of the more restricted culture areas on either side, yet it also divides the state accurately into a ‘‘terra cognita’’ and a “‘terra 218 A. L. Kroeber, Types Ind. Cult. Cal., 82. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 199 incognita.’’ To the north the ethnology of the Hupa,??® Shasta,?*° Chimariko,?*4 Klamath and Modoce,??? Maidu,??* and Pomo*** is well known, and Powers, Taylor, and other writers have described the majority of other groups in detail. The Tahoe—Los Angeles line marks a similar distinction; to the east the ethnology of the Shoshonean Cahuilla,?*°> Luisefio,??° Chemehuevi, and Paiute,??7 and the Yuman Dieguefio?® and Mohave?”® is known with varying degrees of thoroughness. But in the south-central area, consisting of the Costanoan, Miwok, Esselen, Yokuts, Salinan, Chumash, and some Shoshonean groups, little has been done. A few chapters by Powers, a few articles by Taylor, and miscellaneous observations by Kroeber,?*° Barrett,?** and others of the present era and by various observers in earlier days, complete the list of ethnological work published on these six stocks. With all of them not only are observations lacking, but the material itself has perished to a great degree, due to the comparative extinction of their members. Thus the great dearth of information on the Salinan stock is due not only to the loss of data on the stock itself, but also to the existence of the same conditions among all the surround- ing stocks, thus preventing detailed comparison and the formu- lation of hypotheses capable of any defence. Geographically, the Salinan stock occupies a position between "219 P, E, Goddard, op. cit. 220 R. B. Dixon, Shasta. 221 R. B. Dixon, The Chimariko Indians and Language, present series, v, 293-384, 1910. 2228. A. Barrett, The Material Culture of the Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians of Northeastern California and Southern Oregon, present series, v, 239-292, 1910. 223 R. B. Dixon, The Northern Maidu, op. cit. 2248. A. Barrett, The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Indians, present series, vi, 1-332, 1908. Some as yet unpublished work has been done upon the Pomo. 225 A. Ll. Kroeber, Cahuilla. 226 P. S. Sparkman, op. cit.; C. G. DuBois, op. cit. 227 Maj. J. W. Powell and numerous other writers have described the Shoshonean tribes in various articles. 228 T, T. Waterman, op. cit. 229 A. L. Kroeber, ‘‘A Preliminary Sketch of the Mohave,’’ Am. Anthr., n.8., IV, 276-285, 1902. 280 A, lL. Kroeber, Mss. 2318, A. Barrett, The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians, present series, v1, 333-368, 1908. ''200 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 the stocks of typically central culture to the north and the Chumash of southwestern culture to the south. A culture of a nature intermediate to these would therefore be expected and to some extent exists. Nevertheless, while the Salinan are much nearer the Santa Barbara Channel, the center of the south- western culture, than to the lower Sacramento, the center of the central culture, they are properly included as a slightly variant part of the latter rather than of the former.?** The south- western culture appears to have been a local development due to peculiarly favorable conditions, as the Chumash north of Point Concepcion are known to have been inferior in culture to those of the Channel, and the northernmost Chumash, those of San Luis Obispo, were probably as variant from the main body in culture as they are in language.”** Thus while both the southern Yokuts and the San Miguel Salinan were influenced to some extent by the contiguous Chumash culture, they still remain integral parts of the central cultural area, and display considerable reciprocal influence and ethnological agreement, the Salinan finding their closest cultural affinities in the Tachi Yokuts. The Salinan betray the principal characteristics of a Cali- fornian people of the central area: a dependence primarily on vegetable food, of which acorns form the principal staple, a great stability of population, the absence of a gentile organiza- tion, and a weak development of the arts, of war, and of ritual- ism. Some tendencies, however, may be noted which incline to differentiate the Salinan from the surrounding groups. Many cultural similarities are noted between the coastal stocks, the Chumash, Salinan, and Costanoan. This might be regarded as an influence from the southwestern culture-area, spread by means of water-transportation, but is probably better considered as delineating a cultural sub-area or intermediate area. Be that as it may, there are certain tendencies which are best exemplified by the Chumash and shared to a greater and less extent by the Salinan and the Costanoan, and which appear to be missing among the Yokuts. These agreements are evident 232 Of. A. L. Kroeber, Types Ind. Cult. Cal., 102. 233 A, L. Kroeber, The Chumash and Costanoan Languages, present series, Ix, 237-271, 1910. ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 201 more on the non-material than on the material side. Thus a probable slightly higher development of work in stone, the use of asphaltum on basket-mortars, a possible greater use of twined weave in. basketry, the use of communal houses, and other minor agreements might be suggested as being typical of this . coastal sub-area. On the non-material side, the Salinan and Chumash agree in their numerical systems, both being quater- nary, a type which is found elsewhere in the state only among one Yuki group.”** Other such agreements are, the greater im- portance of wealth and of chieftanship, the use of toloache at puberty and of sweating at birth, and the ceremonial smoking of tobacco. In these respects the Salinan, and to a lesser degree the Costanoan, appear to resemble the Chumash rather than the Yokuts. With the typically central culture the Salinan and the Yokuts show an approximately equal degree of agreement and diverg- ence. Here also, the agreement seems to be greater along the coast, less among the valley stocks. Thus the Salinan possess the kuksui and loli dances of the Pomo-Wintun-Maidu which are unknown among the Yokuts; they agree more closely with the Costanoan in their mythology, and their games; and seem to have possessed the large dance-sweat-house of the north- central region. In most of the other phases of culture the Salinan and the Yokuts agree rather closely, both being more variant from the typically central culture than the Miwok- Costanoan stocks to the north. Particularly do they seem to have possessed a similar tribal organization, if we may believe Fages and Powers, and among both war was probably of more importance than is usual in California. In one feature, however, the Salinan stock seems to present unique characteristics. This feature is the language, which is considerably different from the majority of Californian lan- guages. Its tendencies are shared to some degree, but less typically by the Chumash, but it will probably be found that the Salinan tongue stands alone as the exponent of the southwestern Californian type of language.?* “234. B, Dixon and A. L. Kroeber, Num. Syst. Lang. Cal., op. cit. 235 R. B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber, ‘‘The Native Languages of Cali- fornia,’’ Am. Anth., n.s., v, 1-26, 1903. ''202 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vou. 10 APPENDIX PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY Some descriptions of Salinan Indians are found in the writ- ings of early observers which, when compared with personal observations and measurements, point towards certain con- clusions. Physically, the Salinan natives seem to have been of medium stature and heavily built. Taylor says, ‘‘Some of the Indians I saw in 1856 were short and stout,’’ but at another time he states, ‘‘The Antonifios, as the Spaniards afterwards called them, were tall and well made.’’ Padre Ascension remarked of the Indians in some tule balsas who met Vizcaino off the Salinan coast,?%° ‘‘They are taller, better made and more robust than any they had yet seen.’’ Fages reports of them, ‘‘These Indians are very well-formed and the women very good-looking, some of a color somewhat ruddy. All have pretty hair—a people with a good disposition, affable and friendly, giving as much as they have to the Spanish.’’ The various descriptions extant of Cali- fornia Indians are notable for their disagreement,?*" varying from ‘‘repulsive-looking wretches’’?** and ‘‘ perfectly hideous’’2*® to ‘‘handsome, well-proportioned, cheerful and interesting’’**° and ‘‘a fine-looking race.’’**1 These differences are too great to be referred entirely to opinion, and on the whole it seems that the diversity of California is not limited to language and to culture but extends as well to somatology. Fages notes many different types between San Francisco and San Diego, and limits the extent of each type in leagues. The general agreement seems to be as already stated, that the coastal fishing tribes lacked the independence of, and were generally inferior to, the hunting 236 A, §, Taylor in California Farmer, June 26, 1861. 237 H. H. Bancroft, op. cit., 364. 238 Borthwick, Three Years in California, 128. (Maidu.) 239 Kneeland, Wonders of the Yosemite. (Miwok.) 240 Morrell, A Narrative of Four Voyages, ete. (Costanoan.) 241 Von Schmidt, Ind. Aff. Rep., 1856. (Mono.) ''1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 203 groups inland.?*? Particularly is the degradation of the Cos- tanoan of Monterey and San Francisco noted.?4* The Chumash are described as well-built and as particularly intelligent.24+ The Salinan, on the whole, appear to have been of a physical type superior to their neighbors, with the possible exception of the Yokuts. This would naturally be expected of the inhabitants of a mountainous country, and is corroborated by the appearance of the surviving natives. Those observed are somewhat shorter than the average European, but would fall in Deniker’s?** “‘above-the-average’’ class. They are generally inclined to be stout, and with a rather deep-brown complexion, generally good- looking, if not handsome, pleasant, good-natured, and quite intelligent. The question of beard has been discussed by Bancroft, who has quoted from many of his sources.24¢ Whether the actual possession of beard, or merely the method of wearing or dispens- ing with it varied, is still a mooted one. Concerning the Salinans, however, it may be dogmatically stated that they pos- sessed full and thick beards. The present natives possess hirsute adornments equal to those of most Europeans, as is well shown in the photographs on plates 22 and 23. These might be ascribed to a possible European admixture were it not for the denial of any such blood by the natives themselves and for early notice of the same fact. Fages says: ‘‘Both sexes have fine hair.’’ Taylor in particular remarks on the hairy development several times. ‘‘Color light brown, with good heads of hair and many of them very thickly bearded. In the old times, before becoming Christians, they pulled out their beards.’’ Again, after stating that in nine years’ observation among California Indians, he saw not more than twelve with mustaches, he continues: ‘‘Some of the Indians I saw in 1856 were short and stout, with big heads and the hair coming low down over the forehead and with thick beards and mustaches.’’ In another place he particularly remarks that a San Antonio Indian he saw in 1856 had as heavy "242 P, Fages, op. cit.; De Mofras, op. cit.; ete. 248 Many writers quoted in Bancroft, op. cit., 365. 244 Costans6, op. cit., 45 [1385]; Fages, op. cit., ete. 245 J. Deniker, The Races of Man, 30, 580. 246 H, H. Bancroft, op. cit., 367. ''204 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 a beard and mustache as any white man, but the usual brown iris. One of the few surviving natives noticed by the writer, a San Miguel Indian (pl. 23, fig. 1) had a pronounced goitre. Point and Mount Buchon near San Luis Obispo are named from a famous goitre possessed by the chief of the rancheria who greeted Portold’s expedition there.*7 The oft-noted pathological relation between mountainous countries and goitre may obtain here. The following measurements and notes were taken on Pedro Encinales (pl. 22), a typical middle-aged Salinan Indian man. Height 167 em. Length of head 18.9 cm. Reach 180 cm. Width of head 15.9 em. Height to right shoulder 140 cm. Cephalic index 84.1 Height to left shoulder 140 cm. Sitting height 87 em. Height of face 12.3 cm. Length of right forearm 48cm. Width of face 14.7 cm. Length of left forearm 48 em. Facial index 119.5 Width of shoulders 46 em. Length of nose 52mm. Weight (estimated) 160 Ibs. Width of nose 45 mm. Color (Hrdlié! 's seale) : Nasal index 86.5 Face 30 Arm 26 PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS The psychology of primitive people should be a very fruitful and interesting field of investigation, but as yet, due probably as much to the pressure of more important work as to the diffi- culties involved, this field, though open to both psychology and anthropology, is practically untouched. It was with the hope that future years will see an accumulation of material sufficient for fruitful comparison, that Pedro Encinales, a full-blooded Salinan Indian of perhaps fifty years of age, was induced to perform certain experiments in the psychological laboratory. The results compared with the average results for normal subjects of European blood are here appended, but must be accepted with the realization that the subject had spent his entire life in a civilized environment. He was rather disturbed by the novelty of the experience, but probably no more so than would be expected in the case of any uneducated person. 247 Crespi, Fages, Costansé, ete. '' 1912] Mason: The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. 205 1. With both right and left hand an average strength of grip of 34.5 kilograms was registered. Exact comparative data are not readily avail- able here, and familiarity with the use of the instrument is of con- siderable importance. The results are, however, considerably lower than are usually registered for civilized white people. 2. The subject tapped 100 times with a point on a flat surface in 14.4 seconds for the right hand and 16.6 for the left. This is an average of 6.94 taps per second for the right hand. The normal is about 7.5 per second for Americans. 3. No color blindness was detected. 4. Memory. (a) Two geometrical figures were noted and after an interval correctly chosen from among a group of others. (b) Four of the figures given in Seashore’s ‘‘Elementary Experiments in Psychology’’ were printed on cards and shown to the subject, who then endeavored to pick out the ones selected, from among the whole number on the page. None were correctly chosen, but in every case but one the proper figure was designated in a reversed position. The subject obviously did not realize that position was a differentiating factor. 5. In endeavoring to reproduce a straight line of 10 centimeters in length, the subject drew one 9.1em. with his right hand, 9.4 with the left. This is above the normal average of .5 em. error. 6. A set of Hering’s colors were arranged in spectrum order; the subject picked no. 1, purple, as the preferred color, no. 10, scarlet, as second choice, no. 9, orange, as the least pleasing. With the colors in mixed arrangement he chose no. 2, dark blue, secondly no. 6, yellow-green, and rejected no. 8, yellow. There is, of course, no standard of reference here, but the preference for blue and purple is generally considered a cultured rather than a primitive characteristic. 7./The results of the experiment as to tactile perception were very good. In the ‘‘two-point threshold’’ test, tried on the back of the hand, correct answers were given to practically every test down to and includ- ing a threshold of 2mm. Out of twenty-eight tests at 5, 3, and 2mm., five mistakes were made. This is probably somewhat better than the normal sensory perception. 