nr SABE HA ; hitb HH § HI) 5 A iid # FR Tt a i PRELIMINARIES TO THE MEXICAN WAR FOR INDEPEND"NCE By John Rydjord A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the re- quirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy at the Tmiversity of Califotnia. 3 gibt 2 seevens Hessessesassvsnscsosensnnnssnves IIT, EARLY REVOLUTIONARY PROJECTS AND POREION I BIBLIOGRAPHY sesscevcscnssssssassssesancnssssssnssns ¥ a The disintegration of the Spenish Impire and the birth end development of a number of new and independent nations might well be compared to a {emily whore the father has exorcised his parental suthority to the utmost, foreing his children to submit and work for him in ignorance of what they might do for themselves: the children, on finding their parental bonds temporarily broken, make use of the ope portunity to venture forth in the world for Shemap)ves ale though poorly trained for en independent 11fe, . li i Seldom has a country hed more promising | Prospects then Spain had et the beginning of her colonial ers. Having united hor country by the marriage of Ferdinand amd Isabella and then having discovered the New Vorld, she was, indeed, on what sosmed a path of glory. but unfortunately, her cape able rulers were too often misdirecting their efforts, seek ing glory by meens of Furopean intervention and wars; and her ineapable rulers were gradually bringing the Fmpire to stagnation and ruin, Charles V was continually embroiled in Puropean wars and yot the remariksble conquest in America during his reign has given rise to tho name of this period ss "the era of the gonquistadores”. Fhilip 11 took a great interest in oolonia) GOOD OBRBTEDOBEORBIBOOONPIREBO RINE ELAS IBLIONRADR OREO ENE 1s Charles I. Chapmen, A History of Spain {n «dey 1018), 244, 4 on a afféirs but the broader snd larger principles were excluded by conscientious regard for minor details of little import ance and these were often harmful rather than beneficial. According to Keller, "the morbid mind of Philip II was at the bottom of many positive regulations of a harmful nature, and the progressive imbecility of his successors threw a bane- ful lafiuence into the hands of wavorthy venders and dopende ents.” Une can scarcely expnot an intelligent colonial pole icy from "the grotesque defectiveness of the impotent, lolle ingetongued, pinehunting Cherles II," The colonies had al. roady felt the weight of the exhorbitent taxes ceused by the Furopean wars of Charles V end Philip II, After two centuries of ruinous policy there was an attempt made at reforms which wore carried out most suscesse fully under Charles III, These reforms wire begun by Philip V who was ably assisted by French ministors, and they were continued by Ferdinend VI. It has been seid that after Isabella, “Charles 311 hws some Slain So. 2ank 48 the greatest Spanish monarch of modern times.” iis work was aided by the appointe ment of José de Ghlvez me visitoregensral of New Spain, and his policy embodied two dietinet plans: the establishment of intendencies and the gredual removal of restrictions on commerce, It is true thet his reforms were carried out for HEBVONBBNOCLIDENVBV EVAR GDI IR GOB OBORRENONIEBNOERNRERL RIERA 2, '4 G. Keller, Colonimetion (Boston, 1908), 184, 3. Ivtd., 101 4 Ghapaan, Histopy of Spain, 38. #. S Wie purpuse of SPesting larger Yevenues for he kingiem bug they brought benefit to Americe ss well nas to Spain. He was fortunate in having able assistants, but the corruption had jasted too long end hed become too firmly rooted to be easily eradicated. There were, however, two important events during nis reign which tended to wemken the hold on the colonies rather than strengthen it. "he expulsion of the Jesuits and the Spanish participation in the revolt of the British colonies were both events which counteracted the efforts of Charles III to mele the colonies more secure, His efforts both in Spain and Americs brought about better conditions and gave promise of progress, but progress in America gave rise to 80lf-con- sciousness and independent views, and with these came national aspirations. Charles IV is described by Hume as "a simple, honest, kindly soul, sesse 8 man of scanty mental gifts, goner- 9us'ad easily Jody You enill vith pieonsy of Bowrbun'® sblnagy und bli Sune of bis ingly priviiegess® He came to the throne during the year in which the 1dees of the French Revolue tion began to threaton monarchs and their possessions. During his reign the government fell mgsin into "incompetent hands, directed by contemptible favorites”. At the age of teenty- five lanuel Godoy became prime minister, and it became his Airficult task to guide Spain during one of the most eritical periods of her history. After Godoy came Napoleon, and with BAER DBDEBIO LOE N DEBBI ERI PBIB DOIPOBIO ENN BEVRREND ERROR ORIERS By Iho 20forid ElG | part of Choiseul's policy in trying to compete with giant 2 r comnoreisl ivileges, Herbert 1. Priestley, Jost ez (Berkeley, 1916), 37, 6. liartin A, 5, Hum nouern Spain, 1708-1008 (H,Y., 1900), 9. the removal of the royal femily the vast empire received ite death blow, The coloniel system which had developed during these conturies of decline was far from being médicere or defective. it was really a wonderful system, well calculated to meet practically every need to the smallest detail. One must, howe ever, always remember that the system as outlined in the ent. The Hecopilsc actual prectices in Now Spain as tho Constitution of 1017 is from the actual practices in Nexieo today. At the heed of the colonial government was the king vho as owner of the lend decided to gain nll the benefits he could for himself end his favorites. Church as well as state affeirs were under his immediate control. The viceroy ected as the reprosentative of the king snd as the highest excoutive in the colony. ile had provisional sppointments of some of the hisher offices as the governors, captain-gencrals, end ine tendents wherever vacencies i end he had free disposal of many of the lesser offices. lie also had considerable con. trol over the 6hurch which exalted his own office and frequent 1y led to bitter quarrels between the politicel and ocelosinse tical leaders. The real control of the colonial affairs was in the 2EVITRGTNIGLUUASUNRABIGGRINSANGALAID UARU SUES Tua uNuT AUER USS Te ihe Ho Bancroft, History of ELC 188387), 1il, 800004. YO seo Doneld E. Smith, Th Fras SI 1 FPO ER ES NI LE I SNA pi 1 gp GET i SR A EA 5 } A 3 fit Couneil of the Indies and the Case de Contratacién in Spain. In 1776 the Counelil of the Indies wes increased to fourteen ainistere composing throe dopartoents, ono for Hoxleo, one for reru, ond one for judicisl affairve. Tho legislative work of the colonies was carried on by thie body end the colonial laws were given in the form of instructions or gédulas, but there were also provisions made by the king without the aid of the Council mown es the ponles Srdencs. The Casa de Contratecidn was organized prior to the Council, but the latter sssumed most of its powers min i700, when it was practically replaced by the consuler agent, Below the office of the viceroy there were a host of lesser offices of various degrees and gradations, all coveted positions. The sudiencia wes the chief judicial body of the colonies, liew Spain having two, one at Mexico City and the other et Gusdslejare, This body shered the administrative work with the exocutive. ¥hen the membors of the sudiencia met with 1s president nd the fisesles for governmantal affairs it wes known as the real aguordo. The viceroy was not bound to set 19 wsoora with tne’ suilencia bub Sutil cur7y ‘Uns hls own deals sion oven if this body objected. In 1776 a rggente was appointed for the sudieneie to net as @ chiefejustice end to regulste the GBBSVIH HP ROA SB GEDIERIP PLUGIN I VEDIO TERIEI RAs ReBOaRsRROERRRIRRS 2s SE ISut1eY, Gfives, 17. 4 % % 10. The president mi be the viceroy, 8 captainegoneral, or an elected presi: ty devending onthe rank of the hifhe ; executive in the or) ¢ in which it was located. The fiscale wore the hi ( I TS an 10 balow the viceroy and the latter usuelly acceptod their decisions. 11. Bencroft, MHexleo, III, 534. " yidores or judges, to form special courts, to sit es judge in ny court, end to preside in the absence of the viceroy or president. New Spain hed numerous divisions snd subdivisions. One of the results of the visitation by José de Gflvez was the chance from the ton gubernetoriel divisions to the twelve intendencias. The intendeant was at first given control over financial end ni23tary affairs of his district but his power cams to extend over political and judicial affeirs as well, There were smaller divisions with subordinate officers as the alealdias mayores. The municipal government was the only one which wes in any way based on the people. The gabildo abierte, or the open town council, had some resemblance to the Hew Hnglmd system of town meetings. Out even though these institutions hed some similarity in form, they were different due to the political views of the two peoples. The people of the Mexican municipality who had derived their knowledge of government end politicel traditions from Spenish or colonial experiences wore possessed with "the idea of government by en individual person”, Lendership was a necessity for the Spanish colonists and democracy was not understood. In the British colonies the dissppoarance of the Indians clesred the way for the de COB AVDEEF EDEN BABI VERIO DB CORD PRB EER OPE EIEN PIR IBI PIB ON sean e 12. Bsnoroft, III, Mexico, 540. 13, There wore two chief military divisions, the first Eder Sho V106/0¥ 33 cujtelnitusial a under 7 : 1 of the Internal provinces, HOGTALY. which grew up thers. In the Spanish colonies t. ingorcoretion of the Indisns as a subordinate class in th society of Spsnish America, snd the creation, by royal Suthataey of a titled nobllity made democratic states ime possible.” The Spanish government sought to protect the nate ives from the ruthless exploitation of the conquerors by pute slog Sham 18 Hib oiie of ehtulinidaot. Wiss vere Sitwusted to provide for thelr religious and political conversion in roe turn for whieh they were given ¢-rtain privileges of exploitae tion. The encomenderos wers far from the center of government and generally put all the emphasis on the exploitation. The system sorved to bring the Indians under control but was not apt to stimulate any love for the government. The laws in reo gard to the natives were benevolent but the difficulty lay in thelr enforcement. The Church wes the organisation which kept the indiens in a position of absolute subjection to the fgoverne mont, The mmieipality had the wmusual privilege of hove ing several clective offices, but hore as clsevhere the practice of selling offices had become prevalent. The sale of offices hed begun in Spain shortly before the diseovery of Anerics but. was carried out more fully in the middle of the sixteenth cmbarys Aftor 1620 oven tho office of rogidor or councilmen REIS INNER P ENE PI PRR RE BREEN NNER ERERRTS BAO BOPREROED 14. Bernard Moses vam in Spanish America”, in Amore icon 0. Lt 10a] : lene Hovig y Vii % Bl 16. Sales bogan I GL TI ee LETT Hexic, Le . | was sold at euction, The of fie did not alwaye go to the highest bidder because ability was also to be teken into gonsideration, and the descendants of the GONQUAPOTS wore to be given »reference. Only resident citizens were oli gible and close relatives could not nominate or select each other, and higher officials vere not allowed to laterfere with or help sny of the candidates. The importance of the munieipal government lay in the fact that it was composed ehiefly of the creole clement. | one other institution deserves mention, the junta, This was a congress of officials called together occasion. | 8lly to consider special subjects. It might be a congress of military officials, cnlled a Junts de guerra, or might be a financial conkress, or oven 8 general CONgress to cone sider unusual problems, BASU VUASNINTINANERIINANINIINERINBNIRRRBNCINBENBNNGINTGS 17. Soncealts SY 300 iii, 581. 18. 0, Garfield Jones si, Goyorut $5 sha. Spends The idess of Indopendense in Mexico date back to the time of its conquest. "hen Cortés slipped away from the irate Velasquez he made himself temporarily independ- ent of Spanish suthority, and when he defeated his pursuer,. Hervaez, ho maintained that independence. It was quite in keeping with the events, therefore, that some of his follow- ers should accuse the illustrious conquistador of desiring to make himself the independent ruler of this wonderful new land, Vhatever may have been the desires of Cortés, he found it expedient to declare his allegience to his ruler, Charles V. Some time later a few followers of Mertin Cortés, disgruntled with the order which put @ limit on the inheri- tence of encomiendes, planned to overthrow the audiencia : and make the illustrious Marques del Valle ruler of Mexico, #e see then that from the time of ita conquest Nexico was considered suitsble for the establishment of a kingdom and elso that opposition to the orders of the home government would have a tendency to take the course of seeking inde- pe dence. As carly as the middle of the sixteenth century Toribio de Hotolinia, a Spanish priest in Lexico, expressed the opinion aus aR Seana a eeeNseessees0sesIesteItetaianttansIRRRLtIS ~~ that & coustry so large and so renote from Spain could not be governsd well from such a jdistance. The maintenance of justice end peace, theo’ protestion of TOpartY, and the punishment of rebels and tyrants would neces sttate the presence of a king or ruler within the country 1gself. After referring to complaints of bad government by the Bishop of Hichoscan, Humboldt said that good viceroys might nave improved conditions except for the edaling of the mother country "which possesses the mania of “sasning to govern in the groatest detail provinces at the distance of two thousand leagues, the physical and moral state of which are equolly wnknown to nem.” One of the causes then that cone tributed to bed government resulting in a desire for independ- ones was the distance of the colony from the mother-country. ii The view that the colonies existed for the benefit of fpatn and the crown caused ‘numerous and annoying restrictions on the colonists, There wave political limitations,gsocial dis tinetions, end economic restrictions, Commerce was regulated, controlled, end hindered in order to secure every benefit possible | for the crown, Tazes vers high and numerous, monopolies were | held by the government, end industries were often 917208 or for. bidden. There were reforms during the reign of Charles III, but these were to make the f1asneal system more efficient rather B vvstvsnegsravivessassndaranioncssaniinsssonvssandtansnssuniness | 2+ Joaquin Gareis jesshaitess, Historia do | De ¥ a i a . rs = - a yy 3a yp 4 vols. London, 1814), gina. 4. For the reforms of this period soe d90. Gélves, passim. i oh 5 then to help the life of the colonists. One of the best examples of monopolistic control wes thet established by José de Gdlvez on tobacco, According to Alexender von Humboldt the relsing of tobaceo would have bow come 8 very important brench of agriculture but for this roysl monopoly. The government kept officials known as guardes de Labago to travel through the country and pull up tobacco planted outside of the speeified district. Any formers culti- veting it for thelr own use were fined. This naturally aroused lem of & number of people snd the Spanish govern ment requested Fevilla Gigedo to consider the possibility of ree placing the monopoly with some other revenue which would be equally remunerative to the orown. He mew of no othor safe plan end considered the clamor 43 somgng fzom GMIY 8 Few ame contents. But there were other restrictions equally ammoying, and gontributing to discontent, Extracting oils, making wine or brendy, planting vines or almond trees were also prohibited in any province of Spanish America excepting Feru and Chile, And these countries were prohibited from sending these products to Hexico. “hen Miguel Hidalgo, tho father of independence, Lo- came curate of Dolores, he encouraged certain industries which violated the regulations of Spain. In addition to the factories S24304%4tTn lB URBAENtSENANES BGS BNY SSeS PRAVNUUARUSRE vARNU 6. Humboldt, Politicel Bs S0wd0, Ge Priestley, U Sve: 154-156. 7. dianuel rales Uutline of the Revo dution in Spanish Anorics JY 8 South An gan [Lone x BLY, BO. TE TR aT sg for pottery and bricks he developed viniculturs and sepis culture. According to Noll and lelehon the Mexican governe mont seted promptly end sent officials to Dolores to out down the mulberry trees and grapevines. Such practices might intime idate some people but 1t would also stir up the vobellious spirit in others. The policy of Spein was to prohibit sll ine dustries which might interfere with the mother country. The repressive policy of Spain would be endangered ag soon es the Americans would be convinced that they could greatly improve their lot by becoming independent. Humboldt celled attention to the productivity of the country end said that "the true prosperity of the lexican people neither depends oa Whe Seidents of foreign conmstes, wer Shy weEuly poi3sics of Burope.” Furthermore, the principal source of wealth was not in the mines but in egriculture. The land system, however, was not one thet was conducive to equality nor demosracy. The lend was generally in the hands of a few, and many of these wore the insolent peninsulers, frequently called gachupines by the Americans. These large estates might well be coveted by the dependent colonials. In addition to this there were the stifling duties and burdensome taxes. iuch of the revenue was probably lost by uu Ye an 2 3 g id ; p j § 8. Robertson, RI 3918) 78+ 1ag i Ea el ots, Sol ug 30y= Fanige, oad mulboryy trees loft of those plan by ‘peculation which only made the burdem grestor to reise the amount required for the crown, Une of the snnoying taxes wea the alecsbale, or sales tax. There were also import end export duties, 8 convoyetom, Pousipss fiom the sale of offices and indulgences and various monopeliss, all contributing to the burden on the colonies and most of the revenue was cerried to Spain. In order to preserve absolute control over the colonies and prevent the introduetion of foreign goods end idens, strict laws ors yusave sgninst the entrange of forelimers into colone ial America. Foreign trade was absolutely forbidden, and even the trade between Spain end the colonies was subject to the moat detailed supervision. The fleet system was not organized merely for protection but also to help the government to keep e watchful eye on the colonial trade. Iven the colonies were forbidden to trade with one another until the reforms of Charles iii, Spain hed ruined her industries and commerce by en unwise economic policy end by the expulsion of an important pert of her industriel population, namely the Jows end Moors. Even if this expulsion is not ae importent es ccocasionally thought, there were other messures, such as the efforts to retain the precious metals, that hindeved a normal industriel developments Spain finding herself wmeble to satisfy her own needs and those 12. Fel DHECOBDHOBVEB ES EBTERE ABBA NINB AI BOOREIII RBI NOIRE EINORS 12. Ke iler, #43 LOTL A hg i. a 18, For laws volating to foreigners see La fecoollascion de 8 Reinos de Jas Indies (3 vols., iedrid, 17Vi) of her colonies had to seek supplies from foreigners. "Ome soos,” wrote Charles Wglss, "merchants from France, Ingland, Holland, Genoa, ond Ay inundate spain, Hexion, and Peru with the products of thelr nso Prence alone had throe methods of trading with the colonies: the indirect trade through Spain, the direct trade with the Spanish colonies (1700. 1726), snd the contraband trade between the French American golonies and the Spanish ‘mericsn solonion. When Charles III removed some of the restrictions on trade within the Spanish Pmpire he tried to tighten the restric. tions against foreign trade. But wherever trade offered large returns, foreigners managed to find some means of overcoming or avoiding the restrictions of law, Contraband trade wes ludree tive and it did flourish in spite of Spain's efforts to pre- vont it. Une of the main reasons for its success was the fact that most of the colonial of ricials held thelr offices to bee come rich as soon as possible, end found thet connivance with the foreign traders was one of the best means of attaining their ends, The smugglers succooded by deceiving, bribing, or fishting the officials. There was little danger of complaint becsuse it favored ell, Tven since the reorganisation of 17v8 the Abbé NMaynal showed that the contraband trader had nn ade 34. C. telss. LI A A ET ee 14, C 17 Weiss, oi DR Goud } le regne de Philivog il Ju aon mons i i . TP an, ys | J i ET RAT. Vor i £ , $443.4 . AAAS Of h A oy * A - 15. Zo a Poh b 59 on this trade soo nian Ce Sandiete, J Sneed 3 45 1 ET : : : AE ot SL GLoni oi 81s, T.X,, Bore 16. Fe leds NAFHAL A Philosophical o Pol Lom ne “ettlementa TW Pa ade 07 The uF ETE CWT Bnd Le8t InAles (LPAnBLAted UF Jd.Us Juntamond, 0 VOiSe, iv, 530340, vantage of sixty«four per cent over the fair vitor. The result then was that the Spanish American came into contsiot with foreign traders and foreign goods. The high duties had therefore, largely dsfeated their own ends. Foreign contact was dangerous for Spain's absolute snd monopolistic system but it could not be prevented. the French Revolution she found it almost impossible to cone trol her colonial commerce. Spot3al contgsaitns were Bmag As 1997 suk repented Jutor for sons of the Coloigens The dafent of the French end Spanish fleet at Trafelgar gave the British en opportunity to trade with Spanish Americas without mmeh hindrsnce. Fnglend had long coveted this trade snd after she beceme nce customed to it she was not likely to give it up. The revolu- tionary agents who sought British aid in winning their independ ence Wolily always hold out the reward of special commercial PeRYLI0008, The Americans had their share of the contraband trede, but when Hapoleon's Continental system was answered by the British Orders in Council the trade of the world was almost put on 8 smuggling basis. The United States could trade more safoly with Spanish America then with Iurope, Deniel Clark wes trading directly with Vera Crus in 1806 and objected to the SRB EEBR EES IIe eNORNINA0RERRsRRRsItINtRORERsIsIINRiER REINER 17. Raynal 18, Paiseio 10. Seo fo * FARR Sl ORE TAT LUGS pA ris rumors of Burr's proposed. 8 attack on Hezieo beosuse it engangured y : 243 brude with, iat Com When Hirenda roturned to Englend efter his feilure to revolutionize Venezuela he informed Castle reagh that since the war the trade of Spanish /imeries had been largely cervied on by Amerisen merchants who vere making ime noanee protas, The breaking down of the Spanish monopolistic syatem marked the weakening of the Spanish hold on the colonies. The Buropean wars had left the colonies largely to themselves, but with the annoying presence of Spanish officiels. Having once tasted the fruits of greater commercial freedom they would never submit to the return of the old exclusion. The commercial | WAZppGiice has Down considered the eaume of he most Wide sproad discontent. It ls, therefore, reasonable to believe thet the desire for commorcisl freedom was one of the chief causes for independence. Added to this was the powerful influence of class dis~ tinction, Here we come into contact with enother kind of ope pression, It combined economic, political, end social oppression and subjugation. It will be necessary to mention in brief the various classes of people in New Spain to understand their re lations. Pirst there were the Duropes: n Spaniards, designated Sandia ciirinsasqaiansersnsiarhusiasn aera dude Ann ae 21. S vols., Phil- as peninsulars, or by the invidious title of gachupines. These wore the fowest in number but the highest in rank. Then wore wore numerous than the peninsulars, The combined number UE SESS Wis sloments was estimated by Humboldt se being about 1,200,000. 02 Sule vier shure were prebuvly nly VO ep 80,000 pentigteses Vithin Yew Spain, exclusive of the Intore nel Provinces, the pure whites were shout sixteen per cent of the population, Within Mexico City the ereoles formed forty nine per cent, the peninsulars, two per cent, the Indians, twenty«four per cont, snd mestizos, twenty-five per cent. The pure Indiuns formed the largest part of the population. It is difficult to give accurate numbers, but the Indian pope ulation has boon estimated % Humboldt as being 3,700,000, and the mestizos as 1,860,000, The number of negromss, nt in Spanish law there was no distinction between the whites, but in prastice the distinction became ao marked that it led to the development of the unwritten law that creoles were inferior to peninsulers. The higher sffides, both ecclesinstical and civil, wers nearly sll held by peninsulars. This practice Ea 8 SE Caonl Sauce: Tpit aotiesNesesavssautusssrTIuygy 4 AD atl d B51 y Is 206. « Hmbo bo Foil y 5 dT 35 boned thin on tho Topo by Revilla«Gigedo, 27. ”. Bo TE table see Roscher, Spanish Colonial 28. Tho Zitvos; were the Sifule1ng: of the negroes snd Indiens + Humboldt, Folitieal Essay, I, 204. . bogen early end lasted until the end of the Spanish rule, Of three hundred and sixty-nine bishops and Srgnblnong appointed in Hew Spain until 1637, only twelve had been Cobra: and of fifty vieeroys mppointed before 1808 only one hed been a or 10. In commerce and industry the same distinction persisted, Those of the commerce as well as much « the best lend which wes not tn She, Sauls of the Shion, Une of the reasons for this favoritism was that the Spanish crown felt more certain of the 197326 02 wen fron Spain Shen Of wan Via hag grows Wp ine 26nd Pur Srp Spare. They hoped to retain the loyalty of hose by Jonding Shen with Save. The peninsulers also had the advantage of being in s better position to plead for offices than the sreoles, The wealth, titles, and honors of these officials served only to stimulate the envy of the ereoles. It made the peninsulars errogent snd heughty, end the ¢reoles sullen, suspicious, and joelous. There was even a greet distinction between the other ¢lessos, The creoles considered themselves quite superior to the mestizos, and these in turn felt themselves egperior to the pure natives. The orecles hed little in common with the mestizos except for thelr hatred of the gachupines. Those of ulxed blood wore anxious to be classed among the whites snd a lI%hdnavatisesageiveesiesst ster esaaaaniasasausy ideas even sought judicial decisions to declars themselves white. These hatreds wore stimulated and encouraged by Spain to pro vent united action against the government, impelled by the prinetple of Divide ot impeva. | That the American-born descendants of the conquiste- dors and of noble families should be looked down upon by am avaricious and frequently mediocre Spanish of ficial was one of the moat outstanding causes for detesting the Spanish govern mont. The ereoles finally ceme to the point where they no longer considered thomsolves as Spanisrds. Humboldt said that after 1709 one could frequently near, “I am not a Spaniard, I moricanl” This marke not only resentment, ne pointed out Wy al wblinr, uk wie thy developunt of ime wal national feeling thet was to oppose the union with Spain. The feeling become 80 tense that there were oceasional revolts amd a continual threat of rebellion. The fhglish traveler, Thomas Uspe, after witnossing the government's method of punishe | ing rebellious persons in 1625, seid thet the chief actors hed been the creoles, "who do hate the Spenish government, end all such as come from Spain; and reason thoy have for it, for by SRN Whey SPY moh GppPessiud,«ssand wre und will be ajuays vntohe ing any opportunity to free themselves from the Spanish yoke." In 1771 a memorial was sent to Charles III to get greater conside 2240800 8000000nntIrttnItenenttieLastatatgitannsianaasnastsestsn "ney oy % } J 9 # 08 caball. eration for the 4 ~ The Bishop of lichoacan nlpo sent an faforge to the king in 1709 in which ho complained bittor- iy of the inequalities in New Spain. The Abb§ Reynel called attention to the class hatred, snd seid that, "This animosity hath often broken out in such a memnor as to endanger tho doutnion of Who uakbovecountey dn the Sov ord? But in spite of thls difference betweon the two groups of whites, the Spanish dominions were secure beceuse of the lack of cooperation between the different American classes. Thé mestizos and Indfiens were held in control largely through the Church, But when these could be freed from the fear of the clergy end could unite with the creoles ageinst thelr op- pressors, them “pain's possessions would eorteinly be threat ened. Spain's Indien policy was outwardly benevolent. The Indions were trected as werds and 8 minors. They were, to a great extent, sheltered from contact with the Spaniards, but this only served to keep them ignorant snd useless. Her policy at firvet hed been to convert the natives to the Catholic religion and the Spenish eivilization. But sincé the natives wore practiocelly onsleved the government hoped to protect thom Rt at Seg ge inl Heyaaaaauasy a1. cooted in ; 42. Raynal, fe by entrusting them to encomonderos. Therefore, their main contact with the Spaniards come through the officials who cole lected the tribute snd who frequently sold to the Indiens eattle or horses which brought them into debt end forced them to work es slaves, Thus, by selling 8 horse or a mule to the Indian, the officinl 41d not only got paid for the animal, but got the labor of the Tndfen with the entnal in lieu of the unpaid balence. There was little, if eny, improvement after the change to intendsncies. The subdelegndos who replaced the slgsldes moyores were not allowed to carry om trade with the Indiens, but since they received no seleries, thoy Sought to enrich thems selves by catering to the rich and by traffic in justice. Even the Indians who had been sesulsriged had 1itls opportunity to become better than the lowest type of lsborer. The Indien wes generally looked down on as an inferior, in & report of the Hexicen board of trade it was sald that "the Tallash 610 4 Ce Of MOOS, 111104 WIS Vidg a Ng efunany sutometons, unworthy of representing or being represented,” hen meny of the higher officisls held such views it wes only naturel thet the originel inhebitents hed ceuse for dissatise faction, José de GAlvez, the femous visitador of Charles III, 25. Houtrt OF She Biol OF Hithoaant antes by Haraaiae, ree: 43. Repons of the 3 Biaon of lichoacen, quoted by Humboldt, a Taw PS the natives from running into " aoos for yr Shan by i10id., I, 188. soxico were “tronted better than the in ibid. 1,124. believed that severe measures were necessary to keep the natives in a proper state of subjugetion, He put down the revolts of 1767 with a heavy hend snd continued such harsh measures thet Herbert Li. Priostley says of him; tty for 2 Fina outourat 5¢ revelutioa iit lgxico froo from Spain.” 48 it is plein thet the presente of the Spaniards only hindered the liberty of the natives, and seldom gave them any advantages, The native was looked down on socially, despised by his overlords, robbed of his liberty, end hindored from exercising initiative and becoming economically independent, "Now, Sire,” wrote intonio de San Niguel, "aint SEE on hs Tu have to the government, despised and degraded as he is, end almost without graparsy on without hope of emalioreting hie exist. geording to the laws of the Indies the policy of Spain really was benevolent, but, as Henry C, Lea says, they are an exemple of "how the kindly intentions of governments, expressed in beneficémt legislation, mey be rendered nugatory when sdmine istration is entrusted to unworthy hands or when sufficient influence is brought to bear by those who profit fron alaon.” Tue fos of she gUverment alone SumlA 0% Jong hve kept the Indiens {rom rebelling egeinst such an odious systom, but the government was re-enforged by the po erful agency of 800805000000 aNs0ININcNtItiNEtIIReRITIsetvatRIRIOIIREINS 46. Priestley, 06] TO% 50. Guoted by Keller, My OC 7 noto 'B. 51. Mirenda hed ir “the "penish government that the rising * oF tho tovioan Initans in FPO vas a seraing of tna nighoet BG Prencois Baprbf-iarbois, H ledelphia, itis 160, the Church. This institution became at the seme time the stitions natives were genorally treated with great considers ation by the Chureh and they embreced in outward form, at least, the tenets of Catholicism. The enrly missionaries end the Jesuits in particular, were tireless in their efforts to convert the heathen. The result was thet the Church geined a powerful hold ow the natives, But oven this trust wes abused. The Abbé Raynel seid that "The Indien, whom they (the clergy) were appointed to wi did not dare to ape pear before them without some present.” He was parcicwenly atusive of the Uiureh and medo his generalisations to fit the worst cages. Ho added: "Such a conduct hed rendered their tenets gened= ally odioms. These people went $0 mass as they did to the labours of vmssalage, execrating the berbarous strangers, who loaded their bodies and their souls with burthens oqu-1ly weighty." 85 The clergy did not, however, demand couplete obedience, but frequently treated the natives with indulgence. Dut thts wes "on mscount of their ignorance end their weak minds.” The fear which the Church Ingtilled in the Indian was used to prevent any vebellion agerinst the state. ~The regular clergy hed been the most active in converte ing end protecting the natives, but with the advance of eivile HEE Se Eee Eee eee e este esas ese Eaet Ras SEtI RNs stata cas 53. with 3ST NF # . ¥ - bls books were put on “he o aval Index, 64. “uoted by Roscher, Spenish ni gat ization they had to leave thelr wards to be used and abused by those who wanted cheap labor. The Jesuit order had been a vory influentisl agency in the process of conversion and civilization of these people and when they were expelled there were soveral revolts by the Indians which marked the ape proaching storm. Spain had not only meade the Jesuits thome selves enomies of the Spanish lmpire, but had removed a powerw ful sgency of peace and order within the mexican kingdom. This fact was onphssized by Bavennd of the Jesuit writers who later sdvounted Sndepunionde. for Heorote The expulsion of the Jesuits removed a steadying influence, and loosened the firm hold of Spain "on both tho materiel and spiritual interests oF the tnt tus" J The clergy itself was & powerful class to be consid ered in sommeotlon with the preliminaries to independence. They formed the class that Spain relied on to a great extent to insure the pesce snd possession of her distent colonies. But ~4n this group, too, one finds the destructive influence of favoritism, The difficulty encountered by the American~born group to atteln the higher gredes was almost insurmountable. The rich benefices snd high offices were grented almost exclusives iy to Europesneborn churchmen, lost of the creoles who entered the service of the Church were forced to live in extreme poverty. SEARESEBARAAEES BEER RURA4ANRARAEES SNA 22 SAR EUR ou tas ETRE RY 656. See especinll} ions of a former tor, Castlereagh, Corres | Bernard loses, Hr Some of those who held the better positions, mostly Duropesns, posseased revenues "wich surpass thove of many of tho sovereign princes of Yermeny,” says Humboldt. This extreme inequality naturelly sroused much dissetisfaction, envy, md jealousy. A dissatisfied clergy was ono of the most dangerous slements which Spain hed to contend with, beoeuse they were the best informed end had the greatest powsr over the people, irrespective of rege or color. A survey of the various classes of people reveerls that ‘the majority of the inhebitents certainly hed reason to be dlssatisfied, and many of them were. There was indoed sufficient seuss for rebellion, but in spite of the fact that independence wonld promise relief from meny of the abuses, the inhabitants continued to sndure their herdships in sullen silence. This cen be explained largely by the fact thet they hed been kept in © state of ignorance. They had bsen isolated and deprived of contest with the outside world and therefore knew very little about socisl, political or economic freedom. There wore a fow who through greeter initistive snd inguisitiveness had scquired ideas which were dengerous to the Spanish system, but e revolus tion cennot be commenced until the masses begin to share the tdens of their lenders, And the mare liberal thinkers froquente 1y gained thelr idens from prohibited sources, nor could they reveal them to the others for fear of persecution by the Ine guisition or the state. CRE PEERS ERNE EES OREN PP EWAN SE HPA REE NER NOIRE RAER IER OBRE 67. Politicel issay, I, 229. Colleges were not lmelking in the colonies, snd it hes even sated that there were too many, because thoy soemed to be looking an nearly everything « teechers, books, methods, snd even students, The chief studios wore in theology, putle osophy, and law, with the main interest on theology and 'o and of these two, the ghantes emphasis in the University of sexico was on the former. This was to be expected because most of the opportunities for office and its honors were in these two fields, supplemented with that of the ermy. ienual labor was considered degrading and the best way to satisfy their desire for honor end office was to prepare for a position in the Church or state. lawyers wero held in great respect end the Spenlards were fond of lawsuits end judicial intricacies. “he tribunsles in lew Spain held the people In owe and it is geld thet the colonists "hed a doeprootiod foar of the already pemarikable entenglement of legisistion.,” Their interest in lawouits hes also siven rise to the division of the Spanish Amoricen people into two classes, those who lost all thelr money by lawsuits and those who made all their money by lowe suits. The study of law was ¢arried on in 8 trivial manner, and contributed little to the advancement of public opinion, 58. 