SEPTEMBER 17, 1898 
 
 Gunron In^rimte 
 
 Bulletin 
 
 . Fourteenth 
 
 Lectures by Annual Course 
 
 t 
 
 7/3 
 
 <jeorge Qunton 
 
 Vol. II 
 
 Published Saturdays No. 2 
 
 THIS WEEK:— 
 
 *'How Shall Our New Possessions be 
 
 Qoverned?" 
 
 "If the government of these new possessions is formulated along 
 these lines, we may have what we ought to have-the possibility of 
 rapM growth towards political freedom in each of these groups of ^ 
 islands that they may become self-governing, as it is to be hoped | 
 Itba will be It tL stLt. In this way, and I think m this way only S 
 we can live up to the spirit of the Monroe Doctrine z'^^/ promote ^ 
 he growth of democratic institutions, and do it without injury to \ 
 fl ours^vS If ultimately, with the industrial P-^-- -^^^Xd ^ 
 \ development which connection and intercourse with the United 
 \ Stlte7may promote, they reach a point of capacity for complete self- 
 \ government! it ought to be understood that they ^^^^^ ^^-^-^^;^- ^f, 
 I it shall not require a revolution to give them independence but that 
 \ thev shall have the right of independence as soon as the capacity 
 \ for^ull, responsible democratic government is clearly developed. 
 
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GuNTON Institute 
 Bulletin 
 
 President Gunton's second lec- 
 ture in the course of 1898-99 is, m 
 answer to the question: How 
 Shall Our New Possessions be 
 Governed? as follows: 
 
 I remember in 1866 when Mr. 
 Gladstone introduced in the House 
 of Commons what is known as the 
 Second Reform Bill, proposing to 
 extend the franchise in England 
 to the laboring classes, the Right 
 Honorable Robert Lowe, after- 
 wards Viscount Sherbrooke, made 
 a speech of something over two 
 hours' duration, vigorously oppos- 
 ing the Reform Bill on the ground 
 that it was taking the political 
 power out of the hands of the re- 
 sponsible classes of the community 
 and putting it into the hands of 
 the ignorant and incompetent. 
 The bill passed, however, and the 
 
 franchise was extended to the 
 working men, at least in the cities 
 and boroughs of England. When 
 this became a fact, Mr. Lowe 
 made another speech which was 
 quite as significant as the former 
 one. The substance of this speech 
 was : You have opened the flood- 
 gates of democracy ; you have put 
 the political torch into the hands 
 of the ignorant masses; now the 
 imperative duty, as a matter of 
 self-preservation, is to educate 
 them, or they may soon apply the 
 torch that will destroy your house. 
 This is very much the position 
 of the United States to-day in 
 reference to the new territory 
 which has just fallen into our 
 hands. There is a sense in which 
 this has been in part involuntary, 
 as a consequence of the war; but 
 through whatever cause, we now 
 have Hawaii and Porto Rico, and 
 are essentially responsible for 
 Cuba, and may become responsi- 
 ble for the Philippines. The 
 question, therefore, of moment- 
 
GUXTOX IXSTITUTF. BuLLETIX 
 
 ous import, not alone to the peo- 
 ple of these islands but to our- 
 selves and to civilization in gen- 
 eral, is, how shall the problem of 
 government for these peoples be 
 solved ? 
 
 We stand before the world as 
 representing the highest type of 
 democratic institutions, with the 
 elective principle running com- 
 pletely through our whole fabric 
 of government. It is a part of 
 the Monroe Doctrine, which is the 
 declaration of national policy for 
 this country, that we shall use our 
 influence to prevent the introduc- 
 tion of monarchical institutions 
 into any part of this hemisphere. 
 That is to say, that no people in 
 this hemisphere shall be compelled 
 to accept a monarchical form of 
 government ; that we will not 
 merely aid them in resisting this 
 but we will affirmatively aid, in 
 every way possible, all the influ- 
 ences which make for rapid growth 
 towards the most complete free 
 democratic institutions. 
 
 Of course, as a doctrine of po- 
 litical philosophy, this assumes 
 that the growth of political 
 institutions in the various coun- 
 tries of America towards de- 
 mocracy shall be natural, shall 
 be the process of evolution ; and 
 that all the influences which stim- 
 ulate that tendency it shall be oitr 
 
 policy to encourage and aid in 
 every way possible. 
 
 That is quite a different thing, 
 however, from a sudden and com- 
 plete change in the whole tvpe 
 and structure of governments 
 within a few months. This is 
 not evolution, but revolution. In 
 the evolution of political institu- 
 tions, safety consists in leaving 
 very mitch to formation by natural 
 forces. The interests of the people 
 under normal progressive condi- 
 tions shape political institutions- 
 by the very industrial and social 
 necessity, but when revolution 
 arrives, then the greatest wisdom 
 is required — perhaps wisdom that 
 has never yet been quite adequate 
 to the occasion. A revolution 
 always involves, as an after con- 
 sequence, an arbitrary political 
 constitution, because the changes 
 are so sudden, and class interests, 
 which may have united for the 
 piirpose of the revolution, are 
 found to be very diverse when 
 peaceful life is resumed. It is. 
 necessary, therefore, as a result 
 of revolution, always to have a. 
 more or less arbitrary political in- 
 strument or constitution, which 
 shall define the rights, possibilities, 
 and powers, not merely of the 
 people, but of the government 
 itself. 
 
 For this reason, a government. 
 
How Shall Our New Possessioxs be Governed? 
 
 -'3 
 
 established by revolution always 
 labors under great disadvantages. 
 Even our own constitution, which 
 is undoubtedly the best the 
 world has yet evolved, has many 
 such disadvantages. The forms 
 of federal election,— for instance 
 the ironclad provision that each 
 state shall be equally represented 
 in the Senate, thus making Ne- 
 vada with its forty-five thousand 
 population equal in the national 
 Senate to New York,— a provision 
 which involves a very wise prin- 
 ciple, viz: representation of each 
 state as a political unity distinct 
 from the direct citizenship repre- 
 sentation in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives ; a provision which was 
 wholly unobjectionable when the 
 constitution was adopted, but with 
 the growth of our country has now 
 produced the extreme anomaly just 
 referred to. This furnishes a 
 tempting bait for political parties 
 to convert territories, regardless of 
 their industrial or political fitness, 
 into states, in order that they may 
 add two members of their party to 
 the United States Senate. A close 
 contest between political parties is 
 constantly leading to this method 
 of gaining advantage. It is m 
 this way that most of the moun- 
 tain states, several of which have 
 not a population sufficient to en- 
 title them to a single representa- 
 
 tive in Congress, were made into 
 states and given two Senators and 
 one Congressman, solely through 
 the necessities of one or the other 
 of the political parties. 
 
