— a | ‘ i PER Wo ’ y por ; pay | 3 1A f EE i iy | i i | ; | Microfilmed By The LIBRARY PHOTOGRAPHIC SERVICE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA we ORM RES RINE GaSe. Re Cmaps Hem on TR So EN Sn TIRE Le A ENR SR SA IA RARER A Series of Six Articles by Kenneth Macgowan printed from the NEW YORK TRIBUNE of Sunday ril 28th, Sunday May 5th, Sunday May 12th, Sunday y 19th, Sunday May 26th and Sunday June 2d, 1918 Wilson's Pledge for the Nation HE world must be made safe for democracy... To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have. President’s Message to Congriss, April 2, 1917 Hearst's Pledge for His Papers E pledge our active loy- alty and all the assistance that a great newspaper organ- ization can give, day and night, to the cause of the nation. Hearst's New York American, March 22, 1517 { | ! —— INCE. the United States entered printed: 74— attacks on our allies the war the Hearst papers have | ] 7 — instances of defence or praise of Germany 63 — pieces of anti-war propaganda I deletion of a Presidential proclamation Total 155 or an average of near} y three a reek, while America has been engaged + the life and death struggle with civilization's enemy. HIS TONGUES! NEWSPAPERS The New York American {he New York Evening Journal - The Chicago Herald and Examiver The Chicago American The Boston Advertiser The Boston American The Atlante Georgian The Atlanta American The Sen Francisco Examiner he Los Angeles Examiner The New York Deutsches Journal (discontinued April 21, 1918) | MAGAZINES he Cosmopolitan Good Housekeeping Harper's Bazar Hearst's xX” bd Motor Motor Boating Puck From figures given in N. W. and Directory for 1917, the total average newspapers is 2,672,885; the total average Hearst magazines is 2,281,627. ————————————————————————————— —— OE —————————————————— 1 S——— Ayer & Son's American Newspaj = Ass ual daily circulation of the He'™ circulation per issue of ‘he a — ———— i D 6 ‘ \ Fo) lt COILED IN THE FLAG ARTICLE 1. First Interrogation F AN agent of the German Foreign Office could have talked to three nillion Americans from August, 1914, to April, 1917, what would he have told them? If he could have set the current of popular American thought during these years, in what directions would it have run, as the fortunes of war and our share in it changed? If he could have spoken through the mouths of eleven great mewspapers in America, what opinions and what courses of action would he have urged on the American public as most likely to carry out the Teutonic design of preventing America from rendering aid to the Entente? What, in sum, would a sinister and pro-German pro- prietor of the press have urged upon the people of the United States? The Answer The Coincidence against Germany Hearst pictured the war as a strug- I HE had been a man apprecia- Ben America declared war | tive of popular American prej- udices, he would have pictured the war, to begin with, as a strug- gle of the rising, progressive na- tion of the world with a cruel, ir- gle of the rising, progressive na- | tion against a cruel, irresponsible and barbarous autocracy which threatened the peace of the world linked with a narrow oligarchy of wealth with hands upon all the choice corners of the globe, and with a decadent republic pos- sessed of one 1dea—‘‘revanche.” lieing in close touch with official Germany, he would have taken up the ery of peace when Germany's armies had achieved their deepest penetration in France and were responsible and barbarous autoe- racy-—ever threatening the peace of Europe-——linked to a narrow oligarchy of wealth with its hands upon ali the choice corners of the globe, and a decadent republic possessed of one idea, ‘“revanche.” Hearst took up the cry of peace when Germany's armies had achieved their deepest penetration into France and were threatened with ejection. And he has main. tained it ever since. threatened with ejection. And he would have maintained it to this time, 0 keep American money from going to Germany's enemies, he would have agitated against the first Anglo-French loan, urging the government to prevent the ligerents and campaigned to pre loaning of neutral money to vent ndividual to either belligerent; he would have the initial loan. campaigned to prevent individual contributions to the initial loan. > prevent the shipment of muni- Hearst pleaded with Congress to tiors ‘o Germany's enemies, he place an embargo on munitions ould have pleaded with Congress and aided in the formation of or- tc plac: an embargo on muni- ganized opinion to that end tions; he would have aided in the formation of organized opinion to that end. Hearst agitated against the first ministration to prevent the loan- ing of American money to bel- Anglo-French loan, urged the Ad- | contributions to | The Answer Appreciating the gravity of Ger- many’s mistake, he would have at- tempted to extenuate the sinking of the Lusitania. Recognizing the sympathetic reac- tion of American opinion toward the Allies on the violation of Bel- gian neutrality, he would have maintained that Greece suffered such treatment at the hands of Eugland and France as Bel- gium at the hands of Germany. Wishing to break the British block- ade of Germany, he would have magnified the sufferings of the German civilian population, and to every plea of the American press and people for the enforce- ment of the freedom of the seas against the German submarine he would have cried for action against the British policy kept neutral commerce from pro- visioning Germany through Hol- land, Denmark, Sweden and Nor- way. which In order to arouse feeling against Great Britain, he would have re- called the relations existing be tween the United States and Eng- land from 1776 to 1815, and he would have sedulously culfiv every fact, fiction and prejudice likely to embitter that memory. In order to undermine America’s friendship for France, he would have insinuated such canards as the story that she was preparing in January, 1917, to violate the neutrality of Switzerland. In order to lessen the possibility of war between the United States and Germany, he would have at- tempted to divert attention to “other enemies nearer home,’ Mexico and Japan For the same purpose, he would have added a Russo-Japanese alliancs to the threat of Mexico In order to forestall prompt naval action against Gersmany i event of war, he would have the dispatch of a fleet t« Pacific. In order to intimidate public opinion he would have consistently pict ured the tremendous strength and approaching success of Germany, and urged the United States to wv ! a lon 1¢ » void a lone Sir iggle, The Comncidence Hearst extenuated the sinking the Lusitani=. learst maintained that Greece s fered such treatment at the ha of England and France as I gium at the hands of German Hearst magnified the suffering the German civilian populat: under the British blockade, and met the plea of the Ameri press and people for the enfor ment of the freedom of the s against the German submarine his ery to Washington for act against the British blockade. Hearst dwelt upon the relations isting between the United Sta and Great Britain from 1776 1815 and sedulously cultiva facts and prejudices likely to ¢ bitter feeling once nore. Hearst insinuated, in January, 19 that France wag preparing to v late the neutrality of Switzerla: Hearst attempted to divert Ame can attention to “other enem nearer Lome,” Mexico and Jap added a Russo-Japanese the threat of Mexico y + ance Hearst urged the dispatch of 4 val fleet i Hearst consistently p 1 tremendous strength anc proaching success of Gern a4 urged the Unite aveid a lone struggle | State on LED IN THE FLAG The Answer would inted out America’s un- and declared it bide our time. he would to Congress for a strong armed neutrality— and all violations of ne purpose he have 0 , drift of public and offi ovinion toward war he would declared that the country nrepare with tremendous and untold effort to en- ‘the furious and terrible on- ht of a victorious Germany” ter the European war was Second Interrogation "pPOSE after America had declared war this same the German Foreign Office had found it vain in America and to continue propa- e been the effect upon America’s agent of Yi0)1.09 h] » LO rem V JOS ‘ Ore J > }.3 oh i. What would hat J I pation in the war— eer 1d turned his » opposite di- make ion as slight ased his pre this would be 1d tried to order to 1 thal the i to train iraft Hearst pointed out America’s un- Hearst appealed to Congress at the Hearst declared the country must Hearst argued that it The Coincidence preparedness and declared it nee- essary to bide our time. last minute for a strong policy of armed newrality-—against any and all viclations of our rights. prepare with tremendous energy and untold effort to endure “the furious and terrible onslaught of a victorious Germany” —after the European war was over. And as With war a fact, Hearst turned his the opposite he had 1 + +thia that 118 guns to and where previously ditorial quarter; preached would be no “paper war” he now lvocated measures which would oe gone far toward converting nto one on the part of Amer- nas ica was useless to waste efforts “striving to af- fect the struggle in Europe,” and urged us to concentrate on “de- fending America.” Hearst raised the cry of “America first!” and pleaded that the regu- lar army was needed to train the iraft, and that the draft would be needed to fight Mexico. Hearst raised the ery of “America campaigned against Allies, first! and loans to the “home defence.” pleading If— If, home, he had urged concentration of mes and money for operations “gat our natural base,” the At- lantic seaboard, and defied Ger- many to come across and try a “taste of our granite”? If, to weaken interest in war prep- H arations, he had prophesied an early peace as the result of two European factors—shortage of food and imminent revolution? If, believing Theodore Roosevelt an H inefficient military commander and desiring America to put as small a force as possible in France in answer to the growing sentiment for military activity abroad, he had urged the accept- ance of Roosevelt's volunteer divisions? 1f—pressed gradual action by the march of events, and believing, as experience has proved, that airplane construc- tion involved difficulties which would make it impossible to achieve results ~worth talking about within two years—he had urged repeatedly and eloquently the building of a huge aerial fleet to attack Germany. HEARS-S-S-8-T And as in order to keep our troops at Hearst urged the concentration of men and money for operations “at our natural base,” the Atlantic seaboard, defying Germany to come acrcss and try a “taste of our granite.” earst prophesied an early peace as the result of two European factors——shortage of food and im- minent revolution. earst urged the acceptance of Roosevelt’s volunteer divisions, later decrying his military ability. lly to patriotic Hearst urged repeatedly and elo quently the building of a huge aerial fleet to attack Germany. If, seeking an outlet for American Hearst cried for a huge fleet of sub. activity that involved little chance to harm Germany, he had eried for an incredible fleet of subma- rines? If, believing that the war prepa: tions of the government were not going at top speed, he had con- sistently denounced those critics who charged the government with wasting time? | If, in order to hail such criticism and cover his own tracks, he had attacked Roosevelt and other critics on the plea that their ac- tions heartened the German peo- ple? If, in a final effort to prevent the employment of a large national army at the front, he had raised the ery of “alien slackers”? If, for. the same purpose, he had urged upon Congress that “fur- ther service in the war should be a matter of choice for Ameri- ans’? marines, ¢ onsistently attacked those wi viticised the governments time wasting in the conduct oi ne war. Hearst attacked Roosevelt and othe: critics on the plea that their ac tions heartened the German peo ple. raised the cry eof Hearst "mw slackers! ¢ Hearst urged upon Congress thi “further service im the Wi should be a matter of choice {i Americans.” « neutral. TI ables which violated the facts and aimed at aiding England’s whan dws: ervam. French embargo by accrediting News Service to the American Expeditions OILED IN THE FLAG fh to aid Germany's blockade, he had raised the cry of “America first!” and cam- paigned against shipping food to England and France while “our own people have less and pay more than European peoples do.” in order to break England’s blockade of Germany, he had, on the other hand, insisted on the shipment of food to neutrals ad- jacent to Germany, on the plea thdt otherwise they might take sides with our enemies? And as submarine Hearst raised the ery of “America first!” and campaigned against shipping food to England and France, while “our own people have less and pay more than Eu- ropean people do.” Hearst insisted on the shipment of food to neutrals adjacent to Ger- many, on the plea that otherwise hey might take sides with our enemies. relying on Congressional delay Hearst urged Congress to take from and inefficiency, he had urged Congress to take from President Wilson and his Secretaries and administrators a large part of the conduct of the war? , through all this period of propa- Hearst avoided, on ganda he had consistently avoid- ed, on the one hand, every pos- sible hostile allusion to Germany in editorials and cartoons, calling it always a war against ‘“devasta- tion,” “starvation,” or “militar. ism,” or “autocracy’”’; had first disparaged and then supported Liberty loans; and had made great to-do over such things as prohibi- tion and government ownership? President Wilson and his Secre- taries and administrators a large part of the conduct of the war the one hand, every possible bostile allusion to ermany in editorials and car- toons, treating it as a war against “devastation,” ‘“‘starvation,” “mil- itarism” and “autocracy”; first disparaged and then supported Liberty loans, and employed a lot of editorial energy upon pro- hibition and government owner- ship. Britain, Canada and France Exclude Him ND what would have been the ) Ge gent L succeeded in thus addressing three millions of the American ple for four years? Hew would the government whi Masses” and interned the leader of -eated a mere Socialist or an alien who 1 ineffective work of William Randolph Hearst? oL If the American government h 1¢ nature and effect of Hears ropaganda in his papers—the New York American, American, the Boston Advertiser, the Chicago vening Journal, the Bostor .merican, the Chicago Examiner, .merican, the San Franci is German daily, the ngland and France have not. Great Britain excluded He: {f his newspapers from her domains Canada followed suit. The French government denied the ‘rom October 29, 1916, and joined her allies- erpt from the official announcement—"in abst: ‘ning 1 with the Hearst organization, the connivance of which with The only official action of £ 1} the Examiner, the New-York Deutsches Journal ant faking of cables in New reason was the flagr: the United States has been to break a correspondent of Hearst's International who had peo- - fate of a German ag as suppressed Max Eastman’s Boston Symphony Orchestra have had accomplished the large and failed as yet to recognize officially t's attitude, and the nature and effect of the the New York the Atlanta Examiner, and Georgian, Angele (now Atlanta Los suspends rst’s International News Service and all while the United States w still York, nemies. International the use of the cables to quote from “Figar: from all ti wl the wary Force. Through the French | | | | { | | | { | | | 1 | HEARS-S-8 government's courteous recognition of the stamp of “Controle Americain’ on the International's cables, Hearst's employe with the American army has been able to “cover the Continent” for his banned employer There are two reasons for Washington's leniency toward Hears or there seem to be. One resides in Hearst’s position, the other in methods. ' It is not a very difficult thing to intern an enemy alien who ventu to reflect on our war attitude. It is safe and easy to assist in the tracking down of a spy who is a citizen of an Allied country. There is compara- tively little rumpus when a native citizen, who is also a member of I. WW. or of the majority faction of the Socialist party, or who edits a small and ultra-radical macazine, comes into collision with the ¢ nis £8 espionage act. Some Reason for Hearst’s Freedom An American millionaire, with eleven powerful newspapers scatl around the country and seven or eight national magazines, is another ma! Such a publicist and politician is not, of course, outside the power of a war administration. But he is a figure comfortably left alone. And is a figure that will, apparently in the nature of things, be left alone long as he doesn’t supply unquestionable, continuous and invariable roa 80 evidences of disloyalty. Which brings us to the second reason for Hearst's present freedom. It is the ingenuity with which he and his writers have crossed and re- crossed their tracks, which lead toward the Wilhelmstrasse; the skill and abandon with which they have dragged the red herring of patriotism cross their trail; the verve and brio with which they have pounded the drums of “America first!” as they circled the Jericho walls of our © ig effective participation in the war. It is camouflage. Just camouflage; plain, but not at all simple. There is food for cynical thought in the difference involved between a Socialist periodical of 17,000 circulation that sticks to one line of thought against the war and a newspaper which gives 400,000 a mixed diet of admiration for the enemy, venomous attacks on two Allies, struction of effective action in the war and-—patriotic lip service to the HH American cause, Before the straight fight. utilized American poli war Hearst fought a fairly United States entered the He deferred now and again to American opinion. tical obsessions and played on American prejud the Allies. But where they could be made to {it his case against loyalty to the U States became technically mv | ited L came it for pro secutor rst cried c vr and official He [hen the cens of the nationa And “ norizon tent h the task of een of made i R$ he tended to that matte ‘are y that camouflag: while urse, taxing 2st to shield his purposes + irom Verbal Camouflage Infinitel, The camouflage of t! variegated and int ting Hearst newspapers may easily ef two books by ex-Ambassad ling the war and our moti d war savings stamps, ¢ neals to the country fo g stations under “TI ident’s war speech in ¢ e past year 4 torials Liberty loans a £ of reenm have ds heir he war. editorial: Pp. IH » tering it; » founda es 1 ch COILED IN THE FLAG Exploiting a sort of terrorism which magnifies the horrors of war and the strength of German arms; Attacking England with great violence; Attacking the Allies in general; Suggesting a separate peace both by the Allies against America; Urging immediate peace