8. Ten tests for rapidity of reaction to auditory and ten to visual stimuli were made on the Sanford vernier chronoscope. The average time of reaction to the auditory stimulus was found to be .22 sec. With tne elimination of two abnormally long reactions of .35, probably caused by some external attraction, the average of the other eight decreased to .186. This is considerably above the normal average personal equation of .10 to .13 sec. To the visual stimuli the average time was .195, and the elimination of two abnormally long reactions of .85, probably caused time of from .15 to .20 see. The subject would seem therefore to be more sensitive to visual than to auditory stimuli, whereas the opposite seems to be the normal condition among educated persons. 9. Cards containing respectively nine and eleven short parallel lines arranged vertically were shown to the subject and correctly counted by him quickly and without touching them with his fingers or other object. ''206 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 kap‘ exau’wat* t*io/i paxa’/kiL p‘a’pix pratt emo’ na/siL k!one’ toela/M mono/i mata/i’ pEsxe’t* k!a/ciL tetau/pkuL teala’/k p‘a/siL toipe’N eLpo’nE k!eso/i’ atL0’s k!as peL to ke ts!eta/kiL pEca’”’ ope teta/i ek!alz’ koten’L k!ona’/kas t'Ema/s tma spo’k!lat epoku’mt!a sm0/kumeL taap’ ~ map! kov’ cAMku’M tolo’e mats!e’ko’ maA’keL sk! Almo’k! SAN MIGUEL FOOD MATERIALS Acorn Live oak Oak Oak Post oak White oak Oak Acorn mush Acorn bread Tobacco Toloache Milkweed Willow Sunflower seeds Elderberries Christmas berries Chia Gooseberries Blackberries Prickly-pear cactus Wild oats Grass Grass Pine-nuts Pine-nuts Chuck-berries Buckeyes Wild grapes Soap-root (small) Soap-root (large) Camass Camass Unidentified plant Mesceal Clover Clover Clover Deer Rabbit Jack-rabbit Ground-squirrel Tree-squirrel Chipmunk Rat Mouse tExa/i’ ta’muL moi’ lowe’cat! elk!a/ COWwE’ cokono/i ck0/tatE spako’ ts!z/tenek! spék* cka snai xopNe’L te’te! talwa’/x kala’k tikmo’ taxwe”’N smate/xaN k!aiya’/k* swi’yo elpa’t! tete’k‘ Enel tawe’ smeko/i ts!aike” senk!0/L xapailz” toiyEle” waka't! tlikolz’ ewakek!a”’ cwaN p‘u’/Lxoi tteteya’u eat! septa/] emaiyeE’k! k!lett'u’ naiyi’k! sklen taite!4’tak powa’t' leme”’M Bear Mountain-lion Mountain-sheep Antelope Coyote Skunk Horned owl Owl Ground owl Owl Red-tailed hawk Hawk Eagle Red-headed vulture California condor Crane White goose Band-tailed pigeon Turtle-dove Quail Mountain quail Unidentified bird Duck Eggs Turtle Rattlesnake Snaké Snake Lizard Mountain lizard Frog Toad Horned lizard Trout Sucker Salmon Bull-head Unidentified fish Blue abalone Red abalone Clam Unidentified shell-fish Crab Sea-weed Yellowjackets '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 21 Fig. 1—Mission of San Antonio de Padua before restoration. Fig. 2.—Mission of San Miguel. [208] ''UNIV. CALIF, PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN, VOL. 10 [MASON] PLATE 2I THE SALINAN MISSIONS. '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 22 Pedro Encinales. San Antonio Salinan man. [210] ''UNIV. CALIF, PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. l0 [MASON] PLATE 22 SALINAN MAN. '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 23 Fig. 1—Flujensio Santana. San Miguel Salinan. Fig. 2.—Josie Encinales. San Antonio Salinan. [212] ''UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 10 [MASON] PLATE 23 aio SALINAN INDIANS. Fig. 2 '' '' '' ''WINIV. .CABIE PUB, AM. ARCH. & ErRIN. VO: 10 [MASON] PLATE 24 SALINAN INDIANS. '' '' ''_ EXPLANATION OF P PLATE 25 bediion 1.—Pottery bowl from Mission San Antonio. Wwiath, 22 em. Specimen 2.—Steatite pot. Height, 16.5 em. “Specimen 3.—Steatite bowl from Mission San Antonio. Width, 25 em. Specimen Lee pestle with carved handle and buckskin thong. Length, 46 cm. ''UNIV CALI, PUBIC AM. ARCH: & ELHN. VOL 10 [MASON] PLATE 25 STONE IMPLEMENTS. '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 26 Photographed by courtesy of the Dutton Museum, Jolon, California. Fig. 1—Small mortars found in Salinan territory. Objects are about .22 natural size. Fig. 2.—Pestles and mullers found in Salinan territory. Objects are about .17 natural size. [218] ''UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. IO [MASON] PLATE 26 Higgs Fig. 2 STONE IMPLEMENTS. '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE a "Archaeological “objects found in Salinan territory. Photogeaphed by courtesy of the Dutton Museum, Jolon, California. ''UNIV. CALIF, PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL, IO [MASON] PLATE 27 STONE IMPLEMENTS. '' '' '' ''UNIV, CALIF, PUBL. AM, ARCH. & ETHIN. VOLEx JO [MASON] PLATE 28 ARROWHEADS, '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 29 Fig. 1—Bedrock mortar holes near Santa Lucia Peak. Relative size may be ascertained by comparison with pencil. Fig. 2.—Pictographs from the ‘‘Painted Cave’’ near San Antonio Mission. See also plates 30 and 37. [224] ''UNIV. CALIF. PUBL.-AM. ARCH, & ETHN. VOL. 10 [MASON] PLATE 29 MORTARS AND PICTOGRAPHS. '' '' ''Mission. nio a near San Anto Lass “29 and ve é ''UNIV. CALIF. PUBL, AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 10 [MASON] PLATE 30 ; ee Estes ABARAT < PICTOGRAPHS. '' '' ''wy, ''UNIV, CARP RUBE AM. ARGH te ELRNe VOLE. 10 [MASON] PLATE 3} an eis) essunt ins . Xu Me, Recast BRD enters Osis eote Se Wire mat es SRS a ho Se ys Shean mood Ws ee We Mie Vay, igh, Nyy} ees COILED BASKETS. '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 32 Ble ‘Fig. 1.—Musical rasp. Length, 50em. By courtesy of the Dutton De Museum, Jolon, California. i ce ; Fig. 2.—Grass-foundation coil basket. Museum number 1-14993. Height, 9.8 em. A er ee Fig. 3.—Grass-foundation coil basket. Museum number 1-14994. ‘Height, 10.5 em. : . ies Fig. 4.—Unfinished rod-foundation coil basket. Museum number 1-14990. Width, 12.7 cm. Fig. 5.—Bottom of rod-foundation coil basket. Museum number 1-14989. Width, 7.6 em. Fig. 6.—Rod-foundation coil basket. Height, 9.6cem. By courtesy of the Dutton Museum, Jolon, California. ''UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH, & ETHN, VOL. lo [MASON] PLATE 32 : : ane Gieiscknrrmamtecene uae an © fereaecrenwern Boys eT srt ose) = es ea RASP AND COILED BASKETS, Fig. 6 '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 38 coil tray made by Costanoan Indian woman at San Antonio. — _ Museum number 1-14987. Diameter, 45.6 em. ia 4 ''[MASON] PLATE 33 lO PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. CANE: UNIV. TRAY. BASKETRY '' '' ''Height, | Height, | ter, meter, ‘Museum number 1-14999. * Museum number 1-14997. EXPLANATION OF PLATE 34 oO peo es SS Sieg iy Fig. 4.—Basket of twined tule. Museum number 1-14995. 21.2 em. —@ = Lo) o e a ° be oO ‘a s a bE a th ae 3 - a £ r o a E ~ oH oO o a ae I sis ''[MASON] PLATE 34 VOl= |© a eiaiNs a ARCH, AM. PUBL. UNIV. CALIF. BASKETS. N TWINED 7 MODT '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 35 Fig. 1.—Unfinished basket of twined tule with wavy border-line. Museum number 1-15000°. Diameter, 13 em. Fig. 2.—Base of unfinished basket of twined tule. Museum number 1-15000. Diameter of woven portion, 18.1 em. [236] ''se ID PLATE N] ‘[MASO 10 UNIV. “CALIF. PUBL AM. ARCH. :& ErHN, VOL. bs SRNR ‘ Peo CRESS UNM AM s ae Chae Cree, ~~ 9 Fig. TWINED BASKETRY. Fig. 1 '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 36 Fig. 1—Twined tule basket. 21.4 em. Museum number 1-14998. Height, Fig. 2.—Costanoan twined winnowing-tray. Museum number 1-14988. Length, 34 em. [238] ''[MASON] PLAT O | VO: UNIV. GCALIE. PUBL: AM. ARCH. & ETHN: * 2 ae Ret Seema yee a pr chart . a frenetic PERO e peach ae eS 7.% rh yeah ot ree RAG a3 bey et oe hae. Bio li TRAY.» AND COSTANOAN SALINAN BASKET '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 37 Drawings from the ‘‘Painted Cave’’ near San Antonio See also plates 29 and 30. [240] ''UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 10 [MASON] PLATE 37 ee id eee *.° © ° e ° oar? eaeseee ery ee o 2 e ° é Ml PICTOGRAPHS. JAM. '' '' UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 10, No. 5, pp. 241-263 August 30, 1913 PAPAGO VERB STEMS BY JUAN DOLORES CONTENTS PAGE Explanatory Note 241 I. Simple Verb Stems 243 II. Verbs Derived from Nouns 251 A. Without Change 251 iB: By. Sufix -tkah, to have.or claim) 20. 253 C. By Suffix -7, to make 256 D. By Suffix -rcvu, to make for 259 E. By Suffix -wuah, to let fall 261 F. By Suffix -xK1, to shake 262 G. By Suffix -am, im, to go to get 262 H. By Suffix -p1, to take off 263 EXPLANATORY NOTE The list of Papago verbs constituting this essay was compiled by Mr. Dolores to facilitate the analysis of a number of texts recorded by him, and to serve as a basis for future grammatical study. As the Papago and Pima languages are practically identical, the list may also be of value in the further elucidation of the Pima texts: published by the late Dr. Frank Russell,’ as well as in comparative studies in the Uto-Aztekan group of languages. The system of orthography was worked out by the under- signed after phonetic investigation of the language. For the spellings used in each word, Mr. Dolores is however responsible. The following notes may make the orthography sufficiently clear for grammatical purposes. 1 Ann, Rep. Bur. Am. Ethn., xxvi, 3-389, 1908. ''242 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [ Vou. 10 The vowels are a, i, 0, u, and ii, the latter the back-tongue, non-rounded vowel found in many Shoshonean languages. C is similar to English sh, te to ch. V is bilabial. T is a more alveolar or palatal sound than t, which is distinctly dental. N before i and ii is a different sound from n before a, 0, u, being nearly equivalent to ny, that is, palatalized. This difference is invariable when the sound is initial. It did not seem necessary, therefore, to employ distinct symbols. Subsequently a number of instances of medial unpalatalized n before ii were found. In these words n has therefore been indicated by italic n. Several instances of palatal n before a, 0, u have been written ny. Several consonants seem to depend on the adjacent vowels. Thus, at least initially, s occurs only before i and ii, ¢ only before a, 0, u; t before a and 0, te before i, ti, u. V and w are hard to distinguish. Mr. Dolores has written v before a and i, w before 0, u, ii, which seems correct to the writer. The spelling wua might, however, be regarded as representing wa with heavily labialized w. TT has been found, initially, only before a and u. All Papago sounds, vowels and consonants alike, have two pronunciations; one sonant and with weak breath, the other surd? and strongly aspirated. The former has been indicated by ordinary small roman letters, the latter, for convenience in typewriting, by small capitals. The rules governing when the same sound is respectively sonant or surd cannot be examined here; the main determining factor, however, is position in the word, surd aspirated sounds being normally found at the end of words. S and ¢ alone seem to be invariably surd: they have therefore been represented throughout by small capital letters.* Mr. Dolores also writes 1 as always surd, even when intervocalic. This may be because of a normally stronger breath pressure than in English; the sound is certainly sonant for at least the greater part of its duration in some positions. 2 Vowels here designated as surd may in reality be whispered. At any rate they show no trace of laryngeal vibrations in ordinary mechanically made tracings. 3 Consistency would have required capital H instead of small h; but this has not been done. Surd v of course is bilabial f; and w is much like English wh. Stops and the affricative te are sonant only during the explosion when initial, entirely surd when final or followed by surd vowels. 4 ’ ‘ ''1913] Dolores: Papago Verb Stems. 243 In the vowels there is a third class of sounds: sonant and aspirated, represented by following h. It is thus necessary to distinguish between sonant unaspirated a, sonant aspirated ah, and surd aspirated a. It seems likely that something similar may apply also to consonants. In kah, to look for, and kah, to hear, there is undoubtedly a difference in the initial sounds. Both are sonant during the explosion, but the second contains a stronger breath. Compare similarly kih, to become fat, and kih, house; tciyah, to arrive, and tciyah, to settle down; teuh, to do or to rain, teuh, to stop burning. In each case the initial consonant of the second word is more strongly aspirated, though the difference is not indicated in the orthography used. A similar aspiration probably explains the spelling kahvar (with surd v and sonant a), where kahvaih (the whole last syllable sonant) or kahvar (the last syllable entirely surd) might be expected, and Mr. Dolores’ fituKi, ixihni, orihc, where u perhaps stands for lh related to 1 and L as ah is to a and A. Accent is very weak in Papago, and apparently of no gram- matical significance; it has therefore not been written. A. L. KRoEBER. I. SIMPLE VERB STEMS* A thorough distinction is made in the Papago verb between completed and continued action, or as it might be called, accom- plishment and progression. The obvious translations in English are by the infinitive and present participle respectively. Most verb stems, as here given in their shortest form, denote completed action, and their ‘‘participle,’’ or form signifying continuing action, is made by the addition of one of a number of suffixes. Other verbs add no such suffix: in them, incomplete action can be expressed only by using the form denoting repeated action, namely, the reduplicated stem. These two classes have not been separated or distinguished in the list. " 4The alphabetic order is the same as in English. T and te follow t, ti follows u. No distinction of order is made between small and capital letters, nor between aspirated and unaspirated vowels: a and ah come in the same place and am precedes ahp. The glottal stop is also not taken account of in alphabetizing. ''244 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [ Vou. 10 A third class of verbs denotes only incomplete or continued action. These stems cannot express completion or accomplish- ment. Consequently their translation by the English infinitive would be misleading, and they have all been rendered by the present participle. They have been further distinguished by an asterisk. Thus sa’ahsim, to laugh at, but *ahc, laughing at, or to be in a condition of laughing at. In the same way there is an absolute difference in meaning between huh, to eat, and *ko’ah, eating, or to be eating. *cavanrt is ‘‘looking for horses’’; the idea being that when one goes to look for the horses he is continually looking until he finds them. *cahw is ‘‘rattling the gourd’’ in accompaniment of a certain class of songs. When a song is commenced, there being only one verse, the song with the same words is repeated many times over. The rattle starts with the song and never stops until an entirely new song is to be introduced. The gourd continues to rattle even while the singers pause to catch their breath preparatory to singing the song over again. The rattling keeps the same time, and makes the connection from one repetition to the next. It is clear as soon as the full meaning of this word is understood that the idea of continuation is implied; and the same idea prevails in all the verbs of this class. *hapahtKi’ and *nahpahtkKti have been included in this ‘‘narticipial’’ class because being from adjectives they have no complete action or ‘‘infinitive’’ form. *xiihc, *nawo’r, *ski’ir have also been starred and translated as participles because, while they possess forms denoting completed action, these are longer than the ‘‘participial’’ forms given. ah point, tell *aho laughing at al reach, overtake, pass ammoh talk loud aMmihTCU know, guess right a’PUTCU accuse caca’KI mix *cacahni groaning Cal drive (cattle, horses, etc.) “card hanging (like clothes on line, on brush) cahku hold in the palm ‘ i ‘ 4 4 4 % ‘ ''caM ca’PU *CavaNnT * Ca’val *cahwtt coh cohcah cohni CONYTCI COPI hah hah ha’ahsah hal *hapahTKuU haPi hasuhteu’ih ha’ts hahvt’o hatiiwuah hih hih . hiaho hihhin hihku hiovihTCcI hihPtcuh hitoh hirpah *hivi’KU *hihwu hoah hohhah ho’pinnoh hotimmuh huh huh huh hikah havihka’t hart huht hu’ul hiih hihi himmahpat hiioh hiihpih hiium Dolores: Papago Verb Stems. 