 This has already come very 
 near creating a national crisis. 
 The whole silver question, with 
 its implied legislative threat to 
 the industrial and financial stabil- 
 ity of the nation, hinged on this 
 process. But for the abnormal 
 power of these skeleton states in 
 the Senate that crisis would not 
 have occurred. I mention this, 
 which is one of the features of 
 our Constitution that will have 
 some day to be reformed, as one 
 of the disadvantages which neces- 
 sarily accompany arbitrary or 
 written constitutions which are 
 formulated as a consequence of 
 sudden social and political revo- 
 lution. 
 
 Our new possessions are of this 
 character. With the exception, 
 of Hawaii, they have been under 
 the control of the most backward 
 form of monarchy. They are 
 wholly unacquainted with the in- 
 fluence and working of represen- 
 tative institutions. Industriall7 
 they are practically in the Middle, 
 Ages, where the priest and the 
 baron exercised the chief author- 
 ity. How shall they be governed 
 by the United States, then, is the 
 
26 
 
 GuNTON Institute Bulletin 
 
 question. As I said, we are the 
 representatives of the most com- 
 plete type of democratic g-overn- 
 ment. Shall we have two forms 
 of g-overnment, or shall we ex- 
 tend the democracy which pre- 
 vails in the United States to these 
 new possessions? 
 
 For a long time it was a stigma 
 on the name and pretensions of 
 this republic,— nay, a scandal, 
 that the nation which stood for 
 and proclaimed to the world the 
 very acme of human freedom had 
 a great section of its country 
 governed under the system of 
 chattel slavery, of the most com- 
 plete kind. Not until 1865 was 
 there any real consistency in the 
 freedom pretensions of the United 
 States. If we institute monarchy 
 or political despotism, or military 
 rule, over the peoples of these 
 new possessions, then we are 
 countenancing the monarchical 
 principle; then we are adopting 
 the form of government and polit- 
 ical methods which the Monroe 
 Doctrine declares it to be a part 
 of our mission and destiny to pre- 
 vent from ever entering this hemi- 
 sphere. 
 
 On the other hand, can we es- 
 tablish complete democracy in 
 these new territories ? Is that 
 proposition feasible ? Are the 
 peoples of Hawaii, Porto Rico, 
 
 the Philippine Islands and Cuba 
 capable of self-government under 
 complete democratic freedom such 
 as prevails in the United States ? 
 Here we come to the practical 
 question which always has to be 
 met when a real problem is to be 
 solved. Abstract doctrine is one 
 thing ; practical success is another. 
 The truth of the abstract in any 
 particular case really depends 
 upon its success in practical ap- 
 plication. The primary test of 
 the fitness of political institutions 
 is their compatibility with the 
 character of the people. We have 
 to recognize the fact in this con- 
 nection, as we should in all dis- 
 cussion of public policy, that 
 political institutions are not the 
 end but the means of progressive 
 civilization. 
 
 In reality, political institutions 
 •are molded by and for the indus- 
 trial needs and social require- 
 ments of the people. There are 
 states of civilization where des- 
 potism is preferable to democracy, 
 and there are states where des- 
 potism becomes intolerable and de- 
 mocracy inevitable. The basis of 
 the evolution from theocracy, au- 
 tocracy and aristocracy to democ- 
 racy is the industrial and social de- 
 velopment of the people. As the 
 people are industrially so they will 
 be socially, and as they are socially 
 
How Shall Our New Possessions be Governed? 
 
 27 
 
 so must they be politically. With a 
 low state of industrial develop- 
 ment, where poverty, ignorance 
 and social simplicity prevail, re- 
 ligious superstition and political 
 despotism are inevitable ; because 
 under those conditions the people 
 are not sufficiently informed, they 
 are not sufficiently intelligent nor 
 sufficiently characterful to either 
 require or demand a high type of 
 political institutions. Wherever 
 laborers work for a few cents a 
 day, religious freedom and polit- 
 ical independence are practically 
 impossible. Indeed it may almost 
 be taken as a test or standard for 
 classification that religious free- 
 dom, social individuality and po- 
 litical democracy, or representa- 
 tive government, are proportion- 
 ate to the rate of wages and stand- 
 ard of living of the masses in the 
 given country. For instance, it 
 would be practically safe to say 
 that wherever wages are below fif- 
 teen cents a day the religion will 
 be paganism and the government 
 absolute despotism; neither Chris- 
 tianity nor representative mon- 
 archy can be sustained by the in- 
 telligence and character that can 
 live on fifteen cents a day. Where 
 wages are twenty-five to fifty 
 cents a day we may expect Chris- 
 tianity, but it will be the earliest 
 and most despotic form, viz.: 
 
 Greek or Roman Catholic ; and in 
 government we shall find the 
 most arbitrary type of monarchy. 
 Where wages are from fifty cents 
 to a dollar or a dollar and a half, 
 we may find some degree of right 
 to free religious opinion, the pos- 
 sibility of Protestantism, and rep- 
 resentative government. And 
 where the wages are two dollars 
 or more, we may expect complete 
 freedom in religion and democ- 
 racy in government. 
 
 This may seem a materialistic 
 way of classifying the religious 
 and social institutions of the 
 human race, but it is in accord- 
 ance with universally observed 
 facts, and it is because all types of 
 freedom, whether religious, social 
 or political, come from the de- 
 mands of the people to whom the 
 institutions apply ; every conces- 
 sion of religious freedom, from 
 the absolute despotism of Con- 
 stantine down, has been a con- 
 cession to the growing demands 
 for the right of individual opinion 
 among the people. This has uni- 
 versally been the outcome of more 
 prosperous industrial conditions 
 and more highly diversified social 
 life; these things have stimulated 
 the growth of individual opinion 
 and the right of individual 
 thought. 
 
 The same is true with reference 
 
GuNTON Institute Bulletin 
 
 to the growth of political institu- 
 tions. Every concession, from 
 despotism down to the Declaration 
 of Independence, was made as a 
 reluctant yielding to the impera- 
 tive, and even threatening de- 
 mands of the people for more 
 power and representation in the 
 government. This too has come 
 along with the growing material 
 condition and expanding social 
 character of the people. Had 
 democratic institutions come in 
 any other way, they would have 
 come before the people were pre- 
 pared for them ; but as it was the 
 people were capable of using 
 them for their own political and 
 social advantage. The history of 
 the last thousand years of Europe 
 has been the history of revolution 
 and struggle for the free institu- 
 tions which now exist, the highest 
 type of which is in the United 
 States. 
 