and support Picturing the nation as divided in sentiment; Praising German culture and civilization; Attacking the methods of war charities; Deserting the league of nations, self-determination of Teuton boundaries in favor of the status quo ante. of camouflage cannot compare, however, with (he more ampaigns which Hearst launched at home, under the plea of “America by America against the Allies and ' ing the German “peace: drives”; of peoples and ad- justment These methods complex and dangerous ¢ ['o keep our men, money and food §rst!” and 2 demand that “alien slackers” be sent first; To get the International News Service back into France through praise of everything French and through the raising of a fund to rebuild French towns; To direct popular attention toward Mexico and Japan on a plea of quarters. Hearst's camouflage is singularly difficult to pi of it is so very subtle and complex. He is not content alone with the sim- ole trick of stippling the glaring white of pro-German sentiment with the reen of a Gerard or a Raemaekers. He prefers camoufiage dashed »f protective coloring. And one of those langer from these RK 1. erce because the bulk lant | or a fourth stratum isually is a poisonous yellow. In Respect to Foe and Ally For instance, it is not enough that “The American” should print Lib- erty Loan editorials and attacks on the Kaiser as a blind to assaults upon England and pictures of the horrors of war. Hearst is not content even ‘America First!” covers an inherent demand for “laying when a plea for * off” the war in Europe and keeping our men, money and food at home. His work reaches its perfection only in such three-and-four-ply camou- flage as his “unwavering support” of the Administration or his “rebuild “rench towns” campaign. For. in the first case, he has (1) produced a surface patriotism to con- rast with dubious sentiments of yesterday and to-morrow; (2) written vhat he considers an insurance policy against the suppression of “The American” by the censor; and (3) done his bit toward disarming criticism ' pur preparations for war, and therefore contributed toward complacence with methods which may be far from perfect. In the case of rebuilding France, Hearst has (1) offset his attacks on our English ally or even “proved” the disinterestedness; (2) worked spectacularly toward getting imto the good graces of the French govern- ment once more and reinstalling his news service with the French armies; 3) in the event of his reéntering France placed himself in a position to s disloval purposes once more through the coloring and distortion i and (4) in the event of the Allies’ victory induced Ameri- can moneyv-—which should have been at work fighting Germany-—{o under- take a reparation and restoratior which might have fallen upon German hotlde noulders W against Hearst is purely historical, ter of Hc tism in the last few weeks, the days when he is laying camouflage so thick and fast that of genuine, long-standing patriotic st the reader think that the ip the very present mat ait . 3 - + . .4 almost the appearance onviction Recentlv—in fact, since the beginning of the German onslaught on he Western front—Hearst’s New York “American” has carried itself at a itch of patriotism which it has never touched since the Great War began. as almost reached, in fact, that gemlike flame of pure devotion which 1p a month before the declaration of war, when the Zimmermann rigue with Mexico came to the light and the possibility of fighting our ythern neighbor and winning back Hearst's Mexican ranches almost southe ith Germany reconciled “The American” to war w HEARS-S-8-S-T Confusion Rides Patriotic Devotion Yet even Hearst's recognition of the effect on the public conscience of the German betrayal of Russia and the great and critical battle under way has not been able to banish altogether evidences of that sinister pur- pose behind the camouflage which has been “The American's” distinguish- ing characteristic since the United States entered the war. The imp of Confusion rides the storm of patriotic devotion. On April 2 “The American’s” cartoon for the third Liberty Loan goes to the unneutral extreme of showing the big gun of “American Patriotism” firing shells marked “Third Liberty Loan” at a target quite plainly labelled “Berlin.” The next day, however, the armed but naked figure about to be engulfed in a pool produced by three large drops of water lettered “First Liberty Loan,” “Second Liberty Loan” and “Third Liberty Loan”—a pool which premises to rise to a point on the wall marked “PEACE”"—is dis- creetly labelled “Autocracy” and his sword “Murder.” And then in an interval of a week or more “The American” is back at its familiar trick of levelling “patriotic” cartoons at nothing in particular-—“Want,” “Hate,” “Serfdom.” On April 2 Mr. Montague has some fun with the German royal fam. ily in his “More Truth Than Poetry,” while Arthur Brisbane in “To-day” pa:anizes German discipline, “the war's greatest force,” asking us to “un- derstand it well, but without discouragement.” And seven days later Bris- the anxiety of the Germ~n government to make peace. frank to 2 lmit—at the bottom of the column-—that “With Time on Our Side We Will Win the Battle.” But in a half-page editorial of April 5, bravely headed “Central Powers’ Treat- ment of Russia and Rumania Disproves Sincerity of Czernin’s Latest Speech,” crop up two of “The American’s” typical and favorite texts againsy the war. . the perverse still rules. bane rediscovers The editorial page of April 8 is “This Suicidal White World” They are obsessions which the editorial brain throws which is the notion that fighting Japan is the world’s really important duty at the present momeni—occurs in a sentence where “The American's” penchant for capital letters permits it to emphasize that the conduct of the Central Powers “TOWARD RUSSIA” has grievously in- jured the cause of peace in—here comes the telltale phrase—*this unhappy, suicidal white world.” The second obsession—that ceasing to fight Germany with armies is the best way to beat Germany—justifies a separate peace for the Rus- sians because they were “struggling along in a war which they were un- able to prosecute successfully without army or ammunition.” It adds for good measure the imputation to the Russian revolutionists of the opinion which Hearst has always held, that the present struggle is “a Czar-made war for autocratic objects.” On April 8 “The American” bursts into a spread-eagle “Tribute to the Navy and Hon. Josephus Daniels, its Efficient Secretary,” which occu- pied the entire back page and weds the orbs of Mr. Daniels (on the left) to the stars of the flag (on the right). Such “tributes,” are, of course, quite as much along the customary “don’t criticise the Administration” line as they are patently “patriotic,” but this particular editorial promises more of the same sort, discussing “the achievements of our government in the different branches of its military preparation,” and specifies for lauda- tion the army, shipbuilding (a branch hitherto attacked), the health and recreation of our soldiers, the elimination of profiteering (until now a sore point upon which Hearst has dwelt lengthily, with he information that a nation which discovers profiteers at arge grows apathetic toward war), justice to the workingman be- ind tne soldiers, government operation of the railroads and the financ- ing of the war (a subject that once called forth only “America first!”). Pat the most interesting and confusing specimen of the Hearst in the past month has been the case of “Under Fire” Henri Barbusse’s story of the war. It is a most illuminating dem mstratior of what happens to an addiet of the camouflage habit. Intemperate use f the drug can make a man a mental wreck. He no longer knows his He can’t tell camouflage from reality. off automatical- ly. The first methods own mind. COILED IN THE FLAG in the Case of “Under Fire” For six months Hearst vainly tried to decide whether “Under Fire” would serve his purposes. Was it really a pacifist book as well as a great picture of war acclaimed by all the best people of the literary world? Was it, then, pacifist enough to serve his purpose? If so, was it “patriotic” enough to “get by”? If it was strong enough to be of any use, would the public and the government stand for it? And wasn’t the public getting awfully touchy, anyway? Hearst made up his mind, and bought the book and advertised it. Then a French military man wrote a letter, and Hearst “killed” “Under Fire”--and struck a patriotic attitude. To consider the case of Barbusse’s book at more length—or, as Sher- lock Holmes might justly call it, “The Adventure of ‘Under Fire’ "—it is safe to begin by saying that the novel is, from the point of view of let- ters, perhaps the biggest piece of work produced by the war. It has re- ceived laudatory reviews from a great variety of sources. It is the story of a French soldier and it pictures war realistically. The Tribune re- viewed it, saying, in part: “All that is cruel, all that is bestial, all that is unspeakable in its wickedness of wanton depravity, is here exposed in all its nakedness. Yet all is illumined and adorned, if not at all re- deemed, with the play of a rich and lively fancy, the purpose of which is not to distort mor to esnceal, but rather to emphasize the truth; and through it all faith and hope are irrepressible and triumphant. Above most volumes of the kind, it is an epic of the war.” “Under Fire” (“Le Fev” .n the original) was passed by the French and British censors. Br’ unquestionably, from its outspoken picturing of the horrors of war, there grew around “Under Fire” a second-hand repu- tation as a “peace book” which attracted the attention of many. Among them were the editors of “The New York American” and the postal au- thorities. The latter took the matter up with the publishers, E. P. Dutton & Co., and, after a reading, passed the book. “The Greatest Story of the War” “The New York American” purchased the serial rights to the maj portion of the story through the agent, the Sloane Syndicate. The American” had previously bought “Confessions of a German War De- serter” as a combination attack on both war and the Kaiser, but “Under Fire” Jisplaced it on the Hearst schedule. The French novel was very extensively advertised for eight days preceding the date on which it was announced to begin in “The American.” It was fe: tured in a full-page advertisement and ny Vi in smaller space as “The Greatest Story of the War— ia Ale AI el LENLEDdD alu Le JTUesSt Laie OL wr a ACL phrases used were the following: “No such tale of the terrible life of the trenches was ever written oo before.” “Barbusse . . . tells the story of his squad day by day, as they take part in the fighting, wallow in the mud, shiver and freeze and are wounded.” “It is all there. The de- tails that other writers have skimmed are here set forth clearly, vividly, nakedly."’ “There is a weseage in it for Americans. boys in France would write—-f they were allowed.” “The American” thought so highly of the possibilities of the story that it spent somewhere between £3,000 and $5,000 advertising the story in various New York newspapers and a string of suburban periodicals. It even prepared two-color lithographed posters of the largest size twenty-four sheets. Curiously enough, having made such liberal use of anti-war angle suggested by the book's re nutation and the methods by which it had been advertised elsewhere, “The American” failed to use a line which Dutton had employed in its early advertising of the book It was: “If any book could kill war, this is that book.” If Dutton could vse this line, why not “The American”? Perkaps camouflage is the answer. At any rate, in the further history of “The American's” with “Under Fire” the publishers of Barbusse’s story see a liberal use c hat article. For the first time we are shown the truth. Barbusse tells us what our -onnection ’ HEARS-S-S. T Readers of the advertising which rather surprised on opening “The American” of Sunday, April 7, to fin the following headline stretched across the top of a page of in ordinary newspaper-size {ype: ‘Covered with Mud and Glory.” In a box at the bottom of the pa A fictioy announced “Under Wires” were it line, “ ‘Under Fire on the Somme,’ by George Lafond,” with below it thi “Copyright, ye peared “An Announcement,” signed by the editor of “The American said, among other things: wi sheet original posters—duplicating w Substituting a “Better Book” HE Mearst papers recently bought the rights of publication of the book “Under Fire,” writtén by Henri Barbusse, a Frenchman, know ing it to be & very celebrated book and believing it to be a book doing full justice to the splendid courage and devotion of the French roldiery. Major Bekenfelder, 2 member of the French commission to this has, however, given us information that, in his opinion, the book is not one which the I'rench would be pleased to see published in this country, that it is regarded in France as propaganda against the war on account of the ex- travagance of its deseriptions of the horrors and barbarities of the war, alzo because in some places it seems to portray the French soldiers as lacking in that heroic devotion to this war for freedom and for liberty which is un- questionably their true characteristic. : “The American,” therefore, declines to allow this book to appear in its columns, and prefers to sacrifice the considerable sum which was paid for its right of publication. We must all remember that the French are fighting side by side with our American boys in the trenches, fighting for a common cause, and with equal valor, '' i : We Americans «8 a whole should do everything we can (o sustain our boys and their French and English comrades at the front The hook of Henri Barbusse may be the vivid and valuable book that It may be the distorted and perverted ac- country, some people believe it to be. count which Major Eckenfelder believes it to be That questibn is not merely a matter of cold, hard fact, but of sentiment, of finer feeling, and it is our duty to consider the sentiment of our true frie nds—the French. If there is a French companion of ours in arms who can find fanlt with any publication, or article, or item, and thinks that such article does not properiy express the admiration and respect which we Americans deeply and sincerely feel for our Fremch comrades in arms, then that article should not be printed in a loyal American paper, and will not he prints i in the Hearst papers. : A better book than Henri Barbusse’s “Under Fire” ‘has been provided for our readers and printed on this page. The editorial explanation of the substitution of a “better book’ a “better title” was not affixed to the twent repared for ”..J hat was doubtless posters which had been “Under Fire Instead, were put v Pp advertising on “Under Fire”- ull ie adaivivil VL a lev WLra snceel h ded the wavrda “an Somme” to the original title ol of the Dutton company’s belief in the patriotism of The publishers of the volume which made way for a “bette tl Disode. je very pertinent comment to make upon the ej After Under Fire” and citation of the opinion of literary critics of somewhat more promi their field than the editor of “The American,” Mr. John Macrae, vi president and treasurer of E. P. Dutton & Co., contented himself remark: “Hearst is simply trying to -amouflage his past offen: attack on a great work of art.” Mr. Macrae volunteered the information that “The America wn after “Under Fire” since its publication last fall, had wo: beer m Ade the story would appear disloyal to the 1 vate f th nature o ne la H his 1h same ind 2 number of times to take the book, and had repeatedly This, accompanied by many reiterations of doubt as Pl wuthorities, sse’s novel had graced “The American's” it would deubtle have benefited —no ition to two special su emen yf the third Liberty Loan, Cl3100. inxtapo » and black, in aid Confusion Worse Confound The case of “Under Fire” should ! : camouflage involved in st vear. Fundamentally, camouflage is earst’s primary purpose has been self-protec i .s never been enough. He has steadily set time certain unpatriotic and disloyal ¢ A —- ——————————————————————————_ 1918, under the title 1 It COILED IN“THE FLAG he enoush to observe that he can accomplish these ends through a cyclonic mixture of patriotism and disloyalty which defies the easy accusation and judgment which have overtaken others less powerful, The aim of the relatively innocent art of military camouflage is confusion of the enemy through a confusion of objects seen. The aim +f the Hearst variety is Miltenic——confusion worse confounded. It is fusion of public opinion by means of a confusion of argument which still has its single, deliberate direction. There is no more thor- gughgoing through a Kansas town. and where it passes it leaves its mark. to the direction behind the confusion. Out of any confusion a single impression may grow—if some one Out of the confusion of pro-war and anti-war sentiments Yet that cyclone has purpose and direction, Its path is a very definite key wills it. dis- spot of confusion in the universe than a cyclone passing | HEARS-S-8-8-" played on the back page of “The American,” out of stories of our ric ness and our power and our unpreparedness, out of tales of threatenin: neighbors and scheming allies, out of patriotic defiance of the “terrib onslaught of a victorious Germany,” out of the spanking of profitee «nd munition makers, out of attacks upon critics of the Administratio out of pleas for “America first!” and flag-flapping heroism, out of 2 thoughts and all views of the war except the simple straight though and views of men who want to see it stopped to-morrow or fought throug to a “clean peace,” may grow—and does grow—a pretty definite sta of mental and emotional doubt, and, above all, physical inertia. It is 1 | state for a fighting nation. And no one knows it better than the proprietor and publisher « “The New York American,” “The Evening Journal” and the other Hear: newspapers. One Example of How Hearst Keeps His Pledge “The lot is-cast:into the lap; but the whole disposing thereof is of the Lord.” ~provesss, Nebr Bork American Editorial #£ PRG EEN TIT worms —— ws ae PY iin, JUD I IGE a I Further Service in the \ War Should Be Matter of Choice for Americans | gu X.SENATOR WILLIAM E. MASON, now Congressman-st-Large from’ i the Stats of Ulinois, has stnounced from bis seat that, unless some i member of the minority does sq speedily, he will offer a bill in the | House to ropes! the entire Conseription law, sud leave this or the mext {| Congress to carry out the will of the people. What Oongressmas Mason proposes wo be » harmlessly silly Qing for hizi to do and sn unspeskably foolish thing for the United States Jougress to do. The Conscription isw has not enly been passed by an overwhelming’ | majority, but it hse been magnificently vindicated in sa eplo of registra. tion thet will endure for the inspiration and safety of the Republic. so long as the Republic lives. A What Ocagresqman Mason bs slping st--if we understand bis previond | ULIerancas-~is to prevent the arbitrary shipment of vest bodies of Ameri, | esn youll to be offered 33 sa nowilling sacrifice upon the battleBelds of | Yianders aud of France. with this spirit of Congresspan Mason, which is shared by & multh | ads of the strongest and most patriotic men in the Republic, the Hearst | nawspspers are profoundly and actively i» sympethy. | i These papers have said consistantly, and will continue to maintain, | 1 ot the American soldiers who go to France should go as volunteers, and | { pot as sorecripied men, donb by the will of the Government. The views wileh the Hearst rewspspers have entertained fn y sending the flowsr of Améficas youth to perish upon the bastiefie’ds of F 11 receive an added sad irresistible Lupulse by the fact and the France wil s of goraoriptlion This ernment now defigitely knows that it hat men enough to Zeht #is bates now sad in the future agains Oermiuy, and agaiost thy | sid Thi Government regiiies that ip any sort of -amergensy. 