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 BOOK* 970.3.ST48 c. I 
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TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TO THE 
 
 SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
 
 1901-1902 
 
 J. W. POWELL 
 
 DIRECTOR 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
 1904 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2011 with funding from 
 
 LYRASIS members and Sloan Foundation 
 
 http://archive.org/details/zuiindiansOOstev 
 
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL 
 
 Smithsonian Institution, 
 Bureau of American Ethnology, 
 Washington, B. C, February 23, 1904. 
 Sir: I have the honor to submit the Twenty -third Annual 
 Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, which com- 
 prises the administrative report transmitted by the Acting 
 Director on July 1, 1902, and a memoir on the Indians of 
 Zuni pueblo, New Mexico, which embodies the result of many 
 years' work under the direction of the Bureau. 
 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 W. H. Holmes, Chief. 
 Mr S. P. Langlet, 
 
 Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Report of the Director 
 
 Introduction ix 
 
 Scope of the work : ix 
 
 Field research and exploration xiv 
 
 Office research xvm 
 
 Work in somatology . xvur 
 
 Work in psychology xx 
 
 Work in esthetology xxn 
 
 Work in technology xxvi 
 
 Work in sociology xxxn 
 
 Work in philology xxxiv 
 
 Work in sophiology _ xxxviii 
 
 Descriptive ethnology xi 
 
 Collections xli 
 
 Property xli 
 
 Publications xlii 
 
 Financial statement xliv 
 
 Accompanying paper _ xliv 
 
 Accompanying Paper 
 
 The ZuSi Indians: Their Mythology, Esoteric Societies, and Ceremonies by 
 
 Matilda Coxe Stevenson (Plates i-cxxix, figures 1-34) ..._ 1 
 
 v 
 
REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR 
 
TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 J. W. Powell, Director 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 Ethnologic researches have been conducted by the Bureau 
 of American Ethnology during the fiscal year ending June 
 30, 1902, under authority of the act of Congress making pro- 
 vision "for continuing researches relating to the American 
 Indians under the direction of the Smithsonian Institution," 
 approved March 4, 1901. The work was carried forward in 
 accordance with the formal plan of operations submitted on 
 May 20, 1901, and approved by the Secretary on May 23, 
 1901. 
 
 Field operations were conducted in Alaska, Arizona, British 
 Columbia, California, Colorado, Chihuahua (Mexico), Green- 
 land, Indian Territory, Iowa, Maine, Missouri, New Mexico, 
 New York, Oklahoma, Oregon, Porto Rico, Texas, and 
 Wyoming. The office work covered material gathered from 
 most of the States and Territories, as well as from various 
 other parts of the American hemisphere. 
 
 SCOPE OF THE WORK 
 
 The researches of the year were conducted in accordance 
 with an ethnic system set forth in earlier reports. This sys- 
 tem may be defined as the Science of Ethnology in its mod- 
 ern aspects. Although based on investigations in all parts of 
 the world during the last century, the system is essentially 
 
X BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 the product of the researches in American ethnology during 
 the last 'two decades of that century. Now that the system 
 has assumed definite form, it affords a foundation not only for 
 future researches, but for applying the principles of ethnology 
 to practical questions. Accordingly, the work of the year was 
 gradually turned toward lines bearing directly on questions of 
 public interest. 
 
 Among the lines of work in what may be called applied 
 ethnology, to which special attention has been given during 
 the year, two may be particularb T mentioned: 
 
 1. Physical ethnology. On the institution of the Bureau in 
 1879 the Director found the science incomplete in that it dealt 
 largely with merely casual characteristics of tribes and races, 
 and neglected the essential characteristics expressed in the 
 activities of peoples. Hence special attention was given to the 
 habitual doings of the several tribes studied, and at the outset 
 each was regarded as an activital type or genus; these were 
 then compared, and in the light of the comparison the activi- 
 ties themselves were analyzed and afterward grouped syste- 
 matically. It was in this way that the science of demonomy, 
 with its subdivisions, each relating to a group of activities, was 
 developed. Now this great science, dealing as it does with 
 the doings of tribes and races, each regarded as a typical 
 group, is practically confined to the psychical side of man- 
 kind; it barely touches the physical attributes; yet it affords 
 a basis for classifying these attributes and measuring the 
 influence of the prime force of demotic activity in shaping 
 their development. In other words, the earlier ethnology 
 dealt only with features and traits inherited from prehistoric 
 ancestry; what may be called the new ethnology deals 
 with those traits and human powers by which mankind is 
 distinguished from all other organisms. The researches indi- 
 cate that such traits and powers, such features and faculties, 
 are connected with the normal development of tribes and 
 races, and are, indeed, the essential factors in the growth 
 of nations. Accordingly it would seem that the time is 
 at hand for applying the principles of the new ethnology 
 to American aborigines as ethnic constituents of a growing 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XI 
 
 citizenship. The application requires a statistical study of 
 physical characteristics, including viability, industrial aptitude, 
 etc., of typical Indian tribes, together with a similar study of 
 mixed bloods, or mestizos, both conducted with a view of com- 
 parison with Caucasian and other ethnic norms. The impor- 
 tance of this line of inquiry is suggested by the fact that there 
 are no physical statistics on record of any tribe of our passing 
 race available for comparing stature, strength, endurance, via- 
 bility, fecundity, and other physical attributes, with those of 
 Caucasians, either with the view of gratifying our instinctive 
 desire for knowledge or with the object of deriving useful 
 information from the experience of other peoples. The impor- 
 tance of inquiries concerning' mestizos is sufficiently indicated 
 by the history of a neighboring Republic, whose president is 
 at once a product of the blended blood of the white and red 
 races and one of the foremost among the world's national leaders. 
 Singularly, there are no trustworthy records of mestizos in this 
 country, though their number must reach some 30 to 60 per 
 cent of that of the pure-blood Indian population. Nor is it to 
 be forgotten that many of the practical problems connected 
 with immigration, Chinese exclusion, the occupation of Porto 
 Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippines, and the education of the 
 colored race can be finally solved only in the light of ethnologic 
 principles, whether these be developed through slow experience 
 or derived from scientific researches already advanced to the 
 applicable stage These and other weighty considerations have 
 led to the inauguration of researches in physical ethnology. 
 During the fiscal year a series of physical records made by 
 Dr Franz Boas among the Siouan Indians, with photographs 
 representing the physical types, was submitted. 
 
 2. Aboriginal economics. It is well known that aboriginal 
 America gave the world corn, the potato, certain beans and 
 squashes, tobacco, two varieties of cotton, and the domestic 
 turkey; it is not so well known that the native tribes utilized 
 various other natural resources which might well be introduced 
 into the dietary and commerce of Caucasian peoples ; and still 
 less is it realized that various prepared foods habitually used 
 by the Indians are of unsurpassed excellence — for while 
 
XII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 succotash and hominy have come into general use, the far 
 superior pinole, tamale, and pemmican are only locally used 
 by whites, and many other desirable dishes are entirely 
 neglected. When the Bureau was instituted it was a common 
 impression that the aborigines were mere huntsmen and fisher- 
 men whose habits were in the highest degree vicious and 
 improvident; but as the human activities were defined and the 
 aboriginal industries were adopted it became more and more 
 evident that many of the tribes were essentially agricultural, 
 and that all subsisted in much larger degree than is commonly 
 supposed on the produce of the soil. As researches progressed 
 the importance of various aboriginal food sources neglected 
 by the Anglo-Saxon was realized, and at the same time it 
 became clear that our people might learn much from the red 
 man concerning the simpler agricultural methods and the ways 
 of bringing plants and animals under cultivation or domestica- 
 tion. The success of the native in utilizing natural resources 
 is well illustrated in the arid region comprising that portion of 
 the country still unsettled. The traveler over an important 
 railway from a few miles west of El Paso to a few miles east 
 of San Bernardino traverses a zone supporting a Caucasian 
 population of some 20,000, with perhaps half as many Indians; 
 the same zone abounds in ruins of aboriginal dwellings, tem- 
 ples, acequias, and reservoirs, attesting a population fully ten 
 times greater during the agricultural period antedating the 
 long-continued and disastrous Apache wars. It is highly 
 significant that our least populated arid districts in the South- 
 west are those yielding most abundant evidences of numerous 
 population during prehistoric times. A specific example may 
 be found in Arivaca valley, Arizona, with a present population 
 of less than 100, where one of seven prehistoric villages within 
 the valley comprises ruins of more than 120 dwellings, with 
 temple, corral, stadium, and plazas, evidently representing a 
 population of fully 600 for the village and 3,000 to 5,000 
 for the valley. Although the depopulation began in the 
 prehistoric age, through wars still in progress at the time 
 of discovery, the historic period has witnessed a part of the 
 change; for it can not be doubted that Cabeca de Vaca, 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE BE PORT XIII 
 
 Corouado, Alarcon, and their followers saw within the zone 
 between western Texas and eastern California a population 
 twice or thrice the aggregate now subsisting within it, and 
 this despite modern multiplication of industries connected with 
 mining, grazing, and transportation. The success of the abo- 
 riginal husbandman in this region was partly due to a system 
 of irrigation so satisfactory that modern farmers often profit 
 by the prehistoric ditches; yet his chief advantages grew 
 out of a more economical adjustment between labor and prod- 
 uce, including crops now neglected. Among the neglected 
 crop plants are various cacti (locally known as saguaro, pita- 
 hay a, nopal, saguesa, etc.), whose fruits sufficed to support the 
 entire native population for some two months of each year, 
 though they are rarely utilized bv white settlers. These cacti 
 are products of the desert par excellence, adjusted to their 
 habitat during geologic ages, and, in some way not yet made 
 out, deriving their vital energy chiefly from light; and they 
 give promise that, unless exterminated by vandalism, they will 
 some day yield to intelligent cultivation and add an invaluable 
 resource to our arid districts. The researches concerning 
 aboriginal food sources have been coupled with other studies 
 in native economics, including those pertaining to textiles used 
 for clothing, birch bark used for canoes and habitations, the 
 making of baskets, etc. In most cases the immediate aim was 
 to record the primitive customs and crafts as a contribution to 
 knowledge ot a passing race, but the investigations have reached 
 the stage of yielding useful lessons to the superior race. As 
 announced in recent reports, productive studies of the begin- 
 ning of agriculture and zooculture have been conducted. 
 During- the fiscal year a memoir on Wild Rice, by Dr 
 Jenks, was published, with a view of directing attention to 
 a natural resource giving promise of value to modern agri- 
 culture; Dr Russell spent the greater part of the year in a 
 critical study of a typical tribe of the arid region (the Pima 
 Indians), and has prepared a memoir on their industries for 
 early publication ; a systematic investigation of the birch-bark 
 industries of the aborigines was taken up by Dr Jenks; and 
 Dr Fewkes devoted a part of the year to a special study of 
 
XIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 the aboriginal economy of Porto Rico, with particular refer- 
 ence to the artifacts and customs still extant, and giving- promise 
 of future value to that newly acquired territory. 
 
 Except for the diversion of a portion of the energies of a 
 few collaborators to the applications of ethnology, the work 
 has been continued along former lines; and, as heretofore, 
 most of the collaborators have been employed partly in the 
 field and partly in the office. 
 
 The organization of the work, which is slightly modified by 
 the applications herein set forth, may be defined as follows: 
 (1) Physical characteristics (including the demography of the 
 native tribes), or somatology; (2) mental characteristics, or 
 psychology; (3) arts (including games, sports, etc.), or esthe- 
 tology; (4) industries (including economics), or technology; 
 (5) laws, or sociology; (6) languages, or philology; and (7) 
 myths (together with attendant ceremonies and other observ- 
 ances), or sophiology. Customarv attention has been given 
 also to general and classific work, to the illustration, editing, 
 and publication of reports, to distribution of the published 
 material, and to the ancillary office work. 
 
 FIELD RESEARCH AND EXPLORATION 
 
 The Director spent more than three months in Maine, engaged 
 (so far as impaired health permitted) in researches among the 
 northeastern Algonquian Indians and in revising his classifi- 
 catory writings designed for the guidance of operations in the 
 Bureau. The linguistic and other material obtained from the 
 Indians was utilized directly in the more general work, includ- 
 ing the linguistic classification described in other paragraphs. 
 
 Under the immediate guidance of Dr Franz Boas, philolo- 
 gist, Mr H. H. St. Clair, 2d, spent the first three months of the 
 year in linguistic researches in Wyoming and Oregon. In the 
 former State he made a full record of the local Shoshoni dialect, 
 and in the latter he made a partial collection of the lexic and 
 grammatic material of the Wasco and Paiute languages. 
 Under similar guidance, Mr William Jones made a critical 
 study of the Fox language in Iowa and Indian Territory; and 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XV 
 
 Dr Roland B. Dixon recorded the languages of the Maidu and 
 other tribes of northeastern California under the auspices of 
 the American Museum of Natural History, but with an arrange- 
 ment, noted elsewhere, by which the material is available in 
 the Bureau work. 
 
 On September 25 Professor W. H. Holmes, of the National 
 Museum, and Mr De Lancey Gill, of the Bureau, repaired, 
 under the auspices of the Bureau, to northeastern Indian Ter- 
 ritory for the purpose of examining a spring reported by a 
 correspondent to contain abundant bone and flint implements 
 associated with bones of both modern and extinct animals. 
 They were successful in obtaining: (1) the finest collection of 
 mammoth teeth thus far made in America; (2) one of the 
 finest collections of mastodon teeth ever made; and (3) the 
 most remarkable collection of chipped arrow points, lance 
 heads, and knives thus far made in a single locality in this 
 country. They verified the reported association, and were 
 able to identify the spot as an aboriginal shrine, to which the 
 attention of the aborigines was probably directed by the 
 gigantic teeth and bones of extinct animals, and at which sac- 
 rifices were made through several generations. During the 
 same trip they visited Kimmswick, Mo., where also human 
 relics are reported to occur in association with bones of extinct 
 animals. Toward the close of the year Professor Holmes 
 again visited this locality, and, with the assistance of Mr 
 Gerard Fowke, made a considerable collection for preservation 
 in the Museum. 
 
 In November Dr Robert Stein returned from a two years' 
 absence in Ellesmereland and northern Greenland, where, 
 under facilities afforded by the Bureau, he obtained ethnologic 
 data of interest relating to the Ita Eskimo, or Arctic High- 
 landers. Besides a small collection of objects intended for 
 preservation in the Museum, he brought in the words and 
 music of several songs which serve to establish the existence 
 of an archaic language among these people and at the same 
 time to demonstrate for the first time, despite a prevailing 
 opinion to the contrary, the existence of a fiducial cult among 
 them. 
 
 23 ETH— 04 II 
 
XVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 Under a special arrangement, Miss Alice C. Fletcher visited 
 Oklahoma early in the fiscal year for the purpose of verifying 
 and extending her records of certain Pawnee rituals for publi- 
 cation by the Bureau. Later she employed certain aged 
 Pawnee Indians to recite the ancient rituals in such manner 
 as to permit the making of phonographic and other records. 
 Her efforts have resulted in unique contributions to knowledge 
 of the esoteric customs connected with human sacrifice and 
 other rites in pre-Columbian times that still survive in emble- 
 matic form. A part of the material has been incorporated in a 
 monograph on the Hako, forming part of the Twenty-second 
 Annual Report. Also, under a special arrangement, Dr Willis 
 E. Everette sent in useful records concerning the Athapascan 
 tribes of Alaska. 
 
 During the earlier part of the year Mr 0. P. Phillips was 
 employed temporarily in making motion pictures, represent- 
 ing the industries, amusements, and ceremonies of the Pueblo 
 Indians and other tribes in New Mexico and Arizona. The 
 object of the work was to obtain absolutely trustworthy 
 records of aboriginal activities for the use of future students, 
 as well as for the verification of current notes on fiducial 
 dances and other ceremonies. Despite accidents that, hap- 
 pened to the apparatus the work was fairly successful, yield- 
 ing about a dozen kinetoscope ribbons, in connection with 
 which about a hundred excellent photographs were made hj 
 Mr Phillips. The apparatus was kindly furnished in the inter- 
 ests of science by the Armat Moving Picture Company, of 
 Washington. 
 
 Although occupied chiefly in administrative work, the Eth- 
 nologist in Charge made a reconnaissance in eastern central 
 Colorado early in the fiscal year, visiting certain archeologic 
 localities, notably in the vicinity of Pueblo, Colo., and tracing 
 the conditions affecting tribal movements during prehistoric 
 times about the border land between the peoples of the plains 
 and those of (he mountains and plateaus. 
 
 On August 16 Dr J. Walter Fewkes proceeded to southern 
 Colorado and northern New Mexico for the purpose of extend- 
 ing archeologic explorations in districts hitherto inadequately 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XVII 
 
 studied. His operations were extended southeastward through 
 New Mexico into western Texas and northern Chihuahua 
 (Mexico); in the latter State he made the most critical study 
 thus far attempted of the extensive prehistoric ruins known as 
 Casas Grandes. Throughout he made extended notes on the 
 surviving tribes, as well as on the various types of ruins and 
 other relics, of which a carefully selected collection was 
 brought in on his return to the office on November 20. 
 
 On April 28 Dr Fewkes sailed for Porto Rico with the object 
 of making such a reconnaissance of this and neighboring islands 
 as might serve to throw light on the aboriginal industries 
 still surviving and giving promise of utility and at the same 
 time form a basis for a more extended investigation during the 
 current year. Although extended scarcely beyond Porto Rico, 
 his work was successful, yielding material for a special report. 
 He returned to Washington and began the preparation of this 
 report just before the close of the fiscal year. 
 
 Mr James Mooney proceeded, on September 17, to the field 
 in Oklahoma and Indian Territory, where he resumed a special 
 investigation of the heraldic systems employed among the 
 Kiowa, Kiowa Apache, and Cheyenne tribes. His work con- 
 tinued throughout the fiscal year, yielding the greater part of 
 the material required for an exhaustive monograph on one of 
 the most interesting customs of the American aborigines. In 
 connection with the study of the devices a considerable 
 collection of specimens was brought together for preservation 
 in the National Museum. 
 
 Throughout the entire fiscal year Dr Frank Russell was in 
 the field, chiefly in Arizona, though his operations extended 
 into New Mexico and Colorado, and about the close of the 
 year into the Fox habitat in Iowa. During the earlier months 
 he made an extended archeologic reconnaissance of the upper 
 Gila valley, pushing his journey southward to the international 
 boundary, westward to the area already covered by other col- 
 laborators, and northward to the border of the plateau country; 
 thence the surveys were extended over the plateaus into Colo- 
 rado and New Mexico for the purpose of comparing the low- 
 land antiquities with those of the highlands. During the 
 
XVLTC BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 winter and spring he stayed in the Pima country, near Sacaton, 
 and began a systematic study of the industrial and other cus- 
 toms of the Pima tribe. The work yielded material for a 
 special report on the technology of the tribe and for a more 
 general monograph on the historic and prehistoric inhabitants 
 of the Gila valley. 
 
 On October 30 Dr Albert S. Gatschet repaired to Indian 
 Territory for the purpose of completing his Peoria vocabulary 
 and grammar and making cognate researches among the few 
 survivors of the Peoria tribe. He was able to perfect his 
 records of the language of the tribe during the ensuing month 
 and bring his work to a successful close about the middle of 
 December. 
 
 The beginning of the year found Dr John R. Swan ton 
 engaged in researches concerning the language and social 
 organization of the Haida Indians in British Columbia. This 
 work continued until September, yielding voluminous material 
 for publication in future reports. On September 30 he 
 returned to Washington and began preparing the material for 
 printing. 
 
 OFFICE RESEARCH 
 
 Work in Somatology 
 
 During the later months of the year definite steps were 
 taken toward a systematic investigation and record of the phys- 
 ical characteristics of the aborigines. A nucleus was already 
 available in the form of an extended anthropometric record 
 made by Dr Franz Boas among the Siouan Indians several 
 years ago and acquired by the Bureau in 1899; and it was 
 decided to prepare the matter for early publication, pai'tty as 
 a record of the physical characteristics of a typical group, 
 partly as a model for future work. In order to enhance the 
 value of the publication it was arranged to have Dr Boas pre- 
 pare an introduction treating of somatology in general terms 
 and to have Mr De Lancey Gill, the illustrator of the Bureau, 
 prepare suitable illustrative material from the photographic 
 negatives preserved in the office. The memoir is well 
 advanced, but was not quite completed at the close of the year. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XIX 
 
 For some years past photography has been employed in the 
 Bureau in such a manner as to yield useful anthropometric 
 data. Thus, in dealing with the wilder tribes, who would 
 resist ordinary physical measurements on fiducial or other 
 grounds, the collaborators have made it a point to obtain group 
 photographs with the figures so placed as to permit measure- 
 ment of stature and other physical elements by comparison 
 with a normal figure introduced for the purpose; similarly, 
 visiting Indians photographed in the Bureau laboratory have 
 usually been so placed with respect to backgrounds and other 
 objects as to permit physical measurements of sufficient accu- 
 racy for practical purposes. During the fiscal year special 
 attention was given to photographing individuals in exact 
 portrait, profile and full face, with the view of permitting 
 measurement of the facial angle, form of cranium, and other 
 anthropometric elements. This was done not only in the 
 office, but to some extent in the field, especially by Dr Frank 
 Russell, who made a large number of profile and full-face 
 photographs of Pima Indians. Although the system is not yet 
 perfected, it gives promise of excellent results as the researches 
 in somatology progress. 
 
 Various collaborators of the Bureau have collected crania 
 and other somatic material in connection with their field opera- 
 tions. For some years the material was preserved in the 
 United States Army Medical Museum, but it has now been 
 transferred to the United States National Museum, where the 
 current collections of the collaborators are now regularly sent. 
 In the absence of specialists in somatology in the Bureau por- 
 tions of the somatic material have been placed during the last 
 year or two for special investigation in the hands of experts 
 not connected with either Bureau or Museum; and it is a 
 pleasure to acknowledge the service rendered to the Bureau 
 in this way by Dr George A. Dorsey, of Field Columbian 
 Museum, and Dr Ales Hrdlicka, of the American Museum of 
 Natural History. A provisional arrangement has been made 
 for having such work done within the Bureau hereafter. 
 
xx bureau of american ethnology 
 
 Work in Psychology 
 
 For some years past the Director has given special attention 
 to the mental characteristics of the aborigines and during 
 recent months he has formulated a working system of psychol- 
 ogy adapted to the needs of ethnologic students. In part the 
 results are embodied in a series of synthetic outlines of ethno- 
 logic science designed for incorporation in successive reports 
 and printed in a somewhat abbreviated preliminary form in 
 the American Anthropologist for the purpose of eliciting sug- 
 gestions from contemporary ethnologists in this and other 
 countries. An abstract of the principles underlying this 
 series, designed for incorporation in the present report, was 
 printed in December, 1901, under the title Classification of the 
 Sciences. 
 
 In addition to his duties as Ethnologist in Charge, Mr W J 
 McGree continued the application of the principles of psychol- 
 ogy to the current researches. Two methods of psychologic 
 inquiry have been successfully pursued in the past. While 
 these are in some degree antithetic, they also measurably rep- 
 resent stages in the development of knowledge. The first 
 method may be defined as that of introspection, the second as 
 that of experiment. During the last decade the latter 
 attained great vogue, and departments of experimental psy- 
 chology have been built up in several universities and colleges. 
 The two methods, more especially the latter, afford a founda- 
 tion for a third method, which alone is available for the study 
 of large groups, such as races, nations, or entire peoples. 
 It may be defined as the method of direct observation of 
 normal interactions. In pursuing this method it is as- 
 sumed, on the basis of experimental psychology, that phys- 
 ical acts are correlated with mental actions — in other words, 
 that human thought and human action are interdependent. 
 The recognition of this simple principle removes the need for 
 a large part of the detail work involved in experimental psy- 
 chology, for it permits the interpretation of mental char- 
 acteristics of individuals and groups from their habitual, or 
 normal, actions rather than from a repetition of special ac- 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXI 
 
 tions of a prearranged series. For this reason it has not hith- 
 erto been deemed necessary to introduce psychometric work 
 in connection with the ethnologic researches, the observations 
 on Indian habits and artifacts seeming to afford a satisfactory 
 index to and measure of the aboriginal mind. In its general 
 aspect the principle ma,j be said to have been established 
 early in the history of the Bureau through observations on 
 activital coincidences which have since been formulated in the 
 comprehensive law of the responsivity of mind; so generalized, 
 the principle may be regarded as the keynote of ethnic science, 
 the Rosetta stone whereby the characters of all races may be 
 interpreted. The recognition of the principle serves also to 
 explain and establish the sequence of stages in human devel- 
 opment inferred from observations of many peoples; that is, 
 from savagery, through barbarism and civilization, up to en- 
 lightenment, since it shows that each transition was the prod- 
 uct of cumulative experiences, long assimilated and applied 
 through commonplace habits rather than through abstract 
 reflection; for in all the lower stages of human progress the 
 mind borrows from the hand. Customarily, the stages of cul- 
 ture are denned on the basis of social organization, but they 
 may be defined nearly as conveniently in terms of psychic 
 development. So defined, primordial savagery is not merely 
 the stage in which the law rests on maternal kinship, but 
 that of instinctive imitation, in which experience is per- 
 ceptive rather than apperceptive, while knowledge increases 
 through accident rather than design. Similarly, barbarism 
 is not only the stage of paternal kinship and patriarchy, 
 but that of awakening apperception accompanied by distrust 
 and dread of nature, in which knowledge is stimulated by 
 notions of divination, with accompanying physical tests slowly 
 assimilated in conscious experience. In like manner civiliza- 
 tion is not simply the stage of law based on territorial right, 
 but that of habitual discovery, in which new-found facts are 
 consciously perceived and utilized. So, also, enlightenment 
 means more than mere recognition of individual rights as the 
 basis of law ; for it is the stage of invention and of the union of 
 individuals for conquest over nature through the exercise of 
 
XXII BUREAU OE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 definite prevision based on accumulated experience. Defined 
 in a word, respectively, the four psychic stages are those of 
 (1) imitation, (2) divination, (3) discovery, and (4) invention. 
 Now, among the applications of the principle of the interde- 
 pendence of thought and action, ^ione are more important than 
 those pertaining to the developmental stages; for the leading 
 problems of the world to-day are connected with the lifting of 
 lower races and more primitive cultures to the planes of civil- 
 ization and enlightenment. The special applications are innu- 
 merable, but they cluster about the general principles: (1) that 
 in primitive culture thought is engendered by action, (2) that in 
 higher culture thought leads action, and (3) that hence the most 
 effective waysof raising lower peoples are those of manual rather 
 than mental training. All systematic observations indicate that 
 in the earlier stages the mental clings to the manual so closely 
 that the primitive artisan feels the implement as a part of him- 
 self and commonly believes that a part of his personality goes 
 out into both tool and product; thus his craft is a constant 
 stimulus to mental activity and prepares him for further steps 
 in the long way leading from the plane of fettering instinct to 
 that of free invention. When the savage or barbarian is so 
 far educated that his hand intuitively moves knife or saw or 
 plane by pushing outward instead of pulling inward, his mind 
 is in the third quarter of the normal course of development; 
 but to this position he can be raised only by the oft-repeated 
 example and simple precept of rational training applied to 
 lower races. The researches along- these lines are not com- 
 plete; some of the results were incorporated in a brief paper 
 on Primitive Numbers published in the Nineteenth Annual 
 Report; and a preliminary account of certain results was pub- 
 lished duriug the year under the title Grerme d'une Industrie 
 de la Pierre en Araerique, in L' Anthropologic, Paris. 
 
 Work in Esthetology 
 
 Mr Mooney remained in the field throughout the greater 
 part of the year, and his researches were such as to yield mate- 
 rial for a prospective report on Indian heraldry. His investi- 
 gations during several years past have shown that various 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE KEPOET XXIII 
 
 Indian tribes possess heraldic systems analogous in many ways 
 to those of medieval Europe. Such a system is especially 
 developed among the Kiowa, and his work- during the year 
 was carried forward in this and neighboring tribes. The 
 ways in which the system is developed render the study 
 extremely difficult. The principal heraldic devices are of two 
 classes, one pertaining to tipis, the other to shields. The tipis, 
 with their devices, belong to families, in which the}^ are heredi- 
 tary. The shields, with their emblematic or armorial bearings 
 belong to warrior brotherhoods, which arise in connection with 
 the bearings themselves. Usually the devices are dreamed by 
 a shaman or revealed to him in a vision, as he conceives it, 
 the dreain indicating also the number of shields that it is per- 
 missible to make with the particular bearing of the revelation. 
 In due time the shields are made in accordance with the 
 shaman's dream, not to exceed the number indicated in the 
 Ausion, and may be adopted by unattached warriors until all 
 are in use. Each shield usually bears two devices, one on 
 an outer cover of skin which may be regarded as a sym- 
 bol of the bearing within, and another secret device upon 
 a second cover beneath or upon the body of the shield 
 proper. The latter design is never exposed save in battle, 
 when it is displayed as a magical device for offense as 
 well as defense against enemies, and in sacred ceremony. 
 The shield is regarded by its owner as the symbol of his 
 special tutelary. It is prized and kept sacred during his 
 lifetime, and, unless sacrificed in his declining days on the 
 death of a kinsman, is buried with his body, being usually 
 placed under his head in the grave or sometimes left sus- 
 pended from a tripod or the branch of a tree near by. By 
 reason of the habitual sacrifice of shields and the decline of 
 aboriginal customs few now remain, though fortunately many 
 are preserved in memory and tradition. The devices can be 
 adequately studied only with the aid of their respective own- 
 ers, when these can be induced to reveal the meaning and 
 medicine of the devices or, still better, to reconstruct them in 
 such manner as to permit the investigator to trace the inter- 
 related meanings of the various features as they are slowly 
 
XXIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 wrought in accordance with archaic ritual. The family tipis 
 are also practically extinct, though nearly every family has 
 surviving representatives acquainted with the family crests 
 and with the ritualistic modes of constructing both tipis and 
 heraldic devices. Mr Mooney's method has been to employ 
 survivors of both brotherhoods and families to reconstruct 
 their shields and tipis in miniature, with the armorial bear- 
 ings, these models to be preserved in the National Museum 
 after the study is finished. The task has been a tedious one, 
 yet the progress has been satisfactory. The heraldic system 
 of the native tribes opens the way to knowledge of various 
 obscure customs of primitive peoples and to vital stages in 
 cultural progress. They are closely related to the pictograph 
 systems found among the tribes of the Plains, and through these 
 they are akin to the glyphic systems employed in the aborig- 
 inal books and sculptures of Mexico and Central America. 
 Moreover, since they represent the transition from prescrip- 
 torial to scriptorial culture, they are found to throw much light 
 on the genesis of European systems of heraldry. The heraldry 
 of those tribes in which it is best developed forms a nucleus 
 for the esthetic activities generally; in the heraldic devices 
 artistic forms and coloring find then- highest expression; in 
 connection with them the powers of imagination attain their 
 highest perfection; and through them symbolism, ritual, faith, 
 and war ceremonial were crystallized and kept alive. 
 
 Ethnologists have long realized that the widest gateway to 
 aboriginal life is that afforded by games of chance; for primi- 
 tive men, especially in that barbaric culture in which divina- 
 tion is the keynote of psychic character, are habitual gamesters, 
 and not only devote much time to gaming, but play openly 
 with infatuation, so as to afford constant opportunities to the 
 student. The lowly games that are played by the native 
 Australians and Polynesians have received much attention; 
 those of Korea, Japan, and China, in which the barbaric 
 element of divination is supplemented by skill, have been 
 described by eminent authors; the games of the American 
 aborigines have been studied not only by collaborators of the 
 Bureau but by other able ethnologists, notably Tylor; and 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXV 
 
 the various studies afford a foundation for systematic research. 
 The work was taken up incidentally by the late Frank Ham- 
 ilton dishing, with the collaboration of Dr Stewart Culin, of 
 Philadelphia, author of notable treatises on Korean and other 
 games. Their joint study was incomplete at the time of Mr 
 Cushing's death; subsequently it was carried forward inde- 
 pendently by Dr Culin. During the year an arrangement 
 was effected with Dr Culin under which he has nearly com- 
 pleted a monograph on Indian games for publication by the 
 Bureau. In the prosecution of the work he has made several 
 field trips, has examined material in all the leading museums 
 of the country, and has prepared numerous photographic and 
 other illustrations. The results of the study are of much 
 interest in that they illustrate a curious commingling of the 
 fiducial and the fortuitous in the notions of primitive game- 
 sters. Actually, the games are played as depending on chance 
 rather than skill, though considerable skill is eventually devel- 
 oped; yet the ptayi^g is essentially devotional toward the 
 mysterious potencies held to control the physical world and 
 to govern human affairs. Accordingly, the games played for 
 pastime run curiously into the most sacred ceremonies, and 
 the devices employed afford a fruitful revelation of primitive 
 thought. By reason of the wealth of material the mono- 
 graph has become voluminous. It was not quite ready for 
 delivery at the end of the year, but is promised for the first 
 quarter of the current year. 
 
 During the' year Professor W. H. Holmes, now of the 
 United States National Museum, completed the monograph 
 on Aboriginal Pottery of Eastern United States, of which 
 he prepared the first draft while an officer of the Bureau. 
 Although primarily technologic, it forms an important addi- 
 tion to knowledge of aboriginal esthetics. As repeatedly 
 noted in the ethnologic work of the Bureau, esthetic motives 
 invariably arise in symbolism and develop through a conven- 
 tionalism shaped by ancillary or adventitious conditions, 
 including texture of materials, character of tools, etc., as well 
 as through growing conceptiveness and power of imagination. 
 Now, no line of esthetic development is more complete than 
 
XXVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 that represented in the decoration of fictile ware, and the 
 author of this monograph, combining as he does thorough 
 technical knowledge of the potter's craft with high artistic 
 skill and singular esthetic appreciation, has been able to trace 
 in masterly fashion and to illustrate effectively the growth of 
 fictile decoration. As a faithful description of aboriginal pot- 
 tery the treatise will undoubtedly become standard; and it 
 is the most comprehensive contribution thus far made to the 
 history of those stages of culture in which the fashioning and 
 decoration of pottery have ranked high among the voca- 
 tions of mankind. The monograph forms the body of the 
 Twentieth Annual Report. 
 
 During the year the series of graphic representations of 
 personages in the Hopi pantheon collected by Dr Fewkes, 
 mentioned in previous reports, was sent to press as a part of 
 the Twenty-first Annual, under the title Hopi Katcinas. Dr 
 Fewkes also completed the illustrated memoir on his unique 
 collections of pottery and other material from Arizona and 
 New Mexico, noted in the last report. It is in press, under 
 the title Two Summers' Work in Pueblo Ruins, as a part of 
 the Twenty- second Annual. 
 
 Work in Technology 
 
 Primarily, Professor Holmes's monograph on aboriginal pot- 
 tery of the eastern United States is a description of the fictile 
 ware classified by districts, so far as practicable by tribes, and 
 also by technologic types. The art of the potter is old, far 
 older than written histoiy, so that its beginnings can never be 
 traced directly. The antique and prehistoric wares themselves 
 yield a partial record of the development of the art ; the arche- 
 ologists of the Old World have been able to supplement and 
 extend the written history of pottery through study of such 
 material, and their researches have lent interest to the ancient 
 vessels and sherds with which the museums of the world are 
 enriched. Yet the fictile ware of Egypt, Babylonia, Etruria, 
 India, and other Old World provinces falls far short of telling 
 the whole story of the art, since it fails to reveal the actual 
 motives and sentiments of the early artisans; the relics are 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXVII 
 
 husks of the history of pottery without the vital kernel. The 
 archeologic studies in America supplement the European 
 researches in a highly useful way. In the first place, the 
 period of pottery among' the American aborigines was com- 
 paratively short, so that the prehistoric and the historic are 
 closely related; and, in the second place, the several living 
 tribes within reach of current observation represent various 
 stages in the development of the art, so that opportunities exist 
 in America for studying- the motives and sentiments of the 
 artisans engaged in all of the earlier developmental stages of 
 the art. In general, the craft of the potter may be said to arise 
 in the social stage of savagery, or the psychic stage of imita- 
 tion, with tedious growth through accidental improvement; in 
 general, too, the art may be said to expand and differentiate in 
 the succeeding barbaric stage, with attendant divinatory con- 
 cepts as motives, and it is this stage, with its protean forms, 
 textures, decorative devices, and modes of manufacture, which 
 has been found peculiarly inscrutable by students of the prod- 
 ucts alone. Now, it is precisely this stage which is represented 
 by most of the American aboriginal ware, both prehistoric and 
 historic, and by the work of surviving tribes. Accordingly, 
 Professor Holmes's description of the American ware, with his 
 critical analysis of types and interpretation of motives, would 
 seem to afford not merely a supplement to, but a sound foun- 
 dation for, the history of the potter's art. The monograph, 
 which forms the body of the Twentieth Annual Report, em- 
 braces faithful representations of some 250 typical specimens. 
 Of the two special investigations concerning aboriginal indus- 
 tries undertaken during the year that of Dr Fewkes in Porto 
 Rico seems likely to be-of the more general interest. While 
 his trip to the Antilles was designed as a reconnaissance of 
 Porto Rico, Haiti, and adjacent islands, he was prevented, 
 partly by the volcanic disturbances of early May, from extend- 
 ing observations beyond the first-named island; yet this failure 
 resulted beneficially rather than otherwise, since it enabled 
 him to make a more definite ethnologic and archeologic sur- 
 vey of Porto Rico than was at first contemplated. Among the 
 surviving types of aboriginal handicraft to which he gave 
 
XXVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOG"? 
 
 special attention were those connected with habitations. In 
 all parts of the American hemisphere the prevailing house 
 type is in some measure a blend of the indigenous and the 
 imported; while in most districts the imported motives are so 
 predominant that the indigenous elements are hardly traceable, 
 there are other districts, especially in tropical, subtropical, and 
 arid regions, in which the aboriginal types are of such excel- 
 lence that many elements have been retained with advantage 
 by Caucasian settlers. This is especially true in the Antilles, 
 where natural conditions of climate, water, and available ma- 
 terial have led to light and inexpensive types of construction 
 by which European settlers have been glad to profit. The 
 types are somewhat analogous to those which have been better 
 developed in the Orient, especially by the Japanese, which are 
 frequently commended to the attention of Occidental builders. 
 When it is remembered that the prevailing Anglo-Saxon types 
 are suited to the rigorous climate of northwestern Europe and 
 adaptations of materials developed in the northern temperate 
 zone, it becomes evident that they are not well adapted to our 
 southern temperate zone, still less to our tropical and subtrop- 
 ical possessions. Then, when it is remembered that the indig- 
 enous types, e. g., of Porto Rico, are specifically fitted to the 
 local climate and adaptations of local materials, it would seem 
 clear that architectural motives derived from them ought to be 
 even more useful than any borrowed from Japan. These con- 
 siderations have influenced the researches in Porto Rico, and 
 they are in part the motive of the special report on Porto Rico 
 prepared by Dr Fewkes. Other motives have reference to the 
 native food sources which have been found useful by genera- 
 tions of European settlers and aboriginal modes of food prepara- 
 tion which are of such excellence as to still survive. It appears 
 from the observations that several native foods are worthy of 
 attention and cultivation by settlers from the United States 
 and that some of the indigenous modes of preparing food may 
 well receive careful study with a view to maintaining the excel- 
 lence of the preparations when more advanced modes of hand- 
 ling, milling, preserving, and transporting are introduced. The 
 details of Dr Fewkes's investigations are incorporated in a 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXIX 
 
 memoir designated for early publication in the form of a bul- 
 letin. The industrial data are supplemented by bibliographic 
 and other material, which will render the report a manual of 
 Porto Rican ethnology and archeology. 
 
 The special investigation undertaken by Dr. Russell among 
 the Pima Indians covered aboriginal industries developed 
 in and adapted to the arid region. Here, as in Porto Rico, 
 local t) 7 pes of habitation have resulted from the climatic and 
 other local conditions. The primal house t}~pe is a small 
 circular structure of cactus or reeds, roofed with earth, the 
 whole supported by an inner framework of poles. This type 
 is varied according to available materials, the grass house and 
 the house of cactus (okatilla stems or saguaro ribs) being closely 
 related derivative forms. It is varied also by arrangement of 
 material, as when the cactus staves are wattled with reeds or 
 withes, and the house tends to become square in plan with 
 vertical walls eventually plastered by the washing of mud 
 from the roof and by the throwing up of embankments as 
 wind-breaks below. Under the imitative instinct of savagery 
 the wattled walls are coated with a mortar of mud, which is 
 hardened by embedding in it pebbles and larger stones; 
 and this may be deemed the secondary type of aboriginal 
 architecture in the southwestern United States and northern 
 Mexico. From it develops, under favorable conditions, a third 
 type, that of rubble masonry set in a mortar of mud or even 
 laid dry; but where building stone is lacking, the pebble-set 
 wattle structure grows into a distinctive architecture of which 
 the basis is the puddled wall, or pise, called by Spanish settlers 
 cajon, the fourth house type of the arid region. Aboriginally, 
 the earth used in the structure was doubtless tamped between 
 wattled walls, at first permanent and afterward temporary; 
 certainly, during later times the earth was built up in succes- 
 sive tiers between movable screens of wattling so placed and 
 braced as to form a temporary trough for each layer. The 
 cajon structure was durable and was susceptible of develop- 
 ment into communal houses of many rooms and several stories. 
 As in the primal type, the roof consisted of earth laid on 
 brush supported by a sheathing of canes or cactus staves and 
 
fc 
 
 XXX BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 rafters of cedar poles; on one-story houses it was a place of 
 temporary resort for the occupants, and with the gradual evo- 
 lution of parapets and the growth of these into higher stories 
 the roofs became upper floors. Subsequently (probably after 
 the Caucasian invasion) earthern bricks laid in mud mortar 
 were adopted, and this type of construction, known as adobe, 
 was generally adopted.; and in the better buildings, both of 
 cajon and adobe, the walls were coated with a thin plaster or 
 slip fixed by a soda or other earthy salt. Now, the aboriginal 
 cajon house type is admirably adapted to the present needs 
 of the arid region and is well worthy of consideration by 
 Caucasian settlers. Properly constructed cajon walls are 
 much superior to adobe in homogeneity and strength, though 
 somewhat more expensive of labor. Their durability is 
 sufficiently attested by Casa Grande in the Grila valley, 
 which was a ruin of immemorial antiquity when discov- 
 ered by Padre Kino in 1694, and- is still standing despite 
 vandalism as well as natural weathering. Moreover, the cajon 
 is readily susceptible of improvement by the addition of lime 
 or cement to the material in any desired quantity, and by sub- 
 stituting a plaster of lime or cement for the simple slip. So 
 improved, the native construction would seem better adapted 
 to the conditions and requirements of habitations in the arid 
 region than any imported models. The cost would be only 
 that of the lime and the handling of materials, while wood, 
 burned brick, and even stone are highly expensive. The thick 
 walls would effectively equalize interior temperatures despite 
 the enormous diurnal range, which is the most serious obstacle 
 to residence in arid districts; and the general massiveness 
 would lend itself to distinctive and desirable architectural 
 effects. Dr Russell's researches extended also to the lighter 
 and more composite types of construction surviving among 
 the Pima and neighboring Indians, as well as to the attendant 
 industries and food sources. Among the latter the fruit of the 
 cactus figures prominently, not only in modern customs but in 
 tradition and ceremonies, attesting the still more important 
 place which the fruit and its products occupied in the lives of 
 past generations. Dr Russell's material has been so divided 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXI 
 
 as to yield a special memoir on technology, designed for early- 
 publication in bulletin form, and a general monograph on the 
 social organization, mythology, and esthetology of the Pima 
 tribe and on the antiquities of their habitat. 
 
 During the ) r ear Dr Albert E. Jenks revised the proofs of his 
 memoir on Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes, which 
 forms part of the' Nineteenth Annual Report. This treatise is 
 deemed especially valuable in that it calls attention to a wide- 
 spread food source largel)'' used by the aborigines and giving 
 promise of great utility to our citizens whenever the requisite 
 attention is given to cultivation, milling, and preparation. In 
 food value the wild rice ranks high among cereals, and its 
 natural habitat is such that by its means otherwise useless 
 swamp lands may be utilized and reclaimed, while it can not 
 be doubted that with judicious cultivation it might be adapted 
 to a widening range of soil conditions. Later in the year Dr 
 Jenks resumed his researches concerning the birch-bark indus- 
 tries of our northern aborigines. As noted in the last report, 
 one aspect of the industries clustering about the birch tree is 
 of prime significance to ethnologists in that the birch-bark 
 canoe was the most effective agency of distribution of tribes 
 and culture during early times; moreover, it is well worth 
 noting that the interest is a living one, since the bark canoe 
 remains a most effective device for transportation for white 
 as well as red men. Indeed, its use by white tourists, fishermen, 
 and hunters, is apparently increasing in the northern United 
 States and Canada. Various other birch-bark artifacts are in 
 use among whites as well as natives. The half conventional, 
 half symbolic makok, or maple-sugar box, proves a convenient 
 household utensil; birch-bark baskets of different forms are 
 found useful as well as artistic; and on the whole it would 
 appear not only that the birch-bark industry is increasing in 
 consequence of demands by whites, but that, it serves as a 
 helpful stepping-stone from the primitive customs of the 
 Indian toward the free and self-supporting citizenship which 
 is the Indian's ultimate goal. Exigencies connected with the 
 editorial work of the office compelled Dr Jenks to divert a part 
 of his time from the research. Therefore the work was not 
 
 23 ETH— 04 III 
 
XXXII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 quite completed at the end of the fiscal } T ear, when Dr Jenks 
 was, at the request of the Director of the Philippine Bureau of 
 Nonchristian Tribes, furloughed for a year, with a view to the 
 more effective introduction of the methods of the Bureau of 
 American Ethnology in the Philippine researches. 
 
 For several years Mr J. D. McGuire has been engaged in 
 investigating certain branches of aboriginal technology, and 
 some of his results have been published in th% reports of the 
 United States National Museum. During the last fiscal year 
 he began, at the instance of the Director, a critical study of the 
 earliest records of aboriginal technology made by the con- 
 quistadores, missionaries, and other pioneers. During the year 
 just closed he continued the work, and has made a series of 
 extracts from the records which have proved of great use to 
 the Director and the collaborators engaged in field researches. 
 The extracts are arranged on cards, and these have been 
 acquired for the use of the Bureau. 
 
 Work in Sociology 
 
 Throughout most of the year the time of the Ethnologist in 
 Charge has bee'n so fully occupied with administrative work, 
 largely relating to publication of the reports, as to somewhat 
 delay his sociologic inquiries; yet fair progress has been made. 
 One of the special inquiries of the year relates to what may be 
 called, by extension of common terms, aboriginal land tenure, 
 this investigation being rendered timely by current progress 
 in the allotment of lands in severalty to former tribesmen, as 
 well as by recent occupancy of territory formerly inhabited 
 by native tribes in Alaska, Hawaii, and the Philippines. The 
 researches indicate that primitive peoples have no conception 
 of land tenure in the sense in which the term is employed by 
 civilized and enlightened peoples. In the first place, there is 
 no recognition of individual rights to lands or natural wealth, 
 for such values are regarded as belonging to the clan, the gens, 
 or the tribe; that is, possession is communal rather than indi- 
 vidual. In the second place, the property sense is especially 
 inchoate as applied to lands, which are viewed as natural 
 ranges for men and animals, for local tribes and local fauna; and 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXIII 
 
 there is no recognition of ownershqi or of title inimical to 
 the natural coordinate rights of such men and beasts. True, 
 there is among most tribes a vague sense of prescriptive right 
 to long occupied territory, to the home of the ancients who 
 play so prominent a role in primitive philosophy, so that a tribe 
 commonly feels it to be a right and a filial duty to protect the 
 home range against permanent invasion by aliens; yet the 
 vague right so recognized scarcely applies to the land per se, 
 but only to the rights of the chase, fisheries, fruits, and any 
 cultivated products, personal habitations, quarries, or clay pits; 
 that is, to what may be called the usufruct of the soil. In 
 fact, the attitude of the savage or barbarian toward property 
 in land is much like that of American citizens during the last 
 century toward property in water, to wit, in the rains, rivers, 
 lakes, seas, artesian water, ordinary ground water, etc. During 
 recent decades the idea of property in water has grown up 
 in the less humid districts and is rapidly extending, yet the 
 development of this conception is slow, even in the minds of 
 the most intelligent people. Perhaps a closer example may 
 be found in air as viewed by enlightened peoples, for the 
 air is regarded as essentially common to all living and breath- 
 ing things, and its use as an inherent right far transcending 
 conventional titles to personal or communal property. There 
 are indeed certain germs of communal property right in 
 air, manifested in the occasional actions of neighborhoods 
 looking to the abatement of certain nuisances, yet the 
 claims put forth in such actions relate rather to the free 
 and common use, the usufruct, of the air than to its possession 
 as property, so that our attitude toward air is closely analo- 
 gous to that of primitive folk toward land. The results of the 
 inquiries find ready application in connection with various 
 public questions. One of the conclusions is that primitive 
 folk can not be at once transferred from the plane of collective 
 interest in the usufruct of the soil to that of individual land 
 tenure, any more than the farmer of the Atlantic seaboard 
 could be brought in a day to full understanding of irrigation 
 water rights, with all the complications of dams, sluices, main 
 ditches, gates, etc.; indeed, the education of the citizen farmers 
 
XXXIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 who have gone West and grown up with irrigation was much 
 more rapid than could be expected of the slower-minded tribes- 
 men. Accordingly, it would clearly be a mistake to transfer 
 tribesmen directly from the range to the severalty holding; 
 there should be, as indeed experience has shown in dealing 
 with the Indians, an intermediate period of proprietary train- 
 ing on collective reservations. The researches indicate that 
 this period should cover at least a generation ; in most cases 
 two generations would be required for the development of the 
 sentiment of thrift and the Teeling of independence required for 
 successful citizenship. Some of the results of the year's work 
 have been made public in scientific papers and addresses, and 
 progress has been made in arranging the material for formal 
 issue in reports. 
 
 In connection with his linguistic researches in British 
 Columbia Dr John R. Swanton collected definite information 
 concerning kinship terms and other factors in the social organi- 
 zation of ,|he Haida Indians, and toward the close of the year 
 he made progress in arranging the data for publication. 
 
 Work in Philology 
 
 During the earlier part of the fiscal year the Director con- 
 tinued the arrangement of Mexican and Central American 
 linguistic ;inaterial with a view to the classification of the 
 aborigines of the southern portion of North America on a 
 linguistic basis. As during the preceding year, Dr Cyrus 
 Thomas collaborated in the work. The completion of the task 
 was delayed by the illness of the Director during the later 
 months of the year. 
 
 At the opening of the year Professor Franz Boas, of 
 Columbia University, received an honorary appointment as 
 philologist and was intrusted with the supervision of a_ con- 
 siderable part of the linguistic researches in which the Bureau 
 is engaged. One of the objects of the appointment was that 
 of obtaining a uniform series of outlines of Indian languages 
 to be published in synoptic form for use in comparative studies 
 by the philologists of the world. The work requires extensive 
 preparation because of the wide range and considerable 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXV 
 
 volume of the material both, in hand and required. At the 
 time of its discovery there were in North America something 
 between one and two thousand tribal dialects or langTiaaes 
 belonging to about a hundred linguistic stocks or families, so 
 that the scope of the work is so broad that it may not be 
 accomplished except by 'the cooperation of many specialists 
 devoted to particular groups of languages. Under such con- 
 ditions it seems inexpedient for the Bureau alone to attempt 
 to cover the ground, and the plan of the work intrusted to 
 Dr Boas is to enlist the cooperation of other institutions and 
 linguistic specialists. During the fiscal year the work was 
 organized in cooperation with the American Museum of 
 Natural History, Columbia Universit} r , Harvard Univer- 
 sity, and the University of California. The collaborators 
 include Dr John R. Swanton, of the Bureau; Mr H. H. St. 
 Clair, 2d, of the American Museum ; Mr William Jones, rep- 
 resenting Columbia University; Dr Roland B. Dixon, of Har- 
 vard, and Dr A. L. Kroeber, acting under the auspices of the 
 University of California. Dr Swauton's work comprised the 
 transcription of a voluminous series of Haida texts; he also 
 completed a synopsis of the Haida language for incorporation 
 in the general series. Mr St. Clair devoted a part of the year 
 to work on a dictionary and grammar of the Chinook language, 
 and in addition made a critical study of Shoshoni linguistic 
 material in the archives of the Bureau and of the American 
 Museum. Mr Jones made good progress in analyzing the 
 grammar of the Sauk and Fox dialects, nearly completing a 
 list of suffixes and prefixes; also in arranging for publication 
 a series of Fox texts collected during the preceding fiscal 
 year. Dr Dixon prepared a grammar and vocabulary of the 
 Maidu language; while Dr Kroeber collected and arranged 
 both lexic and grammatic material representing several other 
 California tribes. Inspired by the hearty approval of scientific 
 men at home and abroad, Dr Boas and his collaborators have 
 taken up the work with zeal. Dr Boas observes: " Linguistic 
 work in many parts of North America is exceedingly urgent 
 on account of the rapid disappearance of the native languages, 
 and the means at our disposal for this work are insufficient." 
 
XXX VI BI'KEAC OF AMEBIC AX ETHXOLOGY 
 
 Yet it is a gratification to report that tbe interest of the col- 
 laborators, who have worked gratuitously or for onlv nominal 
 compensation, has resulted in a large volume of invaluable 
 material amassed at trifling cost to the Bureau. It is a 
 pleasure to acknowledge the generous contributions of Dr 
 Boas and the other collaborators named. 
 
 During the year Dr Boas completed the proof revision of 
 his memoir entitled Kathlamet Texts, and it has been pub- 
 lished as a bulletin. He also completed the manuscript for a 
 similar memoir entitled Tsimshian Texts, and it was transmitted 
 for publication on January 29, 1902. 
 
 Dr Albeit 6. Gatschei carried forward to substantial com- 
 pletion his vocabularv and grammar of the Peoria language, 
 and also continued the arrangement of material for the com- 
 parative Algonquian vocabulary. In addition, he devoted 
 some time to special researches required for answering some 
 of the numerous requests for information concerning Indian 
 terms and phrases constantly received from correspondents. 
 
 Mr J. X. B. Hewitt devoted the greater part of the year to 
 his monograph on Iroquois Creation Myths, mentioned in 
 previous reports: three of the five sections were sent to press 
 during the year as a part of the Twentv-first Annual Report. 
 Toward the close of the year he took up the general discussion 
 of principles noted in another paragraph; and, as a part of the 
 current work, he continued the extraction and arrangement of 
 Iroquoian linguistic material in a form suitable for reference 
 and eventuallv for publication. Throughout the year a con- 
 siderable part of Mi\ Hewitt's time was occupied in the 
 researches required for answering technical inquiries from cor- 
 respondents — a duty which seems unavoidable, although its 
 performance retards progress in svstematic researches. 
 
 Miss Jessie E. Thomas continued the transcription of the 
 manuscript Diccionario de Motul, while Senor Andomaro 
 Molina, of Merida. Yucatan, made good progress in the trans- 
 lation of the Maya and Spanish terms into English, with a view 
 to the issue of this extensive vocabularv in a form appropriate 
 to the publications of the Bureau. In view of the prospective 
 value of this work to future students it would seem important 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXVII 
 
 that the final translation should be based on thorough and 
 critical knowledge of the Maya, Spanish, and English lan- 
 guages; and, having regard to the desirability of this and to 
 the fact that Senor Molina is a volunteer collaborator resident 
 in another country, it is deemed proper to insert the following 
 voluntary expression from the United States consul at Pro- 
 greso, Yucatan, Mr Edward H. Thompson, himself a critical 
 student of the antiquities, history, and languages of Yucatan: 
 "To my mind, in the work of the Licentiate Andomaro Molina, 
 the Bureau has done the best work of the year and has done it 
 in the best possible way. It has arranged to give to light and 
 study a much-needed work, and it has put it in the very hands 
 best fitted to do it I am, perhaps, competent to speak upon 
 this subject, and I am willing to place on record my belief 
 that no living man could have this work intrusted to him so well 
 as Mr Molina. The work that he is doing can not be done by 
 a foreigner. I am, perhaps, as well informed upon the native 
 Maya, their habits, customs, etc , as any living foreigner, and, 
 it may be, better than any other. I know enough to know 
 that I could not do the work as it should be done. This task 
 should only be undertaken by one who has been brought up 
 on milk from a native breast, whose first words were in Maya, 
 and whose thoughts come easier to him when clothed in the 
 Maya form than in classic Castilian or downright Anglo-Saxon. 
 Such a man is Molina. To the instincts and the education of 
 a scholar he adds the subtile understanding of the native and 
 as perfect command of the ancient language, the Maya, as any 
 man can have at this day." 
 
 The final proofs of the Natick Dictionary, compiled by the 
 late James Hammond Trumbull, were revised during the year, 
 and the greater part of the sheets have been printed. 
 
 In addition to his work on the Mexican and Central Ameri- 
 can linguistic records, Dr Cyrus Thomas, in immediate col- 
 laboration with the Director, continued his investigation of 
 aboriginal records preserved in the forms of codices, sculptures, 
 etc. His work was productive, yielding among other results 
 a memoir entitled Mayan Calendar Systems, which was sent 
 to press as a part of the Twenty-second Annual Report. 
 
XXXVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 Progress was made also in preparing for the press the trans- 
 lations made by Mr Charles P. Bowditch of certain scattered 
 yet noteworthy contributions to knowledge concerning the 
 calendric and other records of Mexico and Central Amer- 
 ica, and it is a pleasure to acknowledge the generosity of 
 the translator in contributing the material and in furthering the 
 work of its preparation in every practical way. Toward the 
 end of the fiscal year Mr Elbert J. Benton was temporarily 
 engaged to edit the material and arrange the illustrations for 
 publication; this work was well advanced at the close of the 
 year. 
 
 Work in Sophiology 
 
 About the end of May Miss Alice C. Fletcher completed her 
 monograph on the Pawnee Indians under the title Hako: A 
 Pawnee Ceremony. In many respects a tj^pical tribe of the 
 Plains, the Pawnee Indians were in some points the most 
 remarkably developed of the prairie tribes. Like other vigor- 
 ous aboriginal groups, they were composite; an important 
 constituent, later known as the Skidi band, came from the 
 wooded hills and broad bottom lands of the Arkansas country, 
 where they or their ancestry had developed a woodland cul- 
 ture and doubtless performed a share in the erection of the 
 imposing mounds of the lower Mississippi region. Other tribal 
 constituents represented prairie provinces; and there are strong 
 suggestions in the rich tribal mythology that at least a cultural 
 constituent was absorbed from the highly religious sedentary 
 peoples of the Southwestern pueblos. The composite tribe 
 lived long, as is attested by their traditions as well as their 
 customs, in the prairie region, which they shared with the 
 buffalo; and in even greater degree than the Siouan tribes 
 dwelling farther northward, they adjusted themselves to this 
 natural spoil, so that the buffalo became tha source of their 
 food, their raiment, and the material for their habitations, the 
 guide of their migrations, the object of then handicraft and 
 hunting tactics, and finally, one of the foremost among their 
 deified tutelaries. According^ the fiducial ceremonies of the 
 tribe combine intensity of local veneration for a few leading 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXIX 
 
 tutelaries with a wealth of imagery and ritual derived from 
 other districts and peoples, vivified by their union and inter- 
 action. During earlier days the rituals were so far esoteric as 
 to generally escape the notice of ethnologists as well as of 
 casual visitors; but during recent years a few students, notably 
 Miss Fletcher, have been permitted to witness the sacred cere- 
 monies, and even to examine and obtain interpretations of the 
 magic bundles which serve as the tangible basis of the rituals. 
 All of these rituals are impressive; some, like the Hako, are of 
 remarkable richness, not only in gesture and measured move- 
 ment, but in the poetic imagery expressed in word, music, 
 pantomime. Miss Fletcher's record appears to be perfect, and 
 she has analyzed with acumen the rhythm and melody of the 
 chants, the symbolic harmony of the accompanying panto- 
 mime, and the meaning expressed in the intricate figures of the 
 dance and movements of'the march that form essential features 
 of the ceremony. From Miss Fletcher's rendition and inter- 
 pretation it would seem that these elaborate rituals open a vista 
 looking directly on the beginnings of song, dance, drama, poesy. 
 The) r certainly are a revelation to students of the highest phases 
 of human culture as well as to the investigator of primitive cus- 
 toms. The memoir is in press as a part of the Twenty-second 
 Annual Report. 
 
 In connection with his comparative study of Indian creation 
 myths Mr Hewitt has been led to analyze certain funda- 
 mental features of primitive philosophy, especially those form- 
 ing' the basis of totemism, shamanism, etc. It is well known 
 that in the different Indian languages there are terms difficult 
 of translation into modem tongues which are of deep mean- 
 ing to their users, for example, manido, or manitou, among the 
 Algonquian tribes; wakan, or wakanda, among the Siouan 
 tribes — terms covering a larger proportion and wider variety 
 of the thought of primitive men than any single terms cover 
 in higher culture. Among the Iroquoian Indians the corre- 
 sponding term is orenda, which may be translated mysterious 
 power for good and evil, powers of magic, or, more briefly, 
 magic potency. Mr Hewitt's analysis was announced in a 
 preliminary paper, and has already proved serviceable to eth- 
 
XL BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 nologists in this and other countries; and it seems probable 
 that the Iroquois term will come into general, use in the 
 English language for purposes of sophiologic discussion. The 
 complete study is designed for publication in the second part 
 of Iroquois Creation Myths, which was nearly ready for the 
 press at the end of the year. 
 
 For a number of years Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson has 
 been investigating the myths and ceremonies of the Zufii 
 Indians of New Mexico. During the fiscal year she has fin- 
 ished the revision of several incomplete chapters and arranged 
 the matter for the entire monograph in form for publication. 
 This work will prove a most interesting contribution to the 
 knowledge of a typical Pueblo tribe, which, although in some- 
 what familiar contact with the whites for a long period of years, 
 is so conservative in character as to have been but slightly in- 
 fluenced in manners and customs, beliefs and institutions. The 
 conditions under which Mrs Stevenson's studies were carried on, 
 especially with respect to the inner life of the people, were excep- 
 tionally favorable, and the value of the study is greatly enhanced 
 by the fact that primitive Zufii, owing to the encroachments of 
 civilization, promises soon to become a thing of the past. 
 
 Although their researches were devoted primarily to other 
 Indian activities, several of the collaborators have made note- 
 worthy collections of sociologic material during the. year, the 
 work of Dr Fewkes on Porto Rican zemis and zemeisin, that 
 of Mr Mooney on the fiducial factors in Kiowa heraldry, that 
 of Dr Russell on the calendric systems and accompanying 
 beliefs of the Pima Indians, that of Dr Jenks on the mythology 
 of birch bark, and that of Dr Swanton on the mythologic 
 features of social organization among the Haida Indians being 
 especially worthy of mention. 
 
 Descriptive Ethnology 
 
 In connection with his field work, Mr Mooney was able to 
 make some progress in the preparation of the Cyclopedia of 
 Native Tribes; and, when other duties permitted, Dr Thomas 
 continued the collection of material for this work, both from 
 current publications and from rare books that are constantly 
 being added to the library. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLI 
 
 About the middle of the year the Hilder translation of the 
 manuscript history of Texas, by Padre Morn, was taken up for 
 annotation with a view to publication. The historical annota- 
 tion was kindly undertaken by Dr George P. Garrison, of the 
 University of Texas, and the manuscript was in his hands at 
 the close of the year. 
 
 COLLECTIONS 
 
 All of the collaborators engaged in field operations made 
 more or less extensive collections for study and for ultimate 
 transfer to the United States National Museum. By far the 
 most extensive of these collections was that made by Mr 
 Mooney as a means for research in heraldry. This collection 
 still remains in the field. Dr Russell collected a full series of 
 objects representing the arts and industries of the Pima Indians, 
 including a series of baskets representing the more archaic as 
 well as the modern forms; among the unique objects com- 
 prised in the collection are two calendric records intermediate 
 in character between the winter counts of the North and the 
 maguey-book records of the South. Dr Fewkes made con- 
 siderable collections in New Mexico and Chihuahua early in 
 the year, and subsequently obtained an interesting series of 
 aboriginal objects in Porto Rico. As usual, various collections 
 were obtained also by purchase under the more immediate 
 direction of the Secretary. 
 
 PROPERTY 
 
 The property of the Bureau comprises (1) office furniture 
 and apparatus, (2) ethnologic manuscripts and other original 
 records, (3) photographs and drawings of Indian subjects, 
 (4) collections held temporarily by collaborators for use in 
 research, (5) a working library, and (6) undistributed residues 
 of the editions of the Bureau publications. There was little 
 change in the amount or value of office property during- the 
 year. Purchases of office furniture were inconsiderable; sev- 
 eral manuscripts were acquired by purchase, mostly for imme- 
 diate publication, as noted in previous paragraphs, while the 
 records of original work progressed steadily. About 855 
 
XLII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 negatives (glass and film), 2,050 prints, and a number of 
 drawings were added to the collection of illustrative material, 
 and a proportionate quantity of illustrative material was used 
 in the reports. Most of the collections of the year have gone 
 directly to the United States National Museum; some, like 
 those of Mr Mooney, are still in use. The library has main- 
 tained a steady growth, chiefly through exchanges, partly by 
 the purchase of current ethnologic books and earl) 7 records 
 pertaining to the aborigines. The additions of the year com- 
 prise about 895 books and 150 pamphlets, raising the con- 
 tents of the library to 11,339 books and 2,500 pamphlets. 
 The number of back reports was reduced through the con- 
 stantly increasing public demands for ethnologic literature. 
 Nearly all of these documents are now out of print. During 
 the first half of the fiscal year Mr J. Julius Lund continued in 
 charge of the property as custodian. After Mr Lund's resig- 
 nation Mr Frank M. Barnett was appointed to this position. 
 Miss Jessie E. Thomas remains in immediate charge of the 
 library ; Miss Ella Leary of the distribution of documents. 
 
 PUBLICATIONS 
 
 At the beginning of the year Mr Herbert S. Wood had 
 charge of the editorial work; subsequently he was furlough ed 
 for several months, when Dr Albert E. Jenks assumed edito- 
 rial duties in connection with his researches; in June Mr 
 Wood resumed his editorial capacity, and toward the end of 
 May Mr Elbert J. Benton was temporarily added to the corps 
 as editorial assistant. The second part of the Eighteenth 
 Report was delivered from the bindery on January 7, and 
 was immediately distributed; Bulletin 26 was delivered on 
 March 11, and, after brief holding in the hope that the Nine- 
 teenth Report might be distributed at the same time, was sent 
 out to the exchanges about the end of the year; separate 
 copies of the papers composing the Nineteenth Report were 
 delivered in March, but the binding of the volumes was 
 delayed by reason of unusual conditions in the Printing 
 Office, and the edition had not been delivered at the end of 
 the year. On January 29 the Twentieth Annual Report, was 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLIII 
 
 transmitted. It is designed for publication in one volume and 
 comprises, in addition to the formal report, the Holmes mono- 
 graph on aboriginal pottery. The Twenty -first Annual 
 Report was transmitted for printing on March 12. It also is 
 designed to form one volume, comprising, in addition to the 
 formal report, the memoirs on Hopi Katcinas, by Dr Fewkes; 
 and Iroquois Creation Myths, by Mr Hewitt, On June 30, 
 the Twentjr-second Annual Report was transmitted for publi- 
 cation in two volumes. It comprises, in addition to the admin- 
 istrative report, Two Summers' Work in Pueblo Ruins, by 
 Dr Fewkes; Mayan Calendar Systems, by Dr Thomas; and 
 Hako: A Pawnee Ceremony, by Miss Fletcher. On January 
 29 Dr Boas's memoir entitled Tsimshian Texts was transmitted 
 for publication in bulletin form. At the close of the year 
 material was in hand for the Twenty-third Report and for the 
 greater part of the Twenty -fourth. 
 
 Mr De Lancey Gill remained in charge of the illustrative 
 work, preparing copy for and revising proofs of the illustrations 
 for the Twentieth and later reports. He also made photo-por- 
 traits of some 200 Indians, chiefly members of delegations 
 visiting Washington, and developed a considerable number of 
 negatives made by the several collaborators in the field; in 
 addition he made a useful series of field photographs in con- 
 nection with the work of Professor Holmes in Indian Terri- 
 tory, as noted elsewhere. 
 
 FINANCIAL STATEMENT 
 
 Appropriation by Congress for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1902, "for 
 continuing ethnological researches among the American Indians under 
 the direction of the Smithsonian Institution, including salaries or com- 
 pensation of all necessary employees and the purchase of necessary 
 books and periodicals, fifty thousand dollars, of which sum not exceed- 
 ing one thousand five hundred dollars may be used for rent of build- 
 ing" (sundry civil act, March 3, 1901) $50,000.00 
 
 Salaries or compensation of employees $33, 030. 0? 
 
 Special services $1, 788. 50 
 
 Traveling expenses 2, 687. 42 
 
 Ethnologic specimens 2, 920. 25 
 
 Illustrations 690.50 
 
 Manuscripts 1, 401. 99 
 
 Books and periodicals for library 1, 401. 78 
 
 Rental - 1,375.00 
 
 Furniture 25. 75 
 
 Lighting 125.86 
 
XLIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN" ETHNOLOGY 
 
 Stationer}' and supplies $1, 317. 27 
 
 Freight 80.43 
 
 Postage and telegraph and telephone 67. 50 
 
 Miscellaneous 111 . 55 
 
 $13, 993. 80 
 
 Total disbursements $47, 023. 82 
 
 Balance July 1, 1902, to meet outstanding liabilities '. . 2, 976. 18 
 
 ACCOMPANYING PAPER 
 
 Few of the great groups of American aborigines have 
 proved of equal interest with the tribes of the arid region. 
 The Pueblo towns were first visited by white men in 1540, 
 when the Coronado expedition penetrated the vast plateaus of 
 the Colorado and the Rio Grande, but the world knew little of 
 the people until New Mexico passed into the possession of the 
 United States. During the middle of the last century mem- 
 bers of military exploring expeditions under Sitgreaves, Ives, 
 Emoiy, Simpson, Whipple, and others prepared short, accounts 
 of their observations among the Pueblos, and later the Powell 
 Survey in 1874, the Hayden Survey in 1874, and the Wheeler 
 Expedition in 1879 brought several of the villages to public 
 notice. More recently the Bureau of American Ethnology, as 
 well as a number of other institutions, have conducted scien- 
 tific investigations of importance among the Pueblo tribes. 
 
 The pueblo of Zufii has attracted more attention than the 
 other towns. In 1879 Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing was 
 selected by Major Powell to take up his residence in this 
 pueblo with the view of mastering the language and of mak- 
 ing a thorough study of the manners and customs of the people. 
 Although the results of his researches have never appeared in 
 full, a number of valuable papers have been published. "My 
 Adventures in Zufii" appeared in The Century Magazine for 
 February to May, 1883. A series of articles on " Zufii Bread- 
 tuffs" was published in The Millstone during 1884-1886. A 
 memoir on "Zufii Fetiches" appeared in the Second Annual 
 Report of the Bureau; "Pueblo Pottery as Illustrative of 
 Zufii Culture Growth," in the Fourth Annual Report, and 
 "Zufii Creation Myths" in the Thirteenth Annual Report. A 
 work on "Zufii Folk Tales" appeared after Mr Cushing's 
 death, and the great store of information obtained by him 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLV 
 
 during his residence at Zuili was utilized in a number of 
 minor papers. 
 
 The Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau contains a "Study 
 of Pueblo Architecture : Tusayan and Cibola," by Victor 
 Mindeleff. Duriug the decade beginning with 1879 Mr James 
 Stevenson made extensive collections in Zuni and the other 
 pueblos, illustrated catalogues of which were published in the 
 Second and Third Annual Reports. Mrs M. C. Stevenson 
 accompanied her husband to the Pueblo country in 1879, and 
 soon became interested in the study of this most fascinating 
 people. Her visits have been repeated at frequent intervals 
 down to the present year, and her observations are now 
 brought together in the accompanying paper, "The Zuni 
 Indians: Their Mytholog} r , Esoteric Societies, and Ceremonies." 
 Mrs Stevenson has published a number of papers dealing with 
 the particular phases of Zuni life. "Zuili and the Zunians " was 
 printed privately; " Religious Life of the Zuni Child " appeared 
 in the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau; "From 'the Zuni 
 Scalp Ceremonial'" in The Congress of Women, vol. 2, Chi- 
 cago, 1894; "Zuni Ancestral Gods and Masks" in The 
 American Anthropologist for 1893; "Zuni Mythology" in the 
 memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, Chi- 
 cago, 1894, and "Zuni Grames" in The American Anthropol- 
 ogist for 1893. 
 
 In the accompanying paper Mrs Stevenson does not 
 attempt a monographic study of the Zunis, the subject being 
 too extensive for presentation in a single volume. Brief 
 sketches describing the everyday life, arts, and customs of 
 the .people are given, but chief attention is devoted to the 
 mytholog}", the esoteric fraternities, and the ceremonies of the 
 people. These subjects are here presented in the detail which 
 their importance demands. Mrs Stevenson's prolonged visits 
 to Zuni and her intimate accpiaintance with its people, espe- 
 ciallv with their inner life, give ample assurance that the true 
 nature of the beliefs and practices of this tribe is here revealed. 
 
ACCOMPANYING PAPER 
 
 23 ETH— 04 1 
 
-V 
 
 THE ZTJNI INDIANS 
 
 THEIK MYTHOLOGY, ESOTERIC FRATERNITIES, AND CEREMONIES 
 
 MATILDA COXE STEVENSON 
 
 .'- 
 

CONTENTS 
 
 <k 
 
 Page 
 
 Introduction 13 
 
 Mythology 20 
 
 General conceptions of the universe 20 
 
 Classification of the higher powers 22 
 
 Beginnings of the universe 23 
 
 Creation of the A'shiwi and their coming to the outer world 24 
 
 Songs of the Divine Ones over the St'towe 26 
 
 ^\ Kow'wituma appoints Yii'nowwuluha deputy to the Sun Father 27 
 
 Coming of the Hopis, Pimas, and Navahos 28 
 
 Zuiii explanation of the presence of Mexicans 29 
 
 Coming of the witches and the introduction of corn 29 
 
 A'shiwi continue their journeying 31 
 
 Witches give seeds to the Corn maidens 31 
 
 Origin of the ancestral gods 32 
 
 Origin of the diminutive Gods of War 34 
 
 Destruction of the Kia'nak'we, and songs of thanksgiving 36 
 
 Origin of the clans 40 
 
 A'shiwi resume their journeying 43 
 
 Adoption of the two surviving Kla'nak we by the A'shiwi 43 
 
 A'shiwi find the Middle place 44 
 
 Origin of the Ko'tikili 46 
 
 Discovery of the Corn maidens 48 
 
 Creation of the Beast Gods 49 
 
 Origin of the Bow priesthood 49 
 
 Rediscovery of the Corn maidens and their re-creation of corn 51 
 
 Origin of animal fetishes 57 
 
 Origin of the Zuni salt lake 58 
 
 Flight of the A'shiwi to To'wa y;il'l;inne and their return to the valley .. 61 
 
 Anthropic worship and ritual 62 
 
 Ki'wi'siwe and their functions 62 
 
 History myth of the coming of the A'shiwi as narrated by 'Klilklo 73 
 
 Rabbit hunt with the gods 89 
 
 Coming of Ko'Ioowisi (plumed serpent) and involuntary initiation into 
 
 the Ko'tikili 94 
 
 Voluntary initiation into the Ko'tikili 102 
 
 Calendar and calendric ceremonials 108 
 
 Calendar 108 
 
 Winter solstice ceremonies 108 
 
 Winter dances of the Kor'kokshi ,. 141 
 
 Summer solstice ceremonies 148 
 
 A'shiwanni ( rain priesthood ) 163 
 
 Installation of an associate Shi'wanni of the North 168 
 
 Preparation and planting of te'likinawe , 171 
 
 Winter retreat of the Shiwanni of the Nadir 173 
 
 Summer retreat of a Shiwanni 179 
 
 5 
 
b CONTENTS 
 
 Page 
 
 'Hla'hewe ceremonial for rain and the growth of corn 180 
 
 O'winabai'ye, thanksgiving festival for crops 205 
 
 Ceremonies of the second day 211 
 
 Ceremonies of the second night 214 
 
 Quadrennial dance of the Kia'nakwe 217 
 
 Annual festival of the Sha'liiko 227 
 
 Minor ceremonies 231 
 
 Night ceremonies of the Council of the Gods in 1879 241 
 
 Night ceremonies of the Sha'liiko gods in 1891 250 
 
 Night ceremonies of the Ko'yemshi in 1896 254 
 
 Morning ceremonies of the Sha'liiko in 1891 256 
 
 Ceremonies following the Sha'liiko festival of 1 891 261 
 
 Retirement of the Ko'yemshi and accompanying ceremonies 273 
 
 Bi'"si'si with the Mo'lawe, fruit and seed bearers 277 
 
 History, arts, and customs 283 
 
 Chronologic summary of historic events 283 
 
 Native accounts of the revolt of 16S0 286 
 
 < lovernment 289 
 
 Property 290 
 
 List of clans 291 
 
 Social customs 292 
 
 The household 292 
 
 Natal customs 294 
 
 Puberty customs 303 
 
 Marriage customs 304 
 
 Mortuary customs 305 
 
 Games 317 
 
 Arts and industries 349 
 
 House building 349 
 
 Agriculture and horticulture 350 
 
 Salt gathering 354 
 
 Food and drink 361 
 
 Dress and adornment 369 
 
 Weaving 372 
 
 Basketry 373 
 
 Pottery 373 
 
 Silversmi thing 377 
 
 Beadmaking 378 
 
 Wagonmaking 378 
 
 Auctioneering 378 
 
 Recent changes in arts and industries 379 
 
 Physical characters 383 
 
 Medical practice 384 
 
 Witchcraft 392 
 
 Esoteric fraternities 407 
 
 Origin and functions of the fraternities 407 
 
 Shi/wannakwe 42S 
 
 Ne'wekwe (Galaxy fraternity) 429 
 
 'Siin'iakfakwe (Hunters fraternity) 438 
 
 Rabbit hunt 441 
 
 ■JHle'wekwe (Wood fraternity), or Sword-swallowera -*44 
 
 The Mu'waiye 458 
 
 Februarv ceremonial of the 'Hle'wekwe 4S2 
 
CONTENTS 7 
 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued. Pnge 
 'Hle'wekwe (Wood fraternity), or Sword-swallowers — Continued. 
 
 Order of the Klii'la'silo (Spruce tree) 483 
 
 Ma"ke 'Hlan'nakwe (Great Fire fraternity) 485 
 
 Order of Kok'ko 'Hlan'na 487 
 
 Initiation into the order of O'naya'nakta .- 490 
 
 Fire order of the Ma"ke 'Hlan'nakwe, Sword division 504 
 
 Origin of the Sho'tikTanna (Arrow division) 511 
 
 Po"sikishi, division of the Spruce Tree 515 
 
 'huhukwe t, Eagle-down fraternity ) 521 
 
 Ceremonial of initiation into O'naya'nakTa 522 
 
 Ceremonial over a sick man 527 
 
 •Chi'klalikwe (Rattlesnake fraternity) 528 
 
 Hii'lo'kwe (Ant fraternity) 528 
 
 Shu'maakwe 530 
 
 Ceremonial of initiation into the Shu'maakwe 532 
 
 Ma"ke 'San'nakwe (Little Fire fraternity) 549 
 
 Ceremonial of initiation into O'naya'nakTa 550 
 
 Sun dance of the Pe'shii'silo'kwe (Cimex fraternity) 564 
 
 Order of Pa'yatamu of the Little Fire fraternity 568 
 
 'Ko'shi'kwe (Cactus fraternity) 569 
 
 A'pi"l;ishiwanni (Bow priesthood) 576 
 
 Installation of the elder brother Bow priest 577 
 
 Ceremonial of initiation into the Bow priesthood 578 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Page 
 
 Plate I. General view of Zuni (frontispiece) 13 
 
 II. Mummy cave in Canyon del Muerto 18 
 
 III. Mask of 'Kianil'ona (owner of springs), front and rear 
 
 views 21 
 
 IV. Ko'thluwala'wa, junction of Little Colorado and Zuni 
 
 rivers 21 
 
 V. a, Mask of Ko'yemshi ; b, c, Mask of Ko'mokat'si, front 
 
 and rear views 33 
 
 VI. a, A hard climb; b, Pictographs on canyon wall at Hiin'- 
 
 MipTnkla 41 
 
 VII. Pictographs on wall of inner chamber at H:in"liplnkla-.. 42 
 
 VIII. View of Ojo Caliente in 1879 43 
 
 IX. Rainbow Spring at Ojo Caliente 43 
 
 X. Viewof olderportionof Zuni showing Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine 
 
 at A 47 
 
 XI. To'wa yiil'lannfi (Corn mountain) 61 
 
 XII. Views of Mother rock, west side of To'wa yal'lanne" 61 
 
 XIII. Ko'loowisi (Plumed Serpent) 94 
 
 XIV. Ko'loowisi with head thrust through tablet 95 
 
 XV. Group of Ne'wek we ( He'iwa ki'wi'sing in rear) 102 
 
 XVI. Mask of Sa'ya'hlia, a warrior god, front and side views 102 
 
 XVII. Bauble of Ne'wek we (Galaxy fraternity) 106 
 
 XVII I. Sun priest 1 08 
 
 XIX. Aged man of Deer clan 112 
 
 XX. New Year fire in He'iwa ki'wi'sine' 115 
 
 XXI. Idol of A'hayuta, elder God of War 116 
 
 XXII. Shrine of younger God of War on To'wa yal'liinng 117 
 
 XXIII. To'mapa, a shrine in west wall of To'wa yiil'liinnS 118 
 
 XXIV. Family starting for the field to deposit prayer plumes at 
 
 winter solstice 119 
 
 XXV. Prayer plumes of member of Great Fire fraternity at 
 
 winter solstice - 119 
 
 XXVI. Mask of Shits'ukla, game eater: front, side, and rear 
 
 views 130 
 
 XXVII. Mask of Kwe'lele, fire maker to Shits'ukla: front and 
 
 side views 130 
 
 XXVIII. Mask of Pau'tiwa, front and side views 130 
 
 XXIX. Ko'yemshi gods on house top 152 
 
 XXX. Shrine to anthropic gods on Kor'kokshi mountain 156 
 
 XXXI. Kor'kokshi gods dancing in plaza attended by Ko'yemshi 
 
 gods and Ne'wekwe (Galaxy fraternity) 162 
 
 XXXII. End view of et'tone fetish of Rain priests. 163 
 
 XXXIII. Top view of et'tone fetish of Rain priests 163 
 
 XXXIV Cloud symbol and fetishes of Shi'wanni (Rain priest) of 
 
 the Nadir before offerings are placed 174 
 
 8 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 9 
 
 Pnge 
 Plate XXXV. Cloud symbol and fetishes of Shi'wanniof the Nadir after 
 
 offerings are placed 177 
 
 XXXVI. Room of gt'tonS fetish, of Shi'wanni of Black Corn clan. 179 
 XXXVII. Ham'pone (pavilion) of the 'Hla'hewe, personators of 
 
 the Corn maidens 190 
 
 XXXVIII. 'Hlelh'pone (headdress), with tablet ornamented with 
 
 cloud, sun, crescent, and star symbols 194 
 
 XXXIX. 'Hla'hewe dancing in plaza 196 
 
 XL. He'patina, shrine symbolizing center of the world, with 
 
 front slab removed 201 
 
 XLI. Cave shrine of Pa'yatamu: a, Shrine; b, Idols removed 
 
 from shrine : 204 
 
 XLI I. Kia'nakwe gods crossing bridge at Zuni 218 
 
 XLIII. Mask of a Shi'wanni Rain priest of Kia'nakwe, front, 
 
 side, and rear views 219 
 
 XLIV. ", Mask of Ko'thlama, front view; b, Head of personator of 
 
 Ko'thlama, rear view '. 219 
 
 XLV. Masks of A'pP'lashiwanni (warriors) a, of the North, b, 
 
 of the West, and c, of the South: front and side views. . 219 
 XL VI. Masks of A'pi'^ashiwanni (warriors) a, of Zenith, b, of 
 the Nadir, c, of monsona (director) of warriors of the 
 
 Kia'nakwe, front and side views 220 
 
 XLVII. Kia'nakwe gods dancing in plaza 223 
 
 XLVIII. Shrine at Pi'klaia'kla'na (Water-cress spring) 233 
 
 XLIX. Htil'on kwa'ton (ant entering place) shrine 233 
 
 L. He'patina shrine symbolic of the center of the world; 
 
 position of shrine indicated at A 234 
 
 LI. Mask of Shu'laawi'si, deputy to the Sun Father, front 
 
 and side views 241 
 
 LII. Masks of He'hea (blunderer) of the South: front, side, 
 
 and rear views 242 
 
 LIII. Mask of He'hea (blunderer) of the Nadir: front, side, 
 
 and rear views 242 
 
 LIV. Mask of Sa'yatiisha, rain priest of the North: front and 
 
 side views 242 
 
 LV. a, Mask of Ya'muhakto; b, c, Mask of Hu'tutu: front and 
 
 side views 243 
 
 LVI. Mask of Siil'imobiya, warrior of Zenith: front and side 
 
 views 243 
 
 LVII. Mask of Siil'imobiya, warrior of Nadir: front and side 
 
 views 243 
 
 LVIII. Altar of U'huhukwe ( Eagle-down fraternity) 245 
 
 LIX. Altar of 'Siin'iaklak we ( Hunters fraternity) 250 
 
 LX. Deerskin hood of the Sha'lako, giant coui'ier gods of the 
 
 rain-makers 250 
 
 LXI. Sha'lako, giant courier god of the rain-makers, preceded 
 
 by his alternate 257 
 
 LXII. Shu'laawi'si, deputy to the Sun Father, preceded by his 
 
 ceremonial father 258 
 
 LXII I. Sa'yatasha and Hu'tutu, rain priests, and two Ya'muhakto 
 
 (warriors) 258. 
 
 LXIV. Sha'lako, giant courier gods of the rain-makers 260 
 
 LXV. Nai'uchi perlorming a feat in legerdemain 272 
 
 LXVI. Ko'yemshi gods in plaza 274 
 
10 ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Page 
 
 Plate LXVII. Canvas packs of personators of the Ko'yemshi gods 274 
 
 LXVIII. Women bearing offerings to the personators of the Ko'- 
 yemshi gods 274 
 
 LXIX. Wa'tem'la | all herds i gods in plaza 275 
 
 LXX. Mask of u'wannami (rain-makers .front and rear views.. 275 
 LXXI. ". Mask of Xa'tashku: >.. <• Mask of Xa'wisho. front and 
 
 side views 275 
 
 LXXII. Incident in retirement of Ko'yemshi: Mu'luktSkTa gods 
 
 in line for dance as Wa'tem'la gods r<tire 275 
 
 LXXIII. Mask of Mu'luktakla. front, side, and rear views 275 
 
 LXXIV. Mask of He'mishiikwe with tablet, front and rear views. 275 
 LXXV. .i. Mask of god accompanying He'mishiikwe: '/.>•. Masks 
 of goddesses accompanying He'mishiikwe. front and 
 
 rear views 275 
 
 LXXVI. Personator of Bi - "si'si, original director of Xe'wekwe 
 
 (Galaxy fraternity), crossing plaza 279 
 
 LXX VI I. Zuiii living room 293 
 
 LXXVIII. Learning to weave belts 294 
 
 LXXIX. Zuiiis imitating the dance of the Ye'bi'chai gods of the 
 
 Xavahos 294 
 
 LXXX. Pog dance 294 
 
 LXX XL Pleasure dance 294 
 
 LXXXII. Maidens at the well 294 
 
 LX X X II I. Youthful runners 32S 
 
 LXXXIV. Game of ta'sholiwe 348 
 
 LXXXV. View of the highest section of Zuiii 349 
 
 LX X X VI. Placing the rafters 349 
 
 LXXX VII. Women plastering a house and tiring pottery 350 
 
 LXXXVIII. The Zuiii salt lake 356 
 
 LXXXIX. Lake in the depths of volcanic cone, home of the Gods of 
 
 War 357 
 
 X.C. Bread making for the feast 365 
 
 XCI. Aired woman carrying fagots 365 
 
 XCII. Flaying a beef : 368 
 
 XCIII. Zufii matron 371 
 
 XCI V. We'wha weaving belt 373 
 
 XCV. Shop of silversmith 377 
 
 XCVI. a, Bead making: h. Bead maker's family 378 
 
 XCVII. Znni wagon in 1S79 378 
 
 XCVIII. Auctioneering 379 
 
 XCIX. Group of Znni albinos.. 383 
 
 C. Child with broken leg in splints 392 
 
 CI. Mi'li (ear of corn covered with plumes), insignia of the 
 
 • ■r.ler of O'naya'naki I life-givers |. 41S 
 
 CII. Dry painting in front of altar of Shi 'wannak we 428 
 
 CIII. a, Mask of Kok'ko 'Hlan'na [Great God) of Xe'wekwe, 
 front and rear views: 6, Mask of Mi'totasha. front and 
 
 side views 429 
 
 CIV. Altar of the Xe'wekwe i Galaxy fraternity t 432 
 
 CV. Zunis imitating deer dance of the Hopis 440 
 
 CV1. a, Peer lying in state: b, Prayer over rabbits 441 
 
 CVII. Map showing route followed by 'Hle'wekwe i Wood fra- 
 ternity i or S word-swallowers 444 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 11 
 
 Page 
 
 Plate CVIII. Dry paintings, fetishes, and wall decoration of 'Hie' wek we. 454 
 
 « CIX. Sword of 'Hie' wekwe, the Sword-swallowers 460 
 
 CX. Boxes of 'Hle'wekwe 464 
 
 CXI. Basket with meal crossed and encircled with corn pollen, 
 
 symbolic of the four regions and the whole world 474 
 
 CXII. a, Ancient 'hla'we; b, 'hlu'sipowe: fetishes of 'Hlawekwe, 
 
 the Sword-swallowers 475 
 
 CXIII. South shrine of theGodsof War,showingtehl'nawe(staves) 
 
 used in ceremonial of the'Hle'wekwe.Sword-swallowers. 481 
 
 CXIV. 'Hle'wekwe, the Sword-swallowers in plaza 483 
 
 CXV. Mask of Kok'ko 'Hlan'na (Great God) of Ma"ke 'Hlan'- 
 
 nakwe ( Great Fire fraternity ) , front and side views 487 
 
 CXVI. Altar of Ma"ke 'Hlan'nakwe (Great Fire fraternity) 491 
 
 CX VII. A' wan 'Si'ta (Great Mother) of Ma"ke 'Hlan'nakwe 492 
 
 CX VIII. Sword-swallowers of Ma"ke 'Hlan'nakwe 510 
 
 CXIX. Dance of Arrow order of Ma"ke 'Hlan'nakwe 513 
 
 CXX. He'hea gods on their way to ceremonial chamber of 
 
 U'huhukwe (Eagle-down fraternity) 526 
 
 CXXI. U'huhukwe chasing He'hea gods with their firebrands.. 526 
 CXXII. Altar of Hii'lo'kwe (Ant fraternity) before fetishes are 
 
 placed on it 529 
 
 CXX1II. Mask of the Shumai'koli of the Zenith 536 
 
 CXXIV. Shumai'koli gods and Sai'apa in plaza; circle dance 543 
 
 CXXV. Altar of Shu'maakwe 543 
 
 CXXVI. Altar of Pe'sha'silo'kwe (Cimex fraternity) 550 
 
 CXX VII. Altar of Ma"ke "San'nakwe (Little Fire fraternity) 551 
 
 CXXVIII. Plume offerings made at shrine of Pa'yatiimu, god of 
 
 music 569 
 
 CXXIX. Willow dance of 'Ko'shi'kwe (Cactus fraternity) 574 
 
 CXXX. Scalp house 581 
 
 CXXXI. Scalp pole in center of plaza 586 
 
 CXXXII. Maidens returning from the house of victor with gifts for 
 
 their services in grinding 592 
 
 CXXXIII. Pu'panakwe, choir of A'pi"liishiwanni (Bow priesthood) . 592 
 
 CXXXIV. Meal painting and fetishes of A'pi"lushiwanni in plaza.. 601 
 CXXXV. Pa'mosono"kla female associate to scalp custodian and 
 
 two Hii'shiya dancers in plaza 601 
 
 CXXXVI. Grass wand carried by Pa'mosono"kIa 601 
 
 CXXXVII. Idols of elder God of War from shrine on Kwll'li yal'- 
 
 lanne" (Twin mountains) 607 
 
 CXXXVIII. Shrine on Kwll'li yiil'lanne showing latest idols of elder 
 
 God of War in place and displaced idols. 607 
 
 CXXXIX. Idols of elder God of War from ancient cave shrine, on 
 
 the west wall of To'wa yiil'lanne' (Corn mountain) 607 
 
 Figcke 1. Morning prayer to rising sun 14 
 
 2. Ancient sun shrine 42 
 
 3. Sun shrine at Ma"sakla 118 
 
 4. Toad kept in et'tong reed 163 
 
 5. Room of 6t'tow6 of Corn clan 165 
 
 6. Diagram of the 'Hla'hew-e ceremony in the ki'wi'sine 185 
 
 7. Positions of participants in 'Hla'hewe ceremonial in plaza 191 
 
 8. Diagram showing position of Sha'liiko and other participants on 
 
 the ceremonial ground 257 
 
12 ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Page 
 
 Figure 9. Depositing prayer plumes at Ku'shilowa ( Red Earth ) 278 
 
 10. Whistle used by Bi'^si'si 280 
 
 11. Ti'kwawe of the Bow priests 320 
 
 12. Split reeds used in sho'li we 330 
 
 13. Method of placing reeds in playing sho'li we 331 
 
 14. Implements used in i'yiinkolo'we 338 
 
 15. Implements used in ho'klamonng 341 
 
 16. Plumed sticks and reeds used in playing la'poehiwe 342 
 
 17. Implements used in hapoanne pihl'kwanawe 343 
 
 18. Implements used in Sa'yat'laknawe 343 
 
 19. Method of holding arrows in playing sho'wiyaltowe 344 
 
 20. Implements used in po'kliiinnawe 345 
 
 21. Implements used in 'si'kon-yii'mune ti'kwang 346 
 
 22. Shelter for the field guardian 352 
 
 23. A storage room 353 
 
 24. Old Zuni vase 376 
 
 25. Modern Zuni vases ■ 377 
 
 26. Theurgist reconstructing the mi'li 420 
 
 27. Shrine dedicated to the rattlesnake 424 
 
 28. Hopi Indian, married to a Zuni woman, carving an image of 
 
 Pa'yatamu for Ne'wekwe (Galaxy fraternity ) 431 
 
 29. Method of combining plumes and grass 433 
 
 30. Markings on back and arrangement of hair of the Ne'wekwe 435 
 
 31. Arrangement of hair of the Ne'wekwe, front view 436 
 
 32. 'Hlem'mosona swallowing sword 468 
 
 33. Meal painting used at installation of elder brother Bow priest 577 
 
 34. Excavation and meal mounds symbolic of Shi'papolima and homes 
 
 of theGodsof War 582 
 
THE ZUNI INDIANS: THEIR MYTHOLOGY, ESOTERIC 
 FRATERNITIES, AND CEREMONIES 
 
 By Matilda Coxe Stevenson 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 During- the last twenty-five years the investigations of archeologists 
 and ethnologists in the United States have been largely directed to the 
 southwestern region, especially to Arizona and New Mexico. This 
 region appears to have been once quite densely populated, then deso- 
 lated by wars, and afterward held in precarious tenure by remnants 
 of a dwindling race. The older ruins are found in the valleys, along 
 the water courses, where the prehistoric people probably dwelt in 
 peace and prosperity until, driven by a powerful foe from the homes 
 of their fathers, they were forced to take refuge in recesses and caves 
 in the canyon walls. These resorts are filled with the homes of the 
 cliff dwellers. Many of the houses are well preserved, but most of 
 the ruins of the vallej' are hardly more than crumbling heaps of 
 stones, while among these everywhere are scattered the lares and 
 penates of the ancients. 
 
 It can not be determined how man} r generations of cliff dwellers 
 lived in these strange fastnesses; but that many of the stone structures 
 of the cliffs are hundreds of years old may not be questioned. Some 
 of these places have become inaccessible, owing to the wearing away 
 of the approaches by the elements that fashioned the recesses of the 
 canyon walls When the clouds of war grew less threatening, the 
 people ventured to leave their fortresses, the scenes of long trials and 
 many privations, and settled upon the mesas, or table-lands, which are 
 so prominent a feature in the scenery of New Mexico and Arizona, 
 The elevation of these sites enabled them to detect the approaching 
 enemy: while in the valley below, along the streams that washed the 
 bases of the cliffs, they sowed and gathered their crops. But the 
 mesa top was far from the harvest field, and the women must have 
 grown weary carrying the water vases and canteens up the steep 
 acclivities of the rocky walls. In the course of time the mesa dwellers 
 
 13 
 
14 
 
 THE ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 ventured to descend to the valleys and to erect their dwellings upon 
 the ruins of the towns where their foi'efathers had lived; there they 
 at length regained their inheritance and reestablished their pueblos, 
 which still endure, although within the past few years they have been 
 rapidly changing under the influence of civilization. Thus was com- 
 pleted the cycle of vicissitudes in the history of these people — from 
 valley to cliff, from cliff to mesa, and from mesa to valley again. The 
 Hopi villages of Arizona and Acoma of New Mexico are still on mesas, 
 but the people are gradually moving down into the valleys. 
 
 Much has been done, but more remains to be accomplished, before 
 there can be hope of writing the history of the generations of men 
 
 Fig. 1 — Morning prayer to rising sun. 
 
 whose records are found here and there on the canyon walls of the 
 Southwest and whose traditions speak to us, however imperfectly, 
 through the people now living in the pueblos of that region. Among 
 the remnants of ancient tribes, the Zunis, whose extreme exclusive- 
 ness has preserved to them their strong individuality, may claim per- 
 haps the highest position, whether we regard simply their agricultural 
 and pastoral pursuits or consider their whole social and political 
 organization. 
 
 The quest for happiness is universal, and in their endeavor to attain 
 this the Zunis have developed a philosophy that has been profoundly 
 influenced by their environment. Upon this philosophy is built a sys- 
 tem of religion which, among its many interesting features, inculcates 
 
stevenson] INTRODUCTION 15 
 
 truthfulness. A Zufii must speak with one tongue in order to have 
 his prayers received by the gods, and unless the prayers arc accepted 
 no rains will come, which means starvation. His voice must be gentle 
 and he must speak and act with kindness to all, for the gods care not 
 for those whose lips speak with harshness. The morning prayer (fig- 
 ure 1) he must utter out of doors, looking toward the rising sun. All 
 must observe continence four days previous to and four days following 
 the sending of breath prayers through the spiritual essence of plume 
 offerings, and thus their passions are brought under control. They 
 look to their gods for nourishment and for all things pertaining to 
 their welfare in this world, and while the woof of their religion is col- 
 ored with poetic conceptions, when the fabric is separated thread by 
 thread we find the web composed of a few simple, practical concepts. 
 Their highest conception of happiness is physical nourishment and 
 enjoyment, and the worship of their pantheon of gods is designed to 
 attain this end. 
 
 It has been said that the Pueblo Indians are attached to the Roman 
 Catholic faith; but such is not the case, at least with the Zuni.s. For 
 a time their ancestors were compelled to worship in that church, but 
 their pagan belief was not seriously affected thereby. The ritual 
 pleased them, and they were allowed to decorate their walls with sym- 
 bols of their own belief, and so the church became more or less an 
 object of interestto them, and to some extent the ritual of Catholicism 
 modified their own. The Rio Grande pueblos, however, have been 
 brought more under the influence of the church, and superficial 
 observers have supposed them to be permanently Christianized. 
 
 In July. 1879, the birth year of the Bureau of Ethnology, an expe- 
 dition was sent to make researches among the pueblos and the more 
 important ruins of New Mexico and Arizona, and at the same time to 
 make a special study of some particular pueblo. Zufii, in western 
 New Mexico, was selected as the place for the more detailed work. 
 Mr James Stevenson was placed in charge of the expedition, and with 
 a small party, including Mr Frank H. disking, Mr J. K. Hillers, 
 and the writer, started for Zuni. 
 
 The first point of interest visited after leaving Las Vegas, N. Mex., 
 then the terminus of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe railroad, was 
 the ruin of the pueblo of Pecos, situated on a knoll about 100 feet 
 above the Rio Pecos, 25 miles south of east of Santa Fe. At that time 
 the walls of the old church erected under the command of the Spanish 
 fathers were standing, and some of the interior wood carvings were 
 silent witnesses to the former presence of the conquerors. With no 
 other implements than knives and stilettos the party worked during 
 the night, by the light of the brilliant moon, opening one chamber. An 
 impression of a hand and arm in color, probably of a maiden, was found 
 
16 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ahh.23 
 
 on the wall; Such evidences of maidenly vanity are still to be seen in 
 pueblo houses of the present time. 
 
 Near one end of the town were the remains of two circular walls, 
 which have been described by some writers as estufas, or tire houses, 
 and are supposed to have been used for religious purposes by the 
 former inhabitants of the pueblo. Careful observation indicated that 
 these particular inclosures were probably designed as reservoirs and 
 were used for the storage of snow, to be consumed during the long 
 droughts of that arid country. Subsequently in the same year it was 
 found that the Laguna Indians used similar stores of snow. The 
 Laguna women, in carrying water from distant springs when the 
 reservoirs were exhausted, have worn a path 6 or 8 inches deep in the 
 sandstone. How pathetic is the story graven in the winding footway; 
 what pages might be tilled with this "testimony of the rocks." 
 
 The journey from the terminus of the railroad at Las Vegas to 
 Zufii was long and tedious, and the party felt deeply grateful to 
 General Edward Hatch, then in command of the district of New 
 Mexico, and to General J. J. Dane, district quartermaster, for their 
 cordial compliance with the request of General Sherman to afford 
 every facility in the way of transportation and otherwise. Had it not 
 been for the enthusiastic interest in ethnologic, research of the General 
 of the Army, the limited allotment for the expedition would necessarily 
 have been largely expended for transportation and labor, and the 
 scientific work greatly hampered. 
 
 Ten days were consumed in the journey from Santa Fe to Fort 
 Wingate over the old Fort Wingate road, a thing of the past since the 
 introduction of the railroad. Every foot of the way bore evidence of 
 former settlement. When not visible on the surface, walls, stone 
 implements, or fragments of pottery were readily revealed by a little 
 work with the pick and shovel. 
 
 The warm welcome extended b}' General George P. Buell, then in 
 command of Fort Wingate, was appreciated by the travelers, who had 
 been constantly exposed to the burning sun of New Mexico for ten 
 days. After a short time spent in outfitting, the party proceeded to 
 Zufii, -±5 miles distant. Here they were made welcome by the native 
 priests and other otficials of the pueblo; and later, when a council was 
 held and Mr Stevenson told them the object of his visit, they promised 
 him eveiy possible aid, a promise which they have sacredly kept. 
 
 Six months were spent in studj'ing the religion and sociology of the 
 Zufiis, in making a survey of the town and immediate vicinity, in 
 securing photographs of the pueblo and the people showing various 
 phases of their daily life, and in making a collection of ceremonial 
 objects including a large number of fetishes, and of stone implements, 
 fabrics, foodstuffs, and pottery. Two images of saints and portions 
 
stevenson] INTRODUCTION 17 
 
 of the altar of the old Catholic church were obtained, the enamel 
 tinish on the face and limbs of the figures .showing- much artistic skill. 
 The church objects were in the custody of one Mauritio, and in order 
 to determine whether they might be removed a council of religious 
 and civil officers was held. It was finally decided that it would be 
 well to have these objects go with the other Zuni material to the 
 "great house" (National Museum) in Washington, where they would 
 lie preserved. 
 
 While the priests and other high officials favored photographing the 
 ceremonials — in fact, seemed eager to serve the expedition in every 
 way — the populace were so opposed to having their masks and rituals 
 "carried away on paper," that it was deemed prudent to make but 
 few ceremonial pictures with the camera, and the altars and masks 
 were sketched in color by the writer without the knowledge of the 
 people. The largest and most valuable collection, especialh T of fetishes 
 and sacred vessels, ever secured from any of the pueblos was made at 
 this time. 
 
 Before the collection was packed, General Buell left Fort Wingate 
 for Colorado with his command and most of his transportation facilities 
 to participate in the Ute war. After securing all the available teams 
 in the country. Mr Stevenson found the number inadequate to convey 
 the collections from Zuni to the railroad. To ask for the few teams 
 remaining at Wingate seemed presumptuous, jet it was necessary that 
 something lie done to get this material out of the Territory immedi- 
 ately. No one could tell what a day might bring forth in this frontier 
 post, far from the railway and without telegraphic communication 
 with the outer world. The Apaches were within striking distance 
 and the Navahos were threatening an outbreak, while nearly the entire 
 command of the military post was absent in Colorado. It was decided 
 to communicate at once with General Buell and solicit aid. The result 
 was that all the wagons except those in daily use at the garrison were 
 assigned to Mr Stevenson, with a request that the transportation of 
 the collection be hastened and the teams returned at the earliest 
 possible moment. This generous act was profoundly appreciated. 
 Had aid been withheld at this time much of the collection might never 
 have reached the railroad. 
 
 The whole of the six months devoted to field work in 1879 was spent 
 at Zuni; and though the writer accompanied Mr Stevenson to the 
 meetings of the various secret organizations, and though her relations 
 with the Indians were of the most cordial nature, she obtained at this 
 time but the merest suggestion of their inner life. 
 
 During 1880 all of the Rio . Grande pueblos were visited. Photo- 
 graphs were made at each pueblo, and collections of stone implements, 
 objects associated with the ritual, and pottery were secured. In 1881 
 
 23 eth— 04 2 
 
18 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 Mr Stevenson returned to Zuiii, where six months were spent in ethno- 
 logic study and collecting. The Hopi villages and a number of ruins 
 in the vicinity were visited in the winter of the same year. 
 
 In subsequent years further researches were made among the Rio 
 Grande pueblos and the ruins of central and northern Arizona, and 
 man}* objects of value were obtained. The pottery from the ruins was 
 especially tine, many of the pieces rivaling in form and color the old 
 Greek and Egyptian wares. One of the most interesting ruins was 
 found in an arm of the canyon de Chelly. Although the main canyon 
 had been previously visited, this arm, named the canyon del Muerto, 
 from the exhumation of a number of mummies, a was unknown to the 
 white man before the old Navaho chief, Ganado Mucho, who was 
 Mr Stevenson's guide, led him, as a mark of special favor, into this 
 hitherto unexplored field. Models of the ruins in the can}-on del 
 Muerto, constructed principally by Mr Victor Mindeletf, artist to 
 the expedition, from the surveys, photographs, and sketches made 
 at this time, are among the most interesting to be seen in the National 
 Museum (see plate n). 
 
 The rich results from superficial excavations in New Mexico and 
 Arizona, especially in the Hopi country, convinced Mr Stevenson that 
 archeologic treasures lay hidden within the earth; but these he thought 
 would remain undisturbed while he gathered objects of interest, both 
 ancient and modern, from. the many pueblos. For tourists and curi- 
 osity-seekers, fired with the desire for collecting, were effecting trades 
 with the Indians, and many choice specimens were already crossing the 
 seas; hence came the necessitj- for immediate action on the part of the 
 GoA'ernment collectors. It was hoped by Mr Stevenson that, when 
 the materials to be found on the surface were safely deposited in the 
 National Museum, a well-organized S3"stem of excavation throughout 
 the Southwest could be begun. But exposure and overwork shortened 
 the days of this earnest worker, and after his untimely death in 1888 
 it remained for Dr J. W. Fewkes, Dr Walter Hough, Dr George H. 
 Pepper, and others to verify his opinions. The valuable archeologic 
 collections made in recent years are evidence of the correctness of Mr 
 Stevenson's convictions. 
 
 The writer has made several prolonged visits to Zufii, and after many 
 years of investigation and intimate acquaintance with the priests, the- 
 urgists, and the people generally, feels sufficiently acquainted with 
 them, their life, and their thoughts, to venture a presentation of their 
 esoteric beliefs, their rituals, habits, and customs. The limitations of 
 this volume, however, make it necessary to give only a restricted 
 account of many subjects that are deserving of more extensive treat- 
 ment, and much material has been reserved for future publication. 
 
 a Mr J. Stanley-Brown was the first of the party to discover human remains in this canyon. 
 
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stevenson] INTRODUCTION 1 9 
 
 While the writer has gone deeply into the subject of the religion of 
 the Zunis, unci is able to record the more important details of their 
 philosophy, there are yet many fields to be worked, and an attempt 
 at drawing dual eonelusions will not be made until more extensive 
 studies of allied tribes have been undertaken. If that which is here 
 presented serves as a basis for future investigation, and aids the Gov- 
 ernment to a better understanding of the North American Indians, the 
 author will have succeeded in her purpose. 
 
 Whatever has been accomplished by the writer at Zuni and else- 
 where is largely due to the training and instruction received from her 
 lamented husband and companion, James Stevenson. Much of the 
 present volume is based on his notes and records. His plans for 
 ethnologic research were far-reaching, and he expected to give many 
 years to their completion. His life was devoted to the establishment 
 and development of scientific institutions, and it is largely to his 
 efforts, in support of those of Major J. W. Powell, that the Bureau 
 of Ethnology owes its origin and success. His reputation for careful 
 investigation, and a high sense of integrity, is too well known to 
 require further comment in these pages. 
 
 To Mr W. H. Holmes, Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 
 the writer is indebted for uniform courtesy and for opportunities 
 afforded in the prosecution of her recent studies in Zuni. Acknowl- 
 edgments are due for courtesies extended during the long period of 
 the writer's investigations in the Southwest, among others, by Colonel 
 G. G. Huntt, Captain Herbert H. Sargent, Captain Curtis B. Hoppin, 
 Captain Guy Carlton. Dr Washington Matthews, Major Francis H. 
 Hardie. Lieutenant Clarence R. Da}', and Lieutenant H. B. Jordan, of 
 the United States Army, Honorable Henry M. Teller, United States 
 Senate; Honorable Robert Adams, jr., House of Representatives-; Dr 
 Reginald H. Sayre: Dr George Tully Vaughan, Assistant Surgeon- 
 General Marine-Hospital Service; Mr J. D. McChesne}', of the United 
 States Geological Survey; Mr F. V. Coville, Botanist, Department of 
 Agriculture; Mr J. X. Rose, United States National Museum; Mr P. C. 
 Warman, editor. United States Geological Survey; Mr William Bar- 
 num of the Carnegie Institution; and Mr Douglas D. Graham, at 
 present United States agent to the Zunis. Mr Graham's interest in the 
 success of the representatives of the Bureau of American Ethnology 
 has been exhibited in the most effective manner for twenty years or 
 more, and his generous aid, not only to the writer but to others in the 
 employ of the Government who have visited Zuni pueblo, has in many 
 ways been invaluable. 
 
 The writer is under obligations also to her Zuni friends, among whom 
 are numbered not only the priests and theurgists, but also the women 
 and children, who ever manifested a pleasing readiness to serve her. 
 
20 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ank.23 
 
 Slir is especially grateful to the high priest of Zufii; the sun priest; 
 Nai'uchi," elder brother Bow priest; Mesha, younger brother Bow 
 piiest; Kenoti, member of the Bow priesthood; the Ko'mosona, director 
 of tlir fraternity devoted to anthropie worship; Sinahe (Dick), associate 
 ruin priest; Roman Luna, a theurgist; Halian, son of Nai'uchi, and Nina, 
 his daughter, who freely gave such aid and information as was sought. 
 Among those, since deceased, who faithfully served the writer, and for 
 whom she will ever retain the fondest remembrances, are Nai'uchi's 
 wife; Lai'wa'silu'si, a former high priest; Pedro Pino, 6 a former gov- 
 ernor; Jose Palle, a rain priest; and Wewha, the strongest character 
 and the most intelligent of the Zufii tribe within the knowledge of the 
 writer. 
 
 MYTHOLOGY 
 General Conceptions of the Universe 
 
 Civilized man's conceptions of the universe are altogether different 
 from those of primitive man. The former understands natural phe- 
 nomena through analysis and correlation; the latter accounts for them 
 by analogy. Civilized man lives in a world of reality; primitive man 
 in a world of mysticism and symbolism; he is deeply impressed by 
 his natural environment; every object for him possesses a spiritual 
 life, so that celestial bodies, mountains, rocks, the flora of the earth, 
 and the earth itself are to him quite different from what they are to 
 civilized man. The sturdy pine, the delicate sapling, the fragrant 
 blossom, the giant rock, and the tin}- pebble play alike their part in 
 the mystic world of the aboriginal man. Many things which tend to 
 nourish life are symbolized by the Zunis as mother. When a Zufii 
 speaks of the Earth Mother the earth is symbolized as the source, not 
 only" of all vegetal matter which nourishes man, but also of the game 
 which gives him animal food. The earth is mother, the great one to 
 whom all are indebted for sustenance. 
 
 The Zufiis believe that the earth is supplied with water by their 
 dead of both sexes and all ages above infancy, and infants soon reach 
 maturity after going to the undermost world whence the Zufiis came. 
 The deceased always go first to Ko'thluwala'wa (Dance village), abiding 
 place of the Council of the Gods, and they often return thither to dance 
 in the great dance house. The deceased A'pi'lashiwanni (Bow priest- 
 hood) are an exception; they join the Ku'pishtaya, f becoming light- 
 ning-makers. 
 
 The u'wannami (rain-makers) are controlled and directed by the 
 
 a Nai'uchi died in June, 1904. 
 
 6 Pedro Pino and one other spoke Spanish fluently, the latter being able to read and write in this 
 language. They had been taught by Spanish priests, who compelled them to give all their time to 
 the language until they became proficient as interpreters. Two other men spoke a little Mexican. 
 
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stevenson] ZUNI MYTHOLOGY 21 
 
 Council of the Gods. These shadow people collect water in vases and 
 gourd jugs from the six great waters of the world." They are carried 
 by the steam which rises from these springs to the upper plane, pro- 
 vided they are supplied with breath plumes, each u'wannami holding 
 a group of these plumes in order to ascend. Every individual in Zuiii 
 makes these offerings each month at the time of full moon. The 
 u'wannami pass to and fro over the upper plane, protected from the 
 view of the people below by cloud masks. It is not the clouds which 
 fall in rain; the u'wannami pour the water through the cloud masks. 
 The clouds are produced by the breath of the gods and smoke, and, 
 when it is understood that the greater the smoke offering the greater 
 the inducement for the rain-makers to work, it is not surprising that 
 smoking is one of the conspicuous features of the Zuni ritual. There is 
 a time at the summer solstice when the torchbearer sets fire to every- 
 thing in his way. from Ko'thluwala'wa to Zuni. The greater the 
 smoke offering the heavier the cloud masks will be. 
 
 The Ku'pishtaya (lightning-makers) are mighty warriors who control 
 the lightning arrows. Each Ku'pishtaya has his 'Kia/'lawanni (deputy), 
 and his 'Si'kiahaya (courier). 'Kianil'ona, the greatest of the Zuni 
 ancestral gods (plate in), sits in state in Ko'thluwala'wa (plate rv), 
 where the Council of the Gods appeals to him for water with which 
 the u'wannami niay water the earth, the male gods sprinkling with 
 plume sticks dipped in gourd jugs of water and the female gods 
 from vases. The heavy rains are produced by the pouring of the 
 water directly from the vases. The u'wannami are sent to designated 
 points by the Council of the Gods to water the earth according to 
 the supplications of the Zufiis. 
 
 The varying forms of the clouds are significant to the Zuiii mind. 
 Cirrus clouds tell that the u'wannami are passing about for pleasure. 
 Cumulus and nimbus clouds indicate that the u'wannami will water the 
 earth. The smoke offerings which produce the clouds may have been 
 sufficient to bring the rain; but this is not all. The daily life, especially 
 of the A'shiwanni (rain priests), must be such as not to offend the 
 Council of the Gods, which controls and directs the rain-makers. 
 Should this not be the case the Council of the Gods withholds its 
 power, and the Su'ni-a'shiwanni, who send the cold winds from the 
 northeast and northwest, would drive away the cloud masks. Thus 
 the Zufiis account for wind clouds. The summer winds of the south- 
 west and southeast are the breath of the u'wannami, who do not breathe 
 from the mouth but directly from the heart. 
 
 These people rarety cast their eyes upward without invoking the 
 rain-makers, for in their arid land rain is the prime object of prayer. 
 Their water vases are covered with cloud and rain emblems, and the 
 water in the vase symbolizes the life, or soul, of the vase. 
 
 "Referring to the springs of the six regions owned by 'Kianil'ona (owner of springs). 
 
22 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 When the Ku'pishtaya communicate with one another, the ruler of 
 the North dispatches his courier to the Ku'pishtaya of the West and 
 the courier returns to his place in the North, the ruler of the West 
 transferring the message to the South by his courier; in this waj" 
 communication is held between the Ku'pishtaya of the six regions. 
 The Zunis have no fear of lightning, as the Ku'pishtaya never destroy 
 tiie good in heart. One who is struck by lightning, no matter what 
 his previous standing, must have possessed a bad heart. Thunder is 
 produced by the rain-makers gaming with stones while the Ku'pishtaya 
 are shooting their missiles. The rain-maker of the North rolls a stone 
 to a fellow at some other point, and the one receiving the stone returns 
 it; any number of rain-makers may join in the game. According to 
 Zufii philosophy thunder is produced in no other way. 
 
 The seeds distributed to the people by the personators of ancestral 
 gods are recognized by the intelligent as only symbolizing the bless- 
 ings which they desire and anticipate, yet each person receives the 
 gift with the same solemnity and plants it with the same reverence as 
 if it actually came from the god of seeds in the undermost world. 
 
 The sun is referred to as father, the ancient one. The moon is 
 his sister: the Sun Father has no wife. All peoples are the children 
 of the sun. Whatever the Zufiis fail to account for by incidents in the 
 early stages of their existence is attributed to the agenc} r of the Sun 
 Father. Though the Zuni philosophy, like that of other aboriginal 
 peoples, is built on analogic reasoning, these savage philosophers cer- 
 tainly place entire faith in the first great cause, all-powerful, without 
 beginning, without end. 
 
 Classification of the Higher Powers 
 
 The higher powers of the Zunis may be classed under seven heads, 
 as follows: 
 
 1. Universal. A'wonawil'ona, the supreme life-giving bisexual 
 power, who is referred to as He-She, the symbol and initiator of life, 
 and life itself, pervading all space. 
 
 2. C '< It stial, anthropic (represented by persons wearing masks). The 
 Sun Father, who is directly associated with the supreme power; he 
 always was and always will lie; he is the great god above all other 
 anthropic and zoic gods; be is the giver of light and warmth, and 
 through the supreme power the giver of life. The Moon Mother, giver 
 of light at night, the divider of the year into months, and, through 
 A'wonawil'ona, the delineator of the span of life — the supreme power 
 gradually draws the mystic veil from the Moon Mother's shield, indi- 
 cating birth, infancy, youth, and maturity; she draws the veil over 
 the shield again, symbolizing man's passing on to the infancy of old age, 
 
btevknson] BEGINNINGS OF THE UNIVERSE 23 
 
 when he sloops to awake in the abiding place of the gods; — and the 
 Morning and Evening Stars. 
 
 3. Celestial, anthropic (represented in carvings and paintings). The 
 Polar Star, all the fixed stars, the Morning and Evening Stars, the 
 Galaxy, Orion. Pleiades, Ursa Major, Ursa Minor, and Aehiyala'topa 
 (the being with wings and tail of knives). 
 
 4. Terrestrial. Earth Mother, giver of vegetation. 
 
 5. Subterranean, anthropic (not personated). The Gods of War 
 (represented by images of wood), children of the Sun Father, who 
 have their successors but not impersonators on the earth; Po'shai- 
 yanki, the culture hero; and Corn Mother. 
 
 6. Subterranean, anthropic (represented by persons wearing masks 
 and in one instance by an ophiomorphous image). Salt Mother, giver 
 of herself: Corn Father, giver of himself; White' Shell Woman, 
 giver of herself; Red Shell Woman, giver of herself; Turquois 
 Man. giver of himself; patronal and ancestral gods; the Plumed 
 Serpent; and a number of foreign deities to be propitiated. 
 
 7. Ti rrestrial and subterranean. Zoic gods who play their part 
 through the esoteric fraternities, eradicating the ill effects of witch- 
 craft on individuals and interceding between the members of the 
 fraternities and the Sun Father and Moon Mother, and between them 
 and the anthropic gods. 
 
 Beginnings of the Universe 
 
 The Zuni ceremonies cluster about a cosmogony which serves to keep 
 the beliefs alive and to guide both actors and spectators through the 
 observances. 
 
 In the beginning A'wonawil'ona with the Sun Father and Moon 
 Mother existed above, and Shi'wanni and Shi'wano"kia, his wife, 
 below. Shi'wanni and Shi'wano"kia were superhuman beings who 
 labored not with hands but with hearts and minds. The rain priests 
 of Zuni are called A'shiwanni and the Priestess of Fecundity is called 
 Shi'wano'*kia. to indicate that they do no secular work; they give 
 their minds and hearts to higher thoughts in order that their bodies be 
 so purified they may enter into communion with the gods. 
 
 All was shi'pololo (fog), rising like steam. With the breath from 
 his heart A'wonawil'ona created clouds and the great waters of the 
 world. He-She is the blue vault of the firmament. The breath 
 clouds of the gods are tinted with the yellow of the north, the blue- 
 green of the west, the red of the south, and the silver of the east of 
 A'wonawil'ona. The smoke clouds of white and black become a part 
 of A'wonawil'ona; they are himself, as he is the air itself; and when 
 the air takes on the form of a bird it is but a part of himself — is himself. 
 Through the light, clouds, and air he becomes the essence and creator 
 
24 THE 55UNI INDIANS [eth. ank. 28 
 
 of vegetation. The Zufii conception of A'wonawil'ona is similar to 
 that of the Greeks of Athena. 
 
 ft is not strange, therefore, that the A'shiwi" cover their altars with 
 symbols of cumulus and nimbus clouds, with ''the flame of the cloud 
 crest." 1 and "the blue of the deep wells of the sky," and use all these. 
 woven into plumes, to waft their prayers to the gods, and have 
 as their symbol of life, embracing all the mysterious life-securing 
 properties, including mystery medicine, an ear of corn clothed in 
 beautiful plumage; for the spirit of A'wonawil'ona is "put into and 
 upon this created form." The name of this symbol, mi'li, is but 
 another word for corn, and the et'tone, the most sacred fetish of the 
 A'shiwanni, is another symbol of life, including rain and vegetation. 
 
 While, every Zufii is taught that in inhaling the sacred breath from 
 his fetishes or in breathing upon the plumes he offers to the gods he 
 is receiving from A'wonawil'ona the breath of life or is wafting his 
 own breath prayers to his gods, onl^v the few have any conception of 
 all that is implied in their observances or fully appreciate the poetic 
 nature of their myths. 
 
 After A'wonawil'ona created the clouds and the great waters of the 
 world, Shi'wanni said to Shi'wano"'kia: "I, too, will make something 
 beautiful, which will give light at night when the Moon Mother 
 sleeps." Spitting in the palm of his left hand, he patted the spittle 
 with the fingers of his right hand, and the spittle foamed like yucca 
 suds and then formed into bubbles of manj 7 colors, which he blew 
 upward; and thus he created the fixed stars and constellations. And 
 Shi'wanni was well pleased with his creation. Then Shi'wano"kia 
 said "See what I can do," and she expectorated into the palm of her 
 left hand and slapped the saliva with the fingers of her right, and the 
 spittle foamed like yucca suds, running over her hand and flowing 
 everywhere; and thus she created A'witelin 'Si'ta (Earth Mother). 
 
 Creatiox of the A'shiwi axd their Coming to the Outer 
 
 World 
 
 Shi'wanni and Shi'wano"kia were the parents of the A'shiwi. who 
 were created in the undermost world, being born as infants; not, how- 
 ever, at long intervals, but in rapid succession, until man}' were born. 
 
 Yatokia (Sun Father)'' created two sons, Kow'wituma and Wats'usi, 
 by impregnating two bits of foam with his raj's. These Divine Ones 
 
 a A'shiwi, the people, the reference being to the Zufiis only. Shl'wi is the singular form. 
 
 I> Yiitokla means the holder or bearer of light. The sun itself is conceived as a shield of burning 
 crystal, which the Sun Father, who is anthropomorphic, carries as lie makes his daily journey from 
 east to west. Prayers are addressed to the invisible and esoteric bearer of (the power behind) the 
 shield, who travels over the road of day seated on a colossal turquois, wearing beautiful buckskin 
 clothing and many necklaces of precious beads. 
 
stevenson] CREATION OF THE A'SHIWI 25 
 
 ascended to their Sun Father over a road of meal, which they made 
 by throwing the meal upward. 
 
 The Sun Father, wishing- to bring his children from the undermost 
 world to his presence, provided each of the Divine Ones with an a'mito- 
 lan pi'"'lanne (rainbow), wil'lolonanne sho'liwe (lightning arrows), and 
 a 'kia'alanne (cloud shield), and directed them to go to the undermost 
 world and bring his children to his presence. They rent the earth 
 with their lightning arrows and descended into A'witen te'hula (fourth 
 world)." 
 
 When the A'shiwi inquired of the Divine Ones '"Who are you* 
 Whence did you come?" they replied " A'chi ana pi'akoa" ("'The two 
 come down"). 
 
 The undermost world was so dark that the people could not see one 
 another, and they trod upon one another's toes. Their houses were 
 but holes in the earth, and their food was seed grass. In order to see 
 the people Kow'wituma laid diy grass upon the ground and placed his 
 bow on the grass, and by rubbing his arrow, with a rotary motion, upon 
 the bow he produced tire, and lighted the grass, using it as a torch to 
 cany about among the people. Many could not look on the fire, for 
 their eyes were not good for light, while others fell back crazed with 
 fear. Kow'wituma said: "You have but few people." The elder ones 
 replied "We have many," and they called those who were absent. 
 
 The Divine Ones, throwing out a line of meal, produced light, which 
 guided them to the north, where they cut an a'shekia (pine tree of the 
 north. Finns ponderosa var. scapulorum) with stone knives, and return- 
 ing, planted it for the people to ascend to the third world, A'wisho 
 te'hula (water-moss world). Here the Divine Ones threw out meal to 
 the west, which produced light to guide them thither; and there the3 r 
 cut a kia'la'silo (spruce of the west, Pseudotsuga douglassii), and 
 returning, they planted it for the people to ascend to the second 
 world. Pa'nanula te'hula (mud world). Here the Divine Ones, led by 
 the line of meal which they threw out, went to the south and cut a 
 'klan'ilkoha (aspen of the south, the quaking aspen, Populus tremu- 
 loides) and returning, the}' planted it for the people to ascend to the 
 first world, La'tow'te'hula (wing world; from 3'ii'tokia la'towwe, sun's 
 wings, the rays of the sun being referred to as wings). It was in this 
 world that the A'shiwi first saw the faintest lightof day ; hence the name. 
 Throwing out a line of meal to the east, the Divine Ones visited this 
 direction, where they cut a lo'kwimo (spruce of the east, silver spruce, 
 Picea pungens), and returning, they planted it for the people to ascend 
 
 aTe'hula refers only to underworlds. Uhl'onannC is the term for the outer world, or this world. 
 The undermost world bears several other names: An'noeiyan te'hula (world of utter darkness, 
 blackness-of-soot world); Lu'hote kla'plnna; lu'hote (fine earth or dust); kia'plnna (uncooked, not 
 hardened by fire). 
 
26 THE ZI'NI INDIANS [eth. an*. 28 
 
 thereby to the outer world," Te'kohaiakwi u'kwa'ikia (light-of-day 
 place). The Zufiis, in speaking- of Te'kohaiakwi u'kwai'ikia, add yam 
 Ya'tokia Ta"chu (my Sun lather), 3:1111 A'witelin 'Si'ta (1113- Earth 
 Mother), u'natikianapkia (I inhale the sacred breath). The place of 
 coming- through to this world is called Ji'mi'kianapkiatea, a word full 
 of occult meaning, having reference to an opening in the earth filled 
 with water which mysteriously disappeared, leaving a clear passage 
 for the A'shiwi to ascend to the outer world. 
 
 The Divine Ones and the A'shiwi spent some time in each world as 
 the}' ascended, and many of the A'shiwi who were left behind struggled 
 on after the others. The A'shiwi had constant rainfall during their 
 ascent to the outer world, which was reached just as the Evening Star, 
 who is second warrior to the Sun Father and follows after him, rose 
 above the horizon. 
 
 Songs of the Divine Ones over the Et'towe 
 
 In the lower Avorld the A'shiwi had rain priests (A'shiwanni; sin- 
 gular, shi'wanni), of whom six were assigned to the six regions. Each 
 shi'wanni possessed an et'tone, 4 most sacred of their fetishes, which 
 he brought to this world wrapped in a mat of straw in a crude basket, 
 pressed to his breast. Kow'wituma and Wats'usi, the Divine Ones, 
 having knowledge that the A'shiwanni possessed et'towe, made a meal 
 painting of a'wehlwia'we (cumulus clouds) on the ground and on the 
 road, and the A'shiwanni placed their et'towe on the painting. The 
 Kia'kwemosi, Shi'wanni of the North, sat next to the road, on the 
 south side, the road being the dividing line; the Shi'wanni of the 
 West and Shi'wano"kia sat on his right. The Shi'wanni of the South 
 sat next, the Shi'wanni of the East being on his right. The A'shi- 
 wanni of the Zenith and Nadir sat next, and after them four other 
 A'shiwanni, Kow'wituma sitting at the end of the line. Four A'shi- 
 wanni sat on the other side of the road, with Wats'usi north of 
 them. Ya'nowwuluha, a man of great heart and wisdom, sat before 
 the meal painting to the north of the liue, and the A'shiwi gath- 
 ered around on the north, west, and south of the painting. They 
 sang the songs of the Divine Ones for rain, that the earth should 
 abound in kia"sanna (grass seed), the only food then known to the 
 A'shiwi. They sat singing in low tones until midnight. Then, leaving 
 their et'towe in place on the painting, the Divine Ones and the A'shi- 
 wanni retired a short distance and ate. After eating thej^ slept awhile, 
 
 a In an earlier publication it was stated that the A'shiwi ascended to the outer world through a huge 
 hollow reed. The student of mythology labors under many difficulties, none of which are more per- 
 plexing than that of distinguishing between the tribal cosmogony and the winter talcs of special nar- 
 rators. The intimate acquaintance with the Indians of the Southwest acquired by the writer through 
 later investigations has served to mark quite definitely the differences between their mythology and 
 their winter tales. 
 
 l> Plural et'towe. The etymology of this word is not known, hut it implies invariable bringer of 
 good. 
 
stevenson] APPOINTMENT OF DEPUTY TO THE SUN FATHER 27 
 
 and then returned to the painting and. taking their seats, resumed 
 their prayers. At this time Mo'yachun'hlan'na (Great Star, the morn- 
 ing star), the first warrior to the Sun Father, could be seen, but faintly 
 at tirst through the delicate showers. When the people saw the star 
 they exclaimed "Our Father comes," but the Divine Ones declared 
 "He is not your Sun Father, but his warrior who comes before." 
 Later, when the sun appeared, the people fell on their faces in fear; 
 but the Divine Ones cried: "Be not afraid; it is your Sun Father." 
 
 At this time the Kia'kwemosi went over the eastern road and, planting 
 te'likinawe (prayer plumes) which the Sun Father had sent him by the 
 Divine Ones, prayed, saying: "My Sun Father, my Moon Mother, I 
 give to you te'likinawe." 
 
 Kow'wituma Appoints Ya'nowwuluha Deputy to the Sun 
 
 Father 
 
 AVhen the Kia'kwemosi returned to his place by the meal painting, 
 Kow'wituma. pointing to the et'towe, which were concealed with the 
 mat covering, asked Ya'nowwuluha " What are these?" and he replied 
 "•'Kia'et'tone cbuet'tone."" Then Kow'wituma said: "You are able 
 to tell me of these precious things; your heart is good; yonr head is 
 good; I will make you pe'kwin (deputy) to my Sun Father." Ya'now- 
 wuluha remained standing on the meal line and near the painting, 
 while the birds of the six regions came in succession and sang. 
 
 Kow'wituma called first O'no'hlikia (bird of the North, Icteria 
 longicauda, long-tailed chat). On arriving he perched on the eastern 
 end of the meal line and sang for rains and lightning. The bird kept 
 his place after he ceased singing. Then Kow'wituma called Mai'ya 
 (bird of the West, Cyanocitta macrolopha, long-crested jay). This 
 bird perched next to O'no'hlikia on the meal line, and repeated the 
 songs for rains and lightning. He, too, remained in his place after 
 singing. Kow'wituma next called Mu'la (bird of the South, macaw). 
 Mu'la stood on the meal line next to Mai'ya and sang songs for rains 
 and lightning. After these songs Kow'wituma called Kia'tetasha (bird 
 of the East, Pipilo megalonyx, spurred towhee). This bird repeated 
 the songs for rains and lightning, having his place on the meal line 
 next to Mu'la. Kia'wulo'ki (bird of the Zenith, Progne subis, purple 
 martin) was called next. His place was on the meal line after 
 Kia'tetasha. He, too, sang songs for rains and lightning. The last 
 bird called by Kow'wituma was He'alonset'to (bird of the Nadir, 
 Passerina ciris, painted bunting). This bird stood on the meal line 
 beside Kia'wulo'ki and sang for rains and lightning. 
 
 The birds remained in place on the line while Kow'wituma said to 
 
 «A full explanation of the eVtowe will be found in the chapter on the A'shiwanni (Rain priest- 
 hood). 
 
28 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 Ya'nowwuluha: "These birds shall he your et'towe." The birds then 
 Hew away to their homes. 
 
 Ya'nowwuluha, passing around by the north side back of the meal 
 painting, took his seat on the line to the left of the Kia'kwemosi, by 
 order of Kow'wituma. Then Kow'wituma had the Shi'wanni of the 
 Zenith move with his et'tone to the end of the line of A'shiwanni on 
 the south side, and had Ya'nowwuluha take his place in the line as 
 Shi'wanni of the Zenith and pe'kwin" (deputy) to the Sun Father. 
 Kow'wituma again had the two A'shiwanni on the immediate right of 
 Ya'nowwuluha move with their et'towe to the end of the line on the 
 south side; he then took his place by the side of the pe'kwin, with 
 Wats'usi sitting to the right of him. The prayers and songs over the 
 et'towe were continued eight days and nights, the A'shiwanni retiring 
 each evening for refreshment. There were no houses yet, and each 
 shi'wanni made a place for his et'tone by using four stone slabs. On 
 the ninth day the A'shiwanni, by direction of the Divine Ones, began 
 building houses of large reeds and earth. 
 
 The A'shiwi were queer beings when they came to this world. They 
 had short depilous tails, long ears (at night they la} T on one ear and 
 covered themselves with the other), and webbed feet and hands, and 
 their bodies and heads were covered with a'wisho (moss), a lengthy 
 tuft being on the fore part of the head, projecting like a horn. The 
 Zuiiis do not believe that they ever existed in other than human form. 
 After the A'shiwi moved to a spring not far distant from their place of 
 nativity, which they named A'wisho, the Divine Ones amputated the 
 tails and ears and cut the webbed feet and hands with their stone knives. 
 The people then bathed, for they were veiy unclean. 
 
 Coming of the Hopis, Pimas, and Navahos 
 
 The Mu"kwe (Hopis) followed the A'shiwi to this world four years 
 (time periods) after all the A'shiwi arrived. The Coconino Pimas came 
 four years after the Mu"kwe, and the A'pachu (Navahos) followed 
 four years after the Coconino Pimas. All these peoples came from 
 the undermost world, passing, like the A'shiwi, through three worlds 
 before reaching this world. The Zuiiis do not pretend to account for 
 the origin of the other pueblo peoples. 
 
 The villages of the A'shiwi and Mu"kwe were not far apart in the 
 undermost world, and the two peoples, though not related and speaking 
 different languages, communicated with one another and were friendly. 
 After the Divine Ones had arranged for the A'shiwi to go to the outer 
 world, they visited the Mu"kwe, delivered the message from the Sun 
 Father, that he wished them to come into his presence, and gave them 
 
 a Pe'kwin, when used without explanation, will refer to the Shi'wanni of the Zenith, earthly 
 deputy to the sun Father. 
 
Stevenson] PRESENCE OF MEXICANS INTRODUCTION OF CORN 29 
 
 te'likinawe which they had prepared for them; and the Divine Ones 
 instructed the Mu"kwe how they should proceed to the outer world. 
 The Mu"kwe themselves cut the trees by which they ascended to this 
 world. The Divine Ones worked only for the A'shiwi, and, as has 
 been stated, they traveled with the A'shiwi from the undermost to this 
 world and remained with them until they had found the Middle place. 
 When the Mu"kwe reached this world they did not make a cloud 
 symbol upon the ground and they did not sing, for they did not 
 have the Divine Ones to teach them. The Mu"kwe came through 
 li'mikianakate'a, a short distance north of the point of egress of the 
 A'shiwi. After the A'shiwi had been four years at A'wisho, the Mu"kwe 
 moved southeast of li'mikianakate'a and not far from A'wisho. Here 
 the Divine Ones cut the webbed fingers and toes and amputated the 
 tails of the Mu"kwe. 
 
 Zone Explanation of the Presence of Mexicans 
 
 Two Mexicans, man and wife, who appeared in this world at the 
 time the A'shiwi arrived remained with them for some time. The 
 Coconino Pimas remained with the A'shiwi long enough to teach 
 them some of their songs, which have descended to the Shu'maakwe 
 fraternity. The Navahos separated from the others. The Coconino 
 Pimas were the last to leave the vicinity of li'mikianakate'a. They 
 were very thirst}* during their journey and could find no water; finally 
 they discovered fox tracks and followed them, for the}* knew that 
 the tracks would lead to water. After proceeding some distance they 
 were led into a deep canyon (Coconino), where the}* remained, building 
 permanent homes for themselves. Some few of the A'shiwi went with 
 the Coconino Pimas" to the canyon and thus became permanently 
 separated from their people. The Coconinos met a shi'wanni (rain 
 priest) of a strange people upon reaching the depth of the canyon. 
 
 A Mu'*kwe when walking about one day discovered a village and 
 visited it, inquiring of the people, who were A'shiwi, whence they came 
 and whither they were going. "We are in quest of the Middle place," 
 they replied. After a time all the Mu"kwe but the Corn clan (the Zunis 
 do not know where or when the Mu"kwe received their clan names), 
 moved west, then east. After many struggles with enemies in the val- 
 leys and in canyons the Mu'*kwe built their homes on mesas. 
 
 Coming of the Witches and the Introduction of Corn 
 
 While the A'shiwi were at A'wisho the Divine Ones organized four 
 esoteric fraternities (see Esoteric fraternities). The A'shiwi were 
 happy here. Da}* after day they were followed by those who had failed 
 to come to this world with them, for many, becoming tired had fallen 
 back. Evei*v time the A'shiwi heard a rumbling of the earth (earth- 
 
 a The Zunis declare that some few of the Coconino words are the same as their own. 
 
30 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bth. ann. 23 
 
 quake) they knew that others were coming out. They would say 
 "My younger lu-other comes:" or, "Some of my people come." The 
 
 exodus from the underworlds continued four years/' The last observed 
 to conic forth were two witches, a man and a wife, who were all-pow- 
 erful for good or evil. Kow'wituma and Wats'usi, hearing a rumbling 
 of the earth, looked to see who had arrived, and met the two witches, 
 whose heads were covered with loose hoods of coarse fiber blowing in 
 the breeze. Kow'wituma inquired of the witches: •"Whither are you 
 going?" They replied: " We wish to go with your people to the Mid- 
 dle place of the world." Kow'wituma said: "We do not want you 
 with us." The witches, holding seeds in their closed hands under 
 their arms, said: "If we do not go we will destroy the land. "We have 
 all seeds here." When the Divine Ones again told the witches they 
 were not wanted, they declared that it would not be well if the}- were 
 not allowed to go. saying: " We have all things precious for your peo- 
 ple." The man, extending his closed hand over the seeds, said: "See, 
 I wish to give this to the Kia'kwemosi; and I wish him to give us two 
 of his children, a son and a daughter. When we have the children the 
 corn shall be his." " Why do you wish the children?" asked Kow'- 
 wituma. "We wish to kill the children that the rains may come." 
 
 The Divine Ones hastened to repeat what they had seen and heard 
 to the Kia'kwemosi, who replied: " It is well." When the witches 
 appeared before the Kia'kwemosi and claimed two of his children, he 
 said: "I have no infant children: I have a youth and a maiden; what 
 do you wish to do with them;" "We wish to destroy them." "Why 
 do you wish to destroy my children i" "We wish to destroy them 
 that there may lie much ruin. We have things of great value to you, 
 but we must first have much rain.'' "It is well." said the Kia'kwe- 
 mosi; and when the youth and maiden slept the two witches shot their 
 medicine into their hearts by touching the children with their hands, 
 causing their deaths. Their remains were buried in the earth, and the 
 rains fell four days. On the fifth morning a rumbling noise was heard, 
 and Kow'wituma saw the youth appearing from his grave. Again 
 there were four days of heavy rains, and on the fifth morning after 
 the resurrection of the youth a rumbling was heard, and Kow'wituma 
 saw the girl coming from the earth. The same night the two witches 
 planted all the seeds in the wet earth, and the following morning the 
 corn was a foot high and the other things were of good size. By 
 evening all was matured and the A'shiwi ate of the new food, but 
 they were not pleased: everything was hot. like pepper. Then Kow'- 
 wituma and Wats'usi called the raven, who came and ate much of the 
 corn and other things. Again the Divine Ones called the owl. who ate 
 
 a "iif ..Id two days were as four years, and four days as eight years," reference being to time 
 periods. Years throughout this paper will refer to indefinite time periods, unless it is otherwise 
 explained. 
 
stevenson] CORN MAIDENS RECEIVE SEEDS 31 
 
 the heart of the grain, leaving the remainder on the cob, so that the 
 corn became soft. The Divine Ones then called the coyote to come and 
 eat the corn: he ate of everything in the tield. The raven, owl. and 
 coyote, by eating of the food, softened and sweetened it so that it 
 became palatable to the A'shiwi. Since that time the iields have had 
 to be watched, for the raven takes the corn in the day and the coyote 
 robs the fields at night. At this time the Divine Ones instructed 
 the A'shiwi in fire making and cooking. 
 
 A'shiwi Continue their Journeying 
 
 While the earth was not muddy, it was so soft that the A'shiwi found 
 difficulty in proceeding. Long years were consumed, and many vil- 
 lages were built, and then abandoned, as they pushed on in their quest 
 for the Middle of the world. Even when they tarried at the towns 
 which they built the}' were driven therefrom by the corruption of their 
 dead, and they desired even to escape from the effluvium of their own 
 bodies, which was unbearable. "It was like burning sulphur; it was 
 an odor that killed." Repeated divisions of the people occurred dur- 
 ing the years consumed in their migrations, some going to the north, 
 others to the south; thus the Zuiiis account for man}' of the ruins north 
 and south of their line of march. 
 
 Witches Give Seeds to the Corn Maidens 
 
 Unseen and unknown, the Corn maidens came with the A'shiwi from 
 the undermost world and remained with them until they had been four 
 years at Shi'pololo kwi (Fog place), when they were discovered by the 
 two witches sitting under a ham'pone (out-of-door covered place), a 
 pavilion of pine boughs. The witches inquired: "Who are you?" 
 The maidens replied: " We are the a'towa e'washtokii (Corn maidens)." 
 '• Where is your corn?" asked the witches. "We have none." "This 
 is not right. If you are Corn maidens you should have corn;" and, 
 handing a yellow ear of corn to one of the maidens, the witches 
 said: "You are the Yellow Corn maiden and a'wankio'wu (great or 
 elder sister)."' To another they handed a blue ear of corn, saying: 
 "You are the younger sister, the Blue Corn maiden; you two will be 
 the directors or leaders of the others." Handing a red ear of corn 
 to the third one, they said: " You are a younger sister, the Red Corn 
 maiden." And to the fourth they handed an ear of white corn, saying: 
 "You are a younger sister, the White Corn maiden." And to the fifth 
 the}' said, as they handed her an ear of multicolored corn: " You are the 
 E very-colored Corn maiden and a younger sister." And to the sixth they 
 handed a black ear of corn, saying: "You are the younger sister, the 
 Black Corn maiden." And to the seventh they handed an ear of sweet 
 corn, saying: "You are the younger sister, the Sweet Corn maiden." 
 And to the eighth they said, as they handed her squash seeds: "You 
 
32 THE ZUNI INDIANS [Era. ann. 23 
 
 are the younger .sister, the Squash maiden." And to the ninth they 
 handed watermelon seeds, saying: "You are the younger sister, the 
 Watermelon maiden." And to the tenth they handed muskmelon 
 seeds, saying: "You are the younger sister, the Muskmelon maiden."" 
 After receiving the corn the elder sister said i- 1 will dance with my 
 corn, and so will my sisters:" and she formed her sisters into two lines, 
 facing the east that they might see the coming forth of the Sun 
 Father. They danced all night under a bower walled with ho'mawe 
 (cedar), whose roof was a'wehlwia'we (cumulus clouds) fringed with 
 kla'la'silo (spruce of the west). The witches observed the dance 
 through the night, and in the morning continued their migrations 
 with the A'shiwi, but said not a word to them of the Corn maidens, 
 who remained at Shi'pololo kwi, where "they bathed in the dew (or 
 mist), but did not drink of it." 
 
 Origin of the Ancestral Gods 
 
 After the A'shiwi had journeyed for many years from the far north- 
 west in a southward and then in an eastward direction, the Kia'kwe- 
 mosi decided to send two of his children, a youth named Si'wulu'si'wa 
 and a maiden named Si'wulu'si"sa, to look for a good place to build a 
 village. The two finally ascended a mountain, where the sister was 
 left to rest while the brother proceeded to look over the country. 
 Returning to the mountain top at midday he found his sister sleeping 
 and was so enamored of her beauty that he embraced her. This act 
 made her wildly angry. The result of his embrace was the birth of ten 
 children that same night. This unnatural union caused an immediate 
 change of tongue; but, though their language was changed, thev under- 
 stood each other perfectly. There was no change of appearance. The 
 firstborn* was normal in all respects, but the other nine children did not 
 possess the seeds of generation; The brother said to the sister: "It 
 is not well for us to be alone: we will prepare a place for the others 
 of ours.' 1 He descended the mountain and drew his foot through the 
 sands and created two rivers (the Zufii and the Little Colorado) and 
 a lake, and in the depths of the lake a village. Si'wulu'si'wa and his 
 sister also created two mountains, one of them to be bis perpetual home. 
 The village is Ko'thluwala'wa, having the great ceremonial house of 
 the gods in its center. This house is provided with four windows, 
 through which those not privileged to enter may view the dance. Only 
 deceased members of the Ko'tikili (mythologic fraternity) go within 
 
 (■The A'shiwi say that the Mexicans brought beans, but that they always had watermelons and 
 mnskmelons. Although the Zufiis make this statement, it is declared by the representatives of the 
 Department of Agriculture that neither the watermelon nor the muskmelon are indigeneous to this 
 country. 
 
 b Attention is called to an error regarding "the firstborn" in a paper published in the Fifth An- 
 nual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, the notes for which were gathered during the writer's first 
 visit to Zufii. 
 
stevexson] ORIGIN OF ANCESTRAL GODS 33 
 
 the walls. The name of the lake isHatin 'kiaiakwi (Listening spring), 
 the reference being to hearing voices in the depths of the waters, but 
 it usually bears the name of the village, Ko'thluwala'wa. We'nima, 
 the archaic name, is commonly used in ceremonials. 
 
 The first group of A'shiwi to cross the river was the 'Hle'wekwe 
 ti'kili (Wood fraternity); and the children on their mothers' backs 
 pinched and bit the mothers until they became alarmed and dropped 
 their little ones into the water, when the children were at once trans- 
 formed into et'towa (tortoises), mi"kia t li (water snakes), tii'kia (frogs), 
 and mu'tuli"kla (tadpoles). These transformed children descended from 
 the river into the depths of the lake, where they were immediately 
 restored to their normal condition; and they attained to the age of 
 maturity at once, becoming the Council of the Gods, the prototypes of 
 the Ko'mosona, first bod)" of A'shiwanni, and Gods of War. 
 
 The following- table gives the members of the Council of the Gods, 
 and shows their relative positions and the corresponding positions of 
 certain Zuni priests: 
 
 Council of the Gods and their Warriors Zuni Priests 
 
 Pau'tiwa — Director-General of the Ko'mosona — Director-General of the 
 
 Kok'ko Ko'tikili 
 
 'Kliiklo — Pe'kwln (deputy) to the Direc- Ko'pekwln (deputy) to the Director- 
 
 tor-General of the Kok'ko General of the Ko'tikili 
 
 Shu'laawi'si— Pe'kwln to the Sun Father Pe'kwin (deputy) to the Sun Father 
 
 (Shi'wanni of the Zenith) 
 
 Sa'yatiisha Kia'kwemosi 
 
 First Yii'muhakto Shi'wanni of the West 
 
 Hu'tutu Shi'wanni of the South 
 
 Second Yii'muhakto Shi'wanni of the East 
 
 Sal'imobiya, warriors and seed-gatherers Elder and younger brother Bow priests-^ 
 
 of Ko'thluwala'wa Earthly representatives of the Gods of 
 
 War 
 
 Si'wulu'siwa and the nine last-born became Ko'yemshi (old dance 
 men) (plate v), the father being the A'wan ta'chu (Great Father), of 
 the newly created gods, while Si'wulu'si'sa became Ko'mokatsi (old 
 dance woman) (plate v) and mother of the Kok'ko. All anthropic 
 gods bear the name of Kok'ko." The firstborn became Kor'kokshi 
 (dancer for good). A'wan ta'chu decided that he and his nine last- 
 born should remain in the mountain of his creation* (peak to the left 
 on plate in), on the opposite side of Ko'thluwala'wa from Mount 
 Kor'kokshi, on which he embraced his sister, while Ko'mokatsi and 
 the firstborn should live in Ko'thluwala'wa. 
 
 aKa'kd, the term given by some writers instead of kok'ko, is the name for raven, and bears no rela- 
 tion whatever to the gods. 
 
 & Ko'yemshi mountain bears evidence of having once been a great center for making arrow points. 
 The Zunis, however, do not admit that genuine arrows were ever made by them. "Arrows were cast 
 upon the earth by lightning-makers." 
 
 23 eth— 04 3 
 
34 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 To those who followed the 'Hle'wekwe across the mystic waters the 
 Divine Ones called "Wait until we speak;" and they charged the 
 women not to he afraid of their children if they should pinch and bite, 
 if they would bring them safely across the river. These children were 
 subjected to no change except that their toes and fingers became 
 webbed. The Divine Ones cut the webs with their stone knives, 
 restoring the feet and hands to the normal form. After the remainder 
 of the people had crossed the river, the Kia'kwemosi requested the 
 Divine Ones to descend into the lake and look after the lost children. 
 After the creation of the gods, which, according to Zuiii belief, was the 
 beginning of the worship of the ancients, the A'wan ta"chu Ko'yetn- 
 shi deemed it best that these gods should not appear outside the dance 
 house unmasked. He therefore created masks by placing his finger 
 to his mouth and rubbing the spittle in a small spot on the floor of the 
 dance house, a mask appearing almost immediately each time the finger 
 touched the floor. Masks were made in this way for each god. 
 
 On entering Ko'thluwala'wa the Divine Ones found all the newly 
 created gods wearing masks; but these were soon removed and placed 
 by their sides, and the Divine Ones addressed them as ".my children;" 
 and the gods said "Sit down and tell us of our mothers." On learn- 
 ing that their mothers refused to be comforted they said: "Tell our 
 mothers not to grieve for us; we are not dead; we live and sing and 
 dance in this beautiful place. When they fall asleep they will wake 
 here and return to the undermost world whence they came. Here we 
 work for our mothers and all our people, and we are very happy." 
 They also said to the Divine Ones "Look well at our masks and exam- 
 ine them;" and the Divine Ones looked until they knew the masks 
 with their hearts; and said " El'lakwa cha'we (thanks, children)." On 
 ascending from Ko'thluwala'wa the Divine Ones related to the Kia'kwe* 
 mosi what they had seen. 
 
 After remaining for a time near Ko'thluwala'wa — which time might 
 be called the mythologie period, for, according to Zuni legend, they 
 were in personal communication with their gods — the A'shiwi con- 
 tinued their travels, building villages from time to time, then desert- 
 ing them to push on to the Middle of the world. 
 
 Origin of the Diminutive Gods of War 
 
 The A'shiwi had proceeded less than a day's journey from Ko'thlu- 
 wala'wa, coming to the place that they afterward called Hanlipinkia, 
 when smoke was discovered in the distance. "Ha!" exclaimed the 
 Kia'kwemosi, "there is a village. I wonder who these people are?" 
 "We will see'" said the Divine Ones; and two members of the 
 Ne'wekwe ti'kili (Galaxy fraternity) were told to go ahead and hunt 
 a trail. They refused, saying: "We are fighting men and we may 
 
stevenson] ORIGIN OF GODS OF WAR 35 
 
 meet some one and kill him, and thus get you into trouble." But the 
 Divine Ones dispatched the two men, who had not gone far when they 
 observed two women on the bank of a stream washing - buckskin. 
 They killed the women, who belonged to the village whence the smoke 
 came; and as soon as the strange people learned of the murder they 
 were enraged and at once attacked the A'shiwi, who fought two days, 
 but without success. Then Kow'wituma and Wats'usi, having grown 
 weary with lighting, for they had had many conflicts during their 
 journey from the far northwest, requested their 81111 Father to send 
 two others to take their place as warriors. 
 
 In compliance with this wish the Sun Father caused a heavy rain to 
 fall until the cascade of the mountain side no longer glided placidly 
 over the rocks to the basin below, but danced along; and in her" joy 
 she was caught in the sun's embrace, and bore twin children, who 
 issued from the foam. 
 
 When Kow'wituma and Wats'usi looked towai'd the cascade they 
 discovered two little fellows upon the water in the basin, whom they 
 at once recognized to be of divine origin. Kow'wituma inquired of 
 the tiny ones: "Who is your father?" U'yUyewi, the firstborn, 
 replied: "'The Sun is our father." "Who is }'our mother?" "Laugh- 
 ing water is our mother." "It is well; thanks; it is good,-" said 
 Wats'usi; "I am weary with fighting, and I wish you two to work for 
 me." "I am very small," said the firstborn (while the Divine Ones 
 were somewhat below medium height, the newborn gods were dimin- 
 utive in stature), "and do not know how to fight." "Yes," said 
 Wats'usi, "you understand all about fighting." "Wait, wait," said 
 the firstborn; but Wats'usi and Kow T 'wituma insisted, saying: "Your 
 heart is good and we know you understand how to fight." "Is it so? 
 do 1 understand how to tight? I guess 1113^ younger brother knows 
 more than I." Ma'sai'lema interrupted, saying: "My elder brother 
 knows more than I." "All right," said the elder, "we will fight for 
 you." Wats'usi said: "We have fought two daj r s, but we can do 
 nothing with the enemy. Many arrows have pierced the heart of the 
 'Cha'kwena who leads the opposing forces, yet she continues to pass 
 to and fro before her army, shaking her rattle; and until these people 
 can be conquered or destroyed we can not proceed in our quest of the 
 Middle place of the world." The newborn gods of Laughing water 
 replied: "We will join you. We may destroy the enemy; we may 
 not." In times of peace both these gods bear the name of A'hayuta. 
 When associated with war the elder is always referred to as U'yuyewi, 
 and the younger as Ma'sai'lema. 
 
 aThe Zufiis attribute gender to all natural objects. 
 
36 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 Destruction of the Kia'nakwe, and Songs of Thanksgiving 
 
 The day was still young when these gods requested Kow'wituma, 
 Wats'usi, a man of tlie Coyote chin, and To'na 0"si (Turkey man") to 
 muster about a pottery drum and dance. The man of the Coyote clan 
 was provided with a drumstick, such as is used at the present time for 
 these drums. D'yuyewi. Ma'sai'.lema, all those who had participated 
 in fighting, and the A'shiwanni joined in the broken circle around 
 the group, each man in the circle having a woman of his paternal clan 
 by his side. 
 
 By command of Kow'wituma the man of the Coyote clan gave four 
 loud and distinct strokes upon the drum, and then beat it rapidly, which 
 called forth seven beings from the depths of the earth, who took their 
 places in the group. The circle moved slowly, with even, measured 
 step. Those in the circle sang, Kow'wituma, keeper of the songs, lead- 
 ing the song. After four songs, or stanzas, the To'na 0"si struck the 
 drum with his great claws four times, each time clearly and with great 
 force. Each stroke caused the hearts of the enemy to tremble and 
 jump with fear. He then beat rapidly upon the drum while those form- 
 ing the circle sang four songs, after which the A'shiwi, accompanied 
 by the Divine Ones, U'yuyewi and Ma'sai'lema, advanced to meet the 
 enemy, who were discovered to be the Kia'nakwe, though the A'shiwi 
 called them the white people, because the}' all wore mi'has * (white 
 cotton embroidered blankets). 
 
 The fighting continued four clays. The Kia'nakwe were compelled 
 to close their nostrils with raw cotton to avoid the sulphurous odors 
 emitted from the bodies of the A'shiwi. At night each party fell back: 
 the Kia'nakwe to their village, and the A'shiwi to Han' t lipinkia, where 
 they danced and prayed throughout the night for rain. 
 
 The second night the Kia'kwemosi sent the Divine Ones to Ko'thlu- 
 wala'wa to inquire if A'wan ta'*chu Ko'yemshi could tell anything 
 about the enemy, and to implore the Council of the Gods to cause 
 rainfall, that the A'shiwi bowstrings, which were made of j'ucca fiber, 
 might be made strong, and the bowstrings of the enemy, made of 
 deer sinew, might be weakened. The A'shiwi secured their arrows 
 for the engagement with the Kia'nakwe on Ko'yemshi mountain/ 
 Mountain is to be seen at left of plate (see plate iv). 
 
 The prayers of the A'shiwi brought heavy rainson the third morning, 
 and again they met the enemy. This time their forces w r ere strength- 
 
 a This personage was a turkey of enormous size. 
 
 frThe Zufiis say they never saw the mi'ha until they met the Kia'nakwe. but they afterward wove it 
 of their native cotton. The modern mi'ha is made by the Hopi priests, and consists of commercial 
 cotton in the body of the blanket and wools for embroidery. They are exclusively ceremonial and 
 are the most valued of all fabrics known to these people. The principal designs in the embroidery 
 are conventional butterflies and cloud and lightning symbols. 
 
 cAs already stated. Ko'yemshi mountain, in the immediate vicinity of Ko'thluwala'wa, was 
 lound to have been a central place for arrow making. 
 
stevenson] DESTRUCTION OF KIA'NAKWE 37 
 
 ened by the Kok'ko, present at the request of U'yuyewi and Ma'sai'- 
 lerna, who were now the recognized Gods of War. Again Ku'yapali'sa, 
 the "Oha'kwena, walked in front of her army, shaking her rattle. She 
 succeeded in capturing four of the gods from Ko'thluwala'wa — Kor'- 
 kokshi, the first born of Si'wulu'siwa and Si'wulu'si'sa; If'sepiisha 
 (game-maker), one of the nine last-born; a Sa'ya'hlia (blue horn, a war- 
 rior god); and a Sha'lako (one of the couriers to the u'wannami 
 (rain-makers). These gods succeeded in making their escape, but all 
 were captured except the Sha'lako, who ran so like a hare that he could 
 not be caught. 
 
 The Kia'nakwe had a dance in which the prisoner gods appeared in 
 celebration of their capture. Kor'kokshi, the firstborn, was so angry 
 and unmanageable that Ku'yapali'sa had him dressed in female attire 
 previous to the dance, saying to him: "You will now perhaps be less 
 angry."" 
 
 In the Zufii dramatization of the Kia'nakwe dance of thanksgiving for the capture 
 of the gods the one personating the Kor'kokshi wears woman's dress and is referred 
 to as the ko'thlama, meaning a man who has permanently adopted female attire. 
 The custom of youths donning female attire at puberty, which exists to some extent 
 among the pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona, has given rise to conflicting state- 
 ments. An assertion made, not only by the writer after her first visit to Zufii, but also 
 by others, was that these persons were hermaphrodites. One is led into this error 
 by the Indians, who, when referring to men dressed as women, say "She is a man;" 
 which is certainly misleading to one not familiar with Indian thought. Others claim 
 that men who are thus attired, who are regarded in a religious light, subject the 
 maidens of their tribe to their desires before their husbands are privileged to take 
 them unto themselves. After more intimate acquaintance with the pueblos the 
 writer is able to give the facts as they are. Men who adopt female attire do so of 
 their own volition, having from childhood hung about the house and usually pre- 
 ferring to do the work of women. On reachingpuberty their decision is final. If they 
 are to continue woman's work they must adopt woman's dress; and though the women 
 of the family joke the fellow, they are inclined to look upon him with favor, since 
 it means that he will remain a member of the household and do almost double the 
 work of a woman, who necessarily ceases at times from her labors at the mill and 
 other duties to bear children and to look after the little ones; but the ko'thlama is ever 
 ready for service, and is expected to perform the hardest labors of the female depart- 
 ment. The men of the family, however, not only discourage men from unsexing 
 themselves in this way, but ridicule them. There have been but five such persons 
 in Zufii since the writer's acquaintance with these people; and until about ten years 
 ago there had been but two, these being the finest potters and weavers in the tribe. 
 One was the most intelligent person in the pueblo, especially versed in their ancient 
 lore. He was conspicuous in ceremonials, always taking the part of the captive 
 Kor'kokshi in the dramatization of the Kia'nakwe. His strong character made his 
 word law among both the men and the women with whom he associated. Though 
 his wrath was dreaded by men as well as by women, he was beloved by all the chil- 
 dren, to whom he was ever kind. Losing his parents in infancy, he was adopted by 
 an aunt on his father's side, and the loving gratitude he exhibited for his auntand 
 her grief at his death afforded a lesson that might well be learned by the more 
 
 a The Zunis assert this to be the first instance of a god or man appearing in woman's dress. 
 
38 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 
 
 enlightened. Such was his better side. He was said to be the father of several 
 children, but the writer knew of but one child of whom he was regarded as cer- 
 tainly being the father. The other ko'thlania, who was one of the richest men 
 of the village, allied himself to a man during one of the visits of the writer to 
 Zufii, and to the time of her departure from Zufii in 1897 this couple were living 
 together, and they were two of the hardest workers in the pueblo and among the most 
 prosperous. The third and fourth assumed woman's attire during the absence of the 
 writer. The fifth, a grandson on the maternal side of Nai'uchi, elder brother 
 Bow priest, donned the dress during the visit of the writer to Zufii in 1896. The 
 mother and grandmother were quite willing that the boy should continue in the 
 work in which he seemed interested, but the grandfather, who was much disgusted, 
 endeavored to shame him out of his determination to follow woman's work. He did 
 not, however, attempt any authority in the matter, and on the boy's reaching man- 
 hood the trousers were replaced by woman's attire. There is a side to the lives of 
 these men which must remain untold. They never marry women, and it is under- 
 stood that they seldom have any relations with them. 
 
 At night, after the third day's battle, both parties fell back, as usual, 
 and the A'shiwi danced and prayed. The rain continued to fall, and 
 on the fourth morning moisture so affected the bowstrings of the 
 enemy that they failed in most of their shots. 
 
 After many prayers and songs addressed by Kow'wituma to the Sun 
 Father, the knowledge came to him that Ku'j-apali'sa carried her heart 
 in her rattle. He aimed his arrow and, piercing the rattle, Ku'yapa- 
 li'sa fell dead. Her death caused a panic among her people, who 
 retreated to their village, closely pursued by the A'shiwi; these cap- 
 tured the village and released the three gods, who returned to Ko'th- 
 luwala'wa. Another version says that U'yuyewi sent his } T ounger 
 brother to the Sun Father to solicit aid, and to learn how the heart of 
 Ku'vapali'sa might be reached; whereupon the Sun Father provided 
 Ma'sai'lema, the younger God of War, with two turquois rabbit sticks, 
 telling him to give one to his younger brother. On returning to battle, 
 the elder brother threw his stick, but missed the rattle. Then Ma'sai'- 
 lema threw his stick, which struck the rattle, and Ivu'yapali'sa fell 
 dead. The Kia'nakwe in desperate fear jumped into the waters of the 
 black rocks, which Kow'wituma at once covered with stone slabs that 
 the enemy might not return to the earth. Their ghost selves went to 
 Ko'thluwala'wa. But two escaped this tragic death, a youth and a 
 maiden, brother and sister, who hid in a cave in the rocks below the 
 village. 
 
 After the A'shiwi captured the village they opened the gates of the 
 corral in which all game was kept by the 'Cha'kwena (keeper of game) 
 and said to the game: "We have opened for you the doors of the 
 world; now you may roam where you will, about the good grass and 
 springs, and find good places to bear your young; you will no longer 
 be imprisoned within the walls, but have the whole world before you." 
 Since that time game has roamed over the face of the earth. 
 
stevenson] SONGS OJF THANKSGIVING 39 
 
 Kia'makla" is an extensive ruin about 50 miles south of Zufii and a little off the 
 trail to the Zuni salt lake, standing upon the brink of the canyon wall of black rock, 
 over which flow many springs of clear water as cold as ice. The village had been 
 surrounded by a wall 5 feet thick. When the ruin was visited in 1884 the walls 
 were standing to the height of 5 feet, and it was found that the masonry was supe- 
 rior to that of any ruin in the surrounding country. There were remains of several 
 underground ki'wi'siwe (chambers dedicated to anthrophic worship). There was 
 an additional inclosure whose eastern side was formed by the main wall of the vil- 
 lage, which the Zufiis claim was a corral in which 'Cha'kwena kept all game. She 
 allowed the game to go out to graze during the day, the young awaiting the return 
 of their mothers in certain niches in the walls of the corral. 
 
 Hundreds of te'likinawe, offered by the Zufiis to the departed Kla'nakwe, dotted 
 the canyon walls about the springs. The Zufiis never visit this ruin except by 
 special permission of the Ko'mosona (directorof the ki'wi'siwe) or Mo'sona (director 
 of the personators of the Kla'nakwe). 
 
 After the conquest the A'shiwi again formed about the drum at 
 Han'lipinkla. The seven beings were again called from the earth; 
 Ku'yapali'sa's scalp was divided and held by a son of the man of the 
 Coyote clan who beat the drum, and the ceremony held before going 
 to battle was repeated. The songs were not for the destruction of 
 the enemy, but were a thanksgiving for the scalps which bring good 
 fellowship between the deceased enemy (ghost self) and the A'shiwi, 
 and therefore much rain. After the close of the songs U'yuyewi and 
 Ma'sai'lema declared that this ceremony must always occur after the 
 scalping of an enemy. 
 
 The instruction by the beings who came from the earth at this time 
 was that, when this ceremonv should be repeated, the tepehan (pottery 
 drum) must be struck the first time with such force that they could 
 not fail to hear and be present, though invisible, to insure the correct 
 singing of the songs. 
 
 Disaster again threatened the A'shiwi while they were still at 
 Han"lipmkia. The second danger arose from the wrath of their gods, 
 instead of from a strange foe. Though continued supplications were 
 made by the A'shiwi to the Council of the Gods for rain, their 
 prayers remained unanswered, and drought was threatening starva- 
 tion. The A'shiwi were beginning to fear that their A'shiwanni were 
 not pure of heart, when it was discovered that the te'likinawe which 
 had been deposited by the Kla'kwe.mosi and others had been stolen by 
 a witch before the Sun Father had received the prayers which had 
 been breathed into the plumes. The Divine Ones, however, recovered 
 the stolen te'likinawe, which were again planted, and so the calamity 
 was averted.* 
 
 aKfa'makla is from klam'amanc : plural klam'amawu, easy to break; pule klam-amane, a shell 
 easy to break, pu'we klam'amawe, 'hells easy to break, from the black rock of which the village 
 was built, containing shells which broke from the slightest pressure after being removed from the 
 rock. 
 
 & Han'lipinkla (place of stealing) received its name from the occurrence describe'!. Though 
 Han' [ liplnkla is well known to the present Zufiis, many of whom have visited the place, compara- 
 tively few understand why or how this place received its name. The A'shiwanni are superstitiously 
 averse to any reference to the stealing of the te'likinawe 
 
40 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. akn. 23 
 
 Origin of the Clans 
 
 It was at Han"lipinkia that the A'shiwi received their clan names, 
 which originated in this way: During- their migrations the A'shiwi 
 traveled in groups, so when the Divine Ones decided that tbe people 
 .should be gathered into clans they addressed each group, saying: "You 
 will take unto yourselves a name/' Of one group he inquired " What 
 will you choose?" and they answered: "We are the Pi'chikwe (Dog- 
 wood people)." Another group having been questioned, they replied: 
 "We. are the To'wakwe (Corn people). Others chose to be the 
 'Ko"loktakwe (Sand-hill Crane people), selecting this bird because it 
 happened at the time to be flying b\ T . Each name w T as chosen from 
 some object seen at the time, and the totem of each clan was cut on 
 the rocky walls; many of them are to be seen at the present time. 
 
 It has been mentioned that four fraternities were organized by the 
 Divine Ones soon after coming to this world. These were the Shi'- 
 wannakwe people, who do not fast from animal food, Ne'wekwe (Galaxy 
 people), 'San'ia'kakwe (Hunters), and t Hle'wekwe(Wood people). The 
 mo'sona (director) of the Shi'wannakwe chose to belong to theTo'nakwe 
 (Turkey clan). The mo'sona of Ne'wekwe chose the 'Ko"lotakwe (Sand- 
 hill Crane clan); the mo'sona of 'Siin'iakiakwe also chose the 'To'wakwe 
 clan, and the mo'sona of 'Hle'wekwe chose the 'Ko"loktakwe, while his 
 pe'kwin (deputy) chose to belong to To'wakwe (Corn clan). Since 
 that time the a'mosi (directors) of these organizations have been 
 chosen from the original clans, and the deputy to the mo'sona of the 
 'Hle'wekwe must be of the Corn clan. It is not permissible in these 
 cases, as it is with many others, for a child of the clan to fill the place.* 
 
 The first clan to prepare te'likinawe (prayer plumes) was the 
 Pi'chikwe (Dogwood clan). These plumes are attached to slender sticks, 
 themselves called pichi'hlame, the last syllable coming from 'hla'wa- 
 psushle'a (making prayer plumes). 
 
 The Pi'chikwe clan was divided in the following manner: Yanowwu- 
 luha, pe'kwin to the Sun Father, placed two eggs in a sacred basket 
 of meal and deposited it on the floor before the et'towe'' of the A'shi- 
 wanni and requested all the people of the clan to choose an egg. 
 All chose the beautiful blue egg; none would have the more homely 
 one. But, alas! when the eggs were hatched the raven came from the 
 blue eggandthe macaw from the other. Ya'ndwwuluha then said to some 
 of the Pi'chikwe, "Henceforth you will be the Mu'la (macaw) Pi'chikwe." 
 Others of this clan he called Ka'ka (raven) Pi'chikwe. Ya'ndwwuluha 
 sent the Mu'la to Mexico and with it a number of the Mu'la Pi'chikwe 
 
 aPi'ehi, from pi'chiko, dogwood (Cornus stolonif era) ; kwe (pi.) suffix, signifying people. 
 
 6 A Shi'wi belongs to the mother's clan, and is regarded as the child of the clan to which his pater- 
 nal parent belongs The render will bear in mind that whenever the child of a clan is mentioned in 
 this paper, reference is to the clan of the paternal parent. See List of clan9. 
 
 «See A'shiwnnni (Rain priesthood). 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL 
 
 REPORT PL. VI 
 
 
 
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 b PICTOGRAPHS ON CANYON WALL AT HAN''LIPINKiA 
 
stevenson] ORIGIN OF THE CLANS 41 
 
 to look for the Middle place, saying: "If you find it we will go there. 
 The others will go eastward to look for the Middle place." 
 
 The Zunis keep the location of H:in"liplnkla from the knowledge of .the white 
 man. They declare that the writer was the. first American to visit the sacred spot. 
 It was out of the course of the Spanish invaders, and it. is certain that no student has 
 before seen the place. While a stage road from the railroad to St. Johns, Ariz., 
 passes nearby, there is nothing in evidence to induce the traveler to alight. To 
 avoid the high mesas the writer, with the younger brother Bow priest, a shi'wanni 
 and theurgist, followed the old California wagon road over a desert country devoid 
 of every vestige of animal life. Kwa'kina, an extensive ruin, was found 6 miles 
 northwest of Zuiii. On reaching a miniature forest of scrub cedars, about 35 miles 
 from Zuiii, a dry but otherwise attractive camp was made. At sunrise the following 
 morning, after proceeding a mile or two, the road was left and an untraveled country 
 followed 5 miles to the southwest, the Indians constantly asserting that water would 
 be found nearby; finally the three Zunis separated, each running many miles, but 
 they returned without success. Determined to reach the destined point, they urged 
 the writer to continue the journey, saying they would again hunt for water. On 
 her refusal to comply with their wish, a dispute resulted which was soon quelled, 
 however, and, after sharing water from the keg and canteens with the thirsty animals, 
 all heads were turned toward Zuiii. 
 
 After a few days a new start was made by a more southern route. Pi'nanai, an 
 extensive ruin on a knoll a mile west of Zuiii, on the St. Johns road, was passed. 
 The St. Johns road was left to the south before reaching Ojo Caliente to avoid any 
 questions as to the destination of the travelers which might be asked by the people 
 of this village. The second morning out brought the party to a difficult road. After 
 an unsuccessful attempt by the driver of the escort wagon to ascend, the wagon was 
 practically unpacked and the material transported by the patient, faithful Indians. 
 Finally, after strenuous efforts, the mules and wagons reached the summit (plate 
 vi a). After a short distance had been traveled on the mesa, it became necessary to 
 build a road in order to descend. One of the Indians, knowing the writer's objec- 
 tion to their driving her team, hurried to the top after the road had been improved, 
 and, without warning, jumped into the wagon and started down the hill. His 
 apology was: "I knew you would not let me drive if I asked you, and I was afraid 
 if you drove you might be killed. It was better for me to die." After much 
 trouble the party began traveling over the lowlands. After proceeding several miles 
 •Kia'napalto, the last of a series of springs, which figures in the 'Kiaklo myth (see 
 page 85) was reached. 
 
 About 30 miles from St. Johns the travelers turned northward to traverse a country 
 unknown to all, though two of the three Indians of the party had visited Han^li- 
 plnkia some years before by a trail which took them over an altogether different 
 route, and had a vague idea of the proper course to take. An obscure wagon road 
 was discovered by the Indian guide, leading up and down mesas, many being 
 difficult of ascent. Finally the guide declared that the road must be left and the 
 party go more toward the north. After traveling some miles in this direction 
 the writer was obliged to stop her Indian companions and compel them to make 
 camp. One of the Indians descended to the valley below to make a reconnaissance 
 for water. He returned after dark with a specimen of a ceremonial stone knife, a 
 red pottery bowl, and a quantity of fragments of pottery, telling the writer of exten- 
 sive ruins where the specimens were found, and also brought the good news that the 
 animals could be watered in the morning. By sunrise one of the Indians was off 
 with the thirsty beasts to refresh them; the others packed the wagon and ere long. 
 the march to Han'lipinkia was renewed. Five miles to the northeast the party came 
 to the fissure in which Han'liplnkla is to be found, and camp was made near a group 
 
42 
 
 THE ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 of water pockets, the only drinkable water within miles. From this point the party 
 proceeded on Eoot to where a sandstone bench is crossed to the north of the Assure, then 
 turning southward a quarter of a mile was traversed, when a descent of 150 feet was 
 made to a canyon 100 feet across at the point of descent. Turning toward the direc- 
 tiiin of the camp the party worked their way through a labyrinth of tall grass, rank 
 weeds, and willows, which earlier in the season must have been impassable. The 
 canyon narrowed toward the end, and at this point it is not over 15 feet wide. 
 The walls were completely covered with pictographs (see plate vi b). An interest- 
 ing feature of this canyon are the potholes, many of them large and deep, 
 some forming a perfectly arched niche. It was in one of the latter that the Gods 
 of War, U'yuyewi and Ma'sai'lema, are supposed to have been created. « This 
 
 
 Ejjgt^kiu. 
 
 Fig. 2 — Ancient sun shrine 
 
 arch is near the point of the canyon, and it is sufficiently large to admit a per- 
 son 5 feet 3 inches tall. An' etching of the sun decorates this niche about 2 feet 
 above the base. The younger brother Bow priest exhibited the keenest interest in 
 imparting all that was to be learned about Han /l lipinkla. Retracing their steps, the 
 party found on the right a small natural chamber, about 10 by 10 feet, the walls and 
 roof of which are sandstone. From this point the party with difficulty squeezed 
 through 1 a small opening at the base of the wall by lying flat on the ground; another 
 and larger apartment was entered, roofed only by the firmament. Access to four 
 other chambers is by narrow passageways. The walls in these places are also elabor- 
 ate with pictographs, including clan totems. & 
 
 a See Origin of the Diminutive Gods of War. 
 
 l> PI. vir shows a number of symbols secured by the camera: a, Zufii seal; b, sun; c, primitive Zufii 
 before the amputation of tail; d, feet after removal of web; e, unknown; /, altar; g, curious composite 
 figure including deer. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. VII 
 
 " 
 
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 PICTOGRAPHS ON WALL OF INNER CHAMBER AT HAN"LIPINKIA 
 
Stevenson] ADOPTION OF KIA'NAKWE BY a'sHIWI 43 
 
 The rain priest of the party, wlui is a member of the Shi'wannakwe fraternity, 
 exclaimed upon seeing one of the altar etchings: "There is the altar of my frater- 
 nity." The discovery of these etchings settles the question that the pueblos, at 
 least the Zufii people, had tablet altars before the invasion of the Spaniards, and 
 that they were not suggested to the Zunis by the Roman Catholic altars." 
 
 Curious water markings on an irregular broken surface are believed by the Zunis 
 to be the footprints of those who danced at Han /l lipTnkTa on the level above the 
 canyon.'' 
 
 The following morning a sun shrine, which no doubt had been covered and uncov- 
 ered with sand many times, was discovered not. many rods from camp. Tins shrine 
 with its many fetishes was photographed and sketched and afterward removed, to be 
 deposited in the National Museum at Washington. 
 
 A'shiwi Resume Their Journeying 
 
 All obstacles having' been removed, the main booty of the A'shiwi con- 
 tinued eastward in their quest for the Middle of the world. In addi- 
 tion to the Divine Ones they now had with them the Gods of War — 
 the gods born of Laughing water. 
 
 After the A'shiwi had been some time at 'Kiap'kwena,'' the director 
 of the Ne'wekwe fraternity disappeared through Lu'kiana 'kiai'a and 
 became the musician and jester to the Sun Father, accompanying him 
 in his daily travels over this world; but he first instructed his people 
 that he was to be personated annually by a member of the fraternity, 
 when he would be present in spirit. This personage, as he appears in 
 one of the Zufii dramas, presents one of the most stately, picturesque, 
 and dramatic characters to be imagined. 
 
 Adoption of the Two Surviving Kia'nakwe by the A'shiwi 
 
 The two Kia'nakwe, brother and sister, who escaped death at the 
 hands of the A'shiwi conquerors by secreting themselves in a cave, sub- 
 sisted for a long time on meal and rats, the meal being ground from 
 the corn left by their people. The rats were caught in a trap set every 
 night by the boy, who would go in the morning and fetch what he had 
 secured. At night the girl roasted the rats, and in the morning made 
 a stew of them. 
 
 Growing weary of this life, the brother decided they would start out 
 into the world and see if they could not find some kind people among 
 
 "Although extensive studies of the rock writings of the Southwest have been made, the writer had 
 never before found anything which would indicate the altar. 
 
 & See Destruction of the Kia'nakwe and Songs of Thanksgiving. 
 
 c Ojo Caliente, one of the three farming districts of the Zunis, 15 miles south of west of the pueblo 
 of Zufii (see pi. vni). The town takes its name from a number of springs at the place, three of 
 which are sacred, each to a god. To'seluna 'klai'a, named from the tall grass which grows in the 
 spring is dedicated to Ko'Ioowisi (Plumed Serpent), and three years out of every four the pilgrims of 
 the summer solstice gather there. They go quadrennially to Ko'thluwala'wa. This spring also sup- 
 plies the water for irrigating the farms of Ojo Caliente. A'mitolan 'klai'a (Rainbow spring) , which 
 is about 2 feet in diameter and quite deep, is sacred to the Sha'liiko gods. The water of this spring 
 is clear and cold, and is excellent to drink. Lu''klana 'klaia (ashes spring) is the spring of Bi" t si t si, 
 the original director of the Ne'wekwe fraternity. While numbers of te'likinawe are to be found at 
 all these springs, Lu' l klana 'klaia is the only one where a shrine appears to have been erected. The 
 Zufiis claim that all the sacred springs are used for the gods to look through. A view of rainbow 
 spring is shown in pi. ix. 
 
44 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 
 
 whom they could live. Drawing near to the village of 'Kiap'kwena the 
 
 youth said: "I see not far off a village; to-morrow I will go there." 
 The sister begged him not to venture, fearing he would be killed. 
 But he said: " It is better that we both die than live longer in the world 
 alone." While they were yet talking, a youth from 'Kiap'kwena saw the 
 boy and girl, and greeting them, inquired "Who are you?" "We are 
 the last of our people, the Kiu'nakwe."" said the boy. as he held two 
 et'towe to his breast. The girl having provided herself with two ears 
 of white corn before leaving Kla'makia took them from her dress ami. 
 extending them toward the youth, said: " See. we are the Mi'klanakwe 
 (Corn people)." "Will you go to our village?" said the youth. The 
 boy replied: "To-morrow we will go, though I fear your people will 
 destroy us. as they destroyed all my people." 
 
 The youth hurried to the village and told of his meeting with the 
 boy and girl, and the Kia'kwemosi, feeling compassion, sent for them 
 to come to him. On their arrival the Kia'kwemosi. addressing the 
 two. inquired "Who are you?" And the girl again took from her 
 dress the two ears of white corn, saving "See. we are the Mi'kla- 
 nakwe;" aud the boy displayed his two et'towe. The Kia'kwemosi 
 was well pleased, and said: "You are the same as our people, the 
 To'wakwe: you must live with us and be our children. You." 
 addressing the boy. "are now old enough to have a wife: and 
 you," turning to the girl, "a husband. You will have children, and 
 they will be our children." He selected a woman of the Corn clan to 
 adopt the brother and sister. 
 
 Another version of the story is that the boy, wandering off, ran upon the village of 
 Ojo Caliente and, returning at night, said to his sister: "I have seen a town where 
 people live: we will go to it." .She replied: "They will kill us if we go." He said: 
 '"It is better that we should die like our people than live alone." The next morn- 
 ing they hurried through their breakfast and started for the village. Upon their 
 arrival the boy called on the Kia'kwemosi and was received kindly. 
 
 A'shiwi fixd the Middle place 
 
 Leaving 'Kiap'kwena. the A'shiwi migrated to He'shota'yalla. a small 
 village, to rind all the inhabitants but four either fled or dead from the 
 effluvium of the A'shiwi. The houses here were built of reeds and 
 earth, and the A'shiwi declared. "Our people built this village."* 
 On entering one of the houses an aged man and woman, with two 
 
 "The Zufiis say the Kiu'nakwe were strangely marked. One half of the face was red. the other 
 white, the dividing line running diagonally across the face. It has been so long sinee the boy and 
 girl came to live with the A'shiwi that all traces of the mark have gone from their descendants, 
 although an aged priest claims that he remembers seeing a very old woman so marked when he 
 was a young child. The wife of the deceased Ko'mosona (director of the Ko'tikili'. who preceded 
 the present incumbent, is supposed to be a direct descendant of the Kla'nakwe, and she is the 
 A'wun 'Si'ta (Great Motheri of the personatorsof the Kla'nakwe. She bathes the head of each par- 
 ticipant in the dance of the Kla'nakwe and draws an ear of corn four times over the top of the 
 head, saying: "I am of the Corn people: I do this that you may follow the straight road of the Sun 
 Father." 
 
 frThe Zufiis aS9ert that their early aneestors had snch dwellings before they built stone houses. 
 
steven-son] FINDING OF THE MIDDLE PLACE 45 
 
 grandchildren, boy and girl, were discovered sitting by a meal symbol 
 of clouds upon the floor. Their ears and nostrils were closed with 
 raw cotton, and they were bending over a he'pikia tehl'i (urinal) in 
 which the old man had deposited sunflower and other medicine, the 
 fumes of which they were inhaling to save them from the killing odors 
 of the A'shiwi. Some of the A'shiwi exclaimed: '"These people are 
 dead." The old man replied: " Weare not dead; we were the Yellow 
 Corn people; you have destroyed or driven off all but ourselves; we 
 are saved by inhaling my medicine, but it has made our corn, which 
 we hold in our belts, black, and we are now the Black Corn people." 
 Since that time they and their descendants have been called the Black 
 Corn people. 
 
 Some of the A'shiwi wished to kill these people, but the Kia'kwe- 
 mosi said: "No, they may have an et'tone." The Kia'kwemosi, 
 endeavoring to learn more from the aged man, said: "We will cause 
 your death if you remain here." "No, ydu can not do that; I possess 
 great things." replied the old shi'wanni, pointing to his et'tone, which 
 was immediately before him and over which he leaned to inhale the 
 medicine from the bowl. 
 
 The Kia'kwemosi was pleased to find that the old man possessed an 
 et'tone. and said to him, "You must remain with us; 3*011 will remain 
 in your house four days and sing your songs for rain, and we will see 
 what you can do with your et'tone (there were man}' houses in He'sho- 
 tayalla, but all the others had been deserted, for the people fled from 
 their houses before they died); then I will bring out my>et'tone and 
 sing my songs for rain." "No," said the old man, "you shall sing 
 your songs first; you are perhaps greater than I." "No," replied the 
 Kia'kwemosi, "you were here first, and you shall sing first." After 
 much talking, the Black Corn shi'wanni went into retreat for four 
 days and sang his songs for rain, and much fell; after the fourth 
 day the Kia'kwemosi placed his et'tone in a room and sat four days 
 and sang, and his songs brought much rain. The two became fast 
 friends, and the old priest and his family were adopted into the A'shiwi 
 tribe. Since his death his et'tone has been in the possession of the 
 old priest's descendants, the Kwin'nakwe (Black Corn people)." 
 
 Through the friendship of the shi'wanni having this fetish in his 
 keeping the writer was enabled to photograph by flashlight the cham- 
 ber in which this et'tone is kept. (The et'tone is not in view in the 
 picture.) This old priest was the keeper of the fetish Ko'loowi'si 
 (Plumed Serpent), and had the privilege of painting an elaborate ser- 
 pent on the wall of the chamber. Other et'towe rooms do not have 
 this decoration (see plate xxxvi). 
 
 aThe et'tone. said to have come from the Shi'wanni of He'shotiyiil'la, was the fetish of an aged 
 shi'wanni. the last of the Black Corn clan, supposed to be the direct descendant of the people of this 
 village. Since his death in 1902 the et'tone (invariable bringer of good) has remained permanently 
 in its resting place, as no other priest is privileged to bring it out. 
 
46 THE ZITNI INDIANS [eth.ann. 23 
 
 Another village of the A'shiwi was Ma'*sakia, a standing on a knoll 
 less than l 2 miles east of the present Zufii. After a time the A'shiwi 
 concluded that they were a little too far east for the center of the 
 world. They abandoned their villages about Ma^sakia and built the 
 town of HaTona (Ant place). Finally the 'Kian'astepi (Hydrotrechus 
 remigis), who came from the south, relieved the Zunis of all anxiety 
 by spreading his legs and declaring the Middle of the world to be 
 directly beneath his heart. So the town of I'tiwanna (middle) was 
 built, as indicated by 'Kian'astepi, where the present pueblo of Zufii 
 stands, on the opposite bank of the river from HaTona. I'tiwanna and 
 HaTona are frequently referred to as one and the same place. 
 
 The et'tone of the Kia'kwemosi rests in the room which is directly 
 west of and below the ceremonial chamber of the Klakwe amosi 
 (Directors of the. house of houses), and is supposed to be the spot over 
 which 'Kian'astepi's heart rested, and therefore the Middle of the 
 world. 
 
 He'patina, a shrine a short distance southwest of the village, sj'mbol- 
 izes the Middle of the world. The Middle place, where the et'tone of 
 Kia'kwemosi rests, is regarded as too sacred to be referred to, except 
 by the Klakwe amosi themselves. 
 
 • Origin of the Ko'tikili 
 
 A time, came when Pau'tiwa, director-general of the Kok'ko, desired 
 that the A'shiwi should be. made personally acquainted with their gods, 
 and that they learn in detail of their coming to this world and their 
 migrations after reaching here. Pau'tiwa therefore chose 'Kiaklo, 
 his deput}', as narrator; and, in obedience to him, 'Kiaklo passed from 
 Ko'thluwala'wa to I'tiwanna on the backs of the Ko'yemshi.* He 
 related to the A'shiwi the histoiy of their coming to this world and 
 their quest for the Middle place, and declared to the A'shiwi, before 
 he departed, that in eight days all of the others (referring to the 
 ancestral gods) would come from Ko'thluwala'wa, when they must be 
 prepared to receive them, adding: " You must build six chambers, one 
 for each of the six regions, which shall be dedicated to the Kok'ko." 
 
 After the departure of 'Kiaklo the A'shiwi hastened to work, and the 
 six chambers, which were called ki'wi'siwe, one for each region, were 
 in readiness when he reappeared to them. 'Kiaklo visited each of the 
 six ki'wi'siwe remaining a short time in each, to announce the coming 
 of the gods, and again departed over the western road to Ko'thlu- 
 wala'wa; not, however, before a man of the Dogwood clan had exam- 
 ined 'Kiaklo's mask, afterward making one like it. 
 
 The first bocVy of A'shiwanni and others were gathered in He'iwa 
 
 « The first syllable, inn, from mmve (salt), so named from a Shi'wi, who, looking about the country 
 soon after the people hail settled at this point, discovered the Salt Mother near by. 
 6 See p. 33. 
 
5 
 
stevensos] ORIGIN" OF THE KO'TIKILI 47 
 
 (north) ki'wi'sine to greet the gods, who wore their masks to Iti' wanna, 
 but removed them on entering the ki'wi'sine. A'wan ta"chu (Great 
 Father) Ko'yemshi, addressing the A'shiwi, said, "Now you will look 
 well at these masks. 1 " Pau'tiwa's mask was the first examined. Kia'- 
 kwemosi. who belonged to the Dogwood clan, receiving it from the 
 hands of Pau'tiwa, and inspecting it closely, said "Thanks, my 
 child."" Afterward he made a counterpart of the mask worn by 
 Pau'tiwa. 
 
 The mo'sona (director) of the Ne'wekwe fraternity examined the 
 mask of A'wan ta"cku Ko'yemshi and copied it: others of this fra- 
 ternity copied the remaining nine masks of the Ko'yemshi. Then 
 A'wan ta/'chu Ko'yemshi, desiring to organize a fraternity by whom 
 the gods should be personated, said: "I wish a Ko'mosona, 4 a Ko'pek- 
 win (deputy to the Ko'mosona), and two Ko'pi u lashiwanni (warriors to 
 the Ko'mosna and Ko'pekwin)." The Kia'kwemosi first chose a man 
 of Deer clan, saying: " My child of Deer clan, I wish you to be the 
 Ko'mosona of the Ko'tikili." And to another of the same clan he said: 
 "My child, I wish you to be Ko'pi'lashiwanni to the Ko'mosona." 
 And selecting a man of Badger clan, he said: "My child, I choose you 
 to be Ko'pekwin to the Ko'mosona. " And he chose another, of the 
 same clan to be Ko'pi"tlftshiwanni to the Ko'pekwin. 
 
 The first body of the A'shiwanni then left the ki'wi'sine, and the 
 newly appointed Ko'mosona divided the A'shiwi, regardless of clan, 
 among the six ki'wi'siwe, to which they were to remain permanently 
 allied. A'wan ta"chu Ko'yemshi then directed the gods whose masks 
 had not been examined to separate and go to the other five ki'wi'siwe, 
 where their masks should be copied. There were six Sha'lako (giant 
 couriers to the rain-makers), and one was designated for each ki'wi'sine. 
 The Council of the Gods, a Sha'lako, some of the Kor'kokshi, a bodj r 
 of 'Cha'kwena, and the Sal'imobiya (warrior and seed-gatherei - ) of 
 the North remained in He'iwa (north) ki'wi'sine. A Sha'lako, Sal'imo- 
 biya of the West, and a number of Kor'kokshi went to Mu'he'wa 
 (west) kiwi'sine. A Sha'lako. a number of Kor'kokshi, Sal'imobiya 
 of the South, Mu'luktiikia, and the Kian'akwe went to Chu'pawa 
 (south) ki'wi'sine (A, plate x). A Sha'lako, other Kor'kokshi, a body of 
 "YVa'tem'la, and Sal'imobiya of the East went to O'he'wa(east) ki'wi'sine. 
 A Sha'lako, a body of 'Cha'kwena, other Kor'kokshi, and Sal'imobi3 r a 
 of the Zenith went to Up"sannawa (zenith) ki'wi'sine. A Sha'lako, a 
 body of YVa'tem'la, others of the Kor'kokshi, and Sal'imobiya of the 
 Nadir went to He'kiapawa (nadir) ki'wi'sine/' 
 
 a It must be borne in mind that these gods were the children of the A'shiwi. 
 
 &Ko, from Kok'ko; mo'sona, director. 
 
 c Since the organization of the Ko'tikili every male child must become a member of this fraternity 
 in order to enter the sacred dance house in Ko'thluwaJa'wa. A dramatization of the coming of 
 the gods to I'tiwanni occurs quadrennially, when the children receive involuntary initiation into 
 the Ko'tikili. 
 
48 THE ZUNI INDIANS Leth.ann.J3 
 
 Discovery of the Corn Maidens 
 
 Tin' witches who were with the A'shiwi never mentioned then* meet- 
 ing with the Corn maidens, and after the A'shiwi had settled at 
 I'tiwanna, Kow'wituma and Wats'usi went on a deer hunt. On 
 di'awing near Shi'pololo they discovered, dancing under a ham'pone 
 (pavilion of spruce boughs or, as some say, of cat-tails), these beau- 
 tiful maidens, who had remained in the same place since the departure 
 of the A'shiwi. Each maiden held a 'hla'we in either hand brought 
 from the under world consisting of a number of stalks of a white 
 plant, each stalk abundant with delicate white plume-like Laves. 
 
 On their return to I'tiwanna the Divine Ones related to the 
 A'shiwanni what the\ T had seen, and these at once became eager to have 
 the Corn maidens come to them. The pe'kwin to the Sun Father was 
 delegated to bring them, that they might dance for the rains and 
 the growth of corn. The Corn maidens accompanied the pe'kwin to 
 I'tiwanna. Leaving them at Ku'shilowa (red earth), which place is a 
 few rods east of the present village of Zuiii, he hastened to notify the 
 A'shiwanni and Divine Ones, who were assembled in the O'he'wa 
 ki'wi'sine. Kow'wituma and Wats'usi then went for the Corn maidens. 
 The Yellow Corn maiden and four sisters accompanied Kow'wituma 
 and the Blue Corn maiden and four sisters accompanied Wats'usi to 
 the O'he'wa ki'wi'sine, where they sang and danced for a short while. 
 No rattles, drums, or singers accompanied the Corn maidens at this 
 time. 
 
 At midnight they were led by the pe'kwin, who was preceded by 
 the other A'shiwanni and the Divine Ones, to a ham'pone of waving 
 corn, in si'aa' " te'wita (the sacred dance court). A meal painting of 
 cloud symbols had been made on the ground in the ham'pone where 
 the Corn maidens danced. 
 
 During the dancing the A'shiwanni and Divine Ones fell asleep, and 
 while they slept Pa'yatamu,* god of music, butterflies, and flowers, 
 who was walking about the country, discovered the Corn maidens, and 
 approaching the ham'pone, he took a seat at the northeast corner. 
 Pa'yatamu thought the maidens were all very beautiful, but the Yellow 
 Corn maiden was the most beautiful of all, and he said to himself 
 " Ho'oh il al'lanna (I wish to embrace her)." The Corn maidens, under- 
 standing Pa'yatamu's thoughts, were much afraid, and the} 7 ceased 
 dancing and drew close to one another. The elder sister whispered 
 to the others: " 1 think he will soon sleep, and then we will run away." 
 
 « The word means to break or tear apart. The te'wita was so named because the court often 
 became so crowded as to endanger the breaking away of the walls. 
 
 b Pa'yatamu is diminutive and wears a crown of flowers, and with the sho'kona (his flute) he causes 
 flowers to bloom and draws the butterflies of the world to him. His home is in A'mitolan te'poula 
 (rainbow covering entrance) at the base of Shun'tekaiya, a mesa near To'wayal'lannO. 
 
stevexson] ORIGIN OF THE BOW PRIESTHOOD 49 
 
 And when Pa'yatSmu slept the Corn maidens ran off by the first light 
 of the morning star to Ke'yatiwa shipololo' a'wehlwia'kiai'a." 
 
 The god of music soon awoke, and to his dismay found the maidens 
 gone: and his heart was sorel}' troubled. The A'shiwanni and Divine 
 Ones on waking were also astonished to see the Corn maidens gone, 
 and looked everywhere, but could not find them. The A'shiwanni 
 and Divine Ones having slept while Pa'yatamu was at the ham'pone, 
 they (.lid not suspect the cause of the flight of the Corn maidens. On 
 reaching Ke'yatiwa, the Yellow Corn maiden, the elder sister, sent 
 the Black Corn maiden to Ko'thluwala'wa. to tell the gods of their 
 fears. On delivering her message she was accompanied back to 
 Ke'yatiwa by A'wan ta"chu Ko'yemshi and Pau'tiwa,* both gods 
 assuming the form of ducks; and the Corn maidens, who were in the 
 spring, were now protected from view b} r the gods spreading their 
 wings over the waters. 
 
 Creation of the Beast Gods 
 
 The Divine Ones, wishing that the world should be well guarded by 
 those keeu of sight and scent, visited Shi'papolima, home of 
 Po'shaiyanki, Zuni culture hero, and his followers, and converted the 
 medicine men who came to this world with Po'shaiyanki into Beast 
 Gods. They converted one into the Cougar, giving him the north 
 region to preside over. Another was converted into the Bear to 
 guard the west. A third was transformed into the Badger to guard 
 the south. Another was converted into the White Wolf to preside 
 over the east. A fifth was converted into the Eagle to guard the 
 zenith, and another was transformed into the Shrew to guard the nadir 
 or earth. Others were converted into rattlesnakes and ants to preside 
 with wisdom over the earth. 
 
 Origin of the Bow Priesthood 
 
 At another time U'yuyewi and Ma'sai'lema started on a journey, and 
 discovering a beautiful woman in the distance, U'yuyewi exclaimed: 
 "Who is that woman?" Ma'sai'lema replied: "I do not know." On 
 reaching her, U'yuyewi asked: "Where do you live?" Pointing, she 
 replied: "There is my house." " Where is your father? where is your 
 mother?" "There in my house," replied the woman; and she then 
 inquired of U'yuyewi "Where is your house?" He replied, pointing 
 to the southeast: "There is my house; come with me to my house." 
 The woman consenting, the three started in the direction indicated by 
 
 a Ke'yatiwa. cat-tails ; shi'pololo, fog coming up like steam ; A'wehlwia, cumulus clouds, 'Klai'a, 
 spring. 
 b See p. 46. 
 
 23 ETH— 04 1 
 
50 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 U'yuyewi, the woman walking between them. On their way U'yuyewi 
 told her that his house was very beautiful; but he was lying to her. 
 On reaching a cave in the rocks the woman asked: "Where are we?" 
 U'yuyewi replied: " Here is my house." At night the woman inquired: 
 ''Where shall I sleep?" U'yuyewi said: "You will sleep between my 
 younger brother and me." U'yuyewi lay at the right of the woman 
 and Ma'sai'lema lay at her left. Each placed an arm across the woman. 
 Early in the morning U'yuyewi said: "Let us go now and look about 
 the country." "Whither are you going?" inquired the woman. "Oh, 
 to walk about," said U'yuyewi, who at the same time closed his left 
 eye and winked at his brother with his right as a signal to be ready; 
 and as U'yuyewi and the woman left the cave, Ma'sai'lema struck her 
 on one side of the head with his club. Then U'yuyewi struck her with 
 his club on the other side of the head, and the woman fell dead. Taking 
 her scalp, they went to the house of the Cougar of the North, who was 
 very angry on learning what the two had done. They then visited 
 the house of the Bear of the West, where they were also denounced 
 for the murder. Then going to the house of the Badger of the South, 
 they related their story, only to anger the Badger. Again they told 
 their story to the Wolf of the East, who also became very angry. On 
 reaching Shi'papolima they were kindly received by the ants, who, 
 after listening to their story, asked them to sit down in the ceremo- 
 nial chamber, where an altar stood in the west end of the room. 
 
 Presentlj T a voice was heard calling: "Where are niy husbands? 
 I want my husbands. " And the Gods of War recognized the voice as that 
 of the woman the} r had killed, and they told the mo'sona (director) of 
 the Ant fraternity that the ghost woman had come. He called to the 
 woman to come in, and as soon as she entered the Gods of War again 
 struck her with their clubs, and, carrying her out, threw her some 
 distance. 
 
 Returning to the chamber of the ants, the Gods of War discovered 
 the tracks of a chaparral cock, made during their absence. The mo'sona, 
 examining the footprints of the bird, inquired "What is this?" The 
 Gods of War asked "Which way did the bird go?" U'yuyewi said 
 "It went out," but Ma'sai'lema declared that the bird had passed in. 
 "Then where is it gone?" they both cried; and after much hunting 
 Ma'sai'lema found it back of the altar. U'yuyewi joined his younger 
 brother behind the altar, and, holding the bird carefully, examined it 
 and counted the tail feathers; and, passing to the front of the altar, he 
 sat before it and said: "Listen! This bird has ten tail feathers; here- 
 after when a man takes a scalp he must observe continency and fast 
 from animal food, grease, and salt for the period of ten days." This 
 fast is observed at the present time. The closest relations were at that 
 time established between the Gods of War and the ants. U'yuyewi 
 
stevenson] REDISCOVERY OF CORN MAIDENS 51 
 
 and Ma*sai'lema left Sbi'papolima at sunset to return to Hal'ona, car- 
 rying the Navaho woman's scalp with them. 
 
 Announcement was made in Hal'ona that the Gods of War were 
 returning with a scalp; Kow'wituma and Wats'usi, the Divine 
 Ones, and others went out to meet them and accompany them to the 
 village. On reaching- Hal'ona (the site of the present Zufii) they 
 encircled the village four times, each time drawing nearer to the 
 center, and entered te'wita 'hlanna (large plaza), where the divided 
 scalp was hoisted on a pole, and thirteen days were spent in rejoicing. 
 
 On the evening of the last day a group was formed about a pottery 
 drum in the te'wita, and a circle, composed of the A'shiwanni and 
 others, surrounded the drum. The seven beings previously referred 
 to were again called forth by the loud strokes on the drum, and the 
 same songs were sung as at Han"lipinkia." After the songs, Kow'- 
 wituma and Wats'usi, without rising from their seats, disappeared 
 forever into the earth, making their perpetual home in the depths of 
 the crater at the Zufii salt lake. 
 
 The priesthood of the Bow was thus organized, with U'yuyewi and 
 Ma'sai'lema as the first directors, and the scene supposed to have been 
 enacted at this time is dramatized upon the initiation of a victor into 
 the priesthood of the Bow. 
 
 Rediscovert of the Corn Maidens and their Re-creation of 
 
 Corn 
 
 After flourishing four 3 T ears (time periods) at I'tiwanna, the site of 
 present Zuni, the A'shiwi came to grief because of the witches destroy- 
 ing their corn and other food; and in their distress they called upon 
 the Gods of War to aid them. The Gods of War instructed the kaka 
 (raven) to fly about and look for the Corn maidens. The raven 
 returned to say that he could not find them. The Gods of War then 
 called upon the owl to search at night for the Corn maidens, but he 
 brought back word of failure. They then sent the hawk, who 
 returned with no better news. Then the Gods of War and the 
 A'shiwanni talked together and it was decided to ask aid of Bi" t si t si, 
 musician and jester to the Sun Father. For this purpose the Gods 
 of War visited Lu'kiana 'kiai'a, the spring, into which Bi" t si t si disap- 
 peared during the migrations of the A'shiwi, and said to him "We 
 want you." "Why do } T ou want me?" asked Bi'"si t si. The Gods 
 of War replied: "A'towa e'washtokii kwa'chua ho'nawa a'ta 'chu 
 to'no te'shuna (The Corn maidens are gone; our fathers wish you 
 to find them)." "Hai'i ho'o te'shuna (All right, I will find them)," 
 replied Br^si'si. He accompanied the Gods of War to I'tiwanna 
 
 " See Destruction of the Kia-nakwe and Songs of Thanksgiving, p. 36. 
 
52 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 and went into the He'iwa ki'wi'sine, where the A'shiwanni were 
 assembled. The Kia'kwernosi told Bi'"si t si of his wish, and he 
 said "Ho'o a'wa a'wili i'anna (1 will look for them all);" and the 
 Kia'kwemosi replied "El'lakwa (Thanks)." The words between the 
 Kia'kwemosi and Bi'"si'si were not spoken by the lips, but from the 
 heart. 
 
 The A'shiwanni sat all night and all day in the ki'wi'sine, where there 
 was no lire. The} 7 spoke not a word with their lips, and they did 
 not eat. drink, or smoke. All their thoughts were given to the Corn 
 maidens and to rain. 
 
 A Iter leaving I'tiwanna, Bi" t si t si ascended a tall cottonwood tree " and 
 looked all over the world. Finally he espied one of the maidens in the 
 far south through the separated plumes of one of the duck's wings.* 
 Descending from the tree, he hastened to tell the A'shiwanni and the 
 Gods of War of his discovery. Again he spoke not with his lips, but 
 with his heart. He was then carried by Yu'pia'hlan'na (Galaxy), 
 who bowed to the earth to receive him, to Ke'yatiwa, and descending 
 to the earth, he walked with great dignity, his arms crossed, to meet 
 Pau'tiwa, to whom he spoke: "The A'shiwanni wish the A'towa 
 e'washtokii' to come to them." The Corn maidens, hearing the words 
 of Bi""si'si, refused to go, saying "We are afraid.' 1 But Pau'tiwa 
 said: "Your A' wan a'ta'chu (Great Fathers, meaning the A'shiwanni) 
 want .you; you must go." All spoke with their hearts; hearts spoke 
 to hearts, and lips did not move. 
 
 Bi'"si'si returned to I'tiwanna, followed by the A'wan ta"chu Ko'- 
 yemshi, Pau'tiwa, and the Corn maidens; the gods and Corn maidens 
 remaining at Ku'shilowa, a few rods east of I'tiwanna, while Bi^'si'si 
 went direct to the ki'wi'sine, where the A'shiwanni, who were still 
 assembled, sat in line at the west end of the room and back of the 
 cloud symbol of meal made by the pe'kwin. Their miwachi'' were on 
 the meal painting, and a line of meal extended from the cloud symbol 
 to the ladder leading from the hatchway to the floor of the ki'wi'sine. 
 A basket containing six te'likinawe stood by the meal painting — one 
 yellow, for the Yellow Corn maiden of the North; one blue, for the 
 Blue Corn maiden of the West; one red, for the Red Corn maiden of 
 the South; one white, for the White Corn maiden of the East; another 
 white dotted in all colors, for the Every-color Corn maiden of the 
 Zenith, and a black one, for the Black Corn maiden of the Nadir. 
 
 aOne or two A'shiwanni claim that Bi''<si'si did not ascend the cottouwoud tree, but traveled by 
 Yu'pia'hlan'na (Galaxy) south until he was over Ke'yatiwa; when, looking down, he discovered one 
 of the maidens through the separated feathers in the duck's Ming. The first version, however, is 
 held by all the other A'shiwanni. 
 
 bit will be borne in mind that A'wan ta'<chu Ko'yemshi and Pau'tiwa had assumed the form of 
 ducks. 
 
 c Singular mi'li, sacred fetish composed of an ear of corn surrounded by feathers. 
 
stevensox] REDISCOVERY OF CORN MAIDENS 53 
 
 After announcing the arrival of the Corn maidens, Bi'"si t si left (lie 
 ki'wi'sine with the yellow te'likinane (singular of te'likinawe) and, 
 planting it, he returned to the kiwi'sine for the blue te'likinane, 
 which he planted a short distance beyond the yellow one. Returning 
 to the ld'wi t sme, he took the red te'likinane, which he deposited a 
 short distance beyond the blue. Again returning to the kiwi*sine, he 
 took the white te'likinane and placed it a short distance beyond the 
 red one. He then secured the every-colored te'likinane and stood it in 
 place, and went for the black te'likinane and placed it a short distance 
 beyond the every-colored one, near Pau'tiwa. The gods, being now 
 in human form, were sitting south of the Corn maidens, who stood in 
 line east and west. After depositing the last one, Bi'"si'si passed 
 from left to right around Pau'tiwa and the Corn maidens. 
 
 A'wan ta'chu Ko'yemshi then went to I'tiwanna and returned to 
 Ku'shilowa. preceded by the pe'kwm (deputy to the Sun Father). He 
 circled round the Corn maidens and Pau'tiwa from left to right and 
 took his position back of Pau'tiwa, who was now standing in line with 
 the Corn maidens. Bi" t si'si stood before Pau'tiwa and the pe'kwm 
 was before 15i'"si'si. In this order the four proceeded to I'tiwanna, 
 followed by the Corn maidens. 
 
 The pe'kwm entered the ki'wi'sine and took his seat north of the 
 meal painting. Pau'tiwa, following, passed up the meal line to the 
 cloud symbol, then around by the north side of the painting and sat in 
 line with the A'shiwanni, immediatety back of the meal painting. He 
 remained in the ki'wi'sine but a short time, not removing his mask 
 while there. The pe'kwm smoked a cigarette, taking a whiff or two 
 at a time, and waved it with an upward motion over Pau'tiwa. Each 
 shi'wanni afterward sprinkled Pau'tiwa's mask with meal, and Pau'- 
 tiwa passed down the south side of the room, throwing meal before 
 him as he proceeded, and then ascended the ladder from the west 
 side." On leaving the ki'wi'sine Pau'tiwa returned directly to Ko'th- 
 luwala'wa. When a short distance west of I'tiwanna he again assumed 
 the form of a duck/' 
 
 The Corn maidens ascended, one by one, to the roof of the ki'wi'sine, 
 where Bi'"si t si awaited them. Each maiden first went to the northeast 
 corner of the roof and faced north, while Bi'"si'si waved his two eagle 
 plumes about her, turning her completely around by his manipulation, 
 of them, that the rains of the north and of all the world might fall 
 upon I'tiwanna. The maiden then passed to the northwest corner 
 
 a In descending the ladder of a ki'wi'sine one always steps from it on the right side, but it is- 
 ascended from the opposite side. 
 
 &The gods assume forms other than their own when they come up from Ko'thulwala'wa. 
 Nothing would induce a Zuni to shoot at game anywhere near Ko'thluwala'wa because of his 
 fear that the animal might be an assumed form of a god. 
 
54 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 and looked westward, and again the feathers were waved about her, 
 and she was turned that the rains of the west and of all the world 
 might fall upon I'tiwanna. At the southwest corner the maiden looked 
 southward and was turned that the rains of the south and of all the 
 world might fall upon I'tiwanna; and again she stood at the southeast 
 corner and looked eastward and was turned that the rains of the east and 
 of all the world might fall upon I'tiwanna. The maiden then descended 
 into the ki'wi'sine, Bi'"si'si waving his feathers over her back as she 
 passed through the hatchway. The same ceremony was repeated over 
 each Corn maiden on the roof before she descended into the ki'wi'sine. 
 The Corn maidens on entering the ki'wi'sine passed up the meal line 
 and sat on the ledge north of the line, each maiden sitting to the left of 
 the one who preceded her. After all were seated in the ki'wi'sine, the 
 pe'kwin dipped two eagle-wing feathers six times for the six regions 
 into a bowl of medicine water which stood before the meal painting, 
 and sprinkled first the a'wan kiow'u (elder sister) Yellow Corn maiden, 
 by striking the plume held in the left hand with the one held in the 
 right. 
 
 As soon as all the maidens had entered, Bi'"si'si with arms folded 
 appeared in the ki'wi'sine and, standing near the hatchway, spoke 
 with his lips, addressing the A'shiwanni: "Horn a'ta'chu ko'naton sun'- 
 hakianap'kia (My great fathers, I greet you)." The A'shiwanni replied, 
 also with their lips: "Kets'anishi (All good come to you)." Bi'"si'si 
 then left the ki'wi'sine, returning to Lu'kiana'kiaia'. Then the Yellow 
 Corn maiden accompanied the Kia'kwemosi to his home; the Blue Corn 
 maiden to the home of the Shi'wanni of the West; the Red Corn 
 maiden to the home of the Shi'wanni of the South; the White Corn 
 maiden to the home of the Shi'wanni of the East; the Multicolored 
 Corn maiden to the home of the Shi'wanni of the Zenith, and the Black 
 Corn maiden to the home of the Shi'wanni of the Nadir. Each maiden 
 bathed and rubbed her body hard from head to foot, and what of her 
 being she rubbed off she left with the shi'wanni whom she accom- 
 panied. Thus the Kia'kwemosi became the possessor of yellow corn, 
 the Shi'wanni of the West of blue corn, the Shi'wanni of the South 
 of red corn, the Shi'wanni of the East of white corn, the Shi'wanni of 
 the Zenith of multicolored corn, and the Shi'wanni of the Nadir of 
 black corn. 
 
 The Corn maidens returned to their home at Ke'yatiwa, and the 
 pe'kwin brushed the meal of the cloud s} T mbol together with his eagle 
 plumes and, lifting it with his hand and plumes, deposited the meal in a 
 sacred meal basket, afterward throwing it into the river, to go to 
 Ko'thluwala'wa as an offering to the Council of the Gods. 
 
 When that which the Corn maidens had left of themselves had been 
 planted, and the corn had grown a foot high, they were requested by the 
 A'shiwanni to come again to I'tiwanna and dance, that the corn might 
 
stevenson] REDISCOVERY OF CORN MAIDENS 55 
 
 grow. The pe'kwin, who was sent to bring the Corn maidens," returned 
 with them at sunset, going- at once into the O'he'wa ki'wi'sine, where 
 the A'shiwanni and Divine Ones had assembled. The A'shiwanni sat 
 in line back of a cloud symbol of meal that had been made by the 
 pe'kwln previous to his going for the Corn maidens. He now drew a 
 line of meal from the cloud symbol eastward, which he embellished 
 with mi'wachi (ears of corn surrounded bjr plumes) and other sacred 
 objects. 
 
 Passing north of the meal painting, the pe'kwin took his seat imme- 
 diately back of it. The Corn maidens proceeded up the meal line, 
 and five of them took seats north of it, the elder sister being at 
 the east end, while five sat south of the meal line, the Blue Corn 
 maiden being at the east end of that line. U'yuyewi passed be- 
 fore the Corn maidens north of the meal line and gave to each a te'li- 
 kinane, the color of the stick being appropriate to the region to which 
 the maiden belonged. He placed the te'likinane between the clasped 
 hands of the maiden, and, clasping her hands with his own, waved 
 them to the six regions, with prayers for rains to come from the six 
 quarters of the world. Ma'sai'lema passed down the line on the south 
 side and gave, with the same ceremony and prayers, a te'likinane to 
 each maiden on that side. After the distribution of the te'likinawe the 
 a' wan kiow'u, accompanied by U'yuyewi and a Pi'"lashiwanni (member 
 of the Bow priesthood), and the younger sister Corn maiden, accom- 
 panied by Ma'sai'lema and a Pi'"lashiwanni, visited He'patina (a shrine 
 symbolic of the Middle of the world), for the water vases left there 
 before they fled from Pa'yatamu. The vases secured, the Yellow Corn 
 maiden with U'yuyewi and the Pi'"lashiwanni went to Kiii/'si 'kiaia', 
 a small spring a few miles north of I'tiwanna, and collected water; and 
 the Blue Corn maiden, accompanied by Ma'sai'lema and his accompa- 
 nying Pi'"lashiwanni, visited 'Kia'nayalto (a spring in a high place), 
 in the foothills of To'wa yal'lanne (Corn mountain). 
 
 When the Yellow Corn maiden with her attendant returned to the 
 ki'wi'sine, she passed up the meal line and took her seat at the west 
 end of the north line of maidens. The Blue Corn maiden passed up 
 the meal line and took her seat at the west end of the south line of 
 maidens. The water vase of the Yellow Corn maiden was placed on 
 the north and that of the Blue Corn maiden on the south side of the 
 painting. Taking the vase of the Yellow Corn maiden in his hand, 
 the pe'kwln sprinkled her and her line of sisters with plumes dipped 
 in the water. He then received the vase of the Blue Corn maiden and 
 sprinkled her and her line of sisters. The first body of A'shiwanni 
 sat in silence, and the maidens also spoke not a word. 
 
 The maidens afterward danced in the ki'wi'sine to the music of two 
 
 aXai'uchi, elder brother Bow priest, and also Shi'wanni of the Nadir, until his death in June, 1904, 
 alone claimed that the Gods of War and not the pe'kwln went for the Corn maidens. 
 
56 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 choirs. One choir .sat in the southeast corner of the ki'wi'sine; the 
 other was grouped in the northeast corner. These choirs-had been 
 taught appropriate songs for the occasion by Kow'wituma and 
 Wats'usi. The maidens on the south side, holding their beautiful 
 'hla'we (a number of white stalks covered with white plume-like 
 leaves), danced first to the accompaniment of the choir in the southeast 
 corner of the ki'wi'sine. Then the maidens on the north side danced 
 to the music of the choir grouped in the northeast corner. 
 
 At midnight the A'shiwanni, Gods of War, the maidens, and the 
 members of the choirs left the, ki'wi'sine for si'aa' te'wita, where they 
 sat under a ham'pone of kia'la'si'lo constructed by the A'wan t;l"chu, 
 pe'kwin, and Pi''*lashiwanni Ko'yemshi. Near the west side in the 
 middle of the ham'pone a meal painting of clouds had been made by the 
 pe'kwin. The A'shiwanni, carrying their mi'wachi from the O'he'wa 
 ki'wi'sine, deposited them in line on the cloud symbol. U'yuyewi 
 laid upon the meal painting a folded white cotton embroidered kilt 
 having a broad band of blue-green painted on it, symbolic of the vege- 
 tation of the world, and painted at each end of the band was the game 
 of sho'liwe, the game itself being tied to one .corner of the kilt and 
 a game of ti'kwane being tied to another corner. The pe'kwin sat 
 immediately back of the painting. The other A'shiwanni sat in line 
 on the west side of the ham'pone. The Corn maidens took seats in 
 the ham'pone corresponding to those occupied in the ki'wi'sine, the 
 a'wan kiow'u sitting at the east end of the north line, and the Blue 
 Corn maiden at the east end of the south line, these two being the 
 directors of the other maidens. Their te'likinawe were placed by their 
 sides next to the meal line. 
 
 A fire made by a man of the Badger clan burned in the plaza 
 before the ham'pone that all present might be seen. No youths 
 could enter the ham'pone where the beautiful maidens were, and 
 every protection was thrown around them that they might not 
 again be frightened away. The Corn maidens slept till dawn, the 
 A'shiwanni, Divine Ones, and warriors remaining awake to protect 
 them. 
 
 At daylight the Gods of War, knowing that Pa'yatamu lived in 
 the midst of fog and cloud, thought it would be well to seek his aid, 
 and visited his house under the rainbow.". Pa'yatamu returned with the 
 Gods of War to I'tiwanna, going at once to the house of the Ma"ke 
 'san'nakwe (Little Fire fraternity), where he was joined by the eight 
 members of the order he had originated some time before." They 
 went together to the plaza at the northeast corner of the ham'pone, 
 from which point Pa'yatamu had previously observed the Corn maidens. 
 The flutes given them by Pa'yatamu were laid across a large and beau- 
 ti This bow has no reference to the celestial bow. *>See Esoteric fraternities. 
 
stevenson] ORIGIN OF ANIMAL FETISHES 57 
 
 tiful medicine bowl aud covered with a white embroidered cotton 
 kilt. 
 
 The Corn maidens danced from daylight until night. Those on 
 the north side, passing around by the west, joined their sisters on the 
 south side, and, leaving the ham'pone, danced in the plaza to the 
 music of the choir at the southeast corner of the ham'pone. After they 
 had all returned to their places the maidens on the south side, passing 
 by the west, joined their sisters on the north and danced in the plaza 
 to the music, not only of the choir on that side, but also of the group 
 of trumpeters led by Pa'yatanm. The maidens were led each time to 
 the plaza by either their elder sister Yellow Corn maiden, or the 
 Blue Corn maiden, and they held their beautiful 'hla'we in either hand. 
 The Corn maidens never appeared again to the A'shiwi, for soon after 
 the dance described they were destroyed by the great fire which swept 
 over the earth." 
 
 Origin of Animal Fetishes 
 
 After the A'shiwi settled at I'tiwanna, U'j'uyewi and Ma*sai'lema 
 lived with their grandmother at Shop"hlua yallakwi, not far from 
 I'tiwanna. While these diminutive Gods of War were great in heroic 
 deeds they were also very mischievous. On one occasion when they 
 appeared in I'tiwanna U'3 T u} T ewi took his position on the east and 
 Ma'sai'lema stood on the west, oj^posite his brother. The elder held 
 his game of ko'kiamonne close to his breast and, calling to his younger 
 brother, requested him to catch the ball of the game, which he would 
 roll to him. After Ma'sai'lema received the ball he returned it to his 
 elder brother in the same manner. Ma'sai'lema had the games of ti'- 
 kwane and sho'liwe, which he held to his breast. Each one had a tur- 
 quoise rabbit stick, which the boys of the village observed with envy. 
 U'yuyewi threw his rabbit stick cutting his younger brother open 
 from throat to abdomen, and Ma'sai'lema fell. U'yuyewi patted his 
 hand over his mouth, giving the war whoop, but not loud, and pressed 
 his hands upon his brother, and Ma'sai'lema rose unharmed. Then 
 Ma'sai'lema threw his stick at his elder brother, cutting him across the 
 waist, and U'yuyewi fell as one dead. Ma'sai'lema hastened to him, 
 repeated the war whoop, and pressed his hands to his elder brother, 
 and he arose unharmed. The A'shiwi } r ouths looked on amazed, and 
 begged that they might use the rabbit sticks, but U'yuyewi and Ma'sai'- 
 lema replied: "The3 r are for us alone; these are our games. "' 
 
 a The 'Hla'hewe drama, which in the past was played quadrennially in August when the corn was 
 a foot high, is similar to the myth here described, with the exception of a few changes made, the 
 ZuSissay, by the pe'kwln at (he first production of the drama. This drama has not occurred since 
 1891, when the writer observed it in all its details. It is held specially sacred by the Zufiis, and they 
 prefer not to enact it in the presence of strangers; hence, as most of the ceremonies must be held out- 
 doors, it is not likely to occur again. 
 
 b See Games. 
 
58 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 The Gods of War continued throwing the rabbit sticks at each other, 
 first one and then the other jumping- up unharmed. Finally, after 
 much persuasion on the part of the A'shiwi youths, the gods threw 
 their rabbit sticks at them, striking one at a time until many lay upon 
 the ground. All who were struck were immediately killed. The 
 mothers of these youths, wondering at the absence of their children, 
 went in search of them, to find only their dead bodies; and the women 
 were greatly enraged. 
 
 The gods returned to their home as though nothing unusual had hap- 
 pened, and their grandmother was unaware of the trouble they had 
 caused until informed by the parents of the deceased children, where- 
 upon she whipped the gods. They afterward told her that she had 
 better hurry away, for they intended to burn I'tiwanna. Very early 
 in the morning the grandmother ran to Ma'kiaiakwi, a low mountain 
 not far south of the present Zuni, leaving the Gods of War alone at 
 the house. After talking together U'j'uyewi and Ma'sai'lerna decided 
 that their grandmother was too near, for they were very angry with 
 the A'shiwi and intended to destroy everything in the world about 
 them; so they called to their grandmother to go farther, and she has- 
 tened to the place now occupied by Ma'we'sita (Salt Mother). 
 
 The gods shot lightning arrows with their rainbow bows into the 
 heart of the shield of burning ciwstal carried by the Sun Father, and 
 immediatel}' the world was ablaze. The A'shiwi were not destroyed 
 by the tire because their bodies still retained the hardness of iron, the 
 condition in which the}' were when they came from the underworlds 
 to this world; but the Corn maidens were destroyed and man}' animals 
 were burned and converted into stone, some of them becoming diminu- 
 tive. Thus the A'shiwi account for the size of many of their animal 
 fetishes, which they believe to have originally been living creatures. 
 Many of the birds were also burned. 'Ko'^oktakia (sand-hill crane) 
 ran to Ko'tina yal'lanne, near Ojo Caliente, but was burned before he 
 could reach the summit of the mountain. He is now to be seen on 
 the spot where he was overtaken b}' the catastrophe, converted into 
 stone. 
 
 Origin or the Zuni Salt lake 
 
 Four years after U'yuyewi and Ma'sai'lema set fire to the world 
 they went to 'Kia'nanaknana, a spring at the black rocks, about 5 
 miles east of present Zuni, then the home of Ma'we'sita. They 
 had lived there four years when 'Hli'akwa" (Turquoise) came to the 
 black rocks. Ma'we inquired of him: " Who are you?" He replied: 
 " I am 'Hli'akwa, from Wehl"hluwalla (Santo Domingo).* I was of no 
 
 «The perfect Dlue is the male: the off-colored is the female. 
 
 fcThe turquoise mines best known in New Mexico are about 15 miles by trail from the pueblo of 
 Santo Domingo. Previous to their being possessed by white men they were the resort of Indians in 
 quest ot turquoise. , 
 
stevenson] ORIGIN OF THE ZUNI LAKE 59 
 
 value there. The elder and younger brother Bow priests gave me to 
 women to pay them for granting their evil desires, so I came awaj r . 
 After I left, A'ne 'hlawi (a certain bird) 'shot' small stones from his 
 mouth upon the elder and younger brother Bow priests and the women 
 as they entered my home, and another bird caused a rock to fall and 
 cover the entrance, leaving but a crevice through which thin sheets of 
 he'we (a wafer-like bread) and a tiny jug of water were passed to them. 
 In four days they all died. When the rock was removed from the 
 entrance of the house it was discovered that they had become large 
 rattlesnakes. These snakes were short, and their bodies were thick." 
 Ma'we declared: "I also am too near my people to be of value; 
 I will go far away." The Gods of War, hearing the remarks of 
 Ma'we, said: ''Mother, if }-ou go far away } r ou will be of much greater 
 value, and we will go with you." Together with 'Hli'akwa, the Gods 
 of War and Ma'we left 'Kia'nanaknana. 
 
 Before leaving the black rocks Ma'we saw a j T outh, who in answer 
 to an inquiry said he was of the Ta'kiakwe (Frog clan). " Well," said 
 she, "in four years I wish your people to come here and put my house 
 in good order." Since that time the people of the Frog clan have 
 taken great care of this spring. 
 
 'Kia'nanaknana is sacred to the A'shiwanni. The basin formed by 
 the spring is about 15 by 20 feet. Terraced ledges extend around it 
 beneath the surface of the water. It could not be learned whether 
 these ledges were produced by deposits from the spring or were 
 artificial. 
 
 This spring is cleaned after the installation, of a new pe'kwin, and 
 at such other times as maj r be deemed necessary, by members of the 
 Frog clan and their immediate families, by order of the pe'kwin. 
 He commands: "In eight days the water shall be removed from 
 'Kia'nanaknana and the spring shall be well cleaned. Bowls must 
 be made for dipping the water."" On the eighth day after this 
 announcement the pe'kwin awaits a short distance from the village the 
 coming of those designated to clean the spring. The men are dressed 
 in cotton trousers and shirts. European dress, so much in vogue at 
 the present time, even in ceremonials, must not be worn on this occa- 
 sion. The women wear their ordinary dress, their best moccasins, 
 many necklaces, and white cotton blanket wraps bordered in blue and 
 red. Each person carries a bowl with four la'showawe (one or more 
 plumes attached to cotton cord) and four te'likinawe wrapped in corn 
 husks. The la'showawe are carried in the bowls. All these plumes 
 were prepared by the fathers or brothers of the women who are 
 present. The la'showawe are offered to the deceased A'shiwanni, and 
 the te'likinawe to the u'wannami, of the four regions. 
 
 <if emale members of the Frog clan and women closely related in consanguinity make the bowls, 
 which have four small openings equidistant, near the rim. 
 
60 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bth.ann.23 
 
 The pc'kwln precedes the party to the spring, and, when all are 
 gathered on the bank, he oners a prayer for rain and crops, and then 
 directs the men to enter the water. They remove their trousers and 
 begin at once to till the vases, which they hand to the women, who 
 pa^s other rases to the men and empty the water contained in those 
 received by them. In this way the spring is cleaned, the men descend- 
 ing from terrace to terrace. 
 
 When the work is completed each person attaches la'showawe to 
 the four openings in the howl, and the pe'kwin, receiving one bowl 
 at a time, deposits it on one of the terraces. These ledges are 
 literally covered with bowls, which have been deposited from time 
 immemorial. 
 
 When the pe'kwin comes from the basin of the spring he receives 
 the four te'likinawc from each person and bunches them in a kia'et- 
 chine (a number of prayer plumes wrapped together) and, attaching a 
 stone sufficiently heavy to carry this to the bottom of the spring, easts 
 it into the center of the water, which is now only a few inches in depth, 
 with the following prayer: "We pray that the u'wannami will work 
 for us, that our crops and the crops of all the world may be watered 
 and be plentiful, that our people and all people may be happy, that 
 our people may not die but sleep to awake in Ko'thluwala'wa." 
 
 On leaving Kia'nanaknana, ]\Ia'\ve and 'Hli'akwa assumed the form 
 of birds, and in their flight Ma'we, striking a certain projecting point 
 of rock, passed through the rock, leaving an opening. Here she 
 dropped the eagle plume that was tied to her hair; it petrified as it 
 stood perpendicularly in the ground and became a monument many 
 feet high. This monument and the opening in the rock are to be seen 
 at the present time. 
 
 On reaching a beautiful lake, about -±5 miles south of the present 
 Zuni, the Gods of War decided that they had gone far enough, and 
 Ma'we agreed to stop with them, but 'Hli'akwa declared that he must 
 go farther. Though 'Hli'akwa endeavored to persuade Ma'we to 
 journey on, she refused, and finally he said: "You may stop here 
 because you are not of so great value as myself; this is too near home 
 for me." So he journeyed on to the southwest and made his home in 
 a high mountain protected by many angry white and black bears.'' 
 Ma'we made her home in the lake, and the Gods of War selected a 
 mountain rising- from the lake for their home. 
 
 ■• These sacred objects will soon be scattered, us the secret of burying the vases beneath the water 
 has become known to the men now employed in constructing the Government dam tor these Indians. 
 This spring will be in the bed of the great reservoir. 
 
 '-The writer was bound to secrecy regarding the home of 'Hli'akwa. The Zunis make pilgrimages 
 thither for the purpose of collecting turquoise. On these expeditions they are always provided with 
 te'likinawe and sacred meal. The plumes are offered to the angry bears who guard 'Hli'akwa, and 
 the meal is sprinkled upon the beasts, when, the Zunis say, they become friendly and allow them to 
 approach. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. XII 
 
 VIEWS OF MOTHER ROCK, WEST SIDE OF TO'WA YAL'LANNE (CORN MOUNTAIN; 
 
Stevenson] FLIGHT AND RETURN OF THE A'SHIWI 6.1 
 
 Flight of the A'siiiwi to To'wa yal'lanne and their Return 
 
 to the Valley 
 
 The A'siiiwi wore not destined to remain undisturbed. They were 
 compelled by a great tlood to seek refuge on a mesa near by, which 
 they named To'wa yal'lanne (plate xi) from the quantity of corn they 
 carried from the lowlands to the mesa, the corn occupying much room 
 in their houses. During the stay of the A'shiwi on the mesa a cave 
 in the southwest wall of To'wa yal'lanne took the place of He'patina in 
 symbolizing the Middle of the world. The Zunis claim that many 
 sacred objects were secreted in this cave during the Spanish conquest 
 (see A plate l). 
 
 Though this cable-land stands hundreds of feet above the valley the 
 waters rose nearly to the summit and caused consternation among the 
 A'shiwi. who feared that the flood would sweep them from the face of 
 the earth. It was Anally decided that human sacrifice was necessary 
 to appease the angry waters. Consequently a son and a daughter of 
 the Kia'kwemosi a were dressed in their most beautiful clothes, adorned 
 with many precious beads, and then cast into the great sea. The 
 waters immediately began to recede, and the youth and maiden were 
 converted into stone. This columnar rock, known as the "Mother 
 rock," stands for all time as a monument of the peril from which the 
 A'shiwi were happily delivered (plate xn). 
 
 The A'shiwi were glad to descend to the valley, for their trials were 
 great when living on the mesa and the maidens had grown weary 
 carrying water up the steep acclivit}^. They rebuilt Ma"sakia, 
 Hal'ona, or I'tiwanna, and a number of other villages. The most 
 easterly was Kia'kiima, and Ha'wiku was the most westerly, Ma"sakia 
 being the center of priestly power. But now their peace was disturbed 
 by the Xavahos and Apaches, who made repeated attacks, plundering 
 and killing many of their people. Thrilling stories are told by the 
 present Zunis of attacks of the Navahos upon their ancestors, and how 
 the women and children were brutally murdered during the absence 
 of the men from their homes. But the Navahos did not always get 
 the better of the community dwellers. The Zunis relate one instance 
 when their people let it be known that they were to have a great dance 
 in the si'aa' te'wita, and so induced inanj' of the enemy, who Were ever 
 ready to observe the ceremonials of the A'shiwi, to be present. The 
 plaza was crowded with the Navahos, when, at a signal from one of 
 the A'shiwi, war clubs did lively work, almost every Navaho present 
 being clubbed to death. 
 
 a See A'shiwanai (Rain priesthood). 
 
62 THE ZUNI INDIANS [kth. ant. 23 
 
 ANTHROPIC WORSHIP AND RITUAL 
 
 Kl'Wl'siWE AND THEIR FUNCTIONS 
 
 The Zuni ki'wi'siwe (chambers dedicated to anthropic worship) are 
 above ground, rectangular, and constructed of stone. The exterior 
 walls are roughly plastered, but the interior walls are smoothly fin- 
 ished like those of dwellings. The} r are entered through a hatchway 
 quite different from that found in the roofs of other buildings. Each 
 ki'wi'sine has a couple of openings in the front wall for the admission 
 of light; in early days these were never closed, as those not privileged 
 to do so would never look in the direction of the ki'wi'sine while a cere- 
 monial was proceeding within. At present these openings are filled 
 with wads of cloth to prevent the intrusive eyes of strangers. There 
 is an interior door leading to the adjoining dwelling. The fire altar 
 (see plate xx), which is constructed of stone slabs, is immediately 
 beneath the hatchway, so that the smoke can readily escape. 
 
 As has been stated, the A'wan ta"chu Ko'yemshi appointed a man 
 of the Deer clan as Ko'mosona" director of the Ko'tiliki (mythologic 
 fraternit} - ) and director-general of the ki'wi'siwe, and a man of the 
 same clan as his warrior, and he selected a man of the Badger clan 
 as Ko'pekwin (deputy) to the Ko'mosona, and a man of the Badger 
 clan as warrior to the Ko'pekwin. 
 
 There is a great variety of anthropic gods in the Zuni pantheon, 
 many of them ancestral. Certain gods are allied to particular ki'wi'- 
 siwe, their dances being under the special direction of the o'taikia 
 mo'sona (dance director) of the ki'wi'sine, to which the personators of 
 these gods belong. 
 
 There are six ki'wi'siwe, dedicated to the six regions. The one for 
 the north is He'iwa (building up wall, so named because the people 
 were constantly tearing down and rebuilding the ki'wi'sine), and it 
 stands on the north side of si'aa' te'wita* (sacred dance court), though 
 not on the north side of the village. The one for the west, Mu'he'wa 
 (manure house; this ki'wi'sine was originally built of blocks of manure), 
 is not on the west side of the village, but stands rather to the center of 
 the group of ki'wi'siwe. Chu'pawa (corn house; this name was derived 
 from the people in the olden times popping corn in the ki'wi'sine) is 
 dedicated to the south, and is in the southern portion of the village, but 
 not on the south side. As it is south of the main group of houses it 
 
 a The fact that the Deer clan is almost extinct causes much anxiety to the Zuflis. The present 
 warrior to the Ko'mosona belongs to the Bear clan, owing to their inability to find a man of the Deer 
 clan among the A'pi' l liishiwanni (Bow priesthood) to fill the place. 
 
 b Si'aa', to break or tear apart. This te'wita received its name because of the danger of the sur- 
 rounding walls falling because of the large crowds of spectators who gathered on the roofs to observe 
 the ceremonies in the court. 
 
btevenson] Kl'wi T SIWE AND THEIR FUNCTIONS 63 
 
 may originally have been on this side of the village. The one for the 
 east is O'he'wa (brains; this ki'wi'sine' received its name from a certain 
 god who requested the people of his ki'wi'sine to make snowbird traps 
 and catch birds. Upon the god's return the birds were given to hhu, 
 and he requested the people of the ki'wi'sine to boil the birds and to 
 crush the kernels of squash seeds with water on a stone and throw 
 them into the pot with the birds. When the seeds boiled they 
 resembled brains, and the people named the ki'wi'sine after the squash 
 seed, calling it brains. Another version gives the name "brains of 
 game"). Up"sannawa (few people; derived its name from its mem- 
 bers being reduced), which is dedicated to the Zenith, and O'he'wa are 
 east of the others, but they are hardly east of the center of the present 
 village. Ile'kiapa (back wall, referring to the opposite from the 
 east, which is always "the before" with the Zunis) is dedicated to the 
 Nadir, and is on the west side of the village. When possible, all cere- 
 monial chambers extend east and west, symbolic of the daily course of 
 the Sun Father. 
 