6. Desdevises du Desort. i S445444 2404s n00eRNAtBSRNNGINNY so Lepagnole des Indes” A Jt 1017), 246. : olution (3 vols., lexico 60. Desdevises op MIXKIX, 204. Gl. Slerre Rm oP. cite, “ in a political way, ; The mass of the people seem to have boen purposely kept in ignorance. To eite @ osse from enother colony, the viceroy of Limes, G41 de Lemos, said: “Learn to read, to write and to sey prayers: this is all en American ought to know, 7 ob Toy Thus he altered the three R's by substituting wrayer for ‘rithe matic. Drenciforte declared that the Americans should be taught only the catechism, Alemén says of this thet 1t is no wonder then that the lower classes learned no more, snd even this poorly o oo The policy seemed to be to keep the inhabie tents in & pliable state of ignorance. Abbé Taynel seid that “ignorance kept pmce with injustice.” lirsnds who had studied in Mexico informed president Stiles of Yale that there were "no grest lLitersry Characters in How Spain - nor can be « for the Geniuses dare not reed nor think nor speak, for fear of the inquisition, wnich keeps out all Books, lest it should effect sedition.” On the whole the schools did not prepare the people for the part they wuld necessarily have to play es sn independent poople. Since they could not get thelr Imowledge from within the country they hed to rely on information from without. This source was negeasarily meager owing to the watchful eye of the Inquisition, This Holy Office exercised rigid control over the printing, gules and introduction of all kinds of 35. tusises REE a 1501s: 63. Mews, Tora G8 HG 110: 64. Reyne), PRTTOSOPRTSST ane 66. Rave St1788, THe. N. Y., 1901}, VAL ig os dt li literature, Booksellers were required to keep a list of nll the books placed on the Papal index, and offendsrs wore sub. jsct to severe punishment, “hen Murope was being stirred by the eighteenth century philosophers, New Spain found that their idess were forbidden fruit. The establishment of the Bowrbons on the Spanish throne hed brought French influence and French ideas into the colonies 8s well as into Spain. Epeniards frequently traveled to Faris in the eighteenth century and brought back idems of the French philosophers Pogulting in the formation of groups which favored the encyclopedists. Vith the outbreak of the Prench Revolution more repressive methods were adopted to counteract the new idens. The Inquisition in Mexico was diligent in its efforts to cheek the influence of the French Jevolution. “The Rights of Men" > Thomas Paine was prohibited for having seditious doce ot, A "History of the French Revolution" was proscribed because it made scendelous, heretieal , and blasphemous attacks on the Divinity iteelf, and was injurious ta the pope, to the clersy, and to the Holy Office of the Inquisition, When the nose of the Revolution first came to America a bishop forbade, under penalty of excommunication, the reading of any work m0 relative to this "deplorable event" in any of the colleges. lo ag ule ara UNA sR ee" sesesannensa ® . Perey iatin imerice {He Y. 0tC., i0as), 67. Angel Se Ful IM EABCOVLA Gf {inaraa, 20203 481. G8. Jose T. Nedine, ator [6 gol Trib nel del Santo Ufficio do is Incuisict on en QXiC0 ie Chi. 1900}, 48. £9, nis history published — Paris in 1 1792, ibid., 443. 70. Desdevises du Desort, in Hevae Hispes XIX, 246. Early works, too, were attacked. In Deceutior 1803, sn edict was published condemning the Socisl Contract. %his work hed been translated into Spanish and printed in London in 1799. 0n Haveh 13, 1790, the Holy Office hed passed an odict to proe nibit the introduction of seditious books snd papers whieh might excite the people to rebellion against the legitimate powers. But still such literature continued to come in, and on February 2, 1798, the Gazeta do Hexlco published en edict of Jeomavy 21 wich ponoved tho ono of 1700, Special emphasis wag pladed on the new philosophy which tended to destroy the political nu" ordor, One work was mentioned in — by MH, Volney, — to the national re A few persons were given license to read Certain prohibited books, but this one was prohibited to even these, because it wes "a summary of all the evil systoms which the libertines of all times hod ine vented and surpassed in maliciousness all the ye isnge of Hobbes, rapinosa, Rousseau, Voltaire, snd others.” It wes said to be "founded on pure atheism, fatelism, naturelism, end materialism.” Another edict followed in July, 1708, prohibiting a nunber of works, nearly all in Pronch, Among these we find 76 : “Cartes persss” by Montesquieu. In & second group prohiblied oven to tose wo had 1icense to ead Serteln proesribed books by Gandorauty n nistory o the sevolubion by Servain Neveghal, for having "heoreticel and erronious propositions, oengustve v9 rebuiiion Sus snaroly, and 6 three volume work the degste published another Sug et of books which were pre soribed completely or in part. A large mmbor written in Italien were included. The list which contained gonersl works, pumzilets, collected worka, poems and even aimenacs, hed eighty titles. A new list published in two numbers of the Uagete for June 30, 1804, included a now ‘edition of the works of Corneille, with notes by Voltaire, "Ceu tresslated by i. Su 44; wad % uwiior of OEBsTE, nany of which Wore ANONYMOUS. This would soem like = secure bulwark against dangerous doctrines, but books end ideas filtered in. The spirit of ree 76. Hedins. Historie Gel Tribunsl de 18 Incuisicion. 445. 77. A 11st of books prossribed by the Iiqulsition sent to the ii Si in 1705 nets el = we ave a HoYS wrt tings of the’ i lo tate, morias d | poy 8 Que - » form in many of the eighteenth contury writings would note urally endanger the absolute government of Spain and her ile liberal governmont of the colonies. Raynal who received mach of his information from Arande wrote a philosophical and politiéel nistory of the two Indies which had considor- sbi ufivense in preparing the chionies Zor Sulopenieiane He attacked both the Church and the absolute state and his work contributed to the development of democratic ideas. Heo said he would not address himself "to a set of foolish ld a Nm double yoke under which they are oppressed.” And yet he does addvess them and says: re a a IEE traffic, a being who is nothing before the face of your common Haster, arrogetes to himself the right of command you in his name, or of soe ou Toon tho obsarvatias of his orlers for & piece of money?" One cen readily soe why this work was forbidden to the Amere icons, How mony of the proscribed books wore roesd in secret 1s Aifficult to detormine since thore would not be apt to be many records of such clandestine reading, unless the offenders were apprehended. But the books were certain ly there and read, Hidelgo is said to have been guite famil. lar with French literature, and he was accused of reading BUBBOBVVVIOV DOBRO ORDPREIROBERS heysery *90 3a oR s3nan aevee SE ; : : % 2 4 81. aE i a mumbo of books that asoused the suspiston of the Inquist- sto. | hmong those who were spprehended was a young man y by the name of Antonio de ‘astro who was sentenced to banish. 1 ment for ten years to the Fhilippines for holding cortain views against the papacy and the Inquisition, and "for reed. ing with plessure, as ho snid, the "Letters of Abelarde end Heloise' , and ‘Emile’ by Rousseau." When Mirenda was in Hexico he said they studied among other things, Hontesguiou's “Spirit of Laws". But the writings of the mon who said of the Spanish Bmpire thet 15 voz composed of Swo posens of whith the Indies wes the greeter snd Spain merely on sccessory was not to remain long unchallenged. Hiranda also informed Stiles of Yale thet he was obliged to pay twenty dollars for two volumes of Locke's treatise on the "Human Understending” and burned them as soon ns he had reed thems snd, furthermore, he had done so with meny other Looks. Hg bad Jost o Mwway of about 2000 volumes in Spain through the Inquisition, it was to be expected that the repressive methods of the Inquisition would lead to smuggling. One example of this is shown in the efforts made Ly the colonial officials to prevent the introduction from the United States of a book Se Te R450 NNT nt Ins aNE SR IUNI AGG SROs ® * a7. Stiles Diary, published in Fhiledelphis under the title of "Desengeiis del Hombre”, The report was thet 300 coples were being sent from Hew Urleans to + ul and the frontier officials were instructed to prevent it. This book was written by James P. Puglia, a politicel writer who took part in the literary controversy babuesn Thoung Paine "si Samgde Burky over GS French Revolution. That the vigllance of the Inquisition did not pre vent the reading of forbidden books is evident, but the ban did prevent the free dissemination of liberal idems. In spite of the Inquisition, however, Feblo loreno, professor of phile osophy in lieride, Yucatan, taught the ideas of Benjamin Gone stent, of Bentham, end of Filengleri. It has boen said that "he was a Volteirien without imowing Voltaire." Among his stuients wag lorenzo Zavels, revolutionist, statesmen, and Rtstontn, who not only received the instruction of this 1beral philosopher, but also found access to books which hed been prohibited, GEVUIB AINE HPR IEPA IGIBI INP OER IIIB GEIP RII NIEOIIPOINOERIRSRNeS 88, Branciforte, November 3, 1704, Frances, reservads, 2.0.1. 89 to, 35 Mew, 1795, Ho 170-171 » . snusry . 90. fie gooms also to have boon a Sol 110 coisa unler the nemo of "Jemes .uicksilver," of. Union Cetalog. 91. See titles under J.P. * ugiia in Union Cate 92. Alberto Leduc, § Lr. Luis Lora vy fardo. y Carlo _Roumagnae, [Poris etsy; AULU]y 800 FADIO WOTONO. 93. "Irs un Voltarisno, sin Vol alae Lorenzo de Oh Bray Sasi Jurt in thy Dexican War Sar Independence but also in the Texes struggle, snd his descendents still reoaide in Texas. 96. Zavala, 20» elt, ii. Spain eould no longer hope to keop the dissatise fled and more inquisitive colonists ignorant of world events md new ideas. Van Tyne says: “Liberal theories in the middle of the eighteenth Seeing Sotucd 10 Judjase Ue disvsric waves through- out the civilized world." 96 And when the idens were resulting in action both in Americas snd Durope, they became more roel and powerful. The French Revolution gave a new stimulus to indoe pendent end liberal thought, but the United States geve an example which could not be kopt secret due to ite proximity and which encouraged emulation due to its success. In his farewsll address after the fmerican Revolution, Ia Fayette said: "Hey this grect momument raised to serve es a lesson to the eppressor, end an exe:ple to the oppressed.” 97 Te _Jeszuiy, Vizearde y Gusman, In B13 Jotkor se Whe Spanish Americans wrote: “The valor with which the English colonies of America have fought for their liberty, which they Sa uly ov: covers our indolenee with shomes have to them the palm with which they have been the first to grown the New World by thelr sovereign independence,’ Spain was aware of the influence the formation of a new and indepandent netion would have snd tried to counteract it. In HURBOBRBIHIOEBRIORTETEIRR IAAI RES A i deli He sven » Honour ea), ritings oO A N. LY 1894-9641, 98, ie latter is raed in Villanueva, Nepoleon y la pendencia, appendix, 206.521. 1791 the Spanish authorities even forbade the circulation of any kind of medal in the Indies which referred to the free- dom of the Anglo-fmerican colori, In 1785 the "Political Herald end Review" of London published the following state- ment in an article on Spanish America: “The flame which was kindled in North America, dominions of Spans. The oxsmple of North Auovica 1s ES dlscourse and the grand object then Miranda was travelling through the United States he talked to BarbdeMarbois about the conditions in Spanish Amer fea and predicted that "Our Americen kingdoms will soon exe. perience 3 zevelusion similar to the one which you have wit- nessed here." In addition to arousing a desire for inde- pendence within Mexico, it also developed a revolutionary group within the United States which encouraged lexican ine dependence, and meny were willing and anxious to help in the task. | Mexico had without a doubt enough causes for de- siring independence and for justifying a separation, and yet she was not ready for independence. The masses were super. stitious and ignorant. They knew Hstle about government, 888805048 00005408000080000088 0I000EsN tIRENIOIIRIRIIRRIES 99, Chandler thought this referred to "certain struck to commemorate the independence of the United States with the words Ime Americana’ ved on them," - In ricer i neces, 16-17. 300. Ibid. -8, =~ 101, Francois EEvudHarbols, History of Louisiana (Philw adelphia, 1830), 1950. fo i 4 hd se A : ; va having had 1ittle practice snd learned little theory. True, cabildos, becouse they did gein some political experience in defending their rights sgeinst the governors. This would at least give them some self-confidence wich would be of value Shon She: Siusl SNTUEEIS ame. There were, however, only a very few who accepted the revolutionary ideas end dared to support and spread them, The state and Church were too firmly intrenched and protected to make revolution seem practicable. The colon ial system was so complicated and elaborate thet it gave the Spaniards full control of the situation, Whenever there was danger there would be new offices formed to act as checks, “forming wheels within wheels for watching watchers”. Those who andvocated independence found little opportunity to win support in lNexico, Bartolomé litre summed up the situation when he sald: men DoooRo the Con001enge OF the Mees: tha wei). the passions of men become a publie force, because ' t is men ond not ovents which constitute the worid'.” 103 The growth of the ides of independence was a slow and gradual process. From the time of its conquest there hed I tira dug ae tng a a saa vs sane 102. Bernard Hossa » Ag rae sion and Tondensnt ic BATE work on Sen Bartin, Bor Bo 15. been a desire for freedom which occasionally broke cut inte premature and hapeloss rebellion. Indien revolts hed been against the Spaniards. The esrly revolts of the ereoles hed take place in both the sixtoenth snd seventeenth eenturies end as the eightennth century advanced, they oo curred more froquently, indiesting e growing réstlossness. The difficulty of overcoming the blind allegionce to the King end the Church was too great to warrant a successful struggle until the people should becomes educated to the idess of forming @ separate state, and assured of protection from the anger of a deserted parent state. The education of s people which ana learned aly Stn Seutull, Wd tant wis Sho ong of VbOALOLTS® was noveBe sarily & very asfficult and slow process. The hope of the fmericans, then, soemed to depend largely on foreign sssiste ance. Since the advocates of independence found 1t both Aiffi- cult and dangerous to work at home they naturally sought help sbroad. The rivels or enemies of Spain in Europe soemed at #11 times to be anxious to share the profits of her American trade. During times of peace this led to amurgling, but during times of war it lod to plans for attacking “pein in America. Jitessussassnssastsnse sss sas sesssettnasesuasetasssdiansusennis i 4 iy A 1 18 i 104. conquest seemed dangerous because it might be d1£fieult to maintein possession, once conquered. The othe: alternative was thet of liberating Spanish Ameries, posing ss its liberator and protector, and then winning the advan- tages of trade without incurring much risk. This ides appealed to the Ameriecen revolutionists es much as it did to the foreign power, snd, therefore, there seemed to bo oven more ideas of independence from without than there were from within, And it was international events which finally brought on the strug. gle for independence. One more topic deserves mention in connection with the country's preparation for independence, namely, the army. Prior to 1766 the Americans hed not had much contact with armies, but the reforms of Charles ill included @ reorganization of the colonial on and two years lator, Feguist Sane SY ge tems were formed at Mexico, Vers Crus, and at Puebla. After i772 it was egain reorganised and improved and the rich eiti- zens began to seek commissions. Here then was an army already organiged which was to prove a valusble tool for sny faction that might control it. The Spanish merchants also had their own soldiers which were commanded snd paid by themselves. One cause for hatred of the Spaniards has been given as the cruel FEBB OVEN EI IBN BABOON III IOV ICI RIG I BEINN ITEP RIGEBOORAREREN OOO ES 105, The foreign projects and influence will be taken up in soparate chapters. 106, The Sugagasion cane from Croix, the viceroy, Priestley, 107. Be ines du Dezert, "Vice~Holis et Cap pisatag Sus Spine rapagaole 0 ia £in du AVilile Bn le, BLOYA0Us, CARY (1917), 248. treatment and haugnty attitude of the soldiare for the eiviliiens, ospeocially towerds the lower classes. Another view is whet whe Men of Luswrreteion spreng Up avERg the troops at Perote and Jelepa under Iturrigerey. The revolue tionary prop nents, naturally hoped to use this army, os did the foreigners who planned to assist in the liberation. Vexico's early uprisings hed been premeture and could not hipe to be successful, Dut sfter the American Revolution they increased in number and became more formide able, Officiels were constantly on guard against eny move ment which might endanger the possessions of Spain, Lven the reconstruction of Chapultepec by Sernerdo de Gelves s7oused the suspielon that be was planning to make himself There were other signs of the oncoming storm end the disturbences wore betoming more frequent. The reo prossive methods of the government were Tviamiating opposition rather than overcoming it. In 1794 Juan Guerrero, a Spanierd, plenned to pet control of the army, got the support of prisoners by setting them free, end then take over the Soveramens oy,39ing posusse sion of the viceroy, the erchbishop, and the oldores. He would ralgse e& banner at the palace, offering 1iberty to the people and freedom from tribute to the netives. But he had AROBGBBBOBEBOTI EVO RRIP INO EID IUIBEVGUDIINIOO NOONE ERERD OTR 108. Report of J.D.R, Gordon who had lived in Hexico Cas ,Orrespondence 3 420 : ation (H.Y., 1023),1688 sccomplices, snd, as happened so frequently in these eerly plans, one of them turned informer, Guerrero and his follow ib wore apprehended and they received punishments of verious degrees. This project might not have been mors an a fentasy of en Andalusian imagination, exeited by misery,” n writes, but it found adherents and was soon followed Ls Te "Conspiracy of the knives" whieh was checked in 1790 was of greater significence and pave proof of crowing discontent end en increasing desire for independence. It wis based on class hatred end the plam by Portillo, the leader, was to kill all the gachupines and take possession of the gove ermmonts This revolt went the way of the previous one, 4A proposed Indian uprising in the northern provinces was no more suscessiul. ¥Fven though these revolts were not formidable, they were preparing the way for the one that was to deprive Spain of her vast colonial ompire. 112. Some of the names given were Juan Vara, Jose Rodriguez. Valenoin es, Neriano de 10 * vorre and Jose £35 pry Tisaan, 4 Historias de Héjilco, i, 120130, 114. Fetantols rt this the first for independence ES EE os l0APid, 1871.72), 115, | : iat ns I, 138. a a BE TX The successful efforts of the Inglish to separate the Spanish colonies from the motherlend begen with the settlement of Virginia and ended only with the complete sepe aration. Spain's first recognition of loss of territory on the north Atlantic mainlend and in the Ceribbeen was made in the treaty of 1670; on the Pacific side she was forced to rolinguish her exclusive claims by the settlement of the Nootka Sound Controversy. One phese of the international contests boginning with the War of Jonkins' Zar and ending with the Yeninsular Var was the offorts to liberate the Spanish colonies in /merice. The policy of conquest gave way to a policy of cmencipetions This would secure the ade vantages of trade without the dangers of conquering and doe fending & hostile comtry. The chief motors in these pro= jects were Unglend, France, and, for awhile, the United States. d was probably the most persistent rival of Spain, but Frengce too played her part and gave the final blow to the Spanish colonial empire by her invasion of Spain. ' In an uprising as early as 1624, Thomes Cage, on nglishnan traveling in Hexico, called attention to the fact thet the ereoles and natives "are and will be always watohing any opportunity to free themselves from the Spanish yosk," FHLB IBHCOP BE PDI RIPE RBI THB REIB RINSE INDORE PIG IBIDSRERBRNBRS a Now Jury By bra UU noaial § oy He 2aser encouraged Cromwell to take possession of the Spanish colonies, snd Cromwell himself declared it his duty to "re strain end suppress the tyrannies and the usurpations of the King of Spain," Jamaica became a base for further British #c- tivities. During the War of Jenkins' Ear the British were in- formed that the desire for independence was great enough to warrant an attempt to liberate the people of New Spain, who would then "chuse their own Governors, drive out all the 01d Spaniards and declare for gs." This would be "truer Glory than Alexander gained by all his Victories." There was more in the motive than to give liberty to an oppressed people and to gain glory surpassing that of Alexander's, for the writer adds: Nite Te 3a Tae ae ol lua we shall do it ,Fithout raising the just envy of our neighbors,” The last clause is a koynote for & new attitude toward Spanish America, Heretofore Ingland had pursued 2 policy of conquest. One ¢an be sure she was not going to give up this policy now if an opportunity should offer itself, but this policy was dangerous and it would be very difficult to maintain the pos- session of some of the Spanish American cities once conquered. The new policy, then, was that of acting as a champion of RARAON BABA EGAELANNG4ANEL R42 BARARMA RIANA RAus ntR2G GENS AR . . . 2. WB, Rohansst o. ER NE se, IV, 3265-328. liberty; end by iiberating the colonies from Spain end maine benefits of trade without sntegonizing jemlous neighbors. Admiral Vernon, the leader of the expedition in the Ceribbesn, spoke of liberating the Spanish colonies to open thelr commeres to the British merchants who had srown tired of the 11licit trade so full of PA The revolution ists of Mexico in 1742 sent a Som Selon to General Oglethorpe to get British support in freeing Mexico. The plan was to found an independent kingdom under an Austrian prince, and to reward the British by a monopoly of Mexican trade. Oglethorpe was interested and Sir Enbert Walpole was also fevorably impressed but his ministry came to an end before sny definite action was taken, ister Newcastle was interested in the project by lord Anson. The latter suggested that they might arm the Indians to oppose the Spanierds. In 1766 Bertrend, a Frenchman, wrote & memoir in which he exprossed the fecr that 1f nothing was done to check Inglend, there wos a denger thet she might revolutionize a great part or all of the Spanish colonies in the low World. This was at the beginning of the Seven Years! var, and when Spain entered the conflict, ¥ngland hed an opportunity to justify the fears. The Abbé Raynal said that England hed 8. Carica i, ‘Villanueva, “apoieon y ia indspendend tap aBr ese HL 4 i$ 3 ' ka (varia, 1912} =I. 1920 planned during this wer to separate Woxico from the mother country. The purpose was not to take possession of Mexico, but to let it become "the arbiter of its own destiny, and leave it at liberty, either to choose a sovereign of its own, or to form itself into a republic.” The expulsion pf the Jesuits became another factor unich threatened the peace and pos sessions of the Spanish cole oniess Riots occurred in several places which were put down by the heavy hand of the visitedoregenoral, José de Gflves. The chief centers of disturbances had been in Valladolid, Gusne juato, and Sen luis Potosf. At the letter place there ued been plans made for an tnsurrection in which all tho Spane iards were to be killed. At Patzcuaro an indep ment had been sot on foot by the governor, Pedro Soria Villeroel, or Armole as he is sometimes called. These ephemeral plots wore easily quelled but they gave unmistakeble rumblings of what Spain had to look forward to. The revolutionary projects were already spreading be- - yond the confines of lexico. In 1765 two Mexican ropresontae tives in ladrid wore meeting in the house of Guiller, a Fronche man, considering plana for the emancipation of thelr ay. Their grievances wore chiefly the discrimination made betwoen 2304%93%2ussshadensesnasanays ies sesrdeieuasssnsustasatauauen 1l. G.7.F. Reynal, A (8 vols. 12. Pri Joab 32 Bid, 5 14, Rivera y Cambas the ereoles and gachupines. Having had little communica- tion with foreign countries they sought ald for their pro ject. Whoever might sugsest 2 satisfactory plan was to be rewarded by the title of duke and the heriditery governor- ship of Vera Cruz. Here was » proposition to tempt both ade venturers and philosophers. A monarchy under a liexican noble was not deemed advisable because they eould agree on no one who would be deserving to rule the rest. It was suggested that they set up a republic with the aid of England, giving - her the cities of Vera Cruz and Ulloa. The representatives hesitated since they feared England might dominate Mexico; they also thouzht it endangered their religion and they would not want to alienate the ecclesiastical body. But finally an agreement was made with Guiller who stipulated certain re- strictions on England, He was to be rewarded by possessions comprising what is today practically the state of Vera Cruz. lis title should be the Duke of Orizava, and his income, about two million pesos & year and permission to maintain a small army with fortifications and arsenals, all to be guaranteed by Inglend, A men by the name of D'Edon in London was informed of the project but a lack of faith in Englend prevented any further action. The Spsnish government must have heard rumors about the activities of these men, because it was in response to a warning fron Sein thet viceroy Croix called 2 junte to cone sider the danger, CH PB EEO BEI OO BODO RAP IP AEE EDI D EPEC ED FORD ERTIES OREO RS EN 15, Rivera y Cambas, Los Gobernantes de liexico, I, 415. A plen slmost identical with the one by Guiller was promoted by Herguis 4'fubarde, supposed to be a French official who had escuped Pion the bastile, snd who sought refuge and adventure in Spain. He hoerd of three Nexiean coumissionors whose pleas for roform hed been ignored and dee cided to mele common ceuse with them for the liberation of Hexieo, Ingland was again to be approached for aid with the promise of ample reward, and the lerguis wee to be fiven a little state of his own which wes to be a barrier betwoen the Dritish possessions at Vera Crus and the Hexicen terri. tory. | | How the proposition was presented to the Fnglish government is not quite cortein, but Villanueva is the following story in connection with the first attempt. The plen was given to lurand, a Frenchman and a friend of the larquis, who was to carry it to London. He sot out on foot with the papers sewed up in the lining of his cont. len he arrived in Paris his curiosity impelled him to examine the papers, and POFHALBVVOBINVVVOUVBOO TINO ONBNONROEROIVOANRARAVEDBUOEBRESODNES iG. Vilienueva gave the date for the arrival of the commission ors in Spain as boing 1765, and of d'iubarde s arrival in 03 176%: Rhersion Tolays Bo She Sump piejest wus gots the date for the effeir as being between i771. If, as Robertson indicates, the benished Jesuits took part in the conforonges, the date mmet be es late as 1767. Villanuveva's date for the arrival of the commission a My with that of Rivera in ller above. It is quite 14k | ni rong ing, 0 AR ig the agents wore teo d4stPnet persons, If this wore the ease, Villanueva's date ould be gorrect for the arrival of the commissioners but Robertson's date would be correst for the plans of a'fubarde. 17. on removing them from his coat he Alscovered that they hed boon soaked by perspiration nd that the writing had been nade quite illegible. Durend tien rotumod to Madrid and d1001000d the plen to the eutherities. It was learned that tho Napquis a'Aubasde vas to bo naned Fringe of the Seveentas. Neither the commiseioners nor tho Mepouis remained in Spain to be npprohended. The former Petumned to America and the latter, under an assuned name, traveled to London whore he continued hie revolutionary plens, \ Be organiged a commercial company to desl with Uoxieo, but vhige Teal PurpOse Was 40 work for Spanishesmsricsn independsnil, He. Sham went exico end Peru where he organized rewolutlonary juntas, inglend nad continued to harbor the idea of liber ‘ating Spanish America over since Lord 112sborough’s request in 1766 for commorelal froedon bad besa Refused by the Spanish n.. The French in the meentine het Hotten the ides of liberating the British colonies, based ‘on Prenilin'e roport in Porliement where ho had mentioned oven 0 Possibidity. but this, Durend, the French minister to sngland, ond, Eo lend youn ‘Ibid. , 20. The American Revolution, which was to become such n splendid object lesson, gave rise to a number of new plots for the liberation of Spanish America, In 1776 a complete plan wes drawn up by Captain Kaye at Pisa snd sent to lord Germein, The natives could be armed to oppose Spain, Aftor the war they might set up sny form of government desirable, but England should be given "free end exclusive trade and come merce,” ae well es retain possession of her sea coasts. The natives were oxpected to give wholehearted support beceuse | they believed in a legend "that eo far distant Nation Command ing the Sea, Shall Come in Shipe to their deliverance, and, froeing them from the Yoke end Oppression of the Spenierds, Hint} Hoebers Shem 50 the possession of thelr Liberty amd Cont. ‘This pian which wes to "sanihilate universally the Spanish dominion in America" received little attention until Spain wae drawn into the war as sn ally of Franse. A aimiley propssal was ropeatedly presented to Lord Germain by Hobert "hite. The Jesuits who had been so meersmonsously expelled | from the New Vorld naturolly harbored sa resentment towards the country which hed seporated from thelr work end wenlth. liany of them lived on a very meagre income in Italy, and wore I'it agents for the revolutionists as well as promotors BVH ERIS I PUT EI ROL IRI BTODOOUIIBIIRIDOIGIINEV PEER EOBODUROES RY Romes | | "esesto © man, they bear implaceble aninosity to the Courts of Spain. The most violent ere the Oke Jesults from Poru and Hexieo, sees Su, 5e Jou anEryeen, who LS Rg avo predisposed to reli 23 A very interesting plen wes submitted to Ceptain Hippisloy by an ezelguale who had been a former Inquisitor in both 814 and New Spain, By attacking both Ocapulco snd Vers Cruz st the seme time it was shown how Mexieé could oasily be taken possession of with only & small forge. The expedition on the west coast which could be mede from the Bast Indes should First make a descent on lover Gelifornte wisdl thats \protiosd So UenpuIase in addition to taking possose sion of these places the British could circulate manifestos to assure the inhabitants thet the country was to be governed according to the desire of the inhabitants, The forts in the interior wore, as tho Jesuits had warned the covernment, more of a demngor then a security, since they might casily be taken by a smell force snd become strongholds for those who wished PARP IB EB PEVB IVR A GDI T RAI RR ED IR BBP I REAPER ER “SADE EBIRERPNSO borough, Rome, Juno 18, 1770. 100, Vil, 261202, RA » Chapman, 1916) 26. Pow lutte plone S00 tose of Colonel Fullerton hid Ppisley sent to Warren Hast » Pugust 11, 1788, ne lereagh, GC 8POonABng [Ly B67. easiques could be relied on for help, especially if directed by 8 fow well instructed agents who ould be as importent as arnies. ding to Hippisley, those sgents were to be former Jesuits who would gledly "expose themselves to ony hegand in emberking for the Continent of Amorics, under en EE TMUIGU UL WIBL/ RuMiflue bette ue to them," He slso suggested thet it might be well to have ous or Wo SF Shen Ih Engine ve Consult with befers WAY ee pedition was undertaken. These suggestions were made "in the apprehension of 8 probable rupture with Spein®, He hed ronson to believe that a rupture was imminent, because, in nis letter from Rome of Jume 18, 1779, he mentioned a lettor which Lhe King of Hieples hed recoived from his father, come ghtiness of Yreat rival, which would compel him speedily to declare war against her," There were others at this time who suggested the use of the banished Josuttas Events were favoring schemes for emencipeting the Spenish colonies. The British colonies were demonstrating thelr ability to resist a strong Purops an power, the Spm ish YX RT 27. 4n another note nportence of using the cxwJesults, any Toads! Sorrge- ARIAS vit, 50. — Josutt was actually sent to Gnéou lg Ea to Mr. Hippisley, Sovenbor, 1 178}, iblde, » colonies wore alresdy witnessing revolts of a serious nature, ence of the Spanish colonies te counteract thelr own less by gaining @ new commercial field, and the exe~Jesuits were Wille ing to cowoporate in order to regain thelr former eminent and lucrative aD In an article from ladrid printed in the or do 1'Purope it was suggested that the rebellion of the British colonies might become an epidemic of the nineteenth Although Spain did not become sn ally of the United States in the war of the American Revolution she gave her sup. port by joining Frente against ingland. Spain wes interested in regaining territory she had lost earlier, but the help she gave to the British colonies has generslly been considered bad policy, because the emancipation of these colonles "was the pagiula to the emenéipstion of cur colonies," as Salcedo Ruiz seys. At the close of the revolution several sgents sought British ald for liberating Spanish Amerdce. One of these was ~ known es Don Juan, who seems to have represented 8 secrot asso- _ Staeion wleh Wat Bremen 18 varioms cities of Spanish Amore ion with headquarters in Chile. There were some supporters in Fnzlend, but England was in need of peace and rost after her aes Er oss fameiemn 7 18 faepetonss + This had been surgosted y Governor in January 1781 yiMlunuave, X anal Joh os frre Idem. Independa hh LR : foi 4 Nel oie. ER a 2 is notntn more to be found on this ro 1llenueva thinks there may gs a formation 1 = the Spanish srchives, a ie pocent strugsle with hor colonies. Another attempt to pot British support at this time was meie by one Vidall sho suggoste ! 