13 hes 4 fhe rep istered rolls already 10,000,000 men #8gibis ava resposiive | to ths call 10 Atma, sud this sasnrance, definite snd fixed by the regimes. | tion. makes ft possible nbw for the Republic to give free éourse io.the vol. | S28 veer system that It may be glorified among sdldiers and’ vindicated | seng Ooveruments, Time and agsin, and with purposeful feiteratiéd, these Bewspapers save endareed the splendid spirit of co-cperstion whiol Apserics is giving to the allies, 7 It may be seid modestly, becguse # may be snid truthfully, that no | American newrnapes Yas given mors #page, mers energy or mere Intell {| gence of Bdvacsty with grekter helpfuliess 10 all the grest causes thal ary | making fof The supcesind this war h | ®g Jold up the Prog | 2ryt newspapers hap doa vo 1 =| Friday, June 29, 1917 | THE RECKONING Coprrigat. WL. Dpterastiens) Bows Servis I90AU7 | | i { 0 i Hii i COILED IN THE FLAG ARTICLE II Trying to Scare Us Out T HAS seemed possible to some of those who are opposed to America’s fighting a winning war against Germany that she could be scared out; That after she actually entered the struggle her morale, both in the trenches and among the mothers and wives at home, could be undermined by fear; That she could be terrified by an insistent over-emphasis on the horrors of the battlefield (the horrors of Teuton conquest being ignored or denied) ; That she could be beaten in advance by despair, if made to believe that there was no hope of overmatching the power of the German ; That all her efforts could be weakened by constant reifera- tion of the lie that this is not America’s war; And that all this disloyal propaganda could be strength- ened, could be made to seem the counsel of sincere patriotism, nl and could be protected from the attack of the Federal authori- ties and concealed from the eyes of loyal Americans if camou- flaged by a constant waving of the flag, by vague but loyal- sounding mouthings, and by taking cover under the skirts of real patriots. This strategy has been a commonplace of German propa- ganda throughout the world. It brought disaster to Italy. It has given heavy work to the authorities of France. William Randolph Hearst has done all these things in America, working through his cleven great newspapers scat- tered from coast to coast. Here is the second instalment of proof, all taken from but two of those papers—*“The New York American” and “The New York Journal” Hearst Gives Specific Instructions The keynote to the whole campaign was repeated by William Ran dolph Hearst himself, as late as March 9, 1918, in a signed letter of in- struction to the editor of “The New York American.” He wrote: “I cannot get so violently excited as some people over the possible effects in Europe of this present war.” . Very early in the great war, Hearst's On October 18, 1914, it said: “We are bound in this country of neutrality to refrain from taking sides. But, WHAT SIDE IS THERE TO TAKE?” At iater dates the “American” reiterated and developed belief in the virtue of the Cerman cause. Among its attacks upon America’s sympathy with the Allies were these: “No sensible man will believe the assurance of the Allies that they fight for humanity and the rights of small nations. As far as the European nations are concerned, this war is nothing but a business preposition.” “When they [‘Senator Lodge and his kind'] assert that this is a war on the part of the Allies to secure human liberties, free government and the safety of small nations in Europe, and on the part of the Central Empires to destroy human liberties, free government and the safety of small states in Europe, we wonder that they can keep their faces straight.” “American” took its stand. ——————————————————— Called the War Wall Street Campaign On the eve of war, March 23, 1917, the “American” said: “Wall Street wants to send American hoys over to fight in the trenches. . . . It may be taken for granted that any American boys sent over on that errand would be accommodated with places in the FRONT TRENCHES. “Now, we propose to fight this business right now and clear through totheend. . . . “Let the Allies fight their own war, “We did not start it, and it is none of our business to prosecute it for them.” Once the United States declared war, Hearst developed a yn this theme. He stilled the double-brasses of direct attack and injected into the harmonies of the “American” a piccolo diminuende on the willingness of the people of the United States te enter the war, variation un- April 27--“Gentlemen of the Congress of the United States, YOU HAVE PUT US INTO WAR. If the “folks at home’ did not want to go to war, it was your duty to think of that BEFORE YOU DECLARED WAR.” June 29 *“President Wilson assumed the responsibility by projecting the United States into the war.” July 4—“The maelstrom of this titanic world conflict into which we ” have been swept, ail unwilling. Protested Too Much About Unity The next step was to protest too much that the country was “now” unite d. October 6—"*The country is not at all divided in its determination to stand behind the President’s reasonable demands and to carry the war through until these terms are enforced. It is very true that the majority of our people were loath to go to war and were anxiously hoping that war might be avoided. It i# also true that here and there a small minority in still opposed to the war” “The President said ‘Fight!’ and the Congress sald February 8, 1918 o time greatly i ‘Fight!’-—and yet, to tell the truth, the nation was at 4 stirred to enthusiasm.” of antagonism to the war has run Under these currents stream of innuendo designed as something quite outside America’s interests, fundamentally and ultimately European. to lead the public into looking on the confi y and primarily, secondarily, March 22. 1917—*This European war. March 28-—“This European war, March 27—*“These proposals to spend billions of our people’s and the lives of thousands of our young men in the trenches of deserve the severest reprobation strenuous opposition.” ” ye and the most America entered (he war Before another Julu 2 (after . olin » in the trenches of this European war.” American soldier is sent to di July : “Sending a million men a year to be offered up in blood sacrifice to the ambition of contending nations on foreign baitle- fields. ” »@___“While we are interfering in Europe’s quarrels. November —*Our complication in European allairs, February 18, 1918 { 1 | i HEARS-5-8-8-T COILED IN THE FLAG HEARS-S-8-8-1 COILED IN THE FLAG it is almost geometry. “Q. E. D.” is all the writer forgot. Another feature of the opening instalment played into Hearst's Under the heading, *Wormer Ambassador Gerard Corroborates | hands, and he used it characteristically. The “Special Gerard Announce- \ ; The American’ and Urges the Ameri- | ment,” a single sheet of newspaper size which heralded the first ex- NE SN With war a fact, “terrorism” took a short vacation. But in tw cerpt from Gerard, gave the big display, not to Gerard or his book, but It is possible to recognize only ome effect likely to arise from sach | months. as German peace talk grew, Hearst was back at the old stand «The facts which the former ambassador recites as matters within his to the cable message written by the German Emperor and given to words as these—the undermining of American belief in the justice of the These are a few of many: : ON pessgnal Sheebvation =a none = tam - ing Sateen Jerard fo feliy so Washingion. This message xr Hearst's Dispose . ; ¢ nn" ri . Se : i ¢ war against Germany. June 10—“To be sacrificed in the trenches. . . . ” or So Snyir A or example, Amis as jepding to show thst the German government! hdd done more than A campaign of intellectual “frightfulness” and terrorism-—of insistent June 11—*Killing millions of men in the trenches . . . rotting in | 8 AF Ra hs . any other belligerent to try to avert the war; for the edjior 0k no emphasis on the horrors of the war in Europe—went with all this. Hearst the trenches . . . the United States must lose FIVE MILLION MEN in | I am wramg what should have been the bit ehuptey us The pains to refute the Kaiser's statements, and it happened that Gerard began this policy as a means of preventing American assistance—either the nest three years” : foreword of tits luaoks beenteze { ‘want to bring hovis to our Degy a” contented himself with objecting to the violation of Belgium—in the next in the form of munitionment or active intervention—when the war was th rN AE : . 4 ona Bite - Stifive Spor | hegragity of The A : pr re a hit si, the mstalwert.' Vt Was therefors/ natirat shat Heats) Sul) si re Joa: : e ) : ; e battlefields of Flanders and of France ose bloody shambles.” miliary and naval power of the Ferman Empire is unbroken; that i 3 . 30) FARA r It reached its greatest fury In March, 1917, when July 20—“HORRIBLE SLAUGHTER. . . . ‘At this very time the of the 12,000,000 men whom the Kaiser has called to the colors but Se aay 10s I ne To PN American people are being grossly deceived as to the real military situation ? 1,600,000 have been killed, 500,000 permanently disabled, not more YEARS IN GERMANY " : ie nay Je or Y FOUR and real naval situation and real econowic situation. . . . Grave condi- than 500,000 are prisoners of war and about 500,000 constitute the : LL a HOW HEARST WOULD FIGHT THE KAISER . f o 3 ”»” Hog of affairs) number of wounded or on the sick list of each day, leaving at all March $1—"This hideous massacre . destroying fires of death “The New York American” of August 8 makes this clear, and also establishes the evident motive for the campaign of “terrorism” in its After America Entered th 3 s War and destruction . . . frightful and bloody and brutal . . . bring This voice varies only by the sharper accent of “The New York peace instead of more war and woe to perishing humanity.” | pazes Eve . I» tha - savs on y ¢ v . » - ; . Evening Journal,” when it says on January 22, 1918; War Does Not Stop This Campaign the Statements Repeatedly Made by can People Fully to Realize THE FACTS,” Hearst’s editor writes: “The government has now been nearly ten months trying to interfere still very young. America’s entry hung in the balance. The following phrases are taken from “The American” prior to the declaration of war by the United States: March 8—*This great and terrible war. . . . This frightful war that has wasted Europe during two dreadful years. . The woe and waste snd murder and torture that have made this world, that should be the home of God's happy children, the likeness and similitude of the kingdom of devils, shrieking in furious glee about the victorious banners of the Yords of Hell.” March 7—%That is a vivid picture. But doubtless it falls short of the dreadfui reality. Yet there are madmen . . who are eager to have our country pass through thir same blackness of horrible night and this same " inferno of massacre, ruin and despair! HOW HEARST USED GERARD sl EXTRA Lo————— TEND C, WEPTRON WW JES MESO 0 PRESENT WRLSO Full Text of Secret Cablegram to President Wilson in This Edition of the First Instalment of Ex-Ambassador Gerard's Revelations in ‘MY FOUR YEARS IN GERMANY” Yeu cansiot a¥oed to miss onc of the instalments of Me Gerard's thrilling narrative Mastalmerns of which are to appear in each tssue of the Daily and Sunday American for a petiod of about six wecks DONT MISS THE BIG INSTALMENT IN i July 27-—*Is it not beiter to make peace now than to look forward to year after year of such national and individual sorrow and sacrifice, to such wastage and woe, to such destruction of the best specimens of the human race, to such irretrievable demolition of the sustaining structure of our Occidental civilization? How long will our people tolerate such slaughter and such sacrifice?” July 30—"“The bloodiest, tory. . » September 21—“This horrible night of agony and woe. si. «0 ® 5 1918—“The war in Europe, hideous as it is. «is We January 5, are losing our wealth daily, and will soon be losing our men daily in this awfal cataclysm.” February &— costly game . . . a bloody game. April 26—"This dreadful war. . . . And Then “The Journal” “The New York Evening Journal” played its customary modest part On October 5 it spoke of “this terrible war,” on December 12 of “thes colossal scenes of blood,” and on December 24 it pictured men “shootin each other down, poisoning each other with gas, frantically struggling t put each other out of existence. Hunger and famine have blasted « continent.” Just as Hearst pictured the terrors of the war, he likewise preache the power and the success of the German arms as an additional reason fo a prompt peace. Here are a few samples from “The American”: March 27, 1917—"It seems rever to occur to them that the Teutonic powers may defeat the Allies this very year, and that, in that case, we, and we alone, would have to bear the brunt of a terrific war with the most powerful naval and military fighting machine the world has ever seen. We would be absolutely helpless and defenceless against the huge d victorious and veteran navies and armies of the Central Empires. . the terrible and furious onslaught of a victorious Germany.” Maw 17—“Hungry dnd bankrupt England, hungry and bankrupt France, hungiy and bankrupt Italy a European offensive [of the Allies] which has practically broken down.” July 25-—-“Her armies . . are to-day larger and more formidable than they were at this time a year ago.” October 6—“No well informed man attem military success of German arms.” The key to all this propaganda appears in “The American” fo August 8, 1917. It is also the key to one of Hearst's most elaborate ane and effective bits of camouflage, designed to cover the true history, char acter and motives of the Hearst papers-——the printing of Gerard's “M:; Four Years in Germany.” Occasionally Hearst has a great piece of luck. He finds a kind o camouflage that works both ways, that plays both ends against the middle This was such a one. Helped Two Ways by Gerard +he Gerard book cost him blackest. most brutal war in all human his- “This hideous maelstrom of Eurcpean war a »” » un pts to deny the brilliant times about 9,000,000 effectives under arms. “There have been no great losses in the German navy, and any losses of ships have been compensated for by the building of new ones. The 9,000,000 men and more—for at least 400,000 come of military age in Germany every year—because of their experience in two and a half years of war are better and move efficient col- diers than at the time when they were called to the colors. Their officers know far more of the science of this war, and the men themselves now have the skill and bearing of veterans.” “This estimate of the number of men Germany has under arms t “The American's’ repeated statements of the strength allies almost exactly with of Germany’s man-power. “After giving these figures showing Germany's present man-power, Mr. Gerard discusses the matter of Germany's food supply and the probability of Germany being subdued by starvation. He says: “There is far greater danger of the starvation of our allies than of the starvation of the Germans. Every available inch of ground in Germany is cultivated, and cultivated by the aid of the old men, the boys and the women and the 2,000,000 prisoners of war. “The arable lands of Northern Fronce and of Rumania are being cultivated by the German army with an efficiency never be- fora known in these countries, and most of that food will be added to the food supplies of Germany. Certainly the people suffer; but still more certainly this war will not be ended because of the star- vation of Germany.” “Some have said that we were pro-German; some have said that we preached treason; some have accused us of printing falsehoods in order to frighten our people and to give aid and comfort to the enemy. . . . “The soundness of our editorial policies and the NECESSITY of our frequent warnings are now vind vears has represented the Unite who must know, and who does know, more a resources of the German Empire and the mil the German Empire, and the successes which the G against its enemies, than any other living American. . . “The lesson briefly is this: First, the necessity of realizing the serious- he military situation, and. second, the mecessity of cither negoti- ating a prompt peace with advantage to our allies and honor to owur- selves, or of prosecuting a protracted war with PREPARATION FOR THE DEFENCE OF OUR HOMES AND OUR LIBERTIES ON A GREATER SCALE THAN THE WORLD HAS EVER SEEN. “Autocraey will not triumph. Democracy will not perish. But America will be called upon not only to protect her own institutions, but to win this war for the Allies, THE PLAIN FACTS, THEREFORE, NO MATTER HOW MENACING, MUST BE REALIZED AND THE NECESSARY 5 TEPS TAKEN BY PRACTICAL MEN TO MEET THEM.” The thing is altogether too plain. First, the seriousness of the military situation. icated by the man who for the past four d States at the court of the Kaiser, and t first hand about the economic itary and the naval strength of erman Empire has won ness of t Second, the necessity of negoti jating an immediate peace, unless we | ALWAYSREADY TO FIGHT—ON HISOWN SOL, Coparight, 1917, Betmpationnl News Bervies TOMORROW 5. AMERICAN Hearst's sinister use of Gerard's book may be judged fr Hearst, for the large sum of money that in which “The American” played up the Kaisac's defence in the first instal- secured a full page daily feature of unimpeac rent. sion of any of the Kaiser's | was also patriotism thut happened to back up a very definite part o | Hearst's campaign for an early peace. The paper contained mo hint of refutat many misstatements. - I, ht a long and desperate war of defence. om the manner racy will not trimmphk or democracy | hable patriolism. But i wish to fig Third, the assurance that autoc perish, even though we make peace now. —————— TW I (Eeom “The New York A mericen,” March $3, 1811) COILED IN THE FLAG For Righteousness’ Sake Hearst's use of the Gerard books—for the success of the first, both