 Each ki'wi'sine has its dance director, who is the superior of his 
 ki'wi'sine, and he leads the songs and dances, his position being 
 always midway the line of dancers, and a corps of wor'we (managers) 
 who are appointed for life, though they may be impeached for proper 
 cause. The o'taikia mo'sona decides when the dances of his ki'wi'- 
 sine shall occur, excepting at the time of the semiannual ceremonies 
 of the Kor'kokshi," which are controlled by the Ko'mosona (director- 
 general) of the ki'wi'siwe after consulting with the first body of A'shi- 
 wanni (rain priests). In a sense the o'taikia mo'sona controls these 
 also, for though the Ko'mosona notifies him that the dances must 
 occur, the specific time is decided upon when he communicates his 
 wish to one of the first body of A'shiwanni that his people will dance 
 for him — that is, the Kor'kokshi of his ki'wi'sine will dance in connec- 
 tion with the retreat of the shi'wanni for rain. Each ki'wi'sine has 
 dances in association with one of the first body of A'shiwanni. The 
 dual system so complete with the Zuiiis is expressed in the coupling 
 of the ki'wi'siwe. 
 
 While the ki'wi'siwe are ordinarily referred to in the following 
 order — He'iwa as elder brother to Mu'he'wa, Chu'pawa as elder brother 
 to O'he'wa, and Up"sannawa as elder brother to He'kiapawa — 
 they are differently classified for the Kor'kokshi dances. He'iwa 
 is elder brother to O'he'wa, Mu'he'wa is elder brother to He'kia- 
 pawa, and Chu'pawa is elder brother to Up"sannawa when the 
 dances are produced in the He'iwa, Mu'he'wa, and Chu'pawa, the 
 younger brothers, according to the above relation, supply the god- 
 desses for the Kor'kokshi This order is reversed when the O'he'wa, 
 
 a Kor'kokshi (dancers for good) are the u'wannami (rain-makers J. 
 
64 THE ZUSl INDIANS [bth.ahn.23 
 
 He'klapawa, and Up"sannawa take up the dances. Then they become 
 the elder brothers, the younger brothers, as before, supplying the 
 goddesses. 
 
 The ki'wi'sine which is to furnish the Kor'kokshi upon the return of 
 the party from Ko'thluwala'wa or Kiap'kwena at the summer solstice 
 (see page 158) begins the Ivor'kokshi dances of winter. If a request is 
 made at this season by the Ko'mosona, Ko'pekwin (deputy to Ko'tuo- 
 sona), or A'shiwanni, including the elder and younger brother Bow 
 priests, for the gods to repeat these dances the second day in the 
 plazas, they must remain during the night in the ki'wi'sine, and may 
 dance if they choose, but they do not visit the other ki'wi'siwe after 
 the first night. The same rule is adhered to if they dance the third 
 and fourth days in the te'witas. Under no conditions can the Kor'- 
 kokshi dance more than four days in the winter. They must never 
 dance but one night and day in the summer, for so the gods have com- 
 manded." The first dances of the Kor'kokshi in summer occur when 
 the Ko'mosona and his party return from their pilgrimage to Ko'thlu- 
 wala'wa or Kiap'kwena. Each ki'wi'sine, including the one to which 
 the Ko'mosona belongs, takes its turn sexennially in furnishing dances 
 for this occasion. They always gather in the ki'wi'sine to which the 
 Ko'mosona is allied and dance here and in the house of the Ko'pekwin 
 during the night, and in the plazas the following day. 
 
 Those who are to personate the Council of the Gods 5 and the 
 Ko'yemshi gather in the Ko'pekwln's house, and the personators of 
 the Sha'lako, with their fellows and wor'we. assemble in the ki'wi'sine 
 of the Ko'mosona. except when the Chu'pawa takes its turn in fur- 
 nishing the Kor'kokshi; then the Sha'lako of this ki'wi'sine. with his 
 younger brother or alternate, is present in the Ko'pekwln's house, and 
 their wor'we go to the ki'wi'sine. 
 
 The Great Fire fraternity always assembles in the Ko'pekwln's house 
 for the summer solstice ceremonies, but the Ko'mosona may select the 
 fraternity he wishes to have perform in the ki'wi'sine. 
 
 No other dances are allowed during the summer dances of the 
 Kor'kokshi. The Kor'kokshi remove their masks in summer when in 
 the ki'wi'sine. In winter they go over the western road to remove 
 their masks and disrobe. Dances may occur at any time from the 
 winter solstice to the summer solstice by the wish of the dance 
 director of a ki'wi'sine. 
 
 Dances for rain sometimes occur at the farming districts. After 
 dancing one or more days the dancers usually walk to Zuiii, retire to 
 the ki'wi'sine of the o'taikia mo'sona who has charge of the dance, and 
 dance during the night. The dances are repeated in the plazas the 
 
 a Xai'uchi had the dance repeated In summer, but this was stopped, as it is against the old custom 
 of the Kor'kokshi to appear more than one day in the te'witas. 
 »See p. 33. 
 
stevexson] KTWrSIWE AND THEIR FUNCTIONS 05 
 
 following- day. Each ki'wi'sine has a dance of thanksgiving- and also 
 for rain at the gathering- of the crops, the dancers departing over the 
 western road. 
 
 All male children must be received into the Ko'tikili, in order to 
 enter the sacred dance house of Ko'thluwala'wa after death, and at 
 the time of involuntary initiation the child becomes allied to one of 
 the ki'wi'siwe. 
 
 Women may join a ki'wi'sine under certain conditions, but their 
 initiation into the Ko'tikili is rare. Occasionall}' when a woman is ill 
 and the treatment of one or more theurgists fails, her family may 
 think she has been frightened by one of the personators of the gods, 
 and they try to decide, who caused the trouble. When the person has 
 finally been decided upon he is requested to appear before the girl. 
 He visits the house dressed in the full regalia of the god he person- 
 ated at the time he was supposed to have frightened the girl, and 
 proceeds to instruct her in the importance of the religious duties 
 which must be performed by her should she become a member of the 
 Ko'tikili. At the next involuntary initiation ceremonies of the 
 Ko'tikili the girl passes through the rites with the infant boys. She 
 walks back of the one who is supposed to have frightened her, he 
 becoming her ceremonial father, while the } r oung boys are carried on 
 the backs of their ceremonial fathers. The voluntary initiation of 
 the girl is no less severe than that of the boys. 
 
 In 1902 there were four female members of the Ko'tikili. Two 
 of these were in Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine, both young married women. 
 One has three children, the other none. Chu'pawa has one girl who 
 joined the Ko'tikili at the time of the last involuntary initiation pre- 
 vious to the writer's visit to Zuni in 1902; she is not married. The 
 O'he'wa has one female member; she is the eldest of the female mem- 
 bers, is married, but is childless. These women take part in the 
 masked dances, personating the goddesses. 
 
 The ki'wi'sine to which the child shall belong is decided upon at his 
 birth. He must join the ki'wi'sine of the husband of the doctoress 
 who receives him at his nativity. If several female physicians be 
 present, which is usually the case, each is desirous to secure the child 
 as it comes into the world. The husband of the fortunate physician 
 serves as godfather in both the involuntary and voluntary initiation. 
 If the doctoress has no husband, her eldest son takes his place; if there 
 is no son, her eldest brother acts. 
 
 The initiatory ceremonies are supposed to be performed by direct 
 command of Pau'tiwa (director-general of Ko'thluwala'wa), who sent 
 'Kiaklo" from Ko'thluwala'wa to I'tiwanna to notify the A'shiwi that 
 the gods would come in eight days to give to the children the sacred 
 
 •nKiaklo is an ancestral god and deputy to Pau'tiwa. 
 23 eth— CM 5 
 
66 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 breath of life, so that after death they might enter the dance house 
 at Ko'thluwala'wa before proceeding to the undermost world whence 
 they came. 
 
 Pau'tiwa decided that one of the gods must go to I'tiwanna (site of 
 the present Zuiii) to relate to the people their history after leaving 
 the undermost world and to prepare them for the coming of the 
 gods to bless the male children with the sacred breath of life that 
 they might enter into the everlasting happiness of the sacred dance 
 house. 'Kiiiklo was chosen as a sagacious god to perform this service. 
 Before he started on his mission, Pau'tiwa gave him a duck skin 
 tilled with seeds, with shells about its neck, to be used as a rattle. He 
 was carried to I'tiwanna by the ten Ko'yemshi, who sang to him as they 
 proceeded, each Ko'yeuishi taking his turn at bearing 'Kiiiklo on his 
 back. 
 
 A body of four men have this history myth in their keeping. Two 
 of them must be of the Dogwood clan and the two others must be chil- 
 dren of the same clan — that is, their paternal parents must belong to 
 this clan. 3 The men of the Dogwood clan ma}' belong to either the 
 Parrot or the Raven division of the clan.* Upon the death of a 
 member of this organization a successor is chosen by the first body of 
 A'shiwanni and the director of the organization. Death is the pun- 
 ishment for betrayal of the trust reposed in these men. This organi- 
 zation meets four consecutive nights until midnight in the months of 
 February and March to rehearse the iliad of their race. They meet 
 one month in the house of a member of the Dogwood clan, and the 
 next month in the house of a child of the Dogwood clan. The first 
 body of A'shiwanni holds meetings simultaneous with those of this 
 organization. Plume offerings to the Council of the Gods and et'towe 
 (see page 163) are prepared at these meetings. 
 
 The drama occurs quadrennially, beginning in April, by direction, 
 as is supposed, of the Council of the Gods, when a member of the 
 organization takes his turn in personating 'Kiiiklo, the performance 
 being an exact representation of the visit of 'Kiiiklo and the other 
 gods of I'tiwanna. 
 
 The ceremonial begins with the ten Ko'yemshi and the persona tor 
 of 'Kiiiklo visiting their shrines, located at the base of the knoll upon 
 which the shrines dedicated to the Council of the Gods stand. At 
 the rising of the morning star the personators of the Ko'yemshi, well 
 laden with food collected from the people of the village, go to their 
 shrine, where thev- deposit te'likinawe. After making a fire they 
 group themselves about it and enjoy their feast. The personator 
 of 'Kiiiklo, following a little later, deposits plumes at his shrine, 
 
 I' At the time the writer secured this myth the director of the body, a man about 30 years of age. 
 was a member of the Parrot division of the Dogwood clan. The other keeper from this clan, who is 
 much older, belonged to the Raven division of the clan. The two remaining were respectively 
 members of the Corn and Frog clans. 
 
steve.nson] KI'WI T SIWE AND THEIR FUNCTIONS 67 
 
 which is but a short distance from the other, and joins the Ko'yemshi 
 in the feast. Here the ordinary dress is replaced by religious para- 
 phernalia. 
 
 The personator of 'Kiiiklo has his body painted with the pinkish 
 clay found near Ko'thluwala'wa. lie wears buckskin trousers fringed 
 on the outside and reaching to the feet, a white cotton shirt, and a 
 white embroidered Hopi kilt, across which a hand of blue-green is 
 painted, with a conventional design of the game sho'liwe at each end 
 of the band. The blue-green of the band symbolizes the vegetation of 
 the world. The kilt is held on by an embroidered sash and a red belt, 
 and a fox skin is pendent at the back. A folded mi'ha (sacred em- 
 broidered blanket) is worn over the shoulders. Dance moccasins com- 
 plete the costume. The mask, which is of hide, covers the head; it is 
 painted white, the back being decorated with a frog or toad and several 
 tadpoles in black. A rainbow extends over the upper portion of the 
 front of the mask, which has circular eye and mouth holes. Three 
 lines, symbolic of rain, radiate from the lower portion of each eyehole. 
 A fox skin finishes the base of the mask. The personator carries a duck 
 skin tilled with seeds, with a string of shells around the neck, which he 
 uses as a rattle. The Ko'yemshi also have their bodies painted with 
 the pinkish clay universally used by the personators of the anthropic 
 gods; their masks are freshlj' colored with the same pigment; the} r 
 wear the black kilt and pieces of the same material tied around the 
 base of the mask. 
 
 The drama begins with the Ko'yemshi carrying "Kiaklo on their 
 backs to the village, just as the god is supposed to have traveled from 
 Ko'thluwala'wa to l'tiwanna, and the song of the personators of the 
 Ko'yemshi is supposed to be the same as that sung by the gods at that 
 time. The song is begun as soon as they start for the village and con- 
 tinued until 'Kiiiklo has taken his seat in the ki'wi'sine. 
 
68 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 Free Translation of Ko'yemshi Song 
 
 I 
 
 We come out from the fourth world; we cany our grandchild on our 
 backs. We come out. 
 
 A ha' i. . ..hi' a ha' i hi'. 
 
 He remains on our backs and looks to the six regions, my poor grand- 
 child. 
 Hurry and call for rains, my poor grandchild, you whom I cany on 
 my back. 
 
 II 
 
 We come out from the fourth world; we carry our grandchild on our 
 backs. We come out. 
 
 A . .-ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 
 
 He remains on our backs and looks to the six regions, my poor grand- 
 child. 
 
 Hurry and call for seeds, my poor grandchild, you whom I cany on 
 my back. 
 
 Song of the Ko'yemshi 
 
 I 
 
 A'witen te'hula hon B u'kwai'i; yam nana se'topa; hon u'kwai'i. 
 
 Fourth world we come out; our grand- carry on We come out. 
 
 child backs. 
 
 A ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 
 
 Le.s'si te'kwin tu'nawa Iu'chupachi, i'yo ho'ma nana. 
 
 To the six regions look: remains on our backs, poor mv grand- 
 
 child. 
 
 Ha'nate 'kia'shima we'atina, i'yo ho'ma nana, to'o ho'o se'toye. 
 
 Hurry, rains call for, poor my grand- you I carry on 
 
 child, my back. 
 
 II 
 
 A'witen te'hula hon u'kwai'i: yam nana se'topa; hon u'kwai'i. 
 
 Fourth world we come out: * our grand- carry on we come out. 
 
 child backs; 
 
 A ha' i hi'_ . .. a.'. ..ha' i hi'. 
 
 Les'si te'kwin tu'nawa lu'chupachi, i'yo ho'ma nana. 
 
 To the six regions look; remains on our backs, poor mv grand- 
 
 child. 
 
 Ha'nate to'shona we'atina, i'yo ho'ma nana, to'o ho'o se'toye. 
 
 Hurry, seeds called for, poor my grand- you 1 carry on 
 
 child, my back. 
 
 a Hon is a contraction of hono, we (two or more). 
 
stevenson] SONG OF THE KO'YEMSHI 69 
 
 III 
 
 We reach the last spring- on the road carrying our grandchild on our 
 hacks. 
 
 A ha' i hi'.. ..a ha'.. . .i. ...hi'. 
 
 We reach the middle spring on the road with our grandchild on our 
 backs. 
 
 A.. ..ha' i hi'....a....ha'....i....hi'. 
 
 IV 
 
 We see the prairie-dog girls and the prairie-dog women enter their 
 place below. 
 
 A... .ha' i_._.hi' ...a ha' i hi'. 
 
 V 
 
 Ha'aiyu, ha'aiyu; we will reach there in one, two, three, four steps. 
 Call for rains, our poor great-grandchild, continue to call for rains. It 
 is beautiful, beautiful here." 
 
 A.... ha' i_._.hi'____a....ha'.._.i....hi'. 
 
 
 III 
 
 
 
 
 'Kia'na 
 
 pal'to o'nakona yam nana 
 
 se'topa, 
 
 hon 
 
 a'wiya; 
 
 Spring 
 
 last road our grand- 
 child 
 
 carry on 
 backs 
 
 we 
 
 come to; 
 
 
 A ha'.. ..i hi' a... 
 
 .ha'....i. 
 
 ....hi'. 
 
 
 'Kia'na 
 
 i'tiwa o'nakona yam nana 
 
 se'topa 
 
 hon 
 
 a'wiya. 
 
 Spring 
 
 middle road our grand- 
 child 
 
 carry on 
 backs 
 
 we 
 
 come to. 
 
 
 A ha' i hi' a 
 
 ha' i 
 
 hi'. 
 
 
 
 IV 
 
 
 
 
 'Ku'shi 
 
 e'washtokii 'ku'shi a'makii 
 
 i'ami a' 
 
 hakwi 
 
 te'maian 
 
 Prairie- 
 dog 
 
 girls, prairie- women 
 dog 
 
 their 
 
 stone 
 place 
 
 see 
 
 pia' 
 
 kwa'to. 
 
 
 
 
 below 
 
 enter. 
 
 
 
 
 
 A ha' i hi' a 
 
 _ha'...-i 
 
 ..hi'. 
 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 
 Ha'aiyu, ha'aiyu; to'pa. kwil'li, hai'i, a'witen i'techuna 
 
 one, two, three, four steps 
 
 ye'liyu'hlau' 
 
 reach there. 
 
 I'yo ho'nawa a'wan nana 'kia'shima; we'atina, te'hatou. 
 
 Poor our great- grand- rains callfor, continue to 
 
 child call for. 
 
 E'lu e'lu li"la. 
 
 Beau- beau- here, 
 rjtul, tiful 
 
 A ha' i hi'.... a.... ha'. ...i hi'. 
 
 al'tiwanna (the old Zuni). 
 
70 
 
 THE ZTTNI INDIANS 
 
 VI 
 
 [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 Ha'aiyu, ha'aiyu; we reach there in one, two, three, four steps. 
 Call for seeds, our poor great-grandchild, continue to call for seeds. 
 Beautiful, beautiful here.™ 
 
 A ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 
 
 VII 
 
 Our poor great-grandchild, our poor great-grandchild, carried on our 
 
 backs. 
 You wish to go about carried on our backs. 
 
 A._..ha'---.i---.hi'-_--a.---ha'----i---.hi'. 
 
 VIII 
 
 Our great-grandfather duck came out a short time since from the old 
 dance village 6 by the mountains.'' 
 
 VI 
 
 
 
 Ha'aiyu, ha'aiyu; to'pa, kwil'li, hai'i, 
 
 a'witen 
 
 i'techuna 
 
 one, two, three, 
 
 ye'liyu'hlau'. 
 
 reach there. 
 
 four 
 
 steps 
 
 I'yo ho'nawa a'wan nana to'shona 
 
 we'atina, 
 
 te'hatou. 
 
 Poor our great- grand- seeds 
 
 child 
 
 E'lu, e'lu li"la. 
 
 call for, 
 
 continue to 
 call for. 
 
 Beau- beau- here, 
 tiful, tiful 
 
 
 
 I'yo 
 
 Poor 
 
 ho'nawa 
 
 .ha' 
 
 a wan 
 
 great- 
 
 .i. ..hi' 
 
 VII 
 
 nana. 
 
 grand- 
 child. 
 
 .ha'. 
 
 ho'nawa 
 
 hi'. 
 
 Se'towi hon'te. 
 
 Carried on my back. 
 
 A. 
 
 To'o a'lu'.sema, 
 
 You wish to go about, 
 
 . . ha' i hi' . 
 
 i'yo Ho'nawa a'wan nana, 
 
 poor our great- grand- 
 
 child, 
 
 se'towi ho'ma, se'towi ho'ma. 
 
 carried on my back, carried on my back. 
 
 _.a .. ha' . i hi'. 
 
 VIII 
 
 I'Svayusha','' i"wayusha', i"wayusha', huna', i"wayn huna'. 
 A ha'. . _-i hi'_. ..a., .ha' i hi'. 
 
 La'lekho'li i'yokwi we'nima yal'laa' 
 
 ho'nawa 
 
 a'wan 
 
 liana 1 
 
 There [referring to Ko'thluwala'wa and the 
 two mountains near by] 
 
 our 
 
 great- 
 
 grand- 
 father. 
 
 iwayusha' kwai'i ko'wa/ 
 
 
 
 
 duck come out short time. 
 
 
 
 
 "I'tiwanna. 
 
 6 Ko'thluwala'wa. 
 
 c Referring to the two mountains near Ko'thluwala'wa, sacred to the ancestral gods. 
 
 d Referring to the duck rattle given to 'Kiuklo by Pau'tiwa (director-general of Ko'thluwala'wa). 
 
 <• Nana is used both for grandfather and grandchild. 
 
 /The first eight stanzas are sung on the way to the ki'wi'sine, see pi. xa. 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 SONG OF THE KO'yEMSHI 
 
 71 
 
 IX 
 
 You have reached the ki'wi'sine; ascend the ladder. 
 
 You will enter the ki'wi'sine, and here you will sit down. Hasten and 
 
 enter; hasten and stand. 
 Inside you will see your fathers" all seated calling- for rains. 
 A ha' i hi'.- .a ha' i hi'. 
 
 X 
 
 Our great-grandfather duck came out a short time since 
 From the old dance village by the mountains. 
 
 XI 
 
 You have reached the ki'wi'sine; ascend the ladder. 
 You will enter the ki'wi'sine, and here you will sit clown. 
 Hasten and enter; hasten and stand. 
 
 Inside you will see your fathers all seated calling for seeds. 
 A. . ..ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 
 
 IX 
 Li"la to'o i'ya; li"la to'o ye'maku. 
 
 Here you come; here you go up. 
 
 Li'la to'o kwa'to; li'la to'o i'mu. 
 
 Here you enter; here you sit dowD. 
 
 A'uthluwa'la kwa'to; a'uthluwa'la ye'li. 
 
 Hasten enter; hasten stand. 
 
 Te"laku i'yam to'o a'ta'chu a'wunatikia; 
 
 Inside your you fathers will see; 
 
 Ti'nanuliye yam to'o 'kia'shima we'atina. 
 
 All sitting down your you rains calling for. 
 
 A ha'_. _i hi' a ha' i hi'. 
 
 La'lekho'li 
 
 There 
 
 i'vokwi we'nima 
 
 X 
 
 yal'laa' 
 
 [referring to Ko'thluwala'wa and the 
 two mountains near by] 
 
 ho'nawa 
 
 our 
 
 a wan 
 
 great 
 
 hvavusha' kwai'i ko'wa. 
 
 duct came out short time. 
 
 XI 
 
 Li'la to'o i'ya; li"Ia to'o ye'maku. 
 
 Here you come; here you go up. 
 
 Li"la to'o kwa'to; li"la to'o i'mu. 
 
 Here you enter; here you sit 
 
 down. 
 
 A'u'hluwa'la kwa'to; a'u'hluwa'la ye'li, 
 
 Hasten enter hasten stand, 
 
 Te"laku yam to'o a'ta'chu a'wunatikia; 
 
 Inside your you fathers will see; 
 
 Ti'nanuliye yam to'o to'shona we'atina. 
 
 All sitting down your you seeds calling for. 
 
 A ha' i hi' a ha' i... hi'. 6 
 
 nana 
 
 grand- 
 father 
 
 a A'shiwanni (rain priests). 
 
 ^Stanzas IX, X, and XI are sung on the roof of the ki'wi'sine. 
 
72 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ank.23 
 
 XII 
 
 Hasten, hasten, a'haya, hasten, hasten, a'haya. 
 
 A ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 
 
 A'haya. hasten, hasten, hasten, hasten, hasten, hasten, hasten. 
 
 XII 
 Iku'. iku'. a'haya; iku', iku', a'haya. 
 
 Hasten, hasten, a'haya; hasten, hasten, a'haya. 
 
 A ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 
 
 A'haya, iku', iku', iku', iku', iku', iku', iku'. 
 
 A'haya, hasten, hasten, hasten, hasten, hasten, hasten, hasten. 
 
 Ascending to the roof of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine, the Ko'yemshi, who 
 is carrying- 'Kiaklo, seats him upon a blanket. Before 'Kiaklo enters 
 the ki'wi'sine the following dialogue takes place between him and the 
 Ko'yemshi: 
 
 'Kiaklo. 'Kiaklo, 'Kiaklo, 'Kiaklo, Ho'o kwa'to (I enter). 
 
 Ko'yemshi. Klu'u (Good-by). 
 
 'Kiaklo. Ton o'tiptu (You will dance). 
 
 Ko'yemshi. Eh Si, hon o'tipshe (Yes, we will dance). 
 
 'Kiaklo. Ho'o sham'li kwai'i (In the morning I will come out). 
 
 The first body of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mosona, the Ko'pekwin, and the 
 people of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine are assembled to receive 'Kiaklo. 
 The pe'kwiu (sun priest) and the three members of the organization 
 to which the personator of 'Kiaklo belongs sit in line on the north 
 ledge. A line of meal extends from the base of the ladder to the ledge 
 on the north side of the ki'wi'sine and is crossed by four equidistant 
 lines of meal. When 'Kiaklo descends into the ki'wi'sine he stands 
 at the base of the ladder while the Ko'yemshi, who remain on the roof, 
 repeat the twelfth stanza of the song four times. He now steps upon 
 the first cross line and remains while the same stanza is again repeated 
 four times, and this repetition occurs as 'Kiaklo stands on each cross 
 line. On reaching the end of the line 'Kiaklo takes his seat and repeats 
 the history myth, which is begun at sunrise." 
 
 n This most sacred of myths was secured first from the director of the body of men who have it in their 
 keeping and afterward from a second man of the body, neither one knowing that the other had recited 
 the myth. The only difference in these two recitations was the addition of two words by the second 
 man. This is the only instance where the writer has not had all oral information verified by three or 
 more priests or theurgists. 
 
stevenson] HISTORY MYTH 73 
 
 History Myth of the Coming of the A'shiwi as Narrated by 
 
 'Kiaklo 
 
 The following- are the principal characters and objects which appear 
 in this history. 
 
 Pi'"liishi\vanni te'yona,] e lfl er ,lnd younger KTa'kwemosi, director of the house of 
 _,.,.„ , . . ," ) brother B o w 
 
 PVlasmwanm te'yona,| priestsoftheplace. houses. 
 
 Pau'tiwa, director-general of Ko'thlu- Pe'kwln, deputy to the Sun Father. 
 
 wala'wa. Eftowe, fetishes for rains and fructifi- 
 
 'Kiiiklo, deputy to director-general. cation. 
 
 A' wan tii'chu Ko'yemshi, great father of 
 
 the ancestral gods. 
 
 [Free translation] 
 
 Narrator. Now we (the Zunis) come through the hole which is emptied 
 of water for our passage and afterward fills with water, and we 
 inhale the sacred breath of A'wonawil'ona. 6 While we are in the 
 fourth world, the blackness-of-soot world, our great fathers, Bow 
 priests of the place, work for us. The elder brother does not 
 care to perform the mysteries alone, but wishes his younger 
 brother to join him in his wonderful work. 
 
 EhJ> r brothe): This light (pointing above) is what we are looking for. 
 I have thought it all over. I want my younger brother of the 
 place very much. 
 
 [Text and interlinear translation.] 
 
 Narrator. 
 
 No'mihlte hon ji'mi'kianapkiatea. 
 
 Now we Ji'mi'klanapkiatea. 
 
 A'witen te'hula, an'nociyan te'hula. Ho'no li"la a'teyaye'. 
 
 Fourth world, blackness-of-soot world. We here remain. 
 
 Ho'nawa a' wan a'ta'chu a'pi u lashiwanni te'yona, 
 
 Our great fathers, Bow priests of the place, 
 
 I'matiel t la, rf yam yu'yanamonakla/ 
 
 Do not wish, possessing all knowledge, fearing nothing to gain the end. 
 
 Elder brother. 
 
 Lu'kia te'kohannan teshuna'kia. Zem'akwiwe ya'kiakia. 
 
 This light of day looking for. Mind finished./ 
 
 [pointing above] 
 
 Yam suwe te'yona an'teshema ti'kia. 
 
 Mv younger brorher of the place want very much. 
 
 a See p. 163. 
 
 *See p. 2-2. 
 
 c Referring to water disappearing for the time being from the opening in the earth through which 
 the A'shiwi came to this world (see p. 26). 
 
 d Referring to the Divine Ones not wishing the A'shiwi to remain in the undermost world. 
 
 c The term is applied to one possessing all power and using the power only for good. It is in 
 this reference the term is applied to the Pi'-'lashiwanni te'yona. The elder brother did not wish to 
 perform the mysteries alone, but desired that his younger brother should join him in his wonderful 
 work. 
 
 /Referring to having thought a matter over. 
 
74 THE ZUNI INDIANS Leth. ann. 32 
 
 Narrator. The younger brother hastens. 
 
 Younger brother. Now, do you want me very much ? What do you 
 wish? What do you wish to say? Do you wish a great talk? 
 All right; let me know what you wish to talk about. 
 
 Elder brother. I am thinking all the time of one thing; for many days 
 I have concentrated my thoughts on the one thing; I am think- 
 ing seriously that I will remain here for a time to aid my people. 
 
 Narrator. The elder and younger brothers of the place talk to one 
 another. 
 The two cut clown the pine tree of the North (Pinus ponderosa); the 
 two cut down the spruce (Pseudotsuga douglassii) of the West; 
 the two cut down the aspen (Populus tremuloides) of the South; 
 the two cut down the silver spruce (Picea pungens) of the East." 
 
 Elder brother. Over there in the fourth (undermost) world, we sit 
 down to talk together on serious subjects. 
 
 Narrator. 
 
 A'nanamei'kiashetikiakia. 
 
 He hastened. 
 
 Younger brother. 
 
 E'mala kiiima, 
 
 ho'mo to'o an'teshema ti'kia; ma'imati? 
 
 Now 
 
 me you want very what do you 
 
 much; wish? 
 
 Chaup hincho'li 
 
 pe'nane te'yu'hlanna te'aklana? 
 
 What do you wish 
 to say 
 
 talk big have? 
 
 Te'wunau'sona, 
 
 ho'mo to'o yu'yaklakia. 
 
 All right, 
 
 me you let know. 
 
 Elder brother. 
 
 
 Ho'o u'sona i'semaku'na. Ho'o te'wanane te'yakiana. 
 
 I thinking alwi 
 
 lys of one thing. I many days one place think on 
 
 one thing done. 
 
 Narrator. 
 
 An su'we te'yona le'achi iyantikwa'kia. 
 
 His younger brother of the place they b talk to one another. 
 
 A'shekia a'chi kia'wulkwikia; 
 
 Pine tre3 of north the two cut down; 
 
 Kia'la'silo a'chi kia'wulkwikia; 
 
 Spruce tree of the west the two cut down; 
 
 'Hlitn'ilkoha a'chi kia'wulkwikia; 
 
 Aspen of south the two cut down; 
 
 Lo'kwimo a'chi kia'wulkwikia. 
 
 Silver spruce of the two cut down, 
 
 the east 
 
 Elder brother. 
 
 Thlo'kwa a'witen te'hula ho'no ti'nan 'la'kiye. 
 
 Over there fourth world we sat down together to talk 
 
 on serious subjects. 
 
 a It is understood by the narrator and others that the trees of the four regions were used as a means 
 of ascent from the lower worlds, 
 b Referring to the elder and younger brothers. 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 HTSTORY MYTH 
 
 75 
 
 Over there in -water-moss (third) world, we sat down to talk tog-other 
 
 on serious subjects. 
 Over there in mud (second) world, we sat down to talk together on 
 
 serious subjects. 
 Over there in wing (first) world," we sat down to talk together on 
 
 serious subjects. Over there our fathers* are near by. We see 
 
 all of our children; they are not happy there. It is dark inside; 
 
 we can not see one another. 
 We step on one another's toes. We are looking for the light; all 
 
 must look for it; this light (pointing' above) we are looking- for. 
 
 I have thought it over; this is what you want very much; all 
 
 wish our rain-priest father of the North. 
 Narrator. They'' talked to one another. The two wished the rain priest 
 
 of the North very much. 
 
 Thlo'kwa 
 
 a'wisho 
 
 te'hula 
 
 ho' no 
 
 ti'nan l ]a'kiye. 
 
 Over there 
 
 water-moss 
 
 world 
 
 we 
 
 sat down together to talk 
 on serious subjects. 
 
 Thlo'kwa 
 
 pa'nula 
 
 te'hula 
 
 ho'no 
 
 ti'nan *la'kiye. 
 
 Over there 
 
 mud 
 
 world 
 
 we 
 
 sat down together to talk 
 on serious subjects. 
 
 Thlo'kwa 
 
 la'tow" 
 
 te'hula 
 
 ho'no 
 
 ti'nan la'kiye. 
 
 Over there 
 
 Thlo'kwa 
 
 sunbeam 
 
 le'witea 
 
 world 
 
 yam 
 
 we 
 
 a'ta c chu 
 
 sat down together to talk 
 on serious subjects. 
 
 Over there 
 
 near by 
 
 our 
 
 fathers. 
 
 
 A'wa ho'nawa te'apkunan u'natikiakia. 
 
 All our children see. 
 
 Elth'kwa e'lutea te'amme. 
 
 Not happy there. 
 
 Ko'wi te'kwin u'lia; elth'kwa ho'no i'yunawame. 
 
 Little dark inside; can not we see one another. 
 
 Ho'no i'yachu'sble nan'nule. 
 
 We step on one another. 
 
 Lukia te'kohannan te'shunakia; zem'akwiwe yakiakia. 
 
 This light [pointing above] looting for; mind finished. 
 
 Le'nakla to'o thlo an'teshema ti'kla. 
 
 That is what you all want very much. 
 
 Ternta'i pish'le shi'wanni ho'nawa ta'ehu i'likiana. 
 
 All want north rain priest our father have'. 
 
 Narrator. 
 
 Le'achi i'j-antikwakla. A'chi pishle shi'wanni an'teshema tikia; 
 
 They talked together. The two, north rain priest . want very 
 
 much: 
 
 '• Wing; in this world was seen the first glimpse of sunlight, the beams penetrating through the 
 opening in the earth. Sunbeams are called the sun'sla'towwe (wings). All this is distinctly under- 
 stood by those versed in the 'Kiiiklo myth. 
 
 b A'shiwanni (rain priests). 
 
 c Elder and younger brother (Divine Ones). 
 
76 
 
 THE ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 lie hastened, carrying his precious things" clasped to his breast. 
 Eld, r brotht r. All wish our rain-priest father of the West. 
 Narrator. They talked together. The two wished the rain priest of 
 
 the West very much. He hastened, carrying his precious things 
 
 clasped to his breast. 
 jblder brother. All wish our rain-priest father of the South. 
 Narrator. They talk together. The two wish the rain priest of the 
 
 South very much. He hastens, carrying his precious things 
 
 clasped to his breast. 
 EhL i- brother. All wish our rain-priest father of the East. 
 
 An'anamei'kiashetikiakia, yam el'leteliwe yam 'kiaettowe, 
 
 He hastens, 
 
 his 
 
 precious things, his 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes, 
 
 yam chu'ettowe, yam mu'ettowe, yam 'hle'ettowe 'hle'iyan 
 
 his 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes, 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes, 
 
 rain and crop carries 
 
 fetishes 
 
 te'chikianapkla. 
 
 at his Dreast. 
 
 El <1< r brother. 
 
 Temta'i kal'ishi shi'wanni ho'nawa ta'chu i'likiana. 
 
 All want west rain priest our father have. 
 
 Narrator. 
 
 Le'achi i'vantikwakia. A'chi kalishi shi'wanni an'teshema tikia. 
 
 They 
 
 talked together. The two, 
 
 west rain priest 
 
 very 
 
 much. 
 
 An'anameikiashetikiakia, yam el'leteliwe, yam chu'ettowe, 
 
 He hastened. 
 
 his precious things, 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes, 
 
 yam mu'ettowe, yam 'thle'ettowe 
 
 his 
 
 his rain and crop 
 
 fetishes, 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes 
 
 'hle'iyan te'ehikia'napkia. 
 
 carries at his breast. 
 
 Etder brotlu r. 
 
 Tem'ta'i ala'ho shi'wanni ho'nawa 
 
 All want south rain priest our 
 
 Narrator. 
 
 Le'achi i'vantikwakia. A'chi alaho shi'wanni an'teshema ti'kia. 
 
 ta'chu i'likiana. 
 
 father have. 
 
 They 
 
 talked together. 
 
 south rain priest 
 
 A'nanamei'kiashetikiiikia, yam el'leteliwe, 
 
 He hastens, his precious things, 
 
 yam 
 
 his 
 
 chu'ettowe, 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes. 
 
 yam 
 
 his 
 
 mu'ettowe, 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes, 
 
 yam 
 
 his 
 
 yam 
 
 his 
 
 t very 
 
 much. 
 
 'kia'ettowe, 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes, 
 
 'hle'ettowe 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes 
 
 'hle'iyan te'chi kia'napkia. 
 
 carries at his breast. 
 
 Elder hrotJu r. 
 
 Temta'i te'makoha shi'wanni ho'nawa ta'chu i'likiana. 
 
 All want east rain priest our father have. 
 
 « Fetishes to bring rains and crops. 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 HISTORY MYTH 
 
 77 
 
 Narrator. They talk together. The two wish the rain priest of the 
 East very much. He hastens, carrying his precious things clasped 
 to his breast. They stoop over and come out through the place 
 which was tilled with water, the water disappearing for the time 
 being to permit the A'shiwi to pass. The two meet. 
 
 Eldt r brother. All wish the Middle place; we must look for the Middle 
 of the world; we are on the road. Our great fathers and our 
 people stop here together. 
 
 Narrator. Our great fathers talked together. Here they arose and 
 moved on. They stooped over and came out from the fourth 
 world, carrying their precious things* clasped to their breasts. 
 
 Narrator. 
 
 Le'achi i'yantikwakia. A'chi 
 
 They talk together. The two, 
 
 ti'kia. 
 
 very much. 
 
 A'nanamei'kiashetikiakia, yam 
 
 te'makoha shi'wanni 
 
 east rain priest 
 
 an'teshema 
 
 want 
 
 his 
 
 yam 
 
 his 
 
 chu'ettowe, 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes, 
 
 yam 
 
 his 
 
 el'leteliwe, 
 
 precious things, 
 
 mu'ettowe, 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes, 
 
 yam 
 
 his 
 
 yam 
 
 his. 
 
 'kia'ettowe, 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes, 
 
 'hle'ettowe 
 
 rain anil crop 
 fetishes 
 
 'hle'iyan te'chi kia'napkia. 
 
 carries at his breast. 
 
 Yam 'kiashima te'litokwi" i'tinakna, 
 
 Our water inside place stoop, 
 
 A'chi i'onaellatekia. 
 
 kwai'ikla. 
 
 come out. 
 
 The two 
 
 Elder brother. 
 
 Tem'ta'i 
 
 All want 
 
 Ho'nawa 
 
 Our 
 
 i'tiwannan te'shuna ho'no a'wona i'likiana. 
 
 middle • looking for we road have. 
 
 a'wan a'ta'chu yu"lakitina. 
 
 great fathers stop together. 
 
 Temis'kon '. ho'nawa yu'lakltina. 
 
 All here? we stop together. 
 
 Narrator. 
 
 Ho'nawa a'wan a'ta'chu le'achi i'yantikwakia. 
 
 Our great fathers they talked together. 
 
 Is'ko thlu' walemaku; a'witen te'hula " i'tinakna, kwai'ikla. 
 
 they arose; fourth world stoop, come out. 
 
 Here 
 
 Yam 
 
 Their 
 
 el'leteliwe, yam l kiaettowe, yam 
 
 precious things, their rain and crop their 
 
 fetishes, 
 
 chu'ettowe, 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes, 
 
 yam 
 
 their 
 
 mu'ettowe, yam hle'ettowe hle'iyan te'chi kia'napkia. 
 
 rain and crop their rain and crop carry at their breasts. 
 
 fetishes, fetishes 
 
 a Referring to the A'shiwi (Zufiis) coming through Ji'mi^klanapklatea to this world (see p. 26). 
 
 bEt'towe. fetishes to bring rains and crops. 
 
 c The elder brother precedes the younger to this world, and they are followed by many people. 
 The younger one, following later, joins his brother, and the others come after him; hence the 
 expression. 
 
 dThe narrator, after mentioning the arrival of the A'shiwi in the outer world, goes back and 
 relates their coming through the inner worlds. 
 
THE ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [F.TH. ANN. 23 
 
 They stooped over and came out from moss world, carrying their 
 precious things clasped to their breasts. 
 
 They stooped over and came out from mud world, carrying their 
 pi - ecious things clasped to their breasts. 
 
 They stooped over and came out from wing or sun rays world, car- 
 rying their precious things clasped to their breasts. 
 
 They stooped over and came out and saw their Sun Father and inhaled 
 the sacred breath of the light of day. 
 
 Second-world place, third-world place, fourth-world place/' 
 
 Following their road of exit, they stooped over and came out. 
 
 They walked this way. 
 
 They came to the gaming-stick spring. 
 
 They came to the gaming-ring spring. 
 
 They came to the Ne'wekwe * baton spring. 
 
 They came to the spring with prayer plume standing. 
 
 They came to the cat-tail place. 
 
 They came to the moss spring. 
 
 They came to the muddy spring. 
 
 The} 7 came to the sun-ray spring. 
 
 They came to the spring by man} 7 aspens. 
 
 The} 7 came to shell place. 
 
 1'tinakna, kwai'ikia. 
 
 Stoop, come out. Moss world 
 
 Pa'nanula te'hula i'tinakna, kwai'ikia 
 
 Mud world stoop, come out. 
 
 A'wisho te'hula i'tinakna, kwai'ikia. 
 
 stoop, come out. 
 
 Latow te'hula i'tinakna, kwai'ikia. 
 
 Wing world stoop, come out. 
 
 Yam ya'tokia tii'chu an'tekohannane u'natikianapkia. 
 
 Their sun father light of day, inhale the sacred breath. 
 
 Kwil'li kiana'na hai'i kiana'na a'witen kiana'na. 
 
 Second-world place, third-world place, fourth-world place. 
 
 Yam o'neva'hlan kwai'ina i'tinakna, kwai'ikia. Kia"la a'wakia 
 
 Their great road exit stoop, come out. This way 
 
 Ya'mune 'kiai'akwi a'wikia. 'Si'kon 'kiai'akwi 
 
 Gaming-stick spring come to. Gaming-ring spring 
 
 Ta'nin 'kiai'akwi a'wikia. Ta'melan 'kiai'akwi 
 
 Ne'wekwe 
 
 baton 
 
 Ke'vatiwa 
 
 Cat-tail 
 
 Pa'nanulin 
 
 Muddy 
 
 •Hlan'ihlkoha 
 
 Aspen 
 
 spring 
 
 come to. 
 
 spring 
 
 come. 
 
 a'wikia. 
 
 come to. 
 
 a'wikia 
 
 come to. 
 
 Prayer plume 
 standing 
 
 kwi a'wikia. A'wisho 'kiai'akwi a'wikia. 
 
 place come to. Moss spring come to. 
 
 'kiai'akwi a'wikia. La'tow 'kiai'akwi a'wikia. 
 
 spring come to. Sunbeam spring- come to. 
 
 'kiai'akwi a'wikia. U'pu'lema kwi a'wikia. 
 
 Shell place 
 
 spring 
 
 come to. 
 
 come to. 
 
 <■ Referring to passing through the interior wuiid*. 
 & Galaxy fraternity. 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 HISTORY MYTH 
 
 79 
 
 They came to dragon-fly place. 
 
 They came to flower place. 
 
 They came to the place of trees with drooping limbs. 
 
 They came to fish spring. 
 
 They came to young-squash spring. 
 
 They came to listening spring." 
 
 Our great father old dance man; our great mother old dance 
 
 woman.'' 
 They possess much knowledge; they finished the rivers/' 
 They possess much knowledge; they made Ko'thluwala'wa moun- 
 tain. 
 F.hh r iroth( /■. All wish our great fathers, the TOa'ettowe, Chu'ettowe, 
 
 Mu'ettowe, 'Hle'ettowe (rain and crop fetishes.) 
 Narrator. They passed between the mountains.'' It is far to the Mid- 
 dle of the world. 
 
 Pii'si' shi'na kwi 
 
 Dragon fly name place 
 
 Ta'piliyanku kwi 
 
 Trees with droop- place 
 
 ing limbs 
 
 Mo'lan/ 'kiai'akwi 
 
 Young squash spring 
 
 Ho'nawa a'wan 
 
 Our 
 
 Yam 
 
 Thcy 
 
 A'chi 
 
 rivers 
 
 £o'thluwala 
 
 Ko'thluwala'wa 
 
 a'wikia. U'teyan m'kwi a'wikla. 
 
 come to. Flower place come to. 
 
 a'wikia. Kash'ita 'kiai'akwi 
 
 come to. Fish spring place 
 
 kiai'akwi 
 
 spring 
 
 a'wan 'si'ta. 
 
 great mother. 
 
 a'wikia. 
 
 come to. 
 
 Ha'tin " 
 
 Listen 
 
 a'wikia. 
 
 come to. 
 
 a'wikia. 
 
 come to. 
 
 hona'wa 
 
 The two, 
 
 A'chi 
 
 The two 
 
 EUi r brother 
 Tem'ta'i 
 
 All want 
 
 ta/'chu 
 
 great father, our 
 
 tinikwa nan'nakkia. 
 
 know many things. 
 
 Hviap'ya^lanne 3^a'kiakia; 
 
 made; 
 
 yaTlanne 
 
 yam anikwa 
 
 they know 
 
 an'ninmkia. 
 
 made. 
 
 hona'wa 
 
 a wan 
 
 great 
 
 a'taVhu 
 
 fathers 
 
 i'likiana 
 
 have 
 
 chu'ettowe, mu'ettowe, l hle'ttowe. 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes, 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes. 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes. 
 
 Narrator: 
 Kia'la 
 
 Come 
 
 a'wimpikwaiikia 
 
 passed between, 
 
 kwai'ikia. 
 
 come out. 
 
 La'lekho'li 
 
 There where 
 
 nan'nakkia. 
 
 many things. 
 
 'kia'ettowe, 
 
 rain and crop 
 fetishes, 
 
 i'tiwanna. 
 
 middle. 
 
 a Hu'tin means to listen, to hear, and is the name for the waters of Ko'thluwala'wa. The expres- 
 sion has reference to the hearing of voices in the depths of the water- 
 
 b The two original ancestral gods (see p. 33). 
 
 c The brother makes the beds of the rivers (Zufii and Little Colorado) by drawing his foot through 
 the sands, and the sister follows in the path (see p. 32). 
 
 (1 References to the tft'towe being carried by the A'shiwanni between Kor'kokshi and Ko'yemshi 
 mountains, which are near Ko'thluwala'wa, as the A'shiwi proceed in their quest for the Middle 
 place. 
 
 «Pa l si is archaic for shu'makolowa (plural shu'makolowe), dragon fly, one of the rain symbols of 
 the A'shiwi. 
 
 /This spring is associated with the Ko'yemshi gods (see p. 33). 
 
80 THE ZDKI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 Our great fathers!" our great mothers!'' 
 
 Here we will sit perfectly still for days, which will be precious, and 
 
 our hearts will speak with the gods of the inside water place; c all 
 
 wish to meet together. 
 Sun priest (deputy to Sun Father). Here we will sit perfectly still, 
 
 not moving bod}- or limb; where can we talk together? 
 Kla'tewemosi (Director-general of the House of Houses). Sun priest of 
 
 the Dogwood clan knows. 
 Sunpriext. Much thought has been given to finding a place; one has 
 
 been found; give no further thought to it. 
 Narrator. Our great fathers a sit perfectly still. There we can talk 
 
 with them. Now all my children are happy together. 
 
 Hona'wa a'wan a'ta'chu* hona'wa a'wan a"sita, 
 
 Our great fathers, our great mothers, 
 
 Li'la ho'no yu'lakit'ikia, a'wante'wananne a'kia/ 
 
 Here we sit perfectly still, precious days continue. 
 
 Yam 'kia'shima te'litokwi. Tem'la iin'teshema ti'na i'wokwikia. 
 
 Our water inside place. All wish meet together. 
 
 Pe'hoin: 
 
 Li l la ho'no yu'lakitikia. Ho"li ko'na te'kwiyashuwan te'yakia'na? 
 
 Here we sit perfectly still. Where can talk to one another together? 
 
 Kla'Tcwemosi: 
 
 Pi'chikwe a'nota pe'kwin^ shi'wanni lu'kon a'nawakia. 
 
 Dogwood elan sun priest, he knows. 
 
 Pd Teuton.: 
 
 An"seman a'ninena; kia'me ton an"seman a'ninenawe.* 
 
 A place has been found; give no further thought to it. 
 
 Narrator: 
 
 Hona'wa a'wan a'ta'chu'' yu'lakitikia. 
 
 Our great fathers sit perfectly still. 
 
 Ma'leko" ya'shuwan te'yakiana. 
 
 There we can talk together. 
 
 La'ki ho'ma a'wan te'apkunan kets'anishi a'teyakia'na. 
 
 Now my all children happy together. 
 
 a 'Kla'Cttowe (see p. 163). 
 
 schu'cttowe (see p. 163). 
 
 c Ko'thluwala'wa. 
 
 "'The gods of Ko'thuluwala'wa. 
 
 eThe 'klaettone ( l kla from tkWwe, water) is referred to as father, the chu'fittonfi (chu from 
 chuwe, seeds) as mother. 
 
 /The unexpressed idea is that one will remain perfectly quiet, not moving the body or limbs, 
 during the days of retirement. The expression is used for the retreat of the A'shiwanni (see Rain 
 priesthood). After a period of fasting and continence, perfect repose of body, and concentration of 
 thought, the physical and grosser nature becomes separated from the spiritual nature, leaving it 
 free to commune with A'wonawil'ona (see p. 22) and the gods. 
 
 ffThe literal translation of the word pe'kwln is deputy, and in the above case the reference is to 
 the deputy of the Sun Father. This priest, however, is referred to simply as the sun priest or priest 
 of the Zenith. 
 
 'i This expression is not translated literally. The meaning is that much thought has been given to 
 rinding a place for the retreat of the rain priests. 
 
stevenson] HISTORY MYTH 81 
 
 Here we finish our prayer plumes. 
 
 There" our fathers the Council of the Gods will receive them. 
 Pau'tiwa. Our great fathers, 'Kia'ettowc, Chu'ettowe, Mu'ettowe, 
 'Hle'ettowe, passed between the mountains to tind the Middle of 
 the world, where they sit perfectly still. 
 Who is a good man? Who possesses much wisdom? 
 ^1 m, mbt r of the ( 'ouncil of the Gods. Over there, in the room above, 
 sitting in the hatchway. Everybody knows 'Kiaklo of the place; 
 this man knows much. 
 Pau'tiwa. Now, I wish some one to tell him to come. 
 Narrator, lie hastens, comes in, and sits down. 
 
 Li"la ho'nawe te'likinawe a'yakianap'kia. 
 
 Here our prayer plumes finished. 
 
 La'lek la'ki ho'nawe a'ta'chu i'likiana. 
 
 There now our fathers have. 
 
 Yam 'kia'shima te'litonan'kwi i'anteshema. 
 
 Our water inside place wish. 
 
 Te'likinawe a'yakianap"kia, la'lekho'li ho'nawa Kok'ko A'wan. 
 
 Prayer plumes finished, there our Council of the Gods. 
 
 Te'likinawe i'tiuhl'la, kianapkia. 6 
 
 Prayer plumes placed together, finished. 
 
 Pau'tiwa: 
 
 Ho'nawe . a'wan a'tii'chu 'kia'ettowe, chu'ettowe, mu'ettowe, 
 
 Our great fathers 
 
 'hle'ettowe, a'wimpikwekia, kwai'ikia; c 
 
 passed between, come out; 
 
 La'lekho'li i'tiwanna le'anakla'nankwi yu"lakitikia. 
 
 There middle name place sit perfectly still. 
 
 Li"la ko'leho'li 'se'manapkia. Chaup 'se'mak anikwa kian'na. 
 
 Here how think. What man knows much. 
 
 A member of the Council of the Gods: 
 'Hlo'kwa te'koskwa im'koskwi. 
 
 Over there room above sitting in hatchway. 
 
 E"sakianna 'Kiiiklo te'3 T ona; lu'kon 'se'mak anikwa kian'na. 
 
 Everybody knows 'Kiiiklo of the place; this man knows much. 
 
 Pau'tiwa: 
 
 Te'wuna an'teshema ti'nawe. 
 
 Now wish tell him to come. 
 
 Narrator: 
 
 A'nanamei'kiashetikiakia,'' ikia, imite'la'kukia. 
 
 He hastened, came, sat down. 
 
 a Referring to Ko'thluwala'wa. 
 
 b Referring to planting prayer plumes, which are afterward received by the gods of Ko'thlu- 
 wala'wa. 
 c Referring to the et'towe passing between the mountains near Ko'thluwala'wa 
 d Referring to 'Kiiik'lo. 
 
 23 BTH— 04 6 
 
 117^3 
 
82 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 'Kiiillo. I am here. What do you wish of me? You wished me to 
 
 come. What do you wish to say ? Do you wish to talk much 
 
 together? 
 Puii'tiira. There in I'tiwanna (Middle name place) our great fathers 
 
 sit perfectly still. 
 You will tell the great ones to count the days one by one, and in 
 
 eight days the gods will go over the road and meet all our fathers. 
 
 We will go over the road and meet them; we will meet all our fathers. 
 Now, think of some. Perhaps all are gathered. Good! No, I 
 
 have not my North father of the place, the god with the scapula 
 
 of the 3-ellow deer of the North; the god with the scapula of the 
 
 t Kmklo: 
 
 Li"la, kon iyanteku'nakia? 
 
 Here, what do you wish of me? 
 
 E'malakiama ho'o to'o an'teshema ti'napkia. 
 
 Now I you wish come here? 
 
 Ma'imati chaup hln'cho'li pe'nane teyu 'hlanna? 
 
 Now what wish talk big? 
 
 'Hlan'na pe'nan te'yaklana? 
 
 Big talk together? 
 
 Pau'tiwa: 
 
 La'lekho"li i'tiwanna le'anakia'nankwi 
 
 There middle name place 
 
 Ho'nawa a'wan a'ta'chu" yu'^akitikia. 6 A'wona ellatekia'na/ 
 
 Our great fathers sit perfectly still. Road meet. 
 
 A'wa yal'lenan pi'lakiana. 
 
 All count days one by one, 
 
 La'lekho'li } r am a'ta'chu to'no a'wona el'latekia'na. 
 
 There your fathers you road will meet. 
 
 A'wati tela'ma to'no i'techuna i'ku kia'tekwi.'' 
 
 Four steps you will take hasten reach place. 
 
 Les'si te'wanna, hin'choli hai'elikkia te'wakia. 
 
 So many days, wish eight days. 
 
 Te'aan'na tem'lamo yiim a'ta'chu a'wona el'latekia'na. 
 
 After all our fathers road meet. 
 
 Yiim a'taV.hu* tem'lamo ho'no a'wona el'letekia'na. 
 
 Our fathers all of them we road meet. 
 
 E'malakiama, i'yantesemanawe/ Ho'lou tem'la ha'pona kok'shiye. 
 
 Now, think of some. Perhaps all gathered, good. 
 
 Elth"la, kwali'wan em'pishlankwinta'na ho'o ta"chu i'li te'j'ona. 
 
 No, not this way north my father have of the place. 
 
 Kok'ko t hlup' t sina kiai salimon 'hlup'sina il'ona; 
 
 God yellow deer scapula yellow got; 
 
 ft A'shiwanni (rain priests). 
 
 bA'shiwi (the Zunis) have found the Middle place and ceased their journeying. 
 
 c Referring to the A'shiwi meeting the gods from Ko'thluwala'wa. 
 
 ''Present site of Zufii. 
 
 eThe A'shiwi (Zunis). 
 
 /Reference to thinking of men who will serve the purpose. 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 HISTORY MYTH 
 
 83 
 
 blue deer of the West; the god with the scapula of the red deer of 
 the South; the god with the scapula of the white deer of the East; 
 
 the god with the scapula of the oven-colored deer of the Zenith; 
 
 the god with the scapula of the black deer of the Nadir. 
 I wish the god with wood ears on his mask very much. 
 I wish the god with the wool cap very much. 
 I wish the god possessing many deer very much. 
 I wish the god A'nahoho" very much. 
 I wish the god Shu'laawi'si very much. 
 1 wish the gods who carry reed staffs ornamented with twigs of the 
 
 spruce tree of the west 4 very much. 
 1 wish the shaker, the great director, who goes about, very much. 
 I wish all of the gods with blue-horned masks very much. 
 
 Kok'ko 
 
 God 
 
 Kok'ko 
 
 God 
 
 Kok'ko 
 
 God 
 
 Kok'ko 
 
 God 
 
 Kok'ko 
 
 God 
 
 Au'teshema 
 
 Want 
 
 U'poyona 
 
 Won] cap 
 
 Na'wisho 
 
 Deer 
 
 'hli'anna 
 
 blue 
 
 a'hona 
 
 red 
 
 ko'hanna 
 
 white 
 
 'si'lipana 
 
 every color 
 
 shikian'na 
 
 black 
 
 ti'nakia. 
 
 very much. 
 
 iin'teshema 
 
 want 
 
 an'teshema ti'nakia. 
 
 want verv much 
 
 kiai salimon 
 
 deer scapula 
 
 klai' salimon 
 
 deer scapula 
 
 kiai' salimon 
 
 deer scapula 
 
 kiai' salimon 
 
 deer scapula 
 
 kiai' salimon 
 
 deer scapula 
 
 'hli'anna il'ona; 
 
 blue got; 
 
 a'hona il'ona: 
 
 red 
 
 ko'hanna 
 
 white 
 
 'si'lipana 
 
 every color 
 
 shikianna 
 
 black 
 
 got; 
 
 il'ona; 
 
 got; 
 
 il'ona; 
 got; 
 il'ona; 
 
 got; 
 
 'Hle'lashoctipona 
 
 Wood ear 
 
 ti'nakia. 
 
 very much. 
 
 A'nahoho 
 
 Anahoho 
 
 an'teshema 
 
 want 
 
 ti'nakia. 
 
 very much. 
 
 an'teshema ti'nakia. 
 
 want very much. 
 
 Shu'laawi'si 
 
 Deputy to the Sun Father 
 in Ko'thluwala'wa 
 
 iin'teshema 
 
 want 
 
 'Si'tonne 
 
 Spruce of 
 the west 
 
 Ha'shi' 
 
 Shaker 
 
 Sa'ya'hlia 
 
 Horn blue 
 
 'hle'onna (/ 
 
 held in hand 
 
 iin'teshema 
 
 want 
 
 ti'nakia. 
 
 very much. 
 
 ti'nakia. 
 
 very. much. 
 
 ati'nakwe a'wan mo'sona iin'teshema 
 
 goes about great director want 
 
 a'wa iin'teshema ti'nakia. 
 
 all want very much. 
 
 ti'nakia. 
 
 verv much. 
 
 a This mask is white with a black hand over the face. 
 
 bMu'luktakla (tall thin gods). 
 
 c So named because this god possesses many deer. 
 
 •'The name which is usually applied to the "Si'tonne gods is Mu'luktakia (tall thin god). A frog 
 decorates the back of the mask. The personators of these gods carry long reed staffs with spruce 
 twigs attached in the middle. These staffs have, feather ornamentation of a variety of bird plumes. 
 
 e This name is applied to 'Kiiiklo, as he continually says "hashi" and shakes his body as he pro- 
 ceeds and sprinkles meal when he comes at sunrise following the appearance of the gods on the 
 eighth day (see p. 96). He comes from Ku'shilowa, and after visiting the four te'witawe (plazas) 
 departs while it is still early day over the western road. 
 
84 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 1 wish the Plumed Serpent very much. 
 1 wish the god Suti"ki" very much. 
 I wish the suckling- very much. 
 I wish the old dance men* very much. 
 Great fathe?' of the Ko'yemshi. Now, do you want me very much? 
 Pau'tiwa (addressing great father Ko'yemshi). You will go over the 
 road with 'Kiaklo and meet our fathers at the Middle place. 
 You will cany this for your rattle when yov\ go to meet your 
 fathers. 
 Narrator. 'Kiaklo comes out'' and sits down. He looks to the six 
 regions and calls: '"Kiaklo, 'Kiaklo, 'Kiaklo, 'Kiaklo grand- 
 fathers;'' where are you? Carry me on your backs." 
 
 Ko'loowisi-'' an'teshema ti'nakia. Su'ti'ki an'teshema ti'nakia. 
 
 Plumed Serpent want very much. A small bird want very much. 
 
 'Si"sikia r/ an'teshema ti'nakia. Ko'yemshi'' an'teshema ti'nakia. 
 
 Suckling want very much. Old dance man want very much. 
 
 Great father of the Ko'yemshi: 
 
 E'malakiama ho'ma to'o an'teshema ti'nakia? 
 
 Now me you want very much? 
 
 Pau'tiwa (addressing 'Kiaklo): 
 
 L'alekho'li i'tiwanna kwi yam a'ta'chu. 
 
 There Middle place our fathers. 
 
 To'no a'wona eTlatekia'na. 
 
 You road will meet. - 
 
 Lu'kia to'o i'leyana c yam a'ta'chu to'o a'wona ellatekia'na. 
 
 This, you hold your fathers you road will meet. 
 
 Narrator: 
 
 'Kiaklo imuna kwai'ikia. 2 Les'si te'kwi tu'natikia. 
 
 'Kiiiklo sits down, comes out. To the six regions looks, and calls: 
 
 'Kiaklo, 'Kiiiklo. 'Kiaklo, 'Kiaklo. 
 
 A'nana,'' hop tona'wakia? Horn i'seto'nawe.' 
 
 Grandfathers, where are you? Me carry on backs., 
 
 a A small bird. 
 
 ("Ko'yemshi (see p. 33.) 
 
 c Referring to a duck skin filled with seeds and having o string of beads about the neck to serve 
 as a rattle. 
 
 rf Referring to the coming of 'Kiaklo from the depths of the lake to the shore. 
 
 eThe Ko'yemshi. 
 
 /Ko'loowisi came from the waters of the west, appearing to the A'shiwi for the first time when 
 they went to To'wa yallane to escape the great flood which swept over the earth. The impression 
 of his head is still to be seen on the mountain side where he stopped to rest. Ko'loowisi did not 
 return to the western waters, but went to Ko'thlnwala'wa, becoming the seed bearer of the gods to 
 the A'shiwi. 
 
 a <Si''sikla names the infants at involuntary initiation; hence the appellation "suckling." 
 
 /'The Ko'yemshi, who were in their mountain, heard as one hears from lightning, and the A'wan 
 ta''chu (great father Ko'yemshi) went at once to the lake by the inner road through the mountain. 
 
 I 'Kiaklo ascends the ladder to this world from the abiding place of the Council of the Gods and 
 sits on the bank of the lake. 
 
 jThe Ko'yemshi, hearing in their mountain home, come to the borders of the lake, and 'Kiiiklo 
 mounts the back of the pe'kwln (deputy to the great father Ko'yemshi). 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 HISTORY MYTH 
 
 85 
 
 The old dunce men, hearing 'Kiaklo call, come from their mountains 
 
 to the lake. 'Kiaklo mounts the back of the deputj' to the great 
 
 father of the old dance men, and looks to the six regions^ 
 
 'Kiaklo, looking to the east, sees four roads close together. 
 
 'Kuil'lo. We will take the middle road. "We will come this way. 
 
 Grandfathers, you will sing 
 Nwrrator. 'Kiaklo now recounts the travels of the ancients to the 
 
 Middle of the world. 
 'Knil-lo. We come this way. We come to a large lake; here we get up 
 and move on. We come to a valle}' with watercress in the 
 middle; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to the stealing place; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to houses built in mesa walls; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to the last of a row of springs; here we get up and move 
 
 on. 
 We come to the middle of a row of springs; here we get up and 
 move on. 
 
 Lessi te'kwi te'tuna cho'kia. a 
 
 To the six regions looks. 
 
 'Kiaklo te'luwankwi ta'na a'witen 
 
 'Kiaklo east looks this way four 
 
 wo'kiapa u'natikia. 
 
 ana 
 
 separate 
 
 o neya 
 
 roads 
 
 hlawe 
 
 close 
 
 together 
 
 t SxaMo: 
 I'tiwa 
 
 o'neya'la'kowa 
 
 Middle road 
 
 A'nana. te'nanawe. 6 
 
 Grandfathers sing. 
 
 'Kiatu hlan'na kwi 
 
 Water big place 
 
 Te'wul'la i'tiwa pi"kiaia kwi 
 
 Valley middle watercress place 
 
 Han' t lipinkia kwi'' a'wikia; 
 
 Stealing place come to; 
 
 kiathl ho'no 
 
 come 
 
 Kiathl 
 
 Come 
 
 a'wikia; 
 
 come to; 
 
 a'wonakia. 
 
 we this road. 
 
 ho'no a'wonakia/ 
 
 we this road. 
 
 is'ko ^iluwal'emaku. 
 
 here get up; move on. 
 
 a'wikia; is'ko ^iluwal'emaku. 
 
 come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 is'ko tkluwal'ernaku. 
 
 here get up; move on. 
 
 He'ipachi kwi e a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Wall-built place come to; here 
 
 get up; move on. 
 
 t Klaia' palto kwi a'wikia; is'ko 
 
 thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Last -eries of place come to; here 
 
 get up; move on. 
 
 springs. 
 
 
 t Kiaia' i'tiwa kwi a'wikia; is'ko 
 
 thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Middle series of place come to; here 
 
 get up; move on. 
 
 springs. 
 
 
 i Referring to l Kiakio. 
 
 & The song of the Ko'yemshi is begun when the gods start for I'tiwanna. Whenever the Ko'yemsbi 
 cease singing, vKiaklo strikes the one who carries him with his rattle and calls for more singing. 
 
 c^Kiliklo now recounts to the A'shiwi the travels of the ancients from Ko'thluwala'wa to I'tiwanna. 
 
 dSo named from plume wands, deposited for rain,~which were stolen by a witch, thus causing the 
 rains to cease. The plume wands were afterward secured by a shi'wanni (rain priest), thus averting 
 calamity. 
 
 e Cliff dwellings. 
 
86 THE ZUNI' INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 We come again to the middle of a row of springs; here we get up 
 
 and move on. 
 We come to the house of Ko'loowisi; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to watercress place; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to a small spring; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to a spring in a hollow place in a mound, hidden by tall 
 
 bending grasses; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to ashes spring; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to high-grass spring; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to rainbow spring; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to place of the Sha'lako; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to the place with many springs;" here we get up and 
 
 move on. 
 We come to mess place; here we get up and move on. 
 
 I'tiwa 'ldaia' 6 kwi a'wikla; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Middle series of place come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 springs 
 
 Ko'loowisi 'kiakwe kwi a'wikla; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Plumed Serpent house place come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 Pi'kiaia kwi a'wikla; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Watercress place come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 Kiatsi 'kiaia' kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Small spring place come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 Po'showa'' kwi a'wikia is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Spring in cavity place come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 in a mound 
 
 Lu'kiana 'kiaia'kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Ashes spring come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 To'seluna'' 'kiaia' a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 High-grass spring place come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 A'mitolan 'kiaia'kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Rainbow spring come to: here get up; move on. 
 
 Sha'lako 'kiaia'kwi'' a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Sha'lako spring come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 'Kiap'kwena kwi-'' awi'kla; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Many-springs place come to; here get up, move on. 
 
 r'hana-' 7 kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Moss place come to; here get up, move on. 
 
 a Named by the Spaniards Ojo Caliente. 
 
 6 The two springs are called the middle springs, as they are supposed to be centrally situated between 
 the others mentioned. 
 
 f A spring so covered by bending grasses from all sides as to leave but a small opening, which can 
 be seen only when one is very near. The spring referred to is sacred to the gods of Ko'thluwala'wa. 
 
 rfThe largest of the springs at Ojo Caliente. 
 
 e During the A'shiwi migrations the Sha'lako gods appeared to them through this spring; hence 
 the name. The places here mentioned were named by the A'shiwi as they stopped from time to time 
 in their quest of the Middle place. 'Kiaklo relates to those of I'tiwanna the places named by 
 their fathers. 
 
 /*Kiap'kwenakwi or 'Kiapkwena is the Zuni name for Ojo Caliente. 
 
 g U'hana is another name for a'wisho (moss) ; it is also the Zuui name for wool. 
 
Stevenson] HISTORY MYTH 87 
 
 We coine to stone-lodged-in-a-cleft place; here we get up and 
 
 move on. 
 We come to stone-picture place;" here we get up and move on. 
 We come to poison-oak place; here we get up and move on. 
 Wo come to a spring in a mesa wall; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to rush place; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to a place of bad-smelling water; here we get up and 
 
 move on. 
 We come to the place of sack of meal hanging; 6 here we get up 
 
 and move on. 
 We come to the blue-jay spring;'' here we get up and move on. 
 We come to Corn mountain; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to the spring at the base of the mesa;'' here we get up 
 
 and move on. 
 We come to the ant-entering place; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to vulva'' spring; here we get up and move on. 
 
 A'^apii'si kwi a'wikia; ls'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Stone held between place come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 two other stones 
 
 A^sina'kwi a'wikia; ls'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Stone-picture place come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 Pi'shu'kiaia'kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Poison-oak spring come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 'Kia'nuhl'hla'kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Mesa wall spring place come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 To'loknana kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Rushes place come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 'Kia'techi kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Bad-smelling place come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 O'pompia 4 kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Sack of meal place come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 hanging 
 
 A'yaya" 'kiaia'kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Blue-jay spring come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 To'wa yal'la kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Corn mountain place come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 I'te'la'kup 'kiaia a'wikia;'' is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 At the base of spring come to; here' get up; move on. 
 
 mesa 
 
 HaTon kwa'ton a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Ants entering come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 A'sha* 'kiaia a'wi'kia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Vulva spring come to; here get tip; move on. 
 
 a Rocks with pictographs. 
 
 bo from owe, flour (corn or wheat); pompia, hanging. 
 — " mimed from the blue jays gathering about the spring to drink. 
 rfCorn mountain. 
 e So named because the rock from which the water flows resembles the vulva. 
 
88 
 
 THE ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 We come to a spring high in the mountain; here we get up and 
 
 move on. 
 We come to Apache spring;" here we get up and move on. 
 We come to coyote spring; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to salt place; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to a place with fumes like burning sulphur; here we get 
 
 up and move on. 
 We come to ant place; here we get up and move on. 
 We come to the Middle place. 
 'K'iillo (addressing the A'shiwi). In a short time ury fathers, whom I 
 
 have there, 6 will meet you on the road. You will meet together. 
 
 They will come, and will give' to all your children more of the 
 
 great breath; the breath of A'wonawil'ona; the breath of the light 
 
 of day. 
 
 'Kia'navaltokwi a'wikia; Is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Spring in high place come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 Wila"su'kia a *kiaia a'wikia; Is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Apache spring come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 Sum 'kiaia a'wikia; Is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Coyote spring come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 Ma"sakia'' kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Salt place come to; here get up; move on. 
 
 Ko'lin 'klaia'kwi*' a'wikia; Is'ko thluwal'emaku. 
 
 Odor of burn- spring come to; 
 
 ing sulphur 
 
 Hal'ona" kwi a'wikia; Is'ko 
 
 Ant place come to; here 
 
 I'tiwanna^ kwi a'wikia. 
 
 Middle place come to. 
 
 t KldMo (addressing the A'shiwi). 
 We"simte'nalapa la'lek ho'na 
 
 In a short time here my 
 
 here get up; move on. 
 
 thluwal'emaku. 
 
 get up; move on. 
 
 To'no 
 
 You 
 
 To'ma 
 
 Your 
 
 To'no 
 
 You 
 
 a'wona el'latena'wa 
 
 road will join you. 
 
 a'wa te'apkunawe 
 
 all 
 
 children 
 
 te'kohanna 
 
 light of day 
 
 a'tii'chu 
 
 fathers 
 
 To'no 
 
 You 
 
 a'wan pi'nan 
 
 great breath 
 
 yan'ichij'anap'tu. 5 ' 
 
 inhale. 
 
 i'lona. 
 
 have. 
 
 a won a 
 
 road 
 
 el'latekia. 
 
 meet together. 
 
 teiiyana'wa. 
 
 we give more. 
 
 « So named because it resembles certain springs of the Apache Indians. 'Kluki'ma is another 
 name for this spring, which is near a ruin of the same name. 
 
 (' Ko'lhluwiihi'u.i. 
 
 cMa''saki!a— ma — from mawe (salt), is so named from a man having visited the Salt Mother before 
 she left her home a few miles east of I'tiwanna and returned with a small quantity of salt to this 
 place. 
 
 ''The shrine symbolizing the Middle of the world, the spot upon which He'patina stands. It is 
 Claimed that this place received the name of Ko'lin from a tuft of grass pulled up by the ancients 
 exposing black water having the odor of burning sulphur. The shrine is a few hundred yards 
 southwest of Zuni. 
 
 <* Halona is the village which was occupied by the A'shiwi previous to their settling at I'tiwanna. 
 The two are separated by the Zuni river. 
 
 /Supposed t<> occupy the middle of the world. 
 
 </T)k- body of one wearing a mask becomes the abode of the god he impersonates; he blows from 
 his heart the breath of A'wonawil'ona upon the plumes or the hand and carries these to the mouth 
 of another, that the sacred breath may be inhaled. The breath of A'wonawil'ona is everywhere; 
 it is life itself. 
 
btevenson] RABBIT HUNT WITH THE GODS 89 
 
 As the narrator docs not remove his mask, and as he speaks very 
 rapidly, much that is said is lost to the hearers. Though it is sup- 
 posed that this iliad is recited for the express purpose of instilling- the 
 history into the minds of the people, it is really intended that the 
 people shall be informed about it but vaguely. The statement that 
 this narration is begun in one ki'wi'sine and continued through 
 'Kiaklo's visit to the other live is erroneous. It is repeated in full in 
 each ki'wi'sine. 
 
 When it becomes necessary to quench his thirst, 'Kiaklo takes 
 popcorn water (made by grinding popped corn and mixing it with 
 cold water) through a reed which is passed through the mouth hole of 
 the mask. This is his only nourishment during his visit to I'tiwanna. 
 
 The directors and laymen of each ki'wi'sine are assembled to receive 
 'Kiaklo, who goes directh' from one to the other in the following order, 
 aud in each repeats the sacred stoiy from beginning to end. He goes 
 from Chu'pawa to Mu'he'wa at noon, O'he'wa at sunset, Up"sannawa 
 at midnight, He'iwa at rising of the morning star, and He'kiapawa at 
 dawn, each move being made on the back of a Ko'yemshi. He leaves 
 the He'kiapawa in the morning about 7 o'clock, and departs over 
 the western road to return to Ko'thluwala'wa. He talks more rapidly 
 in the He'iwa and He'kiapawa ki'wi'siwe than in the others, because 
 the time is limited. 
 
 Rabbit Hunt with the Gods. 
 
 The rabbit hunt in which personators of the gods take part occurs 
 quadrennially after the visit of *Kiaklo to the village, but may occur 
 oftener in times of great drought. 
 
 The first body of A'shiwanni including the elder and younger 
 brother Bow priests meet in the ceremonial chamber of the latter, 
 where they spend the night, and at sunrise the warrior of the frater- 
 nity of Hunters who is either the elder or younger brother Bow priest, 
 notifies the fraternity that a hunt by the Kok'ko (anthropic gods) will 
 occur in four days. Those who are to personate the gods in the hunt 
 prepare te'likinawe the day following this announcement. They meet 
 the same night in their ki'wi'siwe, rehearse their songs, and smoke. 
 
 'Si^sikia (the suckling) and the Ko'yemshi go about the village on 
 the fourth day inquiring for the boys to be initiated into the Ko'tikili. 
 The male children four or five years of age are brought forward by 
 their mothers, who declare that their little ones have no name, and 
 request that they be named by the Ko'3 r emshi and 'Si^sikia, who have 
 the naming of the children. They name girls only when they are to 
 join the Ko'tikili. Pregnant women visit the 'Cha'kwena" (who is 
 
 "The 'Cha'kwena is the deceased Ku'yapali'sa (female warrior) of the Kla'nakwe, who carried 
 her heart in her rattle as she walked to and fro before her army during the engagement with the 
 A'shiwi. She was also keeper of all game (see Destruction of the Kla'nakwe and songs of 
 thanksgiving). 
 
90 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 personated by a man) in the He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine the same da\ T , and 
 wash off the pinkish paint which covers her limbs. The dress of the 
 'Cha'kwena at this time bangs from both shoulders and fastens up the 
 front. The Zufiis say: "In the olden time dresses were worn in this 
 fashion/' The 'Cha'kwena gives te'likinawe to the women, to be 
 offered to the A'wan 'Sita (Great Mother) of the children of To'wa 
 yal'lanne (Corn mountain). These te'likinawe are deposited at the 
 mother rock (see plate xn) below the summit of this mesa. The hus- 
 bands of the women frequently accompany them on this pilgrimage, 
 which means much to them. 
 
 Later in the day the 'Cha'kwena, wearing her mask, which covers the 
 face only, passes through the village telling the people she will give to 
 them the game of the world. At this time 'Cha'kwena and the other 
 gods receive many donations of food. The Sal'imobiya (warriors and 
 seed-gatherers) of the six regions announce that they will bring all seeds 
 to the people. After sunset these gods go over the western road and 
 deposit the collected corn in the river for the gods at Ko'thluwala'wa, 
 but the remainder of the food is brought back to the village and eaten. 
 The 'Cha'kwena on the following day plants the te'likinawe given her 
 by the personators of the gods who are to take part in the hunt. 
 
 The 'San'iakiakwe assemble in their fraternity chamber on the night 
 previous to the hunt, and the personators of the gods, including the 
 'Cha'kwena, wearing the masks and other paraphernalia, go from the 
 He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine to the fraternity chamber of the 'San'iakiakwe 
 and dance to the accompaniment of the rattle, drum, and song of the 
 fraternity. 
 
 The first body of A'shiwanni meet the same night in their ceremonial 
 chamber. At sunrise on the following morning the 'San'iakiakwe 
 join the A'shiwanni. 'Cha'kwena leaves the He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine 
 and, passing by the north side of the village, enters Si'aa' plaza from 
 the east side. Proceeding to the center of the plaza, she passes to 
 the north, west, south, and east, starting each time from the center, 
 and then makes a circle from left to right four times around the 
 plaza, that the rain-makers of the four regions and those of the 
 world, the circle symbolizing the world, ma}' cause the rains to fall 
 upon Zuiii. She then ascends a ladder and enters the ceremonial 
 chamber of the A'shiwanni and sits on a sacred embroidered blanket 
 spread upon a box and crossed with sacred meal, indicative of the 
 four cardinal points. The priest of the Zenith (sun priest) places 
 a hand on each shoulder and motions her to the six regions, the 
 Zenith and Nadir being indicated by a sort of raising and lowering of 
 the shoulders, and attaches a fluffy eagle plume, colored red, to the 
 scalp lock. The elder and younger brother Bow priests make lire 
 with the tire sticks in the chamber of the A'shiwanni, and torches 
 of cedar fiber are ignited. The 'Cha'kwena, accompanied by two 
 
stevenson] RABBIT HUNT WITH THE GODS 91 
 
 Ko'yemshi carrying the lighted torches, and the younger brother Bow 
 priest follow the 'San'iakiakwe, who leave the chamber for the western 
 road, carrying bread made by the wives and daughters of the first body 
 of A'shiwanni. The Ko'yemshi set fire to the grass and other vegeta- 
 tion as they proceed. The Sal'imobiya of the six regions, 'Hle'lashok- 
 tipona (Wood-ears), U'poj 7 ona (Wool-cap), and Na'wisho (Owner of 
 many doer), pass over the road, following the 'Cha'kwena, and, after 
 reaching a certain point, the yellow Sal'imobiya of the North halts; the 
 others proceed some distance, when the blue Sal'imobiya of the East 
 stops; and so these gods take their positions in file at about equal 
 distance apart. 
 
 A Sa'ya'hlia (blue horn), who deposits a reed cigarette in 'kiawiyu 
 l'aknakwi (a deep place in the river bed some distance west of the vil- 
 lage), returns and joins his three associates, who go through the village 
 with other gods, notifying the people that the hour for the hunt has 
 arrived and calling on them to prepare for it. They use their giant 
 yucca on all who are not fortunate enough to get out of the waj T . All 
 hasten to have their hair done up, it having been washed in yucca 
 suds. No one can take part in a religious ceremonial without first 
 having the hair washed. Many are mounted and others are on foot. 
 Should a personator of a god wish to mount, he steps to one side 
 with a member of his ki'wfsine, the equestrian dismounts and puts 
 on the mask, and the other takes the saddle. Maidens ride behind 
 their fathers or brothers. The Sa'j'a'hlia follow separately, each with a 
 party of pedestrians, and when they reach the Sal'imobiya of the North, 
 this god chases the party to where the Sal'imobiya of the West stands, 
 and returns to a point a few yards in advance of his former place. The 
 same party is then chased to the next god b}' the Sal'irnobij'a of the 
 West, who returns to a point some 3 r ards in front of his former posi- 
 tion. In this way the party passes all the gods, and the gods at the 
 same time advance some yards. This plan is pursued with each 
 Sa'ya'hlia and his party. Finally all reach the 'San'iakiakwe, who are 
 waiting in the timbered country. 
 
 A low tree is fired near the base with a burning torch, and the 
 fraternity, gods, and others, with prayers, cast bread into the flames 
 as food for the gods. Those offei*ed b3' the 'San'iakiakwe are invoca- 
 tions to the deceased members of the fraternity to aid them in the 
 hunt. The 'Cha'kwena prays to the goddess whom she personates, 
 imploring her to send manj^ of her children (rabbits) to the Zuiiis. 
 The others address the gods in general, praying that they will 
 influence the mother of game to send her children to them and that 
 the rain-makers will water the earth. All excepting the gods pass 
 their rabbit sticks through the flames for success in the hunt. A 
 large circle is formed around the preserve by starting in opposite 
 directions. The 'Cha'kwena and 'Sani'akiakwe remain within the circle 
 
^2 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 and with the firebrands drive the rabbits out from their hiding places 
 among the trees. The rabbits are killed by the gods and othei's 
 with the rabbit stick. The gods never take up the rabbits thej r kill, 
 but the women run from their places to collect them and return again 
 to the circle. When a god fails to kill a rabbit which runs between 
 himself and another man, and the man kills it, the latter strikes the 
 god over each arm and leg; but should the god slay the rabbit 
 he whips the man: if both fail, they whip one another. The women 
 endeavor to catch the rabbits with their hands as they pass by, but are 
 not often successful. The unsuccessful one receives four strokes across 
 the back from the gods. 
 
 The first rabbit killed has its nose cut and is banded to the 'Cha'- 
 kwena by a maiden, and the 'Cha'kwena rubs the bleeding nose down 
 her legs on the inner sides, that the A'shiwi (Zuni) girls may hasten 
 to arrive at the age of puberty and that they may be prolific in child- 
 bearing. 
 
 After the first hunt is finished the circle is broken, and the women 
 who have charge of the slain rabbits carry them to the mo'sona (director) 
 and pe'kwin (deputy) of the 'San'iakiakwe, who stand facing the east, 
 each holding a firebrand. They pick 'off a bit of fur from the tip of 
 the tail of each rabbit and place this fur in the firebrands, for future 
 success in the hunt. The rabbits are laid on their sides on the ground, 
 with their heads to the east and facing south, and all draw near, pray, 
 and sprinkle them with meal. 
 
 All the rabbits that are secured in the hunt, except the one carried 
 by 'Si^sikia to He'iwa ki'wi'sine, are conveyed by the director of the 
 'Siin'iakiakwe to the ceremonial chamber of the first body of A'shi- 
 wanni and presented to them. The rabbits are laid on the floor, with 
 their heads to the east, and an ear of corn is placed between the fore 
 paws of each rabbit (see plate cvi b). All present, including the 
 members of the household, gather around, offer up a prayer, and 
 sprinkle meal. A feast is then enjoyed, and some of the food is car- 
 ried from this chamber to He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine by the women of the 
 house. The rabbits presented to the first IxkIv of A'shiwanni are 
 stewed in vessels used exclusively for ceremonial cooking, and at sun- 
 rise the meat is cast into the fire, with a prayer to the gods to eat: 
 "My fathers, my mothers, my children, eat." Wsikia flays his 
 rabbit and fills the skin with cedar bark. A pinch of meal is placed 
 in the filling, symbolic of the heart, a hollow reed is run from the 
 mouth through the filling, and g_ypsum is placed in the e^ye sockets. 
 
 After the return of the gods from the hunt they pass about the 
 village before entering He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine. There is dancing in 
 the six ki'wi'siwe throughout the night. During the evening the 
 ( Cha'kwena, led by the Ko'mosona, encircles the village, and on 
 reaching a point on the north side she leaves the Ko'mosona, proceeds 
 some distance north of the village, and deposits food offerings in 
 
stevenson] RABBIT HUNT WITH THE GODS 93 
 
 an excavation made for the purpose, that the A'shiwi women may 
 pass safely through parturition; that the children may live and grow- 
 to maturity, and that the women may be prolific. The 'Cha'kwena 
 repeats her prayer on the three following evenings at the three other 
 cardinal points. The gods appear for three successive evenings for 
 a time in the streets of the village, and dance during the night in 
 lle'kiapawa ki'wi'sine and in the ceremonial chamber of the 'San'ia- 
 kiakwe. The 'Cha'kwena spends the four days following the last 
 deposition of food in the He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine lounging on her bed, 
 suggestive of a woman after accouchement. Any woman having lost 
 children may remain in the ki'wi'sine at this time, the 'Cha'kwena 
 preparing a sand bed for her." 
 
 The first morning the woman is in the ki'wi'sine she bathes the 
 goddess and dresses her in a new gown with embroidered sash and a 
 woman's belt tied at the left side; a pair of moccasins of fine white 
 deerskin and elaborate necklaces and bracelets of precious beads are 
 put on, and blue yarn is attached to the right wrist and a bow wristlet 
 to the left; the mask is then placed over the face. The goddess is 
 supplied with a gourd rattle, which she carries in her right hand, 
 and a bunch of te'likinawe is carried in the left hand. A fawn skin 
 hangs below the breast. In this regalia the 'Cha'kwena follows the 
 Ko'mosoua from the ki'wi'sine, with the four Sa'ya'hlia behind her 
 and after them the Ko'pekwm and two Ko'pi"lashiwanni. The last 
 three stand off a distance while the others approach the house south 
 of the ki'wi'sine. The 'Cha'kwena, standing in the doorway, extends 
 the te'likinawe she carries into the room four times, and the four 
 Sa'ya'hlia, who are close to her, extend their bows in the same manner. 
 Afterward the matron of the house comes forward and hands various 
 kinds of bread to the 'Cha'kwena, who hands the larger pieces to the 
 Ko'mosona or Ko'pekwm, to be deposited in a blanket that is spread 
 on the ground, and places the small jjats in the fawn skin she wears, 
 to be afterward given to the gods. The family of the house now 
 sprinkle the 'Cha'kwena and Sa'ya'hlia with meal. Many houses are 
 visited, and food is collected in the manner described. 
 
 Men who participate in the hunting of large game give te'likinawe 
 to the 'Cha'kwena, Ku'yapali'sa having been the original owner of all 
 game, for success in the hunt. The first hodj of A'shiwanni and such 
 women as wish to become mothers make offerings of te'likinawe to 
 Ku'yapali'sa. Long prayers are repeated with each presentation. 
 This goddess is soon laden with plume offerings, which she carries 
 attached to a string. Every house on the ground floor is visited 
 by 'Cha'kwena and her party. Those living above descend to make 
 their offerings of food. When a sufficient quantity has been gath- 
 ered the blanket is removed by the Ko'pi''lashiwanni and carried to 
 
 a Zuiii women are confined on sand beds. 
 
94 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine. When the fawn skin can no longer hold the 
 contributions its contents are emptied by a Ko'pi"lashiwanni into a 
 sack which is carried for the purpose. After Cha'kwena has con- 
 cluded her visits through the village, she passes, with her associates, 
 over the western road, led by the Ko'mosona for a distance, and the food 
 collected in the fawn skin is deposited with te'likinawe and pra) T er 
 meal in an excavation in the river bank made by wor'we (managers) 
 from the He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine. Long prayers are offered by all 
 present. The opening is afterward covered, Cha'kwena removes 
 her mask, and the ceremony in which she figures is concluded. 
 
 Coming of Ko'loowisi (Plumed Serpent) and Involuntary 
 Initiation into the Ko'tikili 
 
 Those who are to personate the gods at the coming of Ko'loowisi 
 spend the greater portion of their time in the He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine 
 during the eight days preceding the appearance of the fetish. The 
 first seven mornings the}' go to collect wood, which they bring on 
 the backs of burros. On the sixth morning the Sal'imobiya from the 
 other ki'wi'siwe, each with his younger brother, or fellow, meet in 
 He'kiapawa to decide upon the fraternities that are to be invited to 
 the ki'wi'siwe to participate in the coming ceremonies, each Sal'imobiya 
 except the one in He'kiapawa being privileged to have a fraternity of 
 his choice in his ki'wi'sine. The Great Fire fraternity must always be 
 in He'kiapawa for this occasion. 
 
 Each personator of a god who is to accompany Ko'loowisi to the 
 village selects a young man and provides him with a gourd jug with 
 which to visit To'seluna, a sacred spring at Ojo Caliente, and get water 
 and the tall grass which grows in the spring. The party of young- 
 men returns in the evening in time to join the personators of the gods, 
 who have gathered at a certain point some distance west of the village, 
 ready to accompany the Ko'loowisi, which has been taken to this point, 
 entirely secreted by its priest, or keeper. 
 
 The figure of Ko'loowisi, which is constructed of deerskin, is about 5 
 feet long and 8 inches through the thickest part of the body. The 
 under portion is painted white and the back is black, covered with 
 duplicate curves in yellow and blue-green to designate the scales of the 
 serpent. A rod of cottonwood extends through the fetish, symboliz- 
 ing the spinal column. A miniature stick with plumes attached, rep- 
 resenting the heart, is secured at the middle of the rod. Hoops of 
 slender pieces of cottonwood, representing the ribs of the serpent, 
 extend from the neck to the lower end. A deerskin tongue, colored 
 red, hangs from the mouth, which is provided with teeth. Plumes 
 stand from the top of the head, which is made of a gourd. The throat 
 is wrapped with a fox skin° (see plate xiu). The procession as it 
 
 « An exact model, made for the writer by a priest associated with the fetish, is in the United States 
 National Museum. 
 
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stevenson] COMING OF KO'LOOWISI 95 
 
 enters the village is impressive. The head of the fetish passes through 
 a tablet ornamented with cloud symbols (see plate xiv), which is sup- 
 ported on each side by a man of Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine. Two other 
 men carry on each side a spruce tree which so covers the Ko'loowisi 
 that only the head is distinctly seen. The tail of the fetish, which is 
 held by the left hand of the priest, or keeper, and the 'su"hlan'na 
 (great shell), on which he constant^ blows, are hidden from view by 
 the trees. 
 
 The Ko'loowisi is accompanied by Pau'tiwa (director-general in 
 Ko'thluwala'wa), the Sal'imobiya (warriors and seed-gatherers) from 
 the six regions, many other gods, and a number of men from Chu'pawa 
 ki'wi'sine. Su'ti'ki, a bird fetish, follows after Ko'loowisi. The gods 
 are grouped at the side and back of the fetishes. The Ko'loowisi 
 is carried to each ki'wi'sine in the order visited by 'Kiiiklo. On 
 entering He'kiapawa the Ko'loowisi is deposited north of the altar, 
 with its head to the east, and the two trees are so placed as to quite 
 cover the fetish except the head. The tablet through which the 
 head was thrust is deposited back of the altar, the gourd jugs of 
 water brought from To'seluna spring are placed before the fetish 
 north of the meal line, which extends from the altar, and the grass 
 from the spring is laid upon the jugs. The ki'wi'sine is decorated 
 with two pictures of Ko'loowisi, which extend along the north and 
 south walls, the heads almost meeting at the altar. The priest of 
 the Ko'loowisi and Pau'tiwa remain with the fetish. The former con- 
 stantly blows the shell, making it appear that the serpent is keeping up 
 a continuous roaring. The other personators of the gods go to their 
 respective ki'wi'siwe, where the members are assembled to receive 
 them. The Ko'yemshi, who are supposed to be returning after car- 
 rying 'Kiaklo back to Ko'thluwala'wa, come to the village after the 
 others and proceed to their ceremonial chamber. The gods dance 
 throughout the night, visiting one ki'wi'sine after another, observing 
 the order in which the regions are named — North, West, South, East, 
 Zenith, and Nadir. 
 
 At the rising of the morning star the gods who accompanied the 
 Ko'loowisi gather in the He'kiapawa from their ki'wi'siwe, and make 
 offerings of grains of corn and other seeds, which are received by 
 the director and deputy of the Great Fire fraternity. The j^ellow 
 Sal'imobiya of the North has yellow corn, that of the West blue corn, 
 that of the South red corn, that of the East white corn, that of the 
 Zenith multicolored grains of corn, that of the Nadir black corn; the 
 Ko'yemshi native squash seeds, An'nahoho gourd seeds, Shu'laawi'si 
 corn of all colors, and Na'wisho sweet corn. Each one presents a 
 plume wand with his offering. These wands are afterward planted at 
 the apexes of sand mounds in the Chu'pawa and O'he'wa ki'wi'siwe. 
 The gods now leave the ki'wi'sine and go over the eastern road, which 
 
96 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 leads to Pescado, one of the farming districts. After proceeding 
 about a mile they remove their masks and take from their hair a 
 la'showanne (plume attached to a cotton cord), consisting of a single 
 feather of a woodpecker, and attach it to a sprig of coyote weed. 
 "This feather is used because the woodpecker ascends and descends 
 the trees headforemost and can peck into the hardest wood." The 
 masks are replaced, and the gods return to their respective ki'wi'siwe 
 and await the coming of 'Kiiiklo at daylight. 
 
 'Kiiiklo, who on the present occasion is called Hii'shi (shaker), 
 accompanied by two Mu'luktakia, two Kia'nakwe, director and warrior, 
 two or three Sal'imobiya, two or three Sa'ya'hlia, and usuall}- one or two 
 'Cha'kwena gods," comes over the eastern road to Si'aa' te'wita. The 
 two Mu'luktakia dance in the center of the te'wita, while Hii'shi tramps 
 about sprinkling a line of meal after him and calling to the others to 
 follow.* When the gods reach He'kiapa te'wita the Mu'luktakia dance 
 immediately before the opening in the wall of He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine 
 through which the head of Ko'loowisi has been thrust, the tablet being 
 attached to the opening of the outer wall. The head of the serpent 
 protrudes at intervals, touching the Mu'luktakia while they dance. 
 Hii'shi now repeats the running about and sprinkling of meal behind 
 him, calling to the others to follow. After a short time Hii'shi, with 
 his followers, departs over the western road, while the Ko'yemshi and 
 Sal'imobiya, and others of the six ki'wi'siwe who may have been 
 spectators, return to their respective ki'wi'siwe. 
 
 Later in the morning the directors of the different ki'wi'siwe and 
 some six or eight others go to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine, where members 
 of the Great Fire fraternity have already carried materials for a 
 sand or dry painting. A disk is formed of sand, which may be 
 gathered from any place, but usually from the creek. A deep, small- 
 necked, archaic bowl, greatly prized by the Zunis, decorated with 
 toads, tadpoles, and dragon flies, is placed by the director of the 
 Great Fire fraternity in the center of the disk of sand. This bowl is 
 referred to as the spring. The water in it must have been brought 
 from 'Kia'nanaknan'na (a spring sacred to the rain priests), and must 
 contain mosses, such fishes as may be found, frogs, and also a 
 water snake, if one can be secured in this particular spring. The 
 water is dipped by a member of the Frog clan. A ground color 
 of white covers the sand, and one of the artists of the fraternity, 
 chosen by the director, delineates upon it pictures of the Sal'imobiya, 
 'Kiiiklo, and other gods. There must be as many gods represented 
 
 "These 'Cha'kwena bear no relation to the •Cha'kwena (Ku'yapiili'sa) before mentioned. 
 
 bThe man who personates Hii'shi is not the same as he who represents 'Kiiiklo when he recites the 
 iliad, though he wears the same mask and regalia; nor are those who accompany him the men who 
 are to personate the gods when the children are initiated into the Ko'tikili. These are now present 
 as spectators only. 
 
stevenson] COMING OF KO'LOOWISI 97 
 
 in this painting- as there are children to be initiated. The director of 
 the Great Fire fraternity remains constantly by this painting, leaving 
 it only occasionally to observe the progress of the work done by 
 members of his fraternity in Chu'pawa and O'he'wa ki'wi'siwe. 
 
 There are fifteen sand mounds made in each of these ki'wi'siwe for 
 the fifteen gods who are personated." The men who make the mounds 
 remain to look after them. The gods for whom the mounds are made 
 in the Chu'pawa are the six elder brothers Sal'imobiya, two elder 
 brothers Na'wisho, elder brother 'Hle'laskoktipona, elder brother 
 U'povona, two elder brothers An'nahoho, Shu'laawi'si, *Si"sikia, and 
 A wan ta"cb.u (Great Father) Ko'yemshi. The younger brothers of the 
 gods, except Shu'laawi'si, 'Si"sikia, and A'wan ta"chu Ko'yemshi, 
 visit the O'he'wa ki'wi'sine. Shu'laawi'si, 'Si"sikia, and Awan ta"chu 
 Ko'yemshi go from one ki'wi'sine to the other. 
 
 As soon as members of the Great Fire fraternity leave for the two 
 ki'wi'siwe to make the sand mounds Shu'laawi'si, led by his ceremonial 
 father, leaves the Up"sannawa to visit the O'he'wa, where he is joined 
 by the two An'nahoho, and the four proceed to He'iwa ki'wi'sine, where 
 the director of the Great Fire fraternity dips water from the "spring" 
 with an ancient shell attached to a long stick of cottonwood and gives 
 to each a drink. At this point the choir of the fraternity sing to the 
 accompaniment of the rattle and drum. The water is drunk to make 
 the gods angry, and the pe'kwin (sun priest) says: "Those of you 
 who drink this water are privileged to strike all men and women you 
 may meet, except those that you find lying down, standing close to 
 the wall or by a ladder or under one, or carrying an ear of corn or a 
 vase of water; or pregnant women, men wearing plumes in the hair or 
 buckskin around them, officers of the fraternity who take part in the 
 ceremonies, or those who have worked on the sand painting and 
 mounds.'" The gods and others who had previously visited the ki'wi'- 
 sine and partaken of the water also received instructions from the 
 pe'kwin to whip the people. These gods break large quantities of 
 pottery, and as each piece is thrown to the ground they cry: "Pa'chu 
 a'shetu (Death to the Navaho)." Baskets are broken by the other 
 gods and burned by the lighted brand of Shu'laawi'si, and they cry: 
 "Le'na Pa'chu an ham'pone cha'pitu (In this way burn the Navaho 
 camp.)" The populace and Sal'imobiya give the war whoop during the 
 destruction of pottery and baskets. 
 
 The Ko'yemshi ascend to the roof of the He'iwa ki'wi'sine and listen 
 to 'Si"sikia, who has not left the ki'wi'sine and is now on the ladder 
 which passes through the hatchway. He holds the stuffed rabbit skin 
 with gypsum eyes, previously referred to, near his mouth, and the 
 
 a niustrations of these sand paintings maybe found in "The Eeligious Life of the Zufii Child, " 
 Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 539-555. 
 
 23 ETH— 04 7 
 
98 .THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 rabbit is supposed to be saying: "Your little grandfather is hungry; 
 he wishes something to eat; bring him some food." The Ko'yemshi, 
 in obedience to the little grandfather's request, go to the homes of 
 the children who are to be initiated and have been previously named 
 by 'Si"sikia and the Ko^ernshi. The first boy visited gives an eating 
 bowl full of cooked 3 7 ellow beans, the next gives a bowl of blue beans, 
 the next a bowl of red beans, the fourth a bowl of white beans, the fifth 
 a bowl of beans of all colors, the sixth a bowl of black beans. The 
 other children give dried peaches, stewed meat, etc. The bowls of 
 food are carried to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine by the Ko'yemshi, who hand 
 them through the hatchway to persons inside. 'Si"sikia does not receive 
 the bowls himself. Wor'we (managers) from the other ki'wi'siwe 
 go to He'iwa and carry off their share of the food, each party partaking 
 of the feast in its own ki'wi'sine after the gods have finished their tour 
 of destruction. About this time each godfather carries a la'showanne 
 to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine, giving it to the director of the Great Fire 
 fraternity, who places it on the head of one of the pictures of the sand 
 painting. 
 
 The godfathers of the boys who donate beans have their la'showawe 
 placed on the heads of the Sal'imobiya of the six regions, each la'sho- 
 wanne being placed on the head of the god associated with the region 
 of the color of the beans, the color of the figures having nothing to 
 do with the ki'wi'sine the boy is to enter; but, apart from the feathers 
 of the godfathers of the bo3 T s who have donated the beans of the colors 
 of the six regions, the feathers are placed on the heads of the figures 
 as the director may decide. As soon as each father is informed upon 
 which figure his plume is placed he leaves the ki'wi'sine to prepare for 
 the involuntary initiation of his godchild. 
 
 The pe'kwin leads the gods from He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine, where they 
 assembled after their feasts in their respective ki'wi'siwe, to Si'aa' 
 te'wita. Entering by the eastern covered way, he sprinkles a line of 
 meal from the entrance of the plaza to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine and forms 
 a circle of meal at the base of the ladder which leads to the roof of the 
 ki'wi'sine. He crosses the main line of meal at equal intervals with 
 lines of meal of the different colors associated with the six regions, 
 beginning at the east entrance, to indicate the positions the gods are to 
 take. He again returns to the east entrance and places the Ko'pekwin, 
 deputy to the Ko'mosona, the Ko'mosona, and the gods in proper order, 
 standing each one, with a hand on each shoulder, on a cross line of the 
 meal; thc\ T all face north. The position of the gods is as follows: The 
 Sal'imobiya of the North stands next to the Ko'mosona, then follow in 
 order the Sal'imobiya of the West, Sal'imobiya of the South, Sal'imo- 
 biya of the East, Sal'imobiya of the Zenith, Sal'imobiya of the Nadir, 
 'Hle'lashoktipona, U'poyona, An'nahoho, Shu'laawi'si, 'Si"sikia, and 
 Great Father Ko'yemshi. The other Ko'yemshi mark a place with 
 
stevenson] COMING OF Ko'LOOWISI 99 
 
 the feet for each god to place his extended foot while striking the 
 children. 
 
 The child, who is carried on the back of his godfather, wears a 
 cotton shirt and two blankets, and is held on the back by two addi- 
 tional blankets and a piece of canvas which take the place of the bison 
 robes used in olden times. As the godfathers pass before the gods 
 the children arc struck four times bj r each god with bunches of giant 
 yucca. The Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwm take no part in the whipping. 
 After the godfather passes the line of the gods, he steps into the meal 
 circle and ascends the ladder to the roof of the ki'wi'sine, where the 
 child is stood at the hatchway if he is old enough to walk down the 
 ladder, otherwise the godfather carries him into the ki'wi'sine. He 
 removes the la'showanne from the proper sand figure and ties it to 
 the child's head, and the director of the Great Fire fraternit}' gives 
 the child a drink from the "spring." The water is dipped with the 
 old shell referred to. After all the children have the plumes tied to 
 the hair they are told to step upon the sand painting, their breasts 
 and other portions of their bodies being touched with the sand. The 
 children are now carried on the backs of their godfathers to the 
 plaza and seated on the ledges that extend around the square, the 
 godfathers standing behind them. The wife and daughter of each 
 godfather stand on each side of the child, who now has only three 
 blankets over him, holding a piece of canvas which secretes the child. 
 After the godfathers leave the ki'wi'sine the director of the Great 
 Fire fraternity ascends with the spring bowl and, dipping water with 
 the shell, gives those who are assembled on the roof of the ki'wi'sine 
 drafts of the sacred water. 
 
 A square formed by four crosses of meal, symbolizing the four 
 regions, each cross with its four points symbolizing the same, is made 
 in the plaza by the Ko'mosona. Four Sa'ya'hlia, selected by the 
 Ko'pi"lashiwanni from some one ki'wi'sine, stand each on a cross. 
 The one on the northeast cross faces north, the one on the northwest 
 faces west, the one on the southwest faces south, and the one on the 
 southeast faces east. After a time the four gods turn, facing the 
 points directly to their left, and in this way thej r make a circuit of 
 the four regions, after which the Ko'mosona leads the Sa'ya'hlia 
 from the northeast cross past the children, beginning with the child 
 nearest the east entrance. The god endeavors to locate the child under 
 the canvas by touching it with his foot. Each child is struck once; 
 then the Sa'ya'hlia from the northwest cross passes by the children 
 and strikes each one twice. Three strokes are given each child by the 
 Sa'ya'hlia from the cross at the southwest point, and four strokes are 
 given by the one from the southeast cross. 
 
 The four Sa'ya'hlia now iorm a line, facing north, and the child 
 nearest the east entrance is carried on the back of the godfather; 
 
100 THE ZUNI INDIANS Teth. ann. 23 
 
 the little one, now having but two blankets and the canvas over him, 
 is struck four times by each Sa'ya'hlia. Each child is carried in turn 
 by these gods. After passing the gods, the godfather continues to 
 his home, where he and the godchild join in a feast, after which they 
 go to either the O'he'wa or the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine. When the gods 
 leave the plaza they repair to the He'kiapawa, where all the other 
 gods are assembled; there they have a light repast, and then arrange 
 the corn to be delivered by the Ko'loowisi in the ki'wi'siwe. When all 
 who are privileged, including the first body of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mo- 
 sona and others, are gathered in Chu'pawa and O'he'wa ki'wi'siwe the 
 gods in He'kiapawa separate into two bodies, going to the two ki'wi'siwe 
 in the order before described. All but one of the gods enter the hatch- 
 way headforemost; facing the north, and catching the rung of the 
 ladder with one foot, then the rung below by the bended knee, they 
 descend the ladder in this manner to the fire altar; and with head on 
 the slab of the altar make a somersault into the room. 
 
 A sacred embroidered blanket is attached to the wall at the west 
 end of the room, one is placed on the ledge immediately below, and 
 many strings of precious beads and an old red, black, and green yarn 
 belt hang on each side of the blanket on the wall. U'poyona, who is 
 the first god to euter the ki'wi'sine, and who walks down the ladder 
 instead of going headforemost, takes his seat before the blanket. As 
 each god makes a somersault into the room he hops like a frog past 
 the mounds on the south side, and then around on the north side. 
 As 'Hle'lashoktlpona (Wood-ears) passes U'poyona this god leaves his 
 seat and hops on all fours after him. As each god reaches the appro- 
 priate mound he halts on all fours to the north of it, and when all are 
 in position they simultaneously jump on their mounds, remove the 
 plume wands, and, jumping off in the same fashion, pass to the children 
 who are between the extended knees of their godfathers. Each god- 
 father sits on the ledge between his wife and daughter. 
 
 Each god blows four times upon the plume wand he carries, each 
 time passing it before the child's lips, giving to him the sacred breath 
 of the god. After this ceremony all the gods except Shu'laawi'si, 
 ^r'sikia, and Great Father Ko'vemshi depart by the western road. 
 The three last named proceed to O'he'wa ki'wi'sine and there join the 
 younger brother gods in similar ceremonies. Later in the evening 
 Su'ti'ki. the bird fetish which announces the coming of Ko'loowisi, 
 is carried from the He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine to the roof of Chu'pawa. 
 The pole is projected through the hatchway, and by an ingenious 
 arrangement of cord the bird is made to run back and forth, while a 
 second man uses a whistle of most curious workmanship" that is 
 hidden under his blanket. The bird is supposed to chirp and warble, 
 
 a This whistle was secured for the United States National Museum. 
 
stevbnson] COMING OF KO'LOOWISI 101 
 
 notifying those in the ki'wi'sine of the coming- of Ko'loowisi. Finall}' 
 the bird halts at the far end of the pole, and all, including the children 
 in the ki'wi'sine, draw their hands to their mouths, inhaling the breath 
 from the sacred fetish. While this is being done the man with the 
 whistle blows out his breath four times. 
 
 This ceremony with the bird is repeated at O'he'wa ki'wi'sine, and 
 afterward the two men with the bird fetish pass out over the western 
 road." Ko'loowisi is the next to visit the ki'wi'siwe, going first to 
 Chu'pawa. The serpent is carried now just as it was brought to the 
 village. The slab is held firmly while the head is projected through 
 the hatchway into the ki'wi'sine. Water from the To'seluna spring is 
 secretly emptied from a gourd jug into the body of Ko'loowisi, and it 
 pours from his mouth into bowls held by the Ko'mosona, the Ko'pek- 
 win. and two Ko'pi'lashiwanni. The grains of corn of different colors, 
 which are now mixed, are afterward put into the serpent and received 
 in baskets from its mouth by those who receive the water. The to'selu 
 (long grass) from the spring is thrown through the hatchwa3 r , while the 
 children's eyes are covered in order that they may not know that it 
 does not come from the mouth of the serpent. 
 
 Ko'loowisi is now carried to the hatchway of O'he'wa, where the 
 offering of seeds and water is repeated. Each child receives a bowl, 
 which is a present from the g'odfather made by a female member of 
 his family, containing sacred water from the Ko'loowisi. The Ko'pek- 
 win gives a handful of the mixed corn to each boy and to each god- 
 father, and a roll of the long grass is also handed to each child. Should 
 there be an oversupply of the grass it is given to the godfathers. As 
 soon as these distributions have been made to the children in Chu'pawa 
 ki'wi'sine the Ko'mosona, Ko'pekwln, and two Ko'pi"lashiwanni proceed 
 to the O'he'wa ki'wi'sine and take part in similar ceremonies. After 
 receiving the gifts of the gods the children are carried to their homes 
 by their godfathers. The water is drunk by the boy and his immedi- 
 ate family and is also used to sprinkle the stacked corn. The long 
 grass is deposited with the stacked corn, and the seeds are planted 
 separate from the others in the field in the coming spring. 
 
 After the ceremonies in the ki'wi'siwe the gods dej)osit the plume 
 wands from the mounds and food in a large excavation west of Zuni, 
 which is afterward covered. They then return to the village, with their 
 masks secreted under blankets, each going to the house where his mask 
 is kept and returning it to the keeper with appropriate prayers. As a 
 a number of masks are often kept in one house, several personators 
 of the gods meet there and are served with an elaborate feast. Previ- 
 ous to the feast, however, each personator of a god removes all of his 
 clothing but the breechcloth and is bathed by the women of the family. 
 
 a The two men mentioned have entire charge of the bird fetish and the whistle, and their office is 
 for life. 
 
102 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 At sunrise the morning after initiation the child goes to the house 
 of his godfather, where the plume is removed from his hair and the 
 head is bathed by the wife; then the godfather returns the plume to 
 its place and gives the boy four ears of corn and te'likinawe, after 
 which the child has his morning meal at the house of his godfather. 
 After the meal the godfather carries the child to Ku'shilowa (red earth), 
 a short distance east of the village, removes from his hair the plume, 
 and plants it in the earth, and the child deposits his te'likinawe. He 
 plants the corn the coming 3 r ear in his fields. 
 
 Thus closes this curious involuntaiy ceremonial of initiation of the 
 Zuni bo} 7 into the Ko'tikili, an initiation for which the godfather is 
 mainly responsible. The boj 7 must take upon himself the vows as soon 
 as he is old enough to fully understand the requirements resting upon 
 a member of this fraternity. 
 
 Voluntary Initiation into the Ko'tikili 
 
 Voluntary initiation occurs when the bo} 7 is 12 or 13 years of age. 
 He decides for himself, but the elders do not fail to have him under- 
 stand the importance of the step. 
 
 The initiation described was witnessed in 1891. By 1 o'clock in the 
 day the He'iwa k'iwi'sine (see plate xv) a contains a large number of 
 people, including several boys to be initiated. Each boy sits by the 
 side of his godfather (the same godfather acting for involuntaiy and 
 voluntaiy initiation) on the south or east ledge of the room. The first 
 bodj 7 of A'shiwanni (rain priests), the Ko'mosona, and the Ko'pekwln 
 sit on the south ledge, to the west. Four Sa'ya 4 hlia stand on the north 
 side of the ki'wi'sine and west of the center of the floor, facing south. 
 The long goat's wool used for hair on these masks is tied with yucca 
 ribbons, so that the eyeholes of the mask maj 7 not be covered. The 
 Ko'yemshi (see plate v a), 5 who have charge of the bunches of giant 
 yucca, hand a bunch to each Sa'yalilia (see plate xvi). 
 
 One of the boys is a Sia 3 7 outh, who is included in the number to be 
 initiated in order that the Sia Indians may use the Ko'yemshi masks 
 which the} 7 possess, all who formerly had this privilige being now 
 dead. This bo} 7 is accompanied to Zuni by one of the principal rain 
 priests and two theurgists of his tribe. The director of the Shu'- 
 maakwe fraternity was chosen as his godfather. As this youth has 
 not received involuntary initiation in Zuni, he must pass through 
 a more extended ceremonial than the others. He is the first one 
 brought forward. 
 
 "In the plate the He'iwa ki'wl'sing occupies only the left-hand portion, reaching nearly to the 
 window. 
 
 l> Although the masks of the ten Ko'yemshi are similar, each one has its special knob and mouth 
 forms. 
 
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stevexson] VOLUNTARY INITIATION INTO Ko'TIKILI 103 
 
 The godfather folds four large blankets separately into squares 
 and two women lay them over the Sia boy's back while he bends for- 
 ward. A large piece of double canvas is now thrown over the bo} r , 
 completely covering him. His back is bent until one could sit upon 
 it. The godfather, who leads the novice, holds the canvas together 
 under the chin so that the boy can scarcely see. The women who 
 place the blankets walk on either side of the boy, who stops before 
 the Sa'ya'hlia at the east end of the line. This god strikes the boy 
 four times with all his strength across the back with the yucca. The 
 four strokes are repeated by each Sa'ya'hlia in turn, the novice being 
 led by his godfather from one to the other and then to the northwest 
 corner of the room where he stands facing north. The Sa'ya'hlia now 
 stand in line north and south and face east. The boy is again led 
 before the gods to be whipped with the 3 r ucca. The one at the north 
 end of the line strikes him first. He passes four times before the 
 Sa'ya'hlia. and each time the gods give him one stroke each with the 
 yucca. The blows are counted aloud by the Ko'yemshi, who stand by 
 and furnish the gods with fresh bunches of yucca as needed. One 
 of the women who accompan}' the boy is now led by the godfather 
 before the gods. She bends forward and receives on her back one 
 stroke of the yucca from each Sa'3 T a'hlia, they having resumed their 
 position on the north side of the room. Two blankets are removed 
 from the boy's back and he is again led before the gods, each one 
 striking him with force four times across the back. Judging from 
 the smothered groans, the strokes are keenly felt by the boy. After 
 the third whipping the boy and the godfather each take meal from a 
 cornhusk held by the godfather and sprinkle the Sa'ya'hlia, and after 
 the blankets are removed the godfather attaches a fluffy eagle plume 
 to the hair of the boy, who again appears in his calico shirt and 
 trousers. 
 
 A blanket of ordinaiy thickness and a deerskin are used for vol- 
 untary initiation. The novices pass but once before the Sa^'a'hlia, 
 receiving from each of these four gods four strokes with giant yucca 
 delivered with all their strength, and though everj r effort is made by 
 the novices to keep silent, their smothered groans are pitiable to 
 hear. When all of the novices have received their chastisement 
 they return to their seats, each one going to the side of his god- 
 father, who places his hands over the eyes of the boy while the four 
 Sa'ya'hlia gods remove their masks. The Ko'yernshi do not take off 
 theirs. After the boys are whipped the two Ko'yemshi go to the 
 roof of the ki'wi'sine to see that no one intrudes while the masks 
 are being removed. Every initiate has a rain-maker's mask given 
 him by his godfather, which becomes his personal property, and is 
 buried after his death. When the godfathers remove their hands 
 
104 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. akn. '23 
 
 from the eyes of the boys, the novices discover for the first time 
 that the supposed gods are but men. Four of the boys stand before 
 the four Sa'ya'hlia, each god placing a mask on the boy before him 
 and handing him his yucca. The novices now pass down the line 
 of gods, the first boj* striking the first god once over the right arm 
 and then the left, the right ankle and then the left. He repeats the 
 strokes with each god, the other bo}^s doing the same. Passing on, 
 they afterward form into line and again approach the gods, each boy 
 being vis-a-vis to the god whose mask he wears. Each god removes 
 his mask from the boy's head and the novices return to their seats, 
 when four others pass through the same ceremony. 
 
 After all the boys have been initiated the gods replace the masks 
 over their own heads and the godfathers are struck by each god over 
 the limbs, as heretofore described. Afterward each shi'wanni is struck 
 in the same manner. The Ko'mosona informs the boys that if they 
 divulge the initiatory secrets, especial^ those associated with the 
 masks, their heads will be cut off with a stone knife. 
 
 After the initiation a feast is served in the ki'wi'sine, the food being 
 brought to the hatchway in the roof by the families of the Sa'ya'hlia. 
 After the feast the boys pass out one by one with their godfathers. 
 The Sa'ya'hlia go to the plaza while the Kor'kokshi are dancing and 
 run up the ladder and over the housetops, using their j'ucca freely. 
 Women are whipped to cure them of bad dreams. 
 
 As the writer was closeted in the ki'wi'sine, she could not observe 
 the ceremonies in the plaza at this time; but on a similar occasion 
 she remained in the plaza instead of going into the ki'wi'sine, and 
 the scenes observed at that time, which are virtually the same each 
 year, are here given. 
 
 There are thirty-one Kor'kokshi u'wannami (rain-makers) dancers 
 in the plaza. Seven are goddesses. Those representing women wear 
 the ordinary black woven dress and white blanket wraps, bordered 
 top and bottom in blue and red, blue knit leggings, man}' necklaces, 
 and turquoise earrings. Their hands and arms are colored pink and 
 their feet yellow. The hair is parted over the top of the head and 
 down the back, and done up on either side over forms made of wood 
 and wrapped with native blue yarn. After one side is wrapped, the 
 person whose hair is being dressed holds the yarn tightly until the 
 hairdresser rolls the rest of the hair, when it also is wrapped with 
 vain. A bang of goat's wool ± inches deep passes around the head. 
 The woman's mask, which covers only the face, is white, with a black 
 beard about 6 inches long. Each personator of a woman has a large 
 white fluffy eagle plume tied to the forelock, except one who has two 
 plumes, which are somewhat smaller than those worn by the others. 
 They carry spruce twigs in both hands. 
 
 Those personating the male gods have their legs and arms painted 
 
stevenson] VOLUNTARY INITIATION INTO KO'TIKILI 105 
 
 yellow to the knees and elbows; yellow lines run from the elbow up 
 the arm and down the back and breast on each side. They wear the 
 conventional dance moccasins, with porcupine anklets, white cotton 
 embroidered kilts fastened at the right side, a white fringed cotton sash, 
 and a Zuni woman's belt which is carried around the waist and looped 
 at the right side. A fox skin is pendent at the back. Bunches of native 
 blue yarn with sleigh bells are worn below the knee, thej'arn hanging 
 in tassels. A tortoise-shell rattle hangs at the calf of the right leg. 
 Blue yarn is wound around the right wrist and a bow wristlet is worn 
 on the left. In addition to the elaborate necklace, each dancer wears 
 a hank of blue yarn around the neck. Spruce twigs stand out from 
 the belts, and also from the leather armlets, which are cut in points 
 colored blue-green, and a banded turkey feather is suspended from 
 each point by a buckskin thong several inches long. The hair, which 
 has been plaited to make it wavy, falls over the back, and three 
 white, equidistant, fluffy eagle plumes are attached to a string hanging 
 down the back. A bit of cylindrical wood about 1£ inches long and one- 
 fourth inch in diameter is tied to the lower end of the string to keep it in 
 place. A bunch of yellow parrot plumes stands on the fore part of the 
 head at the line from which the bang falls. The masks, which are 
 rectangular and shaped to fit the face, are blue-green, blocked at the 
 base in black and white, symbolic of the house of the clouds, and 
 have a black beard. The gods carry gourd rattles, colored pink, in 
 the right hand and small spruce twigs in the left. 
 
 The dancers are led by a man of the ki'wi'sine dressed in velveteen 
 knee breeches with a line of silver buttons on the outer sides, buckskin 
 leggings, red garters, moccasins, a black native wool shirt trimmed 
 with red and green ribbons over a white shirt, and a yucca ribbon 
 around the head. A white fluff} 7 eagle plume and a small bird plume 
 are attached to the forelock; a buckskin folded lengthwise hangs over 
 the left shoulder. This man carries a mi'li (see page 416) and a meal 
 basket in the left hand and sprinkles meal with the right. 
 
 The dancers enter the Si'aa' te'wita from the western way and leave 
 it by the eastern covered wa}\ One personating a goddess walks by 
 the side of the foremost dancer. All personating the gods form in line, 
 facing north. The leading goddess stands vis-a-vis to the dancer she 
 accompanies, while the other six personators of goddesses face the 
 dancers in the middle of the line. The leader of the song and dance 
 always stands midway down the line. The god at the east end of the 
 line and his vis-a-vis turn to face the man who precedes the dancers, 
 and dance a moment or two, while the others, except those person- 
 ating women, continue the dance, facing north. The six women face 
 the men. In a short time the two at the end of the line resume their 
 former position, and the leader, who is not a dancer, passes down 
 
106 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.ih 
 
 the line in front of the dancers to the group of Ko'yemshi standing 
 north and near the west end of the line of dancers. The leader prays 
 and sprinkles each Ko'yemshi with meal. The dancers continue the 
 song and dance to the accompaniment of the rattle. After a time they 
 turn, forming into single tile facing the east, and so they reverse sev- 
 eral times. The step in the dance is of dull uniformity, the balancing 
 being done with the left foot, while the right is raised slightly above 
 the ground and put down squarely with a stamp. 
 
 After the Kor'kokshi dance once they retire for a time to the 
 ki'wi'sine whence they came. They are soon followed to the plaza bj r 
 four Sa'ya'hlia, who remain a short time, brandishing their huge 
 bunches of giant yucca, causing men, women, and children to get out 
 of their way. They retire to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine, where they, with 
 two Ko'} T emshi, pass the boys assembled there through voluntary 
 initiation into the Ko'tikili. 
 
 Eight of the Ko'yemshi remain in the plaza, where they are joined by 
 members of the Ne'wekwe (Galaxy) fraternity, who have their entire 
 bodies painted ash-color, with curves of black under each eye and over 
 the upper lip. Their heads and ears are covered with ash-colored 
 cotton skullcaps ornamented on the top and over the ears with rib- 
 boned corn-husk rosettes. Native black-wool breechcloths are worn. 
 A bunch of unspun black 3*arn hangs about the neck and a string of 
 it is tied around the left ankle. One man has his bodj^ and limbs 
 encircled by bands of white paint. Each is provided with a large 
 blanket, which is worn most of the time, for the day is extremely 
 cold, and each carries his baton (see plate xv, Group of Ne'wekwe), 
 the harlequin's bauble (see plate xvn). Throughout the afternoon 
 during the interval of the Kor'kokshi dancing the Ko'yemshi and 
 Ne'wekwe hold high carnival, delighting the hundreds of spectators 
 with their buffoonery. 
 
 Women of the higher rank gather inside the houses or on elevated 
 galleries to witness the ceremonials in Si'aa' te'wita. Others sit on 
 the house tops or on blankets spread on the south side of the plaza. 
 The return of the dancers is always the signal for the cessation of all 
 nonsense, and these clowns, with great seriousness, attend to the wants 
 of the Kor'kokshi, some portion of their regalia not infrequently 
 requiring attention. The warrior of the Ko'yemshi whirls the rhombus 
 during the dancing, calling upon the rain-makers to gather, the Kor'- 
 kokshi being their personators. 
 
 After the fifth dance a bowl of food is brought to the plaza, and 
 after the food is eaten by the Ne'wekwe one of them brings a bowl of 
 urine and drinks and gargles his throat with it, and places it in the 
 northwest corner of the plaza when the dancers are seen advancing. 
 It is drunk after the dancers leave the plaza. 
 
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stevexson] VOLUNTARY INITIATION INTO KO'TIKILI 107 
 
 After the sixth dance t lie Ko'yemshi and Ne'wekwe gather in the 
 northeast portion of the plaza, the latter having laid aside their 
 batons. One Ne'wekwe beats a drum, while the others burlesque the 
 dancers who are now absent from the plaza. The scene becomes 
 hilarious when a Ne'wekwe ascends a ladder and, entering a house, soon 
 emerges with a urinal tilled to the brim, which he brings to the plaza 
 and passes to his three fellows, each one drinking from the bowl." 
 "When the vessel is empty he places it, inverted, over his head, and a 
 fellow hastens to lick the drops which fall from the bowl to the ground. 
 The man with the urinal finally falls to the ground and smashes the 
 bowl. The four Ne'wekwe play at being intoxicated from the draft, 
 their antics exceeding an3 r thing before observed by the writer. They 
 come nearer falling to the ground without so doing than could be 
 imagined. One man, tumbling into the arms of another, exclaims: 
 '"Father, why am I crazj'? " One of the four is a peerless harlequin. 
 They hold a regular drunken dance, throwing their arms up, and 
 with the Ko'yemshi sing to the accompaniment of the drum. A 
 man falling from a ladder, a rung having slipped out, causes great 
 merriment. 
 
 At 4.30 the Kor'kokshi come to the plaza for the seventh time, 
 when the innovation occurs of forming into file facing west and dancing 
 a moment before forming in line facing north. The leader of the 
 dancers now stands west of them instead of east. After the dance, 
 which does not close until the shadows of evening are falling, the 
 Kor'kokshi leave the plaza by the western street. 
 
 Although a boy at voluntary initiation into the fraternity of the 
 Ko'tikili joins the ki'wi'sine to which his godfather belongs (see page 
 65). it sometimes, though seldom, occurs that a man from choice leaves 
 his ki'wi'sine to become associated with another. In such case he may 
 return at any time to the one of his boyhood. Also, when improper 
 conduct is observed between a man and the wife of one of his fellow- 
 members, the offender is expelled, whereupon he seeks admittance into 
 one of the other ki'wi'siwe. Sometimes, however, the efforts of mem- 
 bers to expel an objectionable person are futile. For example, the 
 director of a certain ki'wi'sine discovered that undue intimacy existed 
 between one of his fellow-members and his wife, and, after denouncing 
 the man, he left the wife's house never to return. A meeting of the 
 members of the ki'wi'sine was held, and not only the director but the 
 Ko'mos&na (director-general of ki'wi'siwe), he being also a member of 
 this ki'wi'sine, demanded the dismissal of the guilty man. But their 
 demands were overruled, whereupon the Ko'mosona, the director of the 
 ki'wi'sine. and three others left and became members of the Chu'pawa. 
 
 "The Ne'wekwe are the only Zunis who eat and drink filth. It is the aim of each member of this 
 fraternity to outdo the others in everything disgusting. 
 
108 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 CALENDAR AND CALENDRIC CEREMONIALS 
 Calendar 
 
 The year (te'pikwai'i) is divided into two seasons, each consisting of 
 six months (te'lakwai'i). The month is divided into three parts, each 
 part being called topinta as'tem'la (one ten) 
 
 According to Zufii calculation, when the rising sun strikes a certain 
 point at the southwest end of To'wa yal'lanne (Corn mountain) it is 
 the winter solstice. Then the sun moves to the north, passes the moon 
 at A'vonawa yal'lanne and continues round to a point northwest of 
 Zufii which is called Yal'la 'hlan'na (Great mountain), where it sets 
 consecutively for four days at the same point. The last day is the 
 summer solstice. 
 
 The names of the months are given below. It will be observed that 
 those for the months December to June are indicative and that the 
 same names are repeated for the other six months. 
 
 Winter months. J'kopu (turning or looking back"), December; Taiyamchu (limbs 
 of trees broken by snow), January; O'nanulakiakwamS (no snow in the road), Feb- 
 ruary; 'Hli'tekwakla "sanna (little wind month), March; 'Hli'tekwakla 'hlan'na 
 (big wind month), April; Kwashi'amme (no name), May. 
 
 Summer months. J/kopu (turning or looking back), June; Taiyamchu (limbs of 
 trees broken by snow), July; O'nanulakiakwame (no snow in the road), August; 
 •Hli'tekwakia 'sanna (little wind month), September; "Hli'tekwa'kia 'thlan'na (big 
 wind month), October; Kwashi'amme (no name), November. 
 
 Winter Solstice Ceremonies 
 
 Ya'tokia (sun father) i'tiwannan (middle) kwi (place) te'ehi (reaches 
 there) is a reference to the shortest day in the year, the winter solstice. 
 
 Though the ceremonies of both seasons extend through some daj-s, 
 the first day on which the people en masse plant te'likinawe (prayer 
 plumes) is designated as the solstice. The day chosen for the winter 
 solstice celebration is the 21st or 22dof December. The pe'kwin (sun 
 priest) is alone responsible for the calendar. He is usually correct in 
 his calculations, but has been known to be in error. Such was the case 
 in 1896, when the pe'kwin (see plate xvin) had but recently replaced 
 his predecessor. The former sun priest had been dismissed from his 
 high office bj- the word of the Shi'wano"kia (Priestess of fecundity), 
 who enjoys such prerogative; she declared the failure in crops due to 
 the bad heart of the pe'kwin. Many ventured to hint that he pos- 
 sessed the diabolical powers of witchcraft. After prolonged discus- 
 sion by the first body of A'shiwanni (rain priests) and others over the 
 time designated by the new pe'kwin, his decision was continued. 
 
 « The reference is to the Sun Father's turning back after reaching the point referred to at the 
 southwest end of To'wa yal'lanne. He is supposed to pause here for a tune before returning on his 
 course. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVIII 
 
 SUN PRIEST 
 
stevenson] WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 109 
 
 The sun priest makes daily observations of the sunrise at a petrified 
 stump which stands on the outskirts east of the village, and sprinkles 
 it with meal when he offers his matins to the rising sun. When the 
 sun rises over a certain point of To'wa yal'lanne he informs the elder 
 brother Bow priest, who notifies the first body of A'shiwanni, and 
 they meet the same night in the ceremonial chamber." 
 
 The following morning the pe'kwin prepares four te'likinawe for 
 the Sun Father and Moon Mother and, carrying them up the steep 
 acclivity, deposits them at a shrine on To'wa yal'lanne. The four 
 te'likinawe are tied into groups of twos, each group having a blue 
 stick for the sun and a } r ellow one for the moon, which is referred to 
 as sister of the sun. The lower end of each stick is tipped with black 
 to indicate feet, and the top is beveled, with three black dots on the 
 beveled surface indicating eyes and mouth. Under tail and breast 
 feathers of the eagle and plumes of the birds of the six regions are 
 attached to each stick. 
 
 The fourth morning following he deposits four te'likinawe in the 
 field 4 to the deceased a'pekwin (sun priests). The sticks of these are 
 black with turkey plumes attached. On the fourth morning after this 
 he returns to the sun shrine on To'wa yal'lanne and deposits four te'li- 
 kinawe. On the fourth morning next succeeding he plants four te'li- 
 kinawe in the field to his predecessors. Again on the next fourth 
 morning he deposits four te'likinawe at the sun shrine on To'wa yal'- 
 lanne. On the fourth morning following thereafter he plants four more 
 te'likinawe in the field to his deceased predecessors. The pe'kwin must 
 observe continency from four days previous to the first planting of 
 the plumes to four days following the last deposition of these offerings, 
 and he must fast from animal food four cWs following the offerings 
 made to the sun, but this fast is not observed in planting te'liki- 
 nawe to the deceased a'pekwin. 
 
 The morning following the final planting of the te'likinawe the 
 pe'kwln announces from the house top that the winter solstice will 
 occur in ten days. Then the rising sun will strike the point referred 
 to as the Middle place, after which it returns over the road it has 
 traveled. The pe'kwln continues his daily visits to the petrified stump 
 to pray and sprinkle meal to the rising sun. 
 
 Studies of the winter solstice ceremonies were made in 1891 and 1896; 
 and as each annual festival is substantially the same only the one for 
 1891 will be described. It must be borne in mind that the dates vary 
 
 awhile this room is the ceremonial chamber of the first body of A'shiwanni, who are known as 
 the Kla'kwe amosi (Directors of the house), the house referred to being the perpetual home of the 
 et'tone (seep. 163) of the Shi'wanni of the North, it is spoken of as the house of this shi'wanni in conse- 
 quence of his being the possessor of the sacred fetish, which rests in the room immediately over the 
 center of the world; and, as has been stated, the Shi'wanni of the North is always referred to as the 
 Kla'kwemosi (Director of the house), while the others of the first body of A'shiwanni are spoken 
 of as Shi'wanni of the West, South, etc. 
 
 b Fields throughout this paper refer to ground under cultivation. 
 
110 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bth.ann.23 
 
 somewhat in different years. While the actual ceremonial continued 
 eleven days, beginning on the 22d of the month in 1891, for conven- 
 ience of reference the four days prior to this date will be included in 
 the enumeration of days. The references in the following account 
 are therefore from the first day to the fifteenth inclusive, the fifth 
 day being the actual beginning of the ceremonial. 
 
 The first four days are consumed by the first body of A'shiwanni, 
 not including the Shi'wano'ida (Priestess of Fecundity), who assemble 
 in the houses of the Kia'kwe amosi in the preparation of te'likinawe. 
 Besides their individual prayer plumes to the sun and their ancestors, 
 each shi'wanni makes a te'likinane to the sun, one to the moon (the two 
 being wrapped together with native cotton cord), and four to each of 
 the six regions for the deceased A'shiwanni of these regions. The 
 te'likinawe of the Priestess of Fecundit} 7 are made b} 7 the first body of 
 A'shiwanni. She prepares a ha'kwani (a number of cotton-cord loops), 
 symbolizing a sacred white blanket. The Kla'kwemosi and the Shi'- 
 wanni of the Nadir each make a te'likinane, the stick measuring from 
 the inner side of the elbow to the tip of the middle finger. That of the 
 Kia'kwemosi is to the u'wannami (rain-makers) of the six regions or 
 the whole world, and that of the Shi'wanni of the Nadir, who is also 
 elder brother Bow priest, is to the Ku'pishtaya (lightning-makers), 
 with whom the deceased A'pi'lilshiwanni (Bow priests) work. The 
 elder and younger brother Bow priests prepare offerings to the Gods 
 of War, and four to the lightning-makers (deceased A'pi"lashiwanni) 
 of each of the six regions. All except the individual offerings of these 
 priests are grouped together into a kia'etchine (a group of te'likinawe), 
 the two longer te'likinawe made by the Kia'kwemosi and Shi'wanni of 
 the Nadir being in the center. The Shi'wanni of the Nadir holds the 
 te'likinawe in place while the 3 T ounger brother Bow priest wraps the 
 base with thread made of } T ucca. The kia'etchine is placed on the meal 
 painting in the He'iwa (North) ki'wi'sine" the fourth evening. 
 
 This group of te'likinawe is offered to the gods with prayers for the 
 pure hearts of the people, the appearance of a'wehlwia'we (cumulus 
 clouds), shi'pololowe (fog, clouds like the plains), wil'lolonanne (light- 
 ning), rains, and much water in the rivers and lakes. Should the 
 hearts of the people be not pure, it could not be expected that the Sun 
 Father would combine with the Council of the Gods in directing the 
 u'wannami to favor Zuni-land. The Ko'mosona and his associates 
 prepare their prayer plumes in the room adjoining the Mu'hewa (west) 
 ki'wi'sine, to which he belongs. He also has one te'likinane, as long 
 as from the inner side of the bend of the elbow to the tip of the middle 
 finger, which is offered to the Council of the Gods. Members of the 
 fraternities, except those of the 'Hle'wekwe (Sword swallowers), also 
 gather in their ceremonial chambers on the first day and prepare 
 te'likinawe. 
 
 "See Ki'wi'siwe and their functions. 
 
stevensos] WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 111 
 
 This is ; t bus}' season with the fraternities, and the floors are covered 
 with groups of men with their medicine l>oxes beside them ami plumes 
 of all colors lying about. They prepare te'likinawe not only accord- 
 ing to the custom of the fraternity in which they hold membership, 
 but according to the orders to which they belong, the fraternities in 
 most instances being composed of several orders. They go from one 
 ceremonial chamber to another to prepare the appropriate offerings, 
 for it is quite common for a Zunian to hold membership in two or 
 more fraternities. The A/pi"lashiwanni as such prepare te'likinawe 
 to the Gods of War and to their predecessors. The members of this 
 organization also prepare the appropriate offerings for the other 
 fraternities in which they hold membership. 
 
 Each member of a mystery medicine order, and many of the fra- 
 ternities have the order of Mystery medicine, makes offerings to the, 
 sun and moon — four to the deceased members of the fraternity, one to 
 Po'shaiyanki," and one to Po'shaiyanki\s fellow. The ends of the 
 offerings made to the two latter personages are cut square across, with 
 a Greek cross on the top, 6 but the offerings of the A'shiwanni to 
 Po'shaiyanki are serrated on the top, symbolic of cumulus clouds. 
 A miniature crook and corn planter, each having a la'showanne (one 
 or more plumes attached to a cotton cord) attached, are grouped with 
 the offerings to Po'shaiyanki. The crook, which s} 7 mbolizes longevity, 
 is deposited with the prayer beginning "I walk with this cane," which 
 signifies that the one who speaks prays to grow old; not to die, but to 
 sleep and awake as a little child with the others, reference being made 
 to the ancients. 
 
 The officers of the order of mysteiy medicine make te'likinawe to 
 the Beast Gods of the six regions, to their deceased predecessors of the 
 order, and four to deceased members at large. A member at large 
 may only make an offering to the Beast God of one of the six regions. 
 The A'pi"lashiwanni prepare four to the deceased of their fraternity 
 who preceded them as warrior guardians of the altars and medicine. 
 Such orders of fraternities as have patron gods make additional 
 offerings to them. The offerings of boys who have received only 
 involuntary initiation into the Ko'tikili (mythologic fraternitj') and 
 those of the women and girls are made for them by their fraternity 
 fathers. When the fraternity parent is a woman, her fraternity 
 father prepares her te'likinawe and those for her fraternity child, 
 should the child not be a member of the Ko'tikili. 
 
 Although it is considered out of order, a man sometimes makes his 
 fraternity offerings at his mother's or wife's house. Each man pre- 
 
 a Po'shaiyanki is the Zufii culture hero who gave to them oxen, sheep, and raiment. 
 
 & Although the superstition regarding the Spaniards is still so great that no word of Mexican must 
 he spoken in the presence of a te'likinane, many of the aged theurgists declare that the cross in 
 the marking on the offering to Po'shaiyanki is symbolic of Catholicism, as their culture hero was a 
 Catholic. 
 
112 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 pares his individual offerings, one to the sun and four to his ancestors 
 in his mother's house; at least such was the custom. The writer has 
 observed these te'likinawe being- made in the wife's house. The hus- 
 band makes the individual offerings for the wife and children in the 
 wife's house, including- such boys as have not received voluntary 
 initiation into the Ko'tikili. Should the father not be living the eldest 
 son tills his place. Each female has one offering to make to the moon 
 and three to her ancestors. Infants have two to their ancestors, none 
 to the sun or moon. A very young infant sometimes has but one, 
 to its ancestors. Procrastination is a common fault of the Zunis, and 
 consequently man}- must hurry to complete the individual plume making 
 on the fifth day, the day on which the offerings are made. ' 
 
 On the evening of the second day all the fraternities except the 
 'Hle'wekwe, 'Ko'shi'kwe (Cactus), and A'pi"lashiwanni convene, each 
 having its tablet altar erected. The members of the A'pi'lashiwanni 
 go to their respective fraternities to fill their places as guardians of 
 the altars and fetishes. 
 
 These synchronous meetings continue eight nights; they last until 
 midnight on the first three nights. The women and children return to 
 their homes to sleep, while the men sleep in the ceremonial chamber. 
 The fourth night's ceremonies continue throughout the night, closing 
 after sunrise. Again the} 7 convene, retiring the first three nights at 
 midnight, and on the fourth night the ceremonies continue until after 
 sunrise. The sick are healed at this season, but there is no initiation. 
 
 The visiting of one fraternity with another at this time is common. 
 An invitation is extended by a mo'sona (director) of one fraternity to 
 the corresponding officer of another. The former, calling upon the 
 latter and presenting him with a small quantity of meal wrapped in a 
 corn husk, invites him and his associates to come to his chamber and 
 assist in healing the sick. These invitations are not confined to those 
 who practise in a similar \vay. a 
 
 Images of the Gods of War (A'haj'uta) are begun in the house of 
 the aged man of the Deer clan (see plate xix) on the third day. He 
 fashions the idol of the elder God of War, while a man of the Bear clan 
 makes that of the younger, both gods on this occasion bearing the 
 name of A'hayuta. The games to accompany the idol of the elder 
 god are made by a member of the Deer clan, and those for the younger 
 
 "The writer was present during a ceremonial of the Shu'maakwe (see Esoteric fraternities) when 
 certain members of the Ma''ke 'hlan'nakwe (Great Fire fraternity) by invitation practised their 
 mystery medicine upon the sick of the Shu'maakwe, who do not possess the secret. On another occa- 
 sion she was present when the patron gods of the Shu'maakwe danced at a meeting of the Ma' l ke 
 'hlan'nakwe, and members of this fraternity visited the chamber of the Shu'maakwe the same night 
 and practised their mystery medicine. There was a special meeting of the Shu'maakwe fraternity 
 previous to the solstice of 1896 to initiate the new Ko'mosonaof the Ko'tikili into the fraternity, that 
 he might be provided with a mi'li (see p. 416). The Kla'kwemosi wished him to possess the sacred 
 fetish for his visit to Ko'thluwala'wa (see pi. iv) upon the occasion of the summer solstice ceremo- 
 nial. The Ko'mosona was not a member of any esoteric fraternity previous to his initiation into the 
 Shu'maakwe. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIX 
 
 AGED MAN OF DEER CLAN 
 
stevenson] WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 113 
 
 are made by a member of the Bear elan. Two other men, belonging 
 respectively to the Deer and Bear elans, make each four te'likinawe. 
 The reason for confining the. preparation of these idols and their 
 games to the Deer and Bear elans is given in the words of the elder 
 brother Bow priest: 
 
 When the two gents were once going about the country, the elder spoke,, address- 
 ing the younger: " Who is your father? The deer'is mine." The younger, who was 
 just a little more venturesome and braver than the elder, replied: "The bear is my 
 father." 
 
 At this season the images are carved from po'la (Populus fremontii). 
 For the scalp ceremonial they must be made of a'shekia (Pinus pon- 
 derosa) that has been struck by lightning. 
 
 Seven members of the A'pi'lashiwanni are designated by the elder 
 brother Bow priest to make the paraphernalia for the elder God of 
 War, and the same number are appointed by the younger brother 
 Bow priest to prepare that for the idol of the younger God of War. 
 One warrior makes a tablet, a second makes a staff, a third makes 
 a shield. The hoop of the shield, large enough to encircle the 
 bended knee, is first wrapped closely with cotton cord, and afterward 
 the space is filled with netting. The idol stands on this shield. A 
 fourth warrior makes the ko'lannan'hla'kwikia an te'likinawe (a ser- 
 rated projection from the umbilicus to which plumes are attached, sym- 
 bolic of clouds and lightning). All varieties of seeds are deposited in 
 the cavity before the projection is inserted. The plumes attached waft 
 specially valuable prayers to the gods for rain. A fifth makes a 
 diminutive bow and arrow, shield, and war club, which are attached 
 to the projection. A sixth warrior makes the war club. A seventh a 
 tehl'nane (a stick with plumes attached) of he'sho (pinon), measuring 
 from the bended knee to the heel. After the idols are modeled they 
 are decorated. The base of each idol is covered with a wad of yucca 
 fiber," held in place by a rope of the same. 
 
 Yucca cord also serves to support the plume offerings afterward 
 made to the gods by members of the Bow priesthood. A belt of raw 
 cotton is wound round the idol. A fine cotton cord hangs at the neck, 
 from which an abalone shell is also pendent, but these are obscured by 
 other adornments. When all is completed the idols are stood in state, 
 facing east, near the north end of the room in which they have been 
 fashioned. Two men, one of the Deer clan and the other of the Bear 
 clan, serve as sentinels or special watchers over the idols until thej r are 
 taken to the He'iwa (north) ki'wi'sine. Many come to offer prayers 
 
 a The yucca leaves are boiled, then run through the mouth, the fiber being partially separated by 
 the teeth. They are afterward completely parted by the fingers. The mass is laid away until required, 
 when it is sufficiently moistened with water to render it pliable. A cord is made by first arranging 
 the yucca into a strand of the length required, then dividing it into two. The pieces are rolled sep- 
 arately -with one hand at the same time on the knee, and afterward twisted into a cord without rais- 
 ing the material from the knee. The cord is rubbed with meal until it is quite white. 
 
 23 eth— 04 8 
 
114 THE ZFNT INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 and sprinkle the gods with meal. Each member of the A'pi'lashi- 
 wanni leaves a te'likinane in the belt of each idol. 
 
 The maker of the sacred tire of the new year is chosen by the Kia'- 
 kwemosi and notified by the Ko'pekwin, who immediately after sunrise 
 carries a small quantity of prayer meal wrapped in corn husks to the 
 house of the selected party. Clasping the hitter's hands with both of 
 his, and still holding the meal, the Ko'pekwin delivers his message and 
 prays. The office of fire-maker is filled alternately by a member of 
 v, the Badger clan and a child of that clan (see List of clans). He often 
 becomes the personator of the god Shu'laawi'si in the Sha'liiko cere- 
 monial the following autumn, but this is not always the case. 
 
 The plucking of an eagle occurs in the house of a prominent shi'wanni 
 (not one of the first body of A'shiwanni) on the fourth day. The 
 process is as follows: The male members of the family are busy 
 arranging plumes for their te'likinawe, when the stepson of the shi'- 
 wanni is dispatched for an eagle (the eagles are kept in cages), which 
 is brought into the room under cover of a heav}^ blanket. Before 
 removing the blanket entirely, one man catches the feet and another 
 holds the head of the bird. The blanket is spread on the floor, and 
 the eagle is held on it. An ear of w T hite corn is held to the east of the 
 eagle, the head of the bird being to the west. Then the plucking 
 begins, which requires some time, after which the feathers are depos- 
 ited in an Apache basket. During the plucking a gourd of powdered 
 ke'chipa (kaolin) is brought in by the elder daughter of the house, who 
 washes several of the eagle plumes in water and holds them near the 
 fire. When dry, the feathers are rubbed with the kaolin to whiten 
 them. The younger daughter mixes a quantity of kaolin with water 
 in a small bowl and places it north of the eagle. After the plucking 
 is completed the stepson lifts the ear of white corn, and biting off sev- 
 eral grains takes a mouthful of the kaolin mixture. The man at the 
 head of the eagle holds its mouth open while the other, standing with 
 his head some distance above the eagle's, ejects the mixture of kaolin 
 and chewed corn into the eagle's mouth; then, throwing the remainder 
 from his mouth over the eagle, he rubs that which remains in the 
 bowl over every spot where the white fluffy plumes should grow. 
 The corn is used that the plumes may soon grow, as corn comes up, 
 and the kaolin that the plumes ma}' be white. While this is going 
 on in the center of the room the old shi'wanni sits with his back to the 
 fire, with piles of plumes before him and a basket on the ledge by 
 him, filled with plume sticks. When the plumes are all assorted into 
 groups he attaches them to the sticks. After each te'likinane is com- 
 pleted he breathes upon it and offers a prayer. The eagle is carried 
 under cover of the blanket to his cage, where he remains in compara- 
 tive peace until required for another plucking. 
 
 The preparation of wheat and corn bread for the feasts that follow 
 
stevenson] WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 115 
 
 is elaborate. The light bread, which is made into fanciful shapes, is 
 baked in the ovens which illuminate the town on the fourth night, this 
 being the last opportunity for their use until the ten days devoted to 
 the ceremonial expire. 
 
 At noon on the fourth day the new-year fire-maker starts on his tour 
 through the village for wood. He collects a fagot of cedar from each 
 house, the person giving the wood ofl'eriug a prayer that the crops may 
 ho bountiful in the coming year. As the wood is collected it is tied 
 together, and when the fire-maker has a load he carries it to the 
 He'iwa ki'wi'sine, entering through the hatchway in the roof. As soon 
 as the wood is deposited he starts for more, and he continues until 
 every house in Zuni has donated its share. 
 
 The ki'wi'sine is entered each time through the hatchway, and the 
 collector also leaves b}' the same entrance. Upon leaving the ki'wi'- 
 sine after having deposited the last load of wood, the fire-maker goes 
 to the house directly east of it, where he collects coals from the fire- 
 place with two pieces of wood, and returns through a communicating 
 door between the house and the ki'wi'sine. After depositing the coals 
 at the fire altar, he arranges a portion of the wood in a square, log- 
 cabin fashion, to a height of about 18 inches. The fire (see plate xx), 
 which is lighted at sunset, is called ma n ke tesh'kwi (fire not to be 
 touched, sacred fire). a 
 
 At sunset the pe'kwin makes a meal painting on the floor at the 
 west end of the ki'wi'sine, he being the only shi'wanni present at the 
 time. Later on he places on the painting the kla'etchine, composed of 
 the te'likinawe prepared by the first bodyiof A'shiwanni. 
 
 The first body of A'shiwanni assemble at night in the ki'wi'sine, and 
 at midnight the idols of the Gods of War are brought to it from the 
 house where they have stood in state. The pe'kwin, who leads the 
 party, carries a meal basket and sprinkles first the idol of the elder 
 God of War and afterward that of the younger, while he stoops befpre 
 and between the idols. The elder brother Bow priest, after placing a 
 te'likiuane in the belt of each of the idols and sprinkling both with 
 meal, takes his position north of the pe'kwin who now stands a short 
 distance from the idols. The younger brother Bow priest makes his 
 offerings to the gods in the same manner, and stands south of the sun 
 priest. Each whirls a rhombus. 6 
 
 After prayers the procession leaves the house in the following 
 order: The pe'kwin leads, sprinkling meal as he proceeds. He is 
 
 a Tesh'kwi is applied to all sacred objects, such as altars, dry paintings, shrines; to the ashes and 
 sweepings which are kept for ten days: also to fasts, such as shi'li (meat) tesh'kwi, machi'kwa (sugar) 
 tesh'kwi. 
 
 b This instrument, which is composed of two slender slats of wood attached by a string, is exten- 
 sively known among savage peoples. It is sometimes called bull roarer, and is said to be used to 
 work savages into frenzy. Such is not the case with the Pueblo tribes, among whom the rhombus is 
 whirled to create enthusiasm among the u'wannami (rain-makers). 
 
116 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.anh.23 
 
 followed by the priest of the pa'ettone" carrying his fetish which 
 bears his name; after him is a priest of the 'su'hlan'na (great shell), 
 carrying the shell; then the Kia'kwemosi bearing his et'tone; then the 
 aged man of the Deer clan, carrying the idol of the elder God of War. 
 The two men of the Deer clan follow with the paraphernalia of the 
 god; then a man of the Bear clan with the idol of the younger God 
 of War, and after him two other members of the Bear clan bearing 
 the paraphernalia of this god. The elder brother Bow priest walks 
 to the right of the pe'kwin and the younger brother Bow priest is on 
 the right of the man at the end of the file, each whirling his rhombus 
 as he proceeds. After entering the ki'wi'sine the fetishes and idols 
 are placed on the meal painting, the idols and paraphernalia being 
 deposited by the pe'kwin. The A'pi'lashiwanni are present in a body 7 , 
 having left their various fraternities for this purpose, and at this time 
 they sing the song which is sung after sunset in the closing scene of 
 the scalp ceremonj 7 (see A'pi"lashiwanni, page 605). 
 
 The ceremonies in the ki'wi'sine continue throughout the night. 
 The Gods of AVar are thus honored that they ma3 T intercede with the 
 rain-makers for rains to fructify the earth. At sunrise the idols are 
 carried by the elder and younger brother Bow priests to their respec- 
 tive homes, each being accompanied by a warrior bearing the games 
 and paraphernalia of the gods. Each idol is placed in the west end of 
 the large chamber and the paraphernalia are arranged about it (see 
 plate xxi).'-' 
 
 As soon as the idol and its belongings are placed in position by the 
 elder brother Bow priest and his associates, they offer praj'ers and 
 sprinkle meal. Then the family of the former gather about the idol 
 to praj 7 and make offerings of precious beads, etc., and they sprinkle 
 sacred meal. Many from outside, of both sexes and all ages, come to 
 the gods to praj* and make offerings of one or more precious beads.'' 
 
 After depositing a little food south of the idol, and then breakfasting 
 with his family, the elder brother Bow priest ties a reddish, fluffy plume 
 
 aThe pa'gttowS (singular pa'ettone; pa from Pactau, Navaho) are sacred fetishes of the A'pi''lashi- 
 wanni (Bow priesthood) which protects them from the enemy. 
 
 6 Plate XXI was made from a case in the National Museum, the objects being placed according to pho- 
 tographs and sketches made of the group in the house of the elder brother Bow priest in 1896. The 
 idol is a very old one, secured through Nai'uchi for Mr Stevenson from the shrine on To'wa yiil'lanne 
 (Corn mountain) in 1881. It has been redecorated after the sketch made of the one observed in the 
 winter solstice of 1896. All the coloring used on it is native. The white top of the idol with black 
 rectangles signifies a white cloud cap with black rain clouds — the house of the clouds. The tablets, 
 staffs, war club, and the te'likinawe, except four, were made by the elder brother Bow priest, who 
 also made the feather bow and arrow, which is to be seen immediately before- the idol. The other 
 te'likinawe were fashioned by the aged member of the Deer clan. The games (see Games, p. 317) 
 were made by members of the same clan. All was done by direction of Nai'uchi, the elder brother 
 Bow priest, that the writer might have a facsimile of the idol of the elder God of War as he appears 
 in his (the elder brother Bow priest's) house at the winter solstice. 
 
 o During the time the idol is in the house, Nai'uchi, the most successful practitioner in Zuiii, treats 
 several patients who come to him. In each case he relieves the sufferer by pretending to extract 
 the cause of the disease from the body; wrapping the ejected material in a husk, he carries it from 
 the house. Nai'uchi does not practice medicine through his association with the Bow priesthood, 
 but through his membership in other esoteric fraternities. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXI 
 
 A. HOEN & CO., Lith 
 
 IDOL OF AHAYUTA (ELDER GOD OF WAR) 
 
stevenson] WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 117 
 
 to his forelock, removes a die (grain of corn) from one of the cups of 
 the game i'y&nkolo'we, and hands it to the associate warrior, who wraps 
 it in a corn husk while the elder brother Bow priest tics the four cups 
 too-other. The associate binds the two games of sho'liwe together and 
 gathers all the games into his blanket over the left arm. The elder 
 brother Bow priest removes the yucca rope with the te'likinawe 
 attached, and. stooping before the idol, holds the plumes near its base 
 while he prays. He now deposits the feather bow and arrow in a 
 hu'chipone (deep basket), and the idol with all its adornments is stood 
 in the basket. The rope containing the te'likinawe is placed next, 
 and the food which was south of the idol is wrapped in the cloth and 
 put into the basket. He now hangs his war pouch over his shoulder, 
 rolls a quantity of prayer meal in a piece of cloth, and tucks it into 
 his belt. Wrapping his blanket about him, he provides himself with 
 a rhombus and, supporting his basket with his left ai - in, leaves the 
 house, whirling the rhombus with his right hand. He is followed by 
 his associate carrying the remaining paraphernalia of the god in the 
 blanket over his left arm while he whirls a rhombus with the right 
 hand. During their progress through the village the two are frequently 
 stopped by those who wish to pray before the idol and sprinkle meal 
 upon it. On reaching the shrine on U'hana yal'lanne the idol placed 
 the previous year is removed and the new ODe substituted, with its 
 paraphernalia about it, just as it is seen in the house of the elder brother 
 Bow priest. The idol of the younger God of War is carried in the same 
 manner to a shrine on To'wa yal'lanne (see plate xxn). a The only dif- 
 ference observed in the two images is that the one representing the 
 younger god has a zigzag stick, symbolic of lightning, running up 
 from the top of the cloud cap on the head. 
 
 The A'shiwanni and officers of the fraternities deposit their te'liki- 
 nawe on the fifth clay at the appropriate shrines, while all others plant 
 theirs in the fields, the fraternity offerings being deposited in the 
 excavations with the individual offerings. 
 
 The Kia'kwemosi carries the kia'etchine, composed of the prayer 
 plumes of the A'shiwanni, and the ha'kwani, made by the Shi'wano'- 
 'kia, to the base of Ma'^akia (a ruin on a knoll), where the kia'etchine 
 is deposited. Both the plumes and the ha'kwani are offerings to the 
 u'wannami A'shiwanni (rain-maker priests). The pe'kwin alone visits 
 the shrine on the summit of the knoll, but no plume offerings are 
 deposited here. This shrine (see figure 3) consists of a stone wall, semi- 
 circular in form, about 3 feet high, the inner space being 3 feet wide 
 and opening to the east. A sandstone slab, about 2 feet high and 14 
 inches wide, with a symbol of the sun 1 inches in diameter etched upon 
 it stands against the apex of the wall. A smooth-surfaced stone on 
 which are cut a number of lines is inserted in each side of the wall 
 
 a See p. 606. 
 
118 
 
 THE ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [F.TH. ANN - . 23 
 
 about S inches above the base. Some of the priests declare that the 
 lines on the south side of the wall indicate the number of years the pre- 
 vious sun priest held the office, and the one on the north side the num- 
 ber of years the present incumbent has served/' Nine concretions 
 form a square on the ground before the etching of the sun, and there 
 are three smaller ones in line in front of these. Concretion fetishes, 
 valued as bringing fructification to the earth, are to be found in all the 
 fields. A small flat stone rests on two of the larger concretions. 
 
 The same morning, about 9 o'clock, members of the order of Pa'ya- 
 tamu of the Little Fire and Cimex fraternities, playing on their flutes, 
 ascend To'wa yal'lanne to To'mapa, a shrine in the west side (see plate 
 xxiii) halfway up the mesa, and deposit their offerings to the god, 
 
 Fig. 3— Sun shrine at Ma"sakla. 
 
 M'hile officers of other fraternities cany their offerings to various 
 shrines. The 'Ko'shi'kwe deposit te'likinawe at this time, but they 
 hold no ceremonial in their chamber. 
 
 There is no exception to the rule of members at large of fraternities 
 planting their fraternity offerings at this season in the same excava- 
 tion and at the same time as the family deposit theirs. It is usual for 
 all the members of a household to go together; in fact, in all observa- 
 tions made b} r the writer, such has been the case. Husbands deposit 
 their offerings in the fields of the families of their wives, and vice 
 versa. A hole about 14 inches square and the same -in depth is made 
 b} r a man of the household, and the plumes, which are carried to the 
 fields on the fifth day, wrapped together with corn husks, are sepa- 
 
 "The statement regarding the lines was made previous to the appointment of the present sun 
 priest. 
 
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Stevenson] WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 119 
 
 rated and deposited, the father standing his te'likinawe, including those 
 of his fci'kili (fraternity), in one end of the excavation, the mother 
 placing hers in the other end, and the children depositing theirs 
 between. The infant is carried to the field on the mother's back, and 
 with its tiny hand, guided by the mother, plants its plumes. These 
 offerings may be planted any hour between sunrise and sunset (see 
 plate xxiv). Those who are absent on long journeys or those too ill 
 to leave the house have their offerings deposited for them by some 
 member of the family. All must have the head bathed with yucca 
 suds previous to depositing the plume. There may be exceptions to 
 this rule, such as a young child suffering with a cold. 
 
 The sun rose in splendor on the morning of the fifth day, making 
 brilliant the mantle of snow that covered the earth. The vallej^ was 
 sparkling white, and the mesa walls were white, with here and there a 
 patch of dark blue, the pines veiled by the atmosphere. The snowy 
 plain was a vast kaleidoscope from morning until evening, the devotees 
 in their bright clothing going to and returning from their sacred 
 mission. 
 
 One description of a family planting prayer plumes will answer for 
 all, and the writer will describe the one in which she took part, having 
 been expected to perform this sacred office with one of the families. 
 
 On the present occasion the male head of the house is an associate 
 shi'wanui. Those who accompany him are his wife, mother-in-law, 
 daughter about 10 years of age, a younger one of 4 years, a son 8 
 months old. the younger brother .of his wife with his wife and infant, 
 a girl of 12 years, daughter of the younger brother Bow priest, who 
 is the elder brother of the associate shi'wanni's wife, and the writer. 
 The associate shi'wanni hands the writer the te'likinawe he has made 
 for her, saying: "Though you are a woman j 7 ou have a head and a 
 heart like a man, and you work like a man, and you must therefore 
 make offerings such as men make." 
 
 The party proceeds to a melon patch of the associate shi'wanni, 
 where he makes an excavation about 11 inches square and of the 
 same depth, using an old saber for the purpose. The excavation com- 
 pleted, all except the two infants remove the corn husks which wrap 
 the te'likinawe and, after sprinkling prayer meal in the excavation, 
 proceed without formality to plant te'likinawe. Each man deposits 
 as his individual offerings one te'likinane with its stick colored blue 
 to the Sun Father and four with sticks colored black to his ancestors. 
 The younger brother of the wife plants, in addition to his individual 
 te'likinawe, offerings as a member of the Great Fire fraternity (see 
 plate xxv), 8 one to Po'shaiyanki (culture hero), one to the younger 
 brother, or fellow, of Po'sbai}'anki. The one to Po'shaiyanki has 
 
 alt should be noted that the te'likinawe on pi. xxv are inverted. To get a proper view of the 
 prayer pinnies the plate should be reversed. Through inadvertence in the color printing this mistake 
 occurred. 
 
120 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 attached a miniature crook, symbolic of longevity, the other a minia- 
 ture corn planter bound to it, to bring much corn in the coming' year. 
 He also plants one to the Cougar of the North, to the Sun Father, and 
 to the Moon Mother, the two latter being- bound together. Some of 
 the te'likinawe have pendent la'showawe (one or more plumes attached 
 to cotton cord). Those having the la'showawe bear the prayers for 
 rains, and those without are for clouds and other things. 
 
 Each female, including the child of 4 years, plants one te'likinane 
 with the stick colored yellow to the Moon Mother, and three with the 
 sticks colored black to her ancestors. Each infant offers one or two 
 te'likinawe with sticks colored black to its ancestors. The writer 
 deposits one to the Sun Father and four to ancestors. In addition to 
 the individual plumes, both the wife and elder daughter of the asso- 
 ciate shi'wanni, as members of the Shu'maakwe fraternity, deposit 
 two te'likinawe to Shumai'koli and two to Sai'apa (patron gods of the 
 fraternity), one to the ettone," and four to the deceased members of 
 the fraternity. 
 
 After the te'likinawe are all stood in the ground each person takes 
 a pinch of meal brought by the mother-in-law in a cloth and, hold- 
 ing the meal near the lips, repeats a prayer for health, long life, many 
 clouds, much rain, food, and raiment, and the meal is sprinkled thickly 
 over the plumes. The little child seems to understand perfectly her 
 duties and prayers. The tiny babies have their hands dipped into 
 the meal and held over the plumes. These plumes remain uncovered 
 until sunset the following day, that the Sun Father, in passing over the 
 road of day, niay receive the praj^ers breathed upon the meal and into 
 the plumes, the spiritual essence of the plumes conveying the breath 
 prayers to him. The excavations are afterward so covered that no one 
 could discover that the earth had been disturbed. 6 
 
 After the te'likinawe are deposited no animal food or grease can be 
 eaten or touched with the hands for four days, those excepted being- 
 members of the 'San'iaklakwe (Hunters) and Shi'wannakwe (those who 
 do not fast from animal food) fraternities and children receiving 
 nourishment from their mothers. As the latter take milk, they may 
 eat grease. The first body of A'shiwanni must fast from animal food 
 and grease and observe continence for ten daj^s from this time. 
 
 There must be no trading of a.ny description for four days, and to 
 begin trading before ten da} r s have expired is indicative of plebianism. 
 No ashes or sweepings may be taken from the house during this 
 period, and no artificial light must appear outside the house, not even 
 a burning cigarette, nor the flash of firearms, no matter how great the 
 
 "See A'shiwanni (Rain-priesthood), p. 163. 
 
 bWhen the associate shi'wanni visited the excavation in the evening after the plume planting, the 
 ■writer accompanied him and induced him to let her have the complete set of plumes which were 
 planted the previous day. These te'likinawe are deposited in the United States National Museum 
 in an excavation as they appeared in the field at Zufii. 
 
STEVENSON] WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 121 
 
 distance from the village. The words of a shi'wanni will give an 
 idea of the dread these people have of failure in the custom concerning 
 firelight: "Why did the woman [ reference to the camp manager of 
 the writer] go outside last night with a light? She was seen by one of 
 my neighbors. Alas' alas! alas! I will have no crops for four years. 
 I shall he poor. Rains will come and fall all around my fields, upon the 
 fields of my brothers, but none will come to me." The writer endeav- 
 ored to console him by saying that ho could not possibly be respon- 
 sible for the acts of one of her party. "It was done from my house 
 and I must be the sufferer. Did she carry a lamp or candle?" When 
 informed that a candle was carried, distress was again depicted on his 
 face. "" It might have been better had she carried a lantern, for then 
 the light would have been at least partially housed." 
 
 On the morning of the fifth day the fire-tender covers with ashes the 
 coals on the fire altar in the ki'wi'sine and goes to his home for his 
 breakfast. After his meal the fire-tender deposits his individual te'- 
 likinawe and returns to the ki'wt'sine where a tire burns throughout 
 the day. At night he covers the coals with ashes before he sleeps. In 
 the morning the tire is again kindled from the coals. After a time 
 the tire-tender covers the coals with ashes and goes a distance from 
 the village for cedar, to be consumed on the fire altar. On his return 
 in the evening, after he has taken his meal in his own house, he again 
 rekindles the fire, which burns until he is ready to sleep, when he covers 
 the coals as before. He leaves the ki'wi'siue only to eat and to go for 
 wood each day until the closing of the festival. No food must be taken 
 in the ki'wi'sine for ten days. If this rule should be broken, the 
 offender would not only have his crops destroyed by crows and mice, 
 but would be in great danger of death. 
 
 There is no perpetual fire kept in the ki'wi'siwe of any pueblo, nor has there 
 been one since the introduction of matches among the Indians and since they 
 have found their way to the woods clear from enemies. In times past the scarcity 
 of wood near home and the danger attending journeys for wood, which was 
 brought upon their backs (as they had no beasts of burden until the invasion of 
 the Spaniards), compelled the strictest economy in fuel and necessitated a central 
 fire for each village. This not only gave warmth to a large number of priests while 
 they performed their religious and other duties, but furnished coals with which to 
 light small fires elsewhere when needed for domestic and other purposes. Fire fur- 
 nishes warmth and light after the sun is gone to his home for the night, and it cooks 
 the food and conveys the spiritual essence of food to the gods. Fire is therefore a 
 goddess, second in importance only to the sun. Thus the elements attending the 
 physical wants become features of the psychical. 
 
 From the fifth to the eighth day the pueblo is buzzing with the mills 
 and the songs of the grinders, and on the eighth day every household is 
 busy preparing varieties of food, for on the following morning the 
 fraternities will adjourn, when meat may be eaten and the appetite 
 generally sated. 
 
122 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 On the eighth day there are .still more extensive preparations of te'li- 
 kinawe. All are busy in chambers of the fraternities and elsewhere. 
 While this day is especially set apart for making the offerings to be 
 deposited on the ninth day, several days must be consumed by many 
 who have not only their own te'likinawe to make but those of their 
 fraternity children. No one who has not received voluntary initia- 
 tion into the Ko'tikili is privileged to fashion the sticks or attach the 
 plumes, although women sometimes color the sticks. There is, how- 
 ever, an exception to this rule. When a woman has severed her con- 
 nection with the U'huhukwe (Eagle down) fraternity," she must then 
 prepare the offerings for it, she having been instructed by her frater- 
 nity father. 
 
 The only persons exempt from offering te'likinawe on the ninth day 
 are females who are not associated with a fraternity and young male 
 children who have not received voluntary initiation into the Ko'tikili. 
 Each member of the Ko'tikili deposits one te'likinane to the sun, one 
 to the moon, four to the Kok'ko A'wau (Council of the Gods), and 
 others to the game animals, birds of the six regions, birds of summer, 
 birds of winter, and to Po'shaiyiinki for all domestic animals. 
 
 The old proverb, " When you are in Rome do as the Romans do." is 
 sometimes observed in Zuni. For example, a Hopi Indian, married 
 to a Zuni woman and therefore a resident of Zuni, is seen sitting in 
 the midst of a group of his people (visitors to the village) in the 
 southwest portion of the room of Jose Palle, a shi'wanni, and all are 
 preparing te'likinawe that are quite different from those offered by 
 the Zuni. The son of the shi'wanni by a former wife, one by his 
 present wife, a stepson, and two adopted children, nephews of the 
 wife, one of whom wears female attire, sit on the ledge in the north- 
 east portion of the room, all busily engaged preparing their te'liki- 
 nawe. The shi'wanni himself sits some distance from the family in 
 the east end of the room. Medicine boxes and Apache baskets are 
 before and beside him. His wife busies herself making te'likinawe 
 of the U'huhukwe fraternity, from which she has resigned. Two chil- 
 dren amuse themselves with plumes given them by their grandfather. 
 One young mother, tying a plume to her infant's hair and providing 
 him with a ceremonial rattle, teaches him to dance. Thus the children 
 begin at the tenderest age to prepare for their future duties, those 
 features which delight their infantile minds becoming the ritual asso- 
 ciated with their worship. 
 
 The Hopi resident makes for each person present, including the 
 children and the writer, a la'showanne of two fluffy eagle plumes and 
 two pine needles, which he presents with prayers for rain to fructify 
 the earth, that the crops may be bountiful, and for the good health and 
 long life of all. The la'showanne is tied to a strand of hair at the left 
 
 «See Esoteric fraternities. 
 
stevensox] WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 123 
 
 side of the head near the crown. He sets the basket containing the 
 other la'showatve made by himself and his people on the north ledge 
 of the room, and he and his party leave the house. 
 
 When the others complete the preparation of their offerings, the 
 baskets containing them are also deposited on the ledge. Such objects 
 are never touched or in any way disturbed by the children. About 8 
 o'clock supper is served. The Hopi resident and the two sons-in- 
 law of the house, being- present, participate in the meal. No animal 
 food appears. Considerable time is consumed over the meal, and 
 it is after 9 o'clock when the mother and elder daughter begin 
 their ablutions preparatory to attending their fraternity. Their 
 hair lias already been washed. The bath and toilet are made in the 
 general living room. Each woman stands before a large bowl of 
 water and. without removing her camis, bathes the entire body. No 
 member of a fraternity would dare omit the daily bath during a cer- 
 emonial. Such neglect would cause great offense to the Beast Gods, 
 who would visit their wrath upon the offender. After the daughter 
 has bathed she washes her husband's head in yucca suds and proceeds 
 to brush and do up his hair. The younger daughter performs the 
 same service for her husband, who holds his infant on his lap, caress- 
 ing him, except at times when the child is coaxed away by his grand- 
 parents or other relatives present, all seeming read}' to suspend more 
 weighty matters to fondle the tiny one. 
 
 Twelve members of the Chu'pawa ki'wit'sine, including the pe'kwin 
 (deputy to the priest of the Kia'nakwe)," arrive from time to time. 
 The pe'kwin arranges a number of te'likinawe, which he brings with 
 him, into groups, wrapping them at the base with corn husks, and 
 deposits them in a flat basket. In the meantime Jose Palle's two sons- 
 in-law depart for the chamber of the Shi'wannakwe fraternity. The 
 elder daughter has her hair dressed by the adopted son, who wears 
 feminine dress. She then attires herself in her best gown and belt. 
 The man}* necklaces of the father are divided by him between his wife 
 and daughter. Each woman has her own silver necklaces, but is ready 
 to add all the ko'hakwa (white shell beads), turquoise, and corals that can 
 be secured. Great pride is felt over the display of such wealth at these 
 ceremonials. The writer has seen children of four or five summers 
 loaded with necklaces, marveling that the weight could be carried in 
 the dance. The elder daughter assists her 8-year old child to bed in the 
 west end of the room and starts for her fraternity. Her infant nephew 
 begs to accompany her, his attachment for his aunt seeming to be as 
 great as that for the mother, and he is caught up on her back w r ith a 
 blanket and carried off to the fraternity. Her younger sister, after 
 filling a pottery basket with sacred meal and returning it to a niche 
 in the south wall, lies beside the niece. 
 
 The members of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine who are present chat and 
 
 a See p. 36. 
 
124 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 smoke and repeat te'lapnawe (tales) until midnight, when they hold an 
 interesting- ceremonial not directly connected with the winter-solstice 
 festival, but relating to the calendar. The chairs are removed, the 
 tioor is swept, and the party take their seats on their wadded blankets or 
 on the ledge, forming a broken circle near the fireplace, in which may 
 be seen a large vessel, balanced on stones, containing a stew of meat and 
 hominy, and two large pumpkins roasting before the fire. The men 
 remove their moccasins. The shi'wanni of the Kia'nakwe (see page 
 36), who is the man of the house, forms the central figure and is raised 
 above the others by his wadded blanket being placed on a low box. 
 He faces east. A large Apache basket containing his te'likiuawe, 
 offerings to the Council of the Gods, two small vases of the roots and 
 blossoms of te'na'siili (mythical medicine plant bearing blossoms of 
 the colors of the six regions), and several buckskin medicine bags, are 
 placed before him. Other baskets holding similar te'likinawe belong- 
 ing to the others of the group are handed him. He removes the 
 buckskin medicine bags from the larger basket, lays them on the floor 
 between himself and the basket, and transfers the groups of te'likinawe 
 from the smaller baskets to the larger one, arranging them artistically, 
 so that the feather ends radiate and the la'showawe attached to the 
 te'likinawe fringe the edge of the basket. 
 
 The shi'wanni makes a cross of meal south of the basket and one in 
 the center of it, and deposits a stone cougar, S inches long, colored 
 yellow, the mouth, tail, and feet black, on the cross south of the basket. 
 Another basket is now handed to the shi'wanni, which he holds on his 
 lap, and to which he transfers the two packages of te'na'sali. He then 
 proceeds to empty the bags. Removing one fetish at a time, he exam- 
 ines each, and, if a prey animal, deposits it in the basket on his lap, 
 with the head to the east. There ai'e as many as forty of these stone 
 fetishes, mostly prey animals, ranging from 1£ to 4 inches in length. 
 A few are concretions, sacred to the fields. As an evidence of the 
 extreme conventionality of these fetishes, the shi'wanni finds it neces- 
 sary, when handling some of the more ancient ones, to consult several 
 of his party as to what animals they might be. Each animal fetish 
 carries an arrow point on its back, held on with strings of precious 
 beads wrapped around the image. 
 
 The man to the left of the shi'wanni also has sacks of fetishes. 
 Removing each fetish separately from the sack, he holds it until it is 
 received by the shi'wanni, who places it with the others. When all the 
 fetishes have been deposited, the shi'wanni again sprinkles a cross of 
 meal in the larger basket, and handles each package of the tena'sali 
 separately. Each fetish is deposited in the large basket with the same 
 care as when it is placed in the smaller one. He sets the smaller 
 basket between the larger one and the large fetish of the cougar, 
 being careful to so place the basket that the la'showawe in the larger 
 
Stevenson] WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 125 
 
 one fall over it. The second man to the left of the shi'wanni, his 
 stepson, makes a cigarette of native tobacco and, after lighting and 
 drawing on it an instant, hands it to the man at his right, who takes 
 a whiff and passes it to the shi'wanni, who takes eight long whiffs, 
 each time blowing the smoke over the basket of plumes and fetishes. 
 The shi'wanni then returns the stump of the cigarette to the man at 
 his left, the collector of the te'na'sali. The first associate to the 
 shi'wanni, who sits on his right, after consuming all but a bit of the 
 cigarette, deposits it by the large stone cougar. Each cigarette of 
 native tobacco afterward smoked by the associate is deposited by this 
 fetish after the better part has been consumed. 
 
 Cigarettes are smoked by all the party during the ceremonial, but not 
 more than one or two smoke at the same time. After the shi'wanni's 
 first smoke he takes a pinch of meal in his right hand and repeats a 
 long litany, responded to by the others. At the close of this prayer 
 he sprinkles the meal he holds over the cougar and basket of plumes 
 and fetishes, and then all take a pinch of the meal from the basket 
 and simultaneously offer a short prayer and sprinkle the plumes and 
 fetishes, drawing from them the sacred breath. The song now begins, 
 led by the shi'wanni. It opens low in a minor key, swelling until the 
 notes are rich and full. This song, less monotonous than usual, is 
 offered to various beings of the six regions, who are addressed in suc- 
 cession. The first prayer is to a group belonging to the Sia cosmog- 
 ony, whom the writer has never before heard mentioned in Zuni 
 ritual. These beings are the Yellow Woman of the North, the Blue 
 Woman of the West, the Red Woman of the South, the White Woman 
 of the East, the Every-colored Woman of the Zenith, and the Black 
 Woman of the Nadir. The Cougar of the North, the Bear of the 
 West, the Badger of the South, the W'hite Wolf of the East, the Eagle 
 of the Zenith, and the Shrew of the Nadir pkrv an important part in 
 this ritual/' 
 
 The old shi'wanni, sitting in light or shadow according to the uncer- 
 tain flickering of the tire light in the quaint fireplace, with silvery hair 
 and a countenance impressed with the superstitions peculiar to his race 
 and depicting the most intense earnestness, is a picture not to be for- 
 gotten. He is surrounded by his associates, who are also intent upon 
 having their songs pass over the straight road of truth. The songs and 
 prayers are to bring rains to fructify the mother earth, who gives to 
 her children the fruits of her being if prayers are offered with a pure 
 heart. The_ song closes at the rising of the morning star, which 
 announces that the Sun Father is coming from his house, when all 
 repeat a short prayer and inhale the sacred breath of A'wonawil'ona. 6 
 
 a This prayer song was recognized as being in the Sia language, and on being questioned the shi'- 
 wanni. who was not a little chagrined at the discovery, said: " The song came to us long ago, so long 
 that the fathers of the father's fathers could not tell when." 
 
 6 See Classification of the higher powers, p. 22. 
 
126 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.auk.23 
 
 The stone fetishes are returned to the buckskin medicine bags by 
 the owners, and the te'nas'sali is restored to the vase by the man whose 
 special care it is to guard the sacred mythical medicine plant. The 
 participants in this ceremony now go to their homes or fraternities, 
 and return after sunrise for their te'likinawe, which may be planted 
 in the fields any time during the day. 
 
 An incident occurred on the eighth evening that is worthy of mention. A flayed 
 bear was brought to the pueblo by some Navahos and presented to the mo'sona 
 (director) of the Hii'lo'kwe (ant) fraternity, who at once convened the fraternity. 
 The altar was erected and the a'kwamosi (maker of medicine water) consecrated the 
 water. The bear was butchered, and in an inner room, during the night, was cooked 
 in immense caldrons in the broad fireplace with awning by female members of 
 the fraternity. The other members spent the night in singing and dancing. In the 
 early morning the cooked meat was brought in, with other food, in large bowls. The 
 mo'sona placed the bear's skull in a flat basket in which he had made a cross of meal, 
 symbolic of the four regions, and deposited the basket before thealtar, the top of the 
 head to the east. A woman prepared a bowl of yucca suds and each person present 
 dipped his two ceremonial eagle plumes into the suds and brought them forward over 
 the top of the skull. The woman who prepared the suds afterward washed the skull, 
 anil the mo'sona painted the lower portion of it black ami the upper portion yellow. 
 The top of the head was spotted over with micaceous hematite. A salmon-colored 
 fluffy eagle plume was attached to the top of the skull and a similar one to the base. 
 After the skull was decorated the a'kwamosi sprinkled it with meal, having first 
 thrown medicine water over it, and all present sprinkled meal upon it. The skull 
 was afterward carried in state to To'mapa, a shrine in the west wall of To'wa yiil'- 
 lannt5 (see pi. xxiii)." Each member of the fraternity having prepared a te'liki- 
 nane, these were arranged in a flat basket, the plume ends radiating, and the skull 
 was placed in the center. The woman who washed the skull carried it and was 
 followed by four officers of the fraternity, who sang to the accompaniment of the 
 rattle. Each man wore the deerskin hood of the personators of the Sha'lako, which 
 may be worn by officers of fraternities on such occasions as described. 
 
 The first bodv of A'shiwanni gather on the eighth day in the He'iwa 
 ki'wi'sine, where they remain during the night and prepare te'likinawe, 
 some of which are deposited at sunset on the evening of the ninth 
 day in a spring or water pocket, through which the Kok'ko (anthropic 
 gods) are supposed to view this earth from the undermost world. 
 
 On the ninth day the first body of A'shiwanni, the Ko'rnosona, the 
 Ko'pekwin, and two Ko'pi -t lashiwanni meet in the dwelling of the 
 Ko'rnosona, his wife's house, and prepare te'likinawe. Each shi'wanni 
 makes four offerings to Pau'tiwa. The others present make each two 
 te'likinawe to be offered to that god. The Ko'rnosona groups all the 
 te'likinawe into a kia'etehine. On the same da}* the people of the Corn 
 clan and the children of the clan* assemble in the house of the father or 
 head of the clan to choose a man to personate Pau'tiwa (see page 33), 
 who is known at this time as the Kom'ha'likwi. 1 ' The head of the clan 
 presents prayer meal wrapped in a corn husk to the party chosen to rep- 
 resent the Kom'ha'likwi, notifying him that he is to personate this god 
 
 n Skulls of the prey animals of the six regions are deposited at this shrine. 
 
 bSee List of clans. 
 
 c Dance witch or witch of the Kok'ko. 
 
stevenson) WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 127 
 
 iii the coming ceremony. A prayer is offered for a good heart to the 
 chosen party and for rains to fructify the earth. Each man present 
 makes four te'likinawe to Pau'tiwa. When the prayer plumes are 
 completed the head of the clan groups them into a kia'etchine, which 
 is afterward given to the personator of Pau'tiwa. 
 
 Pau'tiwa appears three times annually in Zufii, When he comes to announce the 
 closing of the winter solstice ceremonial the personator must be of the Corn clan or 
 a child of this clan, the corn being selected every other year. When Pau'tiwa comes 
 on the evening of the closing ceremonies he must be of the Dogwood clan or a child 
 of this clan, the Dogwood clan being represented every alternate year, and being 
 chosen for this occasion by the mo'sona of Shu'maakwe fraternity, who selects him! 
 irrespective of the Parrot and Raven divisions of this clan (see page 40). When 
 Pau'tiwa comes for the mo'lawe festival" the personator must be of the Ai'yahokwe 
 (a certain plant) clan or a child of this clan, the Ai'yahokwe being represented every 
 alternate year. 
 
 Five members of the Sun clan and five of the Corn clan, besides the 
 personator of Pau'tiwa or Kom'ha'likwi, assemble in the house of the 
 latter soon after his appointment, and each one present makes four 
 te'likinawe to the Council of the Gods. After the offerings are com- 
 pleted the men cany them to the Ko'mosona, who puts them with 
 the offerings made by his party, wrapping the group of te'likinawe 
 at the base with cotton cord, and hands the kia'etchine to the Kom'- 
 ha'likwi, who with his party is dispatched to plant these plumes. 
 
 The five men of the Sun elan precede the others in file, the fifth one 
 carrying a ta'sakwinue (ancient corn planter). He is followed by the 
 Koni'ha'likwi bearing the kia'etchine. The five men of the Corn clan 
 follow in file. All carry a mixture composed of ground abalone shell, 
 ko'hakwa (white shell), and turquoise, which they sprinkle as they 
 proceed. This mixture is prepared by a woman of the Sun clan, and 
 is made especially for the occasion. When some distance west of the 
 village the man who carries the corn planter makes an excavation on 
 the bank of the river, using the corn planter to loosen the earth, which 
 he throws out with his hands. The process is somewhat tedious, but 
 continues until he has excavated to the depth of his waist and some 
 2 feet in diameter. He must reach considerable water. After the 
 Koni'haTikwi deposits the te'likinawe in the excavation, all sprinkle 
 the plumes with meal and pray for rains, then the opening is filled by 
 the man who made it. 
 
 On the tenth day the otaikia mo'sona (dance director) of each ki'wi'- 
 sine. with several associates, awaits in his ki'wi'sine the coming of 
 the Kom'ha'likwi, who arrives at midnight. He dodges about and 
 disappears in the dark corners to avoid the light and the view of the 
 people, just as witches do; hence the name. Ascending the ladder to 
 the roof, he throws a pinch of meal through the hatchway, and marks 
 four lines with meal on the crossbar of it, which indicates that after 
 
 a See Annual festival oi the Sha'lako, p. 277. 
 
128 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 four days shall have passed ashes ma} - be carried outside, or that the 
 fcesh'kwi (fast) closes. After visiting- the ki'wi'siwe he disappears 
 over the western road. Each day one line of the meal is rubbed off 
 by the otaiMa mo'sona. 
 
 During the fourteenth da} r the first body of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mo- 
 sona, Ko'pekwin, the two Ko'pi'lashiwanni, and the fire-tender are 
 engaged in the He'iwa ki'wi'sinc preparing te'likinawe to the Council 
 of the Gods, the six Sha'liiko, four Sa'ya'hlia. and Bi" t si t si. Those to 
 the latter are designated mo'lawe a'wan te'likinawe, they being asso- 
 ciated with 13i'"si t si, the original mo'sona of the Galaxy fraternity, at 
 the time of his appearance in the festival of the mo'lawe." In addition 
 to these offerings, others are made every four years to 'Kiaklo,* and 
 to the Kia'nakwe,'' who are personated quadrennially. At the same 
 time the A'wan ta"chu Ko'yemshi 6 is chosen from the designated fra- 
 ternity by the elder brother Bow priest, who is also Shi'wanni of the 
 Nadir, the several fraternities alternating annually; and while it is 
 customary for the A'wan ta"chu Ko'vemshi to select his nine asso- 
 ciates from the fraternity to which he belongs, they are sometimes 
 chosen at large from the people. 
 
 The Great Fire f raternitj' is also assembled in the ki'wi'sine at this 
 time, with other members. The mo'sona of this fraternity directs two 
 of its members to visit 'Kia'nanaknana, a spring at the black rocks 
 east of Zuiii, and collect water. A gourd jug covered with a net- 
 work of cotton cord, with four fluffy white eagle plumes attached, is 
 handed to one of the men, who holds it in his left hand and receives 
 four te'likinawe in his right. These plume offerings are to the Sun 
 Father, deceased Kia'kwe amosi (rain priests) of the North (rain 
 priests of the Zenith), and rain priests of the Nadir. The second man 
 receives four te'likinawe to the Sun Father, deceased rain priests of 
 the West, South, and East, which he carries in his left hand, while in 
 his right he has a rhombus, which he whirls as he follows the other 
 man to the spring. The leader carries meal in his belt, which he 
 throws before him as he proceeds. Reaching the spring, the te'likinawe 
 are deposited, and the jug is filled with water. 
 
 The same morning the Ko'mosona selects a man of the Deer clan and 
 one of the Corn clan to visit a spring at 'Kiap'kwena (Ojo Caliente). 
 The man of the Deer clan leads. He carries in his left hand a water 
 jug similar to that borne by the member of the Great Fire fraternity, 
 and five te'likinawe, which are to be offered to Council of the Gods. 
 In his right hand he carries a rhombus. The man of the Corn clan 
 carries in his left hand a similar jug and five te'likinawe, as offer- 
 ings to Council of the Gods and the Sha'liiko. He carries a rhombus 
 
 a See Annual festival of the Sha'Hiko, p. 277. 
 
 6 See Origin of ancestral pods, p. 33. 
 
 c See Destruction of the Kla'nakwe and songs of thanksgiving, p. 36. 
 
stevensos] WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 129 
 
 in his right. These te'likinawe are deposited in the spring, and the 
 jugs are tilled with water. This couple returns the same evening, 
 though the spring is 15 miles from Zuni. Should they become weary, 
 they sprinkle meal before them, with a prayer to the Council of the 
 Gods for strength of heart and limb. Upon their return from 'Kia'- 
 nanaknana the men pass to the right of the ladder, and after descend- 
 ing into the ki'wi'sine turn to the left and advance to the director of the 
 Great Fire fraternity, who stands by the meal painting. After receiv- 
 ing the jugs, the director stoops and empties the water into his medi- 
 cine bowl with the prayer: "Ho'rno a'ta'chu u'wannam-a'shiwanni 
 yarn 'kia'shima yam to'shonanne yam 'hli'towe yiim wil'lolonanne j'iim 
 ku'lulunanne yum'hlash'shiakia (My fathers, rain priests, rain- 
 makers, give to us water, seeds, rains, and lightning. Let us have 
 thunder. Let us be white-haired with age)." The unexpressed 
 thought is that they niay be made happy with the fruits of the earth 
 and live to old age, to sleep, not die, and awake in Ko'thluwala'wa (the 
 abiding place of the Council of the Gods; see plate iv). The two 
 members of the Great Fire fraternity take their seats with their 
 fraternity. The Ko'mosona receives the jug brought bj r the others and 
 pours the water into his medicine bowl with a prayer similar to that 
 offered by the director of the Great Fire fraternity. 
 
 On the fourteenth day the first bod} 7 of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mosona, 
 ami the Ko'pekwin consult together in the He'iwa ki'wi'sine as to who 
 shall personate certain gods and who shall entertain the Council of the 
 Gods and Sha'lako in the coming autumn. This privilege is asked by 
 such men of the village as desire to build new homes or renovate old 
 ones, those having good hearts and being fitted to fill the positions 
 receiving much consideration; the decision is made by the elder 
 brother Bow priest. There are alwaj^s eight new houses to be blessed 
 by the gods. 
 
 A meal painting, quite different in character from the one symbolic 
 of clouds seen on the fourth day. is made b}' the Ko'pekwin before 
 sunset on the fourteenth day. The former painting is the propert}' 
 of the Gods of War, and must never appear except in connection 
 with them. The latter is used in reference to the Kok'ko. The cloud 
 symbols of the other fraternities are different from either of those 
 mentioned. A large fire burns on the fire altar day and night during 
 the fourteenth day. 
 
 The Sa'va'hlia masks (see plate xvi) that were deposited by the 
 meal painting are soon removed and worn by the personators of these 
 gods, who appear as warriors for a short time in the streets of the 
 village and then return to the ki'wi'sine. They and the personators 
 of Shits'ukia and Kwe'lele (two gods from Shi'papolima") wear their 
 
 a See Esoteric fraternities. 
 23 ETH— 04 9 
 
130 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 masks throughout the night and move about continually without taking 
 .-eats (see plates xxvi and xxvn). 
 
 The personator of Pau'tiwa appears in the ki'wi'sine after dark, and 
 his mask (see plate xxvin) is removed and placed by the meal painting, 
 the man himself taking his seat immediately back of it between the 
 lines of men of the Dogwood and Sun clans. 
 
 The ledge around the room is filled with spectators, all males who 
 have passed their voluntary initiation being privileged to enter the 
 ki'wi'sine. The Sa'ya'hlia, Shits'ukia, and Kwe'lele are tenacious in 
 their prerogative of whipping those who are found dozing or who 
 attempt to depart from the ki'wi'sine during the night. No one 
 must sleep while in the ki'wi'sine, nor must one, after entering, leave 
 before morning. The members of Great Fire fraternity and of the 
 He'iwa ki'wi'sine alternate in singing to the accompaniment of the 
 rattle and drum. 
 
 There is constant smoking, and a quantity of popcorn water is drunk. 
 No article that has touched grease must be used in dipping this water. 
 
 Mr. George M. Landers, of Connecticut, a Representative in the Forty-fourth and 
 Forty-fifth Congresses, desiring to aid in Christianizing and civilizing the Zufiis, gave 
 to an Indian, who was spending the winter with the writer, a large box of cutlery and 
 silverware, thinking that this Indian, having had the environment of civilization for 
 six months, would carry back its influence to her people. When the writer visited 
 Zuiii about two months after the return of the Indian to her home, she found that the 
 steel knives had been distributed among the rain priests and others, for the purpose 
 of fashioning te'likinawe, and that the large silver spoons were used with popcorn 
 water, which is drunk in certain ceremonials. The forks were playthings among the 
 children, the Indian to whom the things were given having returned to the use of 
 her fingers in place of the knife and fork. Yet this Zufiian, during her six 
 months' stay in Washington, came in contact only with the highest conditions of 
 culture, dining and receiving with some of the most distinguished women of the 
 national capital. 
 
 The songs and dancing of Shits'ukia and Kwe'lele continue until 
 the rising of the Morning Star (warrior to the Sun Father), which is 
 carefully watched for by men who ascend the ladder to the hatchway. 
 "When announcement is made of the appearance of the star. Kwe'lele 
 and the director of the order of Kok'ko 'hlan'na (Great god) of the 
 Great Fire fraternity " take their seats near the fire altar. Kwe'lele 
 places his horizontal fire stick on the floor and proceeds to produce 
 fire by friction. A quantity of crushed cedar fiber having been placed 
 beside the horizontal stick, a second stick held in the hand is rubbed 
 in a rotary manner upon the one on the floor. After Kwe'lele has 
 worked a while, the director of the order of Kok'ko 'hlan'na takes 
 the stick, and, after a time, produces sparks, which ignite the crushed 
 fiber. Lifting the fiber in both hands, he waves it sidewise until 
 there is sufficient fire to light the brand. (The breath must never be 
 blown upon the fiber, for this would so offend the gods that no rains 
 
 « See p. 407. 
 
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stevenson] WINTEK SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 131 
 
 would come.) Kwe'lele rises and touches his brand to the light, after 
 which the director throws the crushed fiber into the flames of the fire 
 altar. The tire tender lights a similar brand at the fire altar, and the 
 party leaves the Iri'wi'sine in the following' order: Shits'ukia, carrying 
 a rhombus in his right hand and an ear of yellow corn in his left; the 
 Ko'pekwin, with a basket of sacred meal and his mi'li in his left hand, 
 while with his right he throws meal before him; the pe'kwin, who 
 carries a basket of meal and an ear of blue corn in his left hand and 
 sprinkles meal with his right; the fire-tencler, carrying in his blanket 
 over his left arm four ears of corn with te'likinawe in the center and 
 a firebrand in his right hand; the Ko'mosona, carrying his mi'li and 
 basket of meal in his left hand and sprinkling meal with his right; 
 Pau'tiwa, wearing a white cotton shirt, embroidered sash, four mi'hawe 
 (sacred embroidered blankets), white deerskin leggings fringed at the 
 sides, and dance moccasins; his mask is elaborately decorated; on his 
 left arm are many te'likinawe, including offerings from each member 
 of the first body of A'shiwanni, while with his right hand he sprinkles 
 meal, which he carries in his sash; four Sa'ya'hlia, who carry bows 
 and arrows in their left hands, and bunches of }mcca in the right; four 
 men of the Sun clan; Kwe'lele, who follows a short distance from the 
 others, carrying a firebrand and crushed cedar fiber in his right hand, 
 and in his left fire sticks, from which the fire is made. 
 
 The party proceeds to Ku'shilowa (red earth), a short distance east of 
 Zuiii, where the fire tender laj's his burning brand on the ground and 
 Kwe'lele places his brand south of it. The Ko'pekwin runs a line of 
 meal between the two brands, which are a short distance apart. Shits'- 
 ukia stands north of the brand of the fire tender and Kwe'lele stands 
 south of his own brand. The fire tender stands just west of the meal 
 line and Pau'tiwa stoops with bended knees behind the fire tender. The 
 four Sa'ya'hlia stand a short distance back of Pau'tiwa, the remainder 
 of the party forming in groups north and south and back of the others, 
 all facing east. Those grouped at the back sprinkle meal on the gods 
 and draw in the sacred bi'eath. The te'likinawe are now deposited in a 
 circular excavation, an arm's length in depth, made by the ceremonial 
 father of Pau'tiwa, a member of the Sun clan, he having preceded the 
 others from the ki'wi'sine in time to have the excavation in readiness. 
 The fire tender separates his corn from the te'likinawe and carries it 
 home. The father of Pau'tiwa covers the offerings with earth, leaving 
 no trace of the excavation. 
 
 The plume offerings are made to the Sun Father, Council of the 
 Gods, Sa'va'hlia, Shits'ukia, Kwe'lele, u'wannam A'shiwanni," Ku'pish- 
 taya,'-' and Po'shaiyanki. c The prayers offered on this occasion are for 
 rain, snow, and warmth from the Sun Father to fructify the mother 
 earth, that she may give in abundance the fruits of her being, all seeds 
 
 a Rain priests (rain-makers). b Lightning-makers. c Culture hero. 
 
132 THE ZUN1 INDIANS [eth.41TO.23 
 
 being mentioned, and for raiment, each article being named. For the 
 hitter Po'shaiyanki is appealed to. 
 
 The exit of the party from the ki'wi'sine is the signal for all families 
 to begin the cleaning of their houses. Each female member of the 
 family except the one making the bread, no matter how young, if she 
 can walk and carry a small basket or bowl, goes to the nearest field of 
 the family and deposits sweepings; ashes with live coals are deposited 
 separately. To the sweepings she says: '"I now deposit you as sweep- 
 ings, but in one year you will return to me as corn."' To the ashes 
 she says: "I now deposit you as ashes, but in one year you will return 
 to me as meal." Both the ashes and sweepings are sprinkled with 
 meal, and prayers are offered. The one who is making the bread 
 afterward goes to the heaps, repeating prayers and sprinkling meal. 
 The te'likinawe. which are kept with the ashes and sweepings for ten 
 days, are then deposited in the fields. 
 
 After the return of the party to the ki'wi'sine, where the A'shiwanni, 
 the Great Fire fraternity, and others have awaited them, the Great 
 Fire fraternity sing to the accompaniment of the rattle and drum, and 
 the four Sa'ya'hlia, Shits'ukia. and Kwe'lele dance until after sunrise. 
 Having extinguished his firebrand at Ku'shilowa. Kwe'lele brings it 
 with him to the ki'wi'sine and after sunset deposits it on the road 
 to Ko'thluwala'wa. All go to their homes to eat except the four 
 Sa'ya'hlia, Shits'ukia, and Kwe'lele, who must remain in the ki'wi'sine. 
 
 An aunt on the paternal side, or some woman of the father's clan, 
 calls through the hatchway in the roof of the ki'wi'sine to the fire 
 tender. He ascends to the roof and accompanies her to her house, where 
 she washes his head with yucca suds and bathes his body for purifica- 
 tion and longevity, that he ma}' not die, but sleep to awake in Ko'thlu- 
 wala'wa. After eating in the aunt's house, the meal including animal 
 food, the fire tender returns to the ki'wi'sine. "When the others who 
 left for breakfast have returned, the pe'kwln selects separately from 
 a basket tray a number of te'likinawe to be distributed to persons 
 chosen to fill certain offices, which appointments were discussed on the 
 previous day. 
 
 The pe'kwln hands each te'likinane separately to the elder brother 
 Bow priest, the following words being repeated with the presentation 
 of each: "Ta'chumo" (father), said by receiver: "tal'emo" (father's 
 brother's son), said by the giver; '"pa'pamo" (elder brother), said 
 by the receiver: "su'emo" (younger brother), said by the giver; 
 "ka'kiamo" (mother's elder brother), said by receiver: "ka'simo" 
 (mother's younger brother), said by giver: "na'namo" (grandfather), 
 said by receiver; ''tosh'limo" (grandson), said by giver: "al'limo" 
 (great-grandfather), said by receiver; "u'waikiami" (great-grandson), 
 said by giver. Each offering is to the god the chosen party is to per- 
 
stevesson] WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 133 
 
 senate; the offerings for those who have been appointed to entertain the 
 Sha'lako remain in the ki'wi'sine until they are taken in charge by Pau'- 
 tiwa later in the day. The elder brother Bow priest distributes the 
 others soon after he receives them. The presentation of the te'liki na we 
 indicates that the parties are chosen for the office and must repair to 
 the ki'wi'sine. They are as follows: Those to personate Shu'laawi'si," 
 Sa'yatasha, two Ya'muhakto, Hu'tutu, Pau'tiwa, A'wan ta/'chu Ko'- 
 yemshi,'' and Bi'^'si'si. 6 ' Every fourth year the personator of 'Kiaklo 
 and the priest or the director of the Kia'nakwe are included, the 
 ceremonies in which these gods figure occurring quadrennially. 
 
 The elder brother Bow priest returns to the ki'wi'sine and is soon 
 followed by those to whom he has given the te'likinawe. These offer- 
 ings remain in the house of each man until he has filled the position for 
 wdiick he is chosen. 
 
 On entering the ki'wi'sine these men take their seats on a plank 
 extended from one box to another. The personator of Shu'laawi'si is 
 the first addressed, the pe'kwin presenting to him the appropriate offer- 
 ing from the basket containing the te'likinawe. The sticks of these 
 offerings are as long as the space between the carpus and the tip of 
 the middle finger. The stick for Shu'laawi'si is black, spotted with 
 yellow, blue-green, red, and white, and feathers of the turkej', duck, 
 and the birds of the six regions attached. The priest stoops before 
 the chosen personator of Shu'laawi'si, and, placing the te'likinane 
 in his hands, clasps them with both of his and prays for rain, corn, 
 much water over the earth, long life, and all good things. The te'liki- 
 nane is now passed downward several times before the face in order that 
 the selected one may draw the sacred breath from the plumes. The 
 same ceremony is repeated by the pe'kwin with Sa'yatasha, Hu'tutu, 
 the two Ya'muhakto, A'wan ta"chu Ko'yemshi, and Bi'"si'si. The 
 sticks of all except the Ko'yemshi are colored yellow, while that of 
 the Ko'yemshi is colored black, and all are decorated with feathers of 
 the eagle, turkey, duck, and the birds of the six regions. After the 
 presentation of the te'likinawe the chosen personators of the gods 
 leave the ki'wi'sine, the personator of Sa'yatasha taking to his home 
 all the te'likinawe excepting those of the Ko'yemshi and Bi'"si'si. 
 
 Shits'ukia and Kwe'lele perform during the day on the roof of the 
 ki'wi'sine. All the exposed parts of Shits'ukia's body, including the 
 upper legs, are painted white, with this symbol ^ just above the knees, 
 formed by scraping off the white paint. He wears a white cotton shirt, 
 an embroidered Hopi kilt fastened at the right side, an embroidered 
 Hopi sash, and a woman's belt around the waist looped on the right. 
 A fox skin is pendent at the back of the waist. A sacred embroid- 
 ered blanket is doubled and fastened over the right shoulder, passing 
 
 a Shu'laawi'si must belong to the ki'wit'sine of the Zenith. (-See p. 33. osee p. 408. 
 
134 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 under the left arm, both arms being perfectly free. Several strings 
 of archaic black and white beads, with an abalone shell attached, 
 pass over the right shoulder and under the left arm; the deerskin 
 leggings are fringed at the side, native black yarn is tied around the 
 legs below the knees and hangs in tassels, with sleigh bells attached; 
 dance moccasins are worn. On some occasions it has been observed 
 that Shits'ukia wears white cotton leggings knit in fanciful designs. 
 These are unquestionably of Spanish origin. A bow wristlet is on the 
 left wrist and native blue yarn encircles the right. The mask (see plate 
 xxvi) is white with designs of lightning in yellow and blue, and a 
 cornstalk runs over the forehead. A deer tail hangs on each side of 
 the mask above the colored wheels that symbolize corn and squash 
 blossoms. White fluffy eagle plumes and yellow parrot feathers deco- 
 rate the top of the mask and long parrot plumes and fluffy eagle feathers 
 stand up at the back of the mask; an aigret of hawk plumes is below 
 this group. A collarette of spruce is worn at the base of the mask. 
 Shits'ukia carries a rhombus in his right hand, which he uses con- 
 stant^, and yucca in hi,s left. 
 
 Kwe'lele has his body colored black except the upper legs, which 
 are painted white, the white beginning some inches above the knees. 
 He wears an embroidered Hopi kilt fastened at the right side and 
 held on by a Hopi woman's belt with a white cotton fringed sash; 
 a fox skin is pendent at the back. He has green armlets just above 
 the elbows, with spruce twigs standing from the upper sides. A bow 
 wristlet is on the left wrist and native blue yarn on the right, the yarn 
 hanging in tassels. Strings of archaic beads, similar to those worn 
 by Shits'ukia, hang in the same way over the shoulder. He wears 
 dance moccasins and anklets embroidered with porcupine quills, and 
 carries bunches of yucca in the right hand and fire sticks in the left. 
 The mask (see plate xxvn) is black, with plume decorations similar to 
 that of Shits'ukia; bells of white paper hang on each side of the 
 mask. Shits'ukia and Kwe'lele walk about over the roof for some- 
 time; meanwhile crowds are gathering in the plaza and on the house 
 tops. 
 
 The ladder leading into the ki'wit'sine has a horizontal bar (sjmibolic 
 of the bow of the Sa'ya'hlia) attached to it several feet above the hatch- 
 way, which is fringed with black goat's wool about 5 inches deep. A 
 squirrel skin is pendent at the middle of the bar, and each end is deco- 
 rated with white fluffy eagle plumes. The songs of the Great Fire 
 fraternity are to be heard within during the time the two gods are on 
 the roof. As the afternoon draws to a close Shits'ukia and Kwe'lele 
 descend into the ki'wi'sine, and soon reappear with ears of sweet corn 
 strung together horizontal^ with strings of yucca, which they throw 
 to the populace. The corn has been cooked in the husk, which is after- 
 ward removed. It has been mentioned that no meals are served in the 
 
stevenson] WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 135 
 
 ki'wi'sine during the winter solstice ceremonial; no rains would come 
 if food should be eaten there at this season. This custom and that 
 of throwing food to the populace are associated with the legend here 
 introduced. 
 
 Legend related by We'wha 
 
 The gods of Chi'pia" were hungry. They had no meat, and they were hungry for 
 meat. There had been no rains for a long time, but there had been a little lightning. 
 Shits'ukla said to Kwe'lele: "I think I will go to-morrow to look for deer." The 
 ancestral gods of the A'shiwi were also hungry, but the gods of Chi'pia did not 
 know this. Shits'ukla and Kwe'lele were so hungry that they ate their moccasins, 
 and Shits'ukla ate his earrings of deer tails; and so in the morning he started 
 after deer. There was no game in his country, and he considered: "Which route 
 shall I take? I think I will go to the west, whence the lightning came; the deer, I 
 guess, live there." He was barefoot and poorly clad, for he had eaten everything; 
 he had only a little meal of sweet corn and a few seeds of the same. The afternoon 
 of the fourth day he came to tall green grass, and sitting in the grass were two sisters 
 washing a buckskin. When they discovered the stranger they turned a large pottery 
 bowl over the buckskin. Shits'ukla, approaching them, inquired: "What are you 
 doing?" "I have been washing." " What have you been washing?" "I have 
 been washing myself." "No," said Shits'ukla, "I know what you have been 
 washing; you have been washing buckskin." "Did you see?" "Yes; I saw you 
 along time. I have been watching you." The girls then removed the bowl and 
 showed the buckskin, and then continued their washing. When it was done, one 
 said, addressing her sister: "Now we will go home." The girl then invited 
 Shits'ukla to accompany her home. These people were the Kwal'ashi kwin'na 
 (Black raven). These raven people then lived in a high mountain. On reaching 
 the house the father exclaimed: " Who is that boy who has come?" The mother 
 also asked the question. The daughter replied : "I don't know; he has been travel- 
 ing four days and nights." The father said to the elder girl: "Well, he will be good 
 for your husband." The parents were eating and had much meat before them. 
 They invited Shits'ukla to eat. The father had just returned from the cornfield. 
 After he had finished his meal he said to the stranger: "I will take you for my son. 
 You are poor. You will live with me. Look at both my children. You shall have 
 one as your wife. Look at both and tell me the one you choose." Shits'ukla 
 replied: "I wish the elder daughter for my wife." "It is well," said the father. 
 At bedtime the father said: "I guess you are very tired. You will sleep alone with 
 your wife in the upper room." On reaching his room Shits'ukla found his bed 
 made of deerskins. He slept all night with his wife. When they arose in the morn- 
 ing the father said: "Now I will show you all our game — elk, deer, antelope, rabbits, 
 and rats." Going a short distance away, he exclaimed: "Ah, ha, my children, I 
 amglad to see you; good day." The game answered: "Kets'anishi (all good come 
 to you)." Shits'ukla said to the game: "I am hungry and want meat. Which of 
 you shall I kill?" An elk replied, "Kill me;" and Shits'ukla killed the elk, flayed 
 him, and then returned to the house. For four days he killed deer and dried the meat. 
 The fifth day he asked the father: "Where is a good place to plant my corn? I have 
 a few seeds." "A little way off there is agood place." "Well, I have lots of meat. 
 I will take it with me and stay two nights at the field." He went off and planted the 
 corn; he did not intend to sleep in the field. That night he wrapped the meat up 
 in a skin and went to Ko'thluwala'wa. Pau'tiwa was delighted to see the meat. 
 He asked: "My child, where did you find the deer?" "I sat outside my house 
 
 a Chi'pia is the abiding place ol" certain gods who preceded the Zufiis to this world. It is located, 
 according to Zufii history, near Shi'papolima, the home of the Zuxii prey gods. 
 
136 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bxh.ann.23 
 
 after sundown and saw a little lightning. I thought I would look for my children in 
 thf direction whence it came, and I found them." He told the story of meeting 
 with the Kwal'ashi people. He remained all night at Ko'thluwala'wa. Shits'ukla 
 said: "Pretty soon I will steal all the game." He also told of his planting the 
 corn. "Well," said Pau'tiwa, "your corn will be ripe in four days and I shall be con- 
 tented to have you steal all the game; my people are very hungry for meat." All 
 night they talked. Pau'tiwa went out and brought in a beautiful girl and said: 
 "When you bring the deer, then this girl shall be your wife. I sent the eagle for 
 game and he returned without having seen it. I also sent the hawk, and he returned 
 without having seen any. But you are wiser than the others; you are my child." 
 Shits'ukla returned early in the morning to where he had planted the corn. The 
 corn was already quite high — over a foot. He hoed the ground and sang till sunset, 
 anil then returned to the Kwal'ashi people and slept that night with his wife. He 
 said to the father: "My corn is good; it is already quite high." He remained four 
 nights with these people, going each day to his cornfield. He also killed many deer, 
 and dried the meat. The fourth day he said to the K wal'ashi man : ' ' Now I am going 
 to my cornfield. My corn I think is ripe. Now I will roast some corn." 
 
 Shits'ukla went to the field, and made a great fire at night and threw the corn in, 
 and all the gods came from Ko'thluwala'wa and ate the corn and meat. After all 
 had gathered, Shits'ukla said to the cougar: "Father, I wish you to come to me." 
 And iu a little while the cougar appeared. He then called the bear, then the 
 lynx, and then the coyote. Shits'ukla said to the cougar: "Father, what will you 
 have to eat? Will you have the rabbit?" "No." "Will you have the antelope?" 
 "No; I wish the deer." He then said to the bear: "My father, warrior, what will 
 you have to eat?" "I will have the same as the cougar — the deer." He then said 
 to the lynx: "My warrior, what will you have? Will you have the deer?" "No." 
 "Will you have antelope?" "No; I want the rabbit. I do not run about much; I 
 will eat the rabbit." Then he asked the coyote: " What will you have? Will you 
 have the rabbit?" "No." " The antelope?" "No; I will have the deer." "Well, 
 let us go." And they all went to the deer house. When they came close to the great 
 stone fence which surrounded the game he said to all: " We must not speak loud." 
 And on reaching the gate he spoke to the deer, saying: "Deer, my children, come 
 hither; my father and warriors wish to eat; whom shall I kill?" A deer replied : "Kill 
 me." "Come outside, my child," said Shits'ukla. "Where shall I go? It is dark, I 
 can not see." "Here; come out." The deer passed out the door. The cougar made 
 a second attempt before he caught the deer. Then Shits'ukla called the bear. The 
 hair was so heavy over his small eyes that he could hardly see. "Stand here," 
 said Shits'ukla. A second deer was called. AVhen the deer passed out of the gate 
 the bear walked about, but could not see the deer; the deer went far away, and the 
 bear failed to catch him." Shits'ukla said: "Now you have failed to catch the deer; 
 no longer shall you eat deer. You will be my warrior still, but you shall eat only 
 medicine."'' Then Shits'ukla called the lynx, who has eyes like the cougar, and 
 he caught the rabbit and ate it. Then the coyote was called up, and the deer came, 
 as for the cougar. "Pass out," said Shits'ukla. The coyote had fallen asleep, and 
 awoke after the deer had passed, exclaiming: "Where is the deer?" "He has 
 gone," Shits'ukla said, "go after him." But with all the coyote's running he could 
 not catch the deer. When he returned Shits'ukla asked him if he had caught the 
 deer. The coyote replying in the negative, Shits'ukla said: "Well, hereafter you 
 shall not eat the meat of any animal. You shall eat only blood. In the past the 
 
 " "The cougar has eyes like fire and sees all things. The bear only walks about slowly, continu- 
 ally dropping chips." 
 
 '-This medicine is found in the earth by the bear. Whenever the Zufiis see him, he is still walking 
 around, dropping chips ami hunting in the earth for his medicine. In the old time Shits'ukla gave 
 the bear the medicine, which he still eats. 
 
stevenson] WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 187 
 
 coyote ate only blood, and therefore the fetish sus'ki (coyote) is dipped into the 
 blood of the deer. The cougar and hear fetishes also eat blood of the deer. 
 
 Then Pau'tiwa ami Shits'ukta both said to the game: "My children, you shall no 
 longer stay here. We will open the gates that you may pass over the earth anil eat 
 the grass of the earth." The game had but little to eat in their stone house. Pau'- 
 tiwa said: "You will find good places where you can have your young, and when 
 we want food we will kill and eat you, and your otherselves will come and live 
 in my house." And all the game passed out of the gates. One of the Kwal'ashi, 
 hearing, ran to tell the others, and all left the house to see, and they cried: " Who 
 has let out our game?" Shits'ukta at once spat out the medicine" Pau'tiwa had 
 given him over the Kwal'ashi people, and they all turned into ravens and, croaking, 
 flew away, to return no more to their homes. 
 
 The collecting of the corn and throwing it to the people, timid 
 shouts and cheers of the latter, continue for some time. When throw- 
 ing it Kwe'lele holds the yucca in his left hand. Previous to the dis- 
 tribution of the corn each time Shits'ukia and his associate walk 
 about over the roof of the ki'wi'sine hooting in a peculiar wa}\ Their 
 dexterity in throwing the great bunches of corn, often as many as a 
 dozen at once, is remarkable. 
 
 The water collected on the fourteenth day is drunk late in the after- 
 noon of the following day, that of the Great Fire fraternity being admin- 
 istered by the director of the fraternity, and that from 'Kiap'kwena by 
 the Ko'niosona. The water is dipped with a shell, the one receiving the 
 draft saying, "ta'chumo" (father), and the giver replying, "pa'pamo" 
 (brother). Pau'tiwa, Shits'ukia, Kwe'lele, and the four Sa'ya'hlia do 
 not take this water. Should they drink of it the Council of the Gods 
 would refuse to water the earth. The pe'kwin receives his two drafts 
 before leaving the ki'wi'sine to accompany Pau'tiwa on his round of 
 the ki'wi'siwe. 
 
 Late in the afternoon five men of the Sun clan are seen coming 
 over the plain a considerable distance south of the village. When 
 they left the ki'wi'sine they carried the mask and paraphernalia of 
 Pau'tiwa. the personator of this god havingalsogone from the ki'wi'sine. 
 Soon after the men of the Sun clan are seen Pau'tiwa is discovered 
 coming from the south also, but he is nearly a quarter of a mile 
 east of the group, and is alone. His dress is the same as previously 
 described. He carries in each hand a number of plume wands strung 
 together with yucca thread, with loops at the top of each group to 
 serve as handles. The base of each wand is wrapped with a bit of corn 
 husk. He has also a large bunch of te'likinawe in each hand. A 
 diminutive game of 'si'kon tikwane. a slender stick with a hoop colored 
 blue attached, is carried in the right hand, the whole elaborately dec- 
 
 a This medicine was given to Shits'ukia by Pau'tiwa when he first visited Ko'thluwala'wa after 
 Pau'tiwa told Mm he wished him to steal all the game. Shits'ukta replied that perhaps the Kwal'- 
 ashi people'had good heads and would find out and kill him. Then Pau'tiwa gave him the medi- 
 cine and said it would destroy the people. Shits'ukia returned to Ko'thluwala'wa with Pau'tiwa, 
 and lived there a longtime, and had the girl as his wife. He did not take his Kwal'ashi wife with 
 him when he returned to his home. On his return he passed south of I'tiwanna (Zufii). Shits'ukia 
 and Kwe'lele still visit Ko'thluwala'wa. 
 
138 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 orated with eagle plumes and feathers of the birds of the six regions. 
 This game must be held until Pau'tiwa deposits it after leaving the 
 pueblo at sunset. Pau'tiwa also has in his left hand a kia'puli 'hla'si- 
 tonne (a twig, suggestive of the Navaho scalp," having a crow's 
 feather and owl plume attached, which must have dropped from the 
 birds). 
 
 Pau'tiwa proceeds with a slow, even tread. He circles round the 
 village four times, coil fashion. The first circle is a short distance 
 from the village, the last through the streets of the town. After the 
 fourth circuit he stops beside a house on the east side of the village. 
 A stone slab, 8 by 12 inches, concealing a recess in the wall is removed 
 by the matron of the house and laid on the ground some minutes pre- 
 vious to the arrival of Pau'tiwa. A man of the Sun clan and two of 
 the Dogwood clan, one grandfather to the other, form a group by the 
 house on this occasion. The man of the Sun clan personates Pau'tiwa's 
 father; the others, his elder and younger brothers. The 3'ounger 
 brother assists Pau'tiwa to detach the te'likinawe to be deposited in 
 the recess which runs some 2£ feet along the wall and is S or 10 inches 
 deep. Much of this space is filled with these offerings previously 
 deposited, manj' of them looking quite as fresh as the new ones.'' 
 
 The te'likinawe deposited by Pau'tiwa are offered to the sun and 
 moon, to the former the blue stick and to the latter the yellow. The 
 upper ends of both are beveled to represent the face; three black dots 
 denote the eyes and mouth. These offerings are for the increase and 
 perpetuation of vegetable and animal life, especially that of the 
 Zuiiis. The plumes are deposited with prayers, and then Pau'tiwa 
 sprinkles them with meal which he carries in his belt and proceeds to 
 a house on the north side of the village. 
 
 As soon as Pau'tiwa leaves, the matron of the house appears, carry- 
 ing a small copper kettle of plaster. The younger brother of Pau'- 
 tiwa after replacing the slab in the wall hastens after the party, leaving 
 the woman to secure it with the plaster; she leaves no trace of the 
 excavation. The ceremony of depositing te'likinawe is repeated at 
 houses on the north, west, and south sides of the village, and at two 
 houses in the inner streets for the zenith and nadir. When these 
 offerings to the sun and moon have all been deposited, Pau'tiwa goes 
 to theHe'iwa ki'wi'sine as the sun is sinking behind the horizon. He is 
 received at the base of the outer ladder by Shits'ukia, Kwe'lele, and 
 the pe'kwin, who carries a basket filled with te'likinawe. The ladder 
 is sprinkled with meal by Shits'ukia and the pe'kwin, and Pau'tiwa 
 sprinkles it as he ascends by throwing the meal up before him. 
 
 "In times of hostility the Navahos pass about at night, like the owl, and inform the enemy of the 
 Zufiis of their whereabouts. 
 
 6 Mr Stevenson during his explorations among the ruins of the Southwest found many objects in 
 the walls of cliff and mesa houses which had been deposited in the same way. 
 
stevenson] WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 139 
 
 As soon as Pau'tiwa roaches the roof of the ki'wi'sinS, he throws the 
 symbol of the Navaho scalp into the ki'wi'sine, which indicates that the 
 song must cease. Stooping, with bended knees, and facing- east, he 
 separates two plume wands from the others, one to be given to the 
 man who is to personate a Sha'lako in the coming autumn, and one 
 for the man who is to entertain the god. The sticks of these wands 
 an' the length of the bended elbow on the inner side to the tip of the 
 middle finger. Pau'tiwa deposits them with four smaller te'likinawe 
 while he prays, on the end log of the hatchway, this opening of the 
 ki'w i'sine being finished on the four sides with substantial logs, and 
 draws four lines of meal with his index and second fingers on the inner 
 side of the log upon which he places the plumes, meaning that the gods 
 will come four times, the reference being to the Sal'imobiya bringing 
 seeds from Ko'thluwala'wa (abiding place of the Council of the Gods). 
 
 Pau'tiwa now sprinkles meal through the hatchway. Rising, he 
 kicks the twig, which has been thrown out upon the roof, four times 
 with his left foot, symbolic of the treatment of the Navaho scalps. 
 He then lifts the twig in his left hand and, descending the outer ladder, 
 departs with those who await him at the base of the ladder to Chu'- 
 pawa ki'wi'sine." Shits'ukla leads, whirling the rhombus, and is fol- 
 lowed by the pe'kwin and Kwe'lele. Shits'ukla and the pe'kwin, on 
 reaching the ki'wi'sine, sprinkle the ladder with meal, and pass beyond 
 to allow Pau'tiwa to approach. He sprinkles meal upon it as he 
 ascends to the roof, and repeats the deposition of the te'likinawe as 
 described. After all the ki'wi'siwe have been visited Pau'tiwa and 
 his party proceed to the northwest corner of the village, where he 
 turns to face the east, and receives from a woman of the Dogwood 
 clan, she facing north, a ha'kwani (a number of cotton loops sj'mbol- 
 izing the sacred embroidered blanket). The woman, in presenting the 
 ha'kwani. repeats a long prayer for food and raiment. 
 
 The three gods leave the village by the western road, and are sup- 
 posed to go to Ko'thluwala'wa, where Shits'ukla and Kwe'lele spend a 
 night, after which they return to their home in the east, passing south 
 of Zuui in their journey. In reality they go to a bend in the river 
 which serves as the greenroom. The pe'kwin accompanies them a 
 short distance. Handing the plumes he carries to Pau'tiwa, to deposit 
 on the road to Ko'thluwala'wa. he returns to the village. After depos- 
 iting the te'likinawe, the gods disrobe, their masks and paraphernalia 
 being brought to the village under the blankets of those dispatched 
 for the purpose. After the departure of Pau'tiwa, those who are in 
 the He'iwa ki'wi'sine go to their homes to eat, with the exception 
 of the four Sa'ya'hlia, who must remain in the ki'wi'sine to receive the 
 'Cha'kwena/ who arrives soon after dark. Those in the other ki'wi'siwe 
 
 a The entrance to this ki'wi'sine maybe seen in the center of pi. x at a point marked A. 
 & See p. 89, note a. 
 
140 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 also return to their homes for food. The chief wor'li " of each ki'wi'sine 
 carries the plume wands and te'likinawe left by Pau'tiwa to his home. 
 
 The personator of the 'Cha'kwena must be a man of the Badgei clan. 
 As the 'Cha'kwena proceeds to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine, all pregnant 
 women hasten to look upon her, that they may pass through the trials 
 of parturition safely and without pain. The 'Cha'kwena descends into 
 the He'iwa ki'wi'sine, and the gods accompanying her tramp about 
 over the roof. She sits by the Sa'ya'hlia, to whom she speaks for a few 
 minutes. While here 'Cha'kwena is visited by personators of her peo- 
 ple, the Kia'nakwe from Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine. She does not sta} T long, 
 soon leaving for Si'aa' te'wita (sacred dance plaza) b} r the eastern cov- 
 ered way, having entered it from the west, and passing to the east 
 side; thence by the north way to the southwest corner, whence she 
 departs from the village. As she proceeds, she prays for the good 
 health of the people, their increase, more game, and bountiful crops. 
 
 After accompanying the 'Cha'kwena a short distance from the village 
 the other gods return. The A'toshle. angry gods, remain in the town 
 and announce that four times the gods will come: "For so my grand- 
 father," referring to Pau'tiwa, "he who has been here, has said." The 
 A'toshle go about the village scolding the men and women and fright- 
 ening the children, who stand in abject fear of them. Many of the 
 people of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine remain in the He'iwa to see the whip- 
 ping, by the Sa'ya'hlia, of those who wish to be cured of headaches 
 and bad dreams. These gods show little mercy in the use of their 
 great bunches of yucca. 
 
 About 11 o'clock great excitement prevails over the arrival of the 
 'Hle'lele. In the old time these beings wore, in addition to the breech- 
 cloth, a bison robe over their backs, the hair inside; at present, owing 
 to the scarcity of these robes, a sheepskin or piece of canvas is 
 usually substituted. 
 
 Large tires burn in every house and bonfires light up the village 
 eveiy where. This is a real gala time for the j^oungsters, who are per- 
 mitted to keep the fires blazing. All hands pelt the 'Hle'lele with 
 coals of fire as the}' pass through the streets, calling for fire: "More 
 fire. Give us more beautiful flowers," referring to the coals of fire. 
 
 The dancing continues in all the ki'wi'siwe until long after midnight, 
 when the gods depart over the western road. Previous to their 
 departure the Sal'imobiya cany baskets of seeds into each ki'wi'sine, 
 giving a portion of the contents to each person present. The seeds, 
 which are afterward planted, are sure to yield bountifully if those to 
 whom they are given have good hearts. 
 
 "The wor'we (plural for wor'li) of the ki'wi'siwe are also the Sha'liiko wor'we, the chief wor'li select- 
 ing such members of his ki'wi'sine as he may choose to have serve with him in attending upon the 
 Sha'liiko. The wor'we are appointed for life. In case one should die the chief wor'li chooses a man 
 to till the vacancy. When a chief wor'li dies the next in rank takes the office. 
 
steve.nson] WINTER DANCES OF KOR'kOKSHI 141 
 
 The visits of the Sal'imobiya, with the dances and distribution of 
 seeds, are repeated at each ki'wi'sine every fourth night until the four 
 visits have been made. Each member of the Ko'tikili carries a bowl of 
 food to the road leading to Ko'thluwala'wa, praying as he goes that 
 the gods will bless the A'shiwi with rain to fructify the earth, that 
 she may boar to them the fruits of her being. The food is emptied 
 into the river as offerings to the Kok'ko A'wa (all the gods). 
 
 The Sa'ya'hlia leave the He'iwa ki'wi'sine after the whipping, but 
 return at midnight and are sprinkled with meal by the Ko'pi"lashi- 
 wanni, after which they depart over the western road, accompanied 
 by the 'Hle'lele. 
 
 When the Sa'ya'hlia leave the ki'wi'sine the mi'wachi (plural of mi'li, 
 see page 41(5) and other objects are removed from the meal painting, 
 and the Ko'pekwin gathers the meal of the painting together and 
 deposits it in the circular hole in the floor of the ki'wi'sine (sym- 
 bolic of the entrance to the undermost, or fourth world), with a 
 prayer for corn and all the fruits of the earth, and the winter solstice 
 ceremonies are closed. 
 
 Winter Dances of the Kor'kokshi 
 
 On the day following the winter solstice ceremonies, about sunset, 
 the chief Sha'lako wor'li of each ki'wi'sine calls upon some man to 
 notify the older and more important members of his ki'wi'sine to meet 
 in his (the wor'li's) house at night. When all are gathered some one 
 present asks the wor'li: lt What do you wish to say?" He replies: 
 '"What do you think? What man will take the te'likinane (referring 
 to the wand to be given to the entertainer of the Sha'lako) ? What 
 man will entertain the Sha'lako in his house?" Someone present 
 replies: "I will receive the te'likinane and have the Sha'lako in my 
 house." The wor'li then stands and hands over the wand with the 
 words: "I pray that all things will be well with you; I pnry that you 
 may have much rain, that you will have much corn and all things to 
 eat. that your -family may keep well, and that j r ou may all live, not 
 die. but sleep, and awake in Ko'thluwala'wa." The wor'li then selects 
 a man to serve as elder brother Sha'lako and gives to him the other 
 waud. composed of feathers of eagles' legs, of ducks, and of birds of 
 the six regions. 
 
 The wor'li blows his breath upon the plume wand four times, each 
 time drawing it before the mouth of the chosen man, and praj's: " May 
 you speak with one tongue: ma} 1 you be gentle; may you be good to 
 others, that we may have much rain, much corn, all things to eat, 
 and all clothing. May your life be long, and may you pass over your 
 road to the end and sleep, not die, to awake in Ko'thluwala'wa." The 
 four smaller te'likinawe left at each ki'wi'sine by Pau'tiwa are also 
 given to the chosen personator of the Sha'lako. The wor'li then selects 
 
142 THE ZUNI INDIANS [btb.anh.23 
 
 a man to act as younger brother Sha'lako, and the chosen Sha'lako 
 breathes four times upon the plume wand he has received, and each 
 time passes it before the mouth of the chosen younger brother, 
 repeating- the prayer that was said b}' the wor'li to him." The 
 elder brother Sha'lako now passes the wand before the mouth of all 
 the men present. 
 
 At sunrise on the following morning, accompanied by his younger 
 brother, he visits the houses of all members of his ki'wi'sine, including 
 the youngest children, excepting those who were gathered at the 
 wor'li's house on the previous night, and passes his plume wand, as 
 before described, before the mouth of each. He selects four men to 
 act as Mo'lawe (fruit and seed bearers) from such houses as he may 
 choose while he is making his round of calls. 
 
 On the same morning the wife and daughters of the man who is to 
 have the Sha'lako dance in his house go through the town and notify 
 all persons connected with the family by consanguinity, and also the 
 close neighbors and the people of the clan, to come to the house. No 
 time is set for the visit; sometimes only one or two w T omen with 
 their children will meet there, at other times large numbers may 
 chance to come together. The men and their wives and children go at 
 different times. The man of the house stands before each guest and 
 breathes four times upon his wand, passing it each time before the 
 lips of the other, who inhales the sacred breath or better part of 
 the man. On the fourth day after Pau'tiwa leaves the plumes at the 
 hatchways of the ki'wi'siwe the people of each ki'wi'sine meet in the 
 house of their chief Sha'lako wor'li to discuss what dances they shall 
 have as soon as they can get the masks ready. It is usual to select 
 gods whose masks are easy to prepare. 
 
 The people of companion ki'wi'siwe often dance together, one 
 ki'wi'sine inviting the people of the other. This is done by the wor'li 
 sending some of his people to the companion ki'wi'sine, when those 
 who wish to dance go to the wor'li's house on the same evening and 
 say: "We will dance with you." It is usual for the guests to prepare 
 their own masks to suit the dance in which they are expected to join, 
 and they must not only prepare te'likinawe of the ki'wi'sine to which 
 they belong, but must make others for the one in which they are 
 to dance. It is the privilege of guests to make a choice among the 
 masks belonging to the ki'wi'sine in which they are to dance, and they 
 may appropriate any mask they wish. For instance, the wor'li may 
 have decided that two of his men should personate the A'toshle, but, 
 should a guest choose one of these masks, it is given to the latter. 
 When Ko'yemshi masks are chosen they are secured from a man of 
 Eagle clan who has charge of these particular masks. Only seven of 
 
 a Should one of these men be caught fighting or quarreling or intimate with any woman except his 
 wife, he is expelled, and another is chosen to fill his place. 
 
stevenson] WINTER DANCES OF KOR'kOKSHI 143 
 
 the Ko'yemshi masks, however, may he borrowed; those of the three 
 
 officers — Groat Father, deputy, and warrior — must not be borrowed on 
 this occasion. The guest carries his two eagle-wing feathers, which 
 are associated with the esoteric fraternities, and four te'likinawe to be 
 offered to the deceased wor'we of the ki'wi'siwe with the prayer: "Take 
 all disease from out- people." The head wor'li receives the te'likinawe. 
 
 The dances occur in the ki'wi'siwe the fourth night and the gods 
 appear in the plaza on the fifth morning after Pau'tiwa announces 
 the coming of the gods. The A'toshle do not dance in the plazas, 
 but go about the village, and are joined later in the day !ry some of 
 the Ko'yemshi. As the}- approach a house blank cartridges are 
 sometimes tired by a man of the house at the A'toshle, symbolizing 
 that the Navaho will be frightened away or killed and not enter the 
 Zuni homes. AVhen an A'toshle falls as if dead the door of the house 
 is closed upon him, and he soon rises and walks away. At other times 
 the A'toshle and Ko'yemshi are shot, symbolizing the killing of game. 
 The one who tires the shot is sure to be successful in the hunt. The 
 one supposed to be shot falls to the ground, the hunter places a hand 
 each side of the mask and draws in the breath, and the game is carried 
 into the house, laid upon a blanket on the floor with the head to the 
 east, facing south, and an embroidered sacred blanket is spread over 
 him. All present sprinkle meal upon him, and the children are told 
 that the A'toshle who was shot is now a deer. All the personators 
 of the gods return at dusk to the ki'wi'sine, remove their masks, put 
 on their ordinary dress, and return to their homes. Each chosen 
 Sha'lako, with his younger brother, goes over the western road and 
 plants the four te'likinawe in an excavation the depth of the lower 
 arm. Prayer meal is sprinkled in and the excavation is covered; 
 this is repeated for all the ki'wi'siwe. A week or more is consumed 
 with these particular dances and exhibitions. On the day following 
 the last of these performances the Ko'pekwin makes four te'likinawe, 
 and plants them in his cornfield to the Council of the Gods and the 
 rain-makers. 
 
 The following is a description of the first of the Kor'kokshi cere- 
 monies in the winter of 1891. The fourth afternoon following the 
 planting of prayer plumes by the Ko'pekwin two Mu'luktakia gods 
 (see plate lxxiii) from the He'iwa ki'wi'sine, this being the one 
 which begins the Kor'kokshi dances," visit the other ki'wi'siwe, going 
 first to the He'kiapawa. where the two men who are to act as Sha'lako 
 and his younger brother the following autumn and the chief officei's 
 of the ki'wi'sine are gathered to receive them. They announce: " On 
 the fourth night the gods will come [referring to the Kor'kokshi]." 
 
 a The ki'wi'sine' that is to furnish the Kor'kokshi dancers for the summer solstice ceremonies 
 begins the Kor'kokshi dances of the preceding winter. 
 
144 THE ZUNI INDrANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 The two gods sit facing- east. The wor'li lights a reed cigarette of 
 native tobacco and waves it to the six regions, each time taking a puff. 
 He then hands it to one of the gods, who pushes back his mask and 
 repeats the puffing of the cigarette, also motioning it to the six 
 regions, and then returns the cigarette to the wor'li, who again 
 extends it to the six regions, puffing each time. He next hands it 
 to the second god, who repeats the performance and returns the 
 cigarette to the wor'li, who now deposits it in a basket tray. The 
 wor'li then inquires of the gods: " Why are you here?" The gods 
 reply: "I come that } 7 ou may raise much corn and all things to eat, 
 that you may have main' children, that you may be happy, and to tell 
 you that the gods will be here on the fourth night; prepare for them." 
 A long prayer is then repeated b} r these gods in the archaic tongue 
 and in it a history is given of their coming to this world and of their 
 migrations, the springs they passed, etc. 
 
 The Sha'lako wor'we and two men who are to act as the Sha'lako and 
 his younger brother each give te'likinawe to the gods. The elder 
 brother god, standing about the center of the room, now draws four 
 parallel lines of meal extending east and west, and places a cigarette 
 which he carries and a corn-husk package of meal on the south line. 
 The gods now leave the ki'wi'sine, the wor'li takes the package of meal 
 and cigarette, and all present smoke the cigarette and wave it to the 
 six regions for rain. The wor'li carries the package of meal home with 
 him. The ceremony described is repeated in each ki'wi'sine visited, 
 except that no package of meal is left. Then they return to the 
 He'iwa and disrobe. 
 
 There may be some dances in the plaza during the tour of these gods, 
 but these have no direct connection with the gods or with what they 
 have to say. The two who make the announcement of the coming of 
 the gods deposit the te'likinawe given them on the banks of the river 
 in an excavation the depth of an arm to the Council of the Gods and 
 the rain-makers. The excavation is covered after meal has been 
 sprinkled in it. 
 
 It is the business of two men in each ki'wi'sine to collect the dancers. 
 These men are called o'taikia pe'yenakwe (dance talkers). They address 
 the men they wish to have dance. The men often decline, but after-^ 
 ward yield to persuasion. The same men take part as often as the 
 Kor'kokshi dance of a ki'wi'sine is repeated, as others who have not 
 rehearsed the songs would not be sufficiently familiar with them. On 
 the fourth afternoon following the announcement by the two gods they 
 repeat their tour of the ki'wi'siwe, remaining but a short time in each 
 one, to announce that the gods, referring to the Kor'kokshi, will come 
 at night, and this night is referred to as Kok'ko A'wan i'tiwannan 
 (great gods in the middle, meaning that the great gods come in the 
 middle of the year). 
 
stevexson] WINTER DANCES OF KOR'kOKSHI 145 
 
 While the two gods from the He'iwa ki'wi'sine are notifying the 
 people of the other ki'wi'siwe that the gods will come at night, two 
 men from He'iwa go through the village collecting corn and all varie- 
 ties of cultivated seeds in their blankets. At the same time the wor'we 
 and members of all the ki'wi'siwe excepting He'iwa prepare te'liki- 
 nawe for the Kok'ko A'wan (Council of the Gods), which are made 
 into a kla'etchinc by the head wor'li of each ki'wi'sine. 
 