94, tho. erancipation of Spanish America with Hew Granade as a starting point. signed the poate treaty of 1783, he wes, no doubt, impressed by the example tho British colonies hed just given to those of Spain, He called the king's attention to the increasing danger of losing his precious dominions in America and of the 4iffi- a rt It would be difficult to send them ald hon they wore witucied, wi 186 vag mot Susy bo wlorutend the local needs end problems end to check abuses from enother continent. Arsnda's remedy was that America be divided into three kingdoms, Hexioco, Peru, sm Sogta Fire, with a member of tho royal fantly ss king over cash. ¥he Spanish king SRouid SoU SEperOr with the AmsPiews IFings 6s hig suber dinates. Frence could ve given favorable trade arrangements but the British were to be excluded. FEven though the plan received favorable consideration for » time, it was rejected. In 1703, the same year as Aranda's propa al, e stirréng 35. Robertoon, Rimmntm: 200am0t tasters paph1ot wos published iden the title of "le Crise de 1*Burope”. John Sinclair, the suthor, included many of the {dens in his "History of the British Revenue” 2 John Adems epitomized the pamphlet in a letter £o John Jay. ‘The theme was the emsneipation of all the Buropsean colonies in ‘more ica to be accomplished by a league of nations composed of Great Britain, the United States, and iolland, and any others who would be — to help, as Russias, Denmark, Sweden, Prussia, snd Austria. Sven France and Spain would have no reason to complain, for did not they help the British col- onies in that very menner? As for Spain, it was sstonishing thet the resentment of Furope hed not "broke out against these proud monopolists.” John Adems sent his views of the pamphlet to John Jay: " «shecause they form 8s clue for the political conduct in the future, and for the present too, for it 1s impossible otherwise to account for the inatten- tion of this comntry to the commerce and aS a of the United States of /meriea; they are ssaping 3 their navy, and sacrificing everyt order to | e nble to strike & sudd SN to the SR es of Bourbon by setting South America free, and they rely upon it the United States will not oppose them.” 42 CROBLHPLVUDSRBOIRIFCUBRGRIBBIRGVDOGPAB IBID INRBIRBUEBRIRNESIIIBRS antag a aed iz (ionTon | 404 dom Foams 0 io joy - 28 1768, I} 41. They could’ bo sonavaa for iy efforts by a partition of the islands as follows: Cubs to Russias, Hertinico to Denmark, Guadaloupe to Sweden, Porto Rico to russia, Spanish Hispaniola to the “mperor, snd the iglands to Great Eritain, ibid, V, mentioned for the United States. 42, Ibid., V, 120.1350. John Adams reported thet one Spanish American agent hed been arrested in Rouen, France, snd his accomplice had attempted to get British aid, but had failed. But Adams thought there were mony individuals in london, "this capitol of Hemmon®, Ws vowA be 2144 $0 furnish Wap SEDPIYeS were profitable prices offered, and oalled sttention to the office undertaken by Besunarchais as an example, ilo was a bit skeptical about Sinclair's plan for he knew that Spain etill had powerful sllies. He continued to Jay: “het Uritish swmbessadors will very soon ene deavor to excite the two res end Damark, to en allienge, for the purpose setting the Spanish and se colonies free Ts blo geese The object of the next war, I 1 be the liberty : I van iy A Ye shall be puzzled to keep out of it. But I think we - ought if we ean, Englang vould Sain Mu hous ia cwh a turn of affeirs,-.-. and Ingland, unfortunately, we cannot trust.” Such,thon, were the views of one of our loading stateamen in i786, snd it is quite likely that, in keeping with his tenacity, he still held these views in 1708. Jefferson, too, seomed to think that any immediate change in Hispanic America would not be to the best advantage of the United States. le had expensionist views several years before the constitution put eny we + vii lognl restrictions to his smbitions, lie wrote in 1786 that "Our Confederacy must EBRD OVE EVID IOOBABIRDEPB IRIN BRB ERIOORN EOIN IIB IETBISORROEBY RS 43, Mame indicated that he knew more about this but withheld his Sarorwitien beesnss bs 438 ooh know if it wes weliable. be viewed 8s the nest from which all Amerdcs, North end South 1s to be peopled. We should take care too, not to think it for the interests of that gheat continent to press oh too soon on the Spanisrds. Those countries cannot be in better hands,” Then he makes this eomewhat emesing statew ment : "My fonr is thet they are too feeble to hold them t111 our population ¢an be sufficiently advanced to gain it from them piece by piece.” Thus it would seem thet the foreign policy of the United States in regard to Spanish Americe | 3 wes to get possession of it "piece by piece”. In the light : of this stetement made three years after the independence of the United States, it is interesting to note Aranda's preoe diction in 1783. In his memoriel to Cherles III he wrote fas follouss "he independence of the ish colonies has Just noon Tesegniseds and this is food for thought and ear, in my opinion. This federal republic has been born 8 pigmy, 80 to spesak.----The time will come when she will be a giant, and even a colossus, much to be fenved in those vast regions rogions, Then she Will forgot the benefits that she received from both powers and will think of aggrendizing herself, Her first step will be to get possession of the Floridas to dome in tho Gulf of lexico. These fears are, Sire, only er Tomo tes IEE BO I Ein 3 Su yoars if other more disastrous VUES dp Wo previous. iy ocour in our Auerics.” The foresight of these two statesmen can be appreciated when one considers how the United States gelned Spanish-American territory "piece Ly plece", and how the “disastrous events” tS SE88400000000s0000000IRNRIIARANIIIRIEIRRRSRLIRENRRNLLRSSS 46. Quoted in Chandler, Inte: | 8nd. ed. Sewanee, Tonnossoe, lb predicted by Avenda came to pases 12, os Jon Adams satd, the poldoy of Great Britain liberate Spanish /merics, it was only nsturel thet revolutione ary agents sought support there. In 3708 Franeises Hendiala Gus to Mgitud 48 on agus of Ueskom sevelublonisuse They The setivities of men like ee Don Jusn, and Vidall in Fngland eroused the suspicions of Spain snd warnings wore sent to the colonial officlels. If possible they should capture one of the agents in order that they might make an exe ample of him, In 1767, while he was in France, Jefferson informed Songress shat NexiGin agent had gems te .him with @ mam fen iibersting his country. Jefferson did not encourage him and indicated that they ought to begin by emancipating the minds of the peoples Jefferson also thought that the British wore encouraging revolts in Spanish Amorice., As for the United ftetes, he said that those who looked into the future would want Spain to retein "(not forever, but) very long her posses id COVED EIDEEICINBIDIEBOIG IP ANIBENNGORESRIBERIRD Pr ARNeS 68 Count Ge He represented three others of Santisgo, the Count of Torre Salve end the Marquis Bernardo del Campo, Spanish WTR ster in London, collected * 811 the info 5; Svaatiy iticton In lean, Sette 1t 4a" to Floride Blanon, sions in that cuarter." He seemed to think that independence of the Spanish colonies was inevitable but wanted to postpone the event until the United States could benefit by it rether shen Egaendy ‘In the moentime the greatest of nll the carly revolue tionary agents appeared on the scone, namely, Francisco de lirenda, He was a native of Uaraces, who had served in the Spanish srny in Spain and during the American Revolution he hed fought egeinst the English. After the wer he left the aray snd treveled in the United States where he met the lead ing men of the time, Among these were Washington, Colonel W. Se Smith, Thomes Paine, Rufus King, General Knox, Alexander Hamilton, snd meny others of importance. It is quite likely that Ne aroused the interest of several of these in his project for liberating Snenish America. After traveling through Hurope from 17856 wntil 1780 he returned to Rngleand. While he was there Ingland became involved with S;ein in the Nootks Sound Controversy. The haughty attitude of the two powers seomed to make wor inevitable. Here, then, uiranda's opportunity. He met Pitt end lord Grenville Wish whom hg 4350usspd lang for tacking Spain tn Amerise and for setting up en independent government. He planned to Ategssssassetans ae sssencsssseson sevssecsnentnsnsansen Besse Ren o see the list by Chendler [90 submitted 8 pie government, His relations vith Five ore ven in a doster of September 8, 1701, soriees Review, VII, 71ieTid. unite all of Spanish ‘merics under one a, He also suge gested to Pitt that the former Jesuits could be used in the projees and gave him #2 list of 300 which were in Italy in 1786. ‘These he thought, might be easily "engaged for such a noble purpose,” Pitt's interest is shows in the fact that he took Mirende's papers to a cabinet meeting. Others besides lirends were keeping England ine formed on conditions in Spanish America. FP. Allaire scemed to have served as an agent to collect information on revolue tionary projects in ites in reporting an upri added: “Liberty sproads her Wings from Last to Vest." Mexico end Central America seemed to hold Inglend's interest for she continued to collect information on such places as Chagres, Panama, snd Vera Crus. The reports were sent ta the Governor of Jamaica together with a list of "men of tried fidelity” who could be employed Ba the Mosquito Indians in any operations against the Spanierds, Sir Archibald Campbell who was very likely the one to lead one of the expeditions which were to be sent out by S448 440528800000000040000003000R00%00nkiRsnksiansssansanang 52. The northern from the Mississippi to the Pacific, Robertson, 63. A list of names given by Miranda can be found aux Bapadunltwiuceinings Sh Viscardo 7 — mgieas, eiso submitted a vis Contrary to most opinions ‘he thought that "the merch of en amy from Now Orleans to Savennahs and Forests so little known to us may be attended with the most fetal ocnnsequences at this JS. But Yiliem Bowles, adventurer end jtoder, ade vooated = march on Mexico from the border provinces. He wes primarily interested in getting ports on the Florida coast but would divert the Spanish by marching into Nexlco. He had already made a triel march to ses what influence it would have and said that "The mumberless addresses I received in writing from sll parts, satisfied me that I might heve pro- eeedod to tho centre of Yoxico and hed been received as a delivorer,” Bowles wanted the support of inglend but said he could also got the support of 6000 dissatisfied Americans from the Vest. liirende had approached Gemeral Knox on the matter of intervention. When he finelly did reply, Knox wrote: “The true interests of the United States dice tate a state of neutrality in the effeirs between Spain end ingland.” 64 But the United States was interested because she was anxious to got New Orleans end she also feared that Tnglend might take possession of the border provinces, SHO L GOH OB GIO FOIEEDAR IVER SIP REEDED EBRD LIEN IGRI INR EIEROEIBPERS y I, 288.200, 81. Lotour co PEC Tn Detober, 1790, Anerican Historieal Review, VII, 716. oa: Tei Toid., ¥ils TeBWTIES 64. Tober Tobesteon” op. Site, 279. Negotiations and preparetions continued in England, end, according to Popham, had hostilities begun in 1790, oe "en arwanent of SOnatfczable mmgattyds,” would havy bees dunt | to Spenish Amerien., Dut unfortunately for the plans of Miranda, the controveray was settled by an in October 1700. Eirande was dissappointed, to say the least, but he said in January 1701 thet he wes willing to "enter into some 'judicious arrangements’ thet misht "bring to marty, in a future period, the same gonorous snd benecvolent plan’,” Having felled to got inglend's support Miranda turned to the now champion of liberty, France. The French ned helped the Anglo-Amoricans win independence, they were now becoming the defenders of the oppressed in Fuwrope, ond would be likely to consider with favor esny project for liber. ating Spenish America, There were two spocisl reasons for Frengh interest in such a project in addition to the senti- mental one; iret, wag the desire to regain louisians, md second ly, it would be of advantage to France in her international The project of liberating loulsisns was frequently considered in connection with plans for the libdtation of the rest of Spanish Americe., It would either serve as sn example or as a step for further liberation, ond in either case it would be = blow at Spain, As early as Merch 1769, the French POGONEIRURABET RBI ABET INNS I NBER OI NIP ORRIN ROR IIE OERROE RENE . » 1805. Castlereagh, considered the possiblity of setting up @ vepublie tn loutstans, which would be an exauple for New ingland and | encourage her to declare her independence. nis 1s especial. ly interesting as being before the American Revolutions After the Revolution there was a real rivalry between France and Englend ss to who should be the liberator of Spenish Ameiiecs, Une country occasionally plemned to free a part of the Spanish colonies to prevent their falling into the hands of the other. Une writer suggested that 1t might be sdvantegeous to Spain end even to France if a part of the Spanish territory, and bouisisns in particular, wore mede independent, serving as & bulwark against England, “She VASE) enemy OF om nations.” But it was the Frenth Revolution, whose idoas knew no bounderiss, thet made the French consider the Spanish Amere icen colonies as a flold for their setivities. The Girondists, ‘headed by Brissot, were for some time the most active in prow mobbing a plens,. Shortly after he became foreign minister, General Prise tried to form an alliance © with England to oppose despots. With the aid of England, and pos sibly the United States, the Spanish colonies could be freed, the Hew Vordd redivided, snd ites commerce opened to its liber PALHBRI BERR B EITC VI IOB PREFER BBIREER RB VBVI VORB INIR PENRO IRN REDIERE o. FE See stor. Ife the Tnglioh, ths Pronth sought thelr owsd, end commercial sdvantages were always powerful incentives for championing the cause of liberty and equality. | It was at this opportune time that Hiranda came 3 France and he had elready heard of her interest in the project, iis arrival stimulated the revolutionists to greater activity. He soon made the scqueintance and won the friendship of men like brissot, Pumouries, Lebrun,snd Petion. On Ogtober 13, i792, Brissot wrote to lilrands telling him thet the time had come to revolutionize the Spanish Solana. Kirenda should load the expedition end his headquarters would be et Senta Domingo. But they were still doubtful about the attitude of | Pwiouries vin Wey Wuou hag cherished tho 3am of being Wie liberator of the Hew i Towards the end of the month Hirande wrote to Petion about the project, ziving him informe tion mbout the attitude of the United States mad Fnglend, and the Jesuits in Itely. It was not long after this thet Miranda wrote to General Knox thet Colonel Smith would inform him 73. | { Ti; Sint re taried 1s G9 Eis fe es Levpiion 5. 4 #irends to Ro October 25 printed in Villanueva, heh foo dh i SS woiulvo youtsyesry TH me Jost, 1750, Soe oloo A "now things are coming to maturity”, and ud "elit § those schemes our patriotism sugested to our minds in our Sonposiume et Boston, sve not far from being routioad,” Brissot continued his interest end reminded Dumouries in a letter of Uovember 28, 1792, of their old purpose of leaving no Bourbon on a throne. liranda, whose name would be worth an aruy, was the one men who could bring success to the enterprise in Amorice. He added: "I know well that nis sppointment will strike Bpals with terror and PO Pitt with his POOP, ai jasery polit]ese but Spain 1s impotent and Hnglend Dumouries, combining his Buropcen and Americsn policy, tried to keop fmglend neutral or as sn slly by making her “choose betwoen 2 maritime wer ond the immense benefits which the oman eipation of the Spanish colonies would he hor," To Lebrun he wrote on November 30, 1702: "Once masters of the Dutch navy, we shall be strong enough to crush Fnglend, especial teresting the United States of Ameriece id i= ing our colonies and in executing a superb project of Generel Miranda.” 790 itn) nd Eersaint hed nade a similer plan for the Spanish colonies, except that he advocated the use of more allies; to England snd the United States he added Holland, Prussia, Sweden, CEREAL ENN ein Pe : », tt ey | - ives the dete for this memoir ee being in 3s lironda, 15 Villenuove refers to the and Denoari, 611 to share in the eaterprise ead the plunder, Esch country wes sosigned its field of action, that of Mexico was to be the particular field of France snd Inglend, By December Miranda's enthusissm for French aid had weaned and he informed Brissot that the plan was "really grand and magnifieent”, but ho did not know if 1t could be GEocuted vith SUBec de in fect, Hirenda wes “ecoming somouhat skeptical about spreading the influence of the French Revolue tion to America. In e& postscript to his letter he told Brissot that he had received the plans which he hed presented to Pitt in 1790, and asked him to examine them before undertaking any project. This indicates that he was still interested. On December 26 he wrote again to Brissot to report a communica tion from Colonel Smith relative to the United States, and he Sle 3414 Ss Duouries Wes coming Se Paels to consults With Brissot. The latter, anticipating & war with Spain and England, made an official proposal to the Committee of Publie Safety, Jauary 26, 1703, for sending an expedition to the Spanish colonies. But the French soon became too much occupied in Suzoposn 527uiss th Avot wud Sins 90 Audordte PHO BEVIBERLEBBGEDBIBOIIROVREVRBDBBROEBINORDY 81. This begins to resomble the plan in la Crise by John Sincleir. 02. lirenda to Bel auots December 19, 1702; Rejas, Hirvends hv igh ig | ini pall hip 3 Rak J A [An A dene Ja tovolutlon Uransel . 85. Haj Be TTrands 3 vol ution Fronce De 84. Fe Ae Auleard, Heguell d 00 Gioke TG a Lon [Eg a SBLUC SUDLi0 =e vols., Par 's, 1869-10 Xi, 10,77 - s thet the Foanch 414 not 5 bale dow * sigs of "anys To iirands until the beginning of 1708, Hirends 203, ond note 2, The French now limited their interest to louisiana where plans for revolution offered more lmmediate success and which would serve es eo starting point for further projects. Weheun suggeated to Pumsweies hat Yhey Send Sunss so tue United States for the rurpose of sterting this revolution. Many of the French imhabitents es woll as Anglowimoricans in louislena were dissatisfied with the Spanish rule and were ~ willing snd anxious to support a revolution, Americens and Frenchmen, both in Europe and America, co-operated in propor ing for this revolt. It is of interest because loulsians was long considered a bulwerk sgninst foreigners and their idens, and because a rovolt in louisiana wes not only apt to encoure age a similar revolt in Mexico, but was frequently planned in conjunction with projects for the liberation of New Spain or even all of Spanish America. An elaborate project was drawn up in 1708 in which the motives, $40 7sthod, She capunseds ud the fim) Glaponte ; tion of the territory wes given in deteil. The author thought 1t 8 bit chimericel to include all the territory from New Mexico to Chile, slthoush he did not think this territory would BRBERER SVE IRE IN VISIO EPS IBOU EPR BVR IT ORORIRNB IR NOOROIBIONOORIRD 86. Lebrun to Dumouries Novembor 6, 1792, Sorel, L'Burope gt la_ Revolution | anceise, 111, 157. : { The plens by Frenchmen were naturally for a roe ost bo slana rather than a liberation. 88." Plan propose pour faire une revolution dans la Louisiane, in Re £ Amor Ag80¢ n, 1806, I, 946 remain forever under the yoké of Spain, His reasons for one ticipating success were mmoh like those of the other revolue tionists, Iver since 1779 secret overtures had been made to the French minister at Philadelphia to got froedon from Spain, lost of the inhebitents were French and Americans, he sald, and needed only assurense of protection to earry out a revolt. The "barbarous method” of "bloody O'Reilly" hed secured the Spenish suthority but it had not won wore than apparent loyal- tye The weak garfison et lew Orlesns wes still compe od largely of Frenehmen,ond the AngloeiAmericans were "friends of liberty”, and all, well armed. aa Three or four agents should be sent to Philedelphie to work with Genet in setting the project in motion. One of these vas to bs "ths west vise sod sble Iyommet,” szsther agent should seek support in New Orleans, end Tardiveux, or m me other agent, should get the support of the adventurous western ers. OConeral ¥ilkinson was thought to be the most suitable man to act as conmander-inechief, France might well consider this "consummate artist in trosson” as a likely loader for a revolutionary project, and a man who could serve two countries might also serve a third as well ss himself, Nenifestos were to be spread in the name of the Republic to wge the inhabitants to call sssoublies, declere their independence, and fom a governments 362442040 ss satan a sie shed ida iand vas aantqaes stays Hat sty gus ye 90. Deo Pauw was in Hew Orleans in April revolutionery plans, leport of tion, 18906, I, 1103. The suthor had some difficulty in deciding what part the United States should play in the enterprise. To be sure he intended to get much of his equipment in the West, but the United States was no longer as anxious to champion the couse of liberty as she had been ten years ago; in fact, she "no longer treated liberty as lovers but as husbands," Furthermore, the geographic separation of the West might tend to separate this territory from the wmion in favor of joining Louisiane, so it was decided to act entirely independently of the United States. There were many Americans, however, who were willing to enter into any scheme for liberating the Spanish American colonies, Among these were George Ropers Clark, his brother- in-law, Dr, James O'Fallon, and Daniel Clark in the United States; and Thomas Paine, Gilbert Imlay, and Joel Barlow in Paris. Vherever there was a struggle for liberty against hereditary monarchs one could always enlist the support and sympathy of the a of the "rights of men", the much maligned Thomas Paine. He lived together with a few English disciples in the old mansion of lisdame de Pompadour. "In the evening they were joined by others, - the Brissots (efor, the arrest), Nicholas Bonne ville, Joel Barlow, U eptain Inlay, Mary Yollstonew eraft, » the Rolands,"” “oe Bven the great Miranda occasionally found his way into this GHB RN EROS OBR LIN ABOP RNIB IOAN ARIF RR EII INRA RIB IIB OIR RINNE 91. Thomas Paine had met Miranda in the United States smd possibly in London and must at Save Baan interested in his plars , see Robertson 02, Conway, The Life of bras Patna. eT 66. 93 o11bert : Wal, soldier of the Americon Revolution, western settler, writer, lover of lary ‘Wollstonecraft, and e member of the Paine circle became sn advoeate for the oman eipasion of ot lesst a part of Spanish America, In his "Obe servations” he recommended the liberation of louisiana because it would help France in her strusgle against despots, and it would be a blow to Spain, who considered 1t the key to her American possessions, Tuiay shongih She Amerieans eUGUNE be used in the enterprise but later he rejected this plan. The French Gortalnly plaunod $0 uae Capbaln Sulews in the spring of 1793, & plsn had recommended four men to go to Philedeiphis to act ss the nucleus of a "oommittee for the expedition of Loulsisns and of thet of the other Spanish colonies.” This committee was to be composed of two Ameri ¢ans, Joel Barlow und Stophuns Sup on, 4d tie Praline, Bewupolls overthrowing the Spanish colonies in Amerlea, both on the maine isnd end on the islends. They were to prepare the revolution WE ME MEH ANE Ib 31 big i tert Ee « Ha dee Lures ’ Iniversit "Studies, X 18, nots 81. 4. : : 49 3 0 od DPE of # 4 3 SB A LBGC Pi B BY Lr 18% 8 1 955-954. - » fe orogens swe Bl ng on Bg gy Robertson, ilran @, 200 whieh should be finished by Miranda, It was also indicated that there might be co-operation between the proposed Loutei- ans expedition and revolutionists in Hexleo. Sayre and Seaupoils together with Povayret contrie buted separate plans to the minister of foreign affairs. They | ght 2 war with Spain was inevitable, snd not without remson, singe war was declared only three days eftor thelr plen was one dors. The former plan of Dumouries was considered with a few changes to suit the changed conditions. The proposals of a cortain general (possibly Miranda) were now too elaborate bee cause France at war with Englend, Holland, ond Spain could not spare a fleet lerge enough to insure success, But they cone sidered their own projects as precticeble because it needed no lmrge force, "even though it had for its aim to take posses sion of Mexico and of stirring South America to revolt.” If the taking of Hew Orlesns did not seem important onough, the expedition could proceed down the southwest mouth of the Mississippi, along the coast of the Gulf to Psnuco, BREBOF HIB R ESHER AI REISE TGR ERINIBIORRB INI BNO BD EBB D EO eME POW 90. The docusent referred to a Mexican citisen wiv had written to citizen Cleviere suggesting ng ont pg Winget Bei Cn ig id Fl Fone obs. Boor Beni Ml Pub vm. riot Boe fg i I) ica, taceconie. (soadon, Trem). or Of Ze.ls France of 102, They = the Republie sould continue with the general's protest the occasion vas suiteble Ameriean Histories) Assoeistion 1806, I, est severity by the Spenish gor ” They could win their support by offering them liberty. Then they could proceed to liexico which bi. not zive as much resistance ns when Cortés attacked it." The outstanding items of these plans wore ths intere est of the Vest in the opening of the Mississippi, the liborae tion of French inhabitants from foreign oppression, the advane ‘tages to France in hor Huropesn conflicts, end the sttack on Genet wes given his instructions in December, 1792. The threatening break with Mglend end Spain wes considered ond Genet was oxpected to get the support of the United States, and to point out the fact thet it wes to the interest of the Ampricens to opnose the designs of George 111 against liberty. The French minister was to sew the seeds of the French evolu tion end to encourage the principles of liberty and independ ence in Louisiane end other provinces bordering on the United States. By means of an agreement between the two nations they could extend the "Empire of Liberty,” guarentee the sovereignty of the people, and by an attack on the powers which still maine tained a colonial systom and commercial exclusion, their offorte would soon lead to the liberation of Spanish Americs, and, 8800000800 0000080Rs000RIEINNIBIRsIR0NsR0RIEeRieORINNREORIRDRS 103. Plerre Lyonnet, too, made for & a revoluti "perhaps, of uslting to the American constellation the beautie ful ster of Censda,” George Rogers Clerk who had boen sug lesder of a revolutionnry cote wag willing to cast his since the rovernment hed failed to grant him a suiteble reward for his services in the American Revolution, In an intercepted letter of Dp, O'Fallon to Captain n the former said of the proposed attack on Louisiane: "This plen was digested between General Clarke and me last pong ge 1 framed the whole of the correspondence in the General's name, end corroborate $3.13 Iv» privane Joven of vy ow WS Ws Thoma Asscording to Paine's reply from Passey, February 17, 1793, the proposals had probably been recently presented to the Provisory imocutive Cowneil of the Republic through the medium of Genet whose depsrture had been delayed until the last wook in February. . Clark informed the French government in February that he was willing 8nd able to lend an expedition against the 0 Spenish. First he would capture 5t, louis and New Orleans, "If forther aided,” he said, "I would capture Pensacola; ond Af Senta Fo snd the rest of New Mexico were objects « I know thelr strength and every avenue leading to them, for conquest,’ Ho had long looked for an oppo ity to give Spain a vital blow in this quarter, snd added that, "by conquering New Mexico BEBBISBEBIOD EARS 3 A Ista 106. See ots observations in iii asa, 106, votaber is i795, Conway, Life of Thouas Peine, 11, 156. 107. Report of ‘mericen Histor{eal 7seoo: laglon, 1999, I, aud Goutetunn, Yih of al} Spunivh fueiee, with 68 may soon after, be ectsily etehleved.” dunes suid viet Comore Clerk had friends in various citiocs of New Spain who kept him informed on all that took place and who would be of the greste est help to hin in their proposed expedition. It was not until July 12 that Genet wrote to Clark to toll him that his plans hed beon adopted, ilcheuz, who brought Gemot's letter, was authorised to co-operate with Clark as en agent of the French Republic. Ho was also to bring the commission to Clark which mede hin commander-inechief of the "Independent and evolutionary Legion of the Mississippi.” Between the time of Genet's eppointment as minister to the United Stmntes and General Clark's appointment os commande er of the Revolutionary simy, weny events had occurred which might change or end the whole project. The declaration of the French people on Hovember 10, 1802, to wage war far all people against shot kings would certeinly encourage revolutionary fdens among meny, but on the othor hand, it was certein to bring on war, The ozscution of lLouls Capet on Jenuary 21, 1708 ineronsed the danger; and on February 1, Inglend, and on Navop 9, Spain were sotually at war with France. The desire to ate tack Spain through her colonies beceme greester but the opportune ity to do so become less, It was therefore guite in keeping PERE RIOIBRIBURABDRITEREDR Sheyliustituacesssnatsssaniesaussestoeay * « Sons 50 Hook, Joy in i 100. Eichav £3 yr; Eon Ee RciBtay © Jarterion fur & selaneafy tionary project. 22 Se Erie i f J / Florides.” a fi with the French policy to ssok American aid ageinst the Spanish solonies, but Gonet's unguarded procedure endangered the whole project. for Atbereting Spanish Amorica. oot ferson reported an intore View vith Colonel Snith in February in whieh ho wes informed of 0 rane pens sad ogether vith strand. He mow that {@enot was to come to the United States to get her support, and 186 was 4100 suthortset vy Lobes to deliver # Jester vo the Brostdent end to communicate plans to him worthy of his "greet mina," Smith informed Jefferson thet they intended to begln thetr attnek at the mouth of the Mississippi, "end sweep slong Jone bay of Hexico southwardly, snd thet they would have no objections to our incornorating we our government the two In the following month Jefferson wrote to the United | | States Commissioners to Spain, giving them some of the above 113 information. He urged them to leave the United States free | to sot according to eirewsstances, France was dangling the a | Floriass before the eyes of the United States long before Napoleon practiced it, and the United States acted accordingly. There was o tine when sho vas willing to guarantee the Spanish possession of Loulsiane providing Spain would cede Florida, : 110. Fobrusry 20. 1703, Ford (od.], Forks of Jefferson. 1, 110, February 20, 1793, Ford (eds), 111. To Carmichael and Short, Mapeh 23, 1793, ibid, ,VII, 267. \ ne, During the Nootka Sound controversy thore was come danger of Fngland depriving Spain of hor possessions bordering on the United States. but now there was little denger of Fnglsnd teking Louisiana, "end the times will soon enough give independence end free eommercs So OUP Tolghbops, Vithout omy PiSklze the iNvelviag ourgelves in a war for them," Genet hed his difficulties and Washington was not the least of these. Tho President's proclometion of neutrele ity put an end to Genet's prospects for governmental suwport. "014 veshington bad hindered bis progress in & thousand ways," he urote to Lebrun. Ho Dot wap Juitesuun Bia gu dent, but not as Seoretery of State. Others supported the project, notably Govomor koultele of South Caroline and Senstor Brown of Kentucky, but Jefferson hesiteted because of the RSE0E 10 tions then going on with Spain for a depot at lew Orleans. Activities were bogun on the Florida border ss well as in the Unio eowmtry. At Charleston Uenet hed found en enthusiestie supporter in the French consul, Mengourit, Two expeditions were orgeniged, one under Colonel “amusl Hammond of Georgie, GERACE SFC BIB BUG E IRA HB ER EIRVI UPON INPIEROOBEIIEBROBRORERRRORS 113%, Yashington evidentl Suck onod this as soon in a note in his ER Hh ve moots the epproval of 3. "eshington, ode)y © Works of Josforaon, ¥ Vii, 2ee, 114, “uwoted by Turner, "Genet Gonot's a55acy on louisiana and Flore ida" a worieen Historic : III, 666. DO; 390 » 116, aro Nyultrls Supporto Uw plus Hevnuoo To Hugh it would end the Indian wers on the border. Senator brown bad , Fitton a eben of ,. July 38, 2 for Hichaus. 