 What has been true in the his- 
 tory of the struggle for religious 
 and political freedom in the evolu- 
 tion of modern democratic institu- 
 tions is equally true in the case of 
 the people for whom we have to 
 furnish a form of government. 
 The people of Porto Rico, of 
 Hawaii, of the Philippine Islands, 
 have not evolved the conditions 
 for democratic government. They 
 have not gone through the process 
 
 of industrial growth, social expan- 
 sion, and intelligent political ex- 
 periments. They are practically 
 in the thirteenth century ; they 
 are practically in the twenty-five- 
 cent-a-day civilization, where arbi- 
 trary Christianity and despotic 
 government only have been de- 
 veloped. Frankness demands, 
 therefore, that we look the prob- 
 lem squarely in the face and re- 
 cognize the fact that these people 
 are not fit for democracy. They 
 are no more fit for democracy than 
 were the people of England in the 
 reign of Edward III., nor than 
 are the people of Russia or Turkey 
 to-day. 
 
 It has been said that nothing 
 succeeds like success, and the 
 success of this republic depends 
 upon the successful administration 
 of its political institutions. If we 
 fail to recognize the important 
 conditions necessary to free polit- 
 ical institutions, and act upon the 
 mere sentiment that democracy is 
 the American idea, and is the 
 only form of true freedom, and 
 that therefore whoever are under 
 American authority must have 
 the full opportunity of absolute 
 democratic institutions, we shall 
 simply be running to seed ; we 
 shall be resting upon the soap 
 bubbles of sentiment instead of 
 upon the true basis of historic 
 
How Shall Our New Possessions be Governed? 
 
 induction and the principles of 
 sound political science. It is be- 
 5^ond all question true that democ- 
 racy is the highest type of polit- 
 ical government, but it is also 
 true that that highest type is only 
 possible with a people who are in- 
 dustrially and socially prepared 
 for it. Under a democracy the 
 form of government rests on the 
 character of the great mass of the 
 people. If they are poor, weak 
 and ignorant, the democracy will 
 be feeble, corrupt and impotent. 
 Pope expressed a good deal of 
 truth when he said: 
 
 " For forms of government let fools contest, 
 Whate'er is best administered is best.'' 
 
 That government is always best 
 for a people which is best adapted 
 to promote the opportunities and 
 possibilities for their own indus- 
 trial and social development, at the 
 stage and under the conditions 
 then existing, whatever they may 
 be at the moment. 
 
 It is probably true that the Czar 
 is better for Russia in its present in- 
 dustrial state, than would be a 
 monarchy as liberal as that of 
 England, and very much better 
 than would be a democracy like that 
 in the United States. The average 
 Russian peasant is a political 
 baby. What he needs is indus- 
 trial opportunity ; what he needs 
 is the stimulation that diversified 
 
 industries and more complex edu 
 cational and social experience: 
 can give. Out of that will grov 
 a natural demand for more free 
 dom in the different lines o: 
 government, and social life. Th( 
 surest sign that the Russiar 
 people are not ready for any con 
 siderable concession of politica 
 power is the fact that they hav( 
 never asked for it; they have 
 never indicated in any way tha- 
 they were suffering for the warn 
 of it ; that they had ideas of how 
 to use it ; that they had interestJ 
 to be promoted by political powei 
 if they had it. Until that time 
 comes, until the indication oi 
 political hunger shows itself, ex- 
 pansion of political power mighl 
 be a dangerous mistake. 
 
 In England, which represents 
 the highest freedom in monarch- 
 ical institutions, a Czar would be 
 utterly irksome and oppressive, — 
 nay, he would be impossible. 
 Revolution would dispossess any 
 king or potentate who should as- 
 suriie to exercise despotic author- 
 ity. Why? Solely because the 
 development of interests, needs, 
 desires and ambitions among the 
 English people have created in 
 them an imperative demand for 
 direct participation in govern- 
 ment. There we have a type of 
 freedom practically equal to our 
 
3° 
 
 GuNTON Institute Bulletin 
 
 own ; there we have representative 
 government, freedom of the press, 
 freedom of religion, freedom of 
 discussion, manhood suffrage, and 
 in fact all the elements of repre- 
 sentative government and demo- 
 cratic institutions under a mon- 
 archical form, the monarchical 
 element being a form only. The 
 peculiar fact is that the English 
 people have, by their own domes- 
 tic development, even under mon- 
 archy, acquired about all the rights 
 and privileges exercised by the 
 American citizen. Why is not 
 the monarchy, then, intolerable ? 
 Because it has steadily withdrawn 
 itself from objectionable action ; 
 it has steadily gravitated towards 
 the point of non-interference, 
 political impotence. The reason 
 for this is that the freedom of 
 England is wholly the result of 
 evolution or slow growth, and 
 steady, often imperceptible, ex- 
 pansion of human rights and 
 democratic action. It was not 
 the result of a revolution, and 
 hence the line of political author- 
 ity in England, dating back into 
 the Dark Ages, has been practi- 
 cally continuous. Consequently, 
 an arbitrary or written political 
 constitution has never been found 
 necessary. The English consti- 
 tution is unwritten law, made up 
 of precedent and tradition, estab- 
 
 lished by the steady experience of 
 the people. 
 
 There are certain features of an 
 unwritten constitution which make 
 it even better than the written, 
 because it is less difficult to bring- 
 about a change. An Act of Par- 
 liament which decrees greater 
 freedom for the people in any di- 
 rection has all the effect of a 
 change in the constitution, whereas 
 with a written constitution a much 
 more formidable effort has to be 
 made, and it is always very diffi- 
 cult if not practically impossible 
 of accomplishment; but clear it is 
 that under the traditional form of 
 monarchical institutions, repre- 
 sentative government can exist 
 and the maximum freedom be ac- 
 quired. 
 
 It is not absolutely necessary, 
 therefore, in order to guarantee 
 freedom to the people of the newly 
 acquired islands that they should 
 have a form of absolute elective 
 democracy. It may be urged that 
 if any other form is given to them 
 it is a violation of the principles 
 of the republic. No, that does not 
 follow. The principle of the re- 
 public is that it stands for the 
 maximum amount of human free- 
 dom, and its duty so far as it has 
 any authority is to promote the 
 conditions which shall furnish the 
 maximum opportunity for the 
 
How vShall Our New Possessions be Governed? 
 
 31 
 
 maximum practical freedom. This 
 would not be produced by absolute 
 democracy in Hawaii, Porto Rico, 
 the Philippines, nor probably in 
 Cuba. 
 