245 make a rustling and scratching noise splash looking for (usually horses) buy rattling the gourd sew cry hit with the hand eut by striking stop roast grain in the basket melt, thaw stop, quit erack, destroy lying flat (hapaht, flat) copulate in ano blunder sprinkle paste, stick on belch cut hair, cut grass, ete. go, walk, move bury yell, bark turn from flower into fruit (cactus fruit) soak by burying sprinkle with the mouth cook by boiling braid depending on rubbing look for by stirring load in a carrying basket wrap hurry some one eat be gone (liquid) grease become warm show evidence of bearing mesquite-beans pull out go down chase laugh hang clothes for drying, to dry fruit pile, assemble, gather bloom become cold, cool (no more pain) be cold ''University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vow. 10 hiiva’KI hiiva’TcI ih ih iahpw’t iah’to’K1I jawuah ihhammuh ihu Vihhoh IKI InnaM iohi1 Vovih ihPr iptih ihT ihv1 kah kah kat kaihc *kaiTot *kaktitah kam kantaht kahpt kahvat kawutihkat kahyo’Pi kih kiah ki’ihe kikihwiv kihku’tTor koh *ko’a kohcohtKis *kohhim ko1 kor kohkoh kohKU kohpo’tKt kohpt ko’to’K1I kohwti smell become cool drink call a person’s attention by naming his relation- ship to oneself catch flour as it falls off the grindstone tell a lie spill delay, disturb gather cactus fruit cough shake a plant to make the fruit fall off hunger for meat fry become sweet retract the foreskin breathing put grain, or anything composed of many separate bodies, into a plate or basket make fire with a drill look for hear cook meat on coals catch and hold between the legs saying selling, wanting to sell put in the mouth scatter pop quarrel separate, change cross get fat, gain flesh couple bite and hold with the teeth tremble whistle, whistling hug, hold against the breast eating be loose limping sleep (sing.), die (pl.) bleed sick (pl.) dig; sleep (pl.) be heaped, raised explode yell in victory rattle like tin cans ''kuh *kuh kwA kihe kiica’? kuhcoa’TKU kuhcuhti kuhha’KI kw’ihNo’KI kuhxtTpah kur kutuh kuyihcahtT -kuyint kuyihtct kih *kuhe kur kiit kiikuhs kuKU kWKUTCI kuhui kivwtah kiihvat kiivihe kiiyihe mah mah mal ma’iho ma’ihhih maiM ma’kaht *maktiihwutv maMmiitoh mannihkoh mahsih mahtoh moh mor muh muh muhti mw uhkat miih miiah mil Dolores: Papago Verb Stems. 247 close, shut singing (a bird), neighing (a horse) get wood burn and stick to the cooking vessel chase game for killing be dry and stiff make jelly or jam cook meat on the end of a stick annex heat the body for curing rheumatism put wood in the fire, for carrying the fire away bother, disturb whine count (Spanish) call an animal or a bird by imitating its voice stand (man, animals) scratching the body bite, sting fall feed whip, earn, win beautify, make good shell corn, pick berries reach full growth cool and form a scum, like greasy food lay against, lay on top step on give cook yucea in the ground learn, know cover hit by throwing get sick by eating too much fat meat break through swinging the arm experience the act of giving birth to a child be stiff jointed become light untangle gather seeds load on the head (mo’o, head) shoot (with bow and arrow) die break by bending sharpen run (sing.) kill burn something, blaze ''248 Oniversity of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [ Vou. 10 mikoh naho ~ nal nahkoh naM *nannawuhku naNnnihkihtcu *nahpahtTKU nahtoh - naval *nawo'r noh niiah nit nul nuhNnti ntioh *nytku’t oh OA ohckoh oI oLahtT oLihc obMI -o’oh --o’ohhah otewW’ihwt pah pa’ihhah pa’ivihtcl pakaht pammw’t paNnnim pih piah pibhah pihhinoh piPli pibsto1 pur pupi’r sih siho SiPU sihPuy sihSKI Si’TCI be gone far (distance or time) (mixu, far) fold make fire endure, raise meet sparkling tease a hungry person with food lying or sitting in a dead-like position make, finish make wine make a friend, making a friend bend beg see sing fly up, fly away (pl.) speak, talk keeping, taking care of gather cactus fruit, harvest corn erase skin a sore place follow coil, shorten, take up hook break (pl.) drop (liquid) write, paint find the thing lost swallow ineclose (pl. obj.) get ahead get mad, get angry ask for help creep, crawl give cooked food take cooked food off the fire wind put things in the skirt or apron defecate sneeze take (sing. obj.) make a pattering noise suck pin, touch with the end drizzle, to drop in drops break open of itself (a sore) sift rattle (rattlesnake or bell) '' Dolores: Papago Verb Stems. 249 skihhus fear sknyihtc15 yell in defiance of the opponent *ski175 scolding, being angry at sohhot love, like, agree so’ ki’ ih pity stahmoh5 abhor, dislike stivahhu sweat (Spanish) *tah sitting tah fly, jump (sing) tah wrestle tal borrow, ask for tahmal have a toothache from eating sour fruit tamuhtcuah cause to pain again tapiuh smoothe tahpeu split tat touch, feel tatah arrive (pl.) tahtahni thunder nearby taht spread *tahteuah wanting, needing, desiring toa be alive, be well, get well toahhih thunder far away toha put away, put down (pl.), pour water to’I bet (pl. obj.) to’ipiah rescue, save tohkah play the woman’s ball game tommi’r bear fruit out of the regular season > ton shine tonnoM be thirsty to’Pt twist tohskoh swell tor cohabit to’rs excite, frighten toht groan, snore : teihktpt work ' teihpouh lick, using the fingers teihpiah move the whole family *teihtcivih playing teiyah arrive (sing.) tciyah make a home, to settle down teuh stop burning of itself teuh put the baby on the back * teuh do, make, prepare teuh rain tecuamMmah cook by burying in the ground 5 Stems do not begin with two consonants. s- commences many adjectives. These four verbs all denote states of mind. They are there- fore evidently adjectives. ''University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vou. 10 tew’aMmuh teul teul tewihtcl tceuM teuhPi *teihtTcl teuyihc teuyiho teuyihc teiih teth teiih tetiho teul tetihkah teiihkah tei’ kiah tei’ Kitoh tetthkdpih tetihktcahtT teiimMmal teiimMmoh teimMmu’? tei’rci tetihtcr teiivaim ubhw’xKI ul ukitTcl uLihNI uLu’KI ur “Oper wWPu ths tita’KI *UtiW’ki’T vah vah val vahMI va’Nnyoh vahpccu’? vih viah vinnyuh viTCl wohl punch with a stick or with the fingers grind put out the fire ask a question try sink standing (pl., inanimate objects) make a lunch catch and drag under wink see, find put away taste go up, climb, ride say put on the shoes be there (at a certain time, in a certain place) fight think, remember undermine mark, make a line make bread, tortilla stop by obstruction, go all over make a fire to heat cooking rocks smoke tobacco name, call drag notch the end of an arrow take (pl. obj.) shake hold out something for somebody throw the baby up and down plant being afraid, fearing stop erying steal find having, owning go in make tough, irrigate eall rise from lying pull get blisters, become blistered stay, be left leave something purposely lick with the tongue twist, make a hair rope burn the hair ''1913] wol woh’pol wohrtv wohpPu wohsuh wuh wuhc wuhha wuhsoh wuyihtcr withhorcr wiiNna’T Dolores: Papago Verb Stems. 251 lay, put down take away from by force run (pl.) pull out the hair brush, sweep tie come out, rise from sitting awaken blow with the mouth race a long distance using a wooden ball certify, to make true put with II. VERBS DERIVED FROM NOUNS A. WitHout CHANGE Many nouns are also used as verbs, the idea of ‘‘have’’ being then understood. Thus, ha’ah, a jar, or, to have a jar. Such verbs are here given. Other nouns which will be listed separately later, are made into verbs, with the meaning ‘‘to have,’’ by the addition of the suffix -’kah. But the nouns in the following list cannot add the suffix -’kah ; and those which are given as adding the suffix -’kah, cannot be used as verbs without it. Coyi’kah and iinni’kah contain this suffix, but being them- selves nouns, their verbal forms are here included. Noun or Verb a’ahn aLita’KU aMmoh aht ahtohii CAaLIhv1I cavihkuht con connikiwuhii Co’piaht coyi’kah ha’ah hahcow’tah ha’koh hahpoht hit hiwo’Kt Meaning as Verb to have feathers to have a child (a man) to have some one to work for to have an anus or bottom to make atole, to have atole (Spanish) to have trousers to have a rattle to have a starting point or trunk to have a wooden ball to have a doll to have a pet to have a jar to have a woven basket to have a cushion for the head to have an arrow to have urine to have a sore (the skin broken open) ''University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vot. 10 Noun or Verb hiwiihcan hiwihtcuh hoah hoahsa’ah honni’KU huhhutikah hurtct hixu ivi’'tahkuhtT kairckah kaLicahni kaht kih kohec kohtohni kukwU kun kuhsiiwoh kiteah Liaht mahkotakuU maNnata’KU mahtT mah’tcuhtT mayin mo’oh nahku noNnah ovih ovi'Tcl oyiT pohcohit sihpuht sihsitivata’KU sihtoh11 tahTKU taht tohnuv teihnI tetiohkuhtT teiihpah teipitikuht tei’ TCKI uhe ul wuMhata’KU uhsakah to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to Meaning as Verb have a groin (a woman) have a groin (a man) have a sewed basket have a plate have a wife have menses have toe or finger nails have a co-wife (a woman) have a fire drill have seeds for planting have trousers (Spanish) have a bow have a home or a house have a nest have a shirt (Spanish) have an end have a husband have a neck have semen have a raw-hide rope (Spanish) have something with which to couple have something to hobble with have a child (a woman) have a grinding stone have a mat have a head have an ear have eggs have an opponent have an awl have a farm have pohcohui (corn and beans cooked together) have a sitting part have spit have syrup have root or roots have a foot have a knee have a mouth have a cane have a mortar have a pestle have a dream have a flint arrow point have wind on the bowels be feathered (speaking of the arrows) have the stick with which girls play the double ball. ''1913] Dolores: Papago Verb Stems. 253 Noun or Verb Meaning as Verb wuh to have war arrows iiLita’KU to have bark or skin iinni’kah to own or to have (iéiNni’kah = property) vahcah to have a woven trinket basket vahcoMI to have a sewed storage basket vahkus to have a mat or anything used as a mat va’oh to have a pair of wooden tongs for gathering eactus fruit vipi’toh to have testicles viti’kuhT to have a pestle for grinding wohku to have a stomach wo’KUcah to have a quiver woNnahMI to have a hat woht to have the foreshaft of an arrow wuakah to have a wuakah song B. By Surrrx -’kah, TO HAVE OR CLAIM Nouns Verbs a’ahn, feathers ah’KI, river-bed (without water) aLih, baby ahnt, desert-willow ca’, brush caht, wild potatoes cw’KU, mocking-bird cuta’KI, water hahcahbni, giant cactus haivahNi, cows hah, squash, pumpkin ha’r, a kind of plant used as food ho’K1, deer skin stripped from the body - ho’tal, stone hovi’rct, Spanish bayonet hiahvi, deer - huni, corn - himma’rckam, people ‘hiht, red face paint ihhu’xt, devil’s claw (Marty- mia) ihkohvi, a plant used as food ihkuhui, a plant used as medi- cine ipaht, leaf-cactus a’anni’kah, to have feathers ah’ki’kah, to claim a river-bed aLi’kah, to have a child annii’kah, to claim the desert-willow ca’i’hak, to claim brush cati’kah, to have wild potatoes cwkah, to have a pet mocking-bird ciita’kah, to have water hahcanni’kah, to claim giant cactus haivaNni’kah, to have cows haui’kah, to have squash, pumpkin ha’ti’kah, to have ha’r ho’kah, to have deer skin (buck-skin) ho’tai’kah, to have a charm stone (medi- cine man) hovi’tei’kah, to have the fruit of Span- ish bayonet hiavi’kah, to claim deer hunni’kah, to have corn himma’rckammii’kah, to claim people as one’s own hihtii’kah, to have red paint for the face ihhu’kah, to have devil’s claw ihkohvr ihkuh1i ihkovi’kah, to have ihkuui’kah, to have ipai’kah, to have the fruit of ipaht ''254 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 ihsitivi’K1, a kind of cactus siva’KI, greens or weeds kaitcl, seeds kaLivaho, a kind of peas (Spanish) -kaviyuh, horse (Spanish) ki’KI, tallow kihsoh’xI, a kind of cactus kohtal, corral (Spanish) kuhi, mesquite-tree kiiLih, old man kthpi, watermelon LaNtciih’K1, lentil (Spanish) - LiahLI, money (Spanish) -mahca’?, moon, month -mahkalI, one who cures sickness without medicine maNtcih’xK1, lard (Spanish) muhNI, beans nahka’Kt, a kind of cactus nahwwt, any kind of leaf-cactus - ohkohkoi, wild pigeon * ohKs, old woman - OLah, gold (Spanish) ON, salt o’o’taM, a person o’oht, sand ohpohnt, a kind of weed used as food 6’PU, cruel and warlike people pan, coyote pahvi, a kind of bean pitihkaNI, wheat pit, mud, clay for pottery SULITCI, a baby boy - tahc, sun, day, time - tal, fire tahktwul, tree yucca tahtal, sinew tatal, road-runner - to’a’KU, mountain tohhawihs, a kind of brush - toLoh, bull (Spanish) ihstivi’kah, to claim ihsiivi’K1 iva’kah, to have greens kaircr’kah, to have planting seeds kaitci’kah, to have cactus seeds kaLivahci’kah, to have kanivahc kaviyuw’kah, to have a horse kikah, to have tallow : kihsoh’ki’kah, to have the fruit of kihsoh’x1 kohuai’kah, to have a corral kuyi’kah, to claim mesquite-trees ktii’kah, to have an old man (a woman speaking of her husband) kupi’kah, to have watermelons LaNtciih’ki’kah, to have lentils LiaLi’kah, to have money mahca’ti’kah, to have a moon (a woman speaking of her sickness) makai’kah, to have a doctor maNtciih’ki’kah, to have lard muNni’kah, to have beans nahka’kah, to have the fruit of nahka’Kt nawi’kah, to claim the nahwti ohkohkoi’kah, to have a pet wild-pigeon ohxsi’kah, to have an old woman (a man speaking of his wife) oLakah, to have gold oNnii’kah, to have salt o’o’taMmii’kah, to claim people o’o’tii’kah, to have sand (a woman speak- ing of sand used in making pottery) ohponnii’kah, to have greens o’pi’kah, to have enemies paNnni’kah, to claim coyote pavi’kah, to have pahvi pitihkanni’kah, to have wheat pitii’kah, to have clay for pottery SuLitci’kah, to have a baby boy tahct’kah, to have a date tai’kah, to have fire (matches) tahkiiwuyi’kah, to claim tree yucca tahtai’kah, to have sinew tatayi’kah, to claim the road-runner to’a’kah, to claim a mountain tohhawihsi’kah, to have chewing gum made from the pitch of tohhawihs toLo’kah, to have a bull Ne ee ''» 1913] Dolores: tonniih’Kt, hill tethhu’KU, meat teuhnt, dried cactus fruit teiita’KI, burning coals, char- coal tethwii, jackrabbit tetihho, a cave tei’Kt, mesquite-bean flour teiimi, a kind of cactus teiioLihmu, a kind of cactus teiioTc!l, man, male tetiva’KI, clouds teiiwiiht, dirt, earth, world teiihyah, girl uhca’Pl, pitch uhhimmahti, a kind of bug, one of four Papago totems immuw’kKU, a kind of yucca uhsakah, the chief’s stick, also a crooked stick used by girls in playing the double ball game (uhs, tree in general) uhtkoh, stalk of the soap-weed uhtkoteitcr, soap-weed wtiihva’KU, tule wuhhi’xt, birds uhviI, woman . ilita’KU, skin inni’kah, property vahcal, grass, hay - va’KU, hole ' yahpw’Kw, cane, or ribs of cactus : vahyah, well viahpo’o’kWuhiI, a young man vihho’Kij, mesquite beans vipahmit, milk-weed (chewing gum) vihwt, tobacco ' w0’KU, road, trail . wo’o, pond , wuLuh, burro (Spanish) - Wii’KI, red paint used on pottery Papago Verb Stems. 255 tonnih’ki’kah, to claim a hill tethhu’kah, to have meat teunnikah, to have dried cactus fruit teuta’kah, to have coals teiiwii’kah, to have jack-rabbits (killed) teiihho’kah, to have a cave tei’kah, to have mesquite-bean flour teimmi’kah, to claim tetihmI tetioLimmii’kah, to have the fruit of teiioLihmU teiiotei’kah, to have a man teiiva’kah, to have clouds (imitations of clouds) teiiwii’ti’kah, to claim some place as one’s own teiihya’kah, to have a girl (a young woman) uhca’pi’kah, to have pitch uhhimmati’kah, to claim uhhimmahtt clanship immu’kah, to have the leaves of immu’KU uhsakah, to have an uhsakah uhtko’kah, to have uhtkoh for making arrows uhtkoteitci’kah, to have soap-weed wtiihva’kah, to have tule used in mak- ing baskets wuhhi’kah, to have a bird or birds uvi’kah, to have a sister who has passed the age of girlhood and is known as uhvi and not tethyah iitita’kah, to have skin of some animal inni’kah, to have vahcai’kah, to have grass or hay va’kah, to have a hole (animals) vahpi’ki’kah, to have cane or ribs of cactus vahya’kah, to have a well viahpo’o’ki’iiti’kah, to have a young man vihho’kah, to have mesquite beans vipammii’kah, to have chewing gum viwii’kah, to have tobacco wo’kah, to have a road or trail wo’o’kah, to have a pond wuLw’kah, to have a donkey wi’kah, to have red paint ''256 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 The changes made in the noun stem by the addition of this suffix -’kah are regular. As sonancy predominates in the begin- ning of words, and surdness at the end, 6’Pii naturally becomes o’pi’kah. Aspiration is related to surdness. Therefore tdloh makes tdlo’kah, and pahvi pavi’kah. Nouns ending in 7, 7, N, M, 8, or C, add ii before -kah. No exception to any of these rules are to be found. Most of the nouns ending in ’xI or ’Kij lose this ending before ~kah: cita’Ki’kah becomes ciita’kah. But there are a few nouns ending in the same syllable, which retain it before ’kah. These are ah’x1, kihsoh’k1, Lantcith’K1, mantciih’KI, tonniih’Ki, and vahpi’Ku. C. By SUFFIX -T, TO MAKE It will be seen from this list that -r can be suffixed to all names of things that are made. But when a noun is changed to a verb with the suffix -T, it is not understood whether work has been done, is being done, or will be done, so that all nouns changed to verbs with this suffix mean either make, making, or made, and can be fully understood only when used in a sentence. Thus: N toh himmah kiht as will a house-make hiimma’ aNT kihr a I-have house-made a’Ninih kiht I-am _house-making When -T becomes the ending of words having the suffix -Tcv, -T always changes these words to a ‘‘participle’’ expressing con- tinued action. Nouns Verbs auih, baby aLi’T, to become a father ammoh, the boss, master amMmoht, to find some one to work for aht, the beginning of a basket ah’r, to make the beginning of a basket or a jar or jar ahtohcah, the skin or cloth that ahtohcaht, to make the ahtohcah is worn by men around the waist ahtohu, atole (Spanish) ahtoLiht, making atole '' 1913] Dolores: Papago Verb Stems. 