117. © : = ade g2 bu of pr Br Sf i No bf gt ” then Fron taking un active put, Jorforaan to Governor of 1 Bonus » ugusy 99 3,795, ARO TiG0 a x ; At SE L008 » and one under #illiam Tate of South Caroline, wostorn country, but they had no sooner begun than they were chocked by the United States goveranent. In response to Spain's compleints Jefferson wyote to Sovermnos Shelby of Henw tucky to provent any hostilities against Spain. But the lasek of support did not deter Uemet, for ss he sald in his report of October 7, 1705, he had begun snd will continue alone to garry out this vast project, "for I have found in Yaghingion's eabinet only cold men, incapable of seizing such a grand ides," lyonnet, in his instructions of Mavch 1705, had anticipated the cold attitude of the Americans and made provisions for overcoming it. “One will be obliged," he said, "for exsmple, to spend much for drink, for the Americans do not speak of the affairs of war except vis-a-vis to a RL" | Genet might have continued in spite of the cold men of Umshington's cabinet but the fiery Jecobins in Paris were soon to prove en insurmountable obstacle. In June Brissot and his friends wore arrested, snd by the end of October Brissot himself was guillotined. Genet hed already been criticised RVC BVBVERVVOROVUVINPOOBR BVI EB BOU ENED ROODNBOINREERBREBRERIRRY for violating the neutrelity of the United States, and uashington's request for his recall together vith the atti tude of "the lowmtein”, dominated by Rebosplerre, merked his fell. Ho was replaced by eo commission of four whose ine structions wore approved by the middle of November. Genet was rotalled, but, having no desire to follow his party to the Guillotine, he remained in the United States. : During this eritical period the Spanish of ficials had listened to rumors, reed reports, made compleints, besged for sid, snd waited for the worst. Baron Cerondolet, governor of iouisiana end Vest Florida, hed the difficult tesk of coun- teracting the Freneh influsnce. lie report on conditions in Hew Urlomns in Aprat Indioute thet the revolutionists hed described conditions quite scouratoly. ILfforts had been mede to strengthen the defonse against Americans os well as against the "flledisposed end fanatical citizens of this Capital, whose intercourse with Preance fills it incessantly with rostiens snd turbulent men, infatusted with Liborty and Equality.” He later empressed some doubt es to his ability to defend the SEE Latent Lenton oF Taw SB. IVeS. ous TertmE Em 108, ES Lu no aT SD gobs. oii Historigsl Revie tii, 0 Another "view of 123, Do Deus bin lb plans made fog iat given ta. the pouse of Paniel Jaark on April 20 A105, Ses B- bow Saxondo) gt! 8 Spar) tapos rican § ic » Ip 1200 iz4., Garondolot. to Alcudia Apri 23 3758 in } Histor A8808 sion, 1 p— Spanish possaistaas, Bo he was given full informe tion regarding the project. He in turn continued to send alarming reports to Alcudie, On October 28 he told sbout 8 Jacobin society in Philedelphis which was spreading its "mornicious and atrocious ideas” Ly moans of a printed oire cular, He would continue his vigilance against these ideas since their "diffusion in this provinee, inhsbited in great part by French settlers, might have the most fatal conseo- quences, not only here but 8180 in the old, inland provinces of the kingdom of New Spetn.” Lven before Fouchet came to replace Genot, the grand enterprise scomad to be dwindling owing to interference end lack of support. iammond, Tate, and Clark, all said they had enough men ready but they could do nothing without funds. But the idea continued to occupy men's minds. Before the ond of 1793 Joel DBarlow, together with Leavenworth, wrote of the advantages of the liberation of Ioulsisna, which would also "sive an excellent example to thelr neighbors in Mexico snd Florida, on example which would soon banish the Spanish, houdini gh i itn holdout dou he dhutio do hoch de hudba tut dus od CHO RGPERSBOBRESSERS 126, Carondolet to Aloula, April 25, 179, in > nerican Historical 3eostation, 1856, EERE WHE 128 despotism from all of Southern Amorice,” When Feuchet restricted the French sctivities by nis proclamation of March 4, 1794, 16 vas nataly to teavor tho actions of the Girondists, whose representative nad violated the neutrality of the United States; and not, by any moans, 30, inajonse that France had sbandoned hor interest in Loulsie oy lor nad “rence given wp the idea of emancipating Spanish /‘merics. Flessau, in the foreign service section of the Committee of Public Safety, sald in 1704 that Prence have ing helped the British Colonies could do no less for the Spanish, and she might gain en immense field for hor Commer elial aetivie, BEES ERY a A gS uv EA The proclamation of Fouchet crested a lull in the activities in the "est, but the intrigues hed teken too firm 2 hold on the minds of the instigators to be summer 4ly drooped. The purpose of the proclametion was probably to throw a vell over the proceedings and to allay the fears of the United States whose neutrality had been involved. Spain had not been inactive during this period of intrigue. DBrenciforte had beon warned to keep his eyes open for Frenth 35rivenss aud bis veporss $8 the bhoms gov ernment showed thet he had been diligent in his tesk., In Hoy, 1796 his reports indicate that by the aid of the In- quisition, the Department of Justice, and other persons thoy had succeeded in Slemnsing the country of "the French and fanstic end sedicious persons’. The various treaties at this time also tended to diminish the immediate danger, Jay's treaty with Englend, » 19, 1794, the Treaty of Basle, July 22, 1795, end BREET ABER EN IER NIBIDERIBIESIBDOOONEERBBEBE RS sae RB Eee 1. Branciforte to Alcudia, September £2, 1704, Tronseript from A, G., I., Branciforte, 1774, Resorvads, Ho, 17, 104-108, It wes nig time that tried to pr vént the entrance of 300 copies of Desens ie Ho. 30, 146-1473 No, 58, 17 8. os de Franceses ¥y hombres fanaticos 3. elosos, toes to Rioudia, May 3, 1796, in BY Po AuOely,y Bpangiforte, 1705, Resorveda, No. 98, 247-24 Saw Bp NE a the Treaty of San Lorenzo, October 27, 1705, settled many possessions continued to be a powerful factor in the diplom- acy of the time, Jay's Preaty aroused the fear of France and gave her an opportunity to seek the eid of Spain to op= nose this new danger vhich threatened the Spanish possessions. Ppance who had just boon promoting a revolution in louisisne to deprive Spain of the "key to her possessions” now waxed eloguent in picturing the sdventages Spain would derive in coding this territory to her recent enemy. In the negotiations at Basle in sue summer of 1796, Barthelemy, the French representative was ordered to insist on gesting louisiana in addition to the Spanish portion of Santo Domingo. Godoy, the Duke of Alcudia, was stubborn end refused to give up any territory on the mainlend., But Jay's Treaty aroused his fears and meade him anxious to como to en agroomont with the United States; for, as he said, "this treaty afforded great latitude for ovil designe; it was possible to injure Spain in a ia manner, end without risk in her distent possessions.” So vhen Pinckney threatened to leave Madrid for london, really fonred there might be an offensive Senuscryatanng S4GanusantEssEIEEINI4SEsLENISY EL asasu REE arrangement between England end the United states, "leveled agsinst Spain's solutes? This mede him agreo to the Treaty of Sen lorénso which removed temporarily the Sanger from the United Svsves aud put Spain 1a @ Duster po- sition to deal with Franco. The year sftor the Treaty of bDesle, the French directors sont Genorsl Perignon to lasdrid to arrenge for an alliance and the retrocession of saviugini, The DireStors asked these pertinent guestions: "Who cen mmewer that Englend and the United States together will not divide up the northern port of the New Vorld? ho prevents mr The opening of the Mississippi vould be followed by the inves. sion of Loulsisne snd them of Florida, vhere there had ale ready been, 4980741ing to reports, little uprisings during the preceding October. "Ve alone," said the Directors, "ean trace with & strong and respected hand the bounds of .ese the United States and the limits of hor territory.” This, then, is the answer to the guostions asked sbove. In addi. tion to the danger of conqucet by the United States, "their B Tanet In ATIactie Nonthir. Nelly aol. Ep. titeauvs Ss Turnor, in Atlantic Monthly, XCIIiI 8+ Instructions To Sonora! L300! fran” 28, ings, printed in H hy 3 4 28 ot ral Clerk, but evidently Ilijeh Clark, the . ; of Foreign filibuster, soe 'dot's report to Ninister of Relations, a % 1706, in | igport of A nS i mm LOD 4900, sty OAC intrigues and the exemple of their prosperity wove deily preparing the subjects of Spain for insu one" But if Frence were given Loulsiesns 1% vouda boone ‘an xpress i nable bulwark for liexico,." | Spain wes corteinly in a dilemma; if France was i hor enemy she was threatened with the lose of territory by ih revolution, and if France was her ally she would have to il give up & part to save the whole. But agsin we find that | Godoy was stubborn, Tor even afar this gloomy representiie oe tion he refused to. give up Louisiana, France, however, did not leave sll to diplomacy. She hed planned to send langourit, the former accomplice of Genet, to replese Adet. The latter also reported revolu- | tionary projests along the Florida border which he had ene “ couregeds, Un hearing of the peace with Spain he notified Dupont to put @ stop to the measures taken by the insurgents. Now the question come up 8s to the disposition of the ine surgents who were again left without support. Adet said that to abandon them would be both impolitic and unjust. It would be Zmolivie Pecewse Englava coud give Wom @ hand MTA tum this revolution to her own profit. CAV B CORD IRIV VIR ODI RB OBVB CARPE ERIE PIER IER EIB RBar OD 0. Perignon wes recalled after his failure and a SUSGaa0P ro to gas Rav the gepit lations Turner, in A EslTed afoot 5 avents wag Rohs by Aes in B13 Hew port 0 the inigtor of of Pel Rojationa : ny hoo er 1. This 1s what was planned in the ph Blount Cone spiracy, soo fmoricen Historical Feview, X, 574 ff. The United States and France had bosoms more and more estranged since the signing of Jay's Treaty. Adet s8id in Pebrusry, 1707, that a rupture with the United States would be disedventageous to Frence, snd their new enemy, with Great Britain, would soon possess Florida, Louisiena, snd New Mexico; "and who where the desive for pillage end the ambition for conquest would leed them in e country so poorly defended where Shere alresdy exists germs of discord and the leaven of disoert.? | After Spain declared wer on Englend in October, 1706, the latter was free to consider revolutionsry pros jects for Spenish America. She was soon approached by some of the western intriguers but hed to treat them with the greatest ceution to prevent the implication of the United States. Revelutlensay plang were presented to the Uritish by ¥p, Chisholm, Robert Liston, British minister to the United States, in reporting these plans slaso indicated that the possession of the border provinces "wight ultimately cone tribute to the Independence of South Americas, If that were considered as a moasure essdntial to the intercats of Great Britagn. Collot, Adet's sgont on the Mississippi border, An Aan oo HisiOLer oF Ferien RaNSSAtae Febwanee O SYST. “ ore 25 wheal ht Fo ho ob a pio BOC A SAG AILS if ) ii, dea. 15s For tho plans of UnTsholn ee ToaFtoan Mistorion review oh emp, 6180 Thomas Js Fo : nO iY ; Lng ¢ ¥ ally “ag (eds), gz (6 VolBe, WY 1ikcel / 8 Bo¥ey AE Jourued of Gnistoln's ples fs whieh Geuh BAGS and Clock were involved and warned the Spanish minister, ‘hoi. Vhen Robert Iiston was informed thet his plans were mown he dis avowed all vesponsibility for the British governs The discovery of the Blount Comspiracy did not, howe ever, end the schemes for liberating the Spanish 6olonies. liiranis head fared badly in France. A less energetic man would have lost faith in liberty after witnessing the crimes comaitted in its name, but neither imprisonment nor the atroce ities of the Terror could quench his ardor for the great roe Jeet. The excesses of the French Revolution made him fear rather than seek French ald. But now England wes again in e position vhere she night odopt his plans, Warnings were sont to Mexico from oa guard against en expedition under Hrenda to that country. This was in December 1706, and before Miranda loft Franco, but shows the constant dread in which he wes held. Draneiforte proceoded to strengthen the fortifications of the country snd notified the bome government that he hed obtained e deo seription of Hiranda from someone at Vera Crus who mew him and hed distributed the means of identification throughout 3 Sian Bt WE SRB BE Bb ne it 0 ig 274, note 2. 18, The only Lmediate results TL B70 000 vas thet Spain postponod the evacuation of the parte east of the Hiscianipns until 17984 38 nnd boen sent to Florida, Yucaten, and 508, note b, 3123 Castlereagh, Corres onded with zeal and at Tampico a certain Manuel Wontecino sutvorins the desoription of Hirenda was suspected of being the POvoR UE te Spain might well warn hor governors, for oven before the declaration of war, Hicholes Vensittart drew up & plan for sn Mghish expedition to be nde the following youve Ho upged the British to send en expedition from Indie to Acapuleo. Other plans continued to be formulated in glee, Gowornor Picton of Trinidad was informed that he might encour age the imhabitents of the continent to resist the oppressive suthority of Spain end soowre British aid "with the sssurance that the views of HB, Nejesty go no further than to Secure to them their independence, without pretending to sny sovereigne ty over their country, nor even to interfere in the privileges of ie people, nor in thelr political, civil, or religious rigs. This 1s a good indication of the British policy, for most of hor plens wore for liberection end not for cone quest, Governor ricton sald that territorial conquest fw peared to him to be “Chimericsl end Ruinous”. BOVBP VBR OBOO PUB IID AOE BOE IEDB EERE RI ROBB AB RGR ROBIN EBRD ERIESs 0 le June 30, SNS Roberteon, lirends, 318. L3G eg inis plan vas sdvoohted in August, 1706, the same month in which Spain and ANGE S1an0d. an of fonsive and dow fensive alliance, L084 ep 24. Ome of those presente itt wes enonymous, bub | suthor charecterized imseld 0s being TT ns of little oonseaw » She country, only having just left the University, ibid, S513. | ; 20, "41l4enm Yalton, An Ex Amerigs (London ve in 1797 were Pedro Jose Cero and hntonto Nerifio, Coro said he wes from Cuba but owned property in lexigo, For fifteen years he hod traveled through Spanish America and Europe in en effort to promote the independence of the Spanish colonies. He must have boeu working in Cone Junction with lirends who gave him letters of introduction to influential men in England, end informed them that he had papers “de haute luportence”. The letters contained the usual plens with a description of the colonies which were “on the Eve of a general Insurrection”, He ndded that there wore fourteen hundred persons "of some Fortune and Character, eessdisporsed over Spanish America” who were occupied in the same menner.as he was, Ve may sallow for some exaggeration but still thore is sn indication of sn elaborate and organized effort to liberate the Spanish colonies. Caro considered Santa Fo de Bagote ss the most suitable for a starting point from wnoss center the revels could extend inte ne reat of South “merica and into Mexico by way of Central America. Caro was probably proparing for the return of liranda "whose reputation”, he said, "was worth en army". jasassatesseinssstsstisestssssnnstast snd anttsusustansdenne 26. Baptan was the vinde Fis gots who had trenslated and published rei: iighte o lian, Garios Navarro y (2 Volos, 3 : Te Be iors EE before | 28. bpttors to Joseph Smith, Pitt's Turnbull. « %obertson considerod Garo's representation as being highly eolared, Iiroanda, S517. A Pevolutionsry junta wes at the came time work under the very nose of the Sponish king st ledrid. at lesst, such are the Inatont ions of a paper supposedly drawn up by agonts from this junta. ve of T° uguuts, Joseph del Pozo y Suere and Manuel Joseph de sans, who had met with the dep uties rom Spanish Americe in Medrid, October 8, 1707, hed gone to Paris to negotinte with Mirende snd one Pablo de Olavide. John fdems sald he knew Olavide and seems to have had some very interesting meetings with him in Paris. le had aroused the suspicion of Ihe Inquisition end had been obliged to fly to France for safety. ” Un December 22 these agente mot with Miranda in Paris to renew if possible the plans of 1790. Since the Hispanic American colonies had "unanimously resolved to proclaim thelr | independence” they would invite Great britain to assist in this "honorable enterprise”. Inglend was to furnish both a naval force and a land force and the United States should furnish funds to defrey at loash & pitt Of the expenses. This was the only hope for liverty, "so sudsefously outraged by the 30." 5514 pivst- 1a" printed in Bull bp CP. dace" Tede] oii” 30, "his paper is printed in full by Sud. 2 . 3jmg (ed. of John Adoms (10 vols., BO aos 3 > : SALE, that they were Jesuits, Tota.) gop John : | 32. A description of Clavide is given obn Ademe in a Hi letter to Jeres Floyed, larch 26, op Ky 139-143, 353. Olavide had not answered their Sivieael some reason or other, John Adams seid "he had too much sense to have any connection with them, oy Ay 148. : 54. The British force should” 27 vessels of the 2,000 oavelry. There was nlso J voto gs Bot 5 PI of Bg INE detestable mexius of the French Republic,” end it was the only means of baleneing the "destructive and devastating power of France.” a as but the United States was to be rewarded by the scquisition of the Floridas nnd Louisiana, Hoth the countries were to have favorable rights of navigation in the cenals of the Isthmus end of Nicaragua which were to be oponed to Commerce. The whole project was to be under the direction of Nirenda who should have Pull power to negotiste with England, snd if he were unable to go to mgland his plece could bo taken by Olavide. The two agents plammed to return to Madrid and then to America where their presence would be necessary to make the uprisings sicultenoous. Jahn Maus ign Wel). ask where was the woures fap all this suthority and who composed the junta, There sooms to be no other evidence of this junte and Robertson seys, Us therefore, that the papers drawn up on December 22, "dd not even have the appes of legality." vhet wes back of those actions may be uncertain, but srmed with these papers Hiranda erented considerable stir in three eontinents. John Adems sald of the plans: | E “Here is enough to furnish a volume of reflec f tions. Hay, if you were to pursue all the inves. . tigations and Tetons that these papers suggest, you might write a8 mony folios ns Priestley or Voltaire ever produced,” Satettassuniiutusaianssusutissustsnyensunigh €NeTICIUT YAY £ John Adams, X, 142, In less then n month nfter the meeting at Paris, Hirande was fn Pnglend cerrying out the instructions with & raster hand, The fevorable opportunity he hed been waiting for hed now Song and on January 16, 1708, he presented Pitt with ‘he now plens, His next step wes to win the fevor of Rufus King, United States minister to Inglend., He onlled ‘on King on Jdanusry 30 snd suggested a joint operation of ‘England and the United Statos against Franse, end then 1t would bo ensy to iiberate Spanish America, At a sulteble time he would send a confidential agent to Philadelphia. Two days later King spolkte to Lord Grenville about Hirende's project. Orenville intimated that he did not like Miranda nor his scheme and he feared the Influence of the French Revolution, but did not think thet Mg independence off ‘ts Spaaish SulonLs could be Sng Gelaasd, On Pebrusry 7, King ate to Plokering, the Secretary of State, about Hirenda's sugpestion., On the following day Miranda showed King = lo tter he had written to Hamilton, and sgein they took up the revolue tionary topic. Mirend-'s idea wns to unite lexico and Peru under one goveTnmon which wes to be "a monarchy with a House of Lords snd Commons.” later King was shown the plans which hed BOVE E TIERCE DOPE ENDO FIER ICV GPO ERIC BRAN OBIP ROSS IIRNGOIOPBBEOIDRIES $84 to Fat “ts January 16, o6-0f. printed in Villanuveve, os to ngsiason | from Paris but hed re- se no , ibid 48. ibid., no reps ". : : ' : been drawn up in Paris; and on being asked if he a p: merely paid he wes glad to know whet wes a Spanish America but would not commit his gov lord Grenville informed King that if Spain wore able to preserve hor independence and prevent a revolution, Englond would not interfere. But if Spein fell under the control of Frence she would bogin negotiating with the United States to execute the plen, King continued to collect information on Spanish America end found "certain Jesuits se... who with a view of its independence are and for several years have boen in the service and pay of England.” It 4s quite likely that Juan Fablo Visesrdo y Ousmen ceve his " w Toe, The latter also siburnsll the Soeretury oF State of Greonville's report on the British policy. He seemed to think the revolution would take place for he sald: - PR reg gee dy Tysons Bp ko og Ton rortaent TAT HOTSFars gags Se Semis Seger the nfl ; 5 uonee of {nat wise end comprehensive policy looking forvard to tne Dostinios of tho Now World, shall in the DA oY = ations of lasting Deeds ley deep and firm of ing accord botweon its rising aaa 4% King showed clesrly that he was syspathetie but informed Lord Grenville that he merely zaptel to gain the President's exect knowledre on this subjest. Ingland had already made au 2 Ee Ca | ~_ Fufus King, III, | 45, Ting To Coerotery of State, Pebruary 26, 1790, Daa. es 11, y, XIIX (1000), 277, Ii, an. : an offer to Spatn to sews her solontes, ecording to Op but he did not think she would uotact, is wot sou, therefore, that Ingland would continue her plens. in the following month, March, Hirenda wrote a letter to President Adams in whieh he spoke of the danger of @ war with Prence and of Pitt's willingness to co-operate with the | United States in making the New World independent. io feared the influence of "the fatal syston of vopulitons Prasoat, His letter and plans were to be taken to the United States by Pedro Jose Sure, the revolutionary agent who had preceded Miranda to London, Ying wes quite convinced by this time thet the pro= jest would be carried out, fe informed Pickering, Mevshell, snd Gerry, the ’‘mericen commissioners in Paris, that 12 England | aid not do it, Franee would, snd then she would "introduce there her detestable principles, divide it into amell Repub- 116s, put bad men at thelr heed, and by these mesns facilitate her mediated enterprise against us.” With the French system established in Spanish Aserics "we shall be in perpetual risque.” The conditions justified the views of the American minister. France end Spain hed an offensive and defensive 28. Ring tea. 1 1ife snd Correspondenss of Rufom Rinse Tl. IiX, 165. re ee ; ; tion of intredustion | nm to the See Se | of State, Apri 2, 1798, King toh, b., iI, 855; III, 504. gs 500301. ellience; Ingland wes ot wer with both} the United | ates treaty with Spain had not been fulfilled; and France, tele umphant in Iurépe, treated the American coumissioners in 4 such a menner thet Adams sald pence was no longer possibles Under these conditions war with France would almost make 1 negessary for the United States to pate with England in liberating Spanish Anoriea ss a mensure of self-defense. King wrote to Pickering agein in April telling him thet "South ‘merica must pass ti a Revolution: we have en immense interest in the Bast, ns well os in the manner in which it shell be effected.” On the same day as King's letter, Mirends wrote to Hamilton, addressing him 2s if he were already Besat) jus with the project. Hamilton hed lgrored nis earlier letters. liranda fesred Knox would not support nis plan but thought thot Loe would surely teke part when it was a question of the "well being of his compatriots in Peru ond Mexico.” Other letters followed, telling how every thing was being prepared for "our grend enterprise”. Cero hed missed his packet end was unable to bring the letters in person beceuse he hed no more time to spare before moing to South America. They Yore wnsrelore gent Vickeving.te.be.deliveved.ie the President, There were also letters for Knox snd Hamilton, These were received on August 20 Seer e ees esIeeNesNNIIeRIRIIIRIINIEsTEEIRINTRIERIRILIRIL INS : De 11s intend to answer oy ealling iirands 8 on "intriguing adventurer,” agg Miranda, 527 . May 10, 1798, Adams (od. y of Jo Ya Hy the United “tates coeoperate with Inglend, but this 4 ve-sooured only providing the wer botwosn the United States and France materialised. As the swmer progressed the cone A1t103 bd fair to bo attained. Tho publication Of the Xe¥.Z. papers in April sroused the country to the proper psychologe fosl state necesssry for war. But John Adems wes £00 stolid to be carried into resh actions by any popular clamor, snd ne hed no love for the nglish, even though he was a Feders alist. hen, on July 8, authority was given to naval vessels to capture armed French vessels, the revolutionists might consider that sll wes in readiness for the final culmination of thelr dresms snd desires. | Telleyrend, who had been in Amorice as em gmigrd (1798-1795), wes now directing the foreign policy of France. Ho considered the United States "hopelessly attached te Englend,"end treeted her mccordingly. Vhen Godoy gave up the disputed posts cast of the Missiselppl before lesving office, France denounced the sction because it opened the Spanish territory to the Ameriesns who intended to rule alone in Meron. It could not fall "to produce the worst effects upon ts political existence and on the preservation if ite aolinion.” If France could only secure Louisiane she would ea \ , 276 8 (0 vol5e, He¥es 58. Ronor1011) : I 69. Ibid., I, form "a wall of brass forever impenstraeble to the coubined efforts of Englend and America.” Spein was told thet she hed nothing to fear from France, but it seemed to be the opinion of both Englishmen end /mericens thet "Spas and her provinces bid feir to become appanages of Prana. It seomed only natural, then, that England should 5 seek the alliance of the United States to free the Spanish i colonies in order to prevent their felling into the hands i of France. Dut oven Hamilton, who seemed to favor the pro ject, was opposed to sn allience with inglend, He thought fngland would find it to her adventage to sive aid without an allisnce, ond hed already sugested, in March, that she send a dogen frigates to be undor the direction of the United Staves. Rufus King, too, thought the United States ought to take a loading role in the greet project. "The destiny of the new world,” he wrote, "is in our hands. ve have a right end it is our uty to deliberate and sct, not as secondare fes, but ss Principles,” He thought the o5engi0n was one that “we ought not... to suffer to pass unimproved.” Vhen King next talked with Lord Grenville on the subject he found him more favorably disposed. He had expressed some doubts, however, about the ability of the Spanish Americens to make Ewe Ne eNseietsseNttNattIstItIsININIIIIsRIRIRAIRRISYS 2 276. Rufus 7, 1 dC, Hamilton (od.) s 4798p 346 es 1850-51), = a successful revolution, and concluded by saying thet he was "more snd more confirmed in the opinion that none by Inglishe men end their descendants lmew how to make a Revolution," iranda wes cortainly anxious to use the "Inglishwen and their descendants” to perform the difficult task for hime ie continued to address lotters to Adems even though he received no reply. In his letter of August 17, he declared thet since his last dispatoh "ociveunstances have become still nore Suiits.” He thought the events in Purope and the United “States hed made the separation of the Hispanic American colonies indispensable. I'ngland, he said, hed resolved to lay down "all spirit of commercial monopoly” to co-operate with the United States in this important object. He very likely realized and frankly told John Adems that ae decision would largely determine the fate of Spanish America. On the day after Caro's dispatches hed been distri buted by Plekering, Hamilton wrote to King, inclosing a letter to Miranda, but requested King to give the lattor only as much information ss he thought expedient. Hemi.ton said he wished the enterprise could be undertaken but wanted the prineipal egency 6 be in the United States, "they to furnish the whole lend force necessary. The commend in this ease would very naturally fall upon me,” Here we find Hamilton, too, hoping 84. Ring to Secretary of State. august 17. 1798, King (0del, -, ih Lies 8 So rr enas as. of" Rufus. Kings 11 ha lo: King 0d, ) » iv i I to become the liberator of Spanish America. ie sald the vosuls. would be independent territory under & moderate rove! and oqual comrercisl privileges smong the cosoperating powers. fie found thet the United Stetés was not cuite ready for the undertaking but he had slvesdy "advised certain proliminary steps to prepare the way.". He informed Miranda that the proe ject could not be taken up until the following spring, but he would be happy iz his officiel station to be "an instrument of so good a work," [is official station at this time wes second only to “ashington. He wanted Ureat britein to send on agent to the United States to arrenge matters, and Miranda's presence would be "extremely essential”, demiliton begen to make preoperations for the project fis soon as he know thore would be a decisive rupture with ; France. The Seak wes slow bus "this country continues to pro gress in the right direction.” The greatest problem wes that of converting the President to the plan, John Adems resented the influence of lmmilton in the cabinet and he did not like to be lead by his cebinet members. The Secretary of Var, James McHenry, prosented the President with a plan for the liberation of Spanish ‘merica which bore unmistekeble resemblances to the plans of Hamilton, He opposed an alliance with England, Hus Su ease of & Juptwe, Bo SUGSEted SHAS they owaparate in the Spanish possessions of Spain, 67. King (ed.]. Life and Coprsespondonte of Rufus Bing, Ii; a7. Bing {ods Ld » Hamilton eae), Ls B16, note 1s elsion of the government, and the British in turn seemed to be walting for an sssuranee of help from the United States. Adems kept hls opinions to himself. On the ree colpt of Miranda's letter he sent m copy of it to Picker 0 with 4 Pov questions’ bub Pefieined Son alpressing his views. Ho asked Plekering to "Read it and think of it... Vo ere friends with Spain, If we were cnomies would the project be useful to us?" He did not think 1% would be proper for him to answer the Soeussy and naked, f¥ill any notice of it im sny menner be proper?” Here 1t hung fire. Plokering evidently did not like to take the responsibility of snawering it as long as he did not mow the opinions of the President, snd the latter mere ly neglected 1t, King, however, kept up his correspondence in spite of the fact that he pot no information on the subject from Pickering. "As England is ready,” he ssid, "she will fure nish a fleet and military stores and we should furnish the army.” This wes quite in sccord with Hemilton's views, He wrote furthor that “there will be precisely sush a cosoporatien es we wish the moment we favo ready." Hirends, too, wrote a UGB BVVBBRIOOT HIG ROPPRRI RIA IR EIBEDI BO RNB ORR REPRO N IRE R IES ORON 70+ &n larch, 1815, ‘dems said he showed the corres to no one, dems {(ed.), 1, B16, Ne 1s Tie | s VIII, 600, 72 Trote to "both ry od wo Picker ne utobas I. 0,278 263. | 5. = Noster wes in reply to Hemilton's of August 22, ¥ *® : reply to Hemt1ton's tebton The British hed agreed to the mile {tory and naval arrangements, and, ss Hiranda seid, "All is ape proved, cad wo await only the fist of your $1lustrious Fresis dont to depart like lightning.” He considered the great ob- Jeot was that of saving America from the calamities of the French Revolution, and not only America, but "ve will save the entire world which staggers on the edge of an a In spite of Hiranda's hopes and assertions, Englend was not yet quite convinced that France vould overthrow the Spanish government. And John Adems certainly hed not shown sny tendency to support the pro ject. Before the end of the year France showed some indies tion of desiring 8 settlement of difficulties with the United States, A war with the United States would be, to say the least, inconvenient, end the American projects which revolving in his mind could bo carried out only if France wers at pease with the United States. On September 28, therefore, Talleyrend showed his willingness to accept any minister from the United States with Whe Fespect dus 4) the "Zepresentusive of w frees independent, and powerful netion," as stipulated by John Agoms. An sccopteance of this of for would, of course, put an end to the participation of the United States in Miranda's BEBRBVIBEODIRRIVPAIVODIOBS IEPA RB VAREOEIRDOBVBD II IRIVBBABOBRRRD 74. Susted Roberson from iirenda’s letter of October 19, de, opposite page Ti teview, XIII (1809), macy (4th oa, Net. 1928), 136. project. liany were anxious for peags and neutrality but a fou continued thoir planning. King wrote to iant1con in January, 1799 to urge him to continue the project. Hemilton was by this time supporting King whole heartedly. He wanted the President to be given adequate powers to use the land and navel forges "for preventing and frustreting hostile designs of France, either directly or indirectly through any of her allies.” Her ally could, of course, be attacked in America, The best way to defeat the Prench schemes for universal empire would be "to detech South Mmerica from Spain, which is the only channel through which the riches of Mexico snd Peru sre conveyed to France,” | But Hemilton as loader of the expedition could do 1ittle without an army end militery preparations progressed slowly. By Haren Ring admitted that the President's silenes gave hin sone “Sagulebeae”. He sent a copy of the "famous ‘map of South America that Feyden hes lately ongraved.” to Hamilton ms well as one of Mexico which was not as good but would "supply a desiderstum.” King hed not given up the ides but said thet same action ought to be taken at once, "I am entirely convinced,” he sald of Spenish Ameries, "if it and its resources ere not for us, thet they will speedily be against us," As for Spain end Portugel, "the game may be terminated SENN e eae e sere Ieet ear taRRINRNURIII anes aReattaee 8. Ki Loe Ys STE ow CALA | ALIEY i, 519. * with them at the plessure of rence.” The next stop of Franco was plain, "het, without jaravestion, can We oXe pect of France? ¥hy then many Hesorve?” This was King's ardent appeal, mond in vain. | i ~ Vinen the people in the United States heard thet France sought pease, o large number were anxious to accept the offer, John Adams whose decision might have put in motion the great project for liberating §penish America, responded to the French offer by nominating Murrey as mine faster to France. Frofossor Fish says of this: "of all pewsonnl decisions in American a1p1oas acy, this wes the most important, unless it Ue that Jay was justified in his euspleions of Vergennes in 1762 and so deflected the course of history at that point,” B81 In the Limst of the relstions this dsaieton had with the revolutionary plans for Spanish America 1t is clear that it was 8 most momentous decision for all Americes, snd not only America in the narrower sense of the United States. The Spenish American project was not dropped ime mediately after the minister was nominsted. The terms pro= sented to Frence were, according to Pimckney, what “we heave & clear right to”, but he doubted very much whother France would grant thom. Then he added, "3 wn mrally gure she will not and this has at, us WkL sack G6 Gul S90." it jhenssssassansassssesasnsssn ses 4, Gi. *le de aes e Life and” Os King to ton 1" 2? > ¥iain he presented @ now memorial to Pitt, still hoping that there would be co-operation between inglend end the United States ssainet France. This would be the signal for the declaration sndence in Spenish America where Cero hed prepared them for a "epontencous snd general” uprising, Nirende was somewhat disappointed becsuse thers hed been no offer of aid, but there was still considerable interest in the PrOIStte Among the sympathisers was %ir Ralph Abereromby who wrote 2 papor on the project, possibly during 1700. He ome phasized tho comercial advantages and showed clearly what was the nature of the British interest. He thought that every silitery cnterprise should be to secure or increase thelr come merce and wealth. "But of all objects that ought to claim our attention,” he said, "the liberation of Sous America from the dominion of Spain seems to stend first.” There should BS 1o 34g oF onquest WOR OF exrlvsive Sommeres, amd atid he thought Inglend would have nine tenths of this great trade. GOP RBB BEBO RB BEV ICR TEDH IVD BIOL BVER ORLA IT IO NOIINPOBREEDOIRERS . iN S0n, LiPANG 333. B84. 