as camouflage and as a circulation getter, caused him to use the second —is typical. Hearst could print Gerard for righteousness’ sake—for the sake of dalling public memory of what he had done in the pastas a blind to what he was doing in the present—and it could still serve his purpose, because three years of steady “terrorist” propaganda in the cause of peace had prepared the proper atmosphere for it. It is of the most vital significance that the editorial upon Gerard’s book appeared immediately prior to the Pope’s messages in favor of immediate peace on the status quo ante and during a period when ‘“The American's” news pages proclaimed German eagerness for peace and the reorganization of the empire to that end. The publication of the Gerard book in “The American” began September 16, 1917, and continued to salvos of peace headlines on the front pages of the paper. & HEARS-S-8-8-1 Here was camouflage that served a double purpose. Here was the work of a genuinely patriotic man bent to ‘other ends. There should also be recorded in this place the story of Hearst” use of another enemy of Germany. The record shows that while th: work of this man could not be made to serve other ends than those o camouflage, it could be—and was—altered or suppressed when it wen too far afield from Hearst's purposes. In the Case of Raemaekers The same Sunday “American” in which the Gerard book bega: contained a remarkable cartoon. It was by Raemaekers, the famou Dutch cartoonist and Hun-hater, and it represented two righteous lock ing gentlemen waving American flags with their left hands and pourin “Anti-English Poison” and “Pro-German Poison” into a fountain wit their rights. Considering ‘Hearst's attacks on England and his gener: reputation, the printing of -this cartoon was the most remarkable sing] piece of camouflage perpetrated by Hearst in the whole course of the wa HOW HEARST USED RAEMAEKERS - x (THE ARRIVAL _# By LOUIS RAEMAEKERS ] | : } ! dene Faris IC’ a JEAN BART-"A hearty welcome! Come fh, mate” — | Raemaekers, the Grealest World War Cartoenist, Comes 94 i to the Uniled States to Work for the New York American | THE POISONERS By LOUIS RAEMAEKER : alas ERS emankerss eo | ———— ! The cartoon on the left (in “The New York American’ of August 9, waters. Great Britain, changed “John Buil” in the caption to ‘‘Jean Bart. Raemaekers intended the large and beefy figure welcoming Uncle Sam as a portrait of John Bull. 1917), aimed to record the arrival of American naval forces in Europea “The American,” consistent in its antipathy t - The cartoon on the right (in “The New York American” of September 186, 1917), is typical of the constant antagonism between Raemaekers’ drawings and the policies of the paper in which they appeared. What reader of “The American” could suspect—since it published the cartoon-—tha Raemaekers included Hearst among these pourers of “Anti-British Poison” and “Pro-German Poison” into the fountain of the “Public Press”? COILED IN THE FLAG This cartoon is significant of a velation hitherto unknown between a cartoonist and a publisher. Hearst hired the most famous anti-Ger- man artist in the world to camouflage the most notorious anti-American newspaper in the United States. Raemackers accepted the job, because he regarded it, not as camouflage, but as a chance to reach the biggest audience of unconvinced Americans and to counteract an influence that he hated. This peculiar situation lasted about as long as could be ex- pected—six months. The juxtaposition of Raemaekers and Hearst-colored news was always remarkable. If Raemaekers’s first cartoon, July 29, 1917, had been introduced to “The American’s’”’ readers on the first page it would have enjoyed the companionship of an eight-column headline: “PEACE RIOTS IN ENGLAND.” During the next few days of Rae- maekers’s work for the Entente Allies in the United States “The New York American” carried such eight-column headlines as these: “FRANCE IN SECRET INTRIGUE”; “SICNS OF PEACE MULTIPLY”; “DRAFT STRIKES EXEMPT SNAG”; “KAISER OPPOSED TO CONQUEST”; “KAISER FAVORED MEDIATION”; “DRAFT RESISTERS TO BE SHOT” and “PEOPLE TO RULE GER- MANY.” This last head carried a sub-head: “Prussian Electoral Re- forms Assure Voters More Power Than Now Held in Great Britain.” The editorials in these days were such as ‘“We ask you to consider attentively and to pass judgment upon the following proposed method for promoting a speedy and just peace” and “Peace without victory could be accomplished by a congress of delegates.” The contrast between such a cartoon as “The Poisoners” and the paper in which it was printed continued to the last. On November 14 appeared a very significant picture, headed “Big German Peace Plot Revealed in France.” The figure of France holds Belo Pacha in her grip, saying, “Look, Uncle, I laid hands on & dangerous peace plotter.” Unele Sam replies, “Only ONE, my dear girl! I wish I had hands enough.” The apposition and opposition of Raemaekers to all that is Hearst might have been amusing if it hadn't been so desperate—for Raemae- ters had to fight more than the outward manifestations of Hearst's edi- torial policy. He was exposed to suppression and alteration from within. What Happened to the Cartoons The alteration of Raemaekers’s cartoons began early. The first case ceeurred on August 9, only ten days after his advent. The cartoon was called “The Arrival” and recorded the entrance of United States forces into active work abroad. It showed America, in the person of a sailor, being welcomed by another mariner. From the girth of the figure and ruddy beefy face you might have supposed him to be John Bull caption under the cartoon, however, read: “Jean Bart—'A heart) come! Come in, mate.’” It may be noted that though Jean Bar the same initials as John Bull, his position as a French admir rates him by the breadth of the English Channel from that nation so -hly hated and so consistently attacked » Randolph Hearst. As relations between Raemaekers and Hearst became more and riore strained the artist acknowledged the fact o $ evident al- teration. He had written “John Bull.” Hearst's editor had made it ‘Jean Bart.” He also acknowledged Hearst's suppression in this same early peri of cartoons dealing with the Pope's note. One showed the Pope handing out peace terms labelled “Made in Germany.” Another pictured Ger- many as a human monster who has just slain a child. The mother France, menaces Germany and threatens revenge. The Pope kneels be- tween, saying: “I cannot take sides.” Christ is pictured coming vp be- hind France and saying, “I can!” Raemaekers acknowledged that he had come to the Hearst news- papers knowing their anti-Ally bins. He came to America and picked out the most flagrantly pro-German newspapers he could find, he said, on the A —— ———— — HEARS-S-8-8-T theory of the old French proverb, “It is useless to kick in an open door.” The cartoonist soon found, however, that it was just as useless to try to kick in a Hearst closed door. He could only make dents in its sarface, and Hearst valued these as harmless camouflage. The original contract between the artist and the publisher provided that the cartoons were to be run as submitted, with the captions un- changed. When trouble resulted from Hearst's ignoring of this, a new agreement was drawn up. It was more binding than the first. Bat it appeared, nevertheless to be no more effective. For on or about De- cember 12, 1917, Louis Raemaekers disappeared from the pages which he had adorned intermittently for six months. Hearst’s motive in employing Raemaekers is clear enough. No pub- lisher hires a cartoonist famous for convictions the opposite of his own-— unless there is a vital need for that contrast. No publisher renews & contract which he has already broken-—unless there is a vital need for that cartoonist. No publisher prints cartoons at absolute variance with the cartoons of his own editorial page-—unless there's a reason. ind the reason is—-ecamouflage. Bolo on Hearst Bolo Pacha gave a dinner at Sherry’s about the middle.of March, 1916, with William Randolph Hearst as his guest. On his return to France he immediately used his newly acquired power over “Le Jour- nel” to print upon the first page of that Paris newspaper, on May 8, '916, a eulogy of Hearst. Its purpose was to aid the owner of “The New York American” in his campaign to get back into the good | graces of e French government which had learned to distrust him and his pape Portions of this eulogy are here reprinted as an inter esting evidence of the attitude toward the American publisher of the Frenchman executed for treason in the prison at Vineemnes, April 17, 1818: Never have the sympathies of the Americans been more precious to the Allies present hour, when the policy of the United States is in the balance. \nd when these sympathies are emanating from a man like Hearst there is a double reason for mentioning the fact Villiam Ra Hearst is figuring in the first rank as a Gotha American. Who w | dare to deny the kingdom of publicity to this man, who himself owns eleven great daily newspapers, several of which are regarded as the most important organs in the Old and New Worlds; a number of magazines, a news agency which is distributing news to more than four hundred newspapers; who, in addition, is supplying morc than three thousand moving picture theatres with films? Ti handler of the masses has brought under his control all the means by 1 one can appeal to the crowd iam Rand We would be slighting nsidered in him only 1siness man,” the man“of affairs. He t he : more than 1 If with the | He was the first, n before M. | to shake off the tryanny of the to leave the rut ('engrenage) from others and explains to a rm a colossal transacti lever which he himself had Roosevelt, to play his own p “machine.” The fact that he renders M. Hearst a personality ap ertain degree the special role which he has played since the beginning of the European conflict. An originality and a power-—that M. Hearst. No one will be astonished to learn that our opponents have not been the last ones to notice this factor. They have made advances to him at a time when the Allies did not pay sufficient heed to following up the evolution of the official intrigues. M. Hearst has borne them no grudge for it. COILED IN THE FLAG HEARS-S-8-S- ARTICLE IIL Hearst's Work for a Fightless War HAT would America’s share in the Great War be to-day if William Randolph Hearst and his editors had been in charge at Washington? His papers make the an- swer plain. Suppose that t bills. Suppose that Hearst had written mes ‘ages to Congress in- stead of “personal and private letters of instruction” to his he Hearst editorials had been Congressional editors. Suppose, first, that America—under Hearst—could be at war with Germany. If these suppositions were facts, then — The citizens of the United States, under universal mili- tary training, would be marshalled on the Atlantic and Pacific seaboards and along the Mexican border. We should bave kept our army at home to “defend America.” We should have kept our army at home to defeat Germany by opera- tions “at our natural basz.” We should have kept our army af home because we believed in “America first!” We should have placed beside “our beloved ally, France,” at Amiens just one fighting unit, the Roosevelt vol- unteers. Half our navy would be cruising the Pacific, and the rest anchored in home waters. We should have lent no money to the Allies, leaving them to rely on what Hearst has called their “bankrupt” credit. We should have made no effort to provision the Allies. We should have made no sacrifice that food might win the war. We should have built no ships to “feed the maw of the submarines.” We should have bent our industrial and military energies in two directions. We should have built a large fleet of sub- marines for defence. And we should have relied on defeat- ing Germany by a gigantic air offensive, after the necessary two to five years of preparation. That is all—as regards Germany. But we should undoubtedly be fighting Mexico, probably Japan, and possibly Britain. A “Paper War” Made by Newspapers Hearst's whole attitude toward America’s participation in the war is summed up in one short statement: When America hesitated on the brink Hearst declared that the struggle would be no “paper war.” After Amer- ica accepted Germany’s challenge Hearst consistently advocated measures which would have made it one. : If that is a short statement it is also a very grave statement. It carries serious implications. It bares terrible possibilities. ee 4 The gravity of the charge which may be brought against Hearst ar his newspapers has undoubtedly been a large factor in deterring peop from grasping or crediting it. About as large a factor has been th If he had succeeded in leading the country into ths Hearst camouflage. sort of war attitude it would have been to a hallelujah chorus of “Americ first!” and back-door patriotism. What reader who saw in “The New York American” of April 4, 1917 the words: “Let every energy be bent upon preparation for powerful and wholly victorious war ”’ would suspect Hearst of anything but herculean passion to roll Germar in the mud? Perhaps the reader also saw in “The American” of May 17, 191 the words: “Our only correct strategy is to spend all our money an. all our labor in preparing our navy and our armies HERE A THEIR NATURAL BASE and so compelling Germany, she wants to fight, to come to us and see how she likes th taste of OUR GRANITE.” Action! But Not Against Germany Contradictory as they wers, the Hearst editorials of March, April an May, 1817, were astutely fitted to a confused and undirected period. Befor war was declared they played upon our dislike of a long and serious wa Afterward they were diabolically clever in supplying busy ways of doin nothing and vigorous reasons for apathetic policies. They were not foo ish enough to preach inaction toward Germany. When Hearst wished 1 not to do something he always gave us something to do. That was h policy from April 8, 1917, onward. He never urged us to refuse me: money and food to Europe without urging us equally to supply them bom: tifully to America. To reconcile us to not fighting Germany he pose Mexico and Japan as enemies. Hearst began to recognize the trend of events early in March, 191 "He strove still to keep us out of war, but he began also to organize tk campaign by which we might be kept relatively out of it, even thoug technically in it. Telling us that Germany was sure to win, he urged t to bide our time and make ready for her “terrible onslaught.” It was such &n interesting notion to Hearst that he used it often. © March 12, 1917, “The American” said: “The moment war is declared our adversaries will be ready fight, but it will be a long time before we will be ready to fight. Wl should we precipitate actual hostilities before we are ready to fight The war may be serious.” Wait Till the Allies Are Beaten “The Evening Journal” struck the same pote on April 18, 1917, whe war was a fact: “This cyclone may cross the ocean-—this is the cyel which has devastated Europe for nearly three years. We kuow il work there. “Between us and the rage of the cyclone stands the Atlantic Ocenr BUT THE CYCLONE HAS STARTED IN OUR DIRECTION. “We may need our men snd our forces HERE AT HOME to mee this thing whe n it comes.” one of wa SOILED IN THE FLAG Shortly before that date “The American” had begun to develop its seme of improving our chances of defeating Germany in the future by itting Germany defeat our allies now. On April 11, 1917, it said: “Every shipmert of food and military supplics from this time on IS A BLOW AT OUR OWN SAFETY. . . . , “Now, our earnest suggestion to the Congress is that it impera. tively refuse to permit the further drainage of our food supplies and our military supplies and our money supplies to Europe. We insist that none of these things, at this eleventh hour, when the huge armiss are already locked in the nnai dealin grapp.® can have any decisive effect, one way or the other, upon Eurcpe’s conflict. “If the Allies are to win, they will, and they MUST win with what preparedness they have, for all we can send change the result. “On the other hand, if the Teutons are about to win, we ne and every ounce of preparedness, and ten in order to meet that peril. " that Germany every ounce of food times as much, right here at home, With this idea that the fight was nearly over and would be the victor—for “The American’s” previous e sistence on preparations Germany. Onc, already partially quoted, pu! the proposal to coticentrate forces for war at “ou “The American” continued: stimates of the belligerents and from its in lished on May 17, 1917, was r natural base,” the At- lantic seaboard. “The prime strategic advantage of this country in warfare with a | gainst the enemy's base, | European power is NOT a distant offensive a but it is an offensive prepared and launched n shores against an enemy compelled to leave his This strategic principle, which Hannibal neglected in crossing the Alps, which Alexander ignored, which Caesar disregarded, of which Napo- leon and Grant seemed to know mo she crossed Belg am, appears to be the first maxim of mc military men-—at least those of the spring of 1917. For “The American’ dern American ’ continued: “To throw away our strategic armies away from their home base to be pa which has practically broken down is a advantage by sending our fleets and make a real strategist gasp, and that will cost us dear if we accede | to it. oil “Our money, like our armies and our fleets, should be concen trated at its home bases and not dispersed abroad.” This remarkable campaign, for which received indorsement from “The Journal” on April 12, 1217, in the words: “Practically the whole military staff is opposed to our sending troops across the water.” Another product of the enemy has won came on April 18, 1917. with the theory of inaction toward German ing a great deal of money and energy in the creat be useless against Germany- unless she was victoriou It is needless to point out that, n of a military arm which would “We ought to build seagoing submari labor can build them, anti! we have at least 500 of them in the water. “And then we could sit secure behind their powerful defence and wait for them to destroy owr enemies’ commerce and bleed their eco- nomic veins dry.” At present writing it looks like a long wait Hearst's Triple Alliance—Germany, Mexico and Japan While this campaign of “ Hearst launched another for making sure that our troops stayed at home snd to divert our thoughts from the disap ointment of mot fighting Ger- many. He discovered enemies nesrer home Mexico and the cattle ranches of Sonora them now cannot possibly ed | that is the unquestionable conclusion both from | grew two remarkable proposals for defeating | ear and upon our owa | base and assault ours.” | thing, and which Germany forgot as | rts of a European offensive | blundering proposal that would | no temperate word is possible, | theory of staying out of the fight until your | y, it linked a proposal for sink- nes as fast as money and | active inaction” was getting under way Hearst's natural interest In | tur ‘ed hiz thoughts toward our | HEARS-S5-8-8-T southern neighbor, but he still had sufficient impartiality on March 8, 1917, even in the face of the Zimmermann exposure, to concede other foes as well: “y i & ah : 3 In less than a year we may be heset on the Atlantic and on the Pacific shore line by enemies who are armed and desper- ately poor, while we will be unarmed and hugely rich.” The threat of invasion of the Uniied States by Mexico, Japan and i 4 by» M . 