257 Nouns » Ga’aLi’kih, a forked stick used to brace the carrying bas- ket and make it stand cahkihmt, a rope or a strap that goes around the nose of a horse CaLihv1, trousers con, the starting point, trunk connikiwuhii, a wooden ball co’piaht, doll - Coyikah, pet ciLinnah, a stick straightened to be made into an arrow ha’ah, an olla hahciitah, woven basket ha’koh, a cushion for the head hahpoht, arrow ha’uh, gourd drinking cup hinniivahii, a mat not woven nor sewed, made of grass hoah, sewed basket hoahsa’ah, plate ho’KI, the skin, after it is taken off an animal (buck skin) ho’ommah, the best shooting arrow; a horse most used hon, body honni’KU, wife 7 huhhutikah, sickness of a woman hi’kKt, relationship of two women who are married to one man inna’KI, ancient skirt ihpuht, over-skirt (modern) kaikiah, sandal string kaihtckah, seeds for planting kaLihcahni, drawers (Spanish) kaht, bow kih, house ki’ata’KU, handle kihcoh, cheese (Spanish) kibhoh, carrying basket kihhtih, brother-in-law, sister- in-law kihx1, plow, or a sharp stick to dig with kitei’Kt, door (‘‘house-open- ing’’) kiwuht, belt kohc, nest Verbs ca’aLi’kiht, to make a Ca’aLi’kih cahkimmiiht, to make a cahkihMu CaLiviht, to make trousers cont, started or commenced connikiwuLiht, to make a wooden ball co’piahtt, to make a doll coyikaht, to make a pet cintinnahr, to make a ciiLinnah ha’aht, to make an olla hahciitaht, to make a basket ha’koht, to make a cushion hahpoh’r, to make an arrow ha’uht, to make a gourd drinking cup hinniivaLihtT, to make a grass mat hoaht, to make a basket hoahsa’aht, to make a plate ho’KIT, to make buck skin ho’oMmaht, to make a good arrow; a good gentle work horse hont, to make the body hont, to marry (a man) huhhutikaht, to get the huhhurikah hi’Kit, to get a hi’KU innakiT, to make an ancient skirt ihpuhtt, to make an over-skirt kaikiahT, to make a sandal string kaihtckaht, to prepare seeds for planting kaLihcanniht, to make drawers kah’r, to make a bow kiht, to make a house ki’ata’KUT, to make a handle kihcoht, to make cheese kihhoht, to make a kihhoh kihhiht, to get a kihhiih kihx1t, to make a plow or a digging stick kitei’KUrT, to make a door kiwuhrt, to make a belt kohot, to make a nest ''- 258 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [ Vou. 10 Nouns --kohtohnt, shirt ku’kiah, corn with the husks pulled up and hung up for planting seeds; erectio penis kixttah, a hanging shelf made of sticks tied together kutahni, medicine (Spanish) kups, smoke or dust LoMmiata’KU, a saddle made of two bundles of grass tied together (Spanish) -mahkat, one who cures without medicine mahkota’KU, a rope or a strap to tie two things together maNnata’KU, a rope or a strap used to hobble a horse maht, child of a woman ‘mahteuht, a grinding stone mayiN, a woven mat mihr’piah, a cinch used as a stirrup «~mo’o, head nawo’rcl, friend ‘noNnhah, egg ~ oLah, women’s double ball ovih, opponent - ovi’Tcl, awl oyit, farm, garden - pahcoh, breast ‘ pabht, tail pit, mud, clay for pottery sihtohii, syrup siwo’tah, tassel of down feath- ers tied on the head taLivihnt, twister for making rope ‘tahTKU, root teuakiah, a net for carrying things on a horse teiita’KI, burning coals or char- coal ‘tethho, a cave teii’KU, mesquite-bean flour tei’kii’tah, race track » teiioTcl, a man, male .tetihpah, a mortar Verbs kohtonniht, to make a shirt ku’kiaht, to make kw’kiah kixkitaht, to make a kixttah kuLaNniht, to make medicine kipst, to make smoke or dust LoMmiata’KtT, to make a grass saddle mahkaiht, to teach one the secrets of curing without medicine mahkotaxktT, to make a mahkotakt maNuata’KUT, to make a maNnata’KU ° ? . mahft, to give birth to a child mahteuhtt, to make a mahtcuhT mayiNT, to make a mat miht’piaht, to make a miht’piah mo’oht, to make the head nawo’t, to make a friend noNhaht, to lay an egg (also applied to human beings) oLaht, to make the oLah éviht, to make an opponent ovi’t, to make an awl oyi’T, to make a farm or garden pahcoht, to make the breast pahhit, to make the tail pit, to get clay in condition for pottery making sihtoLiht, making syrup siwo’taht, to make a feather tassel taLivint, to make a taLivihNu tahTKUT, to become rooted teuakiaht, to make a teuakiah teiita’KIT, to make burning coals or char- coal tciihhot, to make a cave tei’KUT, to make mesquite-bean flour tei’ki’taht, to make a race track teiiorcit, to make a man; to castrate a horse tciipaht, to make a mortar adit ''1913] Dolores: Papago Verb Stems. 259 Nouns -teiih’toh, a rock to hold the cooking jar above the fire - tetihtonniitakt, the center pole of a house ‘ teiiva’KI, clouds uw’Kiicah, a wall put up for a wind-break wuh, a war arrow wuMhata’Kt, the feathers on an arrow »-tnnikah, property uhrT’pah, a mat of grass used as a door for the house ' vahKus, whatever is used to sit or lie on (skin, blanket) va’oh, wooden tongs for gather- ing cactus fruit vahtcihhoh, a big wooden dish (Spanish) vawiiNnata’KU, a pole which holds up the roof +» vahyah, a well viti’kuht, a pestle for grind- ing wohca’Kt7, pocket (Spanish) wo’KU, a road wo’KUcah, a quiver wonnahmi, a hat + wo’o, a pond woht, foreshaft of an arrow wuLiwi’kah, a target (a little bundle called a bird or rab- bit made of grass, tied with bark) Verbs teiih’toht, to make a teitih’toh teiihtonntitakt, to make a center pole teiiva’KIT, to make clouds (imitations of clouds) u’KUcaht, to make a wind-break wuht, to make a war arrow wuMhata’KUT, to make uw’umhata’KU unnikaht, to use as one’s own, to wear tihr’paht, to make an thr’pah vahxkust, to make a vahKuUS va’oht, to make tongs vahtcihhoht, to make a vahtcihhoh vawiiNnata’KUT, to make a vawiiNnata’KU vahyaht, to make a well viti’kuhtTT, to make a pestle wohca’KtT, to make a pocket wo’KUT, to make a road wo’Ktcaht, to make a quiver woNnamMmiht, to make a hat wo’oht, to make a pond woh’t, to make a foreshaft wuliwi’kaht, to make a target D. By SUFFIX -TCU, TO MAKE FOR all, a baby aht, the beginning of a basket ahtohui, atole (Spanish) cCaLihvi, a pair of trousers cavihkuht, a rattle con, trunk; the starting point connikiwuhtiI, a wooden ball used in long distance race Co’piaht, a doll ha’ah, an olla aLitou, to act like a child, to make a child ahtou, to make the beginning of a bas- ket; to make an anus ahtotitcu, to make atole for some one CaLivihtcu, to make a pair of trousers for somebody cavihkuhtrovu, to make a rattle for some- body ConToU, to begin connikiwuLihtou, to make a wooden ball for somebody co’piahtrou, to make a doll for somebody ha’ahtou, to make an olla for some one ''260 Nouns hahciitah, a woven basket hahkimaht, niece, nephew ha’koh, a cushion for the head on which to carry baskets or jars hahpoht, arrow hoah, a sewed basket hoahsa’ah, a plate hon, body hi’Kt, relation between two women who are married to the same man - Iivitahkuht, fire drill ka’ammaht, woman kaitckah, seeds for planting grandchild of a kaLihcaNI, a pair of drawers kaht, bow kih, house kihhih, brother-in-law, sister- in-law koho, nest kohtohni, shirt ku’kiah, an ear of corn, with the husks pulled up and left on the cob, and hung up to be used only for planting seeds kuhyt, husband kups, smoke LiahT, a rawhide rope (Span- ish) mahkal, one who cures without medicine mahkota’KU, a rope or strap used to tie things together maNnata’KU, a rope or strap used to hobble a horse maht, child of a woman mahteuht, a grinding stone mayiN, a woven mat University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vou. 10 Verbs hahciitahtcu, to make a woven basket for some one hahkimmahrrcu, to make a niece or nephew for some one ha’kohtcu, to make a cushion for some one hahpohtcu, to make an arrow for some one hoahtcu, to make a sewed basket for some one hoahsa’ahtcu, to make a plate for some one hontcu, to make a marriage for some one (a man) hiikitcu, to make a hii’KU for some one ivitahkuhrrovu, to make a fire drill for some one ka’ammahtrcu, to make a grandchild for some one kairckahtcu, to make planting seeds for some one kaLihcantcu, to make drawers for some one kahtcu, to make a bow for some one kihtcu, to make a house for some one kihhiihtcu, to make a brother-in-law or sister-in-law for some one kohcrcu, to make a nest for some one kohtontcu, to make a shirt for some one kuw’kiahtcu, to make ku’kiah for some one kuntcu, to make a marriage for some one (woman) kupstcu, to make smoke, to turn into smoke Liahtcu, to make a rawhide rope for some one mahkaihtcu, to make a medicine man of somebody mahkota’Kttcu, to make a coupler for some one maNnata’Kttcu, to make a hobble for some one mahrrcu, to help as a midwife mahtcuhrrcu, to make a grinding stone for somebody mayintcu, to make a mat for some one ''1913] Dolores: Nouns mo’o, head nonhah, egg dvih, an opponent pohcohi, hominy sihtohui, syrup teuta’KI, burning coals, or char- coal teii’Kt, mesquite-bean flour tei’kiitah, a race track tetihpah, a mortar thc, flint arrow-point; the stinger of insects uhsakah, a stick used by women in their game of the double ball wuh, war arrow unnikah, property vahcah, a woven trinket basket with a cover vahcohmi, a sewed storage bas- ket vahkoh, a small olla, a gourd used to carry water in, a canteen. vahkus, a mat, skin, blanket, or anything that spreads, used to sit or to lie on va’oh, a pair of wooden tongs viti’kuht, a pestle for grinding wohca’KU, a pocket (Spanish) wo’Ktcah, a quiver woNnahmi, a hat wohstiMmahtT, grandchild of a man woht, the foreshaft of an arrow E. By Surrrx Nouns abt, anus hurct, finger-nails, toe-nails Papago Verb Stems. 261 Verbs mo’ohtcu, to make a head for something nonnahtcu, to impregnate dvihtcu, to make an opponent for some- body pohcotihtcu, to cook hominy for some- body gihtotihrou, to make syrup for somebody teuta’KITcu, to make coals or charcoal of something tew’Kttou, to make mesquite-bean flour for somebody teii’kii’tahrou, to make a race track for somebody teiihpahrcu, to make a mortar for some- body ahorcu, to make a flint arrow-point for some one uhsakahtou, to make an uhsakah for some one wuhtcu, to make war arrows for some one innikahtcu, to make something the property of some one vahcahtcu, to make a trinket basket for some one vahcommihtcu, to make a storage basket for some one vahkohtcu, to make a small olla for some one vahxkustcu, to make a mat for some one va’ohtcu, to make a pair of tongs for some one viti’kuhtrcu, to make a grinding pestle for some one wohca’Kircu, to make a pocket for some- thing wo’Kicahtcu, to make a quiver for some- thing woNnamMmihtou, to make a hat for some- body wohstimmahtrovu, to make a grandchild for somebody (a man) wohtrcu, to make the foreshaft of an arrow -wuah, TO LET FALL Verbs ahtiiwuah, to hit with the buttocks hutciwuah, to hit with the toe, to stumble ''262 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [ Vou. 10 Nouns Verbs . kam, cheek kamMmiwuah, to hit with the cheek - koa, forehead koawuah, to hit with the forehead -- kiiteah, semen kiitciwuah, to emit seed mo’o, head mo’owuah, to hit with the head --miuhs, vagina miuhsiiwuah, to hit with the mths - nahkt, ear nahkiiwuah, to hit with the ear oh, back 6wuah, to hit with the back sihc, elbow sihcititwuah, to hit with the elbow sihstivatakt, saliva sihsiitwuah, to spit - taht, nose tahkiiwuah, to hit with the nose - taht, foot ta’tiiwuah, to put the foot in something teihniI, mouth teinniwuah, to hit with the mouth uM, thigh uMmiuwuah, to hit with the thigh * vihha, penis vihhawuah, to hit with the vihha - wohkt, stomach wohkiiwuah, to hit with the stomach “ wul, eye wuhhiwuah, to hit with the eye F. By Surrix -KI, TO SHAKE Nouns Verbs a’aN, wings aNni’KI, to flap the wings abT, anus ahta’KI, to shake the buttocks hon, body honnii’KI, to shake the body mo’o, head, hair mo’o’KI, to shake the head pahhi, tail pahhi’KI, to switch the tail taht, foot tata’KI, to shake the foot G. By SuFFIx -aM, -iM, TO GO TO GET Nouns Verbs hi’, urine hi’am, to go to urinate > honni’Kt, wife hdnnim, to go to get married (a man) huni, corn hunnyam, to go after corn ‘ ihhw’KU, devil’s claw (Marty- nia) ibhu’kam, to go after the ihhu’KU ihv, cactus fruit after it is iyaM, to go after cactus fruit gathered in the basket ku’a’KI, wood ku’a’kam, to go after wood nil, song ni’im, to go to sing > ON, salt onnaM, to go after salt - piht, manure pihtam, to go to defecate pit, mud pi’'tam, to go after pottery clay - tayih’kah, the sprouts of the tayih’kam, to go after the vahs vahs plant used in making baskets after being heated (tal, fire) - va’i’KI, water after itis put in va’ikam, to go after water the jar - wuakah, girls’ adolescence cere- wuakaM, to go to the singing and danc- mony ing eect oe agi ey) eatin Sp Ne ta STDS OD, atte tag ''1913] Dolores: Papago Verb Stems. 263 H. By SurFix -PI, TO TAKE OFF The following words are in common use; but, figuratively speaking, -Pr can be suffixed to all nouns: that is, to the names of those things which are firmly attached to something else. The name of the thing taken off, with the suffix -p1, indicates that that which was taken off, did not come off willingly, nor easily, but was taken off by force. For example: honnihp, (his) wife taken away. The girl who loves her husband will not willingly leave him, but sometimes the girl is taken away from her husband by her parents. Hence the expression, honnihpi. mivihpt, took off the running powers of a man, or of a horse; exhausted, made tired, so that the animal, or man, cannot run any more. Nouns ho’, thorn kaircl, seeds ki’KI, tallow kohmt, back, shell, outside bone mo’ohTKU, the scalp nahxu, ear oN, salt o’oht, sand teu’, flour teiiwiiht, dirt, earth, world tiLita’KU, skin, bark iitah, the inside part of fruit vihho’KU, mesquite-beans vihpii’toh, the testicles wohpoh, the hair on the skin Verbs ho’ihp1, to take off thorns (gathering cactus fruit) kaihpr, to take off seeds kVihpi, to take off tallow kompl, to take off the back or the shell of insects mo’ohtpi, to scalp nahktri1, to take off a part of the ear (ear marks on cattle) onniipl, to take off salt o’ohtrt, to take off sand (cleaning seeds) tewihpi, to take off flour that is stuck to clothes, ete. tetiwihtr1, to take off dirt (cleaning clothes) uLihpr, to take off the bark iitahPi, to take off the inside part of the fruit vihho’KitPi, to take off mesquite-beans from the tree vihpw’tohri, to castrate wohpohr!, to take off the wohpoh Transmitted February 3, 1913. '' '' UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 10, No. 6, pp. 265-288, pls. 38-41 April 3, 1914 NOTES ON THE CHILULA INDIANS OF NORTHWESTERN CALIFORNIA BY: PLINY EARLE GODDARD CONTENTS PAGE Introduction 265 Habitat 266 Neighbors 267 History 267 Oulbure 25... 