 On the return of the seed-gatherers they empty the contents of their 
 blankets on one blanket. The corn is removed from the col) and the 
 seeds are mixed together, equally measured into five parts with a basket 
 tray, deposited in five sacks, and placed before the altar of the frater- 
 nity chosen by the chief wor'li of the ki'wi'sine to receive the gods and 
 furnish music. There arc elaborate preparations throughout the da}^ 
 for the entertainment of the gods. Every member of the Ko'tikili, 
 including the women, deposits food of every variety that has been 
 made in the home into the river to na'nakwe (grandfathers) and ho'ta- 
 kwe (grandmothers). 
 
 After the two Mu'luktakia have announced ''The gods will come 
 to-night," they return to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine. The people of each 
 ki'wi'sine, including those who are to personate the Kor'kokshi (the 
 female Kor'kokshi represent such women as belonged to the Ko'tikili 
 when they were alive, and symbolize fecundity) proceed to their 
 homes to eat, and afterward go to the house of the head wor'li of 
 their ki'wi'sine. Later on, the personators of the Kor'kokshi go to 
 the river bank a short distance west of the village. They are covered 
 with their blankets, which hide the masks. Each Kor'kokshi deposits 
 his tortoise-shell rattle, which is worn on the calf of the right leg, 
 on the ground and places his mask upon it," and sprinkles the sacred 
 objects with meal and prays, addressing the rain-makers: "Come, let 
 us go to our people and dance and make rain for them." Then, 
 addressing the Sun Father and Council of the Gods, they say: "I 
 hope you will let me live. May 1 have a good heart. May 1 raise 
 much corn and many sheep and have all things to wear. Let me be 
 happy; let all people have much and be happjv' The Kor'kokshi 
 then come masked to the village, and after dancing in the four plazas 
 they retire to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine and dance. The fraternity stops 
 singing as soon as the Kor'kokshi are heard without,* 
 
 a If the mask is not to be worn, then only the rattle is laid on the ground. When the Kor'kokshi 
 dance in winter they may be masked or not, according to the dictates of the dance director, when 
 they come over the western road. If they are masked, they dance in the four plazas before retiring 
 to their ki'wi'sine. If they are not masked, they go directly to the ki'wi'sine. 
 
 fcThe Kor'kokshi can wear their masks in their own ki'wi'sine and others as they choose, except 
 those of the ki'wi'sine of the Zenith. They must always wear the mask when dancing, not only in 
 other ki'wi'sine, but in their own. 
 
 23 ETH— 04 10 
 
14b' THE ZUNI INDIANS [Era. ANN. 23 
 
 After the Kor'kokshi have danced and sung songs that have been 
 made for the occasion by members of the ki'wi'sine, five of the god- 
 desses take each a sack of seeds from before the altar. The person 
 who was chosen Sha'liiko of this ki'wi'sine and who is now persona- 
 ting a Kor'kokshi, receives a bunch of reed cigarettes wrapped in a 
 corn husk from the head wor'li of the ki'wi'sine, and taking a pinch 
 of meal from the bowl before the altar places it in his sash and leads 
 the dancers to the other five ki'wi'siwe, the same ceremonies being 
 repeated in each. They usually go to the nearest one first, but the 
 director of the dance, who is always midway the line of dancers, has 
 the privilege of choosing. There are gods, but no Kor'kokshi, in 
 the other ki'wi'siwe, and these gods must complete their dances before 
 stopping, so that it sometimes happens that the Kor'kokshi must wait 
 outside, for the others must not dance when the Kor'kokshi are dancing. 
 . On reaching the roof of each ki'wi'sine the leader of the dancers 
 takes the meal from his belt, waves it to the four regions, and throws 
 it through the hatchway, trying to strike the small excavation before 
 the fire altar that is symbolic of the entrance to the undermost world, 
 at the same time exclaiming: "A'wisho, althtiha (Water moss, open 
 the door);'" and all draw in the sacred breath. The water-moss world 
 being next above the undermost, if the door be opened, the rain- 
 makers may come from there and be present in the ki'wi'sine. The 
 Kor'kokshi now descend the ladder, make the circuit of the room, form 
 in single file, facing east, and, turning to the north, begin the dancing. 
 The bearer of the cigarettes soon approaches the chief wor'li of the 
 ki'wi'sine, puts a pinch of meal from his sash into his left hand, places 
 one of the cigarettes upon the meal, takes both hands of the wor'li in 
 his, and waves them to the six regions, saying: "May my Great 
 Fathers bring much rain; may my Great Fathers bring many seeds." 
 One of the goddesses then advances with a sack of seeds and deposits 
 it by the second wor'li. The several wor'we and aged men of the 
 ki'wi'sine sit in line on the south side of the room near the west end. 
 The two Kor'kokshi return to the line of dancers, and each wor'li and 
 aged man in turn holds the sack of seeds close to his face and prays. 
 After which the wor'li who received the cigarette lights it, and after 
 puffing it passes it down the line for each to smoke. 
 
 The women of the house adjoining the ki'wi'sine and their imme- 
 diate friends are present and give food to such dancers as appear when 
 the Kor'kokshi are not there. The women also sprinkle the gods 
 with meal. The dances may be repeated several times at the request 
 of the members of the ki'wi'sine. After the Kor'kokshi have danced 
 in a ki'wi'sine the people of it, who dress in the house of the wor'li, 
 visit their ki'wi'sine and receive from the Sha'liiko wor'li of their 
 ki'wi'sine the kla'etchine composed of te'likinawe made by members 
 
stevenson] WINTER DANCES OF KOK'kOKSHI 147 
 
 of each of the other ki'wi'siwe. After prayers they go to the ki'wi'sine 
 furnishing- the Kor'kokshi, and, passing- around in an ellipse, form in 
 single file, facing north, and dance. In a short time the one who is 
 to personate a Sha'lako, and who carries the kia'etchine, advances to 
 the wor'we and elderly men and hands the kia'etchine and a reed 
 cigarette to the chief wor'li. He holds both hands of the giver of the 
 cigarette, who stoops before Lira and prays. At the close of the 
 prayer the god returns to the line of dancers. 
 
 The bla'etchiwe (plural of kia'etchine) are kept in the homes of those 
 who receive them, the chief wor'li selecting men for this purpose, 
 until after the morning meal, when each man deposits his in a place 
 associated with the region of his ki'wi'sine. The}' are deposited as fol- 
 lows: The one from the ki'wi'sine furnishing the Kor'kokshi deposits 
 the kia'etchine at a spring associated with the region of his ki'wi'sine; 
 the next kia'etchine is deposited in an arroyo or a small canyon; the 
 next, in a cornfield of the region with which the ki'wi'sine is associated; 
 the next, on the road running west from the village; another, at a 
 still greater distance on the western road; the last, in the bed of the 
 river some miles west of the village. 
 
 These dancers, who may be masked or not according to the choice 
 of the director, the exception being the Ko'yemshi who must invari- 
 ably wear their masks, continue around to the other ki'wi'siwe, giving 
 one reed cigarette to each wor'li of a ki'wi'sine. 
 
 After each body of dancers has made a tour of the ki'wi'siwe, they 
 spend the remainder of the night dancing in their own. As soon as 
 the visiting dancers leave a ki'wi'sine, a wor'li passes around among 
 the people carrying the sack of seeds and gives a handful to those 
 present, including women and children. The seeds are carried home 
 and planted the coming season with those given by the Ko'loowisi, 
 apart from the other seeds. A draft of medicine water is adminis- 
 tered by the director of the fraternity to all unmasked dancers and 
 others who may be in the ki'wi'sine during the ceremonies. He 
 sprinkles the masks, dipping two eagle plumes into the water. All 
 dancers are sprinkled with meal at the close of each dance. 
 
 Each ki'wi'sine is supposed to follow in regular succession in pre- 
 senting the Kor'kokshi, but this does not always happen; for instance, 
 if a head wor'li of the ki'wi'sine is engaged with his fraternity, the 
 dance of his ki'wi'sine is delayed until he is free, and it not infrequently 
 happens that some other ki'wi'sine takes the place of the one which 
 would come in regular order. 
 
 While the Kor'kokshi dances are classed among the most sacred 
 observances, for the rain-makers themselves are not only personated 
 
 a The masks of the Ko'yemshi are frequently worn by others than the real Ko'yemshi, and in such 
 cases they must be returned to the keeper ot these masks at the close of the dances : no matter 
 what the hour may be. 
 
148 THE ZTJNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 but are spiritually present, the3 T also furnish great entertainment to 
 the people. The sacred dance court of the Zunis is not onty their 
 temple where the} T invoke their god, but it is their theater where they 
 gratify their love for the spectacular. 
 
 From the close of the Kor'kokshi dances to the latter part of March 
 the ki'wi'siwe hold a variety of dances, which furnish great interest 
 and enjoyment to the people. When a wor'li or some prominent 
 member of a ki'wi'sine wishes to have a dance, he calls at some house 
 where he will find a number of his people gathered, as it is customary 
 for people of a ki'wi'sine to meet almost nightly, when not other- 
 wise engaged, in the different houses of the members. He says: 
 "I wish to have a dance; let us arrange for it." They begin making 
 songs at once — there are song-makers in Zuiii as well as elsewhere. 
 The wor'li makes four te'likinawe on the following day and plants 
 them during the same afternoon to the Kok'ko A'wa (all the gods), 
 and the dance occurs on the fourth night. On the fourth afternoon 
 the wor'li makes a reed cigarette, carries it to the house of the Great 
 Father Ko'yemshi, or to the director of a fraternity, and presents it, 
 with the request that the recipient furnish Ko'yemshi for the dance. 
 
 The wor'li and dancers assemble in the ki'wi'sine and dance and sing 
 during the night. The man who is selected by the wor'li to act as 
 leader, or priest, of the dancers goes to the ki'wi'sine, where he remains 
 while the others visit the house of the Great Father Ko'3'emshi, or the 
 director of a fraternity, as the case may be, and dance. At dawn they 
 go to the river bank, deposit their tortoise-shell rattles, and, putting 
 on their masks, sprinkle meal and pray. Thej' wear their ordinary 
 dress, and on their return to the village dance in the four plazas. 
 The Ko'yemshi do not appear at this hour with the dancers, who go 
 later to their homes and eat, after which they bathe and wash their 
 hair if onlj' the sho'yanne (mask which covers onty the face) is worn. 
 After the bath they carry their dance paraphernalia to the ki'wi'sine, 
 the masks being already there. The leader, dressed in his regalia, 
 returns to the ki'wi'sine in the morning to lead the dancers. 
 
 Summer Solstice Ceremonies' 2 
 
 Though the visits of the pe'kwin (deput} T to the Sun Father and 
 Shi'wanni of the Zenith) to the petrified stump referred to in the 
 winter solstice ceremonies are continued daity for the purpose of 
 offering meal and prayers to the rising sun, no further observations 
 are made from this point after those for the winter solstice. The 
 pe'kwin observes Yal'lan 'hlan'na (Great mountain), a mesa northwest 
 of Zuni, from the shrine at Ma/'sakia (see figure 3) for a number of 
 
 aYa'lokla te''chi (sun reaches there), the summer solstice, is indicated by the setting sun striking 
 a certain point on a mesa northwest of Zuiii. 
 
stevenson] SUMMER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 149 
 
 evenings prior to the summer solstice. The sun strikes a certain point 
 of this mesa at sunset for five consecutive days. The Zuiiis say that 
 the Sun Father rests five times in succession over this mesa in his daily 
 journeys over the world. At other times he does not halt twice in the 
 same place. Upon the first observation of the sun at this point the 
 pe'kwin informs the elder brother Bow priest, who is also Shi'wanni 
 of the Nadir, and he notifies the first body of A'shiwanni. The} r 
 gather the same evening in the ceremonial chamber of the Kia'kwemosi 
 (Shiwanni of the North). 
 
 The following morning the pe'kwin makes four te'likinawe and ties 
 them in pairs, to be offered to the Sun Father and Moon Mother. 
 Those for the sun have their sticks colored blue and those for the 
 moon } T ellow. He plants them at a shrine on Yal'lan 'hlan'na. The 
 fourth day following he prepares four te'likinawe to the deceased 
 a'pekwin (sun priests) and plants them in his field. On the fourth 
 morning following the deposition of these plumes he plants two to the 
 sun and two to the moon on Yal'lan 'hlan'na; the fourth morning after- 
 ward he repeats the planting of four te'likinawe to the deceased 
 a'pekwin in the field; again on the fourth morning succeeding he 
 plants two to the sun and two to the moon on Yal'lan 'hlan'na, and 
 the fourth morning afterward he deposits four to the deceased a'pekwin 
 in the field. The same fast is observed by the pe'kwin in connection 
 with the planting of these plumes as that practiced in depositing the 
 plumes previous to the winter solstice. 
 
 At early dawn of the last day of depositing the plumes he announces 
 from the roof of the ceremonial house of the Kia'kwemosi that ya'tokia 
 te'ehi (summer solstice) will occur on the eighth day after the issuing 
 of this notice. As he stands facing the rising sun while making the 
 announcement to the people, it is believed that he is repeating the 
 words given him at the time by the Sun Father. At this season 
 the pe'kwin is supposed to have direct communication with the Sun 
 Father. In addition to the notice, the pe'kwin says: "1 wish my 
 children to make te'likinawe to my Sun Father, Moon Mother, and to 
 the u'wannami (rain-makers). I wish the A'pi"lashiwanni (Bow priest- 
 hood) to make te'likinawe to Ku'pishtaya and to the u'wannam A'pi"la- 
 shiwanni.'" " Though he looks upward as he speaks, his words are 
 heard by the mass of people who have congregated for the purpose. 
 In 1891 the solstice occurred on June 21, and the ceremonies of that 
 year will be described. 
 
 Two days previous to the solstice the first body of A'shiwanni assem- 
 ble in the ceremonial chamber of the Kia'kwemosi and prepare te'li- 
 kinawe, and the Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwin prepare te'likinawe in 
 
 a Deceased members of the Bow priesthood become lightning-makers and work with Ku'pishtaya, 
 the chief of lightning-makers. 
 
150 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 their respective houses. All the fraternities except the 'Hle'wekwe 
 and A'pi'lashiwanni convene on the day previous to the solstice 
 and remain in session throughout the day and night; the members 
 if the latter fraternity meet with those to whom they are allied. 
 Altars are erected in the ceremonial chamber and embellished with 
 the mi'wachi and other fetishes. Medicine water is consecrated by 
 the a'kwampsi (maker of medicine water), and suds from certain roots 
 are made, symbolic of clouds. The day is consumed principally in 
 the preparation of te'likinawe to Kok'ko A'wan (Council of the Gods). 
 There are no fetishes of the Beast Gods present at this time, but at 
 night prayer songs are offered to these gods to invoke their influence 
 upon the u'wannami. The members of the A'pi'lashiwanni offer 
 special prayers to Ku'pishtaya and u'wannam A'pi"lashiwanni. 
 Prayers are also offered to Pa'yatamu (god of music). The songs 
 are sung to the accompaniment of the rattle, no drum being used on 
 this occasion. The closing song to the rising sun, when the flute is 
 played, is exceedingly impressive. The te'likinawe prepared by mem- 
 bers of the fraternities are deposited, with their individual offerings, 
 on the day of the solstice in the manner described on page 119. 
 
 Pottery is made and decorated on the three following days. Though 
 pottery may be made at any season, this is a special time for the work- 
 ing of this art, and women and girls are to be found busy molding 
 clay or painting in every house in Zuiii. Pottery is fired on the fourth 
 day. when the village at night is ablaze and has the appearance of a 
 smelting town of civilization. A bit of wafer bread, the spiritual 
 essence of which is believed to feed the spirit of this object, is depos- 
 ited in each piece of pottery as it is balanced on stones to be baked 
 (see plate lxxxviii). 
 
 The first body of A'shiwanni prepare te'likinawe in the ceremonial 
 chamber of the Kia'kwemosi on the fifth day following the solstice. 
 The men prepare those for the Shi'wano"kia (Priestess of fecundity). 
 Each shi'wauni makes two to the sun, two to the moon, four to the 
 u'wannami of each of the six regions, and four to his deceased prede- 
 cessors. The offerings are made into a kia'etchine, which is carried b}^ 
 the Kia'kwemosi and his first associate to 'Kia'nanaknana, a spring in 
 the lava beds some miles east of Zuiii, and is sunk in the waters of the 
 spring. The Kia'kwemosi carries a gourd water jug covered with a 
 network of cotton and with white fluffy eagle plumes attached, which 
 he fills from the spring while his associate whirls a rhombus. On his 
 return he goes into retreat with his et'tone for eight nights, accom- 
 panied by his associates and the Shi'wano"kia." 
 
 On the last night of his retreat, which is the night of the return of 
 the pilgrims from Ko'thluwalawa, he makes a cloud symbol of meal and 
 
 a Each member of the first body of A'shiwanni follows in order in going into retreat (see p. 180). 
 
stevenson] SUMMER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 151 
 
 corn pollen on the floor, which is embellished with his et'tone and other 
 fetishes, including the mi'wachi of himself and associates. The jug of 
 water, which is also placed by the painting, is afterward emptied into 
 a medicine bowl and drunk on the closing night of the ceremonies by 
 those present, it being the privilege of the families of the shi'wanni and 
 his associates, including the youngest children, to gather in the chamber 
 on that night. The party in retreat rarely speak, and they sing but 
 little until the last night, when they invoke the presence of the u'wan- 
 nami. They sit most of the time perfectly quiet, giving their thoughts 
 to their desired object, that the u'wannami may water the earth. 
 Their prayers go from their hearts to the Sun Father and the u'wan- 
 nami without spoken words. Should the Shi'wano"kia be nourishing 
 an infant, the child is brought into the ceremonial chamber by a female 
 relative and handed to the mother in perfect silence, who, after feeding 
 the child, returns it in silence to the bearer, who leaves the chamber 
 without a word. The thoughts of the A'shiwanni at this time must not 
 be given to earthly things. The pe'kwin visits the Kia'kwemosi dur- 
 ing his retreat, as he does all the others of the first body of A'shiwanni 
 during their retirement. 
 
 On the eighth day the A'shiwanni of the West, South, East, Zenith, 
 Xadir. and the elder and younger brother Bow priests, join the Kia'- 
 kwemosi and his associates who are in retreat, and prepare te'likinawe 
 in the ceremonial chamber of the Kia'kwemosi. The Ko'mosona and 
 Ko'pekwin with their Ko'pi a lashiwanni, six men to act as Sha'lako" 
 and their alternates (each of the six men who are to personate the 
 Sha'lako and each of the alternates has two associates present, whose 
 duties are to prepare the masks and paraphernalia of the Sha'lako), 
 the personator of Shu'laawi'si, a man designated as his father 
 (whose duty it is to prepare the mask and attend to the general adorn- 
 ment of the person of the Shu'laawi'si), Sa'j^atasha, first Ya'muhakto, 
 Hu'tutu, second Ya'muhakto, and ten men who prepare the masks and 
 dress of the last four mentioned (see page 33) gather in the chamber 
 adjoining the Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine, the one to which the Ko'mosona is 
 allied, for the purpose of preparing te'likinawe. Each person present 
 makes four to the Council of the Gods, and each one who is to person- 
 ate a god in the Sha'lako festival the coming autumn makes four 
 additional offerings to the god he is to represent. The te'likinawe 
 must be completed by noon and deposited in basket trays. 
 
 The personators of the ten Ko'yemshi (see page 33) are busy at the 
 same time in a house chosen by the A'wan ta n chu (Great Father) 
 Ko'yemshi making their plume offerings; but one other besides the 
 Ko'yemshi is present, he being a man who labors for them. Each one 
 makes four te'likinawe to the Ko'yemshi and four to the Council of 
 
 a See Annual festival o£ the Sha'lako, p. 227. 
 
152 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann.23 
 
 the Gods. The offerings of the Ko'yemshi must also be completed 
 and deposited in basket trays by noon. Immediately after noon the 
 Ko'yemshi, who are now termed the Du'michimchi, leave the house. 
 They are nude, excepting a bit of old black cloth about their loins, 
 their hair hanging loose before each shoulder. They proceed in tile, 
 each man grasping with both hands the string which holds the loin 
 cloth of the man preceding him. As they pass through the streets 
 women on the house tops pour over them water into which sacred meal 
 has been sprinkled, with a prayer for rain. Though this scene causes 
 merriment among the spectators, it is of a strictl}' religious character. 
 After passing through the streets the Du'michimchi retire to dry 
 themselves, after which they put on their masks and visit the house 
 tops (see plate xxix) and, after making a tour of the village, return to 
 their ceremonial chamber, resume their dress, and then retire to their 
 homes, when the name of Du'michimchi is renounced. 
 
 Near sunset the Ko'mosona makes a meal painting in Mu'he'wa 
 ki'wi'sine, where a number of his associates are gathered, and deposits 
 about it sacred objects, including a kia'etchine composed of the plume 
 offerings in a basket tray, making a long prayer for rains to fructify 
 the earth. 
 
 All now go to their homes to eat. The}' do not abstain from animal 
 food, as at the winter solstice, as Shits'ukia" plays no part at the present 
 time. After eating, all return to the ki'wit'sine, when the Ko'mosona 
 and Ko'pekwin each make three po'newe (singular, po'ne), reeds tilled 
 with native tobacco, the tobacco being pressed in by the use of a 
 slender stick or the quill end of a plume. After the reeds (which are as 
 long as from the metacarpus to the tip of the middle finger) are tilled 
 they are colored black, each one wrapped in a corn husk, and deposited 
 in an Apache basket, which is set by the meal painting. Those who 
 are to personate the Sha'lako and their alternates are present. 
 
 Members of the Great Fire fraternity visit the ki'wi'sine, wear- 
 ing ordinary dress and each carrying a rattle. They sit south of 
 the meal painting and sing invocations to the Beast Gods of the six 
 regions, to A'chiyala'topa (a being of the zenith with wings and tail of 
 knives), and to their original director. One song is addressed to each 
 being, imploring his intercession with the u'wannami for rain. The 
 song closes at midnight with the drawing of the sacred breath of 
 A'wonawil'ona,'" and the Ko'mosona, without rising from his seat, offers 
 a prayer to the Council of the Gods for rain. The director of the Great 
 Fire fraternit3 r afterward prays to the Council of the Gods, and the 
 sacred breath of A'wonawil'ona is inhaled by all present. The Ko'mo- 
 sona hands one of the wrapped cigarettes to the Sha'lako wor'li of the 
 He'iwa ki'wi'sine; returning to the basket, he takes a second cigarette 
 
 a See p. 135. 6 See p. 22. 
 
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stevenson] SUMMER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 153 
 
 and hands it to the Sha'lako wor'li of the ki'wi'sine of the west. The 
 remaining cigarettes are in turn distributed to the Sha'lako wor'we 
 of the other ki'wi'siwe, and all but the Ko'mosona, the Ko'pekwin, 
 and their A'pi'lashiwanni leave the ki'wi'sine for their homes, each 
 Sha'lako wor'li carrying home his cigarette in a corn husk. 
 
 Those who are to make the pilgrimage to Ko'thluwala'wa and those 
 who are to aid them in getting off are astir betimes on the following 
 morning. The Ko'yemshi gather in their ceremonial chamber and cer- 
 tain others join the Ko'mosona in the Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine, others start 
 directly from their homes. After the Ko'yemshi collect their te'li- 
 kinawe from the basket trays the}' proceed to the Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine 
 when the Ko'mosona divides the kia'etchine which has stood on the 
 meal painting in the ki'wi'sine, giving a portion of the te'likinawe to 
 the Ko'pekwin and keeping the others for himself. He is also pro- 
 vided with te'likinawe made by men of his (the Deer) clan, and the 
 Ko'pekwin has offerings made by a man of his (the Bear) clan. Each 
 places his te'likinawe in a hu'chapone (deep basket), which is carried 
 on the back and held in place by a strap crossing the chest or forehead. 
 A long-necked ancient gourd jug is provided with a sprinkling stick, 
 colored black, and freshly painted for each occasion. The bulb of the 
 jug is partially covered with cotton netting, around the bottom of which 
 four white fluffy eagle plumes are arranged at equal distances. The 
 jug is carried in the right hand by means of a cotton cord, which 
 forms a handle, and four te'likinawe to the Council of the Gods and a 
 crooked stick, symbolic of longevity, are held in the left. Prayer 
 meal, which is carried in the belt, is thrown out with the right hand in 
 a line before them as they proceed. The two Ko'pi'Mashiwanni whirl 
 rhombi, calling the clouds to gather. The director of the fraternity of 
 Hunters carries on his back a hu'chapone filled with te'likinawe. 
 
 The Great Father Ko'yemshi carries a kia'etchine in a piece of white 
 commercial cotton cloth, which passes over the right shoulder and 
 across the back, and is tied in front. He and his nine fellows each 
 carry four te'likinawe to the Council of the Gods. The ceremonial 
 father of Shu'laawPsi carries four te'likinawe for the Council of the 
 Gods and the personator of Shu'laawi'si the same number. Those 
 who personate Sa'yatasha, Hu'tutu, the two Ya'muhakto and the six 
 Sha'lako, with their alternates, each carry four te'likinawe to the 
 Council of the Gods. 
 
 The party leaves the village about 8 o'clock in the morning, bare- 
 foot and clad in ordinary dress, which is new for the occasion." The 
 Ko'mosona, with his Ko'pi'"lashiwanni on his right, leads the party. 
 
 a In the past the party has always made these journeys on foot; but at the present, while the 
 Ko'mosona. Ko'pekwin. the two Ko'pi' lt lashiwanni, and Ko'yemshi adhere to the old custom, others 
 proceed to the base of the mountains on burros. 
 
154 THE ZUNJ INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 The ceremonial father of Shu'laawi'si, the personators of Shu'laawi'si, 
 Sa'yatiisha, Ya'muhakto, Hu'tutu, a second Ya'muhakto, and tbe 
 Sha'lako, with their fellows, come next. The director of the Hunters 
 fraternity follows some distance behind alone," and after him a man of 
 Deer clan and one of Badger clan go on burros. After these follow the 
 Ko'pekwin with his Ko'pi'"lashiwanni and then the ten Ko'yemshi. 6 
 
 After sunset the canteens are tilled at a spring, then tbe party 
 ascends a mountain, where they camp for the night. After the even- 
 ing meal the Ko'mosona requests the party to dance. Early in the 
 morning they proceed on their journey, arriving at the forks of the 
 road. A mile or so from Ko'thluwala'wa the Ko'yemshi take tbe right- 
 hand trail, which leads northwest to their mountain. The Ko'mosona 
 and others take the left-hand trail, which carries them southwest to 
 Kor'kokshi mountain, which the} 7 ascend/ 
 
 The Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwin, each with his Pi' il lashiwanni, the 
 one to the Ko'mosona preceding and carrying a torch, enter a cave on 
 the summit of the mountain. They are supposed to go by an inner 
 passageway to the depths of Ko'thluwala'wa and return. Each car- 
 ries a number of te'likinawe, which are deposited within tbe cave. 
 
 The Zufii priests humbug their people by declaring that there is a direct passageway 
 from this cave to the dwelling place of the Council of the Gods in the depth of the 
 lake, and that, opening from this passageway, there are four chambers, equal distances 
 apart, where those privileged to enter the underground road may rest on their jour- 
 ney to and from the lake. A stone which was carefully placed to conceal the 
 entrance to this shallow cave was removed in 1881 by Mr Stevenson, and two of his 
 party and himself, including the writer, succeeded in squeezing in to the depth of 
 16 feet. At the end of this passageway they found a space of not more than 3 feet. 
 It was examined carefully by candlelight, and it was discovered that nothing of any 
 size could pass beyond. Numbers of te'likinawe were found in the passageway. 
 
 The visit of Mr Stevenson and the writer to Ko'thluwala'wa was interesting. 
 Spending one night in St. John, Ariz., they left there with a view to visiting the lake. 
 Most cautiously they approached their Indian guide on the subject, but on learning 
 their object he declared they must not go. Extreme persuasion was necessary to induce 
 him to guide them to the sacred spot. As the day advanced and the party proceeded 
 on their journey the old Indian, so fearless in battle, became greatly alarmed; he 
 declared the marshy ground which the party crossed with difficulty was made so by 
 the gods who did not wish them to approach the lake; his usually merry voice was 
 reduced to a whisper; in fact before camp was made he was unable to speak. 
 He said to the writer: "If you insist on going, I will show you the way, but I 
 shall offend the gods and I shall surely die." Finally, after the party had 
 traveled for several hours, he said in a low whisper: " We will camp here." As the 
 writer could see no water, she thought the Indian had yielded to his superstitious 
 
 a The director of the Hunters and his deputy alternate in the quadrennial visits to Ko'thluwala'wa. 
 
 bin the intervening years the personators of the gods, including the Ko'yemshi, visit a spring 
 south of Zufii, while the others go to To'seluna spring at Ojo Caliente. 
 
 "These mountains are prominent landmarks. According to a Zufii legend, Kor'kokshi mountain 
 is the spot where their first ancestral god and goddess originated; and the other is the home of 
 the Ko'yemshi. It "was on Ko'yemshi mountain that the Gods of War prepared for the attack 
 upon the Kla'nakwe. The vast amount of flint chips show it to have been a great center for arrow- 
 making. 
 
stevexson] SUMMER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 155 
 
 fear. Just then a Mexican youth appeared, and the writer inquired of him if a 
 lake was near. He replying in the affirmative, the old Indian whispered: "And 
 you have seen it'.'" "Yes." " And you have looked into it?" "Yes," replied the 
 Mexican, looking up with surprise. "And you were not afraid?" "No; why 
 should I be afraid?" The youth was still more puzzled when the old man said to 
 the writer : "He has looked into the waters of the Kok'ko A' wan and he did not 
 die." 'Plie superstitious notion is that anyone who looks on the waters of this lake, 
 unless by special permission of the Ko'mosona, will die in four days. 
 
 In deference to the wishes of the old guide the party camped half a mile from 
 Ko'thluwala'wa. When they remounted to visit the lake no amount of persuasion 
 could induce the Indian to accompany them, but some time later, when they had 
 completed the circuit of the lake, they discovered the old man as near the water as 
 the marshy ground would permit, engaged in prayer. The headkerchief had been 
 removed, a custom usually observed by these people when taking part in any reli- 
 gious ceremony. He stood erect, his hair blowing in the breeze. His right hand was 
 extended toward the setting sun, and with it he was scattering prayer meal toward 
 the lake. He gave no evidence of being aware of the approach of others until his 
 prayer was completed, then turning with the old smile upon his face and his eyes 
 again bright, he exclaimed: "I am very happy, and yet, I know I must die. I shall 
 be contented to die, for I have looked upon the waters of the house of my departed 
 fathers." He had approached the lake on foot, as this sacred ground must not be 
 desecrated by the tread of beasts. The old Indian desired to remain behind after camp 
 was broken, but the writer determined not to be separated from him. Several times 
 he urged her to follow the party, but she insisted upon waiting for him. Finally he 
 said: "Well, I suppose you must see all." Whereupon he took a large quantity of 
 bread, which he had secreted behind a tree, and consigned it to the camp fire, with 
 a prayer to the dead that they would intercede with the Sun Father and the Kok'ko 
 A'wan for his people and all the world. The old man had observed a strict fast 
 during his stay in this camp for the purpose of saving his food to offer to the departed. 
 
 In crossing a low mountain not far from the lake several pieces of pinkish clay 
 were collected. This is greatly prized by the Zuni, who believe that if the smallest 
 portion should be parted with no rain would again fall upon the land. The priests 
 claim that this clay conies directly from the house of the Council of the Gods in the 
 depths of the lake. The Indian guide could not be persuaded to touch a piece, and 
 when he found that he could not make the party desist from gathering it he begged 
 that they would not let it be seen in Zuni. 
 
 The main road had scarcely been reached when two Zuni Indians appeared, return- 
 ing from a visit to Camp Apache. They expressed surprise at the meeting, and the 
 guide was not long in informing them that Mr Stevenson had been to St John to 
 see a collection of ancient pottery which had been found in a cave by a Mexican, 
 and he adroitly endeavored to have the Indian travelers continue their journey. 
 His efforts to ward off any suspicion of the party having visited Ko'thluwala'wa was 
 dramatic. He kept the attention of the visitors so riveted upon his fictitious narra- 
 tion of the visit to St John, describing the bowls of turquoise and other precious 
 beads found with the pottery, that there was no time for inquiry on the part of the 
 visitors. He recited many anecdotes of his trip, all originating within his brain. 
 His hearty laughter became contagious, and so the night passed without his permit- 
 ting the others to sleep or even to lie down; they must have no time for thought or 
 dreams. 
 
 The punishment for visiting the lake without the permission of the Ko'mosona is 
 not only death within four days by the anger of the gods, but severe corporal pun- 
 ishment and perhaps death by the order of the Ko'mosona. 
 
156 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 While the Ko'mosona and party are in the cave the personators of the 
 Council of the Gods and Sha'liiko deposit te'likinawe at a shrine on the 
 summit of the mountain to the west (see plate xxx). There are many 
 precious beads and large numbers of te'likinawe in position at this 
 shrine, and hundreds of the plume offerings lie scattered about, hav- 
 ing been removed to make room for others. 
 
 The Ko'vemshi make offerings at a shrine on their mountain, and by 
 the time the others are through with their ceremonies on Kor'kokshi 
 mountain the Ko'vemshi are coming over the trail singing. 
 
 Song of the Ko'yemshi at Ko'lhluwala'wa 
 
 Ha'liliko, ha'liliko, a'yaltonanfi, a'yaltonan?. 
 
 Mountain mountain walking on the walking on the 
 sheep, sheep, mountain edge, mountain edge. 
 
 Lilth'note \va"su'sukla a'thlashi a'lana ye'maku a'lana ye'maku. 
 
 Here gopher, old, many go up, many go up. 
 
 Ha'liliko ha'liliko a'wuhl'hlanane a'wuhl'hlanane 
 Mountain mountain walking below, walking below, 
 
 sheep, sheep, 
 
 Lilth'note wa"su'sukla a'thlashi a'lana pan'iyu alana pan'iyu. 
 Here gopher, old, many come down, many come down. 
 
 Both parties gather on a hill to the east of the lake. The Ko'mosona 
 and Ko'pekwin remove their clothing preparatory to entering the lake. 
 They tie up their hair and secure their many necklaces around their 
 throats. Each one suspends a sack from his neck in which to place 
 the tortoises they may secure. The Great Father Ko'3 T emshi gives the 
 kia'etchine he carries to the Ko'pekwin and the director of the Hunters 
 fraternity hands his to the Ko'mosona. The two, owing to the marshy 
 condition of the ground, approach the lake on their hands and feet, 
 somewhat in the fashion of frogs. They deposit the kia'etchine which 
 they have brought from Zufii and the others in the water, weights being 
 attached for the purpose of sinking them. The kia'etchiwe are offered 
 to the Council of the Gods without being separated, with prayers for 
 rain, and also that their otherselves, the tortoises, may come out through 
 their doors, their homes being deep in the water. Four holes are sup- 
 posed to exist in the walls of the lake, which are termed the home of 
 the tortoises. The Ko'pekwin also deposits fire sticks, which are old 
 and used only for this occasion, into the lake, after applying a coat of 
 mud from the lake, he having previously made notches on the hori- 
 zontal stick. These sticks are of giant yucca stalks and must be 
 broken, not cut, from the plant. When depositing the fire sticks he 
 offers a pra3'er for much rain. 
 
 Others of the party gather as near the lake as the marsh will permit, 
 and each one plants four te'likinawe to his ancestors. All, including the 
 Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwin, return to the hill and dress, after which 
 they take their evening meal. After dancing for a time, they again 
 
stevenson] SUMMER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 157 
 
 undress and go as near as possible to the lake, where each one deposits 
 food. Those who are to personate the Council of the Gods and Sha'- 
 lako in the coming autumn offer the prayers while at the lake which 
 they will repeat at the time of the Sha'lako festival. They now pro- 
 ceed to the south side of the lake and dance. At the close of the 
 dance they return to the hill and retire for the night. In the early 
 morning the Ko'mosona, Ko'pekwin. and the two Ko'pi'lashiwanni 
 return mule to the lake and gather cat-tails (Tvpha Iatifolia), which 
 they distribute to the others. The pe'kwin also secures the tire sticks 
 which he deposited in the water on the previous evening. 
 
 Before departing for the lake the Ko'mosona dispatches most of the 
 party for tortoises with the words: " Go, look for our otherselves." 
 Only members of the fraternity of Hunters may strike the tortoise with 
 the rabbit stick; others pat them with their hands until the head is pro- 
 jected, when a string is tied around the neck. 
 
 A favorite place for the tortoise is said to be the house of the deer, 
 a spring a short distance from Ko'thluwala'wa, above the general level 
 of the country, and so named because deer congregate there to drink. 
 An underground passage is supposed to extend from this spring to the 
 lake; in fact, Ko'thluwala'wa is said to be connected with all sacred 
 springs and lakes by underground roads. 
 
 After the return of the Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwin from the lake to 
 the hill the sacred tire is made by wood friction. A small quantity of 
 cedar fiber is crushed and deposited on the ground and the stick, to be 
 used horizontally, with bits of mud attached to each point where the 
 other stick is to be used, is laid upon it. The Ko'mosona/' Ko'pekwin, 
 the two Ko'pr'lashiwanni, the personator of Shu'laawi'si for the coming 
 autumn, the ceremonial father of Shu'laawi'si, and other members of 
 the Badger clan, form a broken circle. The process of tire making 
 begins with the Ko'mosona, who, after using the drill, passes it to the 
 Ko'pekwin who sits at his left. After the first handling of the drill 
 these two do not touch it. The sticks being damp, a long time is 
 required in making the fire. It would not do to work on a spot that 
 had been touched with a drill. When combustion occurs and the 
 crushed fiber is ignited, the one who produces the fire lifts the fiber, 
 holding it in partly closed hands, moving them back and forth that the 
 fiber may be fanned b} T the breeze. The breath must never be blown 
 upon it, as this would so offend the Council of the Gods that there 
 would be no rain. If rain is not the result of the fire making, the 
 hearts of those who work with the drill are not good. 
 
 The cedar brand is ignited from the burning fiber, which is now 
 thrown into the spring with a prayer for rain. The one who produces 
 
 o The Ko'mosona being a child of the Badger elan (see List ol clans) is privileged to use the lire 
 drill. 
 
158 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 28 
 
 fire and lights the brand is termed Shu'laawi'si, but he must not be 
 confounded with the one who is to personate Shu'laawi'si in the 
 autumn festival of the Sha'lako. He lays the brand on the ground, 
 the burning end to the east, this being the signal for the return to 
 Zuni. Extra brands are held in readiness, as the sacred fire must not 
 die out on the way. As they proceed they sing, and the two 
 Ko'pi'Mashiwanni whirl their rhombi, imploring the u'wannami (rain- 
 makers) to water the earth. When they are a short distance from 
 Ko'thluwala'wa, the pinkish clay used by the personators of the 
 gods is collected by the Ko'mosona and others. 
 
 As they proceed, Shu'laawi'si runs about setting fire to grass, trees, 
 or whatever comes in his way, that smoke may rise in clouds like the 
 breath clouds from the gods of Ko'thluwala'wa." When crossing from 
 one side to the other of the procession, Shu'laawi'si must pass back of 
 it, never before. The Council of the Gods hold te'likinawe between 
 their hands, not the actual plumes offered by the Zuni, but the ghost- 
 selves of the plumes, and blow them to the heavens, they forming 
 clouds as they ascend. ''Breath comes from the mouths of the Kok'ko 
 A' wan like steam." 
 
 The party returns to the mountain or ridge where they camped on 
 their journey to Ko'thluwala'wa. Shu'laawi'si builds a fire at a dis- 
 tance from the others and lays his firebrand near by, the end pointing 
 to the east. The Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwin each place beside the 
 firebrand their gourd jugs, which they filled with water from the 
 spring, the home of the deer, near Ko'thluwala'wa. After dancing 
 until midnight, the party rest and sleep until early morning, when 
 they start for Zuni. They visit the springs of Ko'loowisi (Plumed 
 Serpent) and Kok'ko 'hlan'na (great god) of the Ne'wekwe (Galaxy) 
 fraternity as they pass through Ojo Caliente. Shu'laawi'si continues 
 the destruction of whatever may come in his way. 
 
 The party is met by the Kor'kokshi, who on the present occasion are 
 representatives of the Heiwa ki'wi'sine, about 1£ miles southwest of 
 Zuni. A bonfire is lighted here, just as at the camping place, from the 
 brand that is afterward laid on the ground, the burnt end to the east, 
 and the jugs of water brought by the Ko'mosona and the Ko'pekwin 
 are placed either side of it at the west end. The party from the lake, 
 except the Ko'yerushi, are seated facing east, while the. Kor'kokshi, 
 who have donned their masks and paraphernalia, dance. The Ko'yem- 
 shi, likewise, are attired in their scanty ceremonial dress, including 
 their masks. On proceeding to Zuni the brand is ignited at the bonfire 
 and is now carried by the one who is to personate Shu'laawi'si in the 
 Sha'lako ceremonial of the coming autumn. 
 
 a When the fence of a ranchman was burned some years ago, the Zuiii regarded this American, as 
 they called him. as a most depraved character because he objected to the burning of his fence when 
 the object was to bring rains. 
 
stevesson] SUMMER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 159 
 
 The Ko'mosona leads the party, carrying his gourd jug of water; 
 his Ko'pr'liishiwanni is at the right, whirling the rhombus; the Kor'- 
 kokshi follow, with those who are to personate the Sha'l&ko on either 
 side. The Ko'pekwin, earning his jug of water, follows next, with 
 his Ko'pi -, l;ishi\vanni whirling the rhombus; the personator of Shu'- 
 laawi'si with his firebrand held horizontally, the burning end to the 
 front, is next to the Ko'pekwin. Those who personate the others of the 
 Council of the Gods proceed on either side of the Kor'kokshi, carry- 
 ing great bunches of cat-tails, and several have rhombi which are kept 
 in constant motion. On reaching the village at dusk the party visits 
 He'kiapa (back wall) plaza, and after the Kor'kokshi dance here the 
 procession passes up the west street to the north of the village and a 
 short distance down the street and enter Ko'china (rat) plaza. After 
 a dance here they pass to 'Si'aa' te'wita, sacred dance plaza, and, after 
 one dance, they visit te'wita 'hlanna (great plaza), where they give one 
 dance. 
 
 The Ko'mosona, followed by his Ko'pi'lashiwanni, now leads the 
 Kor'kokshi and those who are to personate Sha'lako, with their attend- 
 ants, into the Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine. The Ko'pekwin with his Ko'pi"- 
 lashiwanui leads to his home, the wife's house, those who personate 
 the Council of the Gods and the Ko'yemshi. 
 
 The Ha'lo'kwe (Ant fraternity) has its altar erected in the Mu'he'wa 
 ki'wi'sine. The altar is embellished with mi'wachi and other fetishes, 
 and a bowl of medicine water is in front of it. The fraternity is 
 grouped south of the altar, which faces east. The tortoises are depos- 
 ited in a large bowl of water which is set before the altar, and the 
 cat-tails are stood either side and rest against it. 
 
 The altar of the Great Fire fraternity is placed in the home of the 
 Ko'pekwin. with mi'wachi and many other fetishes about it, and a bowl 
 of medicine water deposited before it. Tortoises and cat-tails are also 
 placed by this altar. The members of this fraternity are grouped 
 south of the altar with their rattles read}? to furnish music for the 
 dance. This fraternity is alone privileged to meet in the Ko'pekwin's 
 house at the summer solstice. 
 
 Soon after entering the house. Shu'laawi'si knocks off the burning- 
 end of his brand at the fireplace and lays it before the altar of the 
 Great Fire fraternity. The Kor'kokshi remove their masks and 
 change their ceremonial dress for ordinary clothing, and all except the 
 Ko'mosona, his Ko'pr'lashiwanni, and the officers of the fraternity 
 go to their homes for refreshment. The wife of the Ko'mosona and 
 the women of her family bring food to the ki'wi'sine for those who 
 remain. After the evening meal nothing- must pass the lips of the 
 actors excepting the drafts administered by theurgists until afternoon 
 of the da} - following. The Ko'pekwin, his Ko'pi ;t lashiwanni, and the 
 
Kill THE ZUNI INDIANS [f.th. ann. 23 
 
 officers of the Great Fire fraternity remain in the house of the former. 
 his wife and family and clan relations serving- food to them, while the 
 others go to their homes to eat. All gather later in the evening. 
 
 The Kor'kokshi prepare themselves in the ki'wi'sine for the dance, 
 the masks being discarded for the night dancing. The Ko'mosona 
 leads the Kor'kokshi from the ki'wi'sine to the Ko'pekwin's house. 
 He carries his mi'li and meal basket in his left hand and sprinkles meal 
 with his right from the time he enters the house until the dancers form 
 in line. After one dance, they return to the ki'wi'sine, accompanied 
 by two Ko'yemshi wearing masks. In this way the Kor'kokshi dance 
 alternately four times in the Ko'pekwin's house and the ki'wi'sine. 
 In tin' former place the Great Fire fraternity sing to the accompani- 
 ment of their rattles and in the ki'wi'sine the Ant fraternity furnishes 
 the music. When the Kor'kokshi are not present in the Ko'pekwin's 
 house, Shu'laawi'si, the Ko'yemshi, and others dance. 
 
 The night is passed in dancing, and at daylight the Ko'mosona, hold- 
 ing a corn husk of mud from Ko'thluwala'wa, dips his index finger into 
 the mud and anoints the breast, the palm of the right hand, and the sole 
 of the right foot of each of the Kor'kokshi, who are now standing, 
 saying: " Kok'ko A'wan hel'li'kwe kwa ho'o an'teshema to'o i'ton, 
 kwa an'teshema to'o tu'tu (I anoint you with the mud of the Council 
 of the Gods; 1 do not wish you to eat: I do not wish you to drink)." 
 A fast is observed from this time until noon. After the anointing the 
 Kor'kokshi prepare themselves to dance, after which the Ko'mosona, 
 taking a large medicine bowl, prepares paint with the pinkish clay 
 from Ko'thluwala'wa. Calling to him each man who personates a Kor'- 
 kokshi god. he a^ks each in turn where he will have the paint applied, 
 and, dipping his index finger into the bowl, daubs the paint on the 
 spot indicated— foot, hand, shoulder, or elsewhere. Then handing the 
 bowl of paint to the dance director, he tells him that the Kor'kokshi 
 are to paint themselves. Each man covers his face, body, arms, hands, 
 feet, and his legs nearly to the thighs, with the paint. The Ko'mosona 
 now calls the eight men who personate the Kor'kokshi goddesses, and 
 after asking them a similar question daubs them with yellow paint, 
 mixed in a medicine bowl, brought also from the neighborhood of 
 Ko'thluwala'wa. Addressing the chief goddess, who stands midway 
 in the line of the goddesses in the dance, and, handing over the bowl 
 of yellow paint, he directs that all shall decorate their persons. The 
 hands and arms to the elbows and feet and legs to the knees are painted. 
 The ceremonial dress is now put on and the tortoises are distributed 
 as far as they will go; others carry gourd rattles only. 
 
 The howl containing the tortoises is deposited near the middle of 
 the floor before the dancers are supplied, where it remains through- 
 
oteyenson] SUMMER SOLSTICE CEREMONIES 161 
 
 out the day. The tortoises" arc returned to the bowl each time the 
 Kor'kokshi come to the ki'wi'sine. 
 
 The Ko'vemshi are the first to visit 'Si'aa' te'wita in the early morn- 
 ing, this being the morning which closes the retreat of the Kia'kwe- 
 mosi. They are led by the Ko'pckwin, carrying his mi'li and meal 
 basket in his left hand and sprinkling meal with his right. Each 
 Ko'vemshi has a bunch of cat-tails in his left hand and a rattle in his 
 right. They present, the cat-tails to the Shi'wano"kia (Priestess of 
 fecundity), who descends from the ceremonial chamber of the Kia'- 
 kwemosi to receive them. The ceremonial chamber of the Kia'kwe- 
 mosi is in the second story of a house opening- on the Si'aa' te'wita. 
 Returning to the chamber, the Shi'wano"kia hands the cat-tails to the 
 Kia'kwemosi. who lays them near the meal painting on the floor. 
 
 The Ko'vemshi are followed by the Kor'kokshi led by the Ko'mo- 
 sona who wears a white shirt, white embroidered kilt held on by an 
 embroidered sash tied at the right side, blue knit leggings, and red 
 garters. The feet are bare. A line of pinkish clay extends across 
 the nose and under the ej T es. There are thirty gods, of whom twenty- 
 eight are Kor'kokshi and two are younger brothers of Pau'tiwa, 
 director-general at Ko'tkluwala'wa. One of the brothers stands mid- 
 way the line and leads the dances. There are eight goddesses. One 
 walks beside the foremost dancer in the rile, and faces him in the 
 dunce. The others are companions to the gods, who number from 
 thirteen to nineteen, inclusive, in the line. The Kor'kokshi dance in 
 He'kiapa and Ko'china plazas before going to Si'aa'. The arrival of 
 the Kor'kokshi in Si'aa' te'wita is the signal for the Kia'kwemosi to 
 play his tiute in the ceremonial chamber. After the first dance in the 
 plaza, the Kia'kwemosi descends from the ceremonial chamber and 
 passes from west to east down the line of gods, halts for a moment 
 before the Ko'mosona, and then passes by the goddesses. He sprinkles 
 each goddess and the cat-tails 6 she carries with meal and then receives 
 the cat-tails and returning down the line of gods he sprinkles them and 
 the cat-tails with meal, receiving from each god, except six, the cat- 
 tails he carries. He then halts before the Ko'mosona and, sprinkling 
 a line of meal clown the mi'li, which the Ko'mosona holds in his right 
 hand, offers a prayer. 
 
 The Kia'kwemosi returns to the ceremonial chamber and deposits the 
 cat-tails by the cloud symbol on the floor (see page 150). Leaving the 
 Si'aa' te'wita. the Kor'kokshi proceed to the te'wita 'hlanna, and, after 
 
 "After the ceremonial the tortoises are taken home by those who caught them and are hung by 
 their necks to the rafters till morning, when they are thrown into pots of boiling water. The eggs 
 are considered a great delicacy. The meat is seldom touched except as a medicine, which is a curative 
 for cutaneous diseases. Part of the meat is deposited in the river, with ko'hakwa (white shell beads) 
 and turquoise beads, as offerings to Council of the Gods. 
 
 *>The stems of the cat-tails are afterward used by the A'shiwanni for te'likinawe. 
 
 23 eth— 04 11 
 
162 THK ZUNI INDIANS [KTH. ANN. 28 
 
 dancing there, they return to the ki'wi'sine, Lay aside their masks, 
 indulge in a smoke, and rest a short time. The dancing in the four 
 plazas is repeated four times before noon. The fourth time they dance 
 in the Si'aa' te'wita the Ko'mosona, who leads the file of dancers, tells 
 the Great Father Ko'yemshi that it is time to eat. 
 
 After this dance the Kor'kokshi are followed for the first time 1 by the 
 Ko'yemshi, who have previously awaited them in the Si'aa' te'wita. 
 After dancing in the te'wita 'hlanna the Ko'mosona leads the Kor'kok- 
 shi to Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine, and the Ko'yemshi follow the Ko'pekwin 
 to his house, (treat leasts are spread in both houses, those who have 
 spent the night in the two places being .still present. 
 
 There is no dancing in the house of the Ko'pekwin during- the day. 
 and no one hut the Ko'pekwin and the Ko'yemshi leave the house. 
 Those who are to personate the gods at the Sha'lako festival receive 
 instructions in their duties in the He'iwa ki'wi'sine during the day. 
 The Ko'mosona administers to each one in the Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine 
 from a shell the water from the spring, which has been previously 
 emptied from the gourd jug into a medicine bowl, saying "Drink." 
 The one receiving the draft says: "Ta"chumo" (father). The Ko'mo- 
 sona replies: "Tal'lemo" (younger one). After all have been helped, 
 the Ko'mosona says: "I am well pleased, my children; you have danced 
 four times: we will dance no more now, for neither did the people of 
 old. You may drink all you wish." The water vases brought in by 
 the women of the Deer clan are soon surrounded by the thirsty men 
 ■who have neither eaten nor drunk since the previous evening. The 
 same is repeated in the Ko'pekwin's house, water being carried thither 
 by women of the Badger clan. They indulge in a great feast served 
 by women of the Deer and Badger elans. 
 
 After .smoking and resting for a time the dancing in the four 
 plazas is repeated four times. The fourth time they dance in the 
 Si'aa' tewita (see plate xxxi) the Ko'mosona again tells the Great 
 Father Ko'yemshi that it is time to eat. After dancing in the te'wita 
 'hlanna. they return to the ki'wi'sine and to the house of the Ko'pek- 
 win. where a second feast is enjoyed. Here they smoke and have their 
 heads washed in yucca suds by women of the Deer and Badger clans. 
 The summer solstice ceremonies, strictly speaking, are now over, yet 
 it is hut the beginning of the Kor'kokshi dances for rains to fructify 
 I he earth that the crops may grow, the Kor'kokshi being personated 
 in turn from the five other ki'wi'siwe. 
 
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stbveksok] KAIN PRIESTHOOD 163 
 
 A'SHIWANNI (RAIN PRIESTHOOD) 
 
 The rain priesthood consists at the present time of fourteen A'shi- 
 wanni (those who fast and pray for rain), the elder and younger Bow 
 priests, and Shi'wano"kia (Priestess of fecundity). Of the A'shiwanni, 
 -ix are known as Kia'kwe a'niosi (directors of the house). The house 
 referred to marks the middle of the world, and is the ceremonial house 
 of the Kiakwe amosi. A room in this house, in which the et'tone of the 
 Shi'wanni of the North is kept, is supposed to he directly over the cen- 
 ter of the world. While the term Kia'kwe a'mosi is applicable to the 
 A'shiwanni of the six regions, the Shi'wanni of the North, being the 
 head of the priesthood, is always referred to as the Kia'kwemosi; 
 the others are termed the Shi'wanni of the West, the Shi'wanni of the 
 South, etc. Throughout this paper the term Kia'kwemosi w r ill refer 
 to the Shi'wanni of the North. The six regions in order are North, 
 West, South. East, Zenith, and. Nadir, the center being always sub- 
 sumed. The A'shiwanni are described by the Zuiii as those who do 
 no secular work, and it is their special duty to fast and pray for rain. 
 
 Each shi'wanni, excepting the Shi'wanni of the 
 Zenith, is the possessor of an et'tone, which is sup 
 posed to have descended directly from the shi'wanni 
 who brought it in a basket " clasped to his breast from 
 the undermost to the outer world. The et'tone is 
 dual: 'kia'ettone and chu'ettone (see plates xxxn and 
 xxxiii). The 'kia'ettone (the first syllable, Ida, is from 
 'Ida we, water) consists of four hollow reeds, each of the FIG . 4— Toad kept 
 length of the middle finger measured on the under side, in 6t ' tonS reed, 
 
 ■ 1 ■ 1 1 » 1 1 • actual size. 
 
 > me reed being thicker than the rest. All contain water. 
 The larger one also contains in the water a diminutive toad (Bufo punc- 
 tatus, figure -i). which seems to thi'ive in its restricted quarters. The 
 ends of the reeds are closed with a blackish clay, said by the A'shiwanni 
 to have been brought from the undermost world, and native cotton. 
 The chu'ettone (the first syllable, chu, is from chu'we, seeds) is com- 
 posed of eight hollow reeds filled with all the edible seeds known to 
 the A'shiwi (Zunis) and closed at the ends with native cotton. Origi- 
 nally the reeds contained only kia"sanna, the only food then known to 
 the A'shiwi. Each group of reeds is wrapped with cord of native cot- 
 ton, the end of the cord on the 'kia'ettone being left -free, to symbolize 
 the tail of a toad, which would indicate that the A'shiwi were aware of 
 the evolution of the toad from the tadpole. A number of precious 
 beads are attached to the cord wrapping of the et'tone, and a fine 
 arrow point rests on the top. 
 
 'T.See p. 26. Since the A'shiwi learned the art of making pottery the et'tone has rested in a vase 
 instead of a basket. 
 
1(U THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. Ann. 23 
 
 The sacredness of the et'tone is indicated, not only by its promi- 
 nence in legend, but by the care with which it is guarded. The 
 writer was fortunate in being able to handle and examine the et'tone 
 of Nai'uchi, since deceased, Shi'wanni of the Nadir, who was also 
 elder brother Bow priest. On removing the toad from the reed 
 it was found to be in a livery condition. The writer is indebted to 
 Nai'uchi for models of the sacred fetish, which are in the National 
 Museum. 
 
 When the A'shiwi were divided into clans these sacred objects 
 became associated with the clans chosen by their possessors, and while 
 an et'tone may pass from a shi'wanni of the parent clan to one of the 
 children of the clan," it remains in the care of a woman of the parent 
 clan, when not in the hands of the shi'wanni, this office passing from 
 mother to daughter or from sister to sister. 
 
 When not in use each et'tone rests in a sealed vase in a special 
 chamber in the dwelling house of its keeper. The chamber has no 
 windows, and the door is kept sealed except when the sacred fetish 
 is brought to a larger chamber in the same house for the winter and 
 summer retreats or is taken from the house for the 'Hle'wekwe cere- 
 monial.* Should there be a small opening in the roof of the chamber 
 of the et'tone, it is covered with a slab set in plaster, and is opened 
 only for the purpose of sprinkling meal into the chamber during a 
 retreat of the shi'wanni and his associates. Two of the et'towe are 
 supposed to have come from the conquered Kia'nakwe, to have been 
 brought by the boy who, with his sister, was adopted bj r the A'shiwi. 
 The aged woman who has the care of these fetishes is said to be the 
 direct descendant of the foster mother of the brother and sister. 
 
 Through the earnest persuasion of a nephew to the shi'wanni pos- 
 sessing these fetishes, the wife being also in sympathy with his wishes, 
 the aged woman in charge of them (his mother-in-law) was induced 
 to allow the door of the room to be opened. The entire family 
 incurred danger in giving their assistance. The front chamber was 
 carefully guarded, so that no one should enter an inner room into which 
 the sacred apartment opens. It was necessary to be expeditious, there 
 being no surety against intrusion, for, according to the custom of the 
 A'shiwi, the people of the same clan are regarded as one family and 
 have access to all parts of a house. While the old woman was opening 
 the sealed door of the room containing the et'towe the writer, with the 
 assistance of the nephew, hurriedly prepared her flashlight and camera, 
 and in a few moments a picture was taken. The illustration (figure 5) 
 sin iws the room, which is about 7 by 5 feet, with two vases containing the 
 sacred objects and other fetishes associated with the et'tone. The door 
 was soon closed again and sealed with plaster. The family was in 
 
 oSee List of elans. &See 'Hle'wekwe fraternity. 
 
STEVENSOX] 
 
 RAIN PRIESTHOOD 
 
 165 
 
 groat distress, the young wife being prostrated with fear, for she knew 
 that if her husband and mother were detected in tins breach of trust 
 their lives would lie in great danger. When the writer expressed her 
 thanks, the wife, after Iter condition had improved, said: "We are all 
 very much afraid and very unhappy, but we were glad to serve 
 yon."* Two et'towe rest undisturbed in sealed vases in their ehambers, 
 the divisions of the A'shiwanni to whom they belong having ceased 
 to exist because the families privileged to form these divisions 
 have either expired or been considered unworthy to join the sacred 
 priesthood. 
 
 Except the Shi'wanni of the Zenith, who is pe'kwin (deputy) to the 
 Sun Father, each shi'wanni has a corps of associates, including a woman, 
 
 except the shi'wanni possessing the Kia'nakwe et'towe. He has no 
 female associate, as none has ever been found possessing a sufficiently 
 good heart for this position. One of the duties of the women asso- 
 ciated with the A'shiwanni is the grinding of white corn into a coarse 
 meal in the family mills. This kia'waiawe (prayer meal) is mixed 
 with crushed turquoise, ko'hakwa (white shell), and abalone shell. 
 The wife, daughter, or sister of the pe'kwin grinds that which he uses. 
 This priesthood is confined to families, the rule being that each 
 member of a division of the priesthood must be of the clan or a child 
 of the clan of the shi'wanni of the division. The son or brother of 
 the shi'wanni fills a vacancy, preference being given to the eldest son. 
 There are exceptions, however, to this rule, such as the Shi'wanni of 
 
166 THE ZI'Sl INDIANS [bth.akk.23 
 
 the Zenith, who is appointed by the first body of A'shiwanni from the 
 Pi'chikwe (Dogwood clan), and may belong to cither division of the 
 clan (see page 40), the directors of the 'Hle'wekwe and Shu'maakwe 
 fraternities. The et'tone of the Shu'maakwe is distinctly different 
 from the others. The songs over this et'tone are in the Pima tongue." 
 The associate priests are in the line of promotion, but should the 
 first body of A'shiwanni consider one unworthy of advancement. 1 '' it 
 convenes, and a discussion occurs in regard to the proper party for 
 the place. This meeting, however, appears to be a mere formality, it 
 being the prerogative of the shi'wanni in whose division an appoint- 
 ment is to be made to select the man. Nevertheless, be addresses the 
 priesthood, saying, referring to himself and his associates: ""Wedo 
 not know who is best. We leave the selection to you." At the same 
 time he has already made known his choice. The Kia'kwemosi, who 
 is the head of the priesthood, formally requests the elder brother Bow 
 priest to notify the person of his appointment. The elder brother Bow 
 priest enjoys great power in Zuiii. and nowhere is this superior per- 
 sonage (earthly representative of the elder God of War) more revered 
 than in the first body of A'shiwanni. Though the female associate of 
 the Kia'kwemosi, whose position is quite different and far superior in 
 character to that of the other female associates, she being Shi'wano"kia 
 (Priestess of fecundity), is present at these meetings, she holds her 
 peace when one is to be appointed, but is free to express herself 
 when there is any suggestion of impeachment. Any shi'wanni or 
 associate maj' be impeached for proper cause. 
 
 Some years since, the Shi'wano"kIa denounced the pe'kwin, Shi'wanni of the 
 Zenith, declaring the droughts and failure of crops to be due to his impure heart. 
 She even expressed her suspicion of his being a sorcerer. Some one must be held 
 responsible for the absence of rains, and the poor pe'kwin, a most excellent man, 
 was the victim. He was impeached and removed and, after much discussion, a 
 young man of the Raven division of the Dogwood clan was selected to fill the place. 
 The Kia'kwemosi dispatched the elder and younger brother Bow priests to make 
 the announcement to the chosen party. The mother, who was present, wept 
 bitterly and begged her son not to accept the position, saying to the elder brother 
 Bow priest: "He is so young, and he might make some mistake, and then perhaps 
 he would be condemned as a sorcerer." The mother's grief touched the heart of 
 the son, and he declined the honor which he most earnestly desired to attain. 
 Another meeting of the A'shiwanni was held, when a man of the Macaw division of 
 the Dogwood clan was chosen, and in due time he was installed in his high office. 
 
 The A'shiwanni are becoming much concerned regarding the suc- 
 cessors of the Kia'kwemosi and pe'kwin. They say it is hard to find 
 good men who are eligible, either of the Dogwood clan or children of 
 
 See Shu'maakwe fraternity. 
 
 '< The vital requisite is that one shall he pure of heart, otherwise his prayers for rain would avail 
 nothing, and in this arid land, where the greatest hoon to man conies from the clouds, it means 
 much to these people to have an infallible rain priesthood. 
 
stkvessok] RAIN PRIESTHOOD 167 
 
 the clan. It was due to the impossibility of finding suitable persons 
 that the presenl Kia'kwemosi had but one male associate for some 
 time. He is the eldest son of the former Kia'kwemosi and nephew of 
 the present one, and will in time attain that position. The present 
 Kia'kwemosi and his predecessor were brothers. 
 
 The following is an enumeration of the A'shiwanni as it existed in 
 November, L896: 
 
 Kia'kwemosi (Shi'wanni of the North), Dogwood elan, younger brother of hia pred- 
 ecessor; first associate, Turkey elan," son of the former Kia'kwemosi and nephew 
 on the paternal side of the present one; second associate, Dogwood clan; third asso- 
 ciate, vacant, no eligible person being available; fourth associate, Shi'wano"kIa, 
 Dogwood clan, elder sister of the former and the present Kia'kwemosi. 
 
 Shi'wanni of the West, Dogwood clan, deceased; first associate, Sun clan, son of 
 the deceased shi'wanni;'' second associate, Dogwood clan, younger brother of the 
 deceased shi'wanni; third associate, Dogwood clan; fourth associate, a female, Dog- 
 wood clan. 
 
 Shi'wanni of the South, Badger clan; first associate, Badger clan; second associate, 
 Badger clan; third associate, Badger clan; fourth associate, a female, Badger clan. 
 
 Shi'wanni of the East, Eagle clan; first associate, Eagle clan; second associate, 
 Eagle clan: third associate, Eagle clan; fourth associate, a female, Eagle clan. 
 
 Shi'wanni of the Zenith, Dogwood clan, c 
 
 Shi'wanni of the Nadir, Eagle clan; first associate, Sand hill crane clan, son of the 
 shi'wanni; second associate, Eagle clan, younger brother of the shi'wanni; third 
 associate, Eagle clan; fourth associate, a female/' Eagle clan. 
 
 Seventh shi'wanni, Eagle clan; first associate, Eagle clan; second associate, Eagle 
 clan; third associate, Eagle clan; fourth associate, a female, Eagle clan. 
 
 Eighth shi'wanni, Dogwood clan; first associate, Dogwood clan; second associate. 
 Dogwood clan; third associate, Dogwood clan; fourth associate, a female, Dogwood 
 clan. 
 
 Ninth shi'wanni, <• Black Corn clan; first associate, Black Corn clan; second asso- 
 ciate, Ai'yaho'kwe (a plant); third associate, Corn clan; fourth associate, a female, 
 Corn clan. 
 
 Tenth shi'wanni. Chaparral Cock clan, director of Shu'maakwe fraternity; first 
 associate, Dogwood clan, deputy to director; second associate, Sand hill crane clan, 
 maker of medicine water; third associate, Sun clan, warrior to the fraternity; fourth 
 associate, a female, Ai'yaho'kwe, great mother of the fraternity. 
 
 Eleventh shi'wanni, Sun clan; first associate, Sun clan; second associate, Sun clan; 
 third associate, Sun clan; fourth associate, a female, Sun clan. 
 
 Twelfth shi'wanni, Corn clan; first associate, Corn clan; second associate, Corn 
 clan: third associate, Corn clan; fourth associate, Corn clan. 
 
 "At the time of his father's death this man was too young to be associated with the A'shiwanni. 
 
 *>The vacancy caused by the death of Lai'wa l silun'kla, Shi'wanni of the West, was notfilled imme- 
 diately because the A'shiwanni were doubtful for a time whether the first associate possessed a suffi- 
 ciently pure heart; but after considerable discussion it was decided that the son of the former shi'u an n i 
 should be advanced to his father's position. Lai'wa'silun'kla's death was followed by the demise of 
 the female associate, whose place was filled by hermother'ssister'sdaughter. Nai'uchi, elder brother 
 Bow priest, declared that, though this woman was pure of heart, no other of her immediate family 
 should succeed her, as her brother was a sorcerer, and he had strong suspicions of the father. The 
 father held the important position of scalp custodian in the A'pi'<lashiwanni (Bow priesthood). 
 
 c Pe'kwln (deputy) to the Sun Father; he has no associate. 
 
 ''Nai'uchi, as Shi'wanni of the Nadir, is preparing his grandchild, the daughter of his first asso- 
 ciate, to fill the place of female associate when the present incumbent shall have passed away. 
 
 "The ninth shi'wanni is the possessor of the et'tone secured, according to Zuiii legend, through 
 the aged shi'wanni of the Black Corn clan, who was found with his wife and two grandchildren in 
 the village He'shotiyalla. west of I'tiwanna, and who became allied with the A'shiwi (see p. 45). 
 
168 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 Thirteenth shi'wanni, Corn clan; first associate, Corn clan; second associate, Corn 
 clan; third associate, Corn clan; fourth associate, a female, Corn clan. 
 
 Fourteenth shi'wanni, Corn clan; first associate, Corn clan; second associate, Corn 
 clan; third associate, Corn clan; fourth associate, a female, Corn clan. 
 
 Fifteenth shi'wanni," Coyote clan. 
 
 Sixteenth shi'wanni," Frog* clan.' 
 
 Installation of an Associate Shi'wanni of the North 
 
 An elaborate ceremonial of installation occurs when the appointee 
 is received as an associate shi'wanni. He passes from this position to 
 that of shi'wanni without further ceremonial of special importance. 
 
 The ceremonial described began about midday on December 13, 
 1896, in the ceremonial chamber of the Kia'kwemosi, where all such 
 ceremonies associated with the first body of A'shiwanni take place. 
 The man to be installed was a nephew of the Kia'kwemosi. He 
 belonged to the Dogwood clan, was married, and did not appear to be 
 over 20 years of age. Each shi'wanni was accompanied bj^ his male 
 associates; and each director of a fraternity, having been notified in 
 the early morning by the elder brother Bow priest, was accompanied 
 by his fellow-officers. The Shi'wano"kia and the writer were the 
 only women present. In most cases a fraternity has but one warrior, 
 owing to the limited membership of the A'pi"lashiwanni. The onty 
 fraternity not represented as a body is the A'pi'liishiwanni, the mem- 
 bers of this organization appearing separately with the other fraterni- 
 ties to which they are allied as warriors. 
 
 The first body of the A'shiwanni, including the first associate of 
 the Kia'kwemosi, the elder brother Bow priest and the Shi'wano"kia, 
 have seats in the south end of the room and east of the doorwaj'. As 
 each division of A'shiwanni or group of a fraternity arrives it finds 
 seats which are most agreeable on the ledge which extends around 
 the room, and after the ledge is filled seats are taken on the floor, 
 the room becoming crowded. 
 
 Great ceremony is observed on entering the chamber. As the 
 groups come in each man of a group greets those present, who in 
 return make response. The second party of the group entering does 
 not extend this greeting until that of the first one has been responded 
 to. Moccasins are removed after entering the room. The Kia'kwe- 
 mosi acts as master of ceremonies until the arrival of the younger 
 brother Bow priest, whose duty it is to look to the seating and to see 
 that no one sleeps during the long ritual. The associate shi'wanni to 
 the Kia'kwemosi spreads a large blanket on the floor near the tirst 
 body of A'shiwanni and places on the blanket a large, tine white buck- 
 
 « These are extinct. The two ct'towe of these shi'wanni are the ones referred to as remaining 
 permanently in sealed vases. 
 
 i> The writer believes when a specimen is secured and examined it will be found to be a toad and 
 not a frog. Until then she gives the' common translation of the Indian word tii'kla (frog). 
 
stevenson] INSTALLATION OF A SHIWANNI 169 
 
 skin, furnished by the Kia'kwemosi, with the head to the east. He 
 receives from the Kia'kwemosia small bucksldn sack containing corn 
 pollen, and proceeds to sprinkle a line of pollen from one extremity of 
 the deerskin to the other, great care being observed that the line of 
 pollen shall he perfectly straight and end in the center of the month 
 portion of the skin. Quantities of necklaces of coral, turquoise, and 
 ko'hakwa beads, furnished by the Kia'kwemosi and other A'shiwanni, 
 are laid over the line of pollen, forming a slight ridge, this line being 
 symbolic of the road of life and truth, the road which must be fol- 
 lowed in order to win the favor of A'wonawil'ona. a 
 
 The decoration is somewhat different when a pe'kwin (deputy to the 
 Sun Father)* is installed. A sun symbol, composed of a disk colored 
 blue-green, with three dots of black representing eyes and mouth, 
 encircled by a block of black and white, symbolizing the house of the 
 clouds, and four lines of pollen extending from four points of the 
 periphery, is made in the center of the deerskin. The line of pollen 
 and beads on the skin is broken by the disk. A line of meal extends 
 from the deerskin to the entrance of the chamber, and the meal is 
 crossed near the skin. The novice stands upon the deerskin, and the 
 A'shiwanni and others in turn stand upon the cross line of meal. The 
 novice is appealed to to do his dutjj- as becomes the deputy of the Sun 
 Father: to follow the straight road of the Sun Father, which will 
 insure the good of his people. Should he find evil or discontent in 
 his heart, to take it out and throw it behind him; and to keep straight 
 in the path of truth and virtue. The sun priest prays that the bless- 
 ings of A'wonawil'ona may continue, and that the Sun Father ma}' not 
 send his son (the rainbow) to call the rain-makers from above to send 
 them elsewhere. He prays that all people of all lands may be bounti- 
 fully supplied with food and clothing, and that his people and all other 
 people may have no great sickness among them, and that the} 7 may be 
 preserved from death. He also addresses prayers to Ko'hakwa (white 
 shell) mother'' of the sun, and Ma' we (salt) sister c to the sun. 
 
 The novice now takes a seat west of the deerskin and near it. Each 
 person pi'esent removes the head-kerchief before taking part in the 
 ceremony. Soon after noon the pe'kwin takes the hand of the novice, 
 who rises and stands in the center of the skin facing east, with a foot 
 on each side of the line of pollen and beads. The pe'kwin, still facing 
 
 " See Classification of the higher powers. 
 
 bThe pe'kwin to theSun Father is supposed to practice celibacy, and from the time of assuming 
 his office to regard his wife, if he have one, as a sister, he remaining in the family and she perform- 
 ing all the domestic duties as before. Should celibacy not be strictly observed, the A'shiwi would 
 soon die and I'tiwanna become depopulated. At least such is said to have been the ancient law, 
 but at present the pe'kwin resumes conjugal relations when not occupied with his religious duties, 
 from which he is seldom free. He must be so pure of heart that he can make no mistakes, otherwise 
 he would not keep the calendar correctly, and the people would be overwhelmed with infinite 
 troubles. 
 
 c Mother and sister are figurative. 
 
170 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ans. 23 
 
 the aovice, places his arms about the shoulders of the novice, who 
 places his around the pe'kwin's waist, and prays. The pe'kwin then 
 places his hands behind him and clasps each hand of the novice by 
 placing his fingers across the palm and his thumb on top of the hand; 
 and, bringing the clasped hands around raises them nearly to the 
 novice's chin, and prays four times; the novice responds "Yes" each 
 time. During the prayers the pe'kwin draws the novice's hands to 
 his own mouth and breathes upon them; then he moves them down- 
 ward tour times before the mouth of the novice that the latter niay 
 receive the sacred breath of A'wonawil'ona. When the pe'kwin 
 closes his prayers the first associate Shi'wanni of the West clasps 
 cadi hand of the novice, the pe'kwin being careful not to relinquish 
 his hold until his successor shall have taken the novice's hands. This 
 requirement is strictly observed throughout the ceremonial. The 
 second associate Shi'wanni of the West is the next to appear before 
 the novice and prays with him, and after him each shi'wanni with 
 his associate, the Shi'wano"kia excepted, in the sauie order in which 
 they go into retreat. Then follow the officers of the Shi'wannakwe, 
 the Ne'wekwe come next, then the 'San'iakia'kwe, followed by the 
 'Hle'wekwe. then the Ko'mosona (director of the Ko'tikili), the 
 Ko'pekwin (deputy to the Ko'mosona), two Ko'pi^lashi'wanni (war- 
 riors to the Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwin), and then the officers of 
 the Ha'lo'kwe. The last fraternity to take part is the 'Ko'shrkwe." 
 When the warrior of this fraternity has closed his ceremony the 
 pe'kwin takes the novice's hands from those of the Pi'"lashiwanni 
 and conducts him to his place, not loosening his hold until the new 
 associate shi'wanni is seated. The associate to the Kia'kwemosi, who 
 arranged the deerskin, now removes the beads, returning them at 
 once to their owners. Beginning at the east end of the buckskin, he 
 raises it slightly so as to throw the pollen toward the center; he now 
 shakes the sides and other end of the skin for the same purpose, and 
 gathers the pollen into a corn husk, which he folds ami hands to the 
 Kia'kwemosi, who ties the package with a ribbon of corn husk and 
 deposits it in his pouch. The associate also folds the deerskin and 
 hands it to the Kia'kwemosi, and afterward removes the blanket. 
 
 The Kia'kwemosi now removes his head kerchief in preparation for 
 his part. He offers a long prayer, which is responded to occasionally 
 by those present. When this prayer is over all join in another prayer, 
 and at its close the younger brother Bow priest repeats one much 
 like that offered by the Kia'kwemosi, the difference being that the 
 younger brother Bow priest appeals to the Gods of War (who are 
 associated with the liehtning'-makers) in addition to other o-ods. 
 
 « The fraternities mentioned will be fully explained under the heading " Esoteric fraternities." 
 
sievenson] PLANTING OK TE'LIKINAWE 171 
 
 All the prayers, which are repeated in low and impressive tones, 
 are much the same, the burden being that the incoming shi'wanni may 
 be pure of heart, live the straight life indicated by the line of pollen 
 and beads;" and so please A'wonawil'ona, who is life itself, that the 
 people may be blessed with much rain so that all seeds may develop; and 
 that they may have long life, without death, and grow to that old age 
 when one sleeps to awake young again in Ko'thluwala'wa (abiding 
 place of the Council of the Gods). It could not be discovered that 
 any other special instruction was given to the novice. The symbolic 
 lines over the deerskin seemed to be so full of meaning as to render 
 spoken words unnecessary. 
 
 Many pleasantries and jokes are indulged in under the breath during 
 the long ritual, anil commercial tobacco is constantly smoked by those 
 who are waiting their turn. The only service performed by the Shi- 
 wano"kia is the supplying of corn husks from an adjoining room for 
 the smokers. 
 
 At the close of the ceremony, which continues six hours, the new 
 associate shi'wanni, who remains in position four hours, and showing no 
 signs of exhaustion until the last moment, is escorted to his dwelling, 
 the wife's house, by the elder and younger brother Bow priests. There 
 is no further ceremony over him until he meets with the Kla'kwemosi 
 and other associates in the winter retreat, when the dual fetish 'kia'et'- 
 tone and chu'et'tone is placed in his hands that he may draw from it 
 the sacred breath. 
 
 Preparation and Planting of Te'likinawe 
 
 The preparation and planting of te'likinawe are among- the princi- 
 pal features of Xufii worship and ritual. Thousands of these plume 
 offerings are made annually. Every god and goddess in the Zuiii pan- 
 theon receives his or her particular offerings, which are readily dis- 
 tinguished by them. Individual offerings are insignificant compared 
 with those made by the various fraternities and organizations. 
 
 The first body of A'shiwanni make offerings each month at the 
 appropriate points of the compass. At each place an excavation is 
 made, in depth equal to the length of the arm of the man who removes 
 the earth, and te'likinawe, with meal ground from toasted sweet 
 corn and kia'waiawe (prayer meal) are deposited. The sw T eet corn is 
 first sprinkled into the opening, then the prayer meal, after which 
 te'likinawe are planted to the sun, moon, deceased predecessors, and 
 others. The portion of the stick symbolizing the face always faces the 
 east. The elder and younger brother Bow priests make additional 
 offerings to the lightning-makers of the six regions, the A'pi"lashiwanni 
 becoming after death colaborers with Ku'pishtaya, the lightning- 
 
 oThis straight road must be followed in order to receive the gifts of the gods. 
 
172 THK ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 makers. The first prayer is to the Earth Mother to invoke the Sun 
 Father's embrace to warm her children (fruits of the earth) into being. 
 Prayers are also offered to the deceased predecessors. 
 
 The plume stick indicates to whom the te'likinane is offered, and 
 the plumes attached convey the breath prayers to the g-ods. The 
 breath of the prayer combines with the breath of the gods to whom it 
 is offered to form clouds, behind which the rain-makers work. After 
 the prayers the excavation is covered so that no trace of it remains. 
 
 The preparation of te'likinawe is as follows: The first stick is 
 measured by the hand, the part of the hand used depending- on the 
 length of the stick required. Sometimes the under side of the middle 
 finger is used; then again, the length of the stick is equal to the dis- 
 tance from the metacarpus to the tip of the middle finger. Others are 
 measured from the carpus and still others from the inner side of the 
 bend of the elbow to the tip of the middle finger. After the first stick 
 is cut it is used as a measure for the others. As each stick is made 
 it is laid carefully in a basket tray or on the floor beside the worker 
 until all are completed. The plumes are then attached with cotton 
 cord, the character of the plumes depending on the character of the 
 person to whom the offering is to be made. The offerings are again 
 laid side by side, but once more are removed for the coloring of the 
 sticks. If a la'showanne (one or more plumes attached with cotton 
 cord) is added, the string of the latter is dotted four times in black, 
 symbolic of rain clouds. 
 
 The plumes used by the A'shiwanni are fluffy eagle plumes, from 
 the under wing, and feathers of the birds of the six regions. To these 
 are added butterflies, each shi'wanni using those of the color appro- 
 priate to the region he represents; darning needles (Enallagma exulans 
 Hagen), and artificial flowers of the te'nas'sali (mythical medicine 
 plant bearing flowers of the colors of the six regions). Each of the 
 fourteen A'shiwanni has two paint pots of black and one of red earth. 
 These earth paints are supposed to have come from the undermost 
 world. The pots, when not in use, are covered with buckskin securely 
 tied with cotton coi'd, to which bits of turquoise, ko'hakwa, and aba- 
 lone shell are attached. The sticks of the te'likinawe offered for cold 
 rains and snows are colored with paint from one of the black pots and 
 those for the summer rains are colored with paint from the other, an 
 exception being when neither paint is used, but instead paint used by 
 laymen. Should the paint of the A'shiwanni be used in the month of 
 May, cold winds would come and destroy the fruit. At this time the 
 paint in common use for the te'likinawe is employed b}' the A'shiwanni. 
 
stevenson] RETREAT OF SHl'WANNI OF NADIR 173 
 
 Winter Retreat of the Shi'wanni of the Nadir" 
 
 One of the most pleasing- ceremonies observed during the writer's 
 studies among- the Zuiiis was the occasion of the winter retreat, in 1896, 
 of Nai'uchi, Shi'wanni of the Nadir. Every opportunity was given to 
 observe closely all the features of the ritual and to photograph, by 
 Hash light, the elaborate meal painting with its interesting embel- 
 lishments. 
 
 The day is spent in silent prayers for rains and at night Nai'uchi 
 and his associates, who have gathered in the large chamber of the 
 house in which the et'tone is kept, are joined by their families, includ- 
 ing the youngest infants. The vases containing the et'tone and other 
 sacred objects are brought from the et'tone chamber, which adjoins 
 this room. The shi'wanni begins a pollen and meal painting in the 
 eastern end of the room, the painting extending- from the north toward 
 the south, by running a line of meal south; he afterward forms lines 
 at right angles by sprinkling meal from the east, and again from the 
 west, to the main line. He now outlines the cloud symbol, using his two 
 eagle-wing plumes to efface any imperfections. Afterward he adds 
 slightly to the length of the main line of meal, and an associate on the 
 opposite side continues the line. The shi'wanni and his third associate 
 sit on wadded blankets west of the meal line, and his first and second 
 associates sit on the east side. After the meal line is completed, the 
 shi'wanni tills in the outlines of the cloud symbol with white meal, 
 while an associate on the other side outlines six scallops in meal, corn 
 pollen, and charred corncob, which vary in size, the largest being- 
 next to the cloud design, east of the line of meal and connected with 
 it. The associate west of the line forms circles by adding similar scal- 
 lops on his side, and the circles are filled in with meal. The shi'wanni 
 now proceeds to empty one of two vases. 
 
 A number of concretion fetishes are removed and deposited in a 
 basket containing eight mi'wachi. 6 These are most sacred fetishes 
 and emblems of inystei-y medicine. They are afterward handed one 
 by one to an associate opposite, who places them along the meal line. 
 Other stone objects from a medicine box and buckskin sacks are added 
 until the line seems a solid mass of irregular stones, some of them 
 very attractive. A reed flute is laid on one side/' 
 
 As soon as the shi'wanni has handed over rnany objects to the asso- 
 ciate he proceeds to arrange the fetishes about the cloud symbol. A 
 most beautiful obsidian knife, 8 inches in length, is deposited on the 
 east side of the painting; then one, half the size, on the opposite side. 
 The shi'wanni afterward distributes a number of arrow points of 
 
 a While each .shi'wanni, with his associates, makes a retreat of one day and night in winter, when 
 the fit'tone" and other fetishes are placed about a meal painting, the summer retreat is for a longer 
 period. 
 
 »Seep. 416. 
 
 cThis flute was secured after Xai'uchfs death for the United States National Museum. 
 
174 THE Zt'NI INDIANS [eth. axn. 28 
 
 various sizes and forms over the cloud symbol, unci an arrow point is 
 placed at the end of each of the two lines radiating- from the extreme 
 end of the meal and pollen circles. 
 
 Nai'uchi and an associate each form a small cross of meal on oppo- 
 site sides of the meal line by running four lines inward to the center. 
 symbolic of the four regions. The cross is encircled with meal, sym- 
 bolizing the whole world. The circle is afterward covered with strings 
 of precious beads, which form a cincture pad, upon which the two 
 men place medicine bowls. The eight mi'wachi" are placed in line 
 across the back of the cloud symbol, and tortoise shells, the first 
 objects taken from the second vase, are deposited at either end of the 
 line of mi'wachi. The shi'wanni now bathes his hands in prayer meal 
 and removes the dual et'tone from the vase, the wrappings about each 
 part forming a sort of square package. These are laid back of the 
 line of mi'wachi for a short time, and then the shi'wanni opens each 
 package in the most reverent and impressive manner, for they are 
 almost too precious to be touched even by the hands of the shi'wanni 
 himself. This dual fetish is placed midway on the cloud symbol, the 
 'kia'et'tone being east of the chu'et'tone (see plate xxxiv). A more 
 solemn occasion than that of the placing of the et'tone on the cloud 
 symbol and the ceremonies attending its presence could not be imag- 
 ined. All hearts and minds are filled with the adoration of the holiest 
 of fetishes, with hopes for the dualistic influence upon the gods to 
 water the earth. This is a supreme moment with the Zuiiis, and can 
 be compared only with the administering of the Holy Eucharist in 
 the Roman Catholic church. 
 
 Nai'uchi now raises the third associate, who has recently been ordained. 
 by taking both hands in his. and stands him next to the mi'wachi and 
 cloud symbol. The shi'wanni again washes his hands in meal and. 
 taking the kia'et'tone in his right hand and the chu'ettone in his 
 left, he holds them with the clasped hands of the newly ordained 
 associate and makes a long prayer, that the man may walk in the 
 straight road of day, be pure of heart, and so please the gods that 
 they will make the earth rich with her being. This prayer is repeated 
 over the new associate by the other two in turn, each washing his 
 hands in meal before handling the et'tone. When the second associate 
 closes his prayer Nai'uchi receives the et'tone, first having rubbed his 
 hands with meal, and returns its two parts to the meal symbol. 
 The new associate is now seated in his former place by Nai'uchi, who 
 places his hands on the associate's shoulders, motioning to the six 
 regions, and gives him a push into his seat, resuming his own. 
 
 a The beautiful mi'wachi displayed at the ceremony of the et'tone are the property of the A'shi- 
 wnnni by virtue of their membership in the order of O'naya'nakia (mystery medicine) of an 
 esoteric fraternity. The altars seen during the ceremonies associated with anthropic worship are 
 iil-o the property of these fraternities, who arc present by invitation, to furnish music lor the 
 dances of the gods. 
 
stevenson] RETREAT OF SHl'\VANNI OF NADIR. 175 
 
 Nai'uchi calls for a vas6 of water, which is brought by the female 
 associate, and, dipping six gourdfuls, empties it into the medicine bowl 
 on the west side of him. and hands six gourdfuls to the associate oppo- 
 site, who empties the water into the medicine bowl on his side of the 
 line. The shi'wanni now sprinkles meal into his bowl and drops six 
 concretion fetishes for fructification separately into the water; as he 
 holds each one he prays to the u'wannami (rain-makers) of one of the 
 six regions. The associate forms a cross of powdered root and encir- 
 cles the cross with it. afterward sprinkling the root over the surface 
 of the water. 
 
 After Nai'uchi, with long prayers, consecrates the water in his bowl, 
 he stands and whirls the rhombus, while the associate whips the mix- 
 ture in his bowl into frothy suds, symbolic of clouds. A single reed 
 is used in making the suds, a more slender one being applied to keep 
 them in place in the bowl." 
 
 The other associate on the east side plays the flute. All this is an 
 invocation to the gods for rain — the one great and perpetual prayer of 
 the people of this arid land. The shi'wanni now lays aside the rhom- 
 bus and. dipping his two eagle plumes into the. consecrated water, 
 sprinkles the offerings. This dipping of the plumes into the water 
 and sprinkling is repeated six times, and quiet reigns for a short 
 while. Again the shi'wanni stands and whirls the rhombus while 
 an associate plays the flute, and the recently ordained member 
 shakes the rattle of shells suspended from a crooked stick to which 
 plumes are attached. This rattle is used only in ceremonials of the 
 A'shiwanni. The other associate constantly sprinkles meal over the 
 meal line, beginning always at the far end of the line, with prayers, 
 which continue throughout the ceremony of invocation to the rain- 
 makers,* to enter and pass up the line of pollen and meal. The shi'- 
 wanni and associates each in turn sprinkle meal up the line, though 
 the shi'wanni is the principal actor. All night the appeal to the 
 gods continues in low, weird, yet musical tones. The invocation is as 
 follows: 
 
 [iirocation to the Ciirnniami 
 I 
 
 Come you, ascend the ladder; all come in; all sit down. 
 We were poor, poor, poor, poor, poor, poor, 
 When we came to this world through the poor place, 
 Where the body of water dried for our passing. 
 
 a The Sia Indians are much more expert than the Zufiis in making suds and keeping the mass in 
 place. It was not observed that the Sia used the extra reed, yet they bank the suds much higher 
 than the Zuiiis. 
 
 6 It will be borne in mind that the rain-makers are the deceased A'shiwi. 
 
17(3 THE ZUN1 INDIANS [bth.ann.23 
 
 Banked up clouds [cumuli] cover the earth. 
 All come four times with your showers, 
 Descend to the base of the ladder and stand still; 
 Bring your showers and great rains. 
 All, all come, all ascend, all come in, all sit down." 
 
 [The above stanza is repeated four times. ] 
 
 II 
 
 I throw out to you my sacred meal that you may all come. 
 
 Hold your gaming-stick; throw it forward; all come. 
 
 Hold your gaming-ring; throw it forward; all come. 
 
 All come out and give us your showers and great rains; all come, 
 
 That the seeds may be strong and come up, that all seed 2)lants may come 
 
 up and be strong. 
 Come you that all trees and seeds may come up and be strong. 
 Come you hither; all come. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Cover my earth mother four times with many flowers. 
 
 Let the heavens be covered with the banked up clouds. 
 
 Let the earth be covered with fog; cover the earth with rains. 
 
 Great waters, rains, cover the earth. Lightning cover the earth. 
 
 Let thunder be heard over the earth; let thunder be heard; 
 
 Let thunder be heard over the six regions of the earth. 
 
 IV 
 
 Rain-makers, come out from all roads that great rivers may cover the earth; 
 
 That stones may be moved by the torrents; 
 
 That trees may be uprooted and moved by the torrents. 
 
 Great rain-makers, come out from all roads, carry the sands of our earth 
 mother of the place. 
 
 Cover the earth with her heart,'' that all seeds may develop, 
 
 That my children may have all things to eat and be happy; 
 
 That the people of the outlying villages may all laugh and be happy; 
 
 That the growing children may all have things to eat and be happy. 
 
 This way our great father "kia'ettone wishes you to come. 
 
 This way c our great mother chu'ettone wishes you to come; 
 
 That we may have all kinds of seeds and all things good; 
 
 That we may inhale the sacred breath of life; 
 
 That our fathers 'kla'ettowe and our mothers chu'ettowe may bring us happy 
 days. 
 
 Let our children live and be happy. 
 
 Send us the good south winds. 
 
 Send us your breath over the lakes that our great world may be made beau- 
 tiful and our people may live. 
 
 o At these words tin.- A'shiwanni sprinkle meal up the line of fetishes, symbolic of the ruin-makers 
 passing over the meal line. 
 ''Reference to rains. The unexpressed idea is, water is the heart and life of the earth. 
 "Reference to the spirits of the rain-makers passing over the meal line to the et'tone. 
 
stevenson] RETREAT OF SHi'wANNI OF NADIR. 177 
 
 V 
 
 There, far off, my Sun Father arises, ascends the ladder, comes forth from 
 
 his place. 
 May all complete the road of life, may all grow old. 
 May the children inhale more of the sacred breath of life. 
 May all my children have corn that they may complete the road of life. 
 Here sit down; here remain; we give you our best thoughts. 
 Hasten over the meal road; we are jealous of you. 
 We inhale the sacred breath through our prayer plumes. 
 
 In the summer retreat of the A'shiwanni thunder stones are brought 
 out and during- the invocation to the rain-makers are rolled down the 
 line of meal and pollen to a disk formed by two concentric circles of 
 corn pollen just beyond the arrow points at the far end of the meal 
 and pollen line (see plate xxxv). The shi'wanni is the first to roll the 
 stone, and his associate removes it from the disk, which is spoken of 
 as the house of the thunder stone, and, returning to the meal painting, 
 starts it down the line. In this way the shi'wanni and his associates 
 take their turns in rolling the thunder stones. These stones vary 
 from 1J to -t or 5 inches in diameter and are among the most sacred 
 objects to be found among the Zufiis, who believe that these stones 
 were dropped to the earth by the rain-makers while playing their 
 games." 
 
 At the rising of the morning star a kla'etchine (group of te'liki- 
 nawe wrapped together at the base) is carried by the first associate 
 shi'wanni to a field of Nai'uchi's; he is accompanied by another whirling 
 a rhombus. Each is provided with a long necked gourd jug, the bulb 
 covered with cotton netting and having four white fluffy eagle plumes 
 attached at equal distances around the lower edge of the netting. 
 Meal ground from roasted sweet corn and prayer meal are sprinkled 
 into an excavation* and the te'likinawe are placed with the ej r es 
 looking to the east, as the A'shiwanni express it, each te'likinane 
 having three black dots on the upper end of the stick, representing eyes 
 and mouth. A prayer is repeated by the two associates after the te'liki- 
 nawe are planted; meal is sprinkled during the prayer. The jugs are 
 filled from a spring, and the two return to the ceremonial chamber. 
 The first associate deposits the water into a medicine bowl on the floor 
 on the northeast side of the cloud symbol; the other hands his jug to 
 the shi'wanni, who empties the water into a bowl west of the painting. 
 
 The women join in the song for a short time, after which the offer- 
 ings made by the women are distributed among the shi'wanni and his 
 
 a A fine specimen of a thunder stone of a highly silieified volcanic rock. resembling chalcedony has 
 been secured and deposited in the National Museum. 
 
 6 Excavations used for the offerings of the A'shiwanni at the time of their winter and summer 
 retreats are made with the 'seme (ancient bean planter), the depth being the length of a man's arm. 
 
 23 eth— 04 12 
 
178 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 associates. Plate xxxv shows the offerings, consisting of ears of corn, 
 bowls containing grains of corn of various colors, bead necklaces 
 and bangles made of meal in imitation of silver, and young shoots of 
 peach trees with artificial fruit of dried he'palokia" and sweet corn. 
 Both are ground, the latter after it has been boiled, made into a stiff 
 paste with cold water, and molded into balls and tinted. 
 
 All included in the ceremony move the objects up and down in time 
 to the songs of thanksgiving to the gods for the gifts that have 
 been received. The moving of the brilliant corn and highly decorated 
 baskets by the men and women, the beautiful arms of the latter being 
 exposed, is the rhythm of motion. The songs of thanksgiving, with 
 the raising and lowering of the offerings, continue without cessation 
 fifty minutes, after which a low prayer is made by Nai'uchi, and the 
 offerings are removed to another part of the room. 
 
 The maker of the suds pushes his cloud bowl forward to a group of 
 women, and each takes a handful of suds and rubs it first on her chest, 
 then over her arms and legs. The bowl is afterward carried around 
 the room, that all may bathe with the suds. The third associate carries 
 the bowl of consecrated water, administering a draft from a shell to 
 all present. He begins at the west end of the room, giving it to the 
 shi'wanni and associates last. 
 
 After partaking of the consecrated water, the shi'wanni removes the 
 mi'wachi one by one from the painting, carefully blowing off any meal 
 that may have dropped on the feathers, and returns them to the 
 basket. He next removes the chu'ettone, while the associate by his side 
 takes the 'kia'ettone. They blow off every particle of meal that may 
 have remained on the fetishes. Each fetish is first wrapped in a piece of 
 cotton cloth, then in deerskin, and then carefully tied. The shi'wanni 
 now tenderly returns the chu'ettone to the vase, and after receiving the 
 'kia'ettone from the associate deposits it by the side of the other. 
 While the fetishes are being placed in the vase the two associates 
 opposite the shi'wanni are engaged in returning the stone fetishes to 
 the medicine box and sacks from which they were taken. After all 
 objects are removed the second associate sweeps the meal and pollen 
 into a heap, and, carrying it to the river, casts it into the waters, that 
 it may go to Ko'thluwala'wa. 
 
 Without further ceremony the owners of four of the mi'wachi, who 
 are related to the shi'wanni or associates, leave the chamber with their 
 fetishes. The fetishes directly associated with the et'tone are returned 
 with it to its room. Then the shi'wanni and associates have their heads 
 bathed by the female associate, after which the usual feast is served, 
 which Nai'uchi, his associates, and their families enjoy. First, how- 
 ever, a portion of the food is gathered by the shi'wanni and associates 
 and cast into the fire, to be conveyed to the ancestral gods. 
 
 a See p. 365. 
 
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Stevenson] SUMMER KETBEAT OF SHl'WANNI 179 
 
 Summer Retreat of a Shi'wanni 
 
 An account of the summer retreat of the shi'wanni possessing- the 
 et'tone, which is supposed to have come from the Black Corn clan, was 
 given the writer by the shi'wanni himself and verified by the third 
 associate, one of the brightest Indians in Zuiii. 
 
 The house in which the et'tone of the Black Corn clan is kept is one 
 of the oldest in the village. It is accessible on one side from a street 
 and on the other from a plaza. The room of the sacred fetish is 
 on the ground floor, but can be entered only b}>- a ladder from an 
 upper chamber. This room is not over 8 by 4 feet and has a low ceil- 
 ing. Its walls are elaborately decorated with cloud symbols and two 
 Ko'loowisi (plumed serpents). The sacred frog, wearing a cloud cap 
 with lightning shooting forth, stands with each foot on the tongue of 
 a Ko'loowisi. This decoration, which is not to be found in the other 
 chambers of the et'towe, is due to the fact that the shi'wanni at the time 
 referred to also had charge of the Ko'loowisi fetish (see plate xxxvi). 
 
 The room where the retreat is made is directly above the chamber 
 of the et'tone, and there is an opening 12 by 18 inches in the floor, 
 through which meal is constantly sprinkled during the retreat. At 
 other times this hatchway is closed by a stone slab set in plaster. 
 
 The shi'wanni and his associates gather in the chamber of the et'tone 
 at sunrise on the fifth morning of the retreat. The shi'wanni makes a 
 cloud symbol of corn pollen and white meal on the floor, and the et'tone 
 separated into its two parts, with other fetishes and arrow points, are 
 placed thereon, the et'tone being the most important object. The shi'- 
 wanni and associates descend to this chamber on the three following days 
 at sunrise, noon, and sunset to invoke the presence of the gods. On the 
 eighth and last day of the retreat a similar painting to the one in the 
 room below is made on the floor of the upper room, and an even more 
 elaborate display is made, when the families consanguineous to the shi'- 
 wanni and his associates gather for the night, presenting a most inter- 
 esting picture, similar to that described in the ceremony of the Shi'- 
 wanni of the Nadir. The te'likinawe are planted in the manner 
 described in the winter retreat of the Shi'wanni of the Nadir. 
 
 On the morning that the retreat closes, an excavation is made, in the 
 manner heretofore described, close to the one that was dug at the begin- 
 ning of the retreat, and te'likinawe are deposited just as they were on 
 the first day in the other excavation. Both openings are now covered, 
 the first remaining open until the second one receives the te'likinawe. 
 
 At sunrise the heads of the shi'wanni and the three associates are 
 washed by the female associate, after which a feast is enjoyed. Then 
 the shi'wanni and associates each place food in a fine basket, and carry- 
 ing it to the fireplace, where there are a few embers, consign it to the 
 fire with prayers to the ancients of all regions, the dead Zufiis, to water 
 the earth. The retreat of all the A'shiwanni are for the same object — 
 rains to fructify the earth — and the ceremonials vary but slightly. 
 
180 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 Order of Retreat of the A'shiwarwii in 1S91 
 
 The following i.s the order of retreat of the A'shiwanni as observed 
 by the writer in the summer of 1891: 
 
 Kla'kweuiosi retires June 26; leaves retreat July 4. 
 Shi'wanni of the West retires Jul} - 4; leaves retreat July 12. 
 Shi'wanni of the South retires July 12; leaves retreat July 20. 
 Shi'wanni of the East retires July 20; leaves retreat July 28. 
 Shi'wanni of the Zenith retires July 28; leaves retreat August 1. 
 Shi'wanni of the Nadir retires August 1; leaves retreat August 5." 
 Shi'wanni of Eagle clan retires August 5; leaves retreat August 9. 
 Shi'wanni of Dogwood clan retires August 9; leaves retreat August 17. 
 Shi'wanni of Black Corn clan retires August 17; leaves retreat August 25. 
 Shi'wanni of Shu'rnaakwe fraternity (Chaparral Cock clan) retires August 
 
 25; leaves retreat August 29. 
 Shi'wanni of Sun clan retires August 29; leaves retreat September 2. 
 Shi'wanni of Corn clan (Kla'nakwe) retires September 2; leaves retreat 
 
 September 6. 
 Shi'wanni of Corn clan retires September 6; leaves retreat September 10. 
 Shi'wanni of Corn clan retires September 10; leaves retreat September 14. 
 
 ♦HLA'HEWE CEREMONIAL FOR RAIN AND THE GROWTH 
 
 OF CORN 
 
 The drama of the 'hla'hewe (singular 'hla'ha), 6 which is enacted quad- 
 rennially in August when the corn is a foot high, is supposed to be a 
 reproduction of the ceremonies held at the time of the third appearance 
 of the Corn maidens before the A'shiwi, and is regarded as one 
 of their most sacred festivals. Great preparations were made by the 
 A'shiwi for the third coming of the Corn maidens, who were to dance 
 that rains would come and water the earth, that the new corn might 
 be made beautiful to look upon, and that the earth would furnish all 
 food for nourishment. While the drama must be played once in four 
 years, it may occur more often by order of the first body of A'shiwanni. e 
 
 In 1890 there was a special play of the 'Hla'hewe, owing to the fact 
 that the former pe'kwin (sun priest) had been impeached for having 
 caused a drought, and it was necessary that the new incumbent should 
 become acquainted with this drama, in which he plays an important 
 part. The Zufiis declare this celebration of the festival brought so much 
 rain that they danced all night in mud instead of on the hard ground. 
 When the writer visited Zufii in 1891, she expressed regret to the 
 Kla'kwemosi (rain priest of the North) and the elder brother Bow priest 
 that she had failed to be present at the drama of the 'Hla'hewe in the 
 previous year, and asked if it were not possible to repeat the ceremony. 
 Whereupon the Kla'kwemosi declared that "this could not be done as 
 
 " The elder and younger Bow priests also make a retreat at this season. 
 b'Hla'ha, rabbit skin blanket. The name signifies fecundity. 
 
 'The writer learned when at Zufii in 1902 that the 'Hla'hewe drama had not been performed since 
 1891, owing, the Indians said, to their wish to keep the sacred ceremony from the eyes of Americans. 
 
stevensos] T HLA'HEWE CEREMONY FOR RAIN 181 
 
 his people would at once suspect him of holding- a festival in order 
 that the writer might make notes and pictures. After much consult- 
 ing between the Ivla'kwemosi and elder brother Bow priest, they con- 
 cluded that as certain prisoners at Fort Wingate, from Oraibi (a Hopi 
 village), supposed by the Indians to be sorcerers, had stated that they 
 would cause a drought throughout the Pueblo country if they were 
 not liberated.'' they might include the 'Hla'hewe drama among the addi- 
 tional ceremonies, as it was of special value for rains. 
 
 While the drama is known as the 'Hla'hewe, the dancers and the 
 choirs form into two parties, one side being called 'Hla'hewe, the other 
 Sho'ko'we (singular sho'kona, flute), having reference to Pa'yatiimu 
 (god of music, flowers, and butterflies). 
 
 The first body of A'shiwanni assemble in the house of the Shi'wan- 
 o''kia (priestess of fecundity), to arrange for the drama which is to 
 occur in eight days. The} 7 decide who shall perform the parts in the 
 drama forwhich permanent actors are not provided. The Shi'wano"kia 
 is present, but remains silent. 
 
 The following table gives the participants in the 'Hla'hewe and the 
 mode of selection: 
 
 TABLE OP PARTICIPANTS - 
 
 First body of A'shiwanni, women who officiate with mi'wachi.* 
 
 'Hla'hewe Sho'ko'we 
 
 A'wan rno'sona (director-general). A'wan rno'sona. 
 
 Vice a'wan rno'sona. ' Vice a'wan mo'sona. 
 
 Two he'kupowanhak'tona (virgins who Two ushan'ashute (virgins who dance 
 
 dance at sunset), impersonated by at sunset), impersonated by fe- 
 
 females. males. 
 
 One sho'lipsimonthle'ona (virgin who 
 
 dances with the he'kupowanhak'to- 
 na), impersonated by a male. 
 Two 'kla'punakwe, virgins (water-sprin- Two 'kla'punakwe, impersonated by a 
 
 klers), impersonated by a youth and youth and a maiden. 
 
 a maiden. 
 Man of Frog clan. e Position permanent. 
 One a'shuwahiinona (plume-waver), also 
 
 called shuts'ina after the hawk whose 
 
 plumes he carries. 
 Ten mi'laiiliipo'na (personators of the Ten rni'laiilapo'na. 
 
 Corn maidens), the two females 
 
 personating the Yellow and Blue 
 
 Corn maidens being designated as 
 
 a'mosono"kla ( directresses-general ) . 
 
 «t* These men are not only sorcerers but thoroughly imbued with the lore of medicine." They 
 spread consternation among the -Pueblos, not only of Hopis and Zuiiis, but of the Rio Grande 
 Indians as well, and all were having extra prayers and dances. 
 
 6See p. 416. 
 
 cThe present incumbent is warrior to the Snake fraternity. 
 
182 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 Four 'kla'potiikwe (dance at sunrise), Four 'kla'potiikwe. 
 
 impersonated by females. 
 One ya'pota (symbolizer of corn), a male, 
 
 who dances that the ears of corn may 
 
 be perfect. 
 Four 'hla'he o'tiikwe (female dancers) Four Sho'ko o'tiikwe (female dancers). 
 
 Mo'sona (director) and vice mo'sona of Mo'sona and vice mo'sona of choir. 
 
 choir. 
 Ten singers and a drummer. Ten singers and a drummer. 
 
 Mo'sona of flutists and nine additional 
 flutists. 
 
 The A' wan mo'sona and vice A'wan mo'sona of both sides, he'kupowanhak'tona, 
 A'shuwahiinona of the 'Hla'hewe, and ushiin'ashute of the Sho'ko'we side are selected 
 by the pe'kwln and notified by the elder brother Bow priest. The man of the Frog 
 clan is notified by the elder brother Bow priest. The sho'lipsimonthle'ona is chosen 
 and notified by the elder brother Bow priest. The 'kia'punakwe, mi'laiiliipo'na, 
 and 'kla'potiikwe of both sides are chosen and notified by the pe'kwln. The 
 ya'pota, 'Hla'he o'tiikwe, and choir of the 'Hla'hewe side are chosen and notified by 
 the A'wan mo'sona of this side, and the Sho'ko o'tiikwe and choir of the Sho'ko'we 
 side are chosen and notified by its A'wan mo'sona. The mo'sona of the flutists is 
 notified by the A'wan mo'sona of the Sho'ko'we side, and he in turn notifies the 
 other flutists. 
 
 A'wan mo'sona and vice A'wan mo'sona of both sides may belong to any clan. 
 The he'kupowanhak'tona and ushiin'ashute are children or grandchildren of the 
 first body of A'shiwanni. They must abstain eight days from animal food and 
 salt. Should they not be virgins, the green corn would be destroyed by worms. 
 The sho'lipsimonthle'ona must be a son or grandson of one of the first body of A'shi- 
 wanni, and he must abstain eight days from animal food and salt. In the ceremony 
 described the sho'lipsimonthle'ona is personated by a grandson of Nai'uchi, Shi'- 
 wanni of the Nadir and elder brother Bow priest. This youth adopted female attire 
 several years after the ceremony here described. 
 
 The 'kia'punakwe of the 'Hla'hewe side must be of the Dogwood clan or children 
 of the clan," and the 'kia'punakwe of the Sho'ko'we side must belong to the Corn 
 clan or be children of this clan. They must abstain from animal food and salt four 
 days, which fast begins the morning they go to the hiim'pone (pavilion). 
 
 The A'shiwanni, having enjoyed a feast, retire from the house of 
 the Shi'wano"'kia at midnight and sleep until dawn in their homes, 
 when they again gather in her house and prepare la'showawe (singular 
 la'showane, one or more plumes attached to a cotton cord), each con- 
 sisting of a tail and a wing feather of the 'hlai'aluko, mountain blue- 
 bird (Sialia arctica). The two feathers are joined at the quill ends so 
 as to form a V and wrapped with cotton cord. The feathers to be 
 given to men are from the male bird, those for the women from the 
 female bird. When the la'showawe are completed the elder brother 
 Bow priest is first dispatched for the A'wan mo'sona and vice A'wan 
 mo'sona of the 'Hla'hewe, who accompany him to the house of the 
 Shi'wano"kia, and then for those who are to fill similar positions on the 
 Sho'ko'we side. Again the elder brother Bow priest leaves the house 
 and returns with the he'kupowanhak'tona and sho'lipsimonthle'ona. 
 
 a See List of clans. 
 
stkvenson] t HLa'hEWE CEREMONY FOR RAIN 183 
 
 Each party brought by the elder brother Bow priest is presented 
 with a la'showanne by the pe'kwin, who says to each: "May your 
 heart be good; may you have good thoughts; may you speak with one 
 tongue, that the rains may come." 
 
 The pe'kwin gives additional la'showawe to the A'wan a'mosi to be 
 distributed by them among the others. The la'showanne is attached to 
 the left side of the head of each recipient by the cotton cord from 
 which the feathers are suspended and by a strand of hair. These la'sho- 
 wawe are planted in the fields with te'likinawe on the morning after 
 the close of the drama. All now return to their homes, the pe'kwin 
 carrying the remaining la'showawe. After eating he visits the houses 
 of the 'kia'punakwe, notifying them of their appointment and giving 
 to each a la'showanne, which he attaches to the hair on the left side of 
 the head. 
 
 The two choirs in separate houses begin practicing the night they 
 are notified. The A'wan a'mosi and A'wan a'mosono"kia are present 
 at the rehearsals. The A'wan a'mosi join in the songs, but the A'wan 
 a'tnosono^kia are silent. On the day following the notification the two 
 choirs assemble at dawn in the Shi'wano"kia's house to accompany the 
 dancers. The 'Hla'hewe choir group in the southeast corner of the 
 room and the Sho'ko'we choir" in the northeast corner. 
 
 The first body of A'shiwanni sit in line on the south ledge which 
 extends around the walls of the room. Two large Apache baskets 
 containing ears of yellow corn, symbolic of the Yellow Corn maiden, 
 and two filled with blue corn, symbolizing the Blue Corn maiden,* 
 stand in line, the baskets of yellow corn being north of the others in 
 the west end of the room. The A'wan mosono"kia personating the 
 Yellow Corn maiden sits back of the baskets of yellow corn, and the 
 A'wan mosono"kia personating the Blue Corn maiden sits back of 
 the baskets of blue corn. Each woman has a pottery meal basket in 
 front of her. 
 
 The 'kia'potiikwe dance at sunrise, first on the Sho'ko'we side, when 
 they carry yellow corn from the baskets, and afterward on the 
 'Hla'hewe side, when blue corn is carried. In the former case the 
 yellow corn is given to the dancers by the A'wan mo'sono"kia per- 
 sonating the Yellow Corn maiden, and they are led to the floor by the 
 A'wan mo'sono"kia personating the Blue Corn maiden. She remains 
 but a few moments on the floor, but afterward returns and continues 
 dancing for a short time after the 'kia'potiikwe retire. Before the 
 yellow corn is exchanged for the blue, the Shi'wano"kia takes the 
 clasped hand of each dancer, the corn being held between the hands, 
 
 a The Zunis claim that the songs of the Sho'ko'we are sung in their ancient tongue, and the 
 Laguna Indians also claim that these songs are in their archaic tongue. The Zunis in general 
 resent the claim of the Lagunas, but a number of their priests have stated that the old tongue of 
 the Zufiis is the same as the ancient language of the Lagunas. 
 
 b Yellow is the color for the north, the Yellow Corn maiden representing that region; and blue is* 
 the color for the west, the Blue Corn maiden being the representative. 
 
184 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann.23 
 
 ;iik1 passes the corn three or four times before the lips of the girl, 
 with a prayer that she may inhale the sacred breath of life. The 
 dancers now pass to the A'wan mo'sono"kia of the Sho'ko'we side, who 
 repeats the passing of the corn before the lips of the 'kia'potiikwe and 
 returns it to the basket. The A'wan mosono"kia of the 'Hla'hewe side, 
 who is now in her place by the baskets, gives blue corn to the 'kia'po- 
 tiikwe. and they are led to the floor by the A'wan mosono"kia of the 
 Sho'ko'we side. She, too, remains only a short time, but returns and 
 stays on the floor dancing until the 'kia'potiikwe have returned the 
 blue corn, when she returns to her place and the 'kia'potiikwe leave 
 the chamber. 
 
 The girls who act as 'Hla'he and Sho'ko o'tiikwe gather in an adjoin- 
 ing room and come forward as required, eight at a time, with the 
 ya'pota in the middle of the line. They begin to dance as soon as the 
 'kia'potiikwe have retired. The dancers are attired in their ordinary 
 dress, but are careful to wear -their best moccasins and elaborate 
 necklaces. They repeat the performance of the 'kia'potiikwe. They 
 carry first the yellow corn, and afterward the blue corn, receiving 
 the corn and returning it in the manner previously described. They 
 are led to the floor first by the A'wan mo'sono"kia of the 'Hla'hewe 
 side and afterward by the A'wan mo'sono"kia of the Sho'ko'we 
 side, in the same manner as the 'kia'potiikwe. The corn is passed 
 before their lips first by the Shi'wano"kia and afterward by the 
 A'wan mo'sono"kia, as described above. After the first set of girls 
 and the youth have danced with the yellow and blue corn, they retire, 
 and another set take their places. The dance continues, except dur- 
 ing the noonday feast, until the arrival of the he'kupowanhak'tona, 
 sho'lipsimonthle'ona, and Ushana'shutt an hour before sunset, when 
 they take the floor. These dances occur on three alternate days in the 
 house of the Shi'wano"kia. 
 
 On the seventh morning the two A'wan a'mosi, with their vicars and 
 men selected by them, construct an extensive ham'pone in the Si'aa' 
 te'wita, sacred dance court, immediately in front of the He'iwa 
 ki'wi'sine (ceremonial house of the Ivia'kwe a'mosi), the lower door 
 of the house opening into the west side, or back, of the ham'pone. 
 Heavy poles support the beams and over them is canvas covered with 
 spruce (Pseudotsuga douglassii) boughs, the edge of the roof being 
 fringed with spruce and cedar boughs, and the south wall formed of 
 spruce and a small quantity of cedar. The personators of the A'wan 
 ta"ehu (Great Father), the pe'kwin, and the Pi"'liishiwanni (warrior) of 
 the Ko'yemshi" gather the boughs and place them in position. 
 
 The first body of A'shiwanni, the A'wan a'mosi with their fel- 
 lows, the mi'laiilapo'na, and the two choirs assemble in the O'he'wa 
 
 a See p. 33. 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 t hla'hewe ceremony for rain 
 
 185 
 
 ki'wi'sine." the pe'kwin having previously made a cloud symbol of 
 meal on the floor, extending- a line of meal eastward from the symbol. 
 Later he forms four concentric circles of meal, on which he places 
 a medicine bowl, after which he arranges the mi'wachi of the A'shi- 
 
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 Fig. 6 — Diagram of the 'Hla'hewe ceremony in the ki'wi'sine: 1, Shi'wano"kia; 2, younger brother 
 Bow priest: 3, Shi'wanni of the West; 4, Shi'wanni of the South; 5, Shi'wanni of the East; 6, 7, 'kla'- 
 punakw'e (youth and maiden); S, Kla'kwemosi; 9, associate Kla'kwemosi; 10 and 11, 'kla'punakwe 
 (youth and maiden): 12. pe'kwin (sun priest); 13, elder brother Bow priest; 14, mi'wachi; 15, 
 water jugs and vases of the 'kia'punakwe; 16, mi'laiiiapona of 'Hla'hewe side; 17, baskets of mi'laii- 
 lapona of 'Hla'hewe side; IS, baskets of mi'laiiiapona of Sho'ko'we side; 19, mi'laiiiapona of Sho'- 
 ko'we side: 20, basket of corn and te'likinawe; 21, basket of corn of 'Hla'hewe side; 22, medicine 
 bowl: 23, basket of corn of 'Hla'hewe choir; 24, basket of corn of Sho'ko'we side; 25, prayer meal 
 basket; 26, baskets of corn; 27, blanket; 28, fire altar; 29, basket of corn of Sho'ko'we choir; 30, 
 drum of 'Hla'hewe choir; 31, directorsof 'Hla'hewe side; 32, 'Hla'hewe choir; 33, drum of Sho'ko'we 
 choir; 34, directors of Sho'ko'we side; 35, Sho'ko'we choir. 
 
 wanni in line on the west side of the cloud symbol (see figure 6). The 
 preparations and ceremony in O'he'wa ki'wi'sine were as follows: 
 
 The men assemble in the ki'wi'sine and prepare te'likinawe. After 
 eagle, turkey, and other plumes are attached to the upper ends of the 
 sticks, they are colored black. A diminutive crook (symbolic of lon- 
 gevity), with la'showawe attached, is bound with cotton cord to each 
 
 a Some years ago the ceremony here described occurred in the Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine owing to the 
 Che'wa being unfit for occupancy. 
 
186 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 te'likinane, and the te'likinane with its companion is wrapped in a 
 corn husk which only partially covers the plumes, the wrapping- being- 
 secured by a ribbon of husk. The te'likinawe thus wrapped are 
 deposited in baskets of corn, the feathers fringing the edge of the 
 baskets, which are in position by the cloud symbol. These offerings 
 are made to the rain-makers to induce them to intercede with the 
 Sun Father, that he may embrace the rains of the earth, that the 
 corn may grow to be beautiful to look upon and good to eat. The 
 'Hla'hewe and Sho'ko'we choirs deposit their te'likinawe in separate 
 baskets. 
 
 After the te'likinawe are completed the Kia'kwemosi takes his seat 
 by the medicine bowl. A woman places a vase of water and a gourd 
 by him, and he dips six gourdfuls of water from the vase, emptying 
 it into the bowl. He now drops six a'thlashi (concretions; sacred to 
 the mother of corn of the six regions) separate^ into the medicine 
 bowl, raising high each stone and praying before depositing it into 
 the bowl (22 of figure 6). After the consecration of the water a 
 blanket (27 of figure 6) is spread upon the floor a short distance in 
 front of the cloud sj'mbol. The pe'kwin takes his seat to the west 
 of the blanket; the elder brother Bow priest sits south and the 
 younger brother Bow priest north of it. The ten mi'laiiliipo'na of 
 the 'Hla'hewe side are seated in line south of the meal line extending 
 from the meal symbol, and the ten mi'laiiliipo'na of the Sho'ko'we 
 side are seated in line north of the meal painting. Some of these 
 women are white-haired and aged. Each has a basket of corn before 
 her. Those of the Sho'ko'we side have, in addition to the corn, 
 'hie' we (tablets) ornamented with sun, moon, star, and cloud symbols, 
 with white fluffy eagle plumes surmounting the tablets. Those of 
 the 'Hla'hewe side have 'hla'we (slender stems of a plant) about 18 
 inches long, painted white and adorned with delicate white duck 
 feathers in groups of two, the space between being of the width of 
 the first three fingers placed crosswise within a few inches of their 
 ends. Each basket is covered with a white embroidered kilt. The 
 choir of the 'Hla'hewe side is grouped in the southeast corner and 
 that of the Sho'ko'we side in the northeast end of the room. The 
 flutists prepare te'likinawe in the ceremonial chambers of the Ma"ke 
 'Siin'nakwe (Little Fire fraternity) and Pe'sha'silo'kwe (Cimex frater- 
 nity). The ears of corn, tied together in twos, are taken from the 
 baskets in turn by the A' wan a'mosi of the choirs and the others, and 
 deposited on the blanket to the right of the elder brother Bow priest, 
 who at intervals holds a bunch of the corn between his hands and 
 prays. He afterward makes a cavity in the end of each ear. After 
 each ear is prepared by him he hands it to the pe'kwin, who deposits 
 seeds in the cavity and passes it to the younger brother Bow priest, 
 who seals the opening with a paste of yucca fruit softened in the 
 
stevenson] t HLA'hKWE CEREMONY FOR RAIN 187 
 
 mouth before it is applied. The younger brother Bow priest lays 
 each ear as it is completed to his left on the blanket, and it is returned 
 by the proper parties to the baskets. Afterward the corn is placed 
 M'ith that stacked in the house of each individual who receives it. 
 
 After the preparation of the corn the mo'sona of the 'Hla'hewe choir 
 passes to each mi'laiilapo'na of his side and tells her in low tones to 
 go to the Sho'ko'we choir and ask them to work for the 'Hla'hewe. 
 As each man is interrogated he replies "Yes," in a voice scarcely 
 audible. The women return to their seats and the members of the 
 Sho'ko'we choir sit on their wadded blankets before the basket of corn 
 and, facing the mi'laiilapo'na, prepare the 'hla'we. Each ear of corn 
 to be carried by the dancers is surrounded and hidden by the 'hla'we, 
 each one being separately bound to the corn with cotton cord. The 
 cord is held between the teeth during the wrapping. When all the 
 stems are attached, short dark eagle feathers, plumes from the birds 
 of the six regions, and white sage blossoms are arranged upright 
 around the ear of corn, and a piece of native white cotton cloth is 
 placed over the base of the corn, extending several inches upward and 
 heavily wrapped with the cotton cord. A diminutive crook, with 
 la'showawe attached, is tied to each 'hla'we to be carried in the left 
 hand of the dancer. The 'Hla'hewe choir sings while the Sho'ko'we 
 choir works on the 'hla'we. The song is addressed to-A'wan 'Sita 
 (Great Mother) corn: "See, I dress your children [referring to the 
 corn] in beautiful feathers and mi'hawe (sacred embroidered blankets). 
 I pray that you will send to us man}^ of your children another year." 
 Upon the completion of the 'hla'we they are laid across the baskets 
 of corn of the mi'laiilapo'na of both sides, and the mo'sona of the 
 Sho'ko'we tells the mi'laiilapo'na of his side to request the choir 
 of the 'Hla'hewe to work for them. The requests and replies are made 
 in undertones. Members of the 'Hla'hewe choir sit before the baskets 
 of corn of the mi'laiilapo'na and prepare the 'hle'we. An ear of corn, 
 surrounded with feathers and white sage blossoms, is attached to the 
 inner side of the tablet." The 'hle'we are also laid across the baskets' 
 of the mi'laiilapo'na of both sides. The embroidered kilts are 
 removed each time to allow the 'hla'we and 'hle'we to be placed in 
 the baskets. 
 
 At sunset each of the first body of A'shiwanni deposits four te'liki- 
 nawe, the sticks colored black, with feathers of the eagle, turkey, and 
 birds of the six regions attached, and six grains of corn of the colors 
 of the six regions, beneath the floor of the ki'wi'sine through the cir- 
 cular opening (symbolic of the entrance to the undermost world). The 
 offerings are made to the Council of the Gods and deceased A'shi- 
 
 a Some slight mistakes made in the arrangement of the feathers about one of the ears of corn was 
 at once noticed by one of the women of the Sho'ko'we side. She immediately called the attention 
 of a member of the choir of her side to the error, which he corrected. 
 
188 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 wauni of the .six regions for rains, and to Pau'tiwa" that the sun may 
 embrace the earth that she may be fruitful. 
 
 The four 'kia'punakwe,* one couple accompanied by a man of the 
 Dogwood clan and the other by a man of the Corn clan, come to the 
 ki'wi'sine. They are met by the pe'kwin, who leads them down the 
 room to seats at the west end. 
 
 ■The two youths wear white cotton shirts, embroidered kilts about 
 their loins, and finely dressed white buckskins tied about the neck and 
 falling over their shoulders far below the waists. Each carries a 
 perfect ear of corn secreted in the front of the sash which holds the 
 kilt; they wear dance moccasins. The maidens are dressed in mi'hawe 
 worn as dresses and fringed white cotton sashes. -A perfect ear of 
 corn is secreted in the back of each sash. They wear ordinary moc- 
 casins, but of fine quality, and both the youths and the maidens wear 
 turquoise earrings and elaborate necklaces. 
 
 The pe'kwin gives to each 'kiapuno'na (singular of 'kia'punakwe) six 
 te'likinawe, one for each of the six regions, with ala'showanne attached 
 to each; a butterfly the color of the region represented is also attached to 
 each te'likinane. An awehlwia tehl'i (cloud vessel), which is a pottery 
 vase with serrated rim, and decorated in clouds, rain, and tadpoles, and 
 is suspended with cotton cord, and an ear of corn with which to sprinkle 
 the water to be collected are given to each maiden. The youths have 
 each a 'kia'pokiatomine (long-necked gourd jug), the bulb covered with 
 a netting of native cotton cord, to which flu fly eagle plumes are fastened. 
 A reed in each jug. having a la'showanne tied to it, is to be used as a 
 sprinkler. The two 'kia'punakwe of the 'Hla'hewe side collect water 
 from 'Kianayalto (spring in high place), in the foothills of Corn 
 mountain,, where they deposit their te'likinawe to the deceased A'shi- 
 wanni, Pau'tiwa, and A'wan 'Sita (Great Mother) corn, that the rains 
 may come and the earth be embraced by the Sun Father, that she may 
 give to the people the fruits of her being. The 'kia'punakwe of the 
 Sho'ko'we side visit-'Kia'.'si'kiai'a (small spring), a few miles noi'th 
 of Zuni, and deposit their te'likinawe, with prayers similar to those 
 offered by the others, and bring water. As soon as the 'kia'punakwe 
 leave, the mi'laiilapo'na of the 'Hla'hewe side, led by the A'wan 
 a'mosono"kia, form in line down the center of the room, holding a 
 'hla'we in each hand, and dance to the music of their choir, who sing- 
 to the accompaniment of the rattle and drum. The mi'laiilapo'na of 
 the Sho'ko'we side, who hold the 'hle'we, repeat the dancing to the 
 music of their choir. The two sides dance alternately until midnight 
 in the manner described. 
 
 ■'S.i- p. 33. 
 
 '» In the ceremonial described the youth of the 'Hla'hewe side is a child of the Dogwood clan; he 
 belongs to the. Badger clan. The maiden belongs to the Dogwood clan and is the daughter of t lie 
 Shi'wano"kIa, who is of the Dogwood clan. The youth of the Sho'ko'we side belongs to the Corn 
 clan and the maiden is a child of that clan. At the next festival the youth of the 'Hla'hewe side 
 must belong to the Dogwood elan and the maiden must lie a child of the clan, and the youth of the 
 Sho'ko'we side must belong to the Corn clan and the maiden must be a child of the clan. 
 
Stevenson] T HLA HEWE CEREMONY EOR RAIN 189 
 
 The 'kia'punakwe return a short time before midnight with water 
 from the springs visited, each party escorted by a member of the 
 A'pi"'lashiwanni (Bow priesthood). Each 'kiapuno'na, in addition to 
 the vases of water, brings young' cornstalks with the roots. 
 
 The pe'kwin receives the cornstalks and stands them on each side 
 of the cloud symbol in line with the mi'wachi and places the water 
 vases and jugs on the circles of meal formed when he made the 
 cloud symbol. The 'kia'punakwe resume their seats. The elder and 
 younger brother Bow priests stand on each side of the cloud symbol, 
 the elder brother being on the north side, and whirl the rhombi for 
 the rain-makers, while the Kia'kwemosi, remaining in his seat, plays 
 on the flute (not that of Pa'yatamu, but the smaller flute of the 
 A'shiwanni). At the same time a man of the Frog clan smokes 
 a cigarette of native tobacco, puffing the smoke into the medicine 
 water and over the vases and jugs of water and green corn, and both 
 choirs sing, that the earth may be abundantly watered. 
 
 After the cigarette is smoked the two male 'kia'punakwe sprinkle 
 water from their gourd jugs over the cloud symbol and objects about 
 it. including the green corn, all the baskets of corn, from which the 
 kilts have been removed for the purpose, and each person present. The 
 female 'kia'punakwe repeat this sprinkling. After a long prayer by the 
 pe'kwin the procession forms to proceed to the ham'pone. in the Si'aa' 
 te'wita. The elder brother Bow priest leads. He carries his mi'li and 
 a kilt, which has a broad band of blue-green (symbolic of the vegeta- 
 tion of the world) painted across it, with a conventional design of the 
 game of sho'liwe" at each end of the band. The design is formed by 
 the use of a number of yucca splints crossed at right angles to form 
 squares. These are laid on the cloth, and yellow and black paint is 
 applied in the squares, which denote the sho'liwe reeds grouped ready 
 to throw. ' The yellow indicates the north country, whence the A'shiwi 
 came, over which the Kia'kwemosi, Shi'wanni of the North, has care, 
 whose breath must be pure so that this region may always be fruitful 
 and beautiful to look upon. The black is symbolic of the earth over 
 which the Shi'wanni of the Nadir has care, whose prayers must be pure 
 that the earth maj' be made good for man to walk upon. The diagonal 
 line through each square is symbolic of the straight road of the Sun 
 Father. The kilt is shaped to form an equilateral triangle, a fluffy 
 eagle plume being fastened to each point. A game of sho'liwe" (arrow 
 reeds) with plumes attached is tied to one corner and a ti'kwane" (gam- 
 ing stick) with plumes attached is tied to another corner. 
 
 The pe'kwin follows the elder brother Bow priest, carrying a sacred 
 meal basket in his left hand and throwing the meal in a line before him 
 with his right. Not being a member of the order of O'naya'nakia 
 (Mystery medicine), he does not possess a mi'li. The 'kia'punakwe 
 
 a See Games. 
 
190 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. asn. 23 
 
 follow next in tile, a youth before each maiden. The mi'laiilapo'na of 
 the 'Hla'hewe and Sho'ko'we, walking side by .side, each party led by its 
 A'wan mosono"kia, come after the 'kia'punakwe. Each mi'laiilapo'na 
 carries on her head a basket containing corn and other seeds, two 'hla'we, 
 two 'hle'we, and te'likinawe, covered with a white embroidered kilt. 
 Four A'shiwanni walk in tile on one side of the mi'laiilapo'na, and a 
 shi'wanni and the Shi'wano"kia, who carries a basket of all kinds of 
 seeds on her head, are on the other side. The younger brother Bow 
 priest follows next. A man of the Badger clan carrying a pottery bowl, 
 which is hidden from view by a red blanket, containing coals from the 
 fire altar in the ki'wi'sine, walks to the right and back of the younger 
 brother Bow priest, and behind him the 'Hla'hewe choir in a group, 
 the mo'sona and vice mo'sona leading side by side, this group being 
 in line with the others. The drummer, who is a short distance to 
 the right, carries his vase-shaped pottery drum in his left arm and 
 the hooped drumstick in his right hand. The Sho'ko'we choir follow 
 in the same order, their drummer being slightly to the left. The 
 flutists come next in a group, led by their mo'sona and his deputy 
 walking side by side. The} 7 all have their flutes to their lips, but do 
 not play. The procession passes under the eastern covered way to the 
 ham'pone in the Si'aa' te'wita, and proceeds by the south side of the 
 ham'pone to their places (see plate xxxvii). The elder brother Bow 
 priest deposits his mi'li at the northwest corner of the cloud symbol, 
 a painting of meal similar to the one in the ki'wi'sine having been 
 previously made by the pe'kwin in the ham'pone. He lays the folded 
 kilt on the symbol and takes his position by the west wall on the 
 north side. The pe'kwin, following the elder brother Bow priest, 
 places his meal basket by the cloud symbol, and takes his place by 
 the west wall. The 'kla'punakwe of the 'Hla'hewe side hand their 
 jug and rain vase to the pe'kwin, who steps forward to receive them; 
 he deposits them on the south side of the cloud symbol, and the youth 
 and maiden take their places. The 'kla'punakwe of the Sho'ko'we 
 side pass by the west to the north where the pe'kwin receives their jug 
 and vase and deposits them on the north side of the cloud symbol, 
 and the 'kla'punakwe pass to their positions by the west wall. The 
 mi'laiilapo'na of the 'Hla'hewe side remain in file, facing east after 
 the} 7 enter the ham'pone. Those of the Sho'ko'we side pass around 
 by the west wall to the north side to their places; they also face 
 cast. The other A'shiwanni take their positions in line on the west 
 side of the hiiin'pone, and the choirs of the two sides are grouped 
 at the southeast and northeast corners. (Figure 7 shows position of 
 participants in 'Hla'hewe ceremonial in the plaza.) The flutists stand 
 a short distance from the Sho'ko'we choir, outside the ham'pone. 
 The flutes are about 27 inches long. The gourd cup at the end 
 
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 191 
 
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 Fig. 7— Positions of participants in the 'Hla'hewe ceremonial: 1, younger brother Bow priest; 2, 
 Shi'wanni of the West; 3, Shi'wanni of the South; 4, Shi'wanni of the East; 5, 'kla'punakwe (boy); 
 6, 'kla'punakwe (girl); 7, Kla'kwemosi; 8. associate Kla'kwemosi; 9, 'kla'punakwe (girl); 10, 'kla'pu- 
 nakwe (boy); 11, pe'kwln (sun priest); 12, elder brother Bow priest; 13, Shi'wano"kIa (Priestess 
 of fecundity); 14, eight mi'wachi; 15, meal painting symbolic of clouds; 16, water jugs and vases of 
 the 'kla'punakwe; 17. baskets of corn and te'likinawe of the Shi'wano"kIa; 18, choir and drum of 
 'Hla'hewe side; 19, choir and drum of Sho'ko'we side; 20, a'mosi of the two sides: 21, basket of corn 
 belonging to the mo'sona of 'Hla'hewe; 22, basket of corn belonging to the mo'sona of Sho'ko'we; 
 23, basket of corn belonging to the mo'sona of flutists; 24, te'likinawe of the 'Hla'hewe choir; 25, 
 te'likinawe of the Sho'ko'we choir; 26, te'likinawe of flutists; 27, trees; 28, pottery bowl supporting 
 the flutes, 29, flutists; 30 and 31, baskets of corn of flutists; 32, excavations in which corn and 
 te'likinawe are deposited; 33, pottery bowl over coals; 34, bunch of te'likinawe. a to k inclusive, 
 mi'laiilapO'na of 'Hla'hewe side; each has her basket of corn and four te'likinawe by berside. I to 
 u inclusive, mi'laiilapo'na of Sho'ko'we side: each has her basket of corn and four te'likinawe 
 by her side. 
 
 color of white or blue-green, upon which butterflies and drag-on flies 
 are painted. The edges of the cups are scalloped, each scalloi being 
 
192 THE ZUNI INDIANS [Era. ANN. 23 
 
 tipped with a fluffy white eagle plume. The flutes are laid across 
 a bowl 18 inches in diameter, the edge of which is serrated, and 
 the bowl is decorated with rain symbols on a white ground. This 
 bowl contains medicine of IVyatiimu, supposed to be composed of the 
 flowers of the te'nas'suli (mythical medicine plant having blossoms of 
 the colors of the six regions), the hearts of butterflies, and dragon 
 flies. The flutes are partly covered by a white cotton embroidered 
 kilt having the same decoration as that carried by the elder brother 
 Bow priest. 
 
 The A'shiwanni are dressed in white cotton shirts and trousers and 
 red silk headbands. The elder and younger brother Bow priests have 
 the war pouch added to their dress. The two choirs are attired, 
 according to the taste of the individuals, in cotton or calico shirts and 
 trousers. With fine silk scarfs wrapped like a turban around their 
 heads. They wear all the beads they possess and as many more as 
 they can borrow. The mo'sona of the 'Hla'hewe choir has a line of 
 micaceous hematite across his face just below the eyes, indicative of 
 the prominence of his office. The mo'sona of the Sho'ko'we choir 
 has a line of corn pollen under the right eye and a line of micaceous 
 hematite under the left. The corn pollen signifies that he is to fast 
 and pray and to practice continency one night. 
 
 The flutists wear white cotton shirts under the native wool shirts, 
 which are elaborately trimmed with green and red ribbons that extend 
 in festoons across the back. Velvet knee breeches, lined on the outer 
 side with silver buttons, the ordinary moccasins, and buckskin leggings 
 are worn. The hair is parted on top and the front locks are folded 
 over on each side of the forehead and tied with bunches of red and 
 green ribbons. The back hair is done up in the usual knot or bow. 
 They make an elaborate display of beads and necklaces. Each flutist 
 has a line of pollen, supposed to be from the te'nas'sali, under the right 
 eye and a line of micaceous hematite under the left. The line of pollen 
 of the te'nas'suli indicates that those so decorated sing the songs of 
 Pa'yatamu. The A' wan a'mosi and their fellows are dressed similar to 
 the flutists, but their hair is done up in the usual way and silk bandas 
 are worn. Their faces are streaked across under the eyes with mica- 
 ceous hematite after they return from their morning meal, which is 
 taken in their homes. The A'wan a'mosono"kia personating the Yel- 
 low and Blue Corn maidens wear their ordinary dress with a white 
 blanket bordered in blue and red. which is fastened sufficiently low to 
 expose the necklaces. A white embroidered sash is so arranged about 
 the waist that the upper corners meet in front and the lower ones fall 
 apart. A plumule ear of corn, symbolic of A'wan 'Sita (Great Mother 
 corn), is carried in the back of the sash, but is hidden from view by the 
 mi'ha. The breast is covered with precious beads. The hair is parted 
 down the back, and each side is rolled and crossed so as to hang in a loop 
 
stevenson] T HLA / HEWE CEREMONY FOR RAIN 193 
 
 across the back of the head, and this is wrapped with native blue yarn; 
 bangs cover the face, and a white fluffy eagle plume is tied to the 
 forelock. The other mi'laiilapo'na wear their ordinary black embroid- 
 ered dresses and blanket wraps, and their hair is done up in the 
 usual manner. All wear white moccasins with finely finished black 
 soles. 
 
 All but the two choirs and the flutists remain standing- until the 
 'Hla'hewe and the Sho'ko'we choirs have each sung, the latter being 
 accompanied by the flutists. After each song the choir repeats a 
 prayer aloud. The others now take seats, the mi'laiilapo'na keeping 
 their places, sitting upon boxes or chairs covered with robes or blan- 
 kets placed for them. The A' wan mosono"kia of each side takes the 
 front seat, with her deputy (younger sister) back of her. a The A'wan 
 mosono"kia of the 'Hla'hewe side must belong to the Dogwood clan, 
 and the one back of her must be a child of this clan. The mi'laii- 
 lapo'na at the west end of the line must also belong to the Dogwood 
 clan. The A'wan mosono"kia of the Sho'ko'we side must belong to 
 the Corn clan, and the one back of her must be a child of this clan. 
 The one at the west end of the line must belong to the Corn clan. As 
 has been stated, the other mi'laiilapo'na maj r belong to any clan. 
 The mi'laiilapo'na of the 'Hla'hewe side deposit their baskets by their 
 left side, standing their te'likinawe to the left of the baskets. Those 
 of the Sho'ko'we side place their baskets on the right and their 
 te'likinawe to the right of the baskets. Other baskets and te'likinawe 
 are deposited in front of the ham'pone and midway. 
 
 After the songs all remain quiet until morning, and they are closety 
 watched by the elder and 3 r ounger brother Bow priests lest they 
 sleep. At sunrise the eight 'kia'potiikwe, having slept two nights 
 in the house of the Shi'\vano"kIa, come to the ham'pone, where four 
 are dressed by members of the 'Hla'hewe choir and four by the 
 Sho'ko'we choir. The ordinary black dress is not removed, a mi'ha 
 being placed over it and fastened, like the dress, on the right shoulder, 
 the deep embroidery being at the top. A second mi'ha is used for a 
 skirt only, and is fastened at the back, the deep embroidery being at 
 the bottom. That the outer skirt may be sufficiently short, the blan- 
 ket is turned over at the top, forming a sort of standing ruffle above 
 the white cotton fringed sash. The moccasins are of finely dressed 
 white buckskin with highly polished black soles. Each girl wears a 
 profusion of fine necklaces, and the wrists are adorned with bunches 
 of dark blue yarn hanging in tassels and tied with strings of red yarn. 
 The hair hangs loosely down the back, and bangs cover the face. The 
 
 "The elder sister Yellow Corn maiden is represented by the foremost woman in the line on the 
 north side, and the younger sister Blue Corn maiden is represented by the foremost woman on the 
 south side; those next to these two are their ceremonial younger sisters. 
 
 23 eth— 04 13 
 
194 THE Zl'NI INDIANS [kth. ann. 23 
 
 dress complete, the 'hlelh'pone" (see plate xxxvin) is placed on the 
 head. When the 'kia'potiikwe are ready for the dance those who 
 were dressed on the Sho'ko'we side pass around by the west side of 
 the ham'pone and join the others on the south. Each dancer is sup- 
 plied with two 'hla'we by the mi'laiilapo'na, and they are led to the 
 plaza by the A'wan mosono"kia of the 'Hla'hewe side who throws meal 
 before her as she proceeds. She joins in the dance for a short time 
 ami returns to her seat. The 'kia'potiikwe face the east while dancing. 
 After one dance to the accompaniment of the 'Hla'hewe choir, the 
 dancers return to the 'Hla'hewe side, each handing her 'hla'we to a 
 mi'laiilapo'na and receiving two 'hle'we instead. They now pass by 
 the west side around to the Sho'ko'we side and out into the plaza, led by 
 the A'wan mosono"kia of the Sho'ko'we side, who also sprinkles meal 
 as she advances. She joins the 'kia'potiikwe in the dance for a short 
 time, and then returns to the ham'pone. When dancing for the Sho'- 
 ko'we side they have the additional music of the flutists. After the 
 dance the 'kia'potiikwe return to the ham'pone by the Sho'ko'we side, 
 those representing the 'Hla'hewe passing around to their own side. 
 
 Tlic girls are now stripped of their regalia and return to their homes. 
 They are no sooner departed than eight Mu'luktakia (certain anthropic 
 gods) arrive by the eastern covered way. The Ko'mosona, director- 
 general of the Ko'tikili (mythologic fraternity), having been notified 
 by the elder brother Bow priest that he desired the services of eight 
 Mu'luktakia, gave the order for them to appear. As soon as the Mu'luk- 
 takia reach the center of the plaza they begin dancing, turning first one 
 way then another, and dropping grains of corn of the colors of the six 
 regions, which are carried in a white embroidered sash worn by each 
 dancer. After a short appearance in the plaza for the purpose of drop- 
 ping the corn, the Mu'luktakia disappear by the western covered way, 
 and the A'shiwanni gather up the corn. Each shi'wanni drops six 
 grains, every grain being of the color of one of the six regions, into each 
 of the two square excavations, the one on the north having been made 
 in the early morning by the Kia'kwemosi and the one on the south by 
 the pe'kwin at the same hour. They carry the rest of the corn with 
 them, passing down the Sho'ko'we side and up the 'Hla'hewe side, 
 each shi'wanni giving six grains of corn of the six colors to each 
 
 o The 'hlelh'pone is a ceremonial headdress. A circle is formed of a slender bit of wood, and four 
 additional pieces are attached to the band at equal distances, coming together at the other ends, 
 forming a sort of miter. A fringe (if Mack gnat's wool, in the present instance about 8J inches deep, 
 extends a run id the band. A tablet similar i" those carried in the hands stands out from the center 
 (if the miter, and a thin fringe of goat's wool, 1 inches deep, dyed red, hangs at the base. Serrated 
 pieci ' I wood, symbolic of clouds, attached to the hands stand in the arches. Each cloud symbol 
 i- tipped with a fluffy eagle plume A bunch of yellow parrot plumes stands at the hack of the 
 'hlelh'poniH', with an aigrel of shorter parrot plumes and fluffy eagle feathers at its base. Long 
 streamers of red and green ribbon hang from the aigrct. The 'hlelh'pone, like other ceremonial 
 objects of theZufiis, are freshly decorated whenever they arc to be used. The decorating is done in 
 the houses of eight men designated by the A'wan a'mosi, and they are carried to the ham'pone 
 when the morning star appears above the horizon. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 ■IIRD ANNUAL REPORT. PL. XXXVIII 
 
 T HIELHPC rABLE 
 
stevenso.s] t hla'hewe ceremony for rain 1 ( .)5 
 
 mi'laiilapo'na. They next distribute the corn to the members of the 
 'Hla'hewe choir, then to the 'kia'punakwe, the Shi'wano"kia, the Sho'- 
 ko'we choir, and last the flutists. After the corn, which is supposed to 
 have been blessed by the gods, is distributed, the Kia'kwemosi deposits 
 four te'likinawe in the excavation on the north and the Shi'wanni of 
 the Nadir deposits four in the one on the south to the deceased A'shi- 
 wauni; they cover the plumes with earth and obliterate all traces of 
 the excavations. The two choirs and flutists now go to their homes 
 for refreshment. Upon their return all the, others leave except the 
 'kia'punakwe, who must remain and eat he'we (wafer bread), made 
 of corn meal mush. They may drink coffee when they have it. 
 
 All the participants in the drama return to the ham'pone before 9 
 o'clock, when the Mu'luktakia reappear through the eastern covered 
 way with four spruce trees, each tree borne by two of the gods, of 
 whom the foremost has the trunk on his shoulder, while the other has 
 his right arm around the top of the tree. They post one of the trees 
 midway and in front of the ham'pone and three at the south end. 
 The Mu'luktakia dance about during the planting of the trees. When 
 they have finished they leave the plaza by the west entrance and 
 pass over the western road to Ko'thluwala'wa (abiding place of the 
 Council of the Gods). In reality they go about half a mile to a bend 
 in the river, where an embankment protects them from view, and 
 remove the regalia of the gods they personate. They are followed by 
 two men, who keep well to their left and are apparently unconscious of 
 the presence of the Mu'luktakia. Their mission is, however, to bring 
 back the masks and other paraphernalia hidden under their blankets. 
 
 As soon as the Mu'luktakia leave the plaza, the general dancing of 
 the 'Hla'he o'tiikwe and Sho'ko o'tiikwe begins. The female dancers 
 remain in the house of the Shi'wano"kia until their services are required, 
 when four of them are led by the A'wan mo'sona of the 'Hla'hewe side 
 and four by the A'wan mo'sona of the Sho'ko'we side through the 
 eastern covered way to the ham'pone, those for the 'Hla'hewe entering 
 on the south and those for the Sho'ko'we on the north. Four of 
 the girls are dressed by members of the 'Hla'hewe choir and four by 
 members of the Sho'ko'we choir on their respective sides, their 
 regalia being identical with that worn by the 'kia'potiikwe, including 
 the 'hlelh'ponne. 
 
 The men who personate the ya'pota" may remain in the plaza observ- 
 ing the drama until such time as the}' are wanted for the dance. The 
 ya'pota, who personifies A'wan tii"chu (Great Father of corn), enters 
 the ham'pone on the 'Hla'hewe side. He is dressed by a member 
 of the choir of this side. He wears a white embroidered kilt fastened 
 at the right side and held on by a sash tied on the same side. A fox 
 
 a Several men take their turn in representing ya'pota. 
 
196 THE ZUNI INDIANS Leth. ass. 23 
 
 skin hangs pendent at the back, and a perfect ear of corn — not a 
 grain must be missing- — is worn in the back of the belt, though care- 
 fully concealed from view. Spruce twigs standing erect are fastened 
 about the waist. The hair hangs down the back, with two white fluffy 
 eagle plumes fastened one below the other. The front bangs cover the 
 face, which is painted white, and there are daubs of the same paint on 
 each breast, shoulder, scapula, upper arm, and leg above the knee. 
 Dance moccasins are worn, with anklets blocked with black and white 
 porcupine quills, and hanks of native blue yarn hanging in tassels, with 
 sleigh bells attached, are worn below the knees. Four strings of olive 
 shells and black stone beads hang over the right shoulder across the 
 chest and back. These beads, which are claimed to be very old, are 
 the property of the elder brother Bow priest and are greatly treasured 
 by him. 
 
 Each dancer, including ya'pota, holds a 'hla'we in each hand received 
 from the mi'laiilapona. The dancers of the 'Hla'hewe side are joined b}' 
 those of the Sho'ko'we side and pass in file, the ya'pota midway, to 
 the plaza, led by the A'wan mosono"kia of the 'Hla'hewe side, who 
 throws meal in a line before her as she advances. A line is formed 
 facing the east, and after dancing a while they turn and form into file 
 facing south and dance again (see plate xxxrx). This movement is 
 repeated throughout the dance, with an occasional change by turning 
 all the way round. 
 
 The ya'pota uses his left foot principally to balance himself, vio- 
 lently moving the right foot up and down. The women keep their 
 feet close together, slightly raising the heel, the motion being princi- 
 pally from the knee. All extend their arms before them and keep time 
 with the songs of the 'Hla'hewe, entreating the Sun Father to embrace 
 the Earth Mother that she may give to them the fruits of her being. 
 Shortly after the dance begins, five women," wearing their black 
 dresses and blanket wraps, come from the ceremonial house of the 
 Kia'kwemosi and pass through the ham'pone on the 'Hla'hewe side 
 to the plaza. Each woman passes her mi'li before the mouth of each 
 dancer, who draws a breath from it, and the}' return to the house b} r 
 the 'Hla'hewe side. The dance continues fifteen minutes, when the 
 dancers return to the ham'pone, those of the Sho'ko'we side, who enter 
 first, passing around to the north side. 
 
 The 'hla'we are received by the mi'laiilapo'na. The A'wan moso- 
 no"kia lingers in the plaza a moment or two after the others leave, 
 dancing slowly back to the ham'pone as she faces east. On taking her 
 -rat she deposits her 'hla'we in the basket beside her. 
 
 The dancers now receive the 'hle'we, and those on the 'Hla'hewe 
 
 'I I !'■-<■ women, who approach the different dancers with their mi' wachi, are the Shi'wano"kla and 
 the wives of the first body of A'shiwanni. 
 
stevenson] t HLa'hEWE CEREMONY FOR RAIN H)7 
 
 side, including ya'pota, pass by the west wall to the Sho'ko'we side 
 and, joining- the others, proceed to the plaza, led by the A'wan 
 mo'sono'Mvia of the Sho'ko'we side. The. Sho'ko'we choir is joined 
 by the flutists. The dance is nearly the same as before, the difference 
 being that the 'hle'we are moved downward, while the song implores 
 Great Mother of corn to give them many of her children during 
 the coming year. After the dance they return to the Sho'ko'we side, 
 the A'wan uiosono'ivia lingering, as before, a short time in the plaza; 
 those belonging to the Tlla'hewe pass around to the south side. 
 
 The same persons who dressed the male dancer and the girls now 
 disrobe them and prepare for another set of dancers, who appear as 
 soon as the others are gone, led by the A'wan a'mosi of the two sides. 
 The new set is dressed as before described. The start this time is 
 made from the Sho'ko'we side. After four sets of girls have danced, 
 as described, a feast is served, seventy-five great bowls of food and 
 coffee being brought by women and placed in two rows on either side 
 in the hiim'pone. After all the participants in the drama have par- 
 taken of stewed mutton with chili and hornhry, stewed peaches, wafer 
 bread, and coffee the remainder of the food is carried around and 
 distributed among the spectators. While the more exclusive women 
 with their children observe the ceremonies from windows opening 
 into the plaza or seated on blankets and robes on the south side of the 
 court, the house tops are crowded with persons of both sexes and all 
 ages, wearing- their best clothes and most elaborate blankets and exhib- 
 iting the most intense interest in all that is passing before them. 
 
 Dancing is resumed after the feast, each side having five dances 
 before the arrival of the sunset dancers. The he'kupowanhak'tona 
 and sho'lipsimonthle'ona appear before the ushan'ashute. The two 
 girls are dressed behind a blanket held by the elder brother Bow 
 priest and another shi'wanni. The Kia'kwemosi assists the girls for 
 a time, then the elder brother Bow priest takes his place and com- 
 pletes the dress. Their attire is like that of the Ida'potiikwe. 
 After the he'kupowanhak'tona are dressed the}' retire to a lower room 
 in the ceremonial house of the Kia'kwemosi which opens into the 
 ham'pone. There their hair is parted over the head and down the 
 back, done up on both sides over wooden forms used exclusively for 
 ceremonial hair dressing, and then wrapped with native blue yarn. 
 Sho'lipsimonthle'ona's dress is like that of ya'pota, with long strings 
 of turquoise beads hanging from his ears. He wears three white 
 fluffy eagle plumes down the back of the hair, instead of two, but 
 he does not have the ear of corn in his belt. While the girls are 
 having their hair dressed the elder brother Bow priest spreads 
 two blankets, one upon the other, on the floor of the ham'pone 
 on the 'Hla'hewe side toward the west end. A low box is placed 
 
198 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 on the west side of the blanket rug, upon which a shi'wanni takes 
 his .sent, and one of the he'kupowanhak'tona partly reclines on 
 the rug with her head held between the hands of the shi'wanni, he 
 he being careful to keep her hair from the face. The elder brother 
 Bow priest spreads a white cotton cloth over the body of the girl, 
 and the pe'kwin colors her chin and lower jaw black with paint sup- 
 posed to have been brought by the A'shiwanni from the undermost 
 world. A line is first drawn across the face near the upper lip, black 
 is laid on below this line, and then corn pollen is applied to the upper 
 portion of the face. The black is symbolic of rain clouds and the 
 pollen of the fruits of the earth. The girl now stands while the proc- 
 ess is repeated with the other he'kupowanhak'tona and the sho'lipsi- 
 monthle'ona. When the face decorations are finished the blankets 
 are folded into smaller proportions. The pe'kwin sits on the box, 
 which remains in place, and two A'shiwanni hold a blanket protecting 
 him from view while he prepares a he'kupowanne, which consists of an 
 ear of corn and eight te'likinawe (offerings to the Sun Father, Moon 
 Mother, and Corn Mother) secured in a mi'ha, which is folded into 
 a strip about 8 inches wide and 36 or more inches long. The end 
 containing the corn and te'likinawe rests on the head. The embroid- 
 ered portion forms the lower end of the scarf-like piece. On com- 
 pleting the he'kupowanne the pe'kwin resigns his seat to the elder 
 brother Bow priest, who makes a second he'kupowanne. On its com- 
 pletion the two are placed on the heads of the he'kupowanhak'tona, 
 and pounds of ko'hakwa (white shell beads), turquoise, and coral 
 necklaces are heaped upon each package. Each he'kupowanhak'tona 
 gives an additional touch to the hekupowanne to properly balance it 
 on the head before proceeding in file, with sho'lipsimonthle'ona 
 between them, to the plaza. The girls carry 'hla'we, and the youth 
 carries in his right hand te'likinawe, with a hoop (world sj'mbol) 
 colored blue with la'showanne attached, and the folded kilt from the 
 meal painting in the ham'pone; and in the left hand the Kia'kwemosi's 
 mi'li. The three are led to the plaza by the A'wan mosono"kia 
 of the 'Hla'hewe side, who remains a few moments in the plaza and 
 then retires to the ham'pone, then the vice A'wan mosono"kia appears 
 and continues dancing after the others, who dance but fifteen minutes. 
 The} r must not turn their faces from the east until they enter the 
 ham'pone. The he'kupowanhak'tona do not venture to raise their 
 heads for fear of dropping the he'kupowanne. 
 
 The pe'kwin removes the he'kupowanne. from the heads of the he'ku- 
 powanhak'tona and hands them to two men, who hold them in the left 
 arm, much as an infant in civilization is carried, and proceed with them 
 to the plaza. They face the east and pray, sprinkling meal from a meal 
 basket held in the left hand. Each has an attendant who stands north 
 
stevenson] t hla'hk\vk ckkemony for rain 199 
 
 of him. After the prayers the party return to the ham'pone, and the 
 bearers of the he'kupowanne are relieved of the sacred objects by the 
 elder brother Bow priest, who in turn hands them to the pe'kwin, who 
 holds them gently in his arms while he stands in the center of the plaza 
 and prays to the Sun Father to give health, happiness, and long life 
 to his people. He prays that they may be blessed with the all-pervad- 
 ing life of A'wonawilo'na." Moving the two he'kupowanne round in 
 a circle, he draws from them the sacred breath, deposits them in a 
 la roe bowl with serrated edge, and spreads an embroidered kilt over 
 them. 
 
 The ushan'ashute are dressed and painted like the he'kupowan- 
 hak'tona, and, carrying he'kupowanne specially prepared for them, 
 repeat the ceremony of the he'kupowanhak'tona with every detail. 
 The flutists accompanv T the Sho'ko'we choir when the ushan'ashute 
 dance, but they do not play for sho'lipsimonthle'ona. The Shiwano'- 
 'kia and other bearers of the mi'wachi, who bless the ushan'ashute 
 with their life-givers (see page 416) in the manner described, leave the 
 plaza by the eastern covered way. 
 
 A'shuwahanona now appears for the first time. He is dressed by a 
 member of the 'Hla'hewe choir like sho'lipsimonthle'ona, except that 
 he wears two plumes on the back of his hair instead of three; his moc- 
 casins are painted white and there are daubs of paint on them from the 
 pinkish clay found near Ko'thluwala'wa. 6 He has a bit of hawk medi- 
 cine (a root) in his mouth and he carries a hawk plume in each hand, 
 which he waves as he dances to the music of the choir of the 'Hla'hewe 
 side. The choir sings the Shuts'ina yai'na (song of the hawk), which 
 is an invocation to this bird that those who dance and sing may not be 
 made tired. The A'wan mosono"kia of the Sho'ko'we side joins the 
 A' wan mosono"kia of the 'Hla'hewe side, each wearing a 'hlelh'ponne 
 on her head and carrying 'hla'we. The A'wan mosono"kia of the 
 'Hla'hewe side precedes A'shuwahanona, and the one of the Sho'ko'we 
 side follows after him to the plaza. After dancing about fifteen 
 minutes they start for the 'Hla'hewe side of the ham'pone, and the 
 leader, as she passes in, turns and pushes A'shuwahanona back, and he 
 returns to the center of the plaza and dances a few minutes longer, 
 keeping time with the 'Hla'hewe choir by the most violent motion of 
 the arms and legs, while he strikes one plume with the other. On 
 entering the ham'pone the A'wan a'mosono"kia are relieved of their 
 'hlelh'ponne and 'hla'we and return to their seats. 
 
 A'shuwahanona now enters the ham'pone on the 'Hla'hewe side. 
 Passing first by the 'Hla'hewe choir, he waves his plumes about their 
 heads; and, extending his arms before him, he strikes the underside of 
 the plume held in his left hand with the one held in his right, waves his 
 plumes in a circle, and strikes them toward the earth in the manner 
 
 a See Classification of the higher powers. & See pi. iv. 
 
200 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 described. At this moment all expectorate, that they may have good 
 hearts and much strength for the song and dance. A'shuwahanona 
 repeats the ceremony with the plumes over the A'shiwanni, Sho'ko'we 
 choir, flutists, the mi'laiilapo'na of the Sho'ko'we side, and those of the 
 'Hla'hewe side; he then removes his regalia, assisted by a member of 
 the 'Hla'hewe choir, and leaves the plaza b} r the eastern covered way. 
 
 The elder brother Bow priest now ties a white fluffy eagle plume to 
 each tree with a cotton, cord, that the plume may convey the breath 
 prayers to the u'wannami (rain-makers) to water the earth. After the 
 plumes are attached to the trees, there are ten dances by the 'Hla'he 
 o'tiikwe and Sho'ko o'tiikwe, which continue the best part of the 
 night/' 
 
 The pottery bowl, which has remained over the coals, is removed at 
 dark and a large fire is lighted from the coals, wood having been placed 
 near by. The legend says that a light must be kept so that the Corn 
 maidens may be carefully watched and protected. All through the 
 long night the dancers are ever ready to perform their part. The 
 pe'kwin leads the man of the Frog clan to the ham'pone at earliest 
 dawn, and he sits on a wadded blanket immediately back of the cloud 
 symbol, facing east. He holds an ear of corn, a miniature crook with 
 eagle and turkey plumes and feathers from the birds of the six regions 
 attached, and two te'likinawe in his right hand. He prays for rains, 
 and just as the plaza is bathed in sunlight, the te'likinawe of the 
 mi'laiilapo'na and mi'wachi, obedient to his command, fall over. 6 
 
 Following the all-night dancing, the four 'kia'potiikwe, led by the 
 A'wan mosono"kia of the 'Hla'hewe side and four by the A'wan 
 mosono"kia of the Sho'ko'we side come to the plaza before sunrise 
 and enter the ham'pone from the south; the 'kia'potiikwe led by the 
 A'wan mosono"kia of the Sho'ko'we side pass around to the north, 
 and are dressed as before described. After the girls of the 'Hla'hewe 
 side are robed in their regalia they join the others on the north, when 
 all are led to the plaza by A'wan mosono"kia of the Sho'ko'we side, 
 who throws a line of meal before her as she proceeds. Each girl 
 carries the 'hle'we, which she constanthy moves toward the earth 
 during the dance. They are accompanied by the Sho'ko'we choir and 
 flutists, neither the musicians nor these particular dancers ceasing for 
 a moment from sunrise until 9 o'clock, for the dancers must not return 
 to the ham'pone until the cloud symbol is bathed in sunlight. During 
 
 a When a woman wishes to leave the ham'pone for any purpose during the night she is attended 
 by a member of the choir of herside. Such attendants are called Pi''liishiwanni. The elder brother 
 Bow priest acts in this capacity several times during the night, and the younger brother Bow priest 
 watches carefully that no one associated with the drama sleeps. To sleep at this time would give 
 great offense to the gods whom they address. 
 
 ''The ear of corn is afterward placed in the stacked corn in his house, the two te'likinawe are depos- 
 ited south of the village on the road to the shrine of the Snake fraternity, and the crook is returned 
 to the elder brother Bow priest. As the man of the Frog clan does not possess a crook he must borrow 
 one. He is called by the pe'kwin to take part in the 'Hla'hewe ceremonial because he possesses such 
 valuable songs for rains that mi'wachi and te'likinawe obey his commands. . 
 
Stevenson] .HLA HEWE CEREMONY FOK RAIN 201 
 
 the dancing several of the mi'laiilapo'na of the Sho'ko'we side come 
 to the plaza and puss 'hle'we before the mouths of the dancers. The 
 miwaehi bearers make frequent visits to the plaza to pass the mi'wachi 
 before the lips of the dancers, that they may inhale the breath of life, 
 the breath of A'wonawil'ona. 
 
 The 'kia'punakwe appear about half past 7 o'clock, already attired in 
 their ceremonial dress. They are led by the pe'kwin first down the 
 Sho'ko'we side, when they sprinkle each basket of corn, the youths with 
 the reeds dipped into their gourd jugs of water and the maidens each 
 with an ear of corn dipped into her cloud vessel. They continue round 
 to the south and down the 'Hla'kewe side, sprinkling the baskets of 
 corn on that side; they then go out into the plaza, where they form 
 into line, facing east, back of the 'kia'potiikwe. At the same time 
 the elder brother Bow priest passes a lighted reed filled with native 
 tobacco to the flutists, one after the other ceasing to pla.y to take a 
 puff. Ten mi'wachi bearers now pass in line before the 'kia'potiikwe 
 and 'kia'punakwe, each drawing her mi'li three or four times before 
 the mouth of each dancer, after which they approach the flute players 
 and repeat the passing of their mi'wachi before the mouths of the 
 flutists; and, beginning with the Sho'ko'we choir, they draw their 
 mi'wachi before the mouth of each person in the bam'pone, always 
 with prayers for a pure heart, health, and long life, which comes from 
 A'wonawil'ona. 
 
 After the reed has been smoked by the flutists the elder brother 
 Bow priest stands on one side and the younger brother Bow priest 
 on the other side of the dancers, and they whirl the rhombi that 
 the rain-makers may gather together and water the earth. When the 
 rhombi cease the 'kia'punakwe sprinkle the dancers as heretofore 
 described, passing from the north end of the line; and, preceded by 
 the pe'kwin and elder brother Bow priest and followed by the younger 
 brother Bow priest, they leave the plaza by the eastern covered way 
 to visit He'patina," a shrine (see plate xl) which is symbolic of the 
 Middle of the world. 
 
 He'patina has an under room 6 by 6 feet, measured by the feet of 
 the Indian placed one before the other. The floor and walls are of 
 stone. The shrine is roofed with beams some 6 inches in diameter. 
 These beams are filled in with twigs and the whole is covered with 
 earth to a depth equal to the distance from the elbow to the tip of the 
 middle finger. This roof has a hatchway sufficiently large to admit the 
 objects deposited within. The roof is level, and forms the upper floor 
 of the shrine, which is walled on three sides with stone slabs securely set. 
 The fourth slab on the east side is so arranged as to be readily removed. 
 This wall is roofed with slabs upon which are several curiously shaped 
 
 a He. from he'liwe, mud: pa'tina, to place: so named because it was discovered that the water had 
 soaked through the vases and made mud on the floor beneath. 
 
202 THE ZI'NI INDIANS [eth. ANN. 23 
 
 stones. The center one has somewhat the form of the helmet mask, 
 and is referred to as "the mask of the Sal'imobiya" (certain warrior 
 gods and seed bearers). The upper story of He'patina is the size of 
 the heart of the 'Klan'astepi (Hydrotrechus remigis). The under cham- 
 ber is the size of the 'Klan'astepi with his legs spread. North of the 
 shrine, and adjoining it, is a small inclosure in which the A'shiwanni 
 deposit te'likinawe. 
 
 When the party arrive at He'patina they circle round the shrine four 
 times toward the left, the elder and younger brother Bow priests whirl- 
 ing the rhombi, and then halt before it. The two 'kia'punakwe of the 
 'Hla'hewe side empty the water from their vessels into one of the cloud 
 vases standing within the upper chamber of the shrine; the other two 
 'kia'punakwe empty their vessels into another cloud vase in the shrine. 
 After most earnest prayers by all, the pe'kwin deposits the vases con- 
 taining the water in the lower chamber. The ears of corn carried by 
 the maidens are left with their emptied vases in the upper chamber, sym- 
 bolizing the rains impregnating the earth, so that she sends forth the 
 fruits of her being. The jugs, which are ancient, are carried away, 
 being the property of the Kla'kwemosi. The two cloud vessels carried 
 by the maidens are manufactured for the occasion, the one for the 
 'Hla'hewe side being made by a woman of the Dogwood clan and that 
 for the Sho'ko'we side by a woman of the Corn clan. 
 
 On their return to the plaza the 'kia'punakwe, by request of the 
 pe'kwin, take their places in the line of dancers, each 'kia'punakwe 
 alternating with a 'kia'potiikwe. The j T ouths have been relieved of 
 the jugs and reed sprinklers. When all have danced a short time, 
 the mi'wachi bearers pass their fetishes before the mouth of each dancer 
 and afterward to each person in the hiim'pone. At this time the elder 
 and younger brother Bow priests leave the plaza through the eastern 
 covered way. 
 
 But a single log remains of the fire which burned brightly throughout 
 the night. The man of the Badger clan who brought the coals from 
 the ki'wi'sine to the plaza now lights a cedar stick, about 2 feet long, 
 at the tire and carries the burning wood to a spring north of the ruin 
 Ma'sakia, together with four ears of corn tied together, and one te'liki- 
 nane to A'witelin 'Si'ta (Earth Mother) and three to the deceased mem- 
 bers of the Badger clan. As he leaves the plaza the Sho'ko'we choir 
 sing: "Go with the fire and plant your plume offerings. 1 ' He makes 
 an excavation the depth of the lower arm to the elbow and deposits the 
 te'likinawe, with prayers to the gods, including the ancients of his 
 clan, to bless the Earth Mother with rain, that she may yield the fruits 
 of her being; then he returns with the corn and what remains of the 
 stick of cedar. He throws the wood into the smoldering fire and car- 
 ries the corn to his home, where it is kept until the next planting time. 
 
 As stated before, when the sunlight falls upon the cloud symbol the 
 
stevenson] t HLa']IKWE CEREMONY FOE RAIN 203 
 
 mi'wachi and linos of te'likinawe fall over at the command of the man 
 of the Frog clan, who has kept his seat by the meal painting- and west 
 of it facing east. Although the writer is seated near the cloud symbol, 
 it is impossible to discover the clever trick of the falling of the mi'wachi 
 and te'likinawe. TheA'wan a'mosi now fasten with delicate splinters 
 native black blanket wraps over the blankets and necklaces of the A'wan 
 a'mosono'ida; the other mi'laiilapo'na rise, and all place their baskets 
 on their heads. A member of the 'Hla'kewe choir stands at the right 
 of the A'wan mosouo'ivla of his side and a member of the Sho'- 
 ko'we choir and a flutist stand to the left of the A'wan mosono"kia 
 on the Sho'ko'we side. The men also have baskets on their heads. 
 The A'wan mosono'lvia of the 'Hla'hewe side is the only one of the 
 party who holds the basket without the aid of the right hand. All in 
 the ham'pone remain still until the seats of the mi'laiilapo'na are 
 removed and the Shi'wanni of the West has sprinkled all the partici- 
 pants with meal. The A'wan a'mosono"kia and three musicians keep 
 time with the Sho'ko'we choir and flutists by a peculiar motion of the 
 body, and the Ida'potiikwe and 'kia'punakwe continue the dance. 
 The picture presented at this time is one of the most pleasing and 
 striking to be seen during the entire drama. 
 
 It is after 9 o'clock when the flutists, still performing, form in line 
 facing east. Again the elder and younger brother Bow priests stand 
 at either end of the line of dancers and whirl the rhombi. In a short 
 time the flutists, who have played unceasingly since the opening of 
 the early morning ceremony, group themselves together and pray 
 aloud: after the prayer the baskets are removed from the heads and 
 placed in line in their former position. The A'wan a'mosono"kia and 
 the three musicians remain standing, the other mi'laiilapo'na stoop 
 beside their baskets. 
 
 The 'kia'potiikwe, their powers of endurance having been severely 
 tested through the long hours of continuous motion, now return to 
 the ham'pone by the Sho'ko'we side, four of them passing around 
 to the 'Hla'hewe side and are disrobed. The 'kia'punakwe take 
 their former places in the ham'pone, and the te'likinawe which fell by 
 command of the man of the Frog clan are returned to the baskets 
 and the kilts thrown over them. Medicine water is then admin- 
 istered by the Kia'kwemosi, who dips it from the medicine bowl 
 with a shell. The holy water is given in turn to the A'shiwanni, 
 the male participants, the females, and the spectators in the plaza, 
 a goodly number having gathered after sunrise, though during the 
 night there were but few present and the house tops were quite 
 deserted. All eject the medicine water upon their hands and rub 
 them over their bodies for physical purification. The pe'kwin stands 
 west of the cloud symbol, and facing east closes the protracted ritual 
 with long prayers for rains to fructify the earth, that she may yield 
 
204 THE ZUNI INDIANS [Era. ann. 23 
 
 to them the fruits of her being. After the prayers the mi'wachi 
 are gathered from the cloud symbol by their owners, and the man of 
 the Frog clan gathers the meal of the cloud symbol in his blanket and 
 deposits it in the river, to be carried to Ko'thluwala'wa. The A'wan 
 a'mosono"kia, the other mi'laiilapo'na, and the a'mosi of the three 
 choirs carry the baskets to their homes, the women placing the 'hla'we 
 and 'hle'we in the corn stacks in their houses to remain permanently. 
 The corn from the baskets is put away separate from the other corn 
 in the house, to be planted the coming year. After the morning meal 
 each woman plants her te'likinawe in the field. The he'kupowan- 
 hak'tona and sho'lipsimonthle'ona accompany the pe'kwin to a field 
 north of the village, where each deposits te'likinawe to the Council of 
 the Gods, imploring them to gather the rain-makers of the North to 
 water their fields. Again they visit a field west of the village, where 
 te'likinawe are deposited to the Council of the Gods that the rain- 
 makers of the West may gather and send rain to fructify the earth. 
 The same is repeated in fields south and east of the village. All per- 
 sons who have officiated in any way in the drama deposit te'likinawe. 
 
 The flutists at this season make offerings at a shrine dedicated to Pa'yatiimu which 
 is seldom visited. It is in the south wall of a mesa several miles east of Zufii, and is 
 barely accessible. It is necessary to scale an almost vertical rock for 12 or more 
 feet. The Zuiiis have a way of getting their toes and fingers into crevices in rocks 
 and appear to proceed with but little difficulty." 
 
 When the directors of the Little Fire and Cimex fraternities delegated two members 
 of the Flute order, one being an officer, to accompany the writer to the sacred spot, 
 they were charged to observe great secrecy, that others might not be made aware 
 of the visit. Accordingly, with a few companions, they started off, ostensibly for a 
 pleasure ride, not venturing to go direct to the locality. The detour prevented them 
 from arriving at the base of the mountain in time to reach the shrine before the cave 
 (see plate xLia) had become too much shaded to be photographed, the climb being 
 long and tedious. It was therefore necessary for the objects to be removed and 
 placed in the sunlight. 
 
 The aged officer was horrified on discovering the writer's intention and begged 
 that the images of Pa'yatiimu be not taken from the place where they had rested 
 undisturbed for centuries of moons. But it had to lie done, and the curious figures 
 were placed in line on a ledge below the shrine just as they stood in the cave (see 
 plate xnb) . There was no evidence of other images than those photographed having 
 been deposited. Quantities of te'likinawe, with plumes still beautiful, were found in 
 the cave and in crevices in the roofing rocks, and hundreds long since despoiled of 
 their plumes lay scattered about. After the sacred objects had been photographed, 
 the officer and the writer tenderly returned them to their places in the cave. 6 
 
 The party was discovered when descending the mountain, and the information 
 was carried to the village, so that upon the return of the writer and her companions 
 there was great excitement. Had the people in general known of the temporary 
 removal of the images of Pa'yatiimu their wrath would have known no bounds; but 
 these children of nature are like civilized beings of tender years, and can be con- 
 trolled through kindness or firmness, as occasion requires, by those for whom they 
 entertain profound respect. 
 
 "The novel plan of making two Indians serve as a ladder, one standing upon the shoulders of the 
 other, was used in order to reach this shrine. 
 bTwo of these images are now in the National Museum. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLI 
 
 rf* 
 
 6 IDOLS REMOVED FROM SHRINE TO BE PHOTOGRAPHED 
 CAVE SHRINE OF PA'YATAMU 
 
stevensun] THANKSGIVING FOR CROPS 205 
 
 O'WINAHAI'YE, THANKSGIVING FESTIVAL FOR CROPS 
 
 There is no fixed time for this ceremony. It depends upon the 
 harvest and occurs after the gathering- of the crops. While it is an 
 annual occurrence" of the A'pi'Miishiwanni (Bow priesthood), others 
 take part in it. The Ant fraternity necessarily does its share, owing 
 to its relation with the Bow priesthood. 
 
 The elder brother Bow priest having- decided on the time for the 
 festival, requests a meeting- of the first body of A'shiwanni with the 
 pa'mosona (scalp custodian) and his deputy. On the morning after 
 the notification the first body of A'shiwanni assemble in the house 
 of the Shi'wano"kia (Priestess of fecundity), and each makes a 
 cigarette as long as the distance from the metacarpus to the tip of 
 the second finger. Each reed is filled with native tobacco, and each 
 shi'wanni, having painted his cigarette the color of the region to 
 which he is assigned, wraps it in a corn husk; two additional cigarettes 
 are made by the elder and younger brother Bow priests and given to 
 the pa'mosona and his deputy. The Kra'kwemosi now collects the 
 cigarettes made by the A'shiwanni and hands them to the pa'mosona 
 telling- him to find good men, one from each ki'wi'sine, to give notifica- 
 tion of the coming festival, and to select the girls for the dance. The 
 pa'mosona hands three cigarettes to his assistant, who selects a man 
 from each of the three ki'wi'siwe, those of the South, East, and Nadir, 
 designated by the colors of his cigarettes, while the pa'mosona chooses 
 a man from each of the other ki'wi'siwe, those of the North, West, and 
 Zenith. The pa'mosona and assistant retain their cigarettes in their 
 homes seven nig-hts, and on the eighth night they take them to the 
 ki'wi'siwe to which they belong, where, after lighting them, all present 
 take a whiff. The other cigarettes are then distributed. On the fourth 
 day following the distribution of the cigarettes the selected men notify 
 the young women of the village that they wish them to assemble in the 
 evening in the Chu'pawa (south) and Mu'he'wa (west) ki'wi'siwe. Obedi- 
 ence to this request is optional, but there is never any lack of girls, 
 though those of the elite usually go against the wishes of their parents, 6 
 so great is their love for ceremonial and dance. The}' gather for four 
 nights in the ki'wi'siwe, the first three nights until midnight and the 
 fourth until sunrise. They dance each night, but do not sing, this 
 being the special privilege of the men. For four nights following the 
 notification the song-makers from the several ki'wi'siwe gather in dwel- 
 lings and compose songs. The best songs are adopted. Those for the 
 present occasion are not only songs of thanksgiving for the harvest, but 
 of thanks for respite from the hated Navaho. Prayers are addressed to 
 
 <i O'winahai'ye was an annual ceremonial until after the year 18% when this account was written. 
 In 1902 the ceremony was held for the first time in several years, another instance of the gradual 
 suspension of the ceremonials of these people. 
 
 b Implicit obedience of child to parent is the rule among all tribes with which the writer is famihar, 
 and any exception to this rule is very rare. 
 
206 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 
 
 the Gods of War that the enemy may be destroyed. The members of 
 the Bow priesthood gather in their ceremonial chamber, each bringing 
 Ids warrior wand, which in some instances is completed after the 
 arrival. As each warrior arrives those present greet him, asking him 
 to be seated. Those who have their wands ready place them at once in 
 an Apache basket, the feather ends radiating. The others are depos- 
 ited there as they are completed. The foundation of the wand is a slat 
 about '2 inches square at the base and about 8 inches in length, zig- 
 zagged to symbolize lightning, and colored blue-green. This piece of 
 wood never receives a second coat of paint, consequently the color soon 
 vanishes. A daub of medicine, resembling pinon gum, is placed on the 
 side of the slat at the time of its completion. Two eagle plumes are 
 attached to the slat, the quill ends joining, the tips spreading in V- shape. 
 White fluffy eagle plumes and other feathers" are added until there is 
 no evidence of the lightning stick. The base of the stick is covered 
 with a bit of red or black cloth, which is heavily wrapped with cotton 
 coi'd. The wand of the elder brother Bow priest has red cloth at its 
 base, and two feathers, one from the wing of the kiap'kona (swallow), 
 the other from the o'no'hlikia (bird of the north, Icteria longicauda), 
 are attached with a cotton cord to one of the long eagle plumes of the 
 wand. When the elder brother Bow priest completes the wrapping 
 of his wand, he tucks the end of the cord into the wrapping with a 
 knife. That of the younger brother Bow priest is covered at the base 
 with black, and the cord wrapping is formed into two lines about one- 
 half inch wide, each tied in a single bowknot. Another wand has four 
 oval pieces of abalone shell, pierced at one end, attached to the base; 
 another has a bit of crystal attached. These wands, which are usually 
 worn on the top of the head and extend outward from the back, 
 symbolize the heart, or seat of life. A package of commercial tobacco 
 which was handed the elder brother Bow priest is placed by him in 
 the center of the basket containing the plumes. The A'wan 'Si'ta 
 (Great Mother), mistress of the ceremonial chamber, grinds meal for 
 the use of the warriors at a mill at the east end of the room. 
 
 At i o'clock in the afternoon the elder brother Bow priest, im- 
 patient at the nonarrival of some of the members of the Bow priest- 
 hood, leaves the chamber, and cries through the streets for the 
 warriors to come at once to their post of duty. When seven of the 
 members have arrived the younger brother Bow priest starts a song 
 to the accompaniment of the drum, which is held between the knees, 
 all singing in low tones. The drum, not more than 20 inches high, 
 is made of wood, with the ends covered with hide; a padded stick is 
 used. After a short time two of the warriors dance, each holding 
 
 a All plumes when not in use are kept carefully wrapped and laid away in the medicine box, the 
 same plumes being used year after year; many of them, even with all the care observed, bearing 
 evidence of age. 
 
Stevenson] THANKSGIVING FOR CROPS 207 
 
 a war club." The elder brother Bow priest, who has beeu sitting on 
 a low stool, now seats himself with the others upon the south ledge of 
 the room near the fireplace keeping time with the song and drum. 
 He holds his war club under his left, arm and a pistol in his right hand. 
 At times the little ones gather in from the streets and listen most 
 attentively. After one song the elder brother Bow priest lays aside 
 the pistol and war club and beats time with his right hand, while he 
 holds in the left a lighted cigarette, from which he now and then 
 takes a whiff. Commercial tobacco is smoked incessantly. 
 
 The second song closes at 5 o'clock, and one of the men appointed 
 by the scalp custodian leads in a girl, who takes her seat on the 
 north ledge of the. room, his alternate following, accompanied by a 
 second girl, who sits beside the first. The A'wan 'Si'ta appears from 
 an inner room with a shovel of live coals and proceeds to make a 
 fire in the fireplace. The girls' dresses are embellished b}' the men 
 whom thej 7 accompany, without removing the black woven gown. A 
 mi'ha (white embroidered blanket) is folded lengthwise and passed 
 under the right arm and fastened over the left shoulder. The arms 
 and legs are bare. The women as well as the men are never unmindful 
 of their adornments at such times, and a man is dispatched in haste 
 for the forgotten bracelets. The friends of the dancers are usually 
 willing to contribute fine blankets, ko'hakwa (white shall), coral and 
 turquoise necklaces, and earrings to add to the beauty of their dress. 
 
 As the fire burns up brightby the songs of the warriors become more 
 hilarious, growing louder and louder as the}' appeal to the Gods of 
 War to give them the lives of their enemies, that they may have rain 
 and bountiful crops. 6 They now leave the house and form into two 
 lines. After dancing before the ceremonial chamber the elder brother 
 Bow priest leads the north line, followed in succession by a young 
 girl, provided with an arrow, the j'ounger brother Bow priest, a war- 
 rior, and another girl and warrior. The south line is headed by a 
 warrior, followed by women and warriors. Two virgins, each holding 
 an arrow, dance back and forth between the lines, the drummer walk- 
 ing in front north of the lines. Their number is increased by } r oung 
 men and boj - s, some not older than 6 or 7 years. One boy carries 
 a stuffed horse's leg over his right shoulder, another a stick of wood 
 in the right hand and a drumstick in the left, and a third carries a doll. 
 The lines halt and dance vis-a-vis. After the first song the dancers 
 advance westward sidewise; and after a second dance they proceed in 
 the double file. The third song is prefaced with the war whoop as 
 they enter te'wita 'hlan'na (large plaza) from the northeast. The 
 house tops are crowded with spectators and the plaza is walled by 
 them, man}' on horseback. After dancing in the plaza for an hour 
 
 a These instruments of torture hang on the walls of the ceremonial room, ready for use. 
 6 The spirit of the scalped enemy becomes a friend. 
 
2 OS THE ZUNI INDIANS Leth. ann. 23 
 
 all disperse, and the elder brother Bow priest passes through the 
 town, calling for all to gather later in the ki'wi'siwe to be happy and 
 thankful. 
 
 The choir of the 'Siin'iakiakwe (Ant fraternity) is assembled on the 
 east side of the ceremonial chamber which extends north and south, sing- 
 ing to the accompaniment of rattle and drum. A bowl of medicine 
 water is in the northwest end of the room. A man and a woman of the 
 fraternity begin dancing, and the man appears to grow wilder and wilder 
 as he growls and jumps about nearly as possible like the bear he repre- 
 sents. He wears a black breechcloth and carries an eagle-wing plume 
 in each hand; a salmon-coloi'ed fluffy eagle feather is tied to his fore- 
 lock. Every little while the man grabs at the legs of some of the 
 members of the choir. The dancing continues nearly an hour, when 
 the A'pi^'lashiwanni, with their nude bodies zigzagged in white kaolin, 
 representing lightning, enter in single file and form into an ellipse. 
 All wear deerskin skull caps, but Nai'uchi (elder brother Bow priest), 
 who wears a fur cap instead. They carry their bows and arrows and war 
 clubs. Nai'uchi now and then indulges in animal-like performances, 
 and he also holds a live coal in his mouth, afterwards running an arrow 
 down his throat, dancing about with it in that position. He is very 
 graceful, and there is no member more enthusiastic and energetic than 
 this old man, who has fought in many engagements with the Navahos. 
 
 At the close of the dance the A'pi'lashiwanni stand aside to make 
 room for a party personating Navahos, the songs being in the Navaho 
 tongue. After one dance this party leaves the chamber for the Chu' 
 pawa ki'wi'sine, and the warriors sing another song and dance with 
 even more enthusiasm than before. The dance is begun in an ellipse, 
 but after a time they break into a promiscuous group, and after 
 dancing a while they again form into an ellipse. These changes are 
 repeated several times. 
 
 After the warriors leave the chamber, another party representing 
 Navahos make their appearance and form into two files, the principal 
 dancers being two boys, one personating a girl, who would deceive the 
 closest observer, they are so like the Navahos. The girl wears a black 
 velvet waist and a full red calico skirt, which falls below the knees. 
 The tips of her moccasins are painted red, and her hair is done up in 
 Navaho style. A red spot of the size of a silver dollar is on either 
 cheek. The boy has his bodj' spotted in white. 
 
 The choir of the Ant fraternity remains quiet during the presence of 
 both parties personating the Navahos. When the lines cease dancing, 
 the boy and girl take their position vis-a-vis and some distance apart. 
 Bending slightly forward, they run until they almost meet, and then 
 dance, the boy raising first one foot and then the other as high as 
 possible by drawing the knees nearly to the chin. The girl's step is 
 the same but not so high or violent. Their arms are kept in constant 
 
btevenson] THANKSGIVING FOR CROPS 209 
 
 motion, and they carry in cither hand triangular pieces made of slender 
 sticks ornamented with while fluffy eagle plumes. Passing-one another, 
 they go some distance and turning' repeat the figure. There is no 
 variation from this figure during the dance. The others of the party 
 sing- in Navaho while the two dance between the lines. The men wear 
 artificial mustaches of black goat's wool." A ridiculous character 
 appears with these dancers, wearing an old pair of American trousers 
 and coat, an ash-colored mask with prominent nose, and a bush} 7 wig; 
 he carries an old pistol. 
 
 The Kia'kwemosi with others of the first body of A'shiwanni are in 
 in the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine, while the Ko'mosona, pe'kwin, and others 
 are in the Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine to receive the dancers. After dancing 
 in the chamber of the Ant fraternity, the party representing Navahos 
 proceeds to the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine, which is b} T this hour crowded, most 
 of the north ledge being occupied by girls wearing black wraps over 
 their heads and shoulders so as to conceal their faces. One sparkling 
 eye only is to be seen through the folds of the blanket. They resist 
 all efforts to make them expose their faces. The circular opening in 
 the floor of the ki'wi'sine, symbolic of the entrance to the innermost 
 world, is exposed, and later, food and plumes are deposited within. 
 
 The dancers form, as before, into two files, running lengthwise down 
 the room facing west, and dance. The queer-looking creature wearing 
 a mask crouches at the west of the fire altar and keeps up a violent 
 motion with the pistol which he carries, moving his head in time with 
 his hand. He makes many jokes and the men joke with him. When 
 the two lines cease dancing, the boy and girl dance between the lines, 
 as before, to repeated encores. Finally some one cries': "Let them 
 stop: they are tired." Others say: "Let them go on." They dance 
 thirty minutes. The men of the ki'wi'sine pass lighted cigarettes to 
 the dancers, who indulge in a social smoke. The following dialogue 
 between Nan'nahe, a Hopi Indian married to a Zuiii woman, and the 
 creature wearing the mask, causes great merriment: 
 
 "Where did you come from?" " Over there," pointing to the east. "Have you 
 a father?" "No." "Have you a mother?" "No; they died long ago." "Have 
 you brothers or sisters?" "No." "Do you know how to weave?" "No." "Do 
 you know how to do anything?" "No." "Do you have anyone to work for you?" 
 "No." "You must have stolen your beads; you must have stolen your pistol." "I 
 found an American sleeping and killed him and took his pistol. I would like to 
 trade this red ribbon on my pistol for a watermelon." A boy brings some melons, 
 which the man grabs and tucks under his blanket, handing the ribbon to the boy. 
 " How did you get the wristlet you wear?" "I was lousy and a woman combed my 
 hair; when she left I found this on my wrist." He endeavors to discharge the pistol 
 by pushing the trigger forward, which creates much amusement. 
 
 a The mustache is worn in ridicule of the Navahos. as some of these people have slight mustaches. 
 The Zufii regard such growth of hair as most disfiguring, and a man of the tribe who has any signs 
 of a mustache is jeered at by the others. 
 
 23 eth— 04 14 
 
210 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 After the Navaho dancers leave the ki'wi'sine the person wearing the 
 mask is requested to dance. He falls at his first attempt, but after- 
 ward he burlesques the dancers who have just left. He is received 
 witli great enthusiasm, being called out a second and a third time. 
 When responding to the encore he pretends to be quite lame from his 
 fall. After taking his seat he says a few words in Hopi in a squeaky 
 voice, upon which a member of this tribe who is present calls out: 
 "Why, you are a Hopi." When he is leaving the ki'wi'sine his foot 
 misses a rung of the ladder, and the leg projects between the rungs, 
 much to the enjoyment of all present. He is again called to the floor, 
 when he produces general laughter by his ridiculous dancing. After 
 he leaves, a choir composed of the young men of the ki'wi'sinC% sta- 
 tioned at the west end of the room, sing. The leader of the choir 
 selects certain girls to dance. They protest, but without avail. The 
 wrap which covers the face must be thrown aside during the dance, 
 but at the close of the dance the face is quickly concealed again. There 
 is an interval of some minutes, when other girls are selected to dance. 
 
 After a time three young men, who appear to be present for the 
 purpose, select several youths from a group of young men who sit 
 on the south ledge opposite the girls, leading them over to the girls. 
 Some of the youths resist, apparentl} 7 as bashful as the maidens appear 
 to be. A youth on being presented to a girl addresses her in a few 
 words. Her reply decides whether he shall sit at her feet or hurriedly 
 return to his former place. Several of the girls persistently refuse to 
 make a choice, while others discard many before the fortunate one is 
 chosen. When the youth remains with a girl a bowl of water is 
 passed to him, and he in turn hands it to the maiden, who bathes her 
 face, hands, and legs, the young man remaining at her feet until she 
 chooses a second youth, when the girl in company with the two leaves 
 the ki'wi'sine. The girls return to the ki'wi'sine with their faces more 
 closely veiled than ever. 
 
 This is the only occasion, excepting that recorded in connection 
 with the closing ceremonies of the 'Hle'wekwe fraternity, in which 
 there has been any evidence of licentiousness observed among the 
 ZuSi women, and but comparatively few 3 7 oung women leave the ki'wi'- 
 sine at this time. While they are permitted to go, such a course is 
 considered most improper and a shadow of disgrace clings to every 
 girl who does so, no matter how innocent she may be. 
 
 A visit was made to the home of one of these young women the morning following 
 an evening spent in the ki'wi'sine. A young girl was seen to approach timidly the 
 family group at their morning meal; but she was ordered away by both parents, 
 who were weeping bitterly, while the elder daughter was severe in her condemna- 
 tion of her sister. The writer upon inquiring into the trouble was answered by the 
 mother, who, weeping afresh, says: " My daughter stole from her home last night 
 and joined the wicked set in the ki'wi'sine, and she will never again be like my 
 daughter." The girl at first refused to notice the writer, but being assured of her 
 
stsvessos] THANKSGIVING FOR CROPS 211 
 
 sympathy, she gratefully raised her eyes, filled with unshed tears, and said: " I am 
 not guilty, but they will not believe me." This girl was severely whipped on her 
 return from the ki'wi'sinS, a punishment indicted only Eor a grave offense. 
 
 Ceremonies of the Second Day 
 
 The first body of A'shiwanni meet again on the morning following 
 the first evening's festivities, in the Shi'wano"kia's house, and gathering 
 around a small howl of native tobacco they pray and smoke. Two reeds 
 are tilled with the tobacco and placed by the bowl, with a bunch of corn 
 husks to be used for cigarettes. The Kia'kwemosi, holding two corn- 
 husk cigarettes, clasps the hands of the scalp custodian, praying that 
 he may clasp the hands of the A'shiwanni of all the world, from where 
 the Sun Father comes up to where he goes down; praying that the 
 Sun Father shall give to his people and to people of all the world, from 
 where he comes up to where he goes down, all things good — food, 
 raiment, and prosperity; that the priests of old and his other selves 
 (his deceased predecessors) shall send the rain to water the earth that 
 the crops may be bountiful; and that his people maj^ have power to 
 destroy the enemy. At the close of this prayer the hands of the 
 Kia'kwemosi and scalp custodian are reversed, and the latter repeats a 
 prayer, after which the two reed cigarettes are lighted and passed 
 around, each shi'wanni taking a whiff. With a husk cigarette in his 
 hand, the scalp custodian now 7 departs for the house of the A'kwamosi 
 (maker of medicine water) of the Ant fraternity. After the smoke, 
 the A'shiwanni with bowed heads whisper most solemn]} 7 a prayer, 
 after which a meal is served by the mother of the Shi'wano"kia; each 
 one gathers bits of the food on a piece of bread, which is afterward 
 thrown into the fire, with a prayer to the ancestors and a call to them 
 to eat. The scalp custodian stands with the A'kwamosi of the Ant 
 fraternity, their hands clasped, he retaining the cigarette, and they 
 offer a prayer. Their hands are afterward reversed, and the A'kwa- 
 mosi repeats a prayer. Both bow and smile to the white visitors who 
 enter, but do not speak until after the prayers, when the A'kwamosi 
 clasps Dr Tylor's " right hand with his left. Passing the hands in a 
 circle over the Doctor's head and bringing them to his lips, the A'kwa- 
 mosi draw r s a breath and passes the hands around his own head and 
 then to the lips of Dr Tylor, to draw a breath, that all that is good 
 may be drawn from the one to the other. The scalp custodian per- 
 forms the same acts with him, and finally the ceremony is repeated by 
 both the A'kwamosi and the scalp custodian over the writer. 
 
 The A'kwamosi of the Ant fraternity, who is a very old man of the 
 Sun clan, now hastens to a large chamber opening upon the large 
 plaza, where the A'pi"lashiwanni are assembled, to officiate in the 
 
 aDrE. B. Tylor, the distinguished English anthropologist, was present at these ceremonies, and 
 duiing his short stay he won the confidence and affection of alt the priests and theurgists of the tribe. 
 The writer is much indebted to him for his valuable suggestions in regard to her investigations. 
 
212 THE ZUNI INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 ceremonies. A few members of the priesthood sit in the south end. 
 busying themselves making moccasins, shirts, etc. Later the A'pi"la- 
 shiwanni gather in a semicircular group on the east side of the room 
 toward the north end, the A'kwamosi of the Ant fraternity, with flow- 
 ing white locks, sitting- just south of the group. Another old man, 
 holding the ceremonial cigarette-lighter, a staff charred at one end, sits 
 I nick of the choir on a quaint chair of Zuni manufacture. The first 
 body of A'shiwanni, excepting the Shi'wano"kia and the Kia'kwemosi 
 (Shiwanni of the North), who remains in the house of the Shi'wano'"kia 
 during the day, stand in line at the north end of the room, on the cast 
 side, and members of the Ant fraternity stand on their right. An 
 Apache basket, ornamented with cloud designs and arrow points woven 
 into the dark straw, and containing feather wands, having each a 
 streamer bf red and green ribbons, radiating from the center of the 
 basket, is deposited on the floor on the west side at the north end of 
 the room. A second basket is placed near by, containing a small 
 leather pouch of arrow points and two bunches of reed cigarettes filled 
 with native tobacco, the reeds being colored red and wrapped with 
 corn, husks. On the floor are two bowls of medicine water, portions 
 of several hawks' breasts, and a quantity of kaolin, red pigment, and a 
 small jar of bears grease. 
 
 When the choir has its complement of members, the song begins, 
 each member holding and brandishing in time with the song a pistol, 
 bayonet, or war club. The song embraces a long history of the val- 
 orous deeds of the Gods of War and of their people of old, down to 
 the times when their fathers fought the hated Navahos, the invaders 
 of their homes, recapitulating the instructions given by the Gods of 
 "War to go out to battle with brave hearts, the routes the} r must follow, 
 and the means they must adopt in order to master the enemy. The 
 gestures accompanying this portion ot the song are specially graceful 
 and pleasing. 
 
 AYhen the song is begun, the elder brother Bow priest and three 
 other members of the Bow priesthood take their positions on the 
 west side of the room, and are prepared by four members of the 
 Ant fraternity for the outdoor ceremony. The hair is separated 
 into strands and rolled on burs, forming knots, half the size of a 
 pigeon's egg, all over the head. The cotton shirts and trousers are 
 not removed, and moccasins and leggings are worn. The war pouch, 
 suspended across the shoulder, completes the dress. The face is given 
 an application of bear's grease and red and black pigment. A paste of 
 kaolin is applied to the chin, upper lip, tip of the nose, and eyebrows, 
 and forms a circle on the top of the head, and hawk down, symbolic 
 of the clouds of the world, is applied to the paste. The A'kwamosi 
 
stevessox] SECOND DAY 213 
 
 of the Ant fraternity removes arrow points from the sack and places 
 one in the mouth of eaeli man, with a prayer. The arrow point must 
 remain in the mouth until the return of these warriors to the chamber. 
 Their decoration being completed, the four take seats on the ledge on 
 the west side of the room, two with heads erect, while two how their 
 heads. A bow and arrow are laid before each man after four equi- 
 distant lines of kaolin paste have been applied to the bow, and hawk 
 down is attached to each line. ■ Two A'pi a lashiwanni now stand before 
 them chanting a low ritual, while the song of the choir rings through 
 
 & Orate 
 
 the long- chamber. At the close of the prayer the A'kwamosi of the 
 Ant fraternity gives a draft from the medicine bowl to each of the four 
 warriors by dipping a shell into the bowl, and he gives a reed filled 
 with tobacco to each. Each warrior now takes the bow and arrow 
 which lie before him and one of the feather wands from the Apache 
 basket and leaves the chamber, two going to Up"sannawa ki'wi'sine 
 and two to Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine, each couple being preceded by a 
 member of the Bow priesthood clad in ordinary dress. The scalp cus- 
 todian is in the Up"sannawa ki'wi'sine, which represents the side of the 
 elder God of War, and his fellow is in Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine, which 
 stands for the younger God of War, to receive the warriors. 
 
 At the same time young men in the ki'wi'siwe are adorning girls 
 about 10 years of age for the dance. The girls wear their moccasins 
 and black woven gown embroidered top and bottom in dark blue. 
 A white cotton embroidered kilt is fastened on the left shoulder, 
 passing under the right arm. The wands received by the members 
 are attached to the heads of girls in upright position by fastening the 
 lower ends to the dress at the back of the neck and tying them to the 
 top of the head with shreds of the maiden's hair, the loose hair, which 
 has been braided over night that it may be wavy, hiding all traces of 
 the mode of securing the wand. A leather band encircles the head, 
 the front of which is concealed by a long bang which covers the face. 
 A horn of carved wood is attached to the left side of the leather band 
 and an artificial blossom of the squash flower, woven of red and yellow 
 yarn, to the right. A red fox skin hangs from the right wrist and blue 
 yarn, tied in a tassel, is attached to the left. The left arm is encircled 
 almost to the elbow with rare beads, and the breast is covered with 
 coral, turquoise, and ko'hakwa necklaces. A spread turkey tail is 
 attached to the back of the waist. Each girl carries an arrow in her 
 right hand, which she gracefully manipulates between the thumb and 
 forefinger during the dance, the significance being that the arrows of 
 the Zuni may destroy the hated Xavahos. 
 
 Robes and blankets upon which to seat the warriors have been laid 
 upon the ledge on the south side of the ki'wi'siwe near the west end. One 
 
214 THE ZUNI INDIANS [ErH.Aini.23 
 
 of the warriors in the Up"sannawa hands the reed cigarette he carries 
 to the scalp custodian and the other hands his to the warrior who 
 accompanies them. The scalp custodian's fellow tills his place in the 
 other ki'wi'sine. The cigarettes are lighted and returned to the donors, 
 who draw the smoke into their mouths, and. puffing it out in clouds, 
 wave the cigarettes around their heads: then they are again handed to 
 the others, who wave them twice round the heads of the donors and 
 then throw them on the floor. Two of the warriors, preceded by a 
 choir of gaily dressed young men of the Up"sannawa and followed by 
 two girls, proceed to the plaza and stoop upon the ground, the choir 
 grouping themselves behind them, facing north: the girls dance before 
 them, facing south. The motions of these young dancers remind one 
 of humming birds hovering over blossoms. With their arms spread 
 out. they seem to be winged creatures, their feet scarcely touching the 
 earth. The length of time they keep their arms extended is remarka- 
 ble. They constantly pass one another in the dance, always keeping 
 their faces southward. A short time after the arrival of the party 
 from the Up''sannawa ki'wi'sine the warriors from the Chu'pawa 
 ki'wi'sine, with two girls, preceded by a choir formed by members of 
 the Chu'pawa, take similar positions in the plaza, sitting a little apart 
 from the others. This ceremony is repeated until all the warriors 
 have taken part, sunset closing this feature of the day. 
 
 During the ceremony performed by the last four warriors a hideous 
 object, representing the buffalo, appears in the plaza. HLs face and 
 body are colored black, and he wears an enormous wig of black sheep- 
 skin. His only clothing is a kilt of brownish-red deerskin fringed with 
 tiny bells, held on with an embroidered Hopi sash tied at the back. 
 When the warriors leave the plaza for the last time, the four little 
 girls form in two lines about 10 feet apart and dance. The buffalo 
 man dances up and down between the lines for awhile, then darts off. 
 shaking the rattle held in the right hand, and clasps one of the girls 
 in an obscene manner. " He returns and dances between the lines, 
 and finally leaves the plaza amid great enthusiasm of the spectators. 
 
 Ceremoxies of the Second Xight 
 
 By 9 o'clock those interested in the ceremonies of the night are busy 
 preparing for them. While the Chu'pawa and Mu'he'wa are the only 
 ki'wi'siwe in which the warriors assemble, members of the other 
 ki'wi'siwe. wearing the dress of the anthropic gods, dance in a num- 
 ber of dwellings during the night, singing songs composed for the 
 occasion. 
 
 a This character, which has been adopted from the Hopi Indian?, plays no part in the rites of 
 thanksgiving, and is merely introduced for amusement, like the character in the night ceremonies 
 in the ki'wi'sine. 
 
Stevenson] SECOND NIGHT 215 
 
 The picture presented in the chamber of the Ant fraternity, in 
 which the men and women' are preparing- for their dance, and in two 
 other rooms, where parties are being decorated for the dance, is not 
 unlike the greenroom of a theater. Paints, robes, and ornaments are 
 scattered about the rooms. The men of the Ant fraternity are paint- 
 ing their bodies in white to represent animals, snakes, and the heavens. 
 The parts which they can not reach, such as their backs and shoulders, 
 are painted by one another. The women paint their lower legs and 
 arms in white. All have their hair done up in their usual style and 
 wear yucca wreaths tied in rosettes at the side of the head and a fluffy 
 eagle plume attached to the forelock. The portion of the wreath 
 passing over the forehead of the women is covered b}^ the long bang. 
 Men place the wreaths and feathers on the women's heads. Both 
 sexes wear elaborate necklaces, and the women have strings of tur- 
 quoise in their ears. 
 
 When all are ready, two parallel lines are formed lengthwise of the 
 room, which extends north and south. The choir is grouped on the 
 east side and sings to the accompaniment of the rattle and drum. As 
 soon as the dancers are on the floor they form into an ellipse, a woman 
 to the left of each man, and dance from left to right. The men sing 
 but the women are silent. After dancing thirty minutes the dancers 
 pass in file out of the house to the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine. After enter- 
 ing they form in an ellipse and pray aloud, and, dancing around for a 
 time in the ellipse, they form into two lines and dance again. 
 
 During the dancing a noise is heard on the roof, and on investiga- 
 tion there are found a number of men and one 5-year-old child, repre- 
 senting Navahos. All but the child carry rattles, and they are richly 
 dressed, the best figure being the tiny boj T , who personates a Navaho 
 girl. Now and then they call through the hatchway to the dancers 
 below, who reply; and in a short time they leave for the roof of the 
 Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine. 
 
 A number of young women with their heads covered with blankets, 
 as on the previous evening, are in the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine. Several 
 of these are compelled to \ay aside their wraps and dance back and 
 forth between the lines of the Ant fraternity. Three youths, appear- 
 ing as decrepit old men, personating the Zuni when they lived on 
 To'wa yal'lanne (Corn Mountain), hobble around with the aid of staffs. 
 Their clothing is ragged and their long, shaggy hair is unkempt. One 
 carries a stone ax, and another has a pair of large tin tweezers hanging 
 from his neck, and both carry bows and arrows. 
 
 Crowds that pour into the ki'wi'sine indicate the approach of the 
 Navaho dancers, who are evidently the stars of the evening. Com- 
 ing down the ladder one by one, they form into double file and 
 repeat the dance of the previous evening, the child appearing as 
 interested as the elders. At the conclusion of the dance and song — the 
 
216 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 latter being a prolonged burlesque of the Navahos — the party leave 
 the ki'wi'sine, and the trio of old men from To'wa yal'lanne take the 
 floor and make efforts to dance; their joints appear to be so stiffened 
 from age that they move their limbs with great difficulty. They utter 
 a number of comical, innocent jokes. One, addressing the writer as 
 •" mother." causes a roar of laughter at her expense. 
 
 The A'pi"lashiwanni, led by the elder brother Bow priest, are the 
 next to appear. Their bared limbs are painted white and the}' wear 
 cotton-embroidered or buckskin kilts. Some of them, including the 
 elder brother Bow priest, have their heads ornamented with feather 
 wands, while others wear the skullcap of buckskin with an aigrette of 
 hawk feathers on the top. They, too, repeat their dance of the pre- 
 vious evening. One of the girls present has her blanket taken from 
 her and is made to join in the dance. 
 
 After the warriors leave, the choir of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine sings, 
 and the scenes between the young men and women of the previous 
 night are repeated. Musicians, dancers, and personators of the gods 
 pass in and out of the covered ways and streets throughout the night, 
 as they go from house to house to dance. 
 
 The ceremonies in the Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine are the same as those 
 observed in the Chu'pawa. At daylight all assemble in the plaza to 
 offer prayers to the rising sun, and nothing of further interest occurs 
 until afternoon, when the ceremonies of the previous day are repeated. 
 The bodies of the warriors are now painted white to represent animals, 
 snakes, and the heavens, and they wear white embroidered or buckskin 
 kilts, held on with white cotton fringed sashes tied at the right side. 
 A fox skin is pendent at the back of belt and the war pouch is worn 
 over the shoulder. The hair' is dressed as on the previous day, and 
 their faces and heads are adorned with the hawk down. The Kia'kwe- 
 mosi, who was absent on the previous day, is now present and stands 
 at the right of the pe'kwin (sun priest). After the war song and 
 the other ceremonials in the house where the warriors are assembled 
 the plaza ceremonies are repeated. An hour before sunset the first 
 body of A'shiwanni take seats upon a ledge outside, which has been 
 covered with robes and blankets for the occasion. The terraced house 
 tops are now a mass of color from the bright blankets and robes worn 
 by the spectators, who crowd together to witness the closing scenes. 
 Many Navaho visitors, also clad in rich attire and mounted on their 
 horses, add to the gay setting of the plaza. Objects of various kinds 
 are thrown by the crowd on the house tops to the people below, which 
 occasions great scrambling and wrestling, but good humor is invariably 
 preserved. The Navahos make but few attempts to get possession of 
 the gifts, but occasionally they contend for them, and when it is done 
 fairly the Zuni make no resistance; but when there is any attempt to 
 take advantage by tripping or the like, they are hustled off the plaza 
 
stevenson] DANCE OF THE KIA'NAKWE 217 
 
 by the police, who are ever alert to preserve order when there are a 
 number of Navahos in the town. 
 
 The dancing girls who accompany the warriors dance on, apparently 
 unconscious of the hilarity around them. As each set of warriors 
 appears in the plaza, the women of their families and women of their 
 elans and their wives' elans bring baskets laden with various articles 
 of food and deposit them on the ground at the back of the warriors, 
 whom they sprinkle with sacred meal. As soon as each couple of 
 warriors are through with the sacred ceremonies in the plaza, they 
 don the ordinary clothing and throw the contents of their respective 
 baskets to the crowd. The number and quality of the gifts of each 
 warrior depends upon the wealth and extravagance of his famity and 
 clan connections, many of them throwing- quantities of calico and 
 ribbon. Nai'uchi, elder brother Bow priest, is lavish with his gifts. 
 After throwing yards of calico, ribbon, and quantities of food, he 
 leaves the plaza, to return in a short time clad in new black cloth 
 trousers and vest, with a fine long silk scarf wound round his head. 
 All of these are removed and thrown to the crowd. He is fully 
 attired under this suit. Nai'uchi's gifts are eagerly sought. 
 
 The girls continue their dancing until the evening shadows fall over 
 the plaza, when two warriors, with the choir of the Up"sannawa ki'wi 1 - 
 sine. leave the plaza, going toward the east, and two warriors, with the 
 choir of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine, going to the west. The writer follows 
 the latter and sees the party divide in the street before the Chu'pawa 
 ki'wi c sine, forming into vis-a-vis lines. Rows of men and women, 
 each holding a bit of cedar bai'k, stand on the roofs of the houses 
 near by. A theurgist of the Ne'wekwe (Galaxy) fraternity walks 
 back and forth between the two lines of warriors, passing down the 
 body of each, to carry off disease, two eagle-wing feathers, while 
 he repeats an inaudible prayer. At intervals during this ceremony 
 those on the house tops expectorate three times upon the cedar bark 
 and carry it in the hands from left to right around the head, simulta- 
 neously repeating a prayer. ' Then all separate, each having his head 
 washed in yucca suds by the appropriate woman." The writer accom- 
 panies one of the warriors, whose head is bathed by the wife of the 
 elder brother Bow priest. The woman afterward bathes the head of 
 the warrior's mother, and then all the members of the family have 
 their heads washed. 
 
 QUADRENNIAL DANCE OF THE KIA'NAKWE 
 
 The dance of the Kok'ko ko'han (white gods) is so called from the 
 Kla'nakwe'' having been clothed in white and having slept under white 
 
 aThetopof the head is slightly washed, and then a forelock is vigorously bathed, the one doing 
 the washing repeating a prayer for health, prosperity, and a good heart. Each hand and arm to the 
 elbow is also thoroughly bathed. 
 
 &See Destruction of the Kla'nakwe, and songs of thanksgiving. 
 
218 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann.23 
 
 blankets. These blankets, which at present are made principally by 
 the Ilopi Indians, arc supposed by the Zunis to have originated with 
 the Kia'nakwe. These ghost people are angry with the Zunis for their 
 destruction; hence the ceremony of propitiation, which occurs quad- 
 rennially and which is one of the most important as well as one of the 
 most elaborate in Zuiii. 
 
 The part of this ritual that is performed in the Si'aa' te'wita, sacred 
 dance plaza, was first witnessed by the writer in 1884. In comparing 
 notes made on two later occasions with those made then, it was found 
 that the outdoor ceremonials are identical in all details. 
 
 The personators of the Kla'nakwe are always members of the Corn 
 clan and Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine. Ten days previous to a ceremonial the 
 masks, which are made of hide and cover the head, are taken from 
 storage, filled with damp sand to soften them and bring them into 
 shape, and placed along the north ledge of the large room, vacated for 
 this purpose by the family, in the dwelling of the priest, or director, 
 of the Kla'nakwe organization. Five days later the decoration of the 
 masks begins. Four days are consumed in decorating the masks and 
 attending to various details connected with the paraphernalia. This 
 work, which is performed by the men who are to take part in the 
 ceremony, is begun each morning and stops at sunset. Great secrecy 
 is observed throughout the preparation for this ceremonial, and no 
 one but those who have duties to perform maj T enter the room." 
 
 The twelve songs that are sung during the ceremonies are archaic, the 
 Zunis say, though the} r admit that these songs are in the Sia tongue, 
 which was the language of the Kia'nakwe. A newly appointed person 
 requires much time to learn the songs; therefore, during the summer, 
 when the day's work in the fields is over, those who are to take part 
 in the Kia'nakwe ceremonial frequently meet and rehearse them. The 
 rain priest and his associate have the same relative positions as the 
 Kia'kwemosi and the pe'kwin of Zufii. 
 
 When the Kia'nakwe are about to appear, those who are to per- 
 sonate them and their prisoners assemble 2 miles south of Zuiii. 
 After painting their entire bodies with the pinkish cla}^ used by the 
 personators of anthropic gods, which is applied so thin that the color 
 is scarcely to be discerned, they dress themselves in their mi'hawe 6 
 and masks and return to the village. Plate xlii shows them cross- 
 ing the bridge over the river. The house tops are tilled with men, 
 women, and children, all eager to have the tirst look at the gods as they 
 approach from over the southern hills singing a low chant. The priest 
 leads, followed by his deputy. They wear white cotton shirts, white 
 embroidered blankets, each having four dark nutty eagle plumes 
 attached, front and back, in the form of a square. They wear leggings 
 
 "'rhr writer was present by special invitation of the priest of the organization. 
 bMi'hawe is plural formi'ha, sacred embroidered blanket. 
 
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLV 
 
 A. HOEN 4 CO., Lith 
 
 MASKS OF API T LASHIWANNI (WARRIORS) a OF THE NORTH, b OF THE WEST, 
 a OF THE SOUTH : FRONT AND SIDE VIEWS 
 
stevknsos] DANCK OK THK KI.v'NAKWK 219 
 
 of white cotton, knit in fanciful designs, and dance moccasins. A 
 tortoise-shell rattle is carried in the right hand and a pottery meal 
 basket and te'likinawe arc carried in the left. Each mask is finished at 
 the base with a collarette of spruce lipped with popcorn (see plate xun). 
 
 The other members of the Euia'nakwe, except the two directors of 
 the warriors of the six regions, are dressed like their leaders, except 
 the four feathers on the front and hack of blankets. 'The directors 
 have dressed deerskins instead of the mi'hawe, and they wear bow 
 wristlets and carry tortoise-shell rattles in the right hand and hows 
 and arrows in the left. The first captive to he seen is the Ko'lhlama;" 
 be wears the woman's dress of black, embroidered in dark blue, 
 and caught at the waist with a red woven belt. A white embroid- 
 ered -ash passes from the left side of the waist to the right shoulder, 
 where it is tied, the embroidered ends falling. A piece of white com- 
 mercial cotton hangs over the back. The neck and arms, which are 
 exposed, are painted white; the hair is parted from the forehead down 
 the back of the head, and one side is done up over a wooden form, 
 while the other side is tied with red and blue yarn and left hanging. 
 The mask (sec plate xuv a) covers only the face. A rattle of deer 
 scapulae is carried in the right hand, and three ears of corn, tied 
 together with yucca ribbons and te'likinawe, are carried in the left.'' 
 
 The Sa'va'hlia, another captive, wears a large deerskin, dyed reddish- 
 brown and elaborately ornamented with various colored designs, an 
 emblem of the sun being on the back. A white cotton embroidered sash 
 is tied round his waist under the deerskin and falls at the side. The 
 mask of the Sa'va'hlia is of native cotton cloth, colored with paint made 
 from the pinkish clay. The mouth of the mask is bearded with lynx 
 skin, and the projecting teeth are made of corn husks. Gray goat's 
 wool falls over the top of the head and forehead, and padded eyeballs 
 arc conspicuous beneath the wool. A red fox skin is worn around 
 the neck at the base of the mask (see plate xvi). The Sa'ya'hlia car- 
 ries a tortoise-shell rattle in the right hand and a bow and arrows 
 and te'likinawe in the left. 
 
 The last captive to be seen in the line is It'sepiisha (game-maker), 
 one of the ten Ko'vemshi;'' he wears the seldom varying dress, the 
 short, ragged skirt of native black cloth, and the three-cornered piece 
 of the same at the base of the mask, the body and mask being colored 
 with the pinkish clay. The ten Ko'vemshi mask's differ in detail. 
 There are six warriors of the Kia'nakwe for the six regions besides the 
 two director-. The masks arc, of the appropriate colors, yellow for the 
 North, blue-green for the West, and red for the South (plate XLV a, b, 
 and c); white for the East. The white masks ;ire the same as those of 
 
 ruction of the 'Kla'nakwe, and songs of thanksgiving. 
 iOn one occasion ihe Ko'thlama hod u quiver of arrows ov i b baci and he carried a bow and 
 arrows in his k-fi hand, 
 p. 83. 
 
220 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 the priest and deputy of the Kia'nakwe without the tadpole and 
 dragon-fly decoration (plate xlhi); variegated for the Zenith, and 
 black for the Nadir (plate xlvi a and b). The mask of the directors 
 of the warriors of the six regions is blue-green on the face with a 
 decoration of black, dotted white, on the back (plate xlvi c). 
 
 After each god crosses the bridge over the river that Hows south of 
 the village he halts, and when all have reached the bank they are 
 greeted by nine Ko'yemshi. They afterward pass down the street on 
 the south side of the village, then up on the east side to another street 
 running east and west, and up this street to the Si'aa' te'wita, then out 
 by the western covered way to the street on the north side of the 
 village, and down on the west side to an inner one leading to the 
 Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine, which they enter. Nine Ko'yemshi. the tenth 
 being with the party of dancers, spend the afternoon entertaining the 
 populace by going from house to house playing in primitive comedy. 
 
 After prayers, the masks, with the spruce wreaths, are removed 
 and laid on a sheepskin spread on the floor in a room adjoining and 
 north of the ki'wi'sine, the doorway being about 2i feet above the 
 floor of the chamber, though on a level with the floor of the room in 
 •which the masks are placed. The Kia'nakwe now disband and return 
 to their respective homes for refreshment. Later in the evening they 
 return to the ki'wi'sine, the priest taking his seat in the northwest 
 corner and the two directors of the warriors sitting at his left; the 
 others are grouped on the north side of the chamber. The priest and 
 the two warriors by his side deposit broken he'we (wafer bread) in two 
 basket trays. Soon afterward the song begins. The pe'kwin (deputy) 
 of the Kia'nakwe arrives, but before taking his seat on the west ledge, 
 he empties a quantity of he'we, brought in a soiled cloth, into one of 
 the basket trays. During the first song the priest occupies himself 
 making four flat packages of corn husks, each about Si inches long 
 and 2 inches wide. Twelve sono-s are suns:, there beino- a few moments 
 intermission between each song. The director of the song sits at the 
 east end of the group. Some move the right hand and some both hands 
 in time with the song, which is at no time very loud. Rattles are not 
 used until the beginning of the dance. The singing of the twelve 
 songs requires a little over two hours, each stanza averaging two 
 minutes. At the close of each song a prayer is repeated aloud by all, 
 and the sacred breath of A'wonawil'ona" is inhaled. There are many 
 members of the ki'wi'sine present, who take no actual part in the 
 ceremonies, they being privileged to come to their own ki'wi'sine; 
 in fact they assist the personators of the Kia'nakwe in various ways. 
 At their own request and for protection against bad dreams, two are 
 whipped with yucca across each arm and ankle by a warrior of the 
 Kia'nakwe. 
 
 "See Classification of higher powers. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERI 'LOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PI 
 
 '.Nl 'WARRIORS': a OF THE ZENITH, b OF THE 
 C OF THE - OF THE t kTa'NAK.'.£ 
 
 HEUOTYPE CO., BOSTON. 
 
STEVENSON] DANCE OF THE KIA'nAKWE 221 
 
 A bunch of doer scapula 1 and thirty-five tortoise-shell rattles lie in a 
 group on the floor near the two basket trays, and several packages of 
 plumes, etc., wrapped in old cloths, are on the ledge near the priest. 
 Two hours before midnight the priest empties the contents of one 
 basket tray into the other, prays, and, placing his mouth very close to 
 the food, puffs smoke over it from his cigarette of native tobacco. 
 Though he prays aloud, the singing drowns his voice. After a prayer 
 of fiye minutes he divides the food into three parts, returns it to the 
 soiled cloths in which it was brought, hands a package to each of the 
 chiefs of the warrior gods and one to his deputy, and afterward one of 
 the corn-husk packages to each. The three wrap their blankets around 
 them, go to the river, and deposit in the water the contents of their 
 packages as food for the departed Kia'nakwe. These men are absent 
 an hour. In the meantime one of the singers hands to a young man 
 several pieces of green paint, a mixture of copper ore and boiled 
 pifion gum. A large and beautiful paint stone and pestle are then 
 placed on the floor on the south side and two young men proceed to 
 grind the paint. First a piece is pounded into a powder, then water 
 and squash seed are added, bits of the paint being placed on the stone 
 as the grinding. proceeds. Fully an hour is required for the proper 
 mixing of the paint. The two take turns, one grinding while the 
 other scrapes the paint toward the center of the paint stone. 
 
 The last song closes as the three officers return from depositing 
 the offerings in the river, and immediately one of the singers jumps 
 up and endeavors to open the door on the north side of the room. 
 Finding it fastened, he goes to the window in the west end, which 
 communicates with a room, and calls to the man of the family, who is 
 sleeping, to open the door in the north wall. Soon this door gives way 
 to the push of one of the singers, and they all disappear through this 
 quaint little doorway. They soon return, each bearing a pair of dance 
 moccasins, which are handed to the paint-grinders. The two grindei's 
 and a third man repaint thirty-six pairs of dance moccasins. This 
 work is done very rapidly. A quantity of paint put into the mouth 
 with the linger is thrown out through the teeth over the moccasin; 
 then the tongue serves as a paint brush. The sight is most repulsive. 
 One man becomes very sick from the effects of the paint. During the 
 painting of the moccasins the Kia'nakwe rehearse for the dance of the 
 coming day. They remove their cotton trousers, or roll them up, so 
 that they are not seen below the white shirts which fall over them. All 
 but the Ko'thlama hold tortoise-shell rattles; deer toes are attached 
 with buckskin thongs to the tortoise shell. He holds the rattle of deer 
 scapula?. Then they form into an elongated horseshoe, the apex being 
 toward the west end of the room, the directors of warriors at each end. 
 
222 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ask. 23 
 
 After all have taken position, one of their number examines eacli 
 tortoise to see that the number of deer toes attached is correct. The 
 dance begins with the priest and his pe'kwin walking- abreast toward 
 the west in slow steps, bending the knee with a stiff motion. When 
 near the apex of the horseshoe they stop and face each other. The 
 
 priest bends both knees and exclaims: " Hu' hu hu " 
 
 The pe'kwin repeats the same. The priest again cries: "Hu' 
 
 hu hu ," and it is again repeated by the pe'kwin, when they 
 
 simultaneously bend their knees and call together, " Hu' hu 
 
 hu hu." Immediately the dancers' voices are heard in rich 
 
 minor tones. Then the rattles sound and the dancers form in hie, 
 facing north, the one at the south end of the horseshoe now being at 
 the east end of the line. In a moment they all turn and face east, 
 and so they continue to reverse while the priest and pe'kwin walk 
 stiff-kneed back and forth. Every time the two meet midway the 
 line of dancers they halt and bow. After the priest and pe'kwin pass 
 back and forth four times the dance ceases, and the two, facing each 
 
 other, cry : ' ' Hu' hu hu hu. " The dance is repeated, 
 
 and the song continues. After dancing an hour they leave the 
 ki'wi'sine and visit the house of Awan ta/'chu (Great Father) Ko'yem- 
 shi, where they dance. 
 
 After the return of the Kia'nakwe to the ki'wi'sine the night is spent 
 in smoking and talking. At daylight the masks are brought from the 
 inner room and placed on a sort of hanging shelf previously prepared 
 for them. The} r don their paraphernalia at sunrise and dance before 
 the dwelling of the priest of the Kia'nakwe, which is on the west 
 street, and again in the plaza on the west side of the town, each dance 
 being like the one in the ki'wi'sine. The dress, however, is now 
 complete. The} 7 return to the ki'wi'sine, remove their masks, and 
 smoke. 
 
 This particular ceremony of dancing at different points and passing 
 around the village is repeated four times; each time they return to 
 the ki'wi'sine. The last of these dances closes about an hour before 
 noon. In the meantime twelve women of the Corn clan, the supposed 
 descendants of the Kia'nakwe, assemble in the ki'wi'sine, taking seats 
 on the ledges on the east and south sides of the room. Two bowls of 
 yucca suds are provided, and the priest advances to have his head 
 washed. Each woman dips a handful of the suds, and when all are 
 supplied each one rubs them down the forelock of the priest. An ear 
 of corn is now rubbed on the top of his head four times. The other 
 officers arc washed in turn, and all the Kia'nakwe pass through the 
 same ceremony. 
 
 After the washing of the heads, bowls of food and coffee are carried 
 to the entrance of the ki'wi'sine by the wives and daughters of the 
 personators of the Kia'nakwe and are received by members of the 
 
stevensox] DANCE OP THE KIA'NAKWE 223 
 
 Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine. The women who carry the food to the ki'wi'sine 
 must first wash their heads, although they go onl}'- to the entrance and 
 return home immediately after depositing the food; they wear their 
 best moccasins and dresses for the occasion. This elaborate feast in 
 the ki'wi'sinc is particularly enjoyed by all, including the twelve women 
 of the Corn clan, as a fast has been maintained by the personators of 
 the gods since the previous evening. 
 
 After each man finishes his meal he collects a bit from each bowl 
 upon a large piece of he'we (wafer bread) and, folding it lengthwise, 
 wraps it at each end with yucca and forms a handle. This package 
 is carried in the left hand in the outdoor dance and is afterward 
 deposited in the river for the Kia'nakwe. 
 
 At the close of the meal one of the Chu'pakwe fills an Apache 
 basket with grains of corn of various colors from a cloth that lies 
 toward the west end of the room on which the corn is piled. He 
 carries it to the east end of the room and gives to each of the twelve 
 women of the Corn clan about a pint of corn to be planted the 
 coming year. The women now leave the ki'wi'sine, but before they 
 depart the priest advances to the middle of the room and, with his 
 te'likinane clasped in his hands, repeats in a most impressive manner 
 a litany. The others appear weaiy enough, except at the moments 
 when the} - make responses, in which they never fail. When the priest 
 returns to his seat the eating bowls are removed. Personators of the 
 Kia'nakwe put on their masks and proceed to the Si'aa' te'wita, where 
 the dance of the previous night is repeated (see plate xlvii). 
 
 Contributions for the first body of A'shiwanni begin to pour into the 
 ki'wi'sine during the dancing. The offerings are brought in blankets, 
 the men carrying theirs on their backs while the women hand theirs 
 through the hatchway. They are received principally by an aged man 
 of the ki'wi'sine. There are deer and antelope, some that have not 
 been flayed, but simply drawn, with corn and other small offerings 
 placed inside: others are flayed and the skins brought separate from the 
 flesh: about 300 watermelons, many of them covered with a netting 
 of yucca containing a number of feathers, and a large quantity of 
 corn on the cob. Several men are busy tying the corn together in 
 bundles containing four to ten ears, and a handle is formed of yucca 
 over the top ear. A large number of birds are bi'ought, the plumes 
 of which are used by the A'shiwanni for their te'likinawe that are 
 deposited at the winter solstice, that food may be abundant the 
 coming year. The birds are laid apart from the general heap at the 
 west end of the room, of light bread, which is strung together in 
 fanciful shapes, dried deer meat, corn, melons, and pieces of calico. 
 The unflayed game and skins are deposited at the east end of the 
 chamber. As the dried deer meat, melons, and seeds are required to 
 fill the game and skins, they are brought to the east side of the room. 
 
2'2-i THE ZT7NI INDIANS [etb.ann.23 
 
 Tin' unflayed game and skins are sewed up with yucca threads. Tt is a 
 busy time for the few who work. Others who crowd the room look on 
 and give their opinions. Contributions continue to a late hour, and the 
 packages, when completed, are carried to the ceremonial house of the 
 keeper of the 'su"hlan'na (great shell), so as to have them near the 
 scene of action and to make room for other donations. 
 
 After dancing four times in the plaza, the Kia'nakwe return to the 
 ki'w i's'me and remain about twenty minutes, and then go again to the 
 pla/.a and dance four times more. 
 
 In the absence of the Kia'nakwe from the plaza, nine of the 
 Ko'yemshi, the tenth dancing with the Kia'nakwe. amuse the audience. 
 When playing the harlequin these men are sometimes obscene, but 
 they rarely do anything more than amuse the populace with their jokes. 
 Hearing the roars of the men. women, and children, one unacquainted 
 with the language might infer that something had been said with at 
 least a double meaning, but this is not often the case. They mimic the 
 dancers, make fun of one another's masks or faces, pretend to be fright- 
 ened at some child in the crowd, and call one another old and strangers 
 who are known to no one, etc. They appear to greatly enjoy the games 
 of wool bag. hopping on one foot, and ring-around-a-rosy, which they 
 play during the intervals of the dancing. 
 
 At 4 o'clock the Kia'nakwe return to the plaza, their backs laden 
 with gifts for the A'shiwanni, and form a broken ellipse, the apex being 
 to the east side of the plaza. The priest carries a basket of loose corn 
 of various colors, and his pe'kwin a basket tray of feathers artistic- 
 ally arranged on a bed of raw cotton. At this time the A'shiwanni, 
 including the Shi'wano"kia, who have been in the ceremonial chamber 
 of the Kia'kwemosi, form a line, facing east, at the west side of the 
 plaza. The Kia'kwemosi stands at the south end, with the pe'kwin 
 beside him, the Shi'wano"kia standing just back of them. The 
 Shiwanni of the Nadir (also elder brother Bow priest), with the 
 younger brother Bow priest by his side, stands next. The A'shi- 
 wanni of the West, South, and East complete the line. As soon as 
 the Ko'yemshi, who stand on the north side of the plaza when 
 the dancers come, relieve those on the north side of their burdens, 
 the members of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine remove the loads from the 
 backs of those on the south side of the ellipse. The basket trays 
 carried by the priest and deputy are taken and held by the A'wan- 
 ta"chu Ko'yemshi and his pe'kwin. as these baskets must not touch 
 the ground. Should the baskets be deposited on the ground the seeds 
 would be unfruitful. 
 
 The A'shiwanni appear like so many statues during the dance, which 
 begins after the loads are removed from the dancers. When the dance 
 ends the burdens arc returned to the back's of the priest of tlie Kia'nakwe 
 and his deputy by two warriors of the Kia'nakwe, and the baskets are 
 handed to them. The priest of the Kia'nakwe now stands before the 
 
Stevenson] DANCE OK THE KIa'nAKWE 225 
 
 Kia'kwemosi. and his deputy before the pe'kwin (sun priest), who 
 receive the basket trays. These trays are now transferred to the 
 Shi'wano"kia, who retains both, the basket of feathers being- placed 
 on top of the basket of corn. The burdens are now removed from the 
 backs of the priest and his deputy and laid upon a blanket spread for 
 the purpose. The directors of warriors advance and stand before the 
 Shi'wanni of the Nadir and younger brother Bow priest, and their 
 burdens are removed. Long prayers are repeated by the four per- 
 sonating the Kia'nakwe as they stand vis-a-vis to their prototypes in 
 Zuni. These prayers continue until all the offerings are deposited. 
 The priest and deputy speak in the Sia tongue, which they refer to as 
 archaic Zuni, but the warriors talk in the modern tongue, as only the 
 former are familiar with these prayers of the Kia'nakwe. 
 
 Two blankets are laid side by side, with a space of several feet 
 between, and each dancer deposits his burden on a blanket. As soon 
 as the Ko'yemshi perform their share in relieving the dancers of their 
 burdens, they busy themselves bringing in the watermelons from the 
 house of the keeper of the great shell, which they deposit in a heap 
 near the ladder leading to the ceremonial chamber of the Kia'kwemosi. 
 When all the dancers have made their offerings, the Kia'nakwe priest, 
 his deputy, and the directors of warriors turn and face the dancers, and 
 each dancer in unison grasps his rattle with both hands, the priest and 
 deputy holding theirs in the same way. The priest offers a prayer, 
 and all wave the rattle, still holding it with both hands, in a circle from 
 right to left, and inhale a breath. Then the rattle is held in the right 
 hand and shaken for a moment, and the song and dance begin. 
 
 The A'shiwanni now adjourn to their ceremonial chamber, but return 
 to the plaza after the dancers leave and carry the gifts up the ladder 
 on their backs. It is all Nai'uchi, the old Shi'wanni of the Nadir, can 
 do to carry up a large buck. He fails to lift it by placing the yucca 
 strings, which are attached to the fore and hind legs, across his breast, 
 but is able to bear it after it is raised to his back by others. The 
 offerings are spread on the floor of the ceremonial chamber of the 
 Kia'kwemosi. The Shi'wano"kia a at once begins collecting the birds 
 and plumes from the packages. The A'shiwanni sit smoking in a 
 group in the southeast corner of the room. Baskets of te'likinawe 
 made during the afternoon are on the floor, to be offered to the 
 deceased predecessors of the A'shiwanni and to the priests of the 
 Kia'nakwe. 
 
 After all the birds and plumes are collected, and there are many r of 
 them, the question arises regarding the allotment of the buck. It 
 seems that no special package goes to any particular shi'wanni, but that 
 the whole mass is divided; y 7 et in this case it is agreed that the buck 
 
 aThe Shi'wano'kla, the wife of the Kia'kwemosi, and the writer were the onlj' women present. 
 23 ETH— 04 15 
 
226 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bih.ann.23 
 
 must belong to the Kia'kwemosi. The Shi'wanni of the Nadir proceeds 
 to flay the animal. The younger brother Bow priest holds the right 
 hind leg, the Shi'wanni of the South holds the left foreleg, the wife 
 of the Kia'kwemosi the left hind leg. The knife is run down the 
 throat, then out the right foreleg, then down the paunch, and out the 
 right hind leg, out the left foreleg, then out the left hind leg. 
 
 When the dancers retire from the plaza they are burlesqued by the 
 Ko'yenishi, the jester having the same privilege in this rude life that 
 was accorded to him in the courts of Europe. 
 
 During the afternoon, the time when the house tops and the plaza 
 are crowded with spectators, two Ko'j'ernshi, one carrying a doll and 
 the other a basket containing a doll and ears of boiled corn tied together 
 with yucca ribbons, approach a little girl, whose mother places her 
 arms around the child as they come near. The two hold a conversation 
 with the child, asking her many questions. She seems quite interested 
 and eager to receive the gifts. One Ko'yemshi presents to her the doll 
 he carries, and the other hands the basket containing the doll and corn 
 to the mother; the mother and child then leave the plaza. 
 
 Great excitement and amusement are caused by the Ko'yemshi throw- 
 ing blankets over a dog. First one and then another throws a blanket 
 until the howling of the dog is completely drowned and he can not move. 
 The excitement reaches the highest point when this bundle is lifted by 
 one of the Ko'yemshi. The greatest enthusiasm prevails ove* - the return 
 of the dancers, who are completely covered with gifts for the populace, 
 including bread of fanciful shapes, strung together with yucca ribbons 
 and calico tied into balls with long ends like kite-tails. The people of 
 all ages are eager to catch the articles that are flying through the air. 
 It is astonishing how dextrous the Zunis are in throwing these objects. 
 It is well-nigh dusk when the last gift is thrown. One of the dancers, 
 requesting a Ko'3'emshi to help him to remove the white shirt he wears, 
 waves it, when off, until the male spectators are fairly wild when he 
 tosses it into the air. No controversy or ill feeling is displayed between 
 the Zuilis at these times. 
 
 The dancers and Ko'yemshi now leave the plaza and, passing out over 
 the western road for a mile or so, they disrobe. A number of mem- 
 bers of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine follow on the south side of the river, 
 apparently unconscious of the maskers; they carry ordinary apparel 
 secreted under their blankets, and return with the masks and other 
 paraphernalia covered from view. With this act the festival, which has 
 been all-absorbing for days, closes, to be repeated in four years. The 
 gifts to the A'shiwanni are carried at night to their homes. Small por- 
 tions of the game, after it is cooked, are deposited by each shi'wanni 
 in the river as offerings to the deceased Kia'nakwe, who are angry 
 gods, and must be appeased with ceremonies and gifts. 
 
stevenson] FESTIVAL OF THE SHA'LAKO 227 
 
 ANNUAL FESTIVAL OF THE SHA'LAKO' 
 
 It was mentioned in treating of the winter solstice festival that those 
 who are to personate the Council of the Gods, the Sha'lako (giant 
 couriers of the rain-makers) and the Ko'yemshi, and those who are to 
 entertain these gods arc decided upon during- the winter solstice cere- 
 monies. One of the eight new or reconstructed houses is blessed 
 by the Council of the Gods, six each by a Sha'lako, and one by the 
 Ko'yemshi. 
 
 The large te'likinane given in the ki'wi'sine at the winter solstice to 
 each man who is to entertain the Sha'lako is kept in his house, and is 
 brought out from its resting- place by him at intervals when the mem- 
 bers of his and of his wife's clan gather in the house, with his family 
 while he holds the te'likinane and prays. The prayer, which is long, 
 is a supplication for life, health, and happiness. 
 