5 sundry other nations continued steadily in the Hearst papers. Varied with suggestions of invading Mexico by the United States, i persisted up t March 18, 1918, Here are a few specimens: Mareh 1, 1917: “We may see our harvests reaped in peace. We may see them reaped behind the red lines where our best and bravest are dying to stem the flood of a triple invasion.” March 28: “If we strip our treasury of its cash and our na vy and army of their strength to fight the Allies’ war in Europe, nothing on earth will stop Japan and Mexico from striking us a fatal blow, while our only means of defence are being used up across the Atlantic.” June 1: “There is always a possibility of ‘differences of opinion between our country and Japan. There is never a let-up of probability of ‘difficulties’ with Mexico.” June 26: “We may have to wage the war alone against Germany, or against Germany and Russia, or against such a tremendous com bination as Germany and Russia and Japan.” Aug. 4 (from “The Evening Journal”): “A pig for each Mexican? Good idea. The whole Mexican pig for Uncle Sam would be a better idea.” Nov. 22: “While we are interfering in Europe's quarrels to pro- tect weak peoples, we should intervene in Mexico to protect the weak people there.” Jan. 5, 1915 : “We do not know whether there is a danger of the Japanese joining with the Germans, which makes our government so considerate of Japan.” ” Feb. 18: “The situation if Mexico will never be solved until the United States does its full duty there, occupies and pacifies the coun- try.” J J: “We are marked for attack because we are in conflict with the Japanese financially and commercially, and in contrast with Any day the opening gun in the oe March 4 them politically and socially. only important, the only vital war of the world . . may fired.” Long before Hearst's supply of enemies threatened to run out, he had found two far better rallying cries for his campaign to keep our forces at home. One was “America first!” the other, “Alien slackers!’ The “Alien slacker” campaign began In “The American” on May 14, 1617, with a straight attack on “propagandists” for England-—-50,000 of them-—who had “preferred to stay in the United States and at this safe distance exercise their patriotic devotion to England while we were at peace and presumably 1 eutral.” Except for that telltale last phrase, the interesting point in this edi- torial is the fact that because “20,000 or 30,01 0 would be a great help in France to-day,” “The American” thinks that rounding up and enlisting that number of “alien slackers” would somehow place them at the front about day after to-morrow. Editorials on the “alien slacker” occurred in issues of “The Ameri an” for May 14, June 16, July 2 and 14, September 14 and 25, November 27. December 5 and 14, 1917; but that of June 16 is typical enough of them all: “We Will Send Our Boys to Fight for England Only When England Has Rallied All Her Own” “It is understood from English and American estimates that are B500,000 English ‘slackers’ ic this country. . . . “U this be true the obligation resting upon our gov went is imperative and immediate. . . . “There is no reason on earth why these 500,000 Ex glish «ln should not be shipped straight to the fighting lines in Flanders before another American boy is sent across the seas. . . . "ee it is neither necessary nor right that the flower of our young American manhood should Le seat a » sacrificial offering to the Red Moloch of slaughter while England has men enough to fight he: own battles for many months ahead.” A A - — SA ————— — L es COILED IN THE FLAG “America First!’—Germany Second—The Allies a Bad ; Third d declared war, Hearst showed his clear opposi- In 1917, before we ha On March 23“The Ameri- tion to helping the Allies against Germany. can’ said: “This proposition that we shall finance the Allies and send our is a Wall Street proposition and nothing else.” “America first!” took its proper place in the bright lexicon of the war's delays. and the Hearst propaganda against effective nrosecution of the war advanced behind a different sort of patriotic barrage. On April 11 “The American’ said: “Stripping Qur Country of Men Money and Food Is a Dangerous Policy” “Every shipment of food and military supplies from this IS A BLOW AT OUR OWN SAFETY. “We urge you not to weaken our co give away cur money by shiploads, not to squander our men and our food reserves upon Europe. “Gentlemen of the Congress, AMERICA.” With War a Week Old “The American” was applying “America Jearst’s editor here deliber- instead of “loaning,” boys for cannon fodder After the declaration of war time on untry’s preparedness, not to for our safety’s sake, let us think of Two days later, on April 13, first!” to loans abroad. It is significant that I ately distorted the truth by talking of “oiving" “spending” instead of “investing at interest.” “We must say t matter of spending cur money in such large sums for ALLIED prepar- edness. “We have American PREPAREDNESS to pay for. . . . “Neither do we think that many Americans . + + feel that we should pay the war costs of these nations in ADDITION TO OUR OWN. . . “America first!” The “America first! your clothes on a hickory up to February 15, 1918, “In transferring t we do not want to do this to the extent © campaign to win the war by the policy of “hang limb, but don’t go near the water,” continued when “The American” said: he blood of healthy America into dying Europe f making America as sick as Europe. “While we are making the world safe for democracy, it is cer- tainly our duty to keep America safe for democracy. “Let us do all we can for Europe, but AMERICA FIRST! Hearst Calls It Off On June 29, 1017, the Hearst newspaper which had urged compul sory military service for many, MARY Years, and which had repeatedly pictured Germany as already victorious and the Allied offensive as “prac tically broken down,” came out with the following © recan Can it leave any doubt of the purpose behind sueh propagandal “Further Service in the War Should Be a Matter of Choice for Americans’’ “These papers have said consistendy, and will continue te maintain, that the American soldisrs who ge to France should go as volunteers, and not as conscripted men sent by the will government. “This government now definitely knows that it has mea enough to fight its battles mow and in the future against Ger many and agninst the world . . . and this assurance, definite and fixed by the registration, makes it possible now for the Republic to give free course to the volunteer system that may be glorified among soldiers and vindicated among govern~ ments. “We believe that in the magnificent contribution our coun- Lil try has already made to the battlefields of the Western front Hl Europe it bas given ALL THAT THE NECESSITIES OF THE ALLIES OR THE SAFETY OF OUR OWN COUNTRY AT THIS TIME JUSTIFIES IT IN GIVING.” | A WA J — A a | » hat we think Congress should go slow in this | HEARS-S-8-8-T It would be interesting to see Hearst-—champion of compulsory ser- vice and prophet of German victory—explain all the varied points of that editorial. It would rival the famous spectacle of the chameleon that sat down on a piece of Scotch plaid. Hearst Gets His Wires Crossed As clear an exposure of Hearst’s purposes by his own editors occurs in the matter of food as of men. On January 10, 1918, through “The Evening Journal,” Hearst showed his usual enthusiasm for keeping our food supplies at home. On February 11, 1918, through “The Ameri- can,” he betrayed his equal enthusiasm for keeping those food supplies in neutral ‘countries, in Germany, anywhere but in the countries of the Allies. In the former case “The Journal” reprinted four news dispatches | which it said demonstrated that food was cheaper and more plentiful | abroad than in the United States. Part of the column of comment read: «, _ . when the American people find that the European people have cheaper food and undergo less food restrictions than the American people, there is bound to arise a popular resent- ment and discontent WHICH WILL HAVE A BAD EFFECT i UPON THE NATION'S ENTHUSIASM AND WARLIKE | ENERGY. : “Let the Allies have liberally all the aid we can spare WITHOUT IMPOSING GREATER HARDSHIPS UPON THE MASSES OF OUR OWN PEOPLE THAN THE MASSES ABROAD HAVE TO ENDURE—but let that be the limit. “Let us put America first.” It is unnecessary to debate the truth of “The Journal's” statements. It is only necessary to point out that on February 11, 1918, a Hearst paper was urging the shipment of food to neutrals adjacent to Germany. “The American” of that date said: “ _ . we feel impelled by a strong sense of duty and by a strong apprehension of danger to urge apon the government the wise policy of relaxing these food restrictions placed upon neutral countries.” Food for Any One but the Allies Wherever Hearst may have acquired the “strong sense of duty,” his apprehension arose from the danger, “IMMINENT AND ACUTE,” that the “hungry” people of Sweden and the “starving” people of Holland and Switzeraland would join Germany in order to obtain food. “They MUST HAVE FOOD, and if there is.no other way to get food they will take food FROM GERMANY.” Somehow one feels tha. the editor's pen slipped when he threw in those last capitals. Or perhaps it was only a printer with a new theory of how to win the war. Either way, the Hearst conclusion is clear: “The right line of action is as plain as a pikestaff. “The Dutch ships should be released, loaded with food and sent to Holland.” The same sort of contradiction occurred over Hearst's attempt to keep the full force of America’s draft army at home by urging the aec- ceptance of Roosevelt's volunteers. “The American,” arch-encmy of Roosevelt, consistently supported the ex-President’s plea with many cartoons and much editorial language. Following up a proncuncement of May 12, 1917, “Let the Colonel Go to Franee,” “The American” pointed one motive on June 10 by saying: “Thousands of these registered fighting men of the country, g to fight in their own country, do not wish to go to France og” We do not know how soon we may need them here to ! fight at home for their own land. “Keep the war popular. Protect our own country. Give generously, but give wisel~ to those whom we seek so earnestly to aid. Give France what she wants when it is so easy to send the willing Roosevelt.” ’ willin ee 16 COILED IN THE FLAG No Further Use for “T. R.” On Janusry 1, 1918, when the Roosevelt request had long been re fused, “The American” said: “What most stirs Roosevelt to fits of anger when bs speaks of Mr. Wilson is, of course, the recollection of the refusal to Ist him parade in France at the head of a volunteer division. “The American’ at the time was in favor of sending Mr. Roosevelt to Franca, but we realize that the refusal to send him was bused upon carefully considered military policy.” And that military pollcy—very, very “ggrefully considered” by Hearst's aid on “The Evening Journal”—wes betrayed in the latter's editorial of July 16, 1917—*“Roosavelt or Pershing— Which Would You Rather Follow If You Had To Go te War?” “We believe . if the Germans had their choice they would say, ‘Send us four Roosevelts and keep one Pershing home, and we'll be obliged to you.’ ” Just how much obliged to William Randolph Hearst might Germany not be at the present moment of battle in Picardy if his counsels had ruled America! There are only two points remaining on what would. have been Hearst's contribution to America’s war policy #f he had occupied the Presidential chair. One is positive and one is negative, Ths only consistent, constructive, unhampering war measure cam- paign that Hearst has backed has been the building of airplanes. This he has hammered at on almost fifty occasions in his New York papers. So far, so good. | IF— y 1+ “If the advice of the Hearst publicatio supreme force which the President now calls | assuredly win in due time anyway.” William Randolp) ¥ The Hearst Advice Men—"“The only correct strategy 18 to spend all our money and all our labor in preparing our navy and our armies HERE Al THEIR NATURAL BASE and so compelling Germany, 1 she wants to fight, to come to us and se how she likes the taste of OUR GRANITE."—New York American, May 17, 1917 “Further Service in the War Should Be a Matter Americans.”—New York American Fune 29, 191 Food and Munitions—"“Every shipmen f yd and militar supplies from this time IS A BL( )'W AT OUR OV New York American, April 1 1917 Money—"‘Qur money, like our arm: and f 4 be concentrated at its home bases : dispel York American, May 17, 1917 Navy—"‘We ought buiid seagoing hmarine as oney and lal can build the: } least F the n the water. And th we coule ind ti N defence and wait for them t es V [ ies’ 1d bleed their economic veins dry.” Ame 1 1917. Shipbuilding—"It is found: me ror itions he principle of fig] y ateri to his most destructive depa a1 est food, and furnish victims for } torpedoes he low tl "New York ’ ] 5 i canno *f J 0 ] ( £ Rut—what is to be sald of 8 man who concentrates all his efforts en @ weapon which he claims will defeat Germany more or less painicasly and quickly, and which turns out to be a weapon that cannot reach efficleni production for a long time? A man with such a single righteous policy is not to be judged by hi claims for it. He must be judged by the amasing poilctes of inaction and obstruction with ‘which he has surrounded it. He must be judged by the fact that he would have kept our army at home, our money at home, nui food at home and cur navy st home. And he must be judged, above all, by the fact that he would bave cancelled what is unquestienably Amer ica's biggest and most vital and most successful effort toward the saliva | ton of the Allies. MS had heen take for, and we should De pn Ir1earsi vigay 44, Hearst would have stopped the building of ships. The svidence is short and simple. It was presented in “The Ameri can” of June 265, 1917, during the fight over wooden versus steel ships Hearst, standing against both policies of rapid and extensive merchant shipbuilding, said through his editorial mouthpiece: founded upon ome of the most absurd propositions that was ever projected into any sort of warfare, much less the most titanic warfare that the world has ever known. It Is planted upon the principle of fighting an enemy by furnishing material to his most destructive department faster than it can destroy—to feed the remorsoless maw of the German sub marine.” It is worthy of note that this editorial of obstruction ends with the evs f. 4% A words: “AMERICA FIRST” on we would be applying to dav in a determining way the 1d be winning to-day the glorious victory which we wi Via I 4 1010 Foreign Aflairs While we are interfering in Europe juat Is to protect weak peoples ntervene in Mexic ) we should 1 there New York American, Nove “ re irked r attack because we are in and commercially. ) iimportant, the only vital wa may | er a) Mar h 4, the United Stat alone nd rebuild Belgium a t i va S—— COILED IN THE FLAG HEARS-S-8-8-T ARTICLE IV. Attacks on Germany's Foes JPPOSE you were G newspaper ma Sar § Suppose you owned eleven newspapers wn giz large AP American cities and a nation-wide news and feature service. J ¢ And suppose you wanted America to win the war. Would you give a large share of your space to propa- ganda likely to undermine American morale? Would vou attack Americas allies? devote editorial after editorial to abuse of Would you Great Britain? : Would you devote much energy to attacking Japan, cultivating racial animosity acd picturing a coming war bes tween Japan and America? Would you maintain that the conflict with Gerizany 13 of no partioues moteat 7 asd prophcey that a much more ital conflict wit an ens us : yn Fonts you wy of the chance of America’s allies desert- ing her and of America deserting her allies ? Vio Would you finally declare that America has no allies? And if yoa did all these things—would you expect any one to believe that you wanted America to win the war? : william Randolph Hearst has done all these things. Fighting the Wrong Foe URING our first year of war “The New York American” printed D {forty-one editorials, in whole or in part substantial attacks or. - Great Britain, and thirty-three attacking Japan, or threatening us with onslaught by that empire. During that same period there were not nor such serious direct assaults upon Germany. 