84r Ralph Abercromby had served in tho Vest Indles and it was he who captured Trinidad over which ho made Pleton governor, BS, It was in 1779, possibly the date of this plan, that he wes eelled to London to consider a project for a descent on Holland, 86, Castlereagh, Correspondence, VII, 200.273. This view is quite in keoping with the statement of John Adams made in 1785 thet, "even if the revolution were possible 1t would be Englend, end nob the United States, that would reap the greatest benefit,” Sir Abeveronby described the conditions in Spanish fmerics quite nccuretely end seve the causes thet would tend towards independence. He thought the seme views were held in Mexico ss in the rest of Spanish America but did not plan to include that territory in the &nterpriss unless the United States were to Co-ops, This would lead one to belleve that lexico was to be the special field for the activities of the United States. : Manual Gual, a friend of Miranda, presented a momorial to the British in which he seid that "Spanish America con only bo regarded as a colony of France.” le urged the liberation of tho colonies as a blow against Frence to deprive her of the source on wiich she was dependent to continue the wer against In October Henry Dundas, Secretery of Ver, drew up a memorandum which he sent with a letter to several members ‘of the cabinot to pet their opinion on the revolutionery plans, He fomred ¢o0 see the "vorld set adrift on sny revolutionary BRB BVO VQO RI HG CORBI II EURO B SIDR IT PEIB ENP IBEI PREIS RB IOB OES BBO ED aystem.” But 1f a revolution took place he thought it would bo neseseary for Eagland to teke pert to act as & guide end | . steadying force. One of the cabinet members who sigmed his init a1, "0", probably Grenville, save the opinion thet England | should by no means "snsege in the projects of General Hiranda®, nor in those of ‘he Unlted States. The other opinion given, probably by He, Windham, sgreed with Mr, Uundas thet in ease a revolution were sterted, Great Britein ought to participate. But Miranda's hopes had begun to dwindle during the year 1799. Inglend hed given him hopes but no eid. He meds seversl attempts to got passports, firet to the West Indies Was she probably walting for something to twn up? gotiate vith Frange mhec was @ldeing the door to 8 co-oporetion with Englend in the liberation project. lamilton wanted to be the liberator of at lesst @ part of Spanish Americe and toe gother with Plekering he made every effort to postpone the mission to France. In the meentime Napoleon had replaced the Diractory. The negotiations proceasded slowly but surely to thelr vhisiussilnsnensisivasrerisnsesnittanitakavensnsiansagsasssnune 50. "Hemorsndum for the considerstion of the Cabinet," Cetober 3, 1709, 323d. ViI, 284.285, 91. Castlereagh, Corrgapondence vii, 288, 92. Rufus Sing helpe Mm and wrote a letter of introduce or rion Riri Rs but it was nover sent bo= Xig ; Ad Pd 5.8 — mtu Suvey 10 way Satytned in md. King (eds) Life and y of Spanish America, but he hed also restored the United States to a condition of pesce end noutrality, and felt proud of his achievement. Hoving meade thls poste he would naturelly want to uphold his policy and therefore ridiculed the other possi. bility of supporting Hirenda's schemes. ie made some SHOP. esting comments on the project in a letter written in 1810. de said that "So intuitively obvious and certain was the ane gwer to every question that I could imagine ralstive to the subject, that my judgment was made up as soon ag I had resd the dospates.” fie oven had sn answor all resdy, he said, in ease the British minister should propose a tripartite ellie ance. Ho would plead the "juvenility of our nation," lack of financial stability, the aversion of our people to war, the uncertainty of the enterprise, and above all, it would ‘be a departure from our policy of meutrelity. It probably ~ 4id not teke John Adsms fifteen years to come to these tone ; ¢lusions, but they were, no doubt, an after-thought, or what is sometimes known as gaprit d'escalier. Hes ® ABOARD ADI BPR PIR BER EERE ENB RRA EER INR I BES ROI REP ERE RE ie Join Aatng 0 ae luora, ise Be (18 ), 1816, Admus 94. Thet nis Tot entirely reliable is shown by menoTy the faet thet he hed siveady for ho Shit ho }renthte od the plens to : oiiarings Cle Yorks dobn Adems, VIII , 600. CHAPTER V. REVOLUTIONARY PLANS IN THE NINETEENTH As long es Spain continued to be an ally of France the enemies of the latter could, and frequently did, include the project of liberating Spanish America as a means of ate tacking France. This sllfence lasted wntil 1808, with but a brief exception when Godoy sought sn sllience with Fnglend aftor the battle of Trafalgar, The peace with Frence, which increased the ego of the egotistical John Ademe, definitely postponed any idea of the United Stetes' participation with Englend in eny Spanish American revolutionary scheme. Hed Miranda been por- mitted to go to the United States he might have proven hime self a “conjurer’ with bewitching phvars in spite of John fdeas. But when lianiiton lost his influence in the Sebinot Mirenda lost his best supporter. “nlle lifrande wag prepering to go to Frence, Lord Pelham was giving some attontion to the revolutionary plans including those of Sir Ralph Abereromby. He seid he wes familier with the subject but would not proceed without further consideration, If Inglend wers shut out from Furope he thought over Pit, Adana (sd.) orks of John Adams 870-604 2, He had ten to Hamilton In UELOD: 1709, asking * to be notified if there wes any chance To eid, Robertson, Miranda, 341. | 16 would bo well 1f sho hed looked into this now fields We see that Urent Dritain continued her interest even after the United States had ceased to encourage any project. Miranda's undounted courage and admirable spirit hed boon severely tested, The United States hed destroyed his best opportunity, Fnglend had given him hopes, only to shatter them, the King of Spain had issued an order for bis punishuent rs. doois, J 9B Tetwrning $0 France he was thrown Into prigen nn Afded by a friend he gained his frecdom end ree Sir Home Popham said thet "two of the latest arrived South American commissioners” returned with him, Others wore sent back to keep their countrymen quiet until some fevorable event took place of which he could profit by the oid of Great Britain or the United States, “the only two countries on which he plsced any reliance.” He was again iven hopes of British ald by the government under Addington. “he prelimineries to the Sronty of Amiens, however, prevented any further action at that time. How Mirends must have hoted the word "pesce®} It soemed always to interrupt bis play. Ho was in need of a war setting, for then only could the characters play their assigned parts. but with lapoleoon et large he would not have to give 3595444890000040042042243400400%0084000000as0dad0nsdtsaacudaune : 3 » 200. e * iome _rophan," Josber 14, 1804, in parts during the 'rlef periods thet peace interrupted thelr rehearsals. It was tho peace between the United States and France ‘hat had really interrupted the project of 1708. But on October 1, 1800, the day after the tresty was signed with the United States, Napoleon gave rise to a new issue by the Troaty of Sen Ildefonso, which Finally | French efforts to regain shat This was now to ba"a bule alk for Mexico and a security for the trancuility of the tulf," When the news finally leaked out about the retro cession, Fnglend exprossod the opinion thet the"two Americas ought to be alarmed at a change, which 4osve all threatened the Spanish kingdoms of thet great continemt.” France now : ‘held lew Orleans which was "the key to Mexico". A note sent in circulation in September, 1801, declared that the cession of Loueiens and hor efforts to get territory bordering on the Ameson, "sufficiently disclose the intentions of the French Government with respect to the intermediate provinces, ... to exelte the most serious epprehensions on the part of this oot" This note also referred to Mirenda ss saying thet Prencs hed agents employed in Spanish Ameriea "to encourage the BIBI I NEE eEs aI Nolan aeRO ROR Is Rass NNRENNENIObONI TIBOR ES 7. Since Hie tronty wae kept secret thers was no immediate threat rupture 8: dusted by Berbemlsrbols, History of Loulslsna, 170. 9. Ibid,, 188. 10, eroagh, C y, VII, 267.288. ~ people to look to the Republic of France for itberstion. It wes then advocated that England take ® hand to prevent it from being perverted by France. | Sa xepoleon now proceeded to ostablish his great colome 161 empire. But first he would have to secure = convenient . base by subduing the negro revolt in santo Domingo. The slaves of this 1slend had been stimulated to »evolt by the prineiples of the French Revelutis, Toussaint L'Ouverture was getting a dangerous exemple for other Puropean colonies. | On being questioned on 1ts influence on the coloniesl system, Grenville admitted that "the Golonial System must fall to the ground, wo have Sous ie and nothing remains but to poste pone it as long as possible.” Vhen Toussaint drew up a cone stitution he made himself ruler for 1ife, and in nome only was ha still dependent on France. The first object of Ie Clere's expedition wes to convince General L'Ouverture thet Frence and Hapoloon were supreme, even in Santo Domingo. A large force had been sent under Le Clere but the desperate resistance of the natives coupled with the devastating ine fluence of yellow fever scon forced even Napoleon's amy to give up in despeir, This wes 2 severe blow to the renewed dreama of a grent French colonial empire in America, It ia HEB IUI PRD ERB IT R IERIE FON PORT RE RODIN FERRO SOE ONI ECO ER 11. 30, 3: Ga Steward, The liaitisn Revolut ion (2ndeod., Ne¥eyp ag bo gaim, Ses asary of pgs r 10, 1799 ed.) ting, II, Sioeses, (98+) possible that it seved a pert of the Spanish posse: for 8 time. | The long snd persistent oPTores of the Vnived States to pet an outlet on the Gulf were greatly stimulated by the rumor of the retrocession, /And when Morales, the intendsnt, withdrew the right of 4 eposit, there were many who thought they ought to have a war to get by conguest what they could not get by negotistion, ven Livingston agreed with the plan of Henator Ross that they ought to "sequire the country and negotiate Sfvorwiona.” Ib was believed that Prante was responsible for the order and this would being tho United States into the rants of the enemies of France. This was ine portant boGsuse it tendod to renew the critical situation of 1708 with the possibility of 2 new project of Spanish Admericen liberation. The resge treaty of Amiens which was simed in Herch, 1802, was mown to be nothing more than a truce. Lord Hawkesbury explaining the actions of yg rovernment seid, "Ve enly wished to meke en experimentel pesce.” Public discontent in nglend coupled with Napoleon's hostile attitude made war seem inevitable. Iven Jefferson who had generally looked upon France as an ally and a friend recognized the possibility of wer when he heard of the retrocession of Loulsiena, it was then that he nade the well-known statement: "Fp mn that I av1 esas ug etraasruseusinssarsnatsasanyssesasiny 13, Jemes HK, Hosmer, The Hist hy VEL {N.Y,, 1002), 138 14, derbe-iiarbois, a a a Par 0 moment we must marty ourselves to the British fleet snd nations” And it is quite possible that he thought this marriage would be blessed by the birth of one or more new nations, His plans certainly were not limited to the Hissise sippl, for he said thet the first cannon fired in Burope would be "the signal for tearing up any settlement she may have made, and for holding the two continents of America in sequestration for the common purposes of the British and American Satie. It would seem, therefore, that all the Spanish American possessions were dependent on the apparently small deteil of a right of deposit at the mouth of the Hissloeippl, or, as Livingston said, on "a wilderness and an insignificant city." Livingston informed the French linister of Foreign Affaire that by seizing this territory she forced the United States to take the side of Ingland which would make thle power the mistress of the New vorsd. Be probably eraggerated for effect but it is Imown that gland had long sought to | L win sdventages from a libersted Spanish America. Livingeton | end lonroe were instructed by a letter of April 18, 1805, that if France failed to comply with the demands of the United 17 States they were to make sdvances for co-operation with England. The failure of the Santo Domingo expedition, the danger of e var with England, the difficulty of defending A nA I I A PR A Sl J BRE aa Sti 229, note 445-449, Arpendlx Noe 8. distent possessions ageinst a great navel power, and the temedlate need of money made Napoleon decide to soll Louieiana, Momros spd’ bvingston same to an agreument with Napoleon's | representative, Barbeliarbots, on April 30. Napoleon con sidered this es & blow at Inglend end e814 he would “"npevent their ruling America as they rule Asia,” lngland wes equal ly anxious to keep Napoleon out of America by liberating the Spenish pert. Lven before the war King wrote to Pickering that it was his "firm belief that if the war break out, that Great Briteir will immediately attempt the emencipotion and independence of South Ameries.” Addington informed King that ono Of the f1set stops would porhaps be the ocswpation . of New Orlesns. war 41a breek out egain in lay, 1803, and Hivends renewed his efforts to arouse England to action, Getting little encouracement he planned to lesve Inglend for Trinided but wae again detained, He had consulted Fullerton who had been interested in Spenish Americe singe 1761, but refused to see Pumourdiez who was then in Fnglend, liranda still i hoped to get ald from the United States and wrote to King : Sbout his noeds in provisions as well as "a hundred or two : hundred brave Americans.” 2 1E3733%24493 140s INEBINIIN4LASAGU IIA RRGS BE 2RNY teases va vith ange Gueing the sumor of 1003, 10d. , 352358, 22, 4 Gore to Rufus Bin: August 5, wing's. Ja | In November Sir Home Popham, who had been destined to lead one of the proposed expeditions of 1700, drew up plans for an expedition to the ia Plete, It is a long Jump from La Plata to Hex3eo, ‘ub Popham considered the ia Plate expedition secondary to the oceupstion of Carscas, snd lator they could continue on to Sante Fe and to Guito "and ultimate iy establish 8 powerful and permanent post on the Isthmue of Panama,” Among the points most suitable for military establishments on the Pacific, he had named Acapulco. It is quite evident, then, that the Ia Plata expedition was not linlted to that region but was to be gtle point of atteck for the emancipation of all Spenish Ameries, Nr, Davison, a merchant, offered the government three or four Indianen and two smaller vessels for the expedition. They would need only 1500 men at first, "for the momwmt the expedition sails end that it can be made public, issue letters of service for a Te legion, and you wiil have 24908 ¥ recruits in a fow woeks." During the Addington ministry plans were being carried out for a revolutionary expedition according to promises made to Mirenda after his last return from France, But on April 7 the covernment gave orders to suspend the preparations, very likely dup to_tho change which wes about to take plage in the British cabinet. Pitt, however, scomed GRBBeses $2 BRLB0080 BRU tRNINRANsREsRRRNPEtRERILEIRELES EEE EE EEE 24, Bir Sp to Secretary Yorke, November 26, 1808 7" Castlereagh, Cormespondence, VII, 068203, =~ © 26, Ibid., VII, 20% | TITanueve, neia, 119120. 26. ae ade st ER SE always to be intorested in the project, ami shen he replaced Addington he continued to study the plans togetnor With Lord ielville snd Sir Home Popham, The latter hed sent his papers to lord lielville. He continued to emphasize the French denger and sald thet Hapoleon was merely waiting for an opportunity "soaoffer some political ples for sending sn srmy to Vera Crus for he purpose of gaining possession of the rich province of Hoxico, end putting an effectual stop to any expedition from the United States.” There wore still men in the United States who were interested. Rufus King had been corresponding with Christopher do on the subject during 1808, On Jenuary 8, 1804, he wrote to Core saying that Mirende "mey yet see his wishes accomplished,” He added that “Should he make a beginning, the news would electrify this country, which contains an ime mense number 9% Tnatvitusis s Who would be ready to take wp their bed and walk,” Further proof of Amoricen interest was soon to be shown in the Burr project. “hile Spain remained neutral England could do little, but plans wore belng made for the time when hostilities would SOB OV200CVVDOOBOUIOVVCDOVORVDORDVOOVDOVOO EBV POVROPVIEPBEOERRES Be LI pb » » fosism Fofaracd, to lapolounts. plans of Setauest in South America, but like meny others he mosnt all of Souulen America, See his expgbneation in American Histc y sevorel years and kept King turned to the United States in iy « King {ed.), bol foie 87 ERLESS 3 LATERAL 31 “Uly TL Rr. Tay er broek out “hich vould give her'a fair opportunity” to deprive "iiliem Jacobs, "e traveller and miscellaneous ai sube mitted plens for a throefold attack on Spanish America, In or, 1804, vhen Spain declared wer on Inglend, Sir Home ~ Pophem drew up his memorandum on the revolutionary project. The details of the requirements had slready been sutmitted to lord Helville by Miranda, Popham raised a number of questions to which he gave his own answers to show that Spain end her Americen resources were under the control of France. After submitting his plan he was willing to agree to any better plan If its sdventages were grestor than those deseribed of “ultime ately annihilating one fleet, of cutting off fifteen millions from the Hevenue of France, end probably adding it to our own, snd raising in that proportion our consequence in Bure. In spite of her great interest, Inglmd remained insetive, but Spain's possessions in North America were now threatened by revolutionists from the United States. In order to consider the danger of the United States in Mexico it will be necessary to return to the purchase of loutsians. It prevented the United States from going to wer with Spain which would also have meant war with France, “But for this,” writes lNcCeleb, "Mexico and other Spanish-Americen BY ied Or Robersson. Brands. Son. re rurarrt sve ; 35, Popham's VI, 500m517. colonies would heave been oariler revolutionized." The " scquisition of louisisne, however, did not end the intrigues of the Amoriesns, particulsrly those on the border, The wosterners were the chompions of domocracy, but they were not necessarily tolerant. In fact, they were quite intole erent of Spanish institutions, civil and religious, and they wore filled with "painful solicitude for the unfortunate millions she held in bondage.” They could be depended on to sympathise with any opposition to privilege and the divine right of kings. It is not surprising, therefore, that the Spanish government should prohibit any inhabitent of lLoulsisna from entering low spain, “for he hed but one object in view to strike & blow et Spain.” Yhile the boundaries of loulsians remained undetore mined there was a continual threat of conflict . Furthermore the westerners had little respect for borders, and if Spain attempted to interfere, the liberty-loving frontiorsman cone sidered her a tyrant that ought to be removed, This was ose pecially noticesble in West Florida where there were a large 3 nusber of Angloeimericens. In places like Baton Rouge they ; were more numerous then the Spanish, wa were "inclined to insubordinttion end prone to insurgency.” The Kemper insure HPO BIRR PEN CRPOBOPED CHRD OORBIBEIINOE ENP ORIEN R EEA RB ARID ES (NoXe, 1903), 14. rection during the swmor of 1004 was largely one of border uffiens, "wiite Indians and river pirstes.” Dut when they were opposed by the Spanish authorities end driven into Amore iean terpitory, they returned at tho head of thirty followers to march on Baton Fouge. They took themselves so seriously that thoy notually brought slong proclamation of independ Hits ull ven Gurnioh u Hie. The proclamation shows clearly the views of the dis satisfied ‘moricans in the Spanish bordoriands, and justified the Spanish policy of exclusion. Part of the declaration ronds as follows: | “For a people to be £ros it is sufficient that thoy will it. Whereis, the despotism under which we have long groaned grown into an unsupporteble BY ig Srvaneas 3 SiG lute Sn, Sooupjumueil born with equel rights, we the undersigned, inhable tants of that part of the dominions called Vest Florida, have resolved to throw off the yoke Eo an aaa U7 SENSE Sur csi vss a our lives and property thet declaration. 30 Tholr "follow sufferers” wore then invited to aid in the "eormon emencipation”. Uhen they hed agcomplishod their ine spendiencs Shey would offer SheuselVes'Se some ESTES agcustomod to freedom,” The Spanish authorities suspected SRASNUNE NEI BUSYENRIUTIV ARS UUI VY THES POTR NERD EPO OOB EROS 38s Cox, Tost Florida O83 30. Reprinted ro harie by Cox, Tvid., 158, 75 not ; 40. Profestof Sou says the proclamation was "supposedly tha rk of Tdmmd Rendolph of Pinckneyville, a partner of Dantol Clark,” Idem. g the affair, but it is quite possible thet Jefferson mpholy anticipated it and re garded 1% with noncommital Interns, A great r stir was created by the Burr conspiracy which has generally been clothed in mystery, not on account of lack of information, but owing to several contradictory views depending on the group that was informed. The apperent contradictions can be explained by the fact that Burr sould not go through with his project without considerable aid, and especially the t of » foreign powers end further more, he could not hope to keop his project a secret but hed to have a sehome ready for nearly every occasion and person. For the fnglish he had one project, for the Spanish he had another, snd for the vesterners, who were to be his chief support, he had 2 third, snd probably the real one. The dissstrous duel with Hamilton hed definitely onded Burr's caveer in United States politics, But Aeron Burr was brillimt end smbitious, end proceeded at once to 08 oupy hime golf with eo new project, thet of lexican independence. te had been interested in the liberation of Spanish America ever side 1706 when he had considered the subject together with Jay. Hamilton's interest in the project was now assumed by his rival and murderer. | The French "wall of brass" had been removed by the BE oar cms Flom Gontratamas. 11. Tt terersrstasennesee “(e VolBe, NeXs, 1837), the French predictions had been correct. Pe one wrote thet louleiona had become a gateway for adventurers inte i 0 ind Burr wes determined to meke use of the gateway, He even nad the nerve to ask Cass Yrujo, the Spanish Minister at Vaghe ington, for a passport to lexico, pretending that he could Aig longer stay in the United States after his duel with Hamilton. During the sumer of 1806 Burr traveled through the ‘west to win support for his project. By the end of lay he had reached liashville vhere he spent several days with Andrew Jackson. Speaking of Jeckeon's sympathy for Burr, lenry Adoms wrote that, "if his support was enlisted for the dueliist who had k1lled Hamilton, his passions were excited Jn favor of the man who should drive the Spanisrds from America.” Bure announced that this was the mission of his life, and, "es na joregenoreal of the LS anaseny militia, Jeckeson looked forward to sharing his anpletor® The news spread repidly, and to the frontiersmen in general, "it was & battle-ory they were only too suger to answer,” They considered themselves ns Adelantados and conquistadorass rather than adventurers and filibusters. General Wilkinson was, no doubt, the most importent man next to Burr for the success of the expedition. On ley 28 he wrote to Adair about no "Prepare to visit me," he said, taeetensucinndiensesanssaiansusedvesaesesuneaasesuuskannsassany Ili, 231. 47. Wilkinson and Burr had been together in the army at Quebec. "and 1 v1 tell you ali, Veo must have a peep at the unknown ‘world beyond me.” Wilkinson later met Durr at Fort lasses Vier they put four Guys very 3tkely Seduing Over Wi Plage “hen Burr left for Now Urleans he had e letter from the Genore al to Deniel Clark which wes to serve as an introduction. Burr would enlighton him on "meny things, improper to letter, and which he will not say to any other.” On June 24, the dey bow fore Burr penched lew Orleens, "ilkinson signed the instruc tions for Pike, which, sscording to Timothy Kibby and John Adeir, provided for Bis exploration of the way to Santa Fe end the mines of le:ico., Others were consulted to get their views on the possibility of conquering Mexico and of estabe ifshing 8 military eapire in louisiana, Burr was well pleased with his reception in New Ore losnse It is quite iikely thot he came into contact with the Hexion Association. This was an association of about three hundred imoricans vho were collecting information on Mexico whieh might be useful to tho United States in cose of war with Spain. Lioutenant Spence admitted that there had been such an organization for several years snd that its object Bassstsatvagieuvasvutpsssquesiatosepunasusean BUeBeeRENBORRARY | TITkTieon assorted that the 800ret Foe £orred to nicot ons, Letter of June 9, 2008, 3. “iid. omolre wn Times (3 Vols., Philadelphia 61. Intd., 7 DF. | of New Orlesns said that an sion of ex 1g0 had ways been considered in case of a war with "the dons", ibid., 113, Fu gk SR Gee was to discuss means of omencipeting Hexieo. Burr hed, however, "disclaimed having anything to do with it,” Daniel Clark said thet he was not a member, "but if his safety ne 8 vevehant required him 33 keep aloof, his sympathies were vholly with the Association.” The existence of such sn ore panizetion is a fairly good indicstion that Burr hed come to 3 a suitable place to get support for his project. Hven highe or officials such ns the Mayor of New Orleens, " Watkine, end the judge of the county court, James Workman, wero mome bers of the Sasoclation, | Clark mede several commereisl voyages to Mexico end collected all the data ho could. It is sald thet he had soversl conferences with ulliyary officials at Vera Crus who wore in fovor of revolution. A Catholic Bishop of Now Orleens gave his support to the plan and, 3p Miranda, suggested the uso of Josult priests for agents. Thero seomed to be no lack of support but Burr muet have become careless end trusted too many, for on September 7, just vhen he arrived in St.louls on his return journey, Clark wrote to ¥ilkinson of some wild rumors, These raports, which hed already reached Spanish ears, BIH BGIIRV SGP ERATION EN NI BV EB BOBO IBR EARP IORGIDOOR RRR OOOSIRRODS intimated that tho fest was to seperate from the Union, and that it was “to be bribed with the plunder of the Spenish countries west of us.” A quotation from his letter will ine dicate what the rest of the mamors wore: "But let not these face, t ond Jipostant 4 objects, these almost Ape Soting from obe tending to my land bus ocolle you moat, have oF Job tend to "sga2m8 fom and Saperors, He would need land end produce if he were to "buy = decent court dress” for the "1eV80,. hope you will have Kentucky mon for your masters of ceremony.” be Burr's enterprise was getting a great deal of publi- eitys Reports of his militery preparations roached Tozas in July. erry wrote to inglend that the enterprise was under way. Yrujo read the same reports as the others but refused to believe them. "The supposed oxpedition against ligxico,” he wrote, "is ridiculous and chimerical in the sposent stete of thingss but I em not unaware that Bury, in order to pot moneys from the faglish Hinister or from Englend, hes meade to hin some such proposition, in which he is to play the leading role.” NeCaleb vonaiders thet both the British and Spanish ministers were duped. Er ae 1. Atomate aT y 67. Wilkinson domelrs Appendix, =zxxiil 58. The pr ihe. fost wore report ; the plans. 60. Ibid., viii. - washington, epperently satisfied with the favor his project had received in the Vest, MNoCaleb writes: sou SERIE Sin hy ose fo In army to Bio dears 0d mi1lions of Samet giving ly, fortunes to his followers. Hh “hile Burr was negotiating with Merry the peer of plotters sppeared in America, Nirands left Inglend to make use of the strained situations in which Spain end the United States found theme selves and appeared in New York in November, 1805, Ho was encoursged by some of his old asquaintences, such as Rufus King, Colonel Smith, and Christopher vi Before he reached vashington, Jefferson wes warned thot lirenda's ‘actions formed a link in "Burr's NBS. Burr met Hirande in “hiladelphis and later admitted that he 8 ws "orente 1y pleased with his talents and collogquisl olauiane,™ but was careful to avoid the subject of their common intereat. Several of Burr's friends were attracted to the South Amore fcan, but Burr did not want to play a secondery role to lirende, Baton reported in Burr's triel thst when he had suggested lirends es an impediment to the Mexican pro ject, PETES ECA E PBIB NABI SID U OEIC ANSE ENB IBEPIOBR BION I IRB OEORRERS Gl. a» Burr's response was, "we must hang Miranda.’ Yrujo said in January, 1006, that lirands has returned to New York "mush loved at finding that Golonsl Bure was vory deters mined to have nothing to do with him," During the early part of the year 1806, Durr contine ved to negotiate with Yrujo end others for help but with slow progress. He wrote to Dlsanorhessot sand Wilkinson ia Appil saying that the project would not begin until December, Yow ing to want of water in Ohio", Sishough She Feel Teazen wa the lack of support from Merry and Ymjo,. The Spmish ruthorities were already suspicious, and urged the frontier offielals to strengthening thelr defenses against ten thousand men from Kentucky who were preparing to invede the country. Hornles wrote from Pensacola to the viceroy of Mexico that “there exists in Hew Orleans # strong party whose object it is to revolutionize the kingdom of lexico, and the Soudisions on the frontier are entirely favorable to such a design.” The Inspectoreienoral of troops in Texas, Francisco Viena, supported the last statement and sald: "i bave neither munitions, srms, provisions, nor soldiers wherewith to uphold our authority.” 69 CEBU BVEIB RGB IOV ORB PEO I NBD IROGR LINER BED RIOR ERB ERP OES Such wore the opinions of Spanish offieiels who really knew the conditions on the frontier. Tne sanguine hopes of the conspirators were, therofore, not without foundetion. Burr met with difficulties in the Bast. Cevallos nad 1aforued Frujo thet the king wauld not encourage Burr's designs, ond as for Nerry, he wives be ruteived fous Wim British government Yes $0 be Yasuziedy The death of Pitt nad probably changed the British poliey. Burr, undeunted, now turned mgein to the "est. He wrote to Wilkinson on July 20, thet ell was in rendiness, oven the naval protection of fagland, He would move down from the Falls with five hundred or ® thousand men snd would mest Wilkinson at listehes in December, where they would determine whether to "seize on or pass by Baton Rouge.” The people of the country to which thoy were going were ready to receive them, providing, es thelr agents had told Burr, that they could retein their religion end not be subjost So a forgign power, then,"in three wooks all will be settled.” The country referred to must have been Nexico. Blennere hasset, too, who hed hoped to recoup his dwindling fortune by . particip ting in the euterpliss, said that the design wae "unequivoeslly apeinat Mexico," Many others were supporting 70. July 18, 1808, Adams, History of the United States, III, 2 111, 240. rr mn 10 bo" rm ssn plot ageinet their country.” "hile considering the real destination of Burr's expedition 41t might be well to speak Rare Of the fact thet he had three carefully made maps of lipxico: one of liexico from California to the Isthmus, one of the Gulf comst, and the third was a detailed topographical map of the Serritoey Sven Vore Gres 50 Harton Slay These maps contribute to the evidence that Woxlco was the stake. Burr had purchased a large tract of lend on the tashite, known as the Smstrop lends. Tnis furnished him en excellent excuse for his interest in the Vest, end wes to be his haven of refuge in case his project did not materialise. But the situation was still favorable. Burr's hopes now rested on the possibility of a war between the United States end Spain, and such en ovont wes not at all unlikely. The United Stetes had claims against the Spanish government for the seizure of ‘mericon vessels. There were other claims for losses due to the suppression of the right of deposit at New Orlesns in 1802, But what was more likely to give Burr his Spporsinitey was the controversy over the boundary question in iovisiena. lonrog hed been unable to get any satisfaction at the Spanish Court, so, on oy 18 he demanded his passports ee Sas aay 213 donsadid on againet "fexiso." Tl. © he third is reproduced by Be ° Sikes frontispiece. 70. These difficulties were summed wp to show why BLS might expect aid from he fv States, liivonds, AA % a0 Foteived thom WIth unistal proupbieoss When he 108% far Ingland, Spain continued to plunder American com:erees Pinckney left in October, and Spain continued to prey on American commerce; Goorge VW. Irving was sent from london ag and still Spain continued to attack Amerie can COMMOree. ‘mon Godoy calmly Snquired how affeirs wore getting along, and asked Erving if they were to have peace or wer, He continued: "You may choose either posse or war, 'Pis the same thing to me. I will Bol} NON Sand1a1Ys Mra if you will po to war this certainly is the moment, end you may take our possessions from us.” 80 This wes the condition at the end of 18056 and the difficulties remained unsettled during most of the next year so thet Burr might well expect war. The departure of Miranda from Hew York served to incresse the difficulties. The Spanish hed forces across the Sabine, on terrie tory claimed by the United States, and "Every militiamen in the Vest was furbishing his secoutrements and aweiting the summons to the £100," Jagison, whom Burr wes agein visite ing, thought war was inevitable. The whole affeir was to be hhh diosa he hth hdl dhe hth dh de ib oe fhe he le FOOVEDB GSD OSBAEBEsERABUEY covernment to sanct on nis roject in case of war, 84, Adair anid of B Sajedtyjen to liexico "fwithout a wer he could do gs, Davis {ed.), Memoirs of Burr, II, 300. started by Wilkinson attacking the Spanish at Arroyo Hondo, : i iio had received orders to be on the defensive but little was nneded to mske two hostile armice come to blows, On September 25 Wilkinson wrote that he would soon have a meeting with the Spanierds. The people of the United States oxpectod war, seay of then wanted wer, some to vindicate the rights 8f the United States snd others to free the Hexicend. Spain was not blind to her denger end Godoy's frank statements were not ss startling as they eppesred, becsuse the viows expressed were common knowledge. Iturrigsray hed been warned to look to the defenses of the Spanish provinces ofth the hr esre. On October 1, Folch wrote to the vice roy snd informed him that the project to revolutionize Mexico "has not been lost sight of, end sooms to be stronger than ever." The plen was thet "if the westher permits, in February or lepch ten thousend Kentuckisns, three thousand regular troops, eight or ten thousend militia from louisiesns, who will be forced to go, will march for Mexico. They will raise ® corps of five thousand blacks, who will be taken from the plene tations and declared free.” The pretext for the invasion was to be the presence of Spanish troops at Maas. By this time the United States government, too, began to take notice of the project, Jefferson had been warned 8s BPG ERPBRCLIV II RVOBB IVI GOI APE I BEDIVDIRRIRIREI RIOR BINEIBsBINBRDES surly ss Jsousry 1606, but warnings were not gencrally od heeded, Judge Saston who had conferred with Burr at St, louis wrote to a senator charging "ilkinson with boing cone cerned in Miranda's project. Ho "was told in reply that the letter was burned and that the weiter should mind his own business and take caro how he neddled with men high in power end office.” Another popscn who wanted to warn Jefferson was told to “hold his Song” But the afféir was far fron being a secret. one newse a paper published the following statement: "A revolution in the Spanish provinces of North America will ag oe fgg go Bg) load to one in South os of tho. Un the whole, 414 with the 2 eta States of Union organized 1 one empive 8 man of the enterprise and tale. ents of Colonel + ¥ill oresent & phenomenon in the politicel history of the glabe perhaps only equaled by the modern Fmpire of France," 890 All seemed in readiness for the rupture with Spain in September. The westerners oxpected wer and wore making preparations, Wilkinson was collecting an army at New Orleons, and the Spanish persisted in keeping thelr army on seil claimed by the United States, The New Orleans Gazette for Septomber 26 said thet the President would seize the occasion to confor LL on the Hexicans "those inestimable blessings of freedom which we ourselves enjoy. Should the generous efforts of our Ee ARE rs Sr ye Ey nnvyan vt oo 8: Bast by hi Jaleb, Ops gths » : : i 3 Sn government to establish a free, independent republican ome pire in Nexieo to be successful, how fortunate, how envisble would be the situstion in New Orlosnsi” | Wilkinson had it in his power to determine whether hostilities would be begun or not. And on September 28 he wrote: uy ea, Eg OO rE eh ashe government in Hoxie ~-= Vo cannot fail of success.” 