 At the close of the festival of the Sha'lako the Ko'yemshi collect 
 these te'likinawe from the different houses and deposit them, except 
 the one given to the host of the Council of the Gods, which is carried 
 by Sa'vatasha to his home and afterward planted by him. 
 
 When the ceremonial house of the Kia'kwemosi is to be repaired the 
 work is done b} y the people of his clan, the workmen being appointed 
 by the pe'kwin (sun priest), some member of the governors staff call- 
 ing- from the house top each morning the names of those selected to 
 labor during the day. Several gods are pi'esent at this time to see that 
 all hands keep at work. Each ki'wi'sine is repaired b} r its members. 
 As the ceremonial chambers of the fraternities are general living rooms 
 of families at all other times than when the ceremonials occur, there 
 is no special building or repairing of these aside from the general 
 house structure. The walls are whitened and sometimes decorated 
 for ceremonials, the whitening being- done by the women of the house 
 and the decorating by members of the fraternity; in some cases 
 decorations remain permanently on the walls. 
 
 In building or reconstructing houses the wor'li (manager) details 
 members to work on the house in which his ki'wi'sine is to be repre- 
 sented by a Sha'lako. Personators of the Council of the Gods and 
 Ko'yemshi direct men of their ki'wi'siwe to work upon the houses in 
 which they are to appear. Their wives and daughters and the women 
 of their clans wait upon the builders. 
 
 Houses of either a domestic or a religious character that are to be 
 cmi-tructed or remodeled must be in order before the coming of the 
 Sha'liiko. Such work is often dela3'ed from day to day, and toward the 
 end must be expedited to be read}- at the prescribed time. 
 
 Zufii, like a beehive in its peculiar construction, is most like one 
 when house building is in progress. The streets near by are filled 
 with men, women, and children. 
 
228 THE ZCNI INDIANS [eth. ann.23 
 
 In 1884 the reconstruction of a house of more than ordinary impor- 
 tance occupied attention. It was the ceremonial house of the Kia'kwe- 
 a'mosi (first body of A'shiwanni). usually referred to as the house of 
 the Kia'kwemosi (Shiwanni of the North). It was not his place of 
 residence, however, the custom of the husband going to the wife's 
 house applying- to the Kia'kwemosi also. His sister occupied the 
 house until its destruction by lightning-, which also caused her death. 
 The Zunis say she had no love in her heart for the Kia'kwemosi, her 
 brother; that lightning never destroys the good of heart. The 
 A'shiwanni rejoiced that the room of the et'tone" of the Kia'kwemosi, 
 which is immediately over the center of the world, was not disturbed. 
 
 On this occasion there are present two Sa'ya'hlia (see plate xvi), three 
 A'toshle (two males and one female), four Ko'yemshi (see plate va); 
 and three members of the Js'e'wekwe (Galaxy fraternity), each carrying 
 his bauble. Each Sa'ya'hlia wears a white cotton embroidered kilt, 
 with a sash of the same material and a woman's red belt tied on the left 
 side. A finely dressed deerskin is fastened on. the right shoulder, pass- 
 ing under the left arm. Bands of leather, painted blue-green and edged 
 with three points of unpainted leather, ornament the upper arms. A 
 leather thong several inches long, tipped with a turkey plume, is 
 attached to each point. Bunches of native blue yarn with long tassels 
 encircle the wrists and are also worn below the knees. Dance moccasins 
 complete the costume. The entire body is painted with the pinkish 
 claj 7 before referred to. Bows and arrows are carried in the left hand, 
 and in the right tortoise-shell rattles and bunches of giant yucca. 
 Two of the A'toshle are similarly dressed. The female wears ordinary 
 woman's dress, and a white cotton blanket bordered with red and blue 
 stripes is tied at her neck, falling over the back. The Ko'yemshi 
 have their nude bodies and masks colored with the pinkish clay. The 
 ragged kilt is worn, and a three-cornered piece of the same native 
 cloth is tied to the base of the mask. 
 
 The Ne'wekwe, attired in cast-off uniforms of the United States 
 Army, are supposed to lend assistance to the laborers, but they do 
 little else than eat filth and play the fool. The Ko'yemshi scamper 
 about over the house tops and indulge in jokes and other nonsense, 
 while the Sa'ya'hlia go about the village with bunches of yucca, driving 
 the delinquents to work. The A'toshle also cany giant yucca, which 
 thej r use without the slightest hesitancy, and they are supplied with 
 large stone knives with which they threaten to cut off the heads of 
 naughty and disobedient children. 
 
 "While there is much work in the house building there is also much 
 pleasure. The women chatter the gossip of the day, men pass their 
 jokes, youths and maidens laugh joyously at one another's expense, 
 
 a See A'shiwanni (rain priesthood). 
 
steyen-son] FESTIVAL OF THE SHa'lAKO 229 
 
 and children vie with each other for the praise of their elders. Women 
 are busy preparing a feast for those laboring on the ancestral house of 
 the Kia'kwemosi. One group of maidens grinds at the mills, keeping 
 time to a choir of young men who are accompanied by the drum, while 
 at two fireplaces aged women, looking more like mummies than living 
 creatures, sit toasting the meal after it has passed through the coarsest 
 mill; after the toasting, it must again go through finer mills. On 
 another side of the room a group of half-grown girls sits husking corn, 
 their bodies keeping rythmic time with their voices. At another 
 fireplace two women are busy baking he'we, while in the room beyond 
 maidens are engaged over great pots of stewing meat, corn, and chili. 
 Two meals are served to the workers, one at midday and one at sunset. 
 Late in the afternoon the A'toshle and Ko'yemshi together visit a 
 number of houses to learn if the inmates properly perform their 
 duties. They make inquiries regarding the behavior of husbands, 
 wives, and children. In one house a wife accuses her husband of 
 being lazy and unwilling to work, whereupon he is brought up for 
 judgment. He pleads his own cause and finally succeeds in getting 
 the gods to accept his statement. In another house the mother 
 complains that her daughter will not grind. The girl declares that 
 grinding makes her very tired and her arms refuse to move. The 
 female A'toshle commands the girl to accompany her to the mills and 
 kneel beside her to be taught to grind so that her arms will not become 
 tired. The two gods lecture a boy of i years, while two younger 
 children of the family are held close in the arms of their parents, who 
 cover the little ones' eyes with their hands. The boy receiving the 
 lecture clings to his mother, and his knees shake as he replies to the 
 questions of the gods. The fear of the child is great as the gods wave 
 their stone knives above him and declare that if he is naughty they 
 will cut off his head. A father complains that his boys are uncleanly 
 and will not bathe, whereupon they are commanded b}^ the gods to 
 proceed at once to the river, where the Ko'yemshi join the boys, and 
 dropping their kilts, jump into the water and bathe. In a short time 
 they make their brief toilet and return to the house and join the 
 A'toshle. Then all stand in line and repeat a long prayer, the mem- 
 bers of the household observing the greatest reverence. At the com- 
 pletion of this prayer the family sprinkle the gods with meal and 
 pray. 
 
 After leaving the house the gods meet a man returning from his 
 peach orchard, his burro heavily laden with fruit, the master urging 
 him along with a heavy stick. The man is stopped by the gods and 
 held up for trial for working in his orchard instead of assisting in the 
 building of the house of the Kia'kwemosi. It is finally decided he 
 
230 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ANN. 23 
 
 shall be allowed to go unpunished after supplying the party gener- 
 ously with peaches, which the Ko'ycmshi earn - to their house. The 
 other gods now return to the ki'wi'sine, where the}' remove their masks 
 and apparel and put on their ordinary clothing, which has been brought 
 by young men, who convey the masks and paraphernalia close!} 7 con- 
 cealed under their blankets to their proper places. Such are the daily 
 scenes during the exterior building of the house. 
 
 The richer class is likely to entertain the Sha'lako most fre- 
 quently, as they are better able to remodel and enlarge their houses 
 from time to time, yet those who are very poor sometimes aspire to 
 this honor. In order to do so the house must undergo the necessary 
 improvements. One of the entertainers of the Sha'lako in 1S96 
 was tried and condemned as a wizard while engaged on his house 
 improvements. It was with difficulty that the writer had this man 
 released, the whole village crying out against him, yet after being 
 exonerated he proceeded with his house building without further 
 obstacles. 
 
 Each family that is to remodel a house for the Sha'lako festival has 
 at harvest time a corps of men detailed to work in their fields by the 
 chief wor'li of the ki'wi'sine whence the personators of the gods are to 
 come. These men leave the village in a body, usually on horseback, 
 at early morning, returning at sunset. They enjoy a repast at the 
 house of those for whom they have labored. Great preparations are 
 made for this occasion by the women of the household, their clan, and 
 the clan of the man of the house. Grinding is again done as described, 
 with ceremony and song. 
 
 On August 16, 1896, the wor'li of the O'he'wa (East) ki'wi'sine visited 
 the house where the Sha'lako of his ki'wi'sine was to appear the coming 
 autumn, and informed the matron of the house that his people would 
 work in the fields. The fields worked on this occasion were those of 
 the man and woman of the house and of their two sons-in-law, the 
 products of all going to the household use. 
 
 On the return of the workers at sunset, those who were to personate 
 a Sha'lako, his fellow, and the Ko'mosona being of the number, a 
 feast was served them on the roof of the house. a The food was placed in 
 a line and twenty-one persons were seated on each side of it. The wives 
 of those who chanced to be of the clans of the inmates of the house were 
 assembled, with their babies, on the roof to receive their husbands and 
 aid in serving the meal. The fathers whose babies were present seemed 
 very much more interested in the wee ones than in the elaborate meal 
 that awaited them, and the babies, who exhibited great delight at the 
 presence of their fathers, were taken and tossed about and played with 
 before the food was tasted. Those men whose wives and babies arrived 
 
 "These people enjoy being out of doors in the cool of the evening. 
 
stevenson] MINOR CEREMONIES OF THE SHA'LAKO 231 
 
 after they wore seated took the little ones in their arms and played with 
 them, to the interruption of their meal. At the close of the meal food 
 wrapped in corn husks was handed to the man who was to personate the 
 Sha'lako and to his fellow by the member of the household to whom 
 the te'likinane was given at the winter solstice. The food was carried 
 to the river and deposited to the Kok'ko A'wan (Council of the Gods)." 
 The Sha'lako festival is the great autumn celebration, and is of more 
 general interest to the Zuiiis, and also to the Indians of the surrounding 
 country, than all the others. At no other time is there such feasting 
 among them. The larders are kept filled. The poorer class of Zunis 
 often give all they possess to their welcome and unwelcome guests, 
 regardless of the suffering in store for them when the festival will have 
 closed and the visitors, who have satiated their appetites at their 
 expense, will have gone. Among these unwelcome guests are the 
 Navahos, for whom, except in a few instances where a friendship has 
 sprung up. the Zuiiis have scant amity. The Navahos have not the 
 slightest hesitancy in riding up to a house, unsaddling their horses, 
 walking in, and remaining as long as it may suit their pleasure; and 
 the Zuiiis accept the inevitable as graciously as possible. 
 
 Minor Ceremonies 
 
 Though the great festival takes place in the autumn, minor ceremo- 
 nies occur each month following the winter solstice, at which time the 
 personators of the gods who are represented in this festival are 
 appointed. They meet twice each month to rehearse their songs, and 
 each month in the last quarter of the moon te'likinawe are deposited 
 at some shrine to these gods. 
 
 In January the chosen Sa'yatiisba" visits the house of the new A'wan 
 ta"chu Ko'vemshi, and the two remain together until far into the night. 
 The following morning the personator of Sa'yatasha goes on horse- 
 back to Nutria (a farming district) to gather cottonwood, returning as 
 early as possible. After reaching his home and depositing the bulk of 
 the branches, he carries a small bundle of them to the house where the 
 masks of the Ko'vemshi are kept and where the Great Father Ko'yem- 
 shi awaits him. The two talk together for a while. The six person- 
 ators of the Sha'lako also gather cottonwood for their te'likinawe. 
 Early in the following morning the Gieat Father Ko'yemshi, having 
 selected his nine fellows, requests them to assemble at his house. 
 
 Those who are to personate the Council of the Gods go to the house 
 of the personator of Sa'yatasha, who inquires of Shu'laawi'si whom he 
 has chosen to be his ceremonial father. The latter replying, Sa'yatasha 
 requests him to bring the father, who ma}' be of .any clan; in 1896 he 
 belonged to the Corn clan. On his return Shu'laawi'si holds the 
 
 a Sec p. 33. 
 
232 THK ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 te'likinane given him by the pe'kwin in the He'iwa ki'wi'sine during 
 the winter solstice ceremonies and repeats with his chosen father the 
 ceremony said h} T the pe'kwin over him. The Ko'yemshi assemble 
 at the same time in the house of the Great Father Ko'vemshi, who 
 repeats with each of his nine fellows the ceremony with his plume 
 offering that the pe'kwin held with him. The te'likinawe are then 
 returned to the basket tray from which the}' were taken. 
 
 On the following morning the Ko'vemshi again gather in the Great 
 Father's house, and those who are to personate the Council of the Gods 
 and father of Shu'laawi'si assemble in the house of the personator of 
 Sa'yatasha, the alternate of each man who personates a Sha'lako going 
 to his principal's house. All are busy preparing te'likinawe. Each man 
 makes four, except A'wan ta"chu Ko'vemshi, who makes only three, 
 having the one alread\ r given him by the pe'kwin. The sticks of all the 
 Ko'vemshi are colored black, each having three eagle plumes, one 
 from the back of the neck, one from under the tail, and one banded 
 one, and feathers from the birds of the six regions. The te'likinawe 
 made by the pgrsonators of the Council of the Gods have the sticks 
 colored black. The one given to Sa'yatasha by the pe'kwin is painted 
 yellow. Each stick of these gods has three turkey plumes, one flu fly- 
 eagle plume, and feathers of the birds of the six regions. Each Sha'lako 
 and his alternate prepare te'likinawe similar to those made at the 
 house of Sa'yatasha. When the offerings are completed they are laid 
 in basket tra3 T s. The men return to their homes, where the head of 
 each is washed by the wife or some female member of the family. 
 Returning for the te'likinawe, they all proceed to U'hana 'kianakwi 
 (Moss" spring), where Sa'yatasha makes an excavation with an ancient 
 corn planter the depth of his arm to the elbow, and sprinkles in meal 
 combined with turquoise, ko'hakwa (white shell beads), and abalone 
 shell until the place is thickly covered, when each man deposits his 
 te'likinawe in the excavation, sprinkles them with meal, and prays. 
 The excavation is carefully covered with earth by Sa'yatasha. Conti- 
 nence must be observed during the four following days, the persona- 
 tors of the Council of the Gods spending each night until midnight in 
 the house of Sa'yatasha. The Ko'yemshi deposit their te'likinawe in 
 an excavation by a spring. There are many concretion fetishes at 
 this spring. The Ko'yemshi spend these four nights until midnight 
 in the house of the Great Father, each alternate of a Sha'lako going in 
 the same manner to the house of his Sha'lako. 
 
 The spring visited in February is some 6 or 7 miles south of Zufii, 
 in a most retired spot. The writer was there in the company of the 
 elder brother Bow priest, who claimed that no one who was not a 
 member of the Ko'tikili (mythologic fraternity) had before visited this 
 
 a U'hana is also the Ziifii name for wool. 
 
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stevensox] MINOR CEREMONIES OF THE SHA'lAKO 233 
 
 shrine, Pi'kiaia'kiana (Water-cress spring). (See plate xlviii.) A 
 short, steep climb above the spring brings one to a cave rock, about 
 30 feet wide, with a projecting ledge at the base, the deepest place being 
 lit or 12 feet, the roof of stone projecting over the base. At each end 
 of this arch, on the roof, are impressions of hands, made by placing the 
 hand on the rock and spattering a brownish-red paint. There are seven 
 of these hand impressions at the north end, more at the south end, and 
 some near the center. A number of masks of anthropic gods are rep- 
 resented on the rock with black paint, the more recent ones having in 
 many cases been made over older ones. A central figure on the rock 
 wall represents a Ko'yemshi mask. An outline is formed by cutting 
 the rock, and three pits, colored black, each large enough to hold a 
 marble, denote the eye and mouth holes of the mask. The Ko'loowisi 
 (Plumed Serpent) extends nearly the whole length of the rock, its 
 head to the south. The teeth are large and of black paint. Many 
 other figures are on the rock, including several cougars, game animals, 
 and the god O'lolowishkia, with conspicuous generative organs. The 
 older markings on the rock are cuttings; the more recent are paintings 
 in black. Near each end of the rock are twelve pits, indicating differ- 
 ent springs of the Council of the Gods. It was impossible to secure the 
 whole scene with the camera, which failed to bring out distinctly the 
 markings of this most elaborate and interesting shrine. A separate 
 stone near the middle of the rock, which has the mask of Sa'yatasha 
 cut on it, is a seat for the personator of this god. There are stone 
 seats in line for the others, but these have no caiwings. The stone 
 where the Sha'lako sit is large and has a square, smooth surface, 
 upon which is a geometrical figure composed of small pits. 
 
 In March A"sina *kia 'nakwi (Stone-picture-place spring), not far 
 south of Zufii, is visited. In April thej' go to Pi'shukiaia 'kia'nawki 
 (Poison oak spring), which is at the base of No'ponia yal'lanne (Face 
 mountain). In May 'Kian'uhl 'hla'kwi (spring coming from mesa 
 wall), situated at the base of Ke'ya'" yal'lanne (Whitewash mountain), 
 is visited. In June the}' go to To'loknana 'kia'nakwi (Bulrush, Scir- 
 pus occidentalis, spring), at the base of a mountain bearing the same 
 name. In July 'Kla'techikwi (ill-smelling water), at the base of I'ti- 
 wanna (middle) yal'lanne, is visited. In August they visit O'pompiakwi 
 (Sack of meal hanging place). 6 In September they go to A'yaya- 
 kia'kianakwi (Blue-jay spring), at the base of a mountain of the same 
 name. In October Hal'on kwa'ton c ("Ant entering place"), is visited, 
 near which is a spring well protected b\ r a wall and roof of stone 
 (see plate xlix). 
 
 alt is from this mesa that ke'chipa, the material used by the Zufii for whitewash, is obtained. 
 
 6 Mountain of the Gods of War (see Bow priesthood). 
 
 c This shrine is on the site of the ruin Klakli'ma, at the southwest base of Corn mountain. 
 
234 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 
 
 The shrine which symbolized the Middle of the world to the A'shiwi 
 when they lived on To'wa yal'lanne is a cave in the rocky wall just 
 above Ha'lon kwa'ton (see A plate l). It appears impassable, but it 
 can be reached by expert climbers. 
 
 The first body of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mosona, Ko'pekwin, and two 
 Ko'pr'lashiwanni assemble in the ceremonial chamber of the Kia'kwe- 
 mosiat sunrise forty-nine days previous to the coming of the Sha'lako. 
 The pe'kwln and Ko'pekwin each tie forty-nine knots in a white cotton 
 cord, denoting- that the gods will come in forty-nine days, including the 
 day on which the knots are made. The cord is as long as the reach of 
 the maker's extended arms, and is composed of four strands of cotton 
 slightly twisted. The first knot is made about 8 inches from the end, 
 and a turquoise or ko'hakwa bead is placed at this point. One string 
 is given to the personator of Sa'yatasha, the other to Great Father 
 Ko'yemshi. The two go to Ku'shilowa (red earth), a short distance 
 east of the village, and pray. The same evening Ha'lon kwa'ton is 
 visited b} T the Council of the Gods, Ko'yemshi, and the Sha'lako, who 
 deposit te'likinawe. 
 
 From this time till the coming of the Sha'lako there are constant 
 meetings and rehearsals of songs and prayers. 
 
 In 1S96 there was a serious discussion between the pe'kwln and the personators of 
 the Council of the Gods, with the elder brother Bow priest on the side of the latter. 
 The pe'kwln insisted that the others had miscounted and that some days should be 
 dropped, while the others were strong in their opinion that the proper time had been 
 chosen for the coming of the Sha'lako. The pe'kwln, however, carried his point. 
 
 Another trouble also occurred about this time over a scandal that caused much 
 excitement and nightly discussions. The whole village was horror-stricken over a 
 report concerning the man chosen to personate Shu'laawi'si; he was accused by the 
 elder sister of the wife of the present pe'kwln of improper conduct after his appoint- 
 ment to office. A council, formed of the first body of A'shiwanni and those who 
 were to personate the Council of the Gods and the Sha'lako, discussed the matter. 
 The woman, being present, accused the man of approaching her at night with undue 
 familiarity, he being her guest at The time. The man was tried, found guilty, and 
 expelled from office; another was found to fill his place. 
 
 When ten days have passed after the visit to Ha'lon kwa'ton the 
 same party goes to the shrine Pa'nitonin'kwi in the afternoon and 
 deposit te'likinawe. They return to the village by early moonlight, 
 the Council of the Gods, who proceed quietly, preceding the others a 
 short distance. The songs of the personators of the Ko'yemshi and 
 Sha'lako with their alternates, each party forming its own group, are 
 heard some time before the men are visible. In ten days the same 
 party visits A'ne 'hlawa an te' kiapoakwi, a shrine on a mound south- 
 west of Zufii; and ten days later they go to Sus'ki a'shoktakwi (coj'ote 
 stone drinking place). After ten more days they visit A'kohanna 
 ti'nakwi (white rocks sitting), a group of white sandstone pinnacles 
 perched on a knoll which are sacred to the Council of the Gods. 
 
Stevenson] MINOR CEREMONIES OF THE SHA'LAKO 235 
 
 Two of the rocks are marked with perpendicular lines out in the rock, 
 one having twenty-nine the other twenty-eight lines. It was stated 
 that these lines denote the number of years the late Ko'inosona 
 and Ko'pekwin held office, a statement that requires substantiation. 
 The Ko'yemshi are chosen annually alternately from the fraternities 
 enumerated below. It will be remembered that the Great Father is 
 designated at the winter-solstice ceremonial, he in turn choosing his 
 fellows. The elans given are not those of the men personating the 
 Ko'yemshi. but the clans of their paternal parents. It makes no 
 difference to what clan each man who personates a Ko'yemshi belongs, 
 but his father must be of the clan mentioned. The Ne'wekwe (Galaxy), 
 Sho'wekwe (Arrow reed), 'Ko'shi'kwe (Cactus), and Ma"ke t hlan'nakwe 
 (Great tire) fraternities follow annually in regular succession. 
 
 
 
 
 Ufa'tke tfdan'na- 
 
 Ko'yemshi 
 
 Ne'wekwe Sho'wekwea 
 
 tKo'shi'kwe 
 
 kwe 
 
 1 A 'wan ta'vhu (great father) 
 
 Sand hill Srane Dogwood 
 
 Tobacco 
 
 Turkey 
 
 i! Pe'kwln i deputy togreat father) 
 
 Dogwood Corn 
 
 Dogwood 
 
 Badger 
 
 3 Pi'-'lashiwanrii (warrior) 
 
 Corn Sun 
 
 Corn 
 
 Eagle 
 
 4 E'sho'si (bat) 
 
 Bear Coyote 
 
 Badger 
 
 Frog 
 
 5 Mu'yiipona (small horns) 
 
 Eagle Badger 
 
 Frog 
 
 Dogwood 
 
 ti Po'sokli (small mouth) 
 
 Sun Sand-hill Crane Eagle 
 
 Bear 
 
 7 Xa'thlashi (old grandfather) 
 
 Badger ' Eagle 
 
 Turkey 
 
 Sand-hill Crane 
 
 8 It'sepasha (game-maker) 
 
 Coyote Frog; 
 
 Sand-hill Crane Sun 
 
 9 'Kfa'lu'si (water-drinker) 
 
 Frog *Turkey 
 
 Coyote 
 
 Badger 
 
 .0 Sa'thlashi (old youth) 
 
 Badger Dogwood 
 
 Sun 
 
 Dogwood 
 
 The Ko'yemshi appear in the village the night of the day the plumes 
 are planted at A'kohanna ti'uakwi. They are supposed to come from 
 Ko'thluwala'wa,'' but their starting point is He'patina, a shrine sym- 
 bolic of the Middle of the world, situated a short distance south of 
 Zuiii. They cross the river at the southwest corner of the town and 
 announce the coming of the Council of the Gods in four days and of the 
 Sha'lako in eight days. The village is illuminated not only by fires in 
 the houses, from which each window is aglow, but by the ovens out of 
 doors, the fire tongues issuing through the oven doors. The Ko'yem- 
 shi pass first to the te'wita 'hlan'na (large plaza) and stand in a group. 
 Sa'thlashi is the first to speak: "Eight days everyone must go to the 
 Navaho country and fight." 'Kia'lu'si speaks: "In eight days my 
 people come. You boys must look around for nice girls and stay with 
 them.*' It'sepasha speaks next: "To-night these men dragged me from 
 my house, and I am lonesome without my wife. When they go to 
 sleep I will run away and return to my wife." Na'thlashi speaks: 
 "To-night this man [referring to the Great Father Ko'yemshi] picked 
 out nine men; pretty soon they will fight." Na'thlashi says but little. 
 Po'sokii speaks: "In eight days we will have the big dance; then you 
 will have plenty to eat." He continues for a time with obscene jokes. 
 E'sho'si says: "To-night I come; all of you come to see me; all of 
 
 a Since the degeneracy of the Sho'wekwe the aged director of this fraternity selects his nine fel- 
 lows from the people at large. 
 b Abiding place of the Council of the Gods. 
 
236 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ax.n. 23 
 
 you boj's have a good time and do not be angry." Pi'^liishiwanni 
 .speaks: "I come to tell you to-night that in eight days everyone will 
 be happy and have a good time; men should trade wives." " There are 
 further remarks of obseene character. The pe'kwin (deputy to Great 
 Father) closes with the following speech: "Night, my father, night, 
 my mother, you have come a little near." He means that it is early in 
 the night. Addressing the Zuiiis, he continues: "In eight days my 
 people will come [referring to their ancestors]. All will come from 
 Ko'thluwala'wa and A'witen te'hula (fourth world). Even the old men 
 too feeble to walk will come leaning on a cane, the mother with her son 
 walking before her, her child led by the hand, her younger child car- 
 ried on her back, the infant in her arms, and her unborn child — all will 
 come hither to see you. They will see you, but }'ou will not see them; 
 they will not be in the flesh, but in the ghost self." 
 
 In the old time the people from Ko'thluwala'wa and A'witen te'hula 
 appeared in the flesh, but their presence caused great mortality among 
 the A'shiwi, which distressed the A'shiwanni, and therefore they of the 
 ghost world decided to come thereafter only in the spirit, and so the 
 gods instructed the people to wear masks like those worn by them- 
 selves, when they would come in spirit and abide for a time in the per- 
 sonators of themselves. The Zuiiis have their mediums, gifted with 
 superior sight, who see the ghosts. 
 
 The pe'kwin continues: "You must all work; the houses must be 
 completed; you must bring much wood. Make }'our moccasins and 
 clothes. Tell the women to whiten the walls and make their houses 
 beautiful for my people, the gods who are to come. The Council of 
 the Gods will come in four days, and in eight days the Sha'lako will 
 come." After a few jokes from the others, the}' start for the Si'aa' 
 te'wita, sacred dance plaza, where the}' again form into a circle, with 
 two in the ring, and repeat what was said in the large plaza. 
 From the Si'aa' te'wita they go to the ko'china te'wita (rat plaza), 
 and from there to the He'kiapawa te'wita (back-wall plaza). The 
 same speeches are repeated in all the plazas. 
 
 On leaving the He'kiapawa plaza the Ko'yemshi disappear on the 
 western road, but they soon return with masks, etc., under a covering 
 of blankets and go into the ceremonial chamber of the fraternity of 
 which the Great Father Ko'yemshi is a member. They do not leave 
 the house for eight days, except to make certain announcements at 
 night regarding the coming of the gods and to collect wood. Each 
 morning nine of them go for wood, one always remaining in the 
 chamber. 
 
 A member of the fraternity to which the Great Father belongs is 
 designated to secure the burros each day to bring the wood, each of 
 the nine men having- one burro. The men ride the burros in going 
 
 tiSuch practices are not common among the Zuiiis. 
 
stevenson] MINOR CEREMONIES OF THE SHA'lAKO 287 
 
 for the wood, but on the return at sunset the little animals are loaded 
 with the wood and are driven by the Ko'yemshi. The wood is depos- 
 ited before the new house that is to be dedieated by the Ko'yemshi, 
 and the women of the house and members of their clan stack it. 
 
 There is no altar erected during the eight days' retreat of the 
 Ko'yemshi and they do not dance. The one remaining indoors spends 
 his time principally in sewing his personal apparel. In the evening 
 there are prayers and songs. They may eat anything, the food being 
 served by women of the fraternity to which the Great Father belongs, 
 but they must observe continence and not even touch the hand of a 
 woman. 
 
 At this time the chief wor'li of each ki'wi'sine with his associates 
 meets the people of his ki'wi'sine and of the fraternity which is to 
 take part in the ceremonies of the Sha'lako. The members of the 
 fraternity rehearse their songs and te'likinawe are prepared. At sun- 
 set the wor'we (plural of wor'li) proceed to the shrine of the Sha'lako 
 and deposit the offerings. This shrine, called the house of the Sha'lako, 
 is about li miles southwest of Zuni, at the base of A'kohanna tinakwi. 
 It is a low-walled, rectangular inclosure in which stones are placed for 
 seats. Here the personators of the Council of the Gods and Sha'lako 
 hold a council previous to the Sha'lako ceremonial. Formerly the 
 personators of these gods attired themselves for the festival at this 
 place, but as the influx of Americans and others has rendered this spot 
 liable to intrusion, a house some distance east of this point now serves 
 for their dressing room. There are a number of stones piled together at 
 A'kohanna ti'nakwi to form a special shrine for Sa'yatfisha, and about 
 12 feet south is what is known as the shrine of Shu'laawi'si. Quanti- 
 ties of te'likinawe are to be seen at the shrine of Sa'yatfisha and in 
 and about all the crevices of the larger rocks. 
 
 On the same day that the Sha'lako wor'we visit the Sha'lako shrine the 
 chosen father of Shu'laawi'si deposits two heaps of he'sho (pinon) wood 
 at the western base of I'shana an te'kiapoa (Grease knoll), six piles about 
 equal distance apart between this knoll and A'kohanna ti'nakwi, and 
 another heap on the knoll at the shrine of Shu'laawi'si. At noon of the 
 same day the Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwin visit A'kohanna ti'nakwi and 
 make two sand mounds, symbolizing the two mountains near Ko'thlu- 
 wala'wa, one on each side of Sa'yatfisha's seat or shrine, the one on the 
 north being symbolic of Ko'yemshi mountain, and that on the south 
 symbolic of Kor'kokshi mountain, the seat itself being symbolic of 
 Ko'thluwala'wa/' The mounds are made of sand and covered with 
 prayer meal. The Ko'mosona extends a line of meal outward from the 
 shrine several feet to the east and crosses the line with meal four 
 times, denoting the four regions, and sprinkles meal over a consider- 
 able surface, and the two return to the village. 
 
 a See p. 154. 
 
238 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 At 10 o'clock at night a party visits A'kohanna ti'nakwi in the 
 following order: Ceremonial father of Shu'laawi'si, Shu'laawi'si, 
 Sa'yatasha, Ya'muhakto, Hu'tutu: second Ya'muhakto, Ko'mosona, 
 Ko'pekwin, and elder and younger brother Bow priests. The father 
 of Shu'laawi'si carries a vessel of live coals from the house of the per- 
 sonator of Sa'yatasha. Shu'laawi'si lights the wood at his shrine which 
 is near by with the coals brought by his chosen father ami ignites his 
 ccilar brand. 
 
 After the ceremonies at A'kohanna ti'nakwi the party proceeds in 
 regular order across the plain to I'shiina an te'kiapoa, Shu'laawi'si 
 lighting with his fire brand each of the six heaps of wood and also 
 the two piles at this knoll. It is midnight before the party reaches 
 He'patina, where prayers are sung. From here thej' go to the village, 
 and. after announcing the coming of the Sha'lako in four days, those 
 who are to personate the Council of the Gods and the ceremonial 
 father of Shu'laawi'si retire to the house of the personator of 
 Sa'3 T atasha and remain there four days in retreat, except when they 
 go each morning for wood, leaviug on burros provided for them and 
 returning on foot driving the laden burros. They, too, must observe 
 continence and not look upon the face of a woman during their 
 retreat. On the morning of the arrival of the party from A'kohanna 
 ti'nakwi a member of the governor's staff calls from the house top that 
 all must offer food to the dead. Each member of a family deposits a 
 quantity of food in the flames in the fireplace. 
 
 Work is being hurried on the new houses. One of the character- 
 istics of these people is to delay their building until they find it 
 necessary to hurry in order to complete their houses in time. 
 
 Each day wagonloads of corn of varieties beautiful in color are 
 brought from the farming districts. Those who are to entertain the 
 personators of the gods are already busy in their homes. While 
 nearl}* all ceremonies are attended with feasts, there is no other time 
 in Zuni when festal preparations are made on such a scale as for the 
 Sha'lako festival. In each house that the gods are to dedicate, the 
 women of the house, those of their clan, and those of the clan of 
 the male head of the house are as busy as bees. Sometimes women of 
 the clans of those who are to personate the gods lend helping hands. 
 As many maidens are invited to grind as will form two sets of grinders 
 for the mills. The mills vary from three to eight in number, accord- 
 ing to the wealth and pretensions of the family. 
 
 The following is a description of a scene witnessed in 1891 in f, ie 
 wealthiest house in Zufii. in which preparations were being made to 
 entertain the Sha'lako. All preparations for feasts, while more or less 
 elaborate, are virtually the same, being controlled by the same 
 customs. 
 
stevenson] MINOR CEREMONIES OF THE SHA'lAKO 239 
 
 As there are eight mills in this house, there are sixteen grinders. 
 An aged woman, said to be the only one living" who knows the two 
 original grinding songs* by heart, sits before the mills and leads 
 the grinders in the song; that is, teaches them the song-. AVhile one 
 set of maidens grind, the others dauee in the same room to the music 
 of a choir formed of eight young men, one of whom beats on a drum 
 while the others use rattles in accompaniment to the song. The 
 dancers are led by a young man standing in the middle of the line. 
 His dress of cotton trousers and shirt is embellished by a leather belt 
 that has many tiny bells attached. The girls wear their oi'dinaiy 
 dress. A crone places in each hand of a dancer as she leaves her seat 
 an ear of corn, which she takes from a basket beside her. She 
 also gives two ears to the male dancer. She repeats a short prayer 
 with each presentation. The dancers form in tile up and down the 
 room, the maidens keeping their feet close together and balancing 
 themselves on their toes as they raise their heels. They partly 
 turn their bodies from left to right, moving in a sort of shuffle as 
 they proceed in an ellipse to the starting point, where they reverse 
 the movement from right to left. The. song, in which they join, is a 
 supplication for much rain and bountiful crops. At the close of the 
 dance each maiden returns her corn to the crone, who draws from it a 
 breath and presents it to the lips of the dancers, who also draw the 
 sacred breath from the corn. The grinders, resigning their places at 
 the mills to these girls, repeat the dance, which in this way continues 
 until sunset. 
 
 Two aged women are busy before the fireplace in the same room 
 toasting the corn after it has been passed through the first mill, the 
 meal, which is in two bowls, being stirred with bunches of slender 
 sticks. After it is slightly toasted it passes through two more mills, 
 or perhaps three, until it reaches the required fineness, when it is as 
 impalpable as wheat flour. Two women in an adjoining room are busy 
 baking he'we (wafer bi - ead), while in another room stews of mutton, 
 hominy, and chili are simmering in great caldrons. A young mother, 
 with an infant born the night before by her side, sits near the fireplace 
 in the room with the grinders and dancers. All day she stays in the 
 deafening- noise of the rattle, the drum, and the song, and must not 
 leave until the close of the feast that follows the dance, by which time 
 she seems thoroughly exhausted and glad to retire to an adjoining 
 room for rest. There is a cessation at midday, when coffee is served, 
 a luxury to be found in such quantity onh' in a rich man's house. 
 Before sunset the western door of the house is opened, and just as the 
 
 a Since deceased. 
 
 b The Zuiii priests and others versed in their lore declare there are but two original grinding songs. 
 These were given to the Zuiii when the Com maidens first danced at Shi'pololo. There are many 
 grinding songs borrowed by the Zuiii from Acoma, Laguna, and other Pueblos at times when the 
 Zufiis "•ere driven to these places by failure of their crops. 
 
240 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 hist rays of the setting sun sink behind the mountain the grinders 
 and the dancers simultaneously stop and a prayer to the setting- sun is 
 ottered. 
 
 The party is now invited b} T the hostess of the bouse and her 
 daughter into the great room, where a feast is spread, bowls of mutton 
 stew, stewed peaches, and baskets of bread being placed along the 
 center of the floor. On each side skins and blankets are spread for 
 the guests to sit upon, and the 3 7 ouths and maidens have a merry time. 
 The vessels are never allowed to become empt} 7 ; they are speedily 
 replenished by the hostess and her young daughter, who stand by the 
 fireplace, where the large pots are balanced on stones. As each female 
 guest prepares to depart after finishing the meal a large bowl of 
 steaming stew is handed her to carry home. The young men are not 
 so favored. Before leaving the house each guest takes a pinch of 
 ashes from the fireplace in the mill room and passes it three times 
 round the head of the newborn babe, and on leaving the house throws 
 the ashes out with a prayer for the health and long life of the wee one. 
 
 When the day of the great festival has arrived Zufii is astir with 
 anxious expectancy. The streets are carefully swept — an unusual 
 occurrence" — and six excavations about 12 inches square and 15 inches 
 deep are made in different sections of the town and one under the lad- 
 der way of each house that is to be consecrated. The loose earth is 
 made into a mound beside the opening, and a stone slab large enough 
 to cover it is placed to the west of each excavation. Fires are blazing 
 in every house, which denotes an occasion of importance, these peo- 
 ple being most economical of firewood. As the afternoon wanes the 
 house tops become crowded with gaily dressed men and women, not 
 only the Zufiis, but those from other pueblos near and far, for nothing 
 seems to be of such general interest to the Indians, not even the snake 
 ceremonial of the Hopi, as the Sha'lako festival of the Zufiis. Many 
 Navahos, most of them unwelcome guests, but treated nevertheless 
 with courtes} 7 , are scattered about the south front of the village in 
 groups on horseback, all anxious to have the first glimpse of the gods. 
 
 The personators of the Council of the Gods and the Sha'lako, with 
 their fellows, leave Zufii at the rising of the morning star for A'ko- 
 hanna ti'nawki, where a fire is lighted. They spend the day there and 
 at the Sha'lako house at the base of the knoll, rehearsing prayers and 
 songs. They cross the plain later in the day to the cabin used as the 
 dressing room, to which place the masks and paraphernalia are con- 
 veyed under cover of blankets. Masks, when not in use, are strip- 
 ped of their plumes, and, as the Zufiis have not the art of applying 
 paint so as to make it permanent, they are repainted previous to being- 
 worn. The preparation of masks is attended with great solemnity, and 
 only the initiated are present at such times. If anyone chances to 
 
 "The streets and houses of Zufii are kept in much better condition at the present time. 
 
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stevenson] NIGHT CEREMONIES OF COUNCIL OF THE GODS 241 
 
 enter the room while the masks are being- prepared, he must receive 
 severe chastisement, extending- first the right ankle, then the left, then 
 the right arm, and then the left, to be struck with bunches of giant 
 yucca. This is specially necessary in connection with the masks of 
 the Sha'lako, for should they be seen while in course of preparation, 
 and the offender not be punished in the way described, the Sha'lako 
 would surely fall when running. Another danger is when the Navahos 
 force their way too near to the Sha'lako on the ceremonial ground oppo- 
 site the village. When a Sha'lako falls while running, if one of the 
 preceding reasons can not be given to account for the accident, it is- 
 certain that the representative of the god has spoken to some woman, 
 and no personator of this god must speak to a woman from the time 
 he enters Zuni until he leaves. If such be the case, then the repre- 
 sentative of the god receives a severe whipping at the hands of four 
 Sa'ya'hlia, each one giving him four severe strokes across his nude back 
 with bunches of giant yucca." 
 
 The time for this festival is in November, though occurring on dif- 
 ferent days. The ritual varies but little from year to year, and such 
 few variations as do occur will be mentioned. Scenes from the cere- 
 monials of 1879, 1891, and 1896 will be described. 
 
 Night Ceremonies of the Council of the Gods* in 1879 
 
 Shu'laawi'si, preceded bj^ his ceremonial father, leaves A'kohanna 
 ti'nakwi on the afternoon of November 30 for He'patina, the shrine 
 symbolic of the Middle of the world, and deposits te'likinawe in the 
 lower chamber of the shrine/ After planting- the plumes he follows 
 his ceremonial father to the village, crossing a bridge of rock and 
 earth made for the occasion. The ceremonial father of Shu'laawi'si 
 wears white cotton trousers and shirt, held in at the waist by a white 
 embroidered sash tied at the right side, with a dressed deerskin hanging 
 back from his shoulders; a streak of micaceous hematite extends across 
 his nose and under the eyes. He carries a basket tra}' of te'liki- 
 nawe, composed of eagle plumes taken from the under side of the tail, 
 and other feathers, a mi'li, and a sacred meal basket, from which he 
 sprinkles meal. Shu'laawi'si, who on the present occasion is a young 
 man,' 7 is nude, wearing only a small breechcloth. The entire body is 
 colored black and spotted over in yellow, blue, red, and white. The 
 mask (see plate li) is similarly decorated. A fawn skin filled with seeds, 
 supported by a strap oyer his shoulder, hangs in front; two cotton- 
 tail rabbits, with a fringe of rats (neotoma), which are procured by 
 
 aThe workers on these masks were intruded upon, but the four strokes of the yucca which were 
 allowed to be given allayed their fears of accident. 
 
 b See p. 33. Pau'tiwa and l KIiiklo do not appear on this occasion. 
 
 cSeep. 201. 
 
 dOn two occasions it was observed that Shu'laawi'si was personated by a boy about 10 years of age; 
 at :>ther times an adult filled the place. 
 
 23 ETH— 04 16 
 
24'2 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.akn.23 
 
 Shu'laawi'si's father and paternal uncles, hang over the back. He is 
 adorned with many necklaces of ko'hakwa, coral, and turquoise. He 
 carries te'likinawe in his left hand, and in his right is an unlighted fire- 
 brand of cedar fiber, which has been burning. 
 
 As the two proceed through the village Shu'laawi'si sprinkles meal 
 into the six excavations which have been made to receive the prayer 
 plumes; then, preceded by his attending ceremonial father, he recrosses 
 the river and joins the other personators of the Council of the (iods at 
 He'patina. The Council of the Gods on arriving at He'patina are met 
 by the first body of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mosona, the Ko'pekwln, and 
 the two Ko'pi"lashiwanni, who pray and sprinkle the gods with meal. 
 Those who personate the gods deposit te'likinawe in the lower apart- 
 ment of this shrine. 
 
 In a short time Shu'laawi'si returns to the village, preceded as before 
 by his ceremonial father, and is joined on reaching the town by three 
 He'hea gods. There are two styles of He'hea masks, which are colored 
 with the pinkish clay previous^ referred to. Two masks have a tuft 
 of sheep's wool d} r ed reddish-brown, with red peppers on the top (see 
 plate lit). The third mask is black with tuft of black sheep's wool 
 (see plate liii). The lines running from the eyeholes are symbolic of 
 rain and do not, as has been stated, indicate that these gods are weep- 
 ing. Each mask has a tynx skin at the base. Shu'laawi'si visits each 
 excavation, deposits te'likinawe, and sprinkles meal while he prays. 
 The excavation first visited is in the street on the south side of the vil- 
 lage. Here the offerings are made to the u'wannami (rain-makers) of 
 the South; the plume sticks are colored red. The second excavation is 
 also on the river front, but much nearer the eastern side of the village. 
 The plume sticks deposited here are white, for the u'wannami of the 
 East. The third excavation is in the second street from the north of the 
 village, before the ceremonial chamber of the Shu'maakwe fraternity. 
 The fact that the excavation is in front of the house of the Shu'maakwe 
 is not regarded b} 7 the writer as having any significance. The sticks 
 deposited here are 3'ellow, for the u'wannami of the North. The 
 next excavation visited is in the large plaza. The sticks deposited 
 here are white, dotted in colors, to the u'wannami of the Zenith. 
 Proceeding to the Si'aa' te'wita, Shu'laawi'si deposits te'likinawe w ith 
 sticks painted black for the u'wannami of the Nadir, and he plants 
 others with sticks colored blue, for the u'wannami of the West, in an 
 excavation in the He'klapawa te'wita on the west side of the village. 
 It will be observed that in this instance the Zufiis have not visited the 
 six regions in the order usually followed — north, west, south, east, 
 zenith, and nadir. 
 
 Shu'laawi'si is closely followed by the others of the Council of the 
 Gods, Sa'yatiisha (see plate liv), his attendant Ya'muhakto (see plate 
 

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J OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 .NNUAL REPORT PL. L. 
 
 
 ^^v 
 
 a MASK OF YA'MUHAKTO b, C MASK OF HUTUTU 
 ONT AND SIDE VIE\ 
 
 HFLIOTYPE CO., BOSTON. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD AN 
 
 MASK OF SALIMOBIYA (WARRIOR) OF I i 
 FRC 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVII 
 
 *. HOEN 4 CO., Lith 
 
 MASK OF SALIMOBIYA (WARRIORl OF THE NADIR: FRONT AND SIDE VIEWS 
 
stevenson] NIGHT CEREMONIES OF COUNCIL OF THE GODS 243 
 
 i.v a). Hu'tutu (see plate i.v b, c), and his Ya'muhakto (see plate ly a), 
 a SaTimobiva" for the Zenith (see plate lvi), and a Sai'imobiya for the 
 Nadir (see plate lvii). Roth masks have collarettes of raven's plumes, 
 and 'Hle'lashoktipona (Wood ears). These gods visit each excavation in 
 the same order as that observed by Shu'laawi'si. Sa'yatasha wears a 
 white cotton shirt, and over the right shoulder, passing under the left 
 arm and falling below his waist, a dressed deerskin almost as white as 
 the shirt. A mi'ha is sometimes folded and worn in place of the deer- 
 skin. An embroidered kilt, fastened at the right side, held on with an 
 embroidered sash tied at the right side, is worn under the deerskin. He 
 wears white-dressed deerskin leggings fringed at the sides, dance moc- 
 casins, anklets embroidered in porcupine quills, a silver bow wristlet, 
 and a profusion of rare necklaces, to one of which is attached an archaic 
 pendent, a red shell (Spondylus princeps), a portion of the shell being 
 set with turquoise/' A war pouch is worn beneath the shirt, and a 
 cougar-skin quiver hangs over the back, held on by a broad band of the 
 skin. The dress of Hu'tutu is the same as that of Sa'yatiisha. 
 
 Roth Sa'yatasha and Hu'tutu carry bunches of deer scapula? in the 
 right hand and a bow and arrows and te'likinawe in the left. Among 
 the latter is a miniature 'si'kon-ya'mune ti'kwane, a game of the 
 Ko'vemshi, consisting of a slender stick and a ring. The ring is the 
 world symbol and also the symbol of longevity. It is large enough to 
 loosely encircle the thumb, and is colored blue for A'wonawilo'na (see 
 p. 22). A la'showanne (one or more plumes attached to cotton cord) 
 i- tied to the ring, depending from the stick, which is also blue. 
 
 The exposed portions of the bodies of the two Ya'muhakto are dyed 
 purple with the berry of Berberis fremontii. A white dressed deer- 
 
 « The above masks and those of the Great Father Ko'yemshi, Pau'tiwa, and Sa'ya'hlia were procured 
 in 1896, after years of effort, and deposited in the National Museum. As the Zunishave no duplicate 
 masks of the Council of the Gods, and as the writer wished these particular masks, she finally induced 
 two priests, whose duty it is to look after them, to duplicate them for her. Those secured are made 
 of rawhide prepared by the priests, and throughout the long process of making and decorating 
 them every ceremony associated with their preparation was religiously observed. In order to obtain 
 these specimens it was necessary for the writer to provide a house about 50 miles away from Zuiii, 
 where the priests could feel entirely safe from intrusion and also where they would not hear a 
 of "Mexican" spoken. For many years past the Zufii masks have been made almost exclu- 
 sively of rawhide prepared in a peculiar manner instead of deerskin, owing to the scarcity of the 
 latter. When the deerskins are secured they are reserved for ceremonial dress. However, it was 
 the good fortune of the writer during her investigations among the Zuiiis in 1902 to obtain a mask of 
 'Klanil'ona (owner of springs), made of deerskin. She obtained also a mask of Ko'mokatsi, great 
 mother of the anlhropic gods. 'Chakwena, warrior goddess of the Kia'nakwc, and several others. 
 
 &The shell has been freed from the thorns or projections and rubbed smooth. About two-thirds of 
 the turquoises replace older ones. The modern work is not nearly so delicate as the original. The 
 cement used in the older work is said to be a preparation oi pifion gum, the same as that now in 
 use by the Pueblos. The shell was secured for the United States National Museum. The writer 
 has never seen another with similar setting except the one found by Dr Walter Hough, of the 
 United States National Museum, in Chavez pass, 30 miles south ol Winslow, Arizona, during one of 
 Dr Fewkes'sarcheological expeditions. This rare specimen is in iheform ofatoad. 
 
 The Hopi Indians set turquoises on thin slabs of wood which they use as earrings by boring a hole 
 in the slab and attaching it to the ear by means of a string. The Zufiis wear strings of turquoises in 
 their ears instead of the slabs. These earrings are worn only on ceremonial and dance occasions. 
 
244 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 skin hangs from the waist and dance moccasins ai - e worn. Both carry 
 a large collection of te'likinawe in each hand, and a 'si'kon-ya'mune 
 tikwane and small deer antlers in the left. Strings of black and white 
 stone 1 leads hang across the body over the right shoulder. 
 
 IVo SaTimobiya are nude excepting the breechcloth. They repre- 
 sent the Zenith and Nadir, the one for the Zenith having the upper 
 portion of the body blocked in the six colors, each block outlined in 
 black. The knees and the dower arms to the elbows have the same 
 decoration; the right upper arm is } T ellow, the left blue; the right leg 
 is yellow, the left blue. Wreaths of spruce are wornaround the ankles 
 and wrists. The war pouch and many strings of grains of black and 
 white Indian corn hang over the shoulder, crossing the body. The 
 upper half of the body of the Sal'imobiya of the Nadir is 3 T ellow and 
 lower half black; the lower arms and legs and the feet are j'ellow, the 
 upper arms and legs black. He wears anklets and wristlets of spruce, 
 a war pouch, and strings of black and wdiite corn. Each of these gods 
 carries bunches of yucca baccata" in each hand with the points held 
 backward. 4 
 
 TUe'lashoktipona (wood ears, so called from the serrated projection 
 of wood on either side of the mask) wears a white embroidered kilt 
 fastened at the right side with an embroidered sash and a woman's belt. 
 A fox skin is pendent at the back. The mask which covers the head 
 is similar to that of Pau'tiwa; it has black goat's wool hanging over the 
 back, with two strings of unspun white wool falling over it. The 
 mask is wreathed at the base with spruce dotted over with snow-white 
 popcorn. 
 
 The gods proceed to the excavations in the order observed by 
 Shu'laawi'si. Sa'j'atasha tramps back and forth by the excavation in 
 a kind of trot, depositing te'likinawe in the excavation, and then 
 resuming his step. Hu'tutu plants his plumes, and resumes his stride. 
 They both sprinkle meal over the plumes and in the street about the 
 excavation. The two Ya'muhakto stamp the meal which has been 
 sprinkled in the street. Sa'yatasha and Hu'tutu pass one another back 
 
 and forth. As they meet, they stop and stamp, crying "Hu' 
 
 tu tu, hu' tu tu, hu tu, hu tu, hu tu, hu tu tu tu." This is 
 
 repeated at each of the six excavations where the plumes are planted. 
 In the meantime the other gods run and tramp about by the excava- 
 tions. After leaving the sixth excavation, the} 7 proceed to the house 
 where they are to spend the night, Shu'laawi'si and his chosen father 
 preceding the others. The former plants plumes in the excavation 
 under the ladder, ascends to the roof, and enters the house through 
 
 « Yucca baccata is also referred to as giant yucca. 
 
 bin 189G tbe SiU'imobiya of the North and West were represented. The body of the one wearing 
 a yellow mask for the North was nude except the breechcloth, the lower arms and the legs were colored 
 yellow, the paint extending 5 inches above the knees. The body of the one wearing the blue mask 
 for the West was painted in thesame manner, the color being purpish blue, from corn husks. There 
 was a wreath of spruce at the base of his mask. The Sal'imobiya sometimes wear the embroidered 
 kilt in addition to the breechcloth. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVIII 
 
 A. HOEN X CO., Uth 
 
 ALTAR OF UHUHUKWE (EAGLE DOWN FRATERNITY) 
 
stevenso.n] NIGHT CEREMONIES OF COUNCIL OF THE GODS 245 
 
 the hatchway. The lower doors loading- to the street are barred on 
 >uch occasions. The plume planting at the ladder and the other cere- 
 monies are repeated by Sa'vatasha, Hu'tutu, and the Ya'muhakto, after 
 which they ascend the ladder." 
 
 The tirst body of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mosona, the Ko'pekwin, and 
 two A'p'r'lashiwanni remain at He'patina to receive the Sha'lako, who 
 follows after the Council of the Gods; then hasten to the house of the 
 Kia'kwemosi, where the Council of the Gods are closing the ceremo- 
 nies over the excavation in front of the house. 
 
 Crowds have gathered before the Kia'kwemosi's house to see the 
 last of the gods before they retire from the streets. On ascending to 
 the roof the Council is met by the Kia'kwemosi, his wife and 
 daughters, and the mo'sona (director) of the U'huhukwe (Eagle down) 
 fraternity (this fraternity having been invited to assist in the ceremo- 
 nies), who pra}' and sprinkle meal upon the gods, each member of the 
 family first sprinkling meal through a small opening in the roof. The 
 family and the mo'sona, who carries his mi'li and meal basket, precede 
 the gods to the chamber below. 
 
 While the white visitors are hastening to enter a side room in the 
 hope of reaching the ceremonial chamber, they are ordered by a hun- 
 dred or more voices to come away. One man, more persistent than 
 the others, follows, declaring that no American shall enter. The Kia'- 
 kwemosi, 6 hearing the disturbance, leaves the ceremonial chamber by 
 the side entrance, and, reproving the man in severe words for intrud- 
 ing upon forbidden ground, escorts the guests to the chamber and 
 seats them by the altar which stands in the west end of the long room 
 and then returns to his place with the other A'shiwanni. The altar 
 (see plate Lvm) shows the following objects: 
 
 1, cougar of cream-yellow sandstone; 2, bear of black lava; 3, bison of black lava; 
 4, badger of red sandstone; 5, white wolf of white quartz; 6, medicine stone 12 
 inches long and 2 inches in diameter of highly polished lava; 7, bear's foot, with 
 claws, north side of altar; 8, bear's foot, with claws, and two eagle-wing plumes 
 south side of altar; 9, flute; 10, sacred meal basket; 11, medicine bowl with two 
 eagle-wing plumes; 12, food; 13, human image in stone; 14, Apache basket of te'lik- 
 inawe. The number of mi'wachi'' at the altar shows the large membership of the 
 order of O'naya'nakia (Mystery medicine) in the "U'huhukwe fraternity. The altar 
 itself is constructed of slabs and tablets of wood. The latter are supported by two 
 solid bars of wood laid upon the floor. The tablets are surmounted by faces of 
 Ku'pishtaya (lightning-makers), the lower portion of the face symbolizing black 
 rain clouds. Symbols of cumulus clouds, a bird resting on each, surmount the faces. 
 The yellow, cougar of the Xorth and the red cougar of the South, each having the 
 heart and the breath line indicated, decorate the two front tablets. Two lightning 
 
 a The entrance of this group of gods into the house and the ceremonies within are always the same 
 in their main features. Elaborate preparations were made for the reception of these gods in 1879 in 
 the dwelling of the Kia'kwemosi. 
 
 fcToo much can not be said in praise of this Kia'kwemosi, who has since died. In dignity, cour- 
 tesy, and graciousness he could not he surpassed by any civilized man, and the writer owes him a 
 debt of gratitude for his aid, which was at all times cheerfully given, in acquiring knowledge of the 
 most sacred rites of the Zuhis. 
 
 cSeep. 416. 
 
246 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 symbols, carved of wood, stand between the front and back tablets. The lower slab 
 is carved with symbols of cumulus clouds, the sun, and the morning and evening 
 shirs. The slab above shows black rain clouds, with white clouds beyond. The 
 upper slab represents the rainbow. The yellow face of the moon surrounded by the 
 house of the clouds designed in black and white blocks rises above the rainbow. 
 A/chiyala'topa (the being with wings and tail of knives) and the figure of the star of 
 the four winds are suspended above the altar. An eagle's tail plume is attached to 
 the point of each star, which is decorated with cumulus clouds and the house of the 
 clouds. The blue-green color of the altar symbolizes the firmament (see page 24). 
 
 A line of meal extends from the altar to the ladder on the .south side 
 of the room and thence to the east end. This line is crossed in three 
 places at intervals of 3 feet, each cross line being about 15 inches long. 
 A number of finely dressed deerskins lying one upon the other are on 
 the floor north of the altar. The ledge on the north side of the room 
 at the west end is covered with robes and blankets upon which the 
 gods sit. 
 
 A number of members of the U'huhukwe fraternity, forming a 
 choir, are grouped on the south side of the room near the west end. 
 The flutist of the fraternity sits back of the altar. The A'shiwanni 
 stand in line and sprinkle the gods as they pass up the line of 
 meal to the altar. The Kia'kwemosi and pe'kwin each hold a flat 
 basket. Shu'laawi'si empties the contents of his fawn skin into the 
 basket of the pe'kwin and lays the rabbits and rats over the basket. 
 Each of the other gods in order removes a quantity of seeds from his 
 belt and deposits them in the basket held by the Kia'kwemosi. The two 
 A'shi'wanni wave their baskets to the six regions and deposit them 
 before the altar. Sa'yatasha and Hu'tutu stamp back and forth as the} 7 
 did about the excavations. In a short time Sa'yatasha takes meal from 
 his belt and with it marks four lines on the north wall of the chamber 
 by running his four lingers downward. Ya'muhakto runs his bunch 
 of yucca downward over the lines. Sa'yatasha and Ya'muhakto 
 repeat the same action on the west, south, and east walls. After 
 marking of the walls, Sa'yatasha mounts a low platform arranged in 
 the middle of the room and attaches te'likinawe — one blue for the Sun 
 Father, the other yellow for the Moon Mother — wrapped together at 
 the ends, to a unique device carved of wood and painted in various 
 colors and secured to one of the rafters. This little structure, the 
 making of which is not restricted to any special person, is symbolic 
 of the house of the clouds and is to be found in every house which 
 has been blessed at the Sha'Iako festival." During the placing of the 
 te'likinawe the choir sing to the accompaniment of the rattle and drum, 
 the flutist plays back of the altar, and a warrior of the fraternity stands 
 before it and whirls the rhombus. 6 
 
 «0n this occasion it is made by the brother of the pe'kwln's wife. 
 
 '»In 189fi the Council of the Hods met in the pe'kwln's house, where a ladder held by six men was 
 used instead of the platform, an evidence of improvement in Zuni house structure, these walls being 
 much higher. Tin- ambition of the Znfiis is to have one very large room with a high ceiling in the 
 dwelling, and the houses are improved in this respect from year to year. 
 
stevenson] NIGHT CEREMONIES OF COUNCIL OE THE GODS 247 
 
 The plumes arc placed, with prayers for rains, good crops, health 
 and long life to the family of the house, and all good which can come 
 to man through the pure breath of the breath of life, the breath of 
 A/wonawil'ona, who pervades all space. As Sa'yatasha steps from the 
 platform, Yii'muhakto takes his place and sprinkles the te'likinawe 
 with meal, the other gods shaking their rattles at this time. Ya'nm- 
 hakto is followed by the others, who sprinkle the te'likinawe with 
 meal, and pray, after which Sa'yatasha deposits offerings through a 
 circular opening about -f inches in diameter, beneath the stone floor 
 directly under the cage, the excavation being as deep as the length of 
 a man's arm to the elbow. These circular openings are symbolic 
 of the entrance to A'witen te'hula (fourth world) and are so carefully 
 covered, when not open for such occasions as described, that one would 
 not suspect their existence. A diminutive game of 'si'kon-ya'mune 
 ti'kwane with la'showawe attached, grains of corn of the colors of the 
 six regions, sweet corn, squash, watermelon, and muskmelon seeds 
 are deposited as seeds in the earth, the offerings placed below being 
 symbolic of the seeds of life, those placed above of life itself. 
 Prayers are offered for the seeds to grow into life, and for rains, 
 much corn, and that the children of the house may grow to manhood 
 and womanhood without disease; may grow old, not die, but sleep to 
 awake in Ko'thluwala'wa. After every god has sprinkled meal into 
 the opening and prayed, the music of the choir and flute ceases and 
 the warrior lays away his rhombus. Sa'yatasha and each god in 
 succession stands with the left foot on a small package wrapped in corn 
 husks and prays that their enemies ma}' succumb to their children, and 
 they again stamp about the floor before taking seats. Each god is 
 seated on the north side of the chamber by the Kia'kwemosi, who places 
 his hands on the shoulder of each one, beginning with the Sa'yatasha, 
 and motions him to the six regions. Shu'Iaawi'si remains on the floor 
 a short time after the others. The following diagram gives the position 
 of the first body of A'shiwanni and gods as the} 7 are seated vis-a-vis: 
 
 1 Ceremonial father of Shu'laawi'si, seated next to the altar. 
 
 2 Shu'laawi'si 2' Shi'wanni of the Zenith (sun priest) 
 
 3 Sa'yatasha 3' Shi'wannioftheXorth( Kia'kwemosi) 
 
 4 Yii'muhakto 4' Associate Shi'wanni of the North 
 
 5 Hu'tutu 5' Shi'wanni of the West 
 
 6 Yii'muhakto 6 1 Shi'wanni of the South 
 
 7 'Hle'lashoktipona 7 1 Shi'wanni of the East 
 
 8 Siil'imobiya 8' Shi'wanni of the Nadir and elder 
 
 brother Bow priest 
 Sal'imobiya 9' Younger brother Bow priest 
 
 10 Ko'mosona 
 
 11 Ko'pekwin 
 
 12 Ko'pi"l;ishiwanni 
 
 13 Ko'pi"lashiwanni 
 
248 THE ZUNI INDIANS [ETH. akn. 23 
 
 The two baskets are removed from the altar and held by the 
 Kia'kwemosi and pe'kwin, while prayers are offered. The pe'kwin 
 passes his basket by the Kia'kwemosi to the associate Shi'wanni 
 of the North, and the Kia'kwemosi passes his basket to the Shi'- 
 wanni of the West, and in this order the baskets are passed down 
 the line. One basket is not passed over the other, but around 
 and before it. As each shi'wanni receives a basket he draws a 
 breath of the contents and prays for much rain, all seeds, rats, 
 rabbits, and other game. The gods say: "To-morrow I go to 
 Ko'thluwala'wa, but I leave my children [referring to other gods] 
 with you for five days. The}' will dance in your houses [the new 
 ones]; they will then go to the homes of the gods in the east, where 
 they will spend one night and leave te'likinawe, which you shall give 
 to them, and they will return to Ko'thluwala'wa. Give us food that 
 we may eat, and next year we will bring you all kinds of seeds."' The 
 pe'kwin passes to the end of the line of A'shiwanni, receives the basket 
 containing the gifts of Shu'laawi'si, places it before the altar, and, 
 returning, receives the basket containing the gift of Sa'yatiisha, and 
 places it beside the other. The rats and rabbits are offerings to the 
 host. They are cooked by the women of the house and eaten as deli- 
 cious tidbits by the A'shiwanni and others in the morning after the 
 sunrise ceremony. 
 
 A young man clad in pure white, with a red silk scarf around his 
 head, sits by the large fire holding a rod of cottonwood root, with 
 which he furnishes light for the ceremonial reed cigarettes, which are 
 constantly smoked by the personators of the gods and A'shiwanni. 
 
 For two hours a litan}^ is intoned in low notes Ity the gods and 
 responded to by the A'shiwanni while two members of the A'pi"lashi- 
 wanni (Bow priesthood) stand before the altar and whirl rhombi. 
 There is much repetition in the prayer, at the close of which the six 
 A'shiwanni take their seats near the fire and the personators of the 
 gods remove tneir masks and place them upon the dressed deerskins. 
 Afterward fifty-six large bowls filled with meat stew, containing 
 corn, beans, and chili, several varieties of bread, stewed peaches, and 
 sliced watermelons are brought in by women and placed in lines 
 down the north side of the room; for the want of space, some are 
 placed on the opposite side. After the food is set down, the wife 
 of the Kia'kwemosi, accompanied by a male member of her family 
 (filling the place of the host, who must remain with the A'shi- 
 wanni), advances to the altar, the man preceding the woman. He 
 wears cloth trousers, a red calico shirt, a red silk scarf around his 
 head, and another around his waist. The woman wears her ordi- 
 nary dress, with the white pi'toni, a piece tied in front and falling 
 over the back. After sprinkling meal upon the altar they turn toward 
 the food, and the man in half whispers offers a long grace. Every 
 
stevexson] NIGHT CEREMONIES OF COUNCIL OF THE GODS 249 
 
 little while the woman repeats in ;i most, impressive manner: "Athlu" 
 (amen). The grace is repeated over the food on the south side of the 
 room, and, addressing the people, the two say: "I'tonawe " (eat). The 
 Slni'laawi'si. taking from one of the howls a pieee of he'we as big as 
 his two hands, plaees upon it a bit of food from each vessel and disap- 
 pears through the hatchwa}' in the roof, followed by Sa'yatasha and 
 Hu'tutu. The large assemblage now revels in the feast. 
 
 Slm'laawi'si deposits the food in the excavation under the ladder 
 before the house, Sa'yatasha plants plumes in the opening and scatters 
 meal, and Hu'tutu stamps upon the meal about the excavation. The 
 prayers offered by the gods at this time are uttered in tones so low 
 that it is impossible to hear a word. The excavation is afterward 
 covered with a slab and with earth until no evidence of it remains. 
 
 The three gods return to the chamber and join in the feast. After 
 all the food is consumed, the empty vessels are removed. The person- 
 ators of the Council of the Gods having donned their masks, Sa'yatasha 
 and Hu'tutu stride up and down the floor until the rising of the morn- 
 ing star, after which Sa'yatasha and the pe'kwin proceed to the roof, 
 where they remain half an hour, chanting a prayer. 
 
 Returning to the room, they approach the altar side by side. The 
 pe'kwin carries a meal basket and throws meal before them as they 
 proceed up the room. Sa'yatasha carries his bow and arrows in his 
 left hand and a rattle of deer scapula? in his right. On reaching the 
 altar the two sprinkle it with meal and, turning about, slowly retrace 
 their steps, repeating the praj'er they chanted on the house top as the} r 
 stride up and down the long room three times, Sa'yatasha with every 
 step waving the scapula? downward. They halt midway for some 
 thirty minutes until the close of the prayer, when Sa'yatasha places 
 his right foot forward, facing east, and extends his right hand toward 
 the eastern heavens and his left backward and toward the earth; 
 at the same time he sprinkles meal from both hands. This motion is 
 repeated by the pe'kwin, and then Sa'yatasha turns to the choir, 
 repeats a prayer, and. going to the altar, offers a short pra}'er, which 
 concludes the all-night ceremonial. 
 
 The mask is removed by an attendant and placed on the deerskins 
 by the altar. A morning repast similar to the one spread during the 
 night is enjoyed, and the personators of the gods rest and sleep until 
 nearly 10 o'clock in the morning, when the ceremonies are resumed. 
 
 It has been stated that the Sha'lako are met on the opposite side of 
 the river by the first body of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mosona, and the 
 Ko'pekwin, who pray and sprinkle meal upon the gods. Each Sha'lako 
 goes to the house he is to dedicate. 
 
250 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 Night Ceremonies of the Sha'lako Gods in 1S91." 
 
 Before sunset the altar of 'Siin'iakiakwe (Hunters Fraternity) was 
 erected at the west end of the "large room. (Plate lix shows altar 
 divested of its accessories.) The mo'sona of the fraternity prays over 
 a bowl of meal and proceeds to make a cloud design of meal before the 
 altar. The symbol is formed by making two scallops and tilling them 
 in with meal. A line of meal is extended from between the scallops a 
 short distance, and the mo'sona places six mi'wachi in line between 
 the two front tablets of the altar. He afterward continues the line of 
 meal down the floor to the ladder and crosses it with the meal eleven 
 times, the cross lines being about 3 feet apart. He then places the 
 meal basket by the altar. The maker of medicine water consecrates 
 the water with the usual ritual. The chamber is now ready to receive 
 the gods. 
 
 The effigy worn by the Sha'lako is so ingeniously arranged that the 
 wearer has only to step under the hoop-skirt structure and carry it by 
 a slender pole, which is supported by a piece of leather attached to the 
 belt. The top of the blanket skirt has a triangular opening through 
 which the bearer of the effigy sees. A fox skin and a collarette of 
 raven plumes complete the base of the mask. The personator of the 
 Sha'lako and his fellow wear deerskin hoods (see plate lx) and white 
 cotton shirts with native black woven shirts over them. The open 
 sleeves of the wool shirts, which are fastened only at the wrists, expose 
 the white sleeves beneath. They wear black woven kite, embroidered 
 in dark blue. White dressed deerskins having the appearance of sleeve- 
 less jackets are wrapped about the body. Each wears a white embroid- 
 ered sash, and around the waist, over the deerskin, a woman's belt tied 
 at the right side. An ancient stone hatchet, with handle, and a quan- 
 tity of prayer meal are carried in the belt. The legs are bare and 
 painted yellow, the color extending above the knees. They wear 
 bunches of native blue yarn tied in tassels below the knees and dance 
 moccasins. 
 
 The effigies are not carried by the personators of the Sha'lako 
 when these gods come to the village in the evening, but by the 
 Sha'lako wor'we (managers), who also have their legs painted yellow 
 and wear dance moccasins. Each personator of a Sha'lako and his 
 fellow, with other members of the ki'wi'sine to which the personator of 
 the Sha'lako belongs, accompany each effigy. The six Sha'lako, with 
 their attendants, stop on the site of Hal'ona kwi (Ant place). Here 
 the}' are met by the first body of A'shiwanni, who pray and sprinkle 
 meal over the gods. The A'shiwanni return to the village and the 
 Sha'lako run back and forth for a time, then proceed to the ceremonial 
 ground, situated on the south bank of the river, already prepared 
 
 a The writer was unable to observe the indoor ceremonies of the Sha'lako gods in 1879, as she was 
 housed with the Council of the Gods. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIX 
 
 A. HOEN A CO., Lith 
 
 ALTAR OF TSANIAKIAKWE (HUNTER FRATERNITY) 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. LX 
 
 DEERSKIN HOOD OF THE SHA'LAKO, GIANT COURIER GODS OF THE RAIN 
 
 MAKERS 
 
stevexsox] NIGHT CEREMONIES OF SHA'LAKO GODS 251 
 
 for them which was the last camping place of the Zuiiis daring their 
 migrations in quest of the Middle of the world. This ground which 
 is about 200 feet from north to south and 150 feet from east to west 
 has been watered and stamped until it is level and smooth. Two 
 Sha'lako stand on the left and two on the east side of the ground, 
 while the other two run back and forth, starting from opposite sides, 
 and return. Each Sha'lako takes his turn in running. They remain 
 on the ground until after dark, then proceed to the village, each Sha'- 
 lako, with his attendants, going to the house where he is to remain 
 during the night. On reaching the house the personator of the 
 Sha'liiko, not the present bearer of the effigy, deposits te'likinawe in 
 the excavation under the ladder. His alternate repeats the act, and 
 both sprinkle meal while the effigy bearer and others stand by, the 
 attendants singing to the accompaniment of the rattle. As they ascend 
 the ladder the rattle, drum, and song are heard within. The attend- 
 ants remain on the roof and sing, while the effigy bearer, the per- 
 sonator of the Sha'lako, with his fellow, descend into the house. They 
 are led by the master of the house, his wife and daughters, and the 
 mo'sona of the fraternity which is to officiate, who carries his mi'li and 
 his meal basket, from which he sprinkles meal as he proceeds. The 
 room in which the ceremony here described is held is 60 feet long and 
 over 20 feet wide. The maker of medicine water sits by a medicine 
 bowl at the north side of the altar. The members of the fraternity are 
 grouped on the south side of the room toward the west end. As the 
 Sha'lako and party enter the room the effigy bearer, with the personator 
 of Sha'lako and his fellow, pass to the west end of the room, where the 
 figure is placed on a blanket rug north of the altar, there being a small 
 circular opening in the stone floor to hold the pole to which it is attached. 
 A large blanket is held so as to screen the figure while the bearer slips 
 out and stands it in position. While the effigy is being placed by the 
 Sha'lako wor'li, the personator of the Sha'lako, deposits seeds, a gift to 
 the host, from his belt into a basket by the altar, and he also takes meal, 
 from his belt and marks four lines on each wall — north, w T est, south, 
 and east — b} T cariwing the meal with his four fingers 2 feet down each 
 wall. His alternate follows and strikes the meal lines four times 
 with a bunch of giant }^ucca. A ladder is now held by five men, and 
 the personator of the Sha'lako ascends and repeats the ceremony of 
 Sa'yatasha, attaching two te'likinawe to the symbolic house of the 
 clouds that is fastened to the rafters. The choir of the Hunters fra- 
 ternity, accompanied by rattles and drum, the flutist playing and a 
 warrior of the fraternity whirling a rhombus, begins as soon as the 
 personator of the Sha'lako steps upon the first rung of the ladder. 
 The depositing of offerings in the floor beneath and the act of standing 
 on the corn-husk package is also repeated here. His alternate follows 
 each time and sprinkles meal, and the maker of medicine water beats 
 time with two eagle plumes that he holds in each hand. 
 
252 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. akn. 23 
 
 After this ceremony the personator of the Sha'liiko and his alternate 
 seat themselves by the male head of the house in the same manner 
 as in the seating- of the Council of the Gods, and repeat, in substance, 
 the same litany. The Sha'liiko, too, says: "I leave my children with 
 you for rive days. They will dance in j'our houses; they will then go 
 to the home of the g-ods in the east and leave te'likinawe which you 
 shall give to them, and they will return to Ko'thluwala'wa. Give us 
 food that we may eat, and next year we will bring you all kinds of 
 seeds." When the prayer closes the maker of medicine water dips his 
 plumes into the water and sprinkles toward the north. This is 
 repeated for each of the six regions. Again dipping the plumes into 
 the water, he touches them to the lips of the personator of the Sha'- 
 liiko. The same is repeated with the alternate, who now rises and 
 dances for a time, when he is joined by four members of the Hunters 
 fraternity, who are nude except as to breechcloths. The personator 
 of the Sha'liiko slips into the effigy, behind a blanket, then the blanket 
 is dropped and the giant god joins in the dance. He is observed by all 
 present with the most solemn interest. Although the walls of this 
 chamber are the highest in Zuiii, the man bearing the effigy is com- 
 pelled to dance with bended knees, which he does with much difficulty. 
 As he can not peep through the opening in the blanket, constant atten- 
 tion is required on the part of the attendant to prevent such accidents 
 as stumbling, falling down, or knocking against others. 
 
 The six ki'wi'siwe furnish dancers to assist in the great celebration. 
 Each director of a dance vies with the other in having his dancers per- 
 fect in the dance and song. Each personator of a god is supposed to 
 have the spirit of the god he represents abiding with him for the time 
 being. "Have the gods not said: 'We will all be with you in the 
 spirit?" When the visiting dancers are absent from the house the 
 Sha'liiko dances. 
 
 The Sha'liiko houses are crowded at 'all times during the night. 
 Each set of dancers is followed from house to house by a number 
 of men, who pack the already overfilled chamber, leaving barely 
 space enough for the dancers, and hang on to the inner ladder as long- 
 as there is standing room. Every one who enters the room, except 
 the dancers, goes immediately to the altar and effigy to pray and 
 sprinkle meal, passing the line of dancers for this purpose. 
 
 Zufii, like more civilized places, has its exclusive set, and at no time 
 is this more in evidence than at festivals, some women especially holding 
 themselves aloof from others, wdiom they esteem less fortunate. Here 
 also are many whose birth would justify but whose poverty prevents 
 the exclusiveness in which they would indulge, their houses not being* 
 sufficiently spacious when ceremonials are held. In the present in- 
 stance this, the largest house in Zuiii, has a private hallway and several 
 
stevenson] NIGHT CEREMONIES OF SHA'laKO GODS 253 
 
 inner rooms where the elect gather to observe the ceremonies through 
 large openings in the wall, which are kept closed except on such occa- 
 sions. Tims with this primitive drama there is to be found a primi- 
 tive theater, with pit and boxes. The observers who watch through 
 the openings are principally Avomen and children, seated on chairs 
 and boxes. If there be attractive maidens in these inner rooms, 
 young men are sure to be found there, indulging in merrymaking 
 with the girls in the intervals of the dances. The custom among 
 men of visiting the theater box may have originated with the primi- 
 tive drama. There are also in these rooms men seated on the ledge 
 or on their wadded blankets on the far side of the room smoking and 
 chatting in company with the male members of the house. They take 
 turns in advancing to the openings to observe the dance over the 
 women's heads or to spend a time in the ceremonial room. Such are 
 the scenes early in the evening; but as the night advances drinking is 
 indulged in until the scene becomes disgusting in the extreme. No 
 whisky is served in the ceremonial chamber, and great care is observed 
 that none but Indians shall know the sources of the intoxication. 
 
 In 1879 whisky was rarely if ever used by the Zufiis; but with the advance ot civil- 
 ization intoxicants are producing demoralizing effects on these people. While there 
 is a law forbidding the sale of liquor to Indians, this law is not executed; at least it 
 was not up to 1896. The peddling of whisky is begun weeks before the Sha'lako 
 festival. The liquor is usually carried in kegs, not too large to be secreted under the 
 blanket, and gallons are brought in this way to Zufii by the Rio Grande Indians. 
 The largest peddler of whisky during several seasons was a returned Carlisle student, 
 who had spent five years under the influences of this school. When discovered by 
 the writer his excuse was: "I am a saddler by trade. On, my return from school 
 I endeavored to get employment in Albuquerque, near my home — Laguna. On 
 applying to the two saddlers there I received the same reply from both: 'White 
 men are good enough for me.' What was I to do? You know my people make 
 their own harness and saddles. I wanted money, so I engaged to carry whisky to 
 Zufii for a German." This Indian could not be induced to betray the name of the 
 lawbreaker. 
 
 Every man in Zufii spends what money he can obtain on whisky, not only for 
 his own use and that of his friends, but to dispose to the Navahos, who come in 
 large numbers to the dances. The whisky is usually taken from the kegs, bottled, 
 and sold at exorbitant prices. The Navaho is a close trader, but the Zufii is 
 closer. The writer has observed many trades in which the Zufiis came out the 
 better. One Navaho, crazy for liquor, trades a fine pony for a gill of whisky. 
 Another exchanges a valuable necklace of coral, turquoise, and ko'hakwa for the same 
 quantity. Those who are able to buy the liquor in any quantity usually make use 
 of the time of the Sha'liiko festival to replenish their stock of horses from the Navahos, 
 who demand fair prices in their early stage of intoxication, but become so crazed 
 with drink that they let their ponies go for any amount of whisky the shrewd Zufii 
 is willing to give. While the younger men of Zufii drink as much as the Navahos, 
 the older men and more clever traders keep their heads clear enough to get the best 
 of the bargain. This trading of liquor goes on in the inner rooms, which are sup- 
 posed, as has been stated, to be for the use of the elect; but the Zufiis, being no 
 exception to those who are demoralized by the liquor traffic, indulge their love of 
 
k 254 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 
 
 gain at any cost, and send out emissaries from these inner rooms to bring in those' 
 who wish the liquor. The drunker the man the more eager the emissary is to get 
 him, as he is sure that the trade will be in favor of those of his house. 
 
 After each dance the participants have medicine water administered 
 to them with a shell from the bowl by the maker of medicine water. 
 These (lancers are no sooner outside of the house than the Sha'liiko 
 appears on the floor. 
 
 Dancing is suspended at midnight, when an elaborate feast is 
 spread, in which those present indulge to the fullest extent. This 
 supper is served with the same ceremonies as those observed over 
 the feast in the house of the Sa'yatiisha, food being deposited under 
 the ladder outside of the house by the personator of the Sha'liiko and 
 his alternate. After the feast the dance continues until daylight, when 
 the ceremonies close to be resumed at a later hour in the morning - . 
 
 Night Ceremonies of the Ko'temshi in 1896 
 
 In 1896 the ten Ko'yemshi as usual closely follow the Sha'liiko on 
 their arrival at the village. They wear white cotton trousers, white 
 dressed deer skins, or white embroidered blankets wrapped about 
 them, and ordinary moccasins. Each one carries a fawn skin con- 
 taining seed, the skin being" sewed for the purpose. A miniature 
 gaming ring - of the Ko'yemshi, with a la'showanne attached, hangs 
 from the mouth of the fawn skin carried by the Great Father 
 Ko'yemshi, pe'kwin, and Pi' a lashiwanni of the Ko'yemshi. Each 
 carries a gourd rattle colored pink. They form into a group at the 
 base of the outer ladder of each house entertaining a Sha'liiko and 
 sing. Now and then a joke is passed between them. After their 
 tour through the village they go to the house which they are to 
 dedicate. The Great Father Ko'3'emshi deposits te'likinawe in the 
 excavation under the ladder and his pe'kwin sprinkles meal over them. 
 Ascending the ladder they are met by the master of the house, his 
 wife, and daughters, and the director of the Ma"ke 'San'nakwe (Little 
 Fire) fraternity, who precede them to the room where the choir of the 
 fraternity is singing to the accompaniment of the rattle and drum. 
 This room, contrary to the Zuiii method of building, extends north 
 and south. The altar, which is most elaborate — this fraternity being- 
 one of the largest and wealthiest organizations in Zuni — is in the north 
 end of the long room. The fraternity is grouped on the east side. 
 The Ko'yemshi, led by the director of the fraternity, are sprinkled 
 with meal as they proceed down the room. Each Ko'yemshi empties 
 the contents of his fawn skin into a basket by the altar as a gift to the 
 host of the house. The Great Father takes meal from his belt, and 
 with it runs his four fingers down each wall of the room, beginning 
 with the north wall. His pe'kwin follows and strikes the lines with a 
 bunch of vucca baccata. 
 
stevenson] NIGHT CEREMONIES OF THE KO'YEMSHI 255 
 
 A ladder is held by six men while the Great Father ascends and 
 attaches two te'likinawe to the symbol of the house of the clouds. 
 When ho descends the pe'kwin goes up the ladder and sprinkles meal 
 over it and the plumes. The deposition of plumes and seeds, the 
 sprinkling of meal in an opening beneath the floor, and the standing 
 upon a package covered with corn husks are repeated, with prayers 
 similar to those offered by those dedicating the other houses. 
 
 The Ko'yemshi are seated by the master of the house, who places 
 his hands on the shoulders of each god, motioning him to the six 
 regions before seating him. The Ko'yeuishi sit in line on the west side 
 of the room, and ten men of the Pi'chikwe (Dogwood) and Ta'kiakwe 
 (Frog) clans, the master of the house being of the former clan, his 
 wife belonging to the latter, sit opposite the Ko'yemshi, as shown in 
 the following diagram: 
 
 Vis-a-vis 
 
 Man of the house 
 Ta'kiakwe (Frog clan) 
 Pi'chikwe (Dogwood clan) 
 Pi'chikwe (Dogwood clan) 
 Pi'chikwe (Dogwood clan) 
 Ta'kiakwe (Frog clan) 
 Pi'chikwe (Dogwood clan) 
 Pi'chikwe (Dogwood clan) 
 Ta'kiakwe (Frog clan) 
 Ta'kiakwe (Frog clan) 
 
 Ten sticks for holding live coals are made from the center stalks of 
 giant yucca by a man of Pi'chikwe clan, each stick being the length 
 of the bended elbow on the inner side to the tip of the middle finger. 
 After the men and gods are seated vis-a-vis, a coal of fire is placed 
 between the split ends of each of the fire sticks by the man who made 
 them and passed to the ten men, each man lighting a reed cigarette 
 filled with native tobacco. These cigarettes are prepared by the male 
 head of the house. Each one takes six whiffs from his cigarette and 
 waves it to the six regions, and whirling it in a circle he passes it to 
 his vis-a-vis, who repeats the smoking and waving. The masks of the 
 Ko'yemshi are now put back so as to expose the face. 
 
 The Great Father consumes two hours reciting a litany. The others, 
 including those opposite, respond: "A'thlu" (amen). This prayer is 
 much the same as those repeated in the other houses, differing only 
 according to the different versions of the Sa'yatasha, the Sha'lako, and 
 Ko'yemshi concerning the migrations of the A'shiwi from Ko'thlu- 
 wala'wa. The Ko'yemshi also say: "I leave my children with you 
 for five days: they will dance in your houses; they will then go to the 
 home of the gods in the east and leave te'likinawe which you shall 
 give them, and they will return to Ko'thluwala'wa. Give us food 
 that we may eat. and next year we will bring you all kinds of seeds." 
 
 
 Ko'yemshi 
 
 
 1 
 
 A'wan t;i"chu 
 
 l 1 
 
 2 
 
 Pe'kwin 
 
 2 1 
 
 3 
 
 Pi'"l;ishiwanni 
 
 3 1 
 
 4 
 
 F/sho'si 
 
 4 1 
 
 5 
 
 Mu'yapona 
 
 5 1 
 
 6 
 
 Po'so'ki 
 
 6 1 
 
 7 
 
 Na'thlashi 
 
 7 1 
 
 8 
 
 It'sepasha 
 
 8 1 
 
 9 
 
 •Klii'lu'si 
 
 9 1 
 
 .0 
 
 Sa'thlashi 
 
 10 1 
 
256 THE ZUNI INDIANS [EIB. ANN. 23 
 
 A feast is served after the long prayer, and a smoke with commercial 
 tobacco is enjoyed. The Ko'yemshi, on finishing their smoke, begin 
 dancing. Each one holds two te'likinawe, as long as from the inner 
 side of the bend of the elbow to the tip of the middle finger, wrapped 
 together at the end, one stick being colored blue for the Sun Father, 
 the other j'ellow for the Moon Mother. After dancing some time in 
 a promiscuous group to the song of the Little Fire fraternity, all but 
 the Great Father, his pe'kwin, and Pi'"lashiwanui visit the houses of 
 the Sha'lako and dance. During their absence the members of the 
 fraternity, who have their nude bodies elaborately decorated in white 
 with kaolin, continue dancing. The dancing begins in earnest after 
 midnight, each man seeming to throw his whole soul into it. 
 
 Morning Ceremonies of the Sha'lako in 1891. 
 
 Morning brings an additional influx of visitors. Ever} 7 house of any 
 pretensions has guests, welcome or otherwise; nearty eveiw pueblo is 
 represented, and large numbers of Navahos are here to enjoy the lavish 
 hospitality of the Zunis. The house tops on the south side of the 
 village are crowded with men, women, and children, while the streets' 
 are filled with pedestrians and equestrians, many being Navahos of 
 both sexes. 
 
 It would be difficult to find a more revolting picture than the one 
 presented during the day and night. The scene of debauchery in the 
 morning is shocking, but as the day wanes it becomes disgusting in the 
 extreme. The mad desire for drink among many of the Zufiis is too 
 great for them to remain sober enough to observe the ceremonial of 
 their gods, to which they have looked forward for many days. Many 
 of these staggering Indians are not over 14 or 15 years of age. Num- 
 bers of Navahos are fighting with one another or with the Pueblos, 
 drawing knives and pistols. The wonder is that some of the disturb- 
 ers of the peace are not trampled to death, for many fall from their 
 saddles during their quarrels; others lie motionless in the streets, too 
 drunk to move away from approaching hoofs. Native police are kept 
 busy in their efforts to quell disturbances and to clear the streets for 
 the processions. 
 
 Before midday the first Sha'lako with his retinue comes forth from 
 the house where he spent the night. The participants in this proces- 
 sion are, first, the members of the order of Pa'yatamu (god of music), 
 ten in number; next those of the Little Fire fraternity. Each man 
 plays upon his sho'konna (flute) which is as long as the muzzle of a 
 gun. The noise from these instruments is deafening. This group is 
 followed by an officer of the fraternity carrying his mi'li, and meal 
 basket, from which he sprinkles meal. He leaves his position now and 
 then to sprinkle meal on the Sha'lako of his party. The alternate of 
 
 a See p. 416. 
 
■ 
 
stevenson] MORNING CEREMONIES OF THE SHA'jLAKO 257 
 
 the Sha'lako follows next, carrying' a quantity of te'likinawe; and after 
 him conies the Sha'lako. Thirty or more members of the ki'wi'sine to 
 which the personator of the Sha'lako belongs follow later, singing, the 
 four Sha'lako wor'we (managers) being foremost in the group. As the 
 Sha'lako passes through the village those on the house tops throw meal 
 upon the effigy, while both sober and intoxicated men crowd forward 
 to sprinkle the gods with meal. The procession crosses the river to 
 the south bank. 
 
 After the first Sha'lako crosses the river with his retinue, another 
 follows, attended in like manner by the oi'der of Pa'yatamu belonging 
 to the Pe'sha'silo'kwe (Cimex) fraternity. The other Sha'lako are 
 
 a b c .0 E F 
 
 ••v.": :•':• ••/.• v."- :-'■ •:*• 
 
 •ej *®; •¥» e>' b ®;-®v 
 
 ". "• <*• a , <*• \ d d d d e e e eee e 
 
 o o oo ••••••• 
 
 n i / / / / / / z n 
 
 / / / / / /" 
 
 / » D3 •:■'■■■■/■ ./...-/..-.yL-4. _...g af 
 
 fa OS — «?■ -■■/■ — 7 ^-,.../-../ — - □ of 
 
 S » 07 ^—.J—J..-/.. . □ „y 
 
 / / ' 
 
 j- „ n9 . ^_i 7 i D <*f 
 
 J / 12. 
 
 fa an — **£—/■ a of 
 
 ft a 13—-=^ -- a »/ 
 
 Fig. S — i, pers mators of Sha'lako with effigies; b, alternates of the Sha'lako; A, B, C, D t E, F, groups 
 from the ki'wi'sfwe; d, Ko'ruosona, Ko'pekwin, and two Ivo'pi''lashiwanni; e, first body of A'shi- 
 wanni; /, Sha'lako managers; 1, 2, square excavations in which the Council of the Gods deposit 
 te'likinawe; 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 17. 12, 13, 14, square excavations in which the Sha'lako deposit 
 te'likinawe. The ki'wi'Siwea are paired as elder and youngei brother, and the excavations are 
 visited in the following order: A, People of the He'iwa ki'wi'sine; B, people of the Mu'he'wa 
 ki'wi'sine: C, people of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine; D, people of the O'he'wa ki'wi'sine; E, people 
 of the Up''sannawa ki'wi'sine; F, people of the He'klapawa ki'wi'sine; 3, 4, excavation for the 
 Sha'lako of He'iwa ki'wi'sine (elder); 9, 10, excavation for the Sha'lako of Q'he'wa ki'wi'sine 
 (youngert; 5. 6, excavation for the Sha'lako of Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine (elder); 13, 14, excavation for 
 the Sha'lako of He'klapawa ki'wi'sine (younger); 7, 8, excavation for the Sha'lako of Chu'pawa 
 ki'wi'sine (elder) ; 11, 12, excavation for the Sha'lako of Up"sannawa ki'wi'sine (younger). 
 
 attended in the same way except that they have no order of Pa'ya- 
 tamu to furnish music. The Sha'lako parties follow each other in 
 close succession. Plate lxi shows a Sha'lako on his way to the cere- 
 monial field.* Upon reaching the ceremonial ground above referred 
 to, the bearers of the effigies stoop on blanket rugs and face the vil- 
 lage, six blankets having- been spread for the purpose in line from east 
 
 aThe ki'wi'siwe are relegated to the six regions, as follows: He'iwa (North), Mu'he'wa (West), 
 Chu'pawa (South), O'he'wa (East), Up''sannawa (Zenith), He'klapawa (Nadir). 
 
 b Formerly, temporary bridges of stones and earth were constructed, but in 1898 the bridge built for 
 the use of the writer became the way of crossing the river, not only for the people at large but for the 
 personators of the gods until carried away by a freshet. 
 
 23 eth— 04 17 
 
258 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ahn. 23 
 
 to west, their fellows standing back of them, and behind each fellow 
 the group from the ki'wi'sine to which the Sha'lako belongs. In 
 addition to these groups two of the Sha'lako have the flutists of the 
 order of Pa'vatiunu behind them. The Ko'mosona, the Ko'pekwin, 
 and the two Ko'pi a liishiwanni stand in line immediately west of the 
 Sha'liiko. and the first body of A'shiwauni, not including the Shi'wa- 
 no"kia, and first associate to the Kia'kwemosi are in line west of these. 
 The accompanying diagram (figure 8, page 257) shows the positions of 
 the Sha'lako and other participants on the ceremonial ground. 
 
 The excavations, which are each 12 inches square, are made after 
 the Sha'lako take positions on the rugs. Of these, 12 are made by 
 the Sha'lako wor'we, who remain back of the excavations, ready to 
 rearrange the paraphernalia of the Sha'lako when necessary. The 
 two excavations at the south end of the ground are made by a wor'li 
 from the ki'wi'sine to which the personator of the Sa'3'atasha belongs. 
 The Sha'lako are in position before the Ko'mosona with his associates 
 and the first body of A'shiwanni take their places. The Council of 
 the Gods, Shu'laawi'si going in advance, follow after the Sha'lako. 
 (Plate lxii shows Shu'laawi'si preceded by his ceremonial father. 8 
 Plate lxiii shows other members of the Council of the Gods. ) The 
 personator of Shu'laawi'si passes up the east line of exacavations and 
 deposits te'likinawe to Shu'laawi'si in excavation 1 and, passing before 
 the line of Sha'lako, he deposits similar offerings in excavation 2. Pass- 
 ing down the west line of excavations and up the east line, he sprinkles 
 meal over the te'likinawe in excavation 1; again crossing to the west, 
 he sprinkles meal over the offerings in excavation 2, and, passing by the 
 A'shiwanni, he retires from the ceremonial ground. Sa'yatiisha and his 
 Ya'muhakto and Hu'tutu with his Yii'muhakto proceed up the east line 
 of the excavations. Sa'yatiisha with his Yii'muhakto cross before the 
 Sha'liiko to excavation 2, where they deposit te'likinawe to these gods. 
 Hu'tutu with his Yii'muhakto deposit te'likinawe at the same time in 
 excavation 1. Sa'yatiisha and his Yii'muhakto continue down the west 
 line, and, crossing the ground, they pass up the east line and deposit 
 te'likinawe in excavation 1. Hu'tutu with his Yii'muhakto deposit 
 te'likinawe in excavation 2 and then pass down the west line and up the 
 east. While Sa'yatiisha and his associate cross over to excavation 2 
 and sprinkle the offerings with meal, Hu'tutu and his associate sprinkle 
 the offerings in excavation 1. The two couples exchange places by 
 crossing directly before the Sha'liiko. Sa'yatiisha and his Ya'muhakto 
 sprinkle meal into excavation 1 while Hu'tutu and his Ya'muhakto 
 sprinkle it into excavation 2. The two couples now meet midway in 
 the line of Sha'liiko and face the village, Yii'muhakto to the east, Sa'ya- 
 tiisha next, Hu'tutu next, and the other Yii'muhakto at the west 
 end of the line. Sa'yatiisha cries "Hu , hu , hu , 
 
 a"Ko'thluwala'wa" on the plate is an error. For "deputy" see p. 33. 
 
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stevesson] MORNING CEREMONIES OF THE SHA'LAKO 259 
 
 hu , hu " The couples cross, Sa^atiisha and his alternate 
 
 going- to excavation 2, while the others go to excavation 1. The_y bend 
 and motion over the excavations, and again they meet midway in the 
 line of Sha'lako and face the village. Sa'yatiisha is now west of Hu'tutu 
 
 and beside him. Hu'tutu exclaims: " Hu'tutu , Hu'tutu , 
 
 Hu'tutu Hu'tutu ." The four now pass in file down the 
 
 east line to the north side of the ground, where they are joined by two 
 Sal'iinobiya, who run back and forth over the north end of the ground 
 during the ceremony of the Council of the Gods. The Council of the 
 Gods return up the east line of excavations, followed by the two Sal'i- 
 mobiya, and pass by the Sha'lako and on by the Ko'mosona, Ko'pe- 
 kwin, the two Ko'pi'lashiwanni and the A'shiwanni. Each shi'wanni. 
 holds a basket of prayer meal, from which he sprinkles the gods as 
 they pass. The Ko'mosona, with his associates, and the A'shiwanni 
 leave the field in company with the Council of the Gods. The two 
 Sal'iinobiya soon return to their former place and repeat the running 
 back and forth. The Ko'mosona, with his associates, and the A'shi- 
 wanni return to the village after accompanjung the gods a short dis- 
 tance. The Council of the Gods deposit te'likinawe in a cornfield a 
 south of the village, and near by, in an excavation about 4 feet in 
 diameter. The depth of the hole is the distance from the feet to the 
 waist of the wor'li who made it. They proceed to the cabin previously 
 referred to, where they remove their masks and paraphernalia. 
 
 The personators of the Sha'lako rise with the effigies, each as his 
 turn comes. The one from He'iwa ki'wi'sine runs to excavation 3, 
 and. drawing a te'likinane from his belt, thrusts his hand through 
 the opening in the blanket and deposits it to the Sha'lako of the North; 
 then, rapidly crossing to excavation 4, he plants a second te'liki- 
 nane to Sha'lako of the North" and returns to his position in the line 
 of Sha'lako. when the group from his ki'wi'sine sprinkle the effigy 
 with meal. He then slips from under the effigy, his alternate taking 
 his place, while the personator of the Sha'lako occupies the former 
 position of his fellow. This proceeding is followed by each Sha'lako. 
 As soon as the Sha'lako from He'iwa ki'wi'sine starts for excavation 4, 
 the one from O'he'wa runs to excavation 9 and deposits a te'likinane 
 to the Sha'lako of the East, and, crossing the ground, he deposits 
 another in excavation 10. He is no sooner off for excavation 10 than 
 the one from Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine runs to excavation 5; and, after 
 depositing a te'likinane to the Sha'lako of the West, he runs to excava- 
 tion 6 and deposits another te'likinane. The Sha'lako from He'kiapawa 
 ki'wi'sine closely follows the one preceding him and deposits a te'liki- 
 nane in excavation 13, and, crossing to excavation 14, he plants another. 
 The Sha'lako from Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine follows next. He runs to 
 
 'j Much skill i- required by the bearer in manipulating the beak tlwt is attached •- 
 ■which he keeps in a constant chatter while he runs rapidly with the effigy. 
 
260 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 excavation 7, where he deposits a te'likinane and crosses to excava- 
 tion 8, where he plants another. He is no sooner started for exca- 
 vation 8 than the Sha'lako from Up'*sannawa runs to excavation 11, 
 where he plants his offering, and, running- to excavation 12, he deposits 
 another. Before he is fairly on his way for excavation 12 the alter- 
 nate of the Sha'lako from He'iwa ki'wi'sine proceeds to excavation 3, 
 where a te'likinane is deposited, and he runs to excavation 4 to 
 deposit another. The changing of places by the Sha'lako and their 
 alternates to and from the effigies is most dexterously managed. 
 The planting of the te'likinawe is repeated b3 T each alternate in the 
 regular order mentioned above. When the fellow from Up"sannawa 
 starts for excavation 14, the personator of the Sha'lako of He'iwa 
 ki'wi'sine, having taken charge of his effigy, runs to excavation 3 and 
 sprinkles the te'likinawe with meal, which he also carries in his belt, 
 and, crossing, he sprinkles the te'likinawe in excavation 4. The sprink- 
 ling of the plume offerings with meal is conducted in the same manner 
 in which the plumes are deposited. All the Sha'lako now appear on 
 the field at once (see plate Lxrv), running as rapidly as possible, 
 after which they leave the field in single tile to return to their 
 dressing room above referred to. Each Sha'lako is accompanied by 
 his wor'li and alternate. The groups from the ki'wi'siwe and the 
 flutists return to the village. The Sha'lako are followed by a number 
 of gaily dressed young men, and when these gods are a distance from 
 the village they run as rapidly as possible and are pursued by the 
 young men. When a Sha'lako is caught, the bearer of the effigj r 
 throws it upon the ground amid great excitement. The one who 
 catches the effigy exclaims: "I have killed the deer." He sprinkles 
 it with meal, praying that he may be successful in the hunt. The 
 catching of the effigy is indicative of success in the coming hunt, and 
 great efforts are made to get ahead of one another to capture the 
 so-called deer. 
 
 Each personator of a Sha'lako and his alternate deposit te'likinawe 
 in the same excavation in which the Council of the Gods planted offer- 
 ings. This opening is filled in by the Sha'lako wor'we, who proceed 
 to the cabin a little farther off where the effigies are taken apart and 
 the masks and paraphernalia are brought to the village by them under 
 a covering of blankets. 
 
 This elaborate ceremonial is to bring rains to fructify the earth. 
 The rapid running from one excavation to another is a dramatiza- 
 tion of the services performed by the Sha'lako, the couriers of the 
 A'shiwanni u'wannami (priest rain-makers) of the six regions, who, 
 when wishing to communicate with one another, employ couriers for 
 the purpose. The A'shiwanni u'wannami of the North, wishing to 
 send rains upon some particular land, communicate with their younger 
 
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Stevenson]- MORNING CEREMONIES OF THE SHA'lAKO 261 
 
 brothers, the A'shiwanni u'wannami of the East; and the A'shiwanni 
 u'wannami of the West send their courier to their younger brothers, 
 the A'shiwanni u'wannami of the Nadir; and so also the A'shiwanni 
 u'wannami of the South dispatches their courier to the A'shiwanni 
 u'wannami of the Zenith. Any one of these couriers may also be sent 
 to any other or all of the regions when it is desired that the rain-makers 
 of all the regions should lend their aid in watering the earth. The 
 prayers of the personators of the Council of the Gods and Sha'lako at 
 this season are for rains from all quarters, that the rivers may be great 
 and come dashing through the canyons; that the streams may swell like 
 rivers, flooding the water courses; and that the lakes may grow large 
 and the wells be filled to overflowing, so that the earth may give to 
 them the fullness of her being. These prayers are accentuated by the 
 drama on the ceremonial ground. 
 
 The last participants in the ritual have no sooner left the field than 
 it is filled with those who may not come when the gods are here. Num- 
 bers of Navahos, wrapped in their best blankets, their horses resplen- 
 dent in silver bridles and silver-mounted saddles, make a brilliant 
 picture as they dash across the stream to the recently forbidden 
 ground, now free to all. Rut far more exciting is the race of 200 or 
 more Navahos, mounted on their fleetest ponies. After their return 
 the afternoon is consumed in equestrian and foot racing with the 
 Zunis, the latter winning in almost every instance, leaving the field 
 with ponies, fine blankets, and silver and coral beads. Though the 
 streets are filled with men too drunk to move, others are sober enough 
 to participate in the pastime which delights the heart of aboriginal 
 man as well as his niore civilized brothers. 
 
 This is indeed a gala time for the Zunis. After the last of the 
 Sha'lako have disappeared over the hills the ten personators of the 
 Ko'vemshi appear in daylight for the first time since their appointment 
 to office, except when they leave their retreat for wood. Their absence 
 during the ceremonial of the Sha'lako is noticeable, as the Ko'yemshi 
 appear on most occasions of the coming of the gods, acting as their 
 attendants, arranging any portion of their dress which may have 
 become disarranged, and playing the clown or fool during the inter- 
 vals of the dance. After emerging from their ceremonial chamber 
 the KoVemshi visit everj^ house top in the village, sprinkling meal, 
 singing, dancing, and acting, in primitive comedy. They are sup- 
 ported in these plays by women inside the houses, whose voices can 
 be heard through the hatchway in the roof. 
 
 Ceremonies Following the Sha'lako Festival of 1891. 
 
 An elaborate display is supposed to be made for five consecutvie 
 nights, by order of the gods, by representatives from all of the 
 ki'wi'siwe. There is little or no difference from year to year in the 
 
262 THE ZUNI INDIANS Ljsth. ann.23 
 
 main features of these ceremonies. Each o'taikia mo'sona (dance 
 director) makes every effort to have his dance excel the others. 
 The number of dances varies from time to time. Jugglery differs as 
 it is performed by the different fraternities, depending on the one 
 to which the Great Father Ko'yemshi is associated at the time of the 
 festival. There is but little done the first night following the dis- 
 appearance of the Sha'lako, the men being too much engrossed in 
 debauchery to attend to obligations to their gods. Liquor is the only 
 thing that prevents these Indians from performing their religious 
 duties." 
 
 The dances described occurred in 1S91 on the fifth night following the 
 arrival of the Sha'lako in the house of Roman Luna, a hardy old Indian, 
 as brave as a lion, yet as gentle as a child. Masks of the 'Cha'kwena 
 (certain anthropic gods) hang against the west wall of the large room 
 toward the north end. The}' are covered with a strip of calico, the tips 
 only of the long beards showing beneath the covering. At an early 
 hour the ledge around the room, which extends north and south, is 
 well filled with spectators. One group of young men not familiar with 
 the songs of the 'Cha'kwena, which are in the Laguna tongue, are 
 receiving instructions from a Laguna Indian but recently returned 
 from Carlisle, for this song is a prayer to the gods of his people. He 
 seems as fully absorbed in his native worship as though he had not 
 been instructed for j'ears at the expense of the Government. The 
 song is very low at first, but it gradually swells into louder and louder 
 bass tones, which are very pleasing. 
 
 The large openings in the wall which divide the front and back 
 rooms, through which the Sha'lako ceremony was observed, are left 
 for the convenience and pleasure of the Zuiii aristocracj', principally 
 the younger members of this set, who wish to observe apart from the 
 mass of people who crowd the room. During the dances many of the 
 older women and children and the more sober maidens of the elite 
 occup\ r seats with the more common people on the east side of the 
 large room, but the privileged ones adjourn to the back room during 
 the intermissions. Two Acoma Indians in this room, teaching three 
 Zuiiis song prayers in their tongue, draw about them a few listeners. 
 The writer observes that several elderly women are the most interested, 
 except those receiving instruction. The scene through the openings 
 in the wall is most pleasing. Lights and shadows, according to the 
 freaks of the fire in the back room, play about the faces of the dusky 
 maidens and youths, who are seated on chairs and boxes. Occasionally 
 merry laughter is heard when the young men say pleasing or amusing 
 words to the girls. 
 
 "Since Mr Douglas D. Graham has had the Zufli Indians in charge there is much Jess dissipation 
 among them. It is certain that he will see that the law is executed if it be within his power, and 
 that liquor is kept from them. 
 
stevknson] CEREMONIES FOLLOWING SHA'lAKO FESTIVAL 2(53 
 
 A small side apartment is used as the greenroom for the personators 
 of the 'Cha'kwena to adorn themselves for the dance, the elder son of 
 this house being dance director of this body. It is in this room that 
 heads of the dancers are washed after their dance, and the dancers 
 wash off the paint from their bodies. The merrymaking becomes 
 general here and in the back room; and while the hair washing is 
 going on even the women who perform this service, which is a part 
 of their ritual, enjoy the jokes of the others. This apartment serves 
 another purpose. It is the barroom, where are served Isleta wine, and 
 also whisky obtained from the whites. Some intoxicated men are made 
 to leave the house early in the evening at the demand of the women 
 in the back room. These men becoming too practical in their jokes 
 with them, the elder son of the house is called to the rescue from the 
 front room. With but few words he quickly dispatches the offenders, 
 who are all Zunis of quality. As they pass through the front room in 
 file each one endeavors to say in his most polite manner, "So'anni 
 kets'anishi to'o an'tiwatu (Good-by; all good come to you)." 
 
 About 9 o'clock the group learning the Laguna song separate and 
 take seats in line on the west side of the room at the north end. 
 In a short time the approaching rattle and drum are heard, and 
 twenty-one men personating the He'mishiikwe enter the room in 
 single lile, led by a man carrying his mi'li and meal basket. 
 
 In all religious dances the plaza or chamber is entered in file, led by a man or 
 woman who will be termed the leader of the dancers. The woman leader wears 
 conventional dress, always her newest and best, and, if necessary, articles are bor- 
 rowed from her family or members of her clan for the occasion. Special attention 
 is given to the moccasins and leggings, which are of the whitest dressed deerskins, 
 with glossy black soles, an entire skin being used for the purpose. The larger the 
 skin the more desirable, for the ambition of a Zufii woman is to have her legs so 
 wrapped from the ankle to the knee that the feet, naturally small and beautiful in 
 form, shall appear as diminutive as possible. The white blanket bordered in red 
 and blue is worn over the back. Sometimes, but rarely, another blanket is worn in 
 its place. A fluffy eagle plume is tied to the forelock of the female leader, and she 
 carries her mi'li and meal basket. While silver beads of native manufacture are the 
 only necklaces used as the daily adornment of the women, the ko'hakwa, turquoise, 
 and coral beads — the necklaces of the men — are added to the silver ornaments when 
 the women appear in ceremonials, as many as can be secured from members of the 
 family or intimate friends, until the breast is covered with the precious beads. Bor- 
 rowing of finery is not confined to the women, the men being equally as anxious to 
 adorn their persons; yet it is always done in the most secret manner. 
 
 The man is less conventional in his dress, so there is greater margin for variety in 
 costume. He frequently wears velvet knee breeches lined on the outer sides with sil- 
 ver buttons, a native woven black wool shirt, elaborately trimmed with red and green 
 ribbons, over one of white cotton, the sleeves of the other being open so as to expose 
 the undersleeve of the white shirt. Sometimes a silver belt is worn; at other times 
 a red silk scarf is tied around the waist. Ordinary moccasins, always the best ones, 
 are worn with leather leggings ornamented with silver buttons and tied on with red 
 garters. While this is the usual dress of the male leader, any apparel which suits his 
 taste, and is not directly associated with the dress of the anthrophic gods, may be worn. 
 
% J()4 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 In riild weather the leader frequently has a blanket in addition to his other dress, 
 worn with the grace with which only an Indian can wear the blanket. A line of 
 micaceous hematite crosses his face below the eyes, denoting office, and a fluffy eagle 
 plume is tied to the forelock. He carries hismi'li and meal basket. 
 
 It will be understood that in all ceremonials where men and women act in the 
 capacity of leaders of dancers or serve to secure dancers for the festivals, the dress is 
 similar to that described above. Any exceptions will be noted. The leader is never 
 included in the number of dancers. 
 
 The He'mishiikwe are met at the entrance by the host of the house, 
 who carries a meal basket and throws out a line of meal before him 
 as he leads the dancers down the room. Each He'mishiikwe has 
 his body and limbs colored purple with d} T e from the berry of Ber- 
 beris fremontii. He wears a white embroidered kilt held on by a 
 white fringed sash and a woman's red belt tied in loops at the right 
 side, a fox skin pendent at the back of the waist, and a tortoise-shell 
 rattle attached to the calf of the right leg. Bunches of blue yarn 
 with sleigh bells attached are tied in tassels below the knees, and 
 dance moccasins are worn. No masks are worn on this occasion by 
 those dancing in line, though a few maskers appear with each party of 
 dancers. Each He'mishiikwe carries a spruce twig in the left hand 
 and a gourd rattle, colored pink, in the right. The drum, rectangular 
 in form and wrapped with rope, is made of undressed hide, the hair 
 on the inner side. The dancers enter in single file and proceed 
 down the room raising the right foot high and balancing on the 
 left, the heel only of the left foot being raised from the floor. This 
 is a common step in all dances where the anthropic gods are person- 
 ated. On reaching the north end of the room on the west side the} 7 
 remain in file, and, facing north, the left arm of each dancer is slightly 
 bent and held at the side; the right arm is also slightly bent, but less than 
 the left. The movement is with the right foot, the left one being used to 
 balance. Four boys, who are masked, accompany the He'mishiikwe and 
 take seats on the west ledge by the dancers, two of them playing on 
 notched sticks during certain portions of the dance, the lower sticks 
 resting on boxes. After shaking the rattle the He'mishiikwe wave both 
 hands to the left, then to the right, and repeat the motion, the rattle 
 being kept in constant action. The bod}' is now bent forward to the left, 
 the left hand being held to the side and the right hand hanging, as a 
 long, rapid, even musical shake of the rattle is given. All now turn 
 and face the east and give a long, steady shake of the rattle. The first 
 movement is repeated, the right foot is raised high, and they stamp 
 four times very quickly while the rattle is held low and shaken. But 
 this time the sound is altogether different; it is loud, while the other 
 is like the shaking of many seeds. After the stamping the hands are 
 waved to the left and then to the right five times; then the body is 
 bent still lower and the stamping repeated eight times. Raising the 
 body, the lirst movement is repeated as they all turn, facing the north, 
 
stevbnson] CEREMONIES FOLLOWING SHa'laKO FESTIVAL 265 
 
 and in a moment they continue around toward the left until they again 
 face the east, the rattles held above their heads. Turning entirely 
 around, they face the north and bending low, first to the right, then 
 to the left, shake the rattle. The first two figures are again repeated, 
 and when all are faring north they stoop and with a quick step, bending 
 the knees and leaning toward the right, pass around toward the left, 
 the song changing from a major to a minor key, with considerable 
 variety of tone. The motions in the dance are rhythmic. 
 
 The next dancers to appear after the He'mishiikwe depart are seven- 
 teen Mu'luktakia (tall thin gods). They cany in their left hands long 
 slender staffs ornamented at the top and middle with plumes, and in 
 their right gourd rattles. The dance and songs of the Mu'luktakia, 
 though pleasing, are far inferior to those of the He'mishiikwe. The 
 dress of both parties is similar. A boy, 10 .years of age, wearing a 
 bearskin wrapped about his bod}' and falling to his knees, accompanies 
 the Mu'luktakia. Skins of bears' legs with the claws are drawn over 
 his feet. He carries a stone hatchet in his right hand and giant j'ueca 
 in his left. He gesticulates and growls, animal-like, as he dances back 
 and forth east of the line of dancers. 
 
 Having made their toilets in the side room, the 'Cha'kwena gods are 
 the next to appear, the returned Carlisle student being one of the num- 
 ber. The leader of these dancers is a boy not more than twelve years 
 of age. He carries his mi'li and meal basket in the left hand and 
 sprinkles meal with the right. The limbs of the dancers are painted 
 white and their bodies are zigzagged in white, symbolic of lightning. 
 They wear white dressed deerskins as kilts, which fall below the knees, 
 held on by white fringed sashes and red belts tied to the right side, and 
 a fox skin pendent from the back of the waist. The bodies and upper 
 arms are colored black, a yoke is designed in yellow paint, and the 
 lower arms and hands are yellow. In one case the yoke is pink instead 
 of yellow, and the hands and lower arms are white. A scalp knot is 
 painted on each scapula and each breast. Some of these are in yellow 
 and some in white. Dressed deerskins worn as skirts, held in place 
 by an embroidered sash and a red belt fastened at the right side, fall 
 nearly to the ground; a fox skin is pendent at the back. They wear 
 dressed deerskin leggings, fringed at the outer sides, and dance mocca- 
 sins with anklets embroidered with porcupine quills. Leather armlets 
 colored blue-green, each having three points to which pendent-banded 
 turkey plumes are attached b} r buckskin throngs, encircle the upper 
 arms. Spruce twigs stand around the upper side of the armlets, and 
 gourd rattles, painted blue-green, are carried in the right hand; bows 
 and arrows are in the left. A quiver containing arrows hangs over the 
 back. Each carries giant yucca in the left hand. The hair is done up 
 in a knot at the back, and a fluffy white eagle feather is attached to the 
 
I'li*) THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 forelock. A yucca ribbon is tied around the head. One of the num- 
 ber wears a black skull cap covered with the skin of a duck so well 
 mounted as to appear as if a duck had just perched there. A black 
 wool cap is used when the masks are not worn. Two others wearing 
 masks accompany these dancers. One hideous mask has padded eyes; 
 another has a long- white beard. The 'Cha'kwena form in line north 
 and south, and the other two dance violently east of the line, which 
 faces west quite as frequently as east during the dance. Before this party 
 complete their song and dance, the 'Cha'kwena of another ki'wi'sine 
 arrive, the dancers making room for them. The newcomers also form 
 in line on the west side of the room. Their dress and masks are simi- 
 lar to those worn by the 'Cha'kwena who precede them. The 'Cha'- 
 kwena, like most of the Zunis, are beautiful in form, and the sight 
 of their bodies swaying from side to side in rythmical motion, while 
 they gracefully manipulate the rattle in accompaniment to the song, 
 gives real delight. 
 
 A bo} 7 of five or six years and a man representing a bear, the latter 
 wearing a mask, dance in front of the line. The child wears a black 
 woven breechcloth, buckskin leggings, and a tortoise-shell rattle tied 
 to the calf of his right leg; a yucca ribbon is tied around his head, 
 and his breast is covered with necklaces. He carries in his right hand 
 a gourd rattle which is almost as large as himself, and in his left a bunch 
 of giant } r ucca. The child seems as much interested in the dance as 
 his elders. The man representing the bear has his lower legs painted 
 black and spotted white. He wears armlets of uncolored leather. A 
 bearskin covers the body and a portion of the lower limbs and skins 
 of bears' legs with the claws are drawn over his feet. A tortoise-shell 
 rattle is attached to the calf of his right leg. He carries a wooden 
 hatchet, with goafs wool, significant of a scalp lock, in his right hand 
 and yucca in his left; yucca is also tied around his legs below the knees. 
 These two remain a short time after the 'Cha'kwena leave, running 
 about the room like animals." 
 
 Next to appear are seventeen Wa'tem'la (all herds), seven of the 
 number being boys. They are led by a man carrying his mi'li and m< al 
 basket. Their bodies are nude, marked thus) (in yellow on each 
 scapula and breast. The legs are painted white, and they wear various 
 styles of kilts and wrappings about the loins and legs. Each carries 
 a gourd rattle in his right hand, with a bunch of giant yucca in his 
 left. Forming in line on the west side of the room and facing east, 
 they stamp three times with the right foot and begin the dance, which 
 is like the former, though the song is quite different. 
 
 After these dancers leave, a Hopi dance is introduced, led by Nan'- 
 
 <■ At this point in the ceremony four spectators-are severely whipped across the ankles anil arms for 
 speaking a word or two of Spanish, for a word in this language must not be uttered in the presence of 
 the personators of the anthropic gods. 
 
stevensox] CEREMONIES FOLLOWING SHA'lAKO FESTIVAL 267 
 
 nahe, a Hopi Indian married to a Zu.ni woman. The feature of this 
 dance is the enthusiasm exhibited by Nan'nahe, who, being' conscious 
 that his associates arc but partly drilled in the song, makes every 
 effort to prevent failure. Their costume is a Hopi kilt, a silk scarf 
 passing over the right shoulder and tied on the left side, dance moc- 
 casins, and anklets embroidered with porcupine quills. There are 
 two others outside of the line of dancers, and thej T wear improvised 
 Hopi masks. 
 
 After these dancers leave, the Ko'yemshi arrive, wearing masks and 
 having blankets around them tied at the waist. Goatskins with the 
 wool inside cover their feet. A fawn skin hangs over the shoulder, 
 the head peeping up from under the blanket, and a quantity of te'liki- 
 nawe are held in the blanket, two are longer than the others, one stick 
 being colored blue for the sun and the other yellow for the moon. Each 
 carries a gourd rattle in the right hand. The masks are so covered 
 with meal from the sprinkling they have received at other houses that 
 they appear as though they had been in a heavy snowstorm. They 
 are preceded by sixteen male members of the Ant fraternity led by 
 the female head of the house dedicated by the Koyemshi. She wears 
 ordinary dress, with a white blanket striped blue and red and many 
 silver beads. The members of the fraternity wear black native breech- 
 cloths. Their bodies are painted white to represent stars and animals. 
 The hair hangs down the back, a wreath of yucca is worn, and a salmon- 
 colored fluffy eagle plume is attached to the forelock. The}' are led 
 down the room, as usual, b\' the host of the house. The woman, fol- 
 lowing next, carries her mi'li and meal basket in her left hand and 
 sprinkles meal with the right'. The pe'kwin (deputy director) of the 
 fraternity, carrying an eagle plume in each hand, is next to her. The 
 director comes next, be being a member of the Sun clan. He wears 
 over his left hand the skin of a bear's leg with the claws attached. 
 He carries an eagle plume in each hand and holds with both hands a 
 basket containing six disks of wood about 2i inches in diameter, painted 
 blue-green and edged with black and white blocks, symbolic of the house 
 of the clouds and four fluffy white eagle plumes are attached to the 
 periphery. Three black lines on the disk indicate the mouth and eyes. 
 All the others, with one exception, cany two eagle plumes in the left 
 hand and a rattle in the right. The third man following the director 
 has a bear's leg skin over his left arm, and the quill ends of his eagle 
 plumes are stuck into it on the top of the arm. The male head of the 
 house dedicated by the Ko'yeinshi follows at the end of the line of the 
 fraternity, also carrying his mi'li and meal basket. They all pass down 
 the west side of the room and around to the east, forming an ellipse 
 which is left open by a gap of 3 or 4 feet. These circles must never 
 be closed, the opening being symbolic of the road of life, of rain, and 
 of the sun — everything suggestive of life. After dancing around once, 
 
268 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ANN. 23 
 
 everyone waving his plumes or whatever he has in his hands up and 
 down, the director, first handing his basket containing the disks to 
 his pe'kwin, takes meal from the basket of the host of the house. 
 He drops six pinches i>f meal on the floor north of the center of the 
 ellipse, indicating the six regions; over this he forms a disk about 6 
 inches in diameter and extends a line of meal, 9 feet in length, south 
 from the disk and taking the mi'li from the woman who leads the 
 party dances about with it, waving it to the six regions. Then rais- 
 ing it up and down six times to the music of the rattle and drum, he 
 places it on the meal disk, and taking his basket from the pe'kwin, 
 removes one of the disks and returns the basket. Then, after many ges- 
 ticulations and incantations, throwing his bod} 7 at times almost prostrate 
 upon the floor in his animal-like gestures, he lays the disk on the meal 
 south of the mi'li. The host of the house, removing his moccasins, 
 enters the circle and standing to the left of the director, leans his 
 head toward him while the director whispers to him. The dance is 
 suspended during this performance. The picture is striking. The 
 director says: "Take this ya'tokia 'san'na (small sun) [handing him the 
 disk] and jDlace it next to the heart of the warrior," referring to the 
 warrior of the Ant fraternity, who now leaves the circle and stands 
 at the end of the meal line. The latter waves his plumes, held in 
 each hand, up and down, moving his beautifully formed body most 
 gracefully. The director says to the host of the house: "When 3'ou 
 place the disk over the warrior's heart, and it remains there, then your 
 heart and your wife's are good and you will have much corn and other 
 things in the coming year. Should it fall, then the heart of the wife 
 desires another than her husband." After receiving the disk, the host 
 manipulates it before the mi'li for a time, and then, passing down the 
 meal line, puts the disk to the warrior's heart, who does not cease 
 his dancing and gesticulation at this time. The disk is no sooner 
 placed than it drops to the floor. The director hastens to pick it up, 
 and the host leaves the circle with the belief that his wife is unfaithful 
 to him, at least in her heart. 
 
 As a Ko'vemshi is led into the circle by the director, he hands his 
 rattle to the companion at his side. The Ko'yemshi makes the effort 
 with the disk, manipulating it before the mi'li. and puts it to the 
 heart of the warrior, with the same result as that which befell the 
 host of the house. The Ko'yemshi exclaims: " My wife has been with 
 another, and I think I will run off to-night." This causes general 
 amusement, especially among his fellows, who are passing their jokes, 
 paying little or no attention to what is going on before them. 
 
 The director now selects a member of his fraternity and hands him 
 a disk. He acts wildly, cowering and leaping about with bended 
 knees, and in this posture jumping up and down the meal line, all the 
 while keeping his eyes fixed on the mi'li. Finally he rises suddenly 
 
stevenson] CEREMONIES FOLLOWING SHA'lAKO FESTIVAL 269 
 
 and places the disk to the heart of the warrior, and the warrior dances 
 more violently than ever, the disk remaining in place. The man who 
 places the disk returns to the circle, and in a moment or two the 
 director removes the disk from the breast of the warrior, but after an 
 instant replaces it. In a short time, however, he returns it to the 
 basket and raising the mi'li, repeats a long- prayer over it; then, facing 
 south, he waves it to the six regions, and returning it to its owner, 
 takes his position with the dancers. The warrior also joins the circle 
 and they all dance around twice and leave the house in file. 
 
 One of the cleverest tricks was observed in 1879 in the house dedicated by the 
 Ko'yenishi that year. At the time the writer was not sufficiently familiar with 
 this Zuni ceremonial to know that it was the fraternity furnishing the altar and 
 songs for the Ko'yemshi that performed the trick. She was invited by a member 
 of the Galaxy fraternity to visit the house dedicated by the Ko'yenishi. The 
 Ko'yenishi and the members of the fraternity were in the midst of their prepara- 
 tions for the coming ceremonial. The members were painting each other from a 
 large bowl of kaolin, while the Ko'yenishi rubbed their bodies over with a paint of 
 pinkish clay. Two hours were consumed in perfecting the toilets, consisting only of 
 the paint which covered their bodies and the breechcloth. The hair was parted in 
 the middle and done up in the usual knot in the back, with a single ribbon of yucca, 
 scarcely an inch wide, tied around the forehead at the edge of the hair and fastened 
 on the side in a bowknot. Feathers were attached to the forelock of the members 
 of the fraternity. The altar, as usual, stood at the west end of the room, and the 
 masks of the Ko'yenishi lay on dressed deerskins behind the altar. The inner 
 rooms were covered with sheepskins and blankets, which were occupied by Jhose 
 privileged to be present. IMany of the women had their infants with them. All 
 chatted merrily while they awaited the opening of the ceremony. The bowl of medi- 
 cine water was in its usual place in front of the altar; also a basket tray containing 
 grains of corn, and another containing white fluffy eagle plumes. The Ko'yenishi, 
 having completed their toilets, except the masks, sat in line along the south ledge of 
 the room. 
 
 The writer tied a silk head-kerchief around the head of a youth sitting by her, and 
 the next moment one of the Ko'yenishi approached her and gracefully bent on 
 one knee and bowed his head to receive a similar gift. Having a second head-ker- 
 chief she tied it around his head. He arose and bowed in acknowledgment of the 
 gift. When the hour arrived for him to don his mask, he looked toward the giver 
 and expressed with his eyes that which could not be said by the lips — his regrets 
 that the head-kerchief must be removed. • 
 
 The evening festivities opened with fourteen dancers from one of the ki'witsine, led 
 as usual by a man carrying his mi'li and basket of meal. They danced to the accom- 
 paniment of the rattle and drum for thirty minutes, the variations in the dance con- 
 sisting in the motions of the body and not in the step.- As all the dances which 
 occurred in this house have been previously described, the writer will not repeat the 
 : - riptions, but will depict the scene after the Jast group of .visiting dancers 
 departed. 
 
 When the Ko'yemshi donned their masks behind the altar they were immediately 
 metamorphosed from attractive-looking men into hideous, unnatural objects. The 
 members of the Galaxy fraternity formed into an ellipse before the altar, and the 
 Ko'yemshi stood in line south of them. A curious old pottery lamp was produced by 
 a woman of the house and placed on the mantel. The fire, which burned brightly 
 during the early evening, had been allowed to die out, leaving a heap of bright coals. 
 
 Of the Ko'yemshi four were very old, and there were sixteen aged men of the 
 
270 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.2S 
 
 fraternity. The writer has never seen as large a number of men so advanced in years 
 actively associated with any of the other fraternities. One or two appeared to be 
 at least 85. It was most interesting to see these men imbued with all the vigor and 
 vitality of youth, their shapely limbs as nimble as those of the younger men who 
 danced before them. 
 
 The director of the fraternity left the ellipse and advanced to the center. After a 
 time the A'kwamosi (maker of medicine water) , who retained his seat by the side of 
 the altar up to this time, carried the basket containing the eagle feathers, tied in 
 twos, to the director, who took one bunch, singing all the while, and, holding it up, 
 danced about in the most fantastic manner, the plume in his own white hair bending 
 with the breeze. After a time he handed the feathers to one of the Ko'yemshi, who 
 danced in the center of the ellipse with him, and, running to the lamp, which had 
 been lighted, be passed the feathers through the flame, bringing out two charred bits. 
 Returning to the circle he danced and sang, pressing the crispy atoms to his breast, 
 making desperate efforts to accomplish something, the writer could not imagine 
 what. Failing in his efforts, he returned what remained of the feathers to the director, 
 who continued to dance. After a while a member of the fraternity left the ellipse and 
 drew near to the director, who handed him the charred bits; he immediately ran to 
 the lamp ami passed them through the flame with curious antics and returning to 
 the ellipse, pressed them to his nude body. After dancing and singing a short time, 
 all the while pressing the atoms to his breast, two beautiful white plumes appeared. 
 
 A similar trick was performed in 1896 by the Little Fire fraternity in 
 the house dedicated by the Ko'yemshi. All altars have been removed 
 from the houses except the one dedicated by the Ko'yemshi. Here the 
 altar remains intact with the mi'wachi. Two bowls of medicine water 
 and two large Hat baskets of grains of corn of all colors are bj r the 
 altar, and the small flute of the fraternity is immediately before it. 
 The Ko'3 r emshi sit in line on the west side of the room wrapped in 
 their blankets; they wear their moccasins. At half past 8 in the evening 
 twent} r -four members of the fraternit}* retire to an adjoining room to 
 prepare for the dance. When they reappear, their bodies are elabo- 
 rately decorated in white kaolin to represent the heavens, prey animals, 
 and lightning; the only ones privileged to use the lightning symbol 
 being such members as belong also to the A'pi a lashiwanni (Bow priest- 
 hood) and the order of the Arrow in the Great Fire fraternity. Each 
 wears a native black breechcloth embroidered at the ends in dark blue. 
 Each member of the Bow priesthood wears his war pouch, and his wand 
 which is usually attached to the bandoleer near the shoulder. Yucca 
 ribbons are worn around the head, and their breasts are covered with a 
 profusion of necklaces. The director is the first to enter the room. 
 He takes his seat before the altar on the east side, facing south, and the 
 others, who closely follow, group themselves near him and, after a 
 prayer, indulge in a smoke. The Ko'yemshi now remove their mocca- 
 sins, put on their masks, and throwing off their blankets expose the 
 ragged black kilt. The members of the fraternity form in a file, led by 
 a woman of the fraternity. Her necklaces are numerous and rare, and 
 her moccasins are of the finest quality. She carries a meal basket in 
 the left hand and her mi'li in the right. The last man in the line is 
 
stevenson] CEREMONIES FOLLOWING SHa'lAKO FESTIVAL 271 
 
 also a member of Shu'maakwe. of which fraternity he is pe'kwin 
 (deputy) to the director. He carries his mi'li of Little Fire fraternity 
 in his right hand and a meal basket in the left. An eagle plume thrust 
 through the septum of his nose, the quill end protruding through the 
 left side, is a badge of his high office in the. Shu'maakwe. Nai'uchi, 
 the elder brother Bow priest, who is warrior guardian of the Little 
 Fire fraternity, carries a small basket tray, on which is a hemispherical 
 gourd, the concave side down. This gourd is painted white and capped 
 with a tuft of raw cotton, colored red, in the center of which are a 
 number of white fluffy eagle plumes; he also carries his two eagle-wing 
 plumes. All the men, including the Ko'yemshi, have gourd rattles in 
 the right hand. After passing once around the room, the Ko'j T emshi 
 following after the fraternity, they form an ellipse and dance for 
 a short time, after which they visit the six houses blessed by the 
 Sha'lako. In the first house visited is observed the following trick: 
 
 The drummer precedes the dancers, who, to the music of the rattle 
 and drum, pass down the room, the host of the house. leading. The 
 female leader and the member at the rear end sprinkle meal in the 
 usual manner as they proceed. An ellipse is formed, and after danc- 
 ing around once they halt, and the Great Father Ko'yemshi secures a 
 blanket from one of the spectators and spreads it in the center of the 
 ellipse. Nai'uchi now makes a small disk of meal in the center of the 
 blanket and forms a cross by extending four lines outward from it and 
 places the basket tray on the disk. One of the Ko'yemshi performs 
 about the basket tray with his two eagle plumes. Returning to his 
 place. Nai'uchi and another member of the fraternity, the pe'kwin of 
 Shu'maakwe, stand side b} 7 side by the basket. After the pe'kwin 
 whispers in the ear of the Nai'uchi he moves about in the ellipse 
 like an animal, stooping and growling, while the others cry out 
 as though they were giving warning of the presence of some wild 
 beast. Finally he plucks the plumes from the gourd and dashing to 
 the fireplace, passes them through the flames. Returning with the 
 charred bits, he dances wildly about, part of the time in a cowering 
 posture, making great efforts apparently to draw something from his 
 breast, all the while holding the charred bits between his fingers. 
 Finally the plumes reappear. 
 
 The director of the fraternity and the Great Father Ko'3'emshi stand 
 side by side before the basket, facing east, and pray. At the close of 
 the prayer Nai'uchi takes the basket, and the Great Father, after shak- 
 ing the blanket slightly to remove the meal, returns it to its owner. All 
 dance around once and leave this house to visit another. In the second 
 house the gourd is turned concave side upward in the basket. After 
 several futile attempts of the Ko'} T emshi to raise the gourd with their 
 eagle-wing plumes, a member of the fraternity, touching the gourd 
 with the quill ends of his plumes, gracefully holding them at the feather 
 
272 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 ends, raises it some distance above the basket. This feat calls forth 
 the wildest encores from the spectators. Though the writer is near 
 and closely observing, she fails to discover the trick. 
 
 The Little Fire fraternity give such delight during the evening that 
 they are requested to appear in the te'wita (plaza) the following day. 
 All are decorated as they were the previous night, excepting two 
 members, they being the director of the Shu'maakwe fraternity and 
 his pe'kwin, who are also members of the Little Fire fraternity. 
 Each has two eagle plumes passed through the septum of the 
 nose, the plumes being about 8 inches long, and the quill ends put 
 in from opposite sides. The Ko'vemshi follow the fraternity in file, 
 each one having a rattle. As on the previous night, the members 
 of the fraternit} r are led by a woman carrying the mi'li and meal 
 basket. After passing once around the Si'aa' te'wita the party form 
 in a broken circle, and a Ko'vemshi procures a blanket from one of 
 the spectators and places it upon the ground. The wind is blowing so 
 hard that the blanket must be secured with heavy stones. Nai'uchi, 
 warrior of the fraternity, proceeds to make a small cross of meal upon 
 the blanket, and placing the mi'li upon it and securing the fetish to 
 its position with small stones, laj T s a large gourd rattle, painted white, 
 by its side. The Ko'yemshi who procured the blanket selects two 
 men from the crowd of spectators, who approach, first removing 
 their own blankets. Nai'uchi hands the mi'li to one of the men. 
 whispers something to him, hands his rattle to the second man, 
 whispers to him, and returns to his place with the dancers, who 
 proceed to shake their rattles and dance. The second man. holding 
 the white rattle close to the blanket, shakes it in time with the others. 
 The other man, holding the mi'li with the tip pointing to the ground 
 (see plate lxv), taps it with two eagle plumes. He continues this for 
 some minutes and returns the mi'li to the warrior, who also takes the 
 rattle. The mi'li and rattle are placed on the blanket, a Ko'yemshi 
 brings two other men, and the performance is repeated. Nai'uchi 
 now calls a member of the fraternity and hands him the mi'li, and a 
 Ko'yemshi takes the rattle. All dance and sing to the accompaniment 
 of the rattles. As soon as the man with the mi'li begins tapping it 
 with his eagle plumes, grains of wheat pour out from the plumes until 
 fully a quart is deposited on the blanket, much to the delight of a large 
 number of spectators, This trick, which the writer has observed on 
 several occasions, is a clever one. After dancing a short time the 
 fraternity, followed by the Ko'yemshi, leave the plaza. 
 
 Personators of the gods from different ki'wi'siwe appear in the Si'aa' 
 te'wita five consecutive days in full ceremonial attire, including masks. 
 Although at times the wind blows like a hurricane, carrying so much 
 dust that one not accustomed to these storms finds it almost impossible 
 to exist, the dances go on. The thermometer is never too low or the 
 
stevenson] RETIREMENT OF KO'YEMSHI '273 
 
 winds too piercing- for these devotees to take part in the outdoor 
 ceremonial. Such windstorms are not considered favorable, and for 
 this reason the dance is all the more vigorously performed and the 
 songs the more fervently sung, the singers hoping in this way to appease 
 the wrath of the gods. A rain priest gave the following as a reason 
 for the continued windstorms in 1891: "The Kok'ko A'wan (Council 
 of the Gods) are angry, and send the winds because the Ko'yemshi are 
 personated this year by the Ne'wekwe (Galaxy) fraternity, who do not 
 speak the old language. Some years ago, when the Ne'wekwe repre- 
 sented the Ko'vemshi, similar hard winds came, and the Kia'kwemosi, 
 who has since died, declared that the Ko'vemshi must never again be 
 personated by this fraternity; but his successor, being a member of the 
 Ne'wekwe. this fraternity continues to take its turn in representing 
 the Ko'yemshi, and therefore the gods are very angry. Other person- 
 ators of the Ko'vemshi bring rain and good crops, for they speak their 
 prayers in the old tongue." 
 
 Retirement of the Ko'yemshi and Accompanying Ceremonies 
 
 The day following the ceremonies described the first bodj^ of A'shi- 
 wanni gather in the ceremonial chamber of the Kia'kwemosi in the 
 early morning and prepare te'likinawe. The Ko'mosona, Ko'pekwin, 
 and two Ko'pi'Tashiwanni assemble in the He'iwa (North) ki'wi'sine, 
 where they remain throughout the day, except at such times as they 
 appear in the plaza. Each prepares te'likinawe. After the A'shi- 
 wanni complete their te'likinawe, the offerings are grouped into a 
 kia'etchine, and the Kia'kwemosi carries it in a flat basket to the 
 He'iwa ki'wi'sine, where it is placed on the floor on the cloud symbol 
 of meal made by the pe'kwin. The te'likinawe prepared by the 
 Ko'mosona and his associates are also made into a kia'etchine and 
 deposited on the meal painting. 
 
 Baskets of all sizes containing meal are carried by the women and 
 children of the paternal clans of the Ko'yemshi to the house where 
 their masks are kept, and where they are to be entertained at a feast, 
 These offerings are to furnish bread for the occasion. Some are 
 diminutive, coming, as they do, from children three or four years of 
 age. These little tots carry their baskets on their heads as their 
 mothers do. The meal is stacked high, as smoothly as possible, every 
 care being taken in the arrangement of it; yet it hardly comes into 
 the house before it is emptied from the vessel in which it is brought 
 into one belonging to the woman of the house. Before the transfer- 
 ring of the meal, the one who brings it takes a pinch from the apex 
 and reserves it to sprinkle upon the Ko'yemshi. 
 
 At 9 o'clock in the morning fourteen members of the Little Fire 
 fraternity wearing ordinary dress and moccasins, each having his 
 23 eth— 04 18 
 
27-4 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 mi'li and two eagle-wing plumes, precede the Ko'yeinshi in file to 
 the Si'aa' te'wita, led by a woman of the fraternity carrying her mi'li 
 and meal basket. The Ko'yemshi are wrapped in heavy blankets, 
 and wear moccasins. Each has a large roll of canvas on his back and 
 carries te'likinawe, including- those given to the male head of each 
 house dedicated at the coming of the Sha'lako, except the te'likinane 
 of the male head of the house visited b} r the Council of the Gods. 
 This one was carried by the personator of Sa'vatiisha to his home 
 and is afterward planted by him. Each has also a fawn skin tilled 
 with seeds, to be distributed to those in the ki'wi'sine. They pass 
 four times around in a circle, when the Kia'kwemosi, who awaits 
 them in the plaza, forms a cross of meal (symbolic of the four regions) 
 on the ground at the west side of the plaza, and the Great Father 
 Ko'yemshi standing east of the cross the Kia'kwemosi places a hand 
 on each shoulder, motions him to the four regions, and then seats him 
 on the cross. The forming of the cross is repeated as many times as 
 there are Ko'yemshi to be seated. The other Ko'yemshi are in line 
 on the north side of the plaza; all of them except the Great Father 
 are to be seen in the illustration (plate lxvi). 
 
 The members of the Little Fire fraternity stand in an irregular line 
 during the seating of the Ko'yemshi. The Kia'kwemosi, returning to 
 the Great Father Ko'yemshi, draws a line of meal upward over the 
 mask and prays, repeating the same with each Ko'yemshi; and the 
 members of the fraternity, with a prayer, sprinkle each mask with 
 meal, and leave the plaza. The Ko'yeinshi now rise, leaving their 
 rolls of canvas in place on the ground, and group themselves by the 
 man who is at this time completing an excavation in the ledge in front 
 of the ki'wi'sine. When he retires, each Ko'yemshi stands his te'lik- 
 inawe in the opening. They remove them late in the night, and still 
 later plant them in an excavation west of the village. This excavation 
 is as deep as from the breast to the feet of the man who makes it. 
 
 The Kia'kwemosi comes from his ceremonial chamber and, sprinkling 
 meal upon the Ko'yemshi, throws a line of meal up the ladder and 
 leads the Great Father and the other Ko'yeinshi into the chamber. The 
 canvas packs are left in the plaza (see plate lxvii). Men and women 
 soon begin to crowd the plaza, bearing offerings to the retiring 
 Ko'yemshi (see plate lxviii). The first donations are made by women, 
 who bring baskets of corn and wheat flour and light bread. White 
 chalk lines across the blanket wraps show that they are fresh from the 
 weavers' hands. A Zufii woman is as eager to exhibit the line on her 
 blanket as a civilized woman is to display the marking on her India 
 shawl. Later men come to the plaza with dressed sheep, watermelons, 
 and other food. 
 
 At half past 11 the Ko'yemshi descend to the Si'aa' te'wita and, 
 unrolling their canvases, deposit bread which they have received 
 
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 ACCOMPANYING HE'MISHIKWE .PROMT AND REAR VIEWS 
 
 HEL'OTVPE CO., BOSTON. 
 
stevenson] RETIREMENT OF KO'YEMSHI 275 
 
 upon the cloth. The first dancers to appear in the plaza arc the 
 Wa'tem'la (all herds; see plate lxix), who come from the newly 
 dedicated house which faces the east. 
 
 Among the gods in this group are the u'wannami (rain-makers; see 
 plate lxx)," Na'tashku 6 (see plate lxxi a), and Na'wisho (possessor of 
 many deer; see plate Lxxib, c), also called O'lolowishkia. This god is 
 supposed to sweeten bread by micturating upon the meal ("His urine 
 is sweet like honey"). The penis is represented bj r a gourd with 
 white tlu fly eagle plumes attached pendent. During the dance of the 
 Wa'tem'la the Ko'mosona approaches the O'lolowishkia and most rev- 
 erently prays while he sprinkles the mask and artificial penis with 
 sacred meal. 
 
 The Mu'luktakia are among the most attractive of the gods who 
 appear. They wear white embroidered kilts held on by sashes tied at 
 the right side, fox skins are pendent at the back, sleigh bells are fast- 
 ened to the blue yarn which is wrapped around the legs below the 
 knees, strings of black and white corn hang over the right shoulder, 
 and they wear elaborate necklaces of ko'hakwa, turquoise, and coral, 
 each necklace having an abalone shell pendent at the back. Each car- 
 ries in the left hand a slender staff ornamented with plumes and spruce 
 twigs, and in the right a gourd rattle (see plate lxxii). Plate lxxiii 
 shows mask of Mu'luktakia. The He'mishiikwe follow the Mu'luktakia 
 to the plaza. Their dress is similar, but their masks are altogether 
 different. All the He'mishiikwe masks are alike, but the tablets which 
 surmount them are different, not so elaborate usually as one shown in 
 plate lxxiv. The disk on the front of the tablet denotes the sun; the 
 small figures on each side symbolize squash blossoms. The varicol- 
 ored geometrical figures represent corn of different colors. The rain- 
 bow is represented on the back of the tablet. Plate lxxv shows masks 
 of a god and goddesses accompanying the He'mishiikwe. 
 
 The plaza is constantly changing in aspect. It is a kaleidoscope for 
 hours, the lines of dancers varying from one to six, and when the full 
 number are present in their picturesque costumes and the house tops 
 are crowded with gaily attired spectators the scene is most brilliant. 
 Each party of dancers brings ears of corn to the plaza, which are 
 collected by the A'shiwanni, who are present at times in the plaza, and 
 carried into the ki'wi'sine. The Kla'kwemosi, his associate, and the 
 
 a The bear's claws on the mask symbolize the footprints of the bear in the soft earth, indicating 
 the desire of the A'shiwi (Zufiis) for the earth to be well watered that the feet of all animals may sink 
 into it— another expression to indicate the desire of these people for the fructification of the earth. 
 The zigzag each side of the face of the mask denotes the lightning shooting from the house of the 
 clouds of the north, yellow symbolizing the north and the black and white blocks the house of the 
 clouds. The blue-green shown each side of the back of the mask indicates the house of the clouds 
 of the west, this color symbolizing the west. Eagle down on the top of the mask represents clouds. 
 The dragon flies on the back are suggestive of rain. 
 
 b Na'tashku, the Zunis assert, was adopted from the Hopi Indians, and a sketch secured by Dr J. W. 
 Fewkes shows that the Hopi have the identical mask. 
 
276 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 
 
 Shi'wanni of the West sprinkle the Wa'tem'la with meal and pray 
 before returning to the ki'wi'sine. 
 
 Large quantities of corn are collected from the dancers during the 
 day and carried into the ki'wi'sine. The pe'kwin, the younger 
 brother Bow priest, and the Ko'pekwin receive several ears of corn 
 from the dancers, and each repeats a long prayer to the donor. The 
 Ko'pekwin receives corn also from the O'lolowishkia. The}', too, 
 return to the ki'wi'sine after they have prayed and sprinkled the gods 
 with meal. 
 
 The performances of four men and three boys of the Galaxy fra- 
 ternity add to the amusement in the plaza. All but one wear trousers; 
 those worn by the men are from cast-off uniforms of the Army. 
 Their bodies and faces are painted ash-color. The entire body of 
 the nude man is painted ash-color. All wear the ash-colored skullcap, 
 with bunches of ribboned corn husks on each side. The drum used on 
 the present occasion is of hide, folded with the hair inside, and wrap- 
 ped around with rope. The one who leads the others in mimicry of 
 the dancers carries a piece of goat's hide as a mi'li (see page 416). 
 After passing around the plaza the}- all join in a Navaho dance 
 and afterward burlesque the personators of the Zuiii gods. The 
 dance breaks up in a regular melee between the Ko'yemshi and the 
 members of the Galaxy fraternity. The youthful members of the 
 fraternity deem it wise to keep somewhat aloof at this time. The 
 Ko'yemshi snatch the skullcaps from the men of the fraternity, throw 
 them down, and rob them of their trousers. At one time during the 
 excitement one of the boys runs to the scene and kicks the hide drum 
 against a Ko'yemshi, who falls down, and a member of the fraternity 
 calls upon members of the 'Ko'shi'kwe (Cactus) fraternity, who are 
 spectators, for aid. Finally one of the 'Ko'shi'kwe leaves the plaza 
 and returns with a bunch of long willows and, removing his clothing 
 to the breechcloth. divides the willows with the one who called for aid, 
 and there is a general switching. A woman throws another bunch of 
 willows from a house top to the plaza for the use of the Ne'wekwe. and 
 the scene becomes exciting. The Ko'yemshi apparently have the best 
 of it for a time. During this excitement the drum never ceases. 
 Some of the Ko'yemshi take seats on the ledge, but they are not 
 allowed to retain their scats for any length of time, the switches 
 being used to bring them to their feet. Finally the elder brother 
 Bow priest gathers all the willows in his right hand, waves them to 
 the six regions, and carries them from the plaza through the eastern 
 covered way. 
 
 The Ko'yemshi now examine the man who was foremost in 
 the fight and say: '"Oh! ho! I see nothing is the matter." The 
 man replies: "No, I was not hurt." Much merriment is shown 
 
stevenson] Bl' /T SI T SI WITH THE Mo'LAWE 277 
 
 over the wool-bag game played by the Ko'yemshi and Ne'wekwe 
 during the absence of the dancers, who retire from the plaza after 
 each dance. When the dancers return for the last time to the plaza 
 they are laden with cooked sweet corn, rabbits, and sliced watermelon, 
 the ears of corn tied together with yucca string braided in fancy shape 
 and hung over their shoulders. 
 
 Bl" t SI t SI a WITH THE MO'LAWE, FRUIT AND SEED BEARERS 6 
 
 VI tout half an hour after noon, while the plaza is alive with 
 dancers, Bi^'si'si comes alone from the eastern covered way. He 
 wears a grav-and-white-striped blanket and has a strip of rabbit skin 
 tied around his throat and hanging in front. A line of white paint 
 runs across his nose and under his eyes. Another line crosses the 
 lower part of his face, passing over his lips. These lines, about three- 
 fourths of an inch wide, extend entirely across his face. His arms 
 have several bands of white above the wrist and one around the upper 
 arm. White fluffy eagle plumes are attached at the bands by means of 
 a thread around the arm. His hair is done up in a long knot extend- 
 ing out beyond the forehead, to which corn-husk ribbons are attached. 
 Bunches of the same are on both sides of the head. He wears ordinary 
 moccasins and carries two eagle-wing feathers. His Ne'wekwe baton 
 is stuck in his belt at the back, the large blanket he wears being belted 
 in. With great dignity he crosses the plaza with even strides. His 
 presence does not interrupt the dancing in the plaza. He ascends 
 the ladder and enters the ki'wi'sine to announce the arrival of the 
 mo'lawe'' at Ku'shilowa (red earth). The first body of A'shiwanni, 
 the Ko'mosona, Ko'pekwin, two Ko'pi"lashiwauni, the ceremonial 
 father of Bi'"si'si, and others, are gathered in the ki'wi'sine to 
 receive him. Live coals are on the fire altar, and a cloud S3?mbol of 
 meal is on the floor in the west end of the room. A number of 
 mi'wachi (plural of mi'li) extend along the west side of the meal 
 painting. A bowl of medicine water stands by the painting. The 
 medicine water has been consecrated by the Ko'mosona, who deposits 
 six a'thlashi concretion fetishes sacred to the fields, in the bowl and 
 forms a cross and circle on the water with a powder made from a root 
 ground by his wife. A line of meal extends from the cloud symbol 
 to the ladder. 
 
 aBi - ''si'si was the original director of the Ne'wekwe (Galaxy) fraternity (see p. 408). 
 
 ''See Rediscovery of the Corn maidens and recreation of corn. 
 
 cTo spare the women the long exposure to the cold, the mo'lawe are, on the occasion described, 
 personated by men from the six ki'wi'siwe, w r ho are supposed to be young, although such is not 
 always the case, the chief worli of each ki'wi'sine making the selection. Each worli is supposed 
 to supply four mo'lawe, but on the occasion described there are but fifteen; on another occasion 
 observed by the writer there were twenty-three. An equal number of women are chosen by a man 
 of the Ai'yaho'kwe (a plant) clan, whose office is for life. At his death the clan gather together 
 and the parent, or elder, of the clan selects a successor. The present representative is an albino. 
 
278 
 
 THK ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 After Bi l "si'si goes to the ki'wi'sine the Ko'mosona and the Ko'- 
 pekwin leave the plaza, where they have received corn from the 
 Mu'luktakia gods, and return to the ki'wi'sine. The plaza, kaleido- 
 scopic with the various dancers until half past 3 o'clock, forms a 
 striking picture, especially when several lines are dancing simulta- 
 neously in their brilliant dress, their bodies swaying in rhythmic 
 motion. Each time they come they bring corn, which is received by 
 some of the officiating priests and carried to the ki'wi'sine. When 
 the dancers leave the plaza for the last time, they are supposed to 
 go to Chi'pia," in the east, to visit the anthropic gods who live there 
 and then return to Ko'thluwala'wa by a northern route. In fact, 
 
 Fig. 9 — Depositing prayer plumes at Ku'shilowa. 
 
 they visit Ku'shilowa, just beyond the eastern side of the town, 
 where the}- deposit their te'likinawe. All the members of the Ko'ti- 
 kili (mythologic fraternity) visit Ku'shilowa sometime during the 
 afternoon, each carrying his Kor'kokshi mask and eight te'likinawe, 
 of which four are planted to Kok'ko A'wa (all the gods) and four to 
 Ko'yemshi (see figure 9). Those who are absent from Zufii or are 
 unable to go must have their masks and offerings carried by others. 
 
 While the personators of the mo'lawe gather at Ku'shilowa, the 
 chosen women (see note c, p. 277) congregate at the southeast point in 
 the village, each carrying on her back, held on by a blanket around her 
 waist, an offering of a watermelon and seeds to be made by a mo'lawa 
 (singular of mo'lawe), each donation having been supplied from the 
 
 "Seep. 407. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVI 
 
 PERSONATOR OF BI"SI'SI, ORIGINAL DIRECTOR OF NE'WEKWE (GALAXY 
 FRATERNITY) CROSSING PLAZA 
 
stevenson] Bl SI T Sl WITH THE MO'LAWE 279 
 
 house of the woman who carries it. When all is in readiness, the man 
 of the Ai'vaho'kwe clan who has chosen them throws out a line of 
 meal toward Ku'shilowa and commands the women to run. Off they 
 go as rapidly as possible, each one trying to outrun the other. On 
 reaching- Ku'shilowa the women deposit the baskets containing the 
 offerings in line on the ground, just where the Corn maidens are 
 supposed to have taken their places (see page 52). 
 
 B""si'si, coming from the He'iwa ki'wi'sine, descends the ladder, 
 face forward, with the ease and grace of a Roman (see plate lxxvi), 
 and disappears through the eastern covered way, followed by the 
 pe'kwin (sun priest). The two return at sunset, accompanied by 
 Pau'tiwa (director-general of the gods), elaborately dressed in white 
 embroidered blankets, wearing the mask, and carrying a gourd jug of 
 water, the neck of the jug. being filled with grass, and by the fifteen 
 mo'lawe, each carrying a basket on his head containing a watermelon 
 and seeds. These wear white embroidered kilts, sashes, and dance 
 moccasins, and the hair, which had been tightly braided to make it 
 wavy, hangs loosely over the shoulders. A bunch of 3 r ellow parrot 
 plumes is attached to the fore part of the bead. Each carries te'liki- 
 nawe in the right hand and a mi'li in the left. They are met at the 
 entrance of the eastern covered way by the Great Father K.o'3'emshi, 
 and the procession advances in file across the plaza. It presents one 
 of the most attractive pictures to be seen in Zuni. 
 
 The pe'kwin retires immediately to the ki'wi'sine, sprinkling meal as 
 he pi'oceeds. Bi'"si'si follows him to the roof, where he remains until 
 Pau'tiwa ascends. While the latter prays at the hatchway Bi'"si t si 
 stands behind him and pats him on each side with his eagle-wing 
 feathers, which are unusually long and sharp at the ends. Bi'"si t si 
 remains standing at the hatchway for a short time and then follows 
 Pau'tiwa into the ki'wi'sine. When Bi'"si'si enters, he stands, with his 
 arms crossed, north of the meal line near the ladder and points to the 
 east. The pe'kwin now takes a cigarette, proceeds to the fire altar, 
 and igniting a roll of cedar fiber at the coals lights the cigarette; 
 then, stooping before Pau'tiwa, he takes six whiffs from the cigarette, 
 blowing the smoke over Pau'tiwa's mask; next, passing to the jug of 
 water, he blows smoke over it six times, and after depositing the 
 remains of the cigarette upon the grass he returns to his seat by the 
 side of the Ko'pr'lashiwanni, and all present sprinkle meal over Pau'- 
 tiwa's mask (see plate xxviii). Each one now sprinkles meal over the 
 jug of water, and Pau'tiwa, passing south of the meal painting, 
 ascends the ladder from the west side; descending into the plaza, he 
 leaves it by the western way. All present sprinkle his mask with 
 meal as he crosses the plaza. After Pau'tiwa's exit from the 
 ki'wi'sine, Bi'^si'si, passing north of the meal line and stepping 
 over the heaps of corn, stands before the place vacated by Pau'tiwa. 
 
280 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 The pe'kwin places his hands upon Bi" t si t si's shoulders, turns him to 
 the six regions, seats him, and makes a prayer over him. At this time 
 the Shi'wanni of the Nadir, who is also elder brother Bow priest, 
 leaves the ki'wi'sine, followed by a man of his clan (Eagle) whom he 
 calls younger brother, who carries the jug brought by Pau'tiwa, and by 
 the younger brother Bow priest, who carries a lighted brand of cedar 
 fiber about li inches in diameter and several feet long. The Shi'wanni 
 of the Nadir whirls the rhombus as they proceed to He'patina, where 
 the water is emptied from the jug into one of the rain vases on the 
 upper floor of the shrine (see page 201). Each one also deposits te'lik- 
 inawe in the inclosure on the north side of the shrine, after which the 
 party returns to the ki'wi'sine. 
 
 As soon as Pau'tiwa disappears from the plaza, the Great Father 
 Ko'yemshi leads the fourteen mo'lawe around in a circle, stopping 
 four times as he proceeds. They afterward form an arc of a circle, 
 which vanishes as they leave one by one for the ki'wi'sine. As 
 Pau'tiwa crosses the court the Great Father Ko'yem- 
 shi sprinkles the ladder with meal and the first of 
 the mo'lawe ascends and passes to the northeast cor- 
 ner of the roof of the ki'wi'sine, and still holding 
 his basket on his head stands on a cross of meal 
 facing north, the Great Father Ko'yemshi having 
 made a cross in each of the four corners of the 
 roof. Bi'"si'si, having come from the ki'wi'sine, 
 stands at the back of the mo'lawa and blows a tiny 
 FIG - 1 °-™ s ! le used whistle," which is secreted in his mouth (fig. 10 
 
 by Bi"«si«si. . v & 
 
 shows whistle of Bi'"si'si). He taps the mo'lawa 
 with his eagle-wing plumes on each side, at the same time blowing 
 his whistle, and the latter turns completely around from right to left 
 and then on until he faces west. Bi'"si'si does not change his position 
 until the mo'lawa throws out a line of meal toward the west and passes 
 to the northwest corner of the roof, when Bi'"si'si follows. The cere- 
 mony is repeated at each of the four corners, the southeast corner 
 being the last one. The mo'lawa faces west at the second corner, 
 south at the third, and east at the fourth. After he has turned on the 
 fourth cross the Ivia'kwemosi comes from the ki'wi'sine and, approach- 
 ing the mo'lawa, sprinkles the plumes he carries with meal, receives 
 from him the basket, which he hands to his associate, who awaits 
 on the inner ladder, and, throwing meal upon this ladder, descends 
 to the ki'wi'sine. The mo'lawa, retaining the te'likinawe in the right 
 hand and the mi'li in the left, leans forward with bended knees and 
 catches hold of each side of the ladder that leads into the ki'wi'sine, just 
 below the roof, and jumps upon it while he is whipped on both sides 
 
 « A whistle used by Bi"'si'si was secured and deposited in the United States National Museum. 
 Fig. 10 gives top, side, and end views of the whistle, which is of vegetable matter and less than 
 an inch in length. x 
 
stevenson] Bl' /T SI T SI WITH THE MO'LAWE 281 
 
 with the feathers by Bi" t si*si, who at the same time blows his whistle. 
 Bi^'si'si afterward stands west of the hatchway, facing' east, and offer- 
 ing a short prayer follows the mo'lawa into the ki'wi'sine. The Kia'- 
 kwemosi, and his associate holding the basket of fruit and seeds, stand 
 east of the ladder at the end of the meal line. The pe'kwin, advanc- 
 ing, sprinkles meal on the gift and passes up the meal line, sprink- 
 ling meal as he goes. The associate shi'wanni, following him and 
 also sprinkling meal, deposits the basket containing the watermelons 
 and seeds on the meal line near the mi'li of the Kia'kwemosi. The 
 Kia'kwemosi follows, sprinkling a line of meal, and upon reaching 
 the basket throws meal over the offerings. The Kia'kwemosi and his 
 associate then return to their places back of the cloud symbol; the 
 pe'kwin returns to his seat on the north side of the room. The 
 mo'lawa passes from the east side of the ladder around north of the 
 meal line and takes his seat to the left of the pe'kwin. Bi" t si t si 
 follows, passing up uorth of the line, and, stepping over the heap 
 of corn, takes his former place immediately back of the meal paint- 
 ing. He does not speak on this occasion, but expresses much as 
 with folded arms he looks upon all those present. If anj'one should 
 sleep or doze while Bi'"si'si is in the ki'wi'sine he must remain seated 
 until the sleeper awakens. Such a delinquent usually receives a shake 
 from some one. No one in the ki'wi'sine speaks during this cere- 
 monial, when heart speaks to heart. When a cigarette is to be 
 lighted, the younger brother Bow priest ignites the cedar fiber at the 
 lire altar and hands it to the one wishing to smoke. 
 
 .When all the mo'lawe have entered the ki'wi'sine, Bi'"si'si, passing 
 south of the meal line, joins his ceremonial father at the east end of 
 the room and stands with crossed arms; his father rises from his seat, 
 and Bi'"si t si deposits his whistle from his mouth into the palm of the 
 right hand of his father, who on this occasion is director of the Ne' wekwe 
 fraternity. The father prays for rain and the fruits of the earth, waves 
 his hand in a circle S3'mbolic of all the world, and draws in common 
 with the others present the sacred breath of A'wonawil'ona (see page,22). 
 Then Bi i "si'si, speaking for the first time, utters the greeting given 
 after sunset: "Ko'naton sun'hakianapkia." The others reply: "Kets'- 
 anishi (All good come to you, or be with you)." After Bi'"si'si takes 
 his seat by his ceremonial father the general silence is broken. The 
 mo'lawe now rise and remain standing while the pe'kwin removes each 
 offering from the basket, returning it to the owner. After the return 
 of the basket the Ko'mosona administers the consecrated water, dip- 
 ping it with a shell to each mo'lawa, beginning with the one at the 
 west end of the line. As soon as the draft is swallowed the recipient 
 says: u Ta"chumo" (Father). The Ko'mosona replies: "TaTlemo" 
 
 a The scenes in the ki'wi'sine at this time are a dramatization of the rediscovery of the Corn maidens 
 and re-creation of corn (see p. 54). 
 
282 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 (Younger brother) or vounger one. After the mo'lawe are helped, 
 the Ko'mosona administers the water to the others in the following 
 order: First, Bi'"si t si; second, his ceremonial father; third, the 
 younger brother Bow priest; fourth, the elder brother Bow priest; 
 fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth, the A'shiwanni in order; 
 then the Ko'pekwln, and finally the two Ko'pi'lashiwanni. The 
 Ko'mosona makes a different reply to the Bow priests from the one 
 that he gives to the others. They say, like the others, "Ta'chumo." 
 The Ko'mosona replies, "Na'namo" (Grandfather). When all have 
 been supplied with the consecrated water, the Ko'mosona takes a 
 mouthful and throws it out through his teeth over those present and 
 then takes a draft himself. Bi" t si*si now advances to the west end of 
 the room, passing north of the meal line, and stands west of the meal 
 painting while he offers a prayer, after which he leads the mo'lawe 
 from the ki'wi' sine and through the eastern covered way to Ku'shi- 
 lowa to deposit te'likinawe. Those of Bi'^si'si are offered to A'towa 
 e'washtokii (Corn maidens), each stick being colored for one of the 
 six regions. These offerings, which are tied in a group, are separated 
 before planting. The mo'lawe offer te'likinawe to all the ancestral 
 gods. 
 
 Bi" t si t si and the mo'lawe no sooner disappear from the plaza than 
 the work begins of removing the offerings to the Ko'yenishi, which 
 would fill several large wagons. These donations are carried away in 
 blankets or canvas on the backs of members of the clans of the paternal 
 parents of the Ko'j^emshi, each Ko'yemshi assisting with his own 
 gifts. This work continues until far into the night, and though much 
 labor is involved in filling large sacks with flour or meal from the 
 baskets in which it is brought and assorting numbers of dressed sheep, 
 melons, corn, etc., still all seem to be having a good time generally, 
 and the air resounds with merry voices. 
 
 After the te'likinawe are planted, the mo'lawe separate and go to 
 their homes, where their heads are washed in } r ucca suds by women 
 of their clans. Bi'^si'si returns to the ki'wi'sine, taking his seat by 
 his ceremonial father. The pe'kwin now distributes the offerings of 
 the mo'lawe. He presents the group nearest the meal painting to 
 the Kia'kwemosi and the next one to the first associate Kia'kwemosi. 
 The third one is given to the Shi'wanni of the West, the fourth to the 
 Shi'wanni of the South, and the fifth to the Shi'wanni of the East; 
 the sixth he takes for himself; the seventh is given to the elder 
 brother Bow priest, who is also Shi'wanni of the Nadir; the eighth to 
 the younger brother Bow priest; the ninth to the Ko'mosona; the 
 tenth to the Ko'pekwln; the eleventh to the Ko'pi"lashiwanni of the 
 Ko'mosona; the twelfth to the Ko'pi a lashiwanni of the Ko'pekwln; 
 the thirteenth to Bi" t si t si; the fourteenth to the ceremonial father of 
 Bi" t si t si." The corn collected from the personators of the gods 
 
 a The fifteenth was given to a party unknown to the writer. 
 
stevenson] SUMMARY OF HISTORICAL EVENTS 283 
 
 during- the dancing - in the plaza is next distributed in the same order. 
 The ceremonial father now takes down Bi'"si t si , s hair, removing- the 
 husks. The hair is left hanging. 
 
 The mi'wachi are collected and given to their owners, and after the 
 other objects are removed from the meal painting the Ko'mosona 
 brushes the meal of the painting together with his hands and deposits 
 it in the small circular opening- in the floor of the ki'wi'sine, symbolic 
 of the opening through which the A'shiwi came to this world from 
 interior worlds. The A'shiwanni and others carry their gifts to their 
 homes, and then they may indulge in a repast, no food having been 
 taken since the previous day b} T any in the ki'wi'sine except Bi'^si'si 
 and Pau'tiwa, who were not obliged to observe the fast. 
 
 HISTORY, ARTS, AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Chronologic Summary of Historical Events Connected with Zuni 
 
 1539-1800 
 
 Zuni history, as recorded b\ 7 the Spanish invaders and others, has 
 been so "fully exploited that little space need be devoted to it in the 
 present paper. Mr F. W. Hodge, of the Smithsonian Institution, to 
 whom the writer is much indebted, has furnished the following synop- 
 sis of historical events: 
 
 1539, May. Fray Marcos of Niza visited Cibola in this month and viewed Hawikuh, 
 
 one of the Seven Cities, from a neighboring height. This pueblo was the 
 scene of the death of his negro companion Estevan at the hands of the Zunis 
 about May 20. Niza here took possession of the province in the name of the 
 King of Spain. 
 
 1540, July 7. Francisco Vasquez Coronado, after a conflict in which he was wounded, 
 
 captured Hawikuh and applied to it the name Granada. It had 200 war- 
 riors. On July 11 the Indians retired to Toaiyalone (To'wa yiLFlannfi). 
 This is the first reference in history to the use of this mesa as a place of 
 refuge, although it may have been used as such in prehistoric times. 
 
 1540, July 15. Coronado sent Pedro de Tovar from Cibola to the province of Tusa- 
 yan (the Hopi country). 
 
 1540, July 19. Coronado journeyed from Granada to Toaiyalone and returned the 
 same day. 
 
 1540, August 3. Coronado wrote his celebrated letter to the Viceroy Mendoza, dated 
 " from the province of Cevola, and this city of Granada." 
 
 1540, Augustus (?). Coronado sent Lopez de Cardenas from Cibola on a journey 
 which resulted in the discovery of the Grand Canyon of the Colorado river. 
 
 1540, August 29. Hernando de Alvarado was sent eastward from Cibola to the buffalo 
 plains. 
 
 1540, September. The army of Coronado reached Cibola with sheep and cattle. This 
 doubtless marked the beginning of the sheep and cattle industry and of the 
 use of horses among the Southwestern tribes. Twenty days later the army 
 started for Tiguex, on the Rio Grande, where it established winter quarters. 
 
 1542, spring. Coronado and his army passed through Cibola on their way back to 
 Mexico, leaving some natives of Mexico among the Zufiis. 
 
 1581, summer. Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado, with a small force, visited the prov- 
 ince of Zuni (misprinted Cami in the records), which comprised six pueblos; 
 one village having been abandoned subsequent to Coronado's visit. 
 
284 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 15SS, — . Antonio tie Espejo, with Fray Bernardino Beltran and an escort of four- 
 teen men, visited a group of six pueblos; one of them named Aquico (Hawi- 
 kuh), " which they call Zuiii, and by another name Cibola." Here crosses 
 were found erected near the pueblos and three Christian Mexican Indians 
 who had been left by Coronado forty-one years previous. Fray Bernardino 
 remained at Hawikuh for several weeks, while Espejo made a tour to the 
 
 west. 
 
 1598, September 9. The province of Zuni became a parochial district under the new 
 governorship of Juan de Dilate, the colonizer of New Mexico, and Fray 
 Andres Corchado was assigned to it, but he never was an active missionary 
 there. In the records Fray Juan Claros is also assigned to this parish, 
 through misunderstanding. 
 
 159S, November. Juan de Oiiate visited Zuiii, and on November 9 the natives made 
 their vows of obedience and vassalage. Oiiate mentions the six villages by 
 name: Aguicobi, or Aguscobi (Hawiktm); Canabi (Kyanawe?); Coaqueria 
 (Kyakima); Ilalonagu (Halona); Macaqui (Matsaki); and Aquinsa (Apin- 
 awa?). Crosses were found and also children of the Mexican Indians left 
 behind by Coronado. Here Ofiate spent only a couple of days. . 
 
 159S, December 10 (?). Oiiate passed through Zuni on his way back to the Rio 
 Grande from the Hopi country. 
 
 1604, October. Oiiate again visited Zuni, or Cibola, on his way from the capital of 
 
 New Mexico, San Gabriel, on the Rio Grande, to the Gulf of California. 
 The province consisted of six villages containing about 300 houses. Hawi- 
 kuh was the most important village at this time, its houses numbering 110. 
 In Coronado's time it was said to have more than 200 houses or 500 families. 
 From thence Oiiate proceeded to the Hopi country, the province of Tusayan. 
 
 1605, April. Ofiate probably passed through Zuiii on his way from the mouth of the 
 
 Colorado to the Rio Grande, as he carved an inscription April 16 on El Morro, 
 or Inscription Rock, 35 miles east of Zuni. 
 
 1629, June 23. A band of missionaries under Fray Estevan de Perea, accompanied 
 by the governor, Don Francisco Manuel de Silva Nieto, started westward 
 from Santa Fe for the purpose of planting missions among the Acomas, Zuiiis, 
 and Hopis. They evidently reached Zuni late in July, as Nieto's first inscrip- 
 tion on El Morro is dated July 29. Fray Roque de Figueredo, Fray Agustin 
 de Cuellar, and Fray Francisco de la Madre de Dios, together with three 
 soldiers, one of whom was Juan Gonzales, remained at Zuiii. A house was 
 bought for religious purposes at Hawikuh, which became the first mission 
 established in the Zuiii country. Possibly the Hawikuh church, the walls 
 of which are still traceable, was built by these missionaries, and they may 
 also have erected the church the ruins of which still stand at Ketchipauan, 
 on a mesa southeast of Ojo Caliente, as well as the one which formerly 
 existed at Halona. These three missionaries disappear from Zuni history 
 before 1632. They were succeeded by Fray Francisco Letrado, who arrived 
 in New Mexico in 1629 and was first assigned to the Jumanos east of the 
 Rio Grande. 
 
 16SS, February 22. The Zuiiis killed Fray Francisco Letrado at Hawikuh and fled 
 to Toaiyalone, where they remained about three years. 
 
 1632, February 27. Some Zuiiis, having followed Fray Martin de Arvide, murdered 
 him and his escort of two soldiers on their way from the Zuni villages to a 
 tribe called Cipias, or Zipias, who lived toward the west. 
 
 1632, March 28. The maestro de campo, Tomas de Albizu, was at El Morro on his 
 way to Zuni with some priests and a small detachment, to reduce the Zuni 
 stronghold. They were admitted to the summit of the mesa, and the Zuiiis 
 promised to be peaceful thenceforth. 
 
stevenson] SUMMARY OF HISTORICAL EVENTS 285 
 
 1685. Some of the Zuflis left the mesa and began the resettlement of their villages 
 in the valley. 
 
 1GS6. No missionaries at Zuni because the governor at Santa Fe refused an escort. 
 There appears on El Morro the inscription: " We pass by here, the lieutenant- 
 colonel and the captain Juan de Archuleta, and the lieutenant Diego Martin 
 Barba, and the ensign Augustin de Ynojos, in the year of 1636." 
 
 1643. Missionaries were probably again established at Zufii about this time. 
 
 1670, October 7. The Apaches (or Navahos) raided Hawikuh, killing the Zufii mis- 
 sionary. Fray Pedro de Avila y Ayala, by beating out his brains with a bell 
 while he was clinging to a cross. The priest at Halona, Fray Juan Galdo, 
 recovered Fray Pedro's remains and interred them at Halona. The mission 
 of La Concepcion de Hawikuh was henceforth abandoned, but the pueblo 
 was occupied by the Indians for a few years. 
 
 16S0, August 10. A general revolt of the Pueblos against Spanish authority took 
 place. The Zunis murdered their missionary, Fray Juan de Bal, of the 
 mission pueblo of La Purification de la Virgen de Alona (Halona), burned 
 the church, and fled to Toaiyalone, where they remained for more than 
 twelve years. At the time of this rebellion the Funis, who numbered 2,500, 
 occupied, in addition to Halona, the villages of Kiakima, Matsaki, and 
 Hawikuh. Two villages (Canabi and Aquinsa) had therefore been aban- 
 doned between Onate's time (1598) and the Pueblo revolt (1680). 
 
 1692, November 11. The Zunis were found on the mesa by Diego de Vargas Zapata 
 
 Lujan Ponce de Leon, to whom they submitted, and about 300 children 
 were baptized. 
 
 1693, April 15. Vargas consulted with a Zufii chief at San Felipe with a view to 
 
 transferring the pueblo of Zufii to the Rio Grande, but no definite action 
 was taken. 
 1696, June 29. An expedition was sent by the Spaniards against the Jemez and their 
 allies from the Navaho, Zufii, and Acoma tribes. The Indians were defeated, 
 and the Zunis returned home frightened. 
 
 1699, July 12. The pueblo of La Purisima de Zuni (evidently the present Zufii vil- 
 
 lage, which meanwhile had been built on the ruins of Halona) was visited 
 by the governor, Pedro Rodriguez Cubero, to whom the inhabitants renewed 
 their allegiance. 
 
 1700, June. Padre Juan Garaicochea was priest at Zufii. 
 
 1702. In the spring the Hopis tried to incite the Zunis and others to revolt. Captain 
 
 Juan de Lribarri was sent to investigate and left Captain Medina at Zuni 
 with a force of 19 men as a garrison. This force was later reduced, those 
 who were left treating the natives harshly. 
 
 1703. Padre Garaicochea, who was still missionary at Zuni, complained to the gov- 
 
 ernor at Santa Fe, and the Indians, receiving no redress, on March 4 killed 
 three Spaniards who were exiles from Santa F6 and who had been living 
 publicly with native women. Some of the Zufiis thereupon fled to the 
 Hopis, others took refuge on Toaiyalone. Captain Roque Madrid was sent 
 to Zuni to bring away the friar, leaving Zuni without a missionary. 
 
 170S, November {.'). Padre Garaicochea urged the reestablishment of the Zufii mis- 
 sion, but no action was taken. 
 
 1705, March-April. Padre Garaicochea returned to Zuni as missionary early in the 
 year; he induced the Indians to come down from Toaiyalone, where they 
 had been since 1703, and again settle on the plains. On April 6 they renewed 
 their allegiance to Captain Roque Madrid. 
 
 1705, September. The Spaniards found a knotted cord, probably a quipu (calendar 
 string), which reminded them of the days of 1680, when a similar device 
 was employed to notify the revolutionists and to fix the day of the rebellion. 
 
286 THE ZUNT INDIANS [bth. ann. 23 
 
 1706, April-Maii. The Hopis had been raiding the Zunis, who were now baptized 
 
 Christians; therefore Captain Gutierrez was sent with eight men for their 
 protection. The Zunis made an expedition against the Hopis in May, kill- 
 ing two and recovering seventy animals. Later the Zunis aroused suspicion 
 by asking that the garrison be removed from their pueblo. Fray Antonio 
 Miranda, now resident missionary at Acoma, occasionally ministered to the 
 Zunis. 
 
 1707. Governor Jose Chacon Medina Salazar y Villasenor, Marquis de la Pefiuela, 
 
 sent an embassy of Zufiis to the Hopis to exhort them to peace and sub- 
 mission, but refugee Tanos and Tewas, who lived among the Hopis, 
 responded by making a raid on Zufii. At this time Fray Francisco de Iraz- 
 ilbal was missionary at "Alona," indicating that the old name was still some- 
 times applied to the new pueblo. 
 
 1709, June 5. The following inscription occurs on El Morro: "On the 5th day of the 
 month of June of this year of 1709 passed by here, bound for Zufii, Ramon 
 Paez Hurtado." He was lieutenant-general of the province and acting gov- 
 ernor in 1704-5. The expedition here noted was probably sent against the 
 Navahos, who were hostile this year. 
 
 1713, May. Padre Irazabal reported that a Zufii Indian attempted to instigate the 
 Acomas and Lagunas to kill their missionary, Fray Carlos Delgado. 
 
 1713, December. Two Zunis were granted permission to visit the Hopis, who 
 expressed eagerness for peace and alliance with the Zufiis, but not with 
 the Spaniards. 
 
 1716, August 26. The governor, Don Feliz Martinez, carved his inscription on El 
 Morro on his way to conquer the Hopis, by way of Zufii. The custodian, 
 Fray Antonio Camargo, and the alcalde of Santa Fe accompanied him. 
 Native commissioners were sent forward from Zufii, which was still called 
 Alona. 
 
 1726, February. The ensign, Don Jose de Payba Basconzelos visited Zufii, leaving 
 his inscription on El Morro dated February 18 of this year. 
 
 1736-1738. General Juan Paez Hurtado ( son of Ramon ) , official inspector, visited the 
 pueblo in 1736; Bishop Elizaecochea of Durango visited the pueblo in 
 September 1737; and Governor Enrique de Olavide y Michelena in 1738. 
 
 1744-1743. Zufii is reported by one authority as having a population of 150 families, 
 and by another 2,000 souls. It had two priests, one of whom was Padre 
 (Juan Jose?) Toledo. 
 
 1760. Bishop Tamaron reported the population of Zufii to be 664, but this number 
 is smaller by nearly 1,000 than that reported by Ilzarbe in 1788. 
 
 1774-1773. Fray Silvestre Velez Escalant3 was missionary at Zufii. 
 
 1779-1780. Fray Andres Garcia was missionary at Zufii. 
 
 1788. Fray Rafael Benavides was missionary at Zufii, also Fray Manuel Vega. 
 Ilzarbe reports the population to be 1,617. 
 
 1792. Fray Daniel Martinez was missionary at Zufii before this date. 
 
 1793. Revilla Gigedo reports the population at 1,935. 
 
 1798-99. The population of Zufii is reported at 2,716. (In 1820-21 it had appar- 
 ently dwindled to 1,597.) 
 
 Native Accounts of the Revoet of 1680 
 
 Accounts of the revolt of the Zufiis against Spanish rule in 1680 were 
 obtained by the writer from a shi'wanni (rain priest) and from Tu'maka, 
 a theurgist of one of the esoteric fraternities. The shi'wannfs account 
 is as follows: When (in 1680) the Pueblo Indians as a body planned 
 
stevenson] NATIVE ACCOUNTS OF REVOLT OF 1680 287 
 
 the revolt, the Zunis went to the mesa called by them To'wa yal'lanne 
 (Corn mountain) and prepared for defense. On their way they poi- 
 soned a number of the springs. The} 7 also deposited stones near the 
 brink of the mesa, for use as missiles. The Spanish priest who was 
 with them at the time accompanied them to the mesa. When the 
 Spaniards came to avenge the supposed death of this priest, who had 
 long since adopted the dress of the Zunis, having none other to wear, 
 they were met with missiles hurled from the mesa and with small 
 shells rilled with magic medicine, that could not fail in its purpose, 
 ejected from the mouths of the keeper of the 'su/'hlan'na (great shell) 
 and his deputy. Finally the rain priests scraped a buckskin and 
 requested the foreign priest to write upon it telling the Spaniards 
 that he was safe and beloved by the Zunis. This he did, and a large 
 stone was fastened to the rolled skin and thrown down into the val- 
 ley. Learning of the safety of the priest, the Spaniards retired. 
 
 A more detailed account of the revolt was given by the theurgist 
 Tu'maka, as follows: "After the old church was built in I'tiwanna, a 
 Spanish priest resided permanently at the village. After a time the 
 Zunis came to believe that they were to be destroyed by the Spaniards, 
 and they planned a revolt. They told all their women and children to 
 refrain from attending services on a certain day, and the men, pro- 
 viding themselves with bows and arrows, which they hid under their 
 blankets, started for the church. The leader of this revolt was the 
 keeper of the great shell, who said that he was not afraid, as he had 
 plenty of medicine to destroy the enemy. The Indians found only a 
 few Spaniards in the church. They locked the doors and killed all 
 but the priest and one other who escaped through the roof. The 
 priest was stripped of his vestments and made to wear Zuni dress. 
 The keeper of the great shell declared that it would be best to return 
 to To'wa yal'lanne to protect themselves better from the enemy. 
 
 While on To'wa yal'lanne they noticed one night a fire in the dis- 
 tance, and several men, perhaps six, were sent to find out what it 
 meant. A party of Laguna Indians had made the fire, and they told 
 the Zunis that in a short time man} 7 Spaniards and many Indians 
 would attack them. The Zunis returned with the news and were again 
 dispatched to the Lagunas, who joined the party of Zunis. The Lagu- 
 nas said that they had been compelled to accompany the Spaniards in 
 the march against the Zunis, but had escaped. They were instructed 
 by the Zuiiis to fill hides with water and not to touch water from 
 any spring in the Zuni country, as they would all be poisoned, and 
 also to take a bit of cedar twig into their mouths to protect them from 
 the poisoned shells which would be shot by the keeper of the shell. 
 When the enemy was discovered approaching the keeper of the 
 great shell and his deputy were in their house. Three times they were 
 called upon to come out and help the people, but they did not appear. 
 
288 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bth.ann.28 
 
 When they were called the fourth time and came forward, the enemy 
 was well up the mesa. The keeper and his deputy were nude except a 
 breechcloth, their bodies and limbs were painted red, and they had anklet 
 and wristlet wreaths of yucca. The face of each was painted black, 
 the forehead and chin covered with eagle down, and a red, fluffy eagle 
 plume was tied to the scalp lock. They had been preparing medicine, 
 which had to be obtained on the mesa, and therefore could not appear 
 sooner. Each theurgist filled a tin}' shell with the medicine, put the 
 shell into his mouth, and approached the edge of the mesa unarmed. 
 The people were alarmed and cried to them not to advance. The 
 theurgists said: 'We are not afraid." They blew the shells contain- 
 ing the medicine toward the enemy, who were immediately affected 
 by it. The enemy at first appeared to be intoxicated. One would 
 try to catch the other as he fell, and then both would stagger and 
 soon fall. Nearly the whole army was destroyed. The survivors 
 retreated. All the Rio Grande pueblos except the Lagunas fought 
 the Zuiiis. Those of the Lagunas who accompanied the Spaniards did 
 not shoot an arrow. About six months after this attack the Lagu- 
 nas again appeared and made a fire, and information was given to 
 the Zuiiis that another attack was expected. The keeper of the 
 shell prepared his medicine, but the Spanish priest, who was still with 
 them, being anxious to prevent further destruction of the Spaniards, 
 looked about for something on which to send a message. He finally 
 wrote with charcoal on a piece of deerskin, saying that he was safe 
 and that he loved the Zuiiis and wished to remain with them, and threw 
 it down the mesa side, calling to the Spaniards to receive, it. After 
 the message was read and the Spaniards learned of the safety of their 
 priest, the} 7 made no attack, but sent clothing and other things to him. 
 An associate of the keeper of the great shell fell sick about a year 
 after the Spaniards came the second time, while the Zuiiis were still 
 living on the mesa. A sorcerer went one night to this man's house 
 and, ascending to the roof, put his medicine all around it; but when 
 lie attempted to descend through the hatchway into the house, he found 
 that his strength was gone and that he could not move. At daylight 
 the father of the sick man, discovering the sorcerer on the roof, said: 
 'You had better come into the house. If anyone should see you here 
 you would get into trouble.' He helped the man into the house. 
 The sick man asked: 'What were you doing on my roof?' 'I put 
 medicine there because I wished you to die.' 'You must not try 
 that again. I can easily find you out and destroy you.' The sister of 
 the sick man said to her brother: 'I shall put away your medicine. 
 You find out too many bad men and kill them.' She placed the medi- 
 cine, including all the tiny shells, in a water vase, dug a hole about 
 2 feet deep on a knoll at the base of the mesa, and buried the vase. 
 And so those little shells are all gone; only the great shell is left for 
 
STEVE.VSON] GOVERNMENT 289 
 
 the Navahos. This shell would be used with the medicine if an attack 
 were made upon the Zufiis, hut at the ceremonials it is only blown, 
 for if the medicine were used it would kill all the people." 
 
 After dwelling a long- time onTo'wa yal'lanne (Corn mountain), the 
 Zunis again descended and scattered over the valley, but raids of the 
 Navahos and Apaches forced them to build the present village upon 
 the remains of old I'tiwanna, which stood on a knoll containing 15 
 acres, considerably elevated above the north bank of the Rio ZuSi. 
 This village has a population of about 1,600. It consists principally 
 of groups of houses, compactly built, one upon another, the highest 
 portion being five stories. The roof of the lower houses furnish the 
 front yards for the houses above. Generall}* the interior is so 
 arranged that the inhabitants can readily communicate with one 
 another. These remarkable structures served as fortifications, the 
 ladders for ascending to the roofs being drawn up in case of attack. 
 A church was built in Shi'wona, the name of this new village, and 
 after a time the Zunis became interested in the Catholic ritual, espe- 
 cially as they were allowed to make use of their own symbols in deco- 
 rating the churches. So far as the writer has been able to discover, 
 the religious and social institutions of the Zunis have been but slightly 
 affected by the teachings of the Spanish priesthood, and their mode 
 of thought is practically what it was before the arrival of Coronado 
 more than 350 years ago. 
 
 Government 
 
 The government of Zuni is hierarchical, four fundamental religious 
 groups, the A'shiwanni (Rain priesthood), the Ko'tikilli," the A'pi"la- 
 shiwanni (Bow priesthood), and the other esoteric fraternities being con- 
 cerned. The dominant authority, however, is what the writer terms 
 the first body of A'shiwanni, composed of eight men and one woman. '' 
 A governor with four assistants and a lieutenant-governor with his four 
 deputies constitute the civic branch. These men are all nominated 
 by the first body of rain priests, though much influence is brought 
 to bear for or against the various men supposed to be in favor with 
 this body. The public notification to the governor of his appoint- 
 ment takes place in the te'wita 'hlanna (large plaza), when the gov- 
 ernor's cane, a gift from President Lincoln (formerly a native staff 
 was in use), is handed to the new appointee. Though the governor is 
 elected for one year, he may be reelected one or more times. He 
 may. for proper cause, lose his office at any time, and this is also true 
 
 a Organization directly associated with anthropic worship. 
 
 &The rain priests are designated by terms which indicate freedom from secular work, the six 
 A'shiwanni directly associated with the six regions, the Shi'wano'*kIa (Priestess of fecundity), and 
 the elder and younger Bow priests, the two latter being A'shiwanni ex officio, as they are the earthly 
 representatives of the Divine Ones, constitute the first body of A'shiwanni. 
 
 23 eth— 04 19 
 
290 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bth.ass.23 
 
 of any member of his statf. The governor and his -tali attend to 
 such secular affairs as do not require the judgment of the first body 
 of rain priests or of the Bow priest-. Capital punishment come- 
 within the jurisdiction of the latter body. 
 
 A ease came to the notice of the writer in 1891, when a conference 
 was held between the Kia'kwe'mosi (rain priest of the North) and 
 an associate rain priest, who was. however, not connected with the 
 first body of rain priests. It was interesting to note the determination 
 of the young associate priest in his attempt to convince the lain priest 
 of the North that the governor was unworthy to fill the position, and 
 he succeeded so far as to receive directions to inform the other mem- 
 bers of the first body of rain priests that a meeting to discuss the situ- 
 ation would be held on the following night in the house of the Prieste-- 
 of fecundity. Seven days after this meeting a hundred or more men. 
 most of them past middle life, gathered in the large plaza. The elder 
 brother Bow priest sat upon a ledge extending across a house on the 
 north side of the plaza, with the governor's assistants on either side, 
 the governor sitting opposite the elder brother Bow priest. A Mexi- 
 can who had been captured by the Zunis when a child and afterward 
 adopted into the tribe accused the governor of having stolen Zuni 
 horses and traded them to Mexicans for sheep. The governor with 
 great dignity resented the charge and made a rather lengthy speech. 
 in which he exhibited independence and determination. The elder 
 brother Bow priest spoke next. His voice was low. but every word 
 was distinct, and he was listened to with profound interest as he set 
 forth the reason why the governor should be dismissed. During his 
 speech one of the younger men ventured to address a word to a neigh- 
 bor, upon which the elder brother Bow priest stopped and without 
 uttering a word stared at the offender. The fellow ceased suddenly, 
 as though -truck dumb, and the elder brother Bow priest continued 
 his speech without further interruption. Both sides were earnest in 
 their arguments for and against the governor, but the whole affair was 
 conducted with great dignity, and when the judges, the first body of 
 rain priests, announced that the governor was deposed, he. with his 
 friends, left the plaza without speaking a word, the other- following 
 in silenc . 
 
 Property 
 
 The Zunis are an agricultural and pastoral people. The held.- are 
 not owned by elans, and the Zunis claim that they never were -. 
 owned. A man may cultivate any strip of land, provided it has not 
 already l>een appropriated, and once in his posses-ion. he has the right 
 to transfer it to whomsoever he please- within the tribe. Land is 
 
 ■ ained from the owner by trade, and houses are di-posed of in the 
 same manner. The -ale of a houst- came under the observation of the 
 
Stevenson] LIST OP CLANS 291 
 
 writer in L896. An old woman owning two houses, one immediate]}'' 
 in front of the other, sold the one in front, to the great annoyance of 
 her female children, who feared that a story would be added to the 
 house, thus cutting off the view of the street from their upper floor. 
 
 Much generosity is exhibited by these people regarding propertjr 
 left to them. According to the law the landed property of a married 
 man or woman goes after death to the daughters. The sons are sup- 
 posed to be able to acquire their own fields, but if there arc no girls 
 the sons are the next heirs. In case a man has sisters or brothers, 
 especially sisters who are poor, his children are apt to give them part 
 of their property or permit them to enjoy some of the benefits received 
 therefrom. Disputes arising over the distribution of property are 
 usually settled by the civil authorities, although occasionally they are 
 carried to the first body of A'shiwanni, who have the higher control 
 of civil affairs. 
 
 After a man is married, the products of his fields are carried to the 
 house of his wife's parents (his home after marriage), and, though it is 
 understood that these products are for general household use, there is 
 an unwritten law that the property of each man may be removed from 
 its storing place only by his wife and himself. The wife's grain — the 
 produce of fields given her by her father or mother — is placed with 
 that of the husband. On the death of the owner, horses, cattle, sheep, 
 and blankets are divided among the girls and the boys of the family; 
 the silver beads and turcpioise earrings of the mother go to the daugh- 
 ters; the coral, white shell, and turquoise necklaces and earrings of 
 the father go to the eldest son. The little gardens about the villages, 
 which are tended exclusively by the women, are inherited by the 
 daughters. 
 
 List of Clans 
 
 The Zuni tribe is divided into clans (a'notiwe). While descent is 
 through the maternal side, the offspring is also closely allied to the 
 father's clan. The child is always referred to as belonging to the 
 mothers clan and as being the "child" of the father's clan. It should 
 be borne in mind that "child of the clan "throughout this paper refers 
 to its relation to the paternal clan. In the family the child is under 
 the control of both parents. The clan plays an important part in cere- 
 monials. Manj- ceremonial offices are filled either by a member of a 
 given clan or by a "child" of the clan — that is, either the mother or 
 the father must belong to the particular clan. In some cases offices 
 are filled annually, in rotation, first by a member of a particular clan 
 and secondly by a "child" of the specified clan. Some offices are 
 always filled b} T a particular clan; in other cases the offices must be 
 filled only by a "child" of a designated clan. The list of clans here 
 presented has been collected with the greatest care. If there were 
 
292 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 6ther clans at any period of the past, the knowledge of them is lost 
 to the sages of the present time. 
 The existing clans are as follows: 
 
 Pi'chikwe Dogwood clan 
 
 To'wakwe Com clan 
 
 Ya'toklakwe Sun clan 
 
 To'nashikwe Badger clan 
 
 Aifishikwe Bear clan 
 
 Sus'kikwe Coyote clan 
 
 'Kc/'loktakwe Sandhill-crane clan 
 
 KliikTiilikwe Eagle clan 
 
 Ta'k iak we « Frog clan 
 
 A'na'kwe Tobacco clan 
 
 Ai'yaho'kwe ( a plant ) 
 
 Po'yi'kwe Chaparral-cock clan 
 
 To'nakwe Turkey clan 
 
 Sho'hitakwe Deer clan 
 
 Ta'hlup'sik we Yellow wood ( Berberis 
 
 fremontii) clan 
 Ma'wikwe '' Antelope clan 
 
 The extinct clans are as follows: 
 
 Ta'wi Wood clan 
 
 A'poyakwe Sky clan 
 
 Ok'shikokwe Cottontail-rabbit clan 
 
 Kwln'ikwakwe '' Black corn clan 
 
 Social Customs 
 the household 
 
 Though some Zuiii houses have as many as eight rooms, the ordinary 
 house has from four to six and a few have onh T two. Ledges built 
 with the house extend around the rooms, forming seats and shelves. 
 The largest is the general living room, where the entire household 
 works, cats, and sleeps, and where guests are entertained. When the 
 room is required for the use of some fraternity, the family adjourns 
 to other quarters, moving all its belongings. In this room the family 
 wardrobe hangs on a pole suspended from the rafters. The more val- 
 uable things, especially the ceremonial paraphernalia, are carefully 
 wrapped and deposited in the storage rooms. As a rule the mills for 
 grinding meal are set up in the general living room. They consist of 
 three or more slabs of stone, of different degrees of fineness of grain. 
 set side by side at an angle of about 45° and separated by upright 
 slabs, the whole surrounded by other slabs, making an inclosure for 
 each mill. 
 
 Most of the rooms are provided with fireplaces, of which there are 
 several varieties. One style is formed by a wall several feet high and 
 
 a See i>. ins, note '■. 
 
 Mm-' man has been tin 1 only member of tli is clan for the past ten or twelve years. 
 (•This elan became extinct in 1902 by the death of an aged shi'wnnni. 
 
o 
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 ir 
 
 > 
 
 _l 
 
 1Z 
 
 N 
 
stevessosj SOCIAL CUSTOMS 293 
 
 of equal breadth extending- at right angles from one of the longer walls 
 of the room, the projecting wall being so placed as to protect the fire- 
 place from the doorway. A commodious mantel usualhy extends over a 
 part of the fireplace, and on it rests the masonry chimney, reaching 
 up through the roof, while the exterior chimney is composed of old 
 pottery vessels with perforated bottoms. Cooking vessels are set on 
 stones in the fireplaces; food is also cooked in the coals and ashes. 
 One room of every dwelling of any pretension has a fireplace of 
 peculiar construction. It is from 6 to 12 feet wide and has a projection 
 above like a Chinese awning. When the great ceremonial caldrons 
 are used for the feasts, they are balanced on stones in this fireplace. 
 He'we (wafer bread) is also baked in this fireplace upon highly polished 
 stone slabs. The room, however, is not exclusively set apart for this 
 cooking. Like most of the rooms, except the general living room and 
 the one immediately adjoining, it is used largely as a storage room. 
 
 Candles are never used in a Zuni house nor are lamps used for ordi- 
 nary lighting. A lamp made of baked cla,j and somewhat resembling 
 a Roman lamp is employed on the occasion of certain ceremonials. It 
 gives very little light. 
 
 The domestic life of the Zuiiis might well serve as an example for 
 the civilized world. As has been stated, the husband lives with his 
 wife's parents, and it is common to find several families, under the 
 same roof. The Zuiiis do not have large families, and the members 
 are deeply attached to one another. The writer found great enjoy- 
 ment in her visits to the general living room (see plate lxxvii) in the 
 early evening, after the day's labors were over and before the elders 
 were called away to their fraternities or elsewhere. The } r oung 
 mothers would be seen caring for their infants, or perhaps the fathers 
 would be fondling- them, for the Zuni men are very devoted to their 
 children, especially the babies. The grandmother would have one of 
 the younger children in her lap, with perhaps the head of another 
 resting against her shoulder, while the rest would be sitting near or 
 busying themselves about household matters. When a story was told 
 by the grandfather or some younger member of the group, intense 
 interest would be depicted on the faces of all old enough to appreciate 
 the recital. 
 
 The Zuni child is rarely disobedient, and the writer has known 
 but one parent to strike a child or to use harsh words with it. The 
 children play through the livelong day without a quarrel. The young- 
 est children never disturb or touch anything- belonging to others. In 
 years of experience with the Zuiiis and other Indians the writer has 
 never lost an article through them, either of food or otherwise. 
 
 The boys have many childish amusements, which they greatly enjoy. 
 One of their especial delights at night is to run about with burning- 
 brands made of balls of fiber attached to slender poles. The boys and 
 girls do not play much together. In fact the girls seem to have little 
 
294 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.2S 
 
 time for things which delight other children. They carry the younger 
 sister or brother on their backs, often tottering from the weight. The}' 
 seem ever ready to look after the younger ones, and when they are 
 free from this care they imitate all that their mothers do. They make 
 pottery, weave belts (see plate lxxviii), make bread, and at times they 
 may actually be found playing with dolls instead of the living babies. 
 The children are as punctilious as their elders in attending to ceremo- 
 nial observances. 
 
 Games and impromptu dances are the favorite pastime of the .young- 
 men. Though they never wear their ceremonial masks in these dances, 
 they do wear masks copied after those of the Navahos (see plate 
 lxxix). The dog dance (plate lxxx), in which the performer picks 
 money and silver buttons from the ground with his mouth, always 
 draws a large audience and leads to considerable betting. Girls 
 occasionally join in some of the pleasure dances (see plate lxxxi). 
 
 The older girls do not usually go about the village unattended. The 
 only place the}' are free to visit alone is the well (see plate lxxxii)," 
 where the youth may be found lurking in the early evening, waiting 
 for an opportunity to speak a word to the pretty girls, and to some 
 special one if he has settled his affections. Those who state that the 
 Zufii maiden makes advances to the man are in error. The writer has 
 observed many cases of love-making, and they have never differed 
 essentially from the experiences of our own .youths and maidens. The 
 conduct of a girl who shows her preference for a man before he has 
 shown his for her is looked upon as indelicate. While parents are 
 inclined to look to the marriages of their children, there are many 
 love matches in Zufii. 
 
 NATAL CUSTOMS 
 
 Previous to the birth of a child, if a daughter is desired, the husband 
 and wife, sometimes accompanied by a doctress or a female relative, 
 visit the Mother rock, 6 on the west side of To'wa yal'lanne (Corn 
 mountain). The pregnant woman scrapes a small quantity of the 
 rock into a tiny vase made for the purpose and deposits it in one of 
 the cavities in the rock (see plate xn a), and they all pray that the 
 daughter may grow to be good and beautiful and possess all virtues, and 
 that she may weave beautifully and be skilled in the art of making 
 potten'. If a son is desired, the couple visit a shrine higher up the 
 side of the mountain, in a fissure in the same rock, and sprinkle meal 
 and deposit te'likinawe, with prayers that a son may be born to them 
 and that he may be distinguished in war and after death become great 
 among ancestral gods. Should the prayers offered at the shrines he 
 
 " This picturesque well will soon become an object of the past. 
 
 ''The base of this ruck is covered with symbols of the a'sha (vulva) (see pi. xn b) anil is perforated 
 with small excavations. The Zuhis are not an exception among aboriginal peoples in respect to 
 phallic worship. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVIII 
 
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stevexson] SOCIAL CUSTOMS 295 
 
 not answered, it is believed that the heart of one or other of the 
 couple is not good. There is also another shrine most sacred to the. 
 Zunis to which parents desiring sons resort. This shrine is on the 
 summit of a low mound in a narrow valley and consists of a stone slab 
 about 1 foot square, slightly raised from the ground by loose stones. 
 Three stones, two round and one several Laches long, symbolizing the. 
 male generative organs, are placed upon the slab, the long one point- 
 ing to'the east. 
 
 Another resort for women in this condition is a queer-looking 
 inclosure by the side of the trail leading to the peach orchards of To'wa 
 yal'lanne. It is formed by a stone wall some 2i feet high at the west 
 end. the. space within being 2^ by G feet. Two of the, largest, stones 
 ,of the wall project into the interior. The wall slopes unevenly on 
 each side and is only a foot high at the east end. When a daughter 
 is desired, one or other of the couple or both visit this place and the 
 woman, passing into the inclosure, breaks off a bit from each of the 
 projecting rocks. These bits are afterward powdered and put into 
 water and drunk by the woman. It is believed that a daughter is sure 
 to be the result if the heart is good. 
 
 A pregnant woman suffering from a cough and a pain in the right 
 side of her abdomen was relieved by the writer with simple remedies; 
 but the celebrated Nai'uchi, surgeon and doctor, had to be sent for, as 
 the family was sure the sufferer had been bewitched. Nai'uchi came 
 and appeared to draw from the abdomen two objects which he 
 claimed were the mother and child worms. One was about the 
 length of the second finger of the hand; the other was smaller. Of 
 course this showed that the woman had been bewitched and that it 
 was well that he was sent for in time, as these worms would have 
 eaten the child and caused its death. It was afterward reported that 
 when the woman was grinding at Nutria some weeks previous, a 
 sister of a witch, who ground by her side, touched the pregnant 
 woman on the side of the abdomen, and it was then that the worms 
 were "•cast" in. 
 
 A pregnant woman while at her farm at Ojo Caliente became 
 alarmed at the retarded action of the fetus, and she and her husband 
 returned to Zuni to consult Nai'uchi. On learning that the woman had 
 been drinking water from the sacred spring of the Ko'loowisi (Plumed 
 serpent), he declared that she was not carrying a child but a serpent. 
 The following day the husband came to the writer in great distress and 
 begged her to go to his wife, who was in such a wretched mental state 
 that he feared she would die. After examining the abdomen the writer 
 declared that Nai'uchi was mistaken: but his words had sunk into the 
 sufferers mind, and hours were spent with the distracted woman before 
 she was convinced that her doctor was in error. After several days a 
 slight color took the place of the death-like pallor of the woman, and she 
 
296 THE ZDNI INDIANS [eth.akn.23 
 
 slowly improved, but it was many duvs before she was like herself 
 again. In less than six weeks from that time a health}' boy was born. 
 The writer named the child at the request of the mother, but the nick- 
 name of Little Ko'loowisi will cling to him for many a day. The 
 gratitude of the husband to the writer for saving, as he thought, the 
 life of his wife and child was very marked and was shown in every 
 way possible. Each week the best products of his fields and garden 
 were brought to her from his farm, 15 miles away. 
 
 It is believed that if the Sa'ya'hlia or SaTimobiya (certain anthropic 
 gods) strike a pregnant woman with their yucca switches parturition 
 will immediately result. Therefore all women in this condition are 
 careful to keep out of the reach of the yucca when these gods appear 
 in the village. A spiral shell is worn in the belt of the woman when a 
 boj* is desired, and another variety of shell when a girl is wished for. 
 After childbirth a white pebble is taken into the mother's mouth, and the 
 teeth are pressed against it in order that the child's teeth may be white 
 and strong. It has been reported that Zuni women during childbirth 
 are segregated in houses specially set apart for the purpose. Such is 
 not the fact. Nai'uchi would not visit his granddaughter for some days 
 after her confinement because of wounds he had received from arrows 
 years ago. as he feared that the wounds would frighten the infant, 
 causing it to cry all the time and not sleep. It is declared by all the 
 Zuni theurgists, both men and women, that ten months are required 
 for the gestation of a male child, but only nine for a female child. 
 Twins are not common; triplets are very rare; they are attributed to 
 embraces in immediate succession. 
 
 A young pregnant woman, becoming alarmed, called in the theur- 
 gist. He examined the abdomen, and declared that she was carrying- 
 three children and that should they reach full development she would 
 surely die. He produced premature birth; and it was claimed by the 
 doctor that the first two born breathed a few times and that the third 
 was stillborn. Abortion is rarely practiced on married women; but 
 it is not uncommon among the fallen women, who are always pointed 
 at with the finger of scorn, except when they are on a bed of illness; 
 they then receive the same consideration as others. Their infants are 
 not discriminated against in any way. 
 
 Women complain but little previous to parturition, performing 
 their duties as usual until the actual presence of labor. The feet and 
 hands are frequently swollen to a painful degree, and it is not unusual 
 to find the face affected in the same way. This swelling does not often 
 exist except during the ten or twelve days immediately previous to 
 accouchement, and in most cases observed by the writer the swelling- 
 disappeared rapidly after confinement. 
 
 Laceration of the perineum is of frequent occurrence. It is a 
 
STEVENSOS] SOCIAL CUSTOMS 297 
 
 natural result of the method of childbirth as practiced by the Zufiis. 
 In three labor cases observed by the writer in 1896-97 laceration 
 occurred. At such time high fever is apt to be present, though in 
 one of the cases referred to the pulse never rose above 90. Milk leg 
 is very rare, but abscess in the breast is not uncommon. When the 
 doctresses fail to bring relief, the surgeon is called in. 
 
 The only case of operation on the breast observed by the writer was performed by 
 Xai'uehi, who administered a native narcotic (Datura stramonium) before using the 
 lancet. After making the incision he squeezed out the pus, and then, without 
 having previously washed his hands, inserted his index finger and pulled out the 
 remaining pus. A powdered medicine was sprinkled sparingly over the wound, and 
 a soiled cloth was afterward bound over it. The patient returned to consciousness in 
 much the same manner as one gradually arousing from a natural sleep. She after- 
 ward told the writer that she knew nothing of the operation, but had beautiful 
 dreams. The powdered medicine was applied for several days, and in a week the 
 breast was entirely healed. 
 
 The writer has never discovered among any Indian tribe a case of 
 blindness after confinement, nor has she ever known a woman to suffer 
 from convulsions before or after conrinement. The Zufii women some- 
 times suffer from uterine trouble after bearing children, though such 
 troubles are uncommon. In some instances observed by the writer 
 the uterus had protruded. In such cases the surgeon is called in to 
 replace it. There are but two or three theurgists who undertake such 
 cases, and these are men. Nai'uchi is the principal man in such 
 troubles, but his charges are so high that some of the poorer women 
 are obliged to call upon less distinguished practitioners. 
 
 Sore nipples are unusual. The child is placed to the breast within 
 ten hours after birth, every effort being made to make it draw the 
 milk. Constipation is carefully guarded against, and is therefore 
 uncommon. A hot tea made of toasted juniper twigs and berries 
 steeped in boiling water is constant^ drunk from the beginning of 
 labor for the purpose of relaxing the system, and afterward to induce 
 copious lochial discharge. Should this tea be drunk in earlier stages 
 of pregnancy, it is believed that the child would be very dark. The 
 writer has never known a case where catamenia continued longer than 
 four days, and the Zuni doctors and women declare that it seldom 
 continues for a longer period. Though hemorrhage is uncommon, it 
 sometimes occurs, and for this trouble a tea is made by pouring boiling 
 water over the fungus commonly known as corn smut (Ustilago maidis), 
 which has the same effect as ergot of the pharmacopeia. 
 
 The childbirth ceremonies of the Sia tribe, described in the Eleventh 
 Annual Keport of the Bureau of Ethnology, are very much more elab- 
 orate than those of the Zufiis. 
 
 A typical labor case observed by the writer occurred at midnight, October 20, 1896. 
 A child wife, not more than 15 years old, gave evidence of approaching parturition. 
 She suffered from that time until 6 o'clock in the following evening, when she was 
 
298 THE ZUNI INDIANS [ETH. ask. 23 
 
 delivered. Owing to the absence of her mother in Ojo Caliente, a farming district, 
 the girl was confined in her mother-in-law's house. She wore only the camis, which 
 leaves the arms exposed, and was covered with a heavy blanket. She lay most of 
 the night on sheepskins spread on the floor near the south end of the room, pressing 
 her feet during the pain against the ledge at the south wall of the room. She 
 changed position from her side to her back and often lay face downward. The 
 mother-in-law, who was a doctress, had no professional part in the treatment of 
 her daughter-in-law, but took a seat on the floor beside the girl, offering no 
 assistance. The two grandmothers of the girl were present and were much con- 
 cerned over her suffering. The father, the father-in-law, and a paternal uncle were 
 in an interior room. Their faces expressed anxiety, and they spoke in whispers. 
 The husband of the girl, not expecting the birth of the child for several days, was 
 absent at his farm in Ojo Caliente. The pains increased, and at 4 o'clock in the 
 afternoon, two doctresses having been summoned, the kneading of the abdomen 
 began. Each doctress took her turn, bestowing much strength and energy on the 
 manipulation. With each pain the girl turned on her right side and caught the 
 belt of the doctress before her, while the second doctress pressed hard upon the 
 back, the girl pressing her feet against the ledge. The labor being prolonged, a doc- 
 tress held the nostrils of the patient and blew into her mouth, occasionally releasing 
 the pressure upon her nose for an instant. This heroic treatment appears cruel in 
 the extreme, but it is supposed to force the child into the world. The girl wept 
 continually. The sympathy expressed by the relatives and doctresses was enough to 
 unnerve the sufferer. The juniper tea was frequently drunk and the girl occasionally 
 stood over the urinal during the day, but did not leave her bed after 4 o'clock. 
 Rupture of the membranes occurred an hour and a half before the birth of the child. 
 Half an hour previous to delivery, one of the doctresses made an examination by 
 inserting her hand. Apparently discouraged and alarmed, she notified the mother- 
 in-law of her intention to call upon the officers of the Great Fire fraternity to come 
 and sing their songs. This fraternity has four songs addressed to the Beast Gods for 
 hastening delayed delivery. Should the child be born after the first song, the singing 
 ceases, and so on. Should the child not be born soon after the fourth song, the heart 
 of the patient is bad; the songs are not repeated, and the theurgists leave the house. 
 Accordingly, the mother-in-law provided the doctress with a quarter of mutton and 
 many yards of cotton and calico as an advance payment to the theurgists. For a long 
 time the doctress was unsuccessful in her efforts to find the men, hut she persisted in 
 her search and finally returned with them just as the girl was being delivered of a male 
 child. The four theurgists departed at once with the medicine of the Beast Gods and 
 their rattles. As soon as the child's head was exposed, the girl was at once turned 
 upon her back and most vigorously kneaded. Her drawn knees were held by two 
 women and a doctress took her seat upon the ledge between the girl's knees and, 
 pressing her hands to the sides of the infant's head, assisted the birth by slightly shak- 
 ing the child as she pulled it to her." Another doctress severed the umbilical cord 
 with a steel knife, while the doctress holding the child pressed the cord close by 
 the umbilicus until a cotton cord as thick as a lead pencil was procured and wrapped 
 an.und it several times. In the meantime the abdomen of the young mother was 
 manipulated until the placenta passed. It was held by the umbilical cord and hastily 
 taken from under the blanket on the left side, dropped into a bowl, and carried 
 from the house by the girl's maternal grandmother, who deposited it in the river 
 with a prayer that the young mother might be blessed witli many children. While 
 this was happening the mother bit upon a white pebble, that the child's teeth 
 might be strong and white. There seemed to he no evidence of life in the child for 
 
 "Though it is the aim o£ each doctress present at childbirth to bring the child into the world in 
 onlcT that if it lie ii tiny, lie will enter the ki'wi'sine of her husband, there is no evidence of unfair- 
 ness toward one another. 
 
stkvknson] SOCIAL CUSTOMS 299 
 
 an hour after birth, still the doctvesses and the paternal grandmother of the girl 
 never ceased their efforts to produce respiration by pressing the nostrils, blowing 
 into the mouth, manipulating the chest, and moving the arms, held outward and 
 above the head. Warm clothes were kept around the body and over the head. 
 There was great rejoicing when the faintest sign of life was discovered, but it was 
 fully another hour before respiration was such as to give real hope of life for the 
 child. The writer was surprised at the success of these patient efforts, as the case 
 seemed to be a hopeless one. When no further anxiety was felt for the little one. 
 the doctress called for pifion gum which had been boiled and, chewing it until it 
 was white and pliable, mixed mutton grease with it, and then the paternal grand- 
 mother of the girl rubbed it on the stone floor until she produced a roll one- 
 half inch in diameter and about 4 inches long. A blanket was now folded over 
 the upturned feet and the extended legs of the doctress, wdio laid the child upon 
 the blanket, its head resting against her feet. Opening the wrappings about the 
 child, she raised the umbilical cord, which was about 2J inches long and heavily 
 wrapped with the cotton cord previously referred to, and encircled the umbilicus 
 with the roll of pifion gum; then fluffing some carded wool and making an open- 
 ing in the center, she drew the wrapped umbilical cord through, patting the wool 
 over the pifion gum. This dressing, which was very clumsy, protruded more than 
 an inch. The abdomen was covered with a bit of soiled cotton cloth, laid on warm, 
 and the child's head was kept covered with a warm cloth. The paternal grand- 
 mother of the infant now dropped water upon its scrotum, and the doctress rubbed 
 it over the parts, manipulating the penis until its form could be seen. The child's 
 nose was frequently pinched, and the mouth and eyes were delicately manipulated. 
 The latter when closed resembled the eyes of a frog, the lids protruding to a remark- 
 aide degree. The child's arms were now placed by its side and it was wrapped in a 
 piece of cotton cloth and a tiny blanket, and these were held in place by strings 
 of yucca over the shoulders, breast, and lower portion of the legs. The child was 
 then laid upon a folded blanket. Meantime the young mother stood unassisted 
 over the urinal, wrapped her belt around her to hold in place a heated stone, and 
 took her seat on the ledge. Two women removed the sheepskin on which 
 was a pool of the lochial discharge; this the maternal grandmother covered with 
 sand, and the sand was then swept into a cloth and carried out. The girl then drank 
 a cup of commercial tea without sugar," which she enjoyed. After the young mother 
 had taken this nourishment the father-in-law and mother-in-law brought a quantity 
 of damp sand and deposited it upon the floor. One of the doctresses divided the 
 sand into two portions, placed a hot stone slab under one portion and another slab 
 on top of the sand, and worked the sand about the stones until it was thoroughly 
 dry and heated, when she removed the stones and placed them with the other part 
 of the sand, which was heated in the same manner. The second portion of sand was 
 made into a circular mound, in which an elliptic depression was formed and made 
 perfectly smooth. A circular depression to fit the child's head was made west of the 
 ellipse, and a ridge of sand was raised between the two depressions to support the 
 child's neck. Over the sand a heated cloth was laid. At this time much disap- 
 pointment was felt that neither of the ears of corn which were brought by the 
 mother-in-law was a ya'pota (perfect ear). One ear had three plumules, symboliz- 
 ing fecundity; the other was a single ear. The latter t> was held, pointing upward, 
 back of the child's head by the mother-in-law, who also held the child. A basket 
 of prayer meal was deposited at the head of the sand bed by the doctress who 
 received the child into the world, and the latter offered a long prayer to A'wona- 
 
 a There is great prejudice against the use of sugar at such times. The Zuiii doctors forbid the 
 sweetening of tea or coffee. 
 
 b For a boy the single ear of corn, called the father, is used: a divided one, called tiie mother, is 
 placed by a girl. 
 
300 THE ZL'NI INDIANS [bth.akn.23 
 
 wil'ona tor long life and health to the child." After the prayer the doctress raised 
 the cotton cloth and sprinkled a line of meal from east to west over the sand bed, 
 symbolic of the straight path the child must follow in order to receive the blessings 
 of A'wonawil'ona and the Sun Father. The cloth was then returned to its place, the 
 child was laid upon the bed, and the single ear of corn was placed at its left side. 
 The maternal grandmother covered the child with a small blanket, which was a 
 gift from herself. The doctress then struck the sides and ends in turn of a quaint 
 little stool against the floor at the head of the bed, and placed it finally on its side 
 .it the head of the bed, with the seat next to the bed. An Apache basket tray was 
 inverted over the child's head, one side resting on the edge of the stool, the other 
 on the blanket covering, so as to raise from the face a cotton cloth which was thrown 
 over the head. A small blanket was placed over the cotton covering. An occasional 
 faint sound was to be heard from the infant, which caused genuine delight to the 
 family and friends. The mother-in-law next proceeded to prepare the mother's 
 bed with the second portion of sand, first heating the sand in the manner described. 
 The ear of corn having three plumules was placed to the left of the bed, and when 
 the young mother took her seat upon her bed, a bowl of mutton stew, a basket of 
 mush boiled in corn husks, and a basket tray of wafer bread were deposited on the 
 floor beside her. A number joined in the meal, none eating with more relish than 
 the young mother, who sat up an hour and a half. During the meal the paternal 
 grandfather of the infant came from the inner room. At this moment the child 
 gave its first vigorous cry, which delighted all present, especially the grandfather. 
 One hour after the birth of the child the mother's pulse was 80. At the first peep 
 of the sun on the morning following the birth, the doctress who delivered the 
 young mother, having been supplied with a vase of warm water, a gourd, and a 
 ket of ashes, proceeded to bathe the infant. Dipping a gourd of water, she 
 filled her mouth, and pouring the water from her mouth over the head of the 
 child, washed its face and head, rubbing quite vigorously, after which ashes were 
 rubbed over the face, a quantity adhering to the skin. '' The infant's paternal 
 grandmother now folded a blanket and laid it over the extended legs of the doctress, 
 who placed the infant upon the blanket, its head against her upturned feet. The 
 doctress sprinkled the breast of the infant with water, using her right hand, with a 
 prayer for long life and health of the child; and, dipping her hand into the vase of 
 water, she proceeded to bathe the child. After the bath the child's entire body was 
 rubbed over with ashes. The cloth which had previously wrapped the infant was 
 changed for another, which, however, was neither new nor clean. A blanket that 
 had been previously warmed by the fire was afterward placed around the child. 
 The young mother observed the bathing and wrapping of her infant with gnat 
 interest. The infant was next laid upon a fresh sand bed prepared by the pater- 
 nal grandmother, and the young mother walked to her bed and lay down, while 
 a doctress bathed the lacerated perineum with warm root tea and afterward sprin- 
 kled the affected parts with a powder, •' after which she manipulated the abdomen 
 for thirty minutes. The young mother then sat upon the ledge by the tire while 
 a fresh sand lied was prepared for her. After a time the child was placed to the 
 breast, but it failed to get nourishment, though it made persistent effort. The 
 hot juniper tea was drunk constantly after the confinement for the purpose of 
 
 "The Zulus believe that the span of life is marked out at birth, This belief, however, does not 
 prevent their incessant prayers t" A/wonawil'ona (the supreme power; see p. 22) for health ami a 
 life. 
 
 ''The Zuiiis declare that in four days from the putting on of the ashes exfoliation occurs and a new 
 skin appears. Ashes are used throughout Hie first year to render the face and other parts of the body 
 depilous. With rare exceptions, these people are depilous, except on the scalp. 
 
 »'In aggravated cases <>f laceration certain mule theurgists are called in. In the case here men- 
 tioned the parts appeared to be entirely healed alter the eighth day. The tea ami powder were used 
 only four days. The powder secured by the writer was not of sufficient quantity to admit an analysis. 
 
Stevenson] SOCIAL CUSTOMS 301 
 
 hastening the close of the lochia! discharge, which ceased after the fourth day. 
 On the second day, October 22, t he pulse of the mother was 78. Though several 
 efforts were made through the day to nourish the child from the mother, the milk 
 did not appear. On the 23d the pulse was 79. Mother and child were doing well. 
 The lacerated perineum was much improved. The same treatment was continued. 
 Though the feet and ankles were excessively swollen for days before parturition, 
 they rapidly returned to their normal condition after the birth of the child. On 
 the 24th the pulse was 79. Though the milk came, it appeared like pus, and the 
 child refused it. The infant was so weak from lack of nourishment that the writer 
 prepared condensed milk, upon which it was fed for some days, and its improve- 
 ment was marked. On the 25th the pulse was 90. The infant was placed to the 
 breast several times, but refused the milk. At the first light of day on the 26th, 
 a line of meal, symbolic of the path of life, was sprinkled from the house to the 
 point where the child was to observe for the first time the Sun Father. The doc- 
 tress who had received the child when it came into the world, accompanied by the 
 young mother and the paternal grandmother, carried the infant, with the ear of 
 corn which had been by its side since its birth held close to its head. The doctress 
 stooped and held the child to face east while she offered a prayer for the health and 
 happiness, goodness of heart, and long life of the child. At sunrise the doctress 
 dipped up several gourdfuls of water in which juniper had been steeped and emptied 
 it into a bowl near the fireplace; then the paternal great-grandmother of the child 
 pounded yucca root and handed it to the doctress, who made suds of it by beating 
 it in the juniper water. As the bowl became filled with snowy froth, she took off 
 the suds, putting them into a second bowl, and when this bowl was filled, the suds 
 were warmed with hot juniper water. The paternal grandmother held the child 
 until the doctress had removed her moccasins and was seated on a blanket spread 
 on the floor. The physician held the infant, its head to the east, supporting it with 
 the left hand. The great-grandmother and the paternal grandmother stood one on 
 each side of the bowl. The doctress first dipped a handful of suds, and then the 
 others took suds with their right hands. The young mother sat on the ledge near 
 by, but took no part. The suds were held while the doctress offered a long prayer 
 to A'wonawil'ona, the Sun Father, and the Earth Mother, that all blessings might 
 come to the child. At the conclusion of the prayer the doctress placed the suds 
 she held on the top of the child's head, and then the other two patted the suds 
 on the head; and the head was then held over the b wl and thoroughly washed by 
 the doctress. Great care was observed in bathing the eyes; they were smoothed over 
 and over, and the nose was pinched many times. A blanket was folded and spread 
 over the extended legs < f the doctress, in the manner heretofore described, a wad 
 being placed before the upturned feet where the child's head was to rest. The 
 dressing was removed from the umbilicus, which was found entirely healed. The 
 child was then bathed from a bowl containing only warm juniper water. The pater- 
 nal grandmother was careful to warm the cloths in which the child was to be 
 wrapped. Xothing was used to dry the child aside from the ashes which were 
 rubbed over its entire body. The infant, still refusing its mother's milk, was fed 
 with condensed milk from a spoon. It smacked its lips with satisfaction, much to 
 the delight of the paternal grandfather and the others present. The child was 
 then held by the grandmother, while the doctress worked up anew the yucca suds. 
 The young mother's hair was loosed, and she bent her head over the bowl while the 
 doctress, the mother-in-law, and the latter's mother and young niece dipped suds 
 with their right hands and held them while the doctress prayed. After the prayer 
 the doctress applied to the head the suds she held, and the others did the same, 
 after which the doctress thoroughly washed the head and long hair. The young 
 mother then took her seat while the doctress removed the remainder of her sand 
 bed, which was carried in a blanket to the far end of the room and deposited in a 
 
302 THK ZUNI INDIANS [eth.asn.23 
 
 heap. The doctress afterward placed by the sand heap the bowl of juniper water, 
 in which the yucca suds had been deposited to bathe the infant, and proceeded to 
 bathe the young mother, who was now at the other end of the room. The girl 
 kept on her camis, which soon became thoroughly wet. The doctress poured water 
 over her by the gourdful. The girl washed her own legs, standing while she did so. 
 Twenty minutes were consumed in this bath, though the large room, except near 
 the tire, was very cold. No cloth was used to dry the body. A soiled camis was 
 slipped on her as she dropped the other, and, wrapping a heavy blanket around 
 lu-rself, the young mother walked over the cold stone floor in her bare feet, which 
 were still swollen, and took her seat by the tire. Within twenty minutes after the 
 bath the mother's pulse was 82. She seemed perfectly well and declared that she 
 felt so. An excellent meal was served, but the grandfather was too absorbed to leave 
 his work of attaching buckskin thongs and loops to the new cradle, which was a 
 present from the paternal uncle Mauretio. On the cradle, just where the head of 
 the infant should rest, was a perfectly round turquoise of excellent color. Inlaid 
 below and close to the neck rest were three turquoises. When the cradle was com- 
 pleted, the child was strapped to it. In folding the wraps around the child care was 
 observed first to bring around the piece of cotton from the right side of the child so 
 as to prevent the arms from coming in contact with the body, the cloth passing 
 under each arm. The other side of the cloth was then brought over both arms. 
 The blanket was folded around and tied in two places. On the 27th the mother's 
 pulse was 82. She was sitting up, dressed, and apparently perfectly well. The 
 infant took the mother's milk for the first time. The pulse was the same on the 
 28th and 29th. The mother was up and sewing on the 29th, and the child took 
 much notice and appeared brighter and more observing than any civilized child of 
 the same age known to the writer. 
 
 Another obstetrical case observed was that of an unmarried girl of 16. She received 
 the same attentions as if the child had been born in wedlock, and the writer did not 
 detect any difference in the ceremonies because of illegitimate birth. The parents 
 of this girl were dead. The relatives with whom she lived were very tender with her, 
 though they expressed deep regret at her misconduct. Her brother, who was an 
 associate shi'wanni (rain priest), acted kindly toward her and was as pleased with the 
 infant as if it were his own. This girl was in labor twenty-four hours, but most of 
 the pains were slight and she had a comparatively easy delivery. Her pulse imme- 
 diately after the birth was 96. During the day following her confinement she sat 
 up for two hours. She had no dropsical symptoms. On the second and third days 
 after confinement her pulse was 96; after that it was normal. 
 
 The worst of a number of cases of laceration observed was that of a girl about 
 18 years of age who lived at a farming district 15 miles from Zufii. The infant, 
 her first child, was strangled by the umbilical cord at its birth, which occurred on 
 < >ctober 18, 1896, and on the 22d the father of the young mother was notified that 
 she could not live. On the 23d he and his father, Nai'uchi, went at once for the girl 
 and brought her to Zufii through one of the severest rain storms of the season. They 
 traveled in a covered wagon without springs, the young mother lying on blankets 
 spread in the bed of the wagon. They arrived late at night, and in the morning 
 Nai'uchi made an examination in the presence of the writer. The patient was very 
 low, the pulse being 125. The perineum was terribly lacerated and the labia majora 
 were swollen to enormous size, the flesh being almost black. As the labia majora 
 were depilous the condition was the more readily observed. Xai'uchi pulled off the 
 sloughs, some 2 inches in length and as thick as the finger. The invalid showed 
 no signs of suffering at this time, except to frown as the diseased flesh was removed. 
 Tin- writer had the parts bathed in a solution of carbolic acid, five drops in a cup of 
 boiled water, and it was with the greatest difficulty that she induced the doctress 
 to use fresh aseptic gauze instead of a filthy cloth for the bathing. Nai'uchi sat 
 
stevenson] SOCIAL CUSTOMS 303 
 
 beside the patient and deposited fetishes and medicine bags in a basket tray; 
 after bis prayers over the fetishes and the medicines lie took a pinch of a powder, 
 and. as he prayed, ran bis Angers that held the powder down the inner side of the 
 arm. seeming to understand that the blond and lymph circulation is more abundant 
 on the inner side of the arm and therefore more easily affected, lie afterward held 
 a pinch of the powder to each shoulder and to the top of the bead, and then sprinkled 
 what be held sparingly upon the parts affected.'' On the 25th the pulse was 98, and 
 the parts appeared to lie slightly improved. Applications of the carbolic acid were 
 made morning and night and the powder was afterward sprinkled on. Although 
 the patient was very ill, it was with difficulty that she was induced to remain in bed. 
 On the 26th the pulse of the patient was 102. The affected parts were slightly 
 improved. The treatment of Nai'uchi and the writer was continued. The patient 
 was anxious to get up, though still very ill. On the 27th the pulse was 98. The 
 parts continued to improve, though the right side was still considerably swollen and 
 discolored. The improvement of the patient seemed remarkable. The same treat- 
 ment was continued. On the 28th the pulse was 113, but nearly all the swelling of 
 the labia majora had disappeared. The patient sat up and claimed to feel quite 
 well. The same treatment was continued, and on the 29th the pulse was 98. The 
 parts were almost normal in size, and there was no appearance of sloughing. The 
 treatment was continued, and on the 30th the pulse was 90 and the parts had become 
 normal in size. On the 31st the pulse was 78, and the parts appeared perfectly healthy. 
 The patient was up and at work, sweeping the floor with a native broom which com- 
 pelled her to bend almost double. At this time treatment ceased, and a few days 
 later the patient was going about everywhere. She went with bare feet and legs, 
 giving no thought to protecting herself from the rain or the cold. She performed 
 all her duties and declared that she was perfectly well and strong. The only evi- 
 dence of delicate health was extreme pallor which continued until the writer left 
 Zuni in January. 
 
 PUBERTY CUSTOMS 
 
 With the Zutiis marriage usually occurs at very tender 3'ears, girls 
 frequently marrying two years before reaching puberty. Should one 
 not be married at the time she arrives at womanhood, her mother goes 
 to the house of the paternal grandmother or, if the grandmother is 
 not living, the paternal aunt, and informs her of the event. The 
 grandmother returns with the mother, and the girl accompanies her 
 grandmother to her dwelling, where she labors hard all day grinding 
 corn. AVhen the girl returns to her home in the evening, she carries 
 a bowl of meat stew prepared and presented by the paternal grand- 
 mother, who returns with her to her house. The belief is that if a 
 girl works hard at the dawn of her womanhood she will not suffer pain 
 at this period: but should she be idle on the first day, she will always 
 -utter from dysmenorrhea. This is the only occasion when a woman 
 makes a point of exerting herself during menstruation. As a rule, 
 the women walk but little at this time. They are not expected to 
 bring water from the well. This, however, is not due to any particu- 
 lar weakness at this period, though the women do suffer to some 
 extent. They employ themselves with indoor work, usually weaving 
 
 a Dr Washington Matthews suggests that this powder is probably a mixture of pifion gum and red 
 ivillow. It was certainly a most effective antiseptic. 
 
304 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ask. 23 
 
 or grinding, and sit or kneel overheated sand that is spread thickly 
 
 mi the floor. Their robes are caught up around their waists and 
 blankets are fastened around their shoulders, falling- loosely to the 
 floor, covering all the sand. This custom has been largely discon- 
 tinued since the writer secured the confidence of the women. Extreme 
 delicacy is observed by the women at this period. A heated stone is 
 worn in the belt and a hot juniper tea is frequently drunk. The menses 
 usually continue four days, but in some cases tbey cease at the expira- 
 tion of the second or third day. The Zuni women are not segregated 
 during this period. It is claimed that a certain root tea, which is 
 drunk hot. will permanently suspend the menses at the expiration of 
 four months. For two months the flow is said to be copious and of a 
 very dark color; in the third month the color is normal, and in the 
 fourth month the discharge is almost colorless. This root is kept by 
 certain old medicine men and women, who carefully guard the secret. 
 that the young women may not procure the medicine and thereby ren- 
 der themselves incapable of becoming mothers. Specimens of the 
 root referred to were collected during the summer of 1904 and are now 
 with the remainder of the plant collection in the National Museum. 
 
 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS 
 
 The marriage ceremony of the Zunis is very simple. When a man 
 is pleased with a girl, he, manages to meet her on the road and tell her 
 of his admiration, asking permission to go to her house. If she favors 
 the suitor, she replies: " Wait until I speak to my father and mother." 
 Another day he meets the girl and inquires what the father and mother 
 have said, and if the parents are willing, he accompanies the girl to 
 her home. The mother asks him to be seated and directs her daughter 
 to bring food and place it on the floor before the guest. Should the 
 girl hesitate either from lack of interest in the man or from love of 
 coquetry (for the Zuni maidens are all coquettes), she is admonished 
 by one or both of her parents. After bringing the repast the girl 
 takes her seat facing the visitor. While he eats, the parents sit on one 
 side and talk to the man about the duties of a husband to a wife. 
 When the repast is finished, the father calls the man to him, the wife 
 sitting by the husband's side: the girl remains on the other side of the 
 room. The father says: " You are about to marry my daughter. You 
 must work hard; you must watch the sheep and help to cut the wood 
 and plant grain and cut it." The mother tells him he is to be kind 
 and good to his wife. He remains at the house five nights, sleeping- 
 alone outside the general living room, working for the family during 
 the day. The sixth morning he goes to his parents' house. They 
 inquire where he has been, and when he tells them, they ask if the 
 girl's parents are willing. If they themselves are pleased with the 
 match, they say, " It is well." When the groom returns from his visit to 
 
stbvenson] SOCIAL CUSTOMS 305 
 
 his parents on the sixth morning, he carries a dress as a present from 
 his mother to her intended daughter-in-law. The hride receives the 
 dress and then grinds a lot of corn into flour, and the following day 
 the groom returns to his mother's house in company with the bride, 
 who carries the meal in a basket on her head. She presents it to 
 her mother-in-law, saying: "Mother, this is for you." The mother 
 says: "My child, thanks; he seated." She then hands bread and 
 meat, if she has it, to the girl, who sits alone while she eats. She 
 takes hut a tew mouthfnls. Before she leaves the house, the father- 
 in-law folds a deerskin and, laying it before her, says: "This is for 
 your moccasins." The girl then rises and places upon her head the 
 basket in which she Drought the Hour, which has been tilled with wheat 
 by the mother-in-law, and upon which the folded deerskin is laid, and 
 with the groom returns to her mother's house, where they make their 
 permanent home." The couple do not sleep inside the living room 
 for a year or until the birth of the first child. 
 
 The Zuiiis are monogamists, polygamy being looked upon with 
 ahborrence, but divorce is quite common. The} - would rather sepa- 
 rate than live together inharmoniously. 
 
 MORTUARY CUSTOMS 
 
 The Zuiiis claim that they always buried their dead. They insist 
 that should they incinerate the bodies, there would be no rain, for 
 their dead, are the u'wannami (rain-makers). Incineration, they 
 believe, would annihilate the being. Infants that are buried with 
 their ears uupierced are not supposed to help water the earth, but 
 are believed to carry baskets of toads and tadpoles on their heads 
 and to drop them to the earth while the rain-makers are at work; and 
 it is believed that they must wear toads attached to their ears instead 
 of turquoise earrings. It is looked upon as a misfortune that this 
 should occur, and an infant's ears not previously pierced are therefore 
 pierced after death. 
 
 Immediately after death the body is placed with its head to the 
 east, bathed in yucca suds, and rubbed over with corn meal. It is 
 then dressed in the best clothes available, a gash being cut in each 
 garment that its spirit may escape to serve the spirit of the dead. 
 The body is next wrapped in one or more blankets and is usually 
 buried soon after death. There are more elaborate preparations for a 
 deceased rain priest and other officials. 
 
 A death is usually announced as soon as it occurs by a woman of the 
 immediate family to a member of the clan of the deceased and to one 
 of the elan of the spouse, and they in turn spread the news among 
 
 a The same customs are followed when the match is made by the parents, the man being invited by 
 them to come to the house. The more progressive Indian takes great pride in providing a house of 
 his own for his family, and it is only a matter of time when the family groups will become separated. 
 
 23 eth— 04 20 
 
306 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ANN. 23 
 
 tlic clans and intimates of the family. Unless the death is sudden 
 the fraternity father (see Esoteric fraternities) of the deceased has 
 been present and he notifies the fraternity, especially the fraternity 
 children of the deceased. On such occasions the writer has never 
 observed other members of a fraternity present than the fraternity 
 father or mother, except when the deceased is a prominent member 
 of the tribe. The mourners begin arriving- before the body is fully pic- 
 pared for the grave, and as each woman enters she looks at the corpse 
 and at once sets up a hideous howl, taking a seat on the ledge which 
 extends around the room. The howl is continuous, except when the 
 women stop from exhaustion, until some time after the remains are 
 buried. Members of the immediate family of the dead and others 
 connected by strong ties of friendship remain quiet during the funeral 
 rites, exhibiting the keenest grief. Sometimes the devoted relatives 
 linger over the remains, loth to have the dear one carried away. The 
 bodies of distinguished persons lie in state for a time, in order that those 
 privileged may view the remains, but they are always buried within a 
 couple of hours. Prayers are always offered by all present, and meal 
 is sprinkled over the body. The body is seldom accompanied to the 
 grave by mourners. The less prominent people occasionally follow 
 as far as the burial ground and then return, leaving- the bearers of the 
 corpse to g-o alone to the grave. Interment is a disagreeable dutj' and 
 is concluded as soon as possible. Having- been compelled during the 
 Spanish conquest to bury their dead in the churchyard, this place 
 became sacred to the Zunis, and they have continued to use it as a 
 burial place in order that they may not be separated from their own. 
 They adhere also to the old custom of placing the men on the south 
 side of the burial grounds and the women on the north, with their 
 heads to -the east. The churchyard is so packed with bodies that when 
 a grave is dug the bones thrown out seem as abundant as the soil. 
 The immediate male members of the family, not including the husband 
 or father, dig the grave, which is not more than 5 or 6 feet deep, 
 and bury the dead. The numerous objects of art found in graves on 
 prehistoric sites show that in the past it was customary to bury valued 
 possessions with the dead, but this is not done at present, although 
 occasionally one or two trifling- articles are placed in the grave. 
 