 Another proposition that wall 
 probably be suggested is that 
 they become territories ; that they 
 be not admitted as states into the 
 union, but be made territories 
 and governed in the same way 
 that our present territories are 
 g^ovemed. There is one fatal ob- 
 jection to that; it is, the danger 
 that for the political purposes al- 
 ready referred to, an effort will 
 be made to convert them into 
 states without any regard to their 
 industrial or political fitness to be 
 an integral part of the republic. 
 As I have said, we have developed 
 a habit of making the transfor- 
 mation of territories into states a 
 means of promoting- the interests 
 of political parties. If an emer- 
 gency should arise in which either 
 party could perpetuate its exist- 
 ence or secure to itself an added 
 lease of power by adding to the 
 number of United States Sena- 
 tors, there is no reason to believe 
 that it would scruple at convert- 
 ing any one of these new groups 
 into a state for that purpose. I 
 have no doubt whatever that if 
 the exigencies of political parties 
 required it, either party would be 
 
 willing to-morrow to convert 
 Hawaii into a state equal to New 
 York or Massachusetts, regardless 
 of the fact that more than half 
 her population are below the thir- 
 teenth century status of civiliza- 
 tion. This danger is too great to 
 permit the new territories to be 
 put on the basis of our territorial 
 government. 
 
 Then what form of government 
 shall they have? They are not fit 
 to have a full democratic form ; it 
 would be wholly unsafe to put 
 them in the political position of 
 our territories. How, then, shall 
 they be governed? What form of 
 government is most likely to se- 
 cure protection to property and 
 opportunity for the maximum in- 
 dustrial development and political 
 growth? In the case of Cuba our 
 course is tolerably clear. It is to 
 permit the Cuban people to give 
 intelligent expression to their de- 
 sires in regard to their form of 
 government. In the meantime 
 American authority should be pre- 
 served until the fullest opportun- 
 ity has been given for this ex- 
 pression and institution of a form 
 of government by the Cubans. 
 Thus, as soon as they have given 
 evidence of their capacity to form 
 a government, and the disposition 
 of the people to acquiesce in the 
 government, and the govern- 
 
32 
 
 GuNTON Institute Bulletin 
 
 ment's power to maintain the 
 rio^hts of property, safety of indi- 
 viduals and freedom of opinion, 
 then the administration of the 
 government should be entrusted 
 to the Cuban people. It may not 
 be a pure democrac}-. It may be 
 a government based somewhat on 
 property, somewhat on intelli- 
 gence and somewhat on popula- 
 tion. The government of Cuba, 
 however, by our own declaration, 
 is bound to pass into the hands^ of 
 the Cubans as soon as these con- 
 ditions are fulfilled, which it is to 
 be hoped will not be long after the 
 complete evacuation of Cuba by 
 the Spanish troops has taken 
 place. It is not necessary and it 
 ought not to be expected that this 
 government will entirely with- 
 draw its authority until the ex- 
 periment has gone along suffi- 
 ciently to assure the civilized 
 world that at least protection to 
 persons and property, civil and 
 religious liberty, are thoroughly 
 secured to all classes, regardless 
 of their social condition or previous 
 attitude towards the government. 
 In the case of Porto Rico, 
 Hawaii and the Philippines, how- 
 ever, the matter is quite different. 
 The first two of these have fallen 
 into our hands unconditionally. 
 They are to be governed by the 
 United States, and if we keep the 
 
 Philippines the same will be true 
 of them. What form of govern- 
 ment shall we introduce there ? 
 There are many dangers to our 
 political system involved in these 
 new responsibilities. In the first 
 place, we have had practically no 
 experience in colonial government. 
 The nearest we came to it was in 
 the carpet-bag government of the 
 vSouth after the war. Everybody 
 knows what that was. Under the 
 spoils system, which has become 
 an ingrained part of our political 
 methods and political ideas, the 
 government of the southern states 
 after the rebellion was regarded 
 and treated largely as opportunity 
 for exploitation by political ap- 
 pointees. If these new territo- 
 ries are to be governed in the 
 same manner, then there is danger 
 that they will not only be treated 
 to corrupt political incompetency 
 but that the political corruption 
 will react on our own political life. 
 It may be asked if this country 
 is not as competent to govern col- 
 onies as England. I answer, no. 
 England has had centuries of ex- 
 perience in governing colonies. 
 It has become a traditional part 
 of her political life. We have had 
 none. In England, diplomacy of 
 which colonial government is a 
 part is reduced almost to a 
 science. Men are trained in the 
 
How Shall Our New Possessions be Governed? 
 
 33 
 
 service and kept in the ser- 
 vice, with as much independence 
 and security of permanence in 
 the service and freedom from 
 mere party politics as are the offi- 
 cers of our navy, and consequent- 
 ly what is termed the "merit 
 system " has arisen, through a 
 normal course of evolution. It is 
 not a matter of four j^ears' ap- 
 pointment, during a political ad- 
 ministration, with the opportunity 
 of an appointee to make as much 
 wealth as possible out of it during 
 his term ; but it is a systematic 
 part of the government which is 
 practically removed from the 
 sphere of spoils politics. With us 
 the thing is entirely different. 
 All appointments would be for 
 the brief term of four years, 
 with the expectation that at 
 the end of the four years no 
 amount of merit or efficiency 
 would keep them in their position, 
 and hence each colonial govern- 
 ment, with the whole network of 
 underlings, would be a field for 
 political patronage. This addi- 
 tional patronage would necessarily 
 react upon our domestic politics. 
 It would become a part of the 
 grand grab of a presidential elec- 
 tion ; the rewards for the workers 
 and the opportunities for demand- 
 ing office would be vastly multi- 
 plied, so that every heeler would 
 
 have the right to demand the re- 
 moval of somebody, if not at 
 home, in some of our foreign de- 
 pendencies. This is a part of the 
 results of the traditional methods 
 by which politics have been con- 
 ducted in this country. It is no- 
 body's fault in particular; it does 
 not mean that our public men are 
 less honest and patriotic than the 
 public men of England and other 
 countries; it means only that we 
 have grown up under a different 
 method, have acquired different 
 political habits and a different 
 type of rewards and punishments 
 for political virtues. But this 
 adds greatly to the danger of ter- 
 ritorial government by appoint- 
 ment from Washington. 
 