91 But contrary to expectetions, on the day before Wilkinson wrote the shove, Herrers, the Spanish etneander, gave orders for his troops to withdrew beyond the Sabine, Burr wes not to become king of Mexico, nor his sues the queen, es Blannerhasset had informed his gardensr, "hen Herrera's actions wore known, Burr's oprortunity was gone, for without war he could seareely hope to sucesed. ¥ilkinson was emough of a schemer to profit by disaster. Ilo turned informer and then he posed as the saviour of the Union, He made an agroee ment with the Spanish officials which become known ng the "Houtral Ground Treaty”, signed November 5, 1806. ‘Wilkinson then sent “alter Durling as an agent to Mexico to inform the viceroy how he had risked his 1ife and fortune in saving Mexico. ww SEGRALASASIARIIAAARARANEUGINNIIAUIUINUINNNNINONR CARS RNR LRNS e Drag uy ma the inved 304 that hed they cane aoy would tvs had their susie orushed, Hovember 5, w A just reimbursement would be $112,000.00 « surely not en unreasonable sum for such a noble service! Then he sent a report on liexico, supposedly from his messenger Durling, to the President, inclosing a bill for fifteen hundred dollars = and he got iti Jdofferson received viikinsén's revelations on November 26, md procecded st once to check Burr's activities. lls prociametion two days later was enough to turn many of Burr's supporters against hime "1lktngon Dosen seelous 1n his efforte to arrest and dispose of Burr's followers. Hew Ore leans was practically under martial lew, Burr, however, Cone tinued with his project for some time before he heard of vilkindon's duplicity end the President's proclamation, In December Jackson heard reports thet Burr's plen had been against the Gnion., He seid that "if this were true, he would hold no communication on the subject; but, if untrue, and his intentions were to proceed to Hoxie) he would join and ace company him with his whole division.” Burr poached the Hississippi in Jenuary end found the commandant of Chickasaw Bluffs still ignorant of the ban against him, lio was oven ready to join Bure, thinking the expedition was destined for lexico. By the time Burr reached ioe dich heheheh thine hed tht dibedioiodio idiotic i tingid tht didi d dh dh 208 4 95. Iturrigavey » Cevallos, larch 12, 1807, MeCalob, A EL i] » : ] were Ogden, Swartwont, BDollman, Adeir, Yorke ‘the Mississippi Territory he found the country stirred by the proclemstions of Wilkinson end leade. He had already ne heard that ¥ilkinson had made peace with the Spaniards. Find. ing himself stopped by the militia from Natchez he gave hime | self up to Meade, Acting Governor of the Mississippi Terrie i tory. i Thus ceme the dreem of empire to an Inglorious end. considered it possible of execution. He later wrote to Bowdoin, Hinister to Spain, that Burr had given up the idea of separating the Vest snd "turned himself wholly toverds Mexico and so popular is an enterprise on that country in this, thet we had only to be still, and he could have hed felicusrs encwgh So huvs Youn In the SI%Y of Aesice 30 sin woeks," Before Burr had been apprehended, Zebulon liontgonery Pike hed been sent on his somewhat mysterious expedition to the Southwest which brought him into Mexico. It has been suggested that sais empetinten was another ramification of the Durr conspiracy. UJeneral Wilkinson, as a participant in the project for revolutionizing lexico, was IYEnLly eusious a Cat aaa yy a kn aay eeursrrrer 100, Torll %, 1807, Yord (ed.), Robie’ of Jogterson, X, 301. 302, 101, ¥{lkinson had heard reports thet Pike's enterprise "was a oremoditated operate with Burr,” Elliot Cones [83.3 Phe Frpodit ebulon Pike (3 volse, NeYe, 1 » was innocent of any knowledge of perticipstion with Burr, [ to get as mush information on Yexico as ho could. As he wrote to ‘dairy e& short while before sending Pike: "We must have a peep at the unknown world beyond me.” ¥hy should not Pike "have a peep” for Wilkinson? Elliot Coues declares thet 4t is well understood that Pike had secret lnstructions from the General,”over and beyond those which were ovtonoise.® Pike's position on the right side of the Rio Grande was at lesst suspicious. Vhen he was being escorted into lexico he learned at Carrizasl of Burr's conspirecy, ond roale ized why the Spenierds hed treated nim with such SME vhatever his motives were, Pike took pride in the informae ‘tion he hed acquired of Now Spain, "which in case of a rupture between the United Stetes snd that Government will be of the highest importance.” In omse of pesce it would "afford pleasing subjects of contenplasion, for the statese man, the philosopher, ond the Soldier.” Wilkinson informed Pike "thet of the information you have sequired, snd the ob servations you have made, you Bugs be cautious, extremely coutious, how you breath a word.” it is aifficult to say whet part Pike's expedition nad in the Burr episode, but it is quite likely that Pike On the other hend, that Vilkineon was using Plke to supple- sen000e0sssunsanacereensnsacstanntroanianateneneastiitinins 102. 28, 1806 ny, 2a, 108. Couss (ed.), The 104. Le ones (0 105, Cones © : c Ee ey - 106, Mig late mont Burr's enterprise is also likely. "hen he was quose tioned by Timothy Kibbey about the object of Piknte expodie tion, "he smiled and said it wes of & secret nsture”. Only one other person in the Territory knew, snd Wilkingon sdded thet even Fike was ignovemt of the nature of his journey. le then declared that Fike was not sent by the government but that it wes his own plan, If Pike suceeeded, Wilkinson + "would be placed out of resch of his enemies and in the course of eighteen monthe he would be in a situation (if the plen suckscoded) to coll his Damned foes to an 9g (sce count) for their Deeds.” It is difficult to imagine whet plen Wilkinson referred to here exespt the one he was then planning in conjunction with Burrs The whole project, in spite of its felilure made o great impression and it gave the oppressed inhabitents of Mexico the idea that they could roe ly on help from fAmericens in sny struggle for independence. "nglend, in spite of her inectivity, had not consed to show sn interest in emancipation projects. Joseph Pavia, who hed lived for some time in Mexico snd who met Nirende in London, wes dotai ed by the British Government, in 1805 because his information on Mexico might prove useful. "hen in 1806, Napoleon wes convincing Furope of his strength, BUSLOBRIVIDIRIIBONOO BIO UOIBEODOIBIRVOREIVORVORIBROEBBOEOERBEDO 107. This is based on Timothy Ki deposi é 1807, Bolte od. ), ro of Govan ks Pile! in B 109, Bolton (od ) , X111, 802. 110. soivan (010); 92. ats » 8180 note 6, gland realised the sdvissbility of continuing her interest in Spanish America. In July of thet year, the same month in whieh Burr informed ¥ilkinson that all was in readiness, “i1llem Jacob prepared a capeful agcount of lexico end cone sidored 2 plan for an attack on her eastern side. He took into consideration winds and rains, fortifications, troops, and added statistical tables, snd other needs for a sSuccesse ful stteck. He estimated that the forces necessary would bd not lesa than 8000 mon,snd sugeested that Jamaican should be used as a base, & description of the inland towns was given, i Ca by = teble of distances from Vers Cruz to liexico City. . | Wnile Burr was prepering for the Nexican expedition, Sir Bome Popham commented his projest of libereting Spenish America by attacking Buenos Adres. And Mirends in Gis ship merned lergely by “mericans, made his futile attack on Carecns, The vietories of Napoleon on the continent aroused Castlerengh's interest in the project of liberating Spanish America, On the second of November, 1806, sixteen days after the battle of Jens, he sent a communication to his intimate friend, Arthur ° "slloslsy, to get his opinion on the project of attacking New Wo Sir Arthur Ysllesly took up the SBE O APE N ENERO INSEE ARIE REINER NIO EER NNINOOBeRNRRES 111. July i, 1806, Castlereagh, VII, iz, Apehibald Al Lrenibald ob ¥ ® as dou end, having collected a great deal of information, wrote 8 number of detailed memo on the project of attacking the Spanish in Mexico, He considered Vera Crug as the most suitable point for attack end the month of Tesember as the most sulteble time, He, too, named Jamaica as the base for the expedition, It wns slso suggested thet aiSuAR lary eng 'esNId be Bah) from India to land on the wost coast of Mexico in Volun » 8nd still enother atteck gould be mede from Honduras. | Wellesley also sald that "dl 1 those who have commmme icateod their ideas to lils Majesty's government upon tho sube Jeet of the Spenisn dominions in America have recommended thot they should have in view 8 revolution instesd of a LL Frenehmen who had considered the project had recomended that one of the French princes should mot as king of Hew Spain. The Fnglish and Spanish writers hed seid little ebout the nature of the government to bo established, The first object, how. ever, would be to replace the Spanish power by the British, and it seems ns 1f Yellesley thought he should lead the sxpodie- tion, for he says, "His lajosty's government will, of course, instruct me in what menner they intend that Hie Majesty's suthority shall be established in lexico; the advantages which 1 sm to hold out to the different classes of the inhabitants NY rIcsaYNIS ITER UGE NI TG aN ARATE SGA 116 to coneiliate their attachment to the government.” Castlereagh later mentioned this project in connec- tion with the le Plata expedition. He seid that "some pro- gress had been made in arrenging, though not in executing, an operation sgainst iexico, in which @ force of 8,000 mon... Widen Whe Semana of 522 Wwthur Vellesley, was to be landed in the vicinity of Vera Crus.” Vellesley's recommendations were given to the di in November, 1006, and in January, 1807, he added now ones. Those preparations wore not une known to the euthorities in Now Spain for in Nareh the inhabdie tents of Vora Crus carried the riches from the cathedral end the seven convents becouse of a report thet en expedition was being fitted out in Jamaice to sttack their is. With the change in the British cabinet in Hereh, 1807, fastlorengh became secretary of war and the colonies, and in liny he presented & plan for the liberation of the Spanish cole onies. He hesitated to support any revolutionary project bee cause he feared the effects of democracy and revolution in these countries, ie thought Inglend should adopt a definite policy to insure stebility. And if England should be shut out from Europoan commerce it might be well to "¢srve out a separate SOBNBORIBIEB VINER INRIA DEVO OROOOOIITREOEONRIORNEVIROUINERDERRERORY 116, Voriouiey sleo included e& complete list of Sr vi 2 Jrovisients etsy Vellington, Supplemorn noe, Vii, 516. cite, V ’ 26s Wellesley later considered an attack on ora firme as 8 proliminary step to the one on New Spain, *» vi, 5680, | 119. Ropar of JeDe a don, January 26, 1808, Castlereagh, op. 8its, VII, 430. to French power," The British should set es "suxiiisries ond protectors,” He d1d not favor any arent change in the soverne lg ment but suggested that they might support a number of the Bourbon femily ss being closely connected with the Spanish monarchy and having the same roligion. Such a man wes the uke of Urleoens, who would surely get the support of a great : gumbor of Fronth oiticers, inciuiisg Dunne soz. it is interesting to note in this connection the views of the Duke of Urleens end of Dumourdes. The former wrote a memoir on Spanish Amorica with special emphasis on Mexico. lis object ho said wes threefold: first to prove. thet revolution was inevitable, which would endanger the now world with Jacobin idessi secondly, to show the advantages of interference by Great Briteing and thirdly, to point out the means to carry out the revolution without endangering the country. Spein's power over America was decreasing deily, therefore, the real question was, who should guide the rovolue tion and who should reap the benefit, England or France. Herely the introduction of Jacobinism would be enough to give Frence a special connection, If England did not establish a stable goveranent in these countries she stood the risk of losing the rest of her own American colonies. Therefore, in e000 SRRERGSR ES tHRAGANTIURNTSARERSuyRARYNAR IR URS OOUNa NYY 120, Castlereagh, ( 121. He oven sugnested Ibid., Vi, 323. ~ sddition to depriving Britain's onomics of resourees and a base of attack, 1t would help to preserve her possessions end possibly add some new ones in the form of West Indie islands, The commercial adven tages would be reat enough to counterbalance the closing of the Iuropesn vorte. In bow coming modesty the Duke said: "It is not for me to sugzost what prince Great Britain ought to present to the lexioand." But to make the revolution successful he did suggost that 1% should be on the principles of monarchy. Hexieo should be the starting point becsuso it was the most vulnerable, the most populous, and the most oasily directed. Furthermore, "Nexico is the key-stone of the areh: when that is Pemoved, sll the other parts, sess must fall to pleces.” Finally the Duke of Orleans of fored his services to the British government, or to Whe prints that night bo chosn 48 Far, ; Dumouriez had been interested in the liberation of Spanish fmerice over since 1702. Hs vv mag 8 survey of the navel stations end conditions of Spanish America. ile considered the whole project ss an attack on Napoleon. Englend had no nilles on the continent snd would have to seok them or create them in America, South America should be the first field of operation but they would not have completed a moitie of thelr object sa long as they had not liberated ay. Heo thought 128. Aamoin on Spanish Americh. and the Viceroyalit LAE A REARS o Homolr on Spanigh ty of 16 in Particulars by the o fue. of Orleans, Castlereagh, vovolution than the rest. Dumouries showed by © description that he was well informed on the internal conditions of the country. The criticel relations between the United States ond Inpland wes another couse for the emsncipation of Hexico. Dumouries, too, advocated a monerchial form of government since a ropuDlL would become the natural ally of France or the United States. He suggested thet a Bourbon be made the ruler, "nd then he geve @ long list of qualifications, 11 of which were fulfilled by the Duke of Oris. Four frigates and three thousand soldiers would be sufficient to establish this Prince in Mexico, because a universal snd SpoNtensous p= rising would make opposition Ly the viceroy snd the Peninsulers impossible. The threat of war with the linited States would make 1 necessary to send a considerable forse to the West Indies which could else serve for an expedition to Mexico. Again Jemnice was to be the bese with Vers Urug as the point of ote tecke Sven 4f 1t could not all be accomplished at once it would be advisable to send en expedition to Jamsics to pro pape for the enterprise,since lapoleon might be preparing the saundron of "schefort for Vers Cruz which would afford him a base for collecting a large smount of cash, bidet Stina od B-orind ld Sad Delo tilda Snob diigo iiss Shh i rgd 125, The failure of niranda at Cumans was on his republican system. 126, A note on Mexico da June 4, 1807, gave acyesai resgons for feloekl the tated of Orleans as ruler of Spandsh Amorica, Castlereagh, Corre ndonge, Vil, 374-370. The struggle with Napoleon, then, made the independe ence of Mexico almost & question of self presorvstion for mglend, Added to this was the new edvantage it would give England as a base of attack or defense in cese of a wer with the United States. There wes also the dangor that the United States might precede Maglend to Hexieo. Jefferson said of Spain thet only respect for France hes “kept our hands off hor $111 now," He expected that the Emperor would compel Spain to do justice to the United States, "or abandon her to us.” And if this took place, lo ask but one month to be in possession of the city of kexico." In 1807 when these men were making their plans to i : chock Bapoleon by liberating Smenish Americs, the Emperor oo made the Treaty of Tilsit in which seoret articles provided for 8 now combination against Pnglend and the removal of the i. Bourbon and Bregenze rulers from the Spanish peninsula in ; favor of princes of Hepoleon's fons, Vhen ho tried to oe wnite 211 the comtinental navies in ono great federation, Hepoleon showed that Fnglend might well sscek allies in America, and when the Portuguese refusal to close her ports to Inglend was followed by & report in the Honlteur thet "the house of Bragensza hed ceased to reign,” Napoleon's plems were evident. BARB BGRVGDER PP EHEIB OBI P IIR ISDOOERNPAIBB NNER RUB REDOON RIOR OR 127. Jefferson to Bowdoin, April 2, 1807. Ford (od.), Works of Jefferson, %, 561. 128, Alison, Lives of Lastleresgh and Stewart, I, 216-217, : 120. Ibdd., GE suries continued to urge the British to set in order to check Napoleon snd the United States, end to get bene. fits for themselves. The luke of Orleans who had found esylum in England for five years would become & firm ally. The Kings dom of liexico should extend from the Rio del Norte in the north to Gglans, end should include all the islands except Cuba and Porto Rico, the former to go to Ingland and the latter to Pom lord Castlereagh seemed by this time to become cone vinged of the sdvisebility of exccuting the project for liber Sil Nexieo. Je plans for the expedition were very much like those of Yellesley. In January 1808 lirenda is once more back in Bgl addressing the officials in an effort to arouse them to action, Ho msde & great deal of the rumor that Spain wes already dls posing of some of her colonies to France in exchange for fortue gal. It was recommended thet the British begin their active 1510 in Torre Pirwa und thon "vo amy expost to see, in a very short time, the imitation in Mexico." The /mericens were no longer enxious to support independence, because since the wer they controlled 2 great part of the Spanish American trade which was meking them rich. They would have to be deprived of this luerative trade before they would support the movement. Nivende gave Castlereagh seversl letters from British officials sausessssveestesnasesrsscessasesectosnariatatseansssensesesasee 130. Castle ; y J76.381, His Yicus of June 1 8 ropontod a 18ster of Juss 21, to windham SE IT 3502368, 131, Ibid., VIT, 385.307. 132. to *Cestlerench, Januery 10, 1808, 1ibid., Vii, 405-408, 135. Ibid., VII, 410. In Noxteo for atx years gave hin en excellant desorption 1g8, with full details of its mile Stary. Sari Gordon's description of the people and thelr position was the sonventional one, Lut he brought out the fact thet the people dared not think of independence boceuse they were so fottered by thelr religion that the threst of emcome mmication kept them thoroughly subjugeted. "This," he said, "added to a stupidity inherent in their neture, renders them the most subservient snd timeesorving people on the face of Sir Arthur Uellesloy renewed his considerations of the Spanish colonies in Februrry. The experience in Ia Plate | . his view that liberation rather than concuest was the only method to be pursued. Hie considered various pleces for sn attack and by a proccss of elimination he narrowed this down to e choico between Terra Firms and lexico. Terra Firma had the asdvantage of having lifrends as an agent but tgllesley fomred that efter an attack at this point "the French eithor by the seme moens or by conquest.” By beginning the stteck on Hexico this danger could be sverted, although this place would require more troops. Another difficulty would be that of withdrewing from Mexico in conse of feilure, and in $24." Sanunry “31808; 3s Bosasene Beyaugue S4sduastiteney saso of suseess, Groat Gritatn night bo forced to dofend it The form of should be e monarchy “with such a representative body as will not be difficult to menage." The cabildos would serve as 8 basis for election. The upper house was to be composed of the enclent nobility vho should be nemod by the king, but who the king should be, he did not Imow. Tallesloy added new provisions for the project from time to timo but the general plan remained tho same. Two MeAEUrOS secnmed to him essential for the success of the enterprise: to obtain possession of Vera Crus and the cestle of Sen Juan a'Ullos, and to remove the wisensonod troops from the coast to the move healthy territory in the neighborhood of Jolepe. The ides of independence would encourage the people to raise en army so thet there would be no need of supplementary troops from Iuila, But he had increased the estimate of troops neoded to 17,0004 Sir Arthur Yellesley was woll on the wey to make the project a reality. Yors had for a long time encoursgod Inglend to cone sider plans for l1ibereting Spanish America. Por a decade, from 1708.1800 there was a growing interest in the pro Jeot until both statesmen and militery men were agreed on the advisability of executing it. It seemed to be the general op'nion that it would be to the advantage of England both es an offensive and dofenséve measure as well ss for commercial gain, The inter. GS Lau 4s11as Sa snunediunssorysus ens any 138, » GleB6. ettitude of the people in Spanish America. The reports gonove ally indicated that the inhabitants were ready for der but it 4s necessary to consider the source of these opinions. There were » few among the inhabitants who were botter informed and hed more initistive than tho masse, who supported the idea of independance. Tholr desires frequently made them exasgerate tn order to get support for their project. These were the ones that come into contact with the British. They were occasional ly representatives of revolution ry groups or self-appointed sgents, md crested the impression that the people were anxious for independence. Sut there were in fact s large number of people who suffered silently under the burdens of an oppressive government, people who had no thought of independence and who would have to bo mnlightonod and guided. The theory of the revo dutionists was that they would flock to the standards of liberty es soon es they were offered freedom and protection. thether this hope wes justified or not remains to be seen in the events of the revolution. finely culminated in the internetionsl complications which left Spain powerless to defend her possessions in fmorica. Manuel Godoy hed acquired his office through favoritism, and through favoritism d14 his friends attein high office, among whom were José de Iturrigaray, "the last viceroy of the ancient rogime.” This cresture of Godoy, & young militery men, took office on January 4, 1803, Attempts had been made to keep colonial officisls from taking thelr relstives slong to Americs, but Iturri- garay brought not only his family, wut o large number of | followers bent on becoming swidenly rich. The viceroy himself was intent on becoming rich end collaborated with his wife, Dons Ifies, in geining weslth from increased duties ond the sale of offices. The creoles were willing to pay exceedingly high prices ‘or offices in order to win some of the coveted honors from which they had gonersle ly been excluded by the haughty gachupines. These in turn now disdained the viceroy and his protestion, which served only to strengthen the American element, Bancroft says BORO BBOV HBB EB EPI BRO RRP DEB CBI RRBDI PAID EDI EBB PP OOS DROP UNOENS le Jelielss liora, | R 0s (3 vols., Paris, 1836), 111, 208, While yp 1i1, 298. that "Fhe edmintotrasion of Iturrigaray wns modelled " that of his protector, Godoy, ana £1 vas beltowsd tint he king's favorite shared in the profits.” The splendor of the court snd the dissipations and pleasures of leoxico served only to irritate the people of the comtry who lived in the si=plicity of the little village. Party division inercssed under lturrigeray and the reciprocal hatred became more manifest. The systom of politiesl patronage was practiced to the extreme but it was done for momey and not for party. Porelignors, too, knew about the conditions in Hexico &% this time. Uilliem Jogob in diseuseing the possibility of liberating Mexico said of iturrigerey thet he hed obtained his office Surougs_tavorgsiam | end thet he was generally considered to be a week men, He wes certainly not tho man to cope with the problems which opow out of Nepoleon's invesion of Spain. But hed he been a strong wen he might have separated Mexico for his om ede ventage. Pollowing the battle of Trafalger Godoy sought on alliance with Inglend for which he attempted to excuse himself to Napoleon after the latter's victory st Jena in 1806. "Hepoleon pretended to be satisfied, but. decided then that he would make an end of the Bourbon monarchy.” He made SH0ELB AULT ANERGLYLIN SAU SLURS E SSS UNE SuRUAIU SAAR URINE N ANE A 1 an agreement with Godoy for the conquest of Portugel ole though he probably did not intend to live up to his terms. He made use of the opportunity to send a large nusber of troops into northern Spain end then he made several unreason- able demands for territory. Ferdinand still trusted Napoleon but Charles, Godoy, and the queen planned to escape tO Amore ica. Their first move was to Aranjuez where & riot took place and Godoy was captured by the supporters of Ferdinend, Charles IV seeing the people against him end for Ferdinand, decided to abileate, which he did on March 19, 1808, in favor of his son who became Ferdinand Vii. 5 The events in Purope in the spring of 1808 wore rapidly undermining the vast Spenish empires "Tho news of the disturbances at Atunium on larch 18th end 19th reached lgxico June 8, 1808, The report of Ferdinand VII replacing Charles IV on the throne was received with a great demonstroe tion of joy by most of the Mexican people. Iturrigaray, on the other hend, menifested his disgust because his friend amd. protector, Godoy, had been removed with Cherles IV; and his position was, indeed, quite precarious. The viceroy wes at Sen Agustin de las Cupovms when the mews arrived from Spain, and for two daye he uwede no public ennouncement of it in Hexico, but seeing that the people were growing impatient 3 Alana Biatais to Selina: Xo 10m, Iiitessesasuasn 8. Jose Me. luis tora, oh Anh A SANE, i, Bhar ohn na Tal Arn db Suit % # jig Bd he found 1% necessary to make a public menifestation of his loyalty to the mew monarch. It was thought thet he had no 1iking for the now soverelgn. Por a time matters had a appanrante and affairs continued as before wiz further news wes received. | ‘ In the meantime Napoleon was playing his double geome and Charles IV, wishing to z¢in some adventage from his abdication, placed himself in his hands and secretly betraced his abdication. Ferdinand VII was induced to go to Dayonne £0 meet Napoleon, where Cherles IV, Maris loulss, and Godoy also srrived &n April 50. Ferdinand was first informed that he would have to sbdicate the throne end lator Charles IV woes induced to renounce his claims a second time. Napoleon gained the right to name a king for Spain, liows of the pro clamations of Nurat, lepoleon's Pepregentotive at lodrid, re~ched Mexico on the morning of June 1s. Iturrigaray is seid to have given this report in an exaggerated fashion to create 8 sensation, end from this time on he began to show by his conversation that there was little hope for Ferdinand VII or ony of the royal faully to return to Spain. 7he real scuerdo considered this dete ns the beglaning of the ides of of independence in lexico. The reports of the abdication of the Spanish mone CROBDOIBB BVO EBB IVDO BEG EN II NDB OBRII CNP EV PDR IEG BND BRS r PR AGRE SR archs was verified by the arrival of the Venture in Mexico on July 14, 1808. The) vessel brought the gag of lindrid for lay 13, 17, snd 20. The one for lay 13 also included the declaration by Sarl IV stating that his abdication on March 19 had beem forced. The day following the receipt of the news Iturricersy hended the gagetes to the peal who agreed among other things that they ought not $0 recoge nize Murat nor any her jower or government except thelr own legitimate sovereigns. They wented their decisions published in the Uagzete de lexlco, end the country placed in a state of defense. | The Spanish colonies hed never found themselves in such a situntion before. Spain was left without a king snd without a goverament. The alleglance of the Americans to Spain was not for the love of country or the love of the Spanish people but due to thelr devotion to their king. The king had been exalted to the position of & fotich and was the only strong tie between the colonies and the mother country. The removal of the king, then, was equivalent to breaking the strongest bond for union, It was indeed an opportunity for those who desired freedom from the oppressive government in Spain as well as in America, £7 4 Lo YS A LECT A LS . The syuntamiento, or the municipal ont, which BRB B AOR PI RTI TOBE BES ENED ID IANERE RSL R SPOOR ERD RRR IRE R RADE 11. gerela (ed.), Dooussntos Historicos, il, 340. was closost to the people made immediate preparations for taking an motive nart In the coming evert a. The big question wag, in which men or body of men did authority roast? ‘The vice roy was the ropresentative of the king but without a king there could be no representative, Ideas of populsr suthority grow and the fyensemionso of lexico City had the desire to represent all of New Spain. In the peninsulas sovereign power had beon taken over Ly the juntas wbose menbers ruled in the namo of the king but who also considored themselves fa repro. sontatives of the people. Sovereign power was a coveted prize in New Spaing the Spanierds wanted it as & symbol of the right to dominate, snd the party desiring independence wanted it es a pretext to hide their truo Sono There were a fow who hed already been sufficiently ime pressed by the modern idess of freodom mo thet they could laugh with Voltaire at vhet thoy had oreviously Coveranesds Among the most important leaders of the ‘mericen oloment were Francisco Primo Verdsd y Memos, Jusn Francisco de Ascfrate y Leseams, Fray lelchor de Telamentes, end Jacobo de Ville Urrutia, Verded | : had probably been influenced by the teachings of Paul Moreno, one of = firet to teach with sny froedom the new ideas of autiosiy, lie was a syndic of the municipal government, and wos characterised as veling a very well read man end as well RBBOVODIBBI LAB EBEOTOT IRN OB OREO IBN IRN EOOVOERBIIOI PEDRO POEDPRES hi Rive Falaeio (ed.), Mexzlgo, Ii, 40. . Sp - il, 490. de p EOL ALL Ph ee Sa el ; ag knew how to snpoal to him by flattery. Telemantes wes a isroaderian and @ native of Lima who hed come to Mexico on nis way to Spain,but hed lingered there for some time md finally accepted an office from the viceroy to gather material for determining the Texas boundary snd to make plans for doe pr fending it sgeinst the United States. le did form plans for the defense of the country. le was unusually bold in procleime ing his revolutionary idess for independence and in supporting "0 Villa Urrutis, an gldor of judge in Mexico, became ond of the steunch supporters of the ides of calling a general congress. Tho feature which distinguished this tionary group from the sarlier groups who had attempted upris- ings was the superior cuaniity of its leaders. They were men of experience and ebllity who made thelr plens with deliberation and. great core, Agoérate hed begun to pro jock e schemes for a provision. sl goverment but proceeded carefully to insure its sutoess. First he convinced lturrigeray of the unstable condition of the present government and thon he flattered him and appealed to hls vanity, giving him the Bape of reteining his office PPO- viding he supported the new plan. After the fall of Godoy FP PI a Bi GN SE Pda I WR by Iii, 309; Rive Palecio the vicoroy was no longer sure of very likely influenced him in supporting Noite.’ he atten then secured the aid of Verdad in getting the ayuntens i the resolutions vhich he hed drewn up to give to the visorsy. : The ayUHAR EY held a session on July 19 in which 16 decided to declare null the abdicatlions of the Spanish won, They requested the viceroy to keep his office es head of the gover end to rule in the neme of Ferdinand VII. They were planning to make their body supreme in the land 80 88 tO pro= pare for separation. In thelr representation they brought out the principle thet in the absence of the legitimate heirs to the throne the sovereignty rested in the various classes snd offieisls, especially in the higher tribunals, end in the ayunte smionto, meking 1% sopear thet the viceroy roteined his of fi- ectlal power only by being commissioned by thomaselves. This body gonsidered itself as having the right to apesk for the whole country since 1t represented the people and was the governing body of the capitol city. : Iturrigaray gave this representation to the reosl acusrdo on the same dey in which it was given to him. This group was the Alghest exscutive body in the lend next to the viceroy, end the oldor Aguirre did not hesitate to say that even the wiceroy could do little without it. In thelr report. Sh4vsscsceniansreiatadausansncargusesastanseassancsssencisuniss 21. Rive Polgoio ‘od. ), J LOR100, : Be Garcia (od.), Documg + Gonaro Gorele, Li Ei Lagan t Fe on sug 82 they eriticised the opinions of the Epunteniento, especially for assuming the right of epesking for the whoie country. They insisted that the conditions in Hesico had not altered and that the powers thet had been legitimately estobe © 11shed ought to Gontinue without changes A provisional body would wenken rother than streng hen the government and expose it to changes which were dangerous, and, furthermore, it wes not only illerel but also impolitie. This wae the beginning of thet long struggle betwoen the privileged Spaniards and the creoles or /mericans. The regidores of the mnieljnliey wore nearly all Amerie gangs who had inherited their offices, and these became the champions of the oreole element. ¥hile the French romained in Spein unchallenged tho colonisis hed en opportunity to dlscuss effeirs and prospects quite freoly snd there were many who pros eal the idea of independence in imitation of the United States. Among the suggostiohs for a new government was the one made July 15 by the ison] Vobledo and reseived by Willa Urrutia July 20, thet the infants Don Pedro of Portugnl, then in Brasil, should be called to Mexico to rule as regent. This proposition as well as Villa Uprutia's proposition for ealling a reprosents- tive junte wes opposed by the sguerdo. There was also an Tndian S548 E044242004000004044sataitattntBRttstassiscunsrasnsinsrenens 24, Garcia (ed.), Jogumentos | worices, 11, 57, 48. 25, Riva Palacio’ (8d.7, Nexi8o, IIT, 71. 26. Garcia (ed.), elite, 44, 302, 27. Podro of Port 1 #88 the sonein-law of Charles IV, 20, Riva Palacio a) Ops elt, Ili, 428. olaining direct descent from Hontosuma, who considered hime self a SuilNne candidate for the llexicen crown now that Spain had no king. Tho suspicions of the Buropean Spaniards wore aroused by the representation of the nto which hed been discussed by the viceroy and the ag They feared waa seorotly plotting for independence views. ‘The people began to support one or the other of the two groups, with most of them opposed to the The conflict of opinions soon stirred the inhebitente of New Spain outside of the capital. The two parties sent copies of their deliberations to the provinces where they wore discussed freely, creating considersble politicel interest. The people were greatly dis turbod over the ovents and oven went to the extent of holding popular meetings for discussions, but no decisions or plans of section were made. The importance of their meetings were in tho ects themselves which wore new end shish aroused a pope ular interost in pUATESS, It was seid that rumors geve rise to 8 great number of both probable and improbable predictions. Some spoke of indepondence, some of Iturrigarey becoming king, some proclaimed Fewiinend VII king, others predicted the ruln of ‘is vieureysity, sud si) others of religihos ‘The Fateh re Canceladn. Le Verded cab: i SES wi NE i SE ANG SR i of tho people was shaken and they d1d not know what to do nor where to turn. _® Some of the provinces sent messages to the viceroy to show their allegiance to Ferdinand VII end fidelity to the vicoroy. The mumicipality of Jalepa sent & commission to Iturrigarey to say thet the cltisens and the soldiers were in agreouent to defend thelr country snd their religion, and wille : ing to obey orders. This wes published in the Jasets, ond coming from 8 place whore Iturrigaray had many sympathisers and where there wns a large army the suspicions of the Spaniards vere increased, feering at tturrigerey might have awbitions to take the erown of New Spain. The Amoricens on the other hand asw in the opposition of the scueordo only en attempt to preserve lexlco for Spain vhatever dynasty mivht be ruling it. The viceroy was truly suszled, and 41d not know whether to submit to the Spamisrds or the Americans. If he supported the acuerdo and made no provision for self protection he might be replaced by e new viceroy sent by the Duke of Berg. if ho supperted the asyuntamiento he might + to resort to arms but would heave enough people ou his side. On July 29 the Gesete de lexico published @ special ode ition to inform the Hexicens of the heroic rewolt of the Spanish people to recover their royal Family end to defend them against the deceitful emperor of the French, This put a now phase on affairs and put a check to the inersosing ideas of independence. B2200043209% 23080 RANANE YS " AR Sa4aNBOI SYRIA Ana ELAR INYRAR REY tho jporiean party sew thotr plans dtsturbed snd the gained 9onfidence. The GUELUPSL of Srdent peteiotiam mud the | protestations of loyalty to Ferdinand VII were spontencous and universal. Celebrations were hold and in the large crowds the grost fraternised with the lowest, shouting, "long live Ferdinand VII} end "Death to Napoleon!” During the exelitewent of the news from Spain the sincere love for thelr monmrch led & group to form the "Volunteers of Perdinend VII" in which many of the MguBgra ‘of the Spenish covmsrelal Luaes wnltea fon the SotoGs i tion of their country end their king. They wore also informed of the formation of the juntas of Seville and Valenein, both claiming sovereign power snd adopting the title of supreme. | Thoy formed the national government and celled on ell Spaniards $0,100 datonte of Sole COULIY, The work for independence continued, however, although it wes done seerotly and with the greatest care because the people were too much attached to their king to be put to the trials The influential members of the party for independence, for so it might be cidled, decided to use the viceroy as a tool and to get him to esll & national junte which might exere cise the nationel sovereignty and sive o besis for the ides of independence, vhich, by making use of eoircumstences, would Lee come on accomplished fact, It is believed that the objoet of FPHBBVBOCIRVCI IBGE BCD BO IRI DELHI PROEIRI NPIL PRR OID EIGEN ERRR 36. Rive Palacio {ed.), iaxic III, 43 37. This as 3s origin group which Supuned Iturrigaray, ibid,, III, 43. 