 After the burial of a husband or a wife the body of the surviving 
 spouse is bathed by female relatives. There must be but little fire 
 in the fireplace at the time, however cold the weather. If the sur- 
 vivor is a man, he is nude, except a cover over the loins; a woman 
 wears her camis. The head is washed first. Several women stand about 
 a bowl of yucca suds and each one dips a handful; when all are sup- 
 plied, each woman places the suds on the head, then one of them thor- 
 oughly washes it. Afterward the spouse is led to the under side of a 
 
STEVENSON] SOCIAL CUSTOMS 307 
 
 ladder, which passes through the hatchway of the room, and his entire 
 body is bathed in cold water. 
 
 If the burial occurs sufficiently early for the Sun Father in his 
 journey over the world to receive the prayers wafted from the 
 plumes, the immediate members of the family go a short distance 
 west of the village, by the river bank, and make an excavation, in 
 which the extra clothing and other belongings of the deceased are 
 deposited. Nearly all the objects belonging to the dead are either 
 destroyed or buried. If the deceased is a member of the Ko'tikili 
 (mvthologic) fraternity, the mask received at voluntary initiation into 
 this organization is heavily sprinkled with meal and buried, with 
 prayers, in a small excavation made near the large one. A third 
 excavation, about 13 inches square and the same in depth, is afterward 
 made near the river, and te'likinawe, prepared by a male member of 
 the family, of which each adult has four and the children one or two, 
 are planted in this excavation, the hands of the infants being guided by 
 their mothers. After the plumes are placed, all sprinkle meal upon 
 them, and on the following day the excavation is filled with earth. 
 After returning to the house all except the infants take from one to 
 three large gourdfuls of warm water as an emetic for their physical 
 purification. 
 
 It is believed that the ghost hovers about the village four nights 
 after death and starts on its journey to Ko'thluwala'wa (abiding place 
 of the Council of the Gods) on the fifth morning. During the spirit's 
 stay in the village the door and hatchwaj^ of the house must be left 
 ajar that it may pass in and out at will; should the door be closed, the 
 ghost would scratch upon it and not be satisfied until it was opened. 
 These shadow beings can be observed by seers and by others under 
 certain conditions. 
 
 A shi'wanni (rain priest) related the following: 
 
 Once when the 'Hle'wekwe (sword swallowers) held their ceremonies at my house 
 (the ceremonial chamber of this fraternity happens to be in the dwelling of this rain 
 priest |. the sword swallowed by one of the women must have touched her heart, as 
 the blood came so fast. We laid her on the roof of the house and endeavored to 
 stop the flow, but we could not, and in a little while she died. Her spirit troubled 
 us so much with rapping that we placed live coals in the center of the room and 
 added piiion gum; the room was soon filled with smoke, which effectually rid us of 
 the spirit." 
 
 Parents or sisters of a deceased person sleep at the side of the 
 surviving spouse during the four nights that the spirit is supposed to 
 remain in Zuni. A grain of black corn and a bit of charcoal are put 
 under the head of the mourner to insure against dreaming of the lost 
 one, whose ghost would appear should the sleeper awake. 
 
 'When a husband or wife belonging to the Ant fraternity dies the 
 
 a The Chinese go through their houses after sunset with firebrands to drive out evil spirits. 
 
308 THK ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ask. 23 
 
 survivor, accompanied by the father or brother, goes the morning 
 following the death over the southern road to an ant-hill, and stand- 
 ing before it facing west, sprinkles prayer meal. The mourner then 
 steps over the ant-hill, putting the left foot first, and starts for his 
 home, and a relative obliterates the ant-hill with his feet. The spirit 
 is fed each day with food thrown into the tire, and on the morning of 
 the fifth day. when the spirit starts on its journey to Ko'thluwala'wa, 
 a large howl of different kinds of food is cast into the fire for its use 
 during the journey of two days and nights. Upon reaching the lake, 
 in the depths of which is Ko'thluwala'wa. the spirit descends the mystic 
 ladder to meet the Council of the Gods, and thence passes on to the 
 undermost world, the place of Zufii nativity. There are mediums 
 who have seen the deceased Zufii dancing in Ko'thluwala'wa. The 
 exhibition of grief of a parent over a child or of a husband or wife 
 over the deceased partner is touching in the extreme. One scene 
 observed by the writer was particularly affecting. A girl wife had 
 just died. The body lay wrapped in a blanket on the floor, the head 
 to the east, a piece of white cotton cloth spread over the face. The 
 young husband sat by the head, on the right side of the corpse; the 
 mother sat on the opposite side, and the father by the side of his wife. 
 The nearer friends were silently weeping, while others crowded the 
 room keeping up a continuous howl. The young husband raised the 
 covering from the head, placed his cheek against that of his dead wife, 
 and throwing his arms over the body murmured lamentations. Every 
 little while the sobbing mother caressed the cheek of her dead child. 
 and the father's bent form completed the picture of abject despair. 
 
 The body of a woman of one of the poorer families was brought 
 from Nutria, a farming district 25 miles distant, wrapped in a blanket 
 secured here and there with yucca strings. In less than an hour after 
 the body reached the house, the son and grandson of the deceased pro- 
 ceeded with hoe and spade to dig the grave. Previously, however, 
 tin' daughter-in-law of the deceased had made a tire of chips in the tire- 
 place of the room in which the remains lay and had brought from an 
 inner room a basket containing four large cakes of bread, a large fold 
 of wafer bread, four ears of corn, a quantity of dried peaches, and 
 some unground wheat. The cakes were first laid on the pyre, and the 
 wafer bread added, then the ears of corn were stuck about, and the 
 peaches and wheat were thrown over all. The daughter-in-law then 
 made yucca suds in a large bowl near the head of the corpse, and the 
 husband of the deceased untied the yucca knots in the blanket. When 
 the blanket was opened a fresh outburst of grief was heard. Such 
 relatives and friends as were present remained while the body was 
 being prepared for burial. The daughter-in-law covered the head 
 and face with yucca suds." Then the hair was loosed and washed 
 
 "The root of yucca glauca is employed to make the suds. 
 
stevensos] SOCIAL CUSTOMS 309 
 
 thoroughly; the eyes wore closed, but the mouth was left open. The 
 face was much swollen and nearly black, though death had occurred 
 but six hours before, and the day was cool for Jul v." There was a 
 clot of blood about an inch in diameter upon the forehead, caused, 
 they said, by a lancet wound. The mouth was also covered with 
 blood. After the face and head had been washed they were covered 
 with meal by the daughter-in-law, who tore off the calico garment, 
 leaving the camis. She then passed her hand under the caniis and 
 rubbed meal over the loins, and proceeded to wash the entire body, 
 going down from the neck. No cloth was used for drying the body, 
 and the loins were bathed by rubbing with the dampened camis. 
 The body, which was not swollen, was then covered with meal, not 
 sprinkled, but rubbed on. At one time the husband requested that 
 the camis be brought up a little so as not to expose so much of the 
 body; extreme modesty was observed throughout. The soles of the 
 feet, which were very dirty, were cleansed with a corncob in addition 
 to the suds. When there was the slightest indication of discharge at 
 the mouth, corn meal was laid heavily on the face. One of the women 
 scattered a quantity of dry sand b} r the side of the corpse to catch the 
 water with which it was bathed. Two small locks of hair were cut 
 from the head of the corpse and laid separately in a niche in the wall. 
 A superstition exists that if a person takes a bit of hair of a deceased 
 friend, burns it, and inhales the smoke he will have good health 
 and not die. but go to sleep and thus pass on to Ko'thluwala'wa. 
 After the bod}' was bathed the daughter-in-law and her assistant 
 proceeded to dress the corpse amidst the greatest weeping and wailing. 
 Holding the head and feet, they moved the bodj T to one side, out 
 of the water, after which they put on a calico shirt, a cotton under 
 garment, a woolen dress, and a belt; then the rest of the basket of 
 meal was scattered over the face. The knit blue leggings were put on 
 last, and the" body was again moved. A blanket was spread diagonally 
 on the floor; several yards of red calico and white cotton were placed 
 upon this, and over these a white cotton camis was laid; the body 
 was then lifted and laid on the camis and covered by folding the 
 fabrics over it. The daughter-in-law, who apparently first thought of 
 placing a pair of knit shoes on the feet, laid them beside the corpse. 
 As soon as this was done, the blanket being left slightly open at the 
 head, all hands dipped meal from a small bowl and sprinkled it 
 through the opening upon the face, the youngest child being led by 
 the grandfather to perform this rite. 
 
 As soon as the son and the grandson returned from preparing the 
 grave, they also sprinkled meal through the opening in the blanket. 
 The son then proceeded to close the opening with two yucca strings, 
 
 a All that could be learned about the cause of death was that the woman died from vomiting. 
 
310 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. an.n.23 
 
 and the two young men carried the bod}- to the grave. The burden 
 was so heavy that I be bearers were compelled to stop and let it rest on 
 the ground for a few moments. The head was laid to the east in the 
 grave; then the blanket was opened and earth was thrown in. No one 
 accompanied the bearers to the grave, and only a few outside of the 
 immediate family visited the house before the body was removed. 
 The eldest grandchild, a girl of 12 years, had to be sent for. She 
 seemed much afraid at first, but her grief appeared to allay her fears, 
 and the picture of the grandfather bowed with grief with the two 
 little girls and a boy, the latter being about five years of age, clasped 
 in his arms was one not soon to be forgotten. The only men present 
 at an}' time were the husband, the son, and the grandson. After the 
 body was buried the husband, quite prostrated from grief, was com- 
 pelled to lie down. The other members of the family had their fore- 
 locks and hands bathed in yucca suds, and when the husband recovered 
 .sufficiently he was also bathed. His elder female relatives were most 
 sympathetic and devoted to him, one woman holding his head in her 
 arms. The daughter-in-law proceeded with hoe and native broom to 
 remove the earth which had been placed on the floor to catch the 
 water used in bathing the corpse. She first threw more earth upon 
 that which was wet and then scraped all together, putting it into a 
 cast-off' blanket. She was careful to scrape every particle of earth 
 from the stone floor, taking great pains to get it from the crevices; 
 not an atom was allowed to remain. 
 
 A death which caused universal regret and distress in Zuiii was that 
 of We'wha, undoubtedly the most remarkable member of the tribe. 
 This person was a man wearing woman's dress, and so carefully was 
 his sex concealed that for years the writer believed him to be a woman. 
 Some declared him to be an hermaphrodite, but the writer gave no 
 credence to the story, and continued to regard We'wha as a woman: 
 and as he was always referred to by the tribe as "she" — it being their 
 custom to speak of men who don woman's dress as if they were 
 women — and as the writer could never think of her faithful and 
 devoted friend in any other light, she will continue to use the femi- 
 nine gender when referring to We'wha. She was perhaps the tallest 
 person in Zufii; certainly the strongest, both mentally and physically. 
 Her skin was much like that of the Chinese in color, many of the 
 Zufiis having this complexion. During six months' stay in Washing- 
 ton she became several shades lighter. She bad a good memory, not 
 only for the lore of her people, but for all that she heard of the outside 
 world. She spoke only a few words of English before coming to 
 Washington, but acquired the language with remarkable rapidity, and 
 was soon able to join in conversation. She possessed an indomitable 
 will and an insatiable thirst for knowledge. Her likes and dislikes 
 were intense. She would risk anything to serve those she loved, but 
 
stevensonJ ' SOCIAL CUSTOMS 311 
 
 toward those who crossed her path she was vindictive. Though severe 
 she was considered just. At an early age she lost her parents and was 
 adopted by a sister of her father. She belonged to the Radge r clan. 
 her foster mother belonging to the Dogwood clan. Owing to her 
 bright mind and excellent memory, she was called upon by her own 
 clan and also by the clans of her foster mother and father when a long 
 prayer had to be repeated Or a grace was to be ottered over a feast. 
 In fact she was the chief personage on many occasions. On account 
 of her physical strength all the household work requiring great exer- 
 tion was left for her, and while she most willingly took the harder 
 work from others of the family, she would not permit idleness; all 
 had to labor or receive an upbraiding from We'wha, and nothing was 
 more dreaded than a scolding from her. 
 
 In the fall of 1896 a Sha'lako god was entertained at her home. 
 Although at this time We'wha was suffering from valvular heart 
 disease, she did most of the work, including the laying of a stone floor 
 in the large room where the ceremonial was to occur. She labored 
 early and late so hard that when the time came for holding the ceremony 
 she was unable to be present. From this time she was listless and 
 remained alone as much as possible, though she made no complaint of 
 illness. When a week or more had passed after the close of the great 
 autumn ceremonial of the Sha'lako, and the many guests had departed, 
 the writer dropped in at sunset to the spacious room in the house of 
 We'wha's foster father, the late Jose Palle. We'wha was found 
 crouching on the ledge by the fireplace. That a great change had 
 come over her was at once apparent. Death evidently was rapidly 
 approaching. She had done her last work. Only a few days before 
 this strong-minded, generous-hearted creature had labored to make 
 ready for the reception of her gods; now she was preparing to go to 
 her beloved Ko'thluwala'wa. When the writer asked, "Why do you 
 not lie down?" We'wha replied: "I can not breathe if I lie down; I 
 think my heart break." The writer at once sent to her camp for 
 a comfortable chair, and fixed it at a suitable angle for the invalid, 
 who was most grateful for the attention. There was little to be done 
 for the sufferer. She knew that she was soon to die and begged the 
 writer not to leave her. 
 
 From the moment her family realized that We'wha was in a serious 
 condition they remained with her, ever ready to be of assistance. The 
 family consisted of the aged foster mother, a foster brother, two 
 foster sisters with their husbands and children, and an own brother 
 with his wife and children. The writer never before observed such 
 attention as every member of the family showed her. The little 
 children ceased their play and stood in silence close to their mothers, 
 occasionally toddling across the floor to beg We'wha to speak. She 
 
312 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bth.ann.23 
 
 smiled upon them and whispered, " I can not talk." The foster brother 
 was as devoted as the one related by blood. 
 
 During two days the family hoped against hope. Nai'uchi, the 
 great theurgist. eame three times and pretended to draw from the 
 region of the heart bits of mutton, declared to have been ''shot" 
 there by a witch who was angry with We'wha for not giving her a 
 quarter of mutton when she asked for it. We'wha appeared relieved 
 when the theurgist left. She knew that she was dying and appeared 
 to desire quiet. After Xai'uchi's last visit, the foster brother, with 
 streaming eyes, prepared te'likinavve (praj'er plumes) for the dying, 
 the theurgist having said that her moments on earth were few. 
 We'wha asked the writer to come close and in a feeble voice she said, 
 in English: ''Mother, I am going to the other world. I will tell the 
 gods of you and Captain Stevenson. 1 will tell them of Captain 
 Carlisle, the great seed priest," and his wife, whom 1 love. They are 
 my friends. Tell them good-lyy. Tell all my friends in Washington 
 good-by. Tell President Cleveland, my friend, good-by. Mother, 
 love all my people; protect them; they are your children; you are 
 their mother." These sentences were spoken with many breaks. The 
 family seemed somewhat grieved that We'wha's last words should be 
 given to the writer, but she understood that the thoughts of the dying- 
 were with and for her own people. A good-by was said to the others, 
 and she asked for more light. 
 
 It is the custom for a member of the family to hold the prayer 
 plumes near the mouth of the dying and repeat the prayer, but this 
 practice was not observed in We'wha's case. She requested the writer 
 to raise the back of the chair, and when this was done she asked if her 
 prayer plumes had been made. Her foster brother answered "Yes," 
 whereupon she requested him to bring them. The family suppressed 
 their sobs that the dying might not be made sad. The brother offered 
 to hold the plumes and say the prayers, but We'wha feebly extended 
 her hand for them, and clasping the prayer plumes between her hands 
 made a great effort to speak. She said but a few words and then sank 
 hack in her chair. Again the brother offered to hold the plumes and 
 pray, but once more she refused. Her face was radiant in the belief 
 that she was going to her gods. She leaned forwai-d with the plumes 
 tightly clasped, and as the setting sun lighted up the western win- 
 dows, darkness and desolation entered the hearts of the mourners, for 
 We'wha was dead. 
 
 Blankets were spread upon the floor and the brothers gently laid the 
 lifeless form upon them. After the body was bathed and rubbed with 
 meal, a pair of white cotton trousers were drawn over the legs, the 
 
 "Ai the time of We'wha's visit to Washington Hon. John G. Carlisle was Speaker of the House of 
 Representatives. The Speaker and Mrs Carlisle were very kind to We'wha. and upon her return to 
 Zuiii she found a e;reat sack of seed which had hccn sent hy the Speaker. 
 
Stevenson] SOCIAL CUSTOMS 313 
 
 first male attire she had worn since she had adopted woman's dress 
 years ago. The rest of her dress was female. The body was dressed 
 in the finest clothing; six shawls of foreign manufacture, gifts from 
 Washington friends, besides her native blanket wraps, and a white 
 Hopi blanket bordered in red and blue, were wrapped around her. 
 The hair was done up with the greatest care. Three silver necklaces, 
 with turquoise earrings attached and numerous bangles, constituted 
 the jewels. 
 
 We'wha's death was regarded as a calamity, and the remains lay in 
 state for an hour or more, during which time not only members of the 
 clans to which she was allied, but the rain priests and theurgists and 
 many others, including children, viewed them. When the blanket 
 was finally closed, a fresh outburst of grief was heard, and then all 
 endeavored to suppress their sobs, for the aged foster mother had 
 fallen unconscious to the floor. The two brothers carried the remains 
 unattended to the grave. The sisters made food oft'ei'ings to the fire. 
 The foster brother on his return prepared prayer plumes for each 
 member of the immediate family, and also the writer. The little pro- 
 cession, including the foster mother, who had recovered sufficiently 
 to accompany the others, then made its wa} r to the west of the vil- 
 lage and on the river bank deposited the clothing, mask, and prayer 
 plumes in the manner heretofore described. Upon the return to the 
 house the foster mother had the rest of We'wha's possessions brought 
 together that they might be destroyed. All her cherished gifts from 
 Washington friends, including many photographs, were brought out; 
 all most be destroyed. This work was performed by the mother, who 
 wept continually. All was sacrificed but pictures of Mr and Mrs 
 Carlisle. Mr Stevenson, and the writer. These were left in their 
 frames on the wall. AVith another outburst of grief the old woman 
 declared the}' must remain, saying: " We'wha will have so much with 
 her. I can not part with these. I must keep the faces of those who 
 loved We'wha and whom she loved best. I must keep them to look 
 upon." 
 
 The death of Nai'uchi, rain priest of the Nadir, and for many years 
 elder brother Bow priest, occurred during the writer's visit to Zuni in 
 1904. She saw Nai'uchi but once after her arrival, still in possession 
 of the bright mind that would have marked him as a superior man in 
 any community. When the writer called upon Nai'uchi at his request 
 two days previous to his death, which occurred June 26, 1904, the old 
 man held her hand while he begged her to remain with him: " I have 
 waited and waited for you: you will not leave me; you will remain by 
 me." These were the last sentences uttered by Nai'uchi. Two theur- 
 gists of the Little Fire fraternity, one a woman, sat by the pallet 
 watching the patient with the keenest anxiety. Children, grandchildren, 
 and others dear to Nai'uchi were near him. The writer had not been 
 
Ml 4 THE /INI INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 
 
 long present when she observed that the patient appeared to be suffer- 
 ing in one or both of his extremities, and insisted upon exposing the 
 feet. The doctress protested against uncovering the right foot, but 
 \va> quite willing for the left foot to be seen, which was found to 
 be much swollen. The right foot was bandaged. It was learned that 
 it had been lanced by the doctress some days before to relieve the 
 swelling and that she had also cut the scalp and "extracted two small 
 green peaches which had been shot in by a witch," and had applied 
 the powdered wood of a tree that had been struck with lightning to 
 relieve Nai'uchi from an attack of vertigo. This doctress is a member 
 of the Lightning fraternity, which possesses the specific for relieving 
 those who become unconscious and fall. The writer sent at once for the 
 Government physician, and when he arrived not only the theurgists, 
 but the family declared that it was the left foot, not the right, which 
 troubled the patient, but the doctor insisted upon examining the right 
 foot, which he found on removing the bandage to be ulcerated to the 
 bone. There was a great cry when he consigned the filthy wrappings 
 to the (lames: "They should be kept as long as Nai'uchi lived." His 
 death on the same evening was attributed to the American doctor's 
 treatment of the foot. The doctor, wdio diagnosed Nai'uchi's trouble 
 as Blight's disease, had been treating him for weeks, not dreaming 
 that the patient was never permitted to take a drop of his medicine, 
 which was always left, with instructions for administering it, in the 
 care of Nina, the granddaughter, who had spent years at the Govern- 
 ment school atZuni, and who has a remarkable command of the English 
 language. Nina, who has all the cunning of the Indian, combined with 
 a great deal absorbed from the whites, practiced every deception upon 
 the doctor, who found the bottles untouched after Nai'uchi's death. 
 Nina's excuse for not giving the medicine was: " I am young and I 
 could not do that to which my elders objected." 
 
 When only the two theurgists and the family were present, the 
 writer managed to have her own way with the patient; but as approach- 
 ing death became more evident, several other doctresses appeared and 
 took seats by the pallet with the determination that their ancient 
 customs should not be interfered with. When Nai'uchi exhibited 
 the restlessness which comes with approaching death, a doctress crossed 
 his hands under the blankets and held them firmly, and the expression 
 of the old man's face told plainly the suffering he endured, which was 
 only the beginning of his torture. Ha'lian, the son, prepared a mush 
 of white corn meal, and a doctress fed it to the dying man by the 
 spoonful. With each dose she said: " Father, take this; it will feed 
 you on the road." lie was continually stuffed with the mush, which 
 he swallowed with great difficulty until too far gone to make the effort. 
 The doctress then held the nostrils and blew into the mouth until it 
 was concluded that life could no longer be prolonged: then another 
 
stevenson] SOCIAL CUSTOMS 315 
 
 doctress began a violent kneading of the stomach to assist the spirit 
 to free itself from the body, and still another doctress and Nina began 
 pressing the lips and eyelids. It was horrible to observe the tortures 
 inflicted upon the dying man. who struggled for breath. The writer 
 was powerless to contend with such numbers as were present. • Finally. 
 seeing an Indian who was visiting the pueblo pass the house, she 
 hurried him for the physician, who came in time to aid her to force the 
 torturers away by his stern demeanor and physical force, and the last 
 sparks of life were permitted to pass quietly away. The special crock- 
 ery used by Nai'uchi was broken and deposited upon the coals which 
 were afterwards gathered into a bowl by In'nocita, a stepdaughter of 
 Nai'uchi. and carried out and set close beside the house, and upon 
 returning In'nocita made a fresh tire and threw Nai'uchi's war 
 club into the flames. Then Nina brought to the fireplace a vessel 
 containing pifion gum which had been boiled; taking a quantity with 
 a spoon, she deposited it on a bit of wood in the fireplace. Ha'lian, 
 Nai'uchi's son, lighted the gum and held his hands over the smoke, 
 and then rubbed them over his face and his breast that he might not be 
 touched by the spirit. Others were meantime preparing the remains 
 for burial. The body was stripped of its clothes, bathed, and rubbed 
 with meal. A pair of new white cotton trousers and a red calico shirt 
 were put on it. It is usual for burial clothes to be new, and the red 
 calico for the present occasion was selected because of Nai'uchi's fond- 
 ness for that color. A lock of hair was cut from the head and laid 
 away. Four blankets, two black and two red, gifts of the son, the 
 son-in-law, and the writer, were placed one upon the other, first a 
 black one, then the red ones, and again a black one, the gift of the 
 writer, which was placed next to the remains as an expression of 
 Nai'uchi's close ties with her. A corner of the blanket, which was 
 placed within 2 feet of the north ledge of the room, pointed to the 
 east. The body was lifted and gentl} T laid upon the blankets, the head 
 sufficiently far from the corner to admit of the blanket being turned 
 over the face. Ha'lian and Nai'uchi's nephew measured the corpse 
 for the grave by extending a rope by the side of it. They then went 
 in company with another man to dig the grave, which required but a 
 short time. 
 
 Me'she. younger brother Bow priest, came in after Nai'uchi was 
 prepared for the grave and tied his warrior's wristlet on his right 
 wrist and arranged his beads around his neck. It was most affecting 
 to see Me'she kneeling beside the remains of the man with whom he 
 had been intimately associated for years. The associate rain priests 
 of the Nadir gathered around the head of their beloved late superior, 
 sitting perfectly still while men, women, and children sprinkled meal 
 on the remains and prayed. It was necessary for the daughter to be 
 supported while she stood by the remains. The blind grandson, too, 
 was led to the body of the grandfather, who had ever been devoted to 
 
316 THE ZUNI INDIANS [BTH. ANN. 23 
 
 hi in. and ir was distressing to observe this poor afflicted man sitting apart 
 from tin' others, overwhelmed in his silent grief. The stepdaughter 
 was almost beside herself with grief, while Ha'lian struggled to keep 
 hack the tears which he deemed Unmanly. Nina was the only member 
 of the family who showed little feeling; she busied herself ironing the 
 clothing of strange Americans until the last moments of Nai'uchi's 
 life, when all the rest were grief-stricken, and yet the love of the old 
 man for his favorite grandchild was supreme. The warrior who had 
 been so powerful in his tribe was a gentle subject for her to manage. 
 Nina fully appreciated her power over the old man and never failed to 
 make use of it. In justice to her, it must be said that she was often 
 seen to caress her grandfather during his life. 
 
 There was a fresh outburst of grief when Me'she began to cover the 
 remains with the blanket; at the same moment a member of the family 
 placed two pail's of soiled cotton trousers and two shirts beside the 
 corpse. The lower coiners of the blankets were first drawn over the 
 feet, then the corners each side were wrapped tightly around the body 
 and secured by passing a cord through the blanket at intervals of 
 about a foot and knotting it. "When the body was covered up to the 
 neck, Me'she returned to his seat on the ledge, and the associate rain 
 priest, who sat north of the remains, proceeded to decorate the face 
 and head. He first dipped a wad of raw cotton in a bowl of water, 
 and delicately washed the face, then drew a line of black over the 
 face, passing across the upper lip, and then painted the chin black 
 down to the throat. Corn pollen was stippled on with a mop of raw 
 cotton over the upper portion of the face, great care being observed 
 to place it evenly. The priest then removed raw cotton from a basket, 
 soon formed it into a sheet, and with dextrous manipulation made a roll 
 on one side, and then placed the cotton over the head, with the roll next 
 to the face. This cotton hood is the same in form as that worn by the 
 Sha'lako bearers (see plate lx). Then the immediate family prayed 
 over the remains and sprinkled meal upon the blanket over the 
 breast. The writer was requested to be very careful not to drop a 
 particle of meal upon the face. This would have been a terrible 
 calamity. Many last farewells were taken before the family was will- 
 ing to part from their beloved. Me'she covered the face by folding 
 over the blanket and fastening it as described. The remains were 
 carried to the grave and buried by the son and nephew, one holding 
 the head, the other the feet. After they reached the grave the knots 
 in the blanket were cut so that the spirit might pass out. Soon after 
 the remains were carried out, each member of the family had his front 
 hair and hands washed by each female, clan relative present. 
 
 The lateness of the hour prevented the burial of Nai'uchi's belong- 
 ings and the prayer plumes the day of the death, as the Sun Father 
 would have passed over the road of day and could not receive the 
 
STEVENSON] GAMES 317 
 
 prayers. In'nocita, the stepdaughter, gathered together the. belongings 
 of the old pi'iest into two bundles, which were deposited on the roof 
 for the night; on the following morning Nina tarried one and In'nocita 
 the other, both having their prayer plumes, to the burial place. The 
 associate rain priests, including Ha'lian, and the writer carried their 
 plumes. Ha'lian dug an excavation sufficiently large to bury the arti- 
 cles. A smaller excavation was made for the prayer plumes and the 
 war pouch. All prayed and sprinkled meal over the plumes, and the 
 party returned to the village. 
 
 No mask was buried, as Nai'uchi had never worn his mask or danced 
 with the personators of anthropic gods since his hair had been cut while 
 a prisoner in a Territorial jail for having hanged a supposed witch. 
 His mask will go to a male member of his family and he will not dance 
 in Ko'thluwala'wa. In'nocita begged the writer to remain with her 
 during the night, as she was sure the witch who destroyed Nai'uehi's 
 life would be about the house. While it was still light enough to 
 see, In'nocita made a careful survey of the exterior of the premises, 
 and finding several stones by the outer door, which she believed to 
 have been placed there by the witch, threw them off with an expres- 
 sion of satisfaction that she had discovered the diabolical attempt to 
 harm the household. When the writer insisted that all should retire, 
 In'nocita wanted the door and windows securely fastened. She pre- 
 ferred to hear the scratches of the spirit to running the risk of 
 witches entering the house. The only way in which the writer secured 
 fresh air was by declaring she would not remain unless a window 
 could be open, and finally the household, consisting of In'nocita, 
 Nina, her husband, the blind bo} r , and the man wearing female apparel, 
 retired to the pallets in the far end of the room, while the writer kept 
 watch by the open window. 
 
 Games 
 
 Among enlightened peoples games are usually associated with sport 
 and recreation. With some primitive peoples games are played 
 primarily for divination, but the ceremonial games of the Zunis are 
 for the bringing of rain, and they constitute an important element in 
 their religious and social life. Each game has its regulations and limi- 
 tations, and there is deep meaning underlying such of the games as 
 are supposed to have come from the gods. 
 
 The games (i'koshnawe) here recorded embrace all that are of 
 importance to the grown people. Although the children have a 
 variety of sports exclusively their own, they may be found on any 
 pleasant day enjoying some of the games of their elders, and like their 
 elders they indulge in betting, for this habit is developed in the North 
 American Indian while he is still in his infancy. The j'ouuger Zuiii 
 children play the ceremonial games, however, with little or no under- 
 standing- of the occultism associated with them. 
 
:518 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 
 
 Aside from personal observations of the games, the writer's investi- 
 gations have been made through the rain priests, elder and younger 
 brother Bow priests, personators of the Ko'yemshi (see page 33) and 
 the theurgists. As the elder and younger brother Bow priests are the 
 earthly representatives of the Grods of War, they are supposed to have 
 intimate acquaintance with all things connected with these deities. 
 
 .Many of the sages of Zuni, including Nai'uchi, assert that the first 
 eight of the seventeen games mentioned in the following list belong to 
 the Gods of War. One, they say. was originated by the Zunis, four 
 are the games of the Ko'yemshi gods, one was adopted from the 
 Xavahos. and three came from Mexico. Others say that five games 
 belong to the Gods of War, three originated with the Zunis. five are 
 the games of the Ko'yemshi. two came from the Xavahos. and two 
 came from Mexico. Where there is any question as to the origin of 
 these games, both sources will be given. The origin claimed by 
 Nai'uchi and other sages is mentioned first in cases where other deriva- 
 tions are given. The games are as follows: 
 
 Ti'kwane. plural ti'kwawe (racing stick); sho'liwe (arrow reeds); 
 i'yankolo'we (hidden ball); ho'klamonne (yucca ball); la'pochiwe 
 (crossed feathers); ha'poanne pihl'kwanawe (bundle of reeds), Gods of 
 War, Zuni; sa'yat'laknawe (horns kill), Gods of War, Zuni; sho'wi- 
 yaltowe (arrow reeds one on the other), Gods of War, Navaho; 
 po'kii annawe (jack-rabbits hit), Zuni; 'si'kon-ya'mune ti'kwane the 
 rain-makers' game, Ko'yemshi; po'pone (wool bag) Ko'yemshi, Mex- 
 ican; po'pone kiap'nane (ball whipping), Ko'yemshi; ya'chuni sa'wanni, 
 Ko'yemshi; 'klash'tuwiwi, Ko'yemshi; ta'-sholiwe (wood arrow-reeds). 
 Navaho: tan'kalawe, Mexican; a'wet'laknawe (stones kill) checkers. 
 Mexican. 
 
 Ti'kwane. Thereare but two exclusively religious games of ti'kwawe 
 played annually. In one members of the ki'wi'siwe" play; in the 
 other the clans take part. Both of these games are for rain to water 
 the earth that the crops may grow. They take place some days pre- 
 vious to corn planting, which usually occurs from May 10 to May 15. 
 These religious games must precede the betting games of ti'kwawe, 
 which may occur at any time afterward when not prohibited by the 
 retreat of the rain priests for rain.* 
 
 Ti'kwane race of th M'wi'svwe. The A'pi"lashiwanni (Bow priest- 
 hood) convene six days previous to the race and remain in session 
 throughout the night. On the following morning they prepare prayer 
 plumes to the Gods of War, the Sal'imobiya, warrior gods and seed- 
 gatherers of the six regions, and to the deceased members of the Bow 
 priesthood. A portion of these offerings are deposited at noon the 
 
 a See p. 62. 
 
 '•Ti'kwane tin-; been .l.-.-nl i.'.l 1 iy .Mr F. W. Hodge in the American Anthropologist (July, 1890) 
 and a^o by the late Mr John G. Owens, in connection with other games, in the Popular Science 
 Monthly (May, lsi'.tl ). Both of these gentlemen have visited Znfii. but they fail to give a systematic 
 i int of the L'auio as it is played under the varying conditions. 
 
STEVENSON] GAMES 31 9 
 
 same day at Shop' t hlua yftl'lftkwi, a shrine north of the village and on 
 the ground supposed to have been occupied as the home of the Gods 
 of War during their stay at I'tiwanna (the site of the present Zufii). 
 The remainder of the prayer plumes are made into five kia'etehiwe 
 (groups of prayer plumes bound together at the base). The sticks of 
 four groups are colored black and are offerings to the deceased mem- 
 bers of the Bow priesthood. The fifth group consists of six prayer 
 plumes, one for each of the six Sal'imobiya. 
 
 The kia'etehiwe to the deceased members of the Bow priesthood are 
 deposited at midnight on the four sides of the village, by such mem- 
 bers of the organization as maj be designated by the elder brother 
 Bow priest, in excavations carefully concealed by stone ledges, which 
 extend along the exterior of houses, furnishing seats for those who 
 like to sit out in the balmy afternoon of a New Mexican winter, or to 
 enjoy the cool breezes after sunset in summer. The depositors of the 
 plumes know just which slab to remove in order to have access to the 
 depository. The fifth kia'etchine is planted in an excavation, also con- 
 cealed by a slab seat, on the west side of the Si'aa' te'wita (sacred dance 
 plaza). After the placing of the plumes the Bow priests continue 
 their songs and ceremonies in the ceremonial chamber until sunrise, 
 and soon afterward the elder brother Bow priest announces from a 
 housetop that the people of the ki'wi'siwe will run in four days. 
 
 The director of each ki'wi'sine gives formal notice to his people, and 
 the young men who wish to take part in the race appear at the 
 appointed time. Those from the He'iwa (North), He'kiapawa (Nadir), 
 and Chu'pawa (South) ki'wi'siwe represent the side of the elder God 
 of War, while those from the Mu'he'wa (West), O'he'wa (East), and 
 Tp'sannawa (Zenith) ki'wi'siwe represent the side of the younger God 
 of War. After an early breakfast, the runners having exercised 
 before the meal, nothing more is eaten during the day but crushed 
 wafer bread in water. 
 
 In the afternoon the first bod} - of rain priests/' except the woman, 
 proceed about a mile south of the village over the road leading to the 
 present home of the Gods of War, and here the elder brother Bow 
 priest lavs upon the ground a la'showanne (one or more feathers 
 attached to a cotton cord), composed of two upper wing feathers of a 
 bird called sho'kiapiso,* and the younger brother Bow priest places a 
 similar la'showanne on the ground west of the other, the distance 
 between the two la'showawe being as long as from finger tip to finger 
 tip of the extended arms. The rain priests stand west and the Bow 
 priests east of the plumes, the elder brother Bow priest standing with 
 his fellows of the Bow priesthood, the younger brother Bow priest 
 
 "The writer designates the rain priests of the six regions, the elder and younger 1 brother Bow 
 priests, and the Priestess of fecundity as the lirst body of rain priests. There are a number of other 
 rain priesthood groups in Zufii. 
 
 6 A bird, the Zuiii say. which flies, but never tires. 
 
320 
 
 THE ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ass. 23 
 
 with the rain priests. A line is made south of the plumes by draw- 
 ing, or rather pushing", the foot over the earth from west to east. 
 
 Six members of the Bow priesthood selected by the elder brother 
 Bow priest have each a gaming stick made by himself. Three of the 
 sticks are colored black at each end and midway, as were those of the 
 elder God of War, and three arc painted black midway only, as were 
 
 Fig. 11— Ti'kwawe of the Bow priests. 
 
 those of the younger God of War (figure 11). The plumes are attached 
 only when the sticks are made as offerings to the Gods of War." 
 The six warriors, clad only in breechcloths, stand by the line, the one 
 at the east end having a stick of the elder God of War, the man at 
 the right having one of the younger God of War. and so they alter- 
 
 aBoth Mr Hodge and MrOwens say that these sticks are placed on the trail three or four days 
 previous t" the race. It would be very difficult to find tins,, hits of wood after four days on a trail 
 frequented not only by men. bul I •> burros and other beasts. 
 
STEVENSON] GAMES 321 
 
 nate down the lino. Each warrior places his right foot on the line and 
 lavs the stick across the foot near the toes; he then sprinkles meal 
 upon the stick and prays for rain and for success in the race. The 
 vain priests also sprinkle meal and pray for rain. Meantime the run- 
 ner-- gather at the base, which is south of the pueblo, just across the 
 river which flows by the village, 
 
 The racers, the number of whom is not limited, wear only kilts, and 
 the long hair is drawn back and tucked into the banda or head-kerchief 
 at the back, the hair being brought over the band and tucked in from 
 the top. A member of the Bow priesthood marks off in the way 
 described the line on the earth upon which the runners take position, 
 facing south. The warrior who stands some feet beyond the line 
 carries a bow and arrows in his left hand and an arrow in his right. 
 He directs the runners the course they are to take, and, facing east, 
 prays and sprinkles meal eastward. The meal is thrown four times, 
 the fourth being the signal for the start. No word is spoken. The 
 course is south to the group of rain priests and Bow priests, a course 
 that must never be deviated from in these races, as this is the road of 
 the Gods of War. On reaching the body of priests awaiting them, 
 each runner passes between the two la'showawe previously described. 
 Bending and extending his hands toward the plumes, he brings his 
 hands to his mouth and draws in a breath from the plumes that he 
 may run like the sho'kiapiso, which flies but never tires. The runners 
 do not halt, but pass right on. Each Bow priest in the line calls out the 
 name of the ki'wi'sine he represents as he kicks the stick into the air. 
 The runners of each ki'wi'sine at once look to their appropriate sticks. 
 They are followed by the first body of rain priests and Bow priests, 
 except the elder and younger brother Bow priests. The rain priests 
 and Bow priests, however, do not attempt to keep pace with the 
 runners, who move in a circuit, and return to the la'showawe, which 
 are guarded by the elder and younger brother Bow priests, and pass 
 between the latter and on to the village. On their return the runners 
 kick the sticks into the river so that they may go to Ko'thluwala'wa 
 (abiding place of the Council of the Gods), and hasten to their homes. 
 The ceremony of washing the hair of the runners occurs before the 
 race and also on the morning after the race. The younger brother 
 Bow priest makes an excavation the depth of his arm and the two 
 la'showawe are deposited therein, with prayers by the elder and younger 
 brother Bow priests to the u'wannami (rain-makers) for rains. These 
 two now proceed to the base, where the large crowd gathered to greet 
 thi> returning runners still remains. At this point, before leaving, 
 the elder brother Bow priest cries out that the a'notiwe (clans) will 
 run in four days. 
 
 The race of the clans may occur simultaneously at Zuiiii and one or 
 more of the farming districts, where most of the Zunis at this season 
 23 eth— 04 21 
 
322 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ANN. 23 
 
 are gathered, provided a Bow priest is present to start the racers, but 
 it is usual for the men to gather at Zuni for the race. The obsen ances 
 previous to the race of the clans are much the same as those for the 
 ran- nf the ki'wi'siwe. A member of each clan makes the stick to he 
 used by the racers of his clan and he is free to select that of either 
 one of the (rods of War. The runners dress as on the previous occa- 
 sion, and their hair is done up in the same manner. The clan symbol 
 is painted on the breast of each runner, and that of the paternal clan 
 is painted on the back. Those, of the Pi'chikwe (Dogwood) clan have 
 a conventional design of dogwood, including- the roots, on the breast, 
 and below a macaw or a raven with the head pointing to the left, 
 according to the division of the clan to which the man belongs." The 
 gaining stick is also decorated with the totem. 
 
 The Bow priest makes a line south of the village by drawing or 
 pushing his foot over the earth, as has been described, and the runners 
 stand on the line, facing the south, members of each clan being together 
 and the runner at the west end of each clan group placing the stick 
 across his foot, as before noted. The Bow priest stands in advance 
 of the runners, and facing east, prays and throws the meal four times 
 eastward, the fourth throw, as before, being the signal for starting. 
 The same course is followed as that pursued by the people of the 
 ki'wi'siwe. Each of these races covers about 4 miles. 
 
 No thought of betting is in the Zuni mind when these races for rain 
 occur, yet deep interest is exhibited by the women as well as by the 
 men in the purely religious races, but the real enthusiasm occurs at 
 the time of the betting races, when about 25 miles are covered. 
 
 When a man wishes to become fleet of foot for the race or to be 
 sure of the winning side of a race, he calls upon the rain priest of the 
 west or south (he may not consult any of the others) and requests to 
 be instructed what to do to insure success in the races. The rain 
 priest tells him to meet him the following night at the house where 
 his et'tone* is kept. When the man arrives at the place of meeting. 
 the rain priest with his associate priests and their families are gath- 
 ered, the priests sittingabout a cloud symbol embellished with I'd ishes, 
 (he most sacred of which is the et'tone, and offerings from the women 
 who are present (see plate xxxiv). The rain priest rises to meet the 
 man, who hands him four ears of corn tied together. The whole night 
 is spent in ottering song prayers to the u'wannami (rain-makers), anil at 
 sunrise the rain priest gives the man a te'likinane (prayer plume) half 
 I lir length of the middle finger measured on the underside. The stick 
 
 "Tin.- writ i-r adopted Cushing's translation of Pi'chikwe, "macaw," until a more familiar acquaint 
 ince rith the Zuni tongue led her to discover that the word e<>mes from i>iVhiko, dogwood; kwe, 
 plural ending denoting a people or body of people. Thiselau has two subdivisions, the macaw and 
 
 the raven (sir p. In . 
 l>See A'shiwanni (Kuin priestli li. 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 GAMES 323 
 
 is black with soft feathers from the leg of the turkey and birds of the 
 six regions; a la'showannS of a soft turkey-leg feather is attached to 
 the prayer plume, and an old ko'hakwa bead is strung on the cord of l he 
 la'showanne. After the presentation of the prayer plume, a bowl of 
 yucca suds is prepared by the wife of the rain priest, and each person 
 present takes a handful of the suds ami when all are, supplied the 
 rain priest, his associates, and the others present place the suds upon 
 the man's head, with prayers; then the wife of the rain priest washes 
 his hair. The man is instructed by the rain priest as to the cpurse he 
 i^ to follow to insure success either as a runner or at the stakes. 
 One of two mesas must he ascended at this time; there are rock 
 markings on each. The man never begins to run until he is a half 
 mile or more from the village and on his return always stops run- 
 ning about the same distance from the town so that the people may 
 not suspect him of starting or returning from a run. The mesa north 
 of the village to which the runner resorts was the one visited by the 
 writer. A rocky, picturesque trail leads to the mesa top. A few feet 
 below the summit there is a stone heap 6 to 7 feet high and fully 15 
 feet at the base, and just before reaching this spot the runner takes 
 a small stone in each hand; he expectorates on the one in the left hand 
 and carries it two, three, or four times around his head from left to 
 right or the reverse and throws it upon the stone heap that he may be 
 rid of his tired breath so that he can start the run with new breath 
 and not lose it. There is an exposure of rock surface 125 by 60 feet 
 about half a mile north of the stone heap on the summit of the mesa. 
 A running course is cut or worn upon the surface of the rock. The 
 course has six loops, symbolizing cumulus clouds of the six regions. 
 All but one of these loops are to the east; the first one winds to the 
 west. The distance between the first two loops is 21 feet; between 
 each succeeding two 12 feet. The line extends 6 feet beyond the last 
 loop, making a total distance measured in a straight line of 78 feet. 
 A second stone heap stands a short distance beyond the line. The 
 -tone carried in the right hand is deposited on the near end of the line 
 and is pushed over the course beneath the right foot. As the man 
 must move rapidly and the stone can not be restarted when once it gets 
 from under his control, not infrequently the stone is left behind, in which 
 case it is moved with the foot a short distance off the line to make room 
 for other stones and runners, where it must remain until the runner 
 makes another attempt jit passing over his ■'luck line," as this marking 
 is called, for one is never sure of success until one has carried one's 
 stone to the end of the line with one's foot and cast it upon the second 
 stone heap. When this has been accomplished a man may be sure of 
 winning the race or may risk high wagers on the races, as he has gone 
 over his luck line to the end: but when he has passed with his stone 
 
324 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ank.23 
 
 only partly oyer the line, he is very cautious in betting." The run 
 continues across the mesa to a shrine where prayers are offered and 
 meal mixed with crushed turquoise, ko'hakwa, and abalone shell is 
 sprinkled to the Gods of Warfor good luck in the race. Then on he 
 runs, down the mesa over a regular course directed by the rain priest 
 over the Ojo Caliente road and around to the south and back to Zuni. 
 the distance coyered being about 25 miles. 
 
 The betting race is not confined to the ki'wi'siwe or to any section 
 of the village, although statements to the contrary have been made. 
 A man approaches another with his plan for a race, and if it be 
 acceptable to the other, a race is arranged. It is heralded from the 
 house top by a civil officer of the village, who shouts: "To-morrow 
 there will be a race!" Those wishing to take part in the race gather 
 at the houses of the two managers. The swiftest runners are sure to 
 be present. After some discussion the originator of the race visits the 
 house of the other manager and learns from him how many runners 
 he will have in the contest. He then returns to his house and selects 
 the same number for his side. The number varies from three to six 
 on a side, one side representing the elder, the other the younger, God 
 of War. Each manager calls at the house of one of the first body of 
 rain priests, those of the North and Zenith excepted, and announces: 
 "My boys will run to-morrow. You will come to my house to-night." 
 The friends of each party gather at the two houses, the runners being 
 on one side of the room and the friends on the opposite side. When 
 the rain priest arrives, bearing a basket tra} T of broken wafer bread, 
 he takes his seat on his wadded blanket, the manager sitting opposite 
 him. The rain priest places the basket upon the floor and asks for 
 corn husks. Preparing as many husks as thei'e are runners for the 
 side, he sprinkles prayer meal into each husk and after adding bits 
 of white shell and turquoise beads, folds it and lays it on the bread in 
 the tray. Raising the tray with both hands to his face, he prays for 
 success, and drawing four breaths from the contents of the tray, says: 
 "Si!" (Ready!). The runners approach; the rain priest deposits a 
 handful of broken bread from the tray. in the blanket, supported by 
 the left arm of each runner, and hands a corn-husk package to each. 
 The body of runners who represent the elder God of War go to a 
 point north of the yillage; the others go .south. An excavation to the 
 depth of a man's arm haying been made by an ancient bean planter at 
 each point, each runner opens his husk package, deposits the contents in 
 the excavation, and drops in the bread as offerings to the Gods of War 
 and ancestral gods. The one who prepares the earth to receive the 
 offerings covers the opening, lea-ring no trace of the excavation. All 
 now >it perfectly still and listen for sounds from the departed. When 
 they hear any noise which they suppose comes from the dead, they are 
 
 « Photographs were secured of these very interesting rouk markings. 
 
stevenswj] GAMES 325 
 
 gratified and say : "El'lakwa, na'nakwe" (Thanks, grandfathers). After 
 walking a short distance they halt and wait again for some manifesta- 
 tion. Should they hear a few notes from the mockingbird, they know 
 the race will be in favor first of one side and then of the other, uncer- 
 tain until the end. If the bird sings much, they will meet with failure. 
 If they hear an owl hoot, the race will be theirs. The runners return 
 to the houses which they left and retire for the remainder of the night in 
 the large room, the family having withdrawn to another apartment. 
 Sometimes a runner goes to an arroyo and deposits offerings of precious 
 heads to the Gods of War; or he goes to a locality where some re- 
 nowned runner of the past was killed by an enemy and there, after otter- 
 ing food to the Gods of War with a prayer for success in the race, he 
 sits and eagerly listens for some sound from the deceased. After a 
 time he moves a short distance and listens again. He then moves a 
 third time and listens, and if he hears anything from the dead he is 
 almost sure of success. If he hears the whistling of the wind, he is 
 also likely to meet with success; if he hears an owl hoot, his success 
 is assured. .In this event he imitates the owl during the race, which 
 annoys the opposite side, for thej 7 know the reason for the owl-like 
 cries. 
 
 At sunrise each runner carries a corn husk containing bits of precious 
 beads and meal a distance from the village and sprinkles the offering 
 to the u'wannami pi'^lashiwanni, the lightning makers of the six 
 regions for success. 
 
 It is the custom of the runners to exercise for the race in the early 
 morning, returning to the houses of the managers, where they eat a 
 hearty breakfast; but they must not drink coffee, as this distends the 
 stomach. After this early ineal nothing is taken except a small quan- 
 tity of wafer bread and water. They remain at the managers' houses 
 until the hour for the race. 
 
 By afternoon the betting and excitement have increased until every 
 available possession of the bettors is placed in the large plaza. Crowds 
 gather around the managers, who are busy looking after the stakes. 
 Everything is wagered, from a silver button to a fine blanket. Yards 
 of calico are brought out, silver belts, and precious beads; in fact, all 
 the effects of many are staked, especially those of the old gamblers, 
 who have lost heavily perhaps in the gambling den and hope to regain 
 their fortunes. The objects are stacked in two heaps, the two man- 
 agers having charge of arranging the articles. A blanket from one 
 heap finds its counterpart in the other, and both are placed together, 
 forming the base of a third pile. Drawing in this way from the two 
 piles is continued until tbej'' are consolidated into one great heap. 
 Much of the forepart of the afternoon is consumed in this work. 
 When the managers return to their houses and announce to the run- 
 ners that the task of arranging the stakes is completed, the latter 
 
326 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bth.ann.23 
 
 remove their clothing" and after donning a kilt of white cotton or 
 some other light material take medicine of the Shii'maakwe fraternity 
 in their mouths, eject it into their hands, and rub their entire bodies, 
 that they may not be made tired by running - . A piece of humming- 
 bird medicine, a root (species undetermined), is passed around; each 
 runner takes a bite, and after chewing it ejects it into his hands and 
 rubs his body that he may be swift like the humming bird. The 
 hair is brought forward, and a bow priest forms a long knob by fold- 
 ing the hair over and over and wrapping it with yarn; he then places 
 an arrow point in the knot to insure fleetness; lifting ashes with 
 two eagle-wing plumes, he passes them down the sides of each racer 
 and sprinkles ashes to the six regions for physical purification. 
 
 Medicine is sometimes put into the paint used on the stick, which 
 for the betting races is painted red instead of black, and a bit of this 
 paint is slipped under the nail of the index finger of the right hand. 
 If a runner is seen to keep his thumb pressed to his finger, it is 
 known that he has medicine under the nail, and those making the dis- 
 covery are apt to bet high on that side, for they believe the medicine 
 will bring success. Failure in such cases is attributed to the bad 
 heart of the runner. 
 
 The wives of the two rain priests who were present on the previous 
 night each go to the house visited by the husband, where they remain 
 during the absence of the runners. Several parcels, including two 
 blankets, are removed from the heap in the plaza and carried to each 
 house and deposited beside the woman for good luck to the runners. 
 The runners are accompanied to the base by their managers and the 
 bow priests. Crowds gather; every man who can obtain a horse is 
 mounted. All is excitement, the women's enthusiasm being almost 
 equal to that of the men, for each wife is interested in the side her 
 husband has chosen, and every maiden is eager for the success of her 
 favorite admirer. While the men gather about the runners prepar- 
 ing for the race, and follow them, the women must content themselves 
 in the village. 
 
 The two sticks designating the sides of the elder and the 3 T ounger 
 God of War are made by the bow priests of the side of the second 
 manager and are carried by a runner of this party to the base, -where 
 he holds the sticks out to the opposite side, one of the party taking 
 the stick of his choice. The racers do uot form in regular line. Each 
 leader places the stick across his foot near the toes and sprinkles it 
 with meal; they then cry out "Si!" (Readj r !) The stick must not be 
 touched with the hand after it is placed on the foot. It is often thrown 
 a long distance, and no matter where it may rest it must be managed 
 with the foot. 
 
 There is nothing more exciting to the Zufiis, except the scalp dance, 
 than this game of ti'kwane. Those on horseback urge their ponies on- 
 
STEVENSON] GAMES 327 
 
 ward to keep pace with the racers, who run southward over the road 
 of the Gods of War for a distance, then around to the east, crossing 
 the river. On they go toward the north, keeping to the foothills." 
 Recrossing the river several miles west of Zuiii, they continue south- 
 ward then veer round to the east and return by the southern road to 
 the base, when the members of the successful part}' vie with one 
 another in reaching the great plaza, for he who is first to pass around 
 the heap of wagered articles is the hero of the hour. As they run 
 around this heap, they extend their hands toward it and bringing 
 them to the mouth draw in a breath and pass on to the house of 
 the manager whence they started, where the victor deposits the stick 
 of his side in a basket of prayer meal, while all present place offer- 
 ing of bits of precious beads in the basket. The wife of the rain 
 priest takes the hands of the victor and standing brings her clasped 
 hands four times before his mouth. Each time he draws a breath. 
 The waving of the hands four times is repeated before each runner, who 
 draws as many breaths. After the prayers the victor empties the con- 
 tents of the basket, which includes the meal and bead offerings and the 
 stick, into a corn husk and carries it to his home. After each runner 
 returns to his home he drinks a quantity of warm water as an emetic, and 
 when relieved he retires for the night. It is not uncommon for a runner 
 to be so affected by the race that the manipulations of a masseuse (the 
 Zufiis being expert in massage) are necessary to restore him. The 
 following morning- the head of each runner is washed in yucca suds, 
 and he bathes. After the morning meal the stick of the elder God of 
 War and the contents of a corn husk carried by the runner from his 
 managers house are deposited at a shrine on U'hana yal'lanne (Wool 
 mountain), while the stick of the younger God of War and offerings 
 are deposited on To'wa yal'lanne (Corn mountain). 
 
 The most prominent religious positions do not debar men from tak- 
 ing part in these betting races. One of the fleetest as well as most 
 enthusiastic runners of the present time is the Ko'mosona (Director- 
 general) of the ki'wi'siwe. 
 
 There are many informal games of ti'kwane in which young men 
 hurriedly gather for sport, and sometimes a considerable stake is 
 raised. One of these races observed by the writer, in which great 
 enthusiasm was exhibited, began at 5 o'clock in the afternoon, the par- 
 tie- returning after 7. There were three runners on a side, of whom the 
 Ko'mosona was one. Though considerable interest is manifested in 
 the informal races, there is little or no ceremony associated with them, 
 and the excitement is as nothing compared with the more formal 
 affairs. Each runner bets on his side. Outside parties bet with one 
 
 "There are six stone heaps which direct the runners in their course. These monuments, which 
 are about 4 feet high, are supposed to have been made by direction of the Gods of War. Vases 
 containing medicine of these gods are believed to be buried beneath the mounds, though these 
 objects are too sacred to be commonly referred to. 
 
328 THE ZUNI INDIANS [Era.ANK.23 
 
 another, one holding the stakes, or, more frequently, a third party 
 has charge of the stakes, which are heaped in the large plaza. Some- 
 times the articles are afterward carried to the ki'wi"sine to which the 
 successful party belongs, while again they may pass to the winner in 
 the plaza, who in turn divides the profits among the runners of his side. 
 
 It is interesting to see the very young boys engaged in their foot- 
 races (plate i.xxxm) and to observe how closely they follow their 
 elders in the rules governing the stakes. Wagers are always made, 
 as the races would be of little interest even to the younger boys with- 
 out the element of chance associated with them. Beginning at so 
 early an age, these people develop naturally enough into swift run- 
 ners. The writer has never known the Zuiiis to loose a footrace with 
 other Indians or with the champion runners of the troops at Fort 
 WIngate, who sometimes enter into races with them. It is rather 
 common for the Zufiis and Navahos to race. Though these races are 
 always informal, the stakes are often large, and the Navahos fre- 
 quently depart from the pueblo, leaving their precious beads, silver 
 belts, bridles, and valuable blankets in the hands of the Zuiiis. 
 
 Sko'liwe [arrow reeds). The lot game of sho'liwe is second on the 
 list of the games of the Gods of War and is the great indoor gambling 
 game of the Zuiiis. The implements are four split reeds, a bowl-shaped 
 basket, a buckskin, a blanket, bits of pith or the central core of a 
 corncob, straws for counters, and chips which are usually silver but- 
 tons. Legend says that this game was played for rain by the Gods of 
 War and the rain priesthood while the A'shiwi (Zufiis) were at Han'- 
 'lipinkia (see page 34). The rain priests thought the reeds used for 
 the game were too long, so their length was measured from the tip of 
 the thumb to the tip of the middle finger, both extended. 
 
 The rain priests considered this game so efficacious in bringing rain 
 that they organized a fraternity, which they called Sho'wekwe (Arrow- 
 reed people), for the express purpose of playing the game for rain. 
 Ten men were designated by the rain priests as the original members 
 of the Sho'wekwe. The prayers of this fraternity were sure to bring 
 rain. 
 
 When the gods visited I'tiwanna (Middle place, the site of the 
 present Zuni), eight days after the first appearance of Iviaklo (see page 
 65) in I'tiwanna, certain ancestral gods gathered in the ceremonial 
 chamber of the Kia'kwemosi where the first body of rain priests, the 
 Galaxy fraternity, and the ten members of the Sho'wekwe were assem- 
 bled. The Ko'yemshi at this time gave their songs and prayers to the 
 fraternities present, after which the Ne'wekwe and Sho'wekwe alter- 
 nated annually in personating the Ko'yemshi (see page 33). 
 
 The. Great Fire and the Cactus fraternities are more recent acces- 
 sions to the personators of the Ko'yemshi. The four fraternities 
 
CO 
 
 a: 
 
 UJ 
 
 Z 
 
 z 
 
 DC 
 
 _l 
 
 r> 
 
 Li. 
 I 
 (- 
 
 o 
 
 > 
 
STEVENSON] GAMES 329 
 
 now personate these gods in turn (sec page 235); at least such was the 
 ease until the Sho'wekwe became so degenerated that the director of 
 the fraternity preferred to choose the personators of the. Ko'yenishi 
 from the fraternities at large rather than to call on the men id' his 
 own. The fraternity no longer exists in its original purity, having 
 degenerated into a body of professional gamblers which hears no rela- 
 tion whatever to the one organized by the rain priests; but the game 
 is still played by the priests and others in all sacredness for rain. 
 
 The reeds used for ceremonial occasions are rarely brought out at 
 other times. Such reeds are old and are preserved with care, and it is 
 considered a great privilege when one having lost heavily at the game 
 may secure, as indicated in the succeeding paragraph, a ceremonial set 
 of reeds through which to recover his possessions. 
 
 The following was related by a celebrated player of sho'liwe. 
 
 The only rain priests who have the game of sho'liwe are those of the south, west, 
 and the one who goes last into retreat for rains." Long ago the rain priest of the 
 west ami the one last mentioned possessed the game, but the rain priest of the south 
 having great desire for the game presented a fine buckskin and many turquoise to 
 the priest of the west, requesting the game in return. The request was complied 
 with, and the priest of the south became the iiappy possessor of the game. This 
 occurred long before the birth of my uncle, the rain priest of the west, who is now 
 an aged man. The medicine given the priest of the south with the game is all gone, 
 tint he pretends that he still has some, but we know that he has not, as he always 
 loses the game. 
 
 I gambled with new reeds and lost beads, blankets, ami other things, and in my 
 distress I went to the house of my uncle, rain priest of the west, where an original 
 set of reeds belonging to the younger God of War is kept. I told him of my trouble 
 and begged him to let me have the precious reeds to play with in order to win back 
 my valuables. I visited my uncle's house the night of the day I lost my things. It 
 was in the month of May. He said: "Come to me at the winter solstice." I did as 
 he bade me, going to him at night. He gave me the reeds, a klcm'tutu'nimi' ( rhom- 
 bus l, and two prayer plumes which he had prepared for me, the sticks being of the 
 length of the middle finger measured on the underside. A la'showanne, composed 
 of a turkey-leg feather, a duck plume, and a wing feather from each bird of the six 
 regions, was tied pendent to each stick, with several precious beads strung on the 
 cord, the length of the cord from the stick to the plumes being measured by the four 
 fingers crosswise. My uncle also gave me medicine, which was ai.ittle black and a 
 little white, to rub on my hands when I should be ready to play. It appeared like 
 grease, but I do not know what it was. I spent the night with my uncle while he 
 taught me four old songs. He said, after I had learned the songs by heart: "Before 
 you play the game shut your mouth and sing the songs with your heart. After sing- 
 in L r tin- songs once you may speak with the man with whom yon are to play, but you 
 must again shut your mouth and sing the songs with your heart, and then you may 
 play." At sunrise the wife and the daughter of my uncle came into the room where 
 my uncle and I had spent the night. The girl prepared a bowl of yucca suds and 
 placed it immediately before me. I sat facing east and the wife stood behind me, 
 placing a hand on each shoulder. The girl stood south of the bowl and faced it. My 
 uncle was the first to dip two eagle- wing plumes four times into the suds, each time 
 
 a See A'shiwanni (Rain priesthood). 
 
380 
 
 Till: /.I'M INDIANS 
 
 ! 
 
 drawing them ovei thi topol m head Thl wag repeated by all present 
 
 ■ ccpt tin girl, who prepared tl I Lftei the othei had rubbed ud over my 
 
 head with the pi id, she wa hedmyhair thoroughly from the bowl, standing before 
 
 me, and my uncle's wife al i bed my hair while I was still in my seat. My uncle 
 mi- four ears of corn, yellow, blue, red and white, ti'-'l together, and enough 
 calico foi .< hirt. In giving me the corn and calico he said: " I give the e to you 
 thai you may receive such ilnni^ from the man with whom yon play. Carry the 
 plumi reference being to the four prayer plumes given the previous night) a 
 dl tano i" an arroyo where you find dcoris has collected from running water and 
 plant them lo the Gods of War.'/ When I was within a few feet of the place I 
 had • lected for depositing my plumes I whirled my rhombus until I reached the spot 
 [ afterward returned the rhombus to my uncle, but kept the sho'liwe" until the 
 annivei ti of thi lo of my possessions.'' I won back my lost articles, after which 
 i i ned the sho'iiwe t" my uncle. 
 
 Mr. U . pUl I 
 
 Each player takes the side of one of the Gods <»r War. There are 
 Eour pieces of split reeds, two representing the Bide of the elder and 
 
 I wo i he side of l he younger < i<<i I of War. The reeds shown in figure 
 12 may be described as follows: a and c belong to the elder and /> and 
 
 I I to the younger God of War; ", kwln'na (black), I m s the concave side 
 of the reed colored black, indicating the whole day, and three sets of 
 markings on the convex side denoting the three periods of the day, 
 morning, noon, and sunset; 5, a'thluwa (center), has a daub of black in 
 
 "ii •■ ■ the prltor'i I fortune to liovo two sol of ceremonial recda presented to hor by the eldei 
 
 mil [lie our [i r brothi I Bow prlo I 1 hej ore now In the National Museum, 
 
 I'OnoniusI begin topluj hi i la; ol thi month that the loss occurred. Playing maj be 
 
 i until 1 1" um i tlcc, bill no [ami musl be played while the rain prlenl an In retreat 
 
 tor rain i ic doci t come to tin playoi nth the ceremonial reeds, he may ask for them 
 
 ind l] i" lui i anothi i }'ci ho meantime purifying his heart, tor If the hearl I food, 
 
 thi i reed in believed to bring ucei 
 
STEVENSON 1 
 
 GAMES 
 
 33 1 
 
 the middle of the iced dm (he concave side, denoting midday, the mark- 
 ings on the convex side also denoting noon; c, ko'hakwa" (while medi- 
 cine), has a daub of black paint at each end of the concave side, indicating 
 morning and evening or sunrise and sunset, markings on the convex 
 side denoting the same; d, pahl'to (mark on the end), has a daub of 
 black paint on the concave side id' (he joint end denoting sunrise, which 
 
 to ill'' Zufiis is the tiisl [ighl of ila\ . or the while lighl which comes 
 
 first, and markings on the convex side indicate the same, while three 
 dots sometimes found on the joint of the reed, not shown here, indicate 
 eyes and mouth of the"f ace; other reeds have only two dots, which stand 
 fo !• I lie eyes. The player representing the elder God of War holds c in 
 
 the righi hand with I hei'ou 
 \ e\ side e\ pOSed, I he joi ill 
 end point inn' toward him, 
 
 andslides the septum end of 
 A into the groove e, leaving 
 
 the sepi urn of h an inch 
 
 within I he end of c; il is 
 (hen run into 1) in (he man- 
 ner described, I he sepi urn 
 
 ol\/l>eiu<janinch within I he 
 end of A. Tin' three reeds 
 
 are then i ransferred to the 
 
 left hand and re\ ersed. and 
 
 .< is placed at righl angles, 
 
 I he com a\ c side exposed, 
 
 the septum end pointing to 
 
 the left, as shown in figure 
 
 I :;. The game is passed in 
 
 llii- position hack to the 
 
 righl hand and re^ts upon 
 the tirsi t luce fingers with 
 
 the t hunili on I he tup. 
 
 When t he represental ive of t he younger < rod of War plays he runs <■ 
 into the groove of h and a into c and crosses them withe?. The reed which 
 crosses the others is designated as the thrower, but the same reed, as 
 stated, is not used by both players. In this position the reeds are 
 thrown upward against an inverted basket, l<> or 12 inches in diame- 
 ter, covered with a piece of blanket or cloth and suspended from the 
 ceiling. The reed- strike the cloth over the basket and fall to a 
 blanket spread on the Hour to receive them. If played oul of doors, 
 which i- not usual at the pre ent period, the basket is suspended above 
 the blanket from the apex of three poles, arranged tripod fashion, 
 with sufficient space beneath for the blanket and players. 
 
 bell beads which an used not only n orn I and us money, but alsi [lei 
 
 • nt'- to the gods, have the si • name. 
 
 Pio. 18— Method ol placing reeds in playing sho'llwo. 
 
332 THE ZTJNI INDIANS [htii.ann.J3 
 
 When the representative of the elder God of War throws, and the 
 concave side of a and the convex sides of the others arc up, the trick is 
 won: or if <i is convex side up with the others concave up, the trick is 
 won. If <i crosses <■ or vice versa convex sides up, the trick is won, 
 even should one cross the other by hut a hair's breadth. If h and d 
 should be crossed as described, the trick goes to the opponent. If all 
 convex sides are up or vice versa, the trick is lost. If the convex side 
 of h is up and the others have the concave sides up, the trick belongs 
 to the opponent. Silver buttons are the favorite chips for the 
 game. 
 
 Though sho'liwe is a favorite of the lot games, it being the game of 
 the professional gamblers" of the pueblo, there is no thought of per- 
 sonal gain when it is played by the rain priests for rain/' At such 
 times great ceremony is observed and buckskins are used in place of 
 the cloth covering over the basket and of the blanket on the floor. The 
 skin on the floor has the head to the east. A portion of a circle, a 
 quadrant, or octant, is drawn on the skin. 
 
 The gambling den of Zuiii was as notorious and was regarded with 
 the same aversion as a place of similar character is in civilization. The 
 more profligate characters, who depend upon gaming for their liveli- 
 hood, spent much of their time in this den, which was one of the old 
 interior rooms of the pueblo. The room was reached by a ladder 
 through a hatchway , and, if the memory of the writer is correct, the 
 room was dimly lighted with a small window of selenite near the ceil- 
 ing. The hatchway was covered with a straw mat, upon which an eye 
 was kept that there might be no intruders. The writer first visited 
 this den in 1896. Her unannounced arrival was a surprise to the eight 
 or ten men present, who appeared to be much annoyed; but when 
 the}- wei'e informed that she had come to observe the game and not to 
 denounce them for their profligacy a sigh of relief escaped them. 
 
 There is but little ceremony associated with the game when played 
 by the professional or other gamblers. The most abandoned, how- 
 ever, would not dare to play without first offering prayers to the 
 Gods of War, invoking their blessing, and breathing on their reeds. 
 The professional gamblers show in their faces deep lines and other 
 indications of dissipation, although they lose no more rest than the 
 rain priests and the theurgists. The inveterate gamblers, like other 
 people not altogether lost to a sense of right, must have the conscious- 
 
 o After an absence of six years the writer found on her return in 1902 that the Zuiii gambling house 
 was a thing of the past and that the game of sho'liwe was not so frequently played as formerly, either 
 ceremonially or for pleasure. 
 
 '■ The reader who has perused " I 'boss and Playing-cards," by Mr Stewart Culin ( Report of the United 
 States National Museum, 1896) , will note the difference between the explanation of sho'liwe found in 
 Hint publication and that given here. For example, Mr Culin says: "Formerly sho'liwe was exclu- 
 sively a game of war divination and was played only by the priests of the Bow and members of the 
 esoteric society of the war shamans." According to Zuni belief sho'liwe was played by the Hi vine 
 I in. - i Kow'wituma and Wats'usi) and the rain priests for rain soon after they reached this world, 
 long before the creation of the Bow priesthood. 
 
STEVENSON] GAMES 333 
 
 ness of doing wrong, while, on the other hand, the rain priests and 
 fcheuvgists have the satisfaction of realizing that they are propitiating 
 their gods, not only for their own good but for the good of all; not 
 only for their own people hut for all the world. 
 
 I'yankolo^we — Implements of the game. Four cups of quaking aspen 
 wood, li'.v inches high, 2| inches across at the opening, and slightly 
 less than -1\ inches at the bottom, are hollowed to the depth of 2£ inches 
 to accommodate a stone ball. There is a .stone disk painted white on 
 one side and black on the other, and 106 straws. The cups are painted 
 white with kaolin. The bottom of each cup is covered with black paint, 
 which extends up the side \\ inches. This paint, which is said to 
 have come from the undermost world, is first mixed with water and 
 then a medicine is added. Powdered 'suhapa (micaceous hematite) is 
 also added. The hematite bears the same name as the fixed stars and 
 is referred to as the star medicine. The finger is dipped into the white 
 paint and touched to the gaming ball, which is afterward wrapped in 
 cotton cord, or the entire ball is painted white. The Zunis say that 
 the game originally had instead of the cups four deer carved of wood, 
 with an opening in the side of each large enough to contain the ball. 
 
 I'yankolo'we is played only in January, February, and March, but 
 mostly in February, and when once begun must be continued without 
 intermission to the close. In February, 1904, a game was begun the 
 evening of the 10th and continued through the 12th. When a man 
 wishes to play a game of i'yankolo'we he calls upon a rain priest of 
 either the West, East, Zenith, or Nadir (the other rain priests have noth- 
 ing to do with this game), at sunset and makes known his wish. The 
 rain priest asks him where his he' we (wafer bread) is, his precious beads, 
 his prayer meal, and tells him to return at night with these things. 
 The rain priest then goes to a storage room and brings out an ancient 
 u'linne (gaming ball). After his wife or some female member of the 
 family has swept the floor of the inner room, the rain priest makes, 
 with prayer meal, four parallel lines running north and south by the 
 north wall of the room, the length of these lines measuring from the 
 tip of the middle finger to the tip of the thumb, with fingers extended. 
 He then places the ball midway on the most western line and says 
 to it: •" You will remain here through the night.' 1 Then he gives to 
 the man some wafer bread in a piece of cloth, a corn- husk cigarette 
 of native tobacco (Nicotiana attenuata), a sack containing powdered 
 te'na'sali (mythical medicine plant), and a piece of banded gypsum, 2£ 
 or 3 inches in length, slender, round, and tapering. When the time 
 for the game has been decided upon by the rain priest and plaj r er, a 
 member of the governor's staff calls from the house top that the game 
 of i'yankolo'we w 7 ill be played the following night, giving the name of 
 the leader, and another group is then formed to play. The players are 
 not confined to particular clans, ki'wi'siwe," or sections of the village. 
 
 "See Krvt'i'snve and their functions. 
 
334 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bth.ank.23 
 
 After carrying the articles to his home the leader of the game selects 
 his three associate players and four watchers (the seers who choose 
 the hidden cups) unci returns with them to his house, where a number 
 of friends interested in the game have gathered. The leader is always 
 careful to choose players whom he may trust and who will not indi- 
 cate to the. watchers of the opposite side where the cup with the ball 
 is placed. The players and watchers sit upon the floor midway of 
 the room, the head player having Try his side a basket tray containing 
 the wafer bread, cigarette, and sack of fce'nas'sali given him by the rain 
 priest whom he consulted. The leader and the head watcher each 
 deposit four corn husks upon the floor and all present, beginning with 
 the leader, deposit turquoise, ko'hakwa (white shell beads), micaceous 
 hematite, red hematite, and corn pollen in each corn husk. Each 
 places a reed cigarette in one of his packages and they fold each husk, 
 with the offerings, into a rectangular package. 
 
 The leader's prayer is addressed to the Gods of War, rain-makers, 
 the sun, moon, stars, and A'wonawil'ona™ that he may be successful 
 in the game and have long life, that the other side may have bad 
 luck, and that his playing may bring much rain, many crops, and all 
 things to eat, and horses and sheep. The buckskin sack of te'na'sali 
 is then opened and a corn husk is placed beside it. A gourd of water 
 is now handed the leader. He dips a little water with his first three 
 fingers and drops it into the corn husk; then dipping a bit of the 
 te'nas'sali with the tip of the banded gypsum, he mixes the powdered 
 plant with the water in the husk. If a rain priest chances to be pres- 
 ent, he dips the stone into the mixture and places it in the left ear, then 
 runs it across the face under the ey^es, and puts it in the right ear of 
 the leader of the players, who repeats the same with the rain priest 
 and then with the others of the group. The placing of the te'nas'sali 
 in the ear and under the eyes is to insure seeing and hearing unusual 
 or nrysterious things and sounds. All now sit perfectly still for a 
 few minutes and then the leader hands his corn-husk package con- 
 taining the cigarette to the first watcher, who is instructed to visit 
 the most eastern shrine of the elder God of War and ask him to 
 conic with him. On reaching the shrine the man opens the husk 
 given him by the head player and depositing the offerings prays: 
 ■■ 1 pray yon. A'hayuta, come with me at once to te'wita 'hlann'a kwi 
 (large plaza place), for we begin our game to-morrow and we wish 
 you to remain with us until the game closes." A line of meal is then 
 sprinkled, suggestive of the road over which the' god is to pass 
 from the shrine to the point in the plaza where the game is to lie 
 played, and then the man says, addressing A'hayuta: "Sit here until 
 to-morrow, when we will come and be with you. Wait for us." The 
 
 aSee Classification of the higher powers. 
 
STEVENSON] GAMKS 335 
 
 man then returns to the house of the leader of the players. The 
 other three watchers may visit whatever cardinal point they wish, but 
 they must keep together. Each one carries a corn-husk package 
 prepared by the head watcher, the leader of the party having the one 
 containing the cigarette. They usually go about 2 miles from the 
 village, where one of the party makes an excavation the depth of the 
 arm in which to deposit offerings. They then pray to the deceased 
 i'y&nkolo'we players. The offerings are made that success will 
 follow them in the game and that the game may bring rains and all 
 things good. The excavation is covered and the three go a short 
 distance and sit down and listen attentively. Then the}' move on a 
 little farther and sit and listen again. This is repeated four times, 
 each time a little farther off from the excavation. One must never 
 turn around nor look back if he hears anj^ steps and knows that there is 
 something unusual. If he sees a star move, or sees the lightning, a 
 mysterious tire, or bright light on the earth, he knows his side will win 
 the game. If he hears an owl or coyote, he knows the other side will 
 win. If he hears a summer bird, the success will come to his side. If 
 he hears a mocking bird or snow bird, he knows there will be trouble, 
 perhaps the two sides will have a tight and one will be hit with the 
 ball of the game. The watchers now return to the house of the 
 leader. 
 
 After the head watcher departs for the shrine, the leader of the 
 players hands three of his corn-husk packages to each of the other 
 three players. Then taking wafer bread with both hands from the 
 basket tray, he places it in the blanket over the left arm of each man, 
 putting the remainder of the bread in his own blanket over the arm. 
 lie carries the sack of te'na'sali and the cigarette. The fourth corn- 
 husk package of the leader of the watchers is given one of the men 
 present by the leader of the players with the following instructions: 
 "You will go to-morrow to the house of the rat man. Give these 
 offerings to him and ask him to help you to collect the straws 
 that are to aid us to win the counters in the game." The leader 
 of the players with his three associates then visits the house of 
 the rain priest, removing their moccasins and head-kerchiefs on enter- 
 ing. They deposit the wafer bread, which they carry in their blankets, 
 and the husk packages in a basket tray, which the rain priest 
 extends to them without rising from his seat on the floor in the middle 
 of the room. The leader of the players returns the sack of te'nas'sali 
 to the rain priest, who lays it in the basket. The rain priest sings 
 four songs to certain rain priests of the four regions, calling each by 
 name: "Here i> your Ko'hakwa. 'Suhapa. [etc.], take these and give me 
 much rain, many seeds, all things good, give me long life that I may not 
 die, but sleep to awake in Ko'thluw*ala'wa." The rain priest makes no 
 
336 THE Zl'NI INDIANS [tfra. ann. !B 
 
 mention of the game. These songs belong especially to the rain priests, 
 all of whom have the same .songs, which are purely for rain and fructi- 
 fication of the earth. The rain priest prays again over the basket 
 tray, raising it to his face, and repeats the ceremony of placing the 
 te.'nas'sali, mixed with water, in the ears and across the faces of the four 
 players, who stoop before him; they then receive the wafer bread, husk 
 packages, and cigarette from the rain priest in their blankets over 
 the left arm. The gaming ball, which remains in place in the inner 
 room, is not seen at this time by any of the players. The players 
 leave the house of the rain priest at midnight without speaking a word 
 and go to the old church, built by the Spaniards and how a ruin, where 
 the leader makes an excavation the depth of the lower arm and deposits 
 the offerings to the deceased players of i'yankolo'we. After deposit- 
 ing the offerings with prayers within the walls of the church, they pass 
 to the south of the cross in the center of the graveyard. The leader of 
 the players removes several handfuls of earth and places it in a cloth. 
 He carries it to the rain priest's house and deposits the earth outside the 
 door, when they return to the leader's house, where a rain priest (not 
 the one, however, whom the leader has visited) says to the leader: " Your 
 great ' Moon Mother ' and stars who are out saw you come from the 
 dead. What have you to say ? What do you know about your Moon 
 Mother or the stars or A'wonawil'ona? What have they told you? 
 If you know nothing it makes no difference." The leader tells the 
 rain priest what he heard while visiting the dead in the graveyard 
 and the rain priest replies, "That is well. I hope you will have a 
 good time and win, that we shall have much rain and man}- crops." 
 If one is touched by the dead he is sure to win the game. 
 
 All sit down, and with a slender rod of cottonwood root that has been 
 lighted in the fire the shi'wanni lights a corn-husk cigarette of native 
 tobacco. A match must not be used to light this cigarette. Puffing 
 it. he blows the smoke and motions the cigarette to the six regions, 
 forming a circle symbolic of the whole world. He then hands the ciga- 
 rette to the leader, who repeats the form and hands it to the next man, 
 who does the same. The cigarette is then passed to some of the friends 
 present who are going to bet on the game. When only a bit of the 
 cigarette remains, it is placed in a basket tray for the night (the play- 
 ers and watchers sleep in the house of the head player) and in the 
 morning it is cast into the river, to go the abiding place of the Council 
 of the < rods. 
 
 After the cigarette is laid in the basket tray, the leader of players 
 and his associates put on their moccasins, and the rain priest, still sit- 
 ting, lifts the basket tray and prays again for rain, food, etc. After 
 this prayer the lour men go to the summit of Corn mountain. When 
 they all return they crush ko'hakwa. turquoise, a'hoko (a red stone said 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 (JAMES 837 
 
 to come from the far south), and black turquoise (.so named because 
 this black stone is found in the locality of the turquoise), which they 
 mix with corn meal and corn pollen. This mixture is placed in a corn 
 husk with small feathers from a bird secured from the neighborhood 
 of Santa Anna. This package is afterward carried to the large plaza 
 where the game is played. 
 
 Later in the morning the ko'ehi (rat) man returns to the house of the 
 head player for the corn-husk package given him the previous evening 
 and carries it to the house of the wood rat (Neotoma). After deposit- 
 ing his offerings, with prayers to the rat to aid his side in winning 
 the straw counters by collecting many twigs and stems, he proceeds 
 to the shrine of the younger God of War on the summit of Corn 
 mountain, where he makes offerings and prays for success in the game. 
 Descending the mountain, he goes to the cactus bed belonging to the 
 Cactus fraternity and secures a piece of cactus (Opuntia arborescens) 
 about 12 inches in length and prays: "When I place 3 r ou in the plaza 
 do not let anyone touch you. Give us good luck in the game; give us 
 much lain and all things." Then he deposits bits of precious beads 
 and prayer meal at the base of the plant which is known as the father 
 of the cactus bed. He afterward visits a bed of flat-leaf cactus (Opun- 
 tia filipendula) and collects several pieces, saying: "When I place you 
 in the plaza do not let anyone touch you. Give us much rain, all 
 things to eat. all things to wear." He then goes to a yucca glauca 
 plant and pulling a central stalk says: "Give me good luck in the game; 
 give me ihux-h rain, all things to eat, etc." A plant of kiapuli (not 
 classified) is then visited, and he repeats the prayers and breaks off a 
 small twig with several branches. All the plants are wrapped together 
 in a cloth and carried to the house of the leader, where he joins the 
 watchers and players. On entering the house the rat man says: "May 
 the day go well with you." The others reply: "All good come to 3 7 ou." 
 The leader advances to meet him and receives the bundle of plants, 
 depositing it on a ledge in a corner of the room where it will be secure 
 from view. He then calls the three players and requests them to help him 
 arrange the plants, which are grouped together. Turquoise, ko'hakwa, 
 abalone. meal and corn pollen, and a quail feather, to which is attached 
 a cotton string with one black archaic bead strung on it, are bound to the 
 base of the bouquet with buckskin,- which is carefully tied over the end 
 and wrapped with a buckskin thong. While the plants are being pre- 
 pared the four watchers each bind an arrow to the center of the sole 
 of his foot with a cotton cloth (either foot may be used), the arrow 
 pointing toward the toes, and the moccasin is drawn on. No secrecy 
 is observed in binding on the arrow. A tine meal is then served by 
 the leader's wife and family, who are assisted b} r female members of 
 23 eth— 04 22 
 
338 
 
 THK Z1 T XI INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 her clan: they all eat heartily. Coffee and water are freely indulged 
 in. The leader addressing his players, watchers, and the rat man. 
 says: "You must eat much now, for you must neither eat nor diink 
 while the game is being played." Should the leader of the game 
 on the opposite side come to him and ask if he did not wish to eat 
 or drink with him, he replies. •■Yes. we will eat with you,"' if he 
 thinks it is best, hut usually the invitation is refused. After the 
 repast the four players and four watchers gather near the fireplace 
 and apply hear or cougar grease under and above each eye and then 
 place red hematite over the grease. The leader theii asks. "Are you 
 ready?" and they reply "Yes." and the players and watchers go to 
 the plaza. The leader takes his place on the west side of the plaza 
 with his party: the players of the other side sit on the east side of the 
 plaza by the old Spanish church. The game, which is carried by the 
 
 Fig. 14— Implements used in i'yankolo'we. 
 
 leader, is deposited on the west side of the plaza, the open ends of 
 the cups to the east. The stone disk, ball, and straw counters are 
 laid upon the cups (see figure li). A party from each side is dis- 
 patched for sand, and the first leader visits the house of the rain 
 priest to secure the gaming ball which was left on the west line of 
 meal. If it has moved to the most eastern line, the leader knows that 
 his side will win. hut if it has moved only to the second or third 
 line, he can not tell anything about it. He lifts the stone while he 
 stands by the side of the rain priest, and. drawing a breath from it. 
 places it inside his shirt, and saying to the rain priest "So'amii"' 
 (Good-by), returns to the plaza. He requests one of the watchers to 
 remove the disk from the cups and carry it to the head player of 
 the opposite side and ask which side of the stone disk he will 
 choose — black or white. When the side is chosen, the watcher 
 
STEVENSON] GAMES 339 
 
 stands with the stone beside the stakes which are piled in the plaza 
 and throws it up, and if the side exposed is that chosen by the opposite 
 party, the watcher carries the game over to that side; otherwise the 
 game is carried to the first leader, who hands a cup to each of the three 
 players and keeps one himself, each player facing a cardinal point. 
 The cup may be held in either hand. In addition to the cup, the leader 
 holds the disk, the ball, and straws. While the four pla} T ers sit by the 
 sand pile, which is <i or 7 inches high, they are covered with a large 
 blanket held by a man. The sand is brushed to one side and the 
 leader orders one of his men to dig a hole about 1£ feet in depth in the 
 center of the place where the sand was placed. Any implement ma,y be 
 used for this purpose. The bunch of plants is deposited in the exca- 
 vation, the tops being just even with the earth, so that when the hand 
 is rubbed over the earth the cactus and other things are detected. 
 Each of the four players then makes a small excavation immediately 
 before him and about 1A- feet from the plants and deposits a small 
 corn-husk package of precious offerings, including a la'showanne. 
 The openings are then covered with earth, and the sand is brought 
 back to its original place. Then the leader who sits on the east side 
 digs a hole 1£ inches in depth to the right of him and deposits one 
 ancient ko'hakwa bead. He then digs a similar hole an inch or so 
 east of the other and deposits a bit of fine turquoise; then the exca- 
 vation is covered. The turquoise must be of the best quality obtain- 
 able and of sufficient size to be of real value. The ko'hakwa and 
 the turquoise must be upright, not laid flat in the excavation. Again 
 another hole is drilled with a stick or iron rod to about the depth 
 of the hand an inch or so east of where the turquoise is placed. 
 The leader runs the point, of a slender pencil-shaped stick through, 
 the black stone bead and then puts the point of the stick to the 
 hole which has been drilled and works the stick until it goes as far 
 as the depth of the hole, when he withdraws it, leaving the black bead 
 in place, and covers the hole with earth. Then each player holding 
 his cup to his mouth offers a silent prayer. The lips do not move. 
 The explanation is "We sing with our hearts, not with our lips." 
 The song is to the crow and owl. The former can hide corn in 
 the mountains and find it long months after, and the owl could 
 carry the ball in his claw and jump about and no one know that he 
 had it." Songs are also addressed to the Gods of War. After the 
 songs the leader takes fi'om his shirt the ball which the rain priest 
 gave him. rubs it in his hands with the ball of the game, draws 
 a breath from the two balls, returns the one given b} r the rain 
 priest to his breast, and places the other immediately over the 
 
 « It is claimed that there are balls in Zuiii marked with the owl's foot, the owl having stolen a 
 ball and hidden it in his claws when the Zuiiis were at Han' l liplnkla. (See p. &4. ) 
 
340 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. a.nn. 23 
 
 buried plants;. He then stands one of the cups over the ball, and the 
 other cups are placed where he chooses. He brings the sand up well 
 around them, and lighting a husk cigarette puffs the smoke over the 
 cups, waving the cigarette to the North, West, South, East, Zenith, and 
 Nadir, that the rain-makers of the six regions and all the world will 
 send rain upon Zuni. All this is done under cover of the blanket. 
 The blanket is now withdrawn, and the head watcher of the opposite 
 side goes over to choose the cups. The cups are touched with the 
 hand. If the second cup touched contains the ball, six straws are lost, 
 and the players are again covered with the blanket. The cups are 
 taken from their place, the small package of corn-husk offerings is 
 moved a little nearer to the center, the cups and ball are again placed, 
 and the blanket is removed. Then one of the watchers from the 
 opposite side comes over and asks for the bunch of straws (there must 
 always be 106 straws) and carries it to his side and hands it to the 
 rat man. Then the head watcher returns and pays six straws for 
 his first guess, which was not successful, and again he touches the 
 cups, if he touches the one with the ball at the first guess, he has to pay 
 ten straws, and accordingly returns to the rat man and gets the straws. 
 The tour players are covered again to change the cup and ball, and the 
 corn-husk offerings are again moved a little closer to the plant bunch, 
 which is always in the center, and the ball is always immediately over 
 this spot, but the three cups are so moved and the sand so changed 
 that it is impossible for one to know the center. The head watcher 
 from the opposite side then brings his ten straws and again chooses. 
 If the fourth cup he touches contains the ball, he must pay four 
 straws. Again the blanket covers the players, the cups and corn-husk 
 package are changed, the man returns with the four straws which 
 he received from the rat man, and once more he chooses the cups. If 
 the third cup he touches contains the ball, he carries the game over to 
 his side, and the playing is reversed. The game is not won until 
 one side or the other is in possession of all the straws. When the 
 game goes back to the first party, and the leader places the ball, he 
 says to it: "If you wish to move about, go outside to your mother, 
 Ko'hakwa [referring to the bead planted near by], but do not go to 
 your father, 'Hli'akwa [Turquoise]; go to your mother and soon 
 return." The game sometimes continues four days and nights. It has 
 been known to last five days. One must never sleep, eat, or drink 
 during the game, which goes on no matter how cold the weather or how 
 heavy the storm. The first leader of the game, whether he is success- 
 ful or otherwise, removes all the deposits but the black archaic bead, 
 which remains permanently in the ground, and carries them with the 
 game to his home. He still has the ball given him by the rain priest 
 in his shirt. The wagers are also carried to his house, placed on the 
 floor, and afterward given to the winners. He places the game and 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 GAMES 
 
 341 
 
 offerings in a basket tray with the money and silver articles offered at 
 the stakes. Prayer meal is sprinkled over the basket and also over 
 the other wagers with prayers to the Gods of War, rain-makers, 
 A/wonawil'ona, and the deceased gamesters. 
 
 The game (which is not always the property of the one who plays) 
 is returned to the owner, if borrowed, and the leader carries all the 
 offerings made by his side, except the la'showanne, to Corn mountain 
 in a small corn-husk package, and deposits them at the shrine of the 
 younger trod of War. He places the la'showanne in his medicine 
 box, and on his return from Corn mountain carries the gaming ball 
 of the rain priest to him and at the same time presents a string of 
 precious beads large enough to encircle the left thumb, considered the 
 
 Fig. 15 — Implements used in ho'klamonntf. 
 
 lucky one in this game. The rain priest adds these beads to those 
 which wrap his et'tone (see Rain priesthood). 
 
 Ho'Mamanne. The implements of this game are a ball of j'ucca 
 ribbons and two slender sticks, each sharpened at one end and passed 
 through a piece of corncob having two hawk plumes inserted in the 
 other end (see figure 15). The yucca ball is placed on the ground and 
 the sticks are thi-own at it from a short distance. The object is to pen- 
 etrate the ball. If the first pla\'er strikes the ball, the stick is allowed 
 to remain in place until the other party plaj's. If both sticks strike the 
 ball, it is a draw. If the second stick fails to strike, it remains where 
 it falls, and the first player removes his stick from the ball and throws 
 again. The one who strikes the ball the greater number of times wins 
 
342 
 
 THE ZCNI INDIANS 
 
 [eth. an'n. 23 
 
 the game. Ho'kiamonne is a precious game of the Zuiiis, being one 
 of those offered to the Gods of War at the winter solstice. The game 
 is frequently played for rain, and when played in this connection 
 sacred meal is sprinkled on the ground before the ball is placed; the 
 one who first penetrates the ball lifts it by the stick and, drawing a 
 breath from it. offers thanks to the g-ods that the rains are soon to 
 
 come. 
 
 La'pochiwe. The implements used for this game are three pencil- 
 like sticks; three reeds of the length of the sticks, one of them with 
 
 Fig. 16 — Plumed sticks and reeds used in playing la'pochiwe. 
 
 a sharpened stick projecting from one end, and one longer reed, desig- 
 nated the " chief," also having a pointed stick attached to the end. Two 
 fluffy feathers are attached to each reed and stick (see figure 16).° 
 Three sometimes play with the number of reeds and sticks mentioned, 
 but when more than two play, it is usual to increase the number of 
 sticks, although in the genuine game of the Gods of War the number 
 does not exceed seven. 
 
 The one proposing the game divides the six smaller reeds and sticks 
 between his opponent and himself, and throws the "chief." The game 
 
 a The string tied to the second stick from the right in the figure hits no significance. 
 
STEVENSON] GAMES 343 
 
 is played like sho'wivaltowe, described further on, except that the 
 players are seated and throw a comparatively short distance. La'po- 
 ehiwe is one of the favorite indoor games. 
 
 ' Ha'jooann& pihl'hwana/we. The implements of this game are a bow 
 and arrows-and an oval wad of green corn husks. Any number of 
 
 Fig. 17 — Implements used in ha'poiinne' pihl'kwanawe. 
 
 players may take part. A ha'ponne (roll of husks) is placed upon the 
 ground and arrows are shot at it from a distance of 40 or 50 feet (see 
 figure IT). "While the others turn their backs, the first player to strike 
 the wad covers it with a mound of earth very much larger than the wad 
 
 Implements used in sa'yat'laknawe. 
 
 itself. The one who places the roll of husks is almost sure to remem- 
 ber the exact location of it; accordingly he resorts to various devices 
 to mislead the players. A favorite mode of deception is to leave 
 the mound low where the roll is actually buried, but more elevated 
 at some other point. The players aim to shoot their arrows into the 
 
344 
 
 THE ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [F.TH. ANN. 23 
 
 roll of husks, and the one who strikes it wins the game. The winner 
 draws the husk from beneath the earth with the arrow. When the 
 arrow strikes the mound, but does not touch the roll of husks, it is 
 removed by the one who .secretes the object, and a second player shoots 
 his arrow. Each player takes his turn until the wad is- struck. The 
 one who had the arrangement of it is the last to shoot, and naturally 
 the most frequent winner. The game affords great amusement to the 
 younger men. 
 
 Sa'yat i laknawe (horns Mil, or hilling the rabbit). Six goat horns 
 are placed in line on the ground at equal distances apart (in figure IS 
 only four appear), and the players stand some rods away. The game 
 
 Fig. 19— Method of holding arrows in playing sho'wiyaltowe. 
 
 begins by a player starting to run and at the same time throwing a 
 rabbit stick toward the horns. He is entitled to as many horns as he 
 strikes and may continue to throw the stick as long as he is successful 
 in striking a horn. The one who strikes the largest number of horns 
 wins the game." 
 
 Sho'wiyaltowe. Sho'wiyaltowe may be played by any number of 
 persons, each one being provided with several arrows. Holding an 
 arrow between his index and middle fingers and thumb, the first player 
 throws it a distance of 10 or 12 feet (see figure 19). Then a second 
 player throws, aiming to have the feathers on his arrow shaft touch 
 
 'i Dr Walter Hough, of the United States National Museum, observed the Indians in Mexico playing 
 this game. 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 GAMES 
 
 345 
 
 those of the one already on the ground. If lie is successful, he takes 
 both arrows and proceeds to make another throw, after which the next 
 player throws at the arrow on the ground; if he fails, the arrow remains 
 in place, and another player throws, and so on, each man taking the 
 arrows which are touched by his own. Sometimes disputes arise as to 
 whether the feathers are really in contact, and the men stoop and 
 examine the arrows with the closest scrutiny. The taker of all the 
 arrows wins the game. If all the arrows fall apart, each player takes 
 his own from the ground and a new game is begun. 
 
 Po'Mi annawe (jack-rdbhits hit). The implement of this game is a 
 neatly interlaced pad of corn husks with two delicate feathers project- 
 ing from the center (see figure 20). This game is so named because 
 the sound produced by one of these shuttlecocks coming in contact 
 
 Fig. 20— Implements used in po'Miannawc 
 
 with the palm of the hand is similar to the noise of the tread of the 
 jack-rabbit upon -frozen snow. It is plaj^ed as frequently by the 
 younger boys as b} T their elders, and always for stakes. One bets 
 that he can toss the shuttlecock a given number of times. While ten 
 is the number specially associated with the game, the wagers are often 
 made for twenty, fifty, and sometimes one hundred throws. In case 
 of failure, the other player tries his skill, each party alternating in 
 the game until one or the other tosses the shuttlecock the given num- 
 ber of times, only one hand being used, thus winning the game. 
 
 1 Si hm-i/d' inline tihuoa/rie. The implements of this game are a slen- 
 der rod longer than an arrow shaft, zigzagged in black, symbolic of 
 lightning; a ring about 2£ inches in diameter, composed of yucca rib- 
 bons, and a ti'kwane (racing stick). 
 
MH 
 
 THE ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 This game (see figure 21) is played only by order of the Great 
 Father Ko'yemshi, and is used exclusively to bring- rain. 
 
 A chosen number of women, 
 each supplied with a rod, stand 
 in line to the left of a number 
 of men. The latter are pro- 
 vided with a racing- stick, which 
 they kick; and the women 
 who play against the men use 
 the yucca ring, tossing- it from 
 the ground with their sticks.. 
 Though the distance covered is 
 short, the latter seldom win. 
 This game is rarely played at 
 the present time. The writer 
 observed it from a distance and 
 can not describe it in detail. 
 
 Po'pone (stuffed bag or ball). 
 This game is also pla3 T ed by 
 the Ko'yemshi and members of 
 the Ne'wekwe (Galaxy) frater- 
 nity during the intermission of 
 the dances of the authropic 
 gods in the sacred dance court. 
 Two sides are formed in line, 
 and a man runs out from one 
 side and turns his back to his 
 opponents, one of whom ad- 
 vances and throws a small bag 
 filled with wool. If he suc- 
 ceeds in striking the one who 
 has his back turned, the latter 
 must join the side of the one 
 who strikes him; but should 
 the one endeavoring to strike 
 be hit from the other side be- 
 fore he returns to bis ranks, he 
 must pass to his opponents' side. 
 
 These children of nature ap 
 pear to derive as much real 
 enjoyment from this game as 
 the children of civilization do 
 from their game of tag. 
 
 Pi> pane Map '/unit (ball whip- 
 ping). This game is the same as shinny, or bandy, and is a favorite 
 betting manic. The ball is usually made of buckskin. 
 
 c 
 
 £ 
 to 
 
 — 
 
STEVENSON] GAMES 347 
 
 7~a!cJmni sa'wanni. This game, equivalent to our ring-around-a- 
 rosy, is one of the games played in the sacred dance court by the 
 Ko'yemshi and the Galaxy fraternity between the dances. A circle of 
 men with hands clasped is formed about one in the middle, who aims 
 to catch one of the others as they jump around. He is frequently 
 whispered to as to whom to choose. When one is caught, he takes 
 his place within the circle, and his predecessor leaves the game alto- 
 gether. When the number is reduced to three, the amusement 
 increases, and it reaches its height when only two are left. These 
 two hop about, each on one foot; the one becoming exhausted first 
 joins his fellows, now grouped on one side of the plaza, and then in 
 order to win the contest the remaining one must hop to the group 
 before placing his other foot on the ground. At times all the players 
 hop on one foot, each endeavoring to outdo the others and remain 
 longest in the field. The song accompanying the game is a repetition 
 of words which the Zunis themselves appear not to understand, but 
 which they believe to have come from the Ko'yemshi gods. The 
 words are: Ya'chuni sa'wanni, va'chuni sa'wanni, ya'anni ku'ya,ya'anni 
 ku'va, shi'ki, shi'ki, shi'ki, shi'ki, a'mashu'. 
 
 'Klash'tuwiivi. Two files of men hold each other around the waist, 
 the leaders of the two files clasping hands, and in this position they 
 jump about the plaza. At times the men separate and form into oppos- 
 ing lines, and, clasping hands, jump back and forth. The songs sung 
 by the leaders tell stories of youths of old — how their fathers fell in 
 love with their mothers. One begins by telling of how he came from 
 his mother, and when he was old enough his grandfather made him a 
 bow and some arrow reeds, and attaching fine arrow points he went off 
 to hunt game. The game came close to the cornfield and he killed 
 mairy deer. He was hungry and wished to cook some of the meat, 
 but his success in the hunt had brought such heavy rains that he was 
 compelled to fast until his return home. The story of another youth 
 is sung by the other leader. He gives his experience previous to his 
 birth, how finally he is able to peep out and see a little light, and dis- 
 covers that there is a road 03* which he may come out into the world; 
 he decides then that he will no longer remain in his mother's womb. 
 His parents and grandparents rejoice over his birth, and as soon as he 
 is old enough his grandfather supplies him with a bow and arrows, 
 and he goes off on a hunt, and finding many deer near the cornfield he 
 kills them, and the rain comes in torrents and waters the earth. The 
 chorus, which is sung constantly throughout the game, compares the 
 rupture of the membranes to violent rains which cause the -springs to 
 flow out through the holes in the rocks. The words of the choi'us are 
 as follows: "'Kiash'tuwiwi, 'kiash'tuwiwi kal'ivan, kwa'chi, kal'iyan 
 kwa'chi kwa'chi, kwa'chi chi chi chi chi." 
 
 Ta'shdMwe {wood reeds). The implements of this game are three 
 staves, colored red or black on one side and white or uncolored on the 
 
348 THE ZUNI INDIANS Ieth. ann. 23 
 
 other; forty small stones, a stone disk, and straws or slender strips of 
 wood. This game is played out of doors. The stones are laid in a circle, 
 broken into four segments, with a disk in the center. From two to four 
 persons generally play, but the number is not limited to four. The 
 staves are held vertically over the disk and thrown downward with 
 force (see plate lxxxiv). The three colored sides coming up entitles 
 the player to move his marker by ten of the stones. The three 
 uncolored or white sides coming up gives the player five moves; two 
 uncolored and one colored up gives the player three moves; two col- 
 ored and one uncolored up entitles the player to two moves. The 
 markers, being moved in opposite directions, sometimes meet. In 
 such case the last player is said to be killed and must begin again at 
 the starting point. The first one around the circle wins the game, 
 provided his count does not carry him beyond the starting point, in 
 which event he must continue going around until his counter naches 
 the doorway, or spring, as the opening is often called." 
 
 Tiiii'l.-nliiir, . This is similar to quoits, and is played as frequently 
 by young boys as by their elders. Any number may play. The 
 stakes are placed on a corncob or sometimes onj|?jstone planted in 
 the ground. The players throw a stone disk. ainjjBig to strike a line 
 marked on the ground. The one coming nearest hies' the privilege of 
 throwing first at the stake. If the corncob is kn<foked over and the 
 disk remains by it, the thrower has another chance; if the disk goes 
 beyond the corncob, he loses; if it falls short of the cob, he wins. 
 
 A'wet L laknwme (stones Tcill). The implements of this game are a 
 number of small flat stones, having a different color for each side, and a 
 stone slab with geometrical markings. An improvised board is some- 
 times marked on the ground. There is no specified size for the board, 
 this being larger or smaller, according to the number of angles. The 
 stones are placed on all the intersections of the geometrical drawing 
 except the central one. The first player moves to the center, where 
 his man is jumped by his opponent. The stones may be moved in any 
 direction so long as the lines are followed.* 
 
 "Ta'sholiwe (ta from ta'we, wood: sho'liwe, arrow reeds) is played extensively by the Zuiiis, 
 although the writer has never observed prominent men playing it. Notwithstanding the Zufiis claim 
 that they adopted the game from the Navahos, the Sia Indians, who call it wash'kasi, regard it as one 
 of their oldest games. Instead of the circle, they form a square with ten stones on each side (see 
 The Sia. Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology). Dr E. B. Tyler, in his paper on 
 "American lot games as evidence of Asiatic intercourse before the time of Columbus," refers at length 
 to this game, giving a diagram of it as played by the Apache Indians, which is identical with the form 
 of the game as played by the Zufiis. MrCulin, in Chess and Playing Cards, calls attention to a form of 
 ta'sholiwe known as " tern thla nah na ta sho li we (of all the regions wood canes)." The writer has 
 not discovered any such form as is described by Mr Culin, but a Zuiii will sometimes, when he wishes 
 to play sho'liwe, refer to the canes as tem'da na'nakwe sho'liwe (all grandfathers' arrow reeds, i. e., 
 reeds of our forefathers). 
 
 l>The Zufiis also make the checkerboard within a circle, and in this case they have the advantage 
 of resorting to the periphery when cornered. Some of the older men of Zuiii declare that this game, 
 when it came originally to Zuiii from Mexico, was played with a setof stones for one side and a stick 
 

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STEVENSON] ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 349 
 
 The first three games ti'kwane, sho'liwe and i'yilnkolo'we have been 
 described as associated with elaborate ceremonies. It is probable that 
 I he other games of the Gods of War when played under certain con- 
 ditions are attended with more or less ceremony which the author has 
 not observed. 
 
 Arts and Industries 
 
 house building 
 
 A Zufii pueblo resembles a great beehive, with its houses built one 
 upon another in a succession of terraces, the roof of one forming the 
 floor or yard of the one next above, and so on until in some cases live 
 tiers of dwellings are successively erected (see plate lxxxv); only a 
 few houses, however, are over two stories in height. Among the 
 Zufiis, as among more civilized peoples, riches and official position 
 confer importance upon the possesssor. The wealthy class live in the 
 lower houses; those of more modest means, next above; while the 
 poorer families, as a rule, content themselves with the uppermost 
 stories. No one, naturally, would climb to the garret who had the 
 means to live below. The houses, which are built of stone and adobe 
 (sun-dried bricks composed of earth and straw molded in wooden 
 forms), arc clustered about three plazas, or squares, and a fourth 
 plaza is on the west side of the village. There are three covered ways 
 and several streets. 
 
 The women delight in house building, especialty in plastering the 
 houses. They consider this their special prerogative and would feel 
 that their rights were infringed upon were men to do it. Men laj' the 
 stone foundations, build the walls, and place the huge logs which serve 
 as beams to support the roof. These logs are brought from a long 
 distance and are dressed by the Zufii carpenter. After the logs are 
 placed (see plate lxxxvi), carefully selected willow boughs are laid 
 crosswise upon rafters, brush is spread over these, and the whole is 
 covered with earth, forming a roof substantial enough for this climate. 
 Little girls assist in bringing the water used in mixing the mortar, 
 working industriousl} T , and trudging from the river with their diminu- 
 tive water vases on their heads in a fashion quite Egyptian. 
 
 The lower houses, as well as those above, have outer doors; hatch- 
 ways in the roof, through which ladders pass, serve as other entrances. 
 The doorways are so small that in many instances it is difficult to 
 squeeze through, vet they are an improvement on the more ancient 
 
 for the opposite side, and that the use of the double set of stones is an innovation of their own. The 
 writer observed the Africans at the Buffalo Exposition, in 1901, playing on a rude slab of wood marked 
 in squares, each alternate square being colored black. This game was identical w r ith the modern 
 game of checkers, with the exception that twenty men are used on each side. One player, who spoke 
 English well, told the writer that his people had always played the game, the board with them 
 being marked by having alternate squares excavated on a heavy slab of wood. 
 
350 THE ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 entrances, which were in some cases circular openings in round stone 
 slabs of considerable thickness, just large enough for one to pass 
 through by assuming a horizontal position. These doorways were 
 closed with round stone slabs held in place bj T props of strong poles." 
 The houses are so provided -with interior doors that almost the entire 
 older portion of the village can be put in communication without 
 passing outside the communal structure. Small openings made in 
 the walls to admit light are tilled with irregular pieces of selenite. 
 The chimneys are composed of cooking utensils with perforated bases, 
 placed one upon another and cemented together. When a cooking 
 pot can no longer serve its original purpose, it is stored away for 
 future use in the chimney. After the house is constructed, the exte- 
 rior and interior walls are covered with a reddish-brown plaster made 
 of earth and water. It is applied with the hand, which is swept over 
 the wall in semicircles (see plate lxxxvii). In working the plaster 
 the woman keeps her mouth tilled with water, which is skillfully 
 applied to the wall, when necessary, in the manner in which a Chinese 
 laundryman sprinkles clothes. The inner walls are whitened, and for 
 this purpose a white clay is dissolved in boiling water and applied 
 with a rabbit-skin glove. The gloved hand is dipped into the liquid 
 and then rapidly passed over the wall. The color of the outer walls is 
 usually of the dark color. 
 
 AGRICULTURE AND HORTICULTURE 
 
 Assistance in the fields is obtained as follows: A member of a fra- 
 ternity asks the mo'sona (director) for help, and he designates a cer- 
 tain number of the fraternity to assist their fellow. The female head 
 of the house or the daughter or perhaps both go to the people of 
 their clan asking the assistance of the sons of the families; the pater- 
 nal heads of these houses also give their services, so that the work is 
 not confined to a single clan. The only time the people of a ki'wi'sine* 
 are called upon for such work is when a house is to entertain a 
 Sha'lako/ The laborers are entertained at an evening meal after the 
 return from the fields each day by the family for whom they work. 
 The clans of the heads of the house also aid in the entertainment. 
 
 These primitive agriculturists have observed the greatest care in 
 developing color in corn and beans to harmonize with the six I'egions — 
 3'ellow for the North, blue for the West, red for the South, white for 
 the East, variegated for the Zenith, and black for the Nadir. They 
 
 <* Althcmgh the Zufiis are perfectly aware that stone doorways were in early use among their people, 
 the only perfect specimen to be seen in this village belongs to an aged theurgist who mourns the fact 
 that his people have not preserved these objects of their ancient architecture. In the Eighth Annual 
 Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1891, in a paper entitled "A Study of Pueblo Architecture," by 
 Mr Victor Mimleleff, is a most interesting pen picture, on p. 192, containing a reference to stone 
 doorways discovered in ruins. 
 
 bSee Ki'wi'siwe and their functions, p. 62, 
 
 cSee Annual festival ot the Sha'lako, p. 227. 
 
stevenson] ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 351 
 
 have all shades of yellow and blue, and of red from the deepest cardinal 
 to the most delicate pink. The white corn is intensely white, and there 
 are remarkable varieties of variegated corn. There are several shades 
 of purple corn, and black corn. The same variety of shades is to be 
 found in the beans, which are grown in the cornfield. Much of the 
 corn and all of the wheat is raised in the farming districts of Nutria, 
 Pescado, and Ojo Caliente. The cornfields also spread over the land 
 near Zuni and elsewhere. In most instances the fields remote from 
 the farming districts are not irrigated. The corn is grown in clusters 
 so as to give a better chance for development in this arid land. The 
 three farming districts are each irrigated from a spring. The descrip- 
 tion of one will answer for all. The spring To'seluna, at Ojo Caliente, 
 is at the base of a low limestone mountain. The body of the spring, 
 which is deep, is between 35 and 40 feet long, IS by 20 feet wide, 
 and is a beautiful, clear sheet of water. The Zunis saj- that a man 
 may sink to his neck, but the force of the water as it comes from 
 the earth is so great as to prevent his touching bottom. It is said 
 that a woman returning to Ojo Caliente with a burro loaded with 
 milling stones, about twenty-five years ago, allowed the Kttle animal 
 to go into the spring to drink. The weight of the stones carried him 
 to the bottom, and he disappeared forever from sight. 
 
 Two ditches extend in different directions from the spring for irri- 
 gating the fields. The main ditch waters an area about 3£ by 2£ 
 miles, while the other does not irrigate so large a surface. Since the 
 main ditch is lower than the other, it often becomes necessary to dam 
 it in order that a greater force of water may go from the spring 
 into the higher ditch. To accomplish this, earth is banked between a 
 number of tree boles which stand in line where the water of the spring 
 flows into the ditch. The damming is done by the master of the ditch 
 at the request of those who desire water from the higher ditch. No 
 stick or board or any other kind of water measure is used by the 
 Zunis, and there is no history or legend among them of the employ- 
 ment of such articles. Disputes over the water seldom occur; when 
 one does occur the governor of Zuni settles the question. It is the 
 business of the governor to see that the water is fairly distributed. 
 
 When the writer visited To'seluna spring in 1904, she found men 
 making, under the direction'of the master of the ditch, a temporary 
 ditch to enable a woman to water her garden, which was on an eleva- 
 tion immediately above the spring. In order to have the water reach 
 this garden it was necessary to dam both of the main ditches. 
 
 Muskmelons, watermelons, squashes, and gourds are usually grown 
 near the cornfields. When the corn and melons begin to ripen the 
 fields are constantly guarded, and for this purpose rude shelters are 
 erected (figure 22). The country is so infested with ravens that the 
 Zunis have become expert in the construction of scarecrows. The 
 
352 
 
 THE ZUK1 INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 majority of the Zunis leave the village and settle in comfortable houses 
 in the tannine- districts for the summer, remaining as late as possible 
 in the autumn. Some few have found the country home so greatly, 
 preferable that they have taken up their permanent abode at their 
 farms, but this does nut prevent their prompt attendance at ceremo- 
 nials held in Zufii. 
 
 When tin' corn has been gathered it is brought home and spread on 
 the roof. After the husk has been removed, the ears are stacked with 
 great precision and care in the storage rooms. Corn husking is as 
 much of a frolic with the Zunis as it was with the youths and maidens 
 of our own country districts in the past. "Wherever corn is seen on 
 the roof one is pretty sure to hear the merry voices of the huskers, 
 
 Fig. 22— Shelter for the field guardian. 
 
 though the red ear does not suggest the kiss. The Zunis are not much 
 given to kissing, though they are not entirely free from it: the young 
 men kiss their favorite girls on the sly. and fathers are fond of kissing 
 their infants. 
 
 The soil is harrowed with primitive implements, and the wheat is 
 threshed in the farming districts where it is raised, goats and occasion- 
 ally horses taking the place of threshing machines. The wheat is 
 « innowed by tossing it ;,, baskets made for the purpose. It is stored 
 either in large bins constructed of stone slabs or in immense pottery 
 jars in the storage rooms. A Zuni storage room (figure 23) contains a 
 promiscuous mass of material ranging from objects of the most sacred 
 character to those of little or no value. 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 Airi'S AND INDUSTKIKS 
 
 353 
 
 The Zunis aim to beep a year's supply of grain on hand untouched 
 to provide against failure of crops. They have learned this lesson 
 from experience. Starvation has sometimes compelled them to seek 
 relief from other pueblos. Neighboring tribes have also sought aid 
 from the Zunis for the same reason. 
 
 Onions, chillis, a species of amarantus (used for imparting a red color 
 to the wafer bread"), and a variety of herbs used as condiments are 
 raised exclusively by the women in little gardens in the farming dis- 
 tricts and at Zuni. In Zuni these gardens, Avhich are protected by 
 adobe walls, are at the southern edge of the village on the river front. 
 The energetic little women may be seen at daybreak carrying vases of 
 
 Fig. 23 — A storage room. 
 
 water from the river and watering their gardens, which require con- 
 stant care in order that they may not be parched by the burning sun. 
 W atermelons, njuskmelons, beans, onions, and chillis, which are 
 raised in great abundance, are grown not only for summer consump- 
 tion, but are preserved for winter use. The watermelons and onions 
 are laid away in the storage rooms without preparation; the musk- 
 melons are seeded from the end, pared, and hung on crotches of low trees 
 which are found at the farming districts. Squash is cut into long 
 strips, as one would pare an apple, formed into hanks, and dried in 
 the sun. Chillis, which are gathered when red, are strung together 
 and hung on the outer walls to dry. The brilliant red against the 
 somber adobe wall gives a pleasant bit of contrasting color. All edible 
 
 a This red coloring is rarely used by the Zuiiis; it is the Hopis who glory in brilliant red bread. 
 23 eth— 04 23 
 
354 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 plants" are cured for winter use. most of them being tied in bunches 
 and bung in the storage rooms, us are also the medicinal plant-. 
 
 Peaches are raised in the foothills, where there is more moisture 
 than below. The trees are low. many of them not over 3 feet in 
 height, some even less. Their spreading limbs are laden with fruit 
 when the season is favorable, hut the crop is plentiful only every other 
 year. When the fruit is ripe, all families that have orchards, or some 
 of the members of each family, move to the orchards and remain in 
 temporary huts or permanent structures until the fruit is gathered, in 
 many instances until it is dried. Though the fresh fruit is greatly 
 enjoyed, and even green peaches stewed and sweetened are a treat, care 
 is taken to dry large quantities for the winter. The Palle family, 
 the richest in Zufii, dry their fruit on the top of a great rock which 
 appears to be inaccessible to any but an Indian. A man of this family. 
 now deceased, who wore female attire placed the peaches on this rock 
 at the time when the writer visited the orchard. This is a delightful 
 season for the Zunis, and especially for the children, who spend their 
 days eating peaches and rolling over the sand hills. 
 
 SALT GATHERING 
 
 The annual journey to the Zufii salt lake 4 for the purpose of gather- 
 ing salt is an important event with the Zunis, as it is with the other 
 pueblos, and is accompanied by elaborate ceremonies. In July the 
 first body of A'shiwanni (rain priests) gather together in the ancestral 
 chamber of the Kia'kwemosi (rain priest of the North and high priest 
 of Zufii) to arrange for the annual journey, and early the following 
 morning the elder brother Bow priest announces from the house top 
 that those in need of salt must be ready to start in four days, inclu- 
 sive of that day, for the home of the Salt Mother/ The women 
 never go. On this occasion each man of the first body of rain priests' 7 
 takes his turn in regular order in leading the party. He is accom- 
 
 "Tn 1902 the writer collected a large number of edible and medicinal plants, which were placed in 
 the hands of Dr F. V. Coville, curator of botany, National Museum, for classification, and will be 
 described in a later publication. 
 
 '•Tlie following facts regarding this Jake are kindly furnished by Mr N. II. Darton, of the United 
 Survey: 
 
 The Zufii salt lake is situate'! on the south slopes of the valley of Carrizo Creek. 42 miles south by 
 east from Zufii pueblo. Sinking abruptly below the sloping plain of the surrounding valley is a round, 
 crater-like depression about a mile broad and 200 feet deep. In its center rise two symmetrical vol- 
 canic cinder cones about 150 feet high, to the north of which i* the salt lake, and T<> the south a 
 nearly smooth plain floored with wash from the slope-. The lake is an oblong body of water extend- 
 ing east and west across the northern end of the depression, with a length of about 1,01 feet and a 
 breadth some what less. Apparently the lake occupied the entire floor of the depression at one time, 
 but by evaporation and the deposition of mud it has greatly diminished in size. The waters of the 
 lake arc saturated with common salt, containing 26 per cent, according to Professor C. I.. Herrick. 
 As the natural evaporation progresses salt is deposited. Although no deep borings havebeenmade 
 the depression appears to contain a salt deposit of considerable thickness, mixed with a small amount 
 of mud washed from the surrounding slopes and dust carried by the wind. 
 - e Zufii version of < Irigin of the salt lake. p. 58. 
 
 -'The tirst body of rain priests comprises the rain priests of the six regions, the cider and younger 
 brother Bow priests, and the Priestess of fecundity. 
 
stevexson] ARTS AXD INDUSTRIES 855 
 
 panied by the elder and younger brother Bow priests and personators 
 of the Ko'yemshi. Every man who is to visit the lake prepares plume 
 offerings to Ma'lokafsi, the spiritual name for mawe (salt), and carry- 
 ing them to the rain priest who is to visit the lake presents the offering 
 with the words: " I wish to go to my Salt Mother. I wish to ask her 
 for a part of herself." The rain priest receives the offerings with 
 expressions of thanks. The salt-gatherers, including the three priests, 
 prepare plume offerings to the Salt Mother, the Sun Father, the 
 Moon Mother, and the Lorn Mother. The elder and younger brother 
 Row priests also make offerings to each of the Gods of War. The 
 personators of the Ko'yemshi make others to the Council of the Gods. 
 
 At sunrise of the morning on which the journey is to begin the 
 heads of those who are to make the pilgrimage are washed in yucca 
 suds and their entire bodies are bathed. The women of the family 
 see to it that the men are provided with a sufficient quantity of jerked 
 meat and wafer bread — in fact the larders are emptied of their choice 
 things for the occasion. All Zuni is in the streets and on the house 
 tops to witness the departure of the salt-gatherers, each one offering 
 a prayer for their success and safe return. The rain priest who makes 
 the journey carries the plume offerings given him by the men upon 
 their announcement that they wished to visit the Salt Mother. 
 Nai'uchi, elder brother Bow priest, carries in his right hand a rhom- 
 bus, which consists of two slats about 6 inches long, oval at one end. 
 each attached to end of a cord, and in his left hand offerings con- 
 sisting of plumes and a diminutive shield and bow and arrows for the 
 elder God of War. Me'she, younger brother Bow priest, carries a 
 rhombus and similar offerings to the younger God of War. The three 
 proceed on foot and are followed by the A'wan ta'chu i Great Father! 
 Ko'yemshi. who sprinkles meal as he proceeds. The rhornbi are 
 whirled for the rain-makers to gather over Zuni. The rest of the 
 party, mounted on burros, follow a short distance behind and manage 
 the extra burros that are to bring back the salt. The salt lake, accord- 
 ing to Mr Darton. is 42 miles south by east from Zuni,* and is reached 
 before sunset on the second day. Several ranges of mountains are 
 crossed, but the trail is good, running largely through long stretches 
 of timbered country, the one drawback being the absence of water. 
 There are several shrines between Zuni and the lake, at which plume 
 offerings to the Sun Father and Moon Mother are deposited. 
 
 When Mr Stevenson and his party visited the salt lake, the Kia'- 
 kwemosi appointed a prominent man of the tribe as guide. The first 
 night a dry camp was made, where not only the animals but the men 
 suffered for lack of water. As Mr Stevenson learned on the following 
 morning that he was within i miles of fine springs, his chagrin was 
 great. When he called the Indian to task for not having led him to 
 
 "See p. 33. 
 
 6 >Ir Darton evidently reiers to the Indian trail, as the distance by the road is much far. I 
 
356 THE ZTTNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 the water, the old man exclaimed: "These springs are at the house 
 of the Kok'ko ko'han (white gods°), and a Zuni would not dare to 
 camp near by." Thus the guide had purposely led the party from the 
 main trail in order that the sacred spot should not be desecrated. 
 
 The party had not proceeded far on the following morning when 
 the old Indian came close to the writer, and. pointing to an extensive 
 ruin, whispered: ••There is the house of the Kla'nakwe; I will take 
 you to see it." The writer suggested that they await the others, who 
 were but a short distance behind. This was a mistake. It isneverwell 
 in give an Indian too much time to think. The gods communicated 
 witli him and warned him that if he should visit the house without 
 the permission of the director of the personators of the deceased 
 Kla'nakwe. Zufii would be in imminent danger of destruction. There- 
 fore the party found it necessary to visit these ruins without the pres- 
 ence of the guide, who remained behind and grieved much because 
 the horses were permitted to tread upon the sacred soil. The writer. 
 however, hoping to induce the Indian to accompany her to the ruin, 
 remained behind and persuaded him to do so. It was necessary for 
 him to dismount and leave his animal at a respectful distance from 
 the sacred spot, and while he pointed out the various sacred springs, 
 many of which were so covered that one would not dream of the 
 presence of the living water, the corral in which Ku'yapali'sa, a female 
 warrior bearing the name of 'Cha'kwena (see page 35), and the mother 
 of all game, kept- game, and other points of interest to the writer, he 
 uttered lamentations that he must die within four days for offending 
 the gods by visiting the forbidden spot. 
 
 After camping on the second evening, it was with difficulty that the 
 Indian was prevented from continuing his journey to the lake. The 
 old guide said: "You are Americans and can follow in the morning, 
 hut I am a Zufii. my mother (referring to the Salt Mother at the lake) 
 calls me, and I must goandsleep contentedly by her. Many years have 
 passed since I have seen her,'' and I can not rest until 1 have reached 
 my mother." 
 
 Before the stars had ceased their twinkling in the early morning, the 
 writer was awakened by the old guide addressing her: "•Mother, 1 do 
 not care to eat. 1 must go. and you can follow later." He was again 
 with difficulty restrained. Before sunrise the guide and the writer 
 started from camp ahead of the party. For a time he chatted gaily, 
 telling many stories of interest, until he had the first peep of the home 
 of the Gods of War, which is a volcanic peak rising from the lake (see 
 plate i.xxxyiii), when he immediately removed from his head the ker- 
 chief and. taking out his prayer-meal bag prayed and sprinkled meal 
 
 " Sit named because these people, who were the Kla'nakwe wore white cotton blankets. The 
 house referred (<■ is an extensive ruin (see Destruction of the Kta'nakwe and songs of thanksgiving), 
 b No Zuni visits this take except by permission <>f those who have authority. 
 
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stevenson] ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 357 
 
 until the hike was reached. Not a living thing was to be seen; all was 
 somber gray except a patch of grass here and there and the salt lake 
 with its clear waters and the two peaks reflected therein/' Two circular 
 walls, about 5 feet high and 15 inches thick, with an aperture in each, 
 stand in the lake. These walls are composed of the blue clay of the 
 lake lied and are respectively the houses of the rain priests and 
 Ko'yemshi. As but little time is required for these walls to wear 
 away, they must he rebuilt when occasion requires. Similar struc- 
 tures in the southwestern portion of the lake are the property of 
 the Hopi Indians, and are used hy them when they visit the lake to 
 collect salt.'' 
 
 It has been said that the Zunis claim the salt lake exclusively and 
 demand tribute from the other tribes, but such is not the case. In fact, 
 the records tend to show that this locality has been from time immemo- 
 rial the great source of salt supply for the Indians near and far. The 
 writer has made careful inquiries on several occasions when the Hopi 
 caravan stopped at Zufii on their return from the salt lake. The 
 Zunis made no demands upon the Hopis whatever, but on the contrary 
 treated them as distinguished guests. The Navahos and Apaches also 
 collect salt here, each tribe being accorded complete freedom in col- 
 lecting the salt, although the lake is claimed as the special mother of 
 each of the various tribes. 
 
 The place is neutral ground, and in times of war one was safe from 
 the attacks of the enemy so long as one remained within the recognized 
 limits of the lake. Man^y thrilling stories are told by the Zunis of 
 their efforts in the past to anticipate the hated Navahos in reaching 
 the lake, knowing that by so doing they would be preserved from 
 harm. 
 
 The volcanic peaks which rise 150 or 200 feet above the waters of 
 the lake are quite symmetrical. The interior of the cone of one 
 descends at an angle of -±5° to an elliptical basin, 150 by 200 feet 
 in diameter, filled with saline water of a brilliantly green hue and 
 bordered by a footpath of red lava, partly formed by debris from the 
 slopes, but carefully remodeled by the Zunis into a narrow, even path 
 about 5 feet wide'' (see plate lxxxix). The outer and inner sides of 
 the peak are so covered with volcanic cinders that it is difficult to 
 
 "On a subsequent visit in 1902 there was found quite a Mexican settlement, earning a livelihood by 
 dealing in salt. The apparatus used in securing the salt from the lake bed is of the crudest type. 
 
 (•In 1902 there was no evidence of these structures. The presence of Mexicans at the lake prevents 
 the ceremonies which were previously enacted within these walls. 
 
 <-■ Though a number of soundings have been made, the depth of this lake is still unknown. While 
 the temperature of the water is cold, the bather often finds himself over jets of hot water. It is 
 impossible for him to sink. There is a peculiar charm in the waters, and they are considered a 
 specific for rheumatism by the few who have tested them. Were it not for the scarcity of drinkable 
 water, this most sacred spot of the Indians would become a resort of the white man from near and 
 far. On the occasion of a visit in 1902 two improvised dressing rooms made of stone were found on 
 the shores of the lake. 
 
358 THE ZTNI INDIANS [bth. ann.23 
 
 ascend or descend." Only those of the Bow priesthood who lmve 
 taken four scalps may enter the crater. The warrior who has scalped 
 but one enemy goes only part way up the mountain and deposits his 
 offerings; when he has scalped two, he may go still farther up the 
 mountain; after the scalping of three, he may ascend to the top and 
 make his offerings; when he has scalped four enemies, he may descend 
 into the crater and deposit his offerings in the sacred lake. At least 
 such was the rule until the cessation of intertribal wars, during which 
 only such men as brought back scalps were entitled to join the Bow 
 priesthood. 
 
 Members of this fraternity who go down to the house of the Gods 
 of War must descend over a certain path which was traveled by these 
 gods when they descended to this crater lake. The elder and younger 
 Bow priests, the living representatives of the Gods of War, when 
 visiting this sacred spot descend by the path referred to and on reach- 
 ing' the water's edge separate and make the circuit of the lake, passing 
 each other on the opposite side. 
 
 A shrine especially set apart for the offerings of the elder and younger 
 brother Bow priests is located on the east side of the lake. It is 3 
 feet from the water's edge and is square, some 18 inches across, and 
 formed of four slabs. Pra3 T er plumes, miniature war clubs, batons, 
 shields, bows and arrows, and various other objects were found at this 
 shrine, while the rocks all about the shore were dotted with other 
 offerings to the Gods of War.* 
 
 Many valuable beads have in the past been deposited along the 
 shores of the lake and in a spring not far from the cone, but the com- 
 ing of the whites has compelled the Zunis to refrain from making 
 offerings of commercial value. Some years ago an American found 
 in the spring a rare necklace of antique black stone beads. 
 
 The guide refused with alarm to descend into the crater, saving he 
 could not go as he was not a member of the Bow priesthood, but he 
 was finally persuaded and added to the interest of the visit by his 
 description of the objects found there. Upon reaching the lake of the 
 crater the Indian gave meal to Mr. Stevenson and the writer, request- 
 ing them to breathe a prayer and scatter the meal upon the waters, 
 and he sang a long, low chant. The prayer was addressed first to the 
 Sun Father, then to the Gods of War, asking them not to be angry with 
 him for entering their house. Again he prayed to the Salt Mother 
 and ancestral warrior gods of the six regions to intercede for him with 
 the Sun Father and Gods of War that they be not angry with him. 
 His prayers also invoked the good health and prosperity of his people 
 and the people 1 of all the world. 
 
 «In 1902 a substantial path of gradual slope, made by Americans or Mexicans, was found. The 
 /.iinis, who deplore the intrusion <>r strangers, continue to visit this lake by the old Zuni path. 
 
 ''Many interesting specimens from this region secured on this trip were placed in the National 
 Museum. 
 
stevexson] AIM'S AXD INDUSTRIES 359 
 
 At sunrise on the morning following the arrival of the salt-gatherers 
 at the hike, the older and younger brother Bow priests, with the 
 additional warriors of the party, visit the home of the Gods of 
 War, which is supposed to be in the depths of the crater, where they 
 deposit offerings to these gods. The rain priest deposits in his house 
 in the lake plume .offerings to the Salt Mother, and the Great Father 
 Ko'yemshi, having received prayer plumes for the Council of the Gods 
 from each person present, plants them in his house, which is near that 
 of the rain priest. 
 
 After the ceremonial of plume planting and prayers they all pass 
 into the lake, each provided with a blanket or a piece of cloth in 
 which to gather salt, which is scraped from the bed of the lake 
 where the crystals are deposited. When thoroughly cleansed the salt 
 is white and most excellent. Each man has two ears of corn, Father 
 corn and Mother corn, which he covers with ekiy 7 containing salt from 
 the bed of the lake. These ears are afterward placed with plume 
 offerings amid the stacked corn in the house, where they remain until 
 the cobs have lost all of the grains, when they are deposited in the 
 river to go to Ko'thluwala'wa and others are substituted, for no corn 
 heap must be without the Father and Mother corn. No Indian would 
 dare part with the parent corn, fearing the wrath of the Salt Mother, 
 "whose ghost self is ever about the Zuiiis," though death would befall 
 the one who endeavored to see her. An ear of corn having a direct 
 line of grains is of special significance for the parent corn, as it is 
 symbolic of the straight path of life its possessor should follow. 
 
 As soon as the salt-gatherers are sufficiently near home, they always 
 make signal tires to notif} r the people of their return. In 1902, smoke 
 from the first fire was discovered at half-past 7 in the morning, and the 
 villagers at once began the watch. Several fires were lighted, each 
 one nearer the village, before the voices of the salt-gatherers were 
 heard. Their song grew more and more distinct as the partj^ drew 
 near. The party was greeted warmly by all, especialty by the 
 religious and civil officers of the town. As the beasts of burden 
 were driven to the doors of the dwellings they were surrounded by 
 those eager to assist in unloading the salt and convej'ing it to the 
 houses. The three pedestrians carried the two ears of corn (Father 
 Corn and Mother Corn) in husks covered with mud from the salt lake, 
 together with a slab of salt crystal, closely wrapped in cloth, in deep 
 baskets on their backs. The other members of the part}' were on 
 burros and were kept busy managing the little animals laden with 
 sacks of salt. Each man of the party went directly to his own door 
 on reaching the village; those on foot entered the house at once; the 
 others proceeded to unload the animals, assisted by members of their 
 families and by neighbors. The salt is not only necessary to their 
 physical comfort, but it has a sacred value to them beyond price. 
 
360 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann.23 
 
 A nephew of Xai'uchi. elder brother Bow priest, after unloading all 
 hut two of his animals and depositing Father Corn and Mother Corn on 
 a heap of salt in the living room of his house, drove the two remaining 
 burros with the packs to the home of the elder brother Bow priest. 
 The daughter of the house spread a large piece of canvas on the floor 
 of the spacious living room, and the salt-gatherer deposited the salt 
 upon the canvas without ceremony. The two ears of corn, which were 
 removed from a sack before the salt was emptied, were laid upon 
 a slab of salt crystals that was placed at the southwest corner of the 
 canvas. In a short time the daughter of the house formed the salt 
 into an oval mound, made a depression lengthwise on the top. and placed 
 the salt slab and the ears of corn in the center. An old ear of yellow 
 corn. A'wan 'sita (Great Mother), was deposited south of the slab; two 
 others, Awan ho'ta (Great Grandmother), and an charli (the child), 
 were placed north of it. all the tips of the ears pointing to the east. 
 The daughter of the house covered the corn and a portion of the salt 
 with a woman's woven wrap, but removed it for a time while they all 
 stood around and prayed. A blind grandson of Nai'uchi was led for- 
 ward, and his hand was directed to the prayer-meal basket, from which 
 all present sprinkled the sacred objects with meal. After the morning 
 repast all infants of the families in the houses where salt had been 
 brought were carried to the salt heaps, where the mothers spat 
 upon their limbs and rubbed them with the salt, in order that the 
 children might be strong, and adults rubbed the salt over their own 
 hands; then the salt was again covered. The head of each salt- 
 gatherer was afterward washed in yucca suds, and then the entire 
 body was bathed by a female member of his family. The salt was 
 later packed away in jars and the ears of corn were placed with the 
 stacked corn in the storage room. 
 
 A very pleasing scene is the appearance in Zuiii of Ma'lokat'si, who 
 is sister to the Sun Father, in company with Ko'hakwa (white-shell 
 bead). Mother of the Sun," whose home is in the great waters of the 
 West, and the Sun with his two heralds, the Morning and the Evening 
 stars. The home of Ko'hakwa is the house to which the Sun journeys 
 each day to rest at night. The mask of Ma'lokat'si, or Mawe. is of hide, 
 covering the head. Formerly much difficulty was found in making 
 the salt adhere to the mask; finally native cotton was placed over the 
 hide; on this was spread a paste made of wheat flour boiled in water, 
 over which the salt crystals were scattered, and the mask was set near 
 the lire until the crystals combined with the paste. The face is white, 
 with a red spot on each side over the cheeks. An ear of corn which 
 has been covered in clay from the salt lake is attached upright to the 
 
 a It should not be inferred from this expression that the Sun whs supposed to have been born of 
 Ko'hakwc. 
 
Stevenson] ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 361 
 
 back of the mask. An embroidered white-cotton scarf is tied around 
 the mask at its base. 
 
 The Ko'hakwa mask also covers the head and has a white face with 
 a red spot on either cheek. The top of the mask is covered with tur- 
 quoise and Ko'hakwa beads attached in loops, and necklaces of the 
 same hang- from the neck to the waist of the wearer of the mask. 
 Strings of the same precious beads encircle the arms from the wrists 
 nearly to the elbows. 
 
 The face of the Sun mask is painted blue-green and encircled with 
 yellow, red. white, and a design in black and white blocks, symbolic of 
 the home of the clouds. A tablet which is attached to the top of the 
 mask is decorated in front with the sun symbol and in the back with 
 the rainbow. A wig of black goat's wool covers the back of the mask, 
 falling over the shoulders of the wearer. The masks of the heralds, 
 or warriors, of the Sun are colored white in the back and blue-green 
 in front and have a long beak. The}' are surmounted with a decorated 
 tablet cross, each end tipped with a star, symbolic of the stars of the 
 four regions. 
 
 Ma'lokat'si approaches the village in the morning from the south 
 over the road leading to the salt lake. After reaching the river she is 
 carried across by a Ko'yemshi (the great fathers of ancestral gods). 
 At the same time Ko'hakwa comes from the w r est and the Sun with his 
 heralds, or warriors, the Morning and the Evening stars in advance, 
 appear from the east. They remain until sunset, when Ma'lokat'si 
 returns over the southern road and the Sun with his heralds accom- 
 pany Ko'hakwa over the western road. 
 
 FOOD AND DRINK 
 
 Bread making. The women of Zuiii take special pride in having 
 good bread, of which there are several varieties. He'we (wafer bread), 
 is a household staple. It is baked on slabs of gra}' sandstone, cut from 
 the quarry at the base of To'wa yal'lanne (Corn mountain)," some 3 
 miles east of Zuni, by men or boys who bring them home, after which 
 the women take charge of them. They vary in size from 24 inches in 
 length by 20 in width to 38 inches in length by 30 in width. When 
 the cut side has been rubbed smooth with a stone, the slab is supported 
 on two parallel walls, 8 or 10 inches high, built of small stones laid in 
 plaster on the hearth in the broad fireplace, which is capped with an 
 awning resembling those of the Chinese. The slab is gradually heated 
 by a small fire of cedar wood built under the stone, and afterward a 
 greater tire is made. When it has reached the proper degree of heat, 
 native squash seeds with the husks removed are chewed and ejected 
 
 a Thunder mountain has been erroneously accepted as the translation for To'wa yal'lanne. The 
 error may have arisen from the similarity between to'wa (corn, archaic), and to'wawa (thunder), 
 the last two syllables of which are pronounced rapidly. 
 
362 THE ZUNI IXDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 from the mouth over the slab. When the tire is burnt out, the slab is 
 seen to be black from the oil of the squash seeds. The greater por- 
 tion of the bed of coals is renv >ved, and a fiat stone is placed across the 
 end of the walls supporting the slab to keep the drafts from fanning 
 the remaining coals. A pound or more of raw piffon gum in pieces of 
 good size is rubbed over the slab, and when this is melted the rubbing 
 is continued as long as the stone will absorb the gum. Pine twigs are 
 employed to brush oft' the surplus gum. each twig or bunch of twigs 
 being passed but once over the stone. After a few such sweepings, 
 twig- are held firmly in the hand and rubbed hard over the stone. 
 The pine twigs are finally discarded for juniper, which are used until 
 the slab has the appearance of polished black lava. A quantity of 
 juniper twigs is crushed and sprinkled over the stone to remain until 
 needed for baking. 
 
 Xo word must be spoken above a whisper from the beginning to 
 the completion of the dressing of the slab. Should the voice of any- 
 one present be raised above a whisper, the stone would crack in the 
 polishing process. The writer once observed a stone cracked in 
 two places, and as no one had spoken aloud the conclusion was reached 
 that the worker had a bad heart. 
 
 The corn to be used for the he'we is first crushed on the coarsest 
 milling stone and then toasted in a bowl placed on stones in one of the 
 right-angle fireplaces and stirred continually with a bunch of slender 
 -tick- or osiers. When the meal leaves the fire it is placed in a mill 
 of the next degree of fineness, and afterward it passes through the 
 third and last mill, in which it is ground to a fine Hour. A quantity 
 of this flour is mixed with cold water and stirred into a pot of boiling 
 water: the mixture is stirred constantly during the cooking. When 
 the mush is done and so far cooled that the hand may be introduced 
 without scalding it. the pot is placed at the side of the maker of the 
 he'we. A thin batter of uncooked meal made with cold water is placed 
 in one side of a large bowl. If the bread is to be of bluish-green color, 
 lime is slaked and the water poured from it into the batter. A double 
 handful of mush is dipped from the pot and deposited in the bowl on 
 the opposite side from the batter; then a handful of batter is added 
 to the mush, and when they are thoroughly mixed, a quantity is dipped 
 with the hand and swept thinly over the heated slab, which is always 
 placed at one side of the fireplace. The hand passes from right to left. 
 beginning at the far side of the slab, until the whole slab has received a 
 film of the mixture. By the time the spreading is complete the gauzy 
 sheet i- baked, and it is lifted and laid to one side on a mat. where it soon 
 cools and becomes somewhat crisp. After a number of sheets are 
 baked they are placed on the hot slab, and on becoming warm may 
 l>e rolled or folded without breaking. The bread is now piled in 
 baskets and is ready to be eaten. Occasionally the Zuiiis color he'we 
 
stevensos] ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 363 
 
 red, using- for that purpose amarantus, which they grow sparingly in 
 the gardens. 
 
 A variety of this bread is sometimes made as follows: Cold, boiled 
 beans are pounded and made into a paste by adding cold water and 
 mixed with the batter in place of the mush; salt is added to this mix- 
 ture. Sometimes the he'we is made of untoasted meal; in this case salt 
 is added. The bits of he'we which necessarily accumulate are care- 
 fully laid away, for not an atom of food is wasted by the Zuiiis, and 
 when there is a sufficient quantity of these bits, the} 7 are deposited 
 in a bowl placed over the fire and stirred with a bunch of osiers 
 until thoroughly toasted. The bowl is then removed from the fire, 
 and the bits are crushed in the hand and deposited in a basket tray. 
 This bread is warmed in grease or moistened with water before it is 
 eaten. 
 
 He'vahouiwe is a bread in common use at Zurii. A small quantity 
 of mush is made of corn which has been passed through mills of the 
 first two degrees of coarseness by mixing with cold water; salt is 
 added, then water from slaked lime to give a greenish color to the 
 bread. A handful of this mush is added to a quantity of the batter 
 previously referred to, and this mixture is baked, two cakes at a time, 
 on a stone similar to the he'we stone. These cakes are about 10 by 12 
 inches, and many times thicker than the he'we. As the cakes are 
 removed from the stone they are laid in a basket or bowl. 
 *■ Mu"kiapawe is a favorite mush. Meal ground through the first 
 two mills is mixed with boiling water to a stiff doug'h, and water 
 from slaked lime is added to give color; cold water is then supplied 
 in sufficient quantity to give the mush the proper consistency; this is 
 then shaped into large oval balls, which are dropped into a pot of boil- 
 ing water. Mu"kiapawe is eaten cold. 
 
 Mu"kialiwe is another variety of mush. It is prepared in the same 
 manner as he'yahoniwe, except that the mush is rolled into rope-like 
 strips, from which bits are broken and made into balls an inch or more 
 in diameter. These are dropped into just enough boiling water to 
 cook them; the water becomes thickened from the mush balls, and the 
 whole is eaten with a ladle or spoon. 
 
 He'pachiwe" (singular, he'pachine) is a favorite bread of the Zuiiis. 
 The stone slab on which this bread is baked is 8 or 10 inches. in diame- 
 ter, only large enough to bake one cake at a time. The slab is thor- 
 oughly washed and is supported on stones in one of the smaller 
 fireplaces over a low fire. It is constantly rubbed with mutton grease 
 while heating. The natural •color of the stone is gray, but it 
 becomes black from treatment similar to that given the he'we stone. 
 Flour, properly salted, is put into a bowl, and warm water is 
 added to make a dough, which is worked only long enough to mix 
 
 a Tortillas. 
 
364 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 the ingredients thoroughly. The woman sits beside the fireplace and 
 performs the double duty of tending- the tire and making the broad. 
 A bit of dough is broken off and fashioned into a ball, and the ball is 
 hollowed with the hand into a deep bowl, which is placed inverted 
 upon a round. Hat stone especially fashioned for the purpose, flat- 
 tened, and worked with the hand" into a symmetrical round cake. 
 The lingers are placed close together and the nails zigzagged over 
 the cake so that it may In-own in ridges. This furrowed side is 
 placed next to the baking stone. As air bubbles form they are pricked 
 with a wooden pin. While one cake is baking another is prepared for 
 the stone. As the cakes are removed from the fire they are laid in a 
 Hat basket. He'pachiwe is made in great quantities when gifts are to 
 he thrown to the populace. On such occasions many show much dex- 
 terity in sending cakes through the air. 
 
 Chu"sikwanawe (corn without skin) he'pachiwe is made by pouring- 
 diluted lye over corn and leaving it until the hull is shed. It is then 
 thouroughly washed, dried, and afterward ground. The meal is mixed 
 with water, no salt being used, and made into cakes ti or 8 inches in 
 diameter and about two-thirds of an inch thick. It is baked on 
 he'pachiwe slabs. 
 
 Mu'loowe (light bread) is made at feasts, seldom at other times, and is 
 baked in ovens outside the house. A bit of dough is reserved from each 
 baking for the next, being sometimes kept a month or six weeks, or even 
 longer; when the leaven is to be used, it is soaked in water, cold or 
 warm, to soften it. A small quantity of flour is added to make a soft 
 batter, which is well beaten with the hand. The batter is covered with 
 a cloth and set to rise over night. The bread making begins about 10 
 o'clock in the morning. The sponge is emptied into a large bread 
 bowl; warm water is gradually added while the sponge is constantly 
 kneaded until the bowl is half full; salt is put in; then flour is added, 
 the kneading process going on all the while. The bread -maker runs 
 her arms into the dough halfway to the elbow, but as it becomes firmer 
 from additional flour, only the fists sink into it. In kneading the 
 dough it is brought from the outside over the center, broken off, 
 and pushed down into the mass. When the dough has had sufficient 
 kneading, a quantity is separated from the mass and manipulated for 
 a time on a beautifully finished wooden slab some 3 feet in length 
 and Is inches wide, used exclusively for this purpose. If turnover 
 rolls are to be made, which is the common form, a batch of dough is 
 shaped into a round cake equal in size to a small loaf of bread: a 
 depression is made across the center with the ulnar edge of the hand; 
 melted mutton grease is spread over the cake; and then the turnover 
 is formed. As each roll is made it is laid upon a cotton cloth spread 
 on the floor. The dough is sometimes made into various fanciful 
 
 aThe Mexicans use a diminutive rolling-pin. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCI 
 
 M 
 
 U/rigkt.fyLL. 
 
 AGED WOMAN CARRYING FAGOTS 
 
stevenson] ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 365 
 
 shapes, such as animals and birds, and some of the old women delight 
 in making portions of their dough into obscene characters. 
 
 The oven (see plate xe) is mound-shaped, built of stone, and plastered 
 on the exterior and interior, ami when not in use for baking purposes 
 serves as a kennel for dogs. The opening through which the bread is 
 passed is rectangular and near the base, while the vent for the smoke 
 is near the top on the opposite side. A tire of cedar wood is made 
 and the lower opening is seeurel} 7 closed until the oven is thoroughly 
 heated and the wood reduced to coals. The coals and ashes are 
 sprinkled with water and removed with long-handled wooden shovels 
 made for the purpose. Some of these shovels are decorated with 
 symbols of the ancient ladder made of a notched log. The floor of the 
 oven is carefully swept and afterward washed with a mop of cedar 
 I wigs supplied with a long handle. This work must be done rapidly 
 that the oven may not become cooled. The heat of the oven is tested 
 by scattering bran over the bottom. One or two pieces of the dough 
 are placed upon a wooden shovel and deposited in the oven with 
 great accuracy so that there shall be no waste room. When the 
 oven is quite tilled, the doorway is covered with a piece of sheep- 
 skin, the wool outside, held in place bj r a stone slab. A number of 
 bakings can be done with one heating of the oven. Economy is 
 observed in the use of wood because it comes from a distance. It is 
 brought in wagons by those who are the happy possessors of them, 
 otherwise on the backs of burros or of men; the women rarely act 
 as beasts of burden, and only occasionally has the writer observed 
 a woman bringing wood to the village (see plate xci). Wood used 
 in ceremonials is usually transported on burros. 
 
 He'palokla is made from wheat or corn, a quantity of wheat is placed 
 in a bowl and cold water poured over it. It is then left to stand twenty- 
 four hours, when it is washed and placed in a basket tray, sprinkled 
 with water, and covered with a cotton cloth. The tray stands in the 
 sun during the day and is set in a warm place during the night. This 
 process of sprinkling and placing the wheat in the sun is repeated 
 until the wheat has sprouted and become sweet. A handful of the 
 sprouted wheat is ground and added to a soft batter of wheat flour, 
 and the mixture is worked with a stick made for the purpose; some- 
 times a bunch of slender sticks is used. Nine or ten slabs, about 
 LO by 10 inches, are stood on end in an excavation in the same fire- 
 place used for baking the he'we, and cedar wood is placed between 
 them. The wood is then lighted; when it is reduced to coals, and the 
 excavation is properl}- heated, the slabs are laid to one side, while the 
 coals are removed, and the surface where they rested is thoroughly 
 swept. A number of dried corn husks, sufficient to cover the space 
 occupied by a slab, are dampened and flattened, and the mixture is 
 spread over them. Husks are now laid around the edge of the stiff 
 
366 THE ZUNI INDIANS [Bra. ann. 23 
 
 batter to such depth that the stone which is placed over it will not 
 touch the batter. The arranging of the stones, depositing of the bat- 
 ter, and placing of the husks are repeated until all the slabs are 
 employed. A stone slab is laid over the whole, and a tire is made 
 upon it. The coals produce sufficient heat with that below to bake the 
 he'palokia. which remains all night in the slab oven. In the morning 
 it is ready to be eaten, and is regarded as a great delicacy. 
 
 Another process is to till a large pot with the mixture and place it 
 on a deep lied of coals in a permanent excavation made for the pur- 
 pose outside the house. A small tire is built around the pot: the 
 batter is stirred until it begins to boil: a slab is then laid over the 
 excavation and a tire is built upon it. This process, which also requires 
 the pot to remain in place overnight, has never been in such favor as 
 baking in the house, because when the food is baked out of doors it 
 is believed to be more or less exposed to the witches, who are ever 
 ready to destroy people, not only by directly '"shooting" bad medicine 
 into their bodies but by the indirect method of affecting the food when 
 it can be reached. 
 
 A more modern way of baking wheat he'palokia is to till an iron pot 
 with the mixture, deposit it in the oven used for light bread, the oven 
 having been properly heated, and let it stand overnight. This method 
 has grown in favor during the past few years. 
 
 Though wheat he'palokia is considered a delicacy, that made of corn 
 is dear to the Zufii palate. Usually yellow or black corn is selected. 
 This is ground through thefirst and second mills, and the meal is sifted 
 through a fine sieve. About a cupful of the meal is chewed, several 
 girls usually performing this part of the bread making. Each mouth- 
 ful is chewed several minutes and then ejected into a small bowl. 
 A quantity of the unchewed meal is placed in .a large bowl, boiling 
 water is added, and the mixture' is stirred in the manner before 
 described; the chewed meal is afterward added, and the whole is well 
 stirred. The batter is baked in the manner observed with the wheat 
 he'palokia in slab ovens. 
 
 He'palokia is sometimes made into pats, wrapped in corn husks, 
 and baked in the outdoor oven, which is heated as for light bread. A 
 comparatively short time is required to cook the bread in this form, 
 and it is regarded as a mere makeshift. 
 
 Scraps which are left of both the wheat and corn he'palokia are 
 spread on cloths and dried in the sun. or. should it he raining, the 
 cloth is spread by the tire. When thoroughly dried they arc ground 
 in the finest mill and the meal is mixed with cold water and drunk. 
 The meal of the corn he'palokia is also eaten dry as one eats bonbons. 
 The older men may be seen with a small bowl of the dry meal beside 
 them taking ;l pinch every now and then while they work on their 
 beads or moccasins. 
 
stevenson] ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 367 
 
 Mu"sikowe (doughnuts) were adopted from the Mexicans. A soft 
 dough is made of salted wheat flour and cold water. A bit of dough 
 is broken from the mass, flattened, and shaped into square cakes, 
 about 4 by 4 inches. These are dropped into a pot of boiling beef or 
 unit ton grease, or lard when it can be secured. A slender stick that 
 is used to manipulate the doughnuts is punched through each piece 
 to turn it over in the grease, and is also used for lifting the bread 
 through the opening previously made; the doughnut is held over the 
 pot tor a moment or two to allow the grease to drip from it and then 
 is deposited in a bowl. There are other varieties of bread not men- 
 tioned in the list given. 
 
 Chu"sikwanawe" (homim r ) is one of the staple articles of food. To 
 prepare it a quantity of ashes wet with cold water is placed in a large 
 pot of cold water, and corn removed from the cob is deposited in the 
 pot. After the corn has boiled awhile it is stirred with a stick. The 
 boiling and stirring continue upward of three hours, when the corn 
 is removed from the pot and carried in a basket or bowl to the river, 
 where it is thoroughly washed, and then the hominy, which does not 
 require soaking, is ready for use. Hominy is not kept on hand, but is 
 prepared as it is desired for a meal. It would be impossible to find 
 hominy that is whiter or of better quality in an}' respect than that 
 prepared by the Zuni housewife. 
 
 Mi'lo - we (roasted sweet corn) is a favorite food. An excavation 10 
 or 12 feet deep and 3 or 4 feet in diameter is made in the cornfield. 
 After cedar branches have been thrown into the opening, coals from 
 a fire previousby made are heaped on the branches and cedar wood is 
 placed upon the coals. When about a quarter of the depth of the 
 excavation is filled with live coals, the corn still in the husks is 
 thrown in: stones are placed thickly over the corn, and coals are 
 heaped upon the stones. The corn remains in this oven from late 
 in the afternoon or about sunset until after sunrise the following 
 morning, when it is read}' to be eaten. What is not consumed while 
 fresh is hung in the storage rooms to dry, each ear having the 
 husks pulled back exposing the corn. Roasted corn is preserved in 
 this way for months, and when it is to be eaten the husks are severed 
 from the cob and the ear is boiled. If this corn is to be distributed in 
 ceremonials, however, the husks are allowed to remain on when it is 
 boiled. It is thrown to the populace by holding the pulled-back husks. 
 
 Ta'kunawe (bead corn) is popped corn. The grains of corn are 
 toasted in bowls balanced on stones over coals and are constantly 
 stirred with slender cottonwood sticks until they pop and become 
 white as snowflakes. One is sure to find all the youngsters hanging 
 about waiting, ready for the first mess of corn, which is the most 
 delicious that the writer has found an}'where. It is sprinkled with 
 salt while hot. 
 
 o See p. 364. 
 
368 THE ZUNI INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 Among vegetables the squash is the only one that receives particu- 
 lar attention in preparation, the others being used principally in com- 
 bination with other things. The favorite way of preparing fresh 
 squash is to roast it whole in the ashes, after a small opening in the 
 rind has first been made. It is delicious after cooking all night. 
 Fresh squash is also stewed; dried squash is broken in goodly pieces 
 and placed in a pot of cold water to boil. 
 
 The native fruits, including that of one of the cacti (opuntia filipen- 
 dula), both fresh and preserved, are used extensively. A very pleas- 
 ant conserve is made from the fruit of yucca baccata which serves 
 on occasion to sweeten either fresh or dried peaches when stewed. 
 Nuts from the pinon cone are gathered in great quantities. 
 
 The flesh of animals forms a large element in the Zufiian dietary. The 
 Zunis have large numbers of cattle, goats, and sheep," and a limited 
 number of hogs and chickens. Chickens are kept for the eggs, the 
 whites of which are used for mixing paints to be applied to wooden 
 objects. The whole egg is sometimes eaten by men to bring them larger 
 families. The Navahos have the same superstition. Pork is regarded 
 as a great delicacy. There is nothing that so tickles the palate as bacon, 
 and whenever possible it is secured from the trader. Mutton is the 
 everyday meat. Beef is usually cut into strips and sun-dried for 
 winter use, although fresh beef is greatly enjoyed. There is a regular 
 frolic over the flaying and dressing of a beef (see plate xcn). Only 
 small portions of the beef and mutton are cast aside as unfit for use; 
 chitterlings are a delicacy, the liver, heart, and lights are eaten; and 
 the head with the brains remaining is roasted before the fire, the 
 brains especially being esteemed choice morsels. The blood is made 
 into a pudding. Meat is usually stewed; when only a few are to be 
 served, it is sometimes fried in mutton grease; in either case it is cut 
 into pieces. When a stew is to be made the meat is placed in a pot 
 with cold water over the fire on stones; white corn is removed from 
 the cob, washed, cracked in the coarser mill and in the next broken 
 into finer bits, and put into the stew; salt, the condiment kulantu (a 
 Mexican name), 6 and chilli are added, the latter making the dish look 
 as though tomatoes formed an ingredient. In camp, meat is roasted 
 before the fire. 
 
 Large game is always enjoyed, but is becoming scarcer every year. 
 Jack-rabbits and little cottontails are abundant. Most game is stewed, 
 if served in the village; in camp it is roasted. Game is a necessary 
 offering to the Beast Gods to induce them to act as mediators between 
 the Zunis and the anthropic gods. £)eer meat is cut into strips, sun 
 dried, and preserved for ceremonials and for guests who are present 
 
 "The sheep ami goal corrals, whieji are within the town ami close to the houses, render the air in 
 moist weather offensive in the extreme. 
 '-A fuller description of plant food will be given in a later publication. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCII 
 
 ^»^V~ i£y 
 
 FLAYING A BEEF 
 
stevesson] ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 869 
 
 at such times from other pueblos, for the best must alwaj's be placed 
 before strangers. 
 
 "While the Zunis do not eat horses, they sometimes eat a burro which 
 has died from hunger or abuse. They raise large numbers of horses, 
 but keep them exclusively for riding. 
 
 A native drink, which the Zunis claim is not intoxicating, is made 
 from sprouted corn. The corn is moistened and placed in the sun 
 until it sprouts. Another drink which the Zunis enjoy is ta'kuna'klawe 
 (bead water), made of popped corn ground in the finest mill. The 
 powder is put into a bowl and cold water is poured over it. The 
 mixture is strained before it is drunk. This beverage is also used in 
 ceremonies and during fasts of the rain priests. 
 
 Coffee with sugar is greatly relished, the Zunis obtaining it at any 
 cost within their means. Tea is also enjoyed by these people. Whisky 
 is rarely, if ever, used. 
 
 The Zunis have only two meals daily. Breakfast is served about 
 11 o'clock, after the men and women have done a good morning's 
 work; the other meal is taken after sunset. The family sit around 
 the food, which is set on the floor in separate vessels, large or small as 
 may be required, either of pottery or basketry. Bread is usually 
 served on basket trays. Though small ladles are in use for dipping 
 the stews, the general practice is to take a piece of bread and dip up 
 the stew with it. Fingers take the place of knives and forks. Before 
 partaking of the food, bits of the different viands are gathered by each 
 adult and thrown into the fire with a prayer as an offering to the de?d. 
 In the presence of strangers this grace is omitted, but the Zunis 
 covertly put by food close beside them on the floor. 
 
 DRESS AND ADORNJIENT 
 
 The everyday dress of the men is not attractive. White cotton or 
 calico shirts are worn outside the loose cotton trousers, which are 
 formed of two straight pieces joined at the top, leaving the breech- 
 cloth to complete the covering. The calico shirt is a folded slip with 
 two cuts midway, one crosswise, the other lengthwise from the center 
 of the crosscut, through which the head passes. As the gusset has 
 not been introduced into Zuni tailoring, only the upper portion of the 
 sleeve is attached to the shirt, the under side being left free, exposing 
 the axilla. The shirt is fashioned after the native woven garment, the 
 difference being that the calico sleeve is sewed from the hand to the 
 top while the woven sleeve is fastened onl} 7 for a short distance from 
 the hand upward. The woven shirt is now used exclusively for cere- 
 monial occasions. The shirt is frequently belted in with a leather 
 strap, on which silver medallions are strung. The moccasins are of 
 23 eih— 04 24 
 
370 THE ZDNI INDIANS [eth.ann.2S 
 
 deerskin, well tunned, ami colored reddish brown, or occasionally 
 black; they have rawhide soles, and are fastened on the outer side 
 with silver buttons. To afford additional warmth the foot is often 
 wrapped in a piece of ejoth before drawing- on the moccasin. In wet 
 weather the moccasins arc usually left off, and for snow on the road 
 and in very cold weather pieces of goatskin or sheepskin are tied over 
 the feet, the wool inside. The deerskin leggings, which extend from 
 below the knee to the ankle, are usually of the same color as the 
 moccasin. They have a line of silver buttons down the side, and are 
 wrapped around the leg, and held in place bj r red woven garters. A 
 knit stocking leg of blue yarn is worn under them. A silk kerchief or 
 a banda, wrapped in the Turkish fashion around the head, is worn by 
 those who can afford the extravagance, others wear a cotton head- 
 kerchief. A leather bow wristlet, ornamented with silver, is commonly 
 seen on the left wrist. Necklaces of white shell, turquoise, and coral 
 beads, more or less elaborate, according to the wealth of the wearer, 
 are the principal adornments. Turquoise bead earrings, tipped with 
 bits of coral or a red stone precious to the Zufiis, are attached to the 
 necklaces, unless they are removed for ceremonial occasions, when they 
 are worn in the ears. The well-dressed Zufii seldom appears without his 
 blanket unless the thermometer is unusually high, and every man who 
 can secure one possesses a Navaho blanket, which he wears in prefer- 
 ence to the coarser and less ornamental weave of home manufacture. 
 Rabbit-skin blankets, woven of strips of the skins, though much used 
 in the past, are now very rare. 
 
 The women's dress is picturesque and is donned when the girl is about 
 four years of age, before which the children of both sexes wear little 
 or no clothing in warm weather. The gown is of black diagonal cloth, 
 woven in one piece," embroidered at top and bottom in dark blue.* 
 The cloth is folded once and sewed up to within a short distance of the 
 top, and again the top edges are caught together for a few inches, 
 draping gracefully over the right shoulder. The arm passes through 
 the opening, while the gown is carried under the left arm. A long- 
 belt of Zufii or Hopi manufacture is wrapped several times around the 
 waist. It is generally tightly drawn by the younger women and 
 tucked under, with the ends falling a few inches, one end of the belt 
 having a deep fringe. A cotton camis, similar in shape to the dress, 
 is worn beneath, and a high-necked and long-sleeved garment is also 
 worn under the dress and next to it; this is left off for ceremonials. 
 The neck and wrists of this garment are finished with bands, which 
 are fastened with silver buttons. A pi'toni, wddch is a piece of white 
 cotton or of calico, tied in the front at the neck and falling over the 
 back, is an indispensable article of dress. The woman whose hus- 
 
 " Navaho dresses are woven in two pieces. 
 
 '■This style of finishing is exclusively Zuiiinn. The Hopi Indians weave in their blue borders and 
 the Rio Grande Indians have red mixed in the borders of their gowns. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIII 
 
 ZUNI MATRON 
 
stevknson] ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 371 
 
 band or father has brought her a shawl of foreign manufacture from 
 Santa Fe or Albuquerque, which on state occasions she wears as an 
 extra pi'toni. for the cotton one is never laid aside except for cere- 
 monials, is envied by the other women. When the Government school 
 closes for the day. the children hasten to their homes to add the pi'toni 
 to their school uniform before joining their playmates. The Zuni 
 woman must be poor indeed who does not wear a silver necklace and 
 bangles. These necklaces are made of coin-silver beads with pendent 
 crescents; occasionally a number of crosses or other forms are added. 
 Silver rings are also worn by the women. Turquoise earrings, which 
 are worn only in ceremonials, are the same as the men's, and the women 
 borrow the men's bead necklaces to wear at such times. 
 
 Knit stocking legs with moccasins complete the toilet (see plate 
 xcin). The women's moccasins are elaborate according to the wealth 
 of the rearer, the more deerskin used the handsomer the moccasins. 
 After the white moccasin with polished black sole is drawn on the 
 foot, the skin is wrapped around the leg giving it a clumsy look but 
 causing the foot to appear much smaller than it really is. In summer 
 the women and girls usually have their feet and legs bare. All mocca- 
 sins are made by the men, and men also do the sewing for the female 
 members of the family as well as themselves. The}' sew from instead 
 of toward themselves. The men knit the stocking legs and also knit 
 shoes of bright colors for women and little girls, who wear them in 
 moderate weather. 
 
 The woolen garments of home manufacture are washed occasionally 
 in suds of the root of the }*ucca glauca on the river bank, the Indians 
 appreciating the necessity of sometimes cleansing them in order to 
 preserve them; but cotton clothing is worn, not only by the poorer, 
 but by the better class, until it falls apart from decay caused b} T filth. 
 If these garments are replaced by fresh ones for ceremonial occasions, 
 they are put on again and worn until full service has been rendered. 
 
 Xo one dresses his own hair. Women comb the men's hair and one 
 another's, unless a lover or a bridegroom greatty enamored of his 
 bride sometimes plays the part of hairdresser. One of the favorite 
 pastimes is to sit outside the house-and search in the hair for vermin; and 
 as each specimen is found the hairdresser cracks it between her teeth 
 with an expression of genuine satisfaction. The vermin are not eaten 
 as has been stated, but are thrown from the mouth. The hair is parted 
 from ear to ear over the crown of the head, a fine straw being used for 
 the purpose of making the part perfectly clear. The front of the hair 
 is allowed to fall in heavy bangs over the forehead, while the back 
 hair is carefully brushed. A bunch of broom corn tied about 4 inches 
 from the cut ends serves a double purpose, the longer portion being 
 the broom, the shorter the hairbrush. When every hair is in its place, 
 a long string is wrapped once around the hair and tightly drawn at 
 
372 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.aku.23 
 
 the nape of the neck. A person whose hair is being dressed holds 
 each end of the string while the hair is brushed again; audit is fre- 
 quently spat upon as it is folded over and over. The hair-dresser, 
 taking tirst the right-hand string, wraps it tightly around the hair, 
 which is formed into a bow. The other end of the string is also 
 wrapped around the hair, and the string is firmly tied. The tongue is 
 frequently used in smoothing every hair into its place. The bow is 
 now wrapped with a red woven garter or with red yarn. When the 
 hairdresser has finished, the man separates the bangs, which fall to 
 the eyebrows, and brushing both sides back with the hands, he ties a 
 head-kerchief or a silk band around his head. The woman's hair is 
 done up in a similar manner in the back. Instead of a bow she wears 
 a queue, so wrapped with a garter or yarn as almost to obscure the 
 hair, except in certain ceremonies when the hair, which has been 
 previously braided to render it wavy." falls down the back. After the 
 hair is dressed the woman or girl, by a peculiar manipulation of the 
 fingers, separates her bangs, which fall to the lower lip. on one side 
 and catches up the hair behind the ear. In dancing, grinding, and all 
 other ceremonies the bangs fall over the face. Bangs are worn for 
 the same reason that Turkish women veil their faces. The Zuiiis say, 
 ''It is not well for a woman's face to be exposed to the gaze of men.'' 
 
 WEAVING 
 
 The Zuiiis depend upon their native blankets for bedding and to a 
 large extent for wraps, though the Navaho blankets are worn by men 
 and boys, and are used as saddle blankets. Commercial wool cards 
 are in general use. The Zuiiis spin with a primitive spindle, a slender 
 stick passed through a wood or stone disk/' Their blankets, as a rule, 
 are made of wool of its natural colors — white, gray. brown, and brownish- 
 black — woven in stripes; but they also dye the wool in two shades of 
 blue, using indigo, and urine as a mordant, mahogany red, yellow, and 
 green/' 
 
 It is the opinion of the writer that the pueblo blankets in the past 
 were more elaborate in design than now, and that the Navahos learned 
 to weave from the pueblos. It is further believed that as the pro- 
 gressive Xavahos became greater experts in weaving, the art of the 
 Zufiis deteriorated: they came to depend on the Navahos for the 
 better grade of blankets. 
 
 In 1881 a young boy about 12 years of age became jealous over the 
 writer's admiration for the Navaho blankets and determined to see 
 
 "Two men were ..li-crvc,] to have naturally wavy hair. 
 
 Mir Washington Matthews, U. S. Army, in the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 
 gives an exhaustive account of Navaho weaving. Instating that the Zufiis employ a different met hod 
 from that of. the Xavahos in handling the spindle. I'r Matthews is in error. The method shown on 
 plate \ xxiv oi I>r MutthcwVs paper is a favorite one with the Zuiiis. 
 
 e A full description oi the preparation of yarn for weaving will be given in a forthcoming paper 
 Specimens of native-dyed yarn were secured in 1901 after prolonged efforts. 
 
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 LU 
 
stevenson] ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 373 
 
 what he could do. Going to work with no design before him, he pro- 
 duced a saddle blanket of exceptional beauty. The elaborate figures 
 were woven in various colors on a red ground. In 1902 a Zufii priest 
 presented the writer with a blanket of his own weaving, which, 
 though not tine, was elaborate in design and color. It was made in 
 order to show the writer that the Zufiis possess the art of weaving 
 blankets in the Navaho style even though they do not practise it. 
 They prefer to purchase blankets of the more elaborate kind from the 
 Mavahos and give their time to other things. 
 
 Men's shirts, ceremonial kilts and breecheloths, and women's dresses 
 and wraps are woven of black or dark blue native wool in diagonal 
 stylo. These articles have embroidered borders of dark blue. Com- 
 mercial needles take the place of bone. The woman's belt is gen- 
 erally woven of red 3 T arn, bordered in green, with designs in white 
 cotton thread. Before commercial yarn was obtainable, these belts 
 were woven of native yarn dyed mahogany red and green. Plate 
 xciv shows We'wha, who was. one of the important characters 
 of Zufii, emplo3 T ed in weaving. The picture was made during 
 We'wha's visit to Washington. The dress is inappropriate, being 
 ceremonial. 
 
 BASKETRY 
 
 The Zufiis make for ordinary use a variety of coarse baskets of 
 willows, dogwood, and a plant, Chrysothainnus graveolens, which 
 grows profuselj T over the country. Many of these baskets are deep 
 and are carried in the hand or suspended on the back by a strap 
 passing over the forehead. They also serve as saddle bags. There are 
 winnowing baskets, and small, deep receptacles for collecting grass- 
 hoppers, these insects being sometimes eaten as a delicacy. All the 
 finer bread baskets and ceremonial trays are purchased from the 
 Apache, Hopi, and other Indians. Those of the former are especially 
 prized. It is not that the Zuni women can not make the fine baskets, 
 but it happens in aboriginal life as in civilization that different peo- 
 ples have their specialties, and objects of foreign manufacture are 
 prized 
 
 POTTERY 
 
 The manufacture of pottery is one of the most interesting industries 
 of the Zufiis. Most of the women are potters, the art being learned at 
 an early age, the wee ones working bits of chy by their mothers' sides 
 and the mother often stopping her work to instruct the child; few, 
 however, fuliy understand the meaning of the symbols depicted on 
 the modern ware, and the wisest of them are unable to decipher many 
 of the symbols on the ancient potteiy found in the ruins near by. In 
 
H74 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 like manner the people arc nimble to understand many of the rock 
 carvings which cover the mesa walls in New Mexico and Arizona. 
 
 The black clay used in the manufacture of pottery is obtained on 
 Corn mountain. Jt is also collected from mesas near the farming dis- 
 tricts of Ojo Caliente and Pescado as occasion may require. The same 
 clay is found in many localities, but so strictly do the Zunis adhere 
 to custom that they could not be induced to use clay for such purposes 
 from any other than the localities here mentioned. They declare that 
 the day will never become exhausted, as Mother Earth will supply 
 them as long as they remain pure of heart. 
 
 On one occasion Mr Stevenson and the writer accompanied We'wha 
 to Corn Mountain to obtain clay." On passing a stone heap she 
 picked up a small stone in her left band, and spitting upon it, carried 
 the hand around her head and threw the stone over one shoulder 
 upon the stone heap in order that her strength might not go from her 
 when carrying the heavy load down the mesa. She then visited the 
 shrine at the base of the mother rock and tearing off a bit of her 
 blanket deposited it in one of the tiny pits in the rock as an offering 
 to the mother rock (see plate xna). When she drew near to the clay 
 bed she indicated to Mr Stevenson that he must remain behind, as men 
 never approached the spot. Proceeding a short distance the party 
 reached a point where We'wha requested the writer to remain per- 
 fectly quiet and not talk, saying: "Should we talk, my pottery would 
 crack in the baking, and unless I pray constantly the clay will not 
 appear to me." She applied the hoe vigorously to the hard soil, all 
 the while murmuring prayers to Mother Earth. Nine-tenths of the 
 clay was rejected, every lump being tested between the fingers as to 
 its texture. After gathering about 150 pounds in a blanket, which 
 she carried on her back, with the ends of the blanket tied around her 
 forehead, We'wha descended the steep mesa, apparently unconscious 
 of the weight. 
 
 The only implements used in making pottery are the bottom of a dis- 
 carded water vase and a sort of trowel made of a gourd or a suitable 
 fragment of pottery. No wheel is used, nor is any kind of lathe or 
 revolving support known to these people. The clay is ground to a pow- 
 der and mixed with a small quantity of pulverized pottery, fragments 
 of the latter being carefully hoarded for this purpose. The powder thus 
 compounded is mixed with water enough to make a pasty mass, which is 
 kneaded like dough. The more care taken in pulverizing the material 
 and the more time spent in working it the liner becomes the paste. 
 When the mass reaches such a state of consistency that the lingers can 
 no longer detect the presence of gritty particles it is still more deli- 
 cately tested with the tongue, and when found to be satisfactory it is 
 
 " Tin* nun who collect clay arc the few who adopt woman's dress and do woman's work, and these 
 are always referred to as women. 
 
STEVENSON] ARTS AND INDUiSTRIKS 375 
 
 placed in a vessel and covered with a cloth, where it will retain the 
 moisture until wanted for use. In beginning the work a sufficient 
 quantity is first made into a ball and then hollowed out with the fingers 
 until it assumes a conventional bowl shape, which serves as the founda- 
 tion to be afterward built up and elaborated into any desired shape. 
 The vessel is then formed by the successive additions of strips of the 
 paste long enough to encircle the bowl, each layer being pressed on 
 the brim with the fingers and accurately fitted, the trowel being then 
 skillfully used to finish the joining and to remove all traces of the 
 original separation of the strips. Most of the work of modeling the 
 vessel into its final shape is done on the inside with a trowel, this 
 implement being used on the outside chiefly to smooth the surface. 
 The clay, if it has been properly worked, possesses sufficient tenacity 
 and plasticity to admit of being pressed and scraped without cracking. 
 
 The completed utensil is placed in the sun for a da} r to dry, after 
 which it must be handled carefully until after it is baked. This is 
 nevertheless the state of manufacture in which it is to be decorated. 
 The modern ware is usually painted white, except the cooking vessels, 
 which are unpainted. A white clay is dissolved in water and then 
 made into cones which are dried in the sun. When required for use 
 these cones are rubbed to powder on a stone, again mixed with water, 
 and applied in the liquid state to the object with a rabbit-skin mop. 
 Polishing stones are used to finish the surface. After a thorough 
 drying of this foundation, the designs are painted with brushes made 
 of yucca needles, the pigments having been ground in stone mortars 
 and made into a paste with water to which a sirup of j^ucca fruit is 
 added. "Water from boiled Cleome serrulata (Mexican name waco) 
 is mixed with black pigment (a manganiferons clay containing organic 
 matter) in decorating pottery. Ferruginous cla3 T s which on heating 
 burn to yellow, red, or brown are employed for decorating. 
 
 These potters do not use patterns in molding or decorating their 
 work. In many of the pueblos the pottery is undecorated, the surface 
 being finished in plain red or black. The ware is made of a yellowish 
 clay, in the manner heretofore described, and the vases are placed 
 in the sun, where they remain for some hours. They are then washed 
 with a solution of red ocher, and while wet the process of polishing 
 begins, the woman with untiring energy going over the surface again 
 and again with her polishing stone, every little while passing a wet 
 cloth over the vessel to keep the surface moist. When the polishing is 
 completed, the vessel is again placed in the sun for a short time before 
 receiving its final baking in the oven. When the baking is completed, 
 the vessels that are to retain the reddish color are removed, while those 
 that are to Vie black remain in the ovens, which are then covered with 
 a quantity of loose manure. The fire is so smothered b} r this process 
 as to produce a dense smoke, and it is this smoke absorbed into the 
 
37(3 
 
 THE ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 pottery that produces the black coloring-, no black pigment of any kind 
 being used. While there is no attempt at .surface decoration, many 
 pretty and curious shapes are modeled by the clever potters. There 
 are water jars and bowls with fluted edges, imitations of birds and 
 beasts, and many queer figures. 
 
 "When the Zuni potter has completed the decoration, the articles are 
 ready for baking. A suitable spot out of doors is selected, and if 
 possible a day is chosen when there is no wind to interfere with the 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 Fig. 24 — Old Zuiii vase. 
 
 process, unless it be the regular time for baking pottery during the 
 summer solstice ceremonies. The pieces to be fired are placed upon 
 stones to raise them a few inches from the ground, and an oven of 
 dried manure from the sheep and goat pens is built around and over 
 them. The lire is carefully managed in order to produce a gradual 
 heating, after which the entire mass is subjected to an intense heat 
 until the baking is completed, the process usually requiring one or two 
 hours. A bit of wafer bread is deposited in each vase, so that the 
 spirit of the vase may be fed with the spiritual essence of the bread. 
 
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STEVENSON] 
 
 ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 
 
 377 
 
 It is believed that should a pregnant woman look upon a piece of pot- 
 tery while in process of tiring, it will be marred with a black spot. 
 Thus the Zunis account for the blemishes caused by the smoking of the 
 pottery. 
 
 Much of the modern pottery is decorated with animal forms, with 
 an attempt to depict them as such, while birds and animals in the 
 ancient ware are so highly conventionalized that onry the initiated can 
 determine the original of the motive. Figure 2-i shows a very old 
 vase decorated with conventionalized butterfly and cloud and rain sym- 
 bols, while the more modern style of vases are presented in figure 25. 
 
 Fig. 25 — Modern Zurii vases. 
 
 SILVERSMITHIXG 
 
 The Mexican dollar, owing to its purity, is employed by the silver- 
 smith in preference to the silver dollar of the United States. Native 
 silver is not known to the Zunis, at least at the present time, and ZufTi 
 sages claim that their people never worked in silver or copper before 
 the presence of the Spaniards. With crude implements are manufac- 
 tured elaborate ornaments for bridles, silver belts, and buttons for 
 men, and silver beads, bangles, and rings for women. The furnace, 
 bellows, dies — everything pertaining to the workshop of the silver- 
 smith (see plate xcv) — are of home manufacture, except the files and 
 hammers, and these are carpenters' tools. The silversmith is also the 
 blacksmith and general utility man of the village. 
 
 aSymbolism will be described in a later paper devoted to the subject. 
 
MTS THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.js 
 
 BEAD MAKING 
 
 The more precious beads of the Xufiis of shell, black, red, and white 
 stone are antique, and are not manufactured at present. They still 
 make heads of turquoise, white shells, preferably the olive-shell, and 
 spoudylus princeps. They also color shells red in imitation of the 
 last-named shell. Though the turquoises are sometimes ground to 
 correspond to the white shell beads, the stones are usually left in the 
 form in which they are secured. Coral heads are purchased from 
 traders and vary somewhat in form, though they are generally cylin- 
 drical or round. The ancient stone beads are as a rule cylindrical; 
 some few are flat. The white shell beads are flat." 
 
 The process of bead making is long and tedious. Shells are broken 
 into bits and each piece is rubbed on a stone slab until it is of the 
 desired thinness. The more delicate the bead the more valuable it is. 
 After each piece has passed through the rubbing process it is laid to 
 one side until there are enough pieces to form a string of beads; then 
 the boring is begun (see plate xevi). As each stone is pierced it is 
 usually slipped on a string for safe-keeping until the boring is com- 
 pleted, when the irregular pieces are rubbed separately on the stone 
 to form them into symmetrical disks less than one-eighth of an inch 
 in diameter. From four to six strings form a necklace. The coral 
 beads are sprinkled among the turquoise and the more numerous 
 white shell beads. The beads never reach the end of the string; a 
 ringers length is left bare of beads. The older necklaces, which were 
 more carefully made than the modern ones, are very valuable, a single 
 string bringing a number of horses. 
 
 WAGON MAKING 
 
 The only commercial wagon in Zufii is owned by Mr Graham, the 
 agent. The Indian wagon is of home manufacture, although of Spanish 
 origin (see plate xcvn). The wheels are heavy blocks, carved in the 
 rudest fashion; the bed is composed of beams or poles and the sides 
 of slender poles. The structure is lined, when necessary, with hide. 
 It is drawn by oxen, and the whole is of the most primitive character.* 
 
 AlOTIOXEERING 
 
 Auctioneering with the Zunis is quite as much of a feature as it is 
 with civilized people, and the auctioneer is a conspicuous character. 
 When the larder becomes overstocked with some varieties of food and 
 is deficient in others, the head of the household looks anxiously for 
 
 a \ i'uir specimen of a cylindrical turquoise bead throe-fourths inch in length, found at a ruin near 
 the Zuili salt lake, was secured lor the National Museum. 
 
 '■ Mr Stevenson ured one of these wagons from a Rio Grande pueblo for the National Museum 
 
 at Washington 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVI 
 
 a BEAD MAKING 
 
 ' "" " 
 
 b BEAD-MAKER'S FAMILY 
 
o 
 < 
 
stevexsos] ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 379 
 
 the announcement that the auctioneer is to give his services to those 
 in need of them. The time being arranged for the sale, the auction 
 occurs in the great plaza (see plate xcvin). The following is a 
 description of an auction which lasted three days, observed by the 
 writer in 1896: Early in the morningthe auctioneer placed a bunch of 
 yellow blossoms in the center of the plaza and covered it with a conical 
 cooking vessels no one being present but the auctioneer and the writer. 
 "What was under the vessel was a secret, and the flowers were not 
 removed until everyone had left the plaza in the evening. At 10 
 o'clock in the morning the women began bringing in their wares. 
 Bowls and baskets were deposited about the inverted cooking vessel. 
 These contained wheat flour, dried peaches, beans, squash which had 
 been cut into strips and dried, and other- articles of food. Burros 
 sometimes found their way to the sale and got their noses into the 
 baskets before they could be driven away. Though only the women 
 were supposed to be interested in the auction, a number of men sat 
 about with their knitting. The auctioneer set forth the good qualities 
 of the article for sale, stated what the owner wished in exchange for 
 it, and with his ready tongue soon enticed a purchaser. He frequently 
 sold an article within thirty seconds after it was brought to the plaza. 
 Payment was made at once, and the traders left the plaza to return in 
 a short time with the vessels, which go back to their owners. 
 
 The auctioneer, an aged man with white hair, had served long at the 
 business and would have been considered a model one in any com- 
 munity. He was kept busy on this occasion from morning until night. 
 He received no compensation for his services except innumerable 
 invitations to eat." 
 
 RECENT CHANGES IN ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 
 
 Mr Stevenson, during his first visit to the Zunis in 1879, inaugurated 
 many changes for the better. Window panes, candles, lamps, and silver- 
 smiths" implements were introduced, and larger doors were made. 
 Each Indian who aided in making boxes for packing the Government 
 collection received enough lumber to make a door, the Indians being 
 taught to make the doors and hang them. Improvements progressed 
 slowly from that time to 1902, since which date great strides have been 
 made in certain directions; but in 1904 the people were found to be in 
 a deplorable condition morally. 
 
 While the ceilings of the older houses are low, those of the newer 
 ones, or of such as have undergone renovation, are high. The finer 
 houses are now built entirely of stone, quarried a few miles from 
 Zufli. An ax and chisel are the only means adopted for quarrying, 
 
 ? This system of trading is said by the Zunis to have existed long before the invasion of the 
 Spaniards, and it is practiced in all the pueblos. 
 
.".St I THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 
 
 sometimes the ax alone being' used. Shingles made by the Zufii car- 
 penter take the place of the willow boughs across the beams of the 
 ceiling, and the rooms are much larger. The women still do much of 
 the work in the construction of houses. 
 
 Large, sometimes double, windows with curtains, doors with locks, 
 and china closets are much in fashion at present. Enameled iron bed- 
 steads are to be found in a few houses, while a number of families 
 have chairs and tables. The table is introduced rather as an ornament, 
 as they prefer to serve their meals in the old-fashioned way on the 
 floor. The writer has observed but two families eating from tables. 
 A number of small heating and cooking stoves are in use, and yeast- 
 powder bread baked in the stove is fast taking- the place of bread 
 prepared in the native manner. 
 
 Soap was introduced in 1879 in the hope that the Zunis would wash 
 their cotton clothes, and the writer undertook the task of instruction. 
 She selected as a pupil a man who had adopted woman's dress and who 
 was known to be the strongest, most active, and most progressive 
 Indian in the tribe; but he was averse to the work, and at first refused 
 to wash. He looked on in silence for a time while the writer worked. 
 Never having had any experience in that work herself, she soon had 
 most of the water from the tub on the floor and was drenched to the skin. 
 The pupil exclaimed: " You do not understand that which you would 
 teach. You do not understand as much as the missionary's wife; she 
 keeps the water in the tub and does not make a river on the floor. Let 
 me take your place." Ironing time came, only to find the pupil still 
 more averse. He declared he had learned enough and would never 
 learn to iron. But he was finally persuaded to go on with the work. 
 Many weeks passed, however, before he would wash and iron without 
 constant urging. Finally he began to realize that he was accumulating 
 silver dollars from the members of the expedition. Then he declared 
 that he would become a good laundrvman and would go to Fort Win- 
 gate and wash for the captains' families. This man ultimately became 
 as celebrated as a Chinese laundrvman, his own cleanly apparel being 
 his advertising card, and was called upon not only by the officers' 
 families at the garrison, but by the white settlers near and far. Others 
 of the tribe concluded that they, too, would wash their clothes, and 
 consequently a great change for the better took place. 
 
 Laundering, which is carried on extensive^ at the present time, is 
 not confined to either sex; the men wash their own clothes, and the 
 women launder for their children and themselves. Only a few work 
 for the whites, the men wearing female attire being preferred to the 
 women on account of their strength and endurance. 
 
 The Zunis sell their wool and buy blankets and quilts, so that the 
 bed blankets so extensively woven Iry them in past years are no longer 
 to be seen. Weaving needles made of tin cans are used instead of the 
 bone needle of earlier days. 
 
stevensos] ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 381 
 
 The art of dyeing is virtually lost. Gussets in sleeves and trousers 
 have been introduced, and whenever the men can raise mone}' for the 
 purpose, they have come to wear European dress, including hats and 
 shoes. Now even the baby boy who has not a hat is quite out of the 
 fashion. Aboriginal women are much slower than the men to adopt 
 new styles, hut in 1902 many of the Zuiii women were to be seen 
 wearing a full cotton skirt and blouse waist, such as the Navaho women 
 have worn in warm weather for years. The women now do much of 
 the sewing, and some few are the happy possessors of sewing machines. 
 The artistic pottery is supplanted to a great extent by stone china 
 washbowls, used for serving food as well as for bathing, and by cheap 
 china and glass dishes. The potteiy made at present is very inferior, 
 and is ordered in large quantities b} T traders to supply the demands of 
 trade. The modern pottery collected by Mr Stevenson in previous 
 years for the National Museum can well be regarded as belonging to 
 the past. In addition to their poor pottery the Zuiiis are making 
 baskets colored with diamond dyes in imitation of the fine basket 
 work of the Hopi pueblo of Oraibi, and sad to relate- the beautiful 
 coloring of the Hopi baskets has been supplanted by diamond dyes. 
 No one in Zuiii who can buy flour now grinds wheat. Lard, yeast 
 powder, coffee, and white sugar have become staple articles with the 
 Zuiiis. 
 
 While the people themselves are slowl} r but gradually improving 
 their condition of living, they are having a hard struggle to preserve 
 the live stock which they labored so industriously to secure. The 
 goodly supply of horses and cattle found in Zuiii in 1879 dwindled 
 to a small number, owing to the deprepations not only of Navahos 
 and Mexicans, but also of some of the white settlers in the country. 
 They have been more fortunate with the sheep and goats, as the ever- 
 watchful eye of the herder has prevented inroads upon them except 
 from time to time by the Navahos. More recently their horses and 
 cattle as well as sheep have increased. 
 
 The wheat fields are now largely protected by barbed-wire fencing, 
 and when the dam now being constructed by the Government is 
 finished the Zuiii problem of living will be settled; but alas, the 
 Zuiii as a man and good citizen has fallen far below what he was 
 before he came into intimate contact with civilized man. In 1879 no 
 amount of money could have purchased a genuine Zuiii mask, and not 
 for the world would they have manufactured a bogus specimen, so 
 great was their dread of offending their gods. It was not until 1896 
 that the writer was able to collect any of the masks of these people. 
 Through her long acquaintance with the priests and their attachment 
 to her she then succeeded in securing nine choice specimens. At 
 present the less orthodox men will manufacture almost an} T thing a 
 collector ma} - desire. Spurious ancient fetishes are made by the 
 
382 THE ZXTNI INDIANS [eth. ask. 23 
 
 sackful and passed off as genuine. So it is also with masks and altars. 
 Any number of fraudulent objects may be obtained at the prices set 
 by the clever Indians. 
 
 The village as a whole has undergone considerable change since 
 1879. The corrals which were immediately around the village, almost 
 at the doors, have been removed to a distance. The walls of the old 
 Spanish church are nearly gone. In 1879 the walls of this church 
 were in a fair state of preservation and parti}' roofed. The two 
 bells, rune- },y striking with stone hammers, which hung in the bel- 
 fry are in the care of one of the Zufii theurgists. The lone cotton- 
 wood tree which long stood in the village has disappeared. The 
 streets are now kept in much better condition than formerly. The gen- 
 eral improvement in living is due principally to additional trading- 
 stations scattered through the country. The adoption of foreign 
 ways, however, has brought with it the evils of intoxication and 
 trickery in dealing with the white man, whom tbey delight to lie to 
 and cheat, though among themselves the Zunis are still honest. They 
 are as secretive as ever concerning their religion and rituals, and they 
 are as far from Christ ianization as before the Spaniard set foot in 
 their land. The few who attend the Christian services do so with no 
 real understanding of what the services mean. One marriage has been 
 solemnized by a Protestant minister. The girl is Nina, the grand- 
 daughter of Nai'uchi formerly elder brother Bow priest. Though 
 Nina at one time showed with much pride her marriage certificate 
 given her by the minister who performed the marriage ceremony, 
 realizing- that it was something her Zufii sisters did not possess, 
 she had no real conception of Christianity. In 1904 the certificate 
 was destroyed, that both Nina and her husband should be rid of 
 Christianity. 
 
 The writer named Nina when she was 4 years of age, and started 
 her to school, exacting a promise from Nai'uchi that he would compel 
 her regular attendance. This promise was solemnly kept, though 
 Nina many times begged to be allowed to leave school. After several 
 years of regular instruction she understood considerable English, and 
 later grew to have remarkable command of the language, which she 
 still retains, though she has come in contact with Americans but little 
 since she left school. When asked by the writer in 1902 how she 
 remembered English so well when she saw so few Americans, she 
 replied: " I make two people of myself and I talk to myself."" 
 
 Although there had been a school at the pueblo since 1876, the few 
 other Zufiis who spoke any English in ISOti were men who had acquired 
 a meager knowledge of the language as they came into communication 
 with explorers and others, and the adopted child of a teacher. The 
 
 «Tu'mnka. a man who was taught when a boy by Mr Graham, many years a trader at Zulu, and 
 now agent to these people, has a good understanding of English. 
 
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stevensonI PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS 383 
 
 writer observed a great improvement in 1902. . Many of the school 
 children could make themselves understood in English, and the men, 
 from more frequent association with the whites, had made sufficient 
 progress in the language to protect to some extent, their rights in 
 trading. In 1904 a still larger number of Zuiiis had more or less 
 command of English. 
 
 PHYSICAL CHARACTERS 8 
 
 As a rule the forms of the Zuiiis are symmetrical and their carriage 
 graceful. The women are small, with shapely limbs, hands, and 
 feet. Many are handsome in their youth, but they grow corpulent 
 at an early age. When the laughing eyes of youth become somewhat 
 dimmed by years, they acquire a kind, mother^ expression. In 1879 
 seven albinos were found amond the Zunis. Mr Stevenson with diffi- 
 culty gathered six of the albinos in a group and secured a photograph 
 of them (see plate xcix). The mother of an infant albino could not 
 be prevailed upon to allow her child to be photographed. Indeed, 
 these people are so sensitive of their condition that they avoid the 
 presence of strangers, and while the men ma}^ stand their ground, the 
 women and children, especially the latter, flee from the "Americano." 
 The writer has seen several of the children grow to girlhood and 
 womanhood. A birth of an albino child occurred in 1896. These 
 people have light, decidedly yellowish hair and complexions of decided 
 delicacy. They all have weak eyes, and their vision is so affected by 
 the absence of choroid pigment that they are obliged to protect their 
 eyes, which always become inflamed from ordinaiy daylight. When 
 out of doors the albino men wear hats, when they can be secured, and 
 the women cover their faces with blankets and peep through the 
 smallest openings. The statement that albinos are compelled to live 
 apart from the others of the tribe is erroneous, and none of them are 
 debarred from religious or social privileges. In no instance has an 
 albino parent an albino child, and no two of them belong to the same 
 family. The adults are each married to a dark-haired Indian, and 
 they have healthy offspring. 
 
 The writer is under obligations to Dr Ales Hrdlicka, curator of 
 physical anthropology in the United States National Museum, who in 
 1900 visited aud examined many of the Zuiiis, for the following notes, 
 in the proportions and features of the peoples: 
 
 The Zuiiis show a considerable variation in stature, but maybe described as below 
 medium height. Among 60 adult men, 5 per cent measured 150tol55 cm. in height; 
 23.3 per cent, 155 to 160 cm.; 26.7 per cent, 160 to 165 cm.; 31.7 per cent, 165 to 
 170 cm.; and 13.3 per cent, 170 to 175 cm. 
 
 Among 49 men with undeformed heads only 5 had a cephalic index below 77; in 
 12 it was between 77 and 80, and in 32, or 65 per cent, it was above 80. Thus the 
 tribe maybe considered as predominately brachycephalic, with a considerable varia- 
 
 aThe extreme isolation oi the Zunis has preserved a strong individuality. 
 
384 THE ZUNI INDIANS [ETH. ann. 23 
 
 tion. There are indications that this variation is largely due to an early admixture 
 of a dolichocephalic people. 
 
 The face is usually of moderate dimensions, with more less prominent cheek bones. 
 The average bizygomatic breadth in the men is 14. 3 cm. ; average height from chin to 
 nasion, 11.5 cm.; average height of forehead from nasion to hairline, 7 em. The 
 nose is rather short, with an average nasal index of S2. The nasal bridge is mostly 
 moderately convex <>r concavo-convex. The mouth is rather large; the lips vary 
 from medium to well-developed, in the European standard. Alveolar prognathism 
 is mostly pronounced, but facial prognathism is small. The angles of the lower jaw 
 are often quite prominent in the male. 
 
 The body is generally well developed, and shows more uniformity than in whites. 
 In :l nut ..f the 60 men examined there was a tendency to obesity. In women this is 
 more frequent, but the corpulence very seldom reaches a degree at which it would 
 become uncomfortable. The average chest diameters in men, at nipple height, are: 
 Depth, 21.4 cm.; breadth, 32.9 cm. The limbs show ordinary muscularity. The arm 
 expanse in men exceeds the height on the average by 4.7 cm. The sitting height is, 
 in males, on the average, 52.3 per cent of the stature. The calf is generally smaller 
 than in whites, and the hands and feet are of moderate dimensions. 
 
 The physical characteristics of the Zunis identify this tribe closely with the Hopis 
 and the majority of the other Pueblos. There is also some physical relation to the 
 Navahos, and, farther south, to many of the peoples who spoke the Nahuatlan 
 language. 
 
 The several albinos who were examined showed nothing abnormal in their meas- 
 urements. 
 
 MEDICAL PKACTICE 
 
 The belief held by some students that the therapeutics of the North 
 American Indians is associated altogether with occultism is erroneous. 
 Though the practice of the Zunis is to a large extent fetishistic. it 
 is rich in legitimate drugs. Some of these drugs are employed in 
 conjunction with theurgism; but frequently medicines are administered 
 both internally and externally in the most matter-of-fact way without 
 prayers or incantations, not only by the old women, who know various 
 plant medicines, but also by the professional man or woman, who is 
 always a theurgist of some esoteric fraternity. 
 
 Some of the Zufii medicines are administered in accordance with the 
 doctrine of signatures, in conjunction with prayers and other cere- 
 monies. Others are the medicines of the Beast Gods of the six regions, 
 snake medicine, ant medicine, medicine of the feathered kingdom, and 
 te'nas'sali, the mythical medicine plant which is said to bear blossoms 
 of the colors of the six regions. While these medicines, which are 
 mainly plants, are used in conjunction with fetishes of the animals to 
 which they belong, they are generally of real medicinal value. Mas- 
 sage is extensively practiced, and the masseur or masseuse is most 
 proficient. 
 
 For any complicated or mysterious trouble, or one which does not 
 yield readily to legitimate medicine, some higher power than man must 
 be called upon to eradicate the disease "shot" into the person by 
 witchcraft. In such cases the Beast Gods act through their agents, the 
 
stevenson] MEDICAL PRACTICE 385 
 
 theurgists, who have great influence, the patient and the family show- 
 ing every confidence in their doctor, who selects some one against whom 
 he harbors animosity as the destroyer of the health of his patient. 
 The patient also, or a member of the family, may accuse some man or 
 woman as the witch who "shot" the medicine into him. The practices 
 of the theurgists are fully described in the section relating to witch- 
 craft and esoteric fraternities. 
 
 There can be no doubt of the use of antiseptics among these primitive 
 people antedating the modern practice of surgery. What the scien- 
 tific man learns through investigation and experiment, aboriginal man 
 discovers by accident and chance experience. The Indian's treat- 
 ment is blindly empiric. He does not understand why his medicine 
 cures: he simply knows that it does cure, and he attributes the cause 
 to some divine power. He applies the antiseptic without bathing his 
 hands or the parts affected, and the wound is usuallj covered with a 
 soiled cloth. He does a part, however, and nature completes the work. 
 
 Bacteriology teaches that disease is to a large extent the result of 
 microbes: the Zuni theurgists declare disease generally to be caused 
 by foreign life "'shot" into the body by witches. Roentgen learned 
 to illuminate the bones and viscera with X raj's; the Zuni theurgist 
 holds a crystal in the light immediateh T before his patient that he may 
 see into the flesh and locate the disease. It can not be said whether 
 the Zuni women ever had a struggle to enter the field of medicine, but 
 to-day some of the most successful practitioners, both in legitimate 
 medicine and in theurgy, are women, though the} 7 are much fewer 
 than the men. Some of the male theurgists are successful in certain 
 kinds of surgery, especially in the treatment of fractures and disloca- 
 tions. 
 
 In 1S79 the writer discovered that the Zufiis employed a narcotic, 
 but she failed to secure specimens of the drug until 1902, which was 
 then found to be Datura stramonium, jimson weed. The mention of 
 the original discovery caused remark at the time, some ethnologists 
 declaring that though the North American Indians had intoxicants, 
 they were entirely ignorant of narcotics. Mr James Mooney, of the 
 Bureau of American Ethnology, who observed the use of the pej'ote 
 plant with ceremonial forms among the Kiovvas and other tribes of 
 the southern plains southward into Mexico, was the first to bring, in 
 1891, the plant and ceremony to scientific attention. He supplied the 
 late Dr D. W. Prentiss with a quantity of this plant, and after manj r 
 careful experiments with it Doctor Prentiss administered it to his 
 patients as an anesthetic with most favorable results. The Zufiis do 
 not know the peyote, but they use the jimson weed, which the}' 
 call a'neglakya, both as a narcotic and externally for wounds and 
 bruises. The blossoms and root ground to a powder are applied 
 externally. This plant is of still further value to the Zufiis, for when 
 23 eth— 04 25 
 
380 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.-J3 
 
 the rain priests go out at night to commune with the feathered 
 kingdom they put a 1 >i t of this powdered root into their eyes, 
 ears, and mouth that the birds may not lie afraid and will listen to 
 them when they pray to the birds to sing- for the rains to come. A 
 small piece of the root is chewed when one wishes to commune with the 
 spirits of the dead that rains may come. The following is the legend 
 associated with this plant: " In the olden time when the A'shiwi were 
 near Ko'thluwala'wa (abiding place of the Council of the Gods) a 
 brother and sister — the boy's name was A'neglakya, and the girl's 
 name was A'neglakya'si'sa. — were always walking about the country 
 and looking everywhere and seeing everything, and w T ere always tell- 
 ing their mother what they saw. This was not pleasing to Kow'wi- 
 tuina and AYats'usi, the Divine Ones, and the two were banished into 
 the earth and they became the plant which bears their name. They 
 have many plant children. Some of the blossoms are all white, others 
 are tinted with blue, while others are edged with yellow, blue, or red."' 
 
 A'neglakya belongs to all of the rain priests and to the directors of 
 the Little Fire and Cimex fraternities. Only those to whom the plant 
 belongs are privileged to collect it. Four prayer plumes are made by 
 one who is to gather the plants. One offering is to A'neglakya, one 
 to A'neglakya'si'sa. and two to ancestors. The four prayer plumes are 
 planted the depth of the arm in an excavation made with an ancient 
 bean planter at daylight on the morning the plant is to be collected. 
 
 The writer observed Nai'uchi, the celebrated theurgist of the Little 
 Fire fraternity, administer the narcotic previous to operating upon a 
 woman's breast. The abscess was cut with a flint lancet, the wound 
 was probed with the index finger and the pus forced out. The patient 
 slept placidly through the operation, which would otherwise have been 
 most painful, and when she awoke there was no evidence that she had 
 been under the influence of a drug. 
 
 A'neglakya is sometimes administered by a rain priest when one 
 wishes to recover stolen property. The rain priest is received at night 
 in an inner room in the house of the man who lost his property. He 
 sits alone without lire or light, and the room is dark. The man wears 
 a new white cotton shirt and trousers and new blue knitted leggings. 
 No head-kerchief or moccasins are worn. His hair is done in the 
 usual style. A pallet is spread on the floor. The rain priest sits 
 before the man, and taking a bit of the root of a'neglakya from the 
 palm of his left hand places it in the man's mouth with the words: "'I 
 give this medicine to my child that he may become hiili'shoti (intoxi- 
 cated)" and see the one who has robbed him." The man then lies on the 
 pullet, and the rain priest retires to a front room and sits by the com- 
 municating door, which he closes, and continues to listen attentively 
 during the night. He does not smoke, as A'neglakya does not like 
 
 a The Ziniis use the same word for insanity. 
 
stevensox] MEDICAL PRACTICE 387 
 
 smoking at this time, and he is all alone. He hears the man walking 
 about at intervals and is careful to catch every word he utters. The 
 name which the man calls during the time he is under the influence of 
 the medicine is that of the thief. At daylight the rain priest returns 
 to the inner room to find the man either lying down or walking about. 
 He wakens the man by grabbing his arm and leads him into the front 
 room, where they sit side by side facing east, and the rain priest 
 relates what he heard during the night and tells the man that the 
 name he called is that of the thief. The man denies all recollection of 
 what passed during the night. He is instructed by the rain priest to 
 call upon the rogue and demand his property. The rain priest then 
 makes a tire and heats water and has the man drink a quantity, which 
 induces vomiting. The dose of warm water is repeated four times 
 with the same results, that all the a'neglakya taken the previous night 
 may be thrown up. The rain priest then leaves the man alone, but 
 returns in a short time with his wife and other female members of 
 the family who prepare \"ucca suds and wash the man's head, while 
 he kneels on a blanket, and the rain priest sits behind him with a 
 hand on either shoulder. The man's family may be present at this 
 ceremony, but the}' take no part in it. After the head is washed, the 
 rain priest gives four ears of corn tied together, calico, and other 
 presents, according to his wealth or generosity. The corn is planted 
 the coming season separateby from other corn. The women return to 
 their house and bring food which they prepared during the night, 
 which is eaten by all present. After the repast, the loser of the prop- 
 erty goes to the house of the person whom he named when intoxicated 
 and demands his property, saying: "I saw you when I was drunk 
 with a'neglakya." If the accused is guilty, he returns the property, 
 for he would be afraid to keep it and thus offend A'neglakva. 
 
 For treating a patient outside the ceremonial chamber the Zuiii 
 doctor is paid according to his reputation, but there is no charge when 
 the patient is treated during a meeting of an esoteric fraternity. 
 Like the civilized physician, the Zuni doctor does not practice in his 
 own family, except in rare instances when the theurgist has great 
 faith in his ability and feels that he can save the life of the dear one. 
 
 A case of pneumonia developed on October 20, 1895, and continued 
 six weeks, with severe fever, leaving the man very weak, and with an 
 ugly cough. He was anxious to be placed in the care of the writer, 
 but the jealousy of the officiating theurgist prevented any other treat- 
 ment than his own. The theurgist, on his arrival, took a seat by the 
 patient and requested that a basket tray be brought to him. He then 
 took the hand of the patient and made inquiries regarding his condi- 
 tion. He removed a cougar fetish and several small bags of medicine 
 from his pouch and deposited them in the basket; then, holding the 
 fetish between his hands, which he carried close to his lips, he made a 
 
.'iSS THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 long prayer, so low us not to be heard. Laying the fetish in the 
 basket, he took a minute quantity of medicine from two of the bags 
 and deposited it in a bowl of cold water, stirring the water with a 
 hollow reed; then he held the bowl close to the patient, who took six 
 swallows of the medicine through the reed. The blanket covering 
 was then turned down, exposing the chest of the patient. A small 
 quantity of the medicine was again taken from each bag and this was 
 run in four perpendicular lines over the chest and down the lym- 
 phatics; then both cars were touched with the medicine. The the- 
 urgist did not cease praying while handling the medicine. Contin- 
 uing to pray for power to restore his patient to health, he took the 
 fetish and medicine bags into his right hand and touched them to 
 the right shoulder, the head, and the left shoulder of the patient. 
 The diet was confined to a small quantity of bread and commercial tea 
 without sugar for the first four da} T s, during which time the Beast 
 Gods of the four regions were appealed to and the fetish medicines 
 were used. After this the patient was permitted to eat as he chose. 
 For the first ten days the pulse was 120; and afterward it was never 
 less than 110 during the six weeks of the fever, and the cough with 
 constant expectoration caused the patient great suffering and almost 
 reduced him to a skeleton. 
 
 The bod}'' was usually exposed to the waist, as it is not considered 
 well to be covered when the skin is hot. During rainy and cold 
 weather the sick man was often left without fire, especially at night, 
 when the room, which was small, became intenseby cold. On Novem- 
 ber 2 the patient was carried in a blanket through the snow to his 
 mother's house, where he could have a larger and more comfortable 
 room; and the mother had Na'iuchi and others of the Little Fire 
 fraternity called in to use their efforts in curing her son. The cere- 
 mony was similar to that held by the Kia'kwemosi and other members 
 of the U'huhukwe fraternity over a smallpox patient." The day fol- 
 lowing the fourth and last night of the ceremonies of the members of 
 the Little Fire fraternity the patient claimed to feel much improved, 
 though the pulse was 105; eight days later the pulse was 90, the cough 
 slightly better. After six weeks of this low condition the patient 
 began to mend, and at the end of the eighth week he was able to be 
 about, but the cough remained when the writer left in January. 
 
 A most distressing case of lvysteria was witnessed b v v the writer. A 
 beautiful .young girl, about 12 years of age, had suffered for five 
 weeks, the cause being suppression of the menses. Her family attrib- 
 uted the trouble to witchcraft, and no sooner was the girl brought 
 from her mother's farm at Ojo Caliente to Zufii than a prominent 
 theurgist was summoned, and no time was lost in bringing the accused 
 
 "Seep. 527. 
 
stevenson] MEDICAL PRACTICE 389 
 
 wizard to trial. The tribunal met on the night of the arrival of the 
 child. This trial is full}- described in the section on witchcraft. The 
 writer, who was called to the house of the invalid soon after her 
 arrival, endeavored to take the pulse, but found this impossible, 
 though the little sufferer, who was rational and deeply attached to 
 the writer, made every effort to keep the emaciated arm quiet. She 
 rolled and tossed, pulled at her hair and throat, and threw her arms 
 wildly about, her legs moving as violently as her arms. Her head 
 was never quiet for a moment. The loving family took turns in 
 gently holding her on the pallet. First the mother, then the father 
 at intervals appealed to the writer to help their poor child. After 
 many efforts the writer succeeded in taking the pulse of the girl on 
 the third evening after her return to Zuni, and found it to be 110. It 
 was still necessary for her to be held on the bed. She slept but little, 
 and the liquid nourishment prepared by the writer was given to her 
 from the mouth of her mother in small quantities until the eleventh 
 day. when there was a slight change for the better. The pulse was 
 now 90, but on the twelfth day it rose to 100. On the night of that 
 day the writer found the patient eating cold boiled potatoes, and on 
 the following day she was indulged with unripe watermelon, which 
 she seemed to enjoy greatly. The menses appeared on the thirteenth 
 day. and the pulse was reduced to 80. The patient continued gradu- 
 ally to improve until her health was fully restored. The writer could 
 not discover that any other than fetishistic medicines were adminis- 
 tered to this girl. 
 
 Ouce, while the writer was deep in the mysteries of theurgism with 
 Na'iuchi, an elderly woman hurried into the room and with streaming 
 eyes and trembling voice urged the great theurgist to come to the 
 bedside of her dying grandchild. Not a moment was to be lost if the 
 life of this wee one, so precious to the parents and grandparents, was 
 to be saved. The writer accompanied Na'iuchi, who closely followed 
 the grandmother, and thej r found the infant, who was 18 months old, 
 lying on a pallet in a comatose condition. The fond mother, half 
 reclining by its side, looked the picture of despair. With tears rolling 
 down her face she greeted the doctor and implored him to save the 
 life of her child. Na'iuchi at once began his work. Taking his seat 
 at the left of the child, he manipulated the entire body in the most 
 heroic manner, giving special attention to the stomach and abdomen. 
 The infant was not exposed to the air, as is usually the case during 
 such treatment, Na'iuchi seeming to understand that the body must 
 be kept warm with the blanket covering. In a few seconds after he 
 began his treatment a faint wail from the child was heard, and later the 
 groans from the little one were distressing to listen to; yet the mother 
 
390 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ANN. 23 
 
 sat by without saving- one word to the theurgist," and there was not 
 even an expression of concern on his face for the pain he was inflicting 
 upon the child. No medicine was used in this case, which appeared 
 to the writer, on entering the room, to be an entirely hopeless one. 
 Within an hour the patient was restored to its normal condition of 
 health, and on the following morning the writer observed the infant 
 on the back of its mother eating green watermelon, which seems not 
 to have induced a return of cholera infantum. 
 
 In another case treated by Na'iuchi the child, though very low, was 
 not in a comatose state. He remained but a short time with the little 
 one. manipulating it as described above, and then left, saying: ' ; I 
 must go now to my fraternity, but will soon return." After an hour 
 he went to his home, and securing medicine, made another visit to the 
 infant. He mixed the medicine, which wa- an emetic, with warm 
 water and administered a small quantity at a time by dipping a reed 
 into the water and putting it to the child's mouth. After doing thus 
 .several times, Na'iuchi again left, giving instructions to the mother 
 about repeating the dose. About two hours after the doctor departed, 
 the infant, after copious vomiting, was found much improved and 
 enjoying nourishment from the mother's breast. 
 
 Massage is the treatment for rheumatism, and sheep chips heated 
 before the tire and sprinkled with water, which are used for any trouble 
 that may be relieved by steady heat, are applied externally, one cake 
 of the manure being kept by the fire while another is in use. 
 
 In 1896 the writer became interested in a child of 9 years afflicted 
 with curvature of the spine. This child fell from a ladder when she 
 was 5 years old, injuring her back, and she had been growing worse 
 since the accident. ■ She had a beautiful face and was so patient and 
 gentle that she won the heart of the writer, and the two became fast 
 friends. At this time there was no appearance of abscess. In 1902 
 the writer returned to Zuiii and found her little friend, who was then 
 15, suffering from a large lumbar abscess with probable caries of the 
 vertebrae. The girl's face, though still beautiful, bore evidence of 
 great suffering. She was colorless and emaciated, but with it all a 
 most patient little sufferer. Her sad face and ever gentle bearing 
 were profoundly touching. An incision had been made for the pur- 
 pose of drainage, beginning in the lumbar region about 1$ inches 
 above the crest of the pelvis at the outer side of the spinal column and 
 running diagonally downward and forward to the inner side of the 
 anterior superior spine of the ilium and continuing forward along the 
 groin for nearly its entire extent. The wound was packed with a mix- 
 
 " The writer lias never known a member of a family to interfere in the slightest degree with the 
 treatment of the theurgist. It may be here stated that no preeaution whatever is taken to prevent 
 cholera infantum anions the Zufii children. As soon as an infant is able to hold anything in its 
 hand the probability is that it will be sucking or biting on something not less harmful, perhaps, than 
 a piece of unripe watermelon. 
 
steven- v; MEDICAL PRACTICE 391 
 
 tare of pifion gum. Iwmel- of <i|iui-li seeds, and mutton grease, and a 
 cotton bandage of many thicknesses was wrapped around the body. 
 The writer, wishing to render such relief as was possible, railed upon 
 Doctor Wood, of the Indian Service, who had been sent from the 
 Indian school at Albuquerque to treat diphtheria." 
 
 After a >hort call upon the child the doctor left her to visit the diph- 
 theria patients while the writer attended to having the wound cleansed 
 for his inspection. The work assigned her w;b not an easy task. The 
 parents of the child, who were in great distress over her suffering, 
 ^ere ready to obey instructions, but other members of the farnily 
 feared to give offense to the doctor who was treating her. Their 
 opposition was finally overcome by the suggestion that the Zufii and 
 American doctors meet and discuss the case. The father of the inva- 
 lid at once hastened for the medicine man. who. on his arrival, made 
 positive objection to any interference on the part of the American 
 doctor. His scruples were overcome, however, and he placed the 
 little sufferer over hi- knee, face downward. A doctress who was 
 present heated water, and the process of cleansing the wound began. 
 After applying the crushed kernels of squash seeds moistened in the 
 mouth to soften the pifion gum. the doctor inserted his forefinger into 
 the wound and drew out the gum. Some time was required to remove 
 all of the packing, and a heart of stone would have been touched at 
 the sound of the feeble moans and cries of the child. It seemed as 
 if she must succumb to the supreme agony. Doctor Wood on his 
 return found that the wound had been thoroughly freed of the gum 
 and bathed with warm water and soap. He knew that the patient 
 - oeyond even temporary improvement and that all he could 
 hope to do was to make the remaining hours as comfortable as j 
 ble. He sprinkled the wound with boracic acid and wrapped it with 
 tic gauze. After a time a faint smile brightened the face of the 
 sufferer as she whispered to the writer: " I feel as if I had never been 
 sick, the pain is so little now." And so this little soldier, who had 
 endured so much, lay in comparative comfort and peace for two days. 
 when she fell into her everlasting sleep, leaving her ""Washington 
 mother " to tell of her beauty of person and soul. 
 
 Another interesting case of primitive surgery was that of a Hopi 
 Indian who had been married many years to a Zufii woman. He fell 
 from a wagon and broke his left jaw. The inferior maxillary hone 
 was removed, leaving a fistular opening in the cheek opposite the lobe 
 of the ear. the rim of the opening having completely cicatrized when 
 
 a Doc-. : - 
 
 ■ ring 
 
 msrxoctioos. As the medicine man il 
 
 Baienproiesse? tofcncni - i ine tnrtfaTm 
 
 - „ : _ r - . l~ — _-_i : : : 
 
392 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 seen by the writer. The niiiii in conversation or when eating pressed 
 his band against the opening. 
 
 The writer has observed one case of dislocated kneecap for which 
 splints and bandages were used — that of a child 6 years of age. In 
 plate c a mother and two children are shown. The elder child with 
 the right leg in splints is the one suffering from dislocated kneecap. 
 
 The Ne'wekwe (Galaxy) fraternity are famous for curing the bite of 
 the rattlesnake. A man suffering from a wound must remain alone 
 in a room, for should he chance to see a woman nourishing her infant 
 he would surely die. A combination of three roots is chewed by the 
 medicine man and applied to the wound. The patient also chews the 
 roots. It is believed that if clouds gather after one is bitten, he is 
 more likely to die, for then the snakes go about vigorously and the 
 limbs swell to the heart; but if the sun shines hot, the snakes are lazy, 
 and in four davs the one bitten will be well. 
 
 WITCHCRAFT 
 
 Belief in witchcraft seems to be universal among the Indian tribes, 
 and no great advance in civilization can be made among them until 
 the beliefs and the accompanying practices are rooted out. It can not 
 be hoped that this will be accomplished at once, at least if strangers 
 to the religion and social customs of the people undertake the task. 
 When it is remembered how recentby reputed witches were put to 
 death among our own people, and how persistently the negroes and 
 the more ignorant whites still cling to the belief, what can be expected 
 from peoples in that stage of culture where superstition is the prime 
 factor in their lives? 
 
 Primitive man is less happy in his philosophy than enlightened man, 
 because the latter has left behind many of his superstitions. The 
 primitive man's world abounds in perplexing mysteries. All that his 
 untutored mind fails to comprehend is associated with some occult 
 power. This is the condition in which we find the North American 
 Indians. These people are in constant terror of being conjured. 
 Young mothers especially are solicitous for their infants, since these 
 are the targets for the venom of diabolical beings. The child's head 
 and face are always covered when a supposed witch approaches. 
 Again, no man or woman who is reduced to poverty or has some phys- 
 ical deformity, especially any peculiarity that might be taken for the 
 evil eye, or has made an enemy of a prominent member of the tribe, 
 feels safe from accusation. The owner of fine beads and other adorn- 
 ments experiences much bitter with the sweet of possession because 
 of the fear that some witch, prompted by jealousy, will strike him 
 with disease. Moonlight is a great boon to those who must go about 
 at night, for it enables them to identify suspicious objects. They say 
 
stevenson] WITCHCRAFT 393 
 
 that witches love the night and lurk in shadows and darkness. Witches 
 are believed to be able to assume the shape of beasts, and the domestic 
 cat, on account of its stealthy habits and its ability to pass through 
 small openings, is a favorite form. 
 
 The philosophy of these people is such that though the witch may 
 be regarded as all powerful, none but the poor and unfortunate are 
 condemned. Few others are even brought to trial, for although it 
 may be whispered about that certain ones are witches, their promi- 
 nence prevents public accusation. Several years ago the droughts were 
 very serious, and a retired sun priest was suspected and impeached, 
 and his place was filled by another. The people whispered among 
 themselves. ""He is a sorcerer." This man was in fact far superior in 
 intelligence to his successor, who miscalculated altogether the winter 
 solstice in 1894, and consequent!}* threw the winter ceremonies out of 
 time, much to the disgust of the wiser heads in Zuni, who, in spite of 
 the assumed infallibility of a sun priest, felt sure that this one had 
 made a mistake. The previous incumbent, who had filled the office 
 for many years, never miscalculated so far as the writer ever knew 
 or heard. 
 
 While there are always among these people certain despised crea- 
 tures who are referred to as witches or wizards, it remains for some 
 direct cause, such as the illness or death of some resident of the vil- 
 lage, to bring the supposed witch to trial. The attendant theurgist or 
 some member of the invalid's family makes search for the person who 
 has caused trouble, and alas for the poor creature who has offended 
 the theurgist or who has an erienry in the house of the invalid, for he 
 is sure to he pounced upon. In rare instances a member of the family 
 of a deceased person takes the matter into his own hands. Such a 
 case occurred some years ago, and was witnessed bj' Mr D. D. Graham, 
 at that time trader at Zufii. A man shot and killed a woman whom he 
 accused of having bewitched his child and caused it to die. The man 
 was not brought to trial, the court being satisfied with the declara- 
 tion of the murderer that the woman was a witch. As witches are 
 believed to be the direct cause of death, on conviction they suffer 
 capital punishment. 
 
 The usual procedure is for a member of the family to make known 
 his suspicion to the attendant theurgist, or for the theurgist himself 
 to decide upon the person to be accused. One is seldom brought to 
 trial unless death has actually taken place or the patient is near death. 
 The theurgist must account for his inability to cure the patient, and 
 this he does by bringing to trial the supposed guilty person whose 
 malevolence defies the powers of the theurgist. In ordinary cases of 
 .sickness patients are relieved by the theurgist, who pretends to extract 
 foreign matter -i shot" into the body, and the sorcerer or witch is thus 
 left unmolested, with only whispers against him. 
 
3'd4 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 Tbc following stories of witchcraft were told by a prominent mem- 
 ber of the Badger clan: 
 
 I spent some days with the missionary's wife. She gave me a good bed to sleep 
 in and blankets t" keep me warm. She was very kind to me, and I was happy in 
 her house, but after a time I grew very ill and had to return to my mother's home. 
 A shaman « was sent for and, through the power of the Beast Gods, he was enabled 
 to discover the cause of my illness by placing pinches of sacred meal upon me, wdiich 
 "piiied to him the windows of my body, lie discovered the disease and declared 
 that I had been bewitched, and commanded the material which had been thrust 
 into my body to come forth. lie said he saw within me bits of the blankets I had 
 slept between during my stay in the missionary's house, and bits of yarn and calico 
 which the missionary's wife had given me. All this he commanded to come up 
 through my mouth. The material ejected by me was so putrid that my mother and 
 I could nnt distinguish the bits of blanket, yarn, and calico, but they were apparent 
 to the all-powerful eye of the shaman. I do not know, but I think it was the old 
 one-eyed woman who bewitched me. She was jealous of the good times I had at 
 the mission. 
 
 At one time I had a very bad throat, wdiich was much swollen and very painful. 
 The theurgist came and soon discovered the cause of my suffering. A witch had 
 shot a stone into my throat. The theurgist had to repeat many prayers to the Beast 
 Gods before power was given him to extract the stone. He had to place his hands 
 hard upon my throat and cali with great power; but, obedient to his command, the 
 foreign matter finally appeared. It was, he averred, a large, ugly stone, and he 
 immediately cast it into the fire, as unfit for my mother and me to see. 
 
 A certain wizard painted his body red, and the scalp knot was painted in white on 
 his breasts and knees. He placed wreathes of yucca around his wrists and ankles, 
 and then entered the whirlwind, which is the friend of witches, headforemost. He 
 traveled to the great river of the west and returned to Zufii in one day. He went to 
 the great river to steal the plume offerings deposited by the rain priests near Zufii 
 and carried by the butterflies attached to the plume sticks to the great river. [The 
 spirit of the butterfly is supposed to carry the spirit of the plume offering.] 
 
 The whirlwind becoming weary dropped the wizard a short distance from Zufii, 
 and as he fell, a youth passing by exclaimed: "Aha, where have you been? Man, 
 you are a sorcerer or you would not be traveling in the whirlwind." And the youth 
 followed the wizard to the village and told his story, and it was discovered that the 
 man was a wizard and had stolen the plume offerings of the rain priests. This 
 wizard belonged to the Dogwood clan. He was tried by the Bow priesthood and 
 was convicted and hung by the arms. No food was given him, and at the end of 
 one night and a day he died. '' 
 
 A wizard attached crow and owl plumes to his head that he might have the eyes 
 of the crow to see quickly the approach of man and the eyes of the owd to travel by 
 night. He flapped his arms and left Zufii after the people were asleep. He visited 
 the Apaches and told them to come in four days and destroy the Zufiis. At daylight 
 a Zufii man was on his way to gather wood; hearing a cry like an owd, yet human, 
 he looked about him and found a man whom he recognized as a Zufii. "Aha!" 
 said he, "Why have you those plumes upon your head? Aha, you are a sorcerer." 
 "Do not betray me," said the sorcerer, "and I will give you many blankets and all 
 ray precious beads, and in four days, when the Apaches come, as I have told them 
 to do, 1 will go out and have them kill me." "No," was the reply, "I do not wish 
 
 " See p. "16". 
 
 '•Accused witches are hanged by suspending them by the elbows, which are brought back as faras 
 possible, from a beam of the old church built several centuries ago by the Spaniards. If death does 
 not occur at the time desired by the Bow priesthood, the unfortunate is struck on the head with a 
 war club and so relieved ol prolonged suffering. 
 
stevenson] "WITCHCKAFT 395 
 
 your things; but if you will allow the Apaches to take your life when they come, I 
 will not tell." The man, thinking that perhaps the sorcerer had lied and that the 
 Apaches were already on their way to Zufii, hastened to a place near by, gathered 
 such wood as he could, and returned home. His wife chided him for the poor qual- 
 ity of the wood: "You always bring good wood and a large back load; now you 
 bring but little, and that very poor." But he did not betray the secret; and on the 
 fourth morning he listened attentively, and when he heard the ax striking upon 
 the rock, which was the signal given by the witch, he hurried from the village and 
 found that the Apaches had indeed been met by this man and that they had killed 
 him, not knowing him to be a sorcerer and their friend. The Apaches had gone, 
 leaving the body of the sorcerer lying upon crossed arrows. A Navaho, whom the 
 Zufii met on the road, and who accompanied him to where the body lay, exclaimed: 
 "The Apaches have killed a friend." "How do you know?" inquired the Zufii. 
 '"Because," said the Navaho, "it is their custom and ours when we kill a friend 
 through mistake to place the body upon crossed arrows that all may know that a 
 friend and not an enemy has been killed." "But how is it the Apaches value 
 this man, who is one of your people?" asked the Navaho; and the Zufii replied, "He 
 was a sorcerer." 
 
 All the crops of the Zufii farming district of Pescado were destroyed one year by 
 grasshoppers, which came so thick that they made the air black. It was discovered 
 by a man digging in the field that this misfortune was brought upon them by a 
 witch or wizard, who hail mixed together some blue and red beans, a grasshopper, 
 finely ground corn meal, some wheat, and other varieties of seeds. These he wrapped 
 first in a piece of white cotton cloth, afterward in red calico and buckskin, and buried 
 3 feet in the ground. 
 
 The following story was related by a young mother: 
 
 1 was sleeping alone in the large upper room. My brother slept on the roof near 
 by. I was awakened by the approach of a creature like a large cat; but it was not a 
 eat: I knew at once that it was a witch. It came close to my bed and looked at my 
 little one, and then hastened from the room. It went out through the broken win- 
 dow pane. In a short time my baby died. 
 
 A young man came to the writer's camp one morning in a state of 
 great excitement. He had a very sick wife and related that upon 
 leaving his house on the previous night to attend a meeting of his fra- 
 ternity he noticed a queer looking burro lurking before the house. 
 Upon his return he was told by those who sat with his wife that a large 
 cat had entered the house, and he knew at once that a witch or wizard 
 had been there. He hastened from the house to discover a man 
 wrapped in a blanket, but not in the Zufii fashion; his head was sunk 
 low in the blanket. Accosting this creature, whom he knew to be a 
 wizard, he told him that if his wife died, he should inform Nai'uchi, 
 the elder brother Bow priest, and have him hanged. Fortunately for 
 the accused the wife soon recovered her health. 
 
 The vice pa'mosono'"kia (female assistant to the scalp custodian) was 
 debailred from office in 1889 by the elder brother Bow priest, who 
 declared her to be a witch. Her son was first brought to trial as a 
 wizard upon the ground that he had caused the death of many children, 
 and while he hung by the arms from a beam in the old church 
 he declared that his mother knew more than he and that he acted 
 
39(5 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bth.ank.23 
 
 only under her influence. The vice pa'mosono'ivia was then sum- 
 moned and hung by the anus. At first she asserted her innocence, 
 but finally the elder brother Bow priest declared that her only 
 chance for life was in divulging the secrets of her craft by producing 
 medicine and showing how it was obtained. One of this woman's 
 accusers was a neighbor, who stated that she had stolen a buckskin 
 sack from his house, had killed his mi'li (see page 416), and had deposited 
 excrement in his house. Her only protection being the ready inven- 
 tion of falsehoods, she told how she had sent her son to the neighbor's 
 house to steal the sack, cut the heart (the various seeds) of the mi'li, 
 and deposit the excrement. All this was intended to lend efficacy to 
 her medicine and bring death to the people of the house. She com- 
 bined the heart of the mi'li with the hearts of the rattlesnake and 
 toad, and this mixture she shot into the children. Her stoiy had its 
 effect upon the warriors, who listened attentively. They concluded 
 that she must indeed know much of medicine, and upon her promise 
 that she would never again destroy the life of another, they released 
 her, but the son was killed. 
 
 Hundreds of times the writer has observed the theurgist working 
 over his patient, pretending to extract substances " shot" into the body 
 by witches. Objects of great variety, such as bits of yarn, a charred 
 goat's horn, etc., were produced, and though the observer -was usually 
 by the side of the theurgist or on the opposite side of the patient from 
 him, she was never able to discover where or how the object supposed 
 to be taken from the body of the patient had been secreted and 
 produced until, in 1904, she observed Nai'uchi practice (for sore eyes) 
 upon his last patient. The old man was led to the invalid's house by 
 his granddaughter, Nina. There he pretended to extract pebbles from 
 the eyes of his patient, but his hands were feeble, and he was so 
 awkward that it was readily seen that he carried the pebbles in his 
 mouth and dropped them into the palm of his hand while pretending 
 to breathe upon it. 
 
 A singular feature associated with witchcraft is that accused persons 
 are permitted to be conspicuous in religious entertainments and some- 
 times to aid in religious festivals. A man belonging to the 'Hle'wekwe 
 (Wood) fraternity or Sword swallowers, which is one of the most im- 
 portant in Zuni, was regarded by a majority of the people as a wizard, 
 yet he was not debarred from membership in his fraternity. During 
 the last visit of the writer to Zuni this man entertained one of the Sha'- 
 liiko (giant gods) at the annual ceremonial, at which six of these gods 
 are personated, though it is regarded as a high privilege to prepare 
 one's house, which must be thoroughly renovated for the reception of 
 the Sha'lako. This poor fellow, who was poor also in worldly goods, 
 after having the honor accorded to him, made every effort at his 
 meager command to have his house suitable for the reception of the 
 
stevensonJ WITCHCRAFT 397 
 
 god he was to entertain. He labored hard and long each day, for he 
 was so much despised for his poverty that few would aid him. During 
 his labors upon the improvement of his house, a favorite patient of 
 Nai'uchi's died; but he was not allowed to die in peace. He was inter- 
 rogated regarding the cause of his trouble and implicated the member 
 of the Sword swallowers above referred to, and while the invalid lay 
 dying, the accused man was summoned and tried by the Bow priest- 
 hood in his presence. The accused declared he knew nothing of 
 witchcraft, but his judges pressed him to tell what he had done to 
 the sufferer. Finally, realizing that pleading innocence would be of 
 no avail, he declared that he injured the man by touching his throat 
 with the tips of his lingers, hoping by this statement to inspire the 
 jurors with his supernatural power and thus save himself from torture; 
 but he was condemned, and returned to his home to await the hour 
 of execution. 
 
 Near midnight the writer was notified that this man was to be put 
 to death. It seemed too terrible to believe, and hastening from her 
 camp to the village she met Nai'uchi as he was returning from the 
 deathbed of his patient. The great theurgist and elder brother Bow 
 priest was urged to withdraw his verdict on the ground that he might 
 be mistaken. Since he was obdurate, he was told that the United 
 States Government would certainty punish him. He retorted: " I am 
 your friend. Friends do not betray one another. Would you betray 
 me to the soldiers?*' "1 have not said I would inform upon you," 
 was the reply; '* I am too much j'our friend to wish to see you suffer." 
 "I shall hang this wizard, even though I displease you," he declared. 
 "I shall hang him though the United States Government put me in 
 prison for one month, six months, a year, or forever. He has killed 
 my child, and he must die." The writer and the theurgist soon reached 
 the house of the latter and stood by a lamp attached to the wall of 
 the large living room. The light fell upon Nai'uchi's face and the 
 expression, usually so kind, was now set and stern. There was nothing 
 of rage expressed, only the firm determination of a man bent upon 
 doing his duty though he lost his life by the act. "Do you care for 
 me at all?" asked the writer. "1 have told you I am your friend." 
 "Will you do one thing for me?" "Anything but what you have 
 just asked." "Iwish that you would delay hanging the man until 
 to-morrow night." " So that you can send to Fort Wingate and have 
 the soldiers come for me?" "No, I will not send for the soldiers, nor 
 will I inform anyone upon j-'ou." "Then, I will wait until to-morrow 
 night; but the wizard shall then be hanged." The position of the 
 writer was a delicate one. The man must be saved, but she must not 
 make an enemy of a tried friend and one of the men most important 
 to her in her studies. All work was suspended on the improvement 
 of the house of the accused. On entering a miserable apartment on an 
 
398 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.asn.23 
 
 upper floor of his house early on the mommy following the writer's con- 
 versation with Nai'uchi, a sad scene was presented. The accused sat 
 upon the floor, leaning against the wall, a picture of abject despair, 
 though perfectly calm. His wife, who was ill, sat on one side and his 
 young daughter, ready to become a mother, on the other. The eyes 
 of both women were swollen and inflamed from weeping, and they con- 
 tinued to weep as they clung to the man they loved. It would not do 
 for the writer's presence in this house to become known. Taking the 
 man's hand she said: " Have faith in me; I will save von." His face 
 became radiant for a moment; then the stoical sadness returned, and, 
 smiling faintly as he thanked her, he said: "No, mother; you wish to 
 save me, but you can not. Nai'uchi has spoken." Adding another word 
 of assurance the writer hurriedly left the house without being dis- 
 covered. Before night came she held a court of her own, Nai'uchi, 
 the younger brother Bow priest, and the accused being present, and 
 the result was that the unfortunate was released. This was brought 
 about by a declaration on the part of the writer that she had deprived 
 the man of his power of sorcery; and he was soon at work upon his 
 house, fitting it for the reception of a Sha'lako god. 
 
 One must witness a trial for witchcraft to appreciate all the horrors 
 associated with this superstition. The writer has never seen anything 
 else in aboriginal life which so thoroughly aroused her indignation as 
 did a trial for witchcraft in which a child of 12 years, the girl 
 previously referred to as suffering from a severe case of hysteria, 
 and a youth of not more than 17 were involved. She had been 
 brought from a farming district to Zuni to be placed under the care 
 of a theurgist. Her illness must be accounted for, and upon inquiry 
 it was learned that on the morning before the attack she was seen 
 romping with a young man, who held her hands, and this was sufficient 
 evidence to bring him before the court for trial. The grandfather of 
 the girl, himself a member of the Bow priesthood, went to inform 
 Nai'uchi, but he was then with a very sick patient and must not be 
 disturbed, so the younger brother Bow priest was notified, and he 
 called together such members of the Bow priesthood as were in Zuni. 
 Then the old grandfather came for the writer, who was engaged in 
 important work with a rain priest. The hour was late, the night cold, 
 and they seemed quite safe from intrusion, but one should never be 
 surprised however sudden the appearance of an Indian in Zuni or 
 in any other Indian land. Often the}' seem to rise from the earth or 
 to drop from the clouds. On hearing approaching footsteps, the rain 
 priest declared he must not be caught talking, and disappeared be- 
 hind a portiere just as the grandfather of the sick girl stepped into 
 the camp. He had come to ask his mother to go with him to his 
 house that he might prove to her that his granddaughter had been 
 
Stevenson) WITCHCRAFT 399 
 
 bewitched. They hud the culprit in custody and the court was assem- 
 bled to try him. There was nothing left for the writer to do but to 
 leave the priest without formality and accompany the grandfather. 
 Not a word was spoken when the house was entered. The members 
 of the court and the others bowed their heads in greeting - . Near 
 the east end of the long room five members of the Bow priesthood 
 formed a semicircle. The accused, a handsome youth, sat slightly 
 back with a warrior on either side of him. The patient lay on a 
 pallet on the opposite side of the room, every member of her body in 
 violent motion. Her mother attempted to keep the head quiet, while 
 the brother clung to her legs. The poor little arms were thrown 
 wildly about until an aunt essayed to control them. The writer 
 passed to the pallet and sat by the sufferer. The custom of trying the 
 accused in the presence of the afflicted is barbarous, and is likely to 
 have a most unhappy effect on the patient. In the present case the 
 result was most disastrous. A theurgist of the Galaxy fraternity sat 
 on a low stool, some 15 feet west of the group of warriors, and faced 
 east. He sprinkled a line of meal 3 feet in length before him, then 
 placed his mi'li (see page 416) at the east end of the line, and deposited a 
 crystal about 2 inches high midway down the line. A medicine bowl and 
 a basket of sacred meal were b} T his side. A woman of the household 
 deposited a vase of water and a gourd at the right of the theurgist, who 
 lifted a gourd of water as he began his pikers, in scarcely audible 
 tones, and emptied it into the medicine bowl. Six gourds of water 
 were poured into the bowl as prayers were addressed to the Beast Gods 
 of the six regions to give the theurgist, who is simply the agent of these 
 gods, power to see the disease and heal the patient. Medicine was after- 
 wards sprinkled into the water, six fetishes were dropped in, and a 
 cross, signifying the four regions, and a circle, the world S3 T mbol, 
 were formed on the surface of the water with sacred meal. After 
 the water had been consecrated, the theurgist rose and dipped ashes 
 from the fireplace with the eagle plumes and deposited them near 
 the meal line and north of it. In a moment he lifted some of the 
 ashes with the two plumes and sprinkled them to the north; again 
 dipping ashes, he sprinkled them to the west; and then continued the 
 sprinkling to the four regions for physical purification. Then he 
 dipped the feather ends of his eagle plumes into the medicine water 
 and put them to his lips. Again dipping them into the water, he 
 sprinkled the invalid, who was held in sitting posture by her father, 
 whom she had asked to stay by her in this trying ordeal. The ten- 
 derness of those about the little sufferer was most pathetic. The 
 faces of both parents bore evidence of intense mental suffering. The 
 theurgist rubbed the girl's body with the medicine water and prayed. 
 He then placed his lips to her breast, pretending to draw material from 
 her heart; this he deposited on the floor and covered with the meal. 
 