270 Villages : 272 Summer Camps 276 Local Points of Interest 278 INTRODUCTION While this fragmentary account of the Chilula probably could be considerably extended and improved if circumstances per- mitted additional visits to the neighborhood, anything like a complete account would be impossible. Although it is only sixty- five years since they first came in contact with white people, they have ceased to exist as a separate people. In 1906 the northern villages were represented by a family consisting of an aged man, Tom Hill, a son, Dan Hill, and a daughter, Mary Willis, whé, while born in Chilula territory, had lived since 1888 in Hoopa Valley. Besides these there were living in Hoopa Valley several ' Indians whose parents were Chilula but who were themselves born and reared among the Hupa. South of the Bald Hills there were still living a very aged woman (pl. 40, fig. 1) and her husband, Molasses. The latter was a native of Mad River. ''266 Oniversity of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 Near Bair’s was Doctor Tom’s family, which included numerous half-breed grandchildren. But the adults of both families had lived for many years at Hoopa before resettling on Redwood Creek. The information presented here was obtained from Tom Hill and his son and from the wife of Molasses. From these inform- ants were also obtained a number of important texts of myths, tales, and ceremonies. If a full account of the Chilula were possible, its chief interest would probably be the deviations from the Hupa type of culture, due to environmental differences, and certain transitional features. The Athapascans of upper Redwood Creek and Mad River had a culture dissimilar from the Hupa in many points. It appears that in a few particulars the Chilula shared the culture of the south rather than that of the Trinity and Klamath rivers. Mainly, however, they seem to have been one with the Hupa in language, culture, and political feeling. For this reason it was at first thought unnecessary to devote much time to the study of the Chilula. Since circumstances will probably prevent a fur- ther attempt to reconstruct their life, it seems best to publish these notes, of which those on the location of the villages are considered of chief importance. HABITAT The Chilula? formerly occupied a number of villages along the lower portion of Redwood Creek, Humboldt County, Cali- fornia. This stream, which is just too small to be classed as a river, flows nearly straight in a northwesterly direction to within a short distance of its mouth, where it turns westward to the ocean. It is separated from the valley of the Trinity River on the east by a ridge nearly 4,000 feet high, and from Mad River and the coastal plain on the west by ridges from 2,000 to 3,000 feet high. The valley wall on the west side of the creek is heavily wooded. The forest for the lower third, the portion occupied by 1 This name, said by Kroeber to be from the Yurok name for the Bald Hills, tsula, was applied by Stephen Powers without proper discrimination both to the Athapascan people treated in this paper and to their Yurok- speaking enemies living at the mouth of Redwood Creek. '' 1914] Goddard: Chilula Indians of Northwestern California 267 the Chilula, consists largely of redwood, among which many tan oaks stand. The rather steep slope of the eastern side is broken in many places by the valleys of the numerous small tributaries which are separated from each other by short transverse ridges. The higher portions of these ridges and much of the main ridge are devoid of timber and for this reason are called Bald Hills. The Chilula are locally known as Bald Hill Indians. South of these hills the stream is bordered by a series of flats, on which a number of the more important Chilula villages were situated. NEIGHBORS The northern neighbors of the Chilula are the Yurok, who occupy the valley of Klamath River and formerly claimed the land several miles back from the river for the purpose of hunt- ing and gathering wild vegetable products. At the mouth of Redwood Creek and along the coast are also Yurok-speaking people known to the Chilula and Hupa as Teswan and their country as Teswanta. To the east along the Trinity are the Hupa, and to the south on the upper portion of Redwood Creek and on Mad River are the Whilkut, both being Athapascan in speech. With the Wiyot of Humboldt Bay the Chilula seem to have had little intercourse. With the Hupa the Chilula are very intimately connected. There is only a slight difference in dialect. Intermarriage seems to have been frequent for a long time past. The Chilula were welcomed at the Hupa ceremonies from which the Whilkut were excluded. The Yurok of Klamath River were also generally con- sidered friends. The Teswan of the coast, however, were the traditional enemies of the Chilula and the heavily wooded region separating their villages was a place of danger. Toward the Whilkut the Chilula seem to have entertained a feeling of dis- trust and condescension. HIStory The first mention of the Chilula is by George Gibbs, who passed directly through their territory in 1851. His company surprised a party of them on the ridge west of Redwood Creek, where they were probably camped to gather acorns. The men ''268 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 fled from this camp, leaving the women and children behind. They also left their permanent villages on Redwood Creek on the approach of the party and betrayed their presence only by their signal smokes. Gibbs says of them: ‘‘These Bald Hill Indians, as they are called, have a very bad reputation among the packers, and several lives, as well as much property, have been lost through their means. They appear to lead a more roving life than those of the Klamath and Trinity rivers; with the latter of whom they seem, however, to be connected.’’? Gibbs gives Tcho-lo-lah as their Yurok name and mentions the names in the same language of five of their villages. From the accounts given by the Indians themselves and by the early white settlers it appears that soon after the mines of the Klamath and Salmon rivers were opened in 1850 many travel- lers with packtrains carrying supplies began passing through the territory of the Chilula, which was crossed by the trails both from Trinidad and Humboldt Bay. Trouble soon arose from the suspicion with which each race viewed the other and the Indians began waylaying the travelers and robbing the packtrains. The white men in turn shot the Indians at sight. Although there were regular troops at Fort Humboldt on Humboldt Bay and at Camp Gaston in Hoopa Valley, the settlers organized a company of volunteers for which recognition was obtained from the state. This company entered on a cam- paign of extermination and deportation, a step which the officers of the regular forces refused to take. After operating on Mad River and the upper portion of Redwood Creek, they camped on a flat about a mile north of Thomas Bair’s ranch house. Mr. Albers, a settler living a few miles down the creek, was induced to call a council of the Chilula at his house. He did this with some misgivings and only after being assured that the council was for the purpose of establishing peace. He sent out a Hupa Indian who was working for him at the time to call in the Chilula, many of whom, trusting to the word of Albers, assembled. The troops were thrown around them and they were taken as prisoners to Humboldt Bay. 2 Henry Schooleraft, Information respecting the History, Conditions, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States (Philadelphia, 1854), Part III, 134. ''1914] Goddard: Chilula Indians of Northwestern California 269 After some delay, the captives were put on board a vessel and taken to Fort Bragg on the Mendocino County coast, where they were placed on a reservation. There they were indifferently eared for and insufficiently guarded. Although these Indians were 150 miles from their homes, from which they were separated by mountainous country absolutely unknown to them and inhab- ited by strange tribes whose customary reception of unknown people was hostile, they set out bravely toward the north, travel- ing by the sun and stars. All went well until they crossed the main Eel River near Fort Seward. There the Lassik Indians attacked them, killing all but one or two. Word of this mas: sacre was brought to Redwood Creek, where there were a num- ber of the Chilula who had not been captured with the others. These gathered a war band in which several Hupa and Whilkut joined. The war dance was held on a mountain west of Pilot Creek. There were seventy men, armed mostly with bows and arrows; a few had muskets. When they reached the villages near the mouth of Dobbins Creek, where their people had been killed, they found them nearly deserted. The few old people discovered there were killed and the war party turned back. While camped near the site of Blocksburg they saw smoke to the east near the base of Lassik Peaks. Scouts sent out reported a large summer camp. This was surrounded about daybreak and the people killed without merey’, neither women or children being spared. Some of the Lassik took refuge under a log, where they were killed and remained unburied for many years. The aveng- ers are said to have made three trips to the Lassik country before they were content. After this the Bald Hills were avoided by all travellers and the packtrains were sent in by other routes. Mr. Albers, having returned to his farm against the advice of his friends, was killed while plowing. After some years of hostility the agent at Hoopa sought peace. The Chilula agreed on the condition that the Hupa Indian who had summoned them to the council at Albers’ house be given them. He was one of the few Hupa who were able to speak English readily and was very friendly with the white people. Notwithstanding this he was sent with a message to Arcata and was killed from ambush by a party of ''270 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn, [Vol. 10 Chilula who were in waiting, as they assert, according to an arrangement with the agent at Hoopa. With the exception of one family, the remaining Chilula removed to Hoopa Valley, where several Chilula who had Hupa connections had been living previously. A number of the families living at the northern end of Hoopa Valley are of Chilula origin.’ CULTURE The culture of the Chilula does not seem to have differed much from that of the Hupa except in those particulars which were the direct result of environmental differences. The Hupa villages were located on the Trinity River, which for much of the year could be crossed only in canoes. Travel and transporta- tion were largely by water. Redwood Creek is too small a stream to require canoes for crossing or to accommodate them for general travel. The Hupa took vast numbers of salmon by means of weirs reaching entirely across the stream. Since these weirs required great labor to construct, they were looked upon as community property where any Hupa might come to fish subject to certain conditions. The weirs employed in Redwood Creek were small and insignificant in comparison. They were employed for catch- ing lamprey eels and trout, rather than salmon. The salmon were generally taken in the small branches of Redwood Creek by spears, or at the base of certain natural waterfalls, ealled ndle,* by means of nets. The Chilula are reputed to have surpassed the Hupa as hunters and this may have been the case. The heavy redwood forests to the west were frequented by herds of elk and the half open and half timbered ridges to the east were especially favorable for deer. s Among these is McCan, from whom material published in Hupa Texts, in volume one of this series, was obtained. 4'The Indian words in this paper have the open vowels unmarked and the closed ones with a macron. Of the consonants, k is always glottally affected, t is glottally affected, t is strongly aspirated, x is a surd palatal spirant, fi is in the palatal position, L is a surd lateral spirant, and L is the same glottally affected. ''1914] Goddard: Chilula Indians of Northwestern California 271 The permanent houses of the Chilula appear to have been of the same sort as those occupied by the Hupa. During the sum- mer months the Hupa were accustomed to sleep in brush shelters near the villages. The Chilula seem to have regularly left their villages in'the summer and fall and to have lived in regular and definitely located camps on the higher portion of the ridges. These camps were near some spring or cold stream and in the neighborhood of some special vegetable food for the gathering of which the camp was maintained. In summer various bulbs and the seeds of grasses were sought. In the fall camps were made for gathering acorns. The latter were especially abundant on the western ridge where the tan oaks grow among the redwoods. For these camps houses of the shape of the winter house, the regular Hupa and Yurok type, were built. No pits were dug, however, and they were enclosed with bark instead of split lumber. This is the material which was used for the permanent houses by the Athapascan people to the south on Mad River. Sweathouses of the Hupa-Yurok type seem to have been 7 part of each village and in them the men slept. In addition to these, however, mention is made, in regard to two of the villages, of large circular dance houses. These are common to the south. The sweathouse seems not to have been used south of the Chilula except in one village on upper Redwood Creek. In the matter of industrial and decorative art no differences _ are mentioned by either the Hupa or the Chilula. That there were slight differences is probable. These would be, in part, due to different materials available and minor differences in occupation and, in part, to transitions toward the related peoples of the south. The social and political organization seems to have been of the same sort as that prevailing at Hupa. Each village had a leader who held his position because of his personal character and wealth. Some of these village chiefs because of their per- sonal force of character and bravery had influence and were recognized in other villages. On the whole there appears to have been a surprising lack of political coherence between the various villages. It is difficult to determine what constituted the larger units. That the Chilula were politically distinct from the Hupa | ett OO \ \ _? ''272 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 is far from certain. Those who went to the Hupa at the begin- ning of trouble with white people were received by the Hupa as if they were compatriots, but this may have been due to exist- ing relationship through intermarriages. The division between the Whilkut of upper Redwood and the Chilula is made rather in accordance with the attitude of the Hupa than from any definitely expressed feeling on the part of the Chilula. In religious practices there were probably greater differences between the Chilula and the Hupa. The religious ceremonies of the Hupa and the Yurok have many local characteristics. They are held at definite places and usually to meet local needs. The Chilula are said to have held White Deerskin dances before the memory of any one now living, but such a dance must have been different from the Hupa ceremony, which was essentially a series of celebrations progressing down the river. In recent years the Chilula seem to have participated in the Hupa ceremonies as guests. The general myths and the medicine formulas show no notice- able differences from those of the Hupa. Not even are there the different localizations one might expect. The Hupa myths and tales deal with Yurok and Chilula territory almost as frequently as with the Trinity region. The Chilula accounts are equally impartial. VILLAGES In order to locate the sites of the former villages, Dan Hill, a member of the last family to leave the region, was taken to the Bald Hills. All the sites north of the old Albers place were visited with one exception. The names given below are those secured on that occasion, many of which were afterwards veri- fied by others who were consulted. The names and locations of the southern villages were obtained in 1906 and 1907 from inde- pendent sources while passing up and down the stream. Begin- ning at the north the villages were: A. Xéwinnakit. The site of this village could not be located with certainty.» It was probably situated about a mile east of 5 Center of Section 6, Township 9 North, Range 2 East, Humboldt Base and Meridian. ; : ; 4 q 4 '' 1914] Goddard: Chilula Indians of Northwestern California 273 Redwood Creek on a small flat south of a ridge along which the Trinidad trail used to run. A small creek a short distance south, entering Redwood Creek from the east, would have furnished excellent salmon fishing. A depression resembling those char- acteristic of sweathouses was seen. Tom Hill’s oldest brother used to live at this village, which was deserted many years ago, probably because of its nearness to the trail. This and the fol- lowing sites are shown on the map in plate 38. B. Noledifi. This former large village remained occupied until 1888, when the Hill family left it and moved to Hoopa Valley. The site is at the foot of a long glade which slopes toward the creek from which it is nearly half a mile distant.