38. TArcia, Hi ad Shab of Antopente ae. ed a The doa of forwiig juntas was not ontirely a movel one The point of difference wes on thet of the necessity of calling one. The municipality referred to those formed in Spain as a precedent and in a second representation to the viceroy on August § they eu calling of & junte to act as a provision a with & notice on having resolved to call a renural Junta, saying that they should teke this step in imitetion of those at Seville and Valencia. | The yesl scuerdo gave their reply the following dey in woich they said toat thirteen of the fourteen membors present hed agreed that the should desist from meting in accordance with their proposal of July 19 for sstablisi ing a provisional government and that they should refrain from thelr proposal of fugust § to cell a junta, Their first reason for this stetemont was that they should walt until they wero cers tin sbout the loss of the throne by Ferdinand VII, and thet if he had lost it, the real scusrdo wes instructed in the matters for which they wanted the Justa ealled., They seid they wold never agree to the proposal for the formation of a junta. The fourteenth member considered the situation too grave to Le acted on hastily snd wanted more time for consideration ss well 2808s in, Higtenie Go Bolen 3. Ipaesszsevensstsesesssnentns 3s Alanén, 5d Sia A Serevnuiys Iturrigarey gave his opinion on the Junta the seme Sr He seid the idea was not a now one and that he had decided bo forehand on the necessity of such a step "for the stability of established authority, for the security of the kingdon the satisfaction of the inhabitants,” and other factors which might contribute to the organization of a provisional governs ment. Ho seid that it would show the world that they had not lost the power of sovereignty, and that he was doing only what iis lis josty would do were he there. They could act capeciale 1y in the case of pardons, an Socount of which they could give to the king on his roturn, and thoy could help to build up e strong defense for the country, snd assist in the royal service of navigation, commerce, and mining. Ho @dded that he needed the guidence of this body to assist him in urgent ceses which might occur. Phe governor of Pusbla wrote to the viceroy on August 8 to inform him of the conditions in his proviase and to request him to deaist from ¢alling # generel junta, The Indians in his province had refused to pay their tributes since thoy heard the news of the beyonne episode on June 1%. They could not seo why they should continue to pay tribute to the king since they had no king. | sraglriilensnsssnsnsacnsniasieunesnatssanansasntssesanenes ii:’dardia (ed.), s 46mdT, 42, Ibid., II, 29, 4%, TPid., 1, 49. A No Bing, SHC SA preserve the legitimate righte of the house of § : ~ Carvajal, one of the gidores, bettiag Soren the lack of nessssity ana tho cangers of onli ing a junta, ie said that the situation in Spain was quite aifferent since the junta there was composed of those who took part in the government with the king. Their purpose was to Mexico the conditions were not ns eriticsl end for any grave eircumstonces the resl seuerdo could be consulted. In case they found themeelves without a country, as well as without a king, then there might be some reason for calling a Juma, but even then they ought to 11m earofully the nseninl for discussion. On August 8 the real scugrdo agein gave its opinion on the ealling of a junta, They finally agreed to be present but under protest end they 8180 drew up a number of points to limit the power and scope of the proposed assembly. They affirmed with Carvajal thet the real scuondo was the body to be consulted for important affeirs. They would not be held responsible for any consoguences resulting from the meeting of the junta, nor would they depond on thet Junta for thelr suthore ity. They refused to consider any point which touched on the sovereignty of Ferdinend VII, end wented the junta at Seville to be recognised as supreme. All their provisions were to be read before they would consent to go on with eny deliberations. HOEY OVIR GEIB RIO OPEB RVI BRIVIS BRP RRR IVD OR PEDRO ORE RB INE ABBR NR 44. Garein {ed.), LOC i on Se a SS a They sald thet their opinions were given beceuse they wore Toe quired by lew and not boesause they doubted the "Rat idol ity, and morits of sll persons to meot in the junta,” hn It would seem from the menifestetions of the poople ope posed to the junta that such a meoting was not entirely neces sary. The conditions in Spain were quite different from those in Hexlieo and 8 junta seamed more appropriate there. The vice fy Wis We Joukh tuing We isass whith us Snug Wa bs ; most likely to socwre his own positions In his support of a gen~ “ orel junta he A444 not know thet he was merely & tool of men 4 who had deeper plans than those which appeared on the surince. The importence of the junta was not in the meeting itself but in the ulterior motives for which 1t wes called, and because it was considered the first definite stop towards independence. Iturrigarey probably 44d not know what course to follow when he decided to ¢all the junta, but with his limited ability end venity the conflicting opinions Ram have suggested to him the idee of founding a Mexican dynasty. Such an idea by Zarate is probably a mere conjecture because Iturrigaray gave no opon evidence of disloyalty. Alsmén thinks that the oldores of the sudlencia saw that the calling of the junta was setting the basis for independence, although under the title of provisional govornl wd union She. probunt of the sus CIrCunstIS, 8000000 a0000Nn 0N0tNNNNII0astaAIIRIIELItINNRIRL tsa sRtaIntS do. 7iv Pereeic’ (SH) Hy Stus5: “ Te § Nasu 3C 47, Iold,, 11, 44etd ‘he position of the people in New Spain wes extremes ly difficult. Spain had vocoived a king from France before without much danger to the empire but now there was no need for calling in e foreign rulers ‘hile the fate of Spain ree mained undertain the people in Hexico would be divided as to the policy to bo pursued. Thore was naturelly a large number who would encourage independence to prevent thelr falling under the control of Napoleon. Others vould use this excuse merely a8 a pretext for advoesting independence. In order to understand the problems of the Herxicen officials it will be necessary to consider Napoleon's colonial policy after his tnvesion of Spmin, This wes of course left largely to the imaginations of the liexicans but their fears were justified. On April 18, 1808, Napoleon wrote to the minister of the interior to roquest him to establish and encourage colon iel trede with Spanish America, He suggested that commercial compenies be organized at the leading French ports and offered thon government subsidics. Special boats were o be built for this trade. He was aware of the fect that the French might not be received with favor but hoped to counteract this by sending agents to America to prepare the inhabitenss for the inevitable. The agents were to make thomselves femiliap with the chenges taking place in Spain snd then show the cole onists thet these were to thelr advantage. It 1s na certain PBB IBEAUI IRD I ODP OBRRENOVEGE : [] AF 85 Tr] Liha ¢ a 5 kn “160° {30 vols... Paris, 1866 "en 32 vols,., Peris, 18686), \ when he firet sent agents to Auorics but on April 25 ho wrote to vico-adniral Deeres and seid thet he supposed ho had sent egonts to Mexico and to Montevideo but urged him to send ade ditional ones. One of these agents, Octevisno D'Alvimar, attrectod considerable attention In Uexico. His passport wes dated November 27, 1807 at Durdeos which shows thet he was sent bo fore the invasion of Spain, D'Alvimar, also nown as "Genore 81 Alvine” wes o relative of Le Clere, end a man of considere able experience bush in Hurope and Spanish America, He had been with Le Clere in his unsuccesaful expedition to Santo Domingo. He had also been in Caracas and Havens as well as SSBer Spanish AasplSun senters ia un effort Yo gb ald for Le Clerc's expedition. In the spring of 1808 he ceme to Philsdelphia where he had @ conforence with genorsl Noreen before continuing his journey to Hexico. Vidal, the Spanish vicewconsul was informed by ¥ilkinson end Claiborne of his presence snd wrote to the viceroy of lexico of his proposed visit. He described him as being "a mem of talent, high entore prise, with no morality; cruel, and with his apparent end assumed affebility, capeble of insinuating himself into the hearts of the most imperturbable and of playing upon the ignore ent at lt." Rio saesssans sttessunbtissses sus yensasanansenssnsey tus Ho was evidently worthy of the confidence of Bonaparte and wall fitted for his tesk. At Baton Rouge he was treated kindly by Opand Pré who was soon to regret his hospitelity. D'Alvimer wes even given a bout to go up the Red River on his way to the Provineiess Intornas, On August 5, 1808 D'Alvimar was arrested st Nacodoches end teken to Monclove where he attempted to escape but was ree captured, He was ordered to be taken to the castle of Perote unless his papers rave resson for some other provision. The examination of these papors did not lead to any clue as to his real purpose. They seomed to Indlieate that he was merely an adventurer or soldier of fortune, Dut he was suspected of boe ing one of Napoleon's agonte., He wrote four lettors while he wos 8 prisoner, one was addressed to Hapoleon to inform him of his whereabouts, and the rest referred to his trunks. On opening one of his trunks ot Baton Rouge 1t was found to contain some French mirores, a copy of Machiavelli and a treatise on the art of war, Vhen he passed through Dolores ns a prisoner he wes sald to have had some -onversstion with Hidalgo, The latter in his trial declared that their conversation had been only Shout sagunl whingd, snd this in the presence of several pore sons. D'Alvicer was taken to San Juan de Ulua where his money SBP IBBBDNSRAVBBERBRRII REHAB BROIO RB EOD Ls FIERA P EIT RI FIBERS GIES Ode Cox, fost Florida Controversy, Jd. and Jowolsy wero taken sway from his, After he hed been sent Soe mv Tg ese he eit fester ceived orders from Spain to sentence him. support and urged Deerds to send "briggs, galleons, end fede gatos" to Spanish Amoricn. Napoleon feared thet the colone ists might take adventage of the disturbed conditions in the Peninsule to "deprive Turope forever of the advantages attached to their PDS” He also intimated thet there was noed for a strong monarch, He wented the Spanish Americans to be informed of sll these events and continued to urge Decrés to send boats with arms and a large number of letters snd docu ments of 3atvrmbiod These were to be sent particularly to La “lata and Mexico. Six light and fast Vessels Ghewid be built especially for communication with the colonies. Junot, too, was urged to arrange for sending six boats to Spanish American, three to © to Vera Crus. The boats were to leave days spart end cach wes to contain letters for the vice roy. On lay 22 The Duke of “erg wes instructed to s:nounce at ladrid that gix ships had slready left French ports with Bese At tung isus in rsniasssdnu lige ysssqssaans HABER BBET eR BIBREN . IN » | mento, 111,201, In 1882 he returned to Hox100 snd’ e Faye e lerge sum for his confiscated property. He nlso requested that Iturbide meke him s Liecutenent Cole Havozomm to Dograe, Apel A | 69. LD10ye 5 ng 60. AS 7! xvi, 110-111. Gl. Lida ha gy XVIX # 104. 62, Napoleon to Junot, lay 15, 1808, ibid., XVII, 187. letters, proclamations, = instructions fon the Spanish authorities in Amerie, The colonists were to be informed that everything wes to thelr adventage since they no longer ‘head saything to fear from France. Purthemuore, Shey vould Pew ¢oive protection mgainst Ingland, But the Nexlosud 414 uot tvust the Prenth and woud less Napoleon, Every boat thet ocsme from Spain was eavefully watched to prevent any section of Napolson's agents. In August 1508, the Gageta stated that large loans had been meds by the agents of Napoleon from the Bank of France to be used in wine ning over the civil and military suthorities of Nokes There was probably & greater op ositicn in Mexico then Napoleon axe pected and the agents would find thelr task extremely difficult. Napoleon certainly did not intend to leave the colon ial administration without chenges. He wrote to Gregorio de la Susats on Noy 25. requesting hin to sGcapt She of fice of viceroy of Hoxico in order to secure it for the motherlend end avold the bed effects which might result from discontent with the present government. In other words, he wanted a vice= roy of his own sppointment to prevent the independence of Mexico. ‘ With this in mind we can better sppreciste the difficult posi- tion of Iturrigeray. On the dey efter writing to Guests, Napoleon addressed Ne op rer tg ue te 83. Anpoleon to Berg, OPO 8 DOTHAE Ci : 4% 1,167. 64, Gazeta de Mexico, tomy 1808, XV. bid., Avil, 237. CARAS Ne a Tt a09lxe AREER INANE RIE INNIS EIEN INEERE IRENE IIRE NIE IS RY 8 long letter to the Duke of Berg telling him of the appointe ment. The latter should prepare the patents and comsissions both for the viceroy and three or four colonels, brigediers, or field marshalls. The Duke had eppointed a field marshall for Vapas Cruz before this time but Nepoleon told him thet "he was on officer without any merit end had geined his renk with money." He was also ordered to prepsre the frigate Flor: et Cediz to earry the viceroy to Mexico, and in sddition to this he should prepare despatch boats in the small ports bo tween Codiz and Portugal from whenoe they could easily leave for America. The Floss was to be Prepared with 3000 gung snd other things necessary for Mexico, Napoleon urged haste above everything else because "America needs aid." He wanted to send officials, guns, boats, end proclemations to got possession of liexico before it wes too late, Dut Cuesta “14 sou 3SCept besmuse of poor hesith, acevzdiag Yo bis Sngwer to Napoleon. The Buperor then requested him to name some other person in the ary, not: over f17%y Youre 014.01 Shout f17%y, who would be strong enough to hold the position. Bapoleon's plans to become mastor of Mexico are evident and justifies the fears of the Americans, But Spein proved to be the most difficult obstacle that Nepoleon hed encountered | in Purope. Bvon his onders were not sarvied out. The difficulties (I, 246-248, of building ships as repldly es Napoleon ardeved them had been too great for the Minister of Marine and he hed felled to comply with the orders. But he must have been thoroughe to & God, for which Napoleon kindly excused him, as well as for his neglect to send any boats to America; but he added that if he hed had o Minister of Merine with eny sense he would have hed forty bosts resdy. As it wes Napoleon hed gent the only three boats whieh had been dispatched. Ho hed elso mentioned that the sending of rifles end 5 pistols to America was hs best way in which to prepare the colonists tO resist Englend., He might well make this state ment since Wellesley hed made complete plems for an expedie tion to liexico and wes easonbling en army at Cork. While lepoleon was preparing to arm the colonists agninst the Brite ish, the latter were preparing to support their indopendence to prevent them from falling into the hands of Napoleon ss Spain "a. This hed been the policy of Fngland since 1798. lip, Pavie, vhom the British hed detained in 1805 on account of his Imowledge of Wexico, was now to be omployed together with Mp, ¥11iemson in preparing the Spanish colonies to accept BABAR EDB OFS FHI A AIRE B CI AB PET I RDN EPA ABS BIE BEER EN ERINNE NORA 60. Ln gt je asres, . bo. 22, 1008, ] 2 XVI TH Toy Yon be considered now was Cubs, both for ite wenlth and its strategic position, Lord Castlereagh to the Duke of lianchester, Jume 4, 1808, Castlevesgh, Correspon VI, 364-368. a SSS S810h protection against Napoleon. The occasion for active itish eid was at hand, end Uirands called 16 "grand mda vidential opportunity. But he resiiged thet they would have to met there before the en-my won the colonies by “some ? and Napoleon was urging the seme haste to ‘oreatall the British. By June 1, 1808, Wellesley was making arrangements for the depsrture of his troops from Cork. But he hed now been instructed to consider an attack on Spain, and if this falled to send the combined forces to the West Indies where they woula progeod to liberate the Spanish colonies in the Guif of lexico. The 8,000 troops et Cork should unite with those of Generel Spencer near “edis, end those of General Provost st Helifex, making en expoiition of nearly 17,000 men which would ‘be necessary for the atmsck on lew Spain. Vhen lord Nelville heard that the expedition at Oork was to make & preliminary move to Spain he sddressed 2 letter to lord Castlereagh in which he expressed some doubt ss to the advisability of the plan, He did not think the Spaniards sould meke an effective ‘resistence, snd the of fort would only sndenger the British ‘troops. But in reference to the other project he said: " I ASR dasatesniausazous ean savas PISCE BOP BOVIS VRB IE OVOG NEBR 441 4 There wes also a suggestion to send dobasimmntia to ia Plata and Varacds wnlch would later unite with jis on Sorne in the Gulf sexico, Wellington, Su am very ssnguine in my expectations of success in effecting a separation of Spenish America from the mother country.” if he wore to decide "whore the most beneficial exortions could be made,” ho seid,hd "should be obliged to decide in favour of an attack on the province of Mexico," although the ProparStory steps could be at Mobile, Pensacola, or Now Orleans. On the very dey that lord Helville wrote this letter to Castleresgh, June 8, sn event occurred which changed the | British policy and deprived Mexico of the ald which England } wa resdy to send her. This event was the arrival tn,_Lonaon of two comnrissioners from the junta of Asturias at Oviedo, who informed the British government that they had taken up arms against the Invease and ssked the British for aid in their struzgle ageinst liapoleon. Any opportunity to strike 2 blow at Hapoleon was geortain to win favor in England, snd four days after their arrival in London, the commissioners were assured of Sritish assistance. lir. Sheridan gave an excellent plea for the Asturiens in Perliisment on Juno 153 he wanted the government to tesse "filching suger islends” and devote itself to one mighty project end resgue the world. The province of Geldcia as well ss the junta of Seville sent ropresentetives S404SENCHoRURNLAQERET HHS ESRN UNBAN URRS TAG RUARYNTIY IRAN ER YY 78. The declaration of the junta was made lay 25, 1808, printed in Castlorengh, op. elf, VI, 363-364, 70. Ya. 8. Robertson, " and the Spanish Colonies; in English SE eae Review, XXII (1916), 576. 80. Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, XI, 887-888. gh LAR i fg z ; g'bqoeneld JOB the plan to liberate Mexico was again postponed or given wp sccording to the future success of the Peninsular var, i While the French hmperor and the ritish were plotting against one another with Spanish Americe as a pawn, the people of Mexico had been left almost helpless. The viceroy did nob ¥mow which policy to pursue. He lacked initietive snd dared not assume independent leadership, nor did he went to submit to the oldores whose prime interest was to maintain their privileged positions. He did not know the intentions of the French end British so that he wes almost forced to rely on ‘the inhabitents of Mexico for guidance, snd in accordance with this he called the junta for August 9. | $4420 E4S ILE UEIIaTRRRLASI LINES Jase Nt RENAN S DRI NE SES 81. Robertson, in | Is 678, 508. On the 9th of fugust the motley assembly met in the principal hell of the viceregel palace of Mexico. iightye two peraons of various grades md positions were nssenbled for this unususl occesions The viceroy wes seated under 8 | eanopys on his right wore the glidores snd the fisculess on his left the rogldorves, syndics of the ayuntacionto, erche bishop Lizenn, the canons, snd the inquisitors; and in the rest of the room, vhich wns the main part of the palace, were the members of the financial tribunal, those of the consul, - various chiefs of office, important citizens, deputies from the syuntemlentos 9F«Jalapn, elerks, friars, and governors from San Jusn and Santiago. Uf this heterogeneous group only the members of the sudiencia had been informed in ig official swmons of the subjects which might Le considered. But oach group knew bee forehand the opinion of the othor and coach suspected the ine tentions gt the other, making it very difficult to got harmone ious action. Furthermore, the junta itself was such @ novel idem thet it was difficult to keep order, and the conflicting opinions resulted in general confusion, The viceroy opened the session by telling why the §He2.sansaseritsssnn.sasnssasenasarntontnsanansnsususeeateny 1s Riva Palacio (ed.), Mexieo, y lors 5, 111, 314. Le Ioides Ill, 45 Sa Alamén, 5 fate junte had been celled. He sald it wes to look after tho dee fonse of the kingdom due to the eriticel position in hich Spain found hersslf, ed that it had been done mecording to the ardent desires snd manifestations of various individuals and respectable organizations, This was followed by the rend. ing of the representations of the ayn opinions of the acuerdo. The syndic, Verdad, took the floor and snta that owing to the disturbed conditions in Spain the people, origin and source of sovereignty, ought to assume it in order to de posit it in a provisional government to £111 the interval Ging the sbosnos of the king. This was en extremely bold statement and could not go wchallenged. Sush an hsalute ato and of the proposition nad never been heard openly in liexico before and oidores had reason to be alarmed. Verded based his propo sition on the lav of the Partides which provided for a provision nl government in She sbeunce oF minurity of the King te be vested in the nation represented by the cortes, This was in ~ esse there had been no provisions made for a regency, The provisions] government was to provide for the maintenance of the viceroyalty and for defense ageinst foreign agsression. In elosing he proposed that they swear loyalty to the king of Spain end the Indies, FPerdinemd VII, end that they refuse to LEASE EE EEE EE EEE RE ER REE REET ER EERE EEE RR ER ER RE REE ER ERR RE REE EEE 4é. Ho cited several authorities for this en 1 include ing Puffendorf, Garelia, El Flan de indopendencia, 21. Bs ora, Mejico, iil, 314; WIVA Palacio lod.), lexleo, 1il, 8s Rivers y Caubss, los ( 8 de Hoxmieco, 1, 541. 7. Riva Palacio (od. ® cit Partidas were the codificetion of Spenieh Ro oe Boi in 1266. Sotomite Say NORE Whe wes. Sot. of ths Hovgun Bouse o Among the most ardent onpoments of Verded wes the inquisitor, Bernardo de Frade y Obajero, 8 coarse and heughty man, who without giving any rossons said with the arrogance end rudeness of which he was quite capable Sms the idea of populer sovereignty was an heretical doctrine, and that it was denounced by the church. Verdad had not expected such a severe attack end when he was csked by the gidor Aguirre who were the poople to whom sovereignty bad fallen, his mswor wag, the cetablished authoritées. The olidores made use of their advantage end said that this could never be celled the people, The three fisceles, Prancosco Xavier Borben, Ambrosio de Segarzurieta, snd Francisco Robledo, werc the next to ate They said thet the legit imate suthorities were functioning so why should thoy nake dangerous changes. Again they showed that the need for a junta in Spain was much grester than in Mexico, Furthermore, they “eould not establish new suthorities since the king could not approve them, so as to make them valid and he hed already ape proved those which were in existence. Robledo, the fiscal of finance, said, “Ve are subject to the metropolis; whoover come mands in 4¢ with legitimate suthority, should govern us, and no other system is permitted us.” He also insisted that the laws of the Indies had mede auple provision for these unusual SHANSLANARIINAIANINNNILINARGMARILEILAARNNUSALETINILERLL ERA Be Riva Poalecio (ed.), Hla Iii, 46. Alanmén, 10 161100, I, 106y 1 Worse, Tollco Iiip S15) Rive Felsoto (ed.), desica, 111,46. 10. lors, cite, a aro circumstances and that the real acuerdo was the body to be consulted in the present situation. He ended with e request directed to the viceroy thet no changes bo at During the debate it beceme evident that the viceroy archbishop made sone remark about the discussions being withe out end, intimeting thet they ought to be checked, the viceroy replied that each one had the liberty of saying whatever he Wished, wna way 32 whe Junta scemed long 58 him he could leave 1t end 70 home. Such statements only increased the lack of confidence in which Iturrigavay was already held by the Spanish party. The struggle between him snd the sudiencis was now firmly established. Une of the vital pointa for debate was on the recoge nition of eny suthority in Spain. The viceroy even asked about the recognition of luret, in snswer 50 which many in the assembly shouted, "No, senor] No, senor!” Both the acuerdo snd the syuntsmionto hed agreed in July to recognise no suthority except of the Sourbon line, The viceroy said g was the first o ganization to manifest il. Rive Feiseio 109.1» Ho os 111, 46. The fiscales drow up 8 statement of the of Sugans 94 90 the 4th oF DeGdne bor, oy voforred to tho prined of Rousseau in the gianl and of the i1dess of MHontosque and similar ophors seying that their ideas for liberty snd indeoe pendence would destroy religion, the state, the throne, end ell propeleys and, that the establishment or equality was a chimeriecal vio: oo Bg Bein Bae ny 1 an oxnuple. Sareis Li i. » eumentos Historicos, IX,100. sadly end secretly until they saw thet conditions had improved and then they ceme out boldly. The Puropoan party or Spaniards wanted to rogognise the supreme junta of Seville but the viceroy was firmly ope | posed to it, It mas finally agreed that they would not recog nise any juntas ns supreme oxcept those which wero insugureted, established, end ratified by Ha Ustholdo lajesty, Ferdinand VII, or by those who might have legitimate powers. They ell agreed to recognise Ferdinand VII ss the legitimate king of Spain and the Indies. | The reasons for the loyalty to Ferdinand VII were es diverse as the groups thomseolves, and the outfard form hid a number of secret aspirations, The dexicams hid thelr real ine tentions under the name of the king, the Suropesns wanted to preserve New Spain for Ferdinend Vii, and to preserve their own offices; while the viceroy, thinking thet there was little chance for Ferdinand to return from France, made himself free from 211 Puropean suthority, retained his office, and gained ra eR Np EA yet Uv lio minutes were kept of the proceedings but they were later written by the secretary of the viceroy, lanuel Velasquez de lLeom,to sult Iturrigaray's idess., The decisions or conclu sions of the junta of August 9 were then, to take the oath of FVII BEE B OID UREN PERG SGI IDI RI PAB OIEROBIBBBRIBIU Pr DAE RS 14, Riva Pelscio (ed.), Hexieco, III, 47. TR LS) Ch Fo eo oN Et Ben 0 allegiance to Ferdinand VII end to recognize no other line of kings, to wecognise no French suthority, nor any junta not gaining its euthority from the king, to accept the viceroy es the reprosentative of the king, end to allow the sudiencia and other established official D3diee to continue with their full authority and without change. The immediate result of the junte wes to meke the party lines more distinct, and it increased the enimosity between Lo the two groups. It eae also considered the foundation or the first step of independence of the colonies, The Mexicans hoe gen from then on to work for a sogial stete which would be more advantageous to themselves in opposition to their former meste ers. Vhatever ideas of independenge they held were velled by 8 recognition of Fordioam VII and thelr acts were disguised by the name “provisional”, The viceroy found himeelf in the midet of these parties not knowing which way to turn now what decision to make, nor for whom he ought to declare himself, He was at best merely an opportunist. It wes dangerous fo declare himself for France when triumph in Spain scomed cortein. For him it was equelly dangerous to support the insurgents of Spain since he was the ereature of Godoye It seomed most advantageous to him to supe port the Mexican party. He had less to fear from them and by giving them concessions and offices, afd by protecting their Jisvaserisesnyessatinatosarsossnsvtstotissanteunanasasaresnse 15. Aleman, distoris iédico, 1, 206-200, A summary of this junte 1s given DY dele ny po oiadny | Condug QLCE Jo tio — lofioy pe . A. i : Arey Surente ou Cand Gy 5 5 lp Gomi 16. Riva oes Ted. Ys ad, 111, 47. ema ih od a i : SER ? val 3 : sause he had hoped to retain his office, at lesst for a long time. For personal motives and not for sincerity of convice tions did he favor the Mexican party. Fortunately for him he Saver ak Sow ctytin-see 3 Sos vasotesiany Steg shich saved him in his trial later. The viGteay puiiiehed ‘a zepary ef the junta in the gageta on A... ®1e, also requesting o gn celebration for the next dey to make an official proclametion to the people. Ho stated that he wished to satisfy the expectations of the people on the pasults of the junta since the loyel sentiments they had shown the king snd the metropolis had been so gener ous. That there were conflicting views is sven Ly the notes attributed to Talemantes which had been added to the document. The first comment was that the menifeststions would heave been more loyel had the people been satisfied with the government. Speaking of the acclamstions for Ferdinand VII, theo note mentioned that it would have been better had thoy settled the quostion of the legitimecy of Ferdinand VII to the throne before proceeding with the proclametion, and this could have boon settled wore emssily in America than in Spein. The procla- mation spoke of the sllegisnce to the king and of recognising only the Bourbon line, asking the inmhebitants to "rest in the A ad Ls!" LY 1 Stabs neu sunt nne in the security of the fatherland,” The note added that this ves not the time for rest but for excessive work for the sours ity of the country and its organisation. Commenting on the i Poquest to guard the country $t asked that one might hope from a person (Iturrigarey) who until now hed guarded over his own interests end not over those of the kingdom and its orgeniste tion, who had no other law than his own caprice, who had cone w sulted only his own diversions and position, looking with ine aifference on the public administration. Could the people have confidence in his promises, end could they not justly fear -one who had shown so much affection for gold? Referring to the various branches of government the note sayd that the viceroy and audiencia had no authority over foreign affairs such as allisnces and correspondence. Iturrigerey declered thet they could hope for nothing from any power exéept that of Ferdinand VII end that no junta would be recognised which wes not insugureted by the king or his imediate representative. Those who were legitimately authore ised would Le given obedience sccording to the laws and royal docrees. The note added that since thé royal family was ime prisoned with little hope of returning the viceroy was independ When Iturrigaray spoke of the necessity for careful i deliberation snd meditation which his office ns viceroy dee mended, the comment was thet having no king there could be no i hen Fa AL viceroy (vicesking); “there 1s no agent without ® constituents the service of the bishop cesses when ho has no diocese.” Since : the king no longer commended in Spein, Iturrigerey could no longer call himself viceroy. If he hed any suthority it could not be enything else but thet which the people grantod hip end es the people were not king, he who ruled by the consent of the people could net call himself yigewoy. Iturrigevey wes sie so accused of withholding informetion and royal orders which might be harmful to him, The roading of the proviamevion vas followed by ‘nes days of ceremony and celebration, Coins end medels were struck with a new effigy of Ferdinand VII. On the last day of the celebration a hented quarrel between some Spanish membors of a commercial house snd some ponsenta was followed Ly the firing of a fow shots resulting in the death of two men. This hes boon considered as the Firet Hood to be shed in the long struggle for independence. The problemation had not been received with universel approval, Sims so lorie intl wekbbony ud they aaldithoy Hed nottond he goneral disapproval vanlivsed by gestures, actions, snd MOO ments of those who heard it, The viceroy hed the acts of the junta sent to the provinces. The intendant, Riaho, of Guanajuato susponded the A TY, BD Rima Faiacie lod.) Eonaon, Ii adteersiturrsre Iter, ed.), Hexleo, Iii, 50. + Riva Palacio 21. 28. 23 circulation of the document to the tame oericiass, end ine formed the viceroy of the bad effect whieh he thought the words of the proclamation would produce. He was n favor of retain ing a sort of union with the juntas of spat bs The cities of Puebla, Gusdslajare, end Cueretaro were also ‘opposed to the vicewoy's on. Thus the proclamation wan not getting the support he had hoped for and the provines seemed to be teking the side of the European party. 3 8 j On the 20th of August Iturrigeray ore to the junta of Seville as well as to those of Valencia ent Zaragess stating that New Spain was willing to help the metropolis ta its strug- gle against Napoleon and he also i tbat ne , assumed the sovereign authority in that colony. \ a \ The Inquisition used its authority to condemn the ideas which were being spread about and which haa been wani- fested by the junta on the "sovereianty of the people” \Sueh i ideas were considered heretical. The ve reecutions only le to widen the breach between the two parties and the avuss af one another c¢rested unrest and lack of conf1dente in the cape 3 itol. The revolutionary party was becoming note bold and bo= gan to formulate plans for a national congress. Talamantes had even circulated copies of his plans for o congress ri given one of these to the fiscal Zagarsurieta, The latter who ech doth dba ho cnet cid de dnd da ch edb ad i 25. Alamén, Historia do Uélico, I az, Intondants letter bo gaTay In Docunentos Historic (rons (sd.1; ih 70. 24. Riva Pazacid (oT. exico on B 256. Garcia {ed.) ? Af . 