2 is more characteristic than his Oo many . No o of Hearst's war propaganda attacks Britain. Almost every weapon in the Hearst asmory has been used against her, from innuendo to direct attack. Almost every angle of the conflict has lent an opening. During ovr first year of war Hearst attacked Britain directly or indirectly on such diverse scores es America’s foreign loans, territorial aims, wooden versus steel ships, slackers, Ireland, India, Egypt, political lations with Japan, alien a : the American Revolution and world freedom of the seas, democracy domination. Three of these attacks will sufficiently demonstrate the character of the whole Hearst campaign against Germany’s most hated and violence foe. These are: Loans, territorial aims and wooden versus steel ships. On the subject of America’s loans to the Allies, while France, Italy and Russia have been jumped with Britain as culprits, Britain has always figured in Hearst's eyes as the chief offender. On May 17, 1917, “The American’ began with the statements: for months to come, is to pay the bill— “Our part in this war, to finance and feed hungry and bankrupt England, hungry and bank- rupt France, hungry and bankrupt Italy. “All the Allies are begging us for cash. “England wants money——in heaps—at 334 per cent, while she pays her own people 5 per cent, and demands 5 per cent ior the money she lends France, Italy, Russia and Canada and Australia. “The italian Commission is here with a request for money. Serbia is begging for money. So is Rumania. So are Panama and Cuba. We suppose Mexice and Argentina and Brazil and Colombia will soon prefer their modest requests. «All the world seems to be headed toward our matiomal treas- Mr. McAdoo ardently believes in the Scripture which ary. And the Lord loves a cheerful giver.” + avers that | | Bouquets for Germany, Brickbats for England From this general reflection on the spirit of our Allies “The Amer jean” went on to lay the entire imaginary fault at the door of Britain while bestowing a pretty little compliment upon Germany: “The German Empire went into this war with less than ome- half the wealth of England and France. Germany has managed to get along without help. France is not begging us for millions. We do not understand why England, with much more wealth and income than either Germany or France, must be handed a scoop-shovel and be told to help herself to our money.” Such statements are typical of Hearst’s campaign against foreig loans and his imputations of improper practices to Britain. He calle loans “gifts,” just as he pictured Secretary McAdoo eager to aid Britain in milking America. He ignored the fact that the money loaned t the Allies—loaned at interest and upon definite terms—is the only cor siderable share of the Liberty loans and the war taxes which will no! have been irrevocably shot away and disbursed by the end of the war ome back to America to retire the Libert: the only money that will ¢ bonds when they mature. On April 13, 1917, “The American” talke of “spending” our money for “ALLIED preparedness,” on May 17 of paying “every other nation’s expenses,” and on June 29 of “giving coun? less millions.” In the same spirit the cartoonist of “The American,” on June 28 1917, showed Uncle Sam, in “The Reckoning,” paying the bill of th war, after his stay in the “Hotel Europe,” and tipping the butler, En; lend; the chef, France; the porter, Russia; the maid, Italy, and the bell boy, Serbia. On July 2 he pictured a bee with wings made of the flag of England, France, Italy and Russia about te light upon the mone bags in the centre of a star-spangled and red-and-white-striped rose, “Tl American Beauty.” Attributes German Aims to Britain Another relation of Britain to the other Allies—the question ¢ territorial aims—has been a fruitful source of attack. Not only hss Hearst repeatedly pictured Britain as seeking to become the dominar power of the world, as the country which “has made more wars ( aggression than all other important nations combined,” amd as tk country which aims to come out of the war with its hands on ever; choice “place in the sun,” but Hearst has deliberately attacked Englan for specific “official aims.” This occurred in an editorial of July 5, 191° | called, “Why Cannot American Statesmen Equal Those of England i Ability and Loyalty?” Beginning with a back-hanfed compliment t. the great English statesmen who “always stand, first, last and all tb time for England and England’s present and future benefit,” “The Ame jcan” gave this as the substance of two speeches delivered by Lloy George in Glasgow and Dundee, on June 29 and 80: “1f the Allies, with American assistance, can thoroughly defeat the Central Empires, France is to regain Alsace, Poland is to be made an autonomous state, and England is to annex the German colonies in Africa and establish British control of Mesopotamia. Armenia, Palestine, Syria and the Near East. In addition to these gains, Germany's overseas trade is to be so thoroughly crippled that it cannot effectively compete with Creat Britain's commerce and carrying trade for many decades to come. “In brief, the British government's programme, naturally and intelligently enough, is to make England the undisputed dominant power in the world. “Her colonial empire, already too vast for the safety of other nations, is to be hugely increased. . . What the British govern- ment’s proposal actually menns is that no other people can trade overseas without having the permission of Great Britain or without paying tribute to Great Britain. . . . SEER IRE TR COILED IN THE FLAG HEARS-8-5-8-1 “This nation can no more afford to have Esgland become the undisputed mistress of the world than it can afford to have Germany or any other nation hecome the despotic master of the world. “It is intolerable that England, after having been saved from sure defeat and imminent disaster by the sacrifices of Russia and France and of the United States, should presume to dictate the dura- tion of the war, to gobble up in her own interests all the territory lost to Germany, to seize the commercial domination of the seas, and in every quarter of the globe to take to herself the fruits of victory which she could not achieve for herself. “We do not say these things with any feeling of the slightest prejudice toward England.” What Really Happened Now the facts: Lloyd George said nothing of the kind. As reported | “The American's” own news columns, he said at Dundee: “The doctrine of 1870 is the doctrine of to-day, and it is the Joctrine we are fighting for. So it is with Italy, which wants to ive with all her people, and so also with the Poles, who want to .esume their national independence. It is our will that they shall. And so it is with Mesopotamia and Palestine. These people shall sot be dumb-driven cattle, to be transferred at the will of the Imperor. That is why we are fighting.” At Glasgow, “The American” reported him as saying: “The wishes, desires and interests of the people themselves of 11 these countries [those held by occupation and in dispute] must ,e the dominant factor in settling their future government.” Blames Britain for Wooden Ships The same type of attack occurred repeatedly in the controversy r wooden versus steel ships. s+ Hearst's motives in opposing the building of wooden ply the justice of his employing the issue for an attack on England. June 9, 1917, “The American” said: “The ships are needed, not for ourselves, but to carry supplies » our allies, chiefly England. England surely cannot ask se United States to build wooden ships, whose sole purpose is to wve England, while England is building only steel ships, selfishly, to swrve herself.” On June 18 “The American” said: “The English government and the English press were enthusi- stically in favor of America building a great and costly fleet of nall wooden ships for England's benefit during the war, but you ust have noticed that England was not building any wooden ships srself. “England was building steel ships in great numbers. Ships hat would be useful during the war and equally useful AFTER the ar. “England was not only building steel ships at home, but she ud loaded up every American shipbuilding concern with orders for reel ships. “By a most peculiar arrangement, these American shipbuilding oncerns were given contracts to build steel ships for Engle nd on In order to make sure that these ships were rices from $50 to $80 higher ow time. built on ow time, the contracts were made at p er ton than the British government paid in its own y ards “The object of this policy is so plain that even a dunce The intention was to keep American ship- d building steel merchant ships for ENG- ITSELF cculd build no ought to e able to perceive it. ards so busily occupie AND’S use after the war that AMERICA \erchant fleet with which to cnter the post-bellum competition for re world’s trade. For the moment we will not con- | ships, but | “We were to feed and supply England by constructing WOODEN SHIPS that could only go to the scrapheap after the war, while England used our American yards to build STEEL SHIPS with which to keep us out of our fair share of the world’s trade after we had won the war for England and saved her from the defeat at the hands of Germany with which she was face to face when we declared war in April of this year. “There is a lesson in this disclosure of England's design against our future commercial prosperity, carried on at the very ing which we were providing her with money, supplies and ammu nition with which to save herself from Germany's powerful attack, that should be taken to heart, both by our government and by our people. “That lesson is to look after our own i p the policy of mixing in the quarrels of Europe's selfish nterests if we are going to follow u governments. . “If British diplomacy and British war-making, snd British peace making and the British government aud the British Empire are such high-minded, such admirable and such useful things mankind that we must back them up with our lives and our fortunes, we are unable to see why our government should not follow the example of England and pursue the policies of England. “England is always looking out for England and only for Eng- land. “France’s task is to keep back the German troops at what- ever sacrifice of blood and treasure. Our task is to thwart the Ge man submarines and to supply England with food and money af whatever sacrifice of present or future benefit. « . . the United States is asked to take a policy that will injure its interests and weaken its military and deplete its resources, ason than that this policy will benefit naval power, for no other re Fngland.” On June 25 “The American” said: recurs to -the significant fact that England “This newspaper to the con through its Premier, inspiring and urging our people struction of wooden boats to meet the U-boat menace, hersell CONTINUES MOST STEADILY AND PERSISTENTLY TO BUILD STEEL SHIPS FOR HER WAR-TIME POLICY, AND MORE PAR TICULARLY FOR HER AFTER-WAR POLICY OF MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL SUPREMACY AGAINST THE WOR " On July 19 “The American” said: “If 2he situation is so desperate that wooden ships tha BE USELESS AFTER THE WAR are necessary in additio the steel ships that can be built, then England should ask us build wooden ships at her expense. “She is at present building steel ships, and very big steel ships w warships, for herself. No ship ™*' + WILL a to all te as well as many ne ard in this country capable of turning out great steel ¢ ers, submarines or other naval vessels should be delivered lestroy id AYO ships, to ing wooden ships. ‘ “It is not that we regard England less, but America m “It is simply America first—mnow and forever! “The people of the United States should protest bailding a vast Heel pgainat ae betrayal of American interests in the folly of of wooden ships that will be wscless after the war, ally, already mistress of the seas end much too sagacious to bu wooden ships herself and tec far-sighted io olfer t we build them for her aid.” solely to aid our own them time dur i COILED IN THE FLAG HEARS-S-8-8-T ARTICLE V. A Hearst Peace—*“Made in Germany” WwW” have seen what sort of war a Hearst war against # Germany would be. We have seen the steps by which Hearst hoped to make our war that sort of war. Let us now consider what a Hearst peace would be. And let us see the steps by which Hearst hoped to have Amerien make that peace. It should be remembered that all quotations taken from the Hearst papers since April 6, 1917, re written after America entered the war. a EARST has made peace drive after peace drive. Hearst has warned the world that Germany could not be beaten. Hearst has dilated on the hor- rors of the war whenever he has been urging peace. s— drive after peace drive. Germany has warned the | world that she could not be | beaten. G ERMANY has made peace Germany has made war as hor- rible as possible to terrify the world and force a German peace. Germany has tried steadily to) Hearst has urged that America make a separate peace with can make a separate peace with Germany. some one of her foes. Hearst, when Germany was win- ning, has urged a peace con- ference, although she would then have secured the greater | part of her loot. Germany, when depressed, has! Hearst, when Germany has been depressed, has urged peace on the basis of the status quo ante, ignoring her conquests over her allies and other factors that would strength- en her vastly for future conquests. Cermany, when winning, has of- | fered terms that would leave her the greater part of her| oot. | suggested a return to the status | quo ante, hoping that her con-| suests over her allies and other factors which would strengthen her vastly for future con-| quests would not be under-| stood by the world. | | Hearst has declared that Ger- many had made herself a practical democracy, and that the world could now trust her. Germany has partly gone throug the motions of esti.blishing a| democratic government to] wwe to the world that she’ id now be trusted. oid. but it is not so old as the war. Itis 's peace campaign i ry nt fact that it did not begin until September 4, 1914, when joved her deepest pemetration into France. —————————————————— Prior to that Hearst was the high priest of war prosperity for the United States. From August 22, 1914, to September 1 “The American” printed seven editorials, some of them over Hearst’s signature, vehemently hailing America’s opportunity now that “all our competitors HAVE BURNED DOWN IN ONE NIGHT.” The first is typical: August 22, 1914: “For the citizens of tne United States, the means inevitable prosperity. . . . the United States war . offer from the war that is devastating and demoralizing will not s Europe. “The United States will benefit immeasurably. “This war is a calamity for Europe. It will set Europe back in commercial competition with this country.— William many years Randolph Hearst.” Peace—at the Mame Suddenly, on September 4, 1914, that great and fervid prosperity campaign went overboard. On that day “The American's” editorial page bore the heading: “Jet Us Have Peace—Wailliam Randolph Hearst.” With those words “The American” took up a campaign which even our entrance into the war did not cause it to relinquish. It is significant that the next day, September 5, 1914, was the day of the Marne. The principal German peace drive since America entered the war was the “depression” drive of last summer and fall, based on the short- ions” resolution in the Reichstag. lived “no indemnities or annexatl Certain elements in Hearst's campaign to bring about peace during our first year of war have already been discussed in the second article of this series. As then shown, “The American” consistently pictured the con- flict as something outside America’s own interest and as primarily, funda- mentally and ultimately European. “The American” consistently employed a form of terrorism in writing of the war. Using constantly such phrases as “this terrible war,” “this hideous massacre,” “those bloody shambles,” “The American” indicated the trend of the word-painting on July 27, 1917, by saying: “Is it not year after year to such wastage and woe, of the human race?” With these tactics went vivid pictures of German power and success, supported with evidence from Gerard’s “Four Years in Germany.” An- other article in this series discussed the use of the Yellow Peril as a bogie. Considering Hearst's peace drive of last summer in its larger aspects two significant things stand out. The first is Hearst's insistence on an immediate peace conference. The second is Hearst's proposal to place in such conference, unpledged, an enemy who, according to Hearst's own statements, was the military victor and who would therefore be able to dictate the sort of peace he pleased. “The American” opened last summer’s peace campaign with a re- markable proposal from William Randolph Hearst on July 15: “Our object should not be to diminish the power and posses- sions of another arrogant and aggressive empire. . . Let the better to make peace now than to lock forward to of such national and individual sorrow and sacrifice, to such destruction of the best specimens United States alone, out of her great wealth, restore France and rebuild Belgium at a lesser cost, whatever it might be, than the cost of war, and with the saving of the priceless lives of her dear sons.” —— EA JLED IN THE FLAG This same keen cencern for the future of Belgium and France on 97 led Mr. Hearst to indorse unreservedly peace without indemnity nnexation, saying: “J have a final reason for urging a peace without ind . npexation, and that is, because I deeply desire to see Belgium and rance freed from German occupation, and because I believe that ich a peace would be the saving of Belginm ana France.” emnity or “Defeatist” Propaganda Two days previous came a strong argument for peace, linking rst’s two most cherished elements of propaganda——the ‘“‘def: atist” sin, tragically familiar to France, in which Germany’s successes are nified, and the proposal for a conference. On July 25 “The Ameri- said: “Our Government Now Has the Power ard Opportunity to Bring ‘eace to the World. to “The general resuit of three years’ warfare has not been rush Germany or to give any great hope that Germany can speedily e defeated and dismembered, as the Allies at on “She now holds possession of, and cultivates and reaps the har- ‘ests of, and operates the factories and the mines and the oil fields .f, and exploits the labor of, territories that almost equal in e time proposed. extent er own empire. “Her armies were larger in 1915 than in 1914, in 1916 than in 015, and they are to-day larger and more formidable than they vere at this time a year ago. “With Belgium, Rumania, Serbia, Poland and the Baltic prov- neces in their possession, the Central Empires are assured of enough ‘ood, coal, iron, copper and oil to be self-sustaining. “We think that if the war should continue for ten years the antagonists would still face each other upem terms of practical as each would continue to slaughter its enemies and to quality, about the same preportion. waste its enemies’ resources in “Our purpose in taking part in this war, unless all our profes. sions were false, was to bring peace to the world. We expressly disclaimed any desire to make gains, to annex territory or to exact indemnities. “Now, it seems to us that the opportunity to end the war is «mocking at our door, that it invites our statesmanship and solicits both our magnanimity and our self-interest. “We think that our government, being in/a sense disinterested he hidden intrigues and concealed ambitions and wholly apart from t the Allies to of the European Cabinets, should earnestly counsel agree to a preliminary peace conference, at least.” — ve A yy CY oo or o rg " a H x A R Wh N"R 1 gium, nor do our people view with satisfaction the possible alterna: tive of a seven or ten years’ war with the consequent slaughger of millions of our young men every yenr.” It is worthy of note that an official denial was promptly issued that our officers had ever made the supposed reports on which this editorial was based. Anything for a Peace Conference On August 2 “The American” recurred to the idea of a peace con {erence, proposing a conference of a particularly interesting ai 58 ductive sort. ™ y assemble in some neutral “ . . This method . . is country a congress of delegates from every country In belligerent and neutral, whose function it shall be to dec belligerent govern. the world, ide upon and put in written lorm, and to submit to all the the framework of a treaty of peace which shall be as nearly ments, and just to the nations as possible reasonable and fai 1s not engaged in war. engaged in war as well as to the natio: goOvern- “The congress should , power to pledge a Pp ¥ wd no power to compel any government 1 n Dy ment to accept its findings to accede to the conditions an ! forms of peace decided up he congress. “I'TS FUNCTIONS SHOULD BE NVHOLLY ADVISORY race restored.” . . of our heart is to see pe “The one earnest desire On August 3 and August “The American” further agitated the nference idea. Curiously encugh, t propaganda was afterward ferred to as having prepared the way 10 the coming of the Pope's peace August 16 “The American” said message urging a conference; ior on A Pope Benedict has done ex wetly what we “As a matter of fact, the mations have proposed that a congress of should assemble and do-—that is to say, treaty of peace and submit it to the beliigerents | delegates from all frame the tkeleton of a r their consider ation. “We can find no adequate words in which to express our plea ure in Pope Benedict's proposals to the belligerent powers “jt should ge without saying that Germany and Austria ready and willing to accept the Pope's proposals.” A Referendum at Hearst's Initiative On August 20 Hearst's morning paper decorated the Pope-“Amen can” conference with a proposal for a referendum: “ . . They tell us that the war is heing waged to establisl the principles of democracy. “Very well. The fundame tal principle of democ y is tha } | whe peopis The “‘defeatist” strain sounded again on July 28, coupled wi h an- hall ¢ ti mk iorit : 18 WIL OF # ne r rf © er appeal to aid France and Germany by making peace for them governments shall carry oy Ranjan ainst their will: Now we say that the simplest way to find out what ” : : ‘ } differ les want to : ut this \ hold refer “The attitude of the Hearst newspapers is vindicated in a the difierent peopies want do abe this matter is to hole schi ad le a Beoble thems y cb thm i striking manner by the report of our army officers who have just endum elections and let the people hemseives say what they war come from France. done “The reports of our officers can have but one meaning. They Perhaps the im rei of the Hearst peace cau mean that the Germans have the best of the military operations. . . has been “The Americar enci for discovering that every e . Wr . with the occasional except E n was accepting worl 0 “ . . the plain truth is that without the intervention of for y " . & e 1 i . a . - OSA 0 ending u wal ! nad A some unknown mechanical inveation the Allies cannot conquer that not t Y . . . > ne 10 ! 