® A spring north of the village site furnished water. In the edge of the timber, which approaches the village site within a few yards on the north, are two large redwood trees, hollow, with large openings toward the south. In these living trees families used to spend the winter. During our visit in 1906 a rainy afternoon was spent in one of them in which a fire was main- tained, the smoke escaping through the high opening in the side. The village derived its name and perhaps its existence from a ndle, or waterfall, a short distance up the stream. The creek bed was formerly choked with huge boulders, causing a fall, which was jumped by the salmon with difficulty. The fishing for both salmon and lamprey eels, carried on with nets below the fall, was excellent. Since the village has been abandoned several of these boulders have been displaced so that a fall of only three feet remains. C. Lotcimme. A former village about a mile upstream from the last and seventy-five yards east of Redwood Creek stood in an opening of about an acre.’ Obscure housepit-like depressions were seen on the north side of the glade near a stream which furnished drinking-water. A weir for lamprey eels used to be built in Redwood Creek nearby. D. Kifikyélai. A large and important former village situ- ated on the eastern end of a ridge above Jonathan Lyons’ ranch house and about a mile east of it. There is timber nearby on ~ 6 Southeast corner of Section 9, Township 9 North, Range 2 East. 7 Northwest quarter of Section 22, Township 9 North, Range 2 East. 8 Near the middle of south side of Section 24, Township 9 North, Range 2 East. ''274 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 the northern slope of the ridge. In the edge of the timber is a spring which furnished the village with water. Besides the sweathouse site, seventeen house pits were counted. This village was the home of the Socktish family, many of whom are now living with the Hupa. The head of the family at the coming of white people was a man of influence and a noted warrior. His name was Kittcil, ‘‘crazy.’’ His wife was a Hupa woman and perhaps for that reason the family moved to Hoopa Valley. (See pl. 39, fig. 1.) E. Kinyfikkyodmiifia. This site was not visited. It is said to be on the north side of Coyote Creek below a large rock.® There are said to be house pits there. Tom Hill said this was the village where the people who lived at Kifikydlai spent the colder months of the winter. It is unlikely that two permanent villages were maintained by the same families. Perhaps the site of Kifiky6lai is the more recent and was formerly only a sum- mer camping place. F. Yisinnifi‘aikit. The site of a former village a half mile east of Redwood Creek and about five hundred feet higher than the creek.?° It is south of the main ridge south of Coyote Creek, at the western edge of a glade near a dry gulch. One pit was found. Tom Hill’s father is said to have lived at this village, which was also said to have been unoccupied at the coming of white people. G. Tsinsilladif. A former village not far from Redwood Creek on a small flat where the ground shows signs of having slid.1 Little Henry’s family are said to have lived at this village. H. Téndinniindifi. The Indians used to go there from Noledifi in the summer to gather seeds and in the fall for acorns. 6. Senalmatsdii. A summer camp for gathering seeds. A glade on the south side of the main ridge east of Kinky6lai.?° 7. Niwilsdlmiye. A summer camping ground near a cold spring at the head of one of the branches of Coyote Creek.*’ The Indians used to come here from Noledin. 8. Mifkitdekeyimantcintcii. A summer camp among the redwood trees across the creek from Albers’ place, opposite the mouth of North Fork Creek.?® 9. Kittcinamedifi. A summer camp on the west side of the main ridge, about two hundred feet below the junction with it "22 Probably in the northern part of Section 16, Township 9 North, Range 3 East. 23 Section 22, Township 9 North, Range 3 East. 24 Probably in the western part of Section 10, Township 9 North, Range 2 East. 25 Probably in the northwest quarter of Section 31, Township 10 North, Range 3 Hast. 26 Probably in the southeast quarter of Section 24, Township 9 North, Range 2 Hast. 27 Northwest corner of Section 32, Township 9 North, Range 3 East. 28 Tn the northwest corner of Section 30, Township 8 North, Range 3 East. ''278 Unwersity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [ Vol. 10 of the east and west ridge north of North Fork Creek.2® There is a spring by a Douglas spruce which stands by itself. 10. Tewfifixaladifi. On the western side of the main ridge near its crest.°° There is a spring in a small flat. Locau Ports or INTEREST During the trip through the Chilula territory a number of matters of interest were related in regard to particular localities. On the crest of the ridge east of Lyons’ place, near the reg- ular crossing of the trail to the mouth of Pine Creek, a battlefield . was pointed out. An arrowpoint was picked up and they were said to be plentiful thereabout. Peace was made here many years ago between the Chilula and the Indians of upper Redwood Creek. The two parties camped about a mile apart for two days.** During this time two men from each party acted as messengers, carrying back and forth notched sticks by means of which the number of strings of dentalia which should be paid in settlement were agreed upon. It was mentioned that some fighting occurred during this time. This seems to have been usual in this region during peace making. A rocky point on the top of the ridge about a mile northeast of Lyons’ house was used as a dancing-place for those who were training to become shamans.*? Stones were arranged to include. a space about four by six feet. Within this a fire was built, around which the candidates danced (pl. 39, fig. 2). Similar dancing places were used by the Hupa for this purpose. On the crest of the main ridge are three associated objects of mythical and ceremonial interest. There is a depression about twenty feet wide and sixty feet long, evidently a pond in wet weather, as its name, miikkitminnaxdwaLdifi, indicates. The girls during their adolescence ceremonies used to run around this depression contra-clock wise. A stone on the north side marks 29 Near southwest corner of Section 15, Township 8 North, Range 3 East. 30 Middle of the southern part of Section 23, Township 8 North, Range 3 East. 31 These camps were probably in Section 29, Township 9 North, Range 3 East. 32 Middle of east side of Section 19, Township 9 North, Range 3 East. '' 1914] Goddard: Chilula Indians of Northwestern California 279 the starting place. If the girl was able to run around once with- out taking a breath she would be a good basket-maker. About two hundred yards north is a boulder six feet by four, and about two feet high. It is split into two parts and has a depression near the top. This stone is called Yimantiiwifiyai xdtse, Yimantiiwifiyai’s stone. The culture hero is said to have hidden behind this stone when in passing he observed some maidens digging bulbs on the ridge south. The depression is the mark of Yimantiiwifiyai’s hand and the crack is an opening which allowed the passage of his member to the distant girls, who were soon surprised to find themselves pregnant. Yiman- tiwifiyai said that young girls who did not wish children had better keep away from this stone in the future, but that a woman who desired children should sit on it and fondle it. A similar stone near the forks of the Trinity is believed to cure barrenness. On the south crest of a higher part of the main ridge are a row of stones making a fairly straight line about one hundred and ten yards long. The direction is roughly east and west. The individual stones are about two feet high and eight or nine inches in thickness and width. They appear to be of purely natural origin, being of the thickness of the outcropping strata. Yimantiiwifiyai is said to have placed them here to attract the attention of the maidens mentioned above. They were babies at first, or so they appeared to the maidens to be. Yimantiiwiftyai said those who cared for him should set up any of the stones which might fall and that the person who gave them this care would become wealthy in consequence. Similar revered stones are found near Tsewenaldifi village in Hoopa Valley.** On the headwaters of Coyote Creek, not far from a cold spring and a favorite summer camping ground, is a stone called Coyote’s cradle. Coyote hollowed this stone out to receive his child, and said that if any one put his child in this depression for only a short time the child would grow fast. On the crest of the ridge, west of the wagon road, the lower part of a redwood tree rests in the crotch of a large redwood (pl. 41, fig. 1). This is said to be the cane of Yimanttwifiyai, 33 It was related that a white man had taken some of these stones for a chimney, but that he died before the house was completed. ''280 Unwersity of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 who left it here as he was passing. Since redwood decays very slowly, the tree may have been in this position for a century, ample time for the myth to originate. A celebrated Douglas spruce stands on the south side of the ridge which approaches Redwood Creek from the east, on the south side of Coyote Creek. It is known as neskin itxiin nittewin, “‘Douglas spruce sweet it smells.’? The tree is about six feet through and is unusually fragrant. The Chilula and Hupa used its branches to smoke their bodies. It gave good luck for salmon, deer, and wealth. There were the remains of a fire at the base of the tree where some passing Indian had smoked himself, although none live within ten miles of the tree. Some twigs carried to Hoopa Valley were eagerly received by an Indian who immediately recognized their source. A resting place called mikkaikildildinyisxfindii, ‘‘ June ber- ries stand there,’’ is on the ridge south of the Orcutt farm buildings. It is a customary resting place, but no offerings are made there. No penalty is said to be attached if one passes without resting, although this is said not often to have happened. Some miles south there is a tree which no one was expected to pass without stopping to shoot an arrow into it. It is said that Yimantiiwifiyai, coming along here, met some men to whom he proposed that they have some fun. When the men did not understand what was meant, Yimantiiwifiyai shot an arrow into the tree, using it as a mark. Another resting place, kifiwanditdii, ‘‘going through the timber place,’’ is on an eminence just south of a low gap in the main ridge. There were formerly two piles of brush at this place representing the accumulated offerings of those passing by. As one put down a piece of brush he addressed the genius of the place, calling him mannGnakiyauw, ‘‘give him half,’’ and asked for luck in whatever present need he stood. It was also custo- mary to shoot arrows at this place to see to what distance they could be sent. It is said that Yimantiiwifyai when passing found some people here, with whom he engaged in a shooting match to see who could shoot the farthest toward an open glade to the north. He was also the first to put down an offering of brush. '' 1914] Goddard: Chilula Indians of Northwestern California 281 On the east side of Redwood Creek about two miles above Noledifi the ruin of a fortification was examined. It was quite hidden in the redwood timber which borders the glade south of Lotecimme. A house had been built of large redwood logs put together horizontally in the form of a square, like a log cabin. There were four logs still in place one above the other. The bottom logs, which were the larger, were about one and a half feet in diameter. Loop holes were made between the logs. Dan Hill said the roof, supported by a post in the center, was of split | redwood planks. The door in the middle of the western wall was of tan oak planks four inches thick. The floor was about three feet below the surface of the ground outside. A small log- house formerly stood south of the blockhouse and a house had stood near the creek. Among others, Tom Hill lived here for some time in anticipation of an attack by white people. The fortification, which was made during the trouble with white people, was never used. It is probable that this structure was copied from similar ones built by the white people of the region, for the Indians of northwestern California seem not to have used fortifications of any kind. In 1907 Molasses and his wife were visited and several days were spent in obtaining texts. At the time of our arrival Molasses was away hunting, but he returned during the day. He brought in a large deer with the head still on, the horns being in velvet. The eyes of the deer had been dug out and a withe of Douglas spruce was firmly twisted around its muzzle (pl. 40, fig. 2). The interpreter, O’Haniel Bailey, explained that the withe was to keep the dead deer from smelling. The Hupa customarily punce- ture the eyes of a deer as soon as possible after its death. The head is usually removed before the deer is brought home, but in this case the head was to be prepared for sale. '' EXPLANATION OF PLATE 38 CHILULA VILLAGES Xodwinnakit, Noledifi, ‘- waterfall place.’’ . Lotcimme, ‘‘small glade in.’’ . Kifikyolai, ‘big timber point.’’ Kifyikkydmiifia, ‘‘big timber near.’’ Yisinnifi‘aikat, ‘‘down hill ridge runs on.’’ Tsinsilladifi, ‘‘bones lie place.’’ Tondinindifi, ‘‘water facing place.’’ Yinékan6mittsedifi, ‘south door place.’’ Xontenme, ‘‘flat in.’’ Loteeke. Litteiwinnauwdiii, ‘‘ dust flies place.’’ Kailtwta* dif, ‘‘ willows among place.’’ KailiwtcefieLdiii, ‘‘ willows project place.’’ Sikkifitewifimitta' difi. Kinnaxonta‘ difi, ‘‘Yurok village place.’’ Misme, ‘‘slide in.’’ Kaxista‘ dif, ‘‘Philadelphus among place. ’’ PONOSOAZEMP ASH ROH boWp TEMPORARY CAMPS . Tesaikut, ‘‘projects to water.’’ . Kitditwissakit, ‘‘fire drill on.’’ . Yitsinneakiittcifi, ‘down hill on.’’ . Teitdeelyedifi, ‘‘dancing place.’’ . Senalmatsdifi, ‘‘stone round place.’’ - Nuwilsdlmiye, ‘‘ground in billows under.’’ . Mifkitdekeyimantcintcifi, ‘‘lake opposite side.’ . Kittcinamediii, ‘‘its ear swimming place.’’ . Tewffixaladiii, ‘‘dung stands up place.’’ SHANA TRWHYOH head [282] . Lotsx6tdawillindifi, ‘‘prairie water flows down place? ''PBUBE AM ARGH G EiniIN. VO. |e [GODDARD] PLATE 38 UNIV, CALIF. b Whig | a 1 AWS 4 Vi > FOL es aS CU : ; Ayo” = \w ss ww Y = — SS MAP OF CHILULA TERRITORY '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 39 Fig. 1—Looking north toward Kifikydlai village. On the left, village site. In center, dancing place. Fig. 2.—Dancing place for shaman candidates. [284] ''UNIVE CAGE CUBE AM. ARGH. @ EnRIN Vel 1 [GODDARD] PLATE 39 Fig, 2 IN THE LAND OF THE CHILULA '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 40 Fig. 1—Mrs. Molasses, Chilula woman. Fig. 2.—Deer’s head, treated ceremonially to avoid ill luck in future hunting. [286] ''UNIV. CALIF, PUBL. AM, ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 10 [GODDARD] PLATE 40 Fig. 2 CHILULA LIFE '' '' ''EXPLANATION OF PLATE 41 Fig. 1—‘‘Yimantiwifiyai’s cane.’’ Fig. 2—Boulder with a depression believed to be the imprint of Yimantiwifiyai’s hand. [288] Na ta ta ''BUBE AV. “ARCH. 6. :En iN. .V@k, 10 [GODDARD] ‘PLATE 41 CALIF. UNIV. SCENES OF CHILULA MYTHOLOGY '' '' UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 10, No. 7, pp. 289-379 November 25, 1914 CONTENTS PAGE MUNG POCUCHION ccc. cc cos hee A ee 291 Pound Values of Characters Used. ee eae 291 TEXTS Part I. From Tom Hill and Dan Hill. I The’ War with the Lassik Indians eee 293 it; Panther and Grizzly Boar 12 i ee 295 Til, ove Medicine—Yimantiwityat 00 ee es 297 IV. Love Medicine—Yidetiwiftyai. .:.2. ie 298 V. Love Medicine—Yimantiwiiyai’s Illegitimate Son ~........ 