 Is there any way by which 
 dangers of this kind can be avoid- 
 ed ? Perhaps it is impossible for 
 the United States to give an ideal 
 government to these islands, 
 partly because of their own unfit- 
 ness and partly because of our 
 own inexperience, but we must 
 endeavor to minimize the dangers 
 of spoils politics and maximize 
 the possibilities of freedom and 
 growth towards self-government 
 among the peoples over whom we 
 are to exercise this new authority. 
 
 I shall not pretend to draw up 
 a code or constitution for the 
 government of these new posses- 
 
34 
 
 GuNTON Institute Bulletin 
 
 sions, but it would seem that the 
 best results to the people and to 
 ourselves will be found in the 
 direction of giving the people as 
 much self-government as possible 
 and the American government as 
 little appointing responsibility as 
 possible. This, of course, can 
 only be accomplished by a careful 
 examination of the desires and 
 interests of the responsible people 
 in these islands. It is more than 
 probable that the principle of 
 restricted franchise would be most 
 workable and produce the best 
 effects. Of course, no non- 
 representative form of govern- 
 ment is to be thought of. The 
 parliamentary system must be 
 introduced. Under no other con- 
 ditions can natural expansion and 
 political progress be expected. 
 Municipal government should be 
 left entirely to the people them- 
 selves, and some system should 
 be devised for the general govern- 
 ment by which the people, on 
 some responsible basis of prop- 
 erty and intelligence, can be 
 represented in the legislative 
 departments. The governor or 
 president, as the case may be, 
 would probably have to be ap- 
 pointed by the United States, but 
 he should have the minimum ap- 
 pointing power in the government 
 over which he presides. A veto- 
 
 ing power, with complete charge 
 of the army and navy, should be 
 the limit of his authority. Of 
 course it may be advisable that 
 the United States government 
 have some final vetoing power in 
 certain cases, but the constitution 
 should be as elastic as possible, so 
 that the interest and voice of the 
 people of the islands should be as 
 completely expressed as possible 
 in all the laws under which they 
 have to live; but above all, the 
 Washington government should 
 not have the power of filling sub- 
 ordinate offices by appointment. 
 In other words, the form of gov- 
 ernment should be made to de- 
 velop and secure the educational 
 opportunities of the people and 
 entire freedom of religious opin- 
 ion. Of course, foreign and in- 
 ternational trade relations would 
 be subject to the decision of the 
 United States. 
 
 If the government of these new 
 possessions is formulated along 
 these lines, we may have what we 
 ought to have — the possibility of 
 rapid growth towards political 
 freedom in each of these groups 
 of islands, that they may become 
 self-governing, as it is to be hoped 
 Cuba will be at the start. la 
 this way, and I think in this way 
 only, we can live up to the spirit 
 of the Monroe Doctrine, vis: pro- 
 
How Shall Our New Possessions be Governed? 
 
 35 
 
 ■mote the growth of democratic 
 institutions, and do it without in- 
 jury to ourselves. If ultimately, 
 with the industrial progress and 
 social development which connec- 
 tion and intercourse with the 
 United States may promote, they 
 reach a point for capacity of com- 
 plete self-government, it ought to 
 be understood that they shall have 
 it^that it shall not require a re- 
 volution to give them independ- 
 ence but that they shall have the 
 right of independence as soon as 
 the capacity for full, responsible 
 democratic government is clearly 
 developed. 
 
 If under such freedom and more 
 perfected political institutions 
 these communities desire to be- 
 come an integral part of the 
 United States, if they want an- 
 nexation, if their industrial de- 
 velopment has been such that they 
 have got out of the mediaeval, 
 hand-labor conditions and have 
 reached the plane of modem 
 methods and wage conditions, so 
 that their industrial quality will 
 harmonize with the industrial 
 character of the United States, 
 then annexation may properly be 
 considered. Then they may be- 
 come an integral part of ihe 
 United States ; then the expansion 
 of the republic will be a natural 
 expansion, a natural growth ; then 
 
 the opportunities of absorption or 
 integration of these peoples into 
 the one great republic will be di- 
 rectly in line with the steady 
 growth and march of evolutionary 
 development. Such annexation 
 is in the order of our natural des- 
 tiny. It is consistent with the 
 broadest application of the Monroe 
 Doctrine and the sanest principles 
 of political science, viz: — the 
 natural integration of population 
 through industrial and political 
 affinity and fitness. When that 
 comes, annexation will be a bene- 
 fit both to the annexed territory 
 and to the republic itself; but 
 until that time comes, every effort 
 at governing these new possessions 
 should be directed towards the 
 growth of their capacity for com- 
 plete self-government and indus- 
 trial expansion. To promote this 
 end is the duty of the United 
 States in the present emergency. 
 The government of these ter- 
 ritories, I insist, would be almost 
 a crime had we sought it by force, 
 but it having fallen as an involun- 
 tary duty upon us, in pursuing 
 the legitimate duty of aiding a 
 struggling island in acquiring 
 emancipation from a debasing and 
 demoralizing despotism ; it having 
 come, I say, as an incident to this 
 truly beneficial and freedom- 
 giving effort in driving Spain 
 
36 
 
 GuNTON Institute Bulletin 
 
 from this hemisphere, we are 
 bound to assume the responsibil- 
 ity. But in assuming the respon- 
 sibility, I repeat, it is our solemn 
 and imperative duty to apply the 
 highest wisdom of which we are 
 capable to formulating political 
 institutions, not for the purpose 
 of giving political power to Ameri- 
 cans over these people, but to give 
 these people the maximum power 
 of which they are capable in 
 governing themselves and secur- 
 ing the greatest possible oppor- 
 tunities, industrial and political, 
 for self-development. Our policy 
 should lead as directly as possible 
 to gradual acquisition of more 
 power over themselves by these 
 people, which shall ultimate in 
 complete self-government; so that 
 their ultimate annexation to the 
 United States, if it comes, shall 
 be the result of intelligent, volun- 
 tary political desire, with mutual 
 benefit and advancement of gen- 
 eral civilization, both by the de- 
 velopment of completer freedom 
 at home and the example of suc- 
 cessful evolution towards true de- 
 mocracy for the rest of the world. 
 
 Questions 
 
 Question. You seem to imply 
 that political or military revolu- 
 tions are always harmful. Is it 
 not a fact that such revolutions 
 
 merely represent a long previous 
 period of evolution, so that the 
 final outbreak is merely the crack- 
 ing of the shell, and proves that 
 the people have reached a posi- 
 tion of fitness for the thing they 
 demand, as in our own revolution 
 and that of Cuba? 
 