400 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 Again he took ashes from the fireplace and deposited them as before 
 by the meal line: and again he sprinkled them to the four regions. 
 After the sprinkling of the ashes, he compelled the girl to drink four 
 times from the medicine bowl, though she almost strangled in the 
 effort. At other times the mother took a mouthful of water and 
 placed her lips to those of the child, thus relieving her feverish 
 thirst. The theurgist, having completed the treatment of the patient, 
 lifted the material supposed to have been extracted from her heart 
 with his two eagle plumes, deposited it in a corn husk, and carried 
 it from the room. As soon as the theurgist left, the accused was 
 made to sit closer to the group of warriors, and the trial began. The 
 first accuser was the grandfather of the invalid, who declared that the 
 boy accosted the child a short distance from her house and that she 
 returned in a demented condition. The boy most earnestly denied 
 the accusation, declaring that he knew nothing of witchcraft. The 
 grandfather appealed to the invalid, begging her to tell all she 
 knew, to talk without fear: "Hota (granddaughter), tell us." The 
 child, held up by her grandfather, told her story with great difficulty 
 in broken sentences. The spasms made it almost impossible for her 
 to articulate, and her head was not still for an instant. Her story 
 was soon told: "When a short distance from my house this boy 
 wanted me to go with him, and when I refused, he grabbed my hand. 
 As soon as he touched me, I began to tremble, and 1 ran home." The 
 parents added: "And in a short time our child was crazy, as you see 
 her now." The fact is, the child was perfectby rational, but her nervous 
 condition induced them to think her mind was not right. Again the 
 grandfather sat before the accused and demanded that he tell what 
 medicine he used on the girl. The boy made no response. Others of 
 the court commanded him to speak, threatening him with punishment 
 if he remained silent. One who w r as a theurgist of the fraternity 
 to which the boy belonged drew near and urged him to speak, using 
 persuasion rather than threats. Again and again he was menaced, 
 but for half an hour no word escaped his lips, and his head was 
 bowed. The writer observed that he was closely watching every 
 movement of the girl. Finally he spoke in low and measured words: 
 "Once, when I visited the pueblo of Santo Domingo, I was asked 
 by the mo'sona (director) of the Galaxy fraternity of that place 
 if I wished to learn the secrets of witchcraft. Then he asked the 
 same of my companion, a Santo Domingo boj'. We told him we 
 should like to know his secrets. We followed him at midnight, when 
 all slept, to his house and to an inner room. The director placed 
 two round cases of hide beside him, and from these he took manj r 
 medicines. He had every kind of medicine. He asked me what I 
 most desired. I told him love philters, that I might captivate girls 
 as I wished. Then the director asked my companion, and he chose 
 
stbvenson] WITCHCRAFT 401 
 
 the same. The director deposited root medicine in two bowls; the 
 medicine in one was for me and that in the other for my companion. 
 He directed us when intending to use it to bite off the smallest 
 quantity, chew it. and spit it into our hands, then to rub them together 
 and shake hands with the girl we wished to control. He also gave 
 us a root medicine to counteract the effect of the other. He prepared 
 two plume offerings for each of us. At daybreak he placed a root 
 medicine in a bowl and poured water over it, and as he stirred the 
 water with his reed, suds rose high, like a'mountain. He did not sing, 
 but talked low while he made the suds. He then bathed our heads 
 and entire bodies in the medicine suds, and directed us to take our 
 plume offerings to the fields and plant them under a ledge of rock, so 
 that the eyes of the plume sticks should look west, not to the sun, as 
 that would offend the Sun Father. Returning to the village and see- 
 ing two maidens bearing water vases upon their heads, we chewed our 
 medicine, rubbed our hands together and approached them. We/ 
 shook hands with the girls and they went on to their homes, and after 
 depositing the water vases, seated themselves, for they felt their 
 hearts flying around. Each girl sat still a minute, then jumped up 
 and turned around like a top, then slept a moment, and then threW 
 her arms wildly about. They could not keep their heads or legs 
 still. They jumped up and ran about the streets. We did not make 
 these girls our wives. The}' were too crazy. In a short time the} r 
 died." It was evident to the writer that the boy had made use of 
 his observations of the girl in weaving his story, and it was a clever 
 thought which prompted him to claim to possess a medicine which 
 would counteract the effect of the other. His tale was no sooner told 
 than the warriors declared in one voice that they must have proof of 
 what the}- had heard: "We must see the medicine. You must pro- 
 duce it." Whereupon the grandfather of the girl was detailed to 
 accompany the accused to his home for the medicine. On his return 
 he drew two kinds of roots from his pocket. That which would pro- 
 duce insanity was in one piece; that capable of counteracting its effect 
 was in three pieces. He claimed he could make himself crazy and 
 well again at will, according to the root he used. His description of 
 these roots as he presented them for the inspection of his judges was 
 dramatic. The warriors had become so absorbed by their interest in 
 the narrative of the boy that they seemed entirely to have forgotten 
 the cause of his appearance before them. In one voice they demanded 
 a manifestation. The boy removed his head-kerchief and trousers, 
 leaving on only his beads.and breechcloth, the moccasins having been 
 removed on entering the room. He asked for a basket of sacred meal 
 and sprinkling some on the floor, covering a space about 4 inches 
 square, he examined the roots: first the piece that would produce 
 23 Era— 04 26 
 
402 THE Zl'NI INDIANS [bth.ann.23 
 
 insanity, which he laid south of the meal, then the three hits of 
 good medicine, which he deposited north of the meal. He now sang 
 in so low a voice that it was impossible for the writer to understand 
 what he was saying. Taking a bite from the root south of the 
 meal, he chewed it. ejected it upon his hands, and rubbed his body. 
 In a moment he distorted his face, spun around, and jumped about; 
 then, shaking his body violently, rushed to the invalid, pulling at 
 her arms and running his hands over them. The spectacle was so 
 harassing that it was with difficulty the writer retained her compo- 
 sure. The child's efforts to scream as she endeavored to release 
 herself from the grasp of her father and brother who held her, her 
 terror each time the boj" approached her, the cries of the women, and 
 the tears of the men, except the warriors, who were absorbed in 
 what was going on before them, presented a scene never to be for- 
 gotten. When the boy had preyed upon the credulity of the war- 
 riors as long as he. deemed wise, he swallowed a small quantity of 
 the other medicine and became perfectly rational in his demeanor. 
 He now touched the girl's lips with his own and pretended to draw 
 disease from her heart, while she was almost thrown into convulsions 
 by his touch. He ejected into his hand what he pretended to have 
 drawn from her heart, and deposited it upon the meal; he then com- 
 pelled the girl to swallow three bits of the good root medicine. She 
 nearly strangled in the effort, but the parents insisted that she swallow 
 it. in hopes of her restoration. After this the boy coolly took meal 
 from the basket, stood and offered a long prayer, sprinkled meal upon 
 the material supposed to have been extracted from the girl, asked for 
 a corn husk, gathered the meal together into his hands and deposited 
 it in the husk, and left the chamber, accompanied by the grand- 
 father of the girl. The}' went west of the village, where the boy 
 buried the husk, and returned within thirty minutes; then the 
 two occupied their former seats and the warriors interrogated the 
 boy until 2 o'clock in the morning. The child was in such an 
 alarming condition of nervousness that the writer decided that the 
 farce must end. After a few words with the warriors, they agreed to 
 retire and release the boy, with the understanding that he should 
 accompany two of them to the writer's camp later in the morning. 
 While the writer was breakfasting, the grandfather of the little invalid 
 appeared and informed her that the boy had escaped, news which was 
 most gratifying to her. but which enraged the Bow priests. The elder 
 brother Bow priest at once ordered the grandfather of the girl 
 to mount his horse and capture the boy. After some miles of hard 
 riding the boy was overtaken and brought back to Zufii and to the 
 house of the poor little sufferer, who was subjected to another ordeal, 
 while Nai'uchi gratified his thirst for the marvelous by subjecting the 
 boy to a second trial, himself now acting as chief justice of the court. 
 
stevenson] WITCHCRAFT 403 
 
 When the boy repeated his story, Nai'uchi declared it to be a lie: "You 
 did not get your knowledge of witchcraft from Santo Domingo, and I 
 am here to see that you speak the truth. I shall keep you talking until 
 you dospeak the truth." Losing all faith in winningbelief for his story, 
 the wretched boy invented another, which he hoped would satisfy his 
 judge: "Yes: I lied. I lied because I loved my father and mother and 
 sister, and did not wish to speak of them. They are witches. 1 belong 
 to the family of original witches. All my grandfathers were wizards. 
 I have the plume offerings brought to this world by my witch ances- 
 tors." "Where? Where?" exclaimed the warriors in one breath, as 
 they bent eagerly forward, so as not to lose one word. "In my 
 mother's house. There at the winter solstice witches gather from all 
 over the country to prevent the rains and snows." "You lie," cried 
 one of the warriors. "We would know of this if it were true." 
 "How?" inquired the boy. "Some one would see the strangers 
 come." "No; they would not. Ancient plume offerings held to our 
 hearts and } - ucca strings crossed over our breasts, while we jump 
 through a hoop made of } r ucca, empower us to make ourselves into 
 dogs, cats, coyotes, hawks, crows, and owls, so that we pass quickly 
 and unknown about the country. We gather in an inner room of my 
 mother's house where four ancient lamps hang, one on each wall, and 
 by this light we sit and talk and make the rain-makers angry, so that 
 they will not work. I can assume the form of a cat and pass through 
 the smallest hole to enter a house. I can fill my mouth with cactus 
 needles and shoot them through windows and destroy life. I have 
 killed two infants, three girls, and two boys. I have packages of 
 ancient prayer plumes, and I have two others that are used to convert 
 us into other forms than our own." " We will see them! We will see 
 them!" exclaimed the warriors. The boy had not anticipated this in 
 weaving a story which he thought might make his accusers fear to 
 take his life. "Alas! I can not show them; they are in my mother's 
 ancestral house, and she is absent at the farming district and has the 
 keys." Nai'uchi, not to be thwarted, exclaimed: "1 have keys!" He 
 left the house to procure them, and in a short time returned with a 
 bunch of keys and commanded the accused to proceed to his mother's 
 house. 
 
 The assembled warriors and the writer, who was always provided 
 with candles and matches, accompanied Nai'uchi and the boy. Ascend- 
 ing a ladder from a court the party, led by the accused, climbed over 
 several roofs to reach the house. The door was locked, but it yielded 
 to the first key. The warriors have great authority and are not deli- 
 cate about using or abusing it, and it ma}- be presumed that if the 
 keys had failed, the doors would have been forced. The bo}' main- 
 tained remarkable composure as he entered the house. He declared 
 that the prayer plumes were secreted in the wall of the adjoining room, 
 
404 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ANN. 23 
 
 and that he feared his mother's anger should he break the plaster. 
 The warriors cried "Expose them! Expose them!" One handed an 
 ax to the boy and commanded him to go to work. With the first 
 stroke a large quantity of plaster fell crumbling to the floor. The 
 room was almost dark, the faintest light penetrating through the 
 door. The writer lighted a candle and held it so as to throw the best 
 possible light upon the worker. After a quantity of plaster had fallen 
 the boy stooped to examine it. Again he used the ax and more plaster 
 fell, and again he stooped and looked for the prayer plumes, while the 
 warriors watched eagerly to see that nothing escaped them. The 
 scene was weird in the extreme. The handsome youth was clearly 
 visible by the candle held near him as he worked, apparently calmly 
 and leisurely, stopping to examine the plaster each time it fell, think- 
 ing to weary the watchers and accusers. When the west wall was 
 half robbed of its plaster and the prayer plumes were not found, the 
 warriors became impatient. The dust in the room was stilling, and 
 when the warriors accused the boy of having deceived them he declared 
 that the plume sticks were deposited two years before and that he could 
 not remember the exact Iocatiou of them. The impatience of the 
 accusers becoming greater, they said: "You have lied! You have 
 lied!" The boy made no reply, but led them into an adjoining room, 
 thence through a hatchway so small that all passed through with diffi- 
 culty into a room below. This room was very small and low, and 
 would have been absolutely dark but for the candle. After passing 
 on into a room still deeper in the heart of the great beehive, a strange 
 scene occurred. The youth was closely followed by the writer, and 
 when he stooped in the dungeon-like room all gathered about him and 
 discovered two packages of old prayer plumes on the floor beside a 
 concretion fetish that was some 6 inches in diameter. There was con- 
 sternation among the warriors, who exclaimed in one voice: " What 
 does this mean ? " Now they felt assured that the youth had spoken the 
 truth. The accused separated the packages and explained each prayer 
 plume. The concretion is a fetish for corn, and was placed here by the 
 witches, declared the boy, that the crops might be destroyed. The 
 examination of the prayer plumes by the warriors was thorough and 
 the explanation by the accused deemed most complete. But the war- 
 riors were not to be satisfied until the prayer plumes used to transform 
 the witch into beast form were produced. In despair, the boy declared 
 they must be in a room below, but as there w 7 as no ladder it would be 
 impossible for him to descend. The warriors decided to let one of two 
 young men who followed the party to the house descend into the lower 
 chamlier. He was held by the arms and lowered. The candle was then 
 reached to him by his companion, who went headforemost through the 
 hatchway and was held by his feet. A diligent search was not rewarded 
 with success, and the man was with dilhcultv dragged back through the 
 
stevenson] WITCHCRAFT 405 
 
 hatchway. Again the warrior.'? gathered about the two packages and 
 listened to the marvelous tales told by the accused; then Na'iuchi took 
 possession of them and the party ascended to the upper floor, where the 
 boy was set to work to remove more plaster, in the hope that the much- 
 coveted prayer plumes might be found. After another hour's work an 
 old prayer plume appeared among the plaster, which the boy declared 
 to be one of those he was looking for. This plume stick, he asserted, 
 when planted in the ground the top down, or when worn in the belt 
 in the same position, so offended the rain-makers that they refused to 
 water the earth. It must be worn over the heart to convert one into 
 animal form. If the boy tricked the warriors with the plume stick, sup- 
 posed to be found in the plaster, the deception was well done. There 
 was great rejoicing among them, but they were not to be satisfied with 
 the one prayer plume; they must have the other, and they did not leave 
 the room until driven out late in the day by the intense cold and the 
 dust from the plaster. At the suggestion of the writer, the accused 
 now accompanied her to her camp under guard of Na'iuchi and the 
 grandfather of the girl. She was not sure what Na'iuchi intended to 
 do with the boy, but was determined that the poor fellow should not 
 be hanged. The boy was seated with a warrior on either side of him, 
 and the writer talked to him and doctored him a little, and finally con- 
 vinced Na'iuchi that the boy would never again be able to practice his 
 diabolical art, and that therefore it was not necessary to hang him. He 
 was not yet freed, however, but was conducted to the large plaza, where 
 Na'iuchi called the warriors to assemble. The populace, in the mean- 
 time, crowded into the place, people of both sexes and all ages. When 
 the warriors did not respond promptly, Na'iuchi called in loud and angry 
 tones for their immediate presence. They were not long in obeying the 
 second command of their chief. A wagon in the plaza was filled with 
 women and children, who took advantage of the elevated position. The 
 sun had set and the shadows of night were gathering. The accused 
 looked weary and he leaned against the wagon, as if sadly in need of 
 support. The warriors gathered closel}' about him, and the writer 
 stood by the side of Na'iuchi. The eager spectators apparently under- 
 stood that the boy was about to speak, and there was a profound 
 silence. As the night advanced several lanterns were brought forth, 
 the writer placing hers in the hand of a warrior who stood by her side so 
 that she could direct the light as she chose. The appetite of the warriors 
 for marvels was not yet satisfied. Na'iuchi called upon the ahead}' 
 exhausted youth to confess his crimes before the people. He was 
 kept talking until midnight, when the prayer plumes and medicines 
 produced by the accused earlier in the clay were placed by Na'iuchi 
 upon the ground immediately before the youth, whereupon the people 
 moved in a great wave toward the spot to peer at 'the mysteries. 
 
406 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 
 
 The longer the boy talked the more absorbed he became in his sub- 
 ject. He added many wonderful statements to those made during the 
 day. At times his face became radiant with satisfaction at his power 
 over his listeners. His final stroke made it evident that he intended 
 to protect himself against all further persecution, for he closed with 
 the remark: "I did possess all the power of my wizard forefathers. 
 It came to me through many generations. I have been all-powerful in 
 witchcraft. But since visiting my mother's camp this evening I have 
 lost all power. While with my mother, and while she talked to me, 1 
 felt my eyes change from black to blue, and then turn from blue to 
 black, and then I felt that all my power of witchcraft was gone, not 
 only for a little while, but for all time. Alas! No more shall I be 
 great among my people. 1 shall be one of them no more. My power 
 is all gone! all gone forever!" Hundreds cried out: "Good! Good! 
 Thanks, mother! Thanks!" Na'iuchi took the writer's hand and 
 expressed his gratitude and that of his people, with regrets that she 
 could not remain among them and rob all witches of their power to 
 destroy. This incident is mentioned simply to show that it is possible, 
 if these people are managed in the right way, to overcome their miser- 
 able superstitions. 
 
 Na'iuchi presented the complete set of prayer plumes and medicines 
 to the writer, requesting her to show them to the President as proof 
 that witches do exist in Zufii; for these people had had threats from 
 the United States Government regarding their practice of hanging 
 persons accused of witchcraft. These threats, however, were never 
 carried into execution until after the writer had left Zufii in 1S96, 
 when Na'iuchi and several others were arrested for hanging a woman 
 they had accused of witchcraft. Help came in time to save the woman, 
 and troops were stationed in Zufii to protect the Government teachers 
 while Na'iuchi and others were in prison in Albuquerque, awaiting 
 their trial. During this period the words of the writer's poor mis- 
 guided, but dear and tried, friend, Na'iuchi, came often to her: "They 
 may imprison me for one month, six months, a j'ear, or forever, but 
 I shall hang the witch who destro} T s the life of my child." 
 
 Primitive man must be approached according to his understanding; 
 thus the prime requisite for improving the conditions of the Indian is 
 familiarity with Indian thought and customs. Those possessing supe- 
 rior intelligence and a love for humanity, and only such, may lead our 
 Indians from darkness into light. The Indian will never be driven. 
 
steyenson] ORIGIN OF THE FRATERNITIES 407 
 
 ESOTERIC FRATERNITIES 
 Origin and Functions of the Fraternities 
 
 Previous to the coming of the A'shiwi (Zufiis) to this world through 
 Ji'mi'klanapklatea, certain others appeared coming through the same 
 place, which the Zufiis locate in the far northwest; and these others, 
 by direction of the Sun Father, traveled eastward, crossing the country 
 by a northern route to Shi'papolima™ (place of mist). 
 
 After remaining four years (time periods) at Shi'papolima, this 
 party of gods — for such the3 r were or became — moved eastward and 
 southward a short distance, aud made their home at Chi'pia, located 
 by the Zunis in Sandia (watermelon) mountain, New Mexico. This 
 mountain is believed by the Sia to be the home of their gods of war, 
 who bear the same names as the Zuiii gods — U'y uy e wi and Ma'sai'lema. b 
 
 The gods of Chi'pia compose the group known to the Zunis as 
 Kok'ko'hlan'na (great God): Shits' ukia, Kwe'lele, and six Shumai'koli 
 for the six regions, with their Sai'apa (warriors). 
 
 Just four years after these gods came to this world another party 
 appeared through Ji'mi'kianapkiatea, consisting of Po'shaiyanki, his 
 associates, aud the possessors of the secret of O'naya'nakia (Mystery 
 medicine), Po'shaiyanki, who figures as the culture hero of the Zuiiis, 
 being the leader. These also followed a northern route to Shi'papolima, 
 where they remained. This place is; held sacred by the Zunis as the 
 home of their culture hero and of the Beast Gods. The Zuiiis believe 
 the entrance to Shi'papolima to be on the summit of a mountain about 
 10 miles from the pueblo of Cochiti, N. Mex. Two crouching lions, 
 or cougars, of massive stone in bas-relief upon the solid formation of 
 the mountain top guard the sacred spot. The heads of the. animals are 
 to the east, A stone wall some ± feet high forms an inclosure 18 feet 
 in diameter for the cougars. Additional stone walls, also about 4 feet 
 in height and 14 feet in length, mark a passageway 3 feet wide from 
 the inclosure. A monument of stones stands 12 feet before the middle 
 of the entrance, which faces east or a little south of east. It is remark- 
 able that these wonderful pieces of aboriginal sculpture should have no 
 legends associated with them by the Indians who live in comparatively 
 close proximity. The Jemez, Sia, San Juan, Santa Clara, San Ilde- 
 fonso, and Cochiti Indians have been closely questioned regarding 
 
 a Dr Fewkes gives the Hopi name as Si'papu, which is, according to Hopi lore, their place of nativ- 
 ity, or coming through to this world. Bandelier gives the Keres name as Shi'papu, the place of 
 nativity of that people. The writer found the Sia Indians, who are Keres, using the form Shi'papo. 
 Among the Zunis the name is Shi'papolima and its signification is quite different; Shi'papolima is 
 not the place of their nativity, but the home chosen by Po'shaiyanki (Zuni culture hero) and his 
 followers. 
 
 6 Ma'sai'lema is the term used in ceremonials for the younger God of War, but in common parlance 
 he is called Ma'asewe. These names are used only in reference to war or combat; at other times 
 both the elder and younger Gods of War are referred to as A'hayuta. 
 
•408 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eih.akn.23 
 
 these carvings, and while the}' have no history associated with them 
 other than that the lions were converted into stone at the time the 
 great fire spread over the earth, the Zuiiis believe them to be the 
 guardians of the place chosen by Po'shaiyanki as a home for himself 
 and his followers. The writer visited this spot in 190i and found 
 these carvings to be just as the Zuiii theurgists had described them to 
 her. other than that the heads of the lions had been defaced by the 
 vandalism of sheep herders. When Mr Stevenson visited Shi'papo- 
 linia in 1880 these carvings were in perfect condition. 
 
 In four years from Po'shaiyanki's nativity the A'shiwi came through 
 Ji'mi'kianapkiatea, and soon after their reaching this world the Divine 
 Ones organized four fraternities. 
 
 The following account was given to the writer by the mo'sona 
 (director) of the Ne'wekwe ti'kili (Galaxy fraternity) and verified by 
 a number of other priests and theurgists: 
 
 While the A'shiwi were yet in the undermost world, two men and two women, 
 married couples, rubbed the epidermis from their bodies and, rolling it into a ball, 
 placed it on the ground ; and the four sat around it and sang, each one shaking a 
 rattle. After a time a youth appeared dancing in place of the ball, and this youth, 
 who was named Bi'"si'si, was held in high regard by the people. Soon after the 
 creation of Bi'"si t si the A'shiwi began their ascent to the outer world. ° 
 
 The first organization was composed of one of the couples who created 
 Bi^'si'si, these two being the original members of the fraternity which 
 the Divine Ones named Shi'wannakwe. 6 The membership of ■ the 
 Shi'wannakwe was immediately increased bj r the original male mem- 
 ber selecting a pe'kwln (deputj T ), aPi' a liishiwanni (warrior), and others, 
 and initiating them into the secrets which Kow'wituma and Wats'usi 
 had intrusted to him and his wife. The songs for rain given to the 
 Shi'wannakwe at that time have special influence upon the Council 
 of the Gods, who direct the rain-makers. 
 
 The second fraternity organized b} r the Divine Ones was the Ne'- 
 wekwe, the original members being the other couple who assisted 
 at the creation of Bi'"si t si; of whom this man too initiated others. 
 Bi'^si'si, owing to his special qualifications, was chosen to be musi- 
 cian and entertainer, or harlequin, to the fraternity, bearing the name 
 
 " The following is a bit of Sia cosmogony: 
 
 He, Sus'slstinnako (creator), drew a line of meal from north to south, and crossed it midway with 
 one from east to west, and he placed two little parcels north of the cross line, one on each side of the 
 line running north and south. These parcels are very valuable and precious, but the people do not 
 know to this day of what they consist; no one ever knew but the creator Sus'slstinnako. After 
 placing the parcels in position, Sus'slstinnako sat down on the west side of the line running north 
 and south, south of the cross line, and began to sing, and in a little while the two parcels accom- 
 panied him in the song by shaking like rattles. The music was low and sweet, and after a while two 
 women appeared, one evolving from each parcel. (The Sia, Eleventh Annual Report Bureau of 
 Ethnology, 1894.) 
 
 bShi from shi'li; plural, shi'we, meat. Kwe isa plural termination referring to people, the word 
 ti'kili (fraternity) being seldom used nt referring to a fraternity. Kwa tesh'kwi (not forbidden), 
 ihouu'li mil cxjir.'ssfil in words is understood, and the full meaning of Shi'wannakwe is, people who 
 do not fast from animal food. 
 
stevenson! ORIGIN OF THE FRATERNITIES 409 
 
 Pa'yatamu." The Shi'vvannakwe and Ne'wekwe, owing to the close 
 relation of the two original couples, are allied to one another, the 
 Shi'wannakwe being regarded as the elder brother of the Ne'wekwe. 
 The Divine Ones named the third fraternity they organized 'Siin'ia- 
 kiakwe (Hunters). This fraternity is also called Sus'kikwe (Coyote). 
 The fourth fraternity they named 'Hle'wekwe (Wood people). The 
 Divine Ones gave medicines and songs to each fraternity. 
 
 After the A'shiwi had settled at Hal'ona (Ant place), the Divine Ones 
 visited Sbi'papolima and there met Po'shaiyanki, his associates, and the 
 body of men holding the secrets of Mystery medicine. Po'shaiyanki 
 and his associates were already initiated into the mysteries of O'naya'- 
 nakia before the arrival of the Divine Ones, who declared to him 
 that they must have guardians for the six regions of the world and 
 for the whole world, but that man could not fill these places; they must 
 have some one with cunning of scent and sight. The}'' thereupon 
 changed the men possessing the secrets of Mystery medicine into 
 beasts. One, becoming the cougar, was dispatched to the North to 
 guard that region; another was changed into the bear and made guard- 
 ian of' the West; another, changed into the badger, was sent to the 
 South; another, transformed to the white (gray) wolf, was sent to the 
 East : another, made into the eagle, was sent to the Zenith ; still another, 
 converted into the shrew, was sent to the Nadir. Others were con- 
 verted into rattlesnakes that the} 7 might preside with wisdom over the 
 six regions; others into ants that they might scatter their houses over 
 the earth, these becoming the zoic gods of the A'shiwi. 
 
 The Divine Ones, when leaving Shi'papolima, requested Po'shai- 
 yanki with his associate Na'ke'e and others to accompany them to 
 HaTona and initiate the A'shiwi into the mysteries of O'naya'nakia 
 (Mystery medicine). On reaching Hal'ona, the A'kwa a'mosi (makers 
 of medicine water) of the Shi'wannakwe and Ne'wekwe fraternities 
 were initiated into the order of Mystery medicine, and these afterward 
 initiated the others of their fraternities. The Divine Ones wishing 
 more fraternities, formed one composed of Na'ke'e and his wife and 
 another man. These initiated others into the mysteries of O'nay- 
 a'nakia and also of eating large coals of fire. This organization the 
 Divine Ones named Ma"ke 'Hlan'nakwe (Great Fire fraternity), 
 Na'ke'e becoming the original director. Having received the knowl- 
 edge of sword swallowing from A'chiyala'topa (a being with wings 
 
 a Pa'yatamu of the Ne'wekwe fraternity must not be confounded with Pa'yatamu, the god of music, 
 flowers, and butterflies, who lives in the spring Shun'te'klaya, and is conspicuous in the myth of the 
 Com maidens. The flute of the former is unlike that of the latter. Pa'yatamu of the Ne'wekwe plays 
 the part of jester as wellas that of musician, and he is represented on the altar in a dress of stripes in 
 party-color. Baubles ringed in party-color are the insignia of membership in the Ne'wekwe. The 
 earliest published mention of the harlequin that the writer has found is in "Sakuntala," an Indian 
 drama by Kalidasa, translated into English by Monier Williams. Organizations similar to the Ne'- 
 wekwe exist in the other pueblos. The Keres name is Ko'shairi, which Bandelier translates delight- 
 makers. 
 
410 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ahn.23 
 
 and tail of knives) at Shi'papolima, Na'ke'e initiated members of his 
 fraternity into the secrets of sword swallowing, which order he named 
 'Hle'wekwe (Wood people), the swords being fashioned of wood. 
 
 The 'Hle'wekwe. one of the original fraternities, traveled north- 
 ward, then eastward, finally reaching the home of Po'shaiyanki." 
 While there the 'Hle'wekwe were initiated into the secret of sword 
 swallowing by A/chiyala'topa. 6 
 
 After the 'Hle'wekwe had remained four years at Shi'papolima they 
 started to return to their people, not, however, until those possessing 
 the secrets of Mystery medicine had been converted by the Divine 
 Ones into beasts. The details of the migration of the 'Hle'wekwe will 
 be given in the account of the ceremonies of this fraternity. 
 
 Another man was called by the Divine Ones, and he was initiated 
 into Mystery medicine and into the mystery of playing with fire, but 
 not that of eating it; and he in turn initiated others, forming a frater- 
 nity which the Divine Ones named U'huhukwe (from u'kia, down,' in 
 reference to eagle down). 
 
 Again, Kow'wituma and Wats'usi desiring to increase the .number 
 of fraternities chose two men, whom Po'shaiyiinki initiated not only 
 into the mystery of medicine which cures disease caused by witch- 
 craft of man, but also into the secrets of healing disease caused by 
 angry ants; and these two initiated others. This fraternity was named 
 Ha'lo'kwe, but it is also called A'chiya (Stone Knife), from the order 
 of this name. The secrets of fire were not given to the Ha'lo'kwe. 
 
 Some of the officers of this fraternity declare that the Knife order originated in this 
 wise: A stone knife, descending from the gods above into the ceremonial chamber 
 through the hatchway, indicated that such an order should be created. This order 
 does not swallow the knife, but the knife is passed before the lips at initiation. In 
 old times this order had many stone knives which they used in the ceremonials, much 
 as eagle-wing plumes are used at the present time. 
 
 Po'shaiyanki distributed the beast god medicines, also the tablet 
 altars and sand or dry paintings to the fraternities. One night, while 
 a man of Po'yi'kwe (Chaparral cock) clan sat in his house, one of the 
 Shumai'koli gods and his sai'apa (warrior) appeared to him without 
 masks. They told the man that their present home was Chi'pia, which 
 is near Shi'papolima, but that they originally came from the under- 
 most world; that, traveling by the northern route eastward, the} 7 
 reached Shi'papolima. afterward going to Chi'pia. The gods remained 
 but a short time with the man and returned to their home. 
 
 The pe'kwin (sun priest) was notified on the following morning of 
 
 "The *Hle'wekwe insist that their fraternity started for the north from the vicinity of Ko'thluwa- 
 la'wa, while all other priests and theurgists declare that this fraternity started from Han'tliplnkla 
 after receiving their totems. All agree, however, that the 'Hle'wekwe had departed before the engage- 
 ment of the A'shiwi with the Kla'nakwe (see p. 3G). 
 
 >' The 'Hle'wekwe insist that their initiation into the swallowing of the sword occurred previous 
 to that of the wood order of the Great Fire fraternity. 
 
 o U'klu means also down of other birds, and of cotton. 
 
stevenson] ORIGIN OF THE FRATERNITIES 411 
 
 the visit of these gods and he was so anxious to see them that he 
 visited Chi'pia. He invited the six Shumai'koli, with their warriors, 
 to Hal'ona. The invitation was accepted, and on the occasion of the 
 second visit the gods wore their masks. During their stay they 
 initiated the man of the Po'yi'kwe clan whom they first visited into the 
 secrets of their medicine, which is the panacea for convulsions and 
 cramps in the limbs," and they taught him the songs given them by 
 the Sun Father. These gods left their masks with the man, and he 
 initiated others, forming a fraternity, which was named Shu'maakwe. 
 
 A short time afterward, when the Great Fire fraternity were assem- 
 bled in their ceremonial chamber, the three gods, Kok'ko'hlan'na (great 
 god — that is, of this particular group of gods), Shits'ukia, and Kwe'lele, 
 appeared from Chi'pia. Each god initiated a man of the fraternity 
 into the secret of his medicine, which is the specific for swellings of 
 the throat, body, or limbs. The gods left their masks with those they 
 initiated, and these men in turn initiated others. 
 
 The Ma"ke l San'nakwe (Little Fire fraternity), though one of the 
 important fraternities, was not embraced in those organized at Hal'ona 
 or I'tiwanna, and it is generally believed b} T the sages of Zuni that 
 this fraternity was adopted bj r them from the Hopi Indians. 5 
 
 The main bodj' of Mu"kwe (Hopis) left the Corn clan and, after 
 various vicissitudes, settled on three mesas. The Corn clan remained 
 for a long period where they first settled, and while at this first village 
 they were visited by two A'shiwi (Zunis), one a member of the Badger 
 clan, the other belonging to the Frog clan, whose members could kill 
 deer and antelope by simply throwing the medicine of the "San'iakia- 
 kwe fraternity upon the game. The A'shiwi at this time were living 
 at Han'lipinkia. and they had not as yet learned the secrets of Mystery 
 medicine from Po'shaiyanki. The two A'shiwi were warmly welcomed 
 by the Mu' ; kwe of the Corn clan and were permitted to observe the 
 marvelous feats of the members of the Little Fire fraternity. They 
 had never before seen anything like it, and said: "We wish to be 
 initiated into your fraternity.'' The mo'sona replied: "Very well; if 
 you wish it so. v He received them into the order of It'sepcho (Jug- 
 glery). This fraternity was too covetous to divulge the secrets of more 
 than one order, for which the two A'shiwi paid nothing. On their 
 return to Han'lipinkia eight others were initiated into the secrets of 
 It'sepcho, making ten members in all. This order, transmitted from 
 the Hopi Indians, existed, according to Zuni belief, among the A'shiwi 
 before the organization of the fraternities by the Divine Ones at Hal'ona. 
 
 a The limbs are rubbed with one kind of medicine and another medicine is drunk. 
 
 b After long and careful investigation it was found that the sages are correct; that the members of 
 this fraternity were among those Zufiis wbo separated at a remote period from their people, going to 
 live with the Hopis. This separation may have taken place previous to the occupation of Hal'ona by 
 the Zunis. During Mr Stevenson's first visit to Zuni he was informed by many of the priests of the 
 pueblo that the middle village on the first mesa of the Hopis was known as a Zuni settlement. This 
 was subsequently confirmed by information from the people of this Hopi village. 
 
412 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 When certain of the A'shiwi removed from To'wa yal'lanne (Corn 
 mountain) to Shun'te'kiaya. situated near by, those who had been 
 initiated by the Corn clan of the Mu"kwe into It'sepcho danced in the 
 plaza in Shun'te'kiaya in the presence of all their people. 
 
 The director of the order held an unlighted torch and four red- 
 colored fluffy eagle plumes while he danced and called for the presence 
 of the Cougar of the North. Looking in that direction, he cried: 
 
 "Hai i. hai i, hai i, hai i, hai i;"andthe 
 
 cougar, hearing, obeyed the call. The director then tied one of the 
 plumes he held to the back of the cougar's neck, saying: "I give you a 
 plume, and I pray you will make intercession with the u'wannami (rain- 
 makers) for rain." Then the cougar returned whence he came. The 
 director called in like manner for the Bear of the AY est, and when the 
 bear appeared, he attached a plume to the back of his neck, begging 
 that he would intercede with the rain-makers for rain. Again he 
 danced and called upon the Badger of the South, and when the badger 
 appeared, he tied a plume to the back of his neck, asking that he would 
 intercede with the rain-makers. And on the badger's return to his 
 home the director called upon the White Wolf of the East, and 
 attaching a plume to the wolf's neck, asked that he would make inter- 
 cession with the rain-makers for rain. When the wolf returned to his 
 home the director transferred the unlighted torch from his left to his 
 right hand and danced. After a time he chewed some of the Corn 
 clan's medicine and lighted his torch by blowing a strong breath of 
 medicine upon it. Extending the blazing brand toward the north, 
 he lighted a tire at a great distance, and a fire was made in the same 
 manner in the three other regions. The people, looking on, were 
 greatly annoyed, and after much discussion they decided that this man 
 and his followers were sorcerers. The director of the order of It'sep- 
 cho with his fellows wei - e indignant at the accusation, and declared: 
 "We are not sorcerers; our Mu"kwe fathers of the Corn clan taught 
 us this." These A'shiwi were so offended that they left their people 
 and joined the Corn clan of the Alu'kwe. After the A'shiwi and the 
 Mu"kwe of the Corn clan had been together four yeais (time periods) 
 they traveled to where. the other Mu"kwe had settled and built a vil- 
 lage on the most eastern of the three mesas, by the side of the pueblo 
 of Walpi. The A'shiwi named this village Shi'wona, after the village 
 of their own people that was built in the Middle place of the world. 
 During their stay with the people of the Corn clan the A'shiwi were 
 initiated further into the rites of the Little Fire fraternity. When the 
 A'shiwi returned to their people after their long absence they were 
 received with great ceremony, and the ceremonials of the Little Fire 
 fraternity were observed with the greatest interest. The above account 
 is generally believed, though a different version is given by some. It 
 
 'i rtiwannu was also called Shi'wona. 
 
stevesson] ORIGIN OF THE FRATERNITIES 413 
 
 is ;is follows: A party of Mu"kwe came to the A'shiwi country in 
 search of their god Le'lentu." This long-looked-for god was found at 
 the spring Shun'te'kiava. at the base of the mesa bearing the same 
 name, and near Corn mountain. The A'shiwi Gods of War also 
 discovered lVyatamu at this place. The music which the Mu"kwe 
 beard before reaching the spring guided them to their god Le'lentu. 
 This god of the Hopis and A'shiwi is supposed to be short in stature, 
 his head crowned with the flowers of the te'nas'siili (mythical plant 
 which bears six-colored blossoms). While these Mu'iiwe, who were 
 members of the Little Fire fraternity, were with the A'shiwi they 
 initiated some of the latter into their secrets, thus organizing a Little 
 File fraternity at Hal'ona as at Shi'wona. The Mii"kwe having 
 brought cotton with them, the A'shiwi women spun it and wove it into 
 shirts, which were presented by the novices to the Mu"kwe. 
 
 Chi'klalikwe (Rattlesnake) fraternity is a branch of the U'huhukwe. 
 Pe'shii'silo'kwe (Cimex) is a branch of the Ma"ke 'San'nakwe. 'Ko'- 
 shi"kwe (Cactus fraternity) is declared by theurgists and others to 
 have been adopted long since from the Hopi Indians. 
 
 The A'pi''lashiwanni (Bow priesthood) was created by the Gods of 
 War at Hal'ona, the}' becoming the original directors; and the elder 
 and younger brother Bow priests, who fill the places of the Gods of 
 War in this fraternity, having followed them in direct succession, are 
 supposed to be as infallible through their initiation as were the gods 
 who preceded them. 
 
 Membership in the fraternities mentioned, except the 'Ko'shi'kwe 
 and A'pi'lashiwanni, is open to Zunis of both sexes and of all ages 
 above 4 or 5 years. Besides the fraternities mentioned, there is the 
 Ko'tikili (Mythologie fraternity). 
 
 Though the fraternity of Sho'wekwe (see Games, page 329) still 
 exists, it is now not considered worttrv of mention by the Zunis. Men 
 make use of it to waste their lives in casting lots instead of working. 
 
 There is still another organization, the Struck-by -lightning frater- 
 nity. This fraternity has its standing among the others, and no less a 
 personage than Nai'uchi, the greatest of the Zuiii theurgists, was 
 treated by a woman of the fraternity just previous to his death. It is 
 interesting to the writer on account of its very recent origin, giving 
 her an insight into the manner of creating a Zuiii fraternity. The 
 following was the story related by the director of the Struck-by-light- 
 ning fraternity: 
 
 In the summer of 1891, at the village of Xivtria, five men, one a Navaho, and two 
 women, all in one house, were made senseless by lightning. The first to recover 
 was a man, the husband of Catalina, one of the women present. He thought his 
 companions were dead, and at first could not inquire into the circumstances of this 
 catastrophe. Presently one of the women, this man's sister, began crying, and then 
 
 a Le'lentu of the Hopis is the same as Pa'yatamu of the Zunis. The description by both peoples of 
 their god of music, butterflies, and flowers, is the same. 
 
41-1 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 
 
 one after another returned to consciousness without medical aid, except Catalina 
 an<l the Navaho guest. This man's body had been badly burned, and, though he 
 lived, his reason was gone. They all agreed that the shock was like a severe stroke 
 on the head with a club. The news was at once dispatched to Zufii, and a man who 
 bad been struck by lightning in the previous year hastened to Xutria. He adminis- 
 tered medicine to all who had been stunned. Catalina was restored by a piece of 
 wood from a tree which had been struck by lightning. The charred wood was 
 powdered ami applied to the affected part, and an arrow point was then bound over 
 the charred wood powder. They all returned to Zufii and remained four days in 
 the lower room of the house of Catalina, observing a strict fast, taking nothing but a 
 little prayer meal in water. After the heads of the afflicted were washed in yucca 
 suds, te'likinawe (prayer plumes) were made and deposited in the fields to the light- 
 ning-makers on the morning after the fourth night; and so the Struck-by-lightning 
 fraternity was organized." 
 
 It is a natural impulse of the human mind to seek for truth and to 
 endeavor to account for the phenomena of nature, and thus philosophy 
 grows. Mythologic philosophy is the fruit of the search for the 
 knowledge of causes. The reasoning of aboriginal peoples is by anal- 
 ogy, for at this stage of culture science is yet unborn. So the philos- 
 opher of early times is the myth-maker. The philosophy of primitive 
 peoples is the progenitor of natural religion. Religion was invented 
 through long processes of analogic reasoning. The Zufii is in this 
 stage of culture. He is conscious of the earth, but he does not know 
 its form; he knows something of what the earth contains beneath its 
 surface, of its rivers and mountains, and of the sun, moon, and all 
 celestial bodies which can be seen without optical instruments; he 
 sees the lightning, hears the thunder, feels the winds, and knows the 
 value of rains and snows; he is acquainted with the beasts of the for- 
 ests, the birds and insects of the air, the fishes of the rivers, and 
 knows that these living things possess attributes not attainable by 
 himself, so he endows these animals with superior or supernatural 
 qualities. When one becomes ill from any other cause than that of 
 a wound, he may be treated in a most practical manner with legiti- 
 mate drugs, but if the disease does not yield readily to treatment, 
 then it is attributed to some foreign element thrust into the body and 
 beyond the power of man to overcome. Nothing is left but to appeal 
 to the creatures of superior qualities, and thus a system of theurgism 
 develops. Religion and medicine become a dual system. The animals 
 that are worshiped become healers, acting through the agency of the 
 theurgists. These theurgists have no power in themselves to avert the 
 evil of sorcery; they must first pass entirely under the influence of 
 the Beast Gods.'' In order that the theurgist should heal his patient, 
 
 "Though this fraternity had developed into a well-recognized organization in 1904, it is doubtful, 
 owing to the rapidly changing environment, whether the Struck-by-lightning fraternity will ever 
 be classed with the older esoteric fraternities. 
 
 ''The belief that beasts of prey employ human agents is not confined totheZufiis; it seems that 
 the sane belief i- held by the t'uur d'Alcnc Indians. "The medicine man was considered a very 
 powerful being by Ids tribe. He could take away the life of a man at his word or cure a sick or 
 dying person. His power depended on the wild beasts that are fierce and powerful." (Extract from 
 a biter written by Lieutenant Campbell E. Babeock, I'. S. Army, to the United States National 
 
 Museum.) 
 
stevensox] ORIGIN OF THE FRATERNITIES 415 
 
 this foreign object in the body must be extracted, and the method 
 usually adopted is curious. Extravaganza before the altar and the 
 animal fetishes induces the spirit of the animal to enter the body of 
 the theurgist, giving him the power to discover the afflicted part, which 
 is often done by holding a quartz crystal before the patient; the lips 
 are then applied to the flesh, and the disease is drawn out by suck- 
 ing. ' A theurgist may be of either sex, but must be a person regu- 
 larly initiated into the order of Mystery medicine. Though young 
 children of both sexes enter this order, they do not practice healing 
 until, in the opinion of elder theurgists, they have reached years of 
 discretion, when they become members of the first degree. A dry 
 painting is one of the prominent features at the ceremony of initiation. 
 A ground color in sand is laid on the floor before the tablet altar and 
 made perfectly smooth, and upon this figures are delineated by sprink- 
 ling powdered pigment with the thumb and index finger. These paint- 
 ings, of more or less elaborateness, are common among all the pueblo 
 Indians, the Navahos, the Mission Indians of California, and tribes of 
 the north, and are all used in connection with medicine practices.'' 
 
 The mode of joining the different esoteric fraternities in which the 
 sick are healed through Mystery medicine is substantially the same. 
 Although those restored to health usually join the fraternit}' to which 
 the theurgist called upon belongs, to do so is not obligatory. The aim 
 of the one restored to health is to become a member of the Mj^stery 
 medicine order, but the expense of the necessary gift to the fraternity 
 father often deprives the person of his heart's desire, and so another 
 order is joined until such time as the requisite gift is secured. When 
 a restored patient desires to join the order, a small quantity of sacred 
 meal, composed of white corn, turquoise, and micaceous hematite, 
 coarsely ground, the last being specially acceptable to the Beast Gods, 
 is deposited in a corn husk. It is then folded in rectangular form, 
 tied with the greatest care, and carried in the right hand of the restored 
 invalid to the theurgist who effected the cui'e. In case the patient is a 
 young child the offering is carried by a parent. A similar offering 
 is made when the theurgist is called upon to visit the sick. It is also 
 made by those desiring to join the Sword and Fire orders of a frater- 
 nity. The theurgist carries the package at night to one of the points 
 of the compass, makes an excavation, and sprinkles the contents of the 
 husk into it as an offering to the Beast Gods. 
 
 «This process of sucking to cure disease is not confined to the Zufiis, but is common among the 
 aboriginal peoples of the world, differing only in minor details. 
 
 &The writer can not say how widespread is the observance of sand painting, but the low-caste peo- 
 ple of India design their gods in sand on the ground by sprinkling in the manner described, and they 
 also have sprinkling cups for this purpose. Dr Fewkes has several interesting specimens of sprink- 
 ling cups, supposed to have been used in the dry paintings, in his collection of ancient ceramics 
 from Arizona. The writer has never observed the use of the cups among the Indians of the Southwest. 
 Unlike our Indians, the natives of India do not have a ground color of sand, but spread the surface 
 with diluted chips of the sacred cow. The high castes have greatly elaborated the sand paintings, 
 which are used by them purely for decoration. This same feature is to be found in the Renaissance, 
 when the tables of the French were bordered in elaborate designs with powdered marble. 
 
416 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. akn. 23 
 
 Anyone acceptable to the fraternity may join the Fire and Sword 
 orders, whose ceremonials are for rains and .snows and have nothing to 
 do with healing the sick. The father of the chosen fraternity presents 
 a gift of a blanket to a male and of a woven dress to a female novice. 
 A member of the Mystery medicine order may ask his fraternity father 
 in this order to act for him in the other orders, but it is not uncommon 
 for the fraternity father to reply: "It will be well for you to choose 
 another father, as I have no gift to make to you." 
 
 The order of It'sepcho, the ceremonies of which are also for rains, 
 can be joined only after membership has been gained in the Fire and 
 Sword orders, unless one is already a member of Mystery medicine. 
 The fraternity father gives to the novice a woman's belt, which is 
 worn by men during ceremonials. The order of Pa'yatamu exists onry 
 in the Little Fire and Cimex fraternities and may be joined only by 
 male members of the Mystery medicine order. 
 
 For four days previous to initiation each novice of a fraternity wears 
 a fluffy eagle plume attached to the hair, and if a man, woman, or 
 child accidentally touch a member of the Fire and Sword orders of 
 a fraternity when that person is wearing a plume, the one commit- 
 ting this offense must join the order; or if one step upon or within 
 the meal lines which are drawn at ceremonial times on the roof of the 
 ceremonial chamber, the offender must join the Fire or Sword order. 
 If the wearer of a plume of the Mystery medicine order of the 
 Ne'wekwe be touched on the no'line (penis) or breast, the offender is 
 compelled to join the order. This rule is also observed in relation to 
 the Shu'maakwe fraternity, which, however, does not practice M} r s- 
 tery medicine, their medicine having come to them from the Shumai'- 
 koli (certain anthropic gods) and not from the Beast Gods. The novice 
 of the order of Mystery medicine presents his fraternity father with 
 a finely dressed deerskin, and the fraternity father in turn gives a 
 mi'li" to the novice. 
 
 AVhile the fetish et'tone, a most sacred object of the A'shiwanni, 
 symbolizes Earth Mother, rains, and vegetation, including all that sup- 
 plies physical nourishment to man, the mi'li symbolizes the life-giving 
 or soul power which comes from A'wonawil'ona, the supreme bisex- 
 ual power, who is the breath of life and life itself. And when the 
 breath of the plumes, which are a part of A'wonawil'ona, is inhaled, 
 one receives that life which is the great mystery and which when 
 given by the Supreme Power defies all life-destroying agencies. 
 Beneath the plumes of the mi'li are an ear of corn and other seeds,* 
 symbolizing the widespread power of A'wonawil'ona. The Earth 
 Mother, even though she be embraced by the rains of the u'wannami 
 (rain-makers), could not yield to the people the fruits of her being for 
 physical nourishment without the all-pervading power of A'wona- 
 
 oSeep. 41C. bSeep. 22. 
 
Stevenson] ORIGIN OF THE FRATERNITIES 417 
 
 wil'ona. The healing of the body also must come by the will of the 
 Supreme Power. All the medicine of the Beast Gods would be of no 
 value unless blessed by the mysterious life-giving power of A'wona- 
 wil'ona. Therefore each person initiated into the order of Mystery 
 medicine, or the mystery of healing through the Beast Gods, possesses 
 a mi'li, which is constructed by the fraternity father in the ceremonial 
 chamber while singing five songs in the presence of members of the 
 order. The songs are addressed to A'wonawil'ona, the Sun Father, the 
 Moon Mother, the Beast Gods of the six regions, and A'ehiyala'topa 
 (being with wings and a tail of knives). When completed, the mi'li is 
 placed by the altar, where it remains until given to the novice. 
 
 There are several fraternities to which the preceding rules do not 
 apply. The 'Hle'wekwe has a Sword order, but it has no order 
 of Mystery medicine. It has one mi'li, composed of an ear of corn, 
 eight turkey-tail plumes, with a few smaller bird feathers, and a 
 po'nepoyanne," and it possesses an et'tone. The manner of joining 
 this fraternity is given in the ceremonial of the 'Hle'wekwe. 
 
 'San'iakiakwe has no order of Mystery medicine, but each member 
 has a mi'li, composed of an ear of corn surrounded by eight turkey tail 
 plumes. Though this fraternity was organized specially for the chase, 
 it was initiated into the mystery of playing with tire. 
 
 Shu'maakwe has no order of Mystery medicine, but such members 
 as have the septum of the nose pierced possess a mi'li, though this is 
 quite different from that of Mystery medicine. It is built up over an 
 ear of corn, which is also coinpletel}- covered with plumes; but these 
 plumes, which are elaborate, are first attached to four slender sticks, 
 each one constituting a te'likinane (pra}'er plume), this having a 
 la'showanne (one or more plumes attached to cotton cord) hanging 
 from its tip. A stick with zigzag marking, symbolic of lightning, 
 some -± inches higher than the prayer plume, its upper portion colored 
 blue and tipped with a white fluffy eagle plume attached with a cotton 
 cord, stands in the center. These mi'wachi (plural for mi'li) are not 
 so high as those associated with Mystery medicine. All mi'wachi are 
 associated with A'wonawil'ona. The base of the Shu'maakwe mi'li is 
 heavily wrapped for 4 inches or more with white cotton cord. The 
 one which the writer examined had two spiral shells over 1 inch long, 
 with a piece of abalone shell the size of a silver quarter between them, 
 strung on the cord at the upper portion of the wrapping. These 
 adornments are referred to as the necklaces of the mi'wachi. 
 
 aThe po'nepoyanne (from po'ne, to place; poyanne, bundle) is composed of an ear of corn sur- 
 rounded by a number of reeds tbe length of the middle finger. Each reed contains pellets of the epi- 
 dermis secured by persistent rubbing of the body. The reeds are closed at the ends with raw cotton. 
 They are securely wrapped together with cotton cord and are surrounded with eagles' wing feathers. 
 These plumes must be dropped by wild eagles and found by members of the fraternity. They are 
 given to the director of the fraternity, who attaches the plumes to the fetish, which gradually 
 becomes larger by the addition of the plumes as they are found from time to time. 
 
 23 eth— 04 27 
 
418 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ass. 28 
 
 On the fourth morning after the death of a member of the Mystery 
 medicine order, the director having taken the mi'li of the deceased 
 apart, each member of the order prepares a prayer plume from the 
 plumes of the mi'li. As each prayer plume is completed, the maker 
 prays to the Beast Gods to intercede with the rain-makers for rains. 
 and draws from the plumes the breath of A'wonawil'ona, the breath of 
 life. He also prays for happiness for all, and that they may not die, 
 but live to old age, and that they may sleep to awake in Ko'thluwa- 
 la'wa. The prayer plumes are handed to the director, who, after 
 receiving them, makes them into a kia'etchine (a group of plumes 
 wrapped together at the base) and deposits it in the river that the spir- 
 itual essence of the plumes and prayers may be carried to the gods. 
 The same process is observed with the mi'li of a deceased Shu'maakwe, 
 the prayers being offered to the Shumai'koli gods for rains, happi- 
 ness, and long life. 
 
 When a mi'li is disintegrated, the seeds are taken from the cavity 
 -of the corn cob and the grains from off the cob, and the}' are distrib- 
 uted among members of the order, who plant them in their fields in 
 the coming year. 
 
 The Shi'wannakwe do not destroy their mi'wachi. The mi'li of the 
 deceased is kept in his house until his son is old enough to join the 
 fraternity, when it is presented to him. If there is no son, or should 
 the son not wish to join the fraternity, the director of the fraternity 
 presents the mi'li to whomever he chooses. Although the writer has 
 never allied herself with an}' of the fraternities, several of them have 
 presented to her sacred objects of their organizations; among these is 
 a mi'li" of the order of Mystery medicine (see plate ci) prepared by 
 Nai'uchi, the elder brother Bow priest and warrior of the Little Fire 
 fraternity, which was presented with the same prayer and ceremony 
 as over a novice. Nai'uchi also allowed her to have his own mi'li for 
 a few days, with the promise that no one, unless it be his own son, 
 should see it. 
 
 The ear of corn for the fetish must be perfect in form and every 
 portion of the cob must be covered. Should the ear be irregular, and 
 it often occurs that a straight ear can not be found, it is held by the 
 fire for a while, the breath is blown on it for a few minutes, and then 
 it is securely bound to a rod and left for a couple of days. When 
 removed from the rod the ear of corn is straight. Should one or 
 more grains be lacking to make the ear a ya'pota (perfect ear), grains 
 are taken from another ear of corn and attached by the use of cement. 
 After the portion repaired is dampened with the mouth, several 
 mouthfuls of water are thrown over the ear to cleanse it thoroughly. 
 
 The son, an associate shi'wanni and a theurgist of no mean standing in the Little 
 Fire fraternity, who, being fraternity father to several persons, had constructed 
 
 "This fetish was deposited in the United States National Museum. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT. PL. CI 
 
 1\ 
 
 \ B 
 
 *YH» 
 
 EAR OF CORN COVERED WITH PLUMES' INSIGNIA OF 
 THE ORDER OF O'NAYA'NA'KIA (LIFE GIVERS) 
 
 ■ . ' ' 
 
Stevenson] ORIGIJS OF THE FRATERNITIES 419 
 
 nii'waehi. was induced, after long persuasion extending through several days, to take 
 the mi'li of his father and that of the writer apart and reconstruct them. Great 
 secrecy was observed in this work. When he sot about removing the seeds, which 
 were in a cavity in the corn cob, he brought an ancient pot containing a paste of 
 blackish earth that is supposed to have been brought from the undermost world. 
 With this earth and a cement of pifion gum and yucca fruit lie closed the cavity 
 upon returning the seeds to their place. Depositing the jar and cement before him, 
 he removed his head-kerchief and moccasins and silently prayed to A'wonawil'ona 
 and the Beast Gods that he should not be punished for desecrating the sacred 
 nii'waehi. To prepare a mi'li without the appropriate ceremony is sacrilege. This 
 devotee to his ritual shed tears while he clandestinely pulled apart and repaired the 
 nii'waehi. 
 
 His father's mi'li wasfirst handled. The string containing the beads was removed, 
 then the straw covering at the base, after which the plumes, one by one, were dis- 
 placed and laid on the floor beside the worker. The earof corn was now taken from 
 the buckskin cup which held it; the cotton cloth was loosened from the base of the 
 corn; the clay which sealed the cavity in the cob was broken from the base of the 
 corn, and the seeds were removed. Other seeds were emptied from the buckskin 
 cup. All these objects were laid down in order with the tenderest care. The writer's 
 mi'li passed through the same form of disintegration, and the objects were laid a 
 little apart from the others. 
 
 In the reconstruction the theurgist worked first on the writer's mi'li. He ran 
 four fresh lines of paint, made by diluting some of the earth paste, lengthwise over 
 the lines which were made when the mi'li was originally fashioned. These are sym- 
 bolic of the four regions. He then refilled the cavity in the heart of the cob with 
 the seeds, which include corn grains of the six colors — wheat, squash, watermelon, 
 ami nmsknielon seeds, beans, and pifion nuts. When the cavity was closed with 
 the earth paste, the cotton cloth was tied over the base of the cob, symbolic of the 
 apparel of the Mother Corn. The theurgist showed how' the buckskin cup in which 
 the base of the ear rested was made, placing it, after removing the thong lacing, in 
 a small bowl of warm water, and leaving it there until it was thoroughly pliable. 
 This piece of dressed buckskin, which was dyed black ami rectangular in form, was 
 laid on the floor while wet. A disk of raw deer hide was held at the base of the ear 
 of corn as it stood in the center of the piece of buckskin. It seemed difficult to 
 form this rectangular piece of leather into the desired shape. The left hand held the 
 corn in place while the real work was performed with the right hand. The moist 
 leather was pulled and fitted to the corn, the left thumb doing its share in the way 
 of pressing the leather into shape. Holes were punched in the laps of the leather, 
 and moist thongs were used to lace the laps together. Various seeds w : ere dropped 
 into the cup before the lacings were tightened, after which the cup was securely 
 wrapped with the thong and tied. At the present time some of the cups used for 
 nii'waehi are cut from blocks of wood, this process being much easier than the shap- 
 ing of the leather; but the leather cup is the genuine and original kind. The cup 
 containing the ear of corn was set aside while the plumes were being arranged in 
 proper order, each variety of feathers being placed in a separate row. Each of the 
 lour long parrot, or macaw, plumes was first attached to a slender stick, and after- 
 ward cotton cord was tied to the ear of corn and held in the mouth two fingers' length 
 from the corn. One of the. macaw plumes was now attached to the ear by binding 
 to it the end of the slender stick to which the plume was attached, the plume extend- 
 ing far above the top of the corn. A similar plume was bound at the opposite side 
 of the corn by wrapping the end of the stick. A third was placed between the two, 
 and a fourth opposite the third, thus symbolizing the four quarters. The four sticks 
 were now wrapped together where they were attached to the plumes, which drew 
 the four plumes close together. Figure 26 shows the mi'li at this stage of reconstruc- 
 
420 
 
 THE ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 tion. Six white o'wa (dove) plumes from the tail of the male bird followed next, 
 each one being wrapped on separately. 
 
 The mi'li was now placed for a few minutes beside the low fire, while the theur- 
 gist sat in silence, his lips moving in prayer. Then six mai'ya (Cyanocitta macro- 
 lopha) tail plumes, representing eyes, were added. Three green macaw plumes 
 followed these; next twelve wing feathers from the male duck's shoulder; then six 
 male dove wing plumes; following these fifteen duck feathers from under the wing; 
 after these twenty small red parrot feathers; and then three white fluffy eagle 
 plumes were attached, representing the feather adornment on the head of the Corn 
 Mother. A band of fourteen small turkey feathers, from the top of the neck of the 
 male bird, completed the plumes of the mi'li. The plumes were arranged with the 
 greatest precision. The cord, still held in the mouth, was wrapped loosely around 
 the feathers to the tip of the long macaw plumes, where it was secured, and the 
 mi'li was stood on the floor while the ease for the base, which was made of wheat 
 straw, was moistened aiid delicately manipulated into shape. It was set aside for a 
 
 Fig. 26— Theurgrist reconstructing the mi'li. 
 
 few moments and then drawn over the mi'li from the top; hence the extra wrap- 
 pin<_' of the plumes with the cord. The case was carefully fitted to the base, and 
 the outer wrapping of cord, being now removed from the plumes, was used to secure 
 the top edge of the straw. After the cord was wound many times around, it was 
 carefully fastened by tucking it under the wrapping. Bits of shell and beads tied 
 around the top of the straw with a cotton cord completed the mi'li of the order of 
 Mystery medicine. The theurgist repeated a long prayer while he held the mi'li; 
 then, after passing it four times over the writer's mouth, that she might draw in the 
 sacred breatb from the fetish, he handed it to her, saying, " Receive your father." 
 To a male he would say, " Receive your mother." The same procedure was 
 observed in rebuilding the father's mi'li, except that the buckskin cup was not dis- 
 turbed. When the father's fetish was completed the young theurgist, with tears on 
 his cheeks and with a deep sigh, said, " I have pleased my mother, but I have 
 offended mv gods." 
 
stevesson] ORIGIN OF THE FRATERNITIES 421 
 
 The 'Ko'shi'kwe and A'pi"lashiwanni are not divided into orders 
 like the other fraternities. Those who have performed valorous deeds, 
 such as killing- an enemy, may join the 'Ko'shi'kwe; one must not 
 only have killed the enemy, but must have brought in the scalp, to 
 entitle him to membership in the A'pi''lashiwanni — at least such was 
 the custom until more recent years. The cessation of intertribal wars, 
 with the consequent absence of scalps, has so depleted this organiza- 
 tion, in many respects the most powerful in Zuiii, that men who have 
 never been in an engagement with the enemy are received into the 
 fraternity, and the ceremony of initiation occurs exactly as if they 
 were genuine victors, an old scalp from the scalp house, without a 
 vestige of hair, being used in place of the fresh scalp. 
 
 All the fraternities except the 'Hle'wekwe, 'Ko'shi'kwe, and A'pi"- 
 lashiwanni hold synchronal meetings for eight daj r s and nights at the 
 winter solstice (see page 112), when the sick are healed, swords are 
 swallowed by those belonging to the Sword order of the Great Fire 
 fraternity, and playing with tire and jugglery are practiced. There is 
 no initiation at this time. Suds to symbolize snow clouds are made by 
 the deputy a'kwamosi (maker of medicine water), who whips in a bowl 
 of water witli a reed, such as arrow shafts are made of, a crushed or 
 broken root, praying meantime for cold rains and snows. At other 
 times meetings of these fraternities do not continue longer than one 
 day and a night unless there is to be an initiation, when the fraterni- 
 ties must convene during- four days — for three nights until midnight, 
 for the fourth until sunrise. 
 
 The 'Ko'shi'kwe meets on the first day and night only of the festival 
 of the winter solstice. The members of the A'pi"lashiwanni meet 
 separately at this time with the fraternities to which they are allied as 
 warriors or guardians of the altars and fetishes. The fraternities 
 having the order of jVTvstery medicine meet in January for initiation 
 and to heal the sick. They may or may not practice jugglery. Such 
 fraternities as have the Fire order meet in Februaiy. As a rule, only 
 the Little Fire and Cimex fraternities meet in March, and their meet- 
 ings occur but once in four years, the Cimex alternating quadrenni- 
 ally with the Little Fire in the Great Fire dance. The fraternities do 
 not convene in April and May. There are s} T nchronous meetings of 
 the fraternities at the summer solstice, to invoke the Beast Gods to 
 intercede with the rain-makers for rain, when the A'pi"liishiwanni act 
 as warriors and guardians of the altars, as they do at the winter sol- 
 stice. No ceremonies of the fraternities are held in July. The frater- 
 nities, except the 'Hle'wekwe and A'pi"lashiwanni, convene in August 
 and September to prepare their plant medicines, at which times there 
 are elaborate ceremonies. These fraternities meet ao-ain in October and 
 November for initiation, when the sick are healed and fire eating and 
 
422 THE ZUN1 INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 
 
 jugglery are practiced. Meetings may be held at other times at the 
 discretion of the director for initiation, but this is done only in extreme 
 cases. Though concurrent meetings of elaborate character occur only 
 
 at the winter and summer solstices, it may happen that two or more 
 fraternities convene at the same time, the date for the meetings beino- 
 fixed by the director, who has direct control over the fraternity, the 
 exception being the Shu'maakwe: the director of this fraternity is 
 under the jurisdiction of the pe'kwin (sun priest) and it may convene 
 only at his command, and the sun priest is usually punctual in his 
 notices to the director that the fraternity meet with the others." 
 
 The 'Ko'shi'kwe hold but three meetings annually, and the novices 
 must wait for a regular meeting to join the fraternity. The A'pi"lashi- 
 wanni have the scalp ceremonial for initiation once in three or four 
 years, at the will of the elder brother Bow priest. It is depended on 
 to bring rains in case of severe drought. This fraternity also has an 
 annual festival of thanksgiving, known as the '"Harvest dance." The 
 'Hle'wekwe hold but two regular meetings annually, in January and 
 February, and a name presented for membership must be held over 
 for a year before the person can be received into the fraternity. The 
 Wood order (Sword swallowers) of the Great Fire hold synchronous 
 meetings with the 'Hle'wekwe in January and February, each fra- 
 ternity having its warrior or warriors from the A'pi'lashiwanni. 
 Except the 'Hle'wekwe and Shu'maakwe, each fraternity is notified of 
 a meeting to be held by one of its warriors, who goes from house to 
 house saying to the members: "Our father (referring to the director) 
 wishes the fraternity to meet." The party addressed replies: "It is 
 well.' 1 The members of the 'Hle'wekw T e are notified through the 
 Kia'kwemosi, rain priest of the North, and, as has been stated, the 
 Shu'maakwe are notified by the sun priest. 
 
 The members of all the fraternities gather semimonthly in the cere- 
 monial chamber to prepare prayer plumes, which they otter to their 
 gods. The tablet altars are often placed for these occasions. The 
 men prepare offerings for their fraternity children of the opposite sex 
 and for boys not old enough to have received voluntary initiation into 
 the Ko'tikili. 
 
 When a woman loses a fraternity father she must choose another 
 to fill his place, because women can not prepare prayer plumes unless 
 they are members of the Ko'tikili. A male member of her fraternity 
 father's clan presents a quantity of meal wrapped in corn husk; laying 
 this in the palm of a man's hand, he prays and announces to him that 
 he has been chosen to fill the place of the deceased fraternity father. 
 The only case, so far as the writer has been able to learn, in which 
 
 "The pe'kwin having been a little tardy in 1892. the director of the fraternity complained to the 
 writer that he had not yet been notified to hold the ceremonial which should occur in February. On 
 the lollowing day his mind was set at rest by the notification from the sun priest. 
 
Stevenson] ORIGIN OF THE FRATERNITIES 423 
 
 women not associated with the Ko'tikili make prayer plumes, though 
 they sometimes color the sticks to which the plumes are attached, is 
 after a woman has severed her connection with the U'huhukwe" frater- 
 nity. She must then prepare plume offerings, having- been instructed 
 by her fraternity father, and must deposit them as though she were 
 still a member of the fraternity. 
 
 Prayer plumes are made and deposited at the new and full moon 
 of each month by the members of all the fraternities except the 
 'Hle'wekwe; also at the winter and summer solstices, upon the death 
 of a member, and at meetings of the fraternity. The plumes are 
 deposited in the tields, at shrines of the various fraternities and in 
 other places. The Great Fire, the Little Fire, the Cimex, the Eagle 
 Down, and the Rattlesnake fraternities plant prayer plumes in April 
 at a shrine south of Zufli dedicated to the rattlesnake, where they 
 invoke the snakes to intercede with the rain-makers to send rams upon 
 Zuiii. The sticks of these offerings are colored red, with black lines 
 at one end to indicate the rattle. Figure 27 shows the shrine. Prayer 
 plumes made semimonthly are deposited in the cornfields or melon 
 patches. In the autumn, fruits and all edible, seeds are also buried 
 in the fields as offerings of thanksgiving, with supplications for abun- 
 dant supplies in the coming- year. At the full moon of October the 
 altar is erected in the ceremonial chamber, where the members sing 
 until midnight. 
 
 The ceremonials of the fraternities, the Ko'tikili excepted, are held 
 in large chambers on the ground floor, which are ordinarily used as 
 the general living rooms for the families. Whenever possible, these 
 rooms must extend east and west, and almost invariably they do, in 
 order that the altar may face east and the first light of day enter 
 through the eastern window. 
 
 Each fraternity asserts that it has occupied its present ceremonial 
 chamber since the founding of Zuni, except the branch fraternities, 
 which had to find for themselves other rooms where, when once located, 
 they have remained. The rooms have been enlarged and improved 
 from time to time. Prior to the occupation of a room by a fraternity 
 the household moves out and gives the room a general cleaning. They 
 do not remove, however, until just previous to the convening of the 
 fraternity. Their presence in the chamber does not interfere with 
 the meeting of the members to rehearse their songs and talk over 
 matters. The men and women of the house, who are not members of 
 the fraternity, converse or go to bed with the children without paying 
 the slightest attention to the group present or their songs. The songs 
 are not begun, however, until the non-members are supposed to be 
 asleep. 
 
 a See U'huhukwe fraternity. 
 
424 
 
 THE ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 The fraternities do not routine themselves to songs in the Zuni 
 tongue. The Shi'wannakwe and Ne'wekwe sing in the Zuni and Santo 
 Domingo languages, the 'San'iakiakwe in Zuni and Laguna, the 'Hle'- 
 wekwe in Zuni and Acoma, the Ma"ke 'hlan'nakwe in Ke'pachu," the 
 Hii'lo'kwe in Zuni and Santo Domingo, the U'huhukwe and Chi'klalikwe 
 
 Fig. 27— Shrine dedicated to the Rattlesnake. 
 
 in Zuni and Tewan, the Shu'maakwe in Pima, the Ma"ke 'San'nakwe 
 in Zuni, A'pachu (Navaho), and Mu"kwe (Hopi). The Mu"kwe are 
 said to have learned the A'pachu songs from these people soon after 
 they came to this world; the 'Ko'shi'kwe sing in Zuni and Hopi; the 
 Pi'"'lashiwaimi in Zuni and Laguna. According to the legend, the 
 
 nThe Ke'pachu are said by the Zufiis to be a people living far north of their Zuni country. These 
 people are said to live in tents of deerskin and wear clothing of the same skins (sec Great Fire 
 fraternity). 
 
steve'nso.n] ORIGIN OF THE FRATERNITIES 425 
 
 A'pachu were friendly with the Zunis iind Mu"kwe when they first 
 came through Ji'mi'kianapkiatea, but they did not attach proper 
 importance to the a'mosi (directors) of the Zunis, who resented the 
 slight and insisted upon going to war. The A'pachu did not wish to 
 tight, but the Zunis attacked them and drove them to the north. 
 
 The pottery drums of the fraternities are curled at the mouth, 
 which prevents any slipping of the rope that fastens the deerskin 
 which is stretched over the opening. These drums are vase-shaped, 
 and have a ground color of white or cream, and are generally deco- 
 rated with cougars, bears, and snakes. The beasts are usually repre- 
 sented in combat with one another; the snakes likewise. Some rare 
 old specimens of these drums were secured by Mr Stevenson and 
 deposited in the National Museum at Washington. 
 
 The tablet altars of the fraternities are made in sections, and when 
 not in use are stored away. They are freshly decorated for ceremo- 
 nials, as the Zunis have not acquired the art of permanent coloring. 
 The altars and dry paintings which appear in the ceremonials are 
 referred to as t£sh'kwi (not to be touched). The number of officers 
 varies in different fraternities. The a'kwamosi (maker of medicine 
 water) sits north of the altar, and his pe'kwln (deputy) sits south of it. 
 The flutist, with rare exceptions, sits behind the altar while he plays. 
 
 Great care is observed in washing the hair in yucca suds and bath- 
 ing for ceremonials, since an unclean person is most offensive to the 
 tutelary gods. The bath is repeated in the morning and evening of 
 each day during the meetings, the men frequently taking their morn- 
 ing baths in the river, at other times disrobing to the breechcloth and 
 bathing in the general living room. Women of the family wash the 
 men's hair and one another's. 
 
 The process of the women's bath is tedious. The woman goes to a 
 corner of the general living room and bathes without removing the 
 cotton camis. If this garment is to be worn after the bath, great 
 care must be taken to prevent it from getting too wet; if it is to be 
 changed, it is used as a towel for the lower portion of the body, and 
 the pi'toni (the cotton piece worn over the shoulders) is used to dry 
 the remainder of the body. It is astonishing how adroitly the women 
 manage not to be exposed during the bath, yet this precaution seems 
 unnecessary, since the men present appear not to have the slightest 
 concern in the ablutions of the women. 
 
 The high-necked and long-sleeved cotton garment is discarded by 
 the women for ceremonials, and their necks and arms are bare. Men 
 wear their cotton shirts and trousers in the ceremonial chamber, but 
 afterward discard them, wearing, except on rare occasions, only a 
 woven breechcloth in the dances. The moccasins of both sexes are 
 always removed on entering the chamber. The strictest etiquette is 
 observed in these ceremonials. No one enters the chamber without 
 
426 THE '/UNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 28 
 
 giving and receiving a greeting of welcome, the newcomer being asked 
 to be seated. No one is allowed to fall asleep in the ceremonial cham- 
 ber except such members as arc held almost sacred on account of their 
 extreme age. The offender is at once touched in no gentle manner 
 by some member. Pregnant women and young children are held as 
 severely to account as the others. After the close of the ceremonial 
 the head of each member is washed in yucca suds. Continence is 
 observed during the ceremonials and the four days following, for all 
 carnal thoughts must be dispensed with at this season. 
 
 The plume which is worn for four days by the novice, during 
 which time he must observe continence and abstain from animal food 
 and grease (the fast continues for four days after initiation), is removed 
 the morning previous to initiation (the initiatory ceremony as a rule 
 occurs during the fourth night of the ceremonial) at Ku'shilowa (red 
 earth), a short distance east of Zufii, by the fraternity father, who 
 ties the plume mentioned to a blade of yucca, sprinkles it with meal, 
 and then, with a prayer for long life and a true heart for the novice, 
 deposits the plume on the ground. A similar plume is tied to the hair 
 when the person is decorated for the initiation ceremonies. Ku'shi- 
 lowa is a great repository for these plumes and te'likinawe, and hun- 
 dreds of plumeless sticks are to be found there. 
 
 On returning, the member elect goes to the house of the fraternity 
 father, where the wife or daughter bathes his head. Afterward he is 
 entertained at a feast at which no animal food must be taken. When 
 the members of the fraternity have completed their toilets for the even- 
 ing, the novices take their seats in line on the north side of the room 
 near the altar until the fraternity fathers are ready to prepare them 
 for the ceremony, when they cross to the south side of the room, 
 standing usually near the fireplace, where each fraternity father adorns 
 the person of his fraternity child. For Mystery medicine the face, 
 body, upper arms, and legs of the males are colored brownish red. 
 The feet, the legs halfway to the knees, the hands, and the arms half- 
 way to the elbows are colored with a white paint made of kaolin. 
 A black woven breechcloth, embroidered at the ends, is worn. With 
 females only the feet, the lower portion of the legs, the hands, and the 
 arms are painted, kaolin also being used for this purpose. They wear 
 the usual woven dress. An owl and a raven feather, held in place by 
 yucca ribbons, are crossed on the top of each wrist, the owl feather 
 pointing outward, the other pointing inward. Similar feathers are 
 also crossed on the outside of each leg below the knee, the owl feather 
 pointing to the knee, that the child of Mystery medicine may be up 
 early with the raven and go about at night, without fear, like the owl. 
 The chin and the upper lip are covered with a paste of kaolin, a circle 
 of which is put around the top of the head, and hawk or eagle down is 
 dotted over the kaolin, symbolic of the clouds of the world. After 
 the adornment of their person the novices return to their seats on the 
 
stevenson] ORIGIN OF THE FRATERNITIKS 427 
 
 ledge, and their hands are held in turn by the invited female guests. 
 In some instances the wife of the fraternity father sits on the left of 
 the novice and the elder sister of the fraternity father on the right. 
 This custom is also followed by the 'Hle'wekwe. 
 
 The closing ceremonies at sunrise are substantially the same with 
 all the fraternities having the order of Mystery medicine. Boxes or 
 low stools are placed in line near the center of the floor and are covered 
 with blankets. The novices are led by their fraternity parents and 
 seated upon these boxes, facing east. The wife or sister of each fra- 
 ternity parent stands behind the novice, resting a hand on each shoul- 
 der. A vase of water and a bowl containing yucca root are set before 
 each novice, and the makers of the suds stand beside, them. Each 
 fraternity parent now takes the gifts for his child from the altar and 
 stands east of the bowl and before his child. Each novice receives a 
 mi'li, four ears of corn tied together with yucca ribbon, prayer plumes, 
 of which each member of the order has made two, wrapped together 
 at the ends with corn husks, and two eagle-wing plumes, one of the 
 plumes having a nutty eagle feather colored red, emblem of Mystery 
 medicine, attached to its tip. Before the presentation of each gift it 
 is drawn four times across the left side of the head, four times over 
 the crown of the head, then across the right side, and then before the 
 mouth of the candidate, who inhales the sacred breath of A'wonawil'- 
 ona. The gifts are held in the left arm of the novice, and they are 
 about as much as a child can manage. 
 
 After the women prepare the suds they rise, and the fraternity 
 parents, being in line outside of where the makers of the suds stand, 
 pass before them, starting at the south end, and dipping their plumes 
 into each bowl they deposit the suds on the novices' heads. Then 
 each member of the order of Mystery medicine repeats this act, also 
 passing from the south end, the members of the choir returning to 
 their places. The head and hands of each candidate are afterward 
 thoroughly washed by those who prepared the suds, and the hair is 
 wiped by the mother or sister of the fraternity parent. Each fra- 
 ternity parent now removes his mi'li from the altar and passes it four 
 times in line downward before the mouth of each novice while the 
 sacred breath is drawn. The mi'li is put to the left side of the face, 
 to the crown of the head, and then to the right side of the face. As 
 the members do not afterward return to their positions, the choir 
 becomes gradually reduced, until only one besides the drummer 
 remains, and his voice and the drum die away when they come for- 
 ward with their mi'wachi. The bowl that the head is bathed in is a 
 gift to the novice. The women of the fraternity father's family and 
 of the family of the candidate exchange gifts of flour, cornmeal, etc/' 
 The women of the fraternit}- and the families of the male members 
 furnish and prepare the food consumed during the ceremonial days. 
 
 a Exceptions to these rules will be mentioned in the description of the ceremonials. 
 
428 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann2c 
 
 Shi'wannakwe" 
 
 Tlie Shi'wannakwe and 'San'iakiakwe are the only fraternities which 
 do not observe the fast from animal food at the winter solstice festival, 
 these two fraternities having at the time of their origin received direct 
 instructions from the Divine Ones not to observe the fast. The Shi'- 
 wannakwe must not, however, touch jack rabbit as food at any time. 
 This fraternity has three orders — 0'na3 T a'nakIa (Mystery medicine), 
 It'sepcho (Jugglery), and Ma"ke (Fire). The novice usually does not 
 appear before the fraternity until the fourth night, when the fraternity 
 father escorts him from his home to the ceremonial chamber^ 
 
 The writer failed to get a sketch of the tablet altar, which is similar 
 to those of the other fraternities. Plate en shows the dry painting 
 which is made at the time of initiation. This painting is not directly 
 associated with the worship of beasts of prey, but with celestial 
 worship. «, Outline of tablet altar; h, mi'wachi of the order of 
 O'naya'nakia; c, line of meal; '7, Yu'pia'hlan'na'' (Galaxy), formed of 
 meal and outlined in charred corncob; e. sun symbol; f, moon symbol. 
 The sun and moon are formed of corn pollen, burnt corncob, crushed 
 turquoise, and other mineral colors. These two emblems are about 5 
 inches in diameter. The lines extending from the disks denote the 
 sun's rays. 
 
 At an initiation into the Shi'wannakwe fraternity the meal from 
 the symbol of the Galaxy is rubbed on the novice, as the sands are 
 in initiatory ceremonies in orders associated with Mystery medicine. 
 The meal is afterward gathered in corn husks and carried with prayer 
 plumes to the shi'ine of the Shi'wannakwe on a knoll southeast of 
 Zufii, where there is a stone slab containing etchings of the sun and 
 moon. The novice, accompanied to this shrine by his fraternity father, 
 plants his prayer plumes, which are offerings to u'wannami A'shi- 
 wanni (rain priest rain-makers), u'wannami pe'kwin (sun priest rain- 
 makers). Yu'pia'hlan'na, and the Beast Gods, these latter being 
 supplicated to intercede with the others. The plumes are planted a 
 few feet southwest of the slab, which rests on four elevations several 
 inches high. 
 
 ^Yht>n initiation into the Fire order occurs, the novice sits for a time 
 in the center of the floor, and he rises when the fraternity father 
 is ready to place coals in his mouth. The medicine, achillea mille- 
 folium (yarrow), taken beforehand ki to prevent burning" is put into 
 the novice's mouth directly from the mouth of the fraternity father. 
 
 The Shi'wannakwe possess a rude carving in stone of a female, 
 
 " Those who do not fast from animal food. 
 
 '•The male gender is applied to the Galaxy. 
 
 t'To be described in connection with other fraternities associated with zoic worship. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. Cll 
 
 °o OOoOOOoo 
 
 oo ooooo o oo 
 00 o 000 000 00 
 
 o ooooo 000 o 
 00000000000 
 
 DRY PAINTING IN FRONT OF ALTAR OF SHIWANNAKWE 
 
 A. HOEN 4 CO., Lith, 
 
.LOGY 
 
 TWENTY-?-- 
 
 PL. Clll 
 
 \ 'GREAT GOD- OF NE'WEKWE fsc 
 TOTASHA FRCi. 
 
 MEL'OTVPE CO., BOSTON. 
 
stevenson] ne'wekwe 429 
 
 some 10 inches high, which is reverenced us the A'wan 'Si'ta (Great 
 Mother). This image is said to have been in their possession since 
 the organization of the fraternity. In fact, they declare they had 
 two, but one was long since stolen and, they think, carried off to 
 another pueblo. Since this catastrophe the remaining image has been 
 guarded by an old woman of the Eagle clan, who never allows it to see 
 daylight except when placed by the altar or when offerings are to be 
 made. A theurgist standing near the altar moves his two eagle-wing 
 plumes for a time with weird incantations until the image appears to 
 catch the tip ends of the plumes with each hand, when the theurgist 
 apparently raises the image with the assistance of the plumes. The 
 illusion is perfect. The offerings to. the image are strings of precious 
 beads large enough to encircle the thumb of the donor. 
 
 The old creature who guards this image, and who seemed very much in love with 
 her husband, was induced to bring it out for the inspection of the writer, only, 
 however, after threats by the husband that he would leave her for all time if she 
 refused. 
 
 The director of the Shi'wannakwe holds in sacred trust a dressed 
 deerskin containing pictorial writings in color describing the coming 
 of the A'shiwi to this world, how they appeared with their tails and 
 webbed hands and feet, and their migrations from the far northwest 
 to the Middle place, which is the site of present Zuni. The old 
 theurgist claims that his fraternity was the happy possessor of two 
 such documents, but that a student from the East to whom he showed 
 them carried off one, and since that time the other has not been allowed 
 to be brought from the sealed vase in which it is kept, except at the 
 time of an annual ceremony, when it is exhibited to the members of 
 the fraternity. The Shi'wannakwe is especially revered as having on 
 one occasion brought rains upon Zuni when all other efforts had failed. 
 A great calamity caused by a drought brought about at that time by 
 the elder brother Bow priest, who proved to be a witch, was averted 
 by the songs of the Shi'wannakwe. 
 
 Ne'wekwe (Galaxy Fraternity) 
 
 The Ne'wekwe fraternity embraces the orders of O'naya'nakia and 
 It'sepcho and has a Kok'ko 'hlan'na (Great god) (see plate cm a), 
 as a patron god. Two other gods (plate era b shows mask of one 
 of these gods) also appear at times with the Ne'wekwe, but the writer 
 i- not sure what their relation is to the fraternity. It has been stated 
 that the Ne'wekwe was one of the four original fraternities organized 
 soon after the A'shiwi came to this world, and that Bi" t si'si, having 
 special qualifications, was appointed musician and jester to the fra- 
 ternity. Bi'"si t si remained with the Ne'wekwe during the migrations 
 of the A'shiwi until they reached 'Kiap'kwena (Ojo Caliente), a farm- 
 ing district of the Zufiis 15 miles southwest of the village. Here the 
 
430 THE Zl'NI INDIANS |eth. ann. 23 
 
 Ne'wekwe visited Lu'kiana 'kiai'a (Ashes spring), where Kok'ko- 
 'hlan'na appeared to them. The god inquired of the mo'sona 
 (director): "What medicine have you?" Upon being told, he said: 
 'Your medicine is good, but not good alone. Should j t ou give it 
 alone, it would destroy the intestines, for it is very hot. 1 will give 
 you medicine which must be taken to allay the burning qualities of 
 the other." Kok'ko 'thlan'na instructed the Ne'wekwe to use human 
 excrement in conjunction with their medicine. 
 
 Since that time the Kok'ko 'hlan'na is personated at the initiatory 
 ceremonials of the Ne'wekwe. He administers the excrement not only 
 to the initiates but to others of the fraternity. While the Ne'wekwe 
 are considered great theurgists, one of the organization is seldom called 
 upon except in extreme cases, from the fact that the invalid, if 
 cured, is expected to join the fraternity and one naturally hates to 
 indulge in its filthy practices; but after joining, the new fellow seems 
 as eager as the others to excel in their disgusting- acts. 
 
 The excrement is not given to invalids, but is administered on the 
 occasion of an initiation, when every member of the fraternity must 
 receive it. so that their bodies may be kept in condition for the other 
 medicine. Kok'ko 'hlan'na talked much to Bi'^si'si, who told him of 
 the mi'wachi (see plate ci), of the te'likinawe, and of the bauble of 
 his fraternity; and Kok'ko 'hlan'na said: "That is well; that is well. 
 Come and live with me and you shall be musician and jester to the Sun 
 Father." Before Bi^'si'si disappeared in the waters of the spring he 
 told his fraternity that whenever they needed him they should notify 
 him with te'likinawe and he would come to them. Since that time 
 Bi-'^i'si has borne the name of Pa'yatamu. The ground for a consid- 
 erable distance about this spring is marshy and so covered with tall, 
 rank grass that it was with difficult}' the writer followed Nai'uchi* to 
 the place. Very little water was found in the spring, and it was 
 dark and disgusting to taste. The spring is walled on three sides, the 
 walls, about 2 feet high, being made of the gray soil (from which 
 the spring- takes its name) and stones. Slender poles placed across 
 the spring, with brush and soil, make the roof. The soil about this 
 spring is used by the Ne'wekwe to decorate their persons and skull 
 paps for their ceremonials. 
 
 To add to the amusement of the spectators, members of the 
 Ne'wekwe frequently appear in the plaza with the Ko'yemshi between 
 the dances of the gods, and whenever this occurs they play the fool 
 generally; but it is when the Ne'wekwe appear in large numbers that 
 their conduct is shocking. 
 
 The writer was firsl present at a meeting- of the Ne'wekwe in 188-1. 
 
 "Tin- Kok'ko 'hlan'na of the Ne'wekwe is quite different from the patron god of the same name of 
 the Great Fire fraternity. 
 (•Elder brother Bow priest, since deeeased. 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 ne'wekwe 
 
 431 
 
 On the evening of October 2S she happened to be passing the cere- 
 monial chamber and was attracted by a half circle of white meal 
 before tbe ground entrance to the chamber. She immediately stepped 
 
 Fig. 28— Hnpi Indian married to a Zuni woman carving an image of Pa'yatamU for Ne'wekwe f Galaxy 
 
 fraternity). 
 
 to the door, and although many Indians protested against her enter- 
 ing, she passed through the doorway before their cries and threats 
 
432 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.2S 
 
 could be heard inside. The members of the fraternity looked up 
 from their repast with surprise, but the writer was made welcome 
 and invited to be seated and to join in the meal. An elaborately dec- 
 orated tablet altar stood at the west end of the long room and a bar 
 representing the Galaxy, on which stood two figures of Pa'yatamu 
 (Bi'"si t si), extended across the room above the altar. Figure 28 shows 
 a Hopi Indian carving an image of Pa'yatamu (see also plate civ). The 
 central portion of the bar is composed of cloud symbols with seven 
 stars representing Ursa Major. The sun's face is shown by a disk of 
 blue-green, surrounded by blocks of black and white, which denote 
 the house of the clouds. The carved birds, suspended from the blue- 
 green serrated clouds of the bar, represent the esho'si (bat). "If a 
 man sees a bat when he is on his way at night to plant prayer plumes, 
 he is happy, for he knows that in four days there will be much rain." 
 The birds perched on the clouds of the upper portion of the bar repre- 
 sent the kia'wulo'ki bird of the Zenith (Progne subis, purple martin). 
 Lightning is symbolized by zigzag carvings at each end of the bar 
 upon which figures of Pa'yatamu stand. The pendent eagle plumes 
 symbolize the breath of life, which is A'wonawil'ona (see page 22), 
 the supreme power. The tablet altar is composed of cloud symbols, 
 the sun surrounded by the house of the clouds, the morning and 
 evening stars carved on the tops of the rear posts and painted in white 
 each side of the sun. The yellow lion of the north and blue-green of 
 the west are represented on the two front posts, each of which has 
 two hawk plumes standing from the top. Three small stone prey 
 animals stand in line before the mi'wachi. A dark stone animal about 
 2 feet high is sejant before the altar. The flute of the fraternity, a 
 medicine bowl, and a prayer-meal basket are placed before the altar. 
 The star of the four winds, each point decorated with a star and cumulus 
 clouds (the serrated ends) from which eagle cast plumes hang, is sus- 
 pended above the altar (see description of plate lviii, page 245). 
 
 On entering the chamber the writer observed at once an object 
 which in their surprise at her entrance had for the moment been for- 
 gotten by the fraternity. It was the large stone animal. This fetish 
 stood before the altar on the north and was partly covered with a 
 lynx skin. But a few moments elapsed before the}' remembered with 
 consternation that the sacred object was exposed to the eye of the 
 visitor, who, appreciating the situation, appeai'ed unconscious of airy 
 objects beyond the group of men about the food. Expressions of 
 relief escaped their lips and on the instant several large blankets were 
 thrown over it. Those whom the writer afterward questioned regard- 
 ing the fetish at first denied all knowledge of it, but finally they 
 admitted it to be their great father of Mystery medicine, and stated 
 that the animal was converted into stone at the time when the great 
 fire spread over the earth (see Origin of animal fetishes). After the 
 
stevenson] ne'wekwe 433 
 
 meal the men formed into groups and prepared plume offerings, which 
 are quite different from those made by other fraternities, spears of 
 grass being combined with the plumes. Figure 29 shows the method 
 of combining plumes and grass. As there was to be an initiation, a 
 parallelogram was outlined in white meal on the floor near the altar. 
 
 Fig. 29 — Method of combining plumes and grass. 
 
 and was afterward filled in with the meal. A line of black inclosed 
 the whole, and segments of circles, symbolic of rain clouds, were 
 formed in black upon the white ground. The black coloring is made 
 from charred corncobs. A black line was run transversely across the 
 parallelogram. Two tigures were delineated also in black on the 
 23 eth— 04 28 
 
434 THE Zl'NI INDIANS [eth. ans. 28 
 
 ground color, one representing Bi" t si'si and the other his younger 
 brother or fellow, and horizontal black lines crossed these figures from 
 the top of the head to the feet. 
 
 After the completion of the prayer plumes each man lighted a iced 
 tilled with native tobacco and drawing a mouthful of smoke puffed it 
 through the feathers. The smoking of the cigarette was repeated 
 three times, and the prayer plumes were then gathered by one of the 
 fraternity and deposited in a basket tray, which was placed by the altar. 
 At 10 o'clock the members of the choir grouped themselves in the 
 southwest end of the room, the women sitting on the north side. The 
 large animal fetish now stood behind the altar." The flutist had his 
 usual place behind the altar. The a'kwamosi, who sat on the north 
 side of the altar, proceeded to prepare the medicine water (see page 
 492). The consecration of the medicine water is virtually the same as 
 in all orders of Mystery medicine. After the water was consecrated the 
 a'kwamosi took each plume offering separately from the basket and 
 sprinkled it with water. He then dipped the water with a shell and 
 taking it into his mouth threw it in a spray over the plumes. After 
 the offerings were all sprinkled, the director wrapped them in corn 
 husks in groups of twos and fours and returned them to the basket 
 tray. 
 
 During the long ritual there were several interludes, when such 
 jokes as the following were introduced: "I know a girl; her name is 
 Manuelita; she is very good and pretty; she has many horses and 
 fine clothes; her father and mother are rich and are very nice. Who 
 desires Manuelita?" Some one in the choir calls the name of a mem- 
 ber of the choir and the whole party joke him. Then again they call 
 the name of another girl and say: ''She is ugly and poor, with mean 
 and despised parents.'' One of the choir is named as her lover, which 
 causes great merriment. The Catholic priest is mimicked and the 
 paternoster repeated with all seriousness to its close, when the assem- 
 blage indulges in wit at the expense of church and priest.* 
 
 After such an intermission the choir would take up the thread of 
 their ritual. The following are terms employed in one of their songs: 
 Kash'ita 'si'ponipon (fish with bearded mouth); Kash'ita chu'tape 
 (spotted fish): Kash'ita 'hlan'na (great fish, or father of all fish). 
 
 The healing ceremonies of the order of Mystery medicine are simi- 
 lar to those described in connection with the Great Fire fraternity 
 (page 493). All night the weird performances continue, and at sunrise 
 the Kok'ko 'hlan'na appears in order to administer his medicine to the 
 novices— a man. a woman, and a girl (i vears of age. The latter is the 
 
 "When the officers "i the fraternity and the writer became better acquainted no effort was made 
 to seclude the sacred fetish from view. This fetish, however, is usually partly eovered with a 
 lynx skin ora sacred white embroidered blanket, so that ii is necessary to raise the covering to see il 
 clearly. 
 
 b No other fraternity indulges in any such hilarity during their rites. • 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 nk'wekwk 
 
 435 
 
 daughter of the Kia'kwcmosi (rain priest of the North), who is a mem- 
 ber of t he fraternity and is as much of a buffoon when acting with the 
 Xe'wekwe as any of the others. Though the child does not flinch from 
 the ordeal, it is apparent that the noxious dose is taken with aversion. 
 They must eat of the offal and drink the urine, that their intestines 
 may not be destroyed by the hot medicine. This dose is given and 
 received with the same seriousness that Christian churches observe 
 with their most sacred sacraments. Later in the morning, when the 
 
 Fig. 30 — Markings on back and arrangement of hair of the Ne'wekwe. 
 
 fraternity adjourns to the Si'aa' te'wita, the Kok'ko 'hlan'na administers 
 another dose. He wears a cotton shirt, the sleeves of which are tied to 
 the wrists with bine yarn. A Hopi embroidered blanket is worn as a 
 skirt: it hangs from the waist and is fastened at the back. An em- 
 broidered cotton sash is tied at the back of the waist and a fox skin is 
 pendent at the back. The lower portion of the leg-; is wrapped with 
 white cotton cloth of Hopi weaving, and the feet are covered with dance 
 moccasins. Ko'hakwa and turquoise beads hang in profusion over 
 the breast. He carries in each hand laro-e bunches of giant vucca, each 
 
436 
 
 THE '/UNI INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ANN. ■-':( 
 
 spear being split into fine pieces. It is observed that the yucca sprays 
 arc always held horizontally except when they are being used over the 
 hack of some one. He also carries ill his left hand a feather wand wrap- 
 ped with corn husks. There are thirty men and five boys, all but one 
 having their bodies painted in ash color: the one exception has his 
 body painted black with hands of white. All wear the black woven 
 breechcloth embroidered at the ends in blue. A bust of Bi" t si t si, 
 
 
 ^H^Bk/ 
 
 I^^K 'i^r 
 
 1 
 
 
 " V 
 
 
 
 
 Fig. 31 — Arrangement of hair of the Ne'wekwe, front view. 
 
 made by scraping off the paint from the body, is outlined on the back 
 of each man. Figure 30 shows markings on the back. Four of the 
 men wear skullcaps of cotton cloth painted in ash color, with bunches 
 of ribboned corn husks on top and on each side near the ears; the 
 others have their hair parted and tied in bunches. Figure 31 shows 
 arrangement of hair. Each carries a baton (see plate xvn) about 1<» 
 inches long and 1 inch in diameter wrapped closely with cotton cord. 
 
stevenson] ne'wekwe 437 
 
 which is afterward colored in circles of blue, green, and yellow, with 
 black lines between, and finished at the top with handed turkey plumes. 
 A single grain of corn, symbolic of the heart of the baton, is attached 
 to the other end of the stick by wrappings of corn husks. The women 
 and girls wear the conventional dress, with white Hopi blankets, bor- 
 dered in red and blue, around their shoulders, and their best moccasins; 
 their hair is done up like the men's. 
 
 The Kok'ko 'hlan'na administers the wretched morsel while moving 
 in a peculiar dancing motion, reminding one of a humming bird hov- 
 ering about a blossom. He advances to a man and whips him with 
 the yucca switches, and then hands the dose to one of the Ko'yemshi 
 gods (see page 33) in attendance, who in turn gives it to the person 
 designated by the god. None of the older members of the fraternity 
 seem to shrink from the dose, while some receive it with apparent 
 relish. Occasionally the one receiving the morsel divides it with 
 a man. woman, or child by placing his lips to the other's lips and 
 forcing it into the mouth. The children accept it as a religious 
 duty, but it is evident that they do not relish it. The god leaves the 
 plaza at intervals and during his absence there is great revelry, 
 the principal amusement being the wool-bag game, played between 
 the Ne'wekwe and Ko'yemshi, and the emptying of vessels of urine 
 over one another. 
 
 While ti.e scenes at the closing of the initiatory ceremonies are dis- 
 gusting, the acme of depravity is reached after the Kok'ko 'hlan'na 
 takes his final departure from the plaza. The performances are 
 now intended solely for amusement. The women and girls of the 
 fraternity leave the plaza after the ceremony and take no part in the 
 debauchery. The one who swallows the largest amount of filth with 
 the greatest gusto is most commended by the fraternity and onlookers. 
 A large bowl of urine is handed by a Ko'3*emshi, who receives it from 
 a woman on the house top, to a man of the fraternity, who, after 
 drinking a portion, pours the remainder over himself by turning the 
 bowl over his head. Women run to the edge of the roof and empty 
 bowls of urine over the Ne'wekwe and Ko'yemshi. Each man 
 endeavors to excel his fellows in buffoonery and in eating repulsive 
 things, such as bits of old blankets or splinters of wood. The}' bite 
 off the beads of living mice and chew them, tear dogs limb from 
 limb, eat the intestines and fight over the liver like hungry wolves. 
 It is a pleasure to state that the Ne'wekwe is the only fraternity that 
 indulges in such practices. 
 
 The Ne'wekwe are great mimics and all strangers are subjects for 
 their ridicule, especially the Catholic priest and the army officer. A 
 youthful member is picked up by one of the fraternity, who declares 
 him to be a "Catolico santo," and the others form in line and 
 carry the quasi saint about in procession. Finally a small blanket 
 
4 .* > S THE ZrXI INDIANS [cth.aps.23 
 
 is spread on the ledge which extends across the north side of the 
 plaza, and another is pinned to the wall behind it. in imitation of a 
 church altar: two of the fraternity disappear, to return with two 
 torches, which they place upon the mock altar, and then they seat 
 the "santo" between these. So the day passes until the evening shad- 
 ows fall upon the most ridiculous and revolting sights that are to be 
 seen in the pueblo of Zufii. 
 
 'San'iakIakwe (Hunters Fraternity) 
 
 The 'San'iaklakwe. also called Sus'kikwe (Coyote), fraternity has 
 two orders — Hunters and Fire. The members of the latter order do 
 not eat fire, but they play with large live coals and rub them over 
 their bodies. 
 
 The painting made at the time of the initiation into the order of 
 'San'iaklakwe is a disk with a ground color of white, and around the 
 periphery two concentric circles in black which are blocked in white, 
 symbolic of the house of the clouds. A spread eagle painted in the 
 center of the disk is surrounded by game, and groups of grains of 
 corn are scattered over the surface. The tablet altar is similar to 
 those of the other fraternities. Plate lix shows the altar of the 
 'San'iaklakwe with its accessories removed. This fraternity has a 
 second altar which differs from any the writer has observed, in that it 
 is capped with eagle's tail plumes. The songs of the order of the 
 'San'iaklakwe invoke the gods to give them power over the game when 
 on the hunt, and there are also most attractive songs of thanksgiving 
 after the capturing of game. Songs, too. are addressed directly to 
 such animals and birds as prey upon game. 
 
 The ceremonial chamber of the Hunters fraternity is one of the 
 few that extends north and south, and on the occasion of a cere- 
 monial the tablet altar is erected in the north end of the room. The 
 pictures on the walls are permanent: the writer has never seen 
 the walls without them except when the chamber was undergoing 
 repairs. The bear plays no part in the 'San'iaklakwe, for although 
 it will devour flesh, it lives principally on vegetable food; but the 
 cougar, the gray wolf, the lynx, and the coyote are represented upon 
 the walls in the chase after elk, mountain sheep, deer, jack rabbits, and 
 the cottontail, which are fleeing from their pursuers. Certain birds 
 are also represented in the decoration — the su'lulukia (butcher bird, 
 Lanius ludovicianus), •"which pecks at the deer's head when he sleep-- 
 until it kills the deer:" the kie'wia (Oreospiza chlorura). which kills 
 the deer by pecking at his eyes; the pi'pi (a species of hawk), which 
 surprises the deer when grazing and kills him by striking him with 
 his beak first on one side of the jaw and then the other: and the 
 kiakiali (eagle), which does the same, not only to deer but to mountain 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 439 
 
 .sheep and other game. Posh'kwa, an eagle that the Zufiis say has 
 perfectly black plumage, destroys game in the same way. 
 
 The fetish used in the hunt is the property of the individual and 
 passes from father to son. It does not belong to the elan or frater- 
 nity. This fetish is carried in the head-kerchief, the belt, or what- 
 ever the hunter may fancy. Fetishes of the larger animals, such as 
 the cougar and wolf, are carried for elk, deer, or antelope, and of the 
 eagle for rabbits and other small game. The shrew is employed as a 
 protection from mice and various rodents destructive of corn and 
 other vegetation. The hunter can ies for large game an owl's wing 
 feather, and when game is discovered he takes the feather into his 
 mouth, expectorates in the direction of the game, and advances slowly. 
 He is sure to meet with success if his heart is good. To insure suc- 
 cess in the hunt, arrows are shot into a vertical fissure in an inac- 
 cessible rock on the west wall of To'wa yal'lanne (Corn mountain). 
 A hundred or more arrows were to be seen in this cleft in- 1879. The 
 happy possessor of a rifle carries it in preference to the bow and 
 arrows. There is a good drawing in blue-gray of a deer on the face 
 of a mesa about 30 miles southwest of Zuiii, which is shot at by all 
 hunters who pass that way, and success is inevitable for the one whose 
 arrow strikes the mark. The Zunis say that their ancestors made 
 this pictograph, which is most sacred, during their migrations from 
 the far northwest when the world was new. 
 
 When skins are to be used for ceremonial masks or fetishes, the 
 game must be smothered, not shot. The process of securing game for 
 these purposes is as follows: 
 
 A deer drive of chaparral more or less extensive is constructed, 
 and at intervals of about 100 yards openings are left, and before each 
 of these openings a pit is dug sufficiently large to admit a deer. 
 Two poles are laid saltirewise between the entrance and the bottom of 
 the pit. which is finished at the top with poles laid as beams are placed 
 at the hatchway of a ki'wi'sine. Two poles extend across the open- 
 ing at the top of the chaparral and so near the trap that should the 
 deer be able to extricate himself he has not room to jump the pole 
 beyond. Each huntsman deposits five pra3 r er plumes in each trap, 
 three to Kok'ko A'wan (Council of the Gods), and two to ancestors. 
 
 'Two of the hunters wear cotton shirts with sleeves to the elbow, the 
 front and back of the shirt being painted to represent as nearly as 
 
 , possible the body of the deer; the hands and the arms to the elbow 
 and also the sleeves are colored to represent the deer's forelegs. 
 Each wears the skin of a deer's head over his head, held in place by 
 buckskin thongs. In this dress the two huntsmen imitate as closely 
 as possible, even to the browsing, the game they would catch. As 
 soon as a deer or herd is started these two men are assisted by the 
 
 "Chambers dedicated to anthropic worship. 
 
440 THE ZDNI INDIANS [eth. ANN. 23 
 
 others of the party to drive the deer to the chaparral and down it to 
 an opening. As soon as a deer discovers a clear spot with only a pole 
 to obstruct his flight he jumps, only to find himself caught in a trap. 
 If the fall does not kill the deer, one or more men smother it by press- 
 ing the nostrils, at the same time offering the following prayer to 
 A'wonawil'ona: 
 
 Lu'kia ya'tonne yam 'Klash'ima yam to'shonane yam 
 
 This day your rains, your seeds, your 
 
 O'naya'nakia ho'o a'nichivanap'tu 
 
 Mystery medicine I inhale the sacred breath of life. 
 
 Free translation: This day I give you my thanks for your rains, 
 your seeds, and the mysteries of life which I inhale. 
 
 When a deer or an antelope is brought from the hunt, the hunter is 
 announced by some of the villagers, whereupon the matron of the 
 home of the hunter advances to meet him. carrying a basket of sacred 
 meal, some of which she sprinkles upon the game, and as she returns 
 she throws a line of meal before her, the hunter following immediately 
 behind. After entering the house the hunter places the game tempo- 
 rarily on a sheepskin until the arrival of those who are to participate 
 in the ceremonial. They comprise the members of the household, 
 the order of the 'San'iakiakwe, and the members of the Coyote 
 clan. Another sheepskin is laid on the floor, to which the game is 
 transferred, with the head of the animal toward the east near a small 
 circular hole, symbolic of the entrance to the undermost world, in 
 the stone floor in which prayer plumes to the te'nas'sali (mythical 
 medicine plant), which is eaten by the game, are buried. 
 
 Prayer plumes caD only be offered when the members of the house- 
 hold belong either to the 'Stin'iakiakwe fraternity or to the Coyote clan. 
 When the offerings are to be deposited, those which have been previ- 
 ously buried in the cavity are removed in order to make room for the 
 new ones and are cast into the river to be carried to Ko'thluwala'wa 
 (abiding place of the Council of the Gods). After the plumes are 
 deposited the hole is plastered over — another illustration of the man- 
 ner of concealing sacred objects in cavities in dwellings. The 'Siin'- 
 iakiakwe possess the blossoms and the roots of the te'nas'sali because 
 it is good medicine for game. 
 
 One of the most attractive dances in Zuni has been adopted from the Hopi 
 Indians, the masks for which represent the heads of different game animals, from 
 the elk to the hare. The leader of the dances personates Le'lentu, the Hopi god of 
 music, butterflies, and flowers, who bears a tray or bowl containing a flowering plant 
 of the te'nas'sali. Nothing could seem more Chinese than the paper blossoms on 
 this artificial plant. When it is set down in the plaza the dancers gather around to 
 eat the Bowers. The animal-like and graceful movements' of the men personating 
 the game present a beautiful picture (see plate cv). These dancers appear at inter- 
 vals <luring the day, and the scenes close with a man shooting a little cottontail, 
 which appears to give great grief to the ether animals. 
 
 oSee classification of higher powers. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVI 
 
 a DEER LYING IN STATE 
 
 h PRAYER OVER RABBITS 
 
stevensox] RABBIT HUNT 441 
 
 The medicine bag containing the te'nas'sali is placed by the side of 
 the game. The fetish which was carried to the hunt, if the animal 
 was shot, was dipped into blood of the game immediately after it was 
 killed and was told to eat of the blood. 'Phis is now laid beside the 
 game. The neck of the animal is elaborately ornamented with neck- 
 laces of ko'hakwe, turquoise, and coral. A cotton cloth is first laid 
 over the unllayed body of the game, and upon this a white cotton 
 embroidered sacred blanket. Plate evi a shows a deer lying in state. 
 The song of thanksgiving is then sung. After the song the father of 
 the household, the family, and all present, including the 3 r oungest chil- 
 dren, their mothers guiding their tiny hands, sprinkle sacred meal on 
 the game. 
 
 The deer is now flayed. The first cut is made from the heart, or 
 breast, to the mouth. The knife is then run from the heart out and 
 down the right foreleg, then along the ventral line and down the right 
 "hind leg. This process is repeated on the left side of the animal. 
 Prayer meal and corn pollen are sprinkled into the mouth of the deer 
 and the prayer mentioned above is repeated. After the animal is flayed 
 it is drawn. The fetish is dipped in the first blood drawn from a deer 
 which has been smothered. If the game is not to be offered ceremon- 
 ially to the A'shiwanni, it is consumed by the fortunate huntsman and 
 his friends/' The heart and intestines are chopped and put into the 
 paunch and are cooked in an excavation lined with slabs, which con- 
 tains live coals. The skin is his unless the hunt was for the purpose 
 of securing skins for masks or other religious purposes. If the skin 
 of the head to be used as a mask by the huntsman, it is packed with 
 hay in order that it may retain its shape while it is being cured. A 
 hoop of white cedar is attached to the base, and buckskin thongs are 
 secured on each side with which to tie the head to that of the hunter. 
 
 A portion of all game, whether it is used for ceremonial purposes 
 or otherwise, is offered to the Beast Gods, with prayers that they will 
 intercede with the Sun Father and the Council of the Gods for the 
 A'shiwi. It is related that years ago the warrior of the 'San'iakiakwe 
 threw large live coals of fire to the six regions in order that the game 
 should hurry and come near. He threw to the North for the blacktail 
 deer, to the West for the mountain sheep, to the South for the ante- 
 lope, to the East for the whitetail deer, to the Zenith for the jack 
 rabbit, to the Nadir for the cottontail rabbit. 
 
 RABBIT HUNT 
 
 Although the rabbit hunt described in anthropic worship occurs 
 only by the order of certain priests, the one here recorded is by order 
 of the governor. It also is of a religious character. 
 
 a After the flesh Is eaten its spiritual life returns to the spirit home whence it came, saying: " I have 
 been to my people and given them my flesh for food; they were happy and their hearts were good; 
 they sang the song, my song, over me, and I will again return to them." 
 
44"2 THK ZUNI INDIANS [ktii. axx. 23 
 
 The hunt occurs in the three farming districts of the Zufiis — Pescado, 
 Nutria, and OjoCaliente — as thanksgiving for abundant crops, and takes 
 place immediately after the gathering of the corn and wheat. 
 
 Mr Stevenson and the writer accompanied a party which went out from Zufii to 
 Ojo Caliente. Those who had not returned to Zufii from their summer homes were 
 found husy at this place preparing for the hunt. The men's hair was hanging loosely 
 about their shoulders, having recently been washed in yucca suds, since no one can 
 take part in any ceremony without first washing the hair in yucca. The women 
 were busy arranging for the feast to be enjoyed after the hunt. A jack rabbit and 
 a cottontail were suspended from the outer beams of one of the houses. These had 
 evidently been there many days. Upon inquiry as to why the decomposed bodies 
 were not cast away, the reply was: "They were caught some days ago by order of 
 the Ko'yemshi « and hung there for good luck to hunters, and they must not be taken 
 down until after the hunt." 
 
 At 1 o'clock the command was given, and in a short time every man in the village 
 was mounted, with rabbit stick in hand, many of them carrying two, and a couple 
 were handed to Mr Stevenson with the words: "You, too, must join in the hunt." 
 The writer was wise enough to refuse the two that were offered to her, knowing the 
 certainty of failure. 
 
 No Zufii women were to accompany this party, but as a young man was taking leave 
 of his bride her eyes expressed such a longing to accompany him that the writer 
 insisted that the unspoken wish be gratified. It was not until after much persuasion, 
 however, that the pretty little girl, bedecked in her best gown and jewels, seated 
 herself behind her husband's saddle and rode off with him. The several hundred 
 Indians, all gaily dressed, made a pleasing picture. The horses were kept in a walk 
 until a knoll, about half a mile from the village, was reached. The A'wan ta/'ehu 
 (Great Father) Ko'yemshi, his pe'kwin (deputy), and a man of the 'San'iaklakwe 
 fraternity sat at the base of a pinon tree at the summit of the knoll. The Great 
 Father and his deputy were vis-a-vis, one facing east, the other west. The other 
 man faced east. The Great Father clasped the hands of his-deputy, his hands passing 
 under those of the deputy. 
 
 The party of hunters dismounted and sat around the trio while the Great Father 
 whispered a long prayer in a most impressive manner. At the close of every stanza 
 "Athlu" (amen) was repeated by the deputy and the man of the'San'iaklakwe frater- 
 nity. At the close of the prayer the Great Father placed the clasped hands to the 
 mouth of the deputy and, drawing them to his own mouth, inhaled from him a 
 breath of all that is good. The deputy now repeated the prayer while he clasped 
 the Great Father's hands. These prayers are a thanksgiving for the crops and good 
 health to the people and a petition that in years to come the ancients may bless 
 them with the same good crops, that their people may not die, but live, and sleep to 
 awake as little children in Ko'thluwala'wa (abiding place of the Council of the 
 Gods). The ceremony closed with a smoke, in which all joined. The two Ko'- 
 yemsbi and the man of 'Siin'iaklakwe fraternity led the way on foot to a fire pre- 
 viously made by the Ko'yemshi that was burning in a low' and symmetrical cedar 
 tree, the flames spreading evenly and beautifully. They must walk, because when 
 the world was new the A'shiwi had no horses. The three men stood near the fire, 
 offering prayers to the dead and begging the intercession of their ancestors with the 
 Council of the Gods that the rain-makers should water the earth. Bread was thrown 
 into the flames, with a call to the fire to eat and convey the spiritual essence of the 
 food to the dead. 
 
 The hunters now dismounted in couples, and receiving bits of bread from the 
 Great Father, who had an armful, threw them into the fire, with prayers that the 
 
 a See p. 33. 
 
stevenson] RABBIT HUNT 443 
 
 spiritual part might be conveyed to the gods. After passing their rabbit sticks 
 through the flames, asking the gods to crown them with success, they remounted 
 their horses. The Ko'yemshi and member of the 'San'iaklakwe led them for a dis- 
 tance; then they gave the order to proceed with the hunt.' The party divided into 
 squads. For a time there was considerable disputing in regard to the disposition of Mr 
 Stevenson and the writer, each party claiming the company of the visitors. Finally 
 it was agreed that they should be allowed to choose for themselves, and they accom- 
 panied the party composed of the more important men. They had not proceeded 
 many steps when a little cottontail came skipping along, all unconscious of its fate. 
 There was confusion as all hands rushed after the wee thing, surrounding it, each 
 man intent upon being the captor. With the chivalry of a knight the happy man 
 presented the rabbit to the writer. The Indians are very dexterous in the use of the 
 rabbit stick. Not a single rabbit that appeared escaped the weapon. Mr Stevenson 
 killed the second rabbit, which was the occasion of much rejoicing among the Indians, 
 for they took his success as evidence that his heart was with them and their people. 
 When the rabbit is surprised it starts off in one direction, but finding itself cut off from 
 escape it darts to another point and there meets with a barrier, and so to all points 
 until it becomes utterly bewildered, and it is not remarkable that one of the dozen 
 sticks darted toward it should strike the mark. The Great Father Ko'yemshi 
 remained with the hunters until the killing of the first rabbit, when he dipped his 
 fetish into its blood. This was not repeated by any of the hunters and the writer 
 understands that fetishes are not generally carried on the occasion of a ceremonial 
 rabbit hunt. At sundown the party returned, some to Ojo Caliente and many to 
 Zuili, laden with rabbits. The back of the writer's saddle was fringed with them. 
 
 When oue of these hunts is over, each hunter takes his rabbits to 
 his home, where some member of the household, male or female, 
 places them abreast on their sides, with their heads to the east and 
 facing south. An ear of corn is placed between the fore paws of each 
 rabbit, the upper end of the corn being even with the mouth (see plate 
 cvi b), and each member of the household sprinkles meal and prays 
 that the beings of the rabbits may return home and send many more 
 rabbits. The game is afterward flaj r ed. The skin is left on the fore 
 paws, the tips of the ears, around the mouth, and around each eye, and 
 a bit of it on the breast just below the neck; it is then cut crosswise in 
 the middle of the paunch and is drawn; the forelegs are crossed, the 
 hind legs bent upward at the joint, so that the feet meet upon the back; 
 food, usually wafer bread, is placed under the left foreleg, and the 
 rabbits are laid on the coals on their breasts with their heads to the east 
 and remain in this position until the first crackling noise, when they 
 are removed, for then the spiritual essence of the bread has left the 
 body and gone to feed the rabbits. If this is not done, the rabbits will 
 not appear, and hence can not be secured. The one who dresses the 
 rabbits must wash the blood off his hands over the fire. For this pur- 
 pose water is taken into the mouth and while the hands are held over 
 the fireplace the water is poured from the mouth over them. This is 
 to insure success in the rabbit hunt; if one fail to do this and should 
 the blood be washed from the hands at a distance from the fire, the 
 rabbits will go off, and can not be caught. 
 
444 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 'Hle'wekwe (Wood Fraternity), ok Sword Swallowers 
 
 The 'Hle'wekwe separated from their people at HaVlipinkia" to 
 travel northward in quest of the Middle of the world. The great ones 
 of the 'Hle'wekwe carried two et'towe (rain and crop fetishes: see 
 A'shiwanni, rain priesthood) with them— the 'hle'et'tone, the property 
 of the fraternity; and mu'et'tone, the cherished possession of the 
 'Ko'Moktakwe (Sand-hill crane) clan. Previous to the separation of 
 the 'Hle'wekwe from the other A'shiwi these most precious of precious 
 things contained only the seeds of water for rain and vegetation. 
 Some time after the separation, the et'towe being- placed upon cloud 
 forms of meal on the ground with te'likinawe (prayer plumes), and 
 prayers being offered for rain, great was the consternation when snow 
 came instead. Never before had the et'towe brought snow; never 
 before had the people seen snow; but henceforth these precious seed 
 reeds of the 'Hle'wekwe were destined to bring the cold rains and 
 snows of winter.' 
 
 Having proceeded as far north as the directors thought wise, a des- 
 perate dispute arose between a man and wife and the fraternity, the 
 former declaring that the northern route should be continued, while 
 the others declared that their course should now be changed and they 
 should go a little southward and then eastward. 
 
 A large and conspicuous Triassic sandstone rock, about 1J miles southwest of Zufii, 
 contained interesting markings that are declared by the Zunis to be a map of the 
 route followed by the 'Hle'wekwe after separating from their people, together with 
 other roads, with certain mesas, and constellations. An associate rain priest, who 
 was also a member of the 'Hle'wekwe, knowing the interest of the writer in the 
 markings on this rock, decided that she should have them; with no other tools 
 than two axes, a slab containing the pictographs was severed, and this was forwarded 
 to the United States National Museum. (See plate cvn.) 
 
 This etching is believed by the Zunis to have been made by the original director 
 of the 'Hle'wekwe fraternity. The wavy line crossing the stone indicates the course 
 of migration of the 'Hle'wekwe from H;in"liplnkla in the west to Shi'papolima in 
 the east. After traveling a long distance northward, the 'Hle'wekwe turned south, 
 and then proceeded to Shi'papolima in the east. The line crossing the bend in the 
 n >ai 1 was followed 1 >y the fraternity to secure certain medicinal plants. They returned 
 to the point whence they started for the plants and then resumed their journey. 
 The pits north of the line of travel indicate mesas and mountain peaks. The signifi- 
 cance of the hand symbol is not clear. The larger pit east of the hand is an extensive 
 basin constantly tilled with water from rains and snows. The dots surrounding the 
 [■it represent Ursa Minor. The short lines, no longer than an inch in the pictograph, 
 indicate the number of years consumed by the 'Hle'wekwe in going from Han"lipln- 
 kla to Shi'papolima and thence to I'ti wanna, the site of the present Zufii. The 
 human figure is an ancient Shi'wi before the tail and water moss had been removed 
 
 <> See p. 34. 
 
 '■While tradition points to the far northwest as the Zufii place of nativity, the belief, not only of 
 the 'Hle'wekwe hot of the combined priesthood, that snows were unknown until brought by the 
 ■ t towe "i" the 'Hle'wekwe on their northern journey furnishes an interesting subject for investiga- 
 tion. A rding to the 'Hle'wekwe, the roots of arusscs. after the snow disappeared, contained much 
 
 moisture and furnished refreshment for them when thirsty. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVII 
 
 MAP SHOWING ROUTE FOLLOWED BY 'HLE'WEKWE (WOOD FRATERNITY) 
 IN QUEST OF THE MIDDLE PLACE 
 
STEVENSON* 
 
 t hle'wekwe 445 
 
 ami the webbed hands and feet cut. The dots about this figure denote hail, for the 
 director of the 'Hle'wekwe fraternity desired much hail. The straight line extending 
 east and west across the slab indicates the road leading from Har/'liplnkla to the Salt 
 Mother before she left her home east of I'tiwanna. The cross near the east end of 
 this line and south of it symbolizes the morning star. The group of seven dots 
 denotes (Jrsa Major; the group of four, the Pleiades. The short heavy line indicates 
 the road followed by the Kta'nakwe on their way to the place where they were 
 found by the A'shiwi. 
 
 The man and wife made themselves so offensive to the fraternity that 
 when they were asleep in one another's arms on their blanket of 'su'le 
 (a grass) the 'Hle'wekwe lifted them in the blanket and tossed them to 
 the far north, where they remained and multiplied, becoming giants. 
 These are the Su'ni-a'shiwanni. 
 
 Proceeding eastward, the 'Hle'wekwe drew near to Shi'papolima, 
 home of Po'shaivanki (Zuni culture hero). The two chief officers of 
 the fraternity conducted them to the presence of Po'shaiyiinki, and 
 through him they became known to the people of medicine and craft 
 and were taught by A'chiyala'topa (being with wings and a tail of 
 knives) the art or secret of sword swallowing/' 
 
 When the 'Hle'wekwe started on their return journe}' they were pro- 
 vided with Beast Gods as warriors. It has been stated that the Divine 
 Ones visited Shi'papolima and transformed the medicine men into 
 Beast Gods as guardians of the world. The cougar, bear, badger, wolf, 
 shrew, and six snakes for the six regions were appointed to accom- 
 pany the 'Hle'wekwe. Long was their journey and many their stops 
 ere finding the Middle place and their people. On reaching To'yakwi 
 (Nutria)* they built a village and here, as elsewhere, they placed their 
 et'towe, with the sacred prayer plumes, on the ground upon cloud 
 symbols of meal, and prayed, whereupon the earth was soon covered 
 with snow. Then the people cried: ''Let us hunt the rabbit." Two 
 of the officers of the 'Hle'wekwe instead of hunting the rabbit went 
 to the mountains for deer. Looking westward from the mountain 
 top they discovered smoke, and exclaiming that their people must be 
 there the} 7 hastened toward the point whence the smoke issued.. 
 When the two officers entered the village the people inquired of them 
 who they were, and the} - replied: " We are A'shiwi, of the 'Hle'wekwe 
 fraternity." The Kia'kwemosi (rain priest of the North) was notified 
 and he gave them a warm greeting and said: "After ten clays [time 
 periods] bring your people hither." Upon their return to To'yakwi 
 the two officers told of their meeting with the A'shiwi, and the 'Hle'- 
 wekwe, anxious to be again with their people, moved on nearer to 
 
 a The swords originally used by this fraternity are supposed to have been exactly Jike the one now 
 used by the 'Hlem'niosona (sword director), which is asserted to be the original sword presented by 
 A'chiyala'topa to the original 'Jtflem'mosona. This sword has a cylindrical handle about 3 inches 
 in thickness, and there are no plumes attached The zigzag sword carried by the warrior of the 
 fraternity is also declared to be one of the original swords. 
 
 bXutna is a farming district 25 miles east of Zuni. 
 
44<> THE ZIJNI INDIANS [eth. ANN. 23 
 
 I'tiwanna, stopping :it Tdp'apkwinna (black rocks). Here their origi- 
 nal director disappeared in the spring, which has since been a most 
 sacred spot to the 'Hle'wekwe, who assert that underground roads lead 
 from it to Ko'thluwala'wa and A'witen te'hula (fourth or undermost 
 world). Again the two officers visited their people at I'tiwanna and 
 told the A'shiwanni (rain priests) that they wished to come to the Mid- 
 dle of the world. The Kia'kwemosi said: " You shall make te'likinawe 
 (prayer plumes) for rain." They answered: "No: you have found the 
 Middle: you shall make te'likinawe." Each party insisted that the other 
 should prepare the plume offerings. Finally the A'shiwanni made 
 te'likinawe and planted them, whereupon clouds gathered from the four 
 quarters, rain fell for four days and four nights, and the rivers and lakes 
 were full. Then the two officers of the 'Hle'wekwe made te'likinawe 
 and planted them, and soon the smallest white clouds could lie seen every- 
 where: then there came so many that they appeared as one great sheet, 
 and snow fell for four days and nights. The snow was halfway up the 
 ladders of the houses. The A'shiwanni were very angry, and the Kia'- 
 kwemosi visited the village of the 'Hle'wekwe and told them he did 
 not wish them to be near. "Should you come and bring your et'towe 
 and songs for snows, we should have no corn."" The director of the 
 'Hle'wekwe replied: "If you have only warm rains your corn will 
 fall over and die after it has come a little above the earth. The earth 
 should be cooled part of the time with the snows; then the sun's rays 
 will melt the snows and sink them into the earth, and when the warm 
 rains come the corn will be strong." "It is well." said the Kia'kwe- 
 mosi. Then the Shi'wanni of the West made a te'likinane and gave 
 it to the director o*f the 'Hle'wekwe, who also made one and planted 
 both at the spring, into which he afterward disappeared, and much 
 rain fell. It rained for four days and four nights, so that all the 
 rain roads (stream beds) were tilled with water, and the people were 
 happy and contented, being assured of the value of the et'towe con- 
 taining the seeds for snow. The Kia'kwemosi and other A'shiwanni 
 desired that the return of the 'Hle'wekwe should meet with such a 
 reception as became their exceeding greatness. Wishing that there 
 should be more than two et'towe for snows, the Kia'kwemosi chose 
 one of those brought to I'tiwanna by the Kia'nakwe people of the Corn 
 clan,* one belonging to the Badger clan, and one from the Ai'yaho"kwc 
 (a certain plant) clan. He designated these et'towe as mu'et'towc. 
 He also chose maidens as bearers of the et'towe and 'hla'we (bunches 
 of slender white stalks with beautiful silvery leaves resembling- 
 feathers, brought by the Corn maidens from the undermost world).' 
 Reflecting on whom he should choose as leader of these, he decided 
 
 <i Though the" above legend is associated in the minds of the Zuiiis with the site of the present 
 pueblo, such a legend must have had its origin with a people unaccustomed to anow, 
 bSeep. ii. 
 -. ,■ Discover} of '<<•■ Corn maidens. 
 
stevesson] T HLE / WEKWE FRATERNITY 447 
 
 to select a man from his own clan, the Pi'chikwe (Dogwood). This 
 man carried a sacred meal basket of the A'shiwanni, supposed to have 
 been brought from the undermost world, and he was called the Mu'- 
 chailiha'nona. The Kia'kwemosi also chose two maidens and a youth, 
 virgins, whom he called the Mu' waive," to dance on the occasion, and 
 the people of a ki'wi'sine to accompany these dancers and sing for 
 them. 
 
 The Beast Gods who accompanied the 'Hle'wekwe from Shi'papo- 
 lima continued with them to I'tiwanna. The fraternity were met by 
 the first body of A'shiwanni (rain priests), who had been apprised of 
 their coming, and were conducted to Si'aa' te'wita (sacred dance plaza), 
 the fraternity grouping themselves on the west side. Of the beast war- 
 riors, two sat on the west side toward the north and played on notel ed 
 sticks with deer leg bones, the sticks resting on inverted baskets, each 
 basket being placed upon a cross of meal on the ground, .while the other 
 beast warriors sat in the center of the plaza, looking upward to the 
 heavens. After the elaborate ceremonial in Si'aa' te'wita, the et'towe 
 were placed in baskets partly rilled with meal and the baskets were set in 
 line on the floor of the O'he'wa ki'wi'sine. 6 Then the shi'wanni of the 
 mu'ettone that belonged to the *Ko"loktakwe clan, and the singing 
 man, or leader, of the et'towe-bearers that were chosen to accompany 
 those of the 'Hle'wekwe in the ceremonial, prayed over the et'towe, 
 that they might bring snows and cold rains. After these prayers the 
 director of the 'Hle'wekwe announced that for one night the et'towe 
 would countenance any amount of licentiousness,'' the payment from 
 each man being a string of beads large enough to encircle his thumb. 
 This should be given to the woman of his choice, who in turn should 
 deposit it with the et'towe. 
 
 The 'Hle'wekwe has but two orders, the Sword and the Spruce (Pseu- 
 dotsuga douglassii). The fraternity holds two regular meetings 
 annually, one in January and the other in February/' 
 
 Should the 'Hle'wekwe fraternity dance or make te'likinawe <in 
 summer, the corn would freeze, as their songs and dances are for 
 cold rains and snows. • The medicines of the 'Hle'wekwe are espe- 
 cially good for sore throat. When a person is sick the father or 
 mother of the patient or, should the parents not be living, the brother 
 or a near relative, carries a quantity of prayer meal wrapped in a 
 
 " Mu'waiye has reference to the bending of the knees or body. 
 
 ''See Ki'wi'siwe and their functions. 
 
 (•There are no rites among the Zufiis or any other Indian tribe which the writer has studied that 
 involve any conditions of unchastity, and it is only during the closing ceremonies of the 'Hle'wekwe 
 fraternity, the night dances of the harvest festival, the frolics of Ko'yemshi, and one or two borrowed 
 dances that any suggestion of improper conduct is made by men associated with the ceremonies. 
 Immoral women in Zuni are regarded with the same aversion as they are in civilization; at least such 
 was the case until these people became demoralized by the environment of civilization, 
 
 dAt the time the writer last observed the indoor ceremonial the Iraternity had two directors. 
 One having retired on account of age, another took his place as the active director, yet the aged 
 man presided ex officio at the ceremonials and performed some duties. 
 
448 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bth.ank.28 
 
 corn husk to the doctor of his choice who is associated with the 
 'Hle'wekwe, who personally notifies the warrior of the fraternity. 
 who in turn notifies each member of the organization to be present at 
 night in the ceremonial chamber. Later all go with their rattles from 
 the ceremonial chamber to the invalid's house and sing. The relatives 
 of the invalid may be present. A basket containing the corn husk 
 of meal, presented to the doctor by the parent or relative of the invalid, 
 is placed on the floor, and after one song by the fraternity the husk is 
 opened and each member of the fraternity, even the youngest child, 
 takes a pinch of the meal and. passing to the invalid, runs the hand 
 containing the meal up the larynx to the tip of the chin. Retaining 
 the meal in the hand, he passes directly out of the house, and facing 
 east prays to the Pleiades and Orion for the restoration of the invalid, 
 and then throws the meal toward the east. Three more songs are 
 sung and then all return to their homes except the chosen doctor and 
 one woman of the fraternity whom he selects. The family also with- 
 draw. The two remain alone with the invalid. Early in the morning, 
 a member of the fraternity brings a white-blossomed medicine plant'' 
 which has been freshly gathered. A woman of the fraternity brings 
 the pot in which the medicine is to be boiled, and the woman in atten- 
 dance prepares it for the invalid, who drinks three large gourdfuls 
 one utter the other.'' The throat is then tickled with a feather by the 
 doctor, and copious vomiting is the result. The material ejected is 
 carried by the woman who prepared the medicine some distance from 
 the house: it must not be emptied near by. This treatment is repeated 
 for four mornings. On the fifth morning a tea is made from a red 
 root and drunk warm, and is administered on the three succeeding 
 mornings. The family may now be present. After the tea is drunk 
 the doctor and the woman leave the house for a short time, going a 
 distance from the village, and each deposits two prayer plumes, which 
 were made by the doctor on the fourth day, to the deceased members 
 of the fraternity. The doctor and associate remain with the patient 
 until after their morning meal on the eighth day. 
 
 When one has been restored to health by the 'Hle'wekwe. he may 
 at any time go to his doctor and request permission to join the frater- 
 nity, handing him at the same time a small quantity of meal wrapped 
 in a corn husk, with a tinny eagle plume pendent from the white cord 
 wrapping. Should the request be- made in summer one winter must 
 pass and another come before initiation, as the 'Hle'wekwe fraternity 
 holds only winter ceremonials. It is common for a member of the 
 fraternity to solicit new members, especially among his own clan. 
 Certain elans are always represented in this fraternity. The 'Hlem'- 
 
 " Plant not yet classified. 
 
 6 No otic not a member of the 'Hle'welcwe could ho induced to enter the room of the patient while 
 the medicine is there. All the meals ol the doctor and Ms associate during their stay with the 
 invalid are served by the patient's family in a separate mom from that oeeupied by the invalid. 
 
stevenson] 'hle'vvekwe 449 
 
 mosona (sword director) must be of the 'Ko"loktakwe elan and the 
 pe'kwin (deputy) of the To'wakwe (Corn) clan. Other offices are 
 filled by the Pi'chikwe elan, while the warrior must be of the Ain'she 
 (Hear) elan. This latter clan having few representatives in the fra- 
 ternity, two children (a boy of 5 years and a girl his senior by three 
 or four years) were brought into the fraternity. The boy begged 
 that he might be excused, but his mother was firm, being impressed 
 with the importance of the child's fulfilling his dut}^ to this body. 
 Though this child had been a member of the fraternity but a 3'ear 
 when the ceremonial described occurred, there was no more enthu- 
 siastic member. He had not learned to swallow the sword, but he 
 shook his rattle, which was but half as large as those of his elders, 
 with the others and kept perfect time in the dance, never exhibiting 
 the slightest weariness; nor did he flinch from the cold walks in the 
 snow from house to house at midnight in January and February. 
 
 Besides the method of entering this fraternity by reason of the suc- 
 cess of the medicine doctor in the case of sickness, there is another 
 method, which is for a member of the fraternity to go to the house of 
 the person he desires to have join the organization and make the propo- 
 sition. An adult is addressed directly; if a child is solicited, the child's 
 parents and not the child are addressed. If this invitation is accepted, 
 the person invited gives to the solicitor a quantit} r of meal wrapped in a 
 corn husk, with a single white fluffy eagle feather attached by means of 
 white cotton cord, and the solicitor thus becomes his fraternity father. 
 Both the fraternity father and the novice stoop with bended knees. 
 The novice holds the husk containing the meal and plume in both 
 hands, the thumbs over the top and the fingers pointing to the fra- 
 ternity father, who, holding the candidate's hands with his thumbs on 
 top, moves the hands to the six regions with a prayer and receives the 
 package of meal from the novice. 
 
 On the day previous to the opening of the ceremonial in the follow- 
 ing year the fraternity father removes the eagle feather from the 
 package of meal, places it in another husk, sprinkles meal upon it, 
 folds the husk, tying it at each end with cotton cord, and leaves it for 
 the time being in his home. He afterward visits the house of each 
 member of his clan and of the clan of his paternal parent, carrying the 
 husk of meal from which the feather was removed, and gives a pinch 
 to each female of both clans. The fraternity father and each recipient 
 stoop in turn with bended knees, facing one another. After a pinch of 
 meal is received in the palm of the left hand, the right hand is placed 
 over it, the man holding the hands with both of his while he offers a 
 prayer for the good health of the members of his fraternity and good 
 heart of the one receiving the meal, and the same for the child who is to 
 be received into the fraternity. Meal is often given to girls not over 5 
 23 eth— 04 29 
 
450 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ANN. 23 
 
 3'eavs of age. Each person wraps her pinch of meal in a bit of corn 
 husk, tying- it with a ribbon of the same, and lays the package away 
 until the following morning, when it is sprinkled at daylight out of 
 doors to the rising sun. All the recipients of the meal are expected 
 to be present and take part at the all-night dance which occurs on 
 the fifth night of the ceremonial. 
 
 Some days prior to the actual ceremony the fraternitj' gathers in 
 the ceremonial chamber to practice its songs, which, however, never 
 begin until near the approach of midnight, the early part of the even- 
 ing being consumed in telling te'lapnawe (tales); at least, it was so in 
 the past. Now, these Indians have so mairy grievances against the 
 United States Government and the white settlers of the country that 
 their present distressed condition is ever the subject of discussion, and 
 no time is found at these gatherings for the old tales in which in 
 former days they found such delight. 
 
 These gatherings for rehearsal bring no change of the family 
 arrangements. Each woman of the household prepares in the same 
 room her children's beds and her own when she chooses, and husbands, 
 wives, and little ones retire at will. The elder ones frequently sit near 
 the group of the fraternity and join in the discussion until the director 
 is notified that the villagers are asleep or are engaged in other meetings, 
 when the first stroke of the drum is the signal for the choir to begin. 
 
 In all Zuni worship, feathers form a conspicuous feature. The 
 'Hle'wekwe make la'showawe (one or more plumes attached to cotton 
 cord) of wing feathers of the 'hlai'aluko (Sialia arctica), which are not 
 more than 2 inches in length, and the 'Hlem'mosona carries them 
 to the He'iwa (North) ki'wi'sine on the tenth morning of the winter 
 solstice ceremonies. The Kia'kwemosi chooses two } T oung men and two 
 girls to serve as a'mosi (directors) and a'mosono"kia (directresses) to 
 the Mu'waiye," and two young men and two girls to act in the same 
 capacity to the six members of the A'pi'Mashiwanni (Bow priesthood), 
 who make the tehl'nawe* to be carried in the i'kwlnnakia, circle dance, 
 and who lead the dance. The la'showawe referred to are given by the 
 pe'kwln (sun priest) to the four amosi, and each one gives a la'sho- 
 wanne of a single plume to his associate directress and each director 
 
 a The Mu'waiye are two girls and one youth. Should they not be virgins, the snows for which 
 they dance would not come. 
 
 If The tehl'nane (singular for tehl'nawe) is a slender staff the length of the extended arms, the ends 
 cut squarely off, and each painted for one of the six regions. Seeds are held in place at the lowerend 
 by a wrapping oi corn husk extending 7 or 8 inches up the staff, bound on with yucca ribbons. An 
 ca^le plume, a buzzard feather, and four feathers from smaller birds are attached in a group midway 
 on the staff, the center _. the staff being supposed to lie directly over the heart, which is indicated by 
 the center of the breast, when measured by the extended arms. A la'showanne of a tail leather and 
 a white fluffy eagle feather hang by a cotton cord from the upper group of feathers. A miniature 
 war club, a bow and arrows with a shell strung on the bowstring, and a shield formed of a 
 slender hoop, rilled in with a network of cotton, its circumference measured by bending it 
 around the knee, are attached to the staff. The bow and arrows are colored red and the shield 
 and groups of plumes are rubbed with a dry red paint. The la'showanne given to each maker 
 of a tehl'nane by the mo'sona who selects him is attached to the bow, and five fluffy eagle 
 plumes, also rubbed over with the pigment, are tied to the shield. A stick as long as from the 
 
Stevenson] T HLE / WEKWE 451 
 
 keeps one composed of two feathers for himself. These plumes are 
 worn attached to the hair from this time to the close of the 'Hle'- 
 wekwe ceremonial as an insignia of their office. The remainder of the 
 la'showawe are afterwards distributed by the a'mosi among- those who 
 are to form the choir for the Mu'waiye, the ki'wi'sine, which is to 
 furnish the singers having been selected by the Kia'kwemosi, and 
 among such members of the Bow priesthood as are chosen to make 
 the tehl'nawe. The pe'kwin also gives la'showawe of the 'hlai'aluko, 
 made by the first body of the A'shiwanni in the house of the Shi'wa- 
 no"kia (Priestess of fecundity) to the 'Hlem'mosona as a notification 
 that the swords of the fraternity shall be removed from his house to 
 the ceremonial chamber in six days/' At the same time the Kia'kwe- 
 mosi gives two la'showawe to the 'Hlem'mosona for two women of the 
 fraternity whom he chooses to hold the two et'towe of the "Hle'wekwe 
 in the plaza on the fifth Any of the ceremonial. These la'showawe are 
 handed to the women with the words: " In ten days you shall bear the 
 mother et'tone." 
 
 A ceremom* in 1892, initiating a youth and maiden, is here described. 
 
 When the first day of the real ceremony arrives, each male member 
 brings a burro's pack of wood, which is deposited in the street before 
 the house and carried to the roof of the ceremonial chamber, where it 
 is carefully stacked, principal^ by the female members of the fra- 
 ternity and the women of the house. This is quite a merrymaking 
 time, when the girls and women are at liberty to play practical jokes 
 on their elders. 
 
 The medicine to be used in the ceremonial is secured by one of the 
 wood-gatherers, the fraternity father of the female novice being the 
 collector on the occasion described, who secretes it near the village 
 when he brings his load of wood, returning for it on the following 
 morning. It can not be brought to the pueblo until the room is 
 prepared to receive it on account of its infectious qualities, which are 
 transmitted not only directly from the plant, but through anyone who 
 has been near or has inhaled its fumes after it has been uprooted. 
 By midnight the room is empty and the floor washed, the walls are 
 whitened, and the doors and windows opening into the adjoining 
 rooms are carefully plastered over so that not a crevice is left through 
 which the fumes of the medicine to be prepared by the fraternity on 
 
 elbow to the tip of the thumb and 1 inch in diameter, colored red, with a single buzzard feather, is 
 attached to the upper end of each tehl'nanij, the lower end having seeds bound on in corn husks. 
 The tehi'nane carried by the elder brother Bow priest is supposed to have belonged to the Gods of 
 War. It is white, being freshly decorated whenever it is brought into use, and is tipped with a fine 
 spearhead 4 inches long. A fringe of goat's wool, 5 inches deep, dyed a purplish red, with four eagle 
 feathers attached at equal distances, hangs from the upper portion of the staff. This tehl'nane" is 
 kept in the house of the younger brother Bow priest. 
 
 a The blades only are left in charge of the 'HlSm'mosona, who keeps them, when not in use, in an 
 old cougar skin with not a vestige of hair on it. They are made of juniper, the length from the tip 
 of the middle finger to the elbow, three-fourths of an inch wide, slightly curved, and rounded at the 
 end. They are rubbed with cougar or bear grease and red hematite (see pi. cix). The elaborate 
 feathered handles are stored away in the ceremonial house. 
 
452 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ahn.2S 
 
 tlic following morning can penetrate and cause bad throats and per- 
 haps death to the uninitiated. The fraternity convenes during the 
 evening, when the swords are deposited in the ceremonial chamber 
 and the choir sing; but they disband at midnight, returning to their 
 homes. The two men who are to act as fraternity fathers to the 
 novices bring in sheep from their herds on the following morning, 
 taking them to their homes to be dressed for the coming feast; if they 
 are not owners of sheep, they must purchase them. The richer the 
 man. the more elaborate the feast. 
 
 The fraternity gather in the ceremonial chamber the night before 
 the ceremony begins. On the following morning the fraternity father 
 carries to the ceremonial chamber, still wrapped in its corn husk, the 
 plume given him with the package of meal by the novice when he 
 expressed his wish to join the 'Hle'wekwe, and, sprinkling a little 
 meal on the ledge at the west end of the room, hiys the husk on 
 the meal. The sword of the 'Hlem'mosona is laid by the side of this 
 package. 
 
 Before the morning is far spent all the members of the fraternity 
 congregate in the ceremonial chamber. The medicine plant with 
 white blossoms, which is an emetic, is boiling in a large pot, that is 
 used for no other purpose, in the fireplace under the supervision of 
 two elderly women of the organization. When the medicine has been 
 boiled sufficiently it is removed from the pot and deposited on the 
 ledge at the east end of the chamber. The tea is drunk warm by each 
 member, and copious vomiting is the result. A single large bowl is 
 the receptacle, and when all are relieved it is carried b}' a female mem- 
 ber of the fraternity a short distance from the village, where the con- 
 tents are emptied. This medicine is taken on the first four mornings 
 to enlarge the throat and prepare the stomach for the reception of the 
 sword. 
 
 A medicine made by boiling a reddish root is drunk hot each evening. 
 It is regarded as quite harmless to the uninitiated and is a sovereign 
 remedy for a deranged stomach or headache. 
 
 Each morning, at the first peep of day, the members of the frater- 
 nity ascend to the house top to pray. They appear in groups of twos 
 and threes, each one offering a short prayer and covering a spot about 
 the size of the foot with meal. As soon as the last group descends, the 
 drum and rattle are heard, the song begins, and the dance soon fol- 
 lows. The sword is continually swallowed during the indoor dances. 
 After one dance they ascend to the roof and sing, and after the song 
 the men go to the river to bathe, if necessary, breaking- the ice." 
 
 a It is a common thing for members of the 'Hle'wekwe, after dancing without cessation for an hour 
 or more, io rush out of the house with the perspiration streaming down their nude bodies, go to the 
 river, and finding a break in the ice, plunge into the water, afterward standing on the ice while 
 they bathe their hands. During their night dances in other houses than their own they pass through 
 the frozen streets barefoot after constant dancing in their ceremonial chamber. 
 
steyenson] t hle'wekwe 453 
 
 The women and children bathe from large bowls on the roof of the 
 chamber between 1> and 10 o'clock in the morning. The songs con- 
 tinue each night until the rising of the morning star. 
 
 When the men bathers return from the river they drink the emetic, 
 and after vomiting take the morning meal. The food is brought 
 to the hatchway by relatives of the members of the fraternity. Con- 
 tinence must be observed throughout the ceremonial and for four days 
 following it, and all sweets, beans, squash, dried peaches, and coffee 
 must be abstained from during the ceremonies." Prayers are again 
 offered on the roof between 9 and 10 o'clock in the morning. 
 
 Xo member of the fraternity must touch persons not members or 
 be touched by anyone until after sunset of the fifth day. The women 
 as well as the men, therefore, sleep in the ceremonial chamber. The 
 women, however, go to their homes during the day, principally to pre- 
 pare food for the fraternity. Even the children understand that they 
 must keep at a proper distance at this time. 
 
 On the first morning the male members prepare te'likinawe after 
 their morning meal, each one making six, one to the 'hle'et'tone and 
 one to the mu'et'tone, the two being joined together, three to the 
 deceased members of the fraternity, and one to Kok'ko A'wan (Coun- 
 cil of the Gods). These offerings are carried on the same afternoon 
 by two men of the fraternity and deposited in the spring at the black 
 rocks iuto which the original Tllem'mosona is supposed to have dis- 
 appeared, with prayers for snows and cold rains. 
 
 The west wall of the ceremonial chamber is decorated with the sun 
 and moon symbols, A'chiyiila'topa (the being with tail and wings of 
 knives), the Beast and Snake Gods, the Pleiades, and Orion. A'chi- 
 yiila'topa and the animals are painted on paper and afterward cut out 
 and pasted upon the wall. The snakes and stars are painted directly 
 on the wall, and a cloud symbol of meal is made on the floor. 
 
 After the earl}- morning dance on the second day there is no more 
 dancing until sunset, the time being consumed in preparing te'likinawe. 
 After the sunset dance the time is spent in eating, smoking, and chat- 
 ting until about 10 o'clock, when the dance is resumed to the music of 
 the rattle and drum. After the morning meal on the third cUiy each one 
 makes five prayer plumes to the deceased members of the fraternity. 
 Dancing occurs during the da} r and night. The t Hle'wekwe dance on 
 the third and fourth nights in the house where the Mu'waiye rehearse. 
 On the fourth morning the male members again make prayer plumes 
 and dance as before, and a woman of the fraternity makes a ha'kwani 
 (a number of cotton loops symbolic of a mi'ha, sacred white blanket). 
 The 'Hlem'mosona, the warrior, and six members at large, including 
 
 a The reason given for abstaining from the foods mentioned above is that during the journey of the 
 fraternity over the northern route to Shi'papolima they subsisted on game, as it was too cold for all 
 fruits of the earth. 
 
45-1 THE ZUNI INDIANS [ete. ann. 23 
 
 two women, all of 'Ko'Moktakwe clan, later in the day go to the house 
 of the 'hle'et'tone, where each man makes eight prayer plumes to 
 the u' wanna mi (rain-makers) and each woman makes a ha'kwani. A 
 member of the fraternity, who must be of the Dogwood clan, visits 
 the house of the. Shi'wanni of the West and receiving a prayer plume 
 from him, carries it to the chamber of the 'Hle'wekwe. 
 
 The ceremonials of the 'Hle'wekwe and of the Sword order of the 
 Great Fire fraternity are synchronous, and the two combine in most 
 elaborate dances. An hour before sunset on the third day five mem- 
 bers of the Great Fire fraternity, attired in their regalia, precede the 
 warrior of the 'Hle'wekwe, who has been visiting their fraternity, to 
 the chamber of the 'Hle'wekwe, where they dance and swallow their 
 swords. After the dance the 'Hle'wekwe who visit the house of the 
 'hle'et'tone now return, bearing the prayer plumes and ha'kwawe (plural 
 of ha'kwani) which they have made. The 'Hlem'mosona carries the 
 'hle'et'tone" resting in a flat basket partially filled with meal, two stone 
 fetishes, and two ancient small bows and arrows which are kept with the 
 'hle'et'tone, covered with his blanket, to the chamber of the 'Hle'wekwe. 
 He spi inkles meal before him with his right hand as he proceeds from 
 one house to the other. On entering the ceremonial chamber he 
 removes the et'tone from the basket and, after sprinkling a thick bed 
 of meal on the west ledge of the room directly under the wall decora- 
 tion, deposits the sacred fetish upon the meal. Plate cvin shows 
 the dry paintings and fetishes of the 'Hle'wekwe. a, Et'tone; 5, corn 
 husks containing the fluffy eagle plumes given by the novices to 
 the fraternity fathers; c, skins of bears' feet; d, mi'li of the frater- 
 nity, composed of banded turke}' plumes and feathers of the long- 
 crested jay and the white, dove; <?, po'nepoyanne of the fraternity; 
 ,/, mi'wachi of such members of the 'Hle'wekwe as belong to the order 
 of Mystery medicine of other fraternities; g, ancient bows and arrows; 
 A, stone fetishes; /, medicine bowls; Jc, archaic medicine bowl; I, prayer- 
 meal basket; m, gourd water ju^; », water vase; o, vase of popcorn 
 water. Since 1902 the 'Hle'wekwe have added to the ritual group 
 shown in the, illustration a tablet altar similar to those used by other 
 fraternities. 
 
 Each one having wrapped his own prayer plumes together, these are 
 grouped by the 'Hlem'mosona with the offering of the Shi'wanni of 
 the West into a kia'etchine, 6 and the ha'kwawe are wrapped around its 
 base and held in place by a cotton cord. After the kia'etchine has 
 been sprinkled with meal and praj^ed over by all the members of the 
 fraternity, each of the four men who accompany the bearer of the 
 kia'etchine to the spring in which it is to be deposited prepares eight 
 
 a The 'hle'et'tone is covered with native cloth, and an ear of corn is placed on it, the corn being 
 completely obscured by prayer plumes, whose ends project beyond the package, and by elaborate 
 wrapping of precious bead necklaces which almost covers the white cloth and te'likinawe. 
 
 !<The Kla'ctchiiu' consists of a number of prayer plumes wrapped together at the base. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVIII 
 
 HOEN&COlTLUfa 
 
 DRY PAINTING, FETISHES, AND WALL DECORATIONS OF T HLEWEKWE 
 (SWORD SWALLOWER FRATERNITY) 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 t hle'wekwe 455 
 
 prayer plumes, which they carry to the spring on the same afternoon 
 in company with the bearer, a man of the 'Ko'Moktakwe clan, who per- 
 sonates the original director. The bearer of the kia'etchine wears black 
 trousers, ordinary moccasins, a cotton shirt, and a mi'ha (white embroid- 
 ered blanket) wrapped about his bod}'. He carries a 'kia'pokatom'me 
 (long-necked gourd water jug) in his left hand and the kia'etchine in his 
 blanket over his left arm. He is followed in the proper order b} r the four 
 others, who represent the beast warriors of the four regions. The first 
 warrior, who personates the Cougar of the North and who must be of the 
 Corn clan, there being no Cougar clan, carries his sword and eight prayer 
 plumes in his left hand. These prayer plumes, which are as long as 
 from the inner side of the bend of the elbow to the tip of the middle 
 finger, are one-half inch in diameter, with the ends cut squarely off, and 
 are colored yellow for the North. The feathers attached to the upper 
 portion of the sticks are from the buzzard, the duck, the long-crested 
 jay. and 'si'liliko (Falco sparverius). Two la'showawe, each composed 
 of a feather from the duck, the long-crested ja} 7 , and the 'si'liliko, hang 
 from the upper feathers of the prayer plumes. The second warrior, 
 who personates the Bear and must belong to the Bear clan, carries one 
 of the ancient bows and arrows previously referred to, and eight 
 prayer plumes like the former, except that the sticks of his offerings 
 are colored blue for the West. The third warrior, who personates the 
 Badger, is of the Badger clan; he carries the other ancient bow and 
 arrows aud the same plume offerings as the one who precedes him, the 
 sticks being colored red for the South. The fourth warrior, who rep- 
 resents the White Wolf, may be of any clan. The sticks of his prayer 
 plumes are colored white for the East. They proceed in single file, 
 and when at a distance from the village the} 7 may change their offer- 
 ings from one arm to the other. Though these five alone go to the 
 spring, the}' are led for a short distance beyond the village by the 
 'Hlem'inosona, who wears a white cotton shirt and kilt of native 
 black cloth. A large white fluffy eagle plume and a tiny wing feather 
 of the spurred towhee are tied to his hair. The face is covered with 
 white meal, which is constantly applied throughout the ceremonial, the 
 meal and white plume being symbolic of snows. His feet are bare, 
 and he carries a pottery meal basket and the mi'li of the fraternity 
 in his left hand, sprinkling meal with his right as he proceeds. On 
 reaching the spring, 3 miles distant, the leader of the party deposits 
 the kia'etchine on a rock near the spring, and the party stand around 
 it and prays, sprinkling meal upon the plumes. After the prayer 
 the leader lights a reed cigarette, colored black and filled with native 
 tobacco, with a small roll of cotton ignited by sparks from a flint; 
 puffing the smoke over the kia'etchine, he prays for cold rains and 
 snows. When more than half the reed has been consumed, the 
 remainder is stuck into the bunch of plumes. The four other men 
 
450 THE Zl'NI INDIANS [eth.ank.23 
 
 attach suitable stones to the kia'etchine for the purpose of sinking it 
 and they then deposit it in the middle of the spring. The other 
 prayer plumes are deposited among the rocks." The bearer of the 
 kia'etchine fills his jug with water from the spring and the five men 
 return to the ceremonial house. 
 
 After the live men have started for the spring those members of the 
 A'pi'lashiwanni chosen to make the six tehl'nawe. accompanied by the 
 elder brother Bow priest, each bearing a tehl'nane, visit the ceremonial 
 chamber of the 'Hle'wckwe and take seats on the north ledge of the 
 room toward the west end, the fraternity sitting on the south side of 
 the chamber. The elder brother Bow priest crosses the room and 
 delivers his tehl'nane to the 'Hlem'mosona, who remains seated, with a 
 prayer, which is followed by one from the 'Hlem'mosona as he receives 
 the staff. The bearer of the yellow tehl'nane for the North now pre- 
 sents his to the 'Hlem'mosona; and all follow in order, prayers being 
 repeated at each presentation, after which each warrior stands before 
 the 'hlc'ettone, sprinkles meal and prays, and returns to his seat. 
 The warriors, after presenting their tehl'nawe. remain and join in the 
 feast. The same afternoon the elder and younger brother Bow priests 
 deposit at Shop"hlua yal'lakwi.'a shrine a short distance north of Zuni, 
 prayer plumes to the Gods of War, who are supposed to have lived at 
 this place during their sojourn at Hal'ona and I'tiwanna. The younger 
 brother Bow priest first visits the shrine, and after his return the elder 
 brother makes his visit. Each carries the ancient tehl'nane to the 
 shrine. The party who carried the kia'etchine to the spring returns 
 with a gourd jug filled with water. He hands the jug to the 'Hlem'- 
 mosona, who deposits it with the other sacred objects by the meal 
 painting-, where it remains during the night, and in the morning the 
 water is consecrated by the 'Hlem'mosona. 
 
 The work of grinding wheat and corn begins in the houses of the 
 fraternity fathers and novices on the fourth morning of the ceremonial, 
 which is the 10th of January. One of the fraternity fathers belongs 
 to the house where the meetings of the fraternity are held. The corn 
 is removed from the cob by the elder women, the crones toasting the 
 meal after it has been through the first mill, girls taking turn at the 
 line of eight or ten mills. The grinders sing under the directorship of 
 an aged woman, who sits before them on the floor. At the same time 
 some of the alternate grinders dance in the same room. The girls, 
 when not dancing, are seated near by, waiting for their turn at the 
 mills. Women of the household are busy stewing meat and peaches 
 and making he'we (wafer bread) to supply the workers for the feast. 
 
 (i It is claimed by the 'Hle'wekwe that this spring is. very deep and that the place below is large 
 enough to accommodate all the deceased •Hle'wckwe and the beast warriors that were once directly 
 associated with the fraternity, who receive the plume offerings at this point and convey them to 
 Ko'thluwala'wa. 
 
 b See p. 57. 
 
stevenson] t hle'wekwe 457 
 
 Comparatively little work is done bj r the grinders on the fifth day, as 
 all go in the afternoon to witness the dances of the 'Hle'wekwe and 
 Great Fire fraternities in Si'aa' te'wita. 
 
 After sunset on the fourth evening the novices are accompanied 
 from their homes to the ceremonial chamber by their fraternity 
 fathers. Soon after their arrival an emetic is given them, the women 
 in charge of the medicine tilling with it as many bowls of goodly size as 
 there are candidates. Each fraternity father places a bowl of the medi- 
 cine before his child, who sits on a stool in the middle of the floor, facing 
 east. After the novices swallow the contents of the bowls the throat 
 is tickled with a feather, causing violent vomiting. Another bowl is 
 placed for the ejected matter. When the vomiting ceases, the frater- 
 nity father takes from the side of the 'hle'ettone the husk containing 
 the eagle plume with the meal given him by the novice and, opening 
 the package, he picks the feather into bits, dropping them into the 
 bowl with a prayer for good health, a pure heart, and long life for 
 the novice. He then sprinkles in the meal from the husk and, lifting 
 the bowl with both hands, waves it to the six regions with a pra3'er 
 to the 'Hle'wekwe rain-makers for snows and winter rains; then he 
 carries it from the chamber, depositing the contents in the river, that 
 the feather and the meal may go to Ko'thluwala'wa to be received by 
 the 'Hle'wekwe, who are constantly leaving the undermost world and 
 passing back and forth from their spring to Ko'thluwala'wa. 
 
 The male members of the fraternity remain seated on the south side 
 and the female members on the north side of the room; the two novices 
 take seats between three women on the north ledge. All remain seated 
 during the first song, for which rattles only are used, while the women 
 and the novices, with their fingers interlocked, keep time to the 
 music, with their hands held downward. After the song all present 
 stand in two lines, the men remaining on the south side, the women and 
 novices on the north. A fraternity father now requests the 'Hlem'mo- 
 sona to give him the ancient sword of the original 'Hlem'mosona, at the 
 same time calling for a certain medicine." A } r oung man belonging to the 
 Corn clan removes from the group of fetishes a small sack from which 
 he takes a bit of root, which he places in the fraternity father's mouth, 
 who, holding the ancient sword in his left hand, approaches the novice 
 and, taking him by the hand, says: "My child, come with me." He 
 leads the novice to the middle of the room, where they both face the 
 north, the novice standing at the right of the fraternity father. All 
 the members of the fraternity now sing. When the second stanza 
 of the song is begun, the fraternity father and the novice dance, and 
 soon the fraternity father swallows the sword, having the root medicine 
 still in his mouth. After the sword has been passed down the throat 
 once he places his lips to those of the novice, giving him the medicine 
 
 a A plant not yet classified. 
 
458 THE ZUN1 INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 from his mouth, and the novice, taking- the sword in his right hand, 
 runs it down his throat and. withdrawing it with his left hand, hands 
 it to his fraternity father. The two do not cease dancing while swal- 
 lowing the sword. The novice and the fraternity father now return 
 to their places. The fraternity father of the other novice, who is a 
 woman, repeats the ceremony. She does not run the sword down 
 her throat at this time, but merely puts it into her mouth," the 
 fraternity father running it down his throat in her stead. The 
 song does not cease during the initiation. Afterward the candidate 
 is accompanied to his home by his fraternity father. At dajdight 
 on the following morning he goes to the fraternity father's house, 
 where his head is bathed in yucca suds by the wife or daughter 
 of the fraternity father. After the head is washed the novice eats 
 alone in the fraternity father's house. He ma)' take meat and bread, 
 but no peaches, beans, coffee, or sugar. The one who bathes the 
 head accompanies the novice after the meal to his home, carrying 
 the large bowl from which the head is bathed, which is a gift to 
 the novice. 
 
 THE MU'WAIYE * 
 
 Before the drama of the 'Hle'wekwe is enacted the Mu'waiye dance 
 must be rehearsed. The two maidens and youth who personate the 
 Mu'waiye perform their part in the drama of the 'Hle'wekwe just as 
 their prototypes are supposed to have done when the 'Hle'wekwe 
 were received by the Kia'kwemosi upon their return after the long 
 separation from the A'shiwi. The Kia'kwemosi selects from among 
 the ki'wi'siwe 6 ' the one which is to furnish the choir for the dance of 
 the Mu'waiye. The rehearsals occupy six nights previous to the 
 drama, which occurs in the plaza at sunset, three nights in the house 
 of one and three in that of another member of the ki'wi'sine which 
 furnishes the music. The people of the Chu'pawa (South) ki'wi'sine 
 appeared on the occasion described. The i'kwinnakia (circle dance) is 
 also rehearsed in the same chambers. There seem to be no stated 
 hours for such meetings in Zuiii. Punctuality is not one of the char- 
 acteristics of these people. 
 
 About 10 o'clock the Chu'pakwe and others begin to saunter into 
 the large room. The three Mu'waiye, attended by their a'mosi 
 (directors) and a'mosono"kia (directresses), enter through the smaller 
 room, the Mu'waiye taking seats on the north ledge midway down the 
 large room. The choir assembles on the south side, opposite the 
 dancers. The girls who are to perform in the circle dance take their 
 
 nit is said that this is invariably the case with women at initiation, whereas the men and elder 
 boys of the 'Hle'wekwe seldom fail in their first effort to run the sword down the throat. New 
 women members practice in the February ceremonial until they can swallow the sword with some 
 degree of ease; but few women become as expert in sword swallowing as men. 
 
 ''See p. 447, note a: p. 450, note a. 
 
 "See Ki'wi'siwe and their functions. 
 
stevenson] 'hle'wekwe 459 
 
 seats on the ledge at the south side of the room, west of the choir, and 
 the youths sit at the west end of the room. The only thing - in the 
 large chamber to indicate there is to be any unusual occurrence is 
 the presence of two boxes toward the west end of the room, side by 
 side, painted white and decorated with figures of the cougar, bear, 
 shrew, wolf, A'ehiyaia'topa (being with wings and a tail of knives), 
 ami stars. 
 
 It is 10 o'clock when the Mu'waiye begin dancing. The girls wear 
 their ordinary dress, also the boy; but he soon removes his calico trou- 
 sers and shirt, and a director places on him a black woven kilt embroid- 
 ered in blue, and also furnishes each of the three with bunches of 
 ribboned and curled corn husks. The three have their ej T es obscured 
 by their bangs." The dance begins to the music of the pottery drum 
 and song: no rattle is used. The first motion of the Mu'waiye is a 
 lowering of the body without bending forward or raising the feet, the 
 boy holding his upper arms out and forearms up, with his hands clasp- 
 ing the husks before him, the girls holding their arms out and upward, 
 each hand clasping a bunch of husks. After two motions of this kind 
 the bodies are bent forward, the arms extended straight before them, v 
 the boy keeping both hands clasped to the husks as they beat their 
 hands violently toward the earth, at the same time raising their heels 
 from the floor and returning them with a stamp. After one motion 
 of this kind, the first is repeated three times, then the second twice, 
 after which comes a pause, and then the two motions are repeated. 
 After three repetitions of this figure, which consumes forty minutes, 
 there is a pause and the time and the character of the music change. 
 The girl to the west side is the first to begin dancing. First the right 
 arm. then the left — the face following each time to the right or left in 
 the direction of the extended arm — is thrown out from the side, the 
 hand resting on the breast before it is extended, and a step is taken 
 each time by raising squarely from the floor first the right foot, then 
 the left. When the girl to the west has taken a few steps, the boj 7 
 begins, and after he has taken a step or two, the second girl starts. 
 When the three are dancing their motions are synchronous and rapid. 
 The}' dance some distance to the west, then to the east, and so they 
 move to the right and left several times, when the music again changes 
 and the first movements are repeated for an hour, when the dance 
 closes. One of the girls is compelled to rest a minute or two during 
 the dance. 
 
 Although many witness this dance from the beginning, the room 
 becomes crowded at its close, when preparations for the arrival of the 
 'Hle'wekwe are begun. The smaller of the two boxes referred to is placed 
 immediately west of the larger one, four notched sticks and deer-leg 
 
 a When the writer was learning this dance, her instructor declared many times that unless her hair 
 covered the eyes the snows would not come. 
 
460 THE ZUNI INDIANS [Era. ann. 23 
 
 hones are laid upon it. and four musicians from Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine 
 take seats west of this box. At this time the crowd makes room for 
 the members of the 'Hle'wekwe fraternity, who enter, led by a woman 
 carrying in her left hand a pottery basket of sacred meal and her mi'li 
 (insignia of the order of O'naya'naMa), which she possesses through 
 membership in another fraternity, and sprinkling meal with her right 
 hand. She wears ordinary dress, with a white cotton blanket bordered 
 in red and blue. 
 
 The 'Hlem'mosona, who follows the woman leader, is dressed in a 
 white cotton shirt, white embroidered kilt held on with an embroidered 
 sash and red belt, and dance moccasins. A large white fluffy eagle 
 plume and a wing feather of the 'hlai'aluko are tied to the left side of 
 the head, and several short yellow parrot plumes are attached to the 
 forelock; the hair is flowing, and has been plaited to make it wavy. 
 The sword supposed to have been used b}^ the original 'Hlem'mosona is 
 in his left hand and one with a feathered handle is in his right. He 
 precedes the other officers, who are followed by the fraternity at 
 large, each man preceding those for whom he acts as fraternity father. 
 The bodies of the men are nude, except for the black woven kilt. 
 Each wears his bow wristlet and elaborate necklaces. Hanks of dark- 
 blue yarn, with sleigh bells attached, are tied around the legs below 
 the knees, the yarn hanging in tassels at the side. Gourd rattles are 
 carried in the right hand and swords in the left, a number of the men 
 having two swords, two three, and one four. Plate cix shows sword 
 of the 'Hle'wekwe. The swords, which are of juniper (species unde- 
 termined), are slightly curved, rounded at the end and are as long as 
 from the tip of the middle finger to the elbow, this being the method 
 of making the measurements. The aged warrior has a serpentiform 
 sword, tipped with an arrow point 2 inches long and 1 inch wide. 
 Though this sword is frequently swallowed to the handle, it is run 
 very cautiously down the throat. 
 
 The women and the girls wear the usual dress, with the limbs and 
 feet bare, and are adorned with many necklaces of silver, coral, and 
 ko'hakwa (white shell beads). They cany two eagle-wing feathers in 
 the right hand and the sword in the left; one woman has two swords. 
 They hoot and make animal-like sounds as they enter the room, and as 
 they proceed they shake their rattles and sing for a moment or two 
 before the performers on the notched sticks and deer-leg bones begin 
 their music. The party moves in single tile with slow, even step, keep- 
 ing perfect time with the music of the notched sticks. First one foot is 
 raised squarely from the ground, then the other, the men raising their 
 feet much higher than the women. The women hold their arms out 
 and up, and the left arms of the men are held in the same wa} T . They 
 pass around the boxes and the musicians by the north side, and when 
 the 'Hlem'mosona reaches the south side of the boxes he steps from the 
 line and, waving his sword before and over the boxes, turns, facing 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT. PL. CIX 
 
 
 I 
 
 SWORD OF T HLE'WEKWE (SWORD SWALLOWER FRATERNITY) 
 
Stevenson] t HLe' WEK WE 461 
 
 east, and swallows it. The rattle is usually transferred from the right 
 hand to the left, and the sword held in the right hand when it is run 
 down the throat; but occasionally it is put down the throat with the 
 left hand. The dancing does not cease an instant, and the wonder is 
 that the sword can be run with safety down the throat while the body 
 is in motion. The 'Hlem'mosona no sooner swallows his sword than 
 he returns to the line; but ere he has reached his place the man who 
 follows him is before the boxes swallowing his sword, and so the 
 swords are swallowed in succession. If a woman fails to swallow hers, 
 her fraternity father swallows it for her; in the cases of very young 
 children their fraternity fathers swallow the swords for them. 
 
 By the time the head of the line reaches the east end of the room all 
 the 'Hle'wekwe have entered the chamber and an ellipse is formed. 
 They pass around the boxes three times, the swords being swal- 
 lowed each time. The 'Hlem'mosona stands before the boxes and, 
 facing them and clasping his sword with both hands, prays in an under- 
 tone, moving his sword, still held in his clasped hands, to the six 
 regions, then again over the boxes, and, drawing a breath, closes his 
 prayer, and the fraternity leaves the room. 
 
 During this dance the musician at the south end of line committed the grave offense 
 of accidentally touching one of the dancers. The elderly warrior of the fraternity 
 returned and an animated discussion ensued. Three other members of the fraternity 
 came, one being the man who was touched, the two others witnesses. They insisted 
 that the musician should consent to become a member of the fraternity, and finally 
 won his consent, thereby saving the unfortunate member of the fraternity from the 
 ills, perhaps death, which he would otherwise surfer. " 
 
 Soon after the departure of the 'Hle'wekwe the Sword order of the 
 Great Fire fraternity arrives in order similar to that of the 'Hle'wekwe, 
 a woman leading. Their step is like that of the 'Hle'wekwe, and they, 
 too, hold their swords in the left hand, the 'Hlem'mosona carrying 
 a crooked prayer plume (symbolic of longevity) instead of a rattle. 
 The men wear native black woven kilts and yucca wreaths. Unlike 
 the 'Hle'wekwe, two or three form a group before the boxes and 
 swallow their swords together. The choir does not sing during the 
 presence of the Sword order of the Great Fire fraternitjr. 
 
 After the Great Fire fraternity leaves the room the smaller box is 
 hastily placed to the north of the larger one. Then eight men arrive 
 from the O'he'wa (East) ki'wi'sine, and six of them seat themselves 
 behind the boxes, and one at each end; they play on the notched sticks. 
 Before this music begins the a'mosono"kla of the circle dance who 
 are girls of 10 or 12 j'ears, clad in ordinary dress and the white cotton 
 pitoni (a piece of cloth tied together at the upper ends at the neck and 
 falling over the shoulders), stand before the boxes, sprinkle meal over 
 them, and pray. Some of the girls now form the circle and dance from 
 
 aThis superstition of the 'Hle'wekwe is not entertained by the Sword order of the Great Fire 
 fraternity. 
 
41)2 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 left to right around the two boxes. The circle is gradually enlarged 
 by the addition of girls — the youngest being 8 or 10 years of age, the 
 oldest not over 20 — who often require persuading and in many cases 
 are forced into their places by the a'mosi and others. When all the 
 girls are on the floor the youths and young men join the ring, each 
 taking his place by the side of the girl of his choice, and with clasped 
 hands, which they swing backward and forward, they dance for more 
 than an hour. Some of the girls try to drop out, but without success, 
 as they are caught in a good-natured way and made to return to the 
 ring. After this dance the girls flock together in the northwest corner 
 of the room, where they have a merry time, the young men bringing 
 them water to drink and chatting with them. The musicians at the 
 boxes pray, each drawing in a breath from his stick and deer-leg bone, 
 and then leave the chamber, closing the ceremonies for the night. 
 
 The 'Hle'wekwe repeat the dancing the last three nights of the 
 rehearsals of the Mu'waiye, and the Sword order of the Great Fire 
 fraternity appear on the fourth and sixth nights, remaining the fifth 
 night in their own ceremonial chamber, where, in addition to swallow- 
 ing the swords, they perform feats with fire. On the fourth night of 
 the rehearsal the a'mosi of the Mu'waiye distribute the la'showawe, 
 which they received from the sun priest, among the Chu'pakwe choir, 
 breathing upon each la'showanne and placing it to the lips of the 
 recipient, who remains seated, and then tying it to a lock of hair to 
 the left side of the head, when a short prayer is repeated. 
 
 At daylight on the fifth morning of the ceremonies of the 'Hle'wekwe 
 a man makes a picture of dry colors of Achiyalii'topa on the stone 
 floor of the ceremonial chamber, immediately before the cloud symbol 
 of meal. Upon the completion of the picture, which is about 30 
 inches long, a broad line of meal, bordered with black, is extended 
 from the head of the figure toward the east; eight arrow points are 
 laid upon the line of meal, and a stone fetish is stood on a meal line 
 that extends from the cloud symbol to the figure. A line of corn 
 pollen extends from the heart of the figure to the mouth, symbolic 
 of truth, and a crystal is placed at the lower end of this line, sym- 
 bolizing purity of heart (see plate cvm). 
 
 The figure of Achiyalii'topa often performs wonderful things, but 
 only when the fraternity is absent from the ceremonial chamber and 
 dancing in the plaza. The aged man of the Bear clan who is left 
 alone in the chamber sees the arrows, which are placed at equal dis- 
 tances apart, move, and on their return the fraternity finds them in 
 closer proximity to one another, and strands of hair taken from heads 
 of those destroyed by Achiyalii'topa between the arrow points. Ora- 
 cles are whispered by this figure to the lone watcher and wonderful 
 disclosures are made. A strand of hair is always laid b} r the figure 
 before it is consulted. On the present occasion the solitary watcher 
 is told by the oracle that there is talk among the Americans of build- 
 
stevenson] 'hie'wekwe 463 
 
 ing a railroad through the Zufii country, but the people must never 
 consent to this, for the moving trains would cause the earth to trem- 
 ble, and this would rouse the- et'towe from their perfect quiet, thus 
 causing their anger, so that they would prevent the rains and snows. 
 
 The 'Hleoi'mosona ascends the ladder leading from the ceremonial 
 chamber to the roof, and by aid of the faintest daylight runs a line of 
 meal over that portion of the house top which forms the roof of the 
 ceremonial chamber. The line is begun at the ladder which extends 
 from the roof to the street, runs across the south side, then along the 
 east, down the north side, and across the west, and around by the south 
 to the opposite side of the ladder to that whence the line started. The 
 ancient tehl'nane with the six others, each with its accompanying 
 stick, which were brought by the warriors to the ceremonial chamber 
 the previous evening, are placed at a very early hour in the morning 
 against an upper wall on the northeast corner of the roof outside of 
 the meal line. The men bathe as usual, and later in the morning, 
 after they have danced in the chamber, they go in couples to the roof 
 and wash from a large gourd of water before decorating themselves 
 for the outdoor dance." 
 
 "When the 'Hlem'mosona, after drawing the meal line on the roof, 
 returns to the chamber, he places the ancient medicine bowl and gourd 
 jug of water from the spring near the middle of the floor and takes 
 his seat facing the et'tone and other fetishes. The male members of 
 the fraternity are grouped on the south side and the women on , the 
 north side. The ceremony opens with the *Hlem'mosona holding his 
 sword, which is handed him by his deputy, in his left hand, while he 
 deposits a'thlashi (concretion fetishes, sacred to vegetation) in the bowl. 
 Each stone is held while the male members sing to the accompani- 
 ment of the rattle a prayer for snows and winter rains. A song is 
 addressed to the Beast Gods of the six regions, imploring their inter- 
 cession with the rain-makers for snows, and rains of winter. The 
 Hlem'mosona has some fifteen small medicine bags containing plant 
 medicine before him, and he deposits a pinch of medicine from each 
 into the bowl. Water is poured six times from the gourd jug into the 
 bowl, and after placing eight eagle plumes across the bowl with their 
 tips to the east he sprinkles four lines of corn pollen over the feathers. 
 The bowl and jug are placed by the cloud symbol, and all present take 
 a drink of the red-root medicine previously referred to. In a short 
 time the signal comes from the "hle'Sttone to the aged 'Hlem'mosona 
 
 a Although the writer occupied the upper story of the ceremonial house and her door opened upon 
 the roof to which the members resort, on account of the superstitious dread of the powerful medi- 
 cine of the fraternity, entertained by inmates of the house, great efforts were required to secure 
 photographs on the roof and to enter the ceremonial chamber, in which the writer spent most of the 
 time during the several days' ceremonies. We'wha, a conspicuous character of Zufii, was untiring in 
 her efforts to detain an old father below while the writer secured photographs on the roof, and sev- 
 eral times released her when the father had barred the door of her room with heavy stones. The 
 wrath and distress of the old man knew no bounds, and he declared that the writer would bring 
 calamity not only to herself but to all the household. 
 
464: THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 that the hour has arrived for it to leave the chamber. The four other 
 et'towe" appearing in the ceremonial were deposited the previous 
 night in the house of a member of the Badger clan. The 'Hlem'- 
 mosona places the 'hle'ettone in the hands of a maiden whose hands 
 have been rubbed with sacred meal. She is attired in ordinary dress, 
 with a mi'ha (white embroidered blanket) hanging from her shoulders, 
 the feet and lower limbs being bare. The 'hle'ettone is carried by the 
 right hand and arm, and the left hand is used as an additional support; 
 two men. each carrying in his right hand one of the archaic bows 
 with arrows, accompany the girl from the ceremonial chamber to the 
 plaza. They proceed in single tile, the girl between the men, and 
 are joined by four girls clad in ordinary dress, each with a black blan- 
 ket over her shoulders, bearing the mu'et'towe, each et'tone being 
 carried by a girl of the clan to which the et'tone belongs. Every 
 member of the household of each et'tone-bearer, every member of her 
 clan, and every member of the 'Hle'wekwe fraternity must offer to the 
 et'tone four prayer plumes composed of eagle and turkey plumes and 
 feathers from the birds of the six regions, for snows, each individual 
 depositing an offering to each of the four regions. They proceed to 
 the plaza, where the two decorated boxes seen at the rehearsals of the 
 Mu' waive are placed end to end east of the center of the plaza (see 
 plate ex). 
 
 There are six notched sticks on the boxes, each crossed with a deer- 
 leg bone, two of the sticks being on the smaller box. A tiny twig of 
 spruce, symbolic of vegetation, is planted by the a'kwamosi (maker 
 of medicine water) near the southeast corner of the larger box, with 
 prayers for snows and longevity for his people; he sprinkles meal over 
 the twigs while he prays. 
 
 A wicker basket without a handle, made by a female member of the 
 'Hle'wekwe and colored purple with the berries of Berberis f remontii, 
 is tilled by the aged 'Hlem'mosona with finely ground meal, the meal 
 being smoothed over in mound form and crossed with corn pollen, and 
 having a white fluffy eagle plume at the apex, is deposited under the 
 larger box. There are three men from the O'he'wa ki'wi'siue sitting on 
 wadded blankets west of the boxes. The et'towe-bearers stand in line 
 before the boxes, facing east. The men with the bows and arrows stand 
 on each side of the bearer of the 'hle'et'tone. The girl next to the man 
 on the north side carries an et'tone of the Ai'yaho'kwe (a plant) clan; 
 the girl on her left holds an et'tone of the To'nashikwe (Badger) clan; 
 the girl at the right of the man on the south side carries the et'tone 
 of the Kia'nakwe (people of Corn clan); and the girl on her right 
 carries an et'tone of the 'Ko'ioktakwe (Sand-hill crane) clan. The 
 et'towe-bearers and the two men throw a line of meal about 2 feet 
 
 <• See p. 444. One of the four et'towe referred to belonged to the Sand-hill Crane clan, who were 
 members of the 'Hle'wekwe fraternity. 
 
stevensojj] T HLE / WEKWE 465 
 
 before them as they take their positions in Si'aa' tc'wita, and the three 
 men behind the boxes play on the notched sticks. This music is said 
 to be controlled by the Beast Gods, the musicians being merely their 
 agents. Each player wears the upper leg skins of the bear or cougar 
 over his lower arms." Variation in the music is produced by different 
 movements of the bones over the sticks. The three musicians, who 
 must come from the O'he'wa ki'wi'sine, as only the people of this 
 ki'wi'sine sing these particular songs, draw the bones from the far end 
 of the sticks toward them. After this motion is repeated four times 
 the bones are run from the near side of the stick to the far end, 
 this being repeated four times; then the bones are rapdily drawn 
 back and forth several times, after which they are again drawn to 
 the near side four times, beginning at the fourth notch from the 
 player: and then the bone is again run from the player over the four 
 notches, and afterward is moved very quickly back and forth over the 
 four notches, after which the first movement is repeated. The songs 
 sung at this time are the same as those sung in the circle dance in the 
 closing scene of the scalp ceremonial, but the harmony of the songs is 
 destroyed on the present occasion by the grating noise of the bones 
 running over the sticks. The et'towe and bows and arrows are moved 
 downward in time with the song from dawn until sunrise, or until the 
 sunlight strikes the plaza. 
 
 When the music ceases the partj' leave the plaza in single file by 
 the western way. the bearer of 'hle'ettone and the two men with the 
 bows and arrows returning to the ceremonial chamber of the 'Hle'- 
 wekwe, the others going to the house whence they came. As the 
 party of et'towe-bearers leave the plaza the musicians draw the bones 
 lightly over the notched sticks and, bringing the bones to their mouths, 
 draw a breath from them, repeating a praj-er aloud, and return them 
 to their position on the box. The musician at the south end of the 
 line now rises and passes to the east of the boxes, when the others tip 
 the larger box toward them to allow him to remove the small basket 
 of meal from under the box. Returning to his seat with the basket, 
 he offers a short prayer and, bringing the basket close to his lips, 
 draws a breath, inhaling all that is good from the meal; then he passes 
 the basket to the others. When each man has repeated the prayer and 
 drawn a breath, the basket is passed to the man at the south end of the 
 line, who returns it to its place under the box while the others tip the 
 box toward them. In a short time the et'towe and bows and arrows 
 are again brought to the plaza. This time, however, the 'hle'et'tone 
 is carried by another girl, the bows and arrows are in other hands, 
 and there is an additional musician at the boxes. All the other 
 
 " It is claimed that these skins are very old, and from their appearance the truth of the statement 
 can not be questioned. 
 
 ' 23 eth— 04 30 
 
466 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. a.nx. 23 
 
 features of the second ceremony over the et'towe are identical with 
 those of the rirst. 
 
 As soon as the et'towe-bearers leave the plaza the 'Hle'wekwe 
 appear. Their bodies are nude, and daubs of yellow paint about 8 
 inches long and 3 inches wide appear over each scapula and breast. 
 The forearms, hands, feet, and the legs halfway up to the calf are 
 also yellow. They wear black native wool kilts embroidered in blue, 
 and yucca wreaths adorn their heads, the hair hanging and tied at the 
 back with a red garter. The 'Hlem'mosona wears a white cotton shirt 
 with white embroidered kilt, held on by an embroidered sash and a red 
 belt. All those belonging to the order of Mystery medicine of other 
 fraternities wear the reddish eagle plume tied to the forelock; the 
 others wear only the white plume. The 'Hlem'mosona has a very large 
 white fluffy eagle plume and a single feather of the 'hlai'aluko (Sialia 
 arctica) tied to his forelock. All males wear the bow wristlet, and 
 such members of the 'Hle'wekwe as belong to the A'pi'lasbiwarrai 
 (Bow priests) wear the war pouch. 
 
 The drummer of the 'Hle'wekwe, who is a warrior to the fraternity, 
 precedes the female leader of the dancers a short distance, beating on 
 the wooden drum of the f raternitj^, and takes his position on the east 
 side of the plaza. The leader, who has requested this position from the 
 'Hlem'mosona, wears ordinary dress, with a white blanket bordered 
 in red and blue falling over her shoulders, and carries the mi'li of the 
 fraternity and a basket of meal in her left hand, using the right hand 
 to sprinkle the meal, which she throws out before her as she advances. 
 The 'Hlem'mosona follows her, the deputy comes after him, the 
 retired 'Hlem'mosona is next, and the aged warrior of the fraternity 
 follows. The plaza is entered from the western street, and the 
 dancers, passing south of the boxes, continue around in single file by 
 the east, north, and west, making the complete circle before swallow- 
 ing the sword. Rattles are carried in the right hand and the swords 
 with the feathered handles held upward in the left. The musicians 
 play on the notched sticks, while the members of the fraternity sing. 
 They proceed with measured step, raising first one foot, then the 
 other, squareby and quite high from the ground. The women do not 
 raise their feet so high as the men. The leader of the song and dance 
 has his place, as usual, midway in the line of dancers. The 'Hlem'- 
 mosona steps from the line just as he passes south of the boxes and, 
 dancing before them, he turns and faces east and runs the sword once 
 down his throat. In most instances the rattle is transferred to the 
 left hand and the sword taken in the right before it is put down the 
 throat, but occasionally a dancer manipulates the sword with the left 
 hand. In no case does the dance cease during the swallowing of the 
 sword. Soon after withdrawing the sword he joins the circle, and 
 the next man steps before the boxes and repeats the sword swallowing. 
 
stevenson] 'hle'wekwe 467 
 
 A number of the men have two swords in their throats at the same 
 time, running the second down the throat after the first has been 
 swallowed; two swallow three and one even four swords in this way. 
 Others run first one sword clown the throat and, withdrawing it, run 
 another down. Only one woman swallows two swords at once. Each 
 fraternity father is followed by his children, and when a child fails to 
 run the sword down the throat until the handle only is exposed, the 
 fraternity father takes the sword and swallows it. He also swallows 
 the swords of the juvenile members, there being no attempt on the 
 part of these children to do more than place the tip of the sword 
 between the lips. As the circle continues around there is a repetition 
 of the sword swallowing, but in the third circuit the form of sword 
 swallowing is changed; two or three now step from the circle at the 
 same time, or rather in close succession, and swallow their swords. 
 
 When the 'Hle'wekwe return to the ceremonial chamber after the 
 early morning- dance they group themselves around the painting of 
 A'chiyala'topa and, placing their hands near the figure, but not upon 
 it, bring them to their lips and draw a breath. A female member 
 now erases the figure by brushing the sand from the four cardinal 
 points to the center with a tepi (native broom), and brushing the sand 
 with the broom into her left hand, she deposits it in the blanket thrown 
 over the left arm of a male member." 
 
 The boiled root medicine of A'chiyala'topa, which is taken from the 
 pot the first four mornings of the ceremonial and laid on the east 
 ledg - e of the room, and a la'showanne (one or more plumes attached 
 to a cotton cord), composed of a white fluffy eagle plume and a 
 feather from a bird of each of the six regions, the end of the cord 
 extending - (3 inches, with a sing-le ko'hakwa (white shell) bead strung 
 on it, are deposited with the sand in the spring- at the black rocks 
 where the original 'Hleni'niosona is supposed to have disappeared, 
 with the words: "Go to }'our home, I'amakwi (Zenith)," referring 
 to the home of A'chiyala'topa. 
 
 A feast is now enjoyed and the fraternity rest until about half past 
 9 o'clock, when the 'Hlem'mosona goes to the plaza alone, where a 
 number of spectators are gathered. The musicians again sit at the 
 boxes and play and sing while the 'Hlem'mosona faces the north and 
 swallows his sword. The sword swallowing is repeated at the west, 
 south, and east, and at the last point he swallows his sword three 
 times, for the East, Zenith, and Nadir. Figure 32 shows 'Hlem'mosona 
 swallowing his sword. In making the circuit each time before swal- 
 lowing the sword he stops at each of the cardinal points and stamps 
 several times. The sword swallowing at the six regions is repeated, 
 
 a No one must cross the meal lines on the roof while the painting remains on the floor, and these 
 people, entertaining great fear of such a calamity, allow no one but members of the fraternity on 
 the house top, though there is no reason why one can not walk on any other portion of the roof. 
 
4i',s 
 
 THE ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 and the 'Hlem'mosona .stands facing the east and prays to the Sun 
 
 Father, sprinkling meal toward the east before returning to the cere- 
 monial chamber. After the 'Hlem'mosona leaves the plaza the musi- 
 cians pray aloud, and waving the deer-leg bones over the boxes draw 
 a breath from them. 
 
 Upon the return of the 'Hlem'mosona to the ceremonial chamber a 
 woman of the fraternity ascends to the roof and securing the tehl'nawe" 
 carries them to the outside ladder leading to the street and hands them 
 t<> some one below. Soon afterward the elder brother Bow priest 
 appears from the eastern covered wa}', leading six members of the 
 
 Pig. 32— 'Hlem'mosona swallowing sword. 
 
 Bow priesthood, each having a tehl'nane, while he himself carries the 
 ancient staff. The musicians who perform for the 'Hlem'mosona 
 now leave the plaza and others take their place at the boxes to play 
 for the circle dancers. The tehl'nane bearers and others form a 
 circle, which must never be entirely closed, and as they pass, with 
 slow, even steps from left to right, the tehl'nawe are waved up and 
 down to the rich strains of the song of the choir. There is no sing- 
 ing by the dancers. The circle, which is small at first, is gradually 
 joined by men. women, 3 r ouths, and maidens until it is very large. 
 All clasp one another's hands except those next to a tehl'nane; in such 
 cases the staff is held below the hand of the warrior who carries it. 
 
 a See p. 450, note b. 
 
stevenson] 'hle'wekwe 469 
 
 The waving of the fcehl'nawe, an exceedingly graceful motion, never 
 ceases during the dance. 
 
 The two a'mosi (directors) and two a'rnosono"kia (directresses) hav- 
 ing charge of this dance were energetic in gathering dancers. The 
 a'mosi wear black velveteen trousers over white cotton shirts, black 
 native wool shirts with plaited red and green ribbons over the should- 
 ers and falling in streamers, and the ordinary moccasins. Yucca 
 wreaths are worn and a fluffy white plume is tied to the forelock, 
 and the la'showanne, made of two 'hlai'aluko feathers, hangs at the 
 right side of the head. The hair is done up in the usual knot. 
 Elaborate necklaces complete the costume. The a'mosono"kia have 
 their hair done up as usual, with the white fluffy eagle plume attached 
 to the forelock and the la'showanne at the right side. They wear the 
 black wool dress embroidered at top and bottom in dark blue, a red 
 belt, and about the shoulders a white blanket bordered at top and 
 bottom in red and blue. The moccasins are white buckskin, with 
 black soles. Long strings of turquoise beads hang from the ears 
 and silver and other beads adorn the neck, while the left wrists are 
 well covered with bangles. Each director carries a ball of } 7 arn, 
 colored light green from a native dye, with the end run through a 
 large needle, for the purpose of fastening the blanket wraps of the 
 girls who dance, that they may not fall from their shoulders. 
 
 The circle dance continues until the arrival of the 'Hle'wekwe, 
 when the dancers group themselves in the northeast corner of the 
 plaza. The 'Hle'wekwe enter the plaza from the western street and 
 proceed as described in the account of their previous dance. Tbe_y 
 pass six times around the boxes, swallowing the swords each time after 
 the first circuit. Several group themselves before the boxes and swal- 
 low their swords simultaneously. After the last circuit the 'Hlem'- 
 mosona. on reaching- the south end of the boxes, steps before them and 
 facing them waves his swords over the boxes and pravs aloud to the 
 Cougar, the Bear, the Badger, the White Wolf, the Shrew, A'chiyil- 
 la'topa, the Rattlesnake, the Pleiades, and Orion" for their intercession 
 with the Council of the Gods for cold rains and snows, and that the 
 Sun Father may give to his people, referring not only to the 'Hle'- 
 wekwe but the Zuni in general, long life, that they ma}' not die, but 
 sleep to awake in Ko'thluwala'wa. During this prayer all hold their 
 swords with the points upward, and as the prayer closes each one draws 
 a breath — all that is good from his sword. 
 
 At this time the rattles and drum of the Sword order of the Great 
 Fire fraternity are heard, and as the last man in the line of the 'Hle'- 
 wekwe reaches the east side of the boxes the leader of the Great Fire 
 fraternity arrives at that point. This fraternity follows in file after 
 the 'Hle'wekwe, the step of both fraternities being the same. After 
 
 a While the animal warriors labor for the Sun Father on earth, the Pleiades and Orion are his 
 important celestial warriors. 
 
470 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 every few stops both parties turn and face the boxes. The female 
 leader of the 'Hle'wekwe precedes lier fellows from the plaza through 
 the western covered way and the Sword order of the Great Fire fra- 
 ternity form into a circle around the boxes. Hundreds of spectators, 
 wrapped in their bright blankets, crowding the house tops and the 
 south and west sides of the plaza, present a brilliant scene. 
 
 Two women of the 'Hle'wekwe return to the plaza before the leader 
 of the Great Fire fraternity has passed west of the boxes, and the 
 musicians tip the larger box toward them while one of the women 
 removes the basket of meal," whereupon the musicians retire from the 
 plaza. 
 
 Before the Great Fire fraternity leaves the plaza the male and the 
 female novice of the 'Hle'wekwe and their catchers, who are also 
 referred to as their fathers, appear. The male novice wears a tine 
 large white buckskin around him. The woman wears the ordinary 
 black dress and blanket. They stand close to the wall of the He'iwa 
 (North) ki'wi'sine'' on the north side of the plaza, and the catchers 
 stand by the wall of the house on the west side of the plaza. 
 
 The Great Fire fraternity leave the plaza, but soon return to repeat 
 the dance, and while they are dancing the 'Hlem'mosona and a warrior 
 of the 'Hle'wekwe appear, the former carrying the sword of the orig- 
 inal director in his right hand and his own with feathered handle in 
 his left. The warrior carries his sword in his right hand and six 
 swords in a cougar-skin quiver, supported by a broad band of the same 
 skin which hangs from the left shoulder. The couple pass within the 
 circle of dancers and pray. The 'Hlem'mosona takes his position to 
 the southeast and facing north swallows his sword; then turning to the 
 west he swallows the sword of the original director, and withdraw- 
 ing it hands it to the warrior, who having removed the swords from 
 the quiver holds them in his left arm. The warrior gives one of 
 the swords to the 'Hlem'mosona, who, leaving the circle, runs to the 
 six regions, the east representing also the Zenith and Nadir, stamp- 
 ing and hooting at each cardinal point. Again he makes the circuit, 
 repeating the stamps and hoots, and returning to the west swallows 
 the sword which was handed him within the circle of dancers by 
 the warrior. Exchanging this sword for another and running twice 
 around the circle of dancers, stopping at each cardinal point to hoot 
 and cry, he stands facing south and swallows the sword. The 'Hlem'- 
 mosona repeats the swallowing of the sword at the other regions in the 
 manner described until the six swords from the quiver have been swal- 
 lowed. He and the warrior now stand before the boxes and, facing 
 vvesl . -wallow their swords. Withdrawing them, they wave them over 
 
 a This basket is afterward carried by a male member of the 'Hle'wekwe lo Mn^sakfa, a rnin a short 
 east of Ziifn. v here he deposits it in an excavation the depth of his arm, which he makes at 
 the base of the mound upon which the ruin stands. 
 ''See Ki'wi'siwe and their functions. 
 
stevenson] "hle'wekwe 47l 
 
 the boxes and pray,' closing the prayer by inhaling a breath with their 
 mouths close to their swords. The. warrior now returns the six swords 
 to the quiver. The sword swallowers of the Great Fire fraternity 
 complete their dance and sword-swallowing and leave the plaza, and 
 the circle dance is formed before the 'Hlem'mosona and warrior of the 
 'Hle'wekwe fraternity terminate, their ceremony. As soon as the circle 
 dancers begin to move, the melodious strains of the singers at the 
 boxes are repeated. 
 
 When the 'Hlem'mosona and the warrior reach the ceremonial cham- 
 ber, the latter, who is a very aged man, dons a queer-looking mask, 
 entirely unlike those worn by the personators of the gods but similar 
 to our common falseface. He then returns to the plaza, where he 
 causes general amusement. He is not in the plaza very long when six 
 of the 'Hle'wekwe, including two women, come through the eastern 
 covered wa} - , each one carrying a bunch of slender willows 6 feet in 
 length. This is the signal for the novices, who are still standing by 
 the ki'wi'siue, to start on a run through the western street. They first 
 hurriedly pass the right hand around the head three times and throw 
 a la'showanne, composed of four fluffy eagle plumes, to the ground. 
 The catchers start after them, those carrying the switches following. 
 However, several of the latter delay long enough to use their switches 
 right and left on those spectators who are not so fortunate as to escape 
 to the house tops. The whipping of the novices ceases as soon as they 
 reach the ladder leading to the hatchway of the ceremonial chamber, 
 where the novices and catchers wait until the others have gone into 
 the chamber, when they descend and take their places at the east end 
 of the chamber. 
 
 The clans of the two fraternity fathers, one being the Dogwood 
 and the other the Badger, and their paternal clans, both being the 
 Turkey, crowd the north, east, and south ledges which extend around 
 the wall. Man\ T are standing for want of room. The fraternity forms 
 vis-a-vis in lines at the west end of the room toward the north side. 
 
 The gifts for the novices lie folded on top of the 'hle'et'tone, a 
 fluffy eagle plume, dyed red, protruding from the folds of each gift, 
 that for the man being a white cotton embroidered kilt and the 
 woman's a mi'ha (white embroidered blanket). The retired 'Hlem'- 
 mosona and the active one remove the la'showawe from the kilt and 
 mi'ha and dance down between the lines of the fraternity, whose 
 members at the same time gracefully wave the featherbed handles of 
 their swords up and down. The two pass on to the novices and tie 
 the feathers to their forelocks. No prayers are offered when the 
 plumes are attached, and the two return at once to the west end of 
 the room. Each fraternity father taking his gift for his fraternity 
 child holds it spread with both hands, with the right side next to 
 him, and passing on to the novice he ties the upper corners at the 
 
472 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.akk.28 
 
 back of the Deck and returns to the west end of the room, while the 
 other members continue to wave the bandies of tbeir swords. After 
 the nii'ha and kilt are presented, the catchers stand before the novices 
 and present them each with a bunch of prayer plumes and four ears 
 of corn tied together with yucca ribbon and then return to their 
 places behind the novices. The Tllem'mosona now stands before the 
 male novice and prays, while he passes the 'hle'et'tone four times 
 before the lips, the heart, the right shoulder, the head, and the left 
 shoulder; repeating the ceremony over the female novice, he replaces 
 the 'hle'et'tone at the west end of the room and passes his sword in 
 the same way over the two novices. Each time he passes between the 
 lines of the -fraternity he is fanned gracefully by the handles of the 
 swords. 
 
 Each member of the fraternity takes his turn in repeating the cere- 
 mony of the sword over the novices, the sword being swallowed by 
 its owner before he leaves the line. When he is through witli the 
 novices, he hands his sword to the 'hle'pekwln (deputy) to the 'Hlem'- 
 mosona, who stands at the west end of the room. When all the mem- 
 bers have disposed of their swords the guests and people of the house 
 crowd about the novices, each one having his or her mi'li, and, begin- 
 ning with the male novice, repeat a prayer and pass the mi'li over each 
 novice, just as the swords were passed. " 
 
 At the close of the ceremony a feast is enjo3 T ed by the fraternity 
 and guests, this being the first refreshment taken by the members of 
 the 'Hle'wekwe since the previous night. After the feast the novices 
 carry their gifts to their homes, but soon return with the corn and 
 prayer plumes and take their seats on the north ledge of the room 
 toward the west end, the woman sitting to the right of the man. 
 
 The Sword order of the Great Fire fraternity dances four times in 
 the plaza during the indoor ceremonies of the ^le'wekwe, leaving 
 the plaza after each dance, when the circle dancers dance until they 
 return. At the close of the last circle dance in the plaza the tehl'nawe 
 are carried from the plaza by the a'mosi of the dance, each carrying 
 three; the a'niosono* t kia walk to the right of the a'mosi, and they 
 have the plaza by the western street. The tehl'nawe are returned 
 to the roof of the ceremonial chamber of the 'Hle'wekwe, where 
 they remain over night. 
 
 The dancing of the Great Fire fraternity in the plaza ceases at 
 sunset, and a member of the 'Hle'wekwe immediately arrives on the 
 scene and forms two crosses of meal near the northwest corner of the 
 plaza, the arms of the crosses being each 2 feet, two of the horizon- 
 tal arms meeting, a disk of meal being made on each cross. The two 
 
 "Tin- writer and a woman of the Dogwood elan who was not associated with a Mystery medicine 
 order used the mi'li of the mother of the latter, the mother being a member of the U'huhukwe 
 fraternity. 
 
stevenson] 'hle'wekwe 473 
 
 boxes around which the musicians sit during' the da} r are reversed and 
 turned bottom up. which places the heads of the paintings on the boxes 
 in an upturned position in accordance with a tradition that when the 
 beast god warriors who accompanied the 'Hle'wekwe to I'tiwanna sat 
 in the plaza they looked upward to the heavens while the people 
 passed around them. Next, two members of the fraternity who 
 belong to the Bear clan, each carrying an old bowl-shaped basket 
 about (! inches in diameter, approach from the western street and 
 sprinkle meal upon the notched sticks and deer leg bones, which are now 
 inside the boxes. They are clad in white cotton shirts and trousers, 
 embroidered kilts striped with blue-green, the stripe decorated with 
 a conventional design of the game sho'liwe, a mi'ha over the shoul- 
 ders, and dance moccasins. Stooping before the meal crosses, each 
 takes a notched stick and a deer-leg bone, and facing northeast places 
 his basket, inverted, on a disk of meal. Then twelve male mem- 
 bers of the 'Hle'wekwe and the novices and catchers, who are fore- 
 most in the group, the novices carrying the ears of corn and prayer 
 plumes given them in the ceremonial chamber, stand back of the two 
 men. all facing northeast. Those who form the group wear blankets 
 wrapped around them and carry rattles in their right hands. The two 
 men of the Bear clan, resting the notched sticks on the baskets, run 
 the deer-leg bones outward over the sticks thirty-two times, then draw 
 the bones toward them over the sticks the same number of times. 
 This movement is repeated without variation until the cessation of the 
 music. 
 
 As soon as the musicians rise the male members of the fraternity 
 present begin singing to the accompaniment of their rattles, and the 
 two men of the Bear clan take their position in front of the group, 
 holding the notched sticks and deer-leg bones and baskets in their 
 left hands, which they move to the time of the music. Their right 
 hands are not visible under the large blankets worn around them. 
 The warrior of the fraternity intones at intervals and the whole body 
 joins in the song. Almost immediately upon the opening of this song 
 the et'towe and 'hla'we bearers, with Mu'chailiha'nona," their leader, 
 appear from the eastern covered way. The leader is chosen by the 
 'Hlein'mosona from the fraternity and must be of the Dogwood clan, 
 or his paternal parent must be of this clan (the same man can not act in 
 the two ceremonials of January and February). The leader is clad in a 
 white cotton shirt with full gathered sleeves, and a white cotton embroid- 
 ered kilt, decorated like those worn by the men of the Bear clan, is fastened 
 at the right side: he also wears an embroidered sash and a white fringed 
 sash looped at the right side, blue knit leggings, and dance moccasins. 
 A line mi'ha tied at the upper ends hangs over the bod}% the long wavy 
 hair falls over the back, and bangs cover the brows. A large white fluffy 
 eagle plume and a bunch of yellow parrot feathers are attached to the 
 
 a See page 447. 
 
474 THE ZFNI INDIANS [eth. Ann. 23 
 
 forelock. The face is white with meal. The necklaces are elaborate. 
 He carries in his left hand a black howl-shaped basket 5 inches in 
 diameter, three cords about 12 inches long and terminating in a knot 
 being attached equal distances at the rim. This basket is suspended b}' 
 i he strings from a slender stick, 12 inches long, with a la'showanne 
 pendent from one end. The basket is tilled with tine meal shaped into 
 a mound. A cross is formed over the mound with corn pollen and a 
 line of pollen encircles the meal, symbolic of the four regions (see 
 plate cxi). The basket and stick, which latter is never freshly painted, 
 are supposed to have come from the undermost world. 
 
 As Mn'ehailiha'nona proceeds with majestic step and sprinkles meal 
 carried in his belt he is followed by eight maidens in single file, the first 
 four carrying in the right hand two ancient 'hla'we, resting them 
 across the left arm. the sticks of which are claimed to have been 
 brought from the lower world by the Corn maidens" (see plate 
 cxii, a). The others carry each a mu'et'tone resting on the left arm 
 and supported with the right hand. These girls wear the dark wool 
 embroidered dresses, white moccasins and leggings, and white blankets 
 bordered in red and blue, fastened at the upper ends and falling over 
 the shoulders. After advancing a short distance in the plaza, they 
 halt and stand for a couple of minutes in line, facing west, and then 
 advance, passing around to the north. When they have all reached 
 the north side of the plaza they again halt and face south. 
 
 At this time the Mu'waiye appear, dancing sidewise, from the east- 
 ern covered way. The girls each wear two mi'hawe (plural of mi'ha), 
 the under one having the deep embroidery at the neck, the outer one 
 the deep border at the bottom. In order to make the blanket serve as 
 the short skirt, it is folded over at the top and held on with an 
 embroidered sash, the upper edge, which is turned over, standing up 
 in a kind of ruffle. The sashes are tied at the back. They wear fine 
 white deerskin moccasins with black soles. The 'helh'pone (see plate 
 xxxviii) is worn on the head. Elaborate necklaces of ko'hakwa, coral, 
 and turquoise, with turquoise earrings pendent from the necklaces, are 
 worn. The boy has his hair flowing, with two white fluffy eagle 
 plumes, one above the other, hanging down the center of the back, a 
 bunch of yellow parrot feathers and a white fluffy eagle plume being 
 attached to the scalp lock. He has a yucca wreath fancifully tied at 
 the side, and his hair falls in bangs over his eyes. He wears an 
 embroidered kilt, with a border of blue-green and the game of sho'- 
 liwe painted upon it, fastened at the right side. A white fringed sash 
 and a red belt are looped at the right side and a fox skin is pendent at 
 the back of the belt. He also wears earrings and a profusion of neck- 
 laces, a silver bow wristlet on the left arm, blue yarn leggings with 
 
 aThe stems were originally white, with foliage of delicate silvery leaves resembling feathers. When 
 the leaves disappeared they were replaced by feathers of the 'hlai'aluko (sialia arctica). 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXI 
 
 BASKET WITH MEAL CROSSED AND ENCIRCLED WITH CORN POLLEN, SYMBOLIC 
 OF THE FOUR REGIONS AND THE WHOLE WORLD 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXII 
 
 a, ANCIENT -HLA'WE; 6, 'HLU'SIPOWE, FETISHES OF 'HLE'WEKWE THF 
 
 SWORD SWALLOWERS 
 
stevesson] t hle'wekwe 475 
 
 bunches of yarn tied around them below the knee, with sleigh bells 
 hanging', and dance moccasins. The maidens hold a 'hlu"sipone a in 
 each hand (see plate cxn b, c). The 3 r outh holds his mi'li between 
 his hands. 
 
 The Mu'waiye advance like drilled soldiers, keeping perfect time 
 with their heads, hands, and feet. This trio is closely followed by 
 the a'mosi and a'mosono'*kia of the choir, the drummer and choir, 
 which consists of about 100 men of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine, grouped 
 immediately behind them. The a'mosi wear black velvet trousers, 
 native-woven shirts of black, elaborately ornamented with red and 
 green ribbons, and quantities of necklaces, the hair being done up 
 in the usual way. The a'mosono''kia are dressed similarly to the 
 et'towe-bearers, all being adorned with as many necklaces as they can 
 secure from relatives and friends. The air rings with the song, which 
 is quite independent of the 'Hle'wekwe choir on the western side of 
 the plaza. The et'towe and 'hla'we bearers linger in line on the north 
 side of the plaza until the Mu'waiye are fully in the plaza, when 
 they move on very slowly, circling round the boxes four times, each 
 person frequently sprinkling meal into them. They leave the plaza 
 by the western way, proceeding to a house of the Badger clan, where 
 the et'towe are received by their keepers, four aged women. They 
 are deposited in flat baskets partly filled with meal, and placed in line 
 from north to south in the center of the floor of the large room. The 
 ancient 'hla'we are laid across the baskets north of the et'towe, with 
 the tip ends pointing east. Mu'chailiha'nona and each bearer of a 
 fetish carries a pinch of meal held in the left hand four times around 
 the head and sprinkles it over the et'towe. 6 Meal is now taken in the 
 right hand and sprinkled over the fetishes with a prayer for rains. 
 The girls take their seats on the north ledge of the room, and Mu'chail- 
 iha'nona returns to the chamber of the 'Hle'wekwe. 
 
 After the fetish-bearers and the leader leave the plaza they are 
 followed by the 'Hle'wekwe choir, and the Mu'waiye with their choir 
 have the plaza to themselves. The Chu'pakwe do not proceed far- 
 ther than the northeastern corner of the plaza until the Mu'waiye 
 have passed four times around the boxes. The music, which is the 
 same as that sung to the accompaniment of the notched sticks earlier 
 in the day, and which is now to be heard free from the grating noises 
 of the deer-leg bones rubbed over the notched sticks, is rich and 
 melodious. 
 
 a The thlu^sipone is made like the ancient 'hla'we. The stems are painted white and white duck 
 leathers take the place of the silvery leaves. The various seeds are wrapped in cotton at the ends of 
 the 'hlu"sipowe. The 'Hlem'mosona of the fraternity presented to the writer two 'hlu"sipowe (plural 
 of uilu'tsipone), having the white feathers and two 'hla'we with 'hlai'aluko plumes, which are now 
 in the National Museum. 
 
 &"One failing to sprinkle the meal would be troubled with excrescences and swellings; perhaps 
 one, perhaps many, would come." 
 
476 THE ZUNI INDIANS |eth. ann.23 
 
 The evening shadows are falling when the Mu'wai} T e complete the 
 fourth circuit around the boxes and advance toward the western 
 entrance. This movement is the signal for the spectators to hasten 
 from the plaza and stand in lines facing each other on each side of the 
 streets through which the dancers are to pass, their course being 
 through the western entrance to a second plaza, thence to the north 
 street and around to the west street, and down this street to the house 
 where the et'towe are deposited. The Mu' waive dance every step of 
 the way, as has been described, to the music of the Chu'pakwe, who 
 follow closely. It is dark by the time the Mu'waiye reach the house. 
 As each girl is relieved of her 'hlu"sipone it is placed with an ancient 
 'hla'we, and both are passed before her lips while she inhales all that 
 is good from them, they being then laid across the basket from which 
 the ancient 'hla'we is taken. 
 
 An old woman removes the la'showawe of 'hlai'aluko feathers from 
 the hair of each of the Mu'waiye and it is tied to the ancient 'hla'we 
 with which her 'hlu"sipowe are placed. The Mu'waiye and choir take 
 in their left hands meal from the meal basket by the et'towe and, car- 
 rying the hand from left to right around the head four times, throw 
 the meal over the fetishes for physical purification. Meal is afterward 
 taken in the right hand and sprinkled over the et'towe, with prayers 
 for food, raiment, and good health. The Mu'waiye now have their 
 headdresses, mi'has, and other paraphernalia removed by the two 
 a'mosi of the Mu'waiye, and the} 7 take their seats on the south ledge. 
 The choir crowd around the fetishes and pray. Each man gives a 
 la'showanne of the l hlai'aluko, which he received during the rehearsals 
 of the Mu'waiye, to the old women, who attach them to the ancient 
 'hla'we: by this means the ancient sticks are kept supplied with plumes. 
 The masses gather from the street and repeat the performance with 
 the meal, held first in the left hand, then in the right." The et'towe 
 are now placed on the north ledge of the room and the 'hla'we and 
 'hlu"sipowe are stood against the wall, back of the et'towe. 
 
 On the fifth morning of the ceremonial the plastering is removed 
 from the doors and windows leading from the ceremonial chamber of 
 the 'Hle'wekwe into the adjoining rooms, and stone slabs which block 
 up spaces in the north and south walls when not required to serve as 
 openings through which the elite observe the final ceremony, arc also 
 removed. The room immediately back of the ceremonial chamber is 
 prepared for the reception of special guests. A smaller room be}'ond 
 is devoted to the preparation of toggery by those who are to amuse 
 the fraternity and guests previous to the night ceremonial. 
 
 At '.» o'clock in the evening the two novices take seats on the north 
 
 "Squads of drunken men and boys offering prayers and sprinkling meal over the fetishes present a 
 revolting sight. 
 
stevenson] 'hle'wekwe 477 
 
 ledge of the chamber, toward the west end, the woman sitting to the 
 right of the man. The male members of the fraternity sit on the 
 south side, midway between the fireplace and the west end of the 
 room, in a group which forms the choir. The female members sit 
 west of the choir on the ledge and the floor. The women of the 
 To'nakwe (Turkey), To'nashikwe (Badger), and Pi'ehikwe (Dogwood) 
 clans have the positions they occupied during the afternoon ceremony. 
 By 10 o'clock the room is crowded. The adjoining room is also tilled 
 with the cronies of the old man of the family and others of the privi- 
 leged clans, principally males. The interior windows and door leading 
 into the ceremonial chamber afford a view of what is going on, and a 
 group of the women of the family and their most honored guests sit 
 in a side room, looking through, quite an extensive opening in the 
 wall that is made by removing a couple of large stone slabs plastered 
 in this space. At this time five masked characters appear in the cere- 
 monial chamber, their dress rendering them as ridiculous as possible. 
 At one time they caricature the He'mishiikwe (certain anthropic 
 gods). Again, one plays upon a notched stick, caricaturing a scene of 
 the day. Their songs and performances draw constant applause from 
 the spectators. After remaining a few moments in the ceremonial 
 chamber this party visits the house in which the four et'towe are 
 placed, where a large number of people are congregated besides those 
 especially designated to be present with the et'towe. 
 
 The ceremonies in the chamber of the Tdle'wekwe begin shortly 
 before 11. The men wear breecheloths. All the women wear their 
 black wool dresses with red belts, their necks and arms uncovered and 
 their hair flowing, with the bangs over their eyes. Both the men and 
 women have elaborate necklaces and the women wear silver bangles 
 and rings. As the choir begins, the novices rise and the catchers stand 
 on the ledge behind them, with a hand on each shoulder of the novice. 
 An elderly woman and two young girls stand between and on each side 
 of the novices, clasping their hands, the forearms being held upward, 
 and in this position the hands are moved back and forth, while the 
 catchers slightly move first the right and then the left shoulder of the 
 novices. In a few minutes the three women are replaced by others, 
 and the}' take position on the floor according to their clan, the one of 
 the Dogwood clan dancing on the- north side of the room and those 
 of the Badger and Turkey clans on the south side, each holding 
 two eagle-wing plumes in the right hand. On two or three occasions 
 it is noticed that the plumes are held in the left hand. The upper 
 arms are extended outward, the forearms upward. No one can dance 
 until she has stood by the side of the novices, and after the first two 
 groups have served women also stand at the backs of the novices in 
 the place of the catchers. . There are usually ten female dancers on 
 the floor at one time, forming two lines. The motion is sidewise 
 
478 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ahs.23 
 
 to the east and then to the west, the dancers facing first south and 
 then north. The members of the 'Hle'wekwe dance between these 
 lines. The 'Hl&m'mosona is the first of the 'Hle'wekwe on the floor. 
 He swallows his sword several times while dancing. He is followed 
 by the aged warrior, who runs his sword, which has the arrow 
 point, a number of times down his throat. The dancing is more 
 violent on this occasion than in the plaza, and therefore the sword 
 swallowing more difficult and dangerous. The officers of the fra- 
 ternity are followed to the floor by all the members (except two or 
 three young children), generally two at a time, sometimes three. 
 Some hold the sword down the throat twenty seconds, others ten 
 seconds, the usual time being five seconds. One man holds two 
 swords at once in his throat seven seconds. On three occasions the 
 swords are run down one another's throats during the most violent 
 motions of the dance." Toward the close of the dance a director of 
 the Mu'waiye visits the 'Hle'wekwe and joins in the dance. 
 
 The novices do not take their seats from the beginning to the close 
 of the night ceremonial. The male novice becomes so exhausted dur- 
 ing the night as to be in danger of fainting,* and a small blanket is 
 laid under his feet as a rest for them. Popcorn water and the red 
 medicine previously referred to are drunk frequently during the night, 
 and one or two members of the choir are stimulated with whisky 
 brought in by the old woman of the house. Shortlv after midnight 
 the drinking of whisky begins in the back room. It is dealt in by 
 both male and female members of the family. One woman buys a 
 horse with a small glass of whisky and a handsome string of beads 
 with half a glass. The morning star is carefully watched for, and its 
 appearance above the horizon is the signal for the ceremonies in the 
 chamber to cease. The aged warrior closes the dance, holding the . 
 po'nepoyanne c in his right hand and a bow and arrows in his left. 
 
 The 'Hle'wekwe and dancers now leave for the house where the 
 et'-towe were placed and those who are not too drunk to stand venture 
 from the back room into the ceremonial chamber and join in drunken 
 revelry. Though the conduct of many of the guests in the house of 
 the et'towe during the night is, in a quiet way, most insinuating and 
 indecorous, those associated with the fetishes perform their duties in 
 great seriousness. The four et'towe are still side by side in their 
 baskets of meal on the ledge on the north side of the room, about mid- 
 way. The aged woman having charge of the et'tone of the Ai'yaho'kwe 
 tlan sits west of the line of et'towe, and the old woman having charge of 
 the et'tone of the To'nashikwe clan sits on her right, the bearers of 
 
 "While accidents seldom happen from swallowing the sword, death is sometimes the result. This 
 is attributed to a bad heart or to the unfortunate having been touched by another. 
 
 bSuch an exhibition of weakness, were he to succumb, would be unfortunate for his standing in 
 the fraternity. 
 
 cSee p. 117, note a. 
 
steven-son] HLE WEKWE 479 
 
 these two et'towe sitting- next, and next to them two of the 'hlu"sipowe- 
 bearers. The aged woman in charge of the et'tone of the To'wakwe 
 elan sits east of the et'towe, the woman in charge of the et'tone of the 
 'Ko'ioktakwe elan sits on her left, the two bearers of these et'towe 
 sit next, and the other two 'klu"sipo\ve-bearers are next to them. The 
 Mu' waive and their a'mosi and a'mosono"kia sit quietl\ r through the 
 night on the ledge at the south side of the room opposite the et'towe,. 
 except when one of the a'mosi visits the 'Hle'wekwe chamber. 
 
 On the arrival of the 'Hlem'mosona bearing the 'kle'et'tone eight of 
 the 'Hle'wekwe take seats east of the two boxes, which are now at the 
 east end of the room, and play on the notched sticks, the rest of the 
 fraternity grouping themselves near the boxes. The four et'towe are 
 lifted from the baskets by the old women and handed to the et'towe- 
 bearers, and the 'Hlem'mosona hands the 'hle'et'tone to a woman of the 
 fraternity. The et'towe-bearers are joined by two men having the 
 bows and arrows, and they form in line, facing east, just as the} r did in 
 the plaza in the previous morning. The two novices stand before this 
 line, also facing east. The wives of the fraternity fathers are behind 
 them, with a hand resting on each shoulder of the novice, the 
 shoulders being kept in slight motion. The notched sticks with deer- 
 leg bones are played in accompaniment to the song and rattle while 
 the et'towe are waved downward, with the same inclination observed 
 in the plaza. They are never moved upward, as the prayers are for 
 cold rains and snows to fall to prepare the Earth Mother for the 
 embrace of the Sun Father. 
 
 At sunrise the singing ceases and the 'Hlem'mosona receives the 
 'hle'et'tone in the basket, and the two men hand him the bows and 
 arrows. Each of the other et'towe- bearers delivers her et'tone to the 
 old woman in charge of it, she receiving it in a basket. The baskets 
 are deposited in line in the middle of the floor, and after the "Hlem'- 
 mosona prays over them the old women carry the et'towe and the 
 Mu' waive carry the 'hla'we to the houses where they are kept, two 
 of the 'hla'we being deposited with each et'tone. The 'Hlem'mosona, 
 accompanied by the members of the 'Hle'wekwe, carries the 'hle'- 
 et'tone in the basket to the ceremonial chamber of the 'Hle'wekwe, 
 but afterward removes it from the basket and lays it on the ledge, 
 upon which he first sprinkles meal. He now removes the eight eagle 
 plumes from across the bowl of medicine water, shaking the pollen 
 from the plumes into the water, and administers the water from a 
 shell to each member of the household, including the infants. The 
 drinker says: "Ta'chumo (father)." The 'Hlem'mosona replies: 
 '•Cha'limo (child)." Each one now takes meal in the left hand from 
 the pottery meal basket and, waving the hand around the head from 
 left to right four times, throws it upon the et'tone for physical puri- 
 fication and good health. Meal is afterward taken with the right 
 
480 THE ZLTNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 hand and sprinkled op the St'tonS, that one may not die, but grow old 
 and sleep, to wake as a little child in Ko'thluwala'wa (abiding place of 
 the Council of the Gods), where the Zufiis go for a time after death. 
 During the prayers the women of the paternal and maternal clans of 
 the novices are bringing large bowls of food, and the center of the 
 floor soon bears evidence of preparation for an elaborate feast. At 
 the conclusion of the prayers over the 'hle'et'tone, We'wha, not a 
 member of the fraternity but a member of the house, addressing the 
 assemblage, in the presence of the guests of the night, says: 
 
 "My children, those of you who would be members of the frater- 
 nity of the 'Hle'weke, prepare corn meal and choose a father, that you 
 may become one of them. In five worlds below all was dark; in five 
 worlds below all was unclean. The 'kia'et'tone, chu'et'tone, mu'et'tone, 
 and 'hle'et'tone came up to the light of the Sun Father and passed to 
 the land of the creation of the gods, our children becoming gods; 
 but first those of the 'Hle'wekwe were water snakes, tortoises, frogs, 
 and tadpoles. 'Kia'et'tone and chu'et'tone passed to Hal'ona, but 
 'hle'et'tone and mu'et'tone traveled with the 'Hle'wekwe by the far 
 north road to Shi'papolima and the house of Po'shaiyanki, where we 
 lived four years [time periods], and after that time we arose and trav- 
 eled to the west and made our home at To'3'akwi 'kiai'akwi [Nutria 
 spring place], where we lived four years, and again we arose and passed 
 to the west to Top'apkwinna [Black rocks]. Here the 'Hlem'mosona 
 spoke to us saying: 'I am old. I will go no farther. Here I shall 
 make my home for all time. Now we are near I'tiwanna; I will go on 
 farther with you.' Addressing his deputy, he said: ' I give to you my 
 pok'et'tone [the ancient sword]. You [referring to others of his fra- 
 ternity] will go to Hal'ona I'tiwanna [ant middle place], and when you 
 wish snows and cold rains make te'likinawe and bring them hither [to 
 the spring] and I will receive them and carry them to the Kok'ko 
 A'wan [Council of the Gods], at Ko'thluwala'wa, for the road from 
 my house here leads to that house." 
 
 Thanks are now given for the food, and after making the proper 
 offering to the dead of the fraternity all enjoy the feast. Then the 
 ceremonies close. 
 
 The 'Hlem'mosona returns the 'hle'et'tone with its associated fetishes, 
 including the bows and arrows, to its chamber in a house of the 'Ko'*- 
 loktakwe clan. He carries the sword blades in the cougar-skin sack 
 to his home. The basket and slender stick which is attached, carried 
 by Mu'chailiha'nona, the ancient bowl and bear's feet skins, the stone 
 fetishes, and the sword handles are kept in a back storage room of the 
 ceremonial house.* 
 
 a The writer has given such portion of the prayer as she was able to hear. 
 
 11 \ large stone cougar, brought out only in cases of severe illness, is secreted beneath plastering in 
 a niche in the wall of the ceremonial chamber. 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXII 
 
 SHRINE OF THE GODS OF WAR, SHOWING TEHL'NAWE (STAVES) USED IN 
 CEREMONIAL OF 'HLE'WEKWE, THE SWORD SWALLOWERS 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 481 
 
 After the close of the morning feast the tehl'nawe are carried by 
 such members of the fraternity as belong to the A'pi'fashiwanni to 
 their homes, and later in the morning they are taken to the shrines 
 of the Gods of War. which are situated at the four cardinal points. 
 Each shrine is about a mile and a half from Zuni, the tehl'nane for the 
 north, with its accompanying stick, being deposited at the shrine by 
 the aged warrior of the 'Hle'wekwe fraternity. The names of these 
 shrines arc as follows: Al'ahoimuPhlakwi, north shrine; Ha'wikonakwi, 
 west shrine; I'shana an tekiapoa 'san'nakwi, south shrine (see plate 
 CXll ): To'nashi an te'kiapoakwi, east shrine. These shrines are on 
 elevated ground. They are built of rock, the opening being on the. 
 east side, covered by a stone slab. The south shrine is superior to 
 the others. It is in horseshoe form, built of flat stones, with a 
 dome-like top. On removing the slab at the entrance on the east 
 side many prayer plumes are seen planted in the ground. The 
 tehl'nawe for the Zenith and Nadir are deposited at the east shrine. 
 The tehl'nawe, being taller than the walls of the shrines, are placed 
 on the outside against the walls. The 'Hle'wekwe deposit prayer 
 plumes in January and February within the walls of these shrines, 
 where they remain until it becomes necessary to throw them to one 
 side to make room for others. 
 
 The la'showawe worn by the a'mosi and a'mosono"kia of the 
 A'pr'liishiwanni and those worn by the a'mosi and a'mosono"kia of 
 the Mu'waiye are made into prayer plumes after the closing cere- 
 monies, the paternal parents or brothers preparing those for the 
 women. The plumes of the former party are planted in the fields 
 with prayers to the u'wannam A'pi'^lashiwanni (rain-maker warriors), 
 deceased members of the Bow priesthood," and those of the others 
 are offered in the field to the A'wan 'Si'ta (Great Mother) et'tone, 
 which bring rains and fructification, with praj^ers for snows and 
 winter rains. The two men and the women go separately to plant 
 their plumes. 
 
 Four days afterwards each fraternity father dresses sheep for a 
 feast to be given to his newly initiated child, while the women of his 
 household bake the meal and flour previously ground. The families 
 of each novice are also busy preparing meal and other gifts, which 
 are to go to the house of the fraternity father. About the same time 
 the newly initiated member accompanies the fraternity father a short 
 distance east of the village and deposits the prayer plumes given at the 
 time of initiation to the rain-makers of the 'Hle'wekwe for snows and 
 winter rains, that the crops may be plentiful, and that the people may 
 have health and happiness. The four ears of corn given the novices 
 at initiation are kept until planting time and then planted in the field 
 
 a The rain-maker warriors are lightning-makers who assist the rain-makers with their lightning 
 arrow?. 
 
 23 eth— 04 31 
 
482 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 with the other corn. On the return from plume planting- the novice's 
 head is bathed in yucca suds by the wife or female relative of the fra- 
 ternity father, and a feast is enjoyed at the fraternity father's house. 
 
 FEBKl ARl CEREMONIAL OF THE 'HLE'WEKWE 
 
 The January ceremonial is repeated in February with but slight 
 variation. If no members are to be received, the initiation ceremo- 
 nies are omitted and the decorations are left off the west wall of the 
 ceremonial chamber. Instead of the black breechcloth seen in Janu- 
 ary, a white embroidered kilt held on by a white embroidered sash 
 and a woman's red belt is worn, with a fox skin pendent at the back. 
 The fraternity dance once in the plaza after the early ceremony with 
 the et'towe and return to the ceremonial chamber for their morning 
 meal. At noon the two a'mosi of the circle dance visit the plaza by the 
 western street. The leader carries a small purple wicker basket of 
 meal, such as was used in the January ceremonial; the other carries 
 the tehl'nawe. The bearer of the tehl'nawe takes his position south- 
 cast of the boxes, and the leader places the basket in his right hand, 
 and then removes the notched sticks and bones from the boxes, laying 
 them upon the ground, reverses the position of the boxes, placing the 
 larger one south of the other, and, taking the small basket of meal 
 deposits it under the larger box, and leaves the plaza by the route 
 he entered. In a few moments three musicians arrive and sit by 
 the boxes, and the 'Hlem'mosona, carrying the original sword and 
 one with a feathered handle, appears through the eastern covered 
 way and repeats the swallowing of the swords in the manner pre- 
 viously described. After making the circuit he stops again at the 
 north end and swallows first the sword with feathered handle and after- 
 ward the ancient sword. The swallowing of the swords is repeated at 
 the six points, but he makes the circuit each time before swallowing 
 them. After the sword-swallowing is repeated at the six regions the 
 'Hlem'mosona stands before the boxes and, facing them, waves the 
 swords over the boxes to the six regions and prays. At the close of 
 the prayer the swords are carried in a circle over the boxes, brought 
 to the lips, and all that is good in them is inhaled. The musicians 
 pray aloud at the same time. The retired 'Hlem'mosona stands at 
 the western entrance and observes the ceremony with the deepest 
 interest. As soon as the 'Hlem'mosona leaves the plaza the circle 
 dance begins. 
 
 Before '2 o'clock the 'Hle'wekwe are assembled in the plaza to 
 dance. The women carry two eagle-wing feathers in the right 
 hand, the sword in the left, except in the case of the most expert 
 female sword-swallower, who has a sword in each hand. The 'Hle'- 
 wekwe dance three times in the plaza, and during the third dance 
 the leader, who is midway the dancers, takes from his three frater- 
 
stevenson] t hle'wekwe 483 
 
 nity children the swords and swallows them in succession. Finally 
 he runs four swords, one after the other, down his throat, allows the 
 four to remain several seconds and then withdraws them all at the 
 same time. The ceremony in the plaza closes with the 'Hlem'mosona 
 standing before the boxes and praying' while he waves the swords over 
 the boxes and draws the sacred breath (see plate cxiv). After their 
 return from the last plaza dance the *Hle'wekwe form lines vis-a-vis 
 at the west end of the room, running east and west. Each fraternity 
 father, after taking his sword into his mouth, places the end of it in 
 the mouth of his fraternity child that the child may not die, but live 
 to he old, and sleep to awake as a little child in Ko'thluwala'wa. 
 
 The closing outdoor eeremou} 7 now occurs which is described in the 
 January ceremonial, except that the two men of the Bear clan wear 
 white buckskins around them instead of the sacred embroidered blan- 
 kets. The male novice, who stood in front of the group of singers in 
 January, now has his place among them and sings, and a different 
 member of the Dogwood clan leads the et'towe and 'hla'we bearers. 
 The night ceremonial of the 'Hle'wekwe and the ceremonies in the 
 house of the et'towe are the same as those described in the account of 
 the January ceremonial. 
 
 The ceremonies observed in January, 1897, corresponded, with few 
 exceptions, to those of former years. Owing to the death of an adopted 
 brother of a prominent member of the fraternity and also of the house 
 where the fraternity holds its meetings, there was no dancing - in the 
 plaza, and the only sword-swallowing out of doors was done by the 
 'Hlem'mosona and his warrior. The 'Hlem'mosona first appeared 
 alone and swallowed his swords; afterward, in company with a war- 
 rior, both swallowed their own swords and others carried by the war- 
 rior. At 3 o'clock in the afternoon a man who took the place of catcher 
 sat on a chair in the east end of the room, and a novice, who was a 
 young girl, sat on a blanket spread on the floor at his feet; he had 
 his hands on her shoulders. The fraternity stood in two opposing 
 lines. The ceremony of presenting the mi'ha, corn, and prayer plumes 
 occurred exactly as before described. White embroidered kilts were 
 worn by the men instead of the dark ones. The novice accompanied 
 the group of 'Hle'wekwe who appeared in the plaza at the sunset 
 ceremony. 
 
 ORDER OF THE KIA'LA^ILO " (SPRUCE TREE) 
 
 The ceremony of the order of the Kia'la'silo occurs in February in 
 connection with the one described and for the purpose only of initiat- 
 ing a member. The ceremonial in which the initiation into this order 
 occurs is the same in all particulars as others described excepting the 
 variations here noted. A man is seldom long a member of the 'Hle'- 
 
 a Pseudotsuga douglassii. 
 
484 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.js 
 
 wekwe before joining the Kia'la'silo. He is usually requested by the 
 'Hlem'mosona to join the order. If he consents, the 'Hlem'mosona, on 
 the second day of the ceremonial, selects a director to conduct a party 
 to collect spruce trees. The 'Hlem'mosona places meal in the palm of 
 the man's left hand and directs him to go the same day for the trees. 
 The man afterward wraps the meal in a corn husk. He is accom- 
 panied by six men of the fraternity, who assist in cutting- and bringing 
 to the ceremonial chamber the trees, which are always collected south 
 of the village, since the distance in other directions to such trees as 
 they wish is much greater. The leader or director ascends a tall tree 
 and attaches a la'showanne of a single fluffy eagle plume to the tip 
 of the top branch, saying: "I wish the kia'la'silo for the 'Hle'wekwe; 
 in a little while we will dance. I ask that ourselves may not be made 
 ill by swallowing the kia'la'silo. I pay you with this la'showanne." 
 When he descends from the tree the men sprinkle its base with meal 
 from the corn husk and look about for the best tree near it, since it 
 is not necessary to choose the tree nearest the one with the plume. 
 The selected tree is supposed to be cut down with an ancient stone ax, 
 but it is not unlikely that a modern ax is also secretly used. The same 
 ancient ax is supposed to be used in cutting the other trees, one for 
 each member of the order and one for the novice. The trees, wdiich 
 are about 3 inches in diameter and 12 to 15 feet high, are transported 
 crosswise on the backs of the men by ropes which pass around the 
 forehead. Though the distance is several miles, they must always 
 make this trip on foot. 
 
 During the absence of the tree-collectors the 'Hlem'mosona asks the 
 novice, and if there be more than one he asks each one separately. 
 whom he wishes for a fraternity father. He replies, "I do not 
 know." Then one is chosen by the 'Hlem'mosona, who takes meal 
 from the basket, places it in a corn husk, folds the husk, and, stoop- 
 ing before the chosen fraternity father, who remains seated, lays the 
 package in his hands; clasping the man's folded hands he offers up a 
 prayer. The fraternity father afterward distributes a pinch of this 
 meal to each of the women of his clan, as mentioned in the descrip- 
 tion of the initiation into the Sword order. 
 
 At sunrise the work of making the sword at the butt of the tree 
 begins. The first chip from each tree is cut with the stone ax by the 
 man who acted as director to the tree-collectors, and the tree is passed 
 on to the man who is to use it in the dance, and he fashions the sword. 
 When the swords are completed each maker attaches to the top 
 branch of the tree a la'showanne, composed of a turkey feather, an 
 eagle plume, and feathers from the birds of the six regions. The 
 tree director gives a hit of root medicine to each one, the same as that 
 placed in the novice's mouth at initiation into the Sword order, and 
 thev chew this and draw their swords through the mouth four times 
 
stevesson] MA /T KIC 'hLAN'nAKWE 485 
 
 to cover them with the medicine. The trees are now hung to the 
 rafters, except the one made by the fraternity father for the novice, 
 who also makes one for himself. This tree is laid in the middle of the 
 floor with the sword end pointing west. 
 
 At sunset the fraternity, including, as before, the women who are 
 on the north side of the room, stand and sing. After one song for 
 snows and rains the tree director puts a bit of the root medicine into 
 the mouth of the fraternity father, who stands before the collection of 
 fetishes at the west end of the room. After receiving the medicine 
 the fraternity father takes the novice by the left wrist and leads him 
 close to the ladder, standing south of the novice, while both face west. 
 Stepping to the middle of the floor, the fraternitj^ father lifts the tree 
 with the sword end pointing downward, passes the top out through 
 the hatchway, and hands the tree to the novice, who, facing south, 
 attempts to swallow the sword, but fails. The tree is returned to the 
 fraternity father and he swallows the sword. After three songs for 
 snows and rains the fraternity father places the tree with the others, 
 and the men smoke, the novice joining the group. 
 
 The trees are carried to the plaza on the fifth day, when the sword 
 ends are swallowed during the dances. After the dances the trees are 
 placed in their former elevated position in the ceremonial chamber, 
 and after the early morning ceremoiry they are carried on the backs 
 of six men (different men from those who brought them) to a mesa 
 about 4 miles north of the village, where the trees are laid upon the 
 ground with the sword ends pointing to the west. Meal is sprinkled 
 over the trees, and prayers are offered for snows, rains, and the gen- 
 eral good health of the people. When the novice's head is bathed, 
 on the fifth morning, the fraternity father presents him with a few 
 yards of calico or some simple gift, this being the only gift from the 
 fraternity father to the novice. 
 