299 VI. Love Medicine—The Mt. Shasta Women .............0.000000.0200..-. 302 VII. Deer Medicine—Panther and Wildeat .............0.00.222 eee 304 VIII. Deer Medicine—The Naslindifi Young Man ....................... 305 IX. Deer Medicine—Young Man Becomes a Shrub .................. 307 X. Deer Medicine—Raven coe 307 XT. Deer Medicine——Black ‘Wolf 1.5.02 308 XII. Money Medicine—The Scabby Boy ............-22-.2..2-22eesctseee eee 309 XIII. Money Medicine—Kinnaxonta‘ dii Illegitimate Man .......... 310 XIV. Good Luck Medicine—Yidikatoéme Young Map .................. 311 Part II. From Wife of Molasses. XV. The Coming of Indians 312 XVI. The Two-Headed Monster .................... 319 XVII. Panther and Grizzly Bear 325 | XVII. Skunk’s Theft .- 328 KIX. The Mscape of the Captured) Girl ee 328 XX. The Bewitching of the Old Woman of Sentgaikalindifi ........ 332 XXI. Bewitching of the Littciwhwinnauwdifi Girl _.... 334 MXM Blight of the Murderers sooo 338 XXII. Rejuvenation Discontinued .... 340 XXIV. The Flood 341 XXV. Mink’s Gambling Medicine 342 XXVI. Eagle’s War Medicine 344 XXVII. War Medicine of the Sekyoxatinnit Youth ........................ 346 XXVIII. Purification of the Bereaved ... 347 XXIX. A Supernatural Experience 350 CHILULA TEXTS BY PLINY EARLE GODDARD ''290 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 TRANSLATIONS PAGE Part I. From Tom Hill and Dan Hill. hes War with the Iaassik: indians 220000 3. 351 II. Panther and Grizzly Bear 352 i. ove Medicine —Vamantuwatiyar 200 353 LY. Love: Medicine—Y idetiwinyal (0002 354 V. Love Medicine—Yimantiwifiyai’s Illegitimate Son .......... 354 VI. Love Medicine—The Mt. Shasta Women u.....000..0.222020--- 355 VII. Deer Medicine—Panther and Wildeat ......00. 0 356 VIII. Deer Medicine—The Naslindifii Young Man ...................... 357 IX. Deer Medicine—Young Man Becomes a Shrub ..................- 358 X. Deer Medicine—Raven 358 XI. Deer Medicine—Black Wolf 358 XII. Money Medicine—The Scabby Boy . 0.00.00... eee 359 XIII. Money Medicine—Kinnaxénta‘ difi Ilegitimate Man ........... 359 XIV. Good Luck Medicine—Yidfikatéme Young Man ................. 360 Part II. From Wife of Molasses. eve =the Comme on Imdians, 20 as ok ee es 361 moOvAG he Dwo-Headed Monster <0) 3k 364 pew Pantheriand. Grizzly, Bear) ok 366 PROV MNES Simcoe Phedty 25. a eA ee ona 367 Ux, Phe, Pscape.or the, Caphuned..Girl 2.00 367 XX. The Bewitching of the Old Woman of Setgaikalindif ......... 369 XXI. Bewitching of the Littctwhwinnauwdifi Girl 370 XXII. Flight of the Murderers 372 XXIII. Rejuvenation Discontinued 373 XXIV. The Flood 373 XXV. Mink’s Gambling Medicine 374 . Hagle’s War Medicine 375 XXVIII. War Medicine of the Sekyéxatinnit Youth —...02 0 o... 375 XXVIII. Purification of the Bereaved 376 OMA “A pupernatural Mxperience; 22 oe 379 ''1914] Goddard: Chilula Texts 291 INTRODUCTION The texts presented here are the results of an attempt to rescue the folk literature of a disappearing group of Indians. The first part consists of texts secured from the Hill family, who were the last to leave the Bald Hills and join their kindred in Hupa Valley... Tom Hill, the father, knew many medicine formitias, but, as he claimed, few myths. It is known, however, that the myths and tales of the Hupa were shared by the Chilula of Bald Hills. For the general student the differences between the Hupa and the Chilula of that region are too small and few to be important. The texts forming the second portion of the paper were obtained from a very aged woman, a native of Redwood Creek, south of Bald Hills, the wife of Molasses.* Her age made the securing of these texts very difficult. She spoke the dialect of middle and upper Redwood Creek. The larger number of the surviving natives of that region were with the Hupa when young and use the Hupa pronunciation. This informant used k‘ where Hupa has x, agreeing in this respect with the Athapascans in the region immediately south. She also used a for e in many words, but this is considered a personal peculiarity. It was impossible to record a complete text directly from her lips. The interpreter, O’Haniel Bailey, a Whilkut, supplied many phrases and sentences. These are Hupa in their phonetics. To one familar with the region these myths and tales give it an ancient and supernatural atmosphere. As one passes a par- ticular spot he is reminded that here such a monster used to live, or that these rocks are still the abode of hostile spirits to placate whom certain medicine formulas are used. It is feared that to the stranger this impression can not be conveyed. SOUND VALUES OF CHARACTERS USED a as in father. ai as in aisle. e as in net. é as in they, but lacking the vanish. ei as in ey in they. Pas in pin i as in pique. 0 open o, nearly as in on. 1 Page 265. 1* Her portrait is shown in plate 40 of this volume. ''292 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 10 6 as in note. oi as in boil. - tas in rule. or fi as in but. y as in yes. w as in will. w an unvoiced w occurring frequently at the end of syllables. hw the preceding in the initial position. 1 as in let. L an unvoiced sound made with the tip of the tongue against the teeth, the breath being allowed to escape rather freely between the sides of the tongue and the back teeth. L made in the position of the preceding sound, but accompanied by glottal closure. It also begins with a complete contact revealed in a t which closes all weak syllables preceding it. m as in Engish. n usually as in English, but sometimes short, due to a glottal stop following. fi as ng in sing. h somewhat stronger than in English. © the preceding after vowels. x a palatal voiceless spirant like ch in German nach. 8 as in sit. ¢ as sh in shall, occurs only after t. d formed in the dental position; sonant after the release of the tongue. When it is preceded by a weak vowel a t is heard. t in the position of d, surd and strongly aspirated, much as in tell. ¢ in the position of d, surd, unaspirated and accompanied by glottal closure. k a surd stop having the contact on the posterior third of the hard palate, when it precedes a front vowel or y; before a back vowel the contact is on the soft palate. It is accompanied by glottal closure giving the sound considerable harshness. k* a strongly aspirated surd palatal stop. It is found only in the second part of the paper, being used where the Hupa use x. g has the positions of k as given above. In sonancy it resembles d. q similar to g, but more noticeably velar. dj a sonant affricative consisting of the zh sound in English azure pre- ceded by a complete contact. te an affricative, an sh sound preceded by a complete contact. It is accompanied by a glottal closure in most instances. When the texts were recorded te without glottal closure was not differentiated in writing. € glottal closure. It occurs in many words where it was not noted. It is present, probably, in all cases where two vowels are written without a separating consonant. Nore.—In the texts each Indian word is translated by an English word phrase which has been set off from those preceding and following by wide spacing. It is only by accident that the English translation occa- sionally stands under the Indian word of which it is a translation. '' 1914] Goddard: Chilula Texts 293 TEXTS PART I Obtained from Tom Hill and his son, Dan Hill I. THE WAR WITH THE LASSIK INDIANS mane tesyai yinik yeti yintik xédyitktit yintk War party went south, way south. Redwoodcreek south kyi wifi yainyan naditneen hai a‘tin tesyai haiyaL 2 Indians used to live those all went. And yo yingik killfinx6 yinik naditneen kytiwifiyain yan way south Killinx6 south used to live Indians, yisintcifitedixd kittciwetikkiw xdiyinik nadinneen 4 lower side Iaqui butte south used to live kya wif ya in yan a‘ tii tesyai no willin dif yi nik Indians all went. Head of creek south : hai ya a‘ tin tein nif yai kyii win tse hai ya 6 there all came. They danced. There ; xistindimmintifi sillen sittifi xafmrin tcdutik sixty there were, bows that many one counted. hai ya xa tcit kyti win tse La ai x0 kyii win tse nes 8 Then they danced. One place they danced. Long, nis sa tein nti win tik na x0 kin nis na as de | far they made a line. Two places in front they danced. haiyaxadjittii kitteits xdtetsit tin min haiyaxadjit fin 10 Then they shot, bows with. Then yi man dil mit sit tin ne miL kit te its hai ya ha djit white man his guns with they shot. Then sawinden na'dinmee mané gat na‘din yisxan 12 they traveled. Two in war party was going, two days, £ na xtLedii xoidiwilli taikee Lan mittsii win tan two nights. They begantofight. Taike® many theirbones lay, kyi win yain yan 14 Indians. ''10 12 14 16 18 294 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 hai yaL kit mane€ na tes di yai yi na tei Then now war party started back from the south. xwe nal tet wel aya dene dik gyun if tii x6 11a They spent the night. They said, ‘¢Here very used to be kyiwifiiyainyan haiyahitdjitifi natesedel) natse yo Indians.’’ Then we went again ahead. That e tein x6 aL sa nai dil mit dik kan xa na se del place so far when we had gone ridge we went up. xOLOkdteme haiyime ffigya tenauw _ tcit dil wauw XOLOk6teme in it it was they were living. They were talking. mela .0xdsin mela xdnifiyaliw iat naiyinik Someofthem werelaughing. Someofthem werecrying(?). Then back south daannaidiau de nayinatcin mane nawitdat hia weran. There fromthesouthagain warparty camealong. Then kit xdnat teittesyai hian xoidawilli xdtesitifi now around them it went. Then they began to fight. Bows mit kirteexainye saa _ kittecexainye haiyahit djit with they were fighting. Long time they fought. Then yimandil mitsittinne mit kyiwimmit bau _ bau white man his gun with they shot. ‘“Bau, bau, bau dtiwenne haiyahadjit kit tsinterdeL nistan bau’’ it sounded. Then they fled. Log sit tan nil lin nik ka hai yi me ii no nin deL x6 Jan was lying along a gulch that under they were sitting. xaiL e dif xoi di wil li ded kit tee xa nauw yi tsin Morning they began fighting this time they were fighting, west nui winamit killadistce xdteifii yetei willai haiyaha djit when it was. Bark to them they carried in. Then teexOwifian dindai ddyaxdsle they killed all. Missiles become none. Luwin dewentihi kiye tiwih dewenii xdLiL One was shot. Again one was shot, his brother hit de ya wen nan sa na wit dit den x6t dan yai miL with. They were shot. We started back. When it was going down xaaLsa kitteca xan ye that long they fought. '' 1914] Goddard: Chilula Texts 295 II. PANTHER AND GRIZZLY BEAR2 mitkyé' tsisdai’ x0LLm hit Daxe x01. Dian Panther lived his younger brothers with two hisbrothers. Then kyii win nai da teit te in nauw hi au a ya xoL teit de ne he hunting he used to go. Then he told them, yitsin ddxasinnauw tax kytiiwinnaidauwinte hia. «<< West do not go up.’’ Just he always hunted. Then ayatcdndesne xdeddehit ifinndhdttcinne ke _ yitsin they thought, ‘‘ Why does he always tell us? Come, west xaséa hiat yitsin xaisdel: yatefen yeti yitsin letusgoup.’’ Then west they wentup. Theylooked. Way west kin ndfiiadii kyii wif xoi yan sistenei nit kit dana iz tan nei timber atitsend oldman waslying. On each other (his legs) were lying. xwaeit xdndhaidifi yananai hiaL ayadene_ yo His wife at his end was sitting. Then they said, ««There kyti wif xoi yan kexe nélan intsit hiat hai kyt wif xoi yan old man come help us pound.’’ Then that old man adaiwenne xoidda addnne kexe nolan intsit xa said,‘‘What didyousay?’’ ‘‘Come helpus pound. ’’ fe Viesi7 nanawiLkyds mitdjesaan te nawintciw yisintcifi yei He took down grizzly bear blanket. He put it on. From the west da na x6 di wifi an x6n ta ya na xo an no na ya nin tse they ran back. House they ran in. They shut the door. saa yanaweseL hiant kit wildantsi exaix hwa Long time they satthere. Then now _ they heard him coming. é ““Boys, for me no td‘ tse dé na ya té tse hiat kes yai min tsit da kai op >n the door.’’ They did not open it. Then he climbed up. The smoke-hole ye wifi yan xwa ya €ax kit kittaxtin kya win yane he went in. To him they gave food. Venison he ate. teinneLyané hiat kiye xwa yasaLkit tcinneLyané He ate it up. Then again to him they gave food. He ate it up. hian kyiwinyane atin tcinneLyan diwan haineen Then he ate. All he ate up. Hides that were teinneL yan dihwee donafia hiat adene xa nauw dat he ate up. Something was not left. Then he said, ‘¢Well, I will go back.’’ 2Told by Dan Hill. ; 10 12 14 16 ee rr ''10 12 14 16 296 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 10 hiaL xwa nayatétse ddmewitkyd dotcenain di yai Then forhim they opened the door. It was not large enough. He did not go out, x0 mit miL min tsit da kai tee na in di yai hi aL his belly because. Through the smoke-hole he went out. Then yenekintewfen xdntame nadewimen hiat nayatsxa he defecated. In the house it was full. Then they carried it out. mindaitcia atin teenayanifixan haimetk Outside all they carried it out that inside. naindiyai kinnifien naxai kinnifien ayaxo.tcit dene Hecameback. Hebroughtgame. Two hebrought. Hespoketo them, yitsin ddxasinnauw ndhdtdeuwne x6dnin naneLtmit “«West do not go, I always tell you.’’ His face he slapped, min diteneen mittewantiLtan xdnin teenittik hiat La wildcat. Fox his face he pinched out. Then one xuLLe kisttk hian xtLLedii tcittesyai tewola night he flaked arrowheads. Then morning he started. Five teit tet ten tsitdikanawe naiyadesmin teiikqallit sisten he carried quivers full. As he walked along lying xOwtin tcinnifyai xdkit danadiwita na‘ dif xokat to him he came. At him he shot. Twice at him danadiwita hiat adene ald teitdene daidane he shot. Then he said, ‘‘ Alo,’’ he said. ‘What adillakits dediwillai hiat hai tsimmesLoin adene snaps you put in the fire?’’ Then the woman spoke, dillakits hanna nitdewinal gyan hiat ninnaas tat ‘“«Snaps is it, he shot you Ths." Then he jumped up. te nanawitkyds mitdjesaan te nawintctiw hiat Blanket hetook down, grizzly bear blanket. Heputiton. Then naxOnesyot xdmikka danadiwital yidifihit tai he ran after him. At him he shot along. Finally one noindiyane hiat hai tsimmestén adene mak kets ta' was left. Then that woman said, ‘¢ Among his nails.’’ hiat haiya mtkkfit danadiwita yawtimas sisseL wen Then there at him he shot. He rolled over. He killed him. haiya nondik Here the end. '' 1914] Goddard: Chilula Texts 297 III. LOVE MEDICINE—YIMANTUWINYAI mikkanadtiwiladin yidat mit tiwittcit danana daai Mikkanadiwiladiit above hill stands up teit ter tewen yi man tifi wifi yai hai ya miL tein niiw he became Yimantiwiifiyai. Then he heard dikgyifii yintikayidtk tentewen kensannaii d6yinenen here southeast has become a girl. She does not look at xOlisdai naseyate tedndesne haiyan xtledin kit man. *¢T will go,’’ he thought. Then in the morning indeed teit tes yai LOxd xate weil ded maikkai yidatcifi sai kit dif he went. Herb he was looking along for this onit from the north. Behold Lo xalaxolif mittfin tceitdiwimmite adilla me herb had sprung up. Its leaves he took. His hand in wiftkai haiyaxadjit hai mikkfitde xawintan tew6 la dif he rolled it. Then the its root he took out. Five times adilla mefk natenmas haiyaxadjit ké yinikayidtk his hand in it he rolled it. Then southeast xXaisyayei saikitdifii ifigya ya wifiayei tedn xdn né@itennei he climbed up. Behold hesaw_ she was sitting. She looked at him. yudinhit xdwin tcinnifiyai hiat xdnata'‘ detik Finally to her he came. Then her eyes this way anateLky6 hei tcitdenne nin de hwe diwintse got so large. ‘‘Hei,’’? she thought. ‘‘You here me _ in front of. add mildinx6sin hwikkit naltsit hiat kin nates diya te Lonesomeness on me falls.’? Then ‘*Now, I start back,’’ teitdene xa hwinna naittikte tananwityayei tanan he said. ‘Well, wait, I will go with you.’