0 ) ne ia Germany with the means at thei disposal and with such reinforce- terence. } : 2. 8 i ence, but that re ment as we can promptly send them, and may be defeated and oo’s d ¢ H brought to sue for a humiliating peace before we can put the mill ions of men on European soil necessary to effect the military op- _ “In his reply to Pope Benedict the President | . erations. . . the world a formula of peace terms which should end the r, a “We do not think that our people contemplate with approval the which WILL END THE WAR, if the Allied ernme possibility of dire disaster to such beloved allies as France and Bel- sense. E——————— ee —————————————— TO —————— COILED IN THE FLAG —— “To all intents and purposes, Mr. Wilson has repeated the basic principles of Pope Benedict. . . . “ _ . the President . . . has agreed, word for word, with the terme advocaZed by the Hearst papers.” During the following days must have come discouragement over the slow growth of peace sentiment in the United States, for on September “The American” went back to the ‘“‘defeatist” strain, with Russia for a text On September 10 German strength and success were again paraded: “These are the only major successes of the Allies in three years ethe Marne, Verdun and Greece. “And it will be observed that all three of these were NEGA- TIVE victories. They did not win anything in the way of German territory nor in the rout of German armies. . . . “The major German victories have been seven-—Belgium, Northern France, Serbia, Rumania, Poland, Lithuania, Courland and now Riga. . . . “And it will be observed that they have all been not NEGA- TIVE, but POSITIVE victories. . . .” Germany Already Democratized As the peace “The American” threw in a parting shot, obviously to supply the missing link between President Wilson’s declaration of no peace with an undemo- cratized Germany and the German desire for peace. The official German bur ald not have improved on the eloquence of the picture. drive of Germany and Hearst began visibly to fail 1 press bureau coud } Qontember 2 «4 A \ roan? aaid- Un September > fhe American said: “It is more plainly evident that the people of Germany have de- termined upon democratic institutions and have begun to establish \ Ee... them hrmly “The vicious system of plural voting has been abolished, and in f pot nominally, the Chancellor has become responsible to the hsiag. N “The mere fact that the head of the German nation is styled Kaiser instead of President is a small matter in itself. . . . ‘England is not by any means a democracy. ‘The present German constitution is . . . in many essen- tials modelled upon the Constitution of the United States—including, we are sorry to say, the very bad feature of ministerial responsibility to the executive head instead of to the people’s representatives.” wnuary 28 the German people had not only achieved the de- had “begun to astablish” on September 13, but the oc which ti whole world had climbed up on the bandwagon and the war was really er. ‘Jn that day “The American” said: “In a true sense, the great war for human freedom is won. Whether the governments find a way to negotiate right judgment, will not materially affect the great result That objective sQon, IX Juz hich the war was waged, by America, at least. was the democratization of the whole world. " ‘AND THAT RESULT HAS SURELY BEEN SECURED AND ACTUALLY AN ESTABLISHED FACT.” ificant fact that “The American” passed without comment fourteen points” message of January 8 was fully com- n nensated by its discovery that his next message amounted to a ca for Hearst's favorite peace conference. On February 12 “The American” FRI it is an extremely rea- | { | HEARS-S-8-8-T sonable argument for the convening of a general peace conference, to the decisions of which each belligerent shall bind itself to con- form. . . “And we are more than glad that the President has definitely repudiated the interpretation of his former speech to the Congress in which he made what mistaken interpreters insisted were fourteen vital ‘demands’ upon Germany. . . . “We are exceedingly glad that the purpose of the United States not to make any TERRITORIAL DEMANDS upon either Gervany or Austria-Hungary FINALLY HAS BEEN MADE CLEAR.” According to “The American” of February 27, the German imperial government accepted America’s peace terms. In an editorial on “Mr. Wilson’s Four Points as a Basis for Peace Parleys” “The American” : 3 sald: “These fundamental war objects of America are elaborated and defined in the four principles which the President insists must be accepted as binding before the United States will enter into peace negotiations with Germany, and since the German imperial government has plainly signified iTS ACCEPTANCE OF THESE FOUR GENERAL PRINCIPLES, it seems to us that the door lead- ing to peace negotiations is just a little bit wider than it has been any time heretofore.” Other- One suspects that there must have been a hitch somewhere “Hearst- wise a most interesting peace might now obtain—the Pax Americana.” The Pax “Hearst-Americana’ The most vital and interesting feature of this sort of peace would be its utter divergence from the basic principle of the most basic and the most recent of President Wilson's outlines of peace terms. if the four points stated in the message of February mean anything, they mean self-determination of peoples pushed as far as possible “without introducing new or perpetuating old elements of discord and antag- onism that would be likely in time to break the peace of Europe.” Hearst on self-determination is unequivocal. As in so many other mat- ters, his attitude toward Mexico unmasks him. On February 18, 1918, “The American” said: “The situation in Mexico will never be solved until the United States does its full duty there, occupies and pacifies the country. “And the best way to keep it pacified and make it as pacific and as prosperous as California is to make it, like California, a part of the United States of America. « “This is admittedly a different idea from the theory that every people that speaks a separate language should be independent, but is an idea that is more altruistic in the long run for th~ peoples " of the world. Against Wilson on the Balance of Power Another and a negative element in America’s peace programme illumines the Pax “Heaist-Americana.” In his statement of the four essential points necessary to an agreement of peace President Wilson set his face against ‘the great game, now forever discredited, of the balance of power.” It is a game, however, at which Hearst would gladly play. Again and again, as he warned us against setting Engl seat of world dominion, he has played the game in principle. in the On that day * On July 5, 1917, he played it openly and by name. seid» Sai. American” 4 a ee rr ai be 7 SC RE RRR a acai ian oh tr 2ruill A —— ‘OILED IN THE FLAG “We can imagine no statesmanship more futile than fr us to exhaust our wealth, to endanger our prosperity and to sacrifice our young men, not to equalize and stabilize the political relations of the world, but to puli down one power on the ground that it aims at dangerous domination of the world and then to place another power in the same seat of world empire and world dominion. . . “The sensible course for us to pursue is to use our influence and our strength to maintain . . . the European bal- ance of power.” It follows immediately—both logically and by “Phe American’s” wn processes of reasoning—that a Hearst peace resembles a German minimum of acquisitiveness. Hearst and his paper have tood by direet statement, as well as by constant implication, for the tatus quo ante. It is a proposal that has never been seriously consid- red by any Allied statesman, however often it has come from German While it frequently masqueraded under it came out definitely in “The American” eace at its ips in times of depression. no annexations,” on July 24 inder its rightful name: “We agree, too, that the Reichstag is doing well in insisting that the Emperor declare his adherence to a war programine and a peace programme which contemplate no conquest, no annexation and no indemnities, but merely the security and the “i terrier y While the U. S. Is £6 ND as to the Hearst papers, Mr. Burleson may say that ave been very careful, since we to the war, not to break an 4 law. Before we got into the war they were very acti ly ar HEARS-S-8-5-T integrity of German territory as it existed when the war began, and we are firmly persuaded that our own Congress would do equally well if it insisted that the President should declare and adhere tc a war programme and a peace programme which con- templats no conquest, no annexation of territory by ‘the Allies, no indemnities; only a return to the status quo ante.’ Such are the outlines of “The American's” campaign for peace, and such are the conditions under which we should now be living had America made peace at Hearst's dictation. This peace, bought with wastage of life and happiness and possessions, would be a peace hard to recognize It would be a peace made when Germany wantod it, by America’s tests | before America’s weight when Germany's arms were at their zenith, an could be felt. It would be a peace in which no subject people cc uld hope for freedom except as its conquerors gave it, and no nation know security except as the broken balance of power night simulate it. At best it would be a peace of the status quo ante—a return to conditions th bred this war and wastage, but with Germany vasily stronger for new i \t had aggression. peace dictated over a conference table by a At worst, it would be a and military power with the hostages of Belgium, France, Rusgia, Serbia Rumania in its Tt would be a Hearst peace, but it would also be a German pes WV ancommnlicher hands and the proiect of “Mittelonron INCE. the United States entered the war | the Hearst papers have printed: 7 4—attacks on our allies | 7—=instance of defence or p aise of | | war and anti-English. They were strong i fence of the United States, especially against Japan, w Mr. He (German: | sees, affects to see, a dangerous enemy. lney wer » for \ALIIGiLY | aggressive proceedings in Mexico. ~ . ( . : bo} “But i, we got o the war Mr. Hearst has seemed to be hea: 6 3-—mpieces Ol anu-war propaganda. | and very carefully for Hearst and the Hearst paper n long 4 . r . . i | prosperity of those publications and their proprietor requis | —deletion of a Presidential proc- | »t the war no doubt he will support the war, after a fas! . | in as much support of the Administration as it seems prof! 0 lamation | afford. So long as he does violate the law, Mr. Burl: ——— ! press him, and so long a: attacks on the government do not appe Total 155 | papers, Mr, Cree! can hardly come to the rescue with replies “1f Mr. Hearst should p t his before-the-war scent { y l 1 . i | better of him and should get into trouble with the law and Mr. Bu —or an average of nearly three a week, whe | i there are those, and not a few, who would bear it with « nimity ut . i ’ or y | the chances are that Mr. Hearst's nions will nol ' nto any i America has Deen EeNva rg f in the ie 1nd | with the law. His discretion and his indisere n i 4 : ’ : y Soda HOWRERTS 80 Be Be death struggle with civilization s enemy. | from day to day and how not to trip poe —————————— A — A ———— C—O 5 COILED IN THE FLAG m——— | [+ Was Buried With Patriotic Pomp | After the Postoffice Department Refused It a Certificate of Loyalty | ar of war William Randolph Hearst and ome printed in The latter United During our first ye ywned ten newspapers printed in English German—the “Deutsches Journal,” of New York. a license, or certificate of loyalty, from the was refused States government and discontinued publication in April The fact that this German paper showed such unmSax ble signs of disloyalty might have been accounted for th It might ha some oversight or difficulty in management, ! if the loyalty of Hearst’s ten American paners had questionable. Bui the ten rican papers and all preached the same doctrine of obstr German paper ‘Was on some 0ceasion Teutonic echo of the American papers. the munitions dump from which va ret's Ane drew their most effective weapons The differences are those of degree—nover of policy. Yet the government stamps arst's “Deutsches Journal” as disloyal and gives his “New York American” and his nine nthaw nonawe o slonn hill af haalth Am the sinale Germa LATE 1 Hi qh-pitched var erely the h it was papers At of] times License Refused by the Government "or many years Hearst owned and maintained the “Deutsches Jour- nal” and paid its losses with apparent willingness. On April 20, 1918, it announced its discontinuance with the following words: | “The ‘New-Yorker Deutsches Journal’ carried unde: its title line the slogan: ‘An American Paper Printed in German in Behalf of Americar Unity and Universal Democracy.’ “Its efforts in behalf of American unity and universal democ- ¢acy have been wholelearted and untiring. | “The time has now come when this newspaper believes it should make its supreme sacrifice in behalf of American amity. It there fore makes the following announcement: i “The ‘New-Yorker Deutsches Journal’ will after this issue sus- as a daily and Sunday newspaper printed in the pend publication German language.” That was the Hearst nouncement. Here are the facts: The “Deutsches Journal” did not exert itself “in behalf of American | Its efforts, after our declaration of war as well as before, were wholehearted and untiring in behalf of American disunity. Like “The American” and other Hearst papers, it printed editorials whose counsels vended to divide the people of the United States and prevent concerted _ «Li unity. national action. As a consequence, the “Deutsches Journal” was refused a license, or certificate of loyalty, by which the government permits certain fo:- ein. lar ouage papers of unquestioned. loyalty to be nrblisheé¢ without | — —- EE - HEARS-S-8-S5-T - ARTICLE VI. —u Hearst's Late “Deutsches Journal” Preached Same Sentiments as the “American” and Was Sprouting Bed for Campaigns Hearst's Eng- lish Paper Used Later . the deposit with the Federal authorities of a complete trguskition each issue. For some time—perhaps since its inception—the “‘Deutsehes Jour nal” had been a losing proposition for Hearst, serving only a political end. Newspaper gossip has put its deficit at $1,000 a we ek. As the result of the government’s refusal of a license, the Journal” found itself still more seriously embarrasced Finally came a time of national enthusiasm and patriotism-—rising sat of the German drivé and the betrayal of Russia when the “Deutsches arial” eeoilld no longer serve a polit cal” end-—and the “Deutsches passed away and was buried wath patriotic pomp 3s the true story of its “‘supgeme sacrifice in behalf of Ameri- ” “Deutsches JOourne tx Less Trustworthy Than the “Staats-Zeitung” When the government refused to grant the “Deutsches Journal” a license—a privilege which it had no hesitation in according the New York “Staats-Zeitung”—it did not act on the “Deutsches Journa 's” pre- war record. It did not go back to its utterances prior to America’s en- trance into the war. It had no right to. If it had, this is the sort of things it would have found: January 1, 1917 —*The Central Powers have hitherto been the victors and will remain the victors no matter what the braggers of the Alliss are prophesying for the xt year The Bual vie tory of the Central Powers is just as sure as the amen in church.” February 16.~'Never before has a war been so clearly and exclusively waged for the sake of culture [Kultur], and of culture [Kultur] alone, as this immense and atrocious struggle, in which all moral, intellectual and material forces are coliectively employed. Millions of hearts, millions of human ideas, materialized air and fire, gold and earth, iron and light, and all that for no other purpose but to find out whether the luminous German thought shall be victorious er not in Europe. Nobody knows “etter than the leading statesmen of England that Prussian militarism is absolutely identical with what one means by modern culture [Kultur]. German thought would perish if England were victorious. “England stands to-day as the devil-incarnate, as the anti- Christ of all culture.” Plenty of Evidence After We Entered War But whatever such belief in the “luminous German thought” would - . . | have indicated, the government had no need—even as it had no right | to go back to days when national loyalty and the national life were not at stake. There was plenty of evidence closer at hand. To begin with, Hearst's “Deutsches Journal,” from April 6, 1917, to September 18, 1917—when the government's action prevented the printing of further political editorials—practised a'most every one of the methods of obstructing the war and dampening national enthusiasm followed by “The New York American.” The “Deutsches Journal” cried “America First!” to keep our men and food and money at home, and “Alien slackers!” to keep our men at home and to impugn England. It ——————————————————— ——————————————— - - Et nd cova - HEARS-8-8-8S-T COILED IN THE FLAG Northern France which the Germans have evacuated after hard urged the negotiation of a prompt peace. It pictured the horrors of war | and the magnitude of German success. It attacked England and Japan. | battles. it threatened us with Mexican invasion. It expatiated on the “violation of | . . . “The violent ejection of the German armies means the f compared to which the suffer destruction of the country in a manuner ings of the Belgian people up to the present sre nothing play. ; Like ‘The American,” Hearst’s German paper found Greece an i excellent opportunity to eamoufiage Gerrann violation of Belgium by an excess of indignation ever the fate of Constantine, The “Deutsches Journal” set the key on June 14: “The oppression and oulrage of Greece, which have now resulted Constantine, are a striking proof of the he protection of small na- Greek neutrality.” It pmanized the imaginary democratization of Ger- but child's many. Less Camouflage in German Sheet While the “Deutsches Journal” urged us to keep our men at home for America’s sake, it also urged us to keep our men at home for the men’s sake. May 8, 1817 .