 Answer. Yes, revolutions al- 
 ways have a harmful element, but 
 the aggregate result may not be 
 harmful as compared with re- 
 maining in the previous state. It 
 is true that revolutions are the re- 
 sult of previous evolution, or 
 growth, but the fact that the op- 
 posing power fails to yield by 
 concessions however gradual, but 
 resists until the arbitrary break- 
 ing up of institutions, like the 
 overthrow of monarchy, is re- 
 sorted to, is the revolutionary ele- 
 ment and always involves an ar- 
 bitrary rearrangement of society. 
 
 Now what I intended to im- 
 press in my remarks was that 
 this arbitrary rearrangement 
 involved, which you call the 
 "cracking of the shell," is the 
 harmful part. It is not quite like 
 the cracking of the shell. The 
 cracking of the shell by the chick 
 is but the derangement of the un- 
 important part of the machinery, 
 whose usefulness has been out- 
 grown. The revolution is an up- 
 rooting of the entire system and 
 
How Shall Our New Possessions be Governed? 
 
 37 
 
 establishment of new institutions, 
 not a modification of the old, but 
 radically different from the old. 
 That was true of our Revolution, 
 and hence we had to construct a 
 written constitution. It is the iron- 
 clad character of this written con- 
 stitution to which I referred. Eng- 
 land is a good illustration. The 
 shell has been cracked in England 
 a great many times, but the fabric 
 from the foundation was never 
 permanently revolutionized. In 
 other words, it is the difference 
 between reform and revolution. 
 In the case of Cuba, Porto Rico, 
 Hawaii, and perhaps the Philip- 
 pine Islands, it is revolution. It 
 is not the reform of existing in- 
 stitutions, nor even their recon- 
 struction, but the erection of a 
 brand new form of government. 
 I repeat that this element, which 
 revolution inevitably makes nec- 
 essary, is always a disadvantage 
 because it gives a non-elastic ba- 
 sis to the political and social 
 structure. 
 
 Question. If, as you say, the 
 people of the Philippines and 
 Hawaii are not fit for self-govern- 
 ment, why do you propose to 
 leave all matters of municipal 
 government, which is the most 
 important kind of government, 
 wholly to the people of those 
 islands, our government only 
 
 to have a remote vetoing power r 
 Ansivcr. Because in that way. 
 the government will be molded 
 most nearly in accordance with 
 the ideas and character of the- 
 people. From the point of view 
 of highest civilization municipal 
 government is indeed important, 
 perhaps the most important; but 
 it does not so directly affect the- 
 preservation of order, protection 
 of property and the general sta- 
 bility of political institutions as- 
 does the general government. 
 The reason for suggesting that, 
 our government have only a re- 
 mote vetoing power is to preserve- 
 the possibility of checking any- 
 thing destructive to general secu- 
 rity and political order, and give 
 the greatest opportunity for the 
 people to evolve a government 
 most in accord with their own 
 state of civilization. I said we 
 should insist that the principle of 
 government be representative. 
 Our interference should be to- 
 maintain this element. But it is- 
 more than probable that the 
 strong men and business interests 
 under this supervision would de- 
 velop a restricting representation 
 on the basis of a strictly condi- 
 tioned suffrage, and so have what 
 would be in effect a government 
 by the better class in the com- 
 munity. 
 
GuNTON Institute Bulletin 
 
 As I said, however, it should be 
 insisted that liberal educational 
 institutions be maintained, so as 
 to provide the opportunities of 
 social stimulation towards suf- 
 frage expansion and growth of 
 democratic methods. 
 
 Question. If you do not favor 
 giving more political freedom to 
 Russia, what would you suggest 
 as a means of relieving the Russian 
 peasants from the crushing taxa- 
 tion and terrorism under which 
 they live? 
 
 Answer. Russia is practically 
 in the era of despotic paternalism. 
 What I would suggest for Russia 
 would be government aid to the 
 diversification of industries. The 
 crushing taxation of Russia is due 
 to her attempt to keep up a inili- 
 tary organization equal to the 
 highly industrialized countries, 
 on crude, simple, primitive indus- 
 tries. The Russian government 
 could not do better than build 
 some factories and some more 
 railroads or, if needs be, give 
 special inducements to foreign 
 capitalists to go and locate there. 
 There is a stage of civilization 
 where paternalism is more effec- 
 tive than individuali«uu, inexactly 
 the same way that nnder certain 
 •conditions monarchy and aristoc- 
 racy furnish a better government 
 than democracy. Russia is in the 
 
 era, as I said, of industrial pater- 
 nalism, and the highest states- 
 manship of Russia to-day would 
 be governmental initiation of di- 
 versified industries. 
 
 Question. You seem to speak 
 very favorably of the idea that 
 when the Philippines and Hawaii, 
 and Porto Rico, have developed to 
 the necessary point of fitness, they 
 may properly be annexed to the 
 United States. Is not this in con- 
 tradiction of all your previous 
 teaching that our mission should 
 be confined entirely to the western 
 hemisphere, and if any annexation 
 took place in the future it should 
 be only of American countries, 
 leaving all other regions to be 
 absorbed in other spheres of polit- 
 ical influence? 
 
 A7iswei-. I did not intend to 
 give the idea of favoring the an- 
 nexation of the Philippines under 
 any conditions. That territory 
 properly belongs to Asia, and 
 could never be naturally inte- 
 grated with the American repub- 
 lic. If the accidents of fate force 
 the responsibility upon us of di- 
 recting the growth of political 
 freedom in the Philippines, our 
 object should be of course to act 
 in accordance with the natural 
 law of national development and 
 the principles of political science, 
 and promote the growth of indus- 
 
How vShall Our New Possessions be Governed? 
 
 39 
 
 trial expansion and political free- 
 dom in the Philippines in every 
 way possible ; but when the Phil- 
 ippines have reached the point of 
 fitness for complete self-govern- 
 ment and democratic institutions 
 their true function will be to aid 
 in extending the influences of in- 
 dustrial development and politic- 
 al freedom into Asia, and so be- 
 come missionaries, as it were, of 
 a high civilization in the Orient; 
 and not be segregated from the 
 East by any political integra- 
 tion with the United States or 
 any other western political or- 
 ganization. 
 
 Question. Of course there is 
 much truth in the idea that an 
 unwritten constitution permits 
 greater freedom for new action, 
 but on the other hand, does not a 
 written constitution absolutely 
 protect the great fundamental 
 rights of the common people from 
 ever being usurped by any special 
 interests? In other words, is it 
 not more important to guard 
 against encroachments of special 
 interests, which are always easy 
 in a democracy, than to make the 
 road to new movements so very 
 easy that any kind of radical ex- 
 periment could be tried before 
 public opinion has a chance really 
 to seriously judge of its merits ? 
 