26. Alaman, op. Ci 111, 50. { f ) | ) I aT vas decidedly opposed to such a plen vented 1te author brought : before the Inquisition. In an article on the subjeets for consideration and tho duties of a national congress Talemantes outlined thirteen suggestions, He wanted to change the office of viceroy to cape toinegeneral and then £111 #211 the vacent offices, whether civil or ecclesiestiec. He proposed thet the Inquisition should be divested of civil suthority end that its spiritual authority be subjecttd to the metropolitan. Europeen mall was to be censored. lie would abolish all entailed estates, chaplaincles, end any other pensions belonging to individuals in Bwrope including the estate of the family of Valle. The congress should abolish all ecolesiantiosl aids end covtributions with a few exceptions In eddition to other sovernmentel functions he suggested that ongress name an ambassador to go to the United States to treat for sn alliance and esi for ald. He wanted to reserve for the lest session the question of the succession of the erown of Spain and the Indies, becruse he did not wish to consider it during the excitement from the news sbout the revolt of the Speninrds, i This lengthy outline gives an idea of the thoughts and opinions of the American party. These 1deas wero not . galigea3 ly given openly snd Talsmentes mentions in enothor of his pepors that the Congress should be called seeretly, that they BERANE EEN OEP ERNE S RINGER REIN RRENNP I 0RINIERORERIIRTIRS 2 » Alamén , SLE a WG 0a Ls 214. # Dak a WODan [BC a 5 20. wp 4p Appendix No. 9, 35. .. a Lb should not protend to meke elootions of representatives of the people so as to keep the people enlm and peaceful. He did not want them to use any systom resembling thet of the French Revolution which would only serve as a dsquioting element and alarm the metropolis. Talementes wrote sovere al pamphlets of similar import end eireulated them among the On August 29 a report had been published announcing the arrival of two commissioners, Colonel Manuel odo Jaurogul and Juen Jabat, from the supreme juntas of Seville. They had come to get the oath of allegiance to Ferdinand VII end the recognition of the junta im Seville. In addition to this they asked for 100,000 pesos. The viceroy informed them of the action of the previous junta but said he would call euother to consider their requests. The second junta was ondied Tor August ois The commissioners rave thelr report before this body and told how nobly the Spanish people had risen up in defense of thelr country end how they could achieve a splendid vietory over the French if they were helped by the colonies. They said that the directing forge was the junta of Seville and thet the others had already recognised 1t « if any had not it was due to distance ond difficulty of communication. They concluded by urging ell those present to recognise it as supreme Lesasusssunsanesunshasudyn BEBAERSNEINBEIVNRIIORIUBIBEILDONEIRUDS : over Spain and the Indies and them they retired in order te give greator freedom to the discussion, parties had oanch followed ite own line of thinking end they doe eidod to retein the opinions whlch they had sdopted, The pidor Aguirre proposed to recognise the junta of Seville as supreme ovor finance snd militery affairs. To this the Marques de San Jusn de Reyas, 8 militery leader, affirmed thet sovereignty was indivisible. 8 recalled thelr former resolution to refuse to rocognise any junte ne supreme which was not authore ized by Ferdinand VII and that the one of Seville could not give this proof. Jacobo Villa Urrutie of the syuntemionto ope posed the junta of Seville end considered its pretentions to suprenscy to be groundless. He proposed that the viceroy call an assembly of deputies of Hew Spain, resembling the ancient corteas, with the purpose of installing a government, and that in the meanwhile, he might form another provisional povernmsent which could provide for current necessities. This body could propose to him and consult with him on importent measures. His proposition was received favorably by most of the g end a fow others but the me jority adopted the opinion of Aguirre. That seme night after the junta of August 31, Iturrie garay received a letter from the commissioners of Oviedo who BAPE ADUD ISSUE NISC B NOB OB IBGE RNR IEINBERB ENP IRON PERRIBERRIRED 32, Riva Palacio {ed.,), Nez160s 111, 51. 4%. idem. For Su4 Views of | Who aluérds = 800 Cascazall, 0 who had gone to Bglend to sock °1d against France and pence with England. The letter told about the state of the war, that they had been well vocoived in England, and esked for financial aid to carry on the war with Prance. The viceroy then celled | "nother Junta Sor SepGumber 1 86 4 o'clock in the aftornoon to consider this newa., Iturrigarey informed the sssombly of the news ho had received from the junta of Asturies at Oviedo whieh ned also claimed sovereigh power. Ie considored this ss proof of the snorchy in Spain and a reason vhy one junta should not be redognised sbove another. This report embasressed the Puro pean party, which hed triumphed the day before. It was proposed that, for the present, they should postpone the recognition in hopes of getting news which would show improved conditions in Spain, Aguirre and Batoller sustained their opinions of the previous day. Aguirre seid that the junta of Seville wes the only one which had adopted the title of "Suprema de Espme o indias". Hany, however, considered that it had merely taken this title arbitrarily and hoped in this manner to establish its” right of supronmscy. | he viceroy put aa dad to RS d3sGuSBlON BY WING TI understood that he considered ali the juntas only as conferences. Toe two commissioners were informed of the decisions and were BSR NANA E INNER Rae REINtANRRL. SHER RIRNIIERIOIAL ERLE 3a iigote de Zemmcols, H vi 3 hc 35. avoid (od.), told that since they had comrleted their work they might return to Spain in the same boat in which they arrived or wait for another. I The high handed msnner of closing the discussion hed been emphasized by the final remark of Iturrigersy. The fiscal Borbon had sald to him that he wes the supreme suthority in the lend since he wes the king's representative. In answer to this the viceroy said, "Very well, then, if I am governor and captain-general of the country, each one of you keep your post end do not be surprised if I teke preceutions with one or more ef a The oidors thought this referred to them and involved 2 threat which he intended to carry out. On the seme dsy he also sent out a eell to the gayunta- lent of the provinces to name persons to represent them in Mexico. This was eccnsldered by Aguirre and Bataller os well a8 by the other Europeans as & clear proof that Iturrigaray was trying. te crecte a government which in no way depended upon thet of Spain. They were convinced now thet only extreme measg- ures could prevent the fulfillment of his project. On September £ he requested those who had been present at the last two Jjuntes to prepare written opinions on theas, two meetings in order that he might better formulate his plans. REP IB REFERED IER B IPO BEI COIR PRD TROD ER BERD AREER ERE OIA PEDO REDO ELER 38. Riva Palacio (ed.), Mexico, III, 52, Zamacols liistoris de Kelico, VI, 43. An official letter gives the dete lor this order as Sept. 4, 1808. Gereia (ed.), Documentos Histori- eos, II, 101. 39. Zamacols, ibld., VI, 44. 40. Garcia (ed), Se el "yp 11, 74 41. Zemacois, OD. sep Vi, 44. 42, Garcia (ed. 9 op. cit., 11, 76. He also asked the acuerdo for thelr opinion on the method by wnich the people of the viceroyelty should be represented in the general congress which was to be hold. He did not know other 1% Ws necessary to have all the deputies of the sent or if it would be enough to have Suasy sive thelr powers to the heads of the respective provinces. Advice on se foundation of a national congress, Bte tributed to Talpmentes, states thet this being the first cone 01 principles of society and not be molested with trifles which did not sppear pertinent to thelr action. Such a procedure wag doomed necessary in order to remove the obstacles which might hindor the calling of a national congress, "nd when the congress was slready formed 1t should esteblish the rules to govern such matters in the future. The second part of this paper was clearly rovolutione ary in tone. It stated thet the time was drawing near for this country to become independent and that the congress which was being formed should bring with it the seed or origin of this independence, on independence that would be so firmly established that 1% could sustain itself without difficulty and without the flow of blood. The ay 10s ought to be left in possession of their populer representation, end they should avoid the use of any system rapembling that of the French Revolution. FLeesveeisateieisetsssasasesonsusansensensseas Hd + Gareis §38- | Poounentos golonies,” which was dedicated to the syustanient Meleamatos drew up twelve oases fn whigh the colonies sould legitimately soparate from the metropolis. All these onsos were boged on oxisting conditions. Iturrigeray might not have known the plmng of the American party but such literature as the above loaves little doubt as to their object for calle ing & genorel congress. Fron this tine on up to the deposition of Iturrigerey Yho purstoipudts of the former juntas continued to give thelr written opinions as requested by the viceroy. Whe peal scuords sleo drew wp @ iel letter, supposedly to the junte of Seville, in which it criticised the eelling of a congress snd asked Wilt the recipiont admonish the viceroy ageinet taling this step. lows were quoted to show when it should bo neces sary to call 2 congress but seid thet although such a lew hed some smelogy to the convocation meditated by the viceroy it wes not the one which should govern the conse this time, since the laws of the Indies disposed of the matter in another way. The lew which was cited stated that the vicoroy nlone provided for and determined tho materials of government end thelr juris dictiony but thet it would be well thet he always consulted the gguerdo where be rosided on the wore important end welihty I wl 40s Gareis (ed.), foe Ils Bm, affairs so that ho mignt decide with greater cortatnty, end having consulted 1% he could proceed ss he thought best. The law goes on to state that the oity of Mexico hed the firet place next to the Judiciary in the congresses which were called by the king's order, "without it (the king's express order) - 1% 1s not our intention nor wish that the Cities and Villages of the Indies can be called together," This was to show thet the calling of a congress was reserved for the sovereign end doing #1 wéthout his order was contrary to his intention and vill. The acuerdo condidered itself as a body to act in & capae eity similar to the cortes in Spain, namely, to be a consulte ing body for important affairs. The letter recalled former attempts at calling such sssenbléds in Spain and their dissmstrous results. In closing, the nguerdo referred to the French Revolution of 1789 which finally brought the "wicked" Napoleon” to the throne, and caused the misfortunes from which Spain was then suffering. The origin of these evils was atdributed to the calling of the states general which destroyed monarchy and brought louis XVI to the scaffold. The controversy over the recognition of the Junte at Seville continued. The :inquielter Alzure 3 Bewuiaumt wes ia ) favor of supporting it and of sending aid to Spein. Aguirre o PRBGOVIIIRVOVDEVB VOR DVANEAROBROISREO BIR RBBOIDIOBRAT RGR DRERRN 47. Garels {od } L»ooumentog Nistoriaog, Ii, 82 rofore to low 46, third sitle, third Book EF the fecoptiacion. wrote to the viceroy discussing the various juntas in Spain, classifying them and telling why he thought the one at Seville ought to be recognised as supreme, Sul hie still urged the recoge nition of its control over finence end war, The erchbishop come promised end said they ought to help the Spanish juntas although they should not recognize them yet. Iturrigaray wrote to the junta of Seville on September 3 giving the reasons for not recog- nizing it in New Spa3l, showing the influence of the report from the one in “sturiss, Juan de Rayos attacked the idea of recognizing the SOV= ereignty of Seville in pert. Speaking of sovereighty he says: marries, 5 Soin ertmianey a he ean solute power and camnot recognise superiority in the country. Under those ldeas it is impossible to asso- ¢late it with another, nor much less to commit the abe surdity of dividing its JOuSEas Senteding some and denying others, since that is | same as to destroy them entirely. 52 He added that he was inclined in favor of the opinions of Ville Urrutio. Azearate pave an excellent discussion on the right and necessity of a national congress. He too Felerret to the law of Castile which had been quoted by the real acuerdo. He spoke of the neeessity of m congress since New Svein was the anchor for Spain for its loyalty, for its riches, and if Spain was BRUGES ERR REE OD SBOE PIPING RIOR ORE ERED ESI ERERP EYER A 50. It Garcia {ed.) Documentos Historicos, II, 85-90, 51. II, 91-94. Ga xico, Sept. 3, 1808, Xv, 633, SUpromg « Sublished a report 'sturlas with the title 52. Ee op. ¢it.,I1I, 203-204. 53. ioid,, 11, 108-114. completely overcome it would receive those who fled from the subjection which wes spreading over her soil, | ‘The law which had been olited left ‘he right snd power of calling a congre only to the king. Ascurate pointed out verious reasons why such a sanction wes not NeGossary st that times In the first plage the inability of the king to grant SEGR,3 Pernissiun $9 T nie inpieouugat ¥Hg 9 ole which the law did not provide fore, Furthermore, the junte of August 9 had declared the viceroy to be the legal representative : of the king, he could therefore call the congress in the king's namo. The unususl circumstances made it necessary for the pub 1ie peace and welfare to resort to such extraordinary means since it wes not prudent nor possible to regulste affairs by the ordinary rules. Public utility was the supreme lew and demanded no further support. The very fact that the consent of the king wes notessery snd could not be given in any other way was reason enough for demanding a convocation. in spite of these idees, Azedrate approved of giving imsediate sid to Spaing first,because Ssxico was dependent on the crown of Castile, and secondly, because the Spanish forces freed the colony from suffering the war on her own soil. lg, too, refused to recognise any of the juntas seying that to do so would only cause snopchy and divisions, end that it was not for Hew Spain to decide to whieh junta the rest should unites. Fach one seperately could not demand her allegiance, Iturrigaray wes probably becoming tired of the constant we fn i -wrengling end uncertainty of his position end, sccording ‘to his sesretary, he hed repeatedly expressed a desire to leave #11 and enjoy his possessions in the tranquility of his home. He oven Bade this susgestion to the aguerdo in a letter of September 5. Ho suggested thet they might hand over his office to Geribsy until they opened the plies or secrat instructions. It hes been thought by some nigtore ions that Wie pUIposs of Shia Jeter ws $8 800 how WUSR Prege $128 ho hed with the gids on. They thought it was the only means to provent the calling of & congress and urged him to resign. abe hed been informed of Iturrigeray’s stopusul by Bis secretary, Velazques, who wrged him to oppose it. Itwrrigeray said this letter was written without his imowledge, but the secretary claimed thet he had made the Proponiion bo him, and not getting euy Yesponse he Gonside ered it equivalent to My ) commission to see him end beg him not to resign. Iturriparay 1s said to have answered that he would suspend the resignae tion in respect to the municipality until the junta which he was thinking of celling could see the resson he had for glving up his office. He wes then asked not to teke up tho matter wiht bi rb CRBBPONBRIO ROAR RRB PROBE G4. BG. 2 GB. Me on September 9, but , The members of the acuerdo had given thelr opinion, as seen above, in opposition to @ general congress. Insiste ing agnin that they were the body to be consulted on important a difficult matters. A fourth Junta wes called for Septeme ber © in order to got the opinions of the previous ones. “hen the assembly met, & number of the written opine ions were resd but these were chosen in sueh 8 memner 88 to give the impression that there was apparent agreement in favor of Iturrigersy's idess for a general congress. The opponents notiéed this and the archbishop snd the MNerques de Sen Remon end others asked thet they Migs road their opinions which roe sulted in the opposite view. The heated debates snd stormy discussions left all in confusion, Then again Iturrigaray ealled on men who favored Villa Urrutia snd omitted those who held the opposing view, so that 1t seemed that the majority wore in favor of the general congress. Dut the opponents were tenacious and Bataller and Aguirre denounced Villa Urrutie's proposédion as being contrary to law sad the prerogative of the king, and because there vas no need for such s meeting in Americe since the viceroy end of fisers hed authority to provide for ell circumstances wnich might arise. The petition of the fisceles onded by citing the recent example of the French HR jue ta on Sept. 9 in Documentos His 50. Bar; I1, 143. A summery of the junte of Sent. 9, ®g II, 142-145, OPLCO8 Ls (ed.), Povolvbion whisk hd dastroped She “sonerehy of Cloate®, CL They were sttempting to remove the veil which hid the inten | tions of the Amopricean narty and to elarm those who night sympathise with the idea of a congress. Ome efter smother sttaclked Ville Urrutis until his optntons appenved so odious on account of the Alstortion by his opponents that he asked permission to resd them sgein, say= ing thet one of the members had interpreted them badly. Turn ing to the senior inquisitar he read his pwer, snd after he hed finished the inguisitor seid, "That meuber is I. I have and 1 will maintain that such juntes are by their nature sedi tious, or at lesst dangerous, and entirely useless.” ii: added thet if the meetings vere consultative they would not prot cot him and 1f they wore decisive they would change the government into & demooracy for which he Sod ve give suthority nop could the Inquisitor recognise it, The atteck on Villa Urrutia continued until he wes une able to snswer their questions snd ssked for three days in which to prepare answors to thelr objections, After Bataller had doe nounced the latter's views, Aguirre added that the promoters of the Junte ought to 1imit themselves to the following points: euthority to ¢oll a generel congress, its necessity; its usee fulness; permons to be called, of what class, state, or branehs end, whether the opinions were to be consultetive or decisive.5® ATEUS382UGASLULAGES RAMSAR ULEERSL EA PRESB BVORGIGERREB TRE RN 6l, Rive id 4 . 62. Garele (ede), Loe wer 65. Iden. TCSII feo A Seu Er Tec Bor il PT sp Agein Ville Urrutia sshed for three days in which bo prepare The quostion of the membership for the proposed con. i gross nlso orestod considerable dlscuseion. The viceroy in his dispatch ealling the genoral congress hed only c¢alled the delegates of the syimtanientos. It was considered thet these could only represent the common people. The attorney general of the eity, Agustin Rivero, seid thet he himself could repro sont the other classes. This statement cronted considerable commotion end the erchbishop who had previously favored the Junte said, "If such dlssention is occasioned by the simple suggestion, to what oxtent will matters go if it be oul igear" vacilletions end 'neerteinty hed mede others rotrect some of the statomente they had given ceriier. During the excitement | B0mMOONe evidently of the Americen party, said that if this group 414 not call e congress of the elitists, they alone would onl ot, The presiding of ficer of the in the absence of the alcaldes who were not in accord with Wely Views, Antonio lendesz Prieto, asked that the doors might be closed, while they discussed en important matter. He then turned to the viceroy and said that he hed heard from reliable esuthority O08. Baar Hictobis Ga NolI60, 3, SOO. "itesusssssvanssesenet 55, Rive FansTe ted:T Hautes, iti, Od | 66. Tho mootinge had boon Gpoed to all 81nd the second junta. i Alemen , Ope Cite, i, 230. : fist ie hud resolved 9 ive up Yio vemmen.of tie tingon, when only 8 fow days before he had taken an oath to defend 1t and preserve it for Ferdinand VII, For this reason he request ed that he desist from his intention, ve execution of which would make him responsible for the results. It wes danger ous to resign at such a critical time. Others supported Frioto but when they waited for the opposition to speak, silence fold on the FOO In snswer to Pricto, Iturrigarey first explained the threat he hed made and said it wes not directed against any member of the junts, aince everyone was wobthy of his confie dence and the expressions had been directed ageinst the authors of the enonymous threats which he was receiving, filling his 1ife with bitterness and making him wish for a more peaceful 3320 for his lsat days, for he was already sixty-six years 02d, Iturrigaray ordered the discussion to continue, but the factions, far from agreeing, grew constently move bitter, The junta ended with sll the cuestions aroused and none settled. FPrectically nothing had besn accomplished ex cept to intensify the differences between the Furopesn snd American party. Sven within each party there was a variety of opinions. %he next meeting, would, indeed have an enormous task if it were to settle sll the questions which had been aroused. But Iturrigeray hed not waited for the decisions SASASARMCERINING $9RIIMNNILNAILLLI ERNIE RNSSRS ase Rs unas anbas o7. to 08. Rive AR eo Le Ss fhe oral of the junta of September 9, nor for the approval of the ouerdo, before calling the genorsl congress. He had sent out the call for delegates September 1 snd the time for their convocation vos rapidly spproschinge | The people were gaining power under Iturrigarey. On “eptember iz, Yoresa gave again a long written argument on pope ular sovereignty. Ho regretted that there were party divisions and thet the eguendo opposed the action of the syuntemiento place of uniting with it in recognising thet 1t end the whole kingdom was the true source of suthoritys There wes no lack of loyalty in this Juat and patriotic recognition since they ond all the other subjocts of New Spain had taken the oath of ellegiance to the king of Spain, He said there werw two legite imate suthorities, the first was the sovereign and the second, the ayuntemionto as the representatives of the people. If the one, as the king, was miseing it fells on the other, and that was unfailing, since "the people are immortal”. In the various governmental organisations, only one, the ayuntemlonto, was the deputy of the people. | Verdad went back to the formation of the government in liexieo to show that the municipality wes the origin of authors ity. The syuntemionto wes organised first and the prgsl acuerdo was not oetablished until 1520, snd then A owed its politicel body to the rules dictated by the ayuntenient He found 8." dareda lod. }, Toomentos istorisos, "1, "1dPuid”" n ot 70. Ibid., II, 151 speaking of their formation, "The psople of Seville united lay 27, snd by meens of all the magistrates end suthorities gathered, and by the most respectable persons of all classes grented a supreme governmental junta”. Verdsd italicised the words “people” end “crested” for greater emphesis end then he asked why Seville with its magistrates stould consider it necessary to ereate another gwernment. "And is it strenge, I 111 sek, thet lexico domands want 1s legitimate in Seville?" Thus the two parties were moulding public opinion end croating thet rostlessencss end dissatisfaction which was finale iy to ond in & long end bloody struggle for independence. "hile the king rememined in eaptivity it was easy for the meme bérs of the Pmericsn perty to dovelop their plans with eppare ent loyalty. They wore struggling for a foothold where they could wield greeter power, ami in the meantime they were arouse. ing 1deas of national spirit and of self consciousness smd & desire for a share in the affairs of the Americans who hed heretofore been forged into an undesirable background, Yilla Urrutia, @ mea of good intentions who gave exe pression to meny of the views of the American party, pointed out the dangers of leaving the viceroy unchecked in his high office. Heo pretended that the proposed congress was to ree strict the absolute power of the viceroy, depriving him of the free control of the public revenue and also of intervention Page Missing Page Missing sisted the projects of those whom they Slready as enomies, piustovting Sele: dusigas and Srying sendzesk them, But the power of the Americans continued to grow end their sudacity incrensed 2iys The Puropoems seeing the tendency of the viceroy to favor the ‘merican group, gow only one way of meinteining thelir power snd their influe enge, snd that was to remove this officiel, snd in this menner Temove the powerful ‘help on WhiSh the Hesi6sm parey was then relying. Had the viceroy supported the Spanish group and up- held the existing euthorities without any changes the Americen party would have found it {ar more dengorous and difficult to plan and develop their project. There were many who feared the results of the prevailing discord end confusion snd thought the viceroy ought to continue in the SnupGlae of his office without introducing new end dangerous chenges. Had he been as loyal as he pretended to be, this seems to be the program to have adopted, because the lews and institutions were prove ably sdequate for the circumstances. The people wore getting political education ss the eontroversy continued, "hen the juntas had been opon to the public the proceedings and political views became common know ledge of the people in the streets and aroused many new thoughts end views, The creoles had found men who were champ Ie Run Palacio tem.d. Nantes 23% Bg rts rrtvens 76+ Rive _Palseio (ed.), DALE 56. 77. Aleman, Historias de ae lea, » U Y1o5 aaa eh WN "R couse of the people, ewphosising their importance end thelr rights « rights which, no doubt, many hed nover dreamt of « . on they were beginning to feel that they were an sctive part of the government. This, however, was not to have much import. ance during the first phase of the struggle which was chief ly one of leaders with new views agninst the established a suthorities. They were making repid progress and one cen a only sce from the results in the other Spanish Americen colon isl centers what might heve happened if there head not been a x sudden check to the proceedings. \ § et i. 5 7 5 4 . f h 13) | CHAPTER VIII. ABD TRIAL O prominent in the opposition to the viceroy. They realised that the jo could accomplish nothing until Iturrigsray hed been removed from of fice. The leaders did not dere to confide their purposes to the rest of the gidores with the exception of & fov Spaniards whom they know vere ree liable. Iturrigerey gave the Speniards the final incentive when he proceeded to make certain sppointments to high offi. cos which had formerly been reserved to the king alone, Davile wes eppointed fleld-mershall snd Jose lieria Laso wes appointed administrator of the custom house. FPleldearehell LPavile was appointed only provisionally but it was n higher office than any viceroy had ever appointed to before. Since the king was unable to make the appointments and since thoy were mado only provisionelly, it would seem that his action wes romsoneble. Iturrigarey sleo gave money to the consul et Vore Crus that a continue the construction of the highway to that port. These acts might appear innocent enough in thomselves but to the Sraniards they eppeared as if Iturrigaray "were tak- REGARDS S BOB ERE N THM 1. Riva Palacio { » les 2. Aleman, Historias | | 3 ing a step to the throme which he intended to mount. To ne edd to this a number of rumors spreed among the populace arousing hatred and distrust, nll spparently planned to fro- pare the people for his downfall so that he would not have any supporters, One of the rumors was thet he hed provided the candle wood to burn the venerated sanctuary of Guedelupe. Another that the viceroy had a chosen the title of no- bility which his family would woTbe Society was Kept in a constant turmoll and wes very likely believing most of the reports whieh were boing circulated. In the midst of tals cane tho report that Iturrigaray hed sent to the neighboring centonments for troops. The Spans iards now reslised that they would have to act quickly. They to remove the viceroy sa being the principal eld to those who intended to proclaim the Hoxico, and 1f 1% should be effective they would have to ace eomplish this before the arrival of the troops in Mexico and before the meeting of the goneral congress. The Puropesns had been living in constant fear of a eotastrophe end they felt certein that this meeting of the congress would put an end to the Spanish domination in the colony. They thought thet without the viceroy the revolue SEED HBOR INCOSE ROV IBIBO VIIEON TO OBRAN RIB GENER IRR T ROGER ERS BE Se Aleman, tion would collapse. It was seid by a men who was closely in touch with his Sounteymen Sha, the Buroposns Yobited ovory night with the fear of awakening to the ery of "vive Jose ir Jabat, one of the commissioners from Seville, shared in the plot with Aguirre smd Bataller. Thelr grostest task wow was to find a man who was fit to take the leadership of corous enterprise. The rich merchants snd gowned Judges trembled at the idee of paying with thelr heads for this chimerical atte pts This search for a leader with the necessary enorgy and valor to insure success was rowarded in the person of Gabriel J. de Yormo, an elderly ond wealthy Blacayan, They were Indeed fortunate in finding © men of Yermo's obility snd esution. le was held in high esteem by his country. men snd the merchants of the ¢ity for his spirit and entore prise, his life, and his RSably action of roo ing several hundred slaves on his renches., The choice of such a leeder was of the utmost importance for the success of the movement. "hen he had once accepted the task he set to work immediately to meke prepopetions. In order to gain further support he consulted several ecclesiastics snd spent some time in the convent of "la lerced", After this he doclared himself 5 + # Ee Ey Sevres eTNNy tens rr tr ntine 7 Rive Paltoie rely Tato TN 57. 8. This act wae done to celebrate the birth of his oldest son. Rive Palacio, sdem. ET roady to load the movonont beosuse 1f thoy did not adopt moh 5 extreme measures Now Spain would be lost, Heo mede this proe vision, however, that the sction ageinst the viceroy "must be sonducted without display of eny rengorous Foo1tagy, SRS | bloodshed must be avolded, ig the proposed complished in a single night," They set the day of the axecution of their plot for September 14 because the troops from Calays were expected on the seventeenth, and they suspected that a part of thelr plot had leaked out. Thelr swpicions wore not unwarrented for ‘urrigeray had been receiving mysterious reports but he gave Sem 11vile eredit end so made inadequate provisions for pro tection. Tholy purpose was to win over the palace guard snd then with & foree of faithful laborers, in eddition to the above, they could emsily take the palage. The pslace ruard consisted of troops from sn infantry regiment which was ore genised snd paid by the merchants of the capitol who siso hed the sppointment of officers. The latter wers selscted from the commercial class snd nesrly all favored the Puropesn face ie tion, With the chief merchants of the city, the military force, RAFRGBBI FNRI BIBL UO NPI IRV R OOS GV RPI REI PRE R IRR ERD EGER ERS Sn and the highest officiel groups, all working together, with a few exceptions, the prospects of success seemed quite certain. Those who did not wish to or dere to take an active pert wore at least willing to let the rest go on with thelr plan. 7The merchants of Versa Cruz hed also been Suforned of what was Su Sake phose ihe date hed to be changed to the fifteenth because Juan Cello, the captein of the guerd on the chosen night, refused to teke part, although he promised to keep thelr plot a secret, OSantlago Oareie and his Neutenant, Refeel Ondreota, were more dasily converted to the plen. They were asked to dlspend with their fidelity to the viceroy and turn it to tho sovereign whose dominions were endangered. Then the nocessary orders were given to have all in readi. ness. ¥hen the commercial men ssked Yormo if three hundred HS W354 be nvugh, is mawered, | 'Jtile endugi, SE God helps us,” At midnight, Yermo having left his family in éharge of an ecclesisstic who was a relative, came to the waiting members of the "Volunteers of Ferdinand VI1®, as they called 1 tY33%4u vain esntitudedEEnatisatitnusdcunttaknsnsaneantulag 13. Rive Feleelio { 15. io uay themselves, Captain Gavels had locked the soldiers in the guard«house for the night, As the volunteers — sent to various places about the palace the guards gave no alarm, as ordered, A guard on the north side had not been ascounted for and receiving no ‘response to his "quien vive", he fired on the spproasching group, but was shot and killed before he could make any further attempt to atop tim, Following this unforseen mishap they ware, Seon in possession of the palace without any further troubles Iturrigaray was awakened by the men entering his room. le was informed thet he was being arrested for trosson. then he remonstrated he was told to got dressed in a hurry. He raked that his clothes be brought to him from an adjoine ing room, which was done; one brought his stockings, another his shoes, another hig umiform, and still enother his wig. The performance reminds one of the levee of louis XIV, although n the circumstances were different. Iturrigarey was then asked for his papers and conducts ed by the men to a cabinet where he drew out the key for a deak which he opened, showing his papers as woll as gold and silver medals afd some very beautiful po aris which had been bought for wuveen Ioulsa, In order to guard the valuables &he desk was egein locked and e guard stationed there to mm event 16. Zamacols, Hiatoris ds Meiige, Vi, S8e nee thelr rowoval. “hon Who viSoeguoun ves brought Lute the voom she wes thenicful to find her husband 811ves After seoing thet hor. children were ssfe sho turned to her brother, Jeursgul, and scoused him of being 8 traitor end a participator in the plot, saying thet he could have informed thems With teers in his eyes he donled any knowledge of the plot and asked that God may punish him 4F he wore guilty. Then he added that he had prodicted to his sister thet her husbend would follow the steps of Godoy but he had been unable to convince her. Ile hed tried to get him to direct the government wel}, for even while in Spain, he mew that the viceroy was disliked. Preparations were nade to gusrd the palace. The mone bers of the Spanish faction were armed with equipment taken from the soldiers and five canons wore made reedy in the palace square for any emergensy. At two o'clock in the morning the revolution was over and the new, or rather the old, faction including the archbishop, the oldores, snd magistrates were gothered in the palnge to carry on the affairs of the govern ment. The viceroy was then declared to be removed from his of fice. The vice-queen was asked which convent she wished to be teken to and chose San Dersardo. Her choice was granted end with her two youngest children she was taken to the convent 19, Gavein (od.), hears dgttted site ti¥tcannsseus anna ce REI NES 19. Gareis Vocumentos Histordcos, II, 18. BE BE FFL (LY LC EL ne Ka Tio Are: that night. Tus wight of tha veuplug wate 'welidug wlowly down the steps moved the most herdehoarted and cold men to sympathy not unmingled with shame. The former vice-gqueen was scoompanied by her brother, Jauregui, and the inquisitor, Alfaro. Iturrigaray was token to the Inquisition with his two eldest sons, accompanied by the nlealde de corte, Pon Juan Collado. He was condwoted by the sargeantemajor of the garri- son and over sixty men to the inquisitor, Bernardo de Fredo, and since the instructions for his imprisonment recommended a decent residence due a man of his birth end high office, he was placed in the home itself. Inough of the countrymen and = cafalrymen from Michoscan were left to guard the plage — So far the plot had been carried wut with machineelike precision, A small group of men hed removed the highest offie eisl in the country in an wnlewful manner to prevent that offie eial from committing what seemed to them a still more unlawful set. It wee mn matter of using fire to fight fire. But thols method of procedure was to have more far