- “And it is our view that, in the presence of this submarine war, it is almost a crime to send our men, equipment and supplies ncross the sea and so to expose ourselves to a catastrophe in order to help those who must help themselves in the next few weeks or muet be defeated” in the resignation of King hollowness of the phrases in regard fo t sions.” Good Teamwork With “The American” Journal” kept clearly be one another as the Siamese seratic aims are utterly faise gatisfactory sort of working echoed the thought Like “The American,” the “Deut: ches fore its readers the two ideas—as necessary to Twins—that the Allies’ protestations of den and that the German government is a very democracy. On August 9 Hearst’ German paper «whieh his “American” expressed on April T, 1917: n an alliance of demoo- cutcches Journal” supported the “alien slacker” campaign onscription and against England, but it put the matter much | and directly to German-born parents than did “The Amer ™ or ae to the American-born: July 27.—-“VOLUNTEERS AND ALIENS OF MILITARY AGE SHOULD FIRST GO TO THE FRONT. “Manifestly there is strong opposition to conscription in this country because the conscripted troops are to be sent to Europe. If “To speak of thie war as a war betwee | PICTURING THE FORCES Ti IAT DROVEUS TO WAK it were a question of the protection of our country, hardly any, or a very sight opposition to conscription would be noticeable. First, the sending to Europe of |S r——a————————————————=— | Den Schiffer im Pleiv ——— J Bowmen, 20_ Wan 1917 ee ————— wen Sciffe erfiilit es mit wildem Wek!” fa “Thera are iwo ways open. volunteers who are ready to serve abroad, and then the drafting of foreign sleclers here in this country. States Its Opposition to Fighting Boldiy The “Deutsches Journal,” like “The American,” pleaded for home lefenice against nothing in particular rather than an offensive against Germany, and it was not afraid to put the thing boldly: April 11, 1917.—*“NO ALLIANCE AND NO TROOPS.” liearst’s German paper followed his American periodicals in thei But where “The American” harped eternally on Sr ——————— V7 campaign for peace. ‘th terrible war,” the “Deutsches Journal” was more apt te talk of “ty re zy war hi “The American”-—after declaring that the shipment of food to the Allies was “a blow at our own safety’’-—proposed sending the whea'- eden Dutch boats to Germany's neighbor, lest Holland join our enemies The “Deutsches Journal!” saw the situation in the light of such macters as the submarine blockade and the Lusitania: April 28, 1917 ~*1* would be interesting to know why an em bargo against Great Britain is an unneutral act, while the embargo against the peaceful Scandinavian states and Holland is praise worthy.” Like “The American,” the “Deutsches Journal” wants to end the war by a peace of no annexations in order to rescue expeditiously tke in portions of Belgium and France. And the “luminous German | cvel tv miserv see only misery fot thought” of Hearst’. Germar peper make: it ab’e to Belgium if the Allies ins’ on rescuing the striclen country by force of = arms: TTT August 29. “Should the Alli~s continue ihe war in order to The evil spirit, with the crown of “Hatred” and with “Wa th smash Cermany it will be Celgium, first ~f all, which will gators” and “Private Interests, Prejudice’ as wings ying =» bear the cruelties and horrors of the war just as France will have | threatening to throw overboard the Pesce angel girdled with der to bear them provided the Allies succeed in throwing the Germans standing,” whose wings bear the inscriptions, “No Entangling Alliances across the Belgian frontier to the Rhine. “Peace Armaments in Our Own National Defe nce” and “Ide Lil “Belgium has hitherte suffered proportionately little so far as | erty.” The anchor of “World Peace nside the “Ship o te the destruction of property is concerned. . lig the hands of Uncle Sam are tied by “Lack of Unity,” “Politicians “But it will bs entirely different if Belgium— which hitherto ‘Pacifists” and “Graft.” The evil spirit has his foot on the rope has only been the road of communication for the troops of the Cen- ling the “Congress” rudder. The ears the inscription “I i tral Powers —becomes the theatre of war. Then, when the war is Compulsory Military Service” and ti last lifebelt, *“MILLIC fo of DEFENCE—Not a Cent for Tribute. over, the entire kingdom will be such a desert as the districts No ~N or — COILED IN THE FLAG Se 3 ——— 2 ———————————— Taam ee ——— os A——————. —— ate el ll US ———————————. ——— — —— Te ew ———————. ———— ——— TT ——— i — —————. ——. A ————— “Now . y Columbia, standing at the “Uncle of the Entire World,” The hats of Belgium, France and Italy have been filled up and the Russian Bear and Japan are coming to get their shares. +) aay A |X I H I e will soon be no more poor devils.’ STIRRING UP HATRED FOR BRITAIN AND RUSSIA [ Montag, den 18. Juni 1917. Der Idmwenanteil, Qrt¥ Tibt es Dall Reine Grom Torre? mehr ——————- ——— THE LION'S SHARE HEARS-S-8-8-1 a while the British Lion is gathering into the English crown the gold falling through the holes vindow with the signboard, “WAR LOANS TO BE HAD HERE,” is pouring her savings into the hat of the in Uncle Sam's hat Greed remarks: & Ri em a Pe A—_——— SILED IN THE FLAG . A mr - cacies and an alliance of autocracies, between a lvaguve of free peo- ples and » league of despots, is to speak foolishly. What well in- formed person believes that either Rumania or Serbia or Belgium or Italy is, or ever has been, a democracy; or that either the German Empire or the empire of Austria-Hu~ r is an autocracy?” But long before August the “Deuts ics Journal” had established a milar proposition of its own: May 8~-“No sensible man will believe the assurance of the Allies that they fight for humanity and the rights of small nations. As far as the European nations are concerned, this war is nothing but a business proposition.” On April 9, 1917, Hearst's Cerman paper began the discovery of mocracy in Germany. It took only until May 31 for the political insformation to become a fact so far as the “Deutsches Journal” was ncerned —a distinet record over “The American's” four months’ gesta- on from September 13, 1917, to January 28, 1918. In April, 1917, 8 “Deutsches Journal” found that: “The statements of the Chancell~r as well as other reports make it probable that the government will not offer any opposition to the democratic demands.” ' Finds Germany Was Never Undemocratic In May the “Deutsches Journal” noticed that the Gorman Empire .s not an autocracy at all and had never been undemocratic: “The war with Germany is nominally being fought in order te free the German people from tleir autocratic government. If that were the cause of the war it would not have been necessary to take NAD RPEBE. +: x a “The German Emwvire is neither an autocracy nor a monarchy. It consists of states having monarchical or republican constitutions. As & whole it is a federated state, in which the Kaiser exercises the functions of only a president, not a sovereign.” In Hearst’s German paper there are no new angles of attack on agland, but the venom is greater than in “The American.” To the lien slacker” campaign, the wooden ship sideswipe and the misrepre- utation of Lloyd George's statement of war aims, whic the “Deutsches urnal” adopted from “The American,” it added such direct attacks of } own &s: June 1, 1917. ~*In spite of her losses, England has not lost a tenth as much as her allies, while it niust be remembered that the sims of these allies do not play an important part. It will increase and become the stronger the longer the war lacts and the more the nations become convinced that they are not fighting for their own war aims, but for the aims of England, which are in ne way identical with their own. “Who can pay France for the immense sacrifices which she has made for English stubbornness since the rejection of the peace offer?” The “Deutsches Journal” as a Sprouting Bed On many angles of the war Hearst used Nis “Deutsches Journal” as hotbed for the sprouting of ideas later transplanted as hardier growths to “The American.” Thus Japan as a bugaboo appears well developed . the “Deutsches Journal” at an earlier period of our war than in “The merican.” Over our note to China in June the “Deutsches Journal” tacked “our natural enemy” on the 10th, while “The American” waited Il the 22d. Furthermore, on the 23d, the “Deutsches Journal,” in an itorial on “The Wise Japanese,” launched an attack upon Japan for ir alleged absorption in her own interests in the Pacific, which “The nerican” only began to develop on December 20, when it wrote: “The titude of Japan during this war is not altruistic, but is exceedingly \ ewd.” This policy of sprouting ideas and campaigns in Hearst's German ect is highly significant. Not ¢nly did many Hearst editorials of “The American” find them- hy orthy, in Hearst's eyes, of a place in the “Deutsches Journal” Not on did Hearst's ideas on Greece, democracy the embargo and ’ "0 apan, expressed in German, appeal so strongly to Hearst's “American ———————————————————————— HEARS-§8-58-8-T that it made free to paraphrase them; Not only was Hearst so conscious of his powerful work for “national unity” in the “Deutsches Journal” that he made it the inspiration of similar work in his “American,” But in many instances editorials aimed at America’s effectiv 37 ticipation in the war appear to havz been written for the ‘“‘Deucsc! fournal,” printed’ there, lifted, freely translated and reprinted at a late: date in “The American” as its own. Here are three specimens: From the “Deutsches Jour- nal” of April 11, 1917 “The inclination to give away sur morey in buckets is becoming more evident from day to day. From “The American” of April 13, 1917 “Each day the ambition te spend our people’s money by the shipload increases. . . . “We must say that we think the Congress should go slow in this matter of spending our money “We can only hope that the Congress will think three times before it gives away our money for the armament of the ALLIES. | in such large sums for ALLIED We must pay for our own arma- preparedness. We have American ment, ou PREPAREDNESS to pay for “. . . very few Americans are “ . . we do not think that willing to make this sort of sacri | maay Americans are cither glad fice in the interests of American or willing to make svech a sacri- and foreign buyers of English, | fice for the sake of American and French, Russian or Italian bonds. foreign buyers of English, French, Likewise, most Americans can | Russian or Ialian bonds. Neither hardly hold the opinion that in | do we think that we should pay additipn to our own war costs | the war costs of these nations in ADDITION TOOUROWN. . . .” From “The American” of May 17, 1817 “Our part in this war, for months to come, is to pay the bill —to finance and feed hungry and bankrupt Engiand, hungry and bankrupt France, hungry and bankrupt Italy. . “All the Allies are begging wus for cash. “England wants money — in heaps—at 3% per csnt., while she : | pays her own people 5 per cent. she. pays hes own subjects 3 per and demands 5 per cent. for the “sit, and demands § per cont. for money she lends France, Italy, | Russia, and Canada and Australia, we should pay those of the Al. lies. . - > | From the “Deutsches Jour- | nal” of May 14, 1917 | “For many mwntls to come the task of the United States is to pay the bills of hungry and bankrupt England, hungry and bankrupt France, and hungry and bankrupt Italy. . : “All the Allies want money | from us “England wants money —— in mounds-——at 31§ per cent. while the money she loans to France, Italy, Russia, Canada and Aus- Halla a . “All the world seems to be Fhe entire world seams to be headed toward our national treas- looking for our money. . . RY. iv sre “If the result of war is to be Germany is one thing. But it is that we will be hopelessly out- classed by England as a naval another thing to spend billions ia order to help another nation to power and hopelessly beaten by build up.its navy and merchant | England at the start in competi- marine to a degree of superiority | tion for the world’s trade, then it so that after the war we shall would seem tn be prudent to keep have no prospect of competing in world commerce “To spend billions to defeat enough of our own money to build our industries. «iw ‘Our money, like our simiiss and our fleets, should be concen- trated at its home bases and not ! dispersed abroad.” From “The Americon” of June 22, 1917 “England also promptly dezlines “Our money, as well as our troops and fleet, ought to be con. centrated at the home bases and not scattered abroad.” From the “Deutsches Jour- nal” of June 21, 1517 “England, too, has promptly re- — — - il v A Bo RS pr — SO COILED IN THE FLAG, a —— ——— ; Freitag, 5. snags 3937. | i ee A —— ———————— ——— Ein gropes Wort gelaflent ausgeflproden. Sess or LODGE redet JF oom anf Seite aeres; rho, Wie Ih lanbe. we are KX HLARCHT der Ng Fi CETHETT wend tami ene wilifdrische U/TOKRATIE f Hampren. : 7, 2 / \ - ee y, ~—~Cr < A : v y » wh » 7 r ATI ATA 3 ABN 7 2s ; Orvis’, WIT, Qerans Tegal Comperaiion «A GREAT WORD THAT HAS BEEN SPOKEN” tle of freedom and demccracy against a military autoe- believe are fighting the bat h for Gallipoli and a medal for Salonica, armed with a sword, “1812, markec where British sailors were accused of giving He stands on “International Rights,” “The “ql, 8. regulation of posts and of neutrals” of “Kishineff.” wy 24g Yh Hv y Wg 7 4 irs Zl, / /” Yo « ‘] stand on the side of thofe who * with a pate “Barrel Long”——a pun on the Baralong case, “Sapator Lodge says, *» Beside him are Britain, “John the Bully’ and a piste], the Stars snd Stripes, marked “Misuse of our flag.” The satchel is marked ed with a “pogrom’’ and attacking a Jew racy. “Destruction of American merchant ships” no quarter to U-boat men—and girded with Blacklist against America’s trade with neuprals.” Geneva Convention” and * * and a check. On the other side is Russia, arm and contains “Letters that never reached us’ HEARS-S-§8-8-7 1 i i { i 5 y § VIEW OF HINDENBURG Aa vy A GERMAN-HEARST —— ————————— —— - Sernerting, 5. Boat WIT, | cree me ceed STIRRING UP. HATRED FOR - BRITAIN Per Plein des Rnfofies ? ANA EI A NG NE in frommer Wunlid. Wenn dre ernmxl elas Sa? usrersst, de - Flregt dre Holle (Yor alee Augers sty Hainer) i Drew Nfl ’ NEVIEALEN A Serhied srrehter SAD J ww i ULAR wo - RIdaNgY Eblicangy. CO : a» 7 SN Af Jd a Schweigen s+ GOLD Tas PEDEN. der Herrn Generale we. ZYLINDER' sr BLECH, MEINE ANTWORT HOMMY mn EISEN & STAHL saet ’ { y - Vor Eh in dNag, a : iin A PIOUS WISH Hindenburg writes: “Silence is GOLDEN. Tae TALK of these gen tlenien generals in the ‘stovepipes’ is TIN. MY ANSWER comes iu IRON AND STEEL.” The “generals in the stovepipes” are the “ ‘Neutral Arbi trators.” The new-born year i917 in the German uniform says: “When tis ome opens its mouth, then off comes the wool (from the eyes of the ‘ne tigators) I” SUROPE AGAINST FIGHTING IN me TT SS EW bee “america first.” 4 ya AMERICA FIRST The Eagle, perched on “Our Own Nest,” says: In the nest are American industry, volun- gold, “] dare not leave my own brood unprotected.” teers, citizen army, means of defence, credit, merchant marine, wealth and means of commurication. ruptey of the State” is calling: “Money! Food! Ships! Troops!” The raven standing on “Bank. | Aber, aws KPRWGOZE RESE SEAR, 3 - 8 Qual Mc - 54 TIO : RE EuMY Boer her’ her Fares, Olor seh Tail wrts THE STUMBLING BLOCK? “Op this side” Uncle Sam, dissatisfied with the U. S. canteen, com plaine: “Only a meagre drink! Oh! what change of things!” “And on the other side” John Bull, with « bag of “American barley” and a bee: can with the inscription, “3314 Per Cent Increased Beer Production in England,” calls: “Beer this way! Beer this way! Or 1 will fall down. fused to comply with the wishes | to join the United States in its of the Administration in regard to | suggestion to China or to make China. The replies of these two | any suggestion of her own, mand nations makes us realize that they | the attitude of both uations in. sre by no means pleased with the dicates their displeasure that the attempt of the United States to | United States should interfere in interfers in the internal affairs of any way with the affairs of China. China. . . . | “First of all we try to play the role of one who makes all the world happy, and secondly we ought *o arm ourselves | realize more sod more the 3 with all our energ? against Japan, | sity of stre ngthening the United a conflict with whom is unawoid- States for the inevitable conflict able either sooner or later, and we should not employ cur forces at the service of foreign nations and thus weaken ourselves.” ought not to “Five, that we should mind ou own business in international fairs, and, second, that we she uid v with Japan.’ Such is th “national unity” preached 01 Hearst's “Deutsches Journal. Such is the “national unity ican.” And such is the unity that paper that hed to quit and the Hearst papers * oreached by Hearst's “Amer oxisted between the Hearst that till go on. . = 3 : A % ES Ti ge i Ls 4 4 Et : o < : fp Pe pe = B ’ : : : | ; + - i) B : ; : ; 4 Z t : E : #8 4 y . i : : | H ¢ : 2 i + ; = : i ; : : ) & ~ t = : a ; I= ‘ : i " pe E x : 3 | s id ¥ - % * Sa » % : : . : | : : a 9 ha Ed x £ : = : re - | B i q 1 : : : : pr: a g v, ” iS : 5 3 £ As . > : J 3 #5 3 2 F ; \ 5 ; ; 5 | 3 B : : ¥ BY : : : . 4 2 ; : 2 ~ - - bi Peas 2 : : : ¥ al 3 : : : a. > 5 : A 3 Kh bd ’ * 4 A ow s : : | 4 : N a Hon 3 ; 2 5 - hs - ‘ % " ; ; ¥ : ~ g i + LS : { > ? : 2 : s RS h 3 : - 0 : < — { 0 . re 0 gle RBA a C3 Service, News Copraighr. 1917, A HEARST +.EW OF AMERICA'S PART IN THE GREAT WAR 1947 > - od iE [x] 0 2, < 2 bd = < fil I fri Crm Monday; ‘July? 2,