 Ma"ke 'hlan'natcwe (Great Fire Fraternity) 
 
 The Ma"ke 'hlan'nakwe (Great Fire fraternity'), has three orders: 
 Kok'ko mlan'na (Great god), which is under the patronage of three 
 anthropic gods, Kok'ko 'hlan'na, Shits'ukia, and Kwe'lele; I'wen- 
 ash'nawe (knowledge of sucking) or 0'na3'a'nakia a (Mystery medicine), 
 and Ma"ke 'Hlan'na (Great Fire). The latter order has several divi- 
 sions — Pi'anni'hle (Sword), Kia'la'silo (Spruce), Sho'tikianna (Arrow), 6 
 Pa'oti'we'' (Navaho dance), and Po'sikishi rf (commonly interpreted 
 spruce tree). The officers of the Great Fire fraternity consist of a 
 
 n The officers of O'naya'nakla have valuable songs for relieving delayed parturition and are called 
 in when the doctresses fail to relieve the patient. 
 
 frSho' is from sho'li. arrow reed; ti'klanna is another expression for ti'kili (fraternity). 
 
 c Pa is from A'pachu (Xavaho). 
 
 dPo'sikishi is the name of a bird which frequents the kia'la'silo (Pseudotsuga douglassii). The 
 sword swallowed in the Po'sikishi ceremony is fashioned at the base of a kia'la'silo. 
 
486 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ahn.23 
 
 mo'sona (director) of tln> fraternity, pe'kwin (deputy) to the director, 
 a'kwamosi (maker of medicine water), a'kwape'kwin (deputy) to the 
 a'kwamosi, 'hlem'mosona (wood director; the order, however, is known 
 as the sword, the blade being made of wood, hence the name), te'hai 1 - 
 toy'nona (music-maker, flutist), pi'"lashiwanni (warrior), a'lunakwe 
 (walking about), general managers, and couriers. 
 
 "Long, long ago" two members of the Great Fire fraternity, one 
 belonging to the Eagle clan, the other to the Batlger clan, went to the 
 northeast and there met the Ke'pachu " (buckskin Navahos), whom 
 they found to have a language similar to their own; and these people 
 understood mystery medicine, it'sepcho, sword swallowing, and arrow 
 swallowing. The two A'shiwi returned to their village, bringing 
 songs from the Ke'pachu. and since that time the Great Fire fraternity 
 have suiig only the songs of the Ke'pachu, and the a'kwamosi has 
 been of the Eagle clan or child of the clan'' and his pe'kwin of the same 
 clan. The sword director has been of the Badger clan or a child of 
 this clan and his pe'kwin of the same clan. 
 
 The following stanzas are in the Ke'pachu tongue:'' 
 
 SONG ASSOCIATED WITH PRACTICING OF MYSTERY MEDICINE 
 I 
 
 Eniniya' achu'yia tai'wayaia' tai'wayaia' Ta'kuluwaye tai'wayaia' eni'niya' 
 eni'yaia'. 
 
 Ya'eniya eniyae'na ya'eniya' eniya' aha'ena' Hea' ya'eniya' hea'ena hea'ena 
 hea'ena hea'ena hea'heya Hea'heya ena' ena' hea'ena'. 
 
 II 
 
 Eya' lienia' eyaha' henia' eya' eya' he na' Eyaha' eyaha' he na' 
 
 liena' eniya' yalia' ena' yaha'e na'. 
 
 Eyaha' eyahena' eyaha' eyahena' eyahena' eyaha' e yaha'hena'. 
 
 Eyaha' ahena' eyahena' eyahe na'. 
 
 SOXGS USED IN THE SWORD-SWALLOWINC. CEREMONY 
 J 
 
 Ai. .yi'..yi-.yi..yi ye. .he. .ena' ai..yi'. .yi. .yi ye. .he.. ena' ai'yi..ye..he.. 
 ena' aiyL.ye. .he. .ena' eni..ya. .lie' ya'..he..na ya'hena akulawa' ni'yashi 
 knlape'hu i'tati'niye 'si'ita pi'anni'hle 'si'ita niehihlhkai 'si'ita tanilth ki'islii shi'shi 
 ye'la 'si'ita tanilth ki'ishi ai'L.yi..yi ye. .he. .ena' ai'i..ye..he..ena' eniya hoi. 
 
 II 
 
 Ilea' le'ya ena' hea' hea' ena' hea' ena' hea' ena' hea' ena' ya ena' hee'. 
 Ni'ye kache/ kn'nu' niye' ku'lawa ine' aye kachfi' pi'anni'hle seya'taspa alth'su 
 na'si yaye' hena' tuhu' yi'ta eniya' Ya eniya' he eniya' ku'lawa. 
 
 a Ke from kem'me buckskin; piiehu, one who wears the hair brushed buck. The Zufli name for 
 Navaho ia A'pftchu, singular pa'chin, iliese Indians wearing their hair baek from Ihe face. 
 
 bSee l.i-t of elans. 
 
 -'['he writer was not aware until a short lime before her departure from Zufii, in 1902, that the 
 Great Fire fraternity songs were not in Zuni but in the " Ke'pachu" tongue, since it is almost impos- 
 sible to distinguish words amid the din of rattle and drum. 
 
stevenson] ma /t ke 'hlan'nakwe 487 
 
 order of kok'ko 'hlan'na 
 
 While this order is known as Kok'ko 'hlan'na (Great God), there are 
 threa, anthropic gods associated with it, Kok'ko 'hlan'na, Shits'ukia, 
 and Kwe'lele, who are supposed to. live in the east near Shi'papolima," 
 home of Po'shaiyanki, the Zuiii culture hero. 
 
 The order of Kok'ko 'hlan'na can be joined onty when these gods 
 are summoned to the village by an illness which produces swelling of 
 any part of the body. They possess great power over such maladies, 
 but must not be called upon until all other efforts have failed to effect 
 a cure. 
 
 The following story is implicitly believed by the Zuilis: 
 
 In the olden time the god Shumai'koli" traveled from the west to the east, and the 
 Kok'ko 'hlan'na was passing a little to the west, and they met. Kok'ko 'hlan'na was 
 the first to speak. He inquired of the stranger: "Who are you, and what is your 
 business?' - Shumai'koli replied: "Who are you, and what is your business?" 
 "Well," said Kok'ko 'hlan'na, "I have medicine here that will quickly kill a man 
 if I put it on him." Then Shumai'koli told him to try it on him if he wanted to. 
 "All right," said the Kok'ko 'hlan'na, " I will." He then rubbed his medicine over 
 the body of the Shumai'koli, who soon began to swell all over; even his fingers 
 were four times their normal size. After being in this condition four or five days, 
 Shumai'koli cried: " I am almost dead. You must take off your medicine; it will 
 kill me." The Kok'ko 'hlan'na then removed his medicine, and said, "Now, let 
 me see you try your medicine," and the Shumai'koli covered the Kok'ko 'thlan'na 
 with his medicine, and almost immediately his legs and arms and every part of the 
 body twisted like ropes; and he called t8 the Shumai'koli to remove his medicine at 
 once or he would die, that he was nearly dead then; and the Shumai'koli removed 
 the medicine. Then the Kok'ko 'hlan'na shook hands with the Shumai'koli and 
 said: "Your medicine is better than mine. I could live but a short time with your 
 medicine, while you could live a long time with mine. You are my elder brother, 
 and you will come to my house." These gods have since this time lived near one 
 another. 
 
 When a member of the Kok'ko 'hlan'na wishes another to join his 
 order he makes known to him his wish. If the one invited accepts, 
 he carries meal wrapped in a corn husk to the member, who becomes 
 the fraternity father of the novice; but should the novice already 
 be a member of another order of the fraternity, the meal gift is not 
 necessary. 
 
 Ceremony for the Cure of Sore Throat 
 
 A ceremonial to cure a sore and badly swollen throat, observed by 
 the writer in 1891, is here described: 
 
 Kok'ko 'hlan'na, Shits'ukia, and Kwe'lele (see plates xxvi, xxvn, 
 and cxv) arrive near sunset and ascend to the roof of the house of 
 the invalid, who is a 3'oung man. This is the signal for the patient 
 to be placed on a pallet in the middle of the floor. 'The half-reclin- 
 ing body, facing east, is supported by the chosen fraternity father, 
 who must, of course, be a member of the order of Kok'ko 'hlan'na. 
 Only the patient and members of this order may be present. The 
 
 a See p. 407. 
 
4SS THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ask. 23 
 
 invalid is nude, except the breechcloth. When the patient is a 
 female she wears the usual clothes minus the pi'toni (a piece tied 
 in front and falling over the hack). The male members of the 
 order group at the south wall and midway, facing the choir. The 
 female members sit on the opposite side of the room. Blankets 
 are arranged so as to form a dressing room for the personators 
 of the gods at the east end of the room. The gods stamp and 
 dance on the roof until it is time to descend through the hatchway 
 into the chamber below, the custom being to enter the house about 
 dusk. Shits'ukia (warrior or aid to Kok'ko 'hlan'na) carries giant 
 yucca in the left hand and a rhombus in the right. Kwe'lele carries 
 the yucca in the right hand and in the left sticks for producing tire by 
 friction and an unlighted cedar brand. Shits'ukia precedes Kok'ko 
 'hlan'na. who carries giant yucca in each hand, down the ladder, as he 
 always leads this god, who has tiny eyes. 
 
 A female member of the order, holding her mi'li (insignia of the 
 Mystery medicine order) and sacred meal basket, sprinkles meal as she 
 leads the gods from the roof to the room ; passing from left to right, 
 they encircle the patient four times, the choir singing to the accompani- 
 ment of rattle and pottery drum. Upon halting, Shits'ukia, taking 
 meal from his belt, runs a line with his four lingers across the body to 
 the waist, beginning at the left shoulder of the patient; and Kok'ko 
 'hlan'na, standing before the patient, places his hands to the middle of 
 his own forehead, as he clasps the v r ucca in both hands and then runs it 
 over the meal lines indicated by Shits'ukia. Kwe'lele simply passes 
 around the patient; but should Kwe'lele be chosen by the patient 
 instead of the Kok'ko 'hlan'na, the places of these two gods would be 
 reversed. The gods again pass around the invalid, and Shits'ukia 
 draws the meal lines from the right shoulder across to the waist, and 
 Kok'ko 'hlan'na repeats the strokes with the yucca. Again they encir- 
 cle the patient, and the lines are drawn from left to right across the 
 knees, which are close together, and the Kok'ko 'hlan'na repeats the 
 motion with the yucca. After another round, Shits'ukia draws lines 
 of meal from right to left over the knees, and Kok'ko 'hlan'na brings 
 the yucca over, and again the meal lines are made across the back. 
 Instead of beginning at the shoulders in crossing the back, he begins 
 at the waist, running the lines upward to the shoulder. The yucca 
 always follows the meal lines. After the back is crossed the arms of 
 the patient are extended forward and kept close together while they 
 are crossed with the meal and yucca. The palms of the hands are 
 turned upward and crossed together in the same way. Kok'ko 'hlan'na 
 now stands at the side of the patient, and removing his mask hands 
 it to tin- patient's fraternity father, who places it over the invalid's 
 
 'i A pregnant woman Avoids looking upon the mask ol Kok'ko 'hlan'na, that her child may not 
 have small eyes, since the Zunis regard large eyes as a mark of beauty. 
 
stevesson] ma /t ke 'hlan'nakwe 489 
 
 head;" and after lie expectorates through the small month hole in the 
 mask, the fraternity father removes it and hands it to the wearer, who 
 returns it to his head. 
 
 The three gods now retire behind the curtain. After removing 
 their masks they return to the room, taking seats of their choice, and 
 all the members of the division, except the three personating the 
 gods, the woman who leads them, the fraternity father, and the inva- 
 lid.'' who remains on his bed, go to their homes for the evening meal. 
 Those remaining, including the invalid, are served in the chamber of 
 the invalid by his female relatives. 
 
 Members of the order return to the room of the invalid about 9 
 o'clock and resume their former seats. Kok'ko 'hlan'na, Shits'ukia, 
 and Kwe'lele are personated during the night by different male mem- 
 I »ers, who retire behind the curtains to don the dress. Female members 
 wear the dress of other gods over their own, but not the masks. They 
 receive their regalia behind the curtain and ascend with it to the roof, 
 male members accompanying them to assist in dressing. When fully 
 attired they descend into the room and dance. The night is consumed 
 in dancing, the men and women wearing the costumes of gods accord- 
 ing to the will of the director of the division. The women remove the 
 regalia in the room, but not behind the curtain. At dawn three mem- 
 bers of the order, who may be of an} T clan, make fire with the fire 
 sticks of the Kwe'lele. They sit in the center of the room where the 
 invalid reclined in the early evening. Kok'ko 'hlan'na, Shits'ukia, and 
 Kwe'lele are now personated by those who performed over the invalid, 
 the two former stamping about while the fire is being made. At the 
 same time the director of the division bathes the Kwe'lele under each 
 knee with medicine from a medicine bowl, and the bowl is afterward 
 placed near the fire-makers. The man who produces the fire moves 
 the crushed cedar fiber back and forth, and another lights the cedar 
 brand from it and dips the brand in the medicine water. The director 
 now carries the medicine bowl to the invalid, who reclines against his 
 fraternity father seated against the north wall and west of the choir, 
 and gives him several drinks directly from the bowl. The remainder 
 of the medicine is afterward drunk by the invalid. 
 
 The three gods led by the woman who preceded them to the chamber 
 now go some distance east of the village, and when they return the 
 fraternity father places the invalid in his old position in the middle 
 of the floor and leaves him. The gods encircle him four times, and 
 two of them ascend to the roof, led by the woman as before. Kwe'- 
 lele. who remains, stands with a foot on each side of the sick man's 
 head, holding the fire stick in his left hand and the drill in his right. 
 He also holds in his left hand four cakes of bread strung on a yucca 
 
 a When KweHele is chosen his mask is placed over the patient's head instead of that of Kok'ko 
 l hlan'na. , 
 
 &1£ the patient is able he may take a seat in the room wherever he chooses, but he must not leave it. 
 
490 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 ribbon, three of which are in ring form while the fourth is a perforated 
 disk. Holding his hands close together Kwe'lele. bending forward, 
 moves them over the patient from the head down the center of the body 
 to the feet. He now stands at each side of the shoulders and runs his 
 hands down the body to the feet, and standing each side of the upper 
 arms he runs his hands down to the feet, and repeats the same, stand- 
 ing over the forearms, which are extended down the body. Again 
 standing each side of the lower legs, which are close together, he 
 extends his hands toward the head, drawing them downward; passing 
 around to the left side of the patient, and again standing each side of 
 the head, he runs the hands down to the heart, laying the string of bread 
 over it. With female patients the bread is laid upon the dress and not 
 next to the nude body. He then leaves the house to join the other 
 gods on the roof. The gods now depart, Shits'ukia leading, followed 
 by Ivok'ko 'hlan'na and Kwe'lele in file; they all encircle the village 
 and pass on over the eastern road to their home near Shi'papolima. 
 After the gods leave the chamber the fraternity father hands the 
 string of bread to the invalid, who eats three pieces and throws the 
 fourth to a dog which has been brought into the room by his mother- 
 in-law for the express purpose of receiving the bread.* The dog's 
 eating the bread that has been laid upon the heart of the invalid is 
 supposed to absorb the disease from the invalid. After the bread has 
 been thrown to the dog the wife of the fraternity father places a 
 bowl of yucca suds near him, and the fraternity father presents the 
 invalid with four ears of corn, two prayer plumes, one to the Sun 
 Father and the other to the Moon Mother, and a calico shirt or some 
 such gift. Each member present dips a handful of suds and deposits 
 them on the head of the invalid, after which the head is thoroughly 
 washed by the wife of the fraternity father. The invalid becomes a 
 member of the order of Kok'ko "hlan'na through the treatment 
 described, without further ceremony. A feast follows, furnished by 
 the wife and immediate relatives of the invalid, who also send gifts of 
 flour and meal to the house of the fraternity father. 
 
 INITIATION IXTO THE ORDER OF O'NAYA'nAKI A <: 
 
 The ceremonial described was observed by the writer in 1891. The 
 fraternity convenes on the 11th of November.'' 
 The first day is consumed in decorating the tablet altar, preparing 
 
 a In reality they go a •-hurt distance from the village and exchange their regalia for their ordinary 
 clothing, which is secreted under the blankets of several attendants, who follow the gods at a 
 
 res] thll distance. These same attendants bring back the masks and other paraphernalia of the 
 
 gods, which is also hidden under their blankets. 
 
 i> When the invalid is able i" do bo he goes to the door and throws the bread outside to the dog, 
 but when this i^ impossible the dog is brought in by a female relative of the patient, or by a relative 
 of his wif,-, should he be married. These women are not present during the ceremonial. 
 
 c Referred t,» by the fraternity as L'wenash'nawe (knowledge of sucking). 
 
 (f One may belong to the three orders arid every division of the Fire order or to only one or a portion 
 of these. Though a member of tlie fraternity may be present at the meetings of other than his own 
 orders, he participates only in the proceedings of the order or orders to which he belongs, except for 
 taking part in the dancing. 
 
.. 
 
 
 ■ % ms Li , 
 
 V 
 
 ALTAR OF i..AN'NAKWE (GREAT FIRE FRATERNITY) 
 
 MEl'OTYPE CO.. BOSTOh. 
 
Stevenson] MA KE HLAN NA.KWE 491 
 
 the cups to servo as the base for the mi'wachi" to be given to the ini- 
 tiates, and making a dry or sand painting. Four artists decorate the 
 altar while others grind the paints. The grinding is done on stone slabs 
 L2 by LS inches, slightly hollowed. The blue-green paint is made from 
 copper ore, the red from red ocher, the yellow from yellow ocher, and 
 the black from a black clay combined with a conserve of fruit of yucca 
 baccata. All the members of Mystery medicine prepare prayer plumes. 
 By sunset the altar is erected and the animal and other fetishes are 
 placed before it, and the sand painting is completed. The painting is 
 made as follows: Four lines of white powder form a square, and 
 segments of a circle are drawn with black on the inner side of the 
 lines: the square, excepting the segments, which symbolize black rain- 
 clouds, is covered with white pigment, and cones of white are formed 
 over the square. Plate cxvi shows the altar previous to placing all 
 the objects belonging with it and to the making of the sand painting. 
 
 A meal is now served to those present, but before the members 
 indulge, a quantity of the food is collected and deposited before the 
 altar. After eating, the members leave the ceremonial chamber, and 
 later in the evening, about 8 o'clock, they return one after another 
 until the room is well filled. The male members of the Mystery 
 medicine order bring rolls of sheepskin on their backs, to serve as 
 beds during their hours of sleep the next three nights. The women, 
 except the novices, return to their homes to sleep. 
 
 First night. Each member of the order of Mystery medicine brings 
 his mi'li. which is handed to the deputy director, who places it by the 
 altar. As the men of the order gather, they group on the south side 
 of the room and toward the west end, where they chat and smoke. 
 The female members and the women invited to dance take seats on the 
 north ledge, until it is quite full; then they sit on the floor in front of 
 those on the ledge. 
 
 The women to be healed sit on the floor at the east end of the room. 
 They wear ordinary dress, with limbs and feet bare; many have their 
 infants with them. The male invalids, who are nude except a cotton 
 breechcloth, gather on the south side of the room and near the east 
 end. Both sexes remove their moccasins on entering the ceremonial 
 chamber. By 9 o'clock both men and women of the order are busy 
 with their personal adornment. The feet and lower portions of the 
 legs, and the hands and arms to the elbow, are painted white. The 
 men wear black-wool breechcloths; the women wear ordinary dress, 
 with neck and limbs bare. The novices — a woman, a girl of 10 years, 
 and a girl of not more than i years, each with a fraternity parent by 
 her side — sit on the north ledge near the altar, the woman being at the 
 west end of the line, and the youngest girl at the east end. The flutist 
 sits immediately behind the altar and to the north side. Three officers 
 of the fraternity sit behind the altar and south of it. The a'kwamosi 
 
 « See p. 416. 
 
492 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ANN. 23 
 
 sits on his folded blanket in front of the altar and to the north side, 
 while ;i warrior of the fraternity has his seat in front of it to the south 
 side. 
 
 When all are assembled, the fraternity parents — two being- men, the 
 other the A'wan 'sita" (Great Mother) of the fraternity (see plate 
 cxvii) — distribute meal from corn husks to each person present, the 
 meal being- received in the palm of the left hand. The male members, 
 and afterward the women, sprinkle the meal over the altar and fetishes. 
 The a'kwamosi forms a cross of meal, symbolic of the four regions, 
 upon the stone floor near the altar, and places the medicine bowl in the 
 center and his prey-god fetishes at the points of the cross, and those 
 for the Zenith and Nadir by the side of the one at the eastern tip. The 
 song opens to the accompaniment of the rattle, and immediately a 
 woman deposits a vase of water by the a'kwamosi; at the same time 
 he raises the medicine bowl upward six times, and prays to the Beast 
 Gods of the six regions, while the warrior beats time with his eagle- 
 wing plumes. As soon as the medicine bowl is returned to the cross, 
 the drum is struck and the a'kwamosi dips a gourdful of water from 
 the vase; at the same moment the warrior stands before the altar and 
 whirls the rhombus, calling the clouds to gather quickly. This deafen- 
 ing noise continues throughout the consecrating of the water. Water 
 is dipped six times from the vase, and each time the gourdful of water 
 is held over the medicine bowl, while the a'kwamosi offers a prayer to 
 the appropriate Beast God. The six fetishes are dropped separately 
 into the bowl, a prayer being repeated each time invoking the presence 
 of these gods. Meal sprinkled into the water completes the consecra- 
 tion. The a'kwamosi now dips his eagle plumes into the water and 
 sprinkles the altar, while at the same time the other warrior of the 
 fraternity and another officer of the order wrap their blankets about 
 them and collect the food from before the altar in two basket trays, 
 which they rest on the blankets over the left arm, and leave the cham- 
 ber to deposit the food in the river to the Beast Gods. The Great 
 Mother now hastens to the fireplace, and, lifting ashes in her right 
 hand, deposits them in a heap before the dry painting. Two men now 
 leave the choir, each having an eagle plume in each hand, and dip the 
 ashes with the plumes. The head is turned over the left shoulder, the 
 right arm is drawn back as far as possible, and with a sort of sweep it 
 is brought forward and the eagle plume held in the right hand strikes 
 the under side of the plume held in the left, the two men, side by 
 side, striking their plumes simultaneously. The ashes are thrown first 
 to the East, then to the North, West, South, Zenith, and Nadir, for 
 physical purification ot those present. After repeating the throwing 
 of ashes to the six regions by striking the plumes, they dip them in 
 
 o Though white-haired and aged, she is considered the most efficient female theurgist in Zuni. 
 
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 LU 
 
 2 
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 Z 
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stevenson] ma /t ke t hlan'nakwe 493 
 
 the medicine bowl and sprinkle all present. The two who carry out 
 the food from before the altar return, and the three novices begin to 
 dance, keeping in line before their seats, facing first the east, and then 
 the west. They dance until the close of the practicing of the medi- 
 cine, which consumes an hour. The child of 4 years is one of the most 
 energetic' and the best dancer in the line. As soon as the three dancers 
 are on the floor, two other men leave the choir and, skipping and hop- 
 ping about, gesticulate beast-like before, the altar, and very soon their 
 bodies become the abiding places of the Beast Gods and they begin 
 practicing upon the patients. A woman deposits a large bowl south 
 of the center of the room beside an aged woman who sits on the floor. 
 During the healing the theurgists throw themselves almost prostrate 
 on the floor and suck at the exposed parts of the bodies of the invalids, 
 and then ejecting into their hands the material supposed to have been 
 removed, throw the hands up, or wave them, and profess to deposit 
 the material in the large bowl presided over by the old woman. As 
 each theurgist completes the drawing out of the disease, he gives a 
 kind of strangling cough and takes a gourdful of water which is 
 handed to him by the woman, and gargles his throat, expectorating 
 into the bowl. Several of the infants are supposed to be ill, but from 
 the way their bright eyes glisten as their mothers dance them on their 
 laps, keeping time with the choir, one can hardly believe in their 
 suffering. The babies sleep little during these hours, and seem to 
 delight in all they see. As soon as the theurgists cease practicing, the 
 song changes, and all the women along the north ledge rise, and at the 
 same time the Great Mother gives a pinch of ashes to eaich officer and 
 member of the choir, and she and the two fraternity fathers, each hold- 
 ing two eagle- wing plumes in the right hand and ashes in the left, form 
 in line, facing north, and approach the novices. When near them the}- 
 turn, facing south, each fraternit}' parent being immediately before 
 his child, and at the same time they hold the eagle plumes over their 
 shoulders, each novice catching the tip ends of the plumes of her fra- 
 ternity parent. The youngest novice has to be raised in order to 
 touch the plumes, the mother of the child securing her to the frater- 
 nity father's back by means of a piece of cotton cloth. The wife or 
 sister of the fraternity father stands back of the novice, with a hand on 
 each shoulder of the latter. In this way all advance toward the south 
 side of the chamber, in three files, the Great Mother's file being to the 
 west; then they turn, wheel fashion, and face the east, and the women 
 attendants take seats on the north ledge, while the fraternity parents 
 seat their children on the floor a short distance before the altar, 
 facing east and take their seats behind them. Each fraternity parent 
 extends the feet on each side of the child and draws her head back 
 until it rests on the bosom, the eyes of the novice being covered by 
 
494 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ANN. 23 
 
 the hands of the fraternity parent. A warrior, wearing his war pouch, 
 and on his head his plume wand, now dances before the novices, bending 
 and wildly gesticulating; passing around by the north side of the altar, 
 he stands his two eagle-wing plumes upward in his bow wristlet and 
 slips a bear's foot skin on his left hand. He takes one of the diminu- 
 tive mounds from the sand painting, and returning by the south side 
 of the altar, he throws himself, with one knee bent and the other leg 
 extended backward, before the couple at the south end of the line, 
 and places the material from the dry painting to the heart of the frater- 
 nity child of the (Treat Mother. Clawing over the novice, he indulges 
 in extravaganza, throwing his arms outward and upward; he then 
 returns to the altar, dances a moment or two before it, takes a second 
 mound from the painting, and applies it to the heart of the novice mid- 
 way the line. After the third novice has passed through the rite, 
 the warrior returns to the first novice, growling and gesticulating, 
 and throws himself forward and sucks at the spot where the material 
 from the dry painting has been placed. Waving the supposed 
 extracted material about his head, he approaches the altar, and, danc- 
 ing wildly, passes by the south side and appears to deposit the 
 extracted material in a bowl. In this particular ceremony the suck- 
 ing is done at the heart only, and is for the purification of the heart. 
 He no sooner sucks at the heart of the second novice than a female 
 theurgist repeats the same rite with the girl at the south end of the 
 line, and continues with the other two novices; one after another from 
 the choir repeat the form, until every theurgist of the fraternity has 
 drawn evil from the heart of the novice, each one aiming to outdo the 
 other in extravaganza. No one omits to pass around the altar from 
 the north side in going to the bowl to deposit the material supposed 
 to be drawn from the hearts of the novices. 
 
 The women are as enthusiastic as the men, but are awkward, while 
 the men are wonderfully graceful. At the conclusion of this cere- 
 mony each novice is assisted to her feet by the fraternity parent, who 
 leads her to the altar, where they both pray, and afterward she is led 
 to her place on the ledge on the north side of the room. When the 
 novices have taken their seats the warrior carries out the bowl of 
 supposed extracted material. Two men leave the choir and appear 
 before the altar just as the Great Mother deposits ashes before it, and 
 the former ceremony of sprinkling ashes for purification is repeated. 
 Those present, still holding in their left hands the meal previously 
 distributed, wave their hands four times around their heads, from left 
 to right, whenever the dancers strike the ashes from their plumes. 
 
 After the sprinkling of ashes to the six regions is repeated, all but 
 the really ill people stand and pray aloud. The prayer closes shortly 
 before 2 in the morning, and the male members gather about the 
 altar, and afterward the female members, to sprinkle meal and receive 
 
stevensoni ma' t ke t hi.an'nakwe 495 
 
 a draft of medicine water from the a'kwamosi. The women return to 
 their homes two hours after midnight, but the men remain and sleep 
 in the ceremonial chamber. The second morning tinds the men occu- 
 pied making prayer pinnies and mi'wachi for the novices. 
 
 Second night. Most of the men have their bodies zigzagged in 
 white, symbolic of lightning, and each man wears a wreath of yucca 
 ribbon. The female theurgists wear their conventional dress and red- 
 colored, fluffy eagle plumes attached to the forelock; their feet and 
 legs halfway to the knee, and hands and arms midway to the elbow, 
 are painted white. The altar and the floor before it are white with 
 meal, sprinkled by the members of the fraternity, and a line of meal 
 crossed four times extends from the. altar to the ladder. The Beast 
 Gods pass over this line to be present, for the time being, in the bodies 
 of the theurgists. The animal fetishes by rhe altar influence the 
 spiritual presence of the Beast Gods. 
 
 The ceremonial opens with the consecration of water, according to the 
 ritual previously described. At 10 o'clock a warrior dances before the 
 altar, not moving from the spot upon which he first stands. He holds 
 an eagle-wing plume in each hand, which he extends alternatelj* toward 
 the altar. After a time he dips the plumes in the medicine water and 
 sprinkles the altar, afterward sprinkling to the six regions. Two 
 theurgists now leave the choir and dance wildly before the altar, after- 
 ward dashing madly about, growling like the beasts the}* represent. 
 They are soon joined by two female theurgists. The warrior whirls the 
 cloud cluster surmounted by A'chiyala'topa (being with wings and tail 
 of knives), which is suspended above the altar, by touching it with his 
 eagle plumes held in the right hand, that the clouds of the world ma}' 
 gather over Zuiii. He also sprinkles the altar and choir at intervals, 
 and sprinkles the women twice by dipping his plumes into the medicine 
 water. After the theurgists who are now on the floor form in two tiles, 
 three in each, and face first north and then south, the warrior gradually 
 becomes wilder in his gesticulations before the altar, bending until he 
 almost kneels before it, which he leaves every now and then to join the 
 dancers or to heal the sick. A guest from the pueblo of Sia, who 
 belongs to the Fire fraternity of that pueblo, goes to the fireplace and 
 stamps in the fire and literally bathes himself in the live coals. He 
 then takes a large coal in his right hand, and after rubbing his throat 
 and breast with it he places it in his mouth. Others of the Fire fra- 
 ternity also play with the coals, rubbing them over one another's backs. 
 As the night wanes, the cries of the theurgists become louder and 
 wilder, and the time of the dance grows faster. The women are as wild 
 as the men. Mothers move their infants' tiny fists in time with the 
 rattle, drum, and song. The men keep their upper, arms rather close to 
 their sides as they raise their hands up and down. The lines of dan- 
 cers often break into a promiscuous mass. Now and then a man drags 
 
496 THE Zl'NI INDIANS [eth. ann.23 
 
 a woman (<> the floor, compelling ber to dance. Again the dancers run 
 about healing the sick. Two or mure theurgists sometimes grab ;it 
 the same patient simultaneously. The patient often rubs his hands up 
 the back of the theurgist during the healing. 
 
 The a'kwamosi stands by the altar keeping time with his plumes, 
 held in each hand and moved simultaneously up and down. An aged 
 man. much crippled with rheumatism, who comes late in the evening, 
 receives treatment from many of the theurgists, who seem especially 
 interested in his ease. The largest number of women observed on the 
 floor at any one time is seven, and these, with the number of men 
 crowding the floor, form a curious living kaleidoscope. The dance 
 closes shortly before midnight. The a'kwemosi dips his plumes into 
 the medicine water and places the quill ends to the lips of the Sia 
 guests. First the men and then the women group about the altar, 
 each receiving a draft of medicine water from the a'kwamosi, and 
 sprinkle the altar with meal. Then the women leave for their homes 
 with their wideawake babies on their backs. The men remain in the 
 ceremonial room. 
 
 Third night. The ceremony is somewhat delayed by the making 
 of flash-light pictures, much effort being necessary to succeed, as the 
 fraternity at large make strong objection. The officers of the fra- 
 ternity finally prevent any interference. 
 
 The members of the order are devoid of paint or other decoration, 
 except the yucca wreath and fluffy eagle plume. At half past 10 
 o'clock the room is well tilled, the choir having- previously grouped in 
 the designated place. The a'kwamosi is seated as usual by the medi- 
 cine bowl at the altar, and the medicine water is prepared. A warrior 
 of the fraternity now comes before the altar and moves his eagle-wing 
 plumes up and down. In a moment or two the director dances before 
 the altar and then proceeds to heal the sick. After sucking his first 
 patient, who is a woman, he throws the supposed extracted material 
 into the tire. His next subject is the a'kwamosi, from whose side he 
 "■draws" an object and throws it into the fire. He afterward deposits 
 tlie material supposed to come from his patients in the bowl presided 
 over by the aged woman. For some time he practices healing alone, 
 when his exquisitely graceful movements can be clearly observed. 
 When the director retires, the warrior moves from his position before 
 the altar, and a second theurgist comes to the floor. Dipping his 
 plumes in the medicine water, he sprinkles the choir and dances wildly 
 before the altar, twisting and bending his body, and proceeds to prac- 
 tice on the patients. In a few moments he is joined by two female 
 theurgists, who perform curious antics before the altar, bending first 
 one knee and then the other. Gradually the number of theurgists on 
 the floor increases, leaving, however, a sufficient body to continue the 
 song. One of the practicing theurgists is a Sia guest invited to take 
 
stevensox] MA /T KE ? HLAN'nAKWE 497 
 
 part in the healing. He falls on one knee before the altar, his back to it, 
 then rises and proceeds to practice. Touching one of the women with 
 the tips of his two eagle-wing plumes, he extends his hand and receives 
 the stone, which he professes to draw from the body by the touch of 
 the plumes, and holds it up to view. The trick is beautifully and 
 gracefully performed." The Sia theurgist stomps in the fire with his 
 bare feet, and runs about with a large live coal in his hand, finally 
 rubbing it over his nude body. The scene is dramatic when the floor 
 becomes crowded and the theurgists, jumping about in groups in squat- 
 ting positions, manipulate their eagle-wing plumes as they approach 
 the invalids. As one touches an invalid the others of the group draw 
 near, waving their plumes, which are usually held in the left hand 
 during the dance or sucking, and pointing them toward the sick one. 
 Occasionally two theurgists practice upon an invalid at the same time, 
 the others manipulating their plumes about him. 
 
 For a time no woman is on the floor; then one appears, doing her 
 share in the healing. A warrior stands back and to the south of the 
 altar, keeping time with a plume held in each land. A second warrior 
 also beats time with his plumes while he remains seated at the south 
 side of the altar. The a'kwamosi retains his standing position, 
 keeping time. 
 
 At 11 o'clock the director of the fraternity and a woman leave the 
 chamber, each carrying a pinch of meal, which they sprinkle outside, 
 and a Sia Indian steps to the door and throws out a pinch of meal, aft- 
 erward gargling his throat to cleanse it, and returns to the choir. All 
 the dancers but one now leave the floor. He performs extravaganza 
 before the altar for a time, and resumes dancing, when he is joined by 
 a female theurgist, who gives the most peculiar screeches as she awk- 
 wardly jumps about the floor. After a time a man joins the couple 
 and the three dance sidewise, one behind the other, up and down the 
 room. Iu moving toward the altar they face south, and as they dance 
 from it they face north. 
 
 Shortly after 11 the first of these dancers goes outside the house and 
 gargles his throat, the second man returns to the choir, and the female 
 theurgist is left alone on the floor. After dancing violentl} T for a time 
 she is joined by another woman, who holds her eagle plumes in her 
 right hand. The two dance until twent}* minutes after midnight. 
 The position of the arms of the women in dancing seldom varies, the 
 upper arms being kept close to the body, and the lower extended out- 
 ward. When they take their seats all draw in a sacred breath from their 
 eagle plumes, and the officers of the Mystery medicine order repeat a 
 prayer. The warrior now carries out the 4)owl containing the 
 extracted matter and buries the contents. The a'kwamosi administers 
 
 a The Sia are more expert than the Zufiis in the theurgistic performances and in playing with fire. 
 23 eth— 04 32 
 
-t'.'S THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 ;i draft of medicine water to each person present. The men, and 
 afterward the women, gather about the altar and pray, and the women 
 return to their homes, the men remaining in the ceremonial chamber. 
 
 Faurth night. The four walls of the ceremonial chamber are orna- 
 mented with paintings of the cougar in j'ellow, bear in black, badger 
 while spotted in Mack, wolf in gray, and a second bear in dark gray- 
 followed by a cub. A black thread outlines each figure except the 
 cub. The hearts are shown in red, with a line extending from the 
 heart to the mouth in the same color. A red-colored fluffy eagle 
 plume, insignia of Mystery medicine, is attached to the outline near 
 the head of each animal. The altar is elaborate with its fetishes and 
 other accessories. 
 
 Although the opening of the ceremonial is not until 11 o'clock, the 
 personal adornment commences at 9, the men, as usual, painting first 
 their own limbs and then the bodies of one another in red hematite 
 and then in micaceous hematite. Both of the paints are scraped and 
 mixed in water. The women decorate in white their own feet and 
 legs halfway to the knee and their hands and arms midway to the 
 elbow. Some time is consumed in this decoration, and the process is 
 evidently enjoyed. Finally all is completed and the men group in 
 the southwest end of the room. 
 
 Members of the A'pi"lashiwanni are privileged to be present at the 
 meetings of all the fraternities, but they are not alone the privileged 
 ones. Others may not only be present by invitation of the director of 
 a fraternity, but they ma}' be active in the healing. It is quite com- 
 mon for the director of a fraternity to invite members of another 
 organization to join him in his ceremonies. On the present occasion 
 two men and a woman of the Shu'maakwe fraternity and other guests 
 from the Little Fire fraternity, one being a woman, arrive and are 
 greeted with marked cordiality, though pronounced formality, and 
 shown seats on the ledge at the west end of the room near the choir. 
 The two theurgists from .Sia, who have been present each night, are 
 also cordially received and shown seats on the south ledge. 
 
 At the outset sacred meal is given from corn husks into the palm of 
 the left hand and afterward medicine is distributed from corn husks. 
 The meal is sprinkled on the altar and the medicine is taken into the 
 mouth of the one who receives it and expectorated on the bod}' and 
 afterward rubbed over the body with the right hand. A warrior and 
 another male member carry out food from before the altar, each pro- 
 viding himself with a pinch of meal from a basket before it, and the 
 a'kwamosi, who sits as usual to the north side of the altar, after 
 making a cross of meal upon which the medicine bowl is to stand, 
 signals the choir to begin by raising the bowl. The ritual attending 
 the making of the medicine water does not vary from that previously 
 described. 
 
stevexson] MA /T KE T HLAN'NAKWE 499 
 
 The two who left the chamber to offer food to the Beast Gods return 
 before the completion of the consecration of the water, and the war- 
 rior whirling the rhombus, steps back to give them room by the 
 altar to sprinkle meal and to pray. At the close of the preparation 
 of the medicine water the a'kwamosi stands and sprinkles it oh the 
 altar with his plumes, after which a female theurgist collects ashes 
 from the fireplace with her plumes and deposits them in a heap 
 before the altar. Immediately the drum is heard in addition to the 
 rattle, and two men leave the choir for the floor and lift the ashes just 
 deposited, with their plumes. One skips down the north side of the 
 room, the other the south side; crossing- at the far end, they return on 
 opposite sides, proceeding in an ellipse. As they pass down the room 
 they sprinkle the people with the ashes, and on their return they grace- 
 fully manipulate their plumes, still held in each hand. Meeting near 
 the altar, they stand for a moment side by side, facing north, and then 
 turn and face the west. Extending the right arm backward and the 
 left arm forward, the}- simultaneous^' strike the plume held in the 
 left hand with the one held in the right, by a long under sweep of the 
 
 right hand, exclaiming at the moment, Hu hu hu 
 
 hu uh. The process of sprinkling the people and striking the 
 
 plumes is then repeated. Again they lift ashes and sprinkle them to the 
 Ea-t. North, West, South, Zenith, and Nadir, lifting ashes each time for 
 each region. The sprinkling to the six regions is repeated and the two 
 return to the choir, when two others leave it. At this time four women 
 form a line, extending east and west, and dance. After extravaganza 
 before the altar, the two men dash about, healing the sick. Other theur- 
 gists appear on the floor, and the number of dancers increases. Owing 
 to the presence of invited guests, the novices adjourn to another place at 
 midnight, to be decorated. Each f raternit}' parent is preceded by his 
 fraternity child. The Great Mother, who is before the other frater- 
 nity parents, carries a kettle of kaolin mixed with water, to be used on 
 the novices. As soon as the}' depart the floor is cleared, and though 
 the choir remains in position, there is no music during the hour's 
 absence of the novices, this being the only rest for the singers from 
 the opening of the ceremony in the evening to the following morning 
 at 7 o'clock or later. 
 
 After an absence of an hour the novices and their fraternity parents 
 return, the wee one being carried on her fraternity father's back; the 
 feet and legs halfwa\- to the knees and the hands and arms halfway to 
 the elbows are painted white. They wear the ordinarj' dress and red 
 belt, and the hair is done up in the usual way. A circle of white paint 
 with hawk down attached, symbolic of the clouds of the world, crowns 
 the head. The chin and upper lip are also painted in kaolin and covered 
 with the down. An owl and a raven feather are crossed on the wrist 
 and held in place by yucca ribbons, the owl feather pointing outward, 
 
500 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. -3 
 
 the other pointing inward. The novices are led to seats on the north 
 ledge near the altar by their fraternity parents, the younger girl 
 sitting on her mother's lap. 
 
 The return of the novices is the occasion for reopening the song. 
 and in a few minutes the dancing begins, the director of the fraternity 
 being the first to appear on the Moor. He dances before the altar. 
 bending and twisting his body and growling animal-like, every little 
 while dashing up to an invalid and "'drawing disease" from the body. 
 During the fifteen minute- that he practices a warrior stands to the 
 south side of the altar, holding his eagle plumes in each hand, con- 
 stantly extending first one hand and then the other. When the director 
 retires behind the altar the novices form in line and dance (the young 
 child being held on the back of a woman by means of cotton cloth). 
 Theurgists from time to time cease their healing to join in the dance. 
 The noise of the choir increases in volume until the close of the medi- 
 cine practice previous to the closing ceremony of initiation, except 
 for five minutes allowed to all for rest. Occasionally the woman 
 holding the child is relieved and sits for a while, but this is not often. 
 
 Five male and two female theurgists are soon at work upon the 
 patients. Gradually others come to the floor until about twenty are 
 dashing about madly among the sick. Sometimes four theurgists are 
 sucking at one man. As the night wanes and the floor becomes more 
 crowded the scene grows more and more wild and weird and the excite- 
 ment is intense. The women appear even more excited than the men. 
 though they are far from graceful, and their attempts at legerdemain 
 are very poor. The Great Mother, however, is one of the experts. 
 
 Among the vast number suffering from real or imaginary ills a 
 few are seriously afflicted. Though several theurgists pretend to 
 extract from the writer's forehead (she is suffering from headache) 
 material "shot" in by witches, it is impossible for her to discover 
 the clever tricks. Large pebbles and yards of yarn seem to be drawn 
 from her forehead. A Sia guest apparently extracts a large stone. 
 Occasionally some one is caught nodding, and is at once wakened by a 
 neighbor in no very kind tone. Sleeping at such times is regarded as 
 most disrespectful to the Beast Gods, only young infants being accorded 
 the privilege. At times the theurgists dance in groups: then again 
 the men and women form into several parallel lines, facing first the 
 south and then the north, as they dance back and forth from west 
 to east. Usually there are more men than women on the floor. A 
 theurgist from the Little Fire fraternity, followed by three of his 
 fellows, who appear to lie charmed by their leader, enters the chamber 
 in semicrawling position, and after holding a crystal for a moment 
 to the breast of an invalid — the crystal showing the seat of the dis- 
 ease — he touches the spot with his two eagle plumes with a trem- 
 bling motion, and while one of the party sucks the spot he continues 
 
stevenson] ma' ? ke 'hlah'nakwe 501 
 
 the motion with the plumes over the body. The theurgist who 
 extracts the cause of the disease distorts his face and body in his 
 efforts to be rid of the foreign material. Finally he draws many 
 yards of yarn from his mouth. Again the leader with his followers 
 approaches an invalid and rubs his plumes over the body with a 
 peculiar trembling motion; and placing the crystal, which he holds in 
 the left hand, against the body, he touches the plumes held in the 
 right hand to the spot indicated by the crystal, and with the tip ends 
 of the plumes draws disease near the surface and sucks the spot, and 
 after great distortions he gradually succeeds in ''drawing" several 
 yards of string. 
 
 Most of the extracting of disease is done by sucking, but in some 
 instances the plumes only are used to draw disease to the surface, 
 when the material is caught with the hand. The best manipulating is 
 near the writer. Stones varying 1 in size from minute to that of a 
 pigeon's egg, bits of old cloth, and strings of various kinds are exhib- 
 ited by the theurgists. The men always show what the}' are supposed 
 to have extracted, the band being first waved toward the invalid, and 
 
 with the exclamation, "Hu hu_ hu hu uh." 
 
 Usually each theurgist waves the hand containing the extracted mate- 
 rial before the altar previous to depositing it in the large bowl pro- 
 vided for the purpose, but the women, except the Great Mother, keep 
 their hands closed w T hile waving them, and no sound is heard when the 
 hand is opened over the bowl. Though generally the theurgist casts 
 the supposed extracted material into the bowl, the first time he usu- 
 ally throws it into the fire; then he takes a pinch of meal from the 
 basket before the altar and leaves the chamber to sprinkle it outside 
 with a prayer. Sometimes a theurgist wears the skin of a bear's foot 
 on his left hand; again one is worn on each hand. When a dozen or 
 more theurgists are on the floor, their bodies thrown forward until 
 they appear like the animals they personate, growling and wrangling 
 with one another, the scene is weird and impressive. 
 
 At half past 3 o'clock the healing performances close for a time. 
 The dance ceases and the novices form in line behind their fraternity 
 parents, who, facing south, extend an eagle plume over each shoulder, 
 the ends of which are caught by the novice, while the wife or sister 
 of the fraternity parent is behind and rests a hand on each shoulder 
 of the novice. In this way they advance several steps toward the 
 south and stand for a moment, when the Great Mother, who is at 
 the west end of the line, turns toward the east, and they all swing 
 wheel fashion. The shoulders of the novices are moved in time with 
 the choir, and the novices make a similar motion with the plumes. 
 Again they wheel around by the north and face west, when they receive 
 consecrated water from the a'kwamosi, who administers it from a 
 shell. 
 
502 THE Zl'Nl INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 After this ceremony with the novices the dancing is resumed and 
 the theurgists continue their practicing upon the sick. Three young 
 and charmingly graceful hoys, wearing white cotton breechcloths, 
 their bodies painted white, now appear for the first time among the 
 dancers, a number of whom are women. The adult novice is led upon 
 the Moor to receive her tirst lesson in healing. She is very awkward 
 as she is dragged about by her fraternity father, who, after touching 
 his plume to some portion of the body of an invalid, has the pupil suck 
 the spot. She afterward pretends to deposit something from her mouth 
 into her fraternity father's right hand, and he dashes, with her arm 
 through his, to the bowl and, holding his hand close to it, appears to 
 dmp in some object. When novices receive their first instruction no 
 objects are seen or sounds heard in making the deposit in the bowl 
 The wee one is carried on the back of her fraternity father, who throws 
 himself almost prostrate upon the floor, jumps about in a squatting 
 position, and performs curious feats when he is not extracting disease. 
 The child takes no part in the healing, as one must have reached the 
 age of discretion before attaining to the degree of practicing medicine. 
 After some fifteen minutes the fraternity children are returned to 
 their places, and they at once join in the dance, the j T ounger one dan- 
 cing with all the enthusiasm of her elders. One of the theurgists 
 carries on his back a boy about eight years of age, who has been 
 previously initiated into the order of Mystery medicine, but is not } T et 
 old enough to be active in his order. This man's actions are so violent 
 that it is remarkable the child retains his position. 
 
 The Great Mother collects ashes from the fireplace and heaps them 
 before the altar, and the ash-sprinklers who appeared early in the 
 evening come again from the choir. They repeat the sprinkling of 
 the ashes, and they dance in front of the altar longer and more vio- 
 lently than before. After the ashes are sprinkled, the a'kwamosi 
 administers medicine water from the bowl with a shell to the men and 
 women, and all sprinkle the altar with meal. 
 
 The novices now take seats on boxes in line facing east. A bowl of 
 yucca suds is brought and the fraternity parent lifts suds with his 
 two eagle-wing plumes and anoints the head of the novice. After- 
 ward each member of the order dips suds with his eagle-wing plumes 
 and deposits them on the head of each novice, and then the head 
 is washed by the wife or sister of the fraternity parent, who gives 
 prayer plumes and four ears of corn to the novice, and then draws his 
 mi'li by the novice's lips, head, and shoulders. Each member of the 
 order does likewise with his mi'li, and the ceremony of initiation into 
 the order of O'nava'nakia is closed. Variations of a minor character 
 occurred in the Mystery medicine order in 18*4. 
 
 Soon after the order assembles, one of the theurgists, who is also 
 a member <>!' the Fire division, stands before the altar and dips the 
 quill ends of his eagle plumes into the medicine water and presses 
 
stevenson] ma' t ke t hlan'.nak: we 503 
 
 the quills to his nude breast to receive the charm of the medicine, 
 when he becomes extravagant in his beast-like performances and 
 dancing-. He raises first one foot then the other as high as possible, 
 each time stamping firmly upon the floor; leaps about in the wildest 
 manner; throws himself upon the floor, maintaining' the most graceful 
 attitudes; then suddenly rising', dances before the altar. After some 
 minutes he runs into the back of his belt the two eagle-wing- plumes he 
 carries, and dashing forward to the fireplace takes a large coal and, 
 dancing about with it first in one hand and then in the other a moment 
 or two. puts it into his mouth, where it remains thirty seconds, during 
 which time he indulges in extravaganza. He is soon joined Iry other 
 men and by women, whose dusk}' forms, moving beast-like in light 
 or shadow, according to the uncertain light of the embers in the fire- 
 place, their eyes almost as bright as the coals in their mouths, which 
 scintillate with every breath, carry one in imagination to the regions 
 of Pluto. The longest time a coal is held in the mouth is one minute; 
 the shortest, thirty seconds. There is considerable rivalry at such 
 times, each one aiming to outdo the other, yet all are filled with the 
 spirit of good nature. When the coal is removed from the mouth it 
 is tossed into the fireplace with a peculiar quick and graceful motion. 
 After a time the theurgist who came first to the floor dips the feather 
 ends of his eagle plumes into the medicine water and places them to 
 his mouth, then resumes his seat in the choir. Again the theurgists 
 come forward two or three at a time and pelt the members of the choir 
 with live coals, and then lighting large bunches of corn husks, shower 
 the choir with the sparks, and each one runs the burning mass into his 
 mouth. 
 
 When these men return to the choir the women begin dancing, but 
 they are not long on the floor when a young man of the Pi'anni'hle 
 (Sword) order appears wearing a war pouch; a wand is attached to the 
 back of his head and a fluffy eagle plume tied to the forelock. He 
 advances to the altar, and dipping the feather ends of his eagle- wing 
 plumes into the medicine water, places them to his lips and rubs them 
 over his nude body. After dancing wildly about the room for a short 
 time, he secures a sword of his order from behind the altar, and, 
 dancing before the altar and facing it, he gracefully throws his body 
 forward, twisting and turning in beast-like motions. After a time he 
 turns and faces the east, and dropping on one knee swallows the 
 sword. When this rite has been repeated three times he places the 
 sword by the altar. His movements are the perfection of grace, and 
 the picture presented is most pleasing. The flutist, who sits behind 
 the altar, puffs smoke each side of it at intervals. The healing of the 
 sick begins soon after the sword swallowing, and the sword swallower 
 and two girls conclude the dance at midnight. The remainder of the 
 ceremonial corresponds with the one previously described. 
 
504 THE ZCN1 INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 FIRE ORDER OF THE MA M KK 'hI.AN'n AKWE SWORD DIVISION 
 
 First night. The tablet altar is erected as usual the first day in the 
 ceremonial chamber, and members are bus}' preparing prayer plumes, 
 the floor being quite covered with medicine boxes and plumes. When 
 the fraternity convenes for the night ceremonial, the novice's father 
 calls for him (there being but one novice on the occasion described) 
 and conducts him to a seat on the north side of the ceremonial cham- 
 ber. Eight officers of the different orders of the Fire division, 
 each supplied with a bundle of juniper (species not yet determined) 
 splinters as long as from the heel to the bent knee, measured on 
 the outer side of the leg, sit behind the altar. After the choir" 
 sings one song to the accompaniment of rattle and drum, each 
 officer takes bits of the root and blossom of yarrow (Achillea lanu- 
 losa) into his mouth and expectorates upon the splinters six times 
 alternately, and deposits the bundle behind the altar. The novice now 
 hands a husk of meal to some member of the order and returns to his 
 seat; while the man receiving the husk hands it to the chosen frater- 
 nity father, saying: "The child wishes to join the order." The chosen 
 one receives the meal, saying, " I wish for the good heart and health 
 of my son." and he distributes the meal to each person present, depos- 
 iting it in the palm of the left hand while the receiver remains seated. 
 
 The 'Hlem'mosona of the Sword order now spreads a blanket some 
 distance from the altar and removes the sword blades, 6 which are 
 wrapped in an old buckskin, from a box and deposits them in the 
 center of the blanket. Each member has his sword so marked that he 
 readily selects it from the large number; he: then attaches the feath- 
 ered handle to it, these handles, when not in use, being kept suspended 
 on the wall of an inner room of the ceremonial house. After all the 
 swords are arranged with their handles, each member of the order 
 sprinkles the altar with the meal which was given him by the novice, 
 the novice alone taking meal from the meal basket to sprinkle the 
 altar. They pass in file by the south side and around the altar and 
 down the north side of the room to the east end, led by a female 
 member of the fraternity carrying her mi'li and meal basket. The 
 'Hlem'mosona follows the woman, and after him the other officers, 
 and then the order at large. The novice follows his fraternity father 
 around the altar, but afterward takes his seat on the ledge. When 
 the 'Hlem'mosona while returning to the altar reaches the ladder 
 leading through the hatchway into the chamber, the director of the 
 dance, who is midway in the file, begins the song. The sword is 
 
 a While all the members of the Great Fire fraternity may be present, only those of the Fire division 
 are privileged to form the choir. 
 
 ''These blades, which are of juniper, are as long as from the tip of the middle finger to the tip of 
 the thumb, tne fingers extended, and the thumb and four fingers crosswise, three-fourths of an inch 
 wide aUghtly curved and rounded at the end. They are rubbed with Cougar grease and red hematite. 
 
stevensox] MA /r KE T HLAN 'NAKWE 505 
 
 carried in the left hand and the rattle in the right. After one song 
 is sung, the 'Hlem'mosona addresses his people, saying: " My grand- 
 fathers, my uueles, my sons, my elder brothers, my younger brothers, 
 to-night I commence my dance. Are any of my people sorry? I 
 want everybody to be happy to-night." The dance now begins, all 
 passing around the altar from the south side. 
 
 A woman of the order takes the novice by the left arm and leads him 
 through the line of dancers to the middle of the room, facing him east, 
 and stands behind him with her hands on his shoulders, moving one 
 and then the other forward, while the hands of the novice hang by his 
 side. After the dancers pass around the altar a second time, the woman 
 who leads them approaches the novice, the other woman at once retir- 
 ing, and places her mi'li to his right shoulder, head, left shoulder, and 
 mouth, that lie may draw in the sacred life breath of A'wonawil'ona," 
 and returns to her place as leader of the file. Then the 'Hlem'mosona 
 stands before the novice, and after swallowing his sword draws it 
 before the right shoulder, head, left shoulder, and lips of the novice, 
 as was done with the mi'li, and returns to his place. Each member 
 repeats the ceremony with his sword over the novice, the dancers in 
 the meantime continuing around the altar. 
 
 The fraternity father now stands before the novice, and after swal- 
 lowing his sword* hands it to the novice, who makes an effort to pass 
 the sword down his throat. The sword is supposed to be swallowed 
 four times by the novice, and each time he returns it to the f ratei'nit\ r 
 father, who breathes four times upon it. 6 ' 
 
 On the present occasion, the novice failing each time to pass the 
 sword down his throat, his fraternity father swallows it instead. 
 After the sword swallowing, the novice, following his fraternity father, 
 joins the dancers, who remain but a short time longer on the floor. 
 After each one prays before the altar he hands his sword to the 'Hlem'- 
 mosona, who deposits it on the buckskin which has been placed close 
 to the altar, the tips of the swords pointing to the west. The buck- 
 skin is folded over the blades, leaving the handles exposed. After 
 arranging the swords, the 'Hlem'mosona takes his position near the 
 ladder, and. beginning with the 'hle'pekwin (deputy) to the 'Hlem'- 
 mosona, deposits blossoms and bits of root of }^arrow in the palm of 
 the left hand of each member of the Sword order who stands in line 
 
 a See p. 22. 
 
 ''These Indians are so clever at legerdemain that when first observed the sword swallowing was 
 thought to be one of their tricks. To convince herself, the writer induced a member of this order, 
 after long persuasion, to visit her camp and swallow the sword. Great secrecy was observed while 
 the head-kerchief and leather pouch were removed and the sword swallowed, and the Indian to this 
 day feels that he was guilty of a great wrong in swallowing the sword without the ceremony which 
 should attend it. 
 
 c Unlike the 'Hle'wekwe fraternity, it is exceptional, so a prominent member of the Great Fire fra- 
 ternity states, for a novice to succeed the first night in swallowing the sword. He adds: " I failed 
 in every effort to swallow the sword the night of my initiation. I tried four times, but could not 
 succeed." 
 
50(5 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 :iml to the novice. Sonic put the medicine into their mouths at once, 
 while others wait until they are about ready to eat the fire. This 
 medicine is chewed to protectthe mouth when the tire is eaten. After 
 the medicine is distributed, the 'Hlem'mosona places near the tire- 
 place a bundle of the juniper splinters previously referred to, and the 
 novice is again conducted by the woman to the middle of the floor. 
 She turns him to face the east, and moves his shoulders as has been 
 described, while the dancers pass twice around the altar. Again the 
 female leader of the rile of dancers goes to the novice as before, and 
 the first woman returns to her seat; then the 'Hlem'mosona lights the 
 bundle of splinters and puts them into the novice's mouth. When the 
 fire is out he draws them over the novice's shoulders, head, and mouth, 
 as previously described; this ceremony is repeated four times by each 
 member of the order, a fresh bundle of splinters being used each time. 
 After this ceremony the splinters are laid by the fireplace. The novice 
 now passes with his fraternity father once around the altar and returns 
 to his seat, and all sprinkle the altar with meal, and pra}'; then the 
 warrior of the Fire division carries the partially burned splinters east 
 of the town and deposits them at Ku'shilowa (red earth). 
 
 Second day. After six songs are sung to the six regions for snow, 
 two members of the Fire order go in single file, the second man whirl- 
 ing the rhombus, to collect two young trees. They are preceded by 
 another man, who carries a meal basket and sprinkles meal for a short 
 distance north of the village. The trees which are selected are about 
 3 feet high, one being pifion, the other another species of pine. 
 Three marks are made near the base and on the east side of each tree, 
 denoting eyes and mouth. The trees are cut with a stone knife and 
 are carried in the left arm to the ceremonial chamber, where the man 
 who accompanied the tree collectors beyond the village, receives them 
 and waves them to the six regions. The 'Hlem'mosona afterward 
 puffs smoke from native tobacco in a reed over them and attaches a 
 la'showanne of a single white fluffy eagle plume to each tree. The 
 collectors of the trees are careful to bring young buds of spruce 
 and piiion trees in separate husks, some of which are put into the 
 medicine water; the remainder are. afterward distributed to the fra- 
 ternity at large. The women especially are anxious for the "bud 
 medicine," as they call it, which is eaten when a woman is preg- 
 nant. If a bo}>- is desired, she eats the buds of the pine; if a girl, 
 she takes those of the piiion. The wish is always realized unless 
 the woman's heart is bad. Upon the writer's asking for the buds 
 from a pine branch brought to the village with a load of wood, a mem- 
 ber of the Great Fire fraternity exclaimed: ' k Oh, they are no good; 
 the bough was not cut from the tree while the old songs of the Ma"ke 
 'Hlan'nakwe were sung." 
 
 The man who receives the trees lays them north of the swords, 
 
stevenson] ma /t ke 'hun'nakwe 507 
 
 which are still near the altar, with the marks indicating- eyes and 
 mouth upward, the upper portion of the tree pointing to the east. At 
 midnight the trees are carried to the roof, and the pinon is placed to 
 the west and the other to the east of the crossbar of the hatchway, 
 the face symbols being to the east, where they remain until the close 
 of the ceremonial on the fifth day. After the trees are placed in 
 position the eight officers of the fraternity stand around them; the 
 flutist plays, the warrior whirls the rhombus, while the 'Hlem'mosona 
 prays and sprinkles meal upon the trees." There is continuous dan- 
 cing and sword swallowing on the second and third days until midnight, 
 and an elaborate display of playing with tire on the third night. The 
 visits of the Sword order to other houses are noted in the 'Hle'wekwe 
 ceremonials. 
 
 A dry painting about 2^ feet square is made on the floor and near 
 the altar on the fourth afternoon. The foundation of the painting is 
 the ordinary yellow sand found near the village. Its groundwork is 
 about half an inch in depth. The measurements are made with the 
 right hand, from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the second finger 
 and from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the index finger. The four 
 sides of the square are measured in this way. The north line of the 
 square is symbolic of the Hopi country; the west line, of the Navaho 
 country: the south line, of the Mexican country; the east line, of the 
 Rio Grande country; and the yellow line, running through the center, 
 which is of corn pollen, is symbolic of the Zufii country, the heart 
 r.nd center of all. The black coloring is charred corncob mixed with 
 other powdered pigment. The two human figures in the painting 
 represent Na'ke'e, the original director of the Great Fire f raternity, 
 and his fellow or younger' brother. Zigzag - lines extend out from 
 each side of the figures, denoting lightning. The war pouch is indi- 
 cated by a diagonal line across the body. A circular spot of corn 
 pollen on the body represents the heart. Eagle-wing feathers are held 
 in the hands. The black lines extending outward below the knees 
 represent garters of blue yarn. Crosses over, the surface of the paint- 
 ing, with a single grain of corn on each, indicate stars. When the 
 painting is completed it is protected by placing a stone at each corner, 
 upon which pieces of wood are crossed and a white embroidered 
 blanket laid over the wood. 
 
 The painting is uncovered at night by the 'Hlem'mosona after the 
 swords are distributed to their owners, who are grouped before the 
 altar. If a blemish is found on raising the blanket from the painting 
 the 'Hlem'mosona says, should it be near the pollen line: "I fear 
 many of my people will die." If the defect is near another line, then 
 the people of the countiw indicated bj the line will die. 
 
 After passing once around the altar the Sword order forms in line. 
 
 a The trees are not referred to as such, but as tesh'kwi (not to be touched, sacred). 
 
508 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 The two small trees are brought from the hatchway and as the 'Hlem'- 
 mosona passes down the line, he draws the trees before the face of each 
 dancer with a prayer, the dancer drawing a sacred breath from them. 
 When all have drawn the sacred breath, or all that is best, from the 
 trees they are placed beside the altar, and the Sword division visit the 
 chamber where the Mu'waiye" rehearse, and dance and swallow the 
 swords. On their return to their ceremonial chamber the novice is 
 served with food, and then all present partake of it. 
 
 After the repast is finished dancing is resumed and continues 
 throughout the night. At midnight the 'Hlem'mosona deposits prayer 
 plumes and sprinkles meal in an excavation the depth of a man's arm 
 in the Si'aa' te'wita at the base of the ladder east of the one which 
 leads to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine with prayers to Na'ke'e. the original 
 director of the fraternity. After the deposition of the prayer plumes 
 the 'Hlem'mosona covers the cavity with a stone and earth so cleverly 
 that no one would dream of its existence. This spot in the plaza is 
 most sacred to the Great Fire fraternity, as Na'ke'e is supposed to 
 have disappeared into the earth as this point, and no one must sit on 
 the ladder that runs up by this excavation or on the roof immedi- 
 ately above it when the Great Fire fraternity is present in the plaza, 
 for an et'tone* of a shi'wanni (rain priest), who is also a member of 
 the Great Fire fraternity, is kept in the old house to which the upper 
 ladder leads. 
 
 Fifth day. At daylight on the fifth day the 'Hlem'mosona runs his 
 hand over the pollen line of the painting in the ceremonial chamber 
 and places the pollen he collects in a corn husk; and men and women 
 hasten forward to take a pinch from the heart (which is considered 
 good medicine for fecundity) of each figure, each one having a corn 
 husk in which to place what is collected. The grains of corn are also 
 eagerly sought. One, two, three, or four grains collected are planted 
 apart from other corn the coming year, and the corn raised from this 
 is not eaten, but kept till the next year and planted in the field with 
 the other corn. After all the mi'wachi are removed from the altar, 
 the 'Hlem'mosona brushes the meal on the floor about the altar to the 
 dry painting with his eagle plumes and lifts the sand with his two 
 hands and deposits it in a bowl, which a woman places near him, and 
 carries it to the river where he deposits the contents. After the 
 'Hlem'mosona leaves the chamber a box is placed in the middle of the 
 floor, with a blanket spread over it, upon which the novice takes his 
 seat. The fraternity father, standing- behind the novice, places over 
 his shoulders a blanket (a gift) which has the sun emblem, painted on a 
 piece of cotton cloth, sewed to the center of it, and steps before him, 
 while his wife stands behind the novice with a hand on each shoulder. 
 
 "See p. 158. &See p. 1G3. 
 
stevenson] MA /T KE T HLAN / NAKWE 509 
 
 The ceremony which follows is the same as described on page 502 at 
 the close of the initiatory ceremonies of the order of 0'na3 r a'nakia. 
 
 Later in the morning the chins of the male members of the order 
 are painted black and streaked with white, symbolic of rain clouds 
 with falling rain. The neck is painted yellow, the remainder of the 
 body black; the upper portion of the arms black, and the forearms 
 and hands yellow; each scapula, the outside of both arms near the 
 shoulders, the breasts, and the outer side of the legs at the kneejoint are 
 crossed in double lines of white; the upper portion of the legs are 
 white, a band of black encircles the legs about the knee, and the 
 remainder of the legs and the feet are yellow. Sometimes these dec- 
 orations vary, the lower leg being entirely 3'ellow. Dance moccasins 
 are worn. White and black beads, the latter made from a dried berry, 
 pass over the right shoulder and under the left arm; the long hair is tied 
 tightly at the nape of the neck with red } r arn or a red garter, a yucca 
 wreath knotted at both sides encircles the head, six eagle-tail feathers 
 arranged like a spread tail, with a few yellow parrot feathers pendent 
 at the base, ornament the left side of the head. A fluffy eagle plume 
 colored red is tied to the forelock of such dancers as belong to the 
 Mystery medicine order. A bow wristlet is attached to the left arm, and 
 profusions of ko'hakwa, coral, and turquoise beads are worn as neck- 
 laces. Rattles are carried in the right hands, swords in the left. The 
 'Hlem'mosona carries a crooked praj'er plume instead of the rattle, 
 and his deputy has instead of the feathered handle to his sword a 
 tablet carved in cloud designs and colored in blue-green, red, yellow, 
 black, and white, and further embellished with the sun and a star. 
 Two white fluffy eagle feathers tip the cloud design at the top of the 
 tablet. The 'Hlem'mosona, the Ko'mosona (director-general of the 
 ki'wi'siwe)," and the pa'mosona (scalp custodian), who are members of 
 this fraternity, have each a serpentiform sword denoting lightning. h 
 
 The female members wear their ordinary dress, including moccasins, 
 with a folded mi'ha passing under the right arm and fastened on the 
 left shoulder; the arms and neck are bare, and they wear turquoise 
 earrings and elaborate necklaces; the hair is done up in the usual 
 manner, with a fluffy eagle plume attached to the forelock, and each 
 carries a sword in her left hand and two eagle- wing plumes in her 
 right. 
 
 A woman carrying a meal basket leads the dancers through the 
 southeastern covered way in single tile to the plaza. Passing to the 
 north by the east side and around by the excavation in which the 
 prayer plumes were deposited the previous night to Na'ke'e, they join 
 
 a See Ki'wi'siwe and their functions. 
 
 bThe present warrior, who has been a member of the fraternity four years, was anxious to possess 
 such a lightning sword, but the 'Hlem'mosona objected on the ground that he had not been a mem- 
 ber of the organization long enough for the goodness of his heart to be tested. 
 
510 THE Zl'NI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 the line of the 'Hle'wekwe fraternity, who have- completed their dance 
 and an- retiring from the plaza. 1 ' 
 
 The members of the Great Fire fraternity pass once around the 
 boxes of the 'Hle'wekwe before dancing, but the musicians on the 
 notched sticks sit with bowed heads and do not play. Each dance is 
 begun with a barbaric shout; then the dancers settle down into 
 monotonous song'. There is little or no variety in the step; first one 
 foot, then another, is raised as they continue to encircle the boxes. 
 The 'Hleni'mosona is the first to step from the moving- circle. At 
 this moment all cease to dance, and simultaneously, like well-drilled 
 soldiers, commence dancing- again, and reverse the swords, holding- 
 the blades upward, while the 'Hleni'mosona waves his serpentiform 
 sword over the boxes and prays. At the close of the prayer the swords 
 are reversed with the same precision, and the 'Hleni'mosona steps 
 before the boxes and swallows his sword. Again they move on for a 
 moment or two, when all turn and face the center; then the others in 
 turn leave the circles in groups and swallow the swords. 
 
 As soon as one group returns to the circle others step out, some 
 swallowing two swords at once, one man swallowing three. The first 
 group faces north, the second faces west, another south, another east, 
 and two other groups face east for the zenith and the nadir. The Great 
 Mother of the fraternity swallows two swords at once. It is noticed 
 that many of this fraternity run the sword through the mouth to 
 moisten it before swallowing it, but this is not done by the 'Hle'wekwe 
 fraternity. They dance five times around the boxes, swallowing 
 swords each time, and as the boxes are encircled the fifth time the 
 'Hleni'mosona swallows his sword facing north, two men swallow 
 theirs facing east, two men and one woman swallow theirs facing south 
 (see plate cxviii), the warrior with his lightning sword and another 
 man and the Great Mother swallow two swords facing east. 
 
 Again three men face north, three men east, two men south, two 
 men and two women south, one man and two younger boys east, the 
 man swallowing three swords at once; and the 'Hleni'mosona again swal- 
 lows his sword facing west. Passing around the circle he receives 
 the swords from each person, resting the feathered handles over his 
 right arm. When all the swords are collected he has all he can man- 
 age; lie stands in the center of the circle, facing the east, and prays. 
 After the prayer he motions the swords to the six regions and again 
 passes to the dancers, that each may take his sword. When all have 
 received their swords again those east of the ladder draw as near as 
 they may to the others on the opposite side' and proceed with the 
 dance, and at its close they make their exit from the plaza by the 
 
 nSee i'. 169. The 'Hle'wekwe fraternity and Sword order of the Great Fire fraternity hold syn- 
 chronal meetings in January and February, and alternate in their dancing in the plaza. 
 '•No one must stand directly over the excavation sacred to Na'ke'e or before the ladder. 
 
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stevenson] MA /T KE t HLAn'nAKWE 511 
 
 eastern covered way. Ere the last of the dancers has disappeared 
 from the plaza the music of the notched sticks is begun and the men 
 and women form for the circle dance described in the 'Hle'wekwe 
 ceremonial. The circle gradually increases in numbers, through the 
 untiring energy of the a'mosi and the a'mosono"kia. Much persua- 
 sion is often necessary in order to secure the dancers. 
 
 Ou retiring to the ceremonial chamber after the last dance the 
 swords are handed over to the 'Hlem'mosona and all pray before the 
 altar. A feast brings the sword festival to a close. 
 
 ORIGIN OF THE SHO'TIKIANNA, ARROW DIVISION 
 
 One day a white arrow point, as long as from the tip of the middle 
 finger to the second joint measured on the under side of the finger, 
 dropped to the floor through the hatchwaj 7 of the ceremonial chamber. 
 The director of the Great Fire fraternity exclaimed: " What is this? " 
 He lifted the arrow and, upon examining it, expressed thanks for the 
 gift. He declared that A'chiyala'topa (being with wings and tail of 
 knives) must have dropped the arrow, wishing him to institute an 
 arrow order. The director attached the arrow to a reed shaft, and 
 after making three efforts he succeeded the fourth time in running the 
 arrow down his throat to his heart. He afterward initiated others 
 into the arrow swallowing, and so instituted the order of the Arrow. 
 Only men belong to this order. The ceremonial occurs eveiw fourth 
 year in February, in connection either with the po'sikishi (spruce 
 tree) ceremony or with the pa'et'towe (Navaho dance). The arrow 
 swallowing is always combined with sword swallowing and is syn- 
 chronous with the sword or tree ceremonial of the *Hle'wekwe in 
 February. 
 
 On the fourth day of the festival of the winter solstice the war- 
 rior of the Great Fire fraternity cuts a reed square across the ends, 
 the length from the carpus to the tip of the middle finger. He places 
 a bit of raw cotton in one end, and after filling the reed with corn 
 pollen he stops the other end with cotton, then colors the reed red, 
 leaving the cotton white, and attaches to the center of the reed a 
 la'showanne (one or more plumes attached to cotton cord) composed of 
 a fluffy under-wing eagle feather, banded turkey feather, and a tail 
 feather from each of the birds of the six regions. A bead, which 
 may be ko'hakwa or turquoise, is strung on the string attached to the 
 la'showanne. The reed is wrapped in a corn husk and the warrior 
 hands it to the 'Hlem'mosona, who sits near the altar, the fraternitj^ 
 being convened in the afternoon. Holding the reed with both hands, 
 the 'Hlem'mosona prays: " Give me rains, give me corn, horses, all ani- 
 mal food, and other food and all clothing." Then he gives it to another 
 officer of the fraternity, who repeats the prayer. The reed in this 
 
512 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 way is passed to the eight officers and to all males present, who repeat 
 the same prayers. The warrior of the fraternity afterward places it 
 in a basket. 
 
 The following morning, the order having spent the night in the 
 fraternity chamber, the warrior, after taking his morning meal, car- 
 ries the reed to his home; but soon afterward he visits O'pompia 
 mountain, and after reaching a shrine dedicated to the younger God of 
 War, he selects a tall tree near hy. Climbing it, he attaches the reed to 
 the topmost limb, wjth prayers to the spirit of the tree to intercede 
 with the u'wannami (rain-makers) for cold rains and snows. On his 
 return to the village he goes to the house of every man of the frater- 
 nity and notifies him to come to the ceremonial chamber at night, at 
 which time all assemble and sit and smoke, and he announces that the}' 
 will have the arrow dance in February. 
 
 The ceremony described was in connection with the Navaho dance" 
 and was observed by the writer in February, 1891. Each member of 
 the Arrow order makes three prayer plumes to Na'ke'e. Two are 
 retained and one is given to the director appointed to collect the 
 young pinon and spruce trees for the ceremonial. The indoor cere-" 
 mony of the Arrow order is substantially the same as the Sword, the 
 main difference occurring on the fifth morning. At sunrise on the 
 fifth morning the men make suds and wash their heads. The one 
 novice also washes his own head. The hair, which the men must 
 attend to for one another, since no woman can come in or touch them, 
 is parted over the head and done up in the usual knot, with a wreath 
 of yucca around the head; a fluffy eagle plume dyed red is attached to 
 the forelock and an elaborate wand is attached pendent to the back of 
 the hair near the crown. Their feet and legs halfway to the knees, 
 and hands and arms nearly to the elbow, are painted white. A ser- 
 pentine line for lightning runs up the outside of the legs and upper arms 
 and up each side of the chest and each side of the back. There are a 
 few variations, one man having blue-green curves spotted in red and 
 white over each scapula; another, blue-green up his right arm and 
 yellow up his left, while all the curves on a third are of blue- 
 green spotted in colors. A ribbon of yucca encircles the right wrist 
 and a bow wristlet is worn on the left. The face is colored black to 
 the line of the lips and painted white below; hawk down is applied 
 over the white, and a small quantity of the down is stuck to the end of 
 the nose. A line of micaceous hematite extends across the face below 
 the eyes. A black breechcloth with blue embroidered ends is worn. 
 Rattles are carried in the right hand. 
 
 Each one receives in his left hand from tke 'Hlem'mosona the 
 
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stevensox] MA /T KE 'hLAN'nAKWE 513 
 
 arrow " he is to swallow and sprinkles the altar with meal from his 
 right hand; then he passes around the altar by the south side and takes 
 his position on the north side of the room and to the west end. 
 
 After the arrows are distributed the 'Hlem'mosona takes his stand 
 at the end of the line near the cast wall. The novice, who has kept 
 his seat until now, passes to the middle of the floor and stands facing 
 east. The drummer, who uses a wooden drum on this occasion, stands 
 near the south wall and west of the fireplace. All dance in an ellipse 
 once around the altar and return to their places. A new song is 
 begun, when the 'Hlem'mosona advances to the novice and, facing 
 oast, swallows the arrow. After the arrow swallowing is repeated by 
 all. the fraternity father draws his arrow before the shoulders, mouth, 
 and over the head of the novice. The novice makes four unsuccessful 
 efforts to swallow the arrow. The party now start for the Si'aa' 
 te'wita, preceded by the drummer, who takes his place on the east 
 side of the plaza. The leader wears a white cotton shirt, white 
 embroidered kilt, blue knit leggings, and dance moccasins. The 
 upper legs are exposed, but are not painted. He carries a pottery 
 meal basket and a po'nepoyanne * in his left hand, and uses his right 
 to sprinkle meal. Each dancer carries a bow and arrows in his left 
 hand, and in his right hand the arrow he is to swallow and also his 
 rattle (plate cxix shows the Arrow order in the plaza). The boxes of 
 the 'Hle'wekwe are encircled four, times, then all stand for a moment, 
 shouting, li Ha — ha — ha;" the arrow director steps before the boxes 
 and. facing them, waves his arrow gracefully from right to left over 
 them, then waving it in a circle, he turns from right to left and 
 swallows the arrow, facing east. Both the swords and the arrows 
 are held horizontally and placed to the mouth while the head is erect, 
 then the head is moved gradually backward as the instrument is 
 pushed down the throat. Great care is observed in the feat, only 
 three men venturing to dance while swallowing the arrow. One man 
 gives three quite violent pressures to the shaft after the arrow is 
 down the throat. Each one in turn steps before the boxes, faces east, 
 and swallows his arrow. One man, failing to swallow his arrow, 
 waves it over the boxes around which they dance, and is then successful. 
 Groups of two face the cardinal points as they swallow the arrows. 
 The arrow dance is repeated three times in the plaza, the order retir- 
 ing after each dance to the ceremonial chamber, where after the 
 
 a These arrows are not individual property, but belong to the order. Some are covered with a 
 glossy brownish substance, while others have it half over them, and others only one-third of the way 
 The arrows vary in size and form, many being slightly oval at the end, some are pointed, and all 
 are rounded or oval where they are attached to the shaft, which is slightly curved at this end. 
 
 & The Great Fire fraternity has a po'nepoyanne similar to the one of the 'Hle'wekwe (see p. 417, 
 note </ . 
 
 23 Era— 04 33 
 
M4 THK ZHNI INDIANS [ETH. ANN.28 
 
 third dance the 'HlSm'mosona, standing near the altar, receives the 
 arrows and the dancers are provided with their swords for the closing 
 dances. When the swords are carried for the first time, the 'Hlem'- 
 mosona, on reaching the south end of the boxes, steps before them 
 and, facing west, prays; then he and two others swallow their swords, 
 and all by groups follow in succession in swallowing the swords, as 
 heretofore described. The dance is suspended for a time, and the 
 'Hlem'mosona, stepping before the boxes, prays and swallows his 
 serpentiform sword. 
 
 Immediately following the dance just described, the order of the 
 Arrow, joined by the women of the Sword order, begins another 
 dance, and soon the 'Hlem'mosona and a warrior of the 'Hle'wekwe 
 appear from the western way. and stepping within the circle of dancers 
 stand before the boxes and pray. The dancers, as usual, pass four 
 times around the boxes before swallowing the sword, the leader of 
 the dance shouts and hoots, and the 'Hlem'mosona steps before the 
 boxes and the sword swallowing begins. 
 
 The following table gives the order in which the members of the 
 Arrow order and the women swallow their swords during the last 
 dance in the plaza: 
 
 Two men and one woman, facing north. Three men and one woman, facing north. 
 
 Two men, facing east. Two men, facing south. 
 
 Two men and one woman, facing south. Two men and one woman, facing east. 
 
 Two men and one woman, facing south. Two men and one woman, facing south. 
 
 Two men, one woman, and a girl, facing Two men, facing east, 
 
 south. Two men, facing east. 
 
 Three men and one woman, facing west. 'Hlem'mosona, facing east. 
 
 At the close of the sword swallowing the 'Hlem'mosona, retaining 
 prayer plumes in his right hand, collects the swords, resting them 
 over his left arm, the feather handles pointing to his right. Each 
 dancer lays his sword on the arm of the 'Hlem'mosona, who, holding 
 the swords with both hands, stands before the boxes and prays that 
 A'chiyala'topa and the Beast Gods will intercede with the rain-makers 
 for cold rains and snows. All the members stand with folded arms 
 during the prayer, which lasts three minutes. The 'Hlem'mosona now 
 passes around the ellipse, that each one may receive his one or more 
 swords. 
 
 All but two now clasp hands and form into a broken circle, and 
 the musicians at the boxes of the 'Hle'wekwe play on the notched 
 -licks and sing, joined by the drummer, who stands to the north of 
 the plaza. The dancers shake their rattles and sing as they jump 
 back and forth toward the center of the circle, holding their swords 
 in the left hand, the feathered handles pointing inward. This move- 
 ment, so like one of the children's games of civilization, creates much 
 glee among the dancers and many of the spectators, though some of 
 
stevensoni ma' t ke '"'hlan'n akwe 515 
 
 the latter express indignation at the burlesquing of the sacred circle 
 dance. After a time the clasped hands are extended outward while 
 they dance. When the Arrow order leaves the plaza the musicians 
 change their song to melodious strains, and the circle dance is per- 
 formed previous to the appearance of the 'Hle'wekwe. This frater- 
 nity, the Great Fire, and the circle dancers alternate in dancing in 
 the plaza throughout the day. With each repetition of the latter the 
 numbers are increased. When the Great Fire fraternity return to 
 the ceremonial chamber for the last time the swords are handed over 
 to the 'Hlem'mosona, who places them for the time being by the 
 altar. The fraternity father gives the novice four prayer plumes, 
 four cars of corn, and enough calico for a shirt The head and hands 
 of the novice are bathed by the wife of his fraternity father at the 
 wife's house, and he enjoys a meal with him and others of the family, 
 after which the wife of the fraternity father accompanies the novice to 
 his house, carrying a bowl of food and the bowl his head was washed 
 in as gifts from his fraternity father. 
 
 PO"SIKISHI — DIVISION OF THE SPRUCE TREE 
 
 At the present time this order has but two female members, and 
 the trees handled by them are smaller than the others. While the 
 celebration of the tree swallowing occurs only at initiation in the 
 'Hle'wekwe fraternity, it is not dependent upon this rite with the 
 Great Fire fraternity. This festival is synchronous with the two 
 fraternities. 
 
 The day the order convenes the member and novices each make three 
 prayer plumes to Na'ke'e. The officers make, in addition to these, 
 one to each of the Beast Gods of the six regions. Each man reserves 
 two of his prayer plumes and gives one to the deputy director, 
 who gathers all into a kia'etchine (a group of prayer plumes wrapped 
 together at the base), which he places in a basket. The other 
 prayer plumes are also placed in baskets, each man tying together 
 the two he retains. The eight a'mosi (directors of the different 
 orders) sit in the middle of the room around the baskets of plumes, 
 while the others of the order, including the women, sit together 
 and sing to Na'ke'e to the accompaniment of the wooden drum, 
 no rattles being used. They begin thus: ''We are to swallow the 
 tree; we ask that our throats may not be made ill." The baskets of 
 plumes are now placed on the ledge in the west end of the room, and 
 they adjourn to their homes for the remainder of the night. The 
 following morning about 9 o'clock they return to the chamber and sing 
 six songs, one to the Beast God of each of the six regions, to intercede 
 with the rain-makers for cold rains and snows. After these songs the 
 deputy- 'Hlem'mosona followed by a warrior whirling the rhombus, 
 
516 THE ZUSl INDIANS [eth. ANN. 28 
 
 leaves with the kia'etchine he made the previous da}', and as he passes 
 out of the room the female members stand in line and sprinkle meal 
 on tlic group of plumes. The two are led for a short distance north of 
 the village by a man carrying a meal basket and sprinkling- meal. He 
 returns, and the others continue on their journey to collect two small 
 trees, one pine and the other pifion, which are brought and deposited 
 in the manner described in the January ceremonial of the Sword order, 
 except that the la'showanne for each tree is an undertail banded turkey 
 feather instead of the fluffy eagle plumes. A flint arrow attached to a 
 shaft is placed between the trees when they are planted on the roof by 
 the hatchway, to remain through the ceremonial. The directors hold 
 a ceremony over the trees on the roof similar to the one described in 
 January, and the trees are sprinkled with meal each morning by the 
 members of the order. After the ceremony over the trees, there is no 
 more singing during the night unless some one should cough. During 
 the ceremonies in the fraternity chamber the feet must be kept close 
 together, whether the person be sitting or lying down, and the arms 
 must not be extended outward or upward except when using the sword 
 or sprinkling the meal. Should this rule not be observed the corn 
 would be stunted in its growth. 
 
 The flutist and a warrior to the fraternity sit on their sheepskins in 
 the middle of the floor for awhile, the latter speaking in whispers to 
 his rhombus, the other to his flute." 
 
 After the early meal on the third morning in the ceremonial cham- 
 ber the 'Hlem'mosona selects a man as director and five others and 
 sends them for pine trees, which are collected south of the village. 
 Each tree is marked, before it is hewn, with three dots to denote the 
 eyes and the mouth. All take their turn in cutting the trees, which 
 arc brought on the backs of the men, held in place by ropes; they 
 arrive about sunset. The trees are slid down the ladder through the 
 hatchway into the ceremonial room, where they are received by six 
 men. As the trees descend the ladder, animal-like 3 T ells are given. 
 All the trees remain in the middle of the room while the choir sings 
 and the director puffs smoke from a reed cigarette through the boughs. 
 The trees are afterward suspended b\ T ropes from the ceiling at the 
 east end of the room, the eyes and mouth sides upward. A feast is 
 now served; but previous to eating, a quantity of the food is taken 
 from all the bowls and placed before the altar by a warrior, and it 
 is afterward divided by him into five heaps before the altar. Six 
 
 ' Thv us,- of the rhombus itnil flute at this time is to bring snows and rains quickly. Those instru- 
 ments are placed by the heads of the flutist and the warrior when they lie down, and should one eough, 
 the iliifi-l plays and tlie warrior whirls his rhombus, and every one must immediately rise and stand 
 until the music ceases, when all present draw a breath and the director and all sprinkle the altar 
 with meal and ascend the ladder and sprinkle meal on the trees; then there is no more sleep during 
 the night. Should a member be caught nodding, he is awakened by another member with lighted 
 husks or sticks, and they musl sing and dance until sunrise, when the altar and afterward the trees 
 are again sprinkled with meal. 
 
stevenson] MA /T KE T HLAN'NAKWE 517 
 
 officers take scuts behind the altar, and the a'kwamosi sits north 
 and the warrior south of it. The 'Hleni'mosona now says: ''I hope all 
 will lie happy, no one will be sad or ill." Then addressing the flutist 
 and warrior: "You remain here and make rains and snows for me." 
 Five men appointed to carry out the five heaps of food, offer it in 
 the river to the deceased members of the fraternity. The warrior 
 whirls the rhombus and the flutist plays on his flute until the return 
 of the men. when all sprinkle the altar with meal. 
 
 The 'Hleni'mosona now gives young buds of spruce and pinon, which 
 are in separate husks, to the a'kwamosi, who gathers them into one 
 husk and proceeds to prepare the medicine water to protect the throat 
 from being injured by the sword. He first deposits in the water 
 six pinches of the buds and then six stone fetishes, consecrating the 
 water with the ceremonies heretofore described. After the consecra- 
 tion of the medicine water the order dances for a short time, and then 
 all retire for the night; but if an}^one coughs, there is a repetition 
 of the flute playing and whirling of the rhombus and dancing the 
 remainder of the night. 
 
 The swords are made on the fourth morning. The novice, who is 
 instructed by his fraternity father, makes his own sword. When a 
 woman is initiated her sword is made by her fraternity father. The 
 swords are fashioned like those of the Sword order, at the butt of the 
 tree, the trunk being slender (there are no serpentiform swords fash- 
 ioned by the order of the Kia'la'selo). The swords are afterward 
 rubbed with cougar grease and red hematite. This same hematite is 
 used by the Indians on their faces to protect them from sunburn, and 
 to color the plumes worn 03^ the order of Mystery medicine and objects 
 sacred to the Bow priesthood. 
 
 The 'Hleni'mosona brings out six stone knives, each one a color of 
 one of the six regions, which are used to polish the swords. When 
 the sword is completed the maker attaches a la'showanne of a turkey 
 feather to the top of the tree from which his sword is fashioned, and 
 the tree is deposited in the east end of the room, with the sword pointing 
 east. 
 
 If there is to be no initiation the dry painting described in the Janu- 
 ary ceremonial is omitted. The 'Hleni'mosona, who sits at the south 
 end of the line of officers, now gathered near the east end of the cham- 
 ber, rises and leads them to the altar, which they all sprinkle with 
 meal. The altar is afterward sprinkled by the members at large, who, 
 after sprinkling the meal, pass by the south side around the altar and 
 return to their positions at the east end of the room. 
 
 The 'Hleni'mosona, with the sword end of his tree resting over his 
 left arm and the tree extending on the floor, now approaches the novice, 
 
518 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 who has taken his position near the center of the room, facing east," 
 ;ind gives him a sprig, which he holds in his left hand, of the same 
 medicine that was distributed in the initiation into the Sword order. 
 After giving the medicine, the 'Hlem'mosona turns and faces east, and 
 running the top of the tree through the hatchway in the roof, swallows 
 the sword al t he end of the tree, while the order sings to the accompani- 
 ment of the drum. After withdrawing the sword he passes it before 
 the lips and each shoulder of the novice, and places his tree across ropes 
 near the ceiling at the east end of the room, and takes his place behind 
 the altar. The deputy 'Hlem'mosona repeats the ceremony with his 
 tree, and after placing it by the other near the ceiling, takes his seat 
 by the 'Hlem'mosona. The other six officers of the fraternity repeat 
 the ceremony with their trees each one when through taking his place 
 behind the altar; and then each member of the order repeats the same 
 ceremony, the order at large gathering near the drummer. The fra- 
 ternity father of the novice now goes through the performance also 
 and then runs the novice's tree through the hatchway and hands it to 
 him, and the latter attempts to run the sword down his throat. When 
 the novice fails, the fraternity father takes the tree and runs the 
 sword four times before the lips of the former, who draws a breath 
 each time. The fraternity father now returns the tree to the novice, 
 who again fails to swallow the sword. Two other efforts are unsuc- 
 cessful, and the fraternity father repeats the passing of the sword 
 before the lips of the novice, and depositing it with the others, he 
 returns to his place by the drummer. The afternoon ceremony closes 
 with the singing of one song, after which a feast is enjoyed in the 
 ceremonial chamber. 
 
 A few hours later preparations begin for the night ceremonial, 
 which is a repetition of that described, the personal decorations being 
 much the same as when they appear in the ceremony of the Sword divi- 
 sion. After one dance in the ceremonial chamber, where each mem- 
 ber of the order swallows the sword portion of the tree, they then take 
 their swords with feathered handles instead of the trees and visit the 
 house where the Mu'waiye of the 'Hle'wekwe fraternity 6 are rehears- 
 ing and dance and swallow the sword; returning to their chamber, 
 young buds of spruce and pinon are administered by the deputy to 
 the fraternity at large, and all retire for the night but the eight offi- 
 cers who visit Si'aa' te'wita to deposit prayer plumes to Na'ke'e. The 
 flutist plays, the warrior whirls the rhombus, and four keep watch 
 to see that no intruder appears while the other two deposit prayer 
 plumes. After the return of the officers from the plume planting, the 
 fraternity are privileged to sleep in any part of the ceremonial cham- 
 ber, and no amount of coughing necessitates their rising to dance. 
 
 •ill there is more than one novice, the 'Hlem'mosona begins with the one at the north end. 
 fcSeep. 458. 
 
stevexson] MA /T KE T HLAN'NAKWE 519 
 
 The morning" ceremony begins about 7 o'clock, when the 'Illem'- 
 uiosona, holding six couples of eagle-wing plumes, representative of 
 the six regions, takes his seat on a stool near the center of the room and 
 not far from the fireplace. The a'kwamosi sits on his wadded blanket 
 to the left, and the deputy sits on the right of the 'Hlem'mosona. 
 When the deputy takes his seat he deposits a medicine bowl before the 
 a'kwamosi, and immediately a female member of the fraternity places 
 a vase of water and a gourd near him. The a'kwamosi combines, as 
 before, young buds of spruce and piiion in one husk. The flutist sits 
 facing the 'Hlem'mosona and the warrior stands before the a'kwamosi. 
 The members of the order at large are grouped about the drummer on 
 the southwest side of the chamber. The deputy first dips six gourd- 
 fuls of water from the vase and empties them into the medicine bowl, 
 each time motioning to the six regions; the a'kwamosi then takes a 
 pinch of the spruce and piiion buds from the husk he holds in his 
 left hand and deposits them in the left palm of the deputy, who takes 
 them with his right hand and, motioning to the six regions, drops 
 them into the medicine bowl. This is repeated six times, each time 
 the a'kwamosi putting the pinch of buds into the deputy's left hand. 
 Six stone fetishes are afterward dropped separately into the bowl, 
 and the deputy takes his two eagle plumes in his right hand and draws 
 them in the water from each of the four regions to the center, and 
 moves them from the zenith to the center of the bowl and stirs the 
 water for the nadir. The flute is played, the rhombus whirled, and 
 the choir sings to the accompaniment of rattle and drum during the 
 consecration of the water. When this is done the 'Hlem'mosona hands 
 the deputy the six pairs of eagle plumes separated, which he lays over 
 the bowl, the tips toward the altar. Then the 'Hlem'mosona rises and, 
 carrying a meal basket, advances to the altar, preceded by the flutist 
 playing and the warrior whirling the rhombus, and followed by the 
 deputy, with the a'kwamosi and another officer on each side. The 
 other members of the order, the drummer excepted, follow the officers. 
 After taking a few steps all halt while one song is sung. Again they 
 advance, with the beginning of a new song, and stand until it is finished. 
 Again advancing, the}- halt while a third song is sung; then they pro- 
 ceed to the altar, and the fourth song is sung. The flutist does not 
 halt after reaching the altar, but proceeds at once to his place behind 
 it and continues playing on the flute. The warrior stands in front and 
 south of the altar and whirls the rhombus. The song is enlivened with 
 animal-like calls upon the Beast Gods to intercede with the Council of 
 the Gods for rain. When the singing ceases, the deputy deposits the 
 medicine bowl near the altar, and all sprinkle the altar with meal and 
 then depart, carrying their bedding to their homes. But they soon 
 return to the ceremonial chamber, where the men have their heads 
 washed b\ _ the female members of the fraternity, each of whom after- 
 
520 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 
 
 ward washes her own head. After the morning meal in the ceremonial 
 chamber, preparations are begun for the outdoor festival. 
 
 "While black paint is being applied to the lower portion of the face 
 they sing to Na'ke'e, accompanied by the drum and rattle: "Your 
 people are now preparing for the dance; they are happj r ; they wish 
 the cold rains and snows to come." When all is ready they ascend 
 the ladder, each with his tree, led by a woman" carrying her mi'li 
 and meal basket, from which she sprinkles meal as she advances. 
 
 The ceremonies in the plaza are identical with those described in 
 the Sword order.* There are three dances with the trees in the plaza. 
 At the close of each dance the party returns to the ceremonial cham- 
 ber, the leader places her meal basket near the two trees by the hatch- 
 way, and all sprinkle the trees with meal before, descending into the 
 chamber. Each one pulls his tree after him and lays it in the middle 
 of the floor, with the knife pointing toward the east, the "eyes" 
 of each tree looking upward. This is the convenient way for plac- 
 ing the tree so as to carry it out. After resting a while the dancers 
 sprinkle meal over the altar and return to the plaza to dance and 
 swallow the tree sword. After the third dance the trees are returned 
 to their former elevated position near the ceiling, and the swords 
 with feathered handles are used instead of the trees in the closing 
 dance. On their return the last time' to the ceremonial chamber 
 the members of the order take meal from the basket before the 
 altar in their left hands and stand around the room close to the 
 wall, the drummer standing west of the fireplace. The 'Hlem'mo- 
 sona, beginning with the officer at the south end of the line, the 
 officers being assembled in the east end of the room, administers the 
 medicine water. He passes around, first b} r the north wall, giving 
 each one a draft, while all sing to the accompaniment of the rattle and 
 drum. Again beginning with the officer at the south end of the line, he 
 takes a shellful of water into his mouth, refilling the mouth when 
 necessary, and each one of the order throws his head back while the 
 'Hlem'mosona sprays the throat with the medicine water from his 
 mouth, that the larynx may not suffer from the sword swallowing. 
 He then sets the bowl before the altar and takes a corn husk filled with 
 diminutive and slightly sweet black seeds and places one in each per- 
 son's mouth; then he returns the husk to the altar. Ascending the 
 ladder, he brings in from the hatchway the two small trees and arrow, 
 and standing in the middle of the chamber and facing east he moves 
 the trees and arrow up and down in time with the song, and passes to 
 each one beginning with the officers, who sprinkle the trees with the 
 
 a h i- Hi.- custom fur a woman of. an order to ask the director for this position, (or should he select 
 the others might feel aggrieved. 
 
 t> The danger incurred in swallowing the sword carved from the trees renders the sight anything 
 hut pleasing to the stranger, hut tire Indian spectators become so enthusiastic at this ceremony that 
 they are without thought of accident to the dear ones, for "only those of wicked heart can be injured." 
 
STEVENSON) 
 
 u'ehhukwe 521 
 
 meal held in the left hand, for his physical purification. The trees are 
 passed four times to be sprinkled in the same manner, and again four 
 times, when each person, catching the la'showanne of each tree in his 
 left hand, draws a breath as quickly as possible; but he must not let go 
 the la'showawe until his neighbor has caught them with his left hand. 
 The 'Hleru'mosona returns to the middle of the floor, and after prayers 
 he again passes the trees four times before the order, when each one 
 catches the la'showawe and passes the feathers through his mouth, in 
 order that any of the medicine left in the mouth from the swords may 
 adhere to the plumes." The 'Hlem'mosona again returns to the middle 
 of the floor for a moment and again passes the trees rapidly before all, 
 each one having time only to pick off a bud or two. Every effort is 
 made to get the Imds of the spruce or pifion, according to the wish of 
 the individual, for a male or female child. Returning to the middle of 
 the tioor. the 'Hlem'mosona holds the trees until the song ceases. Still 
 holding the trees, he addresses his people, saying: "We will have no 
 more of this until another j T ear [four years hence.] I hope my people 
 will be happy and keep well. I hope our dance and songs will bring 
 cold rains and snows, and that all may have bountiful crops. Now, 
 throw up your arms." And all obey at once. 
 
 The two small trees are now placed with the larger ones, and the 
 'Hlem'mosona unwraps the arrow point from the shaft, while each 
 member of the Sword order takes his sword with the feathered handle 
 in the left hand and, expectorating four times upon it, waves it around 
 the head four times, from left to right, for physical purification. The 
 sword is then separated from the handle and the 'Hlem'mosona places 
 the swords in the skin, which is wrapped carefully over the contents 
 and laid in the box. 
 
 The following morning the novice's head is washed by the wife or 
 daughter of the fraternitj' father, who gives four prayer plumes, four 
 ears of corn, and some j'ards of calico to the novice. The trees, 
 including the two small ones, are carried, by a different set of men 
 from those who gathered them, some 4 miles north of the village to 
 the top of a mesa and dropped into a deep fissure, the sword ends 
 pointing to the east. 
 
 U'huhtjkwe (Eagle Down Fraternity) 
 
 This fraternity takes its name from u'kia, down; reference to the 
 down of eagles and other birds and of native cotton. The U'huhukwe 
 embraces four orders: 0'na} T a'nakia (Mystery medicine), Ma"ke (Fire), 
 Ha'lo (Ant), and It'sepcho (Jugglery). The last-named order has no 
 female members. The women, however, are most active during the 
 
 a ■■ If all of the medicine should not be removed from the mouth, it would pass down and make 
 the throat sick." 
 
522 THE ZUNI INDIANS Leth.ann.23 
 
 exhibitions with fire and are quite as enthusiastic as the men in the 
 
 chase with the flaming brand. The ceremonies of the Ant' order are 
 similar to those practiced by the Ant fraternity. 
 
 CEREMONIAL OF INITIATION" INTO O'NAVa'XAKIA 
 
 Members of the fraternity prepare te'likinawe (prayer plumes) in 
 the ceremonial chamber the first morning, and before sunset the tablet 
 altar (see plate lviii), which is one of the most attractive to be found 
 in Zuni, is erected and the fetishes placed about it. 
 
 The U'huhukwe have some good animal fetishes of stone, one a 
 well-cut image of the bison, the horns being well defined, which is 
 the only representation of this animal observed by the writer among 
 the Zunis, who claim to have but little knowledge of the bison, as they 
 say it belongs to the east. It is, certainly, an unimportant factor in 
 Zuni at the present time. The bear fetish is 10 inches long; the other 
 animal forms are somewhat smaller. The human figure (female) is 
 about IS inches high. Figures in human form are very rare in Zuni, 
 while they are common in Sia. 
 
 The ceremonials are so like those of the other orders of O'naya'nakia 
 (Mystery medicine) that the writer will describe only the ceremonies 
 of the fourth night, when the novices appear for the first time. 
 
 The members are busy by 8 p. m., preparing for the ceremonies. 
 The feet and legs to the knees and the hands and arms nearly to the 
 elbows, of both men and women, are painted white. The rest of the 
 bodies of the men are striped or starred in white. A line of mica- 
 ceous hematite runs across the face under the eyes, and a circular spot 
 of the same is on the chin and each cheek. A fluffy eagle plume, 
 colored red with dry pigment, is tied, to the forelock, and a wreath of 
 yucca ribbon adorns the head. A bow guard is worn on the left 
 wrist. The women wear the ordinary woven dress, and elaborate 
 necklaces adorn the necks of both the men and the women. "When the 
 toilets are complete the women take their seats on the north ledge, 
 near the east end of the room, and the men group on the south side 
 near the west end. When the men indicate their intention of beginning 
 the song, the women gather on the south ledge and to the east of the 
 men. but they do not use the rattle. Each fraternity father leads his 
 one or more fraternity children to the ceremonial chamber, each f rater- 
 nit}' child bearing the large buckskin which is the payment to the 
 fraternity father for initiation into the order of O'naya'nakia. After 
 the novices have assembled each one is decorated by his fraternity 
 father as described on page 499. Yucca ribbons are knotted around 
 the wrists and forehead of each novice, and a flufly eagle plume is 
 tied to the left side of the head, not to be removed until four days 
 after the ceremonial, during which time no animal food or grease 
 
stevenson] u'huhukwe 528 
 
 can be eaten. When the decoration of the novices is completed they 
 take their seats in line on the north ledge, near the west end, the wife 
 of the fraternity father sitting on the left of the fraternity child or 
 children and the elder sister of the fraternity father sitting on the 
 right. The a'kwamosi has his assigned seat on the north side of the 
 altar and the deputy director sits on the south side. The warrior, 
 protector of the altar and fetish medicine, sits in front of the altar, 
 just beyond a mound of food deposited to the gods. The flutist sits 
 back of the altar. 
 
 There are two rolls of corn husks containing native tobacco, each 
 roll having a prayer plume on each side. One roll is in a niche in 
 the north wall near the altar, and one is in a niche in the south wall 
 immediately opposite the other. The ceremoivy begins with the hand- 
 ing of the rolled husks to the a'kwamosi, who opens them, and with 
 the native tobacco and corn husks makes cigarettes. The a'kwamosi, 
 the deputy, and the flutist all retain their seats while each smokes one 
 of the cigarettes, blowing the smoke over the altar and mi'wachi," the 
 a'kwamosi and deputy from the front and the flute player from the 
 back. The mound of food placed near the altar at the evening feast 
 is now divided b}- the warrior into two heaps, with a space of 8 or 10 
 inches between. A vase of water is brought b} r a woman and placed 
 before the a'kwamosi, who raises and lowers the empty medicine bowl 
 six times. As soon as he touches the bowl he begins a prayer song in 
 low. impressive tones, which continues until the completion of the med- 
 icine water. Dipping a gourd of water from the water vase, he holds 
 it over the medicine bowl while he repeats a praj'er to the Cougar of 
 the North to be present in spirit, and then empties it into the bowl. 
 The second gourdful is held while he repeats a prayer to the Bear of 
 the "West. With the third gourdful he offers a prayer to the Badger 
 of the South, with the fourth a prayer to the White Wolf of the East, 
 and with the fifth he prays to A'chiyala'topa (a being with wings and 
 tail of knives) of the Zenith. The sixth gourdful, as soon as it is 
 dipped from the vase, is emptied into the bowl with pikers to the 
 Shrew of the Nadir. Six fetishes are now taken from a leather pouch, 
 and each one is raised six times in the right hand, while the two eagle 
 plumes taken from the medicine bowl are held in the left hand. Each 
 fetish is deposited at its appropriate point of the compass, those of the 
 Zenith and Xadir being laid by the fetish of the East. After all the 
 fetishes are placed the a'kwamosi takes the one of the North and holds 
 it over the bowl, and after raising and lowering it six times he drops 
 it into the bowl. The remaining five fetishes are passed separately 
 through the same ceremony. Six pinches of meal are afterward 
 sprinkled into the bowl, each pinch being raised and lowered six times 
 
 a Mi'wachi is plural for ml'li (see p. 416). 
 
524 THE ZITNI INDIANS Leth. ann. 23 
 
 before it is east upon the water. The two eagle plumes which the 
 a'kwamosi has in his left hand are now transferred to the right, and 
 the quill ends arc dipped six times into the water, the plumes being 
 held in a perpendicular position. Each time the a'kwamosi stirs the 
 water with the 1 plumes, at the same time giving a most beast-like 
 growl, he invokes the prey animals of the six regions to give their 
 spirits to the bodies of his people that they may have the power to 
 penetrate the flesh and see disease. 
 
 After the consecration of the water the a'kwamosi dips the feather 
 ends of the plumes into it, and taking a plume in each hand sprinkles 
 the altar, striking the underside of the plume held in the left hand 
 with the one held in the right, keeping both plumes in a horizontal 
 position. The sprinkling of the altar is l'epeated four times, and 
 then the a'kwamosi throws meal six times over the altar. Though 
 the music of the choir and the whirling of the rhombus are continu- 
 ous throughout the consecration of the water, the impressive tones 
 of the a'kwamosi and the sweet music of the flute are distinctly 
 heard. Two members of the choir now collect the food in front of 
 the altar and throw it into the river, to be borne to the Beast Gods, 
 and the dance begins with both men and women, the warrior being a 
 conspicuous dancer. 
 
 The room gradually becomes crowded with those suffering from 
 some real or imaginary malady. While such persons are often rela- 
 tives of the members of the fraternity, others who wish to be cured 
 may be present. The dancing and healing of the sick being similar in 
 all orders of Mystery medicine, the writer will mention onty certain 
 features in this ceremonial. 
 
 Those men who have not already removed their shirts and trousers 
 bare their bodies as soon as the first dancers take the floor. At the 
 beginning of the dance two members of the choir, their bodies painted 
 white, join in the dance. Suddenly they spring before the altar, and 
 bending their bodies low dip the eagle plumes" which they carry into 
 the medicine water and sprinkle the altar, each striking the left 
 plume on the underside with the right one. Again dipping the plumes 
 into the medicine bowl, the water is sprinkled to the North, West, 
 South, and East. Each time the feather is struck the dancer cries, 
 
 "Uh hu." After the sprinkling to the four regions has been 
 
 repeated four times the two return to the choir and two others come 
 to the floor. Dipping their plumes into the medicine bowl, they 
 repeat the sprinkling to the four regions, calling upon the Beast Gods 
 to come. No women dance while the water is being sprinkled, but 
 immediately after the sprinkling three women, dressed in white cotton 
 gowns and red sashes, and holding an eagle-wing plume in each hand, 
 
 a The eagle pi iimcs curried by both men and women are referred tons kla'klali a'siwe (eagle hands), 
 and when onee taken in the hands most not be laid down nntil the close of the ceremony. 
 
stevenson) u'huhi'kwe 525 
 
 take the floor, and thereupon a member of the choir rushes in the 
 wildest manner to the center of the room, dancing with the women 
 for a while, then performing' the most curious and weird antics before 
 the altar, while he invokes the Beast Gods. After a time he fairly 
 pulls the a'kwamosi from his seat, barely giving' him time to remove 
 his cotton clothing, and leads him around in the most curious manner. 
 The old a'kwamosi has not the grace and symmetry of the younger 
 man, and he appears very awkward. The leader presently throws 
 himself before the altar and, slipping his left hand into one of the 
 bear's feet without removing the two eagle plumes it holds, dashes 
 about wildly. lie circulates among the choir, growling and draw- 
 ing the bear's claws over the naked backs of the men, and frightening 
 the dancing women by threatening to do the same with them. The 
 women dance about forty-five minutes and leave the floor, but the man 
 continues his violent movements for an hour. In the meantime a 
 juggler appears before the altar. He moves his eagle plumes over 
 the human image with queer incantations until it is supposed to 
 catch the tips of a plume with each hand, when the juggler elevates 
 it, apparently by having the image hold the tips of the plumes. 
 The illusion is perfect. A woman now takes a pinch of ashes from 
 the fireplace, and after sprinkling the altar she deposits some in the 
 palm of the right hand of all present. When the ashes have been 
 distributed, the assemblage groups before the altar, the men first and 
 afterward the women. Each person passes the ashes from right to 
 left three times around the head and throws them upon the altar. 
 After all return to their seats two young men representing the 
 Chapparral cock skip about gracefully for a moment or two and, 
 throwing their bodies almost prostrate upon the floor, take ashes from 
 the fireplace with their plumes and dance gracefully, one to the right 
 and one to the left of the altar, throwing the ashes upon it by 
 striking the left plume with the right, as heretofore described. Again 
 they lift ashes from the fireplace and sprinkle all present with it. 
 Returning to the fireplace for more ashes, they throw them to the six 
 regions, beginning at the North. The sprinkling to the regions is 
 repeated four times. Every time the ashes are thrown they cry, 
 
 "Uh hu." The two return to the choir, and the a'kwamosi 
 
 administers the medicine water, dipping it from the bowl with a shell, 
 to all present, after which he repeats a long litany. At the end of 
 each supplication the people join in the prayer. At the close of the 
 litany the a'kwamosi is joined by all in a long prayer to the Beast 
 Gods. The pe'kwin sits throughout the ceremonial with bowed head, 
 except when the a'kwamosi lights a cigarette and, taking one whiff, 
 passes it to his deputy to finish. The dance closes at daylight and the 
 novices receive their gifts in the manner heretofore described. 
 
 After the ceremony with the novices, and as the first rays of sunlight 
 
526 THE ZDNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 come through the eastern window, the men assemble before the altar 
 and pray. The women go outside of the house to offer their prayers 
 to the Sun Father, but return to sprinkle meal upon the altar and pray. 
 The Kia'kwemosi, rain priest of the North, who is a member of the 
 U'huhukwe, removes the animal fetishes from before the altar and, 
 blawingthe meal from them, gathers them into his arms. The owners 
 of the mi'wachi collect them, carefully blowing off the meal, and in a 
 few moments the altar is bared of its adornments. A little later the 
 altar itself is taken apart and stored away until required for future use. 
 
 The February ceremonial, in which initiation into the Mystery medi- 
 cine order occurred, was very much the same as the one described, with 
 the addition of playing with fire, and there was a greater display of 
 jugglery. The features not given in the December meeting are here 
 described. 
 
 There is an elaborate display of fire on the third and fourth days of 
 the meeting of the fraternity, the members appearing in the street 
 before the ceremonial house and on the house tops with blazing brands 
 of cedar fiber. Three He'hea and six Na'wisho (anthropic gods) appear 
 for the occasion, though only the He'hea go to the ceremonial house 
 of the U'huhukwe. The He'hea gods have their nude bodies covered 
 with white kaolin and lined by drawing the finger nail through the 
 paint. A yellow crescent is painted on the back of each (see plate 
 cxx). As soon as they enter the ceremonial chamber they are pelted 
 with tire from cedar brands, and they escape to the street, where they 
 create great amusement by their pantomimical conversations. Being 
 in the street does not save them, for the}' are followed bj r men and 
 women with flaming brands, who chase the gods up the ladder to the 
 roofs, where they get more pelting with tire by members of the frater- 
 nity, especially the women (see plate cxxi). The gods at times climb 
 a pole, perform gymnastics on the ladders and a pole suspended hori- 
 zontally before the ceremonial house. The men and women of the 
 fraternity also pelt one another with fire, not even sparing the face. 
 A very pretty sight is a run of about a thousand yards, in a kind of 
 meander, by two of the men of the fraternity, both carrying flaming 
 masses of cedar fiber, the foremost one flying- like the wind and the 
 other apparently no less fast, but he does not catch the foremost. 
 The men are nude except for the black woven breechcloth. The 
 women wear their ordinary dress and knitted leggings, and their feet 
 are bare. The women especially seem to enjoy the fun. Two tricks 
 worthy of mention are performed at night in the ceremonial chamber. 
 A yucca rope apparently passes through the body of another, the rope 
 being- held by a man at each end. The illusion is perfect. Another 
 trick is the changing of a basket tray of balls of blue mush. The 
 writer, taking one, finds it to be as pliable as firm mush. The tray, 
 with the balls of mush, is afterward raised high and waved to the six 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 u'huhukwe 527 
 
 regions with prayers for snow, when it is again passed and the balls 
 are found to be as hard as stones. A third time the basket is passed, 
 after prayers have been ottered, and the balls are in the same condition 
 as when first examined. The U'huhukwe and Ha'lo'kwe (Ant) are 
 considered the most expert jugglers in Zufii. 
 
 On the closing evening an aged member with white hair appears 
 with a flaming brand at the house of one of the women of the fra- 
 ternity who is tardy, and entering without ceremony starts her out 
 before his flaming brand. Though this woman is hourly expecting to 
 become a mother, she is allowed no freedom of action; she must not 
 omit her duty to the fraternity. 
 
 CEREMONIAL OVER A SICK MAN 
 
 In connection with this fraternity the writer witnessed a ceremonial 
 over a sick man at his house. The patient was suffering from. small- 
 pox. Many theurgists had been called in, but none had effected a 
 cure; accordingly the Kla'kwemosi, who is also a theurgist of the 
 U'huhuhwe, was appealed to. He was surprised at the beginning of 
 the ceremony by the presence of Mr Stevenson and the writer, who 
 had taken the guard at the door unawares while he was sleeping at his 
 post. One of the officiating theurgists even declared that the pres- 
 ence of the visitors would be fatal to the invalid, but Mr Stevenson 
 and the writer nevertheless remained. 
 
 The room was dimly lighted by an old Zufii lamp resting on the 
 chimney place. The Kia'kwemosi sat upon a low stool in the center of 
 the large room, facing east. He was clothed in a suit of pure white cot- 
 ton and his black wavy locks were flowing. The head-kerchief so con- 
 stantly worn had been removed. A bowl of medicine water, two eagle 
 plumes, and a vessel of sacred meal were on the stone floor before him. 
 He looked haggard and seemed to have aged since, the afternoon. The 
 patient, a young man, partially reclined upon a blanket spread upon 
 the tloor on the north side of the room. His body was supported by 
 his mother. Two theurgists acted under the direction of the Kia'kwe- 
 mosi. one standing in front of the sick man, holding an eagle-wing 
 plume in each hand, the other holding two eagle-wing plumes in his 
 right hand and a bowl of medicine water in his left, from which he 
 filled his mouth and sprinkled the man's nude body, waving the plumes 
 in the right hand over him. The mouth being emptied of the water, 
 he joined the other theurgist in incantations over the sick. During 
 the sprinkling of the medicine water and the passing of the eagle 
 plumes over the body, which was done with a graceful waving ges- 
 ture, the Kia'kwemosi, with the sacred meal basket in hand, rose and 
 stood before the patient and placed pinches of sacred meal in spots over 
 the body, calling upon the Beast Gods to give him power to call the 
 disease to one of the meal spots, that it might be drawn from the 
 
528 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth ahn.23 
 
 patient. "If the prayer is not answered and the disease does not 
 show itself, the heart of the patient is not good." 
 
 The Kia'kwemosi. in company with his associates, visited the patient 
 four eights, one of the Beast Gods being appealed to each night to be 
 present and send pure winds from the four quarters of the earth to 
 heal the sick. The first aiffht the Cougar of the North was appealed to 
 to send the pish'lankwin pi'naiye (north wind): the second night the 
 Hear of the West was invoked to send sun'hakwin pi'naiye (west wind): 
 the third night prayers were addressed to the Badger of the South to 
 send ta'w iakiia pi'naiye (south wind); the fourth night the Wolf of the 
 East was besought to send te'wana pi'naiye (east wind). 
 
 Only the mother and the doorkeeper, besides those officiating, were 
 present. The prayers of the Kia'kwemosi, which were repeated aloud, 
 must not be heard by any other person, else he would not be granted the 
 desired power. It must be borne in mind, however, that the Kia'k we- 
 mosi officiated not in his capacity as rain priest, but as a member of 
 the order of Mystery medicine of an esoteric fraternity. His high 
 priestly position gives him additional power, as the A'shiwanni (rain 
 priests, of whom the Kia'kwemosi is the head) must be absolutely 
 pure of heart. 
 
 'Chi'kialikwe (Rattlesnake Fraternity) 
 
 The 'Chi'kialikwe fraternity is a division of the U'huhukwe and was 
 created in this way: A member accidentally stepped on one of the 
 bowls of medicine before the altar, breaking the bowl and spilling the 
 medicine and also turning over a carving of the rattlesnake which 
 stood before the tablet altar. Some of the fraternity' were very angry 
 with the man and violent words followed, until it was declared by the 
 offender's friends that a division of the fraternity must occur. The 
 division was called the Rattlesnake, for the reasons that the carved 
 snake had fallen over and been bathed in the medicine-water spilled 
 from the bowl, and that the fraternity quarreled like angry snakes. 
 
 The functions of the two fraternities are the same. 
 
 Ha'lo'kwe (Ant Fraternity) 
 
 This fraternity has four orders — O'naya'nakia (Mystery medicine); 
 Hit'lo (Ant), sometimes called Pe'pe (Broom), because broom straws are 
 used in brushing from the body of the invalid the pebbles ■•shot" 
 into it by the ants after they have been brought to the surface by the 
 theurgists; It'sepcho (Jugglery), and A'chiya (Stone knife). The 
 fraternity is sometimes referred to as the A'chiya ti'kianne." 
 
 The male membership of this fraternity is large, but in 1896 there 
 were only four female members. Only men belong to the A'chiya order. 
 
 oTi'klanne is another name for li'kili (fraternity). 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXM 
 
 A. HOEN A CO.. Lith 
 
 ALTAR OF HALOKWE (ANT FRATERNITY) BEFORE FETISHES ARE PLACED ON IT 
 
stevenson] ha'lo'kwe 529 
 
 Initiation into the Ha'lo'kwe order sometimes occurs on the first 
 night of the meeting of the fraternity for initiation into Mystery med- 
 icine, which initiation takes place on the last night. The fraternity 
 father, having prepared te'likinawe (prayer plumes) to the ants of the 
 six regions, goes at sunset to the home of the novice, who accompanies 
 him over the southern road to an ant-hill. On reaching the spot they 
 stand facing east while the fraternity father otters a prayer. After the 
 prayer the fraternity father gives the novice a portion of the prayer 
 plumes which he carries, depositing the others separately on the ant- 
 hill, then the novice plants his there one b} r one. The prayers offered 
 during the planting of the plumes are for rains to fructify the earth 
 and that the ant gods will give them power to cure disease. 
 
 The order of Ha'lo'kwe are the agents of the ant gods, and as such 
 heal disease caused by these gods, who "'shoot" the pebbles from the 
 ant-hills into those who micturate or step upon them. The pebbles 
 produce all sorts of cutaneous troubles and sore throat, and relief is 
 obtained by the theurgists' bringing the pebbles to the surface, 
 through their prayers and incantations, and brushing them from the 
 body with bunches of broom straws. 
 
 When the patient is treated in the ceremonial chamber he sits upon 
 a low stool in the center of a mi'ha (white, embroidered blanket) laid 
 on the floor. A line of meal is sprinkled from the edge of the blanket to 
 meet the line of meal which extends a short distance before the tablet 
 altar (see plate cxxn); the line is then continued over the blanket and 
 along the floor to the ladder; and then, beginning in the center of the 
 blanket, a line is extended to the north ledge; and, again, a line of 
 meal is carried from the center of the blanket to the south ledge, that 
 the ants, their spirits, ma}' come over the meal road and be present. 
 The patient is present four nights, and the process of healing is 
 most curious and interesting. A number of the theurgists surround 
 the patient. Each has his two eagle-wing plumes and a bunch of 
 broom straws in his left hand and a gourd rattle in his right, and with 
 the most weird incantations they invoke the ant gods to be present 
 and give them power to "see the disease." The Yellow Ant of the 
 North is the one specially appealed to the first night; the second night 
 the Blue Ant of the West has the special prayers; on the third night 
 the Red Ant of the South is the special object of prayer, and the 
 White Ant of the East is appealed to the fourth night. Occasionally 
 there is a wild animal-like cry when one of the Beast Gods is invoked 
 to influence the ant gods to give the theurgist power to see disease. 
 After a time pebbles are brushed off in showers from the patient's nude 
 body. The Zunis and the Sia observe the same method in curing 
 disease caused by angry ants. 
 23 eth— 04 34 
 
530 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bth.anh.23 
 
 On the fourth morning the novice goes with his fraternity father to 
 a deserted ant-hill, and stepping firmly on the ground he extends his 
 right foot over the hill. Standing on his toes he takes the tips of the 
 fraternity father's eagle-wing plumes in each hand and then stoops 
 over the ant-hill while the fraternity father repeats a prayer. The 
 novice does not relinquish the plumes until after he rises. 
 
 The prayer plumes made for novices of the A'chiva order are in 
 length from the inner side of the bend of the elbow to the tip of the 
 middle finger, the sticks are painted yellow, and eagle plumes and 
 feathers of the birds of the six regions are attached. These offerings 
 are to A'ehivala'topa (the being of the Zenith with wings and tail of 
 knives), who gave the knife to the Ha'lo'kwe. 
 
 Shu'maakwe 
 
 The Shu'maakwe is named from shu'minne, a spiral shell, because 
 this fraternity treats the disease known as ku'suklayakla, which is a 
 terrible twisting of the body, convulsions. If the pain strikes the 
 back of the neck, the head twists and the afflicted one falls. The 
 remedj- is to sprinkle urine on a heated stone over which crushed 
 medicine is sprinkled. The invalid, if he is an adult, is carried in a 
 blanket by four men to the fraternity chamber, where the principal 
 men of the fraternity are assembled; the altar is erected and a meal 
 painting is made before it. The director of the fraternity makes a 
 square of four central stalks of yucca, symbolic of the four winds, 
 by crossing them at the corners and tying them; he then lays the 
 square upon the painting. When the patient arrives, he is rubbed 
 with the medicine from the hot stone, and then the director, while 
 four songs are sung, manipulates the square over the head of the inva- 
 lid, down the back, arms, breast, legs, and over the feet. He then 
 rolls the square between his flattened hands, and after a short time the 
 yucca drops from his hands in the four original pieces. Should the 
 director fail to undo the four knots during the rubbing of the yucca, 
 the patient would surely die. 
 
 The Shu'maakwe has for its patron gods the Shumai'koli of the six 
 regions and their attendant Sai'apa warriors. These gods are sup- 
 posed to live in Chi'pia, which is in the east and near Shi'papolima, 
 the home of Po'shaiyanki (Zufii culture hero). The fraternity com- 
 prises two orders — Shumai'koli and Fire. It is stated in the chapter 
 on "•Origin and functions of esoteric fraternities" that the Shu'maa- 
 kwe was organized by the Shumai'koli when they visited Hal'ona on 
 the special invitation of the pe'kwln (sun priest). The origin of the 
 Shu'maakwe fraternity is explained in the following legend: 
 
 When the Shumai'koli came to this world through Ji'mi'klanapklatea in the 
 northwest, the Sun Father commanded them to go to his house in the east. The 
 distance was great, and all the Shumai'koli and all who accompanied them — men, 
 
stevenson] SHU'MAAKWE 531 
 
 women, and children — became foot-sore from long travel. The Sun Father gave 
 them medicine — one kind to drink, the other to use externally — which cured the feet 
 at once. After a time the Shumai'koli and their people moved from the Sun 
 Father's house, going by his command to live at Chi'pia, not far distant. After the 
 Shumai'koli visited Hal'ona when they initiated a man of the Chaparral cock clan 
 into the secrets of the medicine, and the songs which the Sun Father gave to them,« 
 they went to the west and descended into a body of water. The waters flowed 
 neither to the north, the west, the south, nor the east. Since that time the Shu- 
 mai'koli have lived in these two places, the waters and Chi'pia, and at each place 
 they have their representatives of the six regions. 
 
 The Shumai'koli masks are to be found in the Hopi and Sia villages, 
 and no doubt the other Rio Grande Indians personate these gods. A 
 man must remain four days in his home previous to wearing a Shumai'- 
 koli mask. "Should he not do this the mask would stick to his face and 
 break the skin, and he would become crazy and die in four daj^s. Men 
 have been known to become crazy, and consequently many of the fra- 
 ternity fear to wear the mask." The question arises, To which tribe 
 may be accredited the origin of these gods ? The Zuiiis not only have 
 their own masks of Shumai'koli, but now possess those of the Sia Indi- 
 ans, through the friendship existing between the mo'sona (director) of 
 the Shu'maakwe of Zuni and the Sia people. The people of this pueblo 
 number, all told, little over 100, and have had no one privileged to per- 
 sonate the Shumai'koli for some j^ears. During a visit of the director 
 of the Shu'maakwe to Sia it was decided that the Shumai'koli masks of 
 the Sia should be given to the Shu'maakwe fraternity of the Zuiiis. The 
 director of the fraternity, wishing to make some return for the high trust 
 reposed in him, said to the Sia: "You no longer have with you those 
 privileged to personate the Ko'yemshi; * all those who understood the 
 preparation of prayer plumes for the Ko'yemshi have died. Bring one 
 of your young men to Zuni and we will initiate him into the Ko'tikili 
 (mythologic fraternity) and teach him the prayers to be made to the 
 Ko'yemshi, and he can in turn teach others, and you will again be able 
 to personate these gods." c Accordingly, a delegation of Sia priests, 
 who were also theurgists, came to Zuni with a young man in the winter 
 of 1891. The youth was initiated into the fraternity of Ko'tikili at the 
 annual ceremonial of voluntary initiation, when several Zuni boys were 
 received, the director of the Shu'maakwe acting as his fraternity 
 father. a Having prepared prayer plumes for the novice, the fraternity 
 father told him how and when these offerings were to be made to the 
 A'wan Kok'ko (Council of the Gods). The youth, after being properly 
 initiated, was able, on his return to Sia, to impersonate the Ko'yemshi. 
 This interchange of rites and masks exists to a considerable extent 
 among the Pueblo tribes. 
 
 a See p. 411. 
 
 *>See p. 33. The Ko'yemshi are to be found among the Hopi and Rio Grande Indians. 
 cGods may be personated only by those who understand the prayers to be addressed to them and 
 have the knowledge of making the prayer plumes for the special gods to be personated. 
 dSee "Voluntary initiation into the Ko'tikili." 
 
532 THE ZUSl INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 The director of the Shu'maakwe fraternity must be of Po'yi'kwe 
 (Chaparral rock) clan and his pe'kwin must be a child of that clan." 
 Other officers must be of t Ko"Ioktakwe (Sand-hill crane), Pi'chikwe 
 (Dogwood) and Tii'kiakwe (Frog) clans, or children of these clans. 
 The officers have the septum of the nose pierced, this ceremony 
 occurring in the early morning, when the members at large hasten 
 to lap the blood as it Hows from the wound. The piercing is done 
 with a splinter of archaic wood, a bundle of it being in the keeping 
 of the director of the fraternity. The aperture is plugged with a bit 
 of wood so perfectly fitted that it is scarcely perceptible. The plug is 
 removed for ceremonials, and the quill end of an eagle plume is thrust 
 through the opening. * Sometimes two plumes are worn on opposite 
 sides. A man having the septum pierced must observe continence for 
 one year. At the expiration of this time he captures a wood rat (neo- 
 toma), and roasting it eats it, that his blood may not be made impure 
 by terminating his period of continence.' 
 
 The director of the Shu'maakwe is also a shi'wanni (rain priest), his 
 clan being Po'yi'kwe, and he therefore has an et'tone. His deputy 
 and the warrior of his fraternity are present at the ceremonies over 
 his et'tone. 
 
 The Shu'maakwe possess in addition to their remedies for convulsions infallible 
 medicine for rheumatic affections and cramps of the limbs. This medicine is some- 
 thing more than fetishistic, and can be classed as bona fide materia medica. The 
 medicines of this fraternity comprise a variety of plants, several of which, after being 
 ground, are compounded into small cakes and sun dried, and then used as medicine 
 internally and externally. The writer can testify to its efficacy in external use for 
 rheumatism, since it relieved her and also a member of her party after other medicines 
 failed. These cakes have a pungent odor. A number were secured and deposited in 
 the National Museum. 
 
 The Shu'maakwe, like other fraternities, invite women who are not 
 members to participate in the dance and in the grinding of medicines. 
 The director visits the houses of such women as he desires and invites 
 them to be present, giving each a small quantity of meal wrapped in 
 a corn husk. 
 
 CEREMONIAL OF INITIATION INTO THE SHU'MAAKWE 
 
 First day. The early part of the daj r is consumed in repainting and 
 erecting the tablet altar, working upon masks, and preparing prayer 
 plumes, in some instances the women painting their own plume sticks. 
 At 3 p. m. the a'kwamosi (maker of medicine water) draws a cloud 
 
 aSee List <■! clans. 
 
 ft Tin- wearing of the plumes through tin- septum is mil confined to Shu'maakwe ceremonials. One 
 is privlliged to wear the plume in the ceremonies of any other fraternity in which he holds member- 
 ship, and it is usually displayed. 
 
 •• It was observed that in a Hopi Fraternity ceremonial bits of a charred mole were taken into the 
 mouths of tic- members during the night. The mole, it is understood, was used in ceremonials by 
 the early Japanese. 
 
stevenson] shu'maakwe 533 
 
 symbol with meal at the base of the altar, and all the members who 
 are in Zuni, minus one woman, gather in the ceremonial chamber. 
 Such members as possess a mi'li of the fraternity on entering- the 
 chamber hand them to an officer, who deposits them for the time being 
 in a basket tray. These fetishes, each having a zigzag stick symbolic 
 of lightning standing in the heart of the plumes, are afterward placed 
 in line before the altar. The younger brother Bow priest, who is a 
 warrior to the fraternity, leaves the chamber after the completion of 
 the meal painting, but soon returns, when he is greeted and returns 
 greetings as though he has not before been present. An aged woman 
 of the fraternity places two boxes and two home-manufactured stools 
 in line north and south before the altar. The warrior takes his seat 
 south of the altar, facing east, and is soon joined by three other 
 officers. As soon as the warrior is seated all present remove their 
 moccasins. One woman having suffered an injury to her left foot is 
 allowed to retain the moccasin. The a'kwamosj. consecrates the medi- 
 cine, as previously described, dropping in concretion fetishes sacred 
 to the held instead of those in animal form, and while the choir sings 
 to the accompaniment of rattle and pottery drum the a'kwamosi 
 sprinkles the altar. The director sits on the north ledge and near 
 the altar, and a female member who sits beside him deposits a basket 
 of prayer plumes in the northwest corner of the room — the only office 
 she is observed to perform, though she retains the seat throughout 
 the ceremonial. The four novices, who are all males, sit on the ledge 
 not far from the director. The male members are gathered on the 
 south ledge, near the west end of the room, and the female members 
 sit on the same ledge, but more to the east. There are present twenty- 
 live men, three young boys, five girls from 6 to 11 years of age, and 
 six women. Three of the women are old, and one, known as the 
 A/wan 'si'ta (Great Mother) is too aged to participate, but exhibits 
 unlimited interest in all her dim eyes are able to see; the next oldest 
 woman acts in her place. In a short time the novices take their seats 
 on the boxes and stools and the first four officers sit on their wadded 
 blankets before them. Each officer places a corn-husk package of 
 meal in the right hand of the novice opposite him, and clasping the 
 hand with both of his repeats a long prayer. At its close he holds 
 the hand containing the husk to the novice's mouth, that he may draw 
 a breath from the meal, the novice praying at the same time. This 
 ceremony continues but a few moments, when the four officers return 
 to their former positions. Then the a'kwamosi sits before them and 
 repeats a litany, to which all respond; at its close the sacred breath is 
 drawn. The four novices now pass to everyone present, giving to 
 each a pinch of meal from the husk referred to. The meal received 
 is wrapped in a bit of corn husk and tied, and each member starts for 
 
534 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ask. 23 
 
 Ku'shiloa (red earth), a short distance east of the village, to plant 
 prayer plumes and sprinkle meal. 
 
 When the writer returns to the ceremonial chamber at half past 
 7 in the evening she finds a number of members alread}^ gathered 
 about the south ledge chatting by the light of a low fire. As the 
 women come in they take seats on the north ledge. After about 
 twenty men have arrived, the deputy a'kwamosi and another officer 
 leave the chamber with corn husks containing offerings, which they 
 take from behind the altar, and a warrior at once removes the food 
 which was deposited near the altar before the evening repast and 
 carries it out to offer it .in the river to the gods. The two return 
 in an hour with the empty husks, which they deposit in their former 
 place by the altar. A youth now removes a bunch of gourd rattles 
 from the wall and distributes them to the members of the choir. The 
 a'kwamosi and a warrior sit on the north ledge, near the altar, and 
 the novices also sit on this ledge. The deputy a'kwamosi and a 
 second warrior sit on the south ledge apart from the choir. Three 
 women join the choir, which now begins the song to the accompani- 
 ment of the rattle and pottery drum. At the sound of the music a 
 young man clad only in a breechcloth, with his hair done up in the 
 usual way and carrying a rattle in bis right hand, who is to personate 
 one of the Sai'apa gods, leaves his seat at the east end of the room and 
 goes to the center of the floor. One foot, which has been severely 
 injured, is bandaged, and he walks with a limp, which, however, he 
 soon forgets in his interest in the dance. Poised on one foot, he 
 stamps several times with the other; then drawing up the foot as high 
 as possible, with a sadden spring he spins around like a top, usually 
 revolving three times, but on several occasions he turns five times 
 when balancing on the left foot. Though he endeavors to do the 
 same when poised on his right foot, he fails to turn more than three 
 times. Mis figure is most symmetrical and his motions graceful. 
 Now and then he stands before the altar and inhales the sacred breath 
 of the fetishes. For fifty-eight minutes he dances without the slight- 
 est evidence of fatigue. At the close of this dance the women gather 
 before the altar to sprinkle meal and inhale the sacred breath, and 
 then return to their seats. The men also sprinkle the altar and pray, 
 and then the fraternity is adjourned for the remainder of the night. 
 
 On the second day some of the masks and other paraphernalia are 
 completed. Many objects are then added to the altar. Three masks 
 are deposited before it, the others are placed on the ledge behind 
 the altar and covered with a mi'ha (white embroidered blanket). 
 
 Second night. By 8 o'clock most of the company have assembled. 
 The director, his deputy, and a warrior sit on the north ledge near 
 the altar. Other officers sit on the south side of the altar. The four 
 novices sit on the north ledge near the three officers. Five women 
 
stevenson] shu'maakwe 535 
 
 and five girls sit on the north ledge, nearer the eastern side of the 
 room, the Great Mother of the fraternity sitting to the east end of the 
 line. The choir, which is grouped in its usual place, begins the song 
 in low tones. After the first stanza two men leave the choir and cany 
 away to oiler to the gods the food which was placed before the altar 
 when the evening meal was served. 
 
 A woman of the fraternity, who has been absent from the village, 
 now appears for the first time. She takes her seat with the others of 
 her sex and at once removes the moccasins, and each of the four 
 novices gives her a pinch of meal from his husk, which she receives 
 in the palm of her left hand. She wraps it in a bit of husk, forming 
 a rectangular package, as the others did on the first afternoon of the 
 ceremonial. Her fraternity father hands her a prayer plume, and 
 then she leaves the chamber, accompanied by the fraternity father, 
 and proceeds to Ku'shilowa, where she plants her plumes and sprin- 
 kles the meal. Though the night is cold and the wind piercing, she is 
 not deterred from complying with the demands of her cult. After the 
 first song the choir enjoys a social smoke and chat for fifteen minutes. 
 When the second song begins two young men start the dance by pulling 
 several of the girls to the floor, and these are joined by three of the 
 choir. Other women (one who is soon to become a mother has her 
 belt so arranged by the acting Great Mother as to hide the form as 
 much as possible) are induced to join the ring, uutil all the women 
 excepting the Great Mother are dancing. Others from the choir step 
 in until a circle of twenty is formed. They dance around from left 
 to right, all but two holding hands. There is always a break in the 
 circle, symbolic of the road or passageway of life. Two young men 
 who are to personate Sai'apa gods are in the center of the circle. 
 They take their positions, wearing their cotton trousers and shirts, 
 but almost immediately each of the two removes his clothing and 
 fastens around his waist a fringe of buckskin 6 inches deep and tipped 
 with bits of conical tin. The two men dance back and forth in the 
 circle, which is constantly moving, with a monotonous side step. This 
 dance continues thirty minutes, when all the dancers pass to the altar 
 and inhale the sacred breath of life. Coffee is now served to the men, 
 and after a ten-minute chat the song is resumed, the personator of the 
 Sai'apa of the previous evening being joined by a companion. The 
 balancing on one foot is varied by jumping and hopping about the 
 room, crying out in wild, weird tones. The two men are cheered by 
 the others, who cry in a similar waj T . After dancing thirty minutes 
 the dancer of the previous evening leaves the floor and his place is 
 filled by a warrior of the fraternity, who is far from graceful in the 
 springing motion. An aged woman and two girls now begin dancing. 
 They aim to follow the men in the springing figure, but their feet are 
 raised only a few inches above the floor. The women, as well as the 
 
536 THE ZUNI INDIANS [etb. ann. 23 
 
 men. stop frequently before the altar to inhale the sacred breath. The 
 woman and girls dance thirty minutes, the former vehement in her 
 motions and in her efforts to have the girls, who appear to be novices 
 in the dance, display more enthusiasm. When these female dancers 
 leave the floor one of the first male dancers, who has been on the 
 floor an hour, goes out into the bitter night wind, his body glistening 
 with streaming perspiration. Three other women and two men then 
 take the Boor and dance thirty minutes, when their places are filled by 
 others. As each dancer leaves the floor he prays before the altar and 
 sprinkles meal. All the members sleep in the ceremonial chamber. 
 
 Third day. The members of the fraternity are occupied in deco- 
 rating masks and preparing other paraphernalia. The ceremony of 
 the third night is similar to that of the second night. 
 
 Fowrth day. The fourth day is a busy one in completing the para- 
 phernalia for the closing scenes and in preparing prayer plumes, which 
 they plant during the afternoon. At sunset the town is in commotion 
 over the arrival of a Shumai'koli god from Chi'pia, attended by two 
 Sai'apa. They are accompanied by a number of the fraternity, most 
 of them grouped, forming the. choir, and the whole party is led by a 
 female member of the fraternity carrying a pottery basket of sacred 
 meal. 
 
 The Shumai'koli is in gorgeous array. The mask, which covers the 
 face only, is flat and colored yellow, in personation of the Shumai'koli 
 of the North, and the eyes protrude. The mask is crowned with a 
 bunch of long, banded turkey-tail plumes, some of which are tipped 
 with Huffy white eagle plumes. At the base is a band of short, black 
 turkey feathers, somewhat fluffy. Two fluffy white eagle plumes are 
 each side of and at the base of the standing feathers. A white wool 
 embroidered sash passes around the mask outside, the feather band, 
 and is attached at the back so as to have the two streamers, which 
 are securely fastened together, fall straight down the back, thus 
 covering the entire back of the mask. Plate cxxiii shows mask of 
 Shumai'koli of the Zenith. 
 
 The Shumai'koli wears a white cotton shirt with full sleeves, a mi'ha 
 fastened on each shoulder and falling below the calves of the legs, 
 and a white cotton fringed sash around the waist fastened at the back. 
 A mass of buckskin fringe tipped with conical bits of tin hangs from 
 the waist in front. A gray skin having a white streak down the back, 
 which is not over 12 inches long, is attached to the blanket dress about 
 midway on the front. Tight-fitting trousers fringed on the outer 
 sides extend to the feet. These trousers are removed for the indoor 
 ceremonies and the legs are painted white. Dance moccasins are 
 worn, with anklets (docked in black and white porcupine quills. 
 Hanks of native blue yarn with sleigh bells attached are tied around 
 the lees below the knees and fall in tassels on the sides. A strip of 
 reddish buckskin, somewhat longer than the arm and 5 inches wide, 
 
BURSA ICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENT-, ' N'JUAL REPORT. PL. CXX III 
 
 MASK OF THE SHUMAl'KOLI OF THE ZENITH 
 
stevensox] shu'maakwe 537 
 
 with six eagle-wing pinnies attached, is tied to each arm near the 
 shoulder and allowed to hang free. A silver-mounted bow guard is 
 worn on the left wrist and a fox skin hangs from the right. A black 
 staff, slightly longer than an ordinary walking cane, ornamented at the 
 top and midway with small eagle plumes, is carried in the right hand, 
 a mi'li and a prayer plume being carried in the left. A diminutive 
 blue crook, symbolic of longevity, the color symbolizing A'wonawil'- 
 ona, the supreme life-giving power, and the Sun Father, is attached 
 to the prayer plume. 
 
 The Sai'apa masks cover the head. The face of one is colored blue, 
 the other yellow, symbolic of the sun and of the moon. The backs 
 of both are white decorated with a tadpole in the center. Each has a 
 narrow strip of light-colored fur running up the center of the face. 
 Five cylinders about 5 inches in length, circled in yellow, blue, and 
 black, run back from the forehead 011 the top of the mask. Feathers 
 are so placed in the front of the tubes as to project forward in line with 
 them. From each side of the mask fall long, slender, padded horns, 
 each one of which, where attached, is so turned as to form a ring. 
 Two fox skins encircle the base of each mask. The heads of the 
 animals are crossed in front, the tails hanging at the back. The body 
 of each Sai'apa is painted white. The person of one is covered with 
 a bunch of yucca held on by a yucca ribbon passed around the waist. 
 The other wears a war pouch in the same way. Anklets of spruce twigs 
 complete their dress. They carry a burning cedar brand in the right 
 hand and a bunch of giant yucca in the left. The Sai'apa speak and 
 act the reverse of what the}' mean. The} 7 ask for food when they are 
 not hungry, when they wish to smoke they declare they have no 
 desire for tobacco. 
 
 Upon reaching the village, the Shumai'koli, the two Sai'apa, and 
 others go at once to the ceremonial house, the Sai'apa moving their 
 burning torches as they proceed. On reaching the house they dance 
 about for a time in the street and then, since a tall cedar tree bars 
 the lower doorway, ascend the outer ladder to the roof. The choir 
 descends into the chamber, but the Shumai'koli and the Sai'apa remain 
 for some minutes on the roof, the former running about in a peculiar 
 manner, while the latter brandish the burning brands. It is dusk 
 before the three gods descend into the chamber. Previous to the 
 descent the Sai'apa extinguish their brands by striking them against 
 the hatchway. 
 
 Fourth night. The night ceremonial begins at 10 o'clock. Two 
 blankets have been hung near the northeast end of the room so as to 
 form a dressing room. About 9 o'clock the personal decoration of the 
 members of the fraternity begins. Some of the men have their bodies 
 and limbs colored in solid white, with streaks of white down the feet 
 and hands: others have serpentine lines of white over their bodies 
 and limbs, while others are spotted in white to represent the heavens. 
 
588 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 They give one another much assistance, marking the scapula and back 
 with tlic greatest care. On such occasions the paint is always applied 
 with the fingers. The female members paint in white their lower 
 arms, hands, lower leys, and feet. Those who are to personate the 
 Sai'apa, consisting of two men and a boy, are painted in white from 
 neck to toe. They should appear perfectly nude at the indoor cere- 
 monials, dispensing even with the yucca and war pouch. "The 
 Sai'apa lived in this world before an}- kind of raiment was known, 
 and therefore never had any; and it is by the strict injunction of these 
 gods that all apparel be dispensed with bj T their personators."" 
 
 The women wear black-wool dresses embroidered in blue, with red 
 belts. The hair is done up as usual; the necks are bare and adorned 
 with many necklaces. When the personal adornment is completed 
 each one receives a bit of root in the mouth from the a'kwamosi. 
 This they chew, and then ejecting it into their hands, rub first their 
 own bodies, then those of the others, that they may not become 
 fatigued in the dance. 
 
 The pottery drum has been made read}' with its covering of hide. A 
 member removes the bunch of rattles from the wall, and at 10 o'clock 
 the choir is heard, accompanied by the rattle and drum. The first 
 song consumes an hour. At its close a woman places a vase of water 
 near the deputy a'kwamosi, who sits by the south side of the altar. 
 The cloud bowl containing the bits of root, which has stood to the 
 north side of the altar, is now placed south of the medicine bowl. The 
 a'kwamosi deposits six pebble fetishes for fructification to the four 
 sides of the medicine bowl and two others for the Zenith and Nadir 
 to the east of it. Each fetish is held in the right hand while he offers a 
 prayer. At the moment the first fetish is deposited a warrior rises 
 and. standing before the altar, whirls the rhombus, the flutist, who 
 sits behind the altar, plays, and the choir begins the second song, 
 accompanied by the rattle and drum. After the a'kwamosi arranges 
 the fetishes, his deputy, taking a gourd of water from the vase, waves 
 it to the six regions with prayers for rain; then he waives it in a cir- 
 cle, symbolic of the whole world, and empties a portion of the water 
 into the medicine bowl and the remainder into the cloud bowl. Six 
 gouidfuls arc passed through the same form and deposited into the 
 bowls. Afterward two gourdfuls are emptied into the bowls without 
 ceremony, and the a'kwamosi begins the consecration of the water in 
 the medicine bowl, dipping in the pebble fetishes, etc., as described 
 on page -t'.ii!. At the same time the deputy a'kwamosi deposits bits of 
 rooi in the cloud bowl and whips the water rapidly with a reed held 
 at an angle of about 45 .'' 
 
 a After n discussion, continuing over an hour during the afternoon, it was decided that the Sai'apa 
 should wear breechcloths at the request of the writer. 
 
 b Tin- sin hold the reed perpendicularly and are greater experts in their manner of producing the 
 suds, which rise high above the bowl, but do not fall over. 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 shu'maakwe 539 
 
 When the a'kwamosi has consecrated the water a cigarette of native 
 tobacco wrapped in corn husk is handed to him, and leaving his 
 stool he bends forward on his knees and draws smoke from the cigar- 
 ette six times, each time blowing the smoke into the bowl of water, 
 bringing his mouth close to the bowl. After the sixth time he waves 
 the cigarette toward the altar, then to the six regions and in a circle, 
 and thrusts the lighted end into his mouth for a moment. Then he 
 hands the cigarette to the cloud-maker, who repeats the same rite over 
 the cloud bowl and continues his work. All music and the rhombus 
 cease, and the a'kwamosi dips his eagle plumes into the consecrated 
 water and sprinkles the altar while he chants a pi'ayer; at the same 
 time the warrior carries off the food from before the altar. Men and 
 women now form into a circle and dance from left to right, the three 
 Sai'apa dancing back and forth within the circle. The cloud-maker 
 continues the preparation of the clouds, a ceremony requiring three- 
 quarters of an hour. The suds frequently fall over the bowl to the 
 floor. When this occurs he lifts them with his reed and returns them 
 to the mass. When he completes his task he rises, and standing before 
 the altar throws suds over it, lifting them with his reed, while he 
 chants a prayer in very low tones. After the dance has progressed 
 for a time the master of ceremonies removes the yellow-faced mask 
 from its place behind the altar and carries it, concealed with a piece 
 of new cotton cloth, to the east end of the room for the man who is 
 being dressed behind the blankets to personate the Shumai'koli of the 
 North. The dress of this god is the same as described, with the ex- 
 ception of the leggings. He emerges from the dressing room and, 
 stepping within the circle, begins to dance. The dance closes at 1 
 a. m.. when all except the master of ceremonies, the Great Mother, 
 the four novices, two Sia guests, and the writer leave the chamber to 
 visit the He'iwa, Chu'pawa, and Mu'he'wa ki'wi'siwe/' where members 
 of these ki'wi'siwe and girls chosen by young men appointed for the 
 purpose spend the night in dancing. Not a word is spoken by those 
 who remain in the ceremonial chamber. Once the master of ceremo- 
 nies lights a cigarette and hands it to one of the novices. The two Sia 
 guests smoke constantly. 
 
 The Shumai'koli and Sai'apa are absent an hour, the others return- 
 ing in three-quarters of an hour. Upon his return the a'kwamosi 
 chants a prayer before the altar, while the four novices rise and stand 
 in line, live women alternating with the men, who clasp the hands of 
 women beside them. ' The lingers are entwined, the novices' hands 
 being above. In this position the chain of hands is kept in motion 
 from right to left, the women slightly bending their knees. Three 
 women and a little girl stand on the ledge behind the men, each one 
 placing a hand on each shoulder of the man before her. At the con- 
 
 a See Ki'wi'siwe and their functions. 
 
. r >40 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 elusion of his prayer the a'kwaniosi takes his mi'li from the altar and 
 passes it with a prayer before the mouth of each novice, who draws 
 the sacred breath. The motion of the novices' hands ceases but twice, 
 and then only for a moment each time, except when the corn is placed 
 to their lips, until 6 o'clock in the morning. The women relieve one 
 another in attending the novices. 
 
 Thirty minutes after the ceremony with the mi'li the dance begins, 
 ami the Shumai'koli of the North backs out of the dressing room to 
 the middle of the floor, and suddenly begins turning around like a 
 top in a manner similar to the Sai'apa. The Shumai'koli dances two 
 minutes, when he is joined by an officer of the fraternity from the 
 seat formerly occupied b}" the a'kwamosi, the latter being now seated 
 at the west end of the room. The Shumai'koli, with his associate to 
 his right, the latter carrying the bowl of medicine water in his left 
 arm and an ear of corn in his right hand, approaches the novice at 
 the west end of the line, and the man dips the ear of corn into 
 the medicine water, and with the Shumai'koli's hand upon the corn 
 he puts it to the mouth of the novice. Each novice has the corn put 
 to his mouth, after it has been dipped each time into the medicine 
 water. As the lips are touched each novice ceases to move his hands. 
 The Shumai'koli touches the corn only for the first novice, but he 
 stands by while the corn is put to the lips of the second, and then 
 returns to the floor to dance. After the corn is passed to the four 
 novices, the medicine bowl and corn are deposited near the altar, and 
 the officiating Officer resumes his seat on the north ledge, by the altar; 
 but in a few minutes he joins the Shumai'koli, and they stand before 
 the two novices whom the Shumai'koli omitted, while the officer prays. 
 Again the Shumai'koli returns to the floor, and after dancing a few 
 minutes he retires to the greenroom, having been in the chamber just 
 thirty minutes. 
 
 A charm fashioned of wood and similar to one of the bars of the 
 suspended form above the altar is carried by a young man whenever 
 the Shumai'koli appears, the bearer manipulating the bar before the 
 god. which appears to have mystic control over the Shumai'koli. 
 The writer has observed the same thing among the Hopi Indians. 
 The bearer of the charm also carries a cedar-tiber brand, which, how 
 ever, is not lighted until later. 
 
 The three Sai'apa now come to the floor and dance most gracefully, 
 the younger of the three, a lad, remaining on the floor an hour and 
 three-quarters, dancing violently all the time. He succeeds in turning 
 but three times while poised on the left foot, though he makes numer- 
 ous efforts to do better. He can turn but twice while balanced on the 
 right foot. The leg is always drawn up as high as possible. The 
 Sai'apa are soon joined by dancers of both sexes, each one dancing 
 
STEVENSON] SHU'MAAKWE 541 
 
 until fatigue compels retiring. Many dance thirty minutes, while 
 others keep on the floor an hour, and a few dance two hours." 
 
 To prevent fatigue the dancers lift a quantity of suds from the 
 cloud bowl and rub them on their legs. Before each dancer leaves 
 the floor, the eagle-wing plumes that are carried are passed four times 
 over the lips of each novice, beginning with the one at the west end of 
 the line. The plumes are held diagonally to the mouth and drawn 
 downward. Afterward each dancer passes the right hand across his or 
 her forehead and then across some part of the body of the novice, gen- 
 erally the breast or legs first. Again rubbing the hand across the face 
 it is passed over some portion of the body of the novice. This is 
 repeated four times with each novice. As each male member finishes 
 this ceremony he returns to the choir, so that the choir is at no time 
 deplete of its members. The five remaining Shumai'koli appear sepa- 
 rately in regular order and dance. After the god of the North comes 
 the one of the West, with blue face mask, then red for the South, 
 white for the East, all-color for the Zenith, and black for the Nadir. 
 The cloud decorations on the faces of the masks differ. The cere- 
 mony of dipping the corn into the medicine water and placing it to 
 the lips of the novice is repeated with the appearance of each Shu- 
 mai'koli. The same ceremony is repeated by the Shumai'koli of the 
 Zenith and Nadir over two Sia guests, which is a mark of very deli- 
 cate courtesy. The novices remain standing as long as a Shumai'koli 
 is present, but as soon as the god retires, the novices and the women 
 sit down until another appears, but the clasped hands continue in 
 motion. 
 
 As the hour for the rising of the morning star approaches, the 
 participants exhibit much anxiety to know the instant the star appears 
 above the horizon; there is, therefore, continual ascending of the 
 ladder. The straw mat which covers the hatchway is raised as each 
 one goes forth to look for the star. About this time an old woman 
 deposits a great heap of corn husks and a cedar-fiber brand near the 
 fireplace and makes a large fire. Finally the appearance of the star is 
 announced by the withdrawal of the mat from the hatchwaj'. The 
 bar charm is laid aside by its bearer, who immediately lights a heap 
 of corn husks and runs with the blazing mass to the choir, pelts the 
 singers, and afterward dances violently, still holding the husks; and 
 again pelts the choir and again dances. A number of dancers now 
 congregate on the floor. Rushing to the fire, the young man gathers 
 more husks and lighting them pelts the male and female dancers. 
 Another and another light great bunches of the husks until the room 
 is ablaze, women and children vying with one another, one of the 
 
 a This fraternity seems more devoid of decency in the ceremonial chamber than the others, both 
 sexes using the same urinal, which stands in a convenient place in the room, members of other 
 fraternities leave the chamber for such purposes. 
 
542 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.anii.23 
 
 enthusiastic participants being a girl less than 6 years of age. Cedar 
 brands succeed the husks and a grand melee ensues. A warrior 
 runs up the ladder and descending with an armful of husks ignites 
 them and runs about among the people with them blazing in his arms. 
 The excitement grows greater and greater as the male and female 
 members run around pell-mell, showering one another with sparks. 
 Clubs are thrown upward, and much dodging is necessary to avoid 
 being struck. Another and another join in the excitement until only 
 the drummer and two companions remain in the choir: but the cries 
 and yells of the dancers drown all other sounds. The women do not 
 seem to mind in the least the sparks showering over their bare necks 
 and arms. They are too crazed with excitement to be conscious of 
 physical pain. The aged woman, whose usefulness as a member of 
 the fraternity has long since passed away, is aroused by the tire dis- 
 play and her old wrinkled face brightens with a lively interest as she 
 touches the writer, when she is near, and exclaims: " Kokshi! kokshi!" 
 (good! good!) It must have been main* a day since this creature 
 played an active part in these weird scenes, which a pen picture can 
 scarcely describe, especially the fighting with the great firebrands. 
 
 The Shumai'koli of the Nadir leaves the floor soon after the begin- 
 ning of the tire display, but the Sai'apa remain on the floor to the last. 
 Just previous to the close of this barbaric scene the tree which was 
 removed from the lower entrance and carried up the ladder and then 
 down into the chamber early in the evening is taken from the room 
 through the lower door and stood outside, the door being left open. 
 After the fire fight, prayers are offered before the altar, and the tree, 
 which has a la'showanne composed of a banded turkey feather, a fluffy 
 white eagle plume, and feathers of the 'si'liliko (Falco sparverius 
 deserticolus, desert sparrow), hawk, and 'hlai'aluko (Sialia arctica, 
 mountain bluebird), attached to the topmost branch, is planted in the 
 center of Si'aa' te'wita. and the fraternity dance around it for two 
 hours and then return to the ceremonial chamber to enjoy a feast. 
 Later in the morning the fraternity reappear in the plaza, and after 
 dancing around the tree all return to the chamber to remain, except 
 I he charm-bearers and those who personate the gods. 
 
 As is the custom with other fraternities, youths and maidens are 
 appointed by this fraternity to procure dancers from the town at 
 huge, the youths choosing the women and the girls the men. The 
 youths, who are designated as a'mosi (directors), wear black shirts of 
 native weave, trimmed in bright red and green ribbons, or velveteen 
 shirts, when this material can be secured, velveteen knee breeches, 
 deerskin moccasins and leggings colored a reddish brown, and red 
 garters. The breeches and leggings have lines of silver buttons on 
 the outer sides. Lines of micaceous hematite under the eves denote 
 
a 
 
 o 
 
stevenson] shu'maakwe 543 
 
 officei^ship. The girls wear the conventional dress, with a white 
 blanket wrap bordered in red and blue, and white moccasins with 
 highly polished black soles. Both sexes wear turquoise, earrings and 
 profusions of ko'hakwa, turquoise, and coral beads, and the girls wear 
 their silver necklaces in addition to these. Each youth carries a ball 
 of yarn and a large needle to be used in securing the blanket wraps 
 of those who dance. The dancers usually form two concentric circles. 
 The drummer sits cast of the tree and uses a wood drum covered with 
 hide. As the dancers become fatigued, or when for other reasons they 
 do not wish to remain on the ground, they drop out at the close of a 
 dance: hut their places are soon tilled. 
 
 The six Shumai'koli appear both separately and in couples in the 
 plaza and dance. Two Sai'apa are in attendance (see plate cxxiv). 
 Each Shumai'koli is accompanied by a charm-bearer;" whenever he 
 waves the charm the Shumai'koli backs off a distance and then starts 
 forward while the charm-bearer vigorously manipulates the charm to 
 draw the god to him. The two Sai'apa perform a variety of antics; 
 they climb the tree and run up the ladders to the houses above, 
 begging for melons and bread, which the} r deposit beside the tree. 
 The Sai'apa return at intervals to the ceremonial chamber. At times 
 none of the gods are to be seen in the plaza, but the dance is contin- 
 uous. At sunset two of the Shumai'koli gods and the Sai'apa, one 
 of the latter whirling the rhombus, depart over the eastern road with 
 those who accompanied them to the village. 
 
 Preparation of medicine. The day preceding the ceremony is con- 
 sumed in collecting medicinal plants. A plant closely resembling- 
 water cress (not yet classified), but having a much more pungent odor, 
 is gathered at the base of the mesa north of Kwil'li yal'lanne (Twin 
 mountain), several miles north of Zuni. 
 
 When the writer enters the ceremonial chamber about 10 o'clock 
 the room appears in general confusion, though the tablet altar has 
 been erected. Six mi'wachi are placed in line on the cloud symbol of 
 white meal. The mi'li of one of the officers of the fraternitj' stands 
 on the meal line, which extends outward from the cloud sj'mbol. A 
 sacred meal basket is on the line before the mi'li, another meal basket 
 is to the north, and two medicine bowls with serrated rims stand on 
 the north and south sides of the altar. The other bowls and a basket 
 tray are for the use of the medicine cakes (see plate cxxv). A large 
 quantity of some variety of plant is heaped near the southwest corner 
 of the room, with a quantity of squash blossoms scattered over it. 
 Near by, and also on the south side of the room, is another mass of 
 plants which appear to be the same as the former, only younger, the 
 latter having white blossoms, the whole plant measuring less than 12 
 
 a The charm-bearer does not appear in the picture, being absent when the photograph was taken. 
 
544 THE ZUN1 INDIANS [eth.ann.28 
 
 inches in height. Near this heap is a quantity of root about 3 inches 
 in diameter. On the north side of the room, and more to the east, 
 is a quantity of wild sage and a howl containing the flower tips of 
 the plant. Groups of men are near each collection of plants and at 
 once begin work. The plants in the southwest end are broken into 
 bits and deposited in large bowls together with the squash blossoms. 
 The younger plants are also separated and put into bowls, the roots 
 are prepared and cut into small pieces and deposited in bowls, and the 
 leaves are removed from the stems of the sage and also placed in 
 bowls. One plant is separated into small clusters and placed in bowls 
 with a small quantity of water that it may remain fresh. The work is 
 industriously pushed forward, and by ■> o'clock all the medicine is 
 arranged and the floor is in order. Six very old grinding stones or 
 mills, much worn from use, are placed on the floor on the north side 
 not tar from the altar, upon skins and cloths, with just space enough 
 lift ween the mills and the ledge for the grinders to kneel. The grind- 
 ing begins. The medicine of all the fraternities is ground principally 
 by invited guests, who also take part in the dancing, the girls and 
 women relieving one another. 
 
 As the grinders and dancers arrive they take seats on the north 
 ledge, near the east end of the room. Other women also sit in this 
 locality, and several sit near the choir. When all are present the 
 a'kwamosi. who carries a meal basket in his left hand, gives a pinch 
 of meal to each female, and prays about a minute over each. The 
 meal is received in the left hand, but it is changed to the right when 
 the women go to the altar to pray and sprinkle the meal. Six grind- 
 ers are now dressed by the warrior and another member of the frater- 
 nity. Only the pi'toni and the moccasins are removed. The usual 
 woven dress is covered with a mi'ha fastened on the right shoulder 
 and passing under the left arm, and a white cotton fringed sash is worn 
 tied at the back. The hair is hanging and tied loosely with a red 
 garter at the nape of the neck; a white fluffy eagle plume is attached 
 to the fore part of the head. The neck and arms are bare, and silver 
 beads, bangles, and rings are worn, besides the elaborate necklaces of 
 ko'hakwa. turquoise, and coral. Each girl is led separately to the mill 
 by the a'kwamosi, who carries an eagle-wing plume in each hand, the 
 girl holding the tips of the plumes. She passes behind the mills, while 
 the a'kwamosi walks before them. They now face one another, the 
 girl still holding the plumes. The first girl is led to the most western 
 mill, the others follow in succession. After each girl is in position 
 the a'kwamosi places a hand on each shoulder and motions her to the 
 ~ix regions, carrying the head forward and back for the Zenith and 
 the Nadir. An aged woman and a man take seats before the mills. 
 Each ha- a large bowl of the mixed plants to the right; there are also 
 two small bowls containing bits of turquoise and ko'hakwa (white shell 
 
stevexso.n] shu'maakwe 545 
 
 beads). These two perform the double duty of supplying the mills 
 with the medicine and rearranging the elaborate ornaments of the 
 grinders when necessary, each having three mills and three grinders in 
 care. The song is now begun to the accompaniment of the rattle. 
 One woman remains near the choir but she does not sing. The song is 
 low and in minor key. The aged man and woman who sit by the mills 
 deposit on each mill bits of turquoise and ko'hakwa, which the girls 
 crush to powder; to this several pieces of the root medicine are 
 added. The various plants are lifted from the bowl dripping wet and 
 squeezed before placing on the mills; sometimes a little water is added. 
 Each additional plant is ground as it is placed on the mill. The grind- 
 ing appears to be hard work, and the girls' heads bob up and down as 
 they proceed with the grinding. At times the a'kwamosi wipes the 
 dripping faces of the girls by slipping a cloth under the long bangs 
 without pushing the. hair aside. When the medicine is thoroughly 
 crushed. fully an hour being required to reach the desired result, the 
 grinder works it into cakes and hands it to the attendant, who deposits 
 it in one of the large bowls used for this purpose which stands north 
 of the altar. The a'kwamosi assists the grinders from the mills in the 
 same manner as they are led to them. Their dress and adornments are 
 removed and placed on others who are to take their places at the mills. 
 The garters are also removed from the hair. 
 
 As soon as the second party takes its turn at the mills the character 
 of music changes, the drum is used in addition to the rattles and the 
 songs appear to be martial in character, the time being more rapid 
 than hefore. A youth in the choir is an attentive listener, wishing 
 to learn the songs." 
 
 At this time the a'kwamosi stands before the altar keeping time 
 with his feet and two eagle plumes held in each hand. He dips the tips 
 of his plumes into the medicine water and touches them to the four ser- 
 rated points of the bowl and motions them up and down for the Zenith 
 and Nadir; he afterward sprinkles the altar and fetishes and the cross- 
 bar above the altar with the medicine water and starts the latter whirl- 
 ing. Afterward he dances in the middle of the floor for a time and 
 returns to the altar to repeat the sprinkling and whirling of the cross- 
 bar, which must be kept in motion. Five men and ten women begin 
 the dance in groups of three, a man between two women. The 
 a'kwamosi leads the dancers. He holds a corn husk horizontally, 
 catching it at each end and his two partners hold each an eagle-wing 
 
 a During this ceremonial the writer discovered that the Shu'maakwe songs were not in the Zufii 
 tongue, but in Pima. The officers of the fraternity were much annoyed because of her discovery. 
 There is still much to be learned concerning this fraternity, the most interesting features being its 
 origin and its association with the Pimas. Friar Marcos de Niza mentions in the account of his travels 
 in the present New Mexico that he met an old Cibolan Indian among the Pimas. II it be true that 
 Cibola and Zufii land are one and the same, then the old man Niza referred to was a Zufiian. 
 23 eth— 04 35 
 
f>4l) THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann .23 
 
 plume in the same manner. The four men who follow catch the ends 
 of the plumes held by their partners. The acting Great Mother fol- 
 lows alone, with her eagle plume. They all pass around the room in 
 an ellipse from west to east, starting from the south side with a for- 
 ward step With the right foot, then the left, each time, especially the 
 men. raising the foot high; the women are not very successful in their 
 efforts to raise their feet high from the floor. The arms are extended 
 outward in unison with the music. The song is spirited and the drum 
 and rattles resound through the room. The dancing, which is most 
 pleasing, continues until sunset, when the a'kwamosi dips ashes from 
 the. altar, which he has previously placed there from the fireplace, 
 and sprinkles the dancers. The sprinkling of the dancers is repeated 
 four times and then ashes are lifted and thrown out of the door, 
 when all inhale a sacred breath. The sprinkling of the ashes is for 
 physical purification. Each male dancer passes his hands over his 
 face, the entire body dripping with perspiration, and rubs them over 
 the faces of his partners, then passing his hands over his breast and 
 arms rubs their arms, but he does not touch their breasts. After 
 repeating the rubbing over his legs, he rubs his hands over the lower 
 legs of his partners, and the backs are rubbed in the same manner. 
 
 At sunset the two sets of grinders stand in line north and south in 
 the east end of the room and face east. Each grinder has a female 
 vis-a-vis who is supplied with a bowl of yucca suds, and each grinder 
 has her forelock and then her hands washed with the suds by the 
 woman immediately before her. They are bathed in turn, the woman 
 at the south end of the line beginning with the grinder before her. 
 The a'kwamosi stands behind each grinder, with a hand on each 
 shoulder. 
 
 The grinding, with the full ceremonies, is repeated on the following 
 day, and the day after the ceremonial chamber is deserted, the male 
 members of the fraternity being at work in the fields of the director 
 of the fraternity. On their return after sunset they are entertained 
 at a sumptuous feast by the wife and family of the director at their 
 house, the female members of the fraternity first assisting in waiting 
 upon the men and afterward enjoying a feast themselves with the women 
 of the household. Grinding, with the ceremonies described, is repeated 
 on. the next day, and the following day more plants are gathered, and 
 on the seventh day the grinding and dancing are repeated. The dancing 
 continues until sunset, then, after a rest of a couple of hours, is resumed 
 and continues until midnight. After the dance closes at sunset a corn - 
 husk package about 9 inches in length and several inches across, con 
 taining sun-dried cakes of the freshly prepared medicine, is given 
 to each grinder and dancer who has participated by invitation. The 
 dancing at night is the same as previously described, many taking their 
 turn on the floor. During the intervals between the dances the men rub 
 
STEVENSON] SHU'MAAKWE 54:7 
 
 their partners' arms and also their leg's as far as the knees with medi- 
 cine, carefully manipulating the limbs to relieve them of fatigue and 
 give them strength to continue in the dance. At the close of the dan- 
 cing at midnight medicine water is administered to all. The following 
 morning a tree is planted in the center of Si'aa' te'witaand the dancing 
 and appearance of the gods in the plaza occur as previously described. 
 Much persuasion is often required to induce the women to take part, 
 though they are evidently expecting, from their appearance, to partici- 
 pate. Sometimes the men force them into the dance. Both men and 
 women are attired in their best clothing. As the afternoon advances 
 the number of dancers grows larger until three concentric circles are 
 formed, embracing in all 150 dancers. The dancers go round from 
 right to left, holding one another's hands, the men singing to the accom- 
 paniment of the drum. The two Sai'apa are busy throughout the day 
 ascending ladders to compel the spectators on the house tops to come 
 down and take part in the dance, and collecting loaves of bread, which 
 they place in the tree around which the men and women dance. Sev- 
 eral times a Sai'apa climbs the tree to place the bread in the uppermost 
 forks. As dancers become fatigued they drop out of the circle and 
 others take their places. At sunset the circles remain stationary while 
 all inhale the sacred breath of A'wonawil'ona/' and then all the dancers 
 leave the plaza; but another circle is at once formed by others, and 
 the dance continues until dusk, when the ceremonial is concluded. 
 
 The Shumai'koli precede the Sai'apa over the eastern road and are 
 supposed to lie down and sleep at Shu'minkia, on the road to Chi'pia, 
 and when the Sai'apa follow, each brandishing a flaming cedar brand, 
 and find the Shumaikoli sleeping thej r waken them, and catching them 
 by the waist carry them off to Chi'pia, whence they came. 
 
 Certain features appear in some of the ceremonies of the Shu'maakwe 
 that the writer has not observed, as they never happened to be brought 
 out when she was in Zuni, though she has seen them in the Shumai'koli 
 performances among the Hopi Indians, these Indians and the Zunis 
 having the same name, Ya'ya, for the male characters introduced. 
 The minute description given by the pe'kwin and other Zunis accords 
 perfectly with the scenes observed in the Hopi villages. The Ya'ya 
 create general amusement among the spectators when at sunset the 
 Shumai'koli of the West appears in the plaza and separates the circle 
 of dancers by grabbing the men's wrists. The women at once go to 
 their homes, and do not see the Ya'ya put in blankets and dropped 
 through the hatchway into the ceremonial chamber. 
 
 In 1902 the director of the Shu'maakwe fraternity with an associate 
 visited Laguna for the purpose of receiving the six Shumai'koli masks 
 of the pueblo, since all those privileged to use these masks had died. 
 They were consigned to the keeping of the director of the Zuni fra- 
 
 o See p. 22. 
 
548 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ANN. 23 
 
 ternity. The masks, carefully wrapped, were brought to Zuni on the 
 backs of burros. The writer was present at the ceremonial held by 
 the Shu'maakwe fraternity on the return of the director from Laguna 
 and she notes here the variations from the ceremony previously 
 described. 
 
 The occasion of this ceremonial is twofold. A woman and a young- 
 girl are to he initiated into the fraternity, and the Laguna masks of 
 the Shumai'koli are to be brought out for the first time in Zuni. The 
 men who are to personate the gods go to Ku'shilowa about half an 
 hour before sunset. As they leave the ceremonial chamber the writer 
 cuter.- and finds six Shumai'koli and three Sai'apa masks on a large 
 blanket spread on the north side of the chamber and a short distance 
 before the altar. The masks are receiving the finishing touches, and 
 other regalia are being arranged. Men not employed on this work are 
 grouped on the south side of the room, singing to the accompaniment 
 of the rattle. A woman of the fraternity who is to lead the gods to 
 Zuni sits on a stool facing east. In a short time the woman, followed 
 by the charm- hearer, proceeds to Ku'shilowa, to return with the gods 
 who appear after sunset. Two Shu'maikoli and two Sai'apa masks 
 are conveyed under cover of blankets to Ku'shilowa. It will be 
 remembered that these gods live in the east. 
 
 In a short time all Zuni is out on the house tops and in the streets 
 to view the coming of the gods. As soon as they are observed in the 
 distance a fraternity father, followed by a novice, comes to the cere- 
 monial house, but does not enter. The two stand just west of the 
 entrance, the novice being west of the fraternity father. The man 
 looks to the east, but the woman holds her head down and appears to 
 be deeply impressed with the solemnity of the occasion. In five 
 minutes the other novice follows her fraternit} 7 father and they stand 
 west of the first couple; this man also looks to the east and the girl 
 looks downward. 
 
 When the gods enter the village the children are wild with excite- 
 ment. Animal-like cries are heard in the ceremonial chamber, and 
 the voices of the choir are more vigorous in the song. The female 
 leader of the gods carries her mi'li and meal basket in the left hand 
 and throws out meal with her right as she advances. The man who 
 follows carries the charm referred to, which he manipulates that the 
 gods may follow. The two Shumai'koli, of the North and of the 
 West, come next and are followed by two Sai'apa. The foremost 
 Sai'apa has the hack of the mask colored yellow for the North, being 
 the attendant to the Shumai'koli of that region; the other has his 
 mask blue, for he is attendant to the Shumai'koli of the West. On 
 reaching the ceremonial house, the female leader takes her position east 
 nf tin- fraternity fathers and novices, and faces east. The charm-bearer 
 stands south of her, facing east, and holds his charm above his face 
 
stkvensos] MA /T KK t SAN'nAKWE 549 
 
 with his left hand and shakes a small gourd rattle with his right, 
 while he sings a low chant, reminding one of the intoning of a Cath- 
 olic priest. The two Sai'apa strike the top, left, base, and right 
 of the door frame with their burning brands and join the Shumai'koli 
 in the dance. The gods dance for a time with a slow step, raising 
 first one foot and then the other to the music of the choir within. The 
 time is changed and they dance more rapidly. After thirty minutes 
 the female leader and the charm-bearer retire to the chamber. The 
 gods prolong the dance for a few minutes, and the man who lias charge 
 of the tree, which now stands east of the entrance, places his hand on 
 the back of the Shumai'koli of the North and directs him to the entrance 
 of the ceremonial chandler, when he stoops and goes in. The other 
 Shumai'koli follows, also directed by the man. In the meantime the 
 two Sai'apa continue to dance, but they soon join the others in the 
 chamber. The tree attendant now carries in the tree. The dancing 
 of the gods in the chamber is violent and continuous for some time, 
 then the masks are removed and all' indulge in a feast. The all-night 
 ceremonial is the same as previously described. 
 
 Ma"ke 'San'nakwe (Little Fire Fraternity) 
 
 The Ma"ke 'San'nakwe fraternity comprises four orders: O'naya'- 
 nakia (Mystery medicine), It'sepcho (Jugglery), Ma"ke (Fire), and 
 Pa'vatamu (God of music, flowers, and butterflies). 
 
 This organization has a large membership, man}' of the members 
 being among the wealthiest of the pueblo. Its theurgists are equal 
 to any in Zuiii. Nai'uchi," the warrior of the fraternity, standing at 
 the head of the Zuiii medicine men. There is no physician anywhere 
 who is kept busier with patients than this remarkable old man. to 
 whom the writer is indebted for much of the material comprised in 
 this monograph. The rules for the convening of this fraternity are 
 the same as those followed by others where the mysteries of medicine 
 are practiced. Though the members of the Little Fire fraternity play 
 with fire at other gatherings, their most elaborate tire display occurs 
 but once in four years, this being the time of the celebration of the 
 lighting of the first fire by the Sun Father, according to Hopi belief. 
 In fact, the members of this fraternit\ r participate in the great fire 
 dance only once in eight years, for the reason that a division occurred 
 in the fraternity many years ago, but within the recollection of some 
 •if the older men. According to the statement of an aged theurgist, 
 who was about ten or twelve j 7 ears of age when the trouble arose and 
 at the time a member of the Little Fire fraternity, but who joined the 
 opposing party, a man and a woman were the cause of the break in 
 the fraternity, their conduct being a subject for the severest censure, 
 
 a Since deceased. 
 
550 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.asn.23 
 
 especially as all must observe continence at such times. Certain mem- 
 bers of the fraternity wished to expel the woman from the fraternity 
 
 and retain the man, while others desired to expel the man and retain 
 the woman. The latter faction finally declared itself a separate organ- 
 ization. The man remained with the parent fraternity while the 
 woman went with the new one. The new body, on selecting a chamber 
 for their meetings, found it to be infested with cimex, and so the 
 branch fraternity was named Pe'sha'silo'kwe (Cimex). Plate cxxvi 
 slmws the altar of the Cimex fraternity before all the fetishes have 
 been placed. A medicine bowl is on each side of the meal line, a 
 prayer-meal basket south of the line, and a large shell on the line of 
 meal. The dry painting in the foreground shows the bears of the 
 four regions; that of the West is followed by her cub. The color 
 symbol is not adhered to, the Bear of the North being in gray instead 
 of yellow; the Bear of the West in black instead of blue-green: the 
 Bear of the South also in black instead of red. and the Bear of the 
 East in yellow instead of white, upon a ground of green, which 
 represents the vegetation of the world. The blue-green color is 
 bordered in black and white blocks, denoting- the cloud houses of 
 the four regions, and the blocked circle denotes the cloud houses 
 of the world. The decoration of the bar extending above the altar 
 shows the sun blue-green, moon yellow, stars white, Cougar of the 
 North yellow. Cougar of the West blue-green, Bear of the East white, 
 spotted in black. The rituals of the two organizations are the same, 
 though there are variations in their altars and dry paintings. The 
 Little Fire and Cimex fraternities alternate in the quadrennial cere- 
 monial referred to. 
 
 CEREMONIAL OF INITIATION INTO O'NAVa'NAKIA 
 
 The four days" ceremonial here described is one of the most elabo- 
 rate of the Little Fire fraternity, and embraces about all to be found 
 in the various ceremonies, except the quadrennial. 
 
 First day. The wall of the ceremonial chamber has been freshly 
 decorated with a blue frieze, edged with cloud symbols in black. 
 The north wall has a painting of a cougar in blue-green. The color 
 symbol is not adhered to in this instance also, as yellow is the color for 
 the North and blue-green for the West. The morning is consumed in 
 decorating and arranging the altar and in preparing prayer plumes 
 to the Beast Gods and deceased members of the fraternity. A tiny, 
 closely covered va-e said to contain blossoms and the root of the 
 te'nas'sali. combined with the hearts of butterflies and dragon-flies. 
 belonging to Nai'uchi. is deposited before the altar on the south side, 
 with tlie animal fetishes, etc. 
 
 Night ceremony. Each member of the fraternity on entering the 
 chandler is greeted by those present, and after removing his moccasins 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXV1I 
 
 A. HOEN 4 CO., Lith 
 
 ALTAR OF MA T KE T SANNAKWE (LITTLE FIRE FRATERNITY) 
 
STEVENSON 
 
 551 
 
 the newcomer advances to the altar and .sprinkles meal. Each mem- 
 ber of Mystery medicine hands his or her mi'li" to an officer of the 
 fraternity, who places it by the altar. 
 
 Plate exxvn shows altar fully embellished. The tablets forming 
 the altar arc carved and painted in cloud symbols. Faces of the Sun 
 Father and Moon Mother cap the rear slats. A/chiyala'topa (being 
 with tail and wings of knives) stands upon the topmost clouds. 
 Ku'pishtaya. the lightning-makers, are represented on the middle 
 slats with the dragon fly, an important rain symbol, below. The 
 morning and evening stars cap the front slats upon which the cougar 
 of the North (yellow) and of the West (blue-green) are painted. A 
 carved rattlesnake is before the left front slat. This fraternity having 
 a large membership in Mystery medicine, there are a number of 
 mi'wachi (plural for mi'li), to be seen, composed of brilliant plumes, 
 two of which stand on the meal line. The following enumeration 
 shows the position of the principal objects: 1, ear of corn; 2, giant 
 yucca: 3, dry painting — an eagle is figured on the bed of the painting 
 with pieces of banded gypsum, the head is designed in black, mounds 
 of colored grains of corn dot the disk (further description on page 
 560); 1. medicine bowls; 5, pra3'er-meal baskets; 6, bowls for ground 
 medicine; 7. food offerings; 8, arrow points; 9, three crystals; 10, 
 basket of plume offerings; 11, pouch of warrior of fraternity; 12, 
 bear's-foot skin: 13, animal fetish, 11, cut-stone fetish. Flutes of the 
 order of Pa'yatamu of the Little Fire fraternity hang on the w 7 all 
 above the altar.* 
 
 One is impressed with the quiet which prevails, for the whispering 
 of the women can not be heard at the other end of the room, while 
 the men talk almost as low, onty one speaking at a time, the others 
 remaining most attentive listeners. They tell of their feats in war; 
 of the killing of some of the hated Mavahos; how their parents were 
 brutally murdered by the enemy, or how they surprised the enem}' 
 and gained advantage over him. While reciting the most thrilling 
 adventures they do not fail to indulge in the keenest ridicule of the 
 enemy, the listeners at such points joining in a low but hearty laugh. 
 While the orator speaks he scarcely raises his voice as high as the 
 moderate tones of civilized man, and at times lowers it to a whisper. 
 The delicate modulations of his voice are remarkable, and his gesticu- 
 lations the poetry of motion. Smoking of cigarettes made of com- 
 mercial tobacco is continuous at this time. The native tobacco is used 
 only for ceremonial smoking. Pipes are not used by the Zunis. 
 
 After 9 o"clock the room becomes crowded. The choir groups on 
 the south side toward the west end of the room, some sitting on the 
 ledge, while others roll their blankets into wads for seats. There are 
 
 a See p. 416. 
 
 bTne dry painting described is not made until the fourth afternoon. 
 
552 THE ZUNI INDIANS [kth. ann. 23 
 
 five novices— one J'oung woman, two young men, a .small boy, and an old 
 man. The young girl sits by the side of one of the young men upon 
 I he ledge at the west end of the room and to the north of the altar: 
 the other young man and the boy sit upon the same ledge at the 
 south side of the altar, and the old man, who is a cripple from rheu- 
 matism, sits upon the floor with the other members of the fraternity." 
 The loader of the choir beats on a te'pehan (a vase-shaped pottery 
 drum), and the other members of the choir use the gourd rattles. 
 The ceremonial opens with the making of the medicine water, when 
 there is no longer any semblance of quiet. At the first stroke of the 
 drum tin' choir simultaneously commences the song, to the accom- 
 paniment of the rattle, and the noise is deafening. 
 
 Preparation of medicine water. A large vase of water is brought 
 in by a woman and placed opposite the medicine bowl, which stands 
 before the altar and b} T the side of the a'kwamosi (maker of medicine 
 water), who sits to the north of the altar. He at once begins the prep- 
 aration of the medicine water. 6 but hi.s pikers, offered in low tones, 
 invoking the Beast Gods to be present, can not be heard because of the 
 music of the choir: at the same time notes can be heard from the flute, 
 which is played by a young man who sits behind the altar. The chief 
 warrior stands before the altar and whirls the rhombus. He also keeps 
 the cloud symbol suspended above the altar in rotary motion, calling 
 upon the rain-makers to gather quickly and send rain. The a'kwamosi 
 prays for power to see disease, and that it shall be carried off by the 
 four winds. 
 
 Invocation of the Little Fire fraternity 
 
 Lion of the North, give me power to see disease. 
 Bear of the West, give me power to see disease. 
 Badger of the South, give me power to see disease. 
 White Wolf of the East, give me power to see disease. 
 Eagle of the Zenith, give me power to see disease. 
 Shrew of the Earth, give me power to see disease. 
 Thou, my Sun Father, give me power to see disease. 
 Thou, my Moon Mother, give me power to see disease. 
 All ye ancient ones, give me power. 
 
 Three medicines of the Beast Gods: (1) The medicine of the Cougar and Bear, 
 which is white and said by the Indians to be a mineral deposit from dripping water; 
 
 2 | a grayish root medicine of the Badger and Wolf; and (3) a blackish root medi- 
 cine of the Eagle and Shrew, are found only on two mountains — Yallan Ko'han, 
 
 White mountain), in the west, and Ka'pachu mountain, near Acoma. When 
 these medicines arc required by a fraternity some twelve members, including the 
 director, bis deputy, and the warrior, are each provided with six prayer plumes. 
 The stick 'it one is colored yellow for the Cougar of the North, another blue for 
 the Hear of the West, another red lor the Badger of the South, another white 
 t..r the Wolf ol the East, another all-color for the Eagle of the Zenith, and another 
 
 ■ It i>, usunl tor the novice nut u, appear until the fourth night of the ceremonies. 
 
 ' See i> 492 There is but little variation in the eonseeration of the water by the fraternities. 
 
btevenson] ma' t ke t san'nak\ve 553 
 
 black for the Shrew of the Nadir. The plume offerings are made to these ani- 
 mals, which use the medicines as their food. The offering of the plumes pro- 
 pitiates the Beast Gods, so that they good-naturedly walk away. After the deposition 
 of the plume wands with prayers and the sprinkling of meal, the medicine is hastily 
 collected. These three medicines are given separately at ceremonials to the mem- 
 Ikts of the fraternity, and when one is? -ill a small portion of each of the three is 
 sprinkled in water and drunk. 
 
 The a'kwamosi clips water from the vase six times. Each gourd of 
 water he holds above the medicine bowl while repeating a prayer, after 
 which he empties the water into the bowl. He drops six animal fetishes, 
 one for each of the six regions, which have been placed in position, 
 north, south, east, and west of the medicine bowl — those for the 
 Zenith and the Nadir being laid to the east into the bowl separately. 
 He next sprinkles sacred meal into the water six times, for the six 
 regions, and then dips the quill ends of his eagle plumes into the 
 medicine water, and holding them perpendicularly raises and lowers 
 them six times. At the close of the consecration of the medicine 
 water the flute and rhombus cease. The flute is returned to its place 
 before the altar and the rhombus is replaced in the niche in the wall. 
 The a'kwamosi now stands, and dipping the feather end of his eagle- 
 wing plumes into the water sprinkles the altar. The plume in the left 
 hand is held in a horizontal position and struck on the underside at 
 right angles with the plume held in the right hand. The song, rattle, 
 and drum continue, with an occasional intermission of a few seconds, 
 until midnight, when a corn husk is made funnel-shaped and tilled with 
 tobacco. This cigarette is passed to all present, including the women, 
 and each one. holding the small end to the mouth, takes a whiff. All 
 the women (except the novice) now return to their homes, escorted by 
 members of the fraternity, who are specially' detailed to perform this 
 office, for women must not walk the streets at night alone. When 
 sleeping, the female novice, covered with a blanket, lies upon a single 
 sheepskin on the floor immediately in front of where she sat. The 
 other novices take the same position in relation to their seats, while 
 the remainder of the men, who must not sleep out of the fraternity 
 chamber during the ceremonial, scatter around the sides of the room. 
 Food is brought to them by the women of the fraternity and also of 
 their clans. Though the men take no food at their homes, they are 
 free to pass in and out of the ceremonial house as they choose, often 
 going out for a few hours to look after their crops and herds. 
 
 Second day. The morning is consumed in preparing prayer plumes 
 and in chatting and smoking. In the afternoon the grinding of medi- 
 cine is begun, when the large room is filled with the members of the 
 fraternity, many of the women having their infants with them. A 
 girl, attired in ordinary dress, sits at the east end of the room behind a 
 stone slab laid upon several sheepskins, the wool side down, pounding 
 
. r ). r >4 THE ZUNI INDIANS [Era. ank.23 
 
 with a stone hatchet a mineral, the medicine of the cougar and bear, 
 which she afterward grinds and deposits in an ordinary eating bowl. 
 Sheepskins are laid in line on the floor on the north .side of the room and 
 wesl of the center, and two blankets are placed on them. Buckskins 
 are laid on the blankets, a piece of canvas is spread over these, a piece of 
 new cotton cloth covers the canvas, and on this is placed a cotton cloth 
 which has evidently been used many times for the same purpose, as it 
 i- thoroughly dyed with the medicine. Three stone mills, such as are 
 used for grinding grain for daily consumption, are placed at an angle 
 of forty-five degrees on this cushion, leaving just space enough between 
 them and the wall for the grinders to kneel. Two of the grinders 
 are dressed, each by a young man of the fraternity. A mi'ha (white 
 embroidered blanket) is worn as a dress over the ordinary black 
 wool gown. Earrings, bangles, rings, and most elaborate necklaces 
 of ko'hakwa, turquoise, coral, and silver beads, are worn. The hair, 
 which has been plaited to make it wavy, is tied with a red garter at 
 the nape of the neck, and a fluffy eagle plume is tied to the forelock. 
 Each grinder is led to her place by a warrior of the fraternity by hold- 
 ing the tips of his eagle-wing plumes. The girl, still holding the tips 
 of the plumes, on reaching the mills goes to her place behind them, 
 while the warrior, who passes before them, extends his arms over the 
 mills. When the girl kneels behind a mill, her guide takes his seat 
 before her and the mill, and holding her clasped hands between his 
 own waves them to the six regions with a prayer. Then a male 
 attendant to each grinder takes a seated before each mill. The one 
 before the mill to the east places the bowl of the ground medicine 
 before the mill over which he presides. The man presiding over the 
 center mill places a bowl of the ground grayish root medicine of the 
 Badger and Wolf by his side; and the one who attends the third mill 
 deposits by his side a bowl of crushed sunflowers." 
 
 A few bits of archaic shell beads and a minute quantity of the root of 
 the te'nas'sali are crushed in each mill, and then a quantity of the root 
 medicine of the Cougar of the North is added, the grinders bending 
 their bodies and bobbing their heads in harmony with the song of 
 twenty men, accompanied by rattle and drum. The Bear, Badger, and 
 Wolf medicines are afterward ground in turn. The choir wear only 
 their trousers rolled above their knees and a profusion of necklaces. 
 
 Dancing begins late in the afternoon, after the grinding ceases. 
 A man of the choir dances his infant on his knee to the time of the 
 music, and the little one looks before it with the most unconcerned 
 expression. One man, three women, and two little girls, each about 
 six years old open the dance. In a short time these dancers are joined 
 
 'lh. director of the fraternity asserts that there are six different plant medicines besides the above, 
 each ['lain tin- property of a beast god of one of the six regions, and that they are found in the crater 
 of 11 mountain north of the pueblo of Lagunu. 
 
stevenson] MA KE T SAN NAKWE 555 
 
 by four more women. A man desiring a certain woman to dance 
 pulls off her knit leggings, for she must not appear on the door as a 
 dancer with her leggings on. All the officers of the fraternity, except 
 the warriors, when not on the floor sit back and to the north side of 
 the altar. The choir is jovial, and the younger brother Bow priest 
 causes great merriment by frequently approaching it and giving instruc- 
 tion how to sing. After a time two young men join the dancers. The 
 director hands a lighted cigarette to a man in the choir, who puffs it and 
 returns it. when the director takes a whiff and hands it back to the 
 man. who smokes it a moment, then passes it around. The represent- 
 atives of the beast gods frequently break out in animal-like cries. The 
 a'kwamosi dips his eagle plumes four times in the medicine water, 
 sprinkling the altar each time. The choir closes by the drawing in of 
 the sacred breath of A'wonawil'ona" and all repeat a prayer, after 
 which there is an intermission until night. At night the novices 
 occupy their same positions. The choir assembles as on the previous 
 evening, the leader beating on a pottery drum, the others using the 
 gourd rattle. The choir opens with a low chant, but their tones grow 
 louder and the noise is deafening during the making of the medicine 
 water. The music and dancing continue until midnight, when the 
 fraternity adjourns until morning. 
 
 Third day. The mi'wachi for the novices are prepared by their 
 fraternity fathers during the morning. In the afternoon five slabs are 
 placed, as the three were on the previous day, for grinding medicine. 
 The women are dressed and led to the mills, as before described, 
 except that the plume worn by one of them is colored red with dry 
 pigment. Bits of archaic shell and te'nas'sali root are deposited on 
 the mills before the grinding begins. During the grinding of the first 
 medicine (that of the Cougar of the North) the attendant at the center 
 mill deposits two pieces of corn husk on the mill, and the girl takes 
 them in each hand and rubs the metate for a while, then lays them aside, 
 and continues grinding. When reduced to a powder the medicine is 
 bluish gray. It is placed in the bowl by the attendants, who lift it 
 with an eagle plume held in each hand. Any medicine adhering to the 
 mdls is scraped off with stone knives. The medicine plant of the 
 Bear of the West is next placed on the mills, bits of archaic shell 
 and an atom of the te'nas'sali having been first crushed. Upon the 
 completion of the grinding of this medicine, it is collected in the 
 same manner and placed in a bowl. Then the medicine of the Badger 
 of the South is ground with bits of shell and te'nas'sali, and it is 
 deposited in the first bowl containing the medicine of the Cougar of 
 the North. Upon completion of the medicine of the White Wolf of 
 the East, bits of shell and te'nas'sali having been ground with it, it is 
 
 "Seep. 22. 
 
556 THE Zl'NI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 placed in the bowl containing the medicine of the Bear of the West. 
 If any <>f the medicine falls from the slab during the grinding, one of 
 the warriors hastens to replace it with an ancient stone knife. Occa- 
 sionally during the grinding the attendants run stone knives over the 
 mills crosswise, to loosen the material from the stone. Each set of 
 grinders, who work about thirty minutes, is assisted to rise by the 
 two warriors, who stand before the mills and extend two eagle-wing 
 plumes. The women, touching the tips of the plumes held by the 
 warriors with each hand, pass from behind the mills at the east end. 
 When the grinding is completed for the day the warriors place the 
 1 >ow Is of medicine and stone knives by the altar. ' The grinders gather 
 a short distance east of the mills and are relieved by young men of 
 some of their adornments, including the finger rings. The elaborate 
 necklaces and earrings are not removed. The red garters are taken 
 from the hair, allowing it to fall loosely over the shoulders, but the 
 plumes are allowed to remain. The women step aside and change the 
 white embroidered robe for the ordinary Zuni dress and take seats 
 upon the ledge on the south side of the room. The mills are removed 
 while the dress is being changed. 
 
 The last five grinders advance to the middle of the room and form 
 into two lines, extending east and west, lengthwise of the room, two 
 women in the south line, three in the north, and a man forming a 
 center line between the two. Each woman holds two eagle-wing plumes 
 horizontally in the right hand." One of the plumes has a fluffy eagle 
 feather attached to its tip. The woman wearing the feather colored 
 red has one of the same color attached to her eagle plume, feathers of 
 this color being worn by members of the order of Mystery medicine. 
 The upper arms are extended horizontally and the forearms perpen- 
 dicularly. The lines begin dancing from east to west, all facing- south; 
 at the west end of the room they simultaneously turn, facing north, 
 and dance sidewise to the east. These variations are continued through- 
 out the dance. The two grinders in the south line are soon joined by 
 a third woman, and the man in the middle by the elder brother Bow 
 priest. The two men wear the black breechcloth, supported by a silver 
 belt, the ends of which are embroidered in dark blue, and fall so as to 
 form a kind of short skirt. The young man has a band of yucca 
 around his hair, which is parted in the middle and done up in the usual 
 knot in the back; the elder brother Bow priest has a fluffy eagle plume 
 colored red tied to his forelock. He also wears his war pouch. Both 
 men are adorned with many necklaces. 
 
 Every little while the elder brother Bow priest leaves his position in 
 the dance, and approaching the choir and the group of women throws 
 his body forward, growling and gesticulating like a bear; again he 
 
 a in the niirlit cerehiony the plumes were held in tin- lefl hand. 
 
Stevenson] Ma' t KE T SAN NAKWK 557 
 
 rejoin^ the dancers, continuing the growling. After dancing about 
 thirty minutes he orders the old woman guarding the fire to stir up the 
 embers, and at the same time he removes his war pouch and beads, 
 and places them beside the altar. He lays the plume from his head and 
 his two eagle-wing plumes in front of the altar. When the coals arc 
 well alive he dances forward and runs his right arm to the elbow into 
 the coals, ami. taking a large bunch of corn husks in each hand and 
 lighting them from the coals, he rushes wildly to the choir, scattering 
 the sparks over the nude bodies of the men. Relighting the husks, he 
 goes to all the women, fairly showering them with the. sparks. The 
 babies look up in mild wonderment when a spark falls upon them, but 
 uo sound comes from the little ones. The men and women are struck 
 over their faces as well as their bodies with the burning husks. Sev- 
 eral times during the performance the elder brother Bow priest calls 
 upon his assistant warrior and others to whip him with the burning 
 husks, he at the same time running them over his nude bod}'. An old 
 woman who refuses the elder brother Bow priest's request to whip 
 him with the firebrands, preferring to receive rather than to inflict the 
 punishment, has her face and head pelted by him. This weird scene 
 closes with the elder brother Bow priest's putting the burning husks 
 into his mouth and chewing them. He now procures a rod about 3 
 feet in length and 1£ inches in diameter and calls upon one of the men 
 to strike him -with it, the rod having been first wet with medicine water. 
 Those who anticipate strokes have the entire bod}' bathed with the 
 water. The man on refusing to strike the elder brother Bow priest 
 receives from him a blow across the back, when the man who is struck 
 procures a similar rod and strikes the elder brother Bow priest, who 
 stands erect, extending both arms, and requests the man to strike him 
 across the chest. The rod is used with such force that it breaks into 
 three pieces. 
 
 A large bunch of yucca baccata is now brought out by the second 
 warrior, who deals several of the men severe blows, the elder brother 
 Bow priest receiving the stroke of the yucca across his extended right 
 arm, which does not bend from the stroke, although the yucca is held in 
 both hands and much force is used in striking; then across the left arm 
 with the same result, and across the chest. After each blow is given 
 the man holding the yucca places his hand over his mouth and gives an 
 animal-like call. After the yucca is laid away the elder brother Bow 
 priest takes a bear's foot skin from the altar, and drawing it over his 
 right hand he rushes toward his brother warrior and, holding him 
 closely, runs the claws up and down his body; then, returning it to the 
 altar, he resumes his. place in the dance, which continues two hours, 
 the dancers stopping every thirty" minutes for a rest of a moment or 
 two. After the elder brother Bow priest and his associate warrior 
 
558 th>: zrxr Indians [eth. ahn.2s 
 
 cease dancing th(\v don their cotton shirts, trousers, and head-ker- 
 chiefs. The dance continues, however, and the former dancers, minus 
 the warriors, are joined by two young men, two women, and a little 
 -ill not over 8 years of age. The young men wear the brcechcloth 
 and wreaths of yucca ribbon tied in fanciful knots at the side and 
 passing around the forehead at the edge of the hair, which is parted 
 in the middle. At the same time the male and female, novices leave 
 the chamber, guided by an officer, to offer prayers to the Sun Father 
 as lie disappears for the night. The men wear pure white cotton 
 clothing; the girl, the ordinary Zufii dress. The girls who ground the 
 medicine are seated on the north side of the room near the east end. 
 As each woman or girl retires from the dance she puts on her pi'toni." 
 
 Two women, one an albino, each bearing a large bowl of water, 
 enter the chamber at sunset and deposit the bowls on the Moor near 
 the east end of the room, the bearers of the bowls standing between 
 them and the east wall and facing west. A third woman takes her 
 position between the two water-carriers, and the water is consecrated 
 by the two warriors, who repeat a long prayer, when the medicine 
 grinders, who approach in twos, are baptized, the elder brother Bow 
 priest receiving one, and another warrior the other. Each warrior 
 extends his left arm across the girl's back, placing his left hand upon 
 her left shoulder and his right hand upon the right shoulder. The 
 head is bent while the woman opposite bathes the forelock; the hands 
 and wrists are afterward washed thoroughly. Throughout this cere- 
 mony, which is repeated with all the medicine grinders, the warriors 
 and women repeat scarcely audible prayers. After the baptizing the 
 grinders resume their seats upon the ledge, the two warriors take seats 
 on low stools in front and facing them, and the elder brother Bow priest 
 repeats a litanj', which is responded to by the second warrior with 
 •' Eh!" (Yes). During the prayer, which seems to be of little interest 
 except to the grinders, women are bringing in vessels of bread, meat 
 stews, sliced melons, and dried peaches. At the conclusion of the 
 litany the elder brother Bow priest offers a grace over the food, when 
 bits of food are gathered from each vessel and placed in a heap before 
 the altar. After all have enjoyed the feast the assembly separates. 
 
 Third night. Sixteen members of the Ko'tikili (Mythologic frater- 
 nity) are gathered in a chamber of a dwelling. The walls are intensely 
 white, and a line of cord extends across the room near the west end. 
 Freshly painted masks of the 'Cha'kwena (certain anthropic gods) to 
 be worn in a dance which is to occur in four days are suspended from 
 a line. The masks are covered with a strip of calico, but the long 
 beards appear below the cloth. As usual, this group is interested in 
 
 \ pleceof cotton cloth tied in from and falling over the back. The Zufli women would as soon 
 pear In public without the pi'toni as a civilized woman would without a dress; but this article 
 ■ not i,.- worn daring certain ceremonies. 
 
stevensos] MA jKE t san nakwe 559 
 
 the recitation of a story of some great exploit of the Gods of War. 
 At the conclusion of the story the song opens, to the accompaniment 
 of the hide drum, with a low chant, swelling louder and louder as the 
 song continues. -Mr Stevenson and the writer linger but a short time 
 here and proceed to the house of the Little Fire fraternity, where a 
 group of men are telling stories and smoking, previous to the conven- 
 ing of the fraternity. One of the men possesses remarkable powers as 
 an orator. His voice is at all times perfectly clear and distinct, though 
 he never raises it above a low tone, and many times drops it to a whis- 
 per. The women sit dozing in their end of the room. At 10 o'clock 
 the group scatters, leaving the main body of the room clear. The 
 floor is sprinkled by a man tilling his mouth with water and ejecting 
 it. Chinese fashion, over the floor. 
 
 Then the sixteen members of the Ko'tikili enter in single tile and 
 advance toward the altar; turning, they face south and dance from 
 west to east, then from east to west, and so on, indulging in curious 
 hoots. Twelve dancers carry gourd rattles in the right hand, while the 
 others carry in the same hand food wrapped in corn husks, to be offered 
 to the Kok'ko awa (all the anthropic gods). They all carry large 
 bunches of yucca in their left hands, narrow ribbons of 3'ucca encircle 
 their heads, the hair being parted in the middle, with the usual knot 
 at the back. Dressed deerskins are worn; the limbs are bare, but the 
 feet are covered with moccasins. Each has a tortoise-shell rattle 
 attached to the calf of the right leg immediately below the knee. 
 They dance and sing to the accompaniment of the rattles and drum of 
 skin. One of the chief features of this dance is a graceful movement 
 of the gourd rattles, the dancers waving them around their heads from 
 the right in a circle, at the same time delicately and gracefully shak- 
 ing and manipulating them. During the dance the members of the 
 Little Fire fraternity remain quiet spectators. 
 
 At the close of the dance, at midnight, the dancers take seats on the 
 north side of the room, the ledge having been previously covered with 
 skins and blankets. Each one is supplied with a cigarette, which has 
 been lighted by a member of the Little Fire fraternity, who takes a whiff 
 before handing it to a dancer. The latter smokes once and returns it 
 to the donor, who takes one whiff and returns it to the dancer, who 
 continues to smoke it. When the cigarettes are consumed the dancers 
 approach the altar, each taking a pinch of meal from the basket in 
 front of it. sprinkle the altar and pray, and then return to their seats. 
 The a'kwamosi. carrying a bowl of medicine water, passes to the 
 dancers and gives each a drink of the holy water from a shell. He 
 afterward gives a draft to the members of the Little Fire fraternuvy, 
 including the women and children. When the visiting dancers leave 
 the houses, the men of the fraternity gather before the altar and repeat 
 
560 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 28 
 
 a prayer, at the sumo time sprinkling the sacred meal. After the men 
 are through, the women advance in a body and pray and sprinkle meal 
 upon the altar. One mother, holding- a naked infant, guides the little 
 hand to take the meal from the pottery basket before the altar and 
 sprinkle it. 
 
 The women now return to their homes, while the men and the nov- 
 ices sleep, as before, in the ceremonial room. The meal sprinkled 
 about the altar is carefully swept away and the mi'wachi are taken out 
 and the meal blown off the feathers, when they are again placed in 
 position. 
 
 Fourth day. During the afternoon several men are busy in the 
 ceremonial room preparing the dry painting, shown in plate cxxvu. 
 \\ hich is some ."> feet in front and south of the altar. The disk, which 
 is about 3 feet in diameter, is surrounded by an elevation of 4 or 5 
 inches, forming a basin. The wall, which symbolizes the galaxy, is of 
 ordinary sand, and when it is perfectly smooth, the red, white, and 
 black varieties are sprinkled over the ground color. The red and 
 white sands are ground from the red and white sandstone: the black 
 is charcoal. 
 
 Previous to the evening ceremony the scene is weird. The candles 
 have not yet been lighted, and the tawny faces of the Indians are first 
 in light, then in shadow, according to the freak of the tire that burns 
 in the quaint fireplace. A circle of men, with two in the center, sit 
 in the middle of th° floor. The north and south ledges are filled with 
 men. A few women in half-reclining positions are in their end of the 
 room apparently tired out. The novices occupy their former posi- 
 tion.-. Another young girl, who has not appeared on the previous 
 occasions, sits sleeping to the right of the juvenile novice. The flute 
 player is in position behind the altar. The elder brother Bow priest 
 enters and takes his seat in the center of the circle, and all of this 
 group, except five, smoke cigarettes. Though constant smoking is 
 indulged in, there is but little conversation, which is carried on in a 
 very low tone. The men in the circle are busy splitting yucca and 
 preparing wreaths, wristlets, armlets, and garters. While this work 
 is in progress, the elder brother Bow priest leaves his position, takes 
 a bowl of the medicine prepared the previous afternoon, and pass- 
 ing through the crowd gives each person a portion, each one being 
 provided with bits of corn husk in which to place the medicine. 
 Having some of the medicine left after all are helped, he again passes 
 around and deals out the remainder, each one receiving it in a pouch 
 of dressed deerskin." The sunflower powder, which is now distributed 
 b\ the elder brother Bow pries! to male members only, is used for a 
 
 "This! i taken for a variety of maladies, ft is placed in the mouth and ejected, generally 
 
 • in the palm of the hand, and the hand is then rubbed over the afflicted part of the body. It is 
 sometimes mixed with a little water and drunk. 
 
stevensos] Ma' ? KE T SA,N / NAKWE 561 
 
 number of purposes. It is sprinkled upon personators of the gods, 
 that they may aid the one using the medicine to have a brave heart; 
 and when a man lias a distance to go he takes a bit of the flower medi- 
 cine into his mouth and spits it out, that he may follow the right road, 
 meet no enemies, be well received by all peoples whom he may visit, 
 and he preserved from all accident and ill health during his journey. 
 
 On the completion of the yucca adornments they are carried by the 
 men who prepare them and placed on the novices where they sit. 
 After the two young men novices are adorned with the yucca, the}' 
 join the group in the center of the room and have their nude bodies 
 washed in a deep red paint. The hoy and the old man are painted in 
 the same manner. The young girl has her face, hands, and arms, 
 and her feet and legs to the knees, washed with the red paint, after 
 which the men have the scalp knot painted with thick white paint on 
 each breast, scapula, and knee in as heavy a line as the forefinger can 
 cany. The girl has two bands of white around each arm, several 
 inches apart, and the scalp knot is painted between the lines on the 
 top of the arm. The five novices now have their chins, upper lips, 
 and eyebrows painted white and covered with down from the breast 
 of the hawk. A circle of white paint is also made on the top of the 
 head, to which the down is attached. The down decoration is symbolic 
 .of clouds. Although the tickling of the feathers must be torture, the 
 novices never touch the face after the feathers are put on. The nov- 
 ices now return to their seats and the male members of the fraternity 
 proceed to prepare for the ceremony, each man decorating himself 
 after first donning a black woven breechcloth. They adopt various 
 designs in white paint, representing the eagle, the chaparral cock, the 
 bear, the cougar, the badger, the white wolf, and the coyote. The 
 white wolf is represented by the elder brother Bow priest and the 
 second warrior, whose entire bodies are covered with white paint. 
 Two little boys represent the heavens. The Zuiii coil or seal is painted 
 in red on the palms of the hands of the two boys, as here represented, 
 p. After the men complete their decorations the women come for- 
 ward and paint in white their hands and arms to the elbow and their 
 feet and legs to the knee. The choir on this occasion, which sits as 
 usual on the south side of the room, is composed of both sexes, the 
 women holding two eagle wing plumes in the left hand and gourd 
 rattles in the right; the men also have rattles. 
 
 The a'kwamosi and pe'kwin sit each side of the altar upon low stools, 
 while the warriors resume their positions as protectors of the altar. 
 The flute player occupies his assigned position behind the altar. The 
 preparation of the medicine water is begun, and when completed each 
 member of the choir takes a drink from a shell dipped into the bowl. 
 
 During the early part of the ceremom* the room gradually becomes 
 23 eth— 04 36 
 
562 THE ZTNI INDIANS [eth. ANN. 23 
 
 tilled. All those belonging to the fraternity who have any ailment 
 whatever avail themselves of this opportunity to be cured. After the 
 medicine water is passed around, two characters representing the cha- 
 parral cock, each holding an eagle-wing feather in each hand, leave the 
 choir and hop and skip birdlike to the altar; facing it, they extend 
 their hands outward and then draw them back, keeping the hands 
 and plumes in line, their movements being very graceful. In a few 
 moments they skip to the fireplace, and each lifts ashes with his plumes, 
 and returning to the altar the}' sprinkle it with the ashes. Again lift- 
 ing the ashes, they skip to the outer door, which is on the south side 
 of the room, and throw the ashes out. Gathering more ashes, they 
 throw them to the north of the room, and continue the same operation 
 for the west, south, and east. Returning to the altar, they dance for 
 a while, and then repeat the gathering and sprinkling of ashes toward 
 the four regions; and returning to the outer entrance they repeat the 
 sprinkling. Once more gathering ashes, they place them in a little 
 heap in front of the altar by the food which .was deposited previous 
 to the afternoon meal. Each time the ashes are thrown (which is for 
 
 physical purification) the men exclaim, " Sh u _ u'." 
 
 These men return to their positions in the choir, and the fraternity 
 fathers of two of the novices, the spirits of the Cougar and Bear being 
 present in their bodies, appear on all fours and jump around the altar. 
 growling in the most savage maimer. In a short time they are joined 
 by two others bearing- the spirits of the Badger and the White Wolf, 
 and after indulging in extravaganza before the altar, invoking the 
 continued presence of the Beast Gods, each one takes a novice in 
 charge. The little boy's fraternity father carries him upon his back, 
 the child's feet dangling. The other novices are led by their instruct- 
 ors, who dash wildly about among the people. When first leading the 
 novices the theurgists maintain an upright position, but they growl 
 and make hideous noises; afterward they throw themselves and the 
 novices almost bodily on the floor, and in this way they approach an 
 invalid and suck at some spot upon the body. The theurgists are 
 given the power through the Beast Gods to see into the body and 
 detect disease and bring it forth, that they may see with the physical 
 eye what they have already seen with the mind's eye. It is but the 
 work of an instant. Suddenly the doctor raises himself and with the 
 palm of his right hand receives from his mouth what he is supposed 
 td have -ucked from the body of the invalid. The legerdemain is 
 perfect. Amid a wild noise, and between a shout and a growl, the 
 hand is thrown around the head and the supposed extracted material 
 i- deposited in a bowl which is guarded by an aged woman, who has 
 a vase of water and a gourd by her side, so that she can give water to 
 those who need it. The people seem to believe implicitly in this 
 humbuggery. 
 
stevenson] JIA /T KE t SAN'nAKWE 563 
 
 After the novices are fairly instructed they, the small boy excepted," 
 make awkward attempts at healing- the sick. 
 
 As all those forming the choir are members of the order of Mystery 
 medicine, they take turns in leaving their places to practice on the 
 sick. The women, though far less graceful than the men, appear 
 wilder; they cry out louder and gesticulate more vehemently. One 
 very old woman with perfectly white hair, known as the Great Mother 
 of the fraternity, seems wilder than any of the men. 
 
 After a time a theurgist, whose body is inhabited by the spirit of 
 the Cougar, advances on all fours to the altar and taking his mi'li 
 from the altar raises and lowers it and then moves it sidewise, invok- 
 ing the Beast Gods to give him power as their agent; then he backs 
 down the long room, never taking his eyes off the mi'li, which he holds 
 upward before his face, moving it to and fro. He is followed by men 
 in whose bodies the Bear. Badger, and Wolf are spiritualty present, 
 the former carrying the little novice on his back, as before. They 
 leave the house to visit the ceremonial chamber of the U'huhukwe 
 (Eagle down fraternity), which is also holding a meeting. 
 
 After each member of the choir has had a turn in healing Nai'uchi, 
 the elder brother Bow priest comes to the floor as the White Wolf, 
 and he i^ by far the most graceful man who appears. He wears his 
 warrior plume wand attached to the crown of his head and extending 
 backward, and the inevitable fluffy eagle feather, colored red, attached 
 to his forelock. The war pouch worn earlier in the evening has been 
 removed. He moves about in a beautiful, graceful way, sucking at 
 the shoulders, limbs, or feet of the invalids. Several others perform 
 after the elder brother Bow priest takes his seat by the altar. 
 
 After the party returns from visiting the U'huhukwe the elder 
 brother Bow priest removes the large bowl from the side of the old 
 woman, brings it to the altar, and waves it in a circle; then he carries 
 it from the house and empties the contents in an excavation in the earth 
 which has been made for the purpose near by and carefulty fills the 
 excavation. After the removal of the bowl, a girl of 12, one of 6 
 years, and a little boy whose body is painted to represent the heavens, 
 form in file and dance. The eldest girl is on the north end, the younger 
 girl on the south, and the boy between. They dance up and down side- 
 wise, first facing south, then north, turning at each end of the room. 
 At the same time the elder brother Bow priest dances before the altar, 
 dipping his eagle plumes into the medicine water and sprinkling the 
 altar by striking the plumes in the manner before described. Going 
 to the cardinal points, he sprinkles in the same way north, west, south, 
 and east: he is then joined by a man representing the Bear, when the 
 
 allembers of Mystery medicine must have arrived at years ol discretion before they are instructed 
 in healing. 
 
")t'>4 THE ZTNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 two repeat tlie sprinkling of the altar and the four region?. Return- 
 ing to the altar, they dance before it for a long time, throwing their 
 caul'' plumes out and then drawing them in by a movement of the 
 shoulder. At times each runs an arm through the other's, making 
 the right hand of one appear to be the left hand of the other. This 
 causes great amusement among the people, particularly when each 
 one, showing evidence of weariness, desires that the other should act 
 as his support. This is the only exhibition of mirth throughout the 
 entiie ceremonial. The dance closes at dawn with the two repeating 
 the sprinkling of the four regions with the medicine water, after 
 which the elder brother Bow priest, as protector of the altar, resumes 
 his seat by it and the other returns to the choir. The women go 
 outside the house to sprinkle meal to the rising sun. The candles 
 are now extinguished so that the first light of day may be seen 
 through the eastern window, and first the men and afterward the 
 women assemble before the altar to offer their prayers to the ap- 
 proaching Sun Father; and as the first light comes into the room the 
 novices step within the circle of the sand painting. Their feet and 
 limits are bathed with the sands, and this most attractive painting is 
 destroyed. A long prayer is repeated by all as the novices stand 
 within the circle. They remain standing while medicine water is 
 administered, first to those immediately before the altar and afterward 
 to the invalids scattered throughout the room. The group in front 
 of the altar now disperses, each person taking his ini'li from it. 
 The medicine stones forming the wings and tail of the bird in the dry 
 painting are gathered from the sand by their owners, and the novices 
 are seated and receive their mi'wachi and prayer plumes with the 
 same ceremony as described in Great Fire fraternity. Later in the 
 day the novices, in company with their fraternity fathers, go a dis- 
 tance from the village and plant the prayer plumes given them by the 
 fraternity. 
 
 SUN DANCE OF THE PE'SHA T SILO*KWE (CIMEX FRATERNITY) 
 
 The Zunis are tilled with the wildest superstitions concerning this 
 ceremonial, which is celebrated once in four years by the Little Fire 
 and the Cimex fraternities alternately in the month of March. It is 
 believed that the original fire was the gift of the Sun Father, the 
 wood being stacked high over an excavation by the Hopi Indians, just 
 as is done at the present time, and lighted by the sun's rays. The 
 writer lias observed several sun dances of the Little Fire and Cimex 
 fraternities. The one described occurred in March, 1904. 
 
 The fraternity convenes on the 2d of March and holds a four nights' 
 ceremonial similar to the one described in the preceding pages relat- 
 ing to the Little Fire fraternity. On the third day of the meeting 
 ten men brine on their backs from the woods south of Zuni each 
 
steves- s MA /T KE t SAN'nAKWE 565 
 
 a load of ai'iko (juniper, species not yet identified), and deposit it in 
 the ceremonial chamber, where it remains until the rising of the 
 morning star, at which time it is carried to the Si'aa' te'wita. A cir- 
 cular excavation about 2£ feet in diameter is made, and a smaller one 
 is dug in the center of this, in which prayer plumes and medicine are 
 deposited. These are covered with earth, and the wood is piled in 
 and over the excavation until it reaches the roof of theHe'iwa (North) 
 ki'w i'sinc. which stands on the north side of the plaza. The pile is 
 lighted and allowed to burn until only coals remain, when two mem- 
 bers of the Cimex fraternity rake the coals out of the bed, scatter 
 them over a considerable surface, and beat them with long poles about 
 4 inches in diameter until they are broken into small pieces. The coals 
 which have lost the red color are gathered in a mound over the exca- 
 vation with wooden shovels; the finer coals are next brushed to the 
 mound with a hunch of juniper twigs, and finally the shovels are used 
 to pack the mound into a symmetrical form. The plaza is then swept 
 to make ready for the arrival of the fraternity, and it is not long 
 before the dancers appear, led by a woman wearing an ordinary 
 black dress with a mi'ha (sacred embroidered blanket) fastened close 
 about her neck. She also wears a number of necklaces and a pair of 
 tine white deerskin moccasins with black soles, and she carries in her 
 right hand a mi'li and in her left a meal basket. She is followed by a 
 man whom the writer terms the sprinkler. He wears a white cotton 
 shirt and an embroidered kilt ornamented with a band of blue-green, 
 at each end of which a game of sho'liwe" is painted. The band S3'in- 
 bolizes the vegetation of the world. The kilt is held on with an 
 embroidered sash and a woman's red belt fastened at the right side. 
 He also wears blue knit leggings, tied below the knee with blue 
 yarn, which hangs in tassels and is ornamented with sleigh bells, 
 and dance moccasins. In addition to the many necklaces he wears 
 a hank of blue yarn. A bunch of yellow and green parrot plumes 
 is attached to the forelock, and a wand, composed of long parrot-tail 
 feathers and two fluffy eagle plumes with an aigret of yellow parrot 
 plumes at the base, the whole finished off with long streamers of 
 red and green ribbons, is attached upright to the back of the head. 
 The hair hangs loosel}" down the back. The other male dancers 
 wear white embroidered kilts with white fringed sashes and women's 
 red belts fastened at the right side and fox skins pendent at the 
 back. The feet and legs are bare. A hank of black or blue yarn is 
 tied around the right wrist and a bow wristlet is on the left. Yarn 
 is also tied around the throat in addition to the beads, and an eagle- 
 tail plume is suspended to the yarn at the back of the neck. They 
 wear wreaths of yucca ribbon tied in fanciful bows or knots at each 
 side of the head. There is a daub of yellow paint on each scapula, 
 
 " See Games. 
 
566 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.28 
 
 each ;irm below the shoulder, and each breast. Each one carries a 
 large, unpainted gourd rattle in the right hand and two eagle-Ming' 
 plumes and a corn-busk package of meal in the left. The two novices 
 carry each a blanket, one red and one black, gifts from their fraternity 
 fathers, rolled into as small a package as possible, and quantities of 
 prayer plumes. The women wear the ordinary black dress, with a 
 white blanket bordered in red and blue fastened over the shoulders. 
 Their feet and limbs are also bare. Each has a fluffy eagle plume, 
 colored red, tied to the forelock. They wear turquoise earrings and 
 many necklaces, and the} - also carry two eagle-wing feathers and a 
 corn-husk package of meal in the left hand; they have nothing in the 
 right. 
 
 The dancers go direct from the ceremonial chamber to the plaza in 
 single file, the female leader being immediately before the sprinkler. 
 The men sing and shake their rattles. They dance in a circle around 
 the coal bed. Then the sprinkler approaches the coals and sprinkles 
 them with the medicine water from the bowl. A feather wand is used 
 for the sprinkling." Returning to the line of dancers he sprinkles 
 the one next to him, and the man leaves the line and dances about the 
 tire, performing animal-like antics, and sprinkling the meal from his 
 corn-husk package over the coals, he jumps into them and dances a 
 moment or two. He returns to the line and the sprinkler repeats the 
 ceremony over the coals and then sprinkles the next dancer, who 
 repeats the ceremony of the former. None seem more enthusiastic or 
 more ready to jump into the coals than the two young novices. There 
 is no special time for remaining in the burning bed. Some are able to 
 endure it much longer than others. The women do not remain in the 
 tire so long as the men. After all the dancers have passed through 
 the tire they retire from the plaza to the ceremonial chamber. 
 
 To those who had not before observed this ceremony it would still 
 appear as remarkable, but the writer finds it quite different from those 
 previously observed. There is a waning of enthusiasm and the fire is 
 not so great. On previous occasions the men ran their arms into the 
 glowing coals in addition to dancing in them. Altogether the scene 
 in former years was more weird and exciting. 
 
 Eight bowls containing medicine prepared from yarrow (Achillea 
 millefolium) stand in line before the altar in the ceremonial chamber. 
 The dancers are bathed in the medicine before they go to the plaza. 
 The first four in the line of dancers use the medicine from the four 
 bowls on the north side and the next four from those on the south, 
 the line of dancers alternating in this way before going to the plaza. 
 The bathing is repeated previous to each visit to the plaza to prevent 
 burning. 
 
 The Zufii declare that elaborate exhibitions of jugglery occurred 
 
 " \ number of photographs of the dance were secured. 
 
stkvknson] MA /T KE T SAN'NAKWE 567 
 
 within the memory of some of the aged men. Men were apparently 
 butchered limb by limb, the members being- cast into the fire. Some- 
 times the throat only was cut. The butchered man was gathered in a 
 mi'ha and carried to He'iwa ki'wi'sine and the mi'ha dropped through 
 the hatchway, when the man rose in perfect condition. "One who 
 passes through this ordeal never dies, but lives to old age to sleep to 
 awake in Ko'thluwala'wa" (abiding place of the Council of the Gods). 
 An aged salt-gatherer from Hopi, who passed through Zufii, described 
 to the writer some of the scenes with the tire in his own village, 
 declaring that he himself had been cut to pieces and cast into the fire. 
 
 There are live men of this fraternity who have, in addition to the 
 medicine practices observed by the fraternity, a form known only to 
 themselves that came from the Snake fraternity of the Hopi Indians, 
 which originally comprised four orders — Mystery medicine, Snake, 
 Jugglery, and the Dead. The director of the first order, becoming 
 ill some j-ears since, determined that after his death this medicine 
 should not remain in the Hopi land, where disputes were constantly 
 arising between the Navahos and Hopis as to who possessed the most 
 valuable medicine. The director declared that his medicine was too 
 valuable and dear to him to be the subject of dispute, and he sent his 
 younger nephew to Zufii to bring to him at once his elder nephew, 
 who had gone thither man}'- 3'ears before, at the time of a famine in the 
 Hopi country, and, marrying a Zufii woman, had remained at that 
 pueblo. On appearing before his uncle the elder nephew was 
 instructed in the secrets of the medicine, and the medicine bags, 
 fetishes, etc., were given to him, with instructions from the uncle to 
 carry all to Zufii and to form a small fraternity, or an order in a 
 fraternity. The nephew remained with the Hopis four days after his 
 uncle's death and then returned to Zufii. He waited two years before 
 saying anything of the secrets told him, and then, being a member of 
 the Mystery medicine of the Little Fire fraternity of Zufii, he invited 
 four of his fellows to meet at his home, where he organized the order. 
 The four were fully initiated, and he became the director of this 
 special body of medicine men. 
 
 This order extracts disease inflicted by witchcraft, but the mode 
 followed is in some respects different from that observed by the orders 
 of Mystery medicine of the Zufiis. While the latter draw out disease 
 by sucking, first bringing the cause of the disease to the surface by 
 penetrating the flesh with the eye or by placing pinches of meal over 
 the body praying that the trouble will be located by a meal spot, the 
 Hopi order locates the cause of disease by the sense of touch after 
 placing meal spots over the body, and the doctor has within himself 
 the power of healing — he is therefore a shaman and not a theurgist. 
 He uses his hands altogether in drawing material from the body. 
 There is a great desire on the part of other members of the Little 
 
568 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bth. xnn. 23 
 
 Fire fraternity to join the Hopi order, but the director refuses all 
 increase of membership, declaring it to have been the wish of his 
 uncle to • keep his secrets confined to a few. The paraphernalia 
 belonging; to this order remained for a long time in the home of the 
 director, but during a visit of the writer to Zuni it was removed to 
 the home of his fraternity child of the Little Fire fraternity, who is 
 a woman and the wife of a Mexican captured (when a child) by the 
 Zunis and afterward adopted into the tribe." When an invalid desires 
 the presence of a shaman of the Hopi order, he wraps meal in a corn 
 husk and a member of the family is dispatched with it, with a request 
 for the doctor to visit the invalid. The shaman, like the theurgist. is 
 usually paid after each visit with calico, cotton, or food, according to 
 the wealth of the family, since it is always understood that these 
 doctors expect proper compensation for their services. 
 
 Some time ago reports came to Zuni that a man of the Snake frater- 
 nity at Murshong'nuvi intended creating an order such as the one 
 described, or, rather, reestablishing it, and the Zuni director hastened 
 to Murshong'nuvi, but the old man declared that he had had no such 
 intention. He said: " I know well that the deceased director did not 
 intend that anyone should continue the order among the Hopi, and we 
 should be afraid to do so." 
 
 Considerable jealousy is felt by the Zuiiis over the feats performed 
 by the Hopi. A theurgist of the Little Fire fraternity, referring to 
 the Hopi jugglers, declared them to be great. He said: 
 
 Once, when a friend and I were visiting Walpi, a member of the order of Jugglery 
 of the Snake fraternity called to us to give him a head-kerchief. My friend handed 
 his to the man, who first held it at diagonal corners; then he pulled it, first through 
 one hand and then through the other, beginning each time midway of the head-ker- 
 chief, on the bias. He then pressed it to his breast and presently threw down two 
 snakes, which at once moved about. The head-kerchief was nowhere to be seen. 
 He secured the snakes, and, pressing them to his breast, the head-kerchief soon 
 reappeared. 
 
 ORDER OF PA'YATAMU OF THE LITTLE FIRE* FRATERNITY 
 
 Though the present Zunis, as a class, believe the Little Fire frater- 
 nity to have originated with the Hopis and to have been introduced by 
 them into the A'shiwi ritual, they do not credit the order of Pa'yatamu 
 of this fraternity as coming from the Hopi Indians; yet the two peo- 
 ples' ideas of the god of music are so similar that it is more than 
 probable that he has been borrowed by one or the other. The Zuni 
 legend regarding the origin of the order of Pa'yatamu is as follows: 
 
 The godB of war while strolling about the country some 3 miles east of Zuni, were 
 attracted by very sweet music and they proceeded to learn its source. On approach- 
 ing the mesa Shun'te'klaya they discovered that the music issued from a spring 
 (bearing the same name as the mesa; and also A'mitolan te'poula, rainbow covering 
 
 o This Mexican iv nut allowed to observe the masked dances, but they occur in his house (when he 
 must absent himself), since he has left the home of the mother-in-law for a residence of hia own. 
 
BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT. PL. C 
 
 PLUME OFFERINGS MADE AT SHRINE OF PAl'YAT'YAMO, GOD OF Ml 
 
stevenson] t ko'shi'kwe 569 
 
 entrance) at the base of the mountain. Here they found Pa'yatamu" playing on his 
 flute, while eisrht beautiful maidens ground corn and sang. 
 
 On their return to the village the Gods of War told of their visit to Pa'yatamu 
 and of his beautiful music, and when the Little Fire fraternity was preparing for 
 a ceremonial the director dispatched a member of the fraternity for Pa'yatamu 
 requesting that he come and play his flute while their maidens ground medicine. 
 Tin' god complied with the request, and remained four days and nights, accompany- 
 ing on his flute the maidens in their songs as they ground. On the fifth morning 
 lir passed his flute to the lips of those present that the sacred breath might be 
 drawn from the flute, and then be departed for his home at Shun'te'klaya. 
 
 Again, when the Corn maidens were to dance, a warrior and another member of 
 the Little Fire fraternity were sent to ask Pa'yatamu to be present for the occasion, 
 lie arrived the night previous to the dance and went at once to the ceremonial 
 chamber of the fraternity, where he remained until morning. At sunrise he accom- 
 panied a warrior of the fraternity to Si'aa' te'wita and took his seat on the north 
 side of the hiim'pone (pavilion) erected for the dancers and just outside of it to the 
 east, a position similar to the one occupied by him when he observed the Corn 
 maidens dance the first time in I'tiwanna. 6 Pa'yatamu played for a portion of the 
 dances, which were called sho'kowe (name of Pa'yatamu's flute), to distinguish them 
 from those dances when Pa'yatamu did not play. Before leaving I'tiwanna, he pre- 
 sented his flute to a member of the fraternity, and initiated him into the secret of 
 playing upon it. The god of music never again appeared to the fraternity. This 
 man in turn initiated nine other members, forming an order which he named Pa'ya- 
 tamu, after the god, and himself became the director of the order. A flute was fash- 
 ioned after the one presented by Pa'yatamu for each member of the new order. 
 
 The novice receives from his fraternity father a flute and the te'na'sali, 
 mixture of the order. The order plays at the time of the 'Hla'hewe 
 ceremonial (see page 180). Many of the prayer plumes offered to 
 Pa'yatamu are much longer than those commonly offered to the gods, 
 and are very attractive (see plate cxxviii). 
 
 'Ko'shi'kwe (Cactus Fraternity) 
 
 Membership in the 'Ko'shi'kwe is confined to males. A man who 
 kills an enemy but does not take the scalp, and one cured of a wound 
 
 a Pa'yatamu causes flowers, especially the te'na'sali, to bloom with the music of his flute, and with 
 it he calls together the butterflies of the world. The te'na'sali, a plant supposed to bear blossoms of 
 the colors of the six regions, is collected once in four years by those specially designated for the 
 purpose. Two prayer plumes to the sun and moon, two to Pa'yatamu, and two to te'na'sali are made 
 by each collector and deposited just previous to collecting the plant. The A'shiwanni and the 
 esoteric fraternities, except the Bow priesthood and Cactus, have both the root and flowers of the 
 Te'na'sali. It is claimed by the directors of the order of Pa'yatamu of the Little Fire and Cimex 
 fraternities that they combine with the flowers of the te'na'sali the hearts of butterflies and dragon 
 flies. This is known as the sun medicine. The te'na'sali is ground in the fraternity chamber amid 
 great ceremony. All the flutes belonging to the order are played, while tbe musicians stand before 
 the altar. The te'na'sali is deposited in a large shell, which stands on the cloud symbol of meal at 
 the altar, and crushed with a smaller shell by the director of the order of Pa'yatamu. 
 
 The te'na'sali is always used by the Hunters fraternity in connection with their ceremonial hunt, 
 but they do not possess the hearts of the butterflies and dragon flies. The powdered flowers and root 
 of the te'na'sali are administered in small quantities to the male members of the fraternities. No 
 woman must have this powder, as, if she were married, she would be unfaithful to her husband; if 
 unmarried, she would be filled with amorous desires. 
 
 The same powder is taken into the mouth and spit out upon the body for psychic purification, and 
 it is also spit out when one is traveling to insure following the right course. 
 
 t> See p. 4S. 
 
570 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ANN. 23 
 
 I'm mi arrow, bullet, or dog bite, is eligible for membership in the 
 'Ko'shi'kwe. If a man is struck t>y a flying bit of cactus during - an 
 outdoor ceremony and is caught as he runs off, he joins the fraternity. 
 A member of the Cactus fraternity can not join the A'pi"l;ishiwanni 
 (How priesthood) until he has taken four scalps. 
 
 A shrine of the Cactus fraternity is in an arched cave in the 
 western wall of To'wa yal'lanne (Corn mountain). Great numbers 
 of te'likinawe (prayer plumes) are deposited here by the fraternity; 
 and some distance below this shrine is a shelf containing a large bed 
 of cactus (Opuntia arborescens). This entire bed is the 'property 
 of the Cactus fraternity, and it is never touched except by order of 
 the director of the fraternity. A single plant about 2£ feet high, 
 which is isolated from the others and very symmetrical, is a most 
 important object to the fraternity. Offerings are deposited at the 
 base of this plant and upon it when cactus is to be collected by the 
 fraternity. 
 
 When a boy has been restored to health by a member of this frater- 
 nity his father goes to the man who cured him, carrying sacred meal in 
 his right hand, which he places in the left hand of the other. If a man 
 is cured, he goes himself, saying: "I wish to join the 'Ko'shi'kwe." 
 The fourth day after the request has been made the man appealed to 
 prepares four prayer plumes of feathers of the birds of the six regions 
 and the eagle and turkey plumes as offerings to the deceased members 
 of the fraternity. The same night he visits the house of the novice and 
 presents the prayer plumes, saying: "My child, deposit these to the 
 north, west, south, and east, to the deceased 'Ko'shi'kwe." The fra- 
 ternity convenes the fifth day 7 after the prayer plumes are given to 
 the novice. Continence is observed from the time the plumes are 
 given until the fifth day following the closing ceremonies. Should 
 continence be broken, the flesh would become filled with cactus needles 
 unci the offender would die. 
 
 The ceremonial of initiation here described occurred in October, 
 1896. The fraternity meet in the morning, and the members proceed 
 to prepare prayer plumes to be offered to the Gods of War and the 
 Ku'pishtaya (lightning-makers), that they will intercede with the u'wan- 
 nami (rain-makers) to send rains upon Zufii. The mo'sona (director) 
 prepares, in addition to these plumes, four others and a la'showanne 
 with a long string of cotton cord, to which a bit of turquoise is strung. 
 The deputy carries the plumes to the cactus bed at Corn mountain 
 and winds the string attached to the la'showanne about the large 
 cactus plant which stands alone; the string is so delicately woven 
 over the plant that it appears like a web. He plants at the base of 
 the cactus the plumes which he carries, and also deposits food near 
 tin' plant to the deceased officers of the fraternit}'. He then cuts 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 'kh'shi'kwk 571 
 
 ;i small cactus, brings it home in his left hand, and gives it to the 
 director, who places it at the hatchway on the roof of the ceremo- 
 nial chamber. The tablet altar is erected in the afternoon. The fra- 
 ternity tell stories, chat, and smoke (they do not sing- or dance) until 
 midnight, when they retire. No woman must be touched, spoken to, 
 or even looked upon during the ceremonial. When a woman carries 
 food to the chamber she stamps upon the roof and disappears before 
 anyone ascends to receive the food. There is a little singing and 
 dancing' on the second day. both in the morning and the afternoon, 
 and the story-telling and smoking is repeated until midnight, when all 
 retire. They are all up at sunrise, and one of the members is at once 
 dispatched on horseback to a small canyon northeast of Zuni to collect 
 long willow switches for the ceremonial. Before the willows are cut 
 prayers are offered and meal sprinkled over them. The director pre- 
 pares a la'showanne and then cuts yucca glauca leaves into bits about 
 the size of a match and divides all of the pieces except two between 
 rive men. A sixth man, who is designated as the director of the other 
 five, receives the la'showanne and the two extra pieces of yucca, 
 which indicates that he is to collect a cactus plant to be used by the 
 officers of the fraternity and a piece of cactus for the novice. They 
 start at once for Corn mountain, where the director of the party 
 attaches the la'showanne to the large cactus plant and all sprinkle the 
 plant with meal and pray for rain. The cactus to be used in the cere- 
 monial is now collected. The director cuts but two pieces — the plant 
 which is to be used by the officers and a small piece for the novice. 
 The others count their bits of jaicca, each one cutting as many pieces 
 of cactus as the yucca indicates. Each man covers his pile of cactus 
 with cedar branches, wraps it with rope, and carries it home on his 
 back. At a point east of Zuni, where the Shumai'koli gods and their 
 warriors are supposed to have rested on their return from their visit 
 to Zuni (see p. ill), the willow and cactus-bearers are met by the 
 director, his deputy, warrior, the novice, and his fraternity father, 
 who stop within 50 3'ards of the willow and cactus-bearers, who 
 stand abreast and begin their song as soon as the others are near; the 
 others are also in line, and all but the novice sing. The two parties 
 sing- different songs. Both sides advance very slowly, and when 
 they meet in a small "wash" all sit down and the director of the 
 cactus party pulls out the piece of cactus for the novice and ejects 
 medicine from his mouth over it; all then rise and come out of the 
 "wash." The novice places his left foot on a deserted anthill and his 
 right foot before him on the ground, while the warrior stands in 
 front of him and the others group a little distance behind. His head 
 is turned to the south and his left shoulder, which has been bared 
 of the shirt sleeve, is raised as high as possible; the arms hang. 
 