 Answer. Under a suddenly cre- 
 
 ated democracy, yes ; but under a 
 slowly and gradually developed 
 type of government, no. It is 
 the very fact of freedom from the 
 restraint of tradition and custom 
 that makes the ironclad constitu- 
 tion necessary in a suddenly es- 
 tablished democracy, as a check 
 to inadvisable legislation. If the 
 institutions are gradtially evolved, 
 modified and re-modiiied in the 
 light of and with great respect 
 for the traditional customs of the 
 country, — as is the case in Eng- 
 land — sudden rash innovations 
 become impossible from the na- 
 ture of things. This rashness 
 can only come when the anchor- 
 age of tradition has been des- 
 troyed. It is for that reason that 
 in a newly established form of 
 government, where previous tra- 
 ditions have been swept away, a 
 definite written constitution be- 
 comes indispensable. This is 
 pointedly illustrated in the state 
 of public opinion on finance in 
 this country. The American peo- 
 ple have absolutely no regard for 
 traditional financial ideas and in- 
 stitutions. No one system of 
 banking and currency has been 
 permitted to remain long enough 
 to establish what might be called 
 a traditional respect for it. 
 Hence, there is nothing polit- 
 ically sacred about it. It can be 
 
4° 
 
 GuNTON Institute Bulletin 
 
 handled as ruthlessly and with as 
 little regard as a new rag doll. 
 Tradition and social custom con- 
 stitute the strongest of all checks 
 against social and political inno- 
 vation. Witness the effect of the 
 Chinese tradition of the sacred- 
 ness of the burial ground. It ex- 
 ercises such strong social authority 
 that even the absolute despotism 
 of the Emperor cannot disregard 
 it. A written constitution is like 
 every other form of political in- 
 stitution. It is essentially neces- 
 sary under certain conditions, viz: 
 in the establishment of radically 
 new political institutions. But 
 tinder conditions of traditional 
 growth the written constitution is 
 not only not necessary but would 
 be a nuisance. 
 
 Question. I understand you to 
 say that the silver crisis in this 
 country would not have occurred 
 except for the large number of 
 silver Senators from the small 
 mountain states. Is not this too 
 narrow a view of the silver move- 
 ment? It was based on a great 
 •conviction, throughout the West, 
 and if its chief strength had not 
 been shown in the Senate it would 
 have taken form in some other 
 way, as on the popular vote for 
 Congressman or President for in- 
 stance. 
 
 Ansiver. No, I do not think 
 
 that is an especially narrow view. 
 By the silver crisis, of course I 
 meant the political crisis caused 
 by the silver question. If there 
 had been in the vSenate a strong 
 majority against the free coinage 
 of silver, as a fair proportional 
 representation of the sentiment of 
 the country would have given, the 
 silver advocates would not have 
 been so arrogant and threatening 
 because they would have seen that 
 their cause could only succeed by 
 convincing the people and chang- 
 ing public opinion on the subject. 
 But when they saw they could 
 "hold up" the Senate, as it were, 
 they became arrogant and dicta- 
 torial and entirely irrational. I 
 think, therefore, it is fair to say 
 that the discussion would not 
 have reached the point of threat- 
 ening a political crisis but for the 
 abnormal senatorial representa- 
 tion from the mountain states. 
 
 Question. Is it entirely true to 
 say that the truth of an abstract 
 rule depends on its success in 
 practical application? For in- 
 stance, is it not an absolute truth 
 that democracy is the highest 
 type of government yet devel- 
 oped, regardless of the fact that 
 it might not work in the Philip- 
 pines? 
 
 Answer. Yes, I think it is essen- 
 tially true to say that the truth of 
 
How Shall Our New Possessions be Governed? 
 
 41 
 
 an abstract rule depends on its 
 success in practice. There is no 
 other test of the truth of a rule of 
 conduct or policy. If it won't 
 work in practice that is the evi- 
 dence that it is not abstract truth. 
 You ask if it is " not an absolute 
 truth that democracy is the high- 
 est type of government yet de- 
 veloped, regardless of the fact 
 that it might not work in the 
 Philippines?" Whether or not 
 •democracy would work in the 
 Philippines is not a full test, but 
 it must work somewhere. You 
 ■cannot speak of democracy as ab- 
 solutely the highest type of gov- 
 -ernment. Democracy is the best 
 type of government for the high- 
 •est yet developed people, but it 
 is best because it is most suitable 
 to their character and higher de- 
 veloped life. 
 
 Form of government is like a 
 coat. It is not, absolute at all. Its 
 utility depends entirely upon how 
 it fits the wearer. A truly evolved 
 and well-sustained democracy is 
 a true indication of the highest 
 type of civilized society yet de- 
 veloped. But it cannot itself be 
 called absolutely the highest type 
 of government, any more than 
 the modern costume can be called 
 the highest type of clothing. 
 
 Question. You have given a 
 strong and convincing arraign 
 
 ment of the spoils system, and 
 shown the dangers to come from 
 it in governing new colonies, bas- 
 ing this evidently upon the expe- 
 rience we have had in our own 
 country; yet I have understood 
 from other lectures and writings 
 that you have little sympathy 
 with the civil service reform 
 movement, which has so mate- 
 rially improved our status in this 
 respect, and will probably raise 
 our civil service finally to as high 
 a standard as the English, which 
 you commend so strongly. 
 
 Ansivn: A suddenly created 
 legalized civil service imposed by 
 legislation upon a people whose 
 traditions and customs are foreign 
 to it will not work at all like a 
 similar civil service system which 
 has grown up as a part of the 
 traditional habits and methods of 
 the people. That is the differ- 
 ence between the English civil 
 service and the reformed Ameri- 
 can civil service. It is because 
 the English civil service is a nat- 
 ural part of their habitual, po- 
 litical thinking and breathing, and 
 because England has had centuries 
 of training in colonial govern- 
 ment, that the effect might natu- 
 rally be expected to be quite dif- 
 ferent under American than un- 
 der English management. This 
 is no particular criticism upon the 
 
42 
 
 GuNTON Institute Bulletin 
 
 United States. It is only recog- 
 nizing a principle which pervades 
 all human conduct, viz : that peo- 
 ple do well what they have learned 
 to do by the force of habit and 
 custom, and the standard of which 
 rests on long tradition, and they 
 do poorly that which they do 
 without experience and which is 
 contrary to their whole habit of 
 life and principle of political 
 thought. 
 