? She went in the water. saadinhit xanawityai xeL xawifixan haiyat kin Afteralongtime shecameup. Load shebroughtup. Then indeed na tes deL mik ka na di wil a dif yi dat nan del ei they started back. Mikkanadiwiladifi above they came back. haiyikaxdlifi a‘ diyater kyiwinyainyan nandelte hai “‘This way it is it will be. Indians will come. This hwin nes te difi naxaineiw haiyik ayidit winserte my body he will say. This way it will be hard.’’ hai yow hw6 =hwane This way only. 10 12 14 16 18 ''10 12 14 16 298 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 The Prayer: mikkanadiwiladifi yidat natessildittewen nit Lo we Mikkanadiwiladiait above you became, your herb hwiwa kittewit heiyin tcitdene kitddni kinna me loan. FON OS, 2? he said. ‘< Well, all right, hwin nis te x0 nis sin xo lan a x0t di yaue a di wen ne my body you know. It has happened you say. kat don ni wa me nit tewit te kin na hwin is te Well, to you I will loan it. All right my body xOnninsinxdlin hween doi adene dédtran hwinniste you know. I it is say not many my body yexonéte kitddm aditkitte heiiii tceit dene kin wiliknow. Well, takeit with you.’’ ‘‘Yes,’’ hesaid. ‘‘Now, natesdiyate kit adiwkit I will go back. Now, I will take it.’’ IV. LOVE MEDICINE—YIDETUWINYAI yi de tii wif yai tee x6l tewé difi® teit teL tewen Yidettiwifiyai Tcexdltcwediii came into being. yi dak to ndfiiadii tecOxdnniw xdhwe nawai tcit tet tewen End of eastern water he heard of him. His name went about. He came into being ki xfin nai kin tei wil tewil yi dik a to nofia dif hi an Kixinnai young man at end of eastern water. Then x0 wan tein nifi ya yel hi au xoi kil lai ki nai ya to him he came. Then stick game they played. a tif ka fin fe x6 wun na nin an haiyat natesdiyai Everything from him he won. Then he started back. tse niin sii dif* na in di yai kixfin nai kan tei wil tewil Tseninsifidii he came. Kixdénnai young man te teit te tewifi x6 lan x6 tcifi xa wifi yai ditin dai kit tis se xd he found had grown inthe water. Tohim hecameout. ‘‘Who smartest ainte yisintcif na‘ teLtewen kixtinnai ketsan hiatL is?’?’ West two hadcomeintobeing, kixfinnai maidens. Then teittesyayei kixinnai’ kintciwiltewil saadin hit djit he started, Kixinnai young man. After some time 3 The large Yurok village on the north side of Klamath river below Martin’s ferry. 4The Karok village at the mouth of the Salmon river. '' 1914] Goddard: Chilula Texts 299 natesdiyai saikitdii de naisintcii nawitdan dau he went back. Really here fromthe west he went back. ‘‘No,’’ teitdene ddmit Linnatedittse xén Laaixd xdf na wit dal she said, ‘‘we will not open the door.’’ He, really, he went along back. saikitdii xontcefa haiat xa xonta x6Ltcitdene dau Behold their heads were sticking out. Then ‘Well, house, ’’ they said to him. ONO teitdene kin nauwdatte natcilyeiw ndniadifi nanes dai hesaid. ‘‘Now Iwillgoback.’’ Restingplace itsend hesat again. natenii hit saikitdif tsimeston xdkaiyei de xdénatehen When he looked back really women were behind him. This way he looked, xonat yeti katsa witauwhwil na‘diau_ tenal din around himself. Way distant were scattered along, dentalia. Lenaldii na wit dal ei hi an al ya x61 teit de ne teit da hwain he passed. Then they said to him, ‘¢This is the first time dé6mediwintewiihit haiyod nawitdal haiyehe kin you did not like it.’’ That one went on. Nevertheless indeed na wit dal tee xdltewe dif naindiyaiei nax6 x6. nifi ya yei he went back. Tcexdltewediii hecame back. Two with him came, tee xdltewe dif hai tsimeston do tein dil neen to Teexdltcwediii the women never used to go out. haiyo' hwo hwane This way only. V. LOVE MEDICINE—YIMANTUWINYAI’S ILLEGITIMATE SON yi de nin san non a dit teit teL tewen yi man tii wif yai Northern end of the world he became Yimantiwifiyai x6tintailtewen xdtewo hit haiti adene xonta‘ his illegitimate son his grandmother with. Then hesaid, ‘‘Houses nase ya te dai dai hai Lo hai te we tewe né dif I will go. ‘Where the herb the I became time hw6 nofi ai dit tet tewen hwit teifi teil law hi au by me it grew, to me bring it.’’ Then axdLtcitdene yé nakisxfifii hian kit teittesyai kit she said to him, ‘‘Yonder it stands.’’ Then now _ he started. Then now 10 12 14 16 ''10 12 14 16 300 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 10 adelkit hai Lo mtkkanadilwiladii® tein nifi yai yei he carried with himself that herb. Mukkanadfilwiladiii he came. hia natinnedx tee willinkai yeteiwifiyai yi wit dif hit Then Hupa river mouth he entered. After a time tenaldin® teinnifiyaiyei hiat tfintewintadifi? yidik Lenaldifit he came. Then tintewintadiii up meisyai mukkox yidateii tcenifiyayei meis dit dif he climbed. Mikkox below he came out. Meisditdiii x6t teii win ya yel teak qal de yi nuk muk kai he came down. He walked. This south (road) on it. teit tinditekai® yinik xaisyayei datcinnesdai hiat Teittinditekai south he went up. He sat. Then teit tes yal tel din® yi da tein teak qal lei sai kit din he went. Leldiit from the north he walked. Behold, xOnindifi Lit nadiwiia in front of him smoke stood up. taikyiwmee xodLwillil tetisitten haide x6 wil lit Sweathouse in one was sweating himself. Lies in the water, that one smoked himself. teenin ya tigya xdeddai de xétLakliw jyitsin He came out. He saw his hair here his hips join down xotdaieL hiat xdtein teexannetiw xdtcii ax6ét tcit dene it hung. Then to him he talked. To him he said xa xdnta®’ yenaiit hiat kit yenawindeL itntexd1lin “‘Well, house we will goin.’’ Then now _ they went in. It was nesdai tsimmeston xdnta metk hiat kya win yan¢ sat women house inside. Then old man axoLtcitdene xa taikyiw yeet hiat kit taikyiv said to him, ‘‘Well, sweathouse let us goin.’’ Then indeed sweathouse ye tei win deL hai yaL XOL x6 tet wil lik dé Lan they went in. Then he told him, *“Not much wun nik kyfin na we he ne hwee an tsim mes Lon hi a you must think about it. Mine women.’’ Then 5 Refers to the continued beating of the surf at the mouth of the Klamath. 6 The junction of the Klamath and Trinity rivers. 7 A place on Bald hill over which the old foot trail led. 8A resting place on Sugar-bowl mountain. 9 The junction of the main Trinity and the South Fork. Bi '' 1914] Goddard: Chilula Teats 301 adene hwatii atindifi hwinnat tiltewen tsimmesLon de he said, ‘‘For me _ every place in my presence they became, women. This xOwitdaifi na‘ hwit nifiyai haina xaiyafieL ye tii hit several days ago two with me came _ those two _ sitting there the entrance. yintikayimanyitsii haiyati na haiyah teitewen The other side southwest there, two those became, haiyaifi xayaheL dedafi iiwntw yidikatodinnin dif those sitting there. Now I hear facing the eastern water na’ xdattcinnafi natentewen haiyifi naseyate niw tsin two I hear have become again. Those I will go to, I thought. ded ke nin ninya dedai yisxai mins wit dif hai yi mix These now you yougo. ‘This’ standing exit of sweathouse with that haiyifit hwe mit naitwhwa dau xdLtcitdene illa those I withit lJIalwaysgo.’’ ‘‘No,’’?hesaidto him. ‘‘Hands(?) hwanehe neséyate only I will go.’’ hiat kat tesyai yidaikatéddinnin _ tcinnin yayei Then indeed he went. Facing the eastern water he came. yawineL itifgya yakyiwitLin ayaxditcitdene xa They sat there. Hesaw they madebaskets. Theyspoketohim, ‘‘ Well, xonta xdnta yetciiwifiyai tse dadilliw xtinxai house.’’ House he went in. ‘‘Stones put onthe fire.’’ ‘‘Xunnai, ton dittewit hiat kit tceindeL tLaaitw tenaxonan get water.’? Then indeed they went out. Really they ran in the water. teenii yahit yeti yidee tiigya nayawitmele hiat When he came out way north hesaw they wereswimming. Then kittaatw hw—tcit hei tedndesne hiat tewoladin he sang. ‘“hw—tcit, well,’’ he thought. Then five times na teL mas he rolled. hiat kin natesdiyayei teldif naindiyayei hia Then indeed’ he started back. Leldifii he came back. Then taistse mixxa tcittesyai tcinnimmeL hiat xdrtel lit sweathouse wood forit he went. He brought it back. Then he smoked himself. 10 12 14 16 ''10 12 14 16 302 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [ Vol. 10 hi an x6L non lit tai kyiiw min dai da yana wesa Then he finished smoking himself. Sweathouse outside he sat hiat teitteemhit yeti yidatcii ifiigya ye nanin Then whenhelooked way fromtheeast hesaw there two persons mikkait danankistit xdyandeL haiyahadjit xiLledin on it blanket spread. They were coming down. Then morning hitdjit natesdeL de yideninsanndfiadii naindeLei then they started back. This northern end of the world they came. £ na’ x0L nifiyayei Two with him they came. VI. LOVE MEDICINE—THE MT. SHASTA WOMEN yi nik a nin san noi a difi teit tet tewen ki xin nai The southern end of the world became Kixinnai kin tei wil tewil teit tet tewen né dain x0n ndfi ai dif young man. When he became by him teL tewen hai x0 LO we t6 din ne hai ya miL became the his herb at the spring. Then kyi wif yainyan dotcittsis xdw teitteei min nédjo mit people he did not see. In vain he looked. After a time atedndesne ke xanétete haiat xiLedti teit tes yai hethought, ‘‘Well, Iwilllookforthem.’’ Then inthe morning he went. de de de nowkit natceil yetuw nahadini tein nif yai This sky resting place where it is he came. hai ya muk ka da tewii wif en hai aL nin san metik There he shot. Then world inside teit teien saikitdii ffigya ninsan ik gai’® mik kin ne dif he looked. Behold it was mountain white its base xOntadin yekyiiwesané atcdndesne haiya xdlan village (his vision) reached. He thought ‘«There it is teL tewen hai aL teit tes yai hai ya tein nifi ya yel become.’’ Then he went. There he came, ninsantikgai mikkinnedif xa xdnta xd.tcitdene Mount Shasta its base. “Well, house, ’’ they said to him. xOnta yetciiwifiyai haiyat adene taxd seestsit dif House he went in. There he said, “¢ Just little while 10 Mt. Shasta, which is a triangle of white seen in clear weather from the higher mountains in the Trinity river region. ''ce 1914] Goddard: Chilula Texts 303 nahwai natesdiyate tcitdene hei yadene nea dil dikte I go about. I will go back,’’ he said. ‘¢Yes,?? they said. ‘*By you we will go?’’ adene_ tstim mes Lon said women. haiat kin natesdiyai hiat na’ x0OL tesya Then indeed hestarted back. Then two with him went. yinikaninsanndfiadii naindiyayei na‘ xdL nifiyayei Southern end of the word he came, Two with him came. haiya xweyalweL haiyat ayedene haiyo tstimmes ton There they spent the night. Then they said, those women, nit aininsen kixinnai fm ddotiltewen’ ninsin tif ‘Vou think Kixtinnai it is have not become, you think?’’ heith teitdene d6d6i dwtsit heiti yaxdritcit dene *"YVes,’’ hesaid, ‘‘itis not I know.’’: ‘‘Yes,’’ they said’ to him. dik gyi yideyidik teitewen kixdinnai hai min nofi ai dif “‘ Here northeast became Kixinnai. The by him na teLtcwen tstimmeston ddyeneren kyii wifi yain yan two became women. They do not see people. do tcein dil haiyatcif teseyate mit dit wa They never go out.’’ ‘«There I will go in turn.’’ haiyatcii teittesyai xiledifi adeitkit xd Lowe There he went in the morning. He took with him, his herb. haiya teinnifyayei yideyidtik hai tsimmeston There he came, northeast the women teL tewen dif xa x6énta xdLtcitdene xédnta ye tei wifi yai became place. ‘‘Well, house,’’ he said to him. House he went in. haiat adene tax sesitdii nahwai haiyan kin Then he said, «< Just little while I stay.’’ Then ‘Now natesdiyate haiat adene nei diltikte xa_ tcitdene I goback.’’ Then they said, ‘‘By you wewillgo.’’ ‘‘Well,’’ he said. hai au kat na tes di yai na‘ xOL tes yai Then indeed he went back. Two with him went. yinikaninsannédfiadifii naindiyayei na‘ xéL ninyayei Southern end of the world he came. Two with him came. hai aL a tedn des ne kyti wifi ya in yan na nan det te Then he thought, ‘ Then He rubbed it on them. xaa‘ diyate tcedn desne it will be so,’’ he thought. hwit Lowe ‘tein nifi ya yei the myherb.’’ Hecame minna nawillin haiat aL hai kimatii xwaya the medicine for them teendditne kittaxtn mit tein ‘ an 10 12 14 16 18 320 University of California Publications in Am. Arch.and Ethn. [Vol. 10 tee nif yai hai ya miL hai ya yi de sa 6l kits din”® he came out. Then there north Sadlkitsdii yitsin tcenifiyai haiyamit haiya xdnta saanneendii west he came out. Then there house used to stand place tee nifi yai hai ya teak gal a kit hai ya miL hai ya he came out. There he walked along. Then there nil lin tee na nif yai miL x6 ed dik kyau ai dii wen tse creek when he came out something he heard make noise, yimanyidaik haiyamit yide_ tcittesyai kimmelle across up the hill. Then north he went. Leaves and branches tes deL sil len were falling. haiyamiL atedndesne kitweak aidiwéne hai yamiL Then he thought what kind made the noise. Then yi da tein an gya nak‘ x6 kos na da ai hai x0 lan from above it was Two-necks-stand-up. That it was na x6n nes yot de yu wit di hit x6 yete tein yai chased him about. After a time his breath went out. da x0 i hwa a x6 la te sil len yu wit din hit kat x6 yete He was about to die. After a time then his breath tein yai dai xoi hw6 a x6 lau ted k‘6 saL wen hai ya miL went out. He died. He killed him. Then yimanayidaik tedk‘dteswen haiyamit tedk'dninene across up he carried him. Then he brought him haiyd sisdadii mfkka naxanaldaa damine hai that place he stayed. On it there was growing moss, the xonta haiyamit kyaiwinyainyan’ tcittan aiyante house. Those people they eat they were teit de se they lived there. haifn ddnaindiyai haiyamit xétcekit tein yasillen That one he did not come back. Then they were worried. yis k‘ iin hit La win teit tes yai x0 tee et tein sil len The next day another one went. They were worried, yoyintkatcii kittinnadaadifi haiyamir tcit tes yai here south Kittinnadaadii. Then he went. 25 «Stones fell place,’’ hill south of Hower’s. i i 8 '' 1914] Goddard: Chilula Texts 321 hai ya miL yis k‘an ki ye hai ya miL a tedn des ne Then it was day again. Then he thought. xoteeetcinsillen kosda teek‘dlindif®® xd6s tate tafia din He was worried. Kosda TeekOwindiit Xdostatctafadii hai yinatcifi teaikqal haiyamin teikqal haiyamit the from the south he walked. Then he walked. Then kai liw ta‘ din yi na tein tee nif yal hai ya miL hai Kailiwtat dit from the south he came out. Then the teit tes yai yo yi na tein Lo teé ke?” hai ya yi na tein he went. Here from the south Lotecéke there from the south teak qal hai ya miL mik kya yi na tein teit tes yai he walked. Then from there from the south he went. Then haided tetikqal tsedementc®® yinatcifii teiikqal ded this place he walked, Tsedemente fromthe south he walked. This taisdindii yide teaikqal haiyamit hai xdntelLme crossing north he walked. Then XonteLme yide tetikqal hai kailiwsandifii yidaik xaisyai north he walked. Then Kailiwsandiit up he went. hai ya miL yi de xot da wifi yai nil lin na nin yal Then north he went down. Creek he crossed. hai ya miL yi de teit tes yai kat Lo dai ky6 x6 la din Then north he went. Indeed Lodaikydxdladiii teenifiyai kinnastanmiye yide yetctiiwinyai hai yamiL he came out. Kinnastanmiye north he came in. Then hai nil lin na nif yal hai ya miL mik kya yi de the creek he crossed. Then from it north teit tes yai kit hai yau if x0 mit kyan din tee nif yai he went. Then Xomitkyandii he came out. haiyamit haiya sadlkitsdii yitsin k‘6 tei wif yai Then there Sedlkitsdii west he went down. haiyamit haiya xdntasaandii yide_ tcenifiyai Then here house stands place north he came out. haiyamit hai daxdeddikkya aidtiwénetse haiya Then the something he heard make a noise, there 26 A big slide north of the village of Kinnaxonta‘ dif. 27 A former village on the east side of Redwood creek. _ ?8The home of the informant. After passing this point yina teifi gives place to yide in the narrative. 10 12 14 16 ''10 12 14 16 18 322 Uniwersity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 10 yide tceniiyaimit haiyamit kit tLiwin déotedxosle north when he came out. Then indeed another one was not. yetecOxOhen yimanayidik kit hai tcit ti wennahwil Heecarriedhimin acrossupthehill. Itwas thatone he went along hai kin ne ade ne tee il li kit te it tee aiidene the trees made a noise it was like it blows it made a noise teit tein nauw mit tedk'éser wen kat nanin ted k‘dse~ wen when he went. He killed him. Then two he killed. haiyamit haiya itwin xddjeittcinyali inwa Then there about it they were worried about it. haiyamit kiye tiwén xdédjekittcifisillen xd inne Then again one he worried, his brothers muk‘ k‘a hai ya miL Lu wun ki ye d6 na in di yai about. Then one again did not come back. haiyamit kiye teittesyai yisk'fifihit haiyamit di Then again he went next day. Then this yinatein teikgalkit takin ddtcdk‘ésle haiyamit from the south he walked along. Three were not. Then yo Lu wan no in di yan na mik kLii wit dif detik this one was left last born. This way a nu wes te no in di yan hai ya miL des k‘ afi x6n ta he was was left. Then “