572 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 The older brother Bow priest, who is oue of the warriors of the 
 fraternity, takes the cactus in his right hand and passes hi a circle 
 around the novice: returning to the north side of him. he stops, faces 
 north, and call.- upon the Ku'pishtaya of the North to be present and 
 make the boy's heart good and brave and to give long life. Again he 
 encircles the novice, passing from left to right, and facing the west 
 repeats the same call upon Ku'pishtaya. Passing around the novice 
 once more, he halts at the south and makes the prayer: passing around 
 him again, he halts at the east and prays. Another circle is made ami 
 he halts at the west and gives the call upon the Ku'pishtaya of the 
 Zenith. Again passing around, he halts at the south and calls upon 
 the Ku'pishtaya of the Nadir. The novice does not change his posi- 
 tion during this time. The warrior now strikes the novice across the 
 left shoulder and throws on the ground to his left such of the cactus 
 as remains, and then joins the group. The fraternity father helps the 
 novice on with his shirt sleeve, and all proceed in tile to the village. 
 The director of the fraternity leads, followed by his deputy, warrior, 
 fraternity father, novice, director of cactus collectors, and others. 
 On reaching the village the director of cactus collectors secures six 
 archaic stone knives belonging to the Shi'wanni of the West and 
 places them in couples before the altar of the 'Ko'shi'kwe. When the 
 others reach the ceremonial chamber the fraternity father takes from 
 a basket tray before the altar and hands to the novice a prayer plume 
 made by himself, which is in length equal to the distance from the inner 
 side of the elbow to the tip of the thumb. This is an offering to the 
 Gods of War. The cactus-bearers lay each piece of cactus separately 
 on a bench placed for the purpose in the northeast end of the chamber. 
 The two extra pieces of cactus and the long willows are placed north 
 of the altar, and all but the novice exchange their clothing for the 
 black woven breechcloth. The novice sits on the north side of the 
 room, with his fraternity father to his right. The choir group at 
 the south side with rattles and a drum made of wood covered with 
 hide; the 'Ko'shi'kwe do not possess a potten drum. The pe'kwin 
 takes his seat on the south side of the altar and before it and proceeds 
 to consecrate medicine water, a member of the fraternity having placed 
 a vase of water and gourd by him. As soon as the pe'kwin lifts a 
 gourd of water to empty it into the medicine bowl, the choir begins 
 singing to the accompaniment of the rattle and drum, and the war- 
 rior standing before the altar whirls the rhombus. The songs are 
 addressed to the Ku'pishtaya and his pe'kwin. 'Si'klahaya, and the 
 deceased A'pr'liishiwanni (Bow priesthood), that the fraternity may be 
 able to use the cactus without injury. Six small stones are then 
 dropped separately into the water. 
 
 At the conclusion of the consecration of the water the warrior 
 ceases to whirl the rhombus, but the music continues. The deputy 
 
STEVENS' n 
 
 'ko'shi'kwe 573 
 
 rises and takes a bunch of willows (the willows are 10 or 12 feet long) 
 in his left hand and a piece of the cactus which was placed beside 
 them in his right. The director also takes a bunch of the willows in his 
 left hand and the other piece of cactus in his right. The elder brother 
 How priest and another warrior take willows in both hands and the 
 four then dance. The novice now removes his clothes, puts on a black 
 woven breechcloth, and stands before his fraternity father, who with 
 a hand on each shoulder moves first one and then the other slightly 
 forward, while the novice is continually moving his prayer plume up 
 and down. After dancing a while the four officers stand before the 
 hoy and pray for rain, for a good heart, and for the health of the 
 novice. The director then places the switches and cactus before the 
 novice's mouth, shoulders, head, and heart, with a prayer that his 
 heart may be pure. The prayer and placing of the willows are 
 repeated by the other officers; then all the members take either cactus 
 or switches, or both, and repeat this ceremon}* with the novice. Some 
 one then takes the place of the fraternity father in holding the novice's 
 shoulders while the former repeats the ceremony with the cactus and 
 willows. The director now takes the two pieces of cactus" in each 
 hand and gives them to the novice, who dances around with the cactus, 
 running it under his arms and about his body. There is no need for 
 medicine on the body now, as the medicine was put on his cactus at the 
 time it was collected. The novice dances all alone for about half an 
 hour and then resumes his seat on the left of the fraternity father. 
 The fraternity now enjoys a repast and a smoke, and the ceremonies 
 are thus ended for the day. 
 
 At early dawn all but the leader of the song and his alternate and 
 the fraternity father and the novice go to the well, where they make 
 a small fire and heat water, and after washing their heads in yucca 
 suds bathe their entire bodies. The novice accompanies his fraternity 
 father to his house, where water is heated and the fraternity father 
 washes his own and the novice's head in yucca suds and bathes his 
 own and the novice's body. The wife maj T heat the water, but the 
 man and wife do not speak to each other, and the man does not look 
 at his wife. The leader of the song and his alternate remain in the 
 ceremonial chamber to prepare medicine. The}* afterward heat water 
 in the fireplace and bathe without leaving the chamber. On the return 
 of the fraternity to the ceremonial chamber they chew native squash 
 seeds, the blossoms of which have been dried in dark rooms, and seeds 
 of a burr (not yet classified), and eject the mixture into the palms of 
 the hands and rub their bodies to prevent injury from the cactus. All. 
 including the fraternity father and novice, now prepare for the dance. 
 The} - wear the native black woven breechcloth, a yucca wreath 
 arranged around the head, and a fluffy eagle plume tied to the forelock: 
 
 a The cactus is always soaked in water lor a short time before using. 
 
f>74 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ank. 23 
 
 their feet are bare. Hunches of willows are carried in each hand by 
 all except the director, who carries a po'nepoyanne" belonging to the 
 A'pi"lashiwanni and leads the others to Si'aa' te'wita. They proceed 
 in file, waving the long willows gracefully as they move with slow. 
 measured steps, chanting in low tones their prayers to the new day. 
 while the drummer beats lightly upon the drum. The scene is most 
 impressive. They reach the plaza just as the sun rises above the 
 horizon; after forming an ellipse and dancing twice around, the 
 director turns his face inward, which is the signal for all to do like- 
 wise. They cease moving and the director steps within the circle, and 
 holding his po'nepoyanne upward asks that his people may have good 
 health, that their hearts may be pure, aud that they may so please the 
 gods that all good may come to them and to all peoples. They then 
 leave the plaza as they came. 
 
 After breakfasting in the ceremonial chamber the}' prepare for a 
 second visit to the plaza. The bodies are painted white with kaolin, 
 which contains the mixture of the chewed squash blossoms and seeds 
 and the burr seeds, this medicine is the property of the Gods of 
 War. The elder brother Bow priest has the upper portion of his face 
 colored black, the portion below the upper lip painted white and dot- 
 ted over with hawk down, symbolizing clouds; a bit of the down is 
 stuck on the end of the nose. The others have their faces painted a 
 brownish red, with a line of micaceous hematite across the face, under 
 the eyes, and a spot of the same' on each cheek. All wear the breech- 
 cloth and a belt, from which falls a deep fringe of goat's wool, with 
 here and there an eagle plume attached, and a fox skin. Pendent 
 at the back leather armlets, elaborate necklaces, hanks of blue yarn, 
 with sleigh bells attached, tied around the leg below the knee, and 
 moccasins. The hair is flowing and tied at the nape of the neck 
 with red ribbons or garters. A yucca wreath is worn and a fluffy 
 eagle plume colored red is attached to the forelock. The two war- 
 riors wear their war pouches. While the others are completing their 
 dress, the leader of the dances, whose place is always midway of the 
 line, and his fellow sit bj T the bench of cactus and eject the mixture of 
 squash blossoms and seeds over each piece, and rub the cactus one way 
 repeatedly with long fluffy eagle plumes, afterward sprinkling bits of 
 hawk down over it. When the cactus is all prepared the pe'kwin of 
 the fraternity goes to the bench, and the leader of the dances takes a 
 piece of cactus in each hand and places them in the hands of the 
 pe'kwin. He gives two pieces of cactus to another officer and his 
 alternate gives two pieces to each warrior, the officers also carrying 
 willows. Each of the other members carries a bunch of willows, 
 while the director, who precedes the fraternity, bears the po'nepoy- 
 anne (see plate cxxix), they all go to the plaza through the eastern 
 
 a See p. 59S, note a. 
 
I 
 
sTEVENfo.vj t ko'shi'kwe 575 
 
 covered way in the manner heretofore described. They pass around 
 by the cast side to the north, and after the}' dance around twice 
 they stand in an ellipse and dance for a time. Then while they step 
 very slowly a warrior runs to the West. The other warrior (elder 
 brother How priest), following him, strikes him over the left shoulder. 
 The director runs to the South and the deputy follows him, hitting 
 him over the left shoulder. Then the elder brother Bow priest runs 
 to the East, the other warrior following and striking him over the 
 left shoulder. The deputy then runs in a circle indicating the Zenith 
 and the director strikes him on the left shoulder, and the warrior runs 
 in a circle indicating the Nadir and the elder brother Bow priest 
 strikes him on the left shoulder. They then join the dancers. 
 
 There are four dances in the plaza after the sunrise dance; at the 
 close of each dance the fraternity retire to their ceremonial cham- 
 ber. Cactus is carried in the first three dances by the four officers 
 only, but the willows are dispensed with for the fourth dance, and all 
 carry large pieces of cactus in each hand. The mixture of squash 
 blossoms and seeds is taken into the mouth of each member before he 
 leaves the ceremonial chamber. At times the dancers leave the circle 
 and use the cactus right and left, and all so unfortunate as to be near 
 enough to be struck have no doubt as to its effect." It is observed that 
 when members strike one another they usually run the cactus one way, 
 and it is always run through the mouth in the same manner. There 
 are some exciting scenes, especially when the two warriors leave the 
 plaza and return with huge pieces of the plant and enter into bouts 
 with it. each one vying with the other in his exhibition of indifference 
 to the pain inflicted by the other. The dancing and fighting with 
 cactus in the plaza continues until after sunset, when the fraternity 
 return to their chamber, where they enjoy a repast. After smoking 
 and chatting for a time, they dance again and fight with cactus in the 
 ceremonial chamber until sunrise. At this time the fraternity father 
 hands a corn husk to the novice and leads him to a painting which was 
 made on the floor in front of the altar before sunset the previous day. 6 
 The novice steps upon the painting, with his face to the altar, but 
 in a moment he faces the east, and then as quickly as possible turns 
 around on the painting four times, and stepping outside the painting 
 stoops and hunts out the grains of corn, depositing them in the corn 
 husk. Then the deputy administers medicine water, the director^at 
 
 a When the cactus breaks off in the outdoor dance the members note the circumstance, and if it 
 strikes a man or boy. the member catches him, if possible, and he is led to the ceremonial chamber, 
 where he is painted and dressed like the others and comes out in the next dance. He carries switches 
 in the dance, accompanies the party when the cactus and willows are buried, and plants the prayer 
 plumes given him by the man who caught him and who becomes his fraternity father, but he may 
 not use cactus until he is fully initiated. 
 
 6 The painting is a ground color of powdered kaolin on ordinary sand laid about an inch thick on 
 the floor. Figures of the Ku'pishtaya of the six regions form a circle on the disk. A diagonal line, 
 symbolic of the galaxy, crosses the disk and different-colored grains of corn represent stars. Cloud 
 symbols extend from the periphery of the disk toward the altar. 
 
576 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann.2S 
 
 tin same time collecting the sands of the painting with eagle-wing 
 feathers and the hand and deposits them in a piece of cloth which is 
 at once carried, with the cactus and switches, to the place beyond the 
 village where the novice was first struck with cactus. The director and 
 pekwin lead, each carrying willows held with the right hand and rest- 
 ing over the left arm. A portion of the cactus, which is now much 
 broken from use, is carried on the willows. A warrior follows with 
 the cloth containing the sands. The fraternity father comes next, car- 
 rying the yucca wreaths that were worn, and the novice carries the long 
 plumes given him by his fraternity father. An excavation is made, 
 and the willows and cactus are first deposited, then the yucca wreaths, 
 and then the sands from the painting are spread over the whole. All 
 plant prayer plumes, and the excavation is then covered with earth. 
 
 The party returns to the ceremonial chamber, where the other 
 members await them. The novice takes his old seat and the warrior 
 stands before him. The fraternity father, who sits to his right, says: 
 •" Now you are a cactus man. Should any Kok'ko [anthropic god] 
 hit you once, do nothing; if he hits you twice, do nothing; if he hits 
 you three times, do nothing; if he hits you four times, then take his 
 yucca from him and whip him; break the beak and the feathers on his 
 mask. Don't be afraid; no one can hurt you."" The novice replies: 
 ■* It is well. I am glad to hear this." This closes the ceremony, and 
 all return to their homes and sleep alone on sheepskins with the wool 
 side clown, for the cactus needles continue to work out of the flesh. 
 The squash seeds are chewed and rubbed constantly over the wounds. 
 Though there is considerable annoyance from the needles embedded in 
 the flesh, a complaint is never heard. 
 
 The cougar medicine of the 'Ko'shi'kwe, which is a root, comes 
 principally from the high valleys about the Jemez mountains in New 
 .Mexico and is traded to the Zunis by the Cochiti Indians, who under- 
 stand the value of the cougar medicine for some diseases. Only the 
 'Ko'shi'kwe of Zuiii (according to the statements of the members of 
 this fraternity) recognize its value for wounds. This root is used in 
 conjunction with the burr seeds previously referred to. the root and 
 seeds being chewed and then applied to the wound. 
 
 A'l>r T LASHIWANNI (BOW PRIESTHOOD) 
 
 It has been stated that the Bow priesthood was organized by U'yu- 
 yewi and Ma'sai'lema (Gods of War) after the A'shiwi (Zunis) reached 
 1'tiwanna (site of the present Zuiii), and these gods are supposed to 
 have been represented in direct succession since that time by the elder 
 and younger brother Bow priests, who are at the head of the organi- 
 zation and who carry the sacred traditions of their divine predecessors. 
 
 " The personators of the Kok'ko are afraid to use their switches on members of the 'Ko'shi'kwe, as 
 after one stroke a member of this fraternity tells the god to strike again, and it is regarded as cow- 
 ardice to refuse, and the consequence is the mask of the personatorof the Kok'ko is soon dilapidated. 
 No '»ii' musl interfere in the affray. 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 577 
 
 Although the Bow priesthood is embraced in the esoteric fraternities 
 of the Zunis, it is in a way quite distinct from the others and is always 
 referred to as a priesthood. The Bow priesthood, having to do more 
 especially with the lightning-makers, communicating usually directly 
 with them, and not through other gods, ' s differentiated from the other 
 fraternities. 
 
 Though the Kia'kwemosi (rain priest of the North) consults with 
 the first body of A'shiwanni (rain priests), it is his prerogative to choose 
 the elder brother Bow priest. This high office, however, usually 
 falls, when vacant, to the younger brother Bow priest, unless some 
 other member of the organization has become more famous in war 
 when his scalp trophies win for him the highest honors conferred on 
 any member of this body. Though the offices of elder and younger 
 Bow priests are for life, the incumbents may be impeached for suffi- 
 cient cause." 
 
 INSTALLATION OF THE ELDER BROTHER BOW PRIEST 
 
 A meal painting is made (see figure 33), by the pe'kwin (sun priest) at 
 sunrise on the floor of a room in the dwelling of the Shi'wano"kia,the 
 
 Fig. 33. — Meal painting made for the ceremony of the installation of the elder brother Bow priest. 
 1. circle of meal about 8 inches in diameter, symbolic of the waters of the world — a disk is afterward 
 formed by filling in the circle with meal; 2, square of meal, symbolic of a mesa with rain, indicated 
 by the three lines, falling upon it; 3, parallelogram, symbolizing the boundary of the Zuiii territory; 
 4, straight road of truth; 5-5, lightning; 6-6, position of the men when standing on the meal pain ting. 
 
 Priestess of fecundity, when the first bod}' of A'shiwanni and officers of 
 the esoteric fraternities (the Ko'tikili, mythologic fraternity, excepted) 
 gather in the same order as described in the initiation of associate 
 shi'wanni. 6 Upon completion of the painting, the Kia'kwemosi takes 
 position west of the disk and faces east, and the novice stands facing 
 the Kia'kwemosi, who. placing his hands over the novice's shoulders, 
 spi-aks to him of his duties and obligations, and adds: "You must 
 have a good heart and your thoughts must be pure, that the rains 
 may fall upon our land, that we may have all food/' He then clasps 
 the novice's hands, holding them so that his thumbs are on the top of 
 the hands, and prays. At the close of the pra} r er he draws the clasped 
 
 a In 1903 Xai'uchi' and Me'she, elder and younger brother Bow priests, upon being reduced to 
 the ranks ceased to attend the meetings of the fraternity. 
 &See A'shiwanni i Rain priesthood). 
 
 23 eth— 04 37 
 
578 THE ZUNT INDIANS [eth. akk. 23 
 
 hands to his month and breathes upon them, and extends them to the 
 DOvice's mouth, who draws all that is good from the Kia'kwemosi. 
 
 Each shi'wanni — and afterward the officers of the fraternities, in 
 order — stands in the place of the Kia'kwemosi and repeats his com- 
 mands, the novice remaining in position with folded arms. The novice 
 afterward offers a prayer to the Sun Father to give him a good heart 
 that his prayers for the welfare of his people may be heard, and he 
 prays to the Gods of War to intercede with the Sun Father and Kok'ko 
 A'wan (Council of the Gods) to send rains. The newly ordained elder 
 brother now chooses from among the Bow priesthood his fellow, who 
 comes forward and stands before him while he repeats what the Kia'- 
 kwemosi has said, after which he takes his seat to the right of the 
 Kia'kwemosi, who now rises and standing before the newly chosen 
 one repeats the ceremony similar to that held over the elder brother, 
 after which each shi'wanni and the officers of the fraternities follow in 
 turn. The younger brother Bow priest now takes his seat to the right 
 of the elder brother Bow priest, and the pe'kwin offers a prayer to the 
 Sun Father for the well-being and good heart of his people, which is 
 followed by prayers by the elder brother Bow priest, who again 
 invokes the Gods of War. Nothing is said in the entire ceremonial in 
 connection with the enemy. When the writer inquired of the elder 
 brother Bow priest why there was no reference to war he was shocked, 
 and replied: " Only prayers for good and rains are offered, no thought 
 being given at such times to the enemy." 
 
 CEREMONIAL OF INITIATION INTO THE BOW PRIESTHOOD 
 
 Although this organization is much occupied with its various duties 
 and obligations, it celebrates but two festivals — the scalp ceremonial, 
 or initiation of the victor into the A'pi'lashiwanni, which occurs eveiy 
 three or four j^ears and after the return of a victor; and the o'wina- 
 hai'ye (harvest dance) annually, in October, which is a thanksgiving 
 for the crops. 
 
 The mere killing of an enemy does not entitle the victor to become 
 a member of the A'pi'lashiwanni; he must bear as trophies the scalp 
 and at least a portion of the buckskin apparel as actual proof of his 
 prowess. Thus the Zunis, like other primitive peoples, make trophy- 
 bearing a requisite of distinction as warriors. Though the scalp is 
 necessary for initiation into the A'pr'lashiwanni, one who does not take 
 the scalp is not debarred from honorable recognition — he joins the 
 fraternity of the l Ko'shi'kwe (Cactus). At least such was the case 
 until the cessation of intertribal wars; and now that scalping has vir- 
 tually ceased, the scalp ceremonial is still held every three or four 
 years, by command of the elder brother Bow priest, for two reasons — 
 to please the Gods of War, that they will intercede with the Sun Father 
 and Council of the Gods for rain, and that the organization may not 
 become extinct. 
 
STEVENSON] a 'pi ' t lashiw j \ nni 579 
 
 The Zufiis having been driven to step aside from legitimate pro- 
 cedure, the elder brother Bow priest selects some desirable man 
 and initiates him into the A'pi'lashiwanni. In 1896 there were only 
 fifteen members of the fraternity, a number of these being- aged men. 
 The scalps used at these times are taken from the scalp vase, in 
 which such trophies have rested since the establishment of the present 
 Zufii, or perhaps earlier, and the ceremonial is identical with that 
 which occurred when the victor returned with the fresh scalp. 
 
 The elder brother Bow priest having decided upon a time for the 
 ceremonial, notifies the scalp custodian, who in turn requests the elder 
 brother Bow priest to designate the man to serve as elder brother to 
 the victor, each victor having a member of the A'pi'lashiwanni to 
 accompany him throughout the ceremonial as elder brother. The 
 acceptance of such appointment is optional, and occasionally the priest 
 finds difficulty in securing a man. When he has secured one, the elder 
 brother Bow priest chooses two warriors and two men of the Coyote clan 
 to personate warriors, preceding the victor on returning from battle. 
 These men are known as the pa'sewikia. Then the *si'hakoshona'kwe 
 (scalp-washers) and their fellows are appointed. The number of 
 scalp-washers and scalp-kickers depends on the number of scalps taken. 
 If but one scalp is taken, there are two scalp-washers, and the scalp is. 
 divided with an archaic stone knife; if two are taken, there is no divi- 
 sion of the scalp, but so complete is the dual system that whenever an 
 odd number occurs the scalp must be divided. One scalp-washer and 
 his alternate must be paternal uncles of the victor; if the father has 
 no brothers, then the nearest male relatives, grandfather excepted, on 
 the paternal side. The same relations are held with the elder brother 
 and the other scalp-washer and his fellow. The i'tatononakwe (scalp- 
 kickers) must be paternal aunts of the victor and elder brother; if 
 there are no aunts, then the nearest paternal female relatives, grand- 
 mother excepted. 
 
 It was the writer's privilege to witness the ceremony described, 
 which in this instance began in October, 1891. The evening of the 
 day on which the actors are selected the pa'sewikia, equipped with 
 rifles, leave the pueblo on horseback and spend the night a distance 
 north of the village. They start on their return at sunrise, and 
 upon the discovery of the first ant-hill the}' dismount. 
 
 The two warriors, each having eight olive shells (Olivella bibli- 
 cata_), stand a short distance away, while the other two, who have each 
 a string of shell beads that will encircle the thumb, given them by the 
 elder brother Bow priest, stoop by the ant-hill. The two warriors 
 hold the shells in the right hand close to the mouth, while the others 
 hold theirs in the left hand, also over the mouth. One of the stooping 
 men maintains silence, while the other whispers the following prayer: 
 
 Our great Sun Father rises and comes forth from his night house. 
 My fathers, the beast gods of the six regions, arise, come forth. 
 
580 THE ZI'NI INDIANS [eth. ank.23 
 
 Addressing the ants they continue their prayers: 
 
 To you nt' the six regions whose homes rover the earth I give shells. 
 
 The two warriors now deposit their olive shells and the other two 
 the strings of shells at the apex of the ant-hill. 
 
 Yellow ant, blue ant, red ant. white ant. all color ant, black ant I" hu 
 
 we n hu we u hu we u hu we. 
 
 To you whose homes are covered with the mountain tops " I give shells — A'hayuta 
 
 yellow. A'hayuta blue, A'hayuta red, A'hayuta white, A'hayuta all color, A'hayuta 
 
 black.* 
 
 Rain-makers Bow priests, 'Si'klataaya, 'Kla'lawanni, Ku'plsbtaya. c 
 
 When we meet the enemy a little arrow storm wind will rise.'' 
 
 When we meet him on the road near by he will never more inhale the sacred 
 
 breath of day. 
 
 I inhale the sacred breath of day. 
 
 All come quickly, the enemy comes from ambush. A Navatao is killed, we inhale 
 
 the sacred breath of day. 
 
 They now discharge their rifles and, mounting, ride a few steps and 
 
 halt, when the spokesman at the ant-hill repeats Uh , then each 
 
 man fires one shot. Proceeding a few steps farther, they halt, and 
 
 the same man repeats Uh hawanawe'. when each one fires a 
 
 shot. Again they proceed a short distance and halt, when the same 
 
 man repeats Uh iwolokia', when they again fire one shot and, 
 
 advancing a few steps, they halt and the man repeats Uh Pa'wi 
 
 ash'kia, and again each tires a shot, and then they proceed direct to 
 the north side of the pueblo. 
 
 The victor and elder brother are side by side, each flanked by a 
 fellow. A great crowd has congregated to receive the party, whose 
 approach has been observed by the pa'mosona (scalp custodian), who, 
 facing the pa'sewikia. speaks: 
 
 You have met the enemy. He will nevermore inhale the sacred breath of day. 
 
 The war hoop (a'wakikapna) is now repeated four times by all. The 
 pa'mosona continues, addressing the populace: 
 
 The enemy is destroyed. Who will be our great father Bow priest? • 
 Who now is to become a Bow priest?.'' 
 
 Well! who will kick the scalp? His younger mother (elder aunt), his elder sister 
 (younger aunt). 
 
 Win. will wash the scalp? His younger father (elder uncle), his elder brother 
 younger uncle ). 
 Well! (said by pa'mosona i. Good! (said by all). 
 
 " The unexpressed idea is that the hemes of the (tods of War are roofed with mountain tops. The 
 permanent home of these gods is supposed to be in the crater of an extinct volcano. 
 
 b Reference to the Gods of War presiding over the six regions— yellow for the North, blue for the 
 West, red for the South, white for the East, all-color for the Zenith, and black for the Nadir. 
 
 -■ >Si'k1ahaya travels in the rain by day: 'Kiii'lawanni travels at night; lie has long hair (comet or 
 meteor); [Cu'plshtaya travels in tin- midst of fog. These celestial beings are mighty warriors. 
 
 •'Tie- unexpressed idea is that there will he a little wind of arrows, or. in other words, the air will 
 be filled with arrows. 
 
 Referring t" what member of the Bow priesthood will act as elder brother to the victor. 
 
 i Referring to one who has taken a scalp. 
 
•' * 
 
 
 < 
 o 
 
STEVENSON] a'PI ' T LASHIW ANN1 581 
 
 The war whoop is now given and they cry "teya" (more). After 
 the second and third war whoops they again cry "'teya." After the 
 fourth they cry "alth'nate" (a little more). The pa'mosona now expec- 
 torates upon a bit of cedar bark, waves it to the six regions, and 
 throws it upon the ground, and then the pa'sewikia retire to their 
 homes. 
 
 The victor and the warrior, who acts as elder brother, give each a 
 tiny vase tilled with rain water and a diminutive gourd dipper, which 
 were given them by the Kla'kwemosi, to the pa'mosona, apd about 3 
 o'clock the same afternoon the pa'mosona takes a piece of scalp, every 
 vestige of hair having long since disappeared, from the great pottery 
 vase (colored black) which remains permanently in the scalp house 
 (see plate cxxx)." "This vase was captured from the Navahos so long- 
 ago that no one's grandfather knows when/' Dividing the piece of 
 scalp in two, the pa'mosona proceeds on foot about 2 miles north of 
 the village to a sequestered spot surrounded by hillocks and ravines. 
 Here the two pieces of scalp are deposited, one of the vases of rain 
 water and a gourd being placed by the side of each. The pa'mosona 
 makes a small tire between them, and sprinkles an extensive circle of 
 meal, embracing the surrounding ridges symbolizing the enemy sitting 
 around the camp tire. Immediately upon the return of the pa'mosona 
 to the village, the victor and elder brother, with their bows and 
 arrows, hasten (on foot) to the place to make a reconnaissance. Dis- 
 covering the camp tire, one exclaims, "I think there is an enemy.'" 
 Each cuts a juniper twig, some 3 inches in length, from the top of the 
 tree with an archaic stone knife belonging to the elder brother Bow 
 priest. Four equilateral triangular cuts are made at the twig and it 
 is then snapped off. One now passes to the right arotnd the circle 
 of meal, the other to the left, and when on opposite sides they draw 
 their bows. The twig is held in the left hand while the arrow is shot. 
 Each shoots his arrow into one of the bits of the scalp. The arrow 
 is not removed, and the bit of scalp is placed in the toga, the shaft 
 passing over the region of the heart, the feathered ends touching the 
 chin. The juniper twig is also carried in the toga. The tiny vase of 
 water and the gourd are transported in the blanket, which is carefully 
 secured about the waist. 
 
 During the absence of the victor and the elder brother the pe'kwin 
 makes an excavation, about 8 inches square and 20 inches deep, on the 
 plain about 400 yards north of the village and directly south of where 
 the scalps are to be hoisted for the first time. A mound of loose earth 
 10 inches in diameter is now raised on each side of the excavation and 
 
 °The scalp house is a conical structure covered with earth, standing out on the plain several hun- 
 dred yards north of Zurii. It has been moved since the writer became acquainted with these people 
 to make room for the extension of the pueblo, corrals, etc. The mound opens at the apex and is 
 covered with a stone slab and several flat baskets, one upon the other. 
 
582 
 
 THK ZUNI INDIANS 
 
 [ETH. ANN. 23 
 
 iscovered with white meal. A line of meal extends eastward" from 
 i he excavation a distance of 9 feet. The line is crossed four times at 
 equal distances with meal. The pe'kwin now places two bits of yucca 
 in X form on each cross line, and on each of these X's is set a round Hat 
 stone, the stones being used to hold the yucca in place. The crossed 
 yucca indicates tracks of the chaparral cock to the house of the ant 
 (figure 34). ''This bird is valuable because he can convey messages, 
 and the enemy can not tell from his footprints whence he comes, for the 
 feet point both waj'S." The mounds are symbolic: of the homes of the 
 Gods of War and the square of the home of the ants at Shi'papolima.* 
 "Ants destroy the footprints of the Zunis from the eye of the enemy." 
 After the pe'kwin completes his work he returns to the village. The 
 victor and the elder brother soon approach over the plain, bearing 
 
 Fro. 34. — Excavation and meal mounds symbolic of Shi'papolima and homes of the Gods of War. 
 
 the divided scalp in their togas. When they come within 500 yards 
 of the village they remove the pieces of scalp from the arrows and 
 attach them to a slender pole 5 feet high, which the pa'mosona has 
 planted in the ground for the purpose, and the two take seats on the 
 ground about 6 feet north of the pole and facing the village, the victor 
 to the right of the elder brother. They busy themselves trimming 
 the juniper twigs which they have brought with them. These twigs 
 are twice the length from the tip of the middle ringer to the tip of the 
 thumb, the fingers extended. Here they sit for an hour. In the mean- 
 time the warriors and members of the Ant fraternity gather in a circle 
 near by. 
 
 Each warrior having prepared two prayer plumes to the Gods of War 
 and wrapped them together at the base, plants them on an ant-hill 
 
 aAccordillg l<> a prominent priest of Zufii, this meal line used to extend westward, so that the 
 people passed up toward the east, us Shi'papolima is in the east. 
 I' See p. 407. 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 a'pi' t lashiwanni 583 
 
 near by, before he joins the group. The victor takes a bit of red pig- 
 ment from a small buckskin medicine bag- and deposits it on a scrap 
 of paper and, removing the divided scalp from the pole, he and the 
 elder brother each bore a hole through the portion of scalp he holds 
 and draws a buckskin thong through it; then breaking off a bit of 
 the scalp each runs a thong through it and attaches it to the larger 
 piece. The two pieces of scalp are now tied to a juniper twig, a 
 fluffy eagle plume having been previously attached to each twig. The 
 bark is picked off the lower end of the twig the length of the four 
 ringers crosswise, and the red pigment is rubbed over the bared place. 
 The pa'mosona and his vice now appear and each one twirls juniper 
 bark in the faces of the victor and the elder brother, and going a 
 distance to the north they throw awaj' the bark. 
 
 During this time the warriors and the members of the Ant frater- 
 nity enjoy a social smoke. The arrival of the pe'kwin (sun priest), 
 the Shi'wanni of the West, and the elder brother Bow priest brings 
 the social gathering to a close. The latter presents to the victor and 
 elder brother each a reed cigarette colored red and so surrounded 
 with feathers of the eagle, t.urke}^, and birds of the six regions that 
 the reeds can not be seen. The cigarettes and plumes are afterward 
 offered by the victor and elder brother to the Gods of War. The 
 pe'kwin and the Shi'wanni of the West now stoop side by side, facing 
 north: the elder brother Bow priest faces them. The Shi'wanni of the 
 West removes from a corn husk a strip of cotton cloth less than 2 
 inches wide and a reed, colored black and filled with native tobacco. 
 He rolls the strip of cotton and then lights it by striking flint (this 
 being' a common way of furnishing light for cigarettes outdoors) and 
 hands the roll and reed to the pe'kwin, who lights the cigarette from 
 the burning cotton. A second cigarette is now lighted and the two 
 are smoked by the group. The remaining bits of the cigarettes are 
 placed in corn husks by the pe'kwin, who carries them later in the 
 evening to his home, and the following morning he takes them to the 
 ceremonial chamber of the Kla'kwemosi and there deposits them in a 
 large basket tray, where they remain eight daj's. These are afterward 
 attached to the images of U'yuj'ewi and Ma'sai'lema." 
 
 About 200 mounted men, wrapped in blankets and armed with 
 rifles and revolvers, and crowds of pedestrians gather around the meal- 
 covered mounds. The A'pi'lashiwanni and the Ant fraternity, pre- 
 ceded by the victor, his elder brother, and the elder brother Bow priest, 
 advance slowly and with measured steps to the meal mounds, singing 
 the following refrain, which is low and musical: 
 
 Ha' - ma. ha'"ma Shi'waij^u, shi'waiyu, wai'yu, wai'yu 
 
 Ha'-ma. ha''nia rain priests, rain priests, wai'yu, wai'yu 
 
 Wai'yuma hai"na yu'liwa yu'liwa hi hi hi hi hi 
 
 Wai'yuma hai''na coming, coining. 
 
 a See p. 597. 
 
584 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 The above is repeated four times a* the warriors and Ant fraternity 
 proceed. The idea is that the scalp is symbolic of the A'shiwanni 
 because it brings rains. As heretofore stated, it is the special duty of 
 the A'shiwanni to fast and pray for rains. 
 
 The Kla'kwemosi stands west of the excavation. The priest of the 
 po'nepoyanne or pa'ettone (the sacred fetish of the fraternity), clasp- 
 ing two pa'ettowe (plural for pa'ettone) to his breast, stands to the right 
 of the Kia'kwemosi, whose first associate is to his right. The remain- 
 der of the first body of A'shiwanni stand by in line. The i'tatononakwe 
 (scalp-kickers) arrive, and passing behind the warriors and around by 
 the north of the line of A'shiwanni to the west the}' take their positions 
 a short distance from the A'shiwanni. They wear their ordinary dress, 
 with white blankets bordered in red and blue over their shoulders. 
 The quill ends of two feathers of the chaparral cock — one an upper tail 
 feather and the other an under tail feather — have been crossed and 
 placed in line by their brothers in consanguinit}' between the second 
 and middle toes of the left foot, the tips of the plumes pointing toward 
 the foot, and the moccasins carefully drawn over. "The feathers give 
 courage, for knowledge and courage come from this bird, who is the 
 keeper of courage." After the girls reach the scene, the same brothers 
 tie similar but somewhat larger feathers to the left side of the head 
 with a strand of the hair and a cotton string alreadj' attached to the 
 plumes. The plumes must not be removed for four days. 
 
 Each i'tatonona holds in the right hand two prayer plumes and meal 
 wrapped in corn husks. The vice pa'mosono"kia" (female aid to the 
 scalp custodian) stands north of the meal line in a soiled cotton gar- 
 ment with a conventional black blanket about her shoulders.* The 
 four women mentioned are the only Zuni women present at this feature 
 of the ceremony. 
 
 The elder brother Bow priest now directs two youths to stand north 
 and south of the mounds and clasp each other's left hand with arms 
 raised over the excavation. The youth who stands on the north 
 side of the mound is of the Deer clan, the other of the Bear clan. 
 Each youth is led up the meal line to his place by the elder brother 
 Bow priest. The victor and tbe elder brother, stepping on the crossed 
 yucca, pass up the line of meal and under the clasped hands, each 
 carrying the cedar twig with the pieces of scalp and fluffy eagle plume 
 attached. As soon as they pass under the hands, the twigs are- 
 received by the pa'mosona and the aid, who afterward lay them on 
 the ground a short distance southwest of the mounds, and the priest 
 of the pa'ettowe clasps the victor to his breast while the Kia'kwemosi 
 
 a There was no pa'mosono''kla at this time, the former having been accused of witchcraft and 
 dismissed. 
 
 '■Women holding this office may be of any clan, but must have passed the child-bearing period, 
 for should a pa'mosono"kIa have an infant the deceased enemy would cause its death. Though the 
 appointment is (or life, tbe pa'mosono''kla is subject to impeachment. 
 
stevexson] A'Pl ' T LASHI WANNI 585 
 
 embraces the elder brother. The arms are placed around one another. 
 The two then reverse places and are embraced. Each time long 
 prayers are repeated by the two priests, and the victor and the elder 
 brothei- pray and are afterward embraced by the remaining- A'shi- 
 wanni. The two i'tatononakwe place their left arms through the 
 right of the victor and the elder brother. The victor and an i'tato- 
 nona visit one ant-hill, the other couple another ant-hill, both hills 
 being- near the meal mounds, and plant their prayer plumes at the 
 apexes of the hills. The sticks of the women are colored black and 
 are offered to the rain-makers, while those of the men are red and are 
 offered to the Gods of War for the destruction of the enemy. Each 
 woman divides the prayer meal she carries with her companion and 
 the two sprinkle it over the plumes and ant-hills. The women do not 
 speak, as a woman not past the child-bearing- age must not speak at 
 the house of the ants on this occasion. The men pray aloud and 
 deposit the prayer plumes. The elder brother Bow priest is the third 
 to proceed up the meal line, and by his request the writer follows 
 him. When all the warriors have passed over the meal line and under 
 the hands, the populace follow, the equestrians dismounting for the 
 purpose. "They step over the sacred road of meal to the home of the 
 ants, that they may keep their lives when passing about the country 
 or contending with the enemy." The first body of A'shiwanni and 
 priest of the pa'ettowe are exempt from this feature of the ceremo- 
 nial, as their place is at home and not amid the dangers of travel and 
 war. When all have passed over the meal line, the pa'mosona 
 deposits he'we (wafer bread) as a food offering to the ants in the exca- 
 vation, and destroys the mounds by running his left foot over them 
 and drawing the earth into the opening. 
 
 After the deposition of the plume offerings on the ant-hills the party 
 returns to the group and all pass on to the village. The i'tatononakwe, 
 who must not look to the right or the left, start the scalps with the 
 left foot and so keep them before them, never using the right foot for 
 this purpose. The victor and the elder brother follow after the i'tato- 
 nonakwe, and the elder brother Bow priest precedes the Ant fraternity 
 and the A'pr'lashiwanni, who follow a short distance in the rear. 
 The scalp custodian, his aid, and the vice pa'mosono"kia come next, 
 and after them the populace, some on foot and others mounted, making 
 the air ring with rifle and pistol shots and the war whoop. Each 
 person, except the scalp-kickers, carries a bit of cedar bark in the left 
 hand. 
 
 The worst element in their barbaric nature seems to be aroused. If 
 the mere dramatization produces such frenzy, what must have been the 
 scenes when the victor in reality returned from battle with scalps of. 
 the hated Navaho! 
 
586 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bth. ann. 23 
 
 The village Is encircled four times from right to left, coil fashion," 
 until they find themselves within the te'wita 'hlan'na (large plaza), 
 where they are joined by women and children, and all form into four 
 concentric circles. 
 
 The scalp-kickers lift from the ground with the left hand the twigs 
 to which the scalps are attached and wave them before handing them 
 to the pa'mosona. who stands facing west. As soon as the pa'mosona 
 receives the twigs, the elder brother Bow priest approaches, and the 
 pa'mosona picks off a bit of scalp and attaches it to the arrow of the 
 elder brother Bow priest, who afterward passes around the inner circle 
 four times from left to right. The first time around he runs his 
 arrow over the ankles of the men and women as he passes; the second 
 time, he draws it above their knees; the third time, it is drawn by the 
 waist; the fourth time, over the head, that their hearts may be pure 
 and know no fear. Each time as he reaches the starting point all 
 present expectorate upon the cedar bark and carry it around the head 
 four times from left to right for physical purification, the elder brother 
 Bow priest waving his arrow held in the right hand at the same time. 
 After the fourth movement all males give the war whoop and the elder 
 brother Bow priest shoots the arrow containing the bit of scalp to the 
 north, the home of the hated Navaho. At this hour the plaza and 
 Indians are bathed in moonlight, and the scene, though barbaric, is 
 most picturesque. 
 
 After the shooting of the arrow, symbolic of the destruction of the 
 enemy, the pa'mosona and his aid attach the bits of scalp to a pole 
 about 20 feet long, which has rested against the crumbling wall of the 
 old Catholic Church; it is then planted in an excavation previous^ 
 made for it in the center of the plaza by the pa'mosona, his vice, the 
 victor, and the elder brother (see plate cxxxi). This pole must not 
 be touched after it is hoisted. The victor and the elder brother, who 
 must not be touched by another after the hoisting of the pole, 
 alternate in keeping guard over it until the crowd disperses for 
 refreshment. 
 
 The first body of A'shiwanni and others return to their homes. The 
 members of the Bow priesthood, with the victor and scalp-kickers, 
 after again passing four times around the village coil fashion, 
 adjourn to their ceremonial chamber, where a feast is served. Later 
 the populace gather around the scalp pole and dance throughout 
 the night. The scalp dance is repeated twelve nights, and is under 
 the very shadow of the old church erected by the Spanish invaders 
 two hundred years ago with the hope of bringing these people to the 
 Christian faith. None are too aged and few too young to participate 
 
 nThecoil; often lventionalized ■ i ■ t< • the square by the Zufiis, the significance of which they care- 
 fully conceal, is their seal, and " wherever found it surely indicates that the A'shiwi have passed that 
 way and were at one time the owners of the land." 
 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXI 
 
 SCALP POLE IN CENTER OF PLAZA 
 
stevenson] a'pI ' T LASH1 W ANNI 587 
 
 in this dance and song' of rejoicing for the destruction of the enenvy. 
 Young children are led to the dance by their mothers, who otter 
 prayers to the Gods of War to give the lives of the enemy to the Zunis. 
 Occasionally a wish is expressed that the Navahos, who are celebrated 
 among the Indians of that section for their tine peach orchards, may 
 eat peaches enough to kill them. 
 
 The victor must not touch animal food, grease, or salt for ten days, 
 and his food must be cold, for should hot food be taken at this time 
 he would become corpulent — something- the Zunis aim to avoid; yet 
 the women, at least many of them, become so with age. For the 
 same period he must observe continence, by command of the Gods of 
 War. His elder brother and the scalp-kickers must observe this fast 
 four days. The victor and scalp-kickers remain as far as possible 
 from the fireplace, though only embers rest on the hearth." They 
 do not remove any part of their clothing during the four nights, not 
 even the moccasins. The victor and his elder brother must not smoke 
 for four days, and they, with the scalp-kickers, must not be touched 
 by another or receive anything- directly from the hands of another for 
 the same period, the superstition being that death would result from 
 disobedience of this edict. 
 
 The first four nights are spent by the victor, the elder brother, and 
 the two scalp-kickers in the ceremonial chamber, when the men must 
 remain apart from the women and not speak to them. Each night the 
 warriors assemble and sing and brandish the war club, the victor 
 joining in the songs. Some say the original clubs were thrown from 
 the heavens by Mo'yachun 'hlan'na (Great star), warrior of the heavens. 
 
 The victor and members of the Bow priesthood each prepare eight 
 prayer plumes as offerings to the Gods of War, the second morning, 
 the victor and elder brother making theirs in the ceremonial house of 
 the Bow priesthood, while the other wai'riors prepare theirs in their 
 dwellings. The prayer plumes are joined in couples, and the following 
 morning deposited on ant-hills at the four cardinal points. Similar 
 ones are made on the fifth day and planted on ant-hills, and on the 
 eleventh day they are duplicated and likewise deposited. 
 
 On the fifth day the elder brother of the victor stands by the scalp 
 pole six consecutive hours, and when he desires to depart the crowd 
 endeavors to prevent him. He finalty gets awa} r by promising to 
 bring something good to the plaza, and when he returns with meat 
 and melons there is great scrambling. The kiep'yatonanne (war pouch) 
 of buckskin, originally from apparel of the enemy, is made by the elder 
 brother of the victor on the fifth day. One braid of three strips of buck- 
 skin and three braids of two strips each are made and sewed in parallel 
 lines close together upon a strip of cotton cloth. The ends of the 
 
 "These men have a superstitious dread of being near the fire at this time. 
 
f>SS THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 
 
 strips are attached to a roll or stuffed piece of buckskin about 9 inches 
 long- and 2£ inches in diameter in the center, the ends tapering, and 
 an arrow point is attached where they are fastened to the strap on 
 each side. (When a second enemy is scalped the same number of 
 braids of buckskin, with the same number of strips in each, are added, 
 the cotton strip being broadened sufficiently. For the scalping of the 
 third enemy two arrow points are attached to the band, each about 4£ 
 inches from either end of the strap. On the scalping of a fourth 
 enemy two more arrow points are added on opposite ends, about the 
 same distance as the two former are from the end of the strap. After 
 scalping a fifth enemy, two more arrow points are added, the same 
 distance apart on opposite ends of the strap, when the arrows nearly 
 meet midway of the strap. No more are added after the placing 
 of the eight arrow points, the warrior having received the highest 
 honors.) The band passes over the shoulder, the pouch hanging at 
 the waist. A twisted wristlet is formed of two buckskin thongs, also 
 originally from apparel of the enemy with olive shells strung on them. 
 The kem'poyanne, a skullcap of perforated buckskin with a full tuft 
 of hawk plumes, is another badge of office. 
 
 The fifth morning the scalp-kicker and his aid bathe the entire body 
 of the victor, when his blood-stained hands are washed for the first 
 time since the scalping. The water used must be cold, and he must 
 remain away from the tire during the bathing. At noon on the fifth 
 day the pu'panakw T e — a body of eight singers, who may be of any 
 clan, chosen for life by the elder brother Bow priest to serve the 
 fraternity at this ceremonial — form into two choirs, four men in each 
 group, at each end of the long ceremonial chamber of the Bow, the 
 choir for U'yuyewi (elder God of War) sitting at the east end and that 
 for Ma'sai'lema (younger God of War) sitting at the west. Each 
 choir is provided with an archaic pottery drum, vase-shaped, cream- 
 colored, and decorated, and a hooped drumstick. One of these sticks 
 has a zigzag line denoting lightning running up the handle. These 
 particular drumsticks are in the keeping of the pa'mosona, and are 
 supposed to be the original ones used at Han"lipinkia. A man of each 
 choir acts as director, his hand serving the purpose of a baton, and 
 another as drummer. The pa'mosona presides over the choir of 
 U'yuyewi and his vice over that of Ma'sai'lema. These epic songs 
 are ancient and no innovations must be introduced. The pa'mosona 
 and his vice are kept busy for a time gathering together ha'shiva 
 (shakers; from ha'shi to shake). 
 
 A sufficient number of girls having arrived, the dance begins. 
 Four girls, having removed the pi'toni (cotton piece which hangs over 
 the shoulders), stand before the choirs, two at one end of the room and 
 two before the choir at the other end. These girls ma} 7 be married 
 or single. They wear the usual black woven dress, with their necks 
 
stbyessos] a'pi' t lashiwanni 589 
 
 and limbs bare; also a red belt, a string- of silver beads around the 
 neck, and silver bangles. The hair is done up in the usual manner. 
 The dancers at the east end stand upon a rectangular wooden slab, 
 S feet in length and 15 inches wide, laid in the floor, facing the choir, 
 with their feet close together, their arms hanging and their hands 
 clasped. Those at the west end have similar positions. 
 
 While the choirs pray, the drummer at the east end of the room 
 gives one loud stroke upon his drum, which is returned by a stroke 
 from the other drummer, in obedience to the command given at Han'- 
 'lipinkia." that the beings who appeared from below the earth at that 
 time shall hear and be present. The drummer at the east end now 
 begins an accompaniment to the song, which is low and slow during 
 the first stanza, the girls keeping time by motions with the knees and 
 arms. After a minute there is another single stroke at the east end, 
 which is returned by the drummer at the west, and the song and 
 dance begin in earnest. The girls at once turn and face the room. 
 The two at the west end extend their right upper arms outward and 
 the right lower arms upward, their left arms are extended slightly for- 
 ward, and hang. The arms of the girls at the east end are reversed, 
 their right arms pointing downward, their upper left arms upward, as 
 they begin. The positions of the arms are constantly reversed during 
 the dance. 
 
 The pa'mosona, who stands north of the line of dancers in the east 
 end of the room, wears cotton trousers and shirt, with a red blanket 
 around him. The vice pa'mosona, who is attired in much the same 
 fashion, and the vice pa'ttiosono'^kia, wearing her usual dress, including 
 moccasins, with black blanket, stand north of the line of dancers at 
 the west end of the room. Each of the three and each member of the 
 choir holds a bit of cedar bark in the left hand. 
 
 The girls dance from south to north and back, sidewise, in unison 
 with the choir. At certain portions of the song, where the Gods of 
 War are appealed to to destroy the enemy, the cedar bark is spit upon 
 and carried around the head four times from left to right, when all 
 expectorate. When the dancers retire, no set remaining longer than 
 ten minutes on the floor, they return to their seats on the north or 
 south side of the chamber, when they immediately put on the pi'toni 
 and moccasins, and other girls till their places. The choirs pray each 
 time the change is made and after the dancers take their positions. 
 This dance closes at half past 1 o'clock in the afternoon, and the 
 pa'mosona and his vice place the drums side by side in the center of 
 the chamber. Removing the hide, they take from the inside of each 
 drum two chaparral cock feathers, diagonally crossed, and two pieces 
 of yucca leaf crossed in the same fashion, indicating the footprints of 
 the bird, and hold them in their left hands with the cedar bark while 
 
 a See p. 36. 
 
590 THE ZUNI INDIANS [Era. ANN. 23 
 
 they pray, when they are returned to the drums, where they remain 
 throughout the ceremonial. The hide covers are laid loosely upon the 
 drums, which are placed in the northeast corner of the room, behind 
 the line of mills on which the family grain is ground. This chamber, 
 as well as all other ceremonial chambers, is used b}' the family of the 
 house when not set apart for ceremonial purposes. 
 
 The 'si'hakoshona'kwe receive the scalps about 3 o'clock in the after- 
 noon of the fifth day from the pa'mosona, who, assisted by his vice, 
 removes them from the pole. The scalps remain attached to the cedar 
 twigs, with the fluffy eagle feathers in place. The pole, which is not 
 scaled but uprooted for the purpose of removing the scalps, is stood 
 against the wall of the church until the scalps shall be again attached. 
 The scalp-washers and their fellows are elaborately attired. The leg 
 of one pair of trousers is red, the other yellow, a broad tuck extend- 
 ing down the side, each tuck being ornamented with three large medal- 
 lions of gilt paper. Another pair has one yellow leg, the other a 
 large plaid of yellow, black, and brown, with similar tucks and medal- 
 lions. The other two wear velveteen trousers. The four wear black 
 native woven shirts trimmed in red and green ribbons. The two 
 'si'hakoshona'kwe wear women's white blankets, bordered in red and 
 blue, folded, and tied over the shoulder. The hair is done up in the 
 common knot in the back, parted over the head, and looped and tied 
 with red and green .ribbons at the sides. All wear the kem'poyanne 
 and each has a streak of micaceous hematite across the right eyelid and 
 under the eye, indicating officership. 
 
 The 'si'hakoshona'kwe, each with his fellow (one, with his fellow, 
 must be of the clan of the victor's father, the other, with his fellow, of 
 the clan of the father of the warrior who assists as the victor's elder 
 brother), proceed abreast to a secluded spot on the river bank a mile 
 or so west of the village, where they bathe the scalps in yucca suds, a 
 cavity being made in the earth to serve as a basin. The scalps are 
 afterward rubbed with kaolin, for rain, and a bit of the scalp is taken 
 into the mouth, that the Zunis may have brave hearts and that the Gods 
 of War will empower them to destroy the enemy. " Should the vic- 
 tor possess a good heart, the killing of the enemy brings much rain." 
 
 The 'si'hakoshona'kwe return to the ceremonial chamber at the close 
 of the dancing of the ha'shiya. Before the} r enter, the cedar twigs with 
 the scalps are placed over the door between the adobe wall and the 
 lintel. They approach the A'pi"lashiwanni, who stand in a group to 
 receive them. After the reception they all smoke commercial tobacco, 
 and after the smoke one of the 'si'hakoshona'kwe beats upon one of 
 the drums, while the others sing, in a short time the newly appointed 
 pa'mosono'ida. wearing ordinary dress, arrives, followed by two o'tai- 
 lasho'nakwe (dancing girls) in the conventional black gown; but they 
 are afterward elaborately attired, one by the victor and the other by 
 
stevexson] A 'm ' T LASHIWANNI 591 
 
 the elder brother to the victor, each with a white embroidered kilt 
 tied across the shoulders, necklaces of precious beads, and hanks of 
 native blue yarn around the wrists hanging in tassels. The vice 
 pa'mosono'iua and the two "si'hakoshona'kwe take seats on the north 
 lodge and near the west end of the room. A number of ha'shiya now 
 return, having added to tlieir dress a white blanket bordered in blue 
 and red. 
 
 When all is ready the 'si'hakoshona'kwe with their fellows leave the 
 chamber abreast, and removing the cedar twigs from over the door- 
 way carry them with their bows and arrows in their left hands; each 
 has a single arrow in the right hand. They proceed a few steps and 
 wait for the remainder of the party, which is not long in appearing. 
 The elder brother Bow priest follows after the scalp-washers, the 
 victor and his elder brother come next, and then the other warriors in 
 couples, followed by the vice pa'mosona (the pa'mosona having pre- 
 ceded the party to the te'wita "blan'na (large plaza), and two o'tailasho'- 
 nakwe and the ha'shiya. Each couple on emerging from the chamber 
 separates, and two lines are thus formed. The ha'shiya join in the 
 lines, while the two o'tailasho'nakwe dance back and forth between 
 the lines to the music of the song and drum. The drum is of wood, 
 the ends covered with hide. 
 
 As the procession advances to the plaza it is joined by several girls 
 from 6 to 10 years of age, placed there by their mothers, who are quite 
 as enthusiastic as the men. The enthusiasm, however, does not reach 
 its height until the plaza is entered and the pole with the scalp attached 
 has been raised by the pa'mosona and his vice. While the scalp is being 
 tied to the pole, the elder brother Bow priest cries to the crowds on the 
 house tops and in the plaza to join in the dance. After the placing of 
 the pole the pa'mosona and his aid stand close by it and pray. The 
 party from the ceremonial chamber dance around the pole for an hour 
 in two concentric circles, facing each other, while the o'tailasho'nakwe 
 dance between them, and the drummer stands near the pole. When 
 this party leaves the plaza a small circle is formed around the pole, the 
 drummer now standing within the circle, which must never be entirely 
 closed, but is gradually increased as the populace of both sexes and 
 all ages join in the dance, which continues throughout the night, until 
 the plaza seems one mass of motion. There are no other dances in 
 the plaza on the fifth day, and the only dancing on the sixth da}' is 
 by the populace around the scalp pole, but the A'pi"lashiwanni sing 
 in the ceremonial chamber until midnight. 
 
 On the seventh day the ha'shiya dancing begins in the ceremonial 
 house at 2 o'clock and closes at 3. Afterward all pass from the cere- 
 monial chamber to the plaza, led by the elder brother Bow priest. 
 The pu'panakwe carry their pottery drums and group on the east and 
 west sides of the te'wita 'hlan'na. one party representing U'yuyewi 
 
592 THE ZUNI INDIANS [etb. ank. 23 
 
 and the other Ma'sai'lema. Two ha'shiya dance before each choir. 
 Those who are to represent the side of the younger God of War are 
 attired by young men designated for the purpose in a house on the 
 west side of the plaza, and those for the. other side in the ceremonial 
 house of the priest of 'su"hlan'na (great shell), on the north side, of 
 the plaza. The pu'mokiakianawe (hatchet-bearers) also dance in the 
 plaza. The ha'shiya repeat their dancing on the eighth day in the 
 ceremonial chamber and in the plaza. On the same day members of 
 the Eagle elan assemble in a large room of one of the clan to prepare 
 corn meal and flour. 
 
 The corn and wheat to be consumed by the A'pi a l;ishiwanni during 
 this ceremonial is the gift of the father of the victor, who belongs to 
 the Eagle clan, the victor himself being a member of the Turkey clan. 
 The girls and younger women of the clan do the grinding and remove 
 the corn from the cob, while the crones toast the corn after it has 
 passed through the coarser mill. The grinding is done to the accom- 
 paniment of a drum and a choir of five young male singers. An 
 elaborate feast is served to the party of workers after midday. At 
 sunset the corn meal and flour are carried to the house of the victor, 
 where each grinder is presented by the hostess with a large bowl of 
 hot stew or basket of bread, which she carries to her home. (Plate 
 cxxxn shows the girls returning home with bowls of food.) The same 
 afternoon the o'tailasho'nakwe dance, first before the house of the 
 elder brother Bow priest, then around the village, and finally in the 
 te'wita 'hlan'na, the dancers being in single file and proceeding like a 
 great serpent. It is designated b} T the writer the meander dance. 
 This dance is for the destruction of the enemy. 
 
 On the ninth day the, elder brother Bow priest grinds bits of shell 
 and turquoise beads to be offered to the Gods of War. Afterward he 
 joins the A'pi"lashiwanni in the ceremonial chamber, when the ha'shiya 
 again dance from 2 until 3 o'clock. After the dance the pa'mosona 
 and vice pray over the drums, as before described, but only one. drum 
 is now opened, and it is afterward placed in the northeast corner of 
 the room. The other drum is carried to the plaza, to which place 
 the pa'mosona and vice and the vice pa'mosono'ida hasten. Seven 
 pu'panakwe are seated on a ledge in front of the house, on the west of 
 the te'wita 'hlan'na, and one takes his seat on a chair and the drum is 
 placed beside him (see plate cxxxin). They all smoke while they 
 await the hour for the dance. 
 
 Eight girls, four for each side, to take part in the pu'mokiakianawe 
 dance, gather in the house on the west side of the plaza and in the 
 house of the priest of t su"hlan'na, where many necklaces, etc., are 
 added to their already elaborate apparel. The girls wear, in addition 
 to the pi'toni, white blankets bordered in red and blue, and over these 
 
 "A description ol this dance will lie given hereafter. 
 
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stevexsot;] a'pI ' t LASH I W ANNI 593 
 
 bright-colored shawls of foreign manufacture. The four girls in the 
 house of the priest of e su"hlan'na are led to the entrance of the plaza 
 at the northeast street by the pa'mosona, and the four girls in the 
 other house are led to the southwest covered way by the vice pa'mo- 
 sona, two men of the pu'moklakianawe awaiting each set of girls. 
 The party at the northeast corner represents U'yuyewi, and that, at 
 the southwest corner Ma'sai'lema. As has been stated, "the Sun 
 Father relegated all land north of the road of day to U'yuyewi, and 
 all south to Ma'sai'lema." 
 
 The pa'mosona and his aid and the vice pa'mosono"kia have seats 
 on the ledge at the south end of the line of pu'panakwe; the warrior 
 of the Ant fraternity, the victor, and the elder brother sit on raised 
 >eats around the drum. The most aged member of the Bow stands by 
 a ladder north of the group, holding his war club. The pa'mosona 
 rises and sprinkles meal over the top of the drum and hooped drum- 
 stick which lies upon it, and offers a lengthy prayer for rain. He 
 afterward lights a cigarette of corn husk tilled with native tobacco, 
 and drawing the smoke he puffs it into the meal on the drum, holding 
 his mouth very close, and again prays for rain. The choir and those 
 about it. the vice pa'tnosono'^kia excepted, smoke similar cigarettes. 
 The warrior of the Ant fraternity repeats the puffing of the smoke 
 over the meal and prays. The others wave their cigarettes in the 
 direction of the drum, and the music begins. 
 
 The warriors of the Ant fraternity, the victor, and the elder brother 
 join in the song, keeping time with their war clubs. The dancers start 
 with the beginning of the music, each side having been joined by two 
 warriors wearing ordinary cotton clothing, moccasins, and the war 
 pouch. Two of the warriors have the kem'poyanne; the others wear 
 red silk bandas around their heads. Each carries a war club in his 
 left hand. The two male pu'moklakianawe on the side of the warriors 
 wearing the keni'poj'anne have white embroidered kilts fastened at the 
 right side, a white cotton fringed sash passing around the waist and 
 looped at the right side, and a fox skin pendent at the back. Strings 
 of black stone archaic beads and shell beads pass over the right shoul- 
 der and under the left arm; hanks of native blue yarn are worn 
 around the neck and w T rists, hanging in tassels; silk bandas adorn the 
 head, in addition to two eagle tail feathers standing from a heavy 
 aigret of hawk feathers at the back. The hair is done up in the con- 
 ventional knot. The white cotton trousers are tucked in the leather 
 leggings, and moccasins are worn. The hands are colored pink, and 
 the chin is painted in vertical lines in the same color. The two pu'mo- 
 klakianawe on the other side are dressed in similar fashion, one, 
 however, wearing an elaborate buckskin shirt trimmed with fringes 
 and triple rows of silver buttons; he wears no banda. Each carries a 
 23 eth— 04 38 
 
594 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.2S 
 
 wooden hatchet in his left hand, with a lock of horsehair hanging from 
 the end of the handle symbolic of a scalp. 
 
 The pu'mokiakianawe start simultaneously from the diagonal cor- 
 ners of the plaza in couples, the women alternating with the pu'mo- 
 kiakianawe and the warriors. The women extend their left hands 
 to the hacks of the men, indicating that the Navahos have fled. In 
 this way the two parties reach the center of the plaza west of the 
 scalp pole. On meeting, the couples from the southwest corner sep- 
 arate, allowing the others to pass between the lines. The moment 
 they separate the men transfer their war clubs and hatchets to the 
 right hand, and the women use their right hands instead of their 
 left, indicating, "Go, Navahos; the Zunis have no fear." The two 
 parties cross to the opposite sides, and after going just outside the 
 plaza, the leaders separate; turning outward, and pass around toward 
 the plaza, and return to it. When midway, those belonging to the 
 northeastern entrance separate into two files, allowing the other 
 couples to pass between them. This figure is repeated four times. 
 The last time an innovation occurs which causes general merriment 
 among the mass of spectators. Two men appear just behind the 
 dancers from the southwest covered way, as United States troops 
 after the Zunis, one wearing high boots, light-blue army overcoat, and 
 black felt hat; the other, blue army trousers, fatigue army coat, and 
 gray felt hat. The first carries a gun, and the second a pick and a 
 stick of wood. The two remain with the dancers until the close of the 
 dance. 
 
 The warriors lead in the next figure. They start out in couples 
 from opposite sides of the plaza as described, but soon separate, those 
 from the southwest corner passing up the west and east sides of the 
 plaza, and those from the other side separating and passing imme- 
 diately inside the lines of the other party. On reaching the middle of 
 the plaza the left hand is changed, as before, for the right; on reach- 
 ing the corners the separated couples come together, each couple pass- 
 ing down between the lines exactly as the figure is danced in the 
 Virginia reel, and they cross to the other side of the plaza. This 
 figure is repeated four times. The step in each is a sort of quick pace. 
 As soon as the song ceases the choirs join in prayer, which grows 
 louder and louder, but the voices are never raised above moderate 
 tones. 
 
 The pu'mokiakianawe are scarcely out of the plaza when one of the 
 governor's aids cries out to the people to dance around the scalp pole, 
 calling for some one to bring a drum. The pottery drum is never 
 used for this dance. Twelve young men are soon gathered around 
 the pole, the drummer standing outside the small circle, which rapidly 
 increases to large proportions. The step is slow and regular as they 
 pass from left to right. By 9 o'clock at night concentric circles fill 
 
stevensos] A I'I' T LASHIWANNI 595 
 
 the plaza, the air resounds with songs and war whoops, and the 
 excitement is great. On the tenth day the o'tailasho'nakwe dance. 
 
 On the eleventh day the ha'shiya dance in the chamber on the west 
 side of the plaza, and afterwards in the plaza itself, when they wear 
 for the tirst time the elaborate dress and the spread-eagle tail upon 
 their heads. 
 
 The o'tulasho'nakwe is repeated on the eleventh day. The men are 
 dressed elaborately. The leader of the dance carries a spear having- a 
 handle about 6 feet long, with an aigret of raven plumes and a single 
 eagle tail feather attached where the spear joins the handle. All who 
 can by any means secure a gun or pistol carry it, while others less 
 fortunate carry hatchets and hammers. The girls wear black gowns, 
 white blankets bordered in red and blue, white buckskin moccasins, and 
 leggings, the hair being done up in the usual manner. Both men and 
 women have bead necklaces in profusion. This dance begins before 
 5 o'clock in the afternoon, in the house of the elder brother Bow 
 priest, and the dancers afterward form a square before his house; 
 then they begin the meander figure, advancing almost imperceptibly 
 with a hop step, raising the foot but slightly from the ground. Only 
 the men sing; the women extend their arms out and bent slightly 
 upward from the elbow, and move them with a kind of shake which 
 seems to be caused by the motion of the body- The men now and 
 then, at the proper time in the song, gracefully extend the right arm 
 as they sing for the enemy to be destroyed. There is one variation in 
 this dance. All turn simultaneously to the left, and as they do so 
 they bend the left side, and keeping the feet close together move 
 three steps sidewise to the right, emphasizing each step with the voice. 
 This is varied by bending to the right and taking three steps to the 
 left. These figures are repeated as they proceed through the village. 
 
 The drummer is west of the sixty-one dancers, who present a most 
 brilliant picture. As they enter the narrow street they straighten out 
 in single file, passing through the eastern covered way to the Si'aa' 
 te'wita. the sacred dance court, and thence on to the northwest corner 
 of the village, dancing for a time before the house of the Shi'wanni 
 of the East, who lives on the west side of the village, where they 
 repeat the meander figure; they then pass in single file to the plaza 
 beyond, where they dance. Again they straighten out in single file and 
 enter the narrow street leading to the western covered way; thence 
 to the large plaza, where great crowds of spectators have gathered, 
 including about lift} - equestrians. 
 
 The o'tailasho'nakwe disperse at dusk, and the pu'mokiakianawe 
 come by the northeast and southwest entrances to the plaza. The 
 party from the northeast is halfway across the plaza when those 
 from the opposite side appear. They advance facing each other in 
 
596 THE ZTJNI INDIANS [ETH. ann. 23 
 
 two lines, fifty in each line, afterward dancing sidewise across the 
 plaza. This party is hilarious, and the song is quite different from 
 that of the previous dance. Men. women, and children of both sexes 
 and all ages form the motley crowd. All the men carry either bows 
 and arrows, guns, or pistols, and there is an incessant firing, which 
 seems to delight even the youngest dancers, who never flinch at the 
 report of the firearms. After crossing the plaza they pass around the 
 scalp pole, forming two broken opposing circles (the drummer keeping 
 within the inner circle), and dance around the pole. The firearms 
 and clubs are brandished, and the drumming and singing never cease 
 during the dance. A number of dancers leave the plaza by the west- 
 ern covered way for the west side of the village, where one of their 
 number fires a gun and all run up the street they have just passed 
 down, fleeing, as the}' say, from the fire of the Navaho; and they are 
 derided by the spectators for being cowards. When this dance is over 
 a crier calls to the populace to come close around the pole and dance, 
 and there is a scramble for places, the young children being as eager 
 as their elders to be first at the pole. The circle soon grows to be 
 very large, and the dance continues until dawn. 
 
 The first body of A'shiwanni prepare prayer plumes on the eleventh 
 day in the ceremonial chamber of the Kia'kwernosi, each making- 
 four. The Shi'wanni of the Nadir, as elder brother Bow priest, makes 
 four additional offerings to the Gods of War, and the younger brother 
 Bow priest also makes four to these gods. The sticks of all these 
 prayer plumes are the length from the metacarpus to the tip of the 
 second finger and taper at the upper end. The first feather is attached 
 about 2 inches from the top. When the plumes are to project abruptly 
 from the side of the plume stick, the quill ends are softened by placing 
 them in the mouth. The cotton cord which binds the plumes to the sticks 
 is fastened in a buttonhole loop. The black paint used to color the 
 sticks offered to the Gods of War is taken from an archaic cup hol- 
 lowed out of a piece of wood. After the prayer plumes to be offered 
 by the elder and younger brother Bow priests to the Gods of War are 
 completed, the younger brother Bow priest rubs the lower portion of 
 the feathers on a red paint stone, the dry color adhering to the plumes. 
 The la'showawe (plumes attached to cotton cord) are also rubbed with 
 the dry color, after which the elder brother Bow priest removes an 
 olive shell from his war bracelet and hands it to the younger brother, 
 who strings it on his la'showanne; the elder brother, removing a 
 second shell, attaches it to the cord of his own la'showanne, and each 
 ties his la'showanne to the topmost plume (an eagle tail feather) of a 
 prayer plume. All the plumes used are from male birds. 
 
 Upon completion of the prayer plumes, each shi'wanni wraps his 
 own in a corn husk, tying it with a thread of yucca. The pe'kwin (sun 
 
stevekson] a'pi' t lashiwanni 597 
 
 priest) uses a greater variety of feathers than the others, for he adds the 
 plumes of the birds of the six regions that are specially associated with 
 his office. After the Kia'kwemosi completes his prayer plumes, he 
 adds fresh plumes to two long-necked gourds, each gourd being pro- 
 vided with a sprinkler (a reed about, 12 inches long and i inch in diam- 
 eter). Four white fluffy eagle plumes are attached equidistant around 
 the upper edge of a white cotton cord netting, which covers a portion 
 of the bulb of the gourd, and a la'showanne of the same plumes is tied 
 near the upper end of each sprinkler. These jugs are afterward placed 
 on the meal painting in the chamber of the A'pi"lashi\vanni and are 
 carried in a later ceremony by the 'kia'punakwe (water-bearers or 
 sprinklers). 
 
 The wood idols of the Gods of War are completed on the eleventh 
 day. U'yuyewi is made by the aged member of the Deer clan (see 
 plate xix), and his batons and games are made at the same time and 
 place by two other members of this clan. Ma'sai'lema and his appoint- 
 ments are made by three members of the Bear clan in the house of the 
 man who carves the image." During the afternoon, after the com- 
 pletion of the images, the warriors, independently of one another, go 
 to the two houses and deposit two prayer plumes in upright position 
 in the yucca belt around each image. 
 
 At sunset the maker of the image of the younger God of War, 
 accompanied by two members of his clan bearing the staffs and games 
 of Ma'sai'lema, carries the image, hidden under his blanket, to the 
 house of the maker of U'yuyewi, and stands it on the floor near the 
 north end of the room, some 3 feet south of the other image, both 
 effigies facing east. Other prayer plumes are added, and finally the 
 idols are almost wholly obscured by the plumes. The images are 
 guarded until midnight by men of the two clans, appointed, respect- 
 ively, by the elder and the younger brother Bow priest, when they with 
 their belongings are taken to the ceremonial chamber of the warriors- 
 by those who fashioned them and the men designated to cany the para- 
 phernalia. They are received separately by the pe'kwin (sun priest) 
 with great ceremony, and stood beside the meal painting, previously 
 made by him on the floor in the west end of the room. 
 
 The idol of the elder God of War is stood on the northwest corner 
 of the painting, that of the younger on the southwest corner, the para- 
 phernalia of each idol being placed by its side and just behind it. Six- 
 plume wands in clay holders extend in line before each image. The 
 two nearest the image of U'yuyewi have their sticks colored red, and 
 are offerings to the Gods of War to destroy the enemies of the world; 
 
 a These images are made only at the time of initiation and at the winter solstice. It is stated in the 
 winter solstice ceremonies that wood of a pine tree struck by lightning is selected for the former 
 occasion, and Cottonwood is used on the latter, to bring rain. 
 
598 THK ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ash. 23 
 
 the other four are colored Mack, and are offered to the deceased war- 
 riors for rains. Those before Ma'sai'lema have their sticks colored 
 For the six regions, the one nearest the image being yellow, the fol- 
 lowing blue, then red, white, all color, and black, for the destruction 
 of the enemies of the six regions. 
 
 Three po'nepoyanne," two belonging to the A.'pi"lashiwanni and one 
 to the priest of Whlan'na,* are bound together at the base with red 
 flannel and stood on the meal line, extending from the cloud symbol, 
 and the Whlan'na is placed near it on the line. The et'tone of the 
 Kia'kwemosi, covered in its blanket of native cotton and wrapped with 
 strings of precious beads, is deposited on the meal painting, with the two 
 gourd jugs of the 'kia'punakwe each side of it, and a line of mi'wachi 
 along the back of the cloud symbol. 
 
 An all-night ceremonial is held in the chamber, when the epic songs 
 of the Gods of War are sung, and at sunrise the pa'mosona removes 
 the divided scalp from its elevated position in the plaza and attaches 
 it to a pole about 8 feet high, planting it in the northwest corner of 
 the plaza. A meal painting similar to the one in the ceremonial cham- 
 ber is supposed to be made on the north side of the plaza at sunrise, 
 but on the occasion observed the pe'kwin did not complete it until half 
 past 8 o'clock. The painting in the ceremonial chamber is in the west 
 end of the room. 
 
 By 9 o'clock the first body of A'shiwanni, except the pe'kwin, and 
 elder and younger brother Bow priests are assembled in the cei - emonial 
 chamber, the A'shiwanni sitting on a ledge in line behind the meal 
 painting, between the two 'kia'punakwe, who are supposed to be vir- 
 gins. The A'shiwanni are dressed in pure white, but the 'kia'punakwe 
 are elaborately attired, each wearing an embroidered kilt fastened at 
 the right side with an embroidered sash which is also tied at the 
 right side. One wears a native blue knit shirt over that of white cot- 
 ton, and both are adorned with corals, ko'hakwa (white shell), and tur- 
 quoise beads in profusion. The hair is done up in the conventional 
 knot, with a red silk banda round the head; a white fluffy eagle plume 
 is attached to the scalp lock, and dance moccasins are worn. A line 
 of micaceous hematite three-quarters of an inch in width crosses the 
 nose and extends under each eye. The victor and his elder brother wear 
 
 a The po'nepoyanne of the Bow priesthood consists of an cur of corn surrounded by reeds, six are 
 colored, each for a region and are filled with grains of corn of the six colors and other seeds. The 
 remainder of the reeds contain native tobacco. The reeds are obscured by.a pyramid of eagle plumes 
 which must have been dropped by the eagle in his flight, not plucked) and the base is covered 
 with cotton cloth wrapped with cotton cord to which shells and precious beads are strung. The 
 keeper of the two po'nepoyannfi belonging to the A'pi''lashiwanni is designated the priest of the 
 paVttuwc i pit from A'pachu, Xavaho). one of these fetishes is carried to battle; the other remains 
 al home. 
 
 '< The l su'*hlan'no is a large shell most precious to the Zunis, Not only its keeper, ■who bears the 
 title of priest of the >su''hlan'na, but his vice, must he of the Badger elan, because this shell was 
 originally the properly of a member of this clan. The occasion must always be eminently worthyof 
 the presence of the great shell. The songs of the 'su''hlan'na are very old, and known only to four 
 men ..f the Badger clan. 
 
STEVENSON] 
 
 55)9 
 
 velvet trousers, a white cotton shirt with a native blue woven shirt over 
 it, red-brown moccasins: the hair is done upas usual. Their toilets 
 are made at their homes, and after coining to the ceremonial cham- 
 ber each has a large white buckskin doubled and tied at the throat, 
 hanging over the shoulders and caught at the waist by an embroid- 
 ered sash looped at the right side. They wear turquoise earrings and 
 elaborate necklaces. When they are thus attired, the elder brother 
 Bow priest empties a handful of meal into the belts of the victor and 
 his elder brother, which they carry to the makers of the two idols, the 
 victor giving his meal to the man of the Bear clan and the elder 
 brother giving his to the man of the Deer clan. They return at 
 once to the. ceremonial chamber, when the elder brother Bow priest 
 anoints their faces with a paste made of the fat of the prey animals 
 of the six regions and the rattlesnake." The 'kia'punakwe rub a red 
 pigment on the faces of the warriors and afterward apply micaceous 
 hematite over the nose and upper portion of the cheeks and stipple 
 it on the eyelids. Each warrior smokes until his turn comes to be 
 decorated, all appearing to be in the happiest mood. 
 
 The pe'kwin returns to the chamber of the Bow priesthood at this 
 time and stands with his red blanket wrapped around him (he is dressed 
 in white like the other A'shiwanni). The victor takes his seat facing 
 east, on a chair placed by the elder brother Bow priest about 5 feet 
 before the cloud symbol. Leaning back in his chair he extends his 
 feet witb an air as though he intends to make himself as comfortable 
 as possible for the ordeal. The elder brother Bow priest now places a, 
 cloth around him, barber fashion, and stands behind the chair, pressing 
 both hands on the victor's forehead, while the pe'kwin, who is provided 
 with a small black and highly polished archaic pottery vase and an old 
 medicine bag (the vase is supposed to contain a black paint brought 
 from the undermost world; the bag contains corn pollen), prepares 
 to paint the face. He dips a stick of yucca needle into the paint pot 
 and proceeds to color the lower portion of the face, the dividing line 
 passing under the nose and across the cheeks. He afterward applies 
 corn pollen to the upper portion by stippling with a mop of raw cot- 
 ton. A corn husk is laid over the black portion during this process 
 to protect it from the pollen. When the coloring of the victor's face 
 is completed, he rises and his elder brother takes his seat for the same 
 operation, during which time the victor stands north of the chair and 
 slightly before it, wearing the gravest expression possible. When the 
 pe'kwin has finished with the elder brother, the victor again takes the 
 seat and the warrior of the Ant fraternity covers the chin, upper lip, 
 end of nose, and forehead with eagle down, and a wreath of the same, 
 
 aThe Bow priesthood are the only Zufiis who kill the rattlesnake. The rattle is an amulet worn as 
 a protection from the enemy, and the fat or oil of the snake is rubbed on the face, that the enemy 
 may fear the one using this grease as he fears the snake. 
 
t>00 THK ZUN1 INDIANS [bth.akb.23 
 
 held in place by a paste of kaolin, is fashioned around the crown of 
 the head. The whole decoration symbolizes "the heart must be pure 
 that the prayers breathed into the plume offerings may be wafted to 
 the deceased A'sbiwanni that they may send much rain." The black 
 on the chin denotes heavy rain clouds; the pollen, all vegetation, and 
 the down, lighter clouds. The circle of down on the head symbol- 
 izes the clouds of the world. After the eagle-down decoration the 
 pe'kwln places in the mouth of each an arrow point, which may not 
 be removed until sunset. A deerskin hood (see plate lx), with the 
 plume wand of the A'pi"'lashiwaimi attached to the crown, is worn. 
 The victor and his elder brother are now in full attire, including the 
 war pouch placed over the shoulder and the bow wristlet. The war 
 club and the quiver with bow and arrows complete the toilet. The 
 elder brother Bow priest is careful to examine each quiver to see that 
 it contains the full number of arrows, one for each of the six regions. 
 The victor and his elder brother take their prayer plumes from the 
 meal painting, and afterward all of the prayer plumes are removed by 
 their owners, each warrior having deposited two. 
 
 By this time the makers of the idols of U'yuyewi and Ma'sai'lema 
 arrive, and the chatting and laughing of the warriors at once cease 
 and not a word is spoken after the two men enter the chamber. The 
 warriors take position, standing on the north side of the room, the 
 Ah'shiwanni remain at the west end. and the elder brother Bow priest 
 stands south of the painting and before it. whirling the rhombus and 
 calling for rains. When the whirling of the rhombus ceases the pe'kwln 
 returns the mi'wachi." which have embellished the painting, to their 
 individual owners. The et'tone of the Kia'kwemosi and the large 
 shell are placed in two baskets lined with raw cotton, and the other 
 fetishes are divided among certain warriors. The pe'kwln removes 
 all the objects from the north side of the painting systematically, 
 handing the image of U'vuvewi to the elder brother and the para- 
 phernalia to the appropriate parties. The objects are now removed 
 from the south side, the image of Ma'sai'lema being handed to the victor 
 and the paraphernalia to others. All leave the chamber and proceed 
 to te'wita 'hlan'na in couples. The elder brother Bow priest leads, 
 whirling the rhombus, with the pe'kwln by his side: the other A'shi- 
 wanni follow, and after them a man of the Deer clan; the elder brother 
 to the victor, with a warrior to his left, comes next: two couples fol- 
 low, and then the victor, with a warrior to his left, and preceded by a 
 man of the Bear clan. The bearers of the paraphernalia of the Gods 
 are near the end of the procession. 
 
 Upon reaching the plaza all but the A'sbiwanni form into single tile 
 and dance, after which the objects are placed on the meal painting in 
 the plaza. The image of U'vuvewi is stood on the east side and that 
 
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVI 
 
 GRASS WAND CARRIED BY PA'MOSONO' KiA, FEMALE ASSOCIATE TO 
 
 SCALP CUSTODIAN 
 
stevenson] a'pi' t LASHI W ANNl 601 
 
 of Ma'sai'lema on the west, just as they were on the cloud symbol in 
 the chamber. The elder brother Bow priest and the elder brother of 
 the victor stand cast of the cloud symbol, while the victor and the 
 younger brother Bow priest stand west of it, and the warriors sit in 
 line on each side of the painting-. The objects are guarded by two 
 warriors standing with long spears at the south of the painting, the 
 A'pi'lashiwanni, except the elder and younger brother Bow priests, 
 the victor, and his elder brother, taking turns at the post (see plate 
 cxxxiv). 
 
 The pu'pauakwe are grouped on each side- of the plaza to furnish 
 music for the ha'shiya, who are dressed as on the previous day, a 
 number of girls being in the two chambers to take their turns in the 
 dance. The pa'mosono"kia leads the ha'shiya from the ceremonial 
 house of the priest of the t su"hlan'na to the east side of the plaza 
 and stands north of them while they dance (see plate cxxxv), and the 
 vice pa'mosono'ida leads the ha' shiya from the chamber on the west 
 side of the plaza and these girls dance on this side of the plaza. The 
 pa'mosono"kia and vice each carry a fanciful bunch of grass (colored 
 red with dry pigment and arranged by the warriors (see plate cxxxvi"), 
 which is waved around the head four times, from left to right. The 
 grasses are afterward deposited at Shop"hlua yal'lakwi (a shrine to the 
 Gods of War a short distance north of the village). 
 
 After the first dance of the ha'shiya the pu'mokiakianawe, equipped 
 with rifles, pistols, clubs, and bows and arrows, coming by the north- 
 east entrance, cover the greater part of the te'wita 'hlan'na. The dan- 
 cers, led by two warriors, appear in opposing lines, preceded by a 
 drummer, who keeps a little off to one side. Two women dance between 
 the lines. AVhile this party is still dancing, a similar set approaches 
 the plaza by the southwest covered way. Males of all ages are in 
 this dance. Those not so fortunate as to have firearms carry clubs, 
 sticks, etc. The party from the northeast entrance closes its. dance 
 first and crowds around the meal painting to pray; the other party 
 also prays before the painting at the. close of the dance and retires 
 from the plaza. 
 
 Those who are to personate the Sha'lako, giant couriers to the 
 rain-makers, the coming year now make their appearance, accom- 
 panied by two warriors designated to lead them to the plaza. Each 
 one who is to personate a Sha'lako carries a spruce bough. After the 
 dance, which is for great rains, that the earth may be bountiful with 
 food for man and game, they group before the painting and pray, and 
 then leave the plaza. The pu'mokiakianawe now return. They dance 
 repeatedly throughout the day, their number increasing each time until 
 the opposing lines are quadrupled and the air is dense with arrows 
 and rings of the war whoop. After each dance the dancers gather 
 
 a The writer is indebted to the pa'mosona for securing these specimens, which are now in the 
 National Museum. 
 
602 THE ZUNI INDIANS Ieth. ann. 23 
 
 before the meal painting to sprinkle meal and pray. The ha'shiya 
 dance on. apparently oblivious to all that is going on around them, 
 and there is no attempt at harmony between the drums and the songs 
 of the pu'panakwe and those accompanying the other dancers. 
 
 During the latter part of the afternoon the plaza is free for a time 
 from dancers, except the ha'shiya. At this time the priest of the 
 "su"hlan'na stoops immediately before the meal painting and four 
 buckskins are thrown over him. and thus secluded from view he blows 
 the great shell for rains and good hearts of the people. At the same 
 time the elder brother Bow priest stands east of the painting and the 
 younger brother Bow priest west of it, each whirling a rhombus for 
 the clouds to gather. After the ceremony with the shell the drummers 
 of the pu'mokiaklanawe and dancers reappear in the plaza; those 
 coming from the northeastern entrance are accompanied by the elder 
 brother to the victor, and those from the southwestern by the victor. 
 The victor and elder brother each carry on their heads a basket tray 
 of red he'we (wafer bread), such as is offered to the deceased enemy. 
 As they run in and out of the line of dancers, each followed by two 
 women, they cry: " We are anxious to meet the Navaho who comes." 
 When the baskets of bread fall to the ground it is indicative of the 
 killing of the foe, and the}- exclaim: " We have destroyed the Navaho." 
 The pa'mosona and vice hasten to gather up the bread into the bas- 
 kets, every scrap being picked from the ground, and as the dancers 
 pass they catch at the bread with their mouths. The baskets of bread 
 are afterward placed by the scalp pole, which is now near the north- 
 west corner of the plaza and not over 8 feet high. After dropping 
 the trays of bread, the victor and his elder brother return to their 
 positions by the cloud symbol. Though the noise of the four drums, 
 with the singing and the war whoop, is distracting to one not accus- 
 tomed to it, the members of the Bow do not grow weary of the noise 
 or of beating time to the drums with their war clubs and arrows. 
 
 The nightly dancing around the scalp pole arouses these people, but 
 the dances on the closing da}' of the ceremonial tire them to the 
 extreme. Infants observe these ceremonies without the slightest fear, 
 while the mothers' interest is intense. The ha'shiya continue to dance. 
 At intervals a warrior steps before the cloud s}'mbol, and waving one 
 or more arrows four times from right to left over the painting, throws 
 them toward the pu'panakwe grouped on the west side, when a mem- 
 ber nf the choir from one side or the other comes forward, and lifting 
 the arrows waves them four times from left to right over the cloud 
 symbol and carries them to his seat. Gifts of calico and other things 
 are now thrown by the warriors, their relatives, and friends. Some 
 of these o-ifts are rather costly, one being an imported shawl worth 
 several dollars. The love of display and the desire to exceed one's 
 neighbors are not confined to enlightened people. As each gift is 
 
STEYEXsox] a'pI^LASHIWANNI 603 
 
 caught it is waved over the meal painting from left to right. The 
 gifts are divided among the ha'shiya, after they cease dancing, by the 
 men who receive them, amid cheers from the populace. A warrior 
 having left the plaza to add to the warmth of his clothing, presents an 
 incongruous spectacle on his return, clad in a well-worn Prince Albert 
 coat and black cloth trousers, with a wai pouch over his shoulder, a 
 buckskin skullcap on his head, and carrying his war club. 
 
 Some time before sunset two tiles of women, sixteen in each tile, 
 each carrying a bowl or basket of food upon her head, come to the 
 plaza. They wear black dresses with blue embroideiy, black blankets, 
 white buckskin moccasins with black soles, and the silver beads and 
 bangles, which are never omitted in ceremonies. Great pride is felt 
 by the women in their appearance when the}' carry food for ceremo- 
 nial purposes, no matter what the ceremony inay be. One file, led by 
 the elder brother to the victor, approaches by the northeast entrance; 
 the other tile, led by the victor, reaches the plaza by the southwest 
 way. The former deposit their bowls and baskets on the ground 
 about the pu'panakwe on the east side of the plaza; the others deposit 
 theirs about the pu'panakwe on the west side. The drummer of 
 pu'panakwe on the east side prays with the elder brother, and the one 
 on the west side prays with the victor. Afterward the drummer clasps 
 the hands of each woman of his side and prays. At the close of the 
 prayer, he moves his hands (still holding hers) three or four times 
 before her lips, that she may draw from him the sacred breath, or all 
 that is good of him. The women depart as they come, followed by 
 the elder brother and the victor. 
 
 Many of the bowls of food from each side are placed near the meal 
 painting by the pa'mosona and his vice, for the A'shiwanni and war- 
 riors. The food in the remaining vessels is consumed bv^ the pu'pa- 
 nakwe. the pa'mosona and pa'mosono"kia eating with those on the east 
 side, while the vice pa'mosona and vice pa'mosono"kia eat with the 
 pu'panakwe on the west side of the plaza. Before any food is taken 
 by the pu'panakwe the drummer puffs smoke from his cigarette over 
 the hooped drumstick, which lies on the top of the drum, and prays; 
 and the pa'mosona deposits food from the collation in the basket 
 containing the red he'we to the north side of the scalp pole, and the 
 vice pa'mosona places food in the basket to the south side. Food is 
 also gathered from the bowls and baskets on the east side of the meal 
 painting and placed in the basket to the north, and from those on the 
 west side and placed in that to the south of the scalp pole. 
 
 After the return of the victor and the elder brother to the plaza, they 
 stand west of the meal painting, facing east, and the pe'kwin removes 
 the arrows from their mouths; and the elder brother to the victor, 
 passing before the cloud symbol, returns to his place on the east side 
 behind the painting. These two, who have not eaten or drunk during 
 
6U4 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 
 
 the day, now do full justice to the feast. After the A'shiwauni and 
 warriors have satisfied their appetites, the populace is allowed to par- 
 take of the remaining food, and the pu'panakwe also distribute what 
 is left of their feast. After the repast the ha'shiya resume dancing, 
 and the pu'mokiakianawe soon appear through the northeast entrance, 
 the men wearingevery variety of costume. Many of the women cany 
 an arrow. As they pass by the food left in the bowls the}' grab it and 
 eat it as the}* proceed. 
 
 There is no evidence that the participators in this extended ceremo- 
 nial are weary, their energy and interest appearing as keen as on the 
 first day. As sunset approaches, the pe'kwin, accompanied by the elder 
 brother Bow priest whirling the rhombus, and the two 'kia'punakwe 
 visit He'patina (see plate xl), departing through the southwest covered 
 way, to deposit the jugs of water and the prayer plumes, which they 
 take from the cloud symbol. The party returns within thirty minutes. 
 The ha'shiya continue to dance, and as each set begin they bend the 
 knees to the slow, soft music of the choir, but after a minute or two 
 the song becomes louder and more rapid, and the dancing begins in 
 earnest. The pa'mosono"kia and her vice each wears a mi'ha instead 
 of their blanket wraps, and a white fluffy eagle plume is tied to the 
 forelock. They receive bits of cedar bark from the pa'mosona and his 
 vice. At this time the first body of A'shiwauni sprinkle the meal 
 painting and objects about it Math meal. The elder brother Bow 
 priest stoops behind the image of U'yuyewi and the younger brother 
 Bow priest stoops behind that of Ma'sai'lema, each placing his hands 
 on the idol before him. A warrior holds the po'nepoyanne, and the 
 other fetishes are held by the pe'kwin and others. The idols and 
 fetishes are not lifted from the ground, but gently rocked upon it 
 from right to left. The two guardsmen at their posts move their 
 spears in the same manner until sunset. The dancing on each side 
 of the te'wita ceases at sunset, and the pa'mosono"kia, her vice, and 
 others expectorate on cedar bark and wave it with their left hands 
 around their heads for physical purification. 
 
 The idols and their paraphernalia are now removed from the painting 
 by the pe'kwin and returned to the parties who brought them to the 
 plaza. The elder brother Bow priest and four other warriors form a 
 group in the center of the plaza by an ancient pottery drum which 
 contains a cream-colored decorated archaic vase tilled with water and 
 seeds. A circle, comprising the victor and his elder brother, who 
 carry the effigies, the other A'pi"lashiwanni, the first bod}' of A'shi- 
 wauni, and women, is formed around the group. The hands are not 
 held, but the women catch hold of the men's blankets. 
 
 It is asserted that at the original ceremonial at IIan"lipinkia a son of 
 the drummer, who was at the head of the Coyote clan, held the scalps, 
 and that upon his father's death he took his place as drummer, the 
 father having taught him the songs, and another man of the Coyote 
 
stevexsos] A'ri' T LASHIWANNI 605 
 
 clan held the scalps; and since that time the holder of the scalps in 
 
 this dramatization is either of the Coyote clan or a child of the clan," 
 
 the scalp holder continuing- to take the place of the deceased drummer. 
 The songs accompanying- this dance are supposed to be the same as 
 
 those sung at the time the seven beings appeared from the earth at 
 
 H;in"lipinkia by the commands of the Gods of War.* 
 The following persons compose the circle, each man's aunt on the 
 
 paternal side, or the next nearest female relative on that side, being to 
 
 his left. The aunt is referred to as elder sister. 
 
 Shi'wanni of the North, Dogwood clan; paternal clan, Coyote. Elder sister, Coyote 
 clan. 
 
 Shi'wanni of the West, Dogwood clan; paternal clan, Corn. Elder sister, Corn clan. 
 
 Shi'wanni of the South, Badger clan; paternal clan, Turkey. Elder sister, Turkey 
 clan. 
 
 Shi'wanni of the East, Eagle clan; paternal clan, Sun. Elder sister, Sun clan. 
 
 Pe'kwln, Shi'wanni of the Zenith, Dogwood clan; paternal clan, Bear. Elder sister, 
 Bear clan.'' 
 
 Priest of the 'su"hlan'na, Badger clan; paternal clan,- Dogwood. Elder sister, Dog- 
 wood clan. 
 
 Associate priest of 'su"hlan'na, Dogwood clan; paternal clan, Badger. Elder sister, 
 Badger clan. 
 
 Priest of pa'St'tong, Badger clan; paternal clan, Sand-hill crane. Elder sister, Sand- 
 hill crane clan. 
 
 Vice priest of pa'fit'tong, Badger clan; paternal clan, Sand-hill crane. Elder sister, 
 Sand-hill crane clan. 
 
 Warrior, Sand-hill crane elan; paternal clan, Badger. Elder sister, Badger clan. 
 
 Warrior personating elder brother to victor (holding the effigy of U'yuyewi), Dog- 
 wood clan; paternal clan, Sand-hill crane. Elder sister, Sand-hill crane. 
 
 Warrior, Turkey clan; paternal clan, Dogwood (carries paraphernalia of U'yuyewi). 
 Elder sister, Dogwood clan. 
 
 Victor (holding the effigy of Ma'sai'Iema), Turkey clan; paternal clan, Eagle. Elder 
 sister, Eagle clan. 
 
 Warrior, Dogwood clan; paternal clan, Eagle (carries paraphernalia of Ma'sai'lema). 
 Elder sister, Eagle clan. 
 
 Warrior, Sand-hill crane clan; paternal clan, Corn. Elder sister, Corn clan. 
 
 Warrior, Tobacco clan; paternal clan, Badger. Elder sister, Badger clan. 
 
 Warrior, Eagle clan; paternal clan, Dogwood. Elder sister, Dogwood clan. 
 
 Warrior, Bear clan; paternal clan, Badger. Elder sister, Badger clan. 
 
 Warrior, Corn clan; paternal clan, Dogwood.' Elder sister, Dogwood clan. 
 
 Warrior, Badger clan; paternal clan, Sun. Elder sister, Sun clan. 
 
 The circle dance continues far into the gloaming, until all the songs 
 given by the Divine Ones at Han"lipinkia, which are among the most 
 melodious the writer has heard, are sung. The step is slow, from left 
 to right, in perfect unison with the song, and the change from the 
 hilarious songs and dances of the day to this quiet, peaceful, dignified 
 ceremony is most impressive. When the dance ceases all disperse in 
 perfect quiet; not a word is spoken. 
 
 <• See List of Clans. 
 !>Seep. 36. 
 
 <-The present Shi'wanni of the Nadir is also elder brother Bow priest and is present in the latter 
 capacity forming one of the group within the circle. 
 
606 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.28 
 
 The idols are carried to the ceremonial chamber, where the warriors 
 spend the night singing, the first body of A'shiwanni being present. 
 The scalp is removed from the pole for the last time by the pa'mo- 
 sona, and at midnight he and his assistant, accompanied by the elder 
 brother Bow priest and four other warriors, fully equipped, place the 
 scalps in the pottery vase in the scalp house. Cigarettes colored red 
 and red bread are also deposited at the scalp house as offerings to the 
 deceased Navahos. The bread is made by the i'tatononakwe out of 
 meal and water, and is colored with a red mineral. The batter is made 
 with the left hand and put upon a baking stone with the same hand. 
 To do so, they say, is awkward, but the hand which is used to prepare 
 their own food must not be used for making this bread. The stone 
 upon which it is baked is at once destro}'ed. Partly smoked cigarettes 
 and plume offerings are deposited at Shop"hlua yiil'lakwi. 
 
 At daylight the victor and his elder brother, each accompanied by a 
 warrior who assists in carrying the paraphernalia, proceed to deposit 
 the idols at their respective shrines. That of U'yuyewi is deposited at 
 Te'wan ko'han o'nan pa'nina; that of Ma'sai'lema at Shi'akia yal'lanne. 
 "In the olden time, the Sun Father designated the country north of 
 the road of day to U'yu3 T ewi and that south of it to Ma'sai'lema," and 
 images of these gods are accordingly placed at the shrines after the 
 scalp ceremonial. The shrines at which the idols are placed are as 
 follows: 
 
 ROAD OF DAY 
 
 North South 
 
 Te'wan ko'han o'nan pa'nina. To'wa yal'lanne. 
 
 Day white road descending. Corn mountain. 
 
 'Hlii' kia'hlona o'nan pa'nina. Shi'akia yal'lanne. 
 
 Name of a tree road descending. Stone sharpener mountain. 
 
 'Hla'wul'hlia yal'lanne. O'pompia" yal'lanne. 
 
 Eagle's nest mountain. Sack of meal hanging mountain. 
 
 Kwil'li yal'lanne. Ke'ya 3'aTlanne. 
 
 Twin mountain. Whitewash mountain. 
 
 No'ponia 4 yal'lanne. 
 
 Face mountain. 
 
 U'hana'' yal'lanne. 
 
 Wool mountain. 
 
 After a scalp ceremonial, these shrines, beginning with Te'wan 
 ko'han o'nan pii'nina and Shi'akia, are taken in rotation, the idol of 
 
 a o from owe, flour (wheat or corn) : pom'pia, hanging. " Two girls from Shun'te'klaya were gath- 
 ering grasses to make baskets to hold prayer plumes, when they met the older God of War. He invited 
 them to his house on the mountain top. Here they saw a diminutive sack of flour hanging from a 
 tree, and great was their surprise when they observed the grandmother of the gods make bread from 
 the flour in the saek. Although the woman took but the smallest quantity of the flour, she made a 
 great basket <>1 bread from it." 
 
 ''So named because "the face and head of Ko'loowisi (Plumed Serpent) were seen above the waters 
 at this point by the A'shiwi, who were on To'wa yal'lanne to escape the great flood." 
 
 rheGodsof War killed many mountain sheep on this mountain, and the grandmother, in sweep- 
 ing the wool of the sheep from the house, swept it down the mountain side until it was quite covered 
 with wool. " 
 
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stkvensun] a'p[' t lashiwanni 607 
 
 the elder God of War being placed north of the road of day, and that 
 of the younger God of War south of it. The image is set up and 
 the prayer plumes are planted in a row on each side at right angles 
 with the image, and the paraphernalia are arranged much as they 
 were in the plaza. Meal is sprinkled from the idol outward between 
 the lines of prayer plumes. Both gods bear the name of A'hayuta at 
 the winter solstice and at other times when only rain and all things 
 good are thought of and hearts are peaceful. Although the road of 
 the sun divides the shrines of these gods, neither one must be thought 
 of in connection with the north side at the winter solstice when rain 
 is desired, and therefore at this season the elder god is always 
 deposited on U'hana yal'lanne, and the younger on To'wa yal'lanne. 
 Should an idol of U'yuyewi be placed north of the road of the sun 
 at this time, "the rains and winds would be very angry and there 
 would be too much cold." 
 
 Plate cxxxvn shows five images of U'yuyewi and paraphernalia 
 removed from the shrine on Kwil'li yal'lanne and placed by a monu- 
 ment erected by a topographical party of the United States Geological 
 Survey. Of the nine carvings, beginning with the one at the left, 
 the first three are idols of U'yuyewi; the five lines on each side of the 
 idols and near the base represent the hands of the gods; figure 4, the 
 war club; figure 5, the earthly arrow; figure 6, a tablet surmounted 
 with a serrated design symbolizing cumulus clouds. The crescent is 
 immediately below the cloud symbol. The full moon is symbolized 
 by the circular opening, and the star by the cross. Figure 7 repre- 
 sents the lightning arrow; figures 8 and 9, idols of U'yuyewi. Three 
 of the images still retain the serrated projections which symbolize the 
 umbilicus. 
 
 Plate cxxxvin shows the shrine on Kwil'li yal'lanne, with the latest 
 idols in place and the displaced images with their paraphernalia 
 heaped about. 
 
 Plate cxxxix shows idols of the God of War, removed from an 
 ancient cave shrine in the west wall of To'wa yal'lanne and stood out- 
 side to be photographed. 
 
 Although the A'pi^lashiwanni have many shrines dedicated to the 
 Gods of War, the most sacred spot, perhaps, is the crater in the vol- 
 canic cone at the Zufii Salt lake (see plate lxxxix), which is supposed 
 to be the present home of these gods." 
 
 The philosophy of the Indian, as of man wherever found and at 
 whatever stage of culture he may have arrived, is the result of his 
 desire and his efforts to understand the mysteries of nature. With 
 the exception of the Lightning fraternity, which originated virtually 
 
 a All of the shrines of the Gods of War and a number of other illustrations in this paper were- secured 
 by Mr Stevenson in 1881. 
 
608 THE ZUNI INDIANS [bth.ann.23 
 
 under her own eye, the author has not attempted in the foregoing 
 pages to give any explanation of the origin of the religious organiza- 
 tions other than that entertained by the Zufii mind. These children 
 of the human family are highly imaginative. The soul of the Zufii 
 expands with adoration toward the supreme mysterious power that 
 controls all things, without form yet embracing form, the breath of 
 life — even life itself; and toward the gods, whose forms are visible in 
 the heavens above, in the earth beneath, and in the waters under the 
 earth, who are only less mighty than the supreme power, and who 
 bless the good and punish the wicked. 
 
 While it remains to be learned definitely by what people or peoples 
 the elaborate rituals of the Zufii were instituted it is assumed that 
 they originated with the Zufii themselves. What part clanship played 
 in the dawn of the ritualistic life of the Zufii is also yet to be deter- 
 mined. It is certain that for a long time past membership at large in 
 the fundamental religious bodies of the Zufii has not been dependent 
 on ties of clanship, though in certain cases succession to office in 
 fraternities does depend on clanship. 
 
 Before airy exposition of the origin of the fundamental religious 
 organizations and of the rituals can be offered, a comparative study of 
 the Pueblos must be made. For this work the passing hours are 
 golden, for not only are the villages losing their old-time landmarks, 
 but the people themselves are changing, are adapting themselves to 
 suddenly and profoundly altered environment; and the Zufii at least, 
 whose religion teaches them to speak with one tongue, to be gentle to 
 all, and to subdue the passions, thereby winning the favor of their 
 gods, are, under the influences of modern conditions, losing the re- 
 straining power of this religion, and, as a result, are changing for the 
 worse. 
 
ODEX 
 
 Page 
 
 Acknowledgments 19, 20 
 
 Animal fetishes, origin of. (See Mythology.) 
 
 Abode, walls of, in the Southwest xxix 
 
 Agriculture, aboriginal XII 
 
 Alaska, field work in ix 
 
 Algonquian, vocabulary of xxxvi 
 
 Anthropic worship and ritvai 62-107 
 
 A'shiwi, history myth of (free transla- 
 tion; text and interlinear transla- 
 tion ) 73-89 
 
 characters and objects in 73 
 
 'Kluklo, quenching the thirst of, 
 
 during 89 
 
 orderof recitation ineachki'wi'sine 89. 
 
 purpose of recitation of 89 
 
 Goth, rabbit hunt with 89-94 
 
 'Cha'kwena, action of, with first 
 
 rabbit tilled 92 
 
 ceremonies by, before certain 
 
 houses 93, 94 
 
 ceremonies with 90, 91 
 
 departure of 94 
 
 deposition of food offerings after 
 
 the hunt 92, 93 
 
 lounging of, in He'klapawa 
 
 ki'wi'sine 93 
 
 offerings of food to, and disposi- 
 tion of by : 93, 94 
 
 offerings of te'likinawe to, and 
 
 deposition of te'likinawe, by . 93,94 
 pregnant women visited by (also 
 
 note) 89, 90 
 
 SaTimobiya and, make an- 
 nouncements 90 
 
 'San'iaklakwe and, dancing of. 90 
 
 food offerings to the gods 91 
 
 gods, procession of, over western 
 
 road 91 
 
 method of killing the rabbits 91, 92 
 
 naming of male children by 'Si'^i- 
 
 kla and the Ko'yemshi 89 
 
 notification of. by warrior of Hunt- 
 ers fraternity 89 
 
 plan pursued by each Sa'ya l hlia 91 
 
 rabbits, ceremony over, after hunt. 92 
 SaTimobiya, station of the blue and 
 
 yellow 91 
 
 Sa'ya'hlia, notification of the people 
 
 by 91 
 
 time of having 89 
 
 23 BTH— 04 39 
 
 Anthropic worship anp ritual— Cont'd. 
 
 Ki'witsiive and their functions 62-72 
 
 A'shiwi history myth, description of 
 
 beginning of 66, 67 
 
 in whose keeping 66 
 
 time of representation of 66 
 
 certain gods assigned to 62 
 
 children allied to 65 
 
 description of 62 
 
 *Klak]o, personator of, description 
 
 of costume of 67 
 
 reception of, in Chu'pawa ki' wit- 
 sine" 72 
 
 selection of, to recite the history 
 
 of the A'shiwi 66 
 
 Kor'kokshi, limitation on the danc- 
 ing of 63 
 
 place of dancing of 64 
 
 Ko'tikili, membership of womenin. 65 
 
 reason for initiation in 65 
 
 Ko'yemshi, costume of, in A'shiwi 
 
 drama 67 
 
 dialogue between, and l KIaklo. 72 
 
 song of 68-72 
 
 verification of {note) 72 
 
 mo'sona (dance director) , duties of. 63, 64 
 
 name of each, derivation of 62, 63 
 
 number of, and names 62 
 
 officers of 62 
 
 relation of each to the other 63 
 
 Si'aa' te'wita, meaning of name 
 
 (note) 62 
 
 Ko'loowisi, coming of, and involuntary 
 
 initiation into Ko'tikili 94-102 
 
 children, ceremony over, after ini- 
 tiation 102 
 
 initiation of the 99 
 
 presented with water, seeds, and 
 
 grass from Ko'loowisi 101 
 
 dry painting, making and decora- 
 tion of 96,97 
 
 gods, assembling of, in Chu'pawa 
 
 and O'he'waki'wi'siwe 100 
 
 ceremony with plume wands of. 100 
 certain, administering of water 
 
 to, reason for 97 
 
 instructed by pe'kwln 97 
 
 feast of, after ceremonies in 
 
 ki'wi'siwe 101 
 
 fifteen, mounds made for each of 97 
 
 609 
 
610 
 
 INDEX 
 
 ANTHROPIC worship and ritual— Cont'd. Page 
 Kb'loowisi, coming of, etc. — Continued, 
 gods, gathering of personatorsof, in 
 
 Hc'klapawa ki'wi'sinc- 94 
 
 making of offerings by 95 
 
 manner of entering the ki'wi- 
 'sinC- by 100 
 
 placing of, in Si'aa' te'wita 98 
 
 Ha'shi, personator of i noU i 96 
 
 'Klaklo (Ha'shi), performances of, 
 
 with other gods 96 
 
 Ko'loowisi, description of 94 
 
 gods who accompany 95 
 
 performances of, in the ki'wi'- 
 
 sinS 101 
 
 position of, in ki'wi'sinC- 95 
 
 visit of, to the ki'wi'sint- 101 
 
 water, seeds, and grass from, 
 
 distribution of 101 
 
 la'showawe, placing of. on heads 
 
 of Sal'imobiya 98 
 
 Sa'ya'hlia, striking of the children 
 
 by 99, 100 
 
 tSi"sik?a, gathering of food by the 
 
 Ko'yemshi for 97, 98 
 
 Su'ti'ki (bird fetish) ceremony 
 
 with 100,101 
 
 To'seluna, young men appointed to 
 
 visit, for water 94 
 
 Ko'ttkUi, voluntary initiation into 102-107 
 
 boy, age of, when initiated 102 
 
 initiation, assembling of people for 
 
 the 102 
 
 ki'wi'sinC, change in membership 
 
 of, reason for 107 
 
 Kor'kokshi, arrangement of, in 
 
 dance 105, 106, 107 
 
 description of leader of 105 
 
 Kor'kokshi dancers, description of 
 
 costume of 104,105 
 
 Ne'wekwe (Galaxy fraternity), ac- 
 tions of the Ko'yemshi and... 106 
 
 buffoonery by 107 
 
 description of costume of 106 
 
 novices, masks presented to 103. 104 
 
 stri king of Sa'ya'hlia by 104 
 
 threatened by the Ko'mosona.. 104 
 Sa'ya'hlia, dance of, in Si'aa' 
 
 te'wita 106 
 
 general whipping by 104 
 
 striking of novices by 103 
 
 Sia youth, first to be initiated 10^ 
 
 Si'aa' te'wita, ceremonies in, where 
 
 witnessed by people 106 
 
 A'pi'tlushiwanni < Bow priesthood), i Set 
 
 Esoteric fraternities, i 
 Arctic Highlanders!."' also ItaArivaca val- 
 ley, ancient population of) xn 
 
 Arizona, field work in ix,xvi,xvii 
 
 ruins of central and northern, objects 
 of value obtained from IS 
 
 A'MIIWANM KAIN PRIESTfiOOD) 163-180 
 
 ate, method of promotion 166 
 
 requirements of | note) 166 
 
 duties of female 165 
 
 confined to families 165,166 
 
 A'shiwanni (Rain priesthood)— Cont'd. Page 
 decline of eligibles for membership in . 166, 167 
 
 designations given to 163 
 
 enumeration of 167, 168 
 
 ot 'tone, care of 164 
 
 description of 163 
 
 sacredness of 164 
 
 ct'towe, taking of flashlight picture 
 
 of 164, 165 
 
 impeachment of a shi'wanni, power of 
 
 Priestess of fecundity 166 
 
 members of 163 
 
 ninth shi'wanni (note) 167 
 
 order of retreat of, in 1S91 ISO 
 
 Shi'wanni of the North, installation of an 
 
 associat* 1 168-171 
 
 arrival of participants in 168 
 
 ceremony on entering chamber 168 
 
 close of ceremonies over 171 
 
 corn pollen, removal of line of 170 
 
 installation of deputy to Sun Father 169 
 
 Kla'kwemosi, part played by. in... 170 
 line of corn pollen necessary to 
 
 adornment of 169 
 
 novice, ceremony over 170 
 
 pe'kwln, celibacy of (note) 169 
 
 persons present 168 
 
 prayers, burden of, in 171 
 
 prayers of sun priest 169 
 
 Shi'wanni of the Nadir, whiter retreatqf 173-178 
 cloud symbol, prayer over third as- 
 sociate near 174 
 
 dual fetish, placing of, near cloud 
 
 symbol 174 
 
 feast, enjoyment of, after retreat .. 178 
 fetishes, use of, in connection with 
 
 painting 173 
 
 kla'Otchinc, planting of, in field of 
 
 Nai'uchi 177 
 
 knives, arrow points and, placing of. 
 
 about painting 173, 174 
 
 meal line, embellishment of, by 
 
 Nai'uchi and associate 174 
 
 meal painting, dismantling of 17S 
 
 mi'wachion cloud symbol, property 
 
 of whom (note) 174 
 
 Nai'uchi, meal painting of 173 
 
 preparation of water by 175 
 
 offerings of women, distribution 
 
 of 177, 178 
 
 principal character 173 
 
 shi'wanni, retreat of each (note) . . . 173 
 songs of thanksgiving, movements 
 
 in 17$ 
 
 sprinkling of water and meal 175 
 
 suds, bathing with 178 
 
 making of 175 
 
 making of, by Sia Indians (note) 175 
 
 thunder stone, specimen of (note).. 177 
 thunder stones, rolling of, by 
 
 A'shiwanni 177 
 
 u'wannomi, invocation to 175-177 
 
 water, consecrated, drinking of — 17S 
 Shi'wanni of the West, filling of va- 
 cancy (note) 167 
 
 Shi'wanni^ sumnu r retreat of a 179, 180 
 
INDEX 
 
 611 
 
 A'shiwanni (Rain priesthood)— Cont'd. Pftge 
 Shi'wanni, summer ntiuat of <i— Cont'd. 
 
 account of, by himself 179 
 
 cloud symbols, making and decora- 
 tion of 179 
 
 fit'tonS, description of house of 179 
 
 least, enjoyment of 179 
 
 prayer plumes, planting of 179 
 
 retreat, object of 179 
 
 room where made 179 
 
 Tt'tikiii-nn. preparation and planting 
 
 0/ 171-172 
 
 A'shiwanni. offerings of 171 
 
 plumes and paint used by, in 
 
 making 172 
 
 Bow priests, offerings made by... 171,172 
 
 meaning of 172 
 
 method of making 172 
 
 used in large numbers 171 
 
 A'shiwanni train priests). (See Mythology.) 
 Ashiwi. i See Mythology.) 
 
 Athapascan tribes of Alaska, records xvi 
 
 A'wisho. (See Mythology.) 
 A'wonawil'ona, description of. (See My- 
 thology.) 
 Barbarism, psychological differentiation 
 
 of XXI, XXII 
 
 Barnet, F. M.. custodian of property in the 
 
 Bureau xlii 
 
 Beast Gods, creatiqn of. (See Mythology.) 
 
 Benton, G. J., editorial work of xxxviii, xlii 
 
 Birch bark, use of, in aboriginal industries, 
 
 - XIII, XXXI 
 
 Bi'^si'si. (See Mythology.) 
 
 Boas. Franz, Kathlamet texts of xxxvi 
 
 researches by xi, xrv, xxxiv, xxxv 
 
 Tsimshian texts of xxxvi.xliii 
 
 Bowditch, C. P., translation of works on 
 
 Mexican and Mayan records by xxxviii 
 
 Bow priesthood, ceremony of initiation 
 
 into. (See Esoteric fraternities.) 
 British Columbia, field work in. ix, xviii, xxxiv 
 
 Brown, J. Stanley (note) 18 
 
 Bureau of Ethnology, expedition of July, 
 
 1879. members of 15 
 
 Cacti, food value of fruit of xui,xxx 
 
 stems of, as material for houses xxix 
 
 Cajon, buildings of xxx 
 
 Calendar, description of. (See Ceremonials, 
 calendar and calendric.) 
 Mexican and Mayan, publication of 
 
 papers on xxxviii 
 
 California, field work in ix 
 
 linguistic material collected in xxxv 
 
 Canoes, birch-bark xxxi 
 
 Canyon de Chelly. arm of 18 
 
 Canyon del Muerto. ruins of 18 
 
 Casa Grande, durable character of xxx 
 
 Casas Grandes, exploration of '. . xvn 
 
 Central America, calendar and antiquities 
 
 of. papers on xxxviii 
 
 linguistic material from xxxiv 
 
 Ceremonials, calendar and calendric, 
 
 108-163 
 
 Calendar, description of 108 
 
 months, name of 108 
 
 Ceremonials, etc.— Continued. Page 
 
 Calendar— Continued. 
 
 solstice, winter and summer, calcu- 
 lation of 108 
 
 year, division of 108 
 
 Ceremonies, winter solstice 108-148 
 
 A'toshle fangry gods), actions of, to- 
 ward the people 140 
 
 announcement by 140 
 
 certain actions of, daring win- 
 ter dances of Kor'kokshi 14$ 
 
 A'shiwanni, first body of, making 
 of prayer plumes by, on eighth 
 
 day 126 
 
 preparation of prayer plumes by 110' 
 Bow priest, elder brother, prepara- 
 tion of images of Gods of War 
 
 by 116, 117 
 
 bread, wheat and corn, preparation 
 
 of 114,115 
 
 calendar, ceremonial relating to, 
 
 description of 124-126 
 
 ceremonial chamber, identification 
 
 of (note) 109 
 
 'Cha'kwena, arrival of, at He'iwa 
 
 ki'wi'sine" 140 
 
 departure of 140' 
 
 personator of 140 
 
 visited by personators of her 
 
 people 140 : 
 
 cigarettes, bearer of, ceremony of, 
 
 with chief wor'li 146 
 
 smoking of, by shi'wanni and m 
 
 associates 125- 
 
 Council of the Godsand rain-makers, 
 
 deposition of prayer plumes to ... 144 
 Council of the Gods and Sha'Iako, 
 consultation concerning enter- 
 tainment of 129* 
 
 dances, Kor'kokshi, entertainment 
 
 for the people 148- 
 
 dance talkers, collection of dancers 
 
 by 144 
 
 duties of 144 
 
 Deer and Corn clans, certain mem- 
 bers of, deposition of prayer 
 
 plumes by 128,129' 
 
 certain members of, bringing 
 
 of water by 128,129- 
 
 eagle, plucking of, and ceremonies 
 
 over 114 
 
 elder brother Bow priest and pe'- 
 kwln, formal words used by, in 
 
 presentation of te'likinawe 132: 
 
 fetishes, handling of, by shi'wanni. 124 
 prayer song over, in Sia tongue 
 
 (note) 125 
 
 song over, led by shi'wanni 125 
 
 fire, sacredness of, reasons for 121^ 
 
 fire-maker, lighting of sacred fire 
 
 by 115 
 
 fire-tender, actions of, in ki'wi'sine" 121 
 
 purification of 132 
 
 flayed bear, ceremony over 126 
 
 fifth to eighth days, preparation of 
 food on 121 
 
612 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Cebemonials, etc.— Continued. Page 
 * ■- n monies— Continued. 
 
 fraternities, certain, makingofoffer- 
 
 ingsby 118 
 
 convening of certain 112 
 
 invitation to visit, form of (also 
 
 lint, | 112 
 
 preparation of prayer plumes by ill 
 fraternity, director of, medicine 
 
 water distributed by 147 
 
 preparing for attendance of 123 
 
 Godsof War, description of (note).. 116 
 images of ceremonies over, in 
 
 ki'wi'sine" lit; 
 
 deposited at respective 
 
 shrines 117 
 
 of what tree made 113 
 
 order of procession of 115,116 
 
 plaeeof,inHe'i\va ki'wi'sine' 113 
 
 procession of 115 
 
 returned to their respective 
 
 homes 116 
 
 offerings made to 116 
 
 preparation of images of, con- 
 fined to whom 112,113 
 
 preparation of paraphernalia for 113 
 Great Fire fraternity, certain mem- 
 bers of, collect water 128 
 
 certain members of, deposition 
 
 of prayer plumes by 128 
 
 directorof reception of water by 129 
 He'i wa ki'wi'sine, ladderof,descrip- 
 
 tion 134 
 
 household, members of, deposition 
 
 of prayer plumes by 118-120 
 
 houses, cleansing of, during winter 
 
 solstice ceremonies 132 
 
 kla'Otchine, purpose of preparation 
 
 of 110 
 
 .ki'wi'sine, people of, kfa'fitchinfi re- 
 ceived by 146 
 
 .aid each other during cere- 
 monies 142, 143 
 
 sleeping in, during ceremonies. 130 
 
 those privileged to enter 130 
 
 variety of dances in 148 
 
 Kok'ko A'wa (all the gods), food 
 
 offerings to, by the Ko'tikili 141 
 
 Kom'hii'likwi, initiation of witches 
 
 by 127,128 
 
 Kom'hii'likwi and party, deposition 
 
 of prayer plumes by 127 
 
 Ko'mosona, reception of water by.. 129 
 
 Ku'pekwln.mealpaintingmadeby. 129 
 
 planting of prayer plumes by. . . 143 
 Knr'kokshi, ceremonies of, on river 
 
 bank 145 
 
 dancing of, in each ki'wi'sine.. 146 
 description of first ceremonies 
 
 by. in 1891 143-148 
 
 leader of, actions of, on roof 
 
 of each ki'wi*sinfi 146 
 
 order of presentation of 147 
 
 time of wearing masks of i notes) 145 
 
 winter dances of 141 
 
 Ko'yemshi, users of masks of (note) . 147 
 
 Ceremonials, etc.— Continued. Page 
 Ceremonies — Continued. 
 
 Ku'shilowa, deposition of prayer 
 
 plumes at , 131 
 
 location of 131 
 
 Kwe'lele, costume and decoration 
 
 of 134 
 
 la'showannO, making of, by Hopi 
 
 resident 122, 123 
 
 Mexican words, superstition regard- 
 ing use of {note) ill 
 
 Mu'luktiikla, announcement made 
 
 by 143 
 
 deposition of prayer plumes by. 144 
 
 visitsmadeby, toeach ki'wi'sine- 144 
 mystery medicine orders, character 
 
 of prayer plumes of Ill 
 
 National Museum, complete set of 
 
 prayer plumes obtained for (note) . 120 
 Pau'tiwa ( Koni'hii'likwi), articles 
 
 carried by 137 
 
 ceremonies of, at entrance to 
 
 ki'wi'sine 139 
 
 coming of 137 
 
 departure of, from the village.. 139 
 
 deposition of te'likinawe by 138 
 
 encircling of village by 138 
 
 personated by different clans .. 127 
 
 personator of 130 
 
 reception of, in He'iwa ki'wi'sine 138 
 
 selection of personator of 126 
 
 pe'kwln.meal painting made by... 115 
 prayer plumes, certain restrictions 
 
 after planting 120, 121 
 
 deposition of, on fifth day 117 
 
 fast after deposition of 120 
 
 making and purpose of 110-112 
 
 making of, by certain members 
 
 of Sun and Corn clans 127 
 
 characteristic group 122 
 
 in mother's or wife's 
 
 house 111,112 
 
 persons exempt from depositing 
 
 on ninth day 122 
 
 preparation of, for ninth day... 122 
 
 on fourteenth day 128 
 
 presentation of, to the persona- 
 tors of the gods 133 
 
 to whom offered on ninth day. . 122 
 proceedings following rising of the 
 
 Morning Star 130, 131 
 
 rhombus, description of (note) 115 
 
 sacred fire, maker of the, selection of 114 
 Sal'imobiya, presentation of seeds 
 
 by 140,141 
 
 Sa'ya'hlia, departure of 141 
 
 masks of, worn by personators. . 129 
 
 whipping of the people by 140 
 
 seed-gatherers, gathering of fond by, 
 
 and disposition of " 145 
 
 selection of those to personate the 
 
 gods in the Sha'liiko ceremonies. . 133 
 Sha'lako, chief, meeting of people 
 
 in house of 142 
 
 elder brother, selection of seed- 
 bearers 142 
 
INDKX 
 
 613 
 
 Ceremonials, etc.— Continued. Page 
 
 CWenefar— Continued. 
 
 Sha'luko, entertainer of, visited by 
 
 his relatives 142 
 
 personator of, presentation of 
 
 kla'etchine by 147 
 
 worAve and, ceremony with 
 
 meal and cigarette 144 
 
 Shits'ukla, costume and decoration 
 
 Of, during 133, 134 
 
 Shits'ukni and Kwe'lele, dancing of, 
 
 on roof of He'iwa ki'wi'sinc . . 134 
 throwing of corn to populace 
 
 by 134,137 
 
 solstice, winter, announcement by 
 
 sun priestof thecomingof 109 
 
 close of ceremonies of 141 
 
 enumeration of days of 109, 110 
 
 selection of time for, pe'kwln 
 
 responsible 108 
 
 Zuni name for 10S 
 
 Sun Father, reference to (note) 108 
 
 sun priest, daily observations of sun 
 
 by 109 
 
 deposition of prayer plumes by. 109 
 notifies the A'shiwanni, when. . 109 
 observation of continence by . . 109 
 
 sun shrine, description of 117, 118 
 
 tfeh'kwi, application of word (note). 115 
 
 water, administering of 137 
 
 We'wha, legend related by 135 
 
 wood, collection of, by fire-maker. . 115 
 wor'li, chief, house of, important 
 
 meeting in 141 
 
 distribution of seeds by 147 
 
 prayer over te'likinane" 141,142 
 
 selection of entertainers of Sha'- 
 
 lliko at bouse of 141 
 
 -wor'we, preparation of prayer 
 
 plumes by 145 
 
 yucca, rope of, method of prepara- 
 tion (note) 113 
 
 Zunis, effect of Mr George W. 
 Lander's attempt at civilizing ... 130 
 
 Ceremonies, summer solstice 148-162 
 
 solstice, summer, ant fraternity, 
 
 altar of, embellishment of 159 
 
 burning of fence, objections 
 
 raised to 158 
 
 Great Fire fraternity, altar of, 
 
 embellishment of 159 
 
 invocation of Beast Gods and 
 
 A'ehiyala'topa 152, 153 
 
 Kla'kwemnsi, ceremonies of, 
 
 in Si'aa' te'wita 161 
 
 Ko'mosona, administering of 
 
 water by, in Mu'he'wa ... 162 
 meal painting of, in Mu'- 
 he'wa ki^v^sine 152 
 
 Kor'kokshi. annointing and 
 
 painting of 160 
 
 dance of. in different plazas. 159 
 in ki'wteing and Ko'- 
 
 pekwln's house 160 
 
 dances of.after retreat 161,162 
 
 pilgrims met by, near Zuni. 158 
 repetition of the dances of . 162 
 
 Ceremonials, etc.— Continued, Page 
 
 ( \ r< mom'ffs— Continued, 
 
 solstice, summer, Ko'thluwala'wa, 
 
 ceremonies at lake 156, 157 
 
 description of visit to 154,155 
 
 gathering of tortoises near . 1">7 
 journey of pilgrims from... 158 
 
 making of sacred tire at 157 
 
 song of Ko'yemshi at 156 
 
 Ko'yemshi, dancing of, in Si'aa' 
 
 te'wita after retreat 161 
 
 pe'kwln announces coming 
 
 of 118.149 
 
 prayer plumes of 149 
 
 making of po'newe during 152 
 
 making of pottery previous to. . 150 
 meal painting of Kia'kwemosi 150, 151 
 meeting of fraternities previous 
 
 to 149,150 
 
 point of observation for 148 
 
 pilgrimage to Ko'thluwala'wa, 
 
 preparation for 153 
 
 pilgrims, breakingupof party . 159, 160 
 
 division of party • 154 
 
 mountains ascended by 
 
 (note) 154 
 
 procession of, into village.. 159 
 pilgrims to Ko'thluwala'wa, 
 
 description of 153 
 
 procession of 153, 154 
 
 prayer plumes, deposition of, 
 
 at Ko'thluwala'wa 156 
 
 preparation of prayer plumes 
 
 after 151, 152 
 
 preparation of prayer plumes 
 
 previous to 149, 150 
 
 retreat of A'shiwanni during .. 151 
 Shu'laawi'si, use of firebrand 
 
 by , 157,158 
 
 tortoises, treatment of, after 
 
 ceremonies (note) 161 
 
 use of, during dances 160,161 
 
 Zuni name for (note) 148 
 
 Ceremonies, summer solstice. (See Cere- 
 monies, calendar and calendric.) 
 'Cha'kwena. (See Mythology.) 
 
 Cheyenne, heraldry of xvn 
 
 Chihuahua, collections from xli 
 
 field work in ix, xvn 
 
 "Chi'klalikw e ( Rattlesnake fraternity ^ . 
 (See Esoteric fraternities.) 
 
 Chinook, dictionary and grammar of xxxv 
 
 Cibola, architecture of xlv 
 
 Clans, list of. (See Customs, history, arts, 
 and.) 
 origin of. (See Mythology.) 
 Classification of the higher powers. (See 
 Mythology.) 
 
 Cliff dwellers, home of 13, 14 
 
 Collections, ethnologic, added to United 
 
 States National Museum xli 
 
 Colorado, field work in ix,xvi,xvii 
 
 Corn Father. (See Mythology.) 
 Corn Maidens, discovery of. (See Mythology.) 
 giving of seeds to, by witches. (See 
 
 Mythology.) 
 rediscovery of, and re-creation of corn. 
 (See Mythology. ) 
 
614 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Page 
 Corn Mother. (See Mythology.) 
 Crops, thanksgiving for (o'winahai'- 
 
 Y E) 205-217 
 
 Ant Fraternity, dancing of a man of 208 
 
 A'pr'liishiwniini, dancing of the 208 
 
 A'shiwanni, meeting of 205 
 
 preparation of cigarettes by 205 
 
 Bow priesthood, description of warrior 
 
 wand of 206 
 
 Bow priests, elder and younger brother, 
 
 song and dance of 200, 207 
 
 Chu'pawa ki'wi'sino\ mating of young 
 
 men and girls in 210,211 
 
 girls, adornment of two in ceremony... 207 
 
 grotesque character, dancing of 210 
 
 dialogue between Hopi Indian and. 209 
 ki'wi'siwe,' Chu'pawa and Mu'he'wa, 
 
 dancing in 205 
 
 Navahos, party personating, dancing 
 
 of 208, 209 
 
 participants in ceremony, selection of.. 205 
 
 Second day, ceremonies of 211-214 
 
 A'pi'diishiwanni, song of the, in 
 
 large plaza 212 
 
 buffalo man, dancing of, in large 
 
 plaza 214 
 
 reason for introduction of (note). 214 
 Bow priesthood, certain members 
 
 of, ceremonies of 213 
 
 costumes worn by 212 
 
 Chu'pawa and Up'*sannawa ki'wi'- 
 siwe, costuming of maidens in... 213 
 large plaza, arrangement of cere- 
 monial objects in 212 
 
 assembling in .. 211, 212 
 
 maidens and young men, dancing 
 
 of, in large plaza 214 
 
 Shi'wano"kla, house of, prayer of 
 
 Kla'kwemosi in 211 
 
 praying over visitors in 211 
 
 Second night, ceremoniesof 214-217 
 
 Ant fraternity, dancing in chamber 
 
 of 215 
 
 picture presented in chamber 
 
 of 215 
 
 Chu'pawa ki'wi*sine\ A'pi' l lashi- 
 
 wanni in 2i6 
 
 ceremony in front of 217 
 
 Navaho dancers in 215,216 
 
 personators of Navahos on roof 
 
 of 215 
 
 youths personating old Zunis 
 
 in 215,216 
 
 large plaza, closing scenes in 216,217 
 
 throwing of gifts to people in. 216,217 
 Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sinG, ceremonicsin. 216 
 
 places of occurrence of 214 
 
 warrior, washing of the head of a 
 
 [note) 217 
 
 te'wita'hlan'na, general dance in 207,208 
 
 time of holding 205 
 
 Culin, Stewart, monograph of, on Indian 
 
 games xxv 
 
 Culture, psychic stages of xxn 
 
 Cashing, P. H., investigations of, in Zufii.. xlv 
 
 published writings of, on Zufii xlv 
 
 study of Indian games by xxv 
 
 Page 
 
 Customs; history, arts and 283-383 
 
 Clans, list of 291-292 
 
 lists of existing and extinct 292 
 
 relations of family to 291 
 
 Games 317-349 
 
 A'weflaknawe, game of, imple- 
 ments used in 348, 349 
 
 checkerboard, Zufii form of 
 
 (note) 349 
 
 children, enjoyment of, by 317 
 
 enumeration of 318 
 
 Ha'poanne pihl'kwanawe, game 
 
 of 343-344 
 
 method of playing 343, 344 
 
 Ho'klamonnO, game of 311-342 
 
 implements of 341 
 
 method of playing 341,342 
 
 object of playing the 342 
 
 I'yankolo'we, game of 333-341 
 
 announcement made of the 
 
 playing of 333 
 
 arrow in, use of 337 
 
 ceremony preliminary to 333 
 
 closing actions in 340, 341 
 
 first watcher in, visit to shrine 
 
 of elder God of War by 334,335 
 
 implements used in 333 
 
 leader in, prayer and ceremony 
 
 by 334, 335 
 
 participants in. feast of 337,338 
 
 plants in, arrangement of 337 
 
 players in, preparation of corn 
 
 husks by 334 
 
 visit to churchyard by 336 
 
 visit made to rain priest 
 
 by 335,336,337 
 
 playing of 338-340 
 
 plaza, position of players and 
 
 game in 338 
 
 rat man in, actions of 337 
 
 selection of players in 334 
 
 time of playing 333 
 
 watchers in, visits made by 335 
 
 ^Klash'tuwiwi, game of 347-348 
 
 method of playing 347 
 
 Ko'yemshi and Galaxy frater- 
 nity players in 347, 348 
 
 song stories in 347 
 
 La'pochiwe, game of 342-343 
 
 implements of 342 
 
 method of playing 342 
 
 origin of "318 
 
 Po'kliiinnawe, game of 345 
 
 implements used in 345 
 
 method of playing 345 
 
 Po'pone, game of, method of playing 346 
 
 Po'poneklap'nanO, game of 346 
 
 purpose of '. 317 
 
 Sa'yat'laknawe, game of 344 
 
 method of playing 344 
 
 Sho'liwe, game of 328-333 
 
 antiquity of 328 
 
 as played by professional gam- 
 blers 332, 333 
 
 ceremonial reeds in (note) 330 
 
 description of reeds used in.. 330,331 
 
INDEX 
 
 615 
 
 Customs, etc.— Continued. Page 
 
 Games— Con tin tied . 
 
 Sho'Uwe, difference in explanation 
 
 of (note) 332 
 
 fraternity organized for playing' 328 
 
 gambling den of players of 332 
 
 implements used in 328 
 
 met hud of playing 331 
 
 reeds used in 329 
 
 Sho'wekwe, alternating of, in 
 
 personating Ko'yemsln 328 
 
 degeneration of 328, 329 
 
 story of celebrated player of. 329,330 
 
 time for playing {note) .330 
 
 when played by rain priests for 
 
 rain 332 
 
 Sho'wiyaltowe, game of 344-345 
 
 method of playing 344, 34S 
 
 "Si'kon-yamnno ti'kwanO,gameof 345-346 
 
 implements used in 345 
 
 method of playing 346 
 
 source of knowledge of, by au- 
 thor 318 
 
 Tan'kalawe, game of, method of 
 
 playing - 348 
 
 Ta'sholiwe, game of 348 
 
 derivation of the word {note) . . 348 
 
 implements nsed in 34S 
 
 method of playing 348 
 
 Ti'kwanO, announcement made by 
 
 director of eacb ki'wi'sine" 319 
 
 betting race, offerings to de- 
 ceasedmembersof Bowpriest- 
 
 hood 325 
 
 offerings to Gods of War. . 324, 325 
 
 preparations for 324 
 
 Bow priesthood, gaming sticks 
 
 of 320 
 
 boys, imitation of elders in 
 
 wagering by 328 
 
 clans, elder brother Bow priest 
 
 announces race of 321 
 
 gaming sticks, opinion of cer- 
 tain authors (note) 320 
 
 informal race of, description 
 
 of 327,328 
 
 kla'Stchiwe, depositing of 319 
 
 la'showannC, placing of 319 
 
 medicine, use of, by runners... 326 
 
 Xavahos, races with 328 
 
 other descriptions of {note) 318 
 
 Pi'chikwe, translation of {note). 322 
 
 place of clan racing 321 
 
 preparation and depositing of 
 prayer plumes by Bow priest- 
 hood 318,319 
 
 race, betting on 325 
 
 ceremony concluding the .. 327 
 
 course of the 323, 324 
 
 eligibility of those taking 
 
 partin 327 
 
 end of 321, 327 
 
 exercising for 325 
 
 interest of spectators in 327 
 
 starting of the 322 
 
 race course, monuments that 
 mark the (note) 327 
 
 Customs, etc.— Continued. Page 
 
 Games— Continued. 
 
 Ti'kwanC, racers, start of 321 
 
 betting on 322 
 
 race of ki'wi l siwe, game of. . . 318-321 
 rain and Bow priests, return of, 
 
 to village 321 
 
 religious character of games of. 318 
 runner, action with stone by... 323 
 
 ceremony over a 322, 323 
 
 instruction of a 323 
 
 runners, ceremony to insure 
 
 swiftness 326 
 
 dress of 322 
 
 reaching of priests by 321 
 
 sho'klapiso, feathers of, in (also 
 
 note) 319 
 
 stick , use of, in race 326 
 
 warriors, preparation of 320 
 
 Ya'chunisa'wanni, game of, method 
 
 of playing 347 
 
 Governme7it 289-290 
 
 first body of A'shiwanni, what con- 
 stitutes (note) 289 
 
 form of, description of 289 
 
 illustration of the exercise of 290 
 
 Historical events, summary of 283-286 
 
 Industries, arts and 349-383 
 
 agriculture and horticulture 350-354 
 
 assistance in farming, how ob- 
 tained 350 
 
 corn and beans, development 
 
 of 350,351 
 
 cornfields, products of 351 
 
 field guardian, necessity for. . 351, 352 
 
 grain, supply of 353 
 
 spring, description of To'seluna. 351 
 vegetable products, preparation 
 
 of . . . : 353-354 
 
 water, method of distribution 
 
 of 351 
 
 ZufJis, corn husking among 352 
 
 raising of peaches by 354 
 
 treatmentof wheat by 352 
 
 vegetable gardensof 353 
 
 arts and industries, recent changes 
 
 in 379-383 
 
 English language, spread of 
 
 the 382,383 
 
 horses, decline in raising 381 
 
 household articles, modern, in- 
 troduction of 380 
 
 houses, improvement in build- 
 ing 379,380 
 
 laundering, extensive use of ... 380 
 Nina, effect of Christianity on.. 382 
 
 soap, an experiment with 380 
 
 Stevenson, Mr, changes inaugu- 
 rated by 379 
 
 village, recent changes in 382 
 
 Zufiis, fraudulent articles now 
 
 made by 381,382 
 
 improvement in living con- 
 ditions of 381 
 
 moral changes in the 382 
 
 auctioneering 378-379 
 
 auction, description of an 379 
 
 reasons for 378 
 
 basektry, different kinds of 373 
 
616 
 
 INDEX 
 
 I i -i '■;-. etc. — Continued. Page 
 
 Industrie .-■. arts and—i Continued. 
 
 bead making 378 
 
 beads, materia] of which made. 378 
 
 process of making 378 
 
 dress and adornment 369-372 
 
 c.othing, washing of 371 
 
 hair, bangs worn by women 372 
 
 dressing of the 371.372 
 
 men, all sewing usually done by 371 
 
 every-day dress of 369,370 
 
 ornaments worn by 370 
 
 pi'toni, articles of dress for fe- 
 males 370 
 
 women, dress of the 370,371 
 
 ornaments worn by 371 
 
 food and drink 361-369 
 
 animals, flesh of, use and prepa- 
 ration of 368, 369 
 
 beverages common to Zunis 369 
 
 bread, making of 361-366 
 
 chu' l sikwanawe (hominy), 
 
 preparation of 367 
 
 chu' l sikwanawe he'pachiwe, 
 
 method of making 364 
 
 games, preparation of 368 
 
 he'pa'ehiwe (tortillas), method 
 
 of making 363, 364 
 
 slab for baking 363 
 
 he'palokla, another process of 
 
 making 366 
 
 corn, method of making ... 366 
 method of making and bak- 
 ing 365, 366 
 
 modern way of baking 366 
 
 pats, baking of 366 
 
 scraps of, treatment of 366 
 
 he'we, baking of 361-363 
 
 coloring of 362,363 
 
 corn used for, preparation of 362 
 slabs used in baking, prepa- 
 ration of 361,362 
 
 variety of, how made 363 
 
 he'yahoniwe, method of mak- 
 ing 363 
 
 horses, use of 369 
 
 mi'lo'we, preparation of 367 
 
 mu'klaliwe, method of making 363 
 mu^kiapawe, method of mak- 
 ing 363 
 
 mu'loowe. baking of 365 
 
 method of making 364 
 
 oven for baking 365 
 
 mu^sikowe (doughnuts), mak- 
 
 ingoi" 367 
 
 native fruits, use of 368 
 
 squash, preparation of 368 
 
 ta'kunawe (popped corn), prep- 
 aration of 367 
 
 Thunder mountain, erroneous 
 
 translation of (note) 361 
 
 Zunis, daily meals of 369 
 
 house <•< tnsl ruction 349-350 
 
 houses, entrances to 349,350 
 
 method of building 349, 350 
 
 plastering of, method of 350 
 
 privilege of women... 349,350 
 
 Customs, etc. — Continued. Page 
 
 Industries, arts and — Continued. 
 
 house construction, houses, stone 
 
 doorways of (note) 350 
 
 pueblo, Zufi i, form of 349 
 
 pottery 373-377 
 
 baking of 375, 376-377 
 
 potters, clays used by, where ob- 
 tained 374 
 
 forming of vessels by 375 
 
 instruments used by 374 
 
 mixing of clay by 374,375 
 
 poor understanding of sym- 
 bols used by 373 
 
 women usually the 373 
 
 preparation and decorating of . . 375 
 We'wha, gathering of clay by.. 374 
 
 salt gathering 354-361 
 
 guide, actions of , toward Mrand 
 
 Mrs Stevenson 355-356 
 
 important ruin visited during. . 356 
 
 Ko'hakwa, mask of 361 
 
 Ma'lokat'si, mask of 360,361 
 
 Ma 'lokat'si, Ko'hakwa, and Sun, 
 
 visit of 361 
 
 plume offerings to Ma'lokat'si.. 355 
 ruin, trepidation of guide dur- 
 ing visit to 356 
 
 salt, ceremony over, in house of 
 
 elder brother Bow priest 360 
 
 salt-gatherers, departure of 355 
 
 return of 359 
 
 salt lake, announcement of trip 
 
 to-. 354 
 
 approach to 357 
 
 articles of value deposited 
 
 on shores of 358 
 
 Father and Mother corn, 
 
 preparation of 359 
 
 first view of 357 
 
 gathering of salt from 359 
 
 neutral ground of 357 
 
 path to. required to be taken 358 
 
 prayers of guide at 358 
 
 right to take salt from 357 
 
 shrine dedicated to 358 
 
 those entitled to enter 358 
 
 visit of Bow priests to home 
 
 of Gods of War 359 
 
 waters of (nott ) 357 
 
 signal fires approach of salt- 
 gatherers warned by 359 
 
 Sun, mask of 301 
 
 Zuni salt lake, description of 
 
 ( note) 354 
 
 silversmithing 377 
 
 wagon making 378 
 
 weaving 372, 373 
 
 blankets, making of. by Zunis.. 372 
 Navaho weaving superior.. 372 
 
 colors used in 373 
 
 priest, blanket woven by a 373 
 
 spindle, handling of i note) 372 
 
 Zuni boy, blanket woven by.. 372,373 
 
 Property 290,291 
 
 distribution after death 291 
 
 land, method of acquirement of.. 290.291 
 personal, division of 291 
 
INDEX 
 
 617 
 
 Customs, etc.— Continued. Page 
 
 Revolt O/16S0, nativ* accounts of 286-2S9 
 
 shi'wauni's (rain priest's) ac- 
 count 286, 2^7 
 
 Tn'ninkn, account given by 287-289 
 
 Social customs 292-317 
 
 household, the ' 292-294 
 
 boys and girls, amusements 
 
 Of 2i>3,294 
 
 child, obedience of Zuni 293 
 
 houses, description of 292 
 
 fireplaces in 293 
 
 Zuni, love-making: in 294 
 
 Zunis, domestic life of 293 
 
 marriage customs 304-305 
 
 ceremony, marriage, method of 
 
 performing 304 
 
 Zunis, monogamy practiced by. 305 
 
 mortuary customs 305-317 
 
 Ant fraternity, death of a mem- 
 ber of 308 
 
 burial, physical purification af- 
 ter 307 
 
 churchyard, burial of dead in.. 306 
 dead, actions of mourners be- 
 fore burial of the 306 
 
 burial of certain articles 
 
 with 306 
 
 method of burial of the 306 
 
 spirit of, laying of the 307 
 
 death, announcement of 305, 306 
 
 preparation of body after . . 305 
 deceased, disposition of person- 
 al property after death 307 
 
 grief, exhibition of, over loved 
 
 ones 308 
 
 husband or wife, custom of the 
 
 surviving. 306, 307 
 
 infants, piercing of ears of 305 
 
 Nai'uehi, burial of 316 
 
 burial of belongings of . . . 316, 317 
 
 cause of death of 314 
 
 death of 313-317 
 
 In'noeita, fearof witch by. . 317 
 mourning of family over 
 
 body of 316 
 
 preparation of body of, for 
 
 burial 315, 316 
 
 rain priests, ceremony of, 
 
 over body of 315 
 
 treatment of. by native doc- 
 tors 314,315 
 
 poor woman, body of a, prepara- 
 tion for burial 308-310 
 
 spirit, course of, after death 308 
 
 We'wha. burial of 313 
 
 death of 310-313 
 
 description of 310,311 
 
 immediate cause of death 
 
 of 311 
 
 possessions of, destruction 
 
 of 313 
 
 preparation of body of, for 
 
 burial 312 
 
 natal customs 294-303 
 
 aceouchment. practices after. . . 297 
 breast, operation on, by Nai'- 
 uehi 297 
 
 Customs, etc.— Continued. Page 
 
 Social customs— Continued. 
 
 natal customs, gestation, length of 
 
 time re<|uired for 296 
 
 labor case, typical, description 
 
 of 297-303 
 
 Motherrock, visit to, by husband 
 
 ami wile, reason for 294 
 
 perineum, laceration of 297 
 
 premature birth, production of. 296 
 women, customs of, during preg- 
 nancy 296 
 
 pregnant, bewitched 295 
 
 declaration of Nai'uchi 
 
 about a, effect of . . . 295, 296 
 resorts visited by . _ . . 294, 295 
 suffering of.duringpreg- 
 
 nancy 296 
 
 uterine troubles by 297 
 
 puberty customs 303-305 
 
 menstruation, actions of women 
 
 during. 303 
 
 puberty, duties performed just 
 
 previous to 303 
 
 Divination, cultural stage of xxi, xxn 
 
 Divine Ones. (See Mythology.) 
 
 Dixon, R. B., researches of xv, xxv, xxxiv 
 
 Dorsey, G. A., somatologic observations of. xix 
 
 Dreams, heraldic devices revealed in xxm 
 
 Elder brother Bow priest, installation of. 
 
 (See Esoteric fraternities.) 
 Eskimo, Ita. (See Ita . ) 
 
 Esoteric fraternities 407-607 
 
 A'pi'Uashiwamii (Bow priesthood) 576-607 
 
 Bow priesthood, ceremony of initi- 
 ation into 578-607 
 
 arrow and scalp, ceremony 
 
 with 586 
 
 A'shiwanni, first body of, cere- 
 mony with idols by 604 
 
 preparation of prayer 
 
 plumes by 596-597 
 
 ceremonial chamber, assem- 
 bling of A'shiwanni in 598 
 
 bringing of idols of Gods of 
 
 War to 597 
 
 removal of fetishes in 600 
 
 chaparral-cock feathers, pray- 
 ing with 589-590 
 
 cigarettes, making and smoking 
 
 of 583 
 
 circular group, dance of 605 
 
 songs sung by 605 
 
 corn and wheat, gifts - to 
 
 A'pi'tlashiwanni of.. 592 
 
 dancing girls, adornment by vic- 
 tor and elder brother of 590-591 
 
 excavation, position of partici- 
 pants around 584 
 
 food, disposition of, inpJaza.. 603-604 
 dress of bearers of ceremo- 
 nial 603 
 
 gifts, throwing of, to people.. 602-603 
 girl dancers, costume worn 
 
 by 588-589 
 
 girl dancers and choir, song 
 and dance by the 589 
 
(>1<S 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued. Page 
 
 A'pV tlashiwanni — Continued, 
 
 Bow priesthood, Gods of War, de- 
 
 p« (Siting of idols of 606, 607 
 
 Gods of War, idols of. wood out 
 
 of which made ( note) 597 
 
 makers of wood idols of 597 
 
 order of depositing idols in 
 
 shrines of 607 
 
 placing in chamber of, idols 
 
 of 597 
 
 sticks of images of, color 
 
 of 597-598 
 
 Gods of War and ants, symbolic 
 
 homes of 581-582 
 
 gourds, decoration of, by Kia'- 
 
 kwemosi 597 
 
 grinders, gifts to 592 
 
 ha'shiya, dancing in chamber 
 
 and plaza by 591-592 
 
 dancing of 600, 601, 604 
 
 hatchet-bearers, costumes worn 
 
 by dancers in dance of . 593-594 
 
 dance of the 594 
 
 formation for dance of . . . 592-593 
 He'patina, certain participants 
 
 visit 604 
 
 hooped drum, ceremony over. . 593 
 
 'kla'punakwe, dress of 598 
 
 large plaza, placing of fetishes 
 
 around meal painting in 600-601 
 procession of A'shiwanni, 
 
 etc., to 600 
 
 meal line, procession over 585 
 
 meal painting, position of par- 
 ticipants around 601 
 
 meal painting and cloud sym- 
 bol, decorations around 598 
 
 meander dance, route of 592 
 
 mounds, large gathering about. 583 
 O'pompia, legend about (note) . 606 
 o'tulasho'nakwe, dancing of . . . 595 
 pa'mosona, preparation of camp 
 
 fire by 581 
 
 persons composing circular 
 
 group, list of 605 
 
 plates cxxxvn. cxxxvm, and 
 
 cxxxix. explanation of. 607 
 
 plaza, bringing of food to 603 
 
 closing ceremonies in 606 
 
 erection of scalp pole in — 586 
 
 formation of dancers in 601 
 
 forming of circular group in. 604 
 
 meal painting in 598 
 
 po'nepoyanne, description of 
 
 (note) 598 
 
 prayer plumes, planting on ant- 
 hills of 585 
 
 pu'moklaklanawe, dancing of. 595- 
 596,601,602 
 pu'panakwe, choirs formed of. . 588 
 qualifications for membership 
 
 in 578 
 
 red he'we, method of making.. 606 
 scalp, attaching on pole pieces 
 
 ..!' 582 
 
 attaching to twigs pieces of. 583 
 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued. Page 
 
 .1 'p i ' t lush i >va nn i— Con ti n ued . 
 
 Bow priesthood, scalp, divided, 
 placing of in new position in 
 
 plaza 598 
 
 scalp ceremonial, fast of partici- 
 pants in 5S7 
 
 time of holding 578 
 
 scalp custodian, female aid to, 
 
 clan of ( note) 584-585 
 
 speech to warriors by 580 
 
 scalp dance, repetition during 
 
 twelve nights of 586-587 
 
 scalp-holder, clan of the 604-605 
 
 scalp-kickers, costume worn by. 584 
 
 kicking of scalp by 585 
 
 scalp pole, dance of people 
 
 about 594, 595, 596 
 
 scalp-washers, costumeworn by. 590 
 
 receiving of scalp by 590 
 
 reception by A'pi'^iishi- 
 
 wanni of 590 
 
 ■ scalp-washers, etc., dancing in 
 
 plaza by 591 
 
 procession to large plaza by. 591 
 scalp-washers and scalp-kickers, 
 
 selection of 579 
 
 Sha'liiko, dance of personators 
 
 of 601 
 
 shrines, list of, of Gods of War. . 606 
 tsu^hlan'na, importance of 
 
 (note) 598 
 
 two festivals of 678 
 
 U'hana yal'lanne, legend about 
 
 {note) 606 
 
 victor, bathing by scalp-kicker 
 
 and aid of 588 
 
 confinement toscalppoleof. 587 
 meaning of decorations on 
 
 head of 600 
 
 painting and decoration of 
 
 face of 599, 600 
 
 selection of elder brother to. 579 
 victor and elder brother, cos- 
 tume of 598-599 
 
 discovery of enemy by 581 
 
 distribution of meal by 599 
 
 performance with red he'we 
 
 by 602 
 
 shooting of scalp by 581 
 
 village, encircling of, by scalp- 
 kickers 586 
 
 war pouch, making of 587-588 
 
 warrior, prayer whispered by. 579-580 
 
 throwing of arrows by 602 
 
 warriors, decoration of 599 ' 
 
 first step inaugurated by.. 579-580 
 selection of personators of . . 579 
 
 war whoop/giving of 581 
 
 Bow priesthood and Ant fraternity, 
 
 song sung by 583 
 
 elder brother Bow priest, installa- 
 tion of 577-578 
 
 ceremonial, praying after 578 
 
 elder brother Bow priest, cere- 
 mony over fellow of 678 
 
 Kla'kwemosi, instruction of 
 novice by 577-578 
 
INDEX 
 
 619 
 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued. Page 
 
 A'pVtl&shiwanni— Continued. 
 
 elderbrotuer Bow priest, meal paint- 
 ing, making of, by pe'kwln .. 577 
 novice, instruction of, bypriest- 
 
 hood 578 
 
 Kla'kweniosi, prerogative of 577 
 
 organizers of 576 
 
 peculiar feature of 577 
 
 t Clii'ktalikwt ( Rattlesnake fraternity) .... 528 
 
 manner of formation of 528 
 
 Fraternities, origin and functions of... 407-428 
 
 A'pi''l:ishi\vnnni, creation of the. . . 413 
 
 A'shiwi. certain, join the Mu"kwe. 412 
 
 coming of 408 
 
 A'shiwi fraternities, secrets of mys- 
 tery medicine given to 409 
 
 author, sacred objects presented to. 418 
 
 bath, process of the women's 425 
 
 Beast Gods, names given to 409 
 
 creation of 409 
 
 Bi" t si t si, creation of 408 
 
 ceremonial chamber, closing cere- 
 monies in 427 
 
 etiquette in 425, 426 
 
 Chi'pia, settlement of party of 
 
 gods at 407 
 
 corn, preparation of a perfect ear of. 418 
 Divine Ones, third fraternity or- 
 ganized by 409 
 
 dry painting, form of 415 
 
 et'tone* and mi'li, importance of, in 
 
 the fraternities 416,417 
 
 Fire and Sword orders, method of 
 
 joining 416 
 
 fraternities, ceremonial bathing of. 425 
 
 certain other 413 
 
 drums of 425 
 
 eligibility to membership in . . . 413 
 
 garments worn by members of. 425 
 
 language of songs of 424, 425 
 
 length of meetings of certain .. 421 
 method of notification of meet- 
 ings of 422 
 
 places of meetings of 423 
 
 rooms of the * 423 
 
 semimonthly meetings of 422 
 
 tablet altars of 425 
 
 time of meeting of 421,422 
 
 fraternity, deceased member of, 
 
 ceremony with mi'li 418 
 
 Xe'wekwe, the second organ- 
 ized 408,409 
 
 organization of first 408 
 
 organization of the Shu'maa- 
 
 kwe 4J1 
 
 Struck-by-lightning, origin of. 413-414 
 
 L'huhukwe, formation of 410 
 
 Great Fire fraternity, organization 
 
 of ". 409 
 
 Hii 'lo'kwe, organization of the 410 
 
 l Hle'wekwe, peculiarity of the 417 
 
 return of, to their people 410 
 
 sword swallowing taught the . . 410 
 Hopis, Little Fire fraternity original 
 
 with (note) 411 
 
 It'sepcho, joining the order of 416 
 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued. Page 
 Fratem it ies — C< rati nued . 
 
 It'sopcho, order of, dance in Shun'- 
 
 te l klaya by '. 412 
 
 Kc'pachu, home of {note) 424 
 
 Knife order, cause of organization 
 
 of 410 
 
 'Kn'shi'kwe and A'pi'<l:ishiwanm, 
 
 requirements to membership in . . 421 
 
 Kok'ko 'hlan'na, group known as. . 407 
 
 initiation of certain members 
 
 of Great Fire fraternity by . . . Ill 
 
 Le'lentu, finding of, by Mu"kwe .. 413 
 
 medicineman, power of (note) 414 
 
 mi'li, separation and reconstruction 
 
 of 418-420 
 
 mystery medicine order, joining a. 415 
 mythologic philosophy, basis of the 
 
 Zuiii 414, 115 
 
 novice, course of initiation of a . . 426, 427 
 
 plume worn by 426 
 
 Pa'yatamu, distinction in name of 
 
 (note) 409 
 
 po'nepoyannS, description of (note) 417 
 Po'shaiyiinki and associates, com- 
 ing of 407 
 
 prayer plumes, making and deposit- 
 ing of, time of 423 
 
 sand painting, antiquity of (note) .. 416 
 'San'iakiakwe (Hunters fraternity), 
 
 peculiarity of 417 
 
 sculpture, aboriginal, near Shi'- 
 
 papolima 407 
 
 Shi'papolima, location of 407 
 
 significance of name (note) 407 
 
 those who traveled to 407 
 
 Shi'wannakwe, definition of (note) . 408 
 
 mi'li of 418 
 
 Sho'wekwe, fraternity of 413 
 
 Shu'maakwe, mi'li of the 417 
 
 Sia cosmogony, bit of (note) 408 
 
 sucking, process of (note) 415 
 
 theurgism. development of 414,415 
 
 theurgists, methods adopted by, in 
 
 curing disease 415 
 
 woman, selection of fraternity 
 
 father for a 422, 423 
 
 Zufiis, introduction of Little Fire 
 
 fraternity among 411, 412 
 
 secrets of It'sepcho given to cer- 
 tain 411 
 
 Ha'lo'kwe (Ant fraternity) 528-530 
 
 A'chiya, prayer plumes of order of. 530 
 
 ant gods, Hii'lo'kwe agents of 529 
 
 ant-hill, praying of novice over 530 
 
 fraternity father, depositing of 
 
 prayer plumes by 529 
 
 orders, names of 528 
 
 patient, method of treatment of 529 
 
 treatment of, in ceremonial 
 
 chamber 529 
 
 tffle'wekwe ( Wood fraternity), or Sword 
 
 swalloivers 444-485 
 
 A'shiwi, reception of 'Hle'wekwe by 447 
 
 ceremonial chamber, decorations in 453 
 
 preparation of 451-452 
 
 rehearsal of songs in 450 
 
.wo 
 
 INDEX 
 
 ic fraternities— Continued. Page 
 
 tub 'wektve— Continued. 
 
 ceremonial chamber, sleeping in, 
 
 purpose of 453 
 
 ceremony, gathering of wood for the 451 
 continence and fast, observance of, 
 
 during ceremony 453 
 
 corn and wheat, grinding of, in 
 houses of novices and fraternity 
 
 fathers 456 
 
 elder and younger brother Bi w 
 priests, prayer plumes deposited by 456 
 
 St'towe, bringing < if snow by 444 
 
 creation of additional, for 
 
 snow 446—447 
 
 fraternity, bathing of members 
 
 after daneing {note) 452 
 
 praying in groups of members of 452 
 fraternity father, ceremony with 
 
 meal and feather 457 
 
 ceremony with members of .. 449,450 
 plume offering presented by ... 452 
 fraternity father, ceremonial of nov- 
 ice and 449 
 
 'hle'ct'tone. decoration of (note) ... 454 
 procession of l HlCm'mo^ona 
 
 with 454 
 
 tHle'wekwe. applying medicines of. 448 
 
 elans of officers of 449 
 
 ceremonies, difference between 
 
 January and February 4S2-ls3 
 
 dry paintings and fetishes of... 454 
 education of, by A'chiyala'topa. 445 
 
 February ceremonial of 482-483 
 
 initiation of youth and maiden 
 
 into 451-158 
 
 January, ls97. ceremonies ob- 
 served in 483 
 
 la'showawe made by members 
 
 of 450,451 
 
 making of prayer plumes and 
 
 ba'kwani 453-154 
 
 meeting of the A'shiwi by 445,446 
 
 method of applying for medi- 
 cines of 447,448 
 
 method of applying for mem- 
 bership in 44S.449 
 
 order of the 44" 
 
 original swords of | noil | 445 
 
 return journey of the 445 
 
 route of. dispute in regard to. 444—445 
 separation of, from their people. 444 
 
 special use of medicines of 447 
 
 \ illage built at Nutria by 445 
 
 white-blossomed medii-ine of 
 
 ■ nott I 448 
 
 'Hle'wekwe and Sword order of 
 i treat Fire fraternity, combina- 
 tion dances of 454 
 
 Kla'kwemosi, creation of Mu'chai- 
 
 liha'nona ami Blu'waiye 447 
 
 Klalii'silo, order of (spruce tree i .. 183-485 
 
 ■ i n mi 1. 1 iy, occurrence of 4S3 
 
 novices, selection of fraternity 
 
 fathers for 484 
 
 selection of members of 483-484 
 
 sword swallowing, ending of 
 ceremony of 485 
 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued. Page 
 
 t Ilk' in. kwe— Continued. 
 
 Klala'silo, swords, preparation of, 
 
 for ceremony 484— 1S5 
 
 swallowing of 485 
 
 trees, collection of 4s4 
 
 making of swords from butt 
 
 of 484 
 
 la'showawe, distribution of 451 
 
 medicine, preparation and drink- 
 ing of 452 
 
 securing of, for ceremony 451 
 
 Mu'waiye. the 458-482 
 
 A'chiyala'topa, erasing of figure 
 
 of 467 
 
 wonders performed by fig- 
 ure Of 462-463 
 
 a'mosi, costume worn by 469 
 
 distribution of la'showawe 
 
 by 462 
 
 a'mosono''kIa, costume worn by 469 
 Bear clan, certain members of, 
 
 costume worn by 473 
 
 certain members of, and 
 
 group, performance of 473 
 
 Bow priesthood, dancing of, . 
 
 with tehl'nawe 468-469 
 
 boxes, ceremony over 464 
 
 ceremonial chamber, assem- 
 bling of dancers in 4-38,459 
 
 dancingof'Hle'wekwein. 460-461 
 decoration of A'chiyala'to- 
 
 pa's picture in 462 
 
 preparation of openings 
 
 into 476 
 
 returnof tehl'nawe to roof of 472 
 ceremonies, view of, from win- 
 dows 477 
 
 chamber, ceremony with fe- 
 tishes in 403 
 
 position of novices in 476 
 
 Chu'pawa, choir of, singing in 
 
 plaza by 475 
 
 concluding ceremonies of fra- 
 ternity father and novice .. 4S1— 182 
 
 costume worn by 474-475 
 
 crosses of meal, member of 
 
 tHle'wekwe forms two 472 
 
 dance of 459 
 
 dancing of, in plaza 475 
 
 deti nition of word ( note ) 458 
 
 Ot'tone, offering of plumes to... 464 
 
 et'lowe. failure to sprinkle | note) 475 
 position of persons in charge 
 
 of 47S.479 
 
 fit'towe and l hla'we bearers, exit 
 
 of, from plaza 475 
 
 return of, to house of Badger 
 
 clan 475 
 
 et'towe and 'hla'we bearers and 
 
 leader, entrance of 473 
 
 fraternity chamber, position of 
 
 members in 477 
 
 fraternity fathers, clans of 471 
 
 feast, enjoyment of, after cere- 
 mony 472 
 
 fetishes, etc., storing away of. . . 480 
 
INDEX 
 
 621 
 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued. Page 
 
 tBkfxoekwe— Continued, 
 
 Mu'waiye, girls, circle dance by . 461-462 
 Gods of War, tehl'nawe depos- 
 ited at shrines of 481 
 
 Great Fire fraternity, entrance 
 
 and performance of 461 
 
 sword swallowing by 471 
 
 Oale'et'tono. maiden who carries 
 
 the 464 
 
 procession with the 464 
 
 tHlem'mosona, costume of 460 
 
 line of meal made by 463 
 
 tHle'wekwe, address of We'wha 
 
 in chnmber of 480 
 
 administering medicine wa- 
 ter in chamber of 479 
 
 ceremony with et'towe in 
 
 chamber of 479 
 
 chamber of, ceremonies in 477-47S 
 costumes worn by per- 
 formers in 477 
 
 conduct of guests in cham- 
 ber of 478 
 
 costume of members of 460 
 
 costume worn by, in plaza . . 466 
 
 dancing in chamber of 478 
 
 enjoyment of feast in cham- 
 ber of 480 
 
 entering of, into chamber. . 460 
 
 male ro embers of, singing of. 473 
 preparation for arrival of. 459,460 
 removal of paraphernalia 
 
 from chamber of -.. 479 
 
 sword swallowing by 461 
 
 sword swallowing in cham- 
 ber of 478 
 
 swords used by 460 
 
 dilu^sipone, form of {note) 475 
 
 notched sticks, method of per- 
 forming with 465 
 
 meal, basket of, depositing of 
 
 {note) 470 
 
 Mu'chailihii'nona, costume of. 473-474 
 Mu'chailiha'nona and maidens, 
 
 procession of 474 
 
 musician, grave offense com- 
 mitted by 461 
 
 ceremony of, over boxes . . . 465 
 
 retirement of, from plaza. . . 470 
 
 novices, appearance of.in plaza. 470 
 ceremony with gifts for.. 471-472 
 
 ceremony with mi'li over . . 472 
 
 ceremony with swords over. 472 
 
 whipping of 471 
 
 O'he'wa ki'witsine, playing of 
 
 choir from 461 
 
 painting, depositing of sand 
 
 from 467 
 
 sacredness of (note) 467 
 
 photographs, difficulty in ob- 
 taining ( note > 463 
 
 plaza, arrangement of C-t'towe 
 
 bearers in 464 
 
 boxes in. changing of 473 
 
 brilliant scene in 470 
 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued. Page 
 
 t£tfe''wekwe — Continued. 
 
 Mu'waiye, plaza, sword swallowing 
 
 of "Hlem'inosnnu in -170 
 
 prayer plumes, planting of, after 
 
 ceremonies 481 
 
 procession of, in plaza 475-470 
 
 to house of the et'towe 176 
 
 rehearsal of the dance of 458 
 
 removal of ornaments from 476 
 
 Si'aa' te'wita, dance or *Hle'- 
 
 wekwein -166 
 
 tHlem'mosona again swal- 
 lows sword in 467-468 
 
 prayer of 'Hlem'mosona 
 
 over boxes in 469 
 
 sword swallowing in . 466-467,469 
 
 sprinkling of St'towe by 476 
 
 Sword order of Great Fire fra- 
 ternity, entrance into plaza 
 
 by 469-470 
 
 tehl'nawe, placing of 463 
 
 women and girls, costume of... 460 
 
 novice, washing head of 458 
 
 novices, administering of medicine 
 
 water to 457 
 
 prayer plumes, making and deposit- 
 ing of, in spring 454,455 
 
 rock markings, description of cer- 
 tain 444,445 
 
 spring, claim of tHle'wekwe in re- 
 gard to [note) 456 
 
 member of party visiting, cos- 
 tumes of 455 
 
 Su'ni-a'shiwanni, creation of . .. 445 
 
 sword, swallowing of, by fraternity 
 
 father and novice 457 
 
 sword blades, keeper of (note) 451 
 
 sword swallowing, ceremony pre- 
 ceding 457 
 
 tehl'nang, description of (note)... 450-4,51 
 tehl'nawe, presentation of, to 
 
 'Hlem'mosona 456 
 
 Zuni place of nativity (note)., 444 
 
 Zuflis, snow legend of -146 
 
 tKo'shl'kwe ( Cactus fraternity ) ... 569-576 
 
 application for membership in, form 
 
 of 570 
 
 cactus, collection of 571 
 
 effect of breaking {note) 575 
 
 fighting in plaza with 575 
 
 cactus and willows, dancing with. . 573 
 
 placing of, around altar 572 
 
 cactus bearers, meeting the 571 
 
 procession of, to village 572 
 
 cactus dance, preparation for 573-574 
 
 cactus dancers, dancing in plaza 
 
 by 574, 575 
 
 procession to plaza by 574 , 575 
 
 cactus plant the symbol of 570 
 
 ceremony, bathing of participants 
 
 in 573 
 
 depositing of cactus and 
 
 switches after 576 
 
 cougar medicine of 576 
 
 dry painting, character of [note)... bib 
 
,;o.j 
 
 INDEX 
 
 i son bic fraternities— Continued. Page 
 
 ' h'o'sh i-kin — t 'out iuued. 
 
 medicine water. consecration of, by 
 
 pe'kwlu 572 
 
 members, costume worn by, in 
 
 plaza 574 
 
 novice, ceremony over painting 
 
 with 575 
 
 ceremony over, with cactus.. 571-572 
 ceremony with cactus and wil- 
 lows over 573 
 
 instructions given to . 576 
 
 prayer plumes, depositing of, by 
 
 deputy 570, 571 
 
 preparation of, by members of.. 570 
 qualifications for membership in. 569-570 
 
 shrine sacred to 570 
 
 willows, collection and ceremony 
 
 over 571 
 
 women, separation of members 
 
 from, during ceremonies 571 
 
 yucca glauca, division of 571 
 
 Ma'fh <Jlhtn'n<il:irc [Great Fire /rater- 
 
 n it ij | 485-521 
 
 Fire order — division of Sword 
 
 order 504-511 
 
 bud medicine, desire of women 
 
 for 506 
 
 ceremonial chamber, placing of 
 
 trees upon 507 
 
 dry painting, making of 507 
 
 female members, dress of 509 
 
 fifth day, ceremonies of 508-511 
 
 first night, ceremonies of 504-506 
 
 Great Fire fraternity, close of 
 
 dance of 510-511 
 
 dance of 510 
 
 tHlem'mosona, address to peo- 
 ple by 505 
 
 depositing of prayer plumes 
 
 by 508 
 
 distribution of medici ne by . 505 
 juniper splinters, ceremony 
 
 with 504 
 
 male members, decoration of .. 509 
 meal and corn grains, eagerness 
 
 for 508 
 
 meal, husk of, ceremony "with 
 
 novice's 504 
 
 mi'li, ceremony over novice 
 
 with 505 
 
 novice, ceremony over 508 
 
 conducting of, to ceremo- 
 nial chamber 504 
 
 ^wallowing of sword by 505 
 
 painting, effect of blemish on.. 507 
 plaza, procession of members 
 
 to 509-510 
 
 spot in, saerednessof 508 
 
 •■word swallowing in 510 
 
 second day. ceremonies of 506-508 
 
 splinters, ceremony with 506 
 
 sword, ceremony over novice 
 
 with 505 
 
 failure of novices to swallow 
 
 i nott I 505 
 
 sword blades, dancing with 504 
 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued. Page 
 
 Ma'tke tHlan'nakwe— Continued. 
 
 Fire order, sword blades, distribu- 
 tion of 504 
 
 size of (note) 504 
 
 Sword order, ceremony with 
 trees by 'Hlem'mosona and. 507-508 
 
 sword swallowing (note) 505 
 
 trees, ceremony over 506 
 
 collection of 506 - 
 
 placing of, in ceremonial 
 
 chamber 506 
 
 sprinkling of meal upon 507 
 
 Ke'pachu.derivationof word (note). 486 
 
 Kok'ko 'hlan'na, order of 487-490 
 
 anthropicgods associated with. 487 
 preparation of patient to re- 
 ceive the 487 
 
 mark of {note) 48 
 
 method of joining 487 
 
 patient, ceremony over body 
 
 of 488,489 
 
 chamber of, arrival of gods at 488 
 departure of gods from 
 
 chamber of 490 
 
 eating of bread by 490 
 
 gifts presented to 490 
 
 intermission in ceremony 
 
 over 489 
 
 performance of fire-makers 
 
 over 4S9 
 
 performance of Kwe'lele 
 
 over 489-490 
 
 washing of head of 490 
 
 sore throat, ceremony for the 
 
 cure of 487-490 
 
 story of meeting of Kok'ko 
 "hlan'na and Shumai'koli .*. . . 487 
 
 language of songs of (note) 486 
 
 Ma''ke 'Hlan'na (Great Fire), divi- 
 sions of order of 485 
 
 O'naya'nakla. initiation into order 
 
 of 490-504 
 
 a'kwamosi, consecration of wa- 
 ter by 492 
 
 forming of cross of meal by. 492 
 
 ashes, sprinkling of 492. 494 
 
 Beast Gods, food deposited for. . 492 
 ceremonial chamber, adorn- 
 ment of members in 491 
 
 assembling in 491 
 
 guest in, privileges of 498 
 
 seating of members in 491,492 
 
 ceremony, excitement of par- 
 ticipants in 495-496 
 
 choir, two men of, performances 
 
 by 499 
 
 two men of, sprinkling of 
 
 ashes by 499 
 
 closing ceremonies 502 
 
 director, dancing of 500 
 
 Fire fraternity, playing with 
 
 fire by 495 
 
 Fireorder.membershipin i noU ) 490 
 
 first night, ceremonies of 491-495 
 
 fourth night, decorations in 
 
 chamber on 498 
 
INDEX 
 
 623 
 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued. Page 
 
 Ma'ikt ' Ifhui'mikirc — Continued. 
 
 O'naya'nakla, fourth night, open- 
 ing ceremony on 498-499 
 
 personal adornment on 498 
 
 guest, playing with fire by a 495 
 
 Little Fire fraternity, thenrgist 
 
 of, performances by 500-501 
 
 material, extracted, actions of 
 
 theurgists with 501 
 
 meal, distribution of to each 
 
 * person 492 
 
 members, manipulation of live 
 
 coals by 508 
 
 novices, ceremony with 501 
 
 dancing of 493, 500 
 
 decorations of 499-500 
 
 performance of fraternity 
 
 fathers with 493 
 
 performance of warrior over 
 
 the 493 
 
 patients, articles extracted from 
 
 bodies of 501 
 
 practicing upon 493 
 
 prayer, offering of 493 
 
 preparations for, on first day. 490-191 
 
 sand painting, making of 491 
 
 second night, ceremonies of.. 495-496 
 
 close of ceremonies of 496 
 
 dress of members on 495 
 
 Sia guest, performances by 497 
 
 Sia Indian . danci ng of 497 
 
 sucking, practicing of, by nov- 
 ices 502 
 
 Sword order, performances by 
 man of 503 
 
 • theurgist, actions of a 502-503 
 
 theurgists, gesticulations of 495 
 
 method of action by, in 
 
 healing 493 
 
 practicing of 496, 497, 500 
 
 third night, close of ceremonies 
 
 of 497-19S 
 
 making of pictures duriug. . 496 
 
 variations noted in 1884 502-503 
 
 warrior, dancing of 495 
 
 healing of sick by 496 
 
 sucking at heart by 493 
 
 woman theurgists, dancing of.. 497 
 
 writer, practicing on the 500 
 
 officersof 485-486 
 
 orders, number of. in 485 
 
 origin of 486 
 
 Po'<sikishi (spruce tree), order of. 515-521 
 a'kwamosi, consecration of med- 
 icine water by 519 
 
 making of medicine water 
 
 by 517 
 
 altar, sprinkling meal on 517 
 
 Beast Gods, singing of songs to. 515 
 
 chamber, head washing in... 519-520 
 
 position of participants in.. 519 
 
 close of night ceremonies 518 
 
 food, offerings of 517 
 
 vHlgm'mosona, administering 
 
 of medicine water by 520 
 
 Xa'ke'e, making of prayer 
 plumes to 515 
 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued. Page 
 
 Ma' the tllhtii 'naktcc— Continued. 
 
 Po'tsikishi, order of. Na'keV, song to 515 
 novice, attempt by, to swallow 
 
 tree sword 518 
 
 meal, sprinkling of trees with . 520, 521 
 medicine water, spraying throat 
 
 with 520 
 
 outdoor festival of 520 
 
 plaza, dance with trees in 520 
 
 procession to 520 
 
 rhombus and flute, use of ( note) . 516 
 songs, singing of, in chamber .. 519 
 
 swords, preparation of 517 
 
 putting aAvayof 521 
 
 time of holding ceremonial 515 
 
 trees, ceremony of 'HlCm'nio- 
 
 sona, etc., with 517-518 
 
 ceremony over 516 
 
 collection of, by 516 
 
 depositing of 521 
 
 plucking of buds from 521 
 
 tree swords, danger in swallow- 
 ing (note) 520 
 
 Sho'tiklanna (Arrow order), origin 
 
 of 511-515 
 
 arrow swallowing by members 
 
 of 513 
 
 arrows, description of (note),.. 513 
 
 closing ceremony of 515 
 
 decoration of members of 512 
 
 tHlem'mosona, distribution of 
 
 arrows by 512-513 
 
 prayer of, with swords * 514 
 
 indoor dance of 512 
 
 men, washing of heads of 512 
 
 novice, arrow ceremony over . . 513 
 O'pompia mountain, attaching 
 
 reed to tree on 512 
 
 origin of 511 
 
 reed, prayers over 511-512 
 
 Si'aa'te'wita, procession to 513 
 
 sword swallowing in 513, 514 
 
 song and dance by members 
 
 of 514-515 
 
 table showing order of sword 
 
 swallowing 514 
 
 time of holding ceremonial 511 
 
 warrior, preparation of a reed 
 
 by 511 
 
 songs from the Ke'pachu, stanzas of. 486 
 Ma'tke tSan'nakwe {Little Fire frater- 
 nity) 549-569 
 
 division of, reason for the 549-550 
 
 fire display of 549 
 
 four orders of 549 
 
 Little Fire fraternity, order of Pa'- 
 
 yatiimu of 568-569 
 
 origin of, legend of 568-569 
 
 te'na'sali, use of (note) 569 
 
 Nai'uchi, warrior of the 549 
 
 new body, naming of 550 
 
 O'naya'nakla, ceremony of initia- 
 tion into 550-564 
 
 altar, description of 551 
 
 sprinkling of Little Fire fra- 
 ternity 559-560 
 
624 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued. Page 
 
 Mn'ib tSan'nakwe — Continued. 
 
 O'naya'mikla. a'kwamosi, prepara- 
 tion oi medicine water by — 561 
 a'kwamosi, sprinkling of altar 
 
 by 553 
 
 Beast Gods, fraternity fathers 
 
 representing spirits of 562 
 
 visit to chamber of CJ'huhu- 
 kwe (Eagle down frater- 
 nity) by 563 
 
 bowl, emptying into excava- 
 tion of contents of 563 
 
 chamber, marks in 55S 
 
 placing of novices in 552 
 
 scene in 560 
 
 singing in 559 
 
 sleeping in ceremonial 553 
 
 war tales recited in the 551 
 
 ceremonies, closing of fourth 
 
 day 564 
 
 preparation of chamber for. 550 
 chaparral-cock, movements of 
 
 characters representing 562 
 
 children, dancing of trio of 563 
 
 dance, close of , on second day.. 555 
 
 opening of 554 
 
 decorations, designs used in . . . 561 
 dry painting, preparation of ... 560 
 elder brother Bow priest, cere- 
 mony with fire by 556-557 
 
 distribution of medicine by. 560 
 
 graceful dancing of 563 
 
 elder brother Bow priest and 
 
 Bear, peculiar dance of 563-564 
 
 first day, ceremonies of 550 
 
 fourth day, ceremonies on 560-564 
 
 fraternity, greeting to each 
 
 member of 550-551 
 
 invocation to the 552 
 
 fraternity fathers, ceremony 
 
 with novices by 562 
 
 grinders, dancing of 556, 558 
 
 dress of 554 
 
 removing of ornaments of.. 556 
 
 Ko'tikili, costume worn by 559 
 
 dancing of, in house of Little 
 
 Fire fraternity 559 
 
 gathering of certain, in 
 
 chamber 558 
 
 Little Fire fraternity, story tell- 
 ing in house of 559 
 
 Little Fire fraternity house, 
 
 smoking of cigarettes in 559 
 
 medicine, grinding of 553-554 
 
 making of 555-556 
 
 method of using (note) 560 
 
 utensils used in 554 
 
 medicine grinders, baptizing of. 558 
 medicines of Beast Gods, collec- 
 tion of 552-553 
 
 medicine water, preparation 
 
 of 552-553 
 
 mystery medicine order, prac- 
 ticing of healing by members 
 
 of 563 
 
 night, ceremony of first 550-553 
 
 novices, decoration of 561 
 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued. Page 
 
 Ma'ikr tSan'nakwe— Continued. 
 
 O'naya'nakla, plant medicines, 
 
 other (note) 554 
 
 rod, striking body with 557 
 
 second day, ceremonies on... 553-555 
 sunflower powder, purposes of. 560-561 
 
 third day, ceremonies on 555-558 
 
 closing ceremonies of 558 
 
 third night, exercises of 558-560 
 
 yucca baccata, striking with ... 557 
 Pe'shii'silo'kwe (Cimex fraternity), 
 
 sun dance of 564-568 
 
 ceremony of March, 1904 564-568 
 
 ceremony, tameness of 566 
 
 coals, preparation of j uniper 565 
 
 dancers, costume worn by leader 
 
 of 565 
 
 Hopi jugglers, greatness of 56S 
 
 Hopi order, limited membership 
 
 in 568 
 
 method of employment of 
 
 shaman of 568 
 
 Hopi order of Mystery medicine, 
 
 mode of practicing 567-568 
 
 Hopis, rumor of reestablishment 
 
 of order among 568 
 
 jugglery, remarkable acts of.. 566-567 
 
 juniper, gathering of 565 
 
 male dancers, dress of 565-566 
 
 medicine, bathing of dancers 
 
 with 566 
 
 plaza, ceremony of sprinkling 
 
 coals in 566 
 
 sprinkler, dress of 565 
 
 sun dance, ceremony of, con- 
 vening of fraternity for 564 
 
 women dancers, costume of 566 
 
 Zufii, introduction of a Mystery 
 
 medicine order into 567 
 
 Zunis, superstition of, about 564 
 
 plate cxxvi, explanation of 550 
 
 standing of, in Zuni '. : 549 
 
 Ne'wckwe (Galaxy fraternity) 429-138 
 
 novice, initiation of, in Fire order. . 428 
 novices, administering of medicine 
 
 to 434-135 
 
 orders embraced in 429 
 
 painting of the 433, 434 
 
 plume offerings, jokes introduced 
 
 during blessing of 434 
 
 plume offerings of 433 
 
 Si'aa' te'wita, dress of Ne'wekwe 
 
 in 436,437 
 
 stone, animal fetish of 432 
 
 tablet altar of 432 
 
 bar above 432 
 
 writer's first meeting with 431,432 
 
 tSan'iaklakier (Hunters fraternity).^.. 438- 144 
 
 animal dance of the 440 
 
 Beast Gods, offering of game to 440 
 
 ceremonial chamber of the 438 
 
 ceremonial over deer killed in a 
 
 hunt 140, 411 
 
 deer, prayer on trapping a 440 
 
 fetishes of, use of the 438 
 
 game, process of securing 439,440 
 
 ground painting of order of 438 
 
INDEX 
 
 6 '2 5 
 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued. Page 
 
 tSan'iakXakwe— Continued, 
 
 hunt, success in, arrows used for... 439 
 prayer plumes, limitations on offer- 
 ing of -HO 
 
 rabbit hunt 441-443 
 
 ceremonyover rabbits taken in. 44a 
 
 description of 442-443 
 
 place of occurrence 442 
 
 purpose of 442 
 
 subordinate orders of the 438 
 
 s>> i'wannakwe 428^129 
 
 administering of theorgistsof 430 
 
 Bi'^si'si, place of disappearance of. 430 
 
 blessing- of plume offerings by 434 
 
 certain terms used during a song of. 434 
 
 disgusting practices of the 437 
 
 dry painting of 428 
 
 fast from animal food by 428 
 
 gods associated with 429,430 
 
 image, guardian of 429 
 
 possessed by 429 
 
 Kok'ko «hlan'na, dress of, in Si'aa' 
 
 te'wita 435,436 
 
 Ko'yemshi appear in plaza with... 430 
 meal and prayer plumes, deposit- 
 ing of 428 
 
 medicine, method of administering. 437 
 
 mimicry of members of 437, 438 
 
 sacred deerskin of 429 
 
 Shu'maakice 530-549 
 
 acquisition of Shumai'koli masks 
 
 by 531 
 
 a'kwamosi, actions of, during grind- 
 ing 545 
 
 ceremony over grinders by 544 
 
 consecration of water by 538 
 
 altar, sprinkling of meal on . .". 534 
 
 ceremonial chamber, condition of, 
 
 before grinding medicine . . 543-544 
 
 placing of fetishes in 533 
 
 chamber, seating of participants 
 
 in 534-535 
 
 singing in 538 
 
 songs and dancing in 535-536 
 
 ceremonial house, approach of Shu- 
 mai'koli, etc., to 537 
 
 ceremonies, similar among Hopi 
 
 Indians 547 
 
 charm, effect on Shumai'koli of 540 
 
 Chi'pia. arrival of a Shumai'koli 
 
 from 536 
 
 return of Shumai'koli and the 
 
 Sai'apa to 547 
 
 clouds, preparation of by cloud- 
 maker 539 
 
 corn, ear of, ceremony over novices 
 
 with 540 
 
 dance directors, costume worn by. . 542 
 
 dancers, procuring of 542 
 
 sprinkling of, with ashes 546 
 
 dances, invitation of women to par- 
 ticipate in 532 
 
 first day, ceremonies of 532-534 
 
 preparing for ceremonies of 532 
 
 fourth day, ceremonies on 536-537 
 
 23 eth— 04 -40 
 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued, Page 
 
 Shu'maafcive — Continued. 
 
 fourth night, ceremonies of 537-543 
 
 fraternity, decoration of bodies of 
 
 members of 537-538 
 
 indecency of {note) 541 
 
 woman of, ceremonies by 535 
 
 gods, making offerings to 534 
 
 grinders, costume of 544 
 
 grinders and dancers, placing of. . . 5 14 
 grinding ceremonies, continuation 
 
 of 546-547 
 
 grinding of medicine, dance dur- 
 ing 545-546 
 
 initiation into, ceremony of 532-549 
 
 lighted corn husks, pelting each 
 
 other with 541-542 
 
 meaning of word 530 
 
 medicine, grinding of 544-545 
 
 preparation of 543-546 
 
 members, seating of, in ceremonial 
 
 chamber 533 
 
 mole, charred, use of (note) 532 
 
 morning star, first appearance of. . . 541 
 
 nose, piercing of septum of 532 
 
 novices, ceremony with 533 
 
 ceremony with eagle-wing 
 
 plumes over 541 
 
 ceremony with mi'li over 540 
 
 dance of 539-540 
 
 officers, clans of 532 
 
 seating of, in ceremonial cham- 
 ber 533 
 
 origin of, explanation 530-531 
 
 other remedies of 532 
 
 patient, treatment of, by 530 
 
 patron gods of 530 
 
 plants, medicinal, collection of 543 
 
 preparation of, for grinding 544 
 
 plaza, performances by Sai'apa and 
 
 Shumai'koli in 542 
 
 rattle and pottery drum, song with. 534 
 
 Sai'apa, dance of 540 
 
 dress of 537 
 
 masks of 537 
 
 Sai'apa god, personator of, perform- 
 ance by 534 
 
 second day, paraphernalia added to 
 
 altar on 534 
 
 second night, ceremonies on the. 534-536 
 Shumai'koli, costume worn by . . . 536-537 
 
 dance of 539 
 
 five remaining, dance of 541 
 
 mask of 536 
 
 of the North, dance of 540 
 
 wearing of masks of 531 
 
 Si'aa' te'wita, dancing around tree 
 
 in 542 
 
 songs, grinding, language of (note). 545 
 third day, preparing parapherna- 
 lia on 536 
 
 visit of director of, to Laguna, ob- 
 ject of 547-548 
 
 ceremonies, occasion of 548 
 
 preparations for 548 
 
 variations in 548-549 
 
626 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Page 
 Esoteric fraternities— Continued. 
 • m'maaku — Continued. 
 
 visit of gods,awaiting the approach 
 
 of, by novices 548 
 
 dance on roof of chamber 
 
 by 549 
 
 dancing in chamber by — 549 
 entering of ceremonial 
 
 chamber by the 548-549 
 
 procession into village by 
 
 the 548 
 
 water, ceremony with cigarette 
 
 over consecrated 539 
 
 women, dress of 538 
 
 U'huhuhwe [Eagli doum fraternity) ... 521-528 
 
 O'naya'nakla, initiation into 522-E27 
 
 a'kwamosi, consecration of 
 
 medicine water by 523 
 
 sprinkling of altar by 524 
 
 anthropic gods, appearance of 
 
 certain 526 
 
 ashes, ceremony with 525 
 
 chamber, positions of certain 
 
 members in 523 
 
 Chaparral-cock, men represent- 
 ing, sprinkling of ashes by . - . 525 
 choir, member of, curious an- 
 tics of 525 
 
 cigarettes, ceremony with 
 
 smoke of 523 
 
 closing ceremonies of 525-526 
 
 eagle plumes, sprinkling with . 524 
 February ceremonial, features 
 
 of 52f>-527 
 
 fetishes, ceremony with 523 
 
 fourth night, ceremonies of 522 
 
 He'hea gods, decorations of 526 
 
 pelting of, with fire 526 
 
 juggler, performance by 525 
 
 members, decoration of bodies 
 
 of 522 
 
 novices, assembling of 522 
 
 decoration of 522 
 
 patients, assembling of 524 
 
 prayer plumes, ceremony 
 
 with 523-524 
 
 prayer plumes and tablet altar, 
 
 preparation of 522 
 
 tricks, performance of two... 526-527 
 two men, thousand-yard run 
 
 by 526 
 
 U'huhukwe, animal fetishes 
 
 of 522 
 
 woman, tardy, action with 527 
 
 orders of 521 
 
 sick man, ceremonial over 527-528 
 
 Kla'kwemosi, actions over pa- 
 tient by 527-528 
 
 Beast Gods appealed to by. . 528 
 
 officiating capacity of 52S 
 
 smallpox, case of 527 
 
 Esthetics in Indian symbolism xxv 
 
 Esthetology, work in xxii 
 
 Ethnology, descriptive, work in xi. 
 
 physical x 
 
 practical scope of ix 
 
 Et'towe. (So Mythology.') 
 
 explanation of, (SSe A'shiwanni. Rain 
 priesthood.) 
 
 Page 
 Everett, W. E., records of Athapascan 
 
 tribes sent by xvi 
 
 Expedition of 1S79, assistance by Army to. 10, 17 
 
 collection of relics by 16-18 
 
 objection to 17 
 
 threatened outbreak of the Indians 17 
 
 Fewkes, J. W., areheologic collection made 
 
 by, in Porto Rico xli 
 
 areheologic explorations of, in the 
 
 Southwest x vi-xvit 
 
 areheologic survey of Porto Rico by .. xxvn 
 
 collection made by, inChihuahua xli 
 
 collection of specimens from New Mex- 
 ico made by x Li 
 
 investigation of Porto Riean zerniism 
 
 by XL 
 
 ■ memoir of, on Hopi katcinas xxvi.xliii 
 
 memoir on Pueblo ruins by xliii 
 
 memoir of, on pottery of Arizona and 
 
 New Mexico xxvi.xliii 
 
 study of Porto Rican economy by xiv 
 
 Field researches and explorations xiv.xviii 
 
 Financial statement of Bureau, 1901-2 xliv" 
 
 First world (La'tow te'hula, Wing world). 
 
 (See Mythology.) 
 Fletcher, Alice C, monograph on Pawnee 
 
 ritual by xxxvm, xliii 
 
 study of Pawnee ritual by xvi 
 
 Foods, native, worthy of adoption xxvm 
 
 Fowke, Gerard, archeologieal exploration 
 
 by XV 
 
 Foxes, study of dialect of xiv, xxxv 
 
 texts of xxxv 
 
 Fort Wingate road, old, evidences of an- 
 cient settlement along 16 
 
 Fraternities, origin and functions of. (See 
 
 Esoteric fraternities.) 
 Games. (See Customs; history, arts, and.) 
 
 Games, aboriginal xxiv 
 
 Harrison, G. P., annotation of Morfi's history 
 
 of Texas by xli 
 
 Gatschet, A. S.. Algonquian linguistic re- 
 searches of xxxvi 
 
 linguistic investigation of xvm 
 
 Peoria grammar and vocabulary of .. xxxvi 
 
 Gila valley, areheologic exploration of xvm 
 
 Gill, De L., photographs taken by xliii 
 
 somatological illustrations prepared 
 
 by xvm 
 
 work of, in Indian Ter, itory XV 
 
 on illustrations xliii 
 
 Gods, ancestral, origin of. (Set Mythology.) 
 rabbit hunt with the. (See Anthropic 
 worship and ritual. ) 
 Gods of War. ( Si e Mythology.) 
 
 origin of the diminutive. (See Mythol- 
 ogy.) 
 
 Greenland, field work in ix 
 
 Haida, researches among xviu 
 
 study of social organization of xxxiv 
 
 Hako, Pawnee ceremony of, monograph 
 
 on x vi, xx x viii, xliii 
 
 Ha'lo'kwe i Ant fraternity i. is,. Esoteric 
 
 fraternities. | 
 Han"liplnkla. (See Mythology, i 
 Be'alonsSt'to. (See Mythology.) 
 Heraldic devices, aboriginal xxm 
 
INDEX 
 
 627 
 
 rage 
 
 Heraldry, aboriginal, monograph on xvn 
 
 Hewitt. ,1. N. l!.. aboriginal conceptions of 
 
 the supernatural studied by — xxxix-xi. 
 Iroquoian linguistic material arranged 
 
 by xxxvi 
 
 monograph of, on Iroquois creation 
 
 myths XX XVI, XLIII 
 
 Historical events, summary of. (See Cus- 
 toms; history, arts, and.) 
 'Hle'wekwe (Wood fraternity) or Sword 
 swallowers. (See Esoteric fraterni- 
 ties.) 
 February ceremonial of. (See Esoteric 
 fraternities. 
 Holmes, \V. H., archeological exploration 
 
 by xv 
 
 investigation of northeastern Algon- 
 
 quians by XIV 
 
 monograph on aboriginal pottery by... xxv 
 Hopi. panthenon of, illustrated memoir 
 
 on xxvt , xliii 
 
 Household, the. (See Customs; history, 
 
 arts, and.) 
 Hopis, Pimas, and Navahos, coming of. 
 Sa Mythology.) 
 
 Hrdlicka, Ales, somatological work of XIX 
 
 Imitation, cultural stage of xxi.xxii 
 
 Indian Territory, field work in ix, 
 
 XIV, XVII, XVIII 
 
 Industries, arts and. (See Customs; his- 
 tory, arts and.) 
 
 Introduction 1-2D 
 
 Invention, stage of, in cultural evolu- 
 tion XXI, XXII 
 
 Iowa, field work in ix.xiv.xvn 
 
 Iroquois, creation myths of, monograph 
 
 on xxxvi , xl 
 
 i irenda of xxxix 
 
 Irrigation, aboriginal — xii, xiii 
 
 Ita. archaic language of xv 
 
 ethnologic study of xv 
 
 Jenks, A. E.. application of the methods of 
 
 tlie Bureau by. in the Philippines... xxxil 
 
 editorial work of xlii 
 
 investigation of birch-bark industry 
 
 by xni, xxxi 
 
 memoir on wild rice by xiii, xxxi 
 
 Ji'mi'kianapklatea. (See Mythology.) 
 Jones. William, collaboration of, in synop- 
 sis of Indian languages xxxiv 
 
 linguistic researches of xiv 
 
 Katciuas, Hopi. illustrated report on. xxvi, xliii 
 
 Kathlemet. published texts of xxxvi 
 
 Klalii'silo. order of. (See Esoteric fraterni- 
 ties.) 
 Kla'nakwe, adoption of the surviving, by 
 the A'shiwe. ' See Mythology. ) 
 
 KIA'NAKWE. QUADRENNIAL DANC.E OF 217-226 
 
 A'shiwanni, first body of, contributions 
 
 to 223,224 
 
 removal of gifts by 225 
 
 Corn clan, women of, head of priest 
 
 washed by 222 
 
 presentation of corn to 223 
 
 dancers, throwing of gifts by, to the 
 people 226 
 
 Page 
 KIa'nakwe, etc.— Continued, 
 
 food, blessing and deposition of 221 
 
 It'sepiisha, costume worn by, in 219 
 
 Kla'kweinosi, buck given to, carving 
 
 of 225, 226 
 
 KIa'nakwe, closing scenes of dances of. 226 
 co.-iume worn by personators of.. 218,219 
 
 dancing of, in Si'aa' te'wita 224 
 
 feast of personators and others. . . 222, 223 
 
 masks of personators of 218 
 
 package of food made by each 223 
 
 praying of, during presentation of 
 
 basket trays 225 
 
 presentation of basket trays to 
 
 A'shiwanni by 224, 225 
 
 priest of, dancing before dwelling 
 
 of 222 
 
 procession of personators of 218, 220 
 
 rehearsing of a dance by 221, 222 
 
 return of, with gifts for A'shiwanni . 224 
 singing of, in Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine. 220 
 
 songs of the, language of 218 
 
 warriors of, masks of 219, 220 
 
 Kok'ko ko'han (white gods), why so 
 
 called 217 
 
 Ko'thlama, costume worn by, in 219 
 
 Ko'yemshi, amusement of audience by. 224 
 
 burlesquing of dancers by 226 
 
 presentation of gifts to child by 226 
 
 moccasins, painting of 221 
 
 paint, grinding of. 221 
 
 reason of Zunis for giving 218 
 
 ritual of, in Si'aa' te'wita 218 
 
 Sa'ya'hlia, costume worn by, in 219 
 
 Si'aa' te'wita, formation of A'shiwanni 
 
 in 224 
 
 Kiowa, heraldry of xvn, xxni 
 
 Kiowa Apache, heraldic system of ■. XVII 
 
 Ki'wi'sine, building of, by the A'shiwi. 
 
 (See Mythology.) 
 Kok'ko thlan'na, order of. (See Esoteric 
 
 fraternities.) 
 
 Ko'loowisi (Plumed Serpent), coming of, 
 
 and involuntary initiation into the Ko'- 
 
 tikili. (See Anthropic worshipand ritual.) 
 
 Kor'kokshi. (See Anthropic worship and 
 
 ritual. ) 
 Ko'tikili, voluntary initiation into. (See 
 
 Anthropic worship and ritual.) 
 Kroeber, A. L., collaboration of, in compar- 
 ative philology xxxiv 
 
 linguistic researches of, in California, xxxv 
 Ku'pishtaya (lightning-makers). (SeeMy- 
 
 thology. Lightning-makers.) 
 Ku'yapali'sa (the 'Cha'kwena). (See My- 
 thology. ) 
 
 Land tenure, Indian system of xxxii-xxxin 
 
 Languages, Indian, comparative synopsis 
 
 of XXXIV 
 
 Leary, Ella, in charge of distribution of doc- 
 uments XLII 
 
 Little Fire fraternity, order of Pa'yatiimu 
 
 of. (See Esoteric fraternities.) 
 Lund, J. J., custodian of Bureau property. . xlii 
 McGee, W J, papers on primitive psychol- 
 ogy by xxii 
 
 psychologic studies xx 
 
628 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Page 
 MeGee, W J, reconnaissance of, in Colorado xvi 
 
 sociologic studies of xxxn 
 
 McGuire, J. I».. early records of aboriginal 
 
 technology collated by xxxn 
 
 technological researches of xxxn 
 
 Mn in u, grammar and vocabulary of xxxv 
 
 Mai'yu. [See Mythology.) 
 Ma' t ke t Hlan'nakwe( Great Fire fraternity). 
 {See Esoteric fraternities.) 
 
 Maine, field work in ix.xiv 
 
 Manual training, educational value of, for 
 
 savages xxn 
 
 Ma'tke 'San'nakwe 'Little Fire fraternity). 
 
 [See Esoteric fraternities.) 
 Ma'sai'leina. [See Mythology.! 
 Maya, calendar systems of, memoir on. xxxvn, 
 
 xliii 
 codices and antiquities of, papers on .. xvni 
 
 vocabulary of , preparation of xxxvi 
 
 Medical practice 384-392 
 
 a'neglakya, administering of, by Nai'- 
 
 uchi 386 
 
 administering of, for recovering 
 
 stolen goods 386, 3S7 
 
 collection of, reserved to certain 
 
 persons 386 
 
 ceremonial use of, by the Zunis 386 
 
 legend associated with 386 
 
 Beast Gods, use of , in T. 384,385 
 
 cholera infantum, massage treatment 
 
 for 389-390 
 
 curvature of spine, treatment in a 
 
 case of 390-391 
 
 hysteria, treatment in a case of 388-389 
 
 massage, use of, in rheumatism 390 
 
 narcotics, use of, among certain In- 
 dians 385 
 
 Ne'wekwe fraternity, rattlesnake bite 
 
 cured by 392 
 
 Palen, Miss, commendation of {note) .. 391 
 pneumonia, treatment in a case of... 3S7-388 
 
 primitive surgery, cases of 391-392 
 
 thuergists, confidence in the (note) 390 
 
 Zuni doctor, charges of 387 
 
 Zunis, administering of medicine by... 384 
 doctresses, success of, among the .. 385 
 microbes and X ray, idea of, among 
 
 the 385 
 
 use of antiseptics among 385 
 
 Me'she, younger brother Bow priest 20 
 
 Mexicans, Zuni explanation of presence of. 
 
 (See Mythology. ) 
 Mexico, ancient writings of, papers on., xxxvin 
 
 classification of languages of xxxiv 
 
 Middle Place, finding of. i See Mythology.) 
 
 Mi'li. i See Mythology.) 
 
 MindelelT, Victor, sketches and models 
 
 made by 18 
 
 study of. on Pueblo architecture xlv 
 
 Missouri, field work in ix,xv 
 
 Molina, A.ndomaro, acquaintance of, with 
 
 Maya traditions and language xxxvn 
 
 Maya vocabulary prepared by xxxvi 
 
 Moouey, James, collection of heraldic 
 
 shields made by xli 
 
 investigation of heraldic systems by... xvn, 
 
 XXII-XXIV, XL 
 
 Page 
 Moon Mother. (.See Mythology.) 
 Mooney, James, work of, on cyclopedia of 
 
 na t ive tribes XL 
 
 Morti, P., history of Texas by xu 
 
 Mortuary customs. (.See Customs; history, 
 arts, and.) 
 
 Mud. walls of, in the Southwest xxix 
 
 Mu"kwe. (.See Mythology.) 
 
 Mu'la. [See Mythology.) 
 
 Mu'waiye, the. (.See Esoteric fraternities.) 
 
 Mythology 20-61 
 
 ancestral gods, arrow points of place of 
 
 ma king [note] 33 
 
 creation of the Council of the Gods. 33, 34 
 Divine Ones, visit of, to Ko'thluwa- 
 
 la'wa 34 
 
 location and description of Ko'thlu- 
 
 wala'wa 32 
 
 location of 33 
 
 masks, creation of, by Great Father 
 
 Ko'yemshi 34 
 
 mountains created by 32 
 
 origin of 32-34 
 
 creation of the Zuni and Little 
 Colorado rivers and Listening 
 
 spring 32, 33 
 
 Si'wulu<si'waandSi'wulu'si' l sa, 
 
 journey of, and its results 32 
 
 table of Council of the Gods and 
 
 corresponding Zuni priests 33 
 
 animal fetishes, formation of 58 
 
 Gods of War, conspire to destroy 
 
 I'tiwanna 58 
 
 destruction of I'tiwanna 58 
 
 mischievous actions of 57 
 
 throwing of the rabbit stick by. 57, 5S 
 whipped by their grandmother. 58 
 
 Animal fetishes, origin of 57, 58 
 
 A'slriwi, creation of, etc 24-26 
 
 attacks upon , by Navahos 61 
 
 descent into the valley by 61 
 
 flight and return of 61 
 
 Kla'kwemosi, sacrifice to the flood 
 
 by 61 
 
 To'wa yal'lanne" (Corn mountain), 
 
 place of refuge 61 
 
 A' shiwi, journeying continued by 31 
 
 parents of 24 
 
 quest for the Middle place 31 
 
 Zuni explanation of many ruins 31 
 
 A'siiiu-i, journeying resumed by 43 
 
 'Kiap'kwena (Ojo Caliente), de- 
 scription of {note) 43 
 
 Ne'wekwe, disappearance of di- 
 rector of 43 
 
 Beaut Gods, creation of 49 
 
 one selected for each region 49 
 
 Bow /in't atkood, origin of 49-51 
 
 Gods of War, celebration over scalp. 51 
 denounced by the Cougar, Bear, 
 and Badger and welcomed by 
 
 the Ants 50 
 
 first directors of 51 
 
 fixing time of continence and 
 
 fast 50 
 
 murder of a Navaho woman by. 49, 50 
 Kow'wituma and Wats'usi, disap- 
 pearance of 51 
 
1NDKX 
 
 629 
 
 Mythology— Con tinned. Page 
 
 (Hans, origin of 40—13 
 
 choosing of elan names -10 
 
 Divine Ones, names of clans organ- 
 ized by ■ 40 
 
 HanWipinkiii, description of a visit 
 
 to 41-13 
 
 Pi'chikwe, definition of [note) 40 
 
 division of 40,41 
 
 first to make prayer plumes 40 
 
 clouds, signification of 21 
 
 Corn Maidens, assembling of, in Si'aa' 
 
 te'wita 56 
 
 assignment of, to the rain priest of 
 
 each region 54 
 
 Bi^'si'si, return of, to Lu'klana 
 
 •kiaia' 54 
 
 bringing of, by pe'kwln to I'ti- 
 
 ivanna 48 
 
 ceremony over, forcorn 55 
 
 on roof of ki'wi'sinO 53 
 
 dance again at I'tiwanna 56, 57 
 
 dance in O'he'wa ki'wi'sinC and 
 
 Si'aa' te'wita 48 
 
 dancing of.- 32 
 
 destruction of corn by witches 51 
 
 discovery of 48, 49 
 
 escape of 49 
 
 fast of the A'sbiwanni over loss of. . 52 
 
 rinding of, by Bi'' t si l si 51,52 
 
 by Divine Ones 48 
 
 giving of seeds to, by witches 31,32 
 
 gods, assumed forms of {note) 53 
 
 'Hla'hewe drama (note) 57 
 
 Ke'yatiwa, meaning of (note) 49 
 
 meal, offering of, to the Council of 
 
 theGods 54 
 
 mi'li, composition of (note) 52 
 
 naming of 31 
 
 Pau'tiwa, return of, to Ko'thluwa- 
 
 la'wa 53 
 
 Pa'yatiimn, aid of, solicited by 
 
 Gods of War 56 
 
 Pa'yatamu enamored of 48 
 
 procession of, from Ku'shilowa 53 
 
 protection of, by the gods 49 
 
 in Si'aa' te'wita 56 
 
 rediscovery of, and re-creation of 
 
 corn 51-57 
 
 return of, with Bi'^si'si 52 
 
 sprinkling of, by pe'kwln 55 
 
 te'likinawe, one for each maiden.. 52 
 
 planting of. by Bi'^si'si 53 
 
 Yellow and Blue, visit certain 
 
 springs 55 
 
 younger sister, visits He'patina 55 
 
 Divine Ones, assistance rendered the 
 A'shiwiby. id coming to the outer 
 
 world 23, 26 
 
 creation of 24 
 
 opening ot the earth by ; 25 
 
 Earth Mother, symbolism of 20 
 
 ttt'tawe, songs oj Diri/ir- Onesover 26,27 
 
 arrangement of A'shiwanni about . 26 
 
 implied meaning of {note) 26 
 
 General amceptiom of the universe 20-22 
 
 Mythology— Continued. Page 
 
 Cods of War, A'shiwi, discovery of 
 
 strange people by 31,35 
 
 A'shiwi, release of all game by 38 
 
 discovery of, by KYiw'witumu and 
 
 Wo ts'usi 85 
 
 right for the A'shiwi 35 
 
 U';;i' l liplnkia, naming of (note) and 
 
 ceremonies at 39 
 
 Kla'nakwe, capture of certain gods 
 
 by 37 
 
 dance of 87 
 
 definition and description of 
 
 {note) 39 
 
 ko'thlama, description of 37, 38 
 
 Ku'ynpuli'SR. death of 38 
 
 origin of the diminutive 34,35 
 
 Great Star (morning star) first appear- 
 ance to the A'shiwi 27 
 
 Higher powers, classification of the 22-23 
 
 celestial, anthropic, description of. 22,23 
 
 classification of 22, 23 
 
 enumeration of 22, 28 
 
 number of heads 22 
 
 subterranean, anthropic, names and 
 
 description of 23 
 
 terrestrial 23 
 
 terrestrial and subterranean, quali- 
 ties of 23 
 
 Hopis, Pimas, and Xavahos, coming of.. 28,29 
 Ji'mi'ktanapklatea, place of com- 
 ing through of 29 
 
 description of 26 
 
 Kla'kwemosi, planting of prayer plume 
 
 to Sun Father by 27 
 
 Kla'nakwe, adoption of the surviving, by 
 
 A'shiwi 43, 44 
 
 description of {note) 44 
 
 discovery of 40, 41 
 
 welcomed by the Kla'kwemosi 44 
 
 Kla'nakwe, destruction of, and songs of 
 
 thanksgiving 36-40 
 
 A'shiwi, ceremonies of, before fight- 
 ing 36, 37 
 
 Ko'tikili, origin of 46, 47 
 
 appointment of officers of..." 47 
 
 gods, division of, among the ki'- 
 
 wi'siwe 47 
 
 'Kliiklo, introduction of the A'shiwi 
 
 to the gods by 46 
 
 ki'wi'siwe, building of 46 
 
 Ko'mosona, definition of {note) 47 
 
 masks of the gods, inspection of, by 
 
 the A'shiwi 47 
 
 membership in (note) 47 
 
 Ku'plshtaya (lightning-makers) 21,22 
 
 Mexicans, Zand explanation, of presence of 29- 
 
 Middle place, He'patina symbolizes 46 
 
 Middle place, finding of 44, 46 
 
 Black Corn people, et'tone of 
 
 shi'wanniof 45 
 
 St'tone" of Black Corn people, his- 
 tory of (note) 45 
 
 He'shota'-yulla.inigrationof A'shiwi 
 to, and finding and adoption of 
 Black Corn people 44,45 
 
630 
 
 INDEX 
 
 47i 
 10,21 
 
 27, 28 
 28 
 
 Pago 
 
 Mythology— c.ii tinned. 
 
 MiddU place, finding of— Continued. 
 Kla'kwemosi, resting place of of- 
 
 tone of 40 
 
 'Kian'astepi.-declaration by 46 
 
 retreatof Kla'kwemosi andshi'wan- 
 
 ni of Black Corn people 
 
 rain-makers, by whom directed 
 
 description of, and method < 
 
 working 
 
 invoking of 
 
 method of producing thunder 
 
 sei K symbolism of 
 
 sun, symbolism of 
 
 Sun Fatht p, appointnu nt of deputy to... 
 
 A'shiwi, description of 
 
 selection of fit'towe by KOw'- 
 
 wituma 27, 28 
 
 YJi'nowwuluha. placing of, in cere- 
 mony overevtowe 28 
 
 undermost world, description of 25 
 
 I'liir, . ngsof 23,24 
 
 A'wonawil'ona, description of 23, 24 
 
 things created by 23,24 
 
 A'shiwi, use of cloud symbols by. 
 
 reason for 
 
 beings in existence at 
 
 creation of Earth Mot her 
 
 creation of stars and constellations 
 
 mi'li, meaning of 
 
 Witches, coming of, and introduction of 
 
 com 29-31 
 
 A'wisho, life of A'shiwi at 29 
 
 corn, effect of the raven, owl, and 
 
 coyote upon 30, 31 
 
 planting of the corn and the re- 
 sults thereof 30, 31 
 
 time periods, meaning of (note i 30 
 
 witches demand the lives of two 
 
 children 30 
 
 reception of, by A'shiwi 30 
 
 Yatokla, Sun Father, description of 
 
 [nott I 24 
 
 Zuni 20-61 
 
 Zun\ Salt lake, origin of 58-60 
 
 home of 'Hli'akwa {note) 60 
 
 'Kla'nanaknana, care of, by Frog 
 
 elan 59 
 
 departure of Ma'we and 'Hli'- 
 
 nkwa. with others from 58,60 
 
 description of ceremony over 
 
 cleaning of 59. 60 
 
 home of Ma'we si'ta 5S 
 
 story told by 'Hli'akwa at 58,59 
 
 Santo Domingo, turquoise mines at 
 
 (note) 
 
 settling of Ma'weand the Gods of 
 
 War at 
 
 Zunis, first place of residence of de- 
 ceased 
 
 water supplied to earth by deceased. 
 
 Nai'uchi, elder brother Bow priest 
 
 Natal customs. (Set Customs; history, arts, 
 and.) 
 
 Katick dictionary xxxvn 
 
 Ne'wekwe (Galaxy fraternity . (See An- 
 thropic worship and ritual; Esoteric fra- 
 ternities. I 
 
 rage 
 New Mexico, collection of primitive art 
 
 objects from xli 
 
 field work in ix, xvi, xvn 
 
 New York, field work in • ix 
 
 < Oklahoma, field work in ix, xvn 
 
 O'naya'nakla, initiation into, i See Esoteric 
 fraternities. I 
 initiation into order of. (See Esoteric 
 fraternities.) 
 O'no'hlikla. (See Mythology.) 
 
 Oregon, field work in ix, xiv 
 
 Outer world (Te'kohaiakwi, Light-of-day 
 place). (See Mythology, i 
 
 Paiute, vocabulary of, obtained xiv 
 
 Palle, Jose" 20 
 
 Pawnee, dramatic ritual of xxxrx 
 
 Hako ceremony of, monograph on., xxxvm 
 Hako ritual of, phonographic record 
 
 of xvi 
 
 mythology of xxxvin-xxxix 
 
 Pa'yatamu. (See Mythology.) 
 
 Pecos, ruin of pueblo, situation of 15 
 
 work of expedition of 1879 at 15,16 
 
 Pemmican, an Indian food '. xn 
 
 Peoria, grammar and vocabulary of xvni, 
 
 xxxvi 
 Pe'shii'silo'kwe (Cimex fraternity), sun 
 
 dance of. (See Esoteric fraternities. ) 
 Philips, O. P., moving pictures of Pueblo 
 
 life, taken by xvi 
 
 Philology, comparative, of Indian lan- 
 guages xxxiv-xxxv 
 
 work in xxxiv-xxxvm 
 
 Photographs, anthropometric measurement 
 
 from xix 
 
 Physical characters 383-384 
 
 Zufiis, albinos among 383 
 
 forms of the 383 
 
 measurements made by I>r A. 
 
 Hrdlicka of 383, 384 
 
 Pi'chikwe i Dogwood people). [See My- 
 thology.) 
 
 Pictographs. heraldic xxiv 
 
 Pima, calendric records of xli 
 
 study of industries of xin 
 
 technologic specimens collected from., xli 
 
 Pinole, an Indian food .* xn 
 
 Pise*, houses of, in the South west xxix 
 
 Plumed Serpent. (See Mythology.) 
 
 Porto Rico, aboriginal objects collected in. xli 
 
 arcbeologic survey of xxvni 
 
 artifacts and customs of xiv 
 
 field work in ix. xvn, xxvn-xxviii 
 
 zemis of, investigation of XL 
 
 Po'shaiyanki. (See Mythology. | 
 Po''sikishi (spruce tree), orderof. (See Esot- 
 eric fraternities.) 
 Pottery. Indian, developmental stage of. . xxvir 
 
 monograph on xxvi 
 
 Pueblo, memoir on xxvi 
 
 technologic importance of xx vi-xx vn 
 
 Prayer plumes ite'likinawei. (See Cere 
 
 monies, calendar and calendric.) 
 Property in land, communal Indian system 
 
 of X X X 1 1 1 
 
 Property of the Bureau XLI-XLII 
 
INDEX 
 
 631 
 
 Page 
 
 Psychology, application of xx 
 
 methods of xx 
 
 work in xx-xxn 
 
 Publications of the Bureau xui-xuu 
 
 Pueblos, earlier investigations of xi.iv 
 
 former populousness of xn 
 
 house architecture of xxix 
 
 relies collected from xvn.xi.i 
 
 Rain and growth of corn, 'Hla'hewe 
 
 ceremony for 180-204 
 
 L890, reason for special play of ISO 
 
 1891, special reason for ceremony in.. 180,181 
 
 A'shiwanni. offerings made by 187, 1S8 
 
 A'shuwahanona, costume and dancing 
 
 of 199,200 
 
 A'wan a'mosi, hiim'pone constructed 
 
 by 184 
 
 A'wan a'mosono"kla, handling of corn 
 
 by 1S4 
 
 Badger clan, man of, ceremony by 202 
 
 Bow priests, whirling of rhombi by 201 
 
 choirs, assembling and practicing of. . . 183 
 cloud symbol, falling of mi'wachi and 
 
 prayer plumes near 203 
 
 corn, grains of, distribution of 194,195 
 
 preparation of 186, 187 
 
 corn and roots, reception of, by pe'kwln, 
 
 and ceremonies over 189 
 
 drama, closing ceremonies of 203,204 
 
 how divided 181 
 
 participants in, analysis of table of. 182 
 
 feast of 197 
 
 selection of 181 
 
 reasons for ISO 
 
 table of participants in 181, 182 
 
 drought. Pueblos' fear of (note) 181 
 
 eagle plumes, attaching of, to the trees. 200 
 elder brother Bow priest, bringing of 
 
 certain characters by 182 
 
 flutes, description of 190, 191, 192 
 
 flutists, praying of 203 
 
 Frog clan, action in plaza by man of, 
 
 'sonote) 200 
 
 he'kupowanhak'tona, costume and 
 
 dressing of . . . : 197, 19S 
 
 hekupowanue, praying of pe'kwln 
 
 over 198, 199 
 
 preparation of a 198 
 
 He'patina, ceremony at 202 
 
 meaning of word (note) 201 
 
 shrine, description of 201,202 
 
 l Hla'he and Sho'ko o'tiikwe, dance of . 184 
 
 'hla'we, preparation of 187 
 
 'hlelh'pone, description of (note) 194 
 
 'hle'we, preparation of 187 
 
 Kia'kwemosi, consecration of water by. 186 
 
 -kla'potiikwe, dance of 183 
 
 dancing of 194, 200, 201 
 
 dress of 193,194 
 
 'kia'punakwe, appearance in O'he'wa 
 
 ki'wi'sine 18.8 
 
 certain articles given to. by pe'kwln 188 
 
 clans of ( note) 188 
 
 description of costume of 189 
 
 sprinkling of corn by 201 
 
 sprinkling of water by 189 
 
 visiting of certain springs by 188,189 
 
 Tage 
 Rain and growth, etc.— Continued. 
 
 kilt, design on, description of 189 
 
 la'showawe, preparation of, by A'shi- 
 wanni 1S*J 
 
 medicine water, administering of, to 
 
 participants 203 
 
 mi'laiiliipo'na, clans of 193 
 
 dancing of 188 
 
 mi'wachi-bearers, action with mi'li by. 201 
 Mu'luktakla, ceremony with trees by. . 195 
 O'he'wa ki'wi'sinC, position of parties 
 
 in 186 
 
 preparations and ceremony in . . . 1S5, 186 
 o'tiikwe, 'Hla'he and Sho'ko, general 
 
 dancing of 195-197 
 
 participants, assembling of certain, in 
 
 O'he'wa ki'witsine 184,185 
 
 costumes and ornaments worn by. 192,193 
 
 position of, in Si'aa' te'wita 190, 191 
 
 Pa'yatilmu, shrine of, description of 
 
 visit to 204 
 
 pe'kwln, additional la'showawe given 
 
 by 183 
 
 each party presented with a 
 
 la'showanntf by 183 
 
 meal painting made by, in O'he'wa 
 
 ki'wi'sinO 185 
 
 Pi"tliishiwanni, duty of, during cere- 
 mony ( note) 200 
 
 prayer plumes, deposition of 195 
 
 procession, formation of, to Si'aa.' 
 
 te'wita 189,190 
 
 Shi'wano"kia, dances in house of 183,184 
 
 handling of corn by 183, 184 
 
 position of certain persons in house 
 
 of 183 
 
 sho'lipsimonthle'ona, costume and 
 
 dressing of 1 97, 198 
 
 Si'aa' te'wita, basket dance of, partici- 
 pants in 203 
 
 dancing of he'kupowanhak'tona in. 198 
 
 dancing of Mu'luktakla in 194 
 
 entrance of female dancers into 195 
 
 fire in, purpose of 200 
 
 ushiin'ashute, dressing and ceremony of 199 
 
 Ya'pota, costume of 195, 196 
 
 Revolt of 1680, native accounts of. (See 
 Customs; history, arts, and.) 
 
 Rice, wild, food value of xxxr 
 
 memoir on _ xni 
 
 Rio Grande pueblos, valuable objects ob- 
 tained from 18 
 
 Rubble, walls of, in the Southwest xxix 
 
 Russell, Frank, archeologic researches of., xvn 
 
 Piman researches of xvn,xxix 
 
 Piman objects collected by xli 
 
 somatological data obtained by xix 
 
 technological studies of, in the South- 
 west x x i x - x x x r 
 
 St. Clair, H. H., Chinook dictionary by XXXV 
 
 collaboration of, in comparative synop- 
 sis of languages xxxi v 
 
 linguistic researches of, in Wyoming 
 
 and Oregon 
 
 Shoshoni linguistic material studied 
 
 by xxxv 
 
 Salt hike, Zuni, origin of. (Sec Mythology.) 
 Salt Mother. (See Mythology.) 
 
632 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Page 
 'San'iaklakwe < Hunters Fraternity). 
 Esoteric fraternities. 
 
 Sunk, study of dialects of xxxv 
 
 Savagery, psychic index of xxi 
 
 Second world (P&'nanula te'hula, Mud 
 
 world). [Set Mythology.) 
 Severalty, change from communal property 
 
 to titles in, slow process of xxxm 
 
 SHA'LAKO, ANNUAL FESTIVAL "[-' 227,283 
 
 ceremonial chamber, repair of 227 
 
 Council ofthi Gods, night cen monies of, in 
 
 1879 241-249 
 
 ceremonial chamber, altar in, enu- 
 meration of objects on 245,246 
 
 Council of the Gods, costume and 
 ornaments worn by certain per- 
 
 sonators of 243, 244 
 
 gods, certain, ceremony about exca- 
 vations by 214 
 
 He'hea, masks of 242 
 
 He'patina, meeting of Council of 
 
 the Gods and others at 242 
 
 'Hle'lashoktipona (Wood ears), cos- 
 tume of 244 
 
 Kla'kwemosi, house of, ceremony 
 
 of gods in 246-249 
 
 house of, ceremony with baskets 
 
 in 24S 
 
 conclusion of all-night cer- 
 emonial in 249 
 
 diagram showing A'shiwan- 
 
 ni and gods 247 
 
 feast in 248, 2 19 
 
 greetingof the gods at 245 
 
 laudation of (note) 245 
 
 masks, certain, difficulty in procur- 
 ing ( note) 243 
 
 red shell (Spondyhis princeps) de- 
 scription of (note) 243 
 
 SaTiniobiya, two, costume of 244 
 
 Snu'laawi'si, ceremonial father of, 
 
 costume of 241 
 
 costume of 241 
 
 depositing of food and plumes 
 
 in excavation by Hu'tutuand. 249 
 depositing of prayer plumesby. 211 
 sprinkling of meal and deposit- 
 ing of prayer plumes in exca- 
 vations by 242 
 
 white visitors, Kla'kwemosi aids, to 
 
 enter chamber 245 
 
 Yii'muhakto, two, costume of 243 
 
 gods, costume of, during house re- 
 pairing 228 
 
 guests, entertuinment of 231 
 
 house building, actions of A'toshle 
 
 and Ko'yemshi during 229,230 
 
 experience of an entertainer of a 
 
 S baluko 230 
 
 time Of pleasure and enjoyment.. 228,229 
 Kla'kwemosi, ceremonial house of, per- 
 sonators of gods at reconstruc- 
 tion of 228 
 
 repair of ceremonial house of 227,228 
 
 Ko'tjt mslti, tiif/ht ri n muni' s of, hi JS9f>. 254-256 
 a st ume <.f. during festival 254 
 
 Tage 
 Sha'lako, annual festival of— Cont'd. 
 Ko'yi tnshl — Continued. 
 
 dancing of, in Sha'lako houses... 255,256 
 
 fire sticks, use of. 255 
 
 Great Father, recitation Of litanyby 255 
 seating of, in master's house, dia- 
 gram of 255 
 
 Ko'yemshi, retirenu nt of, and accompany- 
 ing V re mo,! ies 273-283 
 
 Bi"<si 'si, announcement of coming of 
 
 mo'lawc by '. 277 
 
 costume worn by 
 
 depositingof prayer plumes by. 
 
 leaving of ki'wi''sine, by 
 
 reception of, in ki'wi'sinO 
 
 whistle used by {note) 
 
 ki'wi'sine. administering of 
 holy water by Ko'mosona 
 
 277 
 
 80 
 
 in. 
 
 2SJ 
 281 
 
 ceremony over offerings in. 
 ceremony over Pau'tiwaiu. 279 
 ceremony with mo'lawe on 
 
 roof of 280 
 
 greeting by Bi" l si'si in 281 
 
 praying of Pau'tiwa at en- 
 trance to 279 
 
 silence in, during ceremony 281 
 Ko'mosona, order of giving holy 
 
 water by 282 
 
 Ko'yemshi, removal of offerings 
 
 made to 282 
 
 Ku'shilowa, planting of prayer 
 
 plumes at, by Ko'tikili 278 
 
 mo'lawe, costume of 279 
 
 distribution of giftsmade by 
 
 the 2S2 
 
 offerings to, by chosen wo- 
 men 27S 
 
 personators of the (note) 277 
 
 Nadir, Shi'wanni of the, cere- 
 mony at shrine by 280 
 
 Pau'tiwa and mo'lawe, entrance 
 
 of, into plaza 279 
 
 Si'aa' te'wita, dancers in, depar- 
 ture of, for Chi'pia 278 
 
 Bi" l si'si and mo'lawe (fruit and 
 
 seed bearers) 277-283 
 
 Ko'yemshi, offerings made in bas- 
 kets to 273 
 
 prayer plumes, making of, by first 
 
 body of A'shiwanni, etc 273 
 
 Si'aa' te'wita, assembling of Ko'- 
 yemshi in 274 
 
 ceremony over Ko'yemshi by 
 
 Kla'kwemosi in 274 
 
 corn collected in 270 
 
 He'mishiikwe dancers in 
 
 Mu'luktiikla dancers in 
 
 offerings made to Ko'yemshi in. 274 
 performances of certain men 
 
 and boys in 276 
 
 scene in, during dances 275,27s 
 
 Wa'te'm'la dancers in 275 
 
 wool bag game played in 277 
 
 u'wannami, bear's claws on masks 
 
 Of 275 
 
INDEX 
 
 G33 
 
 Sha'lako, annual festival op— Cont'd. Page 
 
 Minor ceremonies 2S1-241 
 
 A/kohanna ti'nakwi. procession to 
 
 and ceremonies at 288 
 
 cord, knotted, making of, before 
 
 Eestival 234 
 
 corn, ceremony during grinding of, 289 
 ceremony of grinding, feast 
 
 given to participants in 240 
 
 Council of the Gods, personators of , 
 
 gathering of wood by 238 
 
 Council of the Gods and Sha'lako, 
 
 preparation of ma ks for 240, 241 
 
 rehearsing of songs and prayers 
 
 by 240 
 
 dead, offering of food to 23S 
 
 festival, assembling of people for... 240 
 
 day of. excavations made on 240 
 
 general preparations for, de- 
 scription of 238-240 
 
 timeof holding, discussion asto. 234 
 gods, former appearance of, distress 
 
 caused by 236 
 
 meeting of, to rehearse 231 
 
 he'sho (pifion), depositing of, by 
 
 chosen father of Shu'laawi'si 237 
 
 Ko'niosona and Ko'pekwln, making 
 
 of sand mounds by 237 
 
 Ko'yemshi, announcements made 
 
 by, in village 235,236 
 
 choosing of 235 
 
 eight days' retreat of 237 
 
 gathering of wood by 236, 237 
 
 list of clans from which chosen. 235 
 Pi'klaia'klana ( Water cress spring), 
 
 visit to, description of 232,233 
 
 prayer plumes, depositing of, by 
 
 personators of gods 232 
 
 preparation of, by personators 
 
 of gods 232 
 
 Sa'yatusha, ceremony in house of. 231, 232 
 
 gathering of cottonwood by 231 
 
 Sha'liiko, house of, meeting of per- 
 sonators of gods at 237 
 
 shrines, visits paid to various, be- 
 fore festival 234, 235 
 
 Shu'laawi'si, accusation against 234 
 
 springs, various, visited 233 
 
 wor'we, making and depositing of 
 
 prayer plumes by 237 
 
 Zufiis, grinding songs of {note) 239 
 
 procrastination of 238 
 
 prayerplumes, collection of, by Ko'yem- 
 shi 227 
 
 large, praying with 227 
 
 Sha'liiko, entertainers of, chief worli 
 selects men to work in fields of 230 
 
 SHA'LAKO FESTIVAL OF 1891, CEREMONIES 
 
 FOLLOWING 261-273 
 
 Ant fraternity, costume of 267 
 
 dance director, ceremony with disk 
 
 by 268,269 
 
 dancing of members of 267 
 
 Cha'kwena, greenroom of, scene in 263 
 
 instruction in songs of 262 
 
 'Cha'kwena gods, costume of 265, 266 
 
 dance. Hopi, introduction of 266 
 
 Sha'lako festival of 1891— Cont'd. Page 
 
 dancers, man and boy, costume of 266 
 
 dances, religious, description of partici- 
 pants in 263,264 
 
 Galaxy fraternity, juggling with feather 
 
 by director of 269,270 
 
 gods, elaborate display by order of 263 
 
 Ile'mishiikwe, costume of 264 
 
 dance of 2D 1 , 265 
 
 entrance of 263 
 
 Ko'yemshi, ceremonies in house dedi- 
 cated by, in 1S96 270 
 
 Little Fire fraternity, appearance of, in 
 
 plaza 272 
 
 performance of wheat trick by 272 
 
 trick performed by 270-272 
 
 Luna, Roman, house of, costume worn 
 
 by Ko'yemshi in 267 
 
 scene in 262 
 
 Mu'luktakla (tall, thin gods), costume 
 
 of boy accompanying 265 
 
 rain priest, reason given by, for unfa- 
 vorable weather 273 
 
 Si'aa' te'wita, dance of personators of 
 
 gods in 272, 273 
 
 Wa'te'm'la (many herds) dancers, de- 
 scription of 266 
 
 Sha'lako gods, night ceremonies of, in 
 
 1891 250-254 
 
 ceremonial ground, performance of 
 
 Sha'lako at 250, 251 
 
 effigy worn by Sha'liiko, description of. 250 
 
 feast at midnight, indulging in 254 
 
 Hunters fraternity, cloud design before 
 
 altar of 250 
 
 ki'wi'siwe, dancers furnished by 252 
 
 participants, medicine water admin- 
 istered to 254 
 
 Sha'lako, ceremony in house by 251,252 
 
 dancing in effigy by 252 
 
 indoor ceremonies of, description 
 
 of 249-256 
 
 personator and fellow, costume of. 250 
 
 prayer in house by 252 
 
 Sha'lako houses, attendance at cere- 
 monies in 252 
 
 Zufii, attendance of the exclusive set 
 
 of 252,253 
 
 Zuiiis, effect of whisky drinking 
 
 among 253, 254 
 
 Sha'lako, morning ceremonies of, in 
 
 1891 256-261 
 
 ceremonial ground, excavations on 258 
 
 position of Sha'lako and participants 
 
 on -257, 258 
 
 debauchery, scene of 256 
 
 excavations, depositing of prayer 
 
 plumes and meal in 258-260 
 
 Ko'yemshi, appearance of 261 
 
 Navahos, brilliant picture made by 261 
 
 purpose of ceremonial 260, 261 
 
 Sha'lako, first, procession of, and party 256, 257 
 
 running of the 260 
 
 visitors, assembling of the 2.56 
 
 winter solstice, selection of personators 
 
 of gods during 227 
 
 workers in the fields, entertainment of 230, 231 
 
634 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Puge 
 
 Shamanism, philosophy of xxxix 
 
 .... heraldic, collection of xi.i 
 
 martial devices on, sacredness of xxm 
 
 of the Kiowa xxiu 
 
 Shi'wannakwe. (Sec Esoteric fraternities.) 
 shi'wanni installation of. (See A'shi- 
 
 wanni. i 
 shi'wanni and Shi'wano"kIa. (.See My- 
 thology.) 
 Shi'wanni of Nadir, winter retreat of the. 
 See A/shiwanni. » 
 
 Shoshoni, dialect of, recorded XIV 
 
 study of language of xxx v 
 
 Sho'tiklanna (Arrow order), origin of. (See 
 Esoteric fraternities, i 
 
 Shrine, discovery of an ancient XV 
 
 Shu'maakwe. (Se< Esoteric fraternities.) 
 Sick man, ceremonial over. (Sec Esoteric 
 fraternities. ) 
 
 Sioux, record of physical types of xi, xvm 
 
 wakan of xxxix 
 
 Skidi, Pawnee band xxxvm 
 
 Social customs. (.See Customs; history, arts, 
 and.) 
 
 Sociology, work in xxxn-xxxiv 
 
 Somatic material, transfer of, to United 
 
 States National Museum xix 
 
 Somatology, work in xviii-xix 
 
 Sophiology, work in xxxviii-xl 
 
 Stein, Robert, study of Ita Eskimo by XV 
 
 Stevenson, James, collections made by, in 
 
 Zufii xlv 
 
 work of, among the Zufiis, etc 17, 18, 19 
 
 Stevenson. Matilda C, previous writings of, 
 
 on Zuiii xlvi 
 
 study of Zufii my thsand ceremonial by. XL 
 
 work of 18, 19 
 
 Stone implements, important find of xv 
 
 sun Father. (See Mythology.) 
 Swan ton, J. R., collaboration of, in compara- 
 tive Indian linguistics xxxv 
 
 ethnologic researches of xvm 
 
 Haida texts. studies of xxxv 
 
 linguistic researches of xxxm 
 
 Tamalc, an Indian food XII 
 
 Technology, collation of early reeordsof.. xxxn 
 
 work in xxvi-xxxii 
 
 Te'likinawe (prayer plumes) preparation 
 
 and planting of. (See A'shiwanni.) 
 Tenure, land, aboriginal idea of. . . xxxn-xxxiii 
 
 Texas, field workiu ix.xvii 
 
 Third world lA'wisho tehula, Water-moss 
 
 world |. {See Mythology.) 
 Thomas, Cyrus, material for cyclopedia of 
 
 Indians collected by XL 
 
 memoir on Mayan calendar systems 
 by xxxvn, xi.ni 
 
 Page 
 Thomas, Cyrus, study of Mexican and 
 
 Mayan codices by xxxvn 
 
 work of, in linguistic classification xxxiv 
 
 Thomas, Jessie E., dictionary of Motul tran- 
 scribed hy '. xxxvi 
 
 librarian of the Bureau xi.n 
 
 Thompson, E. II., on Andomaro Molina.. XXXVII 
 
 Tipis, hereditary heraldic devices of xxm 
 
 Totemism, study of philosophy of xxxix 
 
 Trumbull, J. H.,Natick dictionary of xxxvn 
 
 Tsimshian, published texts of XXXVI, xliii 
 
 Turquoise Man. (See Mythology.) 
 
 Tusayan, architecture of, memoir on XLV 
 
 U'huhukwe (Eagle down fraternity). (See 
 
 Esoteric fraternities.) 
 Universe, general conceptions of. (.See 
 
 Mythology, i 
 U'wannami. (See Mythology; Rain- 
 makers.) 
 U'yuyewi. t See Mythology. ) 
 
 Wasco, vocabulary of. obtained xiv 
 
 Wats'usi. (.See Mythology.) 
 
 Wattling, use of in southwestern houses... xxix 
 
 We'wba 20 
 
 Witchcraft 392-106 
 
 Badger clan, witch stories told by mem- 
 ber of 394, 395 
 
 description of a trial for 398-406 
 
 effect of, on the Zufiis 392,393 
 
 effect of the charge of, on a sun priest.. 393 
 Indian thought and customs, necessary 
 
 knowledge of 406, 407 
 
 mother and son, charge of witchcraft 
 
 against 395, 396 
 
 Nai'uchi, faith of, in existence of 406 
 
 persons usually accused of 394 
 
 suspicious case of 395 
 
 theurgist, objects extracted from pa- 
 tients by 396 
 
 witch, condemnation of a supposed.. 396, 397 
 procedure in the accusation of a . . . 393 
 saving of a supposed, from death. 397,398 
 
 witches, how punished (note) 394 
 
 young mother, witch story told by 395 
 
 Witches, coming of, and corn, introduc- 
 tion of. (Sec Mythology.) 
 
 Wood, H. S., editorial work of xi.n 
 
 Wyoming, field work in ix, xiv 
 
 Ya'nowwuluha, appointment of, as deputy 
 
 to the Sun Father 27 
 
 Zufiis, myths and ceremonies of. mono- 
 graphs on XL 
 
 effect of Roman Catholic faith upon ... 15 
 
 first place of residence of deceased 20 
 
 home of 13.11 
 
 philosophy of, environment 14, 15 
 
 water supplied to earth by deceased 
 (see also M ythology ) 20 
 
 o