 Question. Your classification 
 of religions according to in- 
 dustrial conditions seems to imply 
 that Christianity, for instance, 
 has no effect in stimulating and 
 moulding the character of poor 
 and ignorant people up to a point 
 of fitness for that religion. The 
 work of missionaries in China and 
 India, and of the mission churches 
 and even the Salvation Army in 
 New York, London and other 
 great cities, shows that a marked 
 general improvement is made in 
 the condition of the poor people, 
 industrially, morally and every 
 way, by arousing their interest in 
 Christian ideals of character and 
 helpfulness, and aiding them to 
 live according to Christian prin- 
 ciples. 
 
 Ansiver. I did not intend to 
 imply that Christianity had no 
 stimulating effect upon the char- 
 
 acter of poor and ignorant people. 
 On the contrary, Christianity is 
 essentially the religion of a high- 
 er and more progressive civiliza- 
 tion than such as has paganism. 
 Its central doctrine implies human 
 equality and personal freedom. 
 It encourages and has always 
 been associated wnth the higher 
 phases of social cultivation, as 
 art, music and pure character. 
 But even Christianity makes very 
 much more headway in highly 
 developed industrial countries 
 than among six-cent-a-day peo- 
 ple. Institutions like mission 
 churches, Salvation Armies, etc., 
 are very effective social instru- 
 ments. Through the instrumen- 
 tality of Christianity they do in- 
 deed take a standard of higher 
 social ideals among classes of peo- 
 ple that could not otherwise be 
 reached. Nevertheless, I think 
 it is just as true that Christianity, 
 like every other form of high 
 human standards, succeeds main- 
 ly in proportion to the industrial 
 development and social diversifi- 
 cation of the people. In other 
 words, that industrial welfare and 
 social expansion furnish much the 
 more fertile soil for the growth 
 of Christianity or any of the 
 higher social and ethical phases, 
 of human life. 
 
Institute Gossip 
 
 43 
 
 GuNTON Institute 
 Bulletin 
 
 'issued Weekly, except during^ the holidays and 
 the summer racation, by the 
 
 GUNTON INSTITUTE 
 
 47 Union Square, Netv York 
 H. HAYES ROBB INS. - - Editor 
 
 SepL 17, 1898 
 
 INSTITUTE GOSSIP 
 
 The Next Lecture 
 
 Next week President Gunton 
 Avill lecture on ' ' Need of Political 
 Education," and, inline with this, 
 the same issue of the Bulletin 
 will contain the Gunton Insti- 
 tute Prospectus for 1898-99, with 
 •curriculum of studies for the 
 course on Political Science. This 
 will be a very important number 
 for all our friends who are inter- 
 ested in local centers formed last 
 year or to be org^anized this fall. 
 The lecture will point out the 
 great need and interest of just this 
 sort of education, and the pro- 
 spectus will show in detail the 
 methods of the Institiite in sup- 
 plying that need. 
 
 Extra copies will be forwarded 
 to all who would like them for dis- 
 tribution to persons who might be 
 interested in this course, or will 
 be mailed direct to lists of such 
 people, sent in by our representa- 
 tives or friends. 
 
 Get R^ady Now 
 Although the lessons of the 
 present year's course on political 
 science do not begin until Octo- 
 ber, now is the time for the prelim- 
 inary work of organizing local cen- 
 ters and getting everything in readi- 
 ness to commence the work prompt- 
 ly when the October Magazine is 
 received. The Institute officers 
 hope and expect that every center 
 formed last year will resume work 
 this fall with increased member- 
 ship and renewed interest, and 
 that in every locality where any 
 interest in this work was aroused 
 last year a determined effort will 
 now be made to form a center, 
 even though there be not more 
 than half a dozen members at the 
 start. The Institute will aid its 
 representatives in every possible 
 way, and the second j^ear of this 
 new plan of extending its work 
 ought to, and we believe will, 
 show large and significant re- 
 sults. 
 
 Bright Prospects 
 Now that good times are at last 
 an assured reality, the work of 
 enlisting new students and organ- 
 izing local centers for the study of 
 political science, under the Gun- 
 ton Institute, ought to be much 
 easier than it was last year. 
 The expense is so small and the 
 interest in the work so great. 
 
-44 
 
 GuNTON Institute Bulletin 
 
 when once it is seriously under- 
 taken, that our representatives 
 oug-ht to find the coming- season a 
 genuinely profitable one. Profita- 
 ble, we mean, too, in the finan- 
 cial sense, because it is the policy 
 of the Institute to make as liberal 
 arrangements as it possibly can 
 with all persons who engage to 
 act as its agents or representa- 
 tives, either in securing subscrib- 
 ers to the Magazine, or students 
 to the Institute courses. The 
 Gunton Institute is not a money- 
 making concern; its object, like 
 that of the great universities, is 
 to carry on an educational work, 
 whose influence shall be wide- 
 spread for good throughout the 
 country. Nevertheless, it realizes 
 that those whose assistance it in- 
 vites in this work, must be able 
 to secure from their eiforts a 
 proper return, and therefore is 
 willing to co-operate with them 
 on as nearly a cost basis for itself 
 as possible. 
 
 The September Gunton's 
 Gtuiton's for September is con- 
 sidered an unusually good num- 
 ber. The two opening articles, 
 Results of the War and The Out- 
 look in Domestic Politics supple- 
 ment each other very appropriate- 
 ly in that, while the one outlines 
 
 the great and enduring benefits 
 to come not only to us and the 
 western hemisphere, but to the 
 whole world, from this war, the 
 second discusses the grave prob- 
 lems that come alongside with 
 these benefits and their probable 
 treatment when thrown into the 
 arena of domestic party politics. 
 Then there is a very interesting 
 article on Opportunities for South- 
 ern ]Voinen by Jerome Dowd, Pro- 
 fessor of Sociology and Political 
 Econoni}^ in Trinity College; a 
 brief but pointed contribution 
 from C. D. Chamberlin on Trusts 
 vs. the To7un, answered in an edi- 
 torial note wherein a very sugges- 
 tive and perhaps unusual point of 
 view is taken and abundantly sup- 
 ported by facts. A short sketch 
 is given of the distinguished econ- 
 omist, Malthus, whose portrait 
 forms the frontispiece; and there 
 are strong articles on East Side 
 Living Conditions and Naval Les- 
 sons from Santiago, besides the 
 Editorial Crucible, Civic and Edu- 
 cational Notes, Book and Maga- 
 zine Reviews, Science and Indus- 
 try Notes and, last but not least, 
 the Gunton Institute Prospectus 
 for 1898-99, with curriculum of 
 studies both for this and for next 
 year. Price